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PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ARATUS, ARTAXERXES
GALBA, OTHO ~

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Translated by
BERNADOTTE PERRIN

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EDITED BY
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PLUTARCH’S LIVES

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WITH AN ENGLISH TRANSLATION BY
BERNADOTTE PERRIN

IN ELEVEN VOLUMES

ARATUS, ARTAXERXES, GALBA AND OTHO

INDEX TO ALL THE LIVES BY
J. W. COHOON

CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS
HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS
LONDON

WILLIAM HEINEMANN LTD
MOMLXII-

First printed 1926
Reprinted 1943, 1954, 1962

Printed in Great Britain

CONTENTS

ORDER OF THE PARALLEL LIVES IN THIS EDITION

TRADITIONAL

ARATUS

ARTAXERXES

GALBA

OTHO

INDEX

ORDER OF THE PARALLEL LIVES

ΙΝ PTS

EDITION IN THE CHRONOLOGICAL SEQUENCE
OF THE GREEK LIVES.

VoitvMeE I.
(1) Theseus and Romulus.
Comparison.
(2) Lycurgus and Numa.
Comparison.
(3) Solon and Publicola.
Comparison.

VouuME II.

(4) Themistocles and
Camillus.

(9) Aristides and Cato the

Elder.
~ Comparison.
(13) Cimon and Lucullus.
- Comparison.
Vouume III.
(5) Pericles and Fabius Max-
imus.
Comparison.
(14) Nicias and Crassus.
Comparison.
VouumeE IV.
(6) Alcibiades and Coriola-
nus.
Comparison.
(12) Lysander and Sulla.
Comparison.
VoLuUME V.

(16) Agesilaiis and Pompey.
Comparison.
(8) Pelopidas and Marcellus.
Comparison.

VoutuME VI.
(22) Dion and Brutus.
Comparison.
(7) Timoleon and Aemilius
Paulus.
Comparison.

VouumeE VII.
(20) Demosthenes and Cicero.
Comparison.
(17) Alexander and Julius
Caesar.

VoutumE VIII.

(15) Sertorius and Eumenes.
Comparison.
(18) Phocion and Cato the
Younger.

VoLuME IX.
(21) Demetrius and Antony.

Comparison.
(11) Pyrrhus and Caius Marius.

VoLuME X.

(19) Agis and Cleomenes, and
Tiberius and Caius
Gracchus.

Comparison.

(10) Philopoemen and Flam-

ininus.
Comparison.

VouumeE XI.
(23) Aratus.
(24) Artaxerxes
(25) Galba.
(26) Otho.

THE TRADITIONAL ORDER OF THE
PARALLEL LIVES.

(1) Theseus and Romulus.

(2) Lycurgus and Numa.

(3) Solon and Publicola.

(4) Themistocles and Camillus.

(5) Pericles and Fabius Maximus.

(6) Alcibiades and Coriolanus.

(7) Timoleon and Aemilius Paulus.

(8) Pelopidas and Marcellus.

(9) Aristides and Cato the Elder.
(10) Philopoemen and Flamininus.
(11) Pyrrhus and Caius Marius.
(12) Lysander and Sulla.

(13) Cimon and Lucullus.
(14) Nicias and Crassus.
(15) Sertorius and Eumenes.
(16) Agesilaiis and Pompey.

(18) Phocion and Cato the Younger.

(19) Agis and Cleomenes, and Tiberius and Caius
Gracchus.

(20) Demosthenes and Cicero.

)

(17) Alexander and Julius Caesar.
)
)

(21) Demetrius and Antony.
(22) Dion and Brutus.

(23) Aratus.
(24) Artaxerxes.
(25) Galba.

(26) Otho.

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Boas ries | ἐδ. Othe. οὐ ὅθ).
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ARATUS

APATOZ

I. Παροιμίαν twa παλαιάν, ὦ Πολύκρατες,

Paris

Edition.

δείσας μοι δοκεῖ TO δύσφημον αὐτῆς, ὁ φιλόσοφος τ
Χρύσιππος, οὐχ ὃν ἔχει τρόπον, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς αὐτὸς 1037

@ETO βέλτιον εἶναι, διατίθεται,

, fear) > f > \ >’ / e
Tis πατέρ᾽ αἰνήσει, EL μὴ εὐδαίμονες υἱοί;

Διονυσόδωρος δὲ ὁ Τροιζήνιος ἐλέγχων αὐτὸν
ἀντεκτίθησι τὴν ἀληθινὴν οὕτως ἔχουσαν"

/ (An ee} >) / » \ ’ δ. τ
τίς πατέρ᾽ αἰνήσει, εἰ μὴ κακοδαίμονες υἱοί ;

/ \ ’ > Ὁ a b \ > , BA
καί φησι τοὺς ad αὑτῶν οὐδενὸς ἀξίους ὄντας,
ὑποδυομένους δὲ προγόνων τινῶν ἀρεταῖς ' καὶ
πλεονάζοντας ἐν τοῖς ἐκείνων ἐπαίνοις ὑπὸ τῆς
/ 5" 7 > 3 a ΄ὔ \
παροιμίας ἐπιστομίξεσθαι. ἀλλ᾽ ᾧ γε φύσει TO
n Ν iA
γενναῖον ἐπιπρέπει ἐκ πατέρων, κατὰ Ilivdapoyr,?
Ν a aA
ὥσπερ σοὶ πρὸς TO κάλλιστον ἀφομοιοῦντι τῶν
» ὃ » \ / 0) x yy
οἴκοθεν παραδειγμάτων Tov βίον, εὔδαιμον ἂν εἴη
n n Sires:
TO μεμνῆσθαι τῶν ἀπὸ γένους ἀρίστων, ἀκούοντας
na /
περὶ αὐτῶν ἀεί TL Kal λέγοντας. οὐ γὰρ ἰδίων
1 ἀρεταῖς Sint. and Ziegler with S&; Bekker has ἀρετάς
ρ 8 ρ ᾽

with inferior MSS.
2 Pyth. viii. 441. (pug . . . ἐκ πατέρων παισὶ λῆμα).

ARATUS

I, There is an ancient proverb, Polycrates,! which
the philosopher Chrysippus puts not as it really is,
but as he thought better :—

‘Who will praise ἃ father, except happy
sons?”’

But Dionysodorus of Troezen corrects him, and
restores the true form thus :—

“Who will praise a father, except unhappy
sons? ”’ |

And he says that the proverb stops the mouths
of those who, being worthless in themselves, take
refuge in the virtues of certain ancestors and are
forever praising them. But surely for a man in
whom, to use Pindar’s words, “the noble spirit
naturally displayes itself as inherited from sires,”
and who, like thee, patterns his life after the
fairest examples in his family line,—for such men it
will be good fortune to be reminded of their noblest
progenitors, ever and anon hearing the story of them,
or telling it themselves. For it is not that they lack

1 A friend of Plutarch, not otherwise known, to whom he
thus dedicates this Life. See the note on the Theseus, i. 1.

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἀπορίᾳ καλῶν ἐξαρτῶσιν ἀλλοτρίων ἐπαίνων τὴν
δόξαν, ἀλλὰ τοῖς ἐκείνων τὰ οἰκεῖα συνάπτοντες,
ὡς καὶ τοῦ γένους καὶ τοῦ βίου καθηγεμόνας
εὐφημοῦσι. διὸ κἀγὼ τὸν ᾿Αράτου τοῦ σοῦ πολί-
του καὶ προπάτορος βίον, ὃν οὔτε τῇ δόξῃ τῇ
περὶ σεαυτὸν οὔτε τῇ δυνάμει καταισχύνεις, ἀπέ-
σταλκώ σοι συγγραψάμενος, οὐχ ὡς οὐχὶ πάντων
ἀκριβέστατά σοι μεμεληκὸς ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἐπίστασθαι
τὰς ἐκείνου πράξεις, ἀλλ᾽ ὅπως οἱ παῖδές σου
Πολυκράτης καὶ [Πυθοκλῆς οἰκείοις παραδείγμα-
σιν ἐντρέφωνται, τὰ μὲν ἀκούοντες, τὰ δὲ ἀνα-
γινώσκοντες, ἅπερ αὐτοὺς μιμεῖσθαι προσήκει.
φιλαύτου γὰρ ἀνδρός, οὐ φιλοκάλου, παντὸς ἀεὶ
βέλτιστον ἡγεῖσθαι.

Ἢ Σικνωνίων πόλις, ἐπεὶ τὸ πρῶτον ἐκ τῆς
ἀκράτου καὶ Δωρικῆς ἀριστοκρατίας ὥσπερ ἁρμο-
νίας συγχυθείσης εἰς στάσεις ἐνέπεσε καὶ φιλο-
τιμίας δημαγωγῶν, οὐκ ἐπαύσατο νοσοῦσα καὶ
ταραττομένη καὶ τύραννον ἐκ τυράννου μεταβάλ-
λουσα, μέχρι, οὗ Κλέωνος ἀναιρεθέντος εἵλοντο
Τεμοκλείδαν ἄρχοντα καὶ Κλεινίαν, “ἄνδρας ἐν-
δόξους τὰ μάλιστα καὶ ἐν δυνάμει τῶν πολιτῶν
ὄντας. ἤδη δέ τινα τῆς πολιτείας κατάστασιν
ἔχειν δοκούσης Τιμοκλείδας μὲν ἀπέθανεν, ABav-
τίδας δὲ ὁ ἸΙασέου τυραννίδα πράττων ἑαυτῷ
τὸν Κλεινίαν ἀπέκτεινε καὶ τῶν φίλων καὶ οἰκείων
τοὺς μὲν ἐξέβαλε, τοὺς δὲ ἀνεῖλεν. ἐζήτει δὲ
καὶ τὸν υἱὸν αὐτοῦ, Αρατον, ἀνελεῖν, ἑπταετῆ
καταλελειμμένον. ἐν δὲ τῇ περὶ τὴν οἰκίαν τα-

1 In 264 8.6.

1028

ARATUS 1. 3-11. 3

noble qualities of their own and make their reputa-
tion dependent on their praises of others, nay rather,
they associate their own careers with the careers of
their great ancestors, whom they hail both as founders
of their line and as directors of their lives. And
therefore, now that I have written the life of Aratus,
who was thy countryman and forefather, and to
whom thou thyself art no discredit in either reputa-
tion or influence, I send it to thee, not as though
thou hadst not been at pains from the beginning to
have the most precise knowledge of thy great an-
cestor’s career, but in order that thy sons Polycrates
and Pythocles may be reared, now by hearing and
now by reading, after examples found in their own
family line—examples which it well becomes them
to imitate. For it is the lover of himself, and not
the lover of goodness, who thinks himself always
superior to others.

11. The city of Sicyon, as soon as it had fallen
away from its pure Doric form of aristocracy (which
was now like a harmony dissolved) and had become
a prey to factions and the ambitious schemes of
demagogues, was without cease distempered and
agitated, and kept changing one tyrant for another,
until, after the murder of Cleon, Timocleides and
Cleinias were chosen chief magistrates, men of the
highest repute and influence among the citizens.
But no sooner did the government appear to be
somewhat settled than Timocleides died, and Aban-
tidas the son of Paseas, attempting to make himself
tyrant, slew Cleinias,! and, of the friends and kinsmen
of Cleinias, banished some and killed others. He
tried to kill also the son of Cleinias, Aratus, left
fatherless at the age of seven. But in the confusion

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

payn συνεκπεσὼν τοῖς φεύγουσιν ὁ παῖς, καὶ
πλανώμενος ἐν τῇ πόλει περίφοβος καὶ ἀβοήθη-
Tos, κατὰ τύχην ἔλαθεν εἰς οἰκίαν παρελθὼν
γυναικός, ἀδελφῆς μὲν ᾿Αβαντίδου, Προφάντῳ δὲ
τῷ Κλεινίου ἀδελφῷ γεγαμημένης, ὄνομα Σωσοῦς.
αὕτη δὲ καὶ τὸ ἦθος οὖσα γενναία καὶ σὺν θεῷ
τινι τὸ παιδίον οἰομένη καταπεφευγέναι πρὸς
αὐτὴν ἀπέκρυψεν ἔνδον, εἶτα νυκτὸς εἰς ΓΑργος
ὑπεξέπεμψεν.

11. Οὕτω δ᾽ ἐκκλαπέντι τῷ ᾿Αράτῳ καὶ δια-
φυγόντι τὸν κίνδυνον εὐθὺς μὲν ἐνεφύετο καὶ
συνηύξετο τὸ σφοδρὸν καὶ διάπυρον μῖσος ἐπὶ
τοὺς τυράννους. τρεφόμενος δὲ παρὰ τοῖς ἐν
Ἄργει ξένοις καὶ φίλοις πατρῴοις ἐλευθερίως,
καὶ τὸ σῶμα βλαστάνον ὁρῶν εἰς εὐεξίαν καὶ
μέγεθος, ἐπέδωκεν ἑ ἑαυτὸν ἀσκήσει τῇ περὶ παλαί-
στραν, ὥστε καὶ πένταθλον ἀγωνίσασθαι καὶ
2 στεφάνων τυχεῖν. ἐπιφαίνεται δ᾽ ἀμέλει καὶ
ταῖς εἰκόσιν ἀθλητική τις ἰδέα, καὶ τὸ συνετὸν
τοῦ προσώπου καὶ βασιλικὸν οὐ παντάπασιν
ἀρνεῖται τὴν ἀδηφαγίαν καὶ τὸ σκαφεῖον. ὅθεν
ἐνδεέστερον ἴσως ἢ πολιτικῷ προσῆκον ἣν ἀνδρὶ
περὶ τὸν λόγον ἐσπούδασε: καίτοι γεγονέναι
κομψότερον εἰπεῖν ἢ δοκεῖ τισιν ἐκ τῶν ᾿ὑπομνημά-
των κρίνουσιν, ἃ παρέργως καὶ ὑπὸ χεῖρα διὰ τῶν
ἐπιτυχόντων ὀνομάτων ἁμιλλησάμενος κατέλιπε.
Χρόνῳ δὲ ὕστερον ᾿Αβαντίδαν μὲν οἱ περὶ Δει-
, \ 3 / \ f 2) /
νίαν καὶ ᾿Αριστοτέλη Tov διαλεκτικόν, εἰωθότα
τοῖς λόγοις αὐτῶν κατ᾽ ἀγορὰν σχολαζόντων ἑκά-

1 A contest involving the five arts of running, leaping,
hurling the spear, boxing, and wrestling.

ARATUS π΄ 3-1. 3

which prevailed about the house the boy made. his
escape with the fugitives, and wandering about in
the city, full of fear and helpless, by chance got un-
noticed into the house of a woman who was a sister
of Abantidas, but had married Prophantus the brother
of Cleinias. Her name was Soso. This woman, who
was of a noble nature, and thought it a divine dis-
pensation that the boy had taken refuge with her,
hid him in the house, and at night sent him secretly
off to Argos.

III. Thus was Aratus stolen away from the peril
that threatened him, and at once that vehement and
glowing hatred of tyrants for which he was noted
became a part of his nature and grew with his growth.
He was reared in liberal fashion among the guests
and friends of his father’s house at Argos, and since
he saw that his bodily growth promised high health
and stature, he devoted himself to the exercises of
the palaestra, going so far as to win wreaths of victory
in contesting the pentathlum.! And indeed even his
statues have plainly an athletic look, and the sagacity
and majesty of his countenance do not altogether
disown the athlete's full diet and wielding of the
mattock. Wherefore his cultivation of oratory was
perhaps less intense than became a man in public
life; and yet he is said to have been a more ornate
speaker than some think who judge from the Com-
mentaries which he left; these were a_bye-work,
and were composed -in haste, off-hand, and in the
words that first occurred to him in the heat. of
contest.

- Some time after the escape of Aratus, Abantidas
was slain by Deinias and Aristotle the logician. The
tyrant was wont to attend all their public disputations

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

OTOTE παρεῖναι καὶ συμφιλονεικεῖν, ἐμβαλόντες
εἰς τοιαύτην διατριβὴν καὶ κατασκευάσαντες
ἐπιβουλὴν ἀνεῖλον, Πασέαν δὲ τὸν ᾿Αβαντίδου
πατέρα τὴν ἀρχὴν ὑπολαβόντα Νικοκλῆς δολο-
φονήσας ἑαυτὸν ἀνέδειξε τύραννον. τοῦτον ἐμ-
φερέστατον λέγουσι τὴν ὄψιν Περιάνδρῳ τῷ
Κυψέλου γενέσθαι, καθάπερ ᾿Αλκμαίωνι μὲν τῷ
᾿Αμφιάρεω τὸν Πέρσην Ὀρόντην, ᾿ “Ἕκτορι δὲ τὸν
Λακεδαιμόνιον νεανίσκον, ὃν ἱστορεῖ Μυρτίλος
ὑπὸ πλήθους τῶν θεωμένων, ὡς τοῦτο ἔγνωσαν,
καταπατηθῆναι.

IV. Τοῦ δὲ Νικοκλέους τέσσαρας μῆνας τυραν-
νοῦντος, ἐν οἷς πολλὰ κακὰ τὴν πόλιν ἐργασά-
μενος ἐκινδύνευσεν ὑπὸ Αἰτωλῶν ἐπιβουλευομένην
αὐτὴν ἀποβαλεῖν, ἤδη μειράκιον ὁ “Apatos ὧν
ἀξίωμα λαμπρὸν εἶχε δι᾽ εὐγένειαν καὶ φρόνημα,
ὃ διέφαινεν οὐ μικρὸν οὐδὲ a ἀργόν, ἐμβριθὲς δὲ καὶ
Tap ἡλικίαν ἀσφαλεστέρᾳ γνώμῃ κεκραμένον.
ὅθεν οἵ τε φυγάδες μάλιστα τὸν νοῦν ἐκείνῳ προσ-
εἶχον, ὅ τε Νικοκλῆς οὐκ ἠμέλει τῶν πραττο-
μένων, ἀλλ᾽ ἀδήλως ἀπεθεώρει καὶ παρεφύλαττεν
αὐτοῦ τὴν ὁρμήν, τόλμημα μὲν οὐδὲν τηλικοῦτον
δεδιὼς οὐδὲ ἔργον οὐδὲν οὕτω παρακεκινδυνευ-
μένον, ὑποπτεύων δὲ τοῖς βασιλεῦσιν αὐτὸν δια-
λέγεσθαι φίλοις οὖσι καὶ ξένοις πατρῴοις. καὶ
γὰρ ἀληθῶς ὁ Ἄρατος ἐπεχείρησε τὴν ὁδὸν ἐ ἐκεί-
νην βαδίζειν. ὡς δὲ ᾿Αντίγονος μὲν ὑπισχνού-
μενος ἠμέλει καὶ παρῆγε! τὸν χρόνον, ai δὲ ἀπ᾽

1 παρῆγε Coraés and Ziegler, with 58 : παρῆκε (let the time
pass).

Po 1sB Ye:

ARATUS m1. 3-1v. 3

in the market-place and to take part in them;
they encouraged him in this practice, laid a plot, and
took his life. Paseas also, the father of Abantidas,
after assuming the supreme power, was treacherously
slain by Nicocles, who then proclaimed himself tyrant.
This man is said to have borne a very close resemblance
to Periander the son of Cypselus, just as Orontes the
Persian did to Alemaeon the son of Amphiaraiis, and
as the Spartan youth mentioned by Myrtilus did to
Hector. Myrtilus tells us that when the throng of
spectators became aware of this resemblance, the
youth was trampled underfoot.

IV. Nicocles was tyrant of the city for four months,
during which he wrought the city much harm, and
narrowly escaped losing it to the Aetolians when
they plotted to seize it. By this time! Aratus, now a
young man, was held in marked esteem on account of
his high birth, and of his spirit. This was showing
itself to be not insignificant nor yet unenterprising,
but earnest, and tempered with a judgement safe
beyond his years. Wherefore the exiles from Sicyon
had their minds fixed most of all upon him, and
Nicocles was not neglectful of what was going on, but
kept secret watch and ward over his undertakings,
not because he feared any deed of so great daring
and hazard as that in which Aratus finally engaged,
but because he suspected that Aratus was in com-
munication with the kings who had been on terms
of friendship and hospitality with his father. And
in truth Aratus had attempted to travel along that
path. But since Antigonus? neglected his promises
and prolonged the time, and since the hopes derived

2. Antigounus Gonatas, king of Macedonia 283-239 B.c.

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

Αὐγύπτου καὶ mapa ἸΙ]τολεμαίου μακρὰν ἧσαν
ἐλπίδες, ἔγνω Ov αὑτοῦ καταλύειν τὸν τύραννον.

WV: Ipwrous δὲ κοινοῦται τὴν γνώμην ᾿Αριστο-
μάχῳ καὶ ᾿Βκδήλῳ. τούτων ὁ μὲν ἐκ Σικυῶνος
ἣν φυγάς, ὁ δὲ Ἔκδηλος ᾿Αρκὰς ἐκ “Μεγάλης
πόλεως, ἀνὴρ φιλόσοφος καὶ πρακτικός, "A pke-
σιλάου τοῦ ᾿Ακαδημιακοῦ γεγονὼς ἐν ἄστει συν-
nOns. δεξαμένων δὲ τούτων προθύμως διελέγετο
τοῖς ἄλλοις φυγάσιν, ὧν ὀλίγοι μὲν αἰσχυνθέντες
ἐγκαταλιπεῖν τὴν ἐλπίδα μετεῖχον τῶν πρατ-
τομένων, οἱ δὲ πολλοὶ καὶ τὸν ἴΑρατον ἐπειρῶντο

/ ΄ > / ib ,
κατακωλύειν ὡς ἀπειρίᾳ πραγμάτων θρασυνό-
μενον.

Βουλευομένου δ᾽ αὐτοῦ χωρίον τι τῆς Σικυωνίας
καταλαβεῖν, ὅθεν ὡρμημένος διαπολεμήσει πρὸς
τὸν τύραννον, ἧκεν εἰς Ἄργος ἀνὴρ Σικυώνιος ἐκ
τῆς εἱρκτῆς ἀποδεδρακώς: ἦν δὲ τῶν φυγάδων
ἑνὸς Ξενοκλέους ἀδελφός" καὶ τῷ ᾿Αράτῳ προσ-
αχθεὶς ὑπὸ τοῦ Ἐξενοκλέους ἔλεγε τοῦ τείχους
καθ᾽ ὃν ὑπερβὰς αὐτὸς ἐσώθη τόπον, ἐντὸς μὲν
ὀλίγου δεῖν ἐπίπεδον εἶναι, προσπεφυκότα χωρίοις
πετρώδεσι καὶ ὑψηλοῖς, τὸ δὲ ἔξωθεν ὕψος ὑπὸ
κλιμάκων οὐ πάνυ ἀνέφικτον. ὡς δὲ ταῦτα ἤκου-
σεν ὃ Apatos, ἐκπέμπει μετὰ τοῦ Ἐενοκλέους
οἰκέτας Ἰδίους δύο, Σευθᾶν τε καὶ Téyvwva, κατα-
σκεψομένους τὸ τεῖχος, ἐγνωκώς, εἰ δύναιτο,
κρύφα καὶ πρὸς ἕνα κίνδυνον ὀξέως τὸ πᾶν ἀναρ-
ρῖψαι μᾶλλον ἢ μακρῷ πολέμῳ καὶ φανεροῖς
ἀγῶσιν ἰδιώτης ἀντικαθίστασθαι πρὸς τύραννον.
ὡς δ᾽ ἐπανῆλθον οἱ περὶ τὸν Ξενοκλέα τοῦ μὲν
τείχους εἰληφότες μέτρα καὶ τοῦ τόπου τὴν φύσιν

[ο

1029

ARATUS Iv. 3-v. 5

from Egypt and Ptolemy! were a long way off, he
resolved to overthrow the tyrant by his own efforts.

V. The first to whom he imparted his design were
Aristomachus and Ecdelus. Of these, the one was
an exile from Sicyon, and Ecdelus was an Arcadian
of Megalopolis, a student of philosophy and a man of
action, who had been an intimate friend of Arcesilatis
the Academic at Athens. These men eagerly adopted
his proposals, and he then began conversations with
the other exiles. A few of these took part in the
enterprise because they were ashamed to disappoint
the hope placed in them, but the majority actually
tried to stop Aratus, on the ground that his in-
experience made him over-bold.

While he was planning to seize some post in the
territory of Sicyon from which he might sally forth
and make war upon the tyrant, there came to Argos
a man of Sicyon who had run away from prison. He
was a brother of Xenocles, one of the exiles; and
when he had been brought to Aratus by Xenocles,
he told him that the part of the city’s wall over
which he had climbed to safety was almost level
with the ground on the inside, where it had been
attached to steep and rocky places, and that on the
outside it was not at all too high for scaling-ladders.
When Aratus had heard this, he sent with Xenocles
two servants of his own, Seuthas and Technon, to
make an examination of the wall; for he was resolved,
if he could, to hazard the whole enterprise on one
secret and swift attempt, rather than in a long war
and in open contests to match his private resources
against those of a tyrant. So when Xenocles and
his party came back with measurements of the wall

1 Ptolemy Philadelphus, king of Egypt 283-247 B.c.
II

PLUTARCH’S LIVES”

ἀπαγγέλλοντες οὐκ ἄπορον οὐδὲ χαλεπήν, TO δὲ
λαθεῖν προσελθόντας ἐργῶδες εἶναι φάσκοντες
ὑπὸ κηπουροῦ τινος κυναρίων, μικρῶν μέν, ἐκτόπως
δὲ μαχίμων καὶ ἀπαρηγορήτων, εὐθὺς ἐνίστατο
τὴν πρᾶξιν.

Vass μὲν οὖν τῶν ὅπλων παρασκευὴ συνήθης
ἣν, πάντων, ὡς ἔπος εἰπεῖν, τότε κλωπείαις χρω-
μένων καὶ καταδρομαῖς ἐπ᾽ ἀλλήλους" τὰς δὲ κλί-
μακας Kugpavep ὁ μηχανοποιὸς ἀναφανδὸν ἐ ἐπή-
ξατο, τῆς τέχνης αὐτῷ τὸ ἀνύποπτον διδούσης, ἐ ἐπεὶ
καὶ αὐτὸς ἦν τῶν φυγάδων. ἄνδρας δὲ αὐτῷ τῶν
μὲν ἐν Ἄργει φίλων ἕ ἕκαστος ἐξ ὀλίγων δέκα παρ-
ἐσχεν, αὐτὸς δὲ τῶν ἰδίων οἰκετῶν τριάκοντα
καθώπλισεν. ἐμισθώσατο δὲ καὶ διὰ πρώτου
Ξενοφίλου τῶν ἀρχικλώπων οὐ πολλοὺς στρατιώ-
τας, οἷς διεδόθη λόγος ὡς ἐπὶ τὰς ἵππους τὰς
βασιλικὰς εἰς τὴν Σικυωνίαν ἔξοδος ἔσοιτο. καὶ
προεπέμφθησαν οἱ πολλοὶ σποράδες ἐπὶ τὸν IIo-
λυγνώτου πύργον, ἐκεῖ κελευσθέντες περιμεῖναι.
προεπέμφθη δὲ καὶ Καφισίας ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ μετὰ
τεσσάρων ἄλλων εὔζωνος, ods ἔδει πρὸς τὸν
κηπουρὸν ἀφικέσθαι σκοταίους, φάσκοντας ὁδοι-
πόρους εἶναι, καὶ καταυλισαμένους αὐτόν τε
συγκλεῖσαι καὶ τοὺς κύνας" οὐ γὰρ ἣν ἄλλῃ παρ-
ελθεῖν. τὰς δὲ κλίμακας διαλυτὰς οὔσας ἐμβα-
λόντες εἰς ἀχώνας καὶ κατακαλύψαντες ἐφ᾽
ἁμαξῶν προαπέστειλαν.

Ἔν τούτῳ δὲ κατασκόπων τινῶν ἐν ᾿Άργει τοῦ
Νικοκλέους φανέντων καὶ περιϊέναι λεγομένων
ἀδήλως καὶ παραφυλάττειν τὸν “Apatov, ἅμ᾽

ARATUS v. 5-vi. 4

which they had taken, and with a report that the
place was by nature not impassable nor even difficult
(although they declared that it was hard to get to
it undetected owing to a certain gardener’s dogs,
which were little beasts, but extraordinarily fierce
and savage), Aratus at once undertook the business.

VI. Now the laying in of arms was nothing un-
usual, since almost everybody at that time indulged
in robberies and predatory forays; and as for scaling-
ladders, Euphranor the engineer made them openly,
since his trade screened him from suspicion; and he
too was one of the exiles. As for men, each of the
friends of Aratus in Argos furnished him with ten
out of the few they had, and he himself equipped
thirty of his own servants with arms. Through
Xenophilus, the foremost of the robber captains, he
also hired a few soldiers, to whom it was given out
that a foray was to be made into the territory of
Sicyon to seize the horses of Antigonus. And most
of them were sent on ahead in small bands to the
tower of Polygnotus, with orders to wait there.
Aratus also sent on in advance Caphisias, lightly
armed, with four companions; their orders were to
come to the gardener’s when it was dark, pretending
to be travellers, and after taking up quarters there
for the night, to shut up him and his dogs; for there
was no other way to get past them. The scaling-
ladders, which could be taken apart, were packed in
boxes, and thus concealed were sent on ahead in
waggons.

In the meantime some spies of Nicocles appeared
in Argos and were reported to be secretly going
about and watching the movements of Aratus. As
soon as it was day, therefore, Aratus left his house

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἡμέρᾳ προελθὼν καὶ “φανερὸς ὦ ὧν ἐν ἀγορᾷ διέτριβε
μετὰ τῶν φίλων’ εἶτ᾽ ἀλειψάμενος € ἐν τῷ γυμνασίῳ
καὶ παραλαβών τινας ἐκ τῆς παλαίστρας τῶν
εἰωθότων πίνειν καὶ ῥᾳθυμεῖν μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ νεανί-
σκων ἀπῆγεν οἴκαδε: καὶ μετὰ μικρὸν ἑωρᾶτο τῶν
οἰκετῶν αὐτοῦ δι᾿ ἀγορᾶς ὁ μὲν στεφάνους φέρων,
ὁ δὲ λαμπάδας ὠνούμενος, ὁ δὲ τοῖς εἰθισμένοις
παρὰ πότον ψάλλειν καὶ αὐλεῖν γυναίοις διαλεγό-
μενος. ταῦτα δὲ οἱ κατάσκοποι πάντα ὁρῶντες

ἐξηπάτηντο καὶ πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἀναγελῶντες ἔλε-

γον" “Οὐδὲν ἣν ἄρα τυράννου δειλότερον, εἰ καὶ

Νικοκλῆς τηλικαύτην πόλιν ἔχων καὶ τοσαύτην

δύναμιν ὀρρωδεῖ μειράκιον εἰς ἡδονὰς καὶ πότους

μεθημερινοὺς τὰ τῆς φυγῆς ἐφόδια καταχρώ-
’

μενον.

VII. Οἱ μὲν οὖν οὕτω παραλογισθέντες ἀπηλ-
λάγησαν' ὁ δὲ ᾿Άρατος εὐθὺς μετ᾽ ἄριστον ἐξελ-
θὼν καὶ συνάψας πρὸς τὸν Πολυγνώτου πύργον
τοῖς στρατιώταις εἰς Νεμέαν προῆγεν, ὅπου “τὴν
πρᾶξιν ἐξέφηνε τοῖς πολλοῖς τότε πρῶτον, ὑπο-
σχέσεις τε καὶ παρακλήσεις ἐποιήσατο" καὶ σύν-
θημα “παραδοὺς ᾿Απόλλωνα ὑπερδέξιον προῆγεν
ἐπὶ τὴν πόλιν, συμμέτρως τῇ “περιφορᾷ τῆς σε-
λήνης ἐπιταχύνων καὶ πάλιν ἀνιεὶς τὴν πορείαν,
ὥστε τῷ μὲν φωτὶ χρῆσθαι καθ᾽ ὁδόν, ἤδη δὲ
δυομένης περὶ τὸν κῆπον εἶναι πλησίον τοῦ τεί-
χους. ἐνταῦθα ᾿Καφισίας ἀπήντησεν αὐτῷ, τῶν
μὲν κυναρίων οὐ κρατήσας (ἔφθη γὰρ ἀποπηδή-
σαντα), τὸν δὲ κηπουρὸν ἐγκεκλεικώς. ἀθύμους
δὲ τοὺς πλείστους γενομένους καὶ κελεύοντας
ἀπαλλάττεσθαι παρεθάρρυνεν 0” Apatos, ὡς ἀπ-
ἄξων, ἂν οἱ κύνες ἄγαν ἐνοχλῶσιν αὐτοῖς. ἅμα

1030

ARATUS vi. 4-νπ. 4

and showed himself openly in the market-place,
conversing with his friends; then he anointed himself
in the gymnasium, took with him from the palaestra
some of the young men who were wont to drink and
make holiday with him, and went back home; and
after a little one of his servants was seen carrying
garlands through the market-place, another buying
lights, and another talking with the women that regu-
larly furnished music of harp and flute at banquets.
When the spies saw all this, they were completely
deceived, and with loud laughter said to one another:
“Nothing, you see, is more timorous than a tyrant,
since even Nicocles, though master of so great a city
and so large a force, is in fear of a stripling who
squanders on pleasures and mid-day banquets his
means of subsistence in exile.”

VII. The spies, then, thus misled, left the city;
but Aratus, immediately after the morning meal,
sallied forth, joined his soldiers at the tower of Poly-
gnotus, and led them on to Nemea. Here he dis-
closed his design, to most of them then for the first
time, and made them exhortations and promises.
Then, after giving out as watchword ‘ Apollo Vic-
torious,’ he led them forward against Sicyon,
quickening or retarding his progress according to
the revolution of the moon, so as to enjoy her light
while on the march, and as soon as she was setting ©
to be at the garden near the wall. There Caphisias
came to meet him; he had not secured the dogs (for
they had bounded off before he could do this), but
had locked up the gardener. Most of his men were
disheartened at this and urged Aratus to retire; but
he tried to encourage them, promising to lead them
back if the dogs should prove too troublesome for

PLUTARCR’S LIVES

δὲ τοὺς τὰς κλίμακας φέροντας προπέμψας, ὧν
"ExdnXos ἡγεῖτο καὶ Μνασίθεος, αὐτὸς ἐπηκο-
λούθει σχολ. αίως, ἤδη τῶν κυναρίων εὐτόνως ὑλα-
κτούντων καὶ συμπαρατρεχόντων τοῖς περὶ τὸν
Ἔκδηλον. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ προσέμιξάν τε τῷ τείχει
καὶ προσήρεισαν τὰς κλίμακας ἀσφαλῶς. ἀνα-
βαινόντων δὲ τῶν πρώτων, ὁ τὴν ἑωθινὴν φυλακὴν
παραδιδοὺς ἐφώδευε κώδωνι, καὶ φῶτα πολλὰ καὶ
θόρυβος ἦν τῶν ἐπιπορευομένων. οἱ δέ, ὥσπερ
εἶχον, αὐτοῦ πτήξαντες ἐπὶ τῶν κλιμάκων τού-
τους μὲν οὐ χαλεπῶς ἔλαθον, ἄλλης δὲ φυλακῆς
ἐναντίας ταύτῃ προσερχομένης εἰς τὸν ἔσχατον
κίνδυνον ἦλθον. ὡς δὲ κἀκείνην διέφυγον παρ-
ελθοῦσαν, εὐθὺς ἀνέβαινον οἱ πρῶτοι Μνασίθεος
καὶ "ἔκδηλος, καὶ τὰς ἑκατέρωθεν ὁδοὺς τοῦ
τείχους διαλαβόντες ἀπέστελλον Τέχνωνα πρὸς
"Ἄρατον ἐπείγεσθαι κελεύοντες.

ΝΠ]. Ἢν δὲ οὐ πολὺ διάστημα ἀπὸ τοῦ κήπου
πρὸς τὸ τεῖχος καὶ τὸν πύργον, ἐν ὦ κύων μέγας
ἐφρούρει θηρατικός. αὐτὸς μὲν οὖν οὐκ ἤσθετο
τὴν ἔφοδον, εἴτε φύσει νωθὴς ὦν, εἴτε μεθ᾽ ἡμέραν
κατάκοπος γεγονώς. τῶν δὲ τοῦ κηπουροῦ κυνα-
ρίων κάτωθεν ἐκκαλουμένων αὐτὸν ὑπεφθέγγετο
τυφλὸν καὶ ἄσημον τὸ πρῶτον, εἶτα μᾶλλον ἐπ-
έτεινε παρερχομένων. καὶ κατεῖχεν ἤδη πολὺς
ὑλαγμὸς τὸ χωρίον, ὥστε τὸν πέραν φύλακα
κραυγῇ μεγάλῃ TU’ θάνεσθαι τοῦ κυνηγοῦ, πρὸς
τίνα τραχέως οὕτως ὁ κύων ὑλακτεῖ, καὶ μή τι

1 The sentries who had formed the night-watch came up at
the sound of the bell, to be inspected, and then relieved by
the morning-watch.

ARATUS vu. 4-vu. 2

them. At the same time he sent forward the men
who carried the scaling-ladders, under the command
of Ecdelus and Mnasitheus, while he himself followed
after them slowly, the dogs already barking vigorously
and running along by the side of Ecdelus and his
party. However, they reached the wall and planted
their ladders against it without mishap. But as
the first men were mounting the ladders, the officer
who was to set the morning-watch began making his
rounds with a bell, and there were many lights and
the noise of the sentries coming up.! The invaders,
however, crouched down just where they were on
the ladders, and so escaped the notice of this party
without any trouble; but since another watch was
coming up to meet the first, they incurred the
greatest danger. However, they escaped the notice
of this guard also as it passed by, and then the
leaders, Mnasitheus and Ecdelus, at once mounted
to the top, and after occupying the approaches to
the wall on either side, sent Technon to Aratus,
urging him to hasten up.

Vill. Now it was no great distance from the
garden to the wall, and to the tower, in which a huge
dog was on the watch, a hunter. ‘The dog himself
did not notice their approach, either because he was
naturally sluggish, or because during the day he had
become tired out. But when the gardener’s whelps
challenged him from below, he began to growl in re-
sponse, faintly and indistinctly at first, then bayed out
more loudly as they passed by. Presently the whole
place resounded with barking, so that the watch-
man opposite called with a loud cry to the hunts-
man asking why his dog was baying so savagely and
whether some mischief was not afoot. The hunts-

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

γίνεται καινότερον. ὁ δ᾽ ἀπὸ τοῦ πύργου αὐτῷ"

ἀντεφώνησε μηδὲν εἶναι δεινόν, ἀλλὰ τὸν κύνα
πρὸς τὸ φῶς τῶν τειχοφυλάκων καὶ τὸν ψόφον
τοῦ κώδωνος παρωξύνθαι. τοῦτο μάλιστα τοὺς
᾿Αράτου “στρατιώτας ἐπέρρωσεν, οἰομένους τὸν
κυνηγὸν ἐπικρύπτειν κοινωνοῦντα τῇ πράξει, εἶναι
δὲ πολλοὺς καὶ ἄλλους ἐν τῇ πόλει τοὺς συν-
εργοῦντας. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τῷ τείχει προσβαλόν-
των χαλεπὸς ἣν ὁ κίνδυνος καὶ μῆκος ἐλάμβανε,
τῶν κλιμάκων κραδαινομένων εἰ μὴ καθ᾽ ἕνα καὶ
σχολαίως ἀναβαίνοιεν: ἡ δὲ ὥρα κατήπειγεν, ἤδη
φθεγγομένων ἀλεκτρυόνων, καὶ ὅσον οὔπω τῶν
53 ἀγροῦ τι φέρειν εἰωθότων πρὸς ἀγορὰν ἐπερχο-
μένων. διὸ καὶ σπεύδων ὁ “Apatos ἀνέβαινε,
τεσσαράκοντα τῶν πάντων ἀναβεβηκότων πρὸ
αὐτοῦ" καὶ “προσδεξάμενος ἔτι τῶν κάτωθεν ὀλί-
γους ἐπὶ τὴν οἰκίαν τοῦ τυράννου καὶ τὸ στρα-
τήγιον ἀνῆλθεν" ἐνταῦθα γὰρ οἱ μισθοφόροι
παρενυκτέρευον. ἄφνω δὲ ἐπιπεσὼν αὐτοῖς καὶ
συλλαβὼν ἅπαντας, οὐδένα δὲ ἀποκτείνας, εὐθὺς
διεπέμπετο πρὸς τοὺς φίλους ἀνακαλούμενος
ἕκαστον ἀπ᾽ οἰκίας. καὶ συνδραμόντων παν-
ταχόθεν, ἡ ἡμέρα μὲν ὑπέλαμπεν ἤδη καὶ τὸ θέατρον
ἣν ὄχλου μεστόν, ἔτι πρὸς τὴν ἄδηλον αἰωρου-
μένων φήμην καὶ σαφὲς οὐδὲν εἰδότων ὑπὲρ τῶν
πραττομένων, πρίν γε δὴ προελθὼν ὁ κήρυξ εἶπεν
ws "Apatos ὁ Κλεινίου παρακαλεῖ τοὺς πολίτας
ἐπὶ τὴν ἐλευθερίαν.

ΙΧ. Τότε δὲ πιστεύσαντες ἥκειν ἃ πάλαι
προσεδόκων, ὥρμησαν ἀθρόοι πρὸς τὰς θύρας τοῦ

ARATUS vin. 2-1x. 1

man answered him from the tower that there was
nothing to fear, but that his dog had been excited
by the lights of the sentries and the din of the bell.
This more than anything else gave heart to the
soldiers of Aratus. They thought that the huntsman
was privy to their design and was trying to conceal
it, and that there were many others also in the city
who would assist them. However, when the rest of
the company essayed the wall, their peril was grievous
and protracted, since the ladders shook unless they
mounted one by one and slowly ; moreover, time was
pressing, since cocks were already crowing, and
directly the people who brought produce from the
country to the market-place would be coming up.
Therefore Aratus also mounted the wall in haste,
after forty in all had mounted before him ; and when
he had been joined by a few more of those below, he
went up against the tyrant’s house and the praetorium,
where the mercenary soldiers passed the night. And
after falling upon these suddenly and capturing them
all, but killing none, he straightway sent messages
to his friends summoning them all from their homes,
and they ran together from all quarters. Day was
now breaking, and the theatre was thronged with
people who still were in suspense because of the un-
certain rumour that prevailed and in utter ignorance
of what was afoot, until the herald came forward and
made proclamation that Aratus the son of Cleinias
invited the citizens to secure their freedom.

IX. Then, convinced that what they had long ex-
pected was come, they rushed in a body to the

1 ἀπὸ... αὐτῷ bracketed by Sint.?; Ziegler reads πρὸς
αὐτόν, with Stephanus.

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

τυράννου πῦρ ἐπιφέροντες. ἤρθη δὲ φλὸξ μεγάλη
καὶ καταφανὴς μέχρι Κορίνθου τῆς οἰκίας ἀνα-
φθείσης, ὥστε θαυμάσαντας τοὺς ἐν Κορίνθῳ
παρὰ μικρὸν ὁρμῆσαι πρὸς τὴν βοήθειαν. ὁ μὲν
οὖν Νικοκλῆς ἔλαθε διά τινων ὑπονόμων ὑπεκδὺς
καὶ ἀποδρὰς ἐκ τῆς πόλεως, οἱ δὲ στρατιῶται
καταπαύσαντες μετὰ τῶν Σικυωνίων τὸ πῦρ
διήρπαζον τὴν οἰκίαν. καὶ οὔτε ταῦτα ἐκώλυσεν
ὁ ΓΑρατος, τά τε λοιπὰ χρήματα τῶν τυράννων
εἰς μέσον ἔθηκε τοῖς πολίταις. ἀπέθανε δὲ οὐδεὶς
οὐδὲ ἐτρώθη τὸ παράπαν τῶν ἐπελθόντων οὐδὲ
τῶν πολεμίων, ἀλλὰ καθαρὰν καὶ ἄθικτον αἵματος
ἐμφυλίου τὴν πρᾶξιν ἡ τύχη διεφύλαξε.
Κατήγαγε δὲ φυγάδας τοὺς μὲν ὑπὸ Νικο-
κλέους ἐκπεπτωκότας ὀγδοήκοντα, τοὺς δὲ ἐπὶ τῶν
ἔμπροσθεν τυράννων οὐκ ἐλάττους πεντακοσίων,
οἷς μακρὰ μὲν ἡ πλάνη καὶ ὁμοῦ τι πεντηκον-
ταετὴς ἐγεγόνει. κατελθόντες δὲ οἱ πλεῖστοι
πένητες, ὧν κύριοι πρότερον ἦσαν ἐπελαμβάνοντο,
καὶ βαδίζοντες ἐπὶ τὰ χωρία καὶ τὰς οἰκίας δεινὴν
ἀπορίαν τῷ ᾿Αράτῳ παρεῖχον, ἐπιβουλευομένην
μὲν ἔξωθεν καὶ φθονουμένην ὑπ᾽ ᾿Αντιγόνου τὴν
πόλιν ὁρῶντι διὰ τὴν ἐλευθερίαν, ταραττομένην
δὲ ὑφ᾽ αὑτῆς καὶ στασιάζουσαν.
ὅθεν ἐκ τῶν παρόντων ἄριστα κρίνας προσέ-
μιξεν αὐτὴν φέρων τοῖς ᾿Αχαιοῖς" καὶ Δωριεῖς
ὄντες ὑπέδυσαν ἑκουσίως ὄνομα καὶ πολιτείαν
τὴν ᾿Αχαιῶν οὔτε ἀξίωμα λαμπρὸν οὔτε μεγάλην
ἰσχὺν ἐχόντων τότε. μικροπολῖται γὰρ ἧσαν οἱ
πολλοί, καὶ γῆν οὔτε χρηστὴν οὔτε ἄφθονον

1031

ARATUS 1x. 124

residence of the tyrant, carrying firebrands. A great
flame arose as the house caught fire, and it was visible
as far as Corinth, so that the people of Corinth were
astonished and were on the point of sallying forth to
help. Nicocles, then, slipped out unnoticed by way
of certain underground passages, and ran away from
the city, and the soldiers, after extinguishing the fire
with the aid of the Sicyonians, plundered his house.
Nor did Aratus prevent this, but put the rest of the
wealth of the tyrants at the disposition of the citizens.
And not a man was killed or even wounded at all,
either among the assailants or their enemies, but
fortune preserved the enterprise free from the taint
of civil bloodshed.

Aratus restored eighty exiles who had been banished
by Nicocles, and those also who had fled the city
during the reign of former tyrants, to the number of
five hundred. These had long been wanderers, yes,
for close to fifty years. And now that they had
come back, most of them in poverty, they laid claim
to the property which they had formerly held, and
by going to their farms and houses threw Aratus
into great perplexity. For he saw that the city
was plotted against by outsiders and eyed with
jealousy by Antigonus because it had regained its
freedom, while it was full of internal disturbances
and faction.

Wherefore, as things stood, he thought it best to
attach the city promptly to the Achaean League;
and so, though the people of Sicyon were Dorians,
they voluntarily assumed the name and civil polity
of the Achaeans, who at that time had neither
brilliant repute nor great strength. For most of
them lived in small cities, owned land that was

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἐκέκτηντο, καὶ θαλάττῃ προσῴκουν ἀλιμένῳ, τὰ
πολλὰ κατὰ ῥαχίας ἐκφερομένῃ πρὸς τὴν ἤπειρον.
ἀλχὰ μάλιστα δὴ διέδειξαν οὗτοι τὴν ᾿Εἰλληνικὴν
ἀλκὴν ἀπρόσμαχον οὗσαν, ὁσάκις τύχοι κόσμου
καὶ συντάξεως ὁμοφρονούσης καὶ νοῦν ἔχοντος
ἡγεμόνος, οἵ τῆς μὲν πάλαι τῶν ᾿λλήνων ἀκμῆς
οὐδέν, ὡς εἰπεῖν, μέρος ὄντες, ἐν δὲ τῷ τότε μιᾶς
ἀξιολόγου πόλεως σύμπαντες ὁμοῦ δύναμιν οὐκ
ἔχοντες, εὐβουλίᾳ καὶ ὁμονοίᾳ, καὶ ὅτι τῷ πρώτῳ
κατ᾽ ἀρετὴν ἐδύναντο μὴ φθονεῖν, ἀχλὰ πείθεσθαι
καὶ ἀκολουθεῖν, οὐ μόνον αὑτοὺς ἐν μέσῳ πόλεων
καὶ δυνάμεων τηλικούτων καὶ τυραννίδων διεφύ-
λαξαν ἐλευθέρους, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ᾿Ελλή-
νων ὡς πλείστους ἐλευθεροῦντες καὶ σώζοντες
διετέλουν.

X. Ἦν δὲ Ἄρατος τῷ τρόπῳ πολιτικός, μεγα-
λόφρων, ἀκριβέστερος εἰς τὰ κοινὰ μᾶλλον τῶν
ἰδίων, πικρῶς μισοτύραννος, ἔχθρας ὅρῳ καὶ
φιλίας. ἀεὶ τῷ κοινῷ συμφέροντι χρώμενος. ὅθεν
οὐχ οὕτως δοκεῖ γεγονέναι φίλος ἀκριβής, ὡς
ἐχθρὸς εὐγνώμων καὶ πρᾷος, ὑπὸ τῆς πολιτείας
ἐπ᾿ ἀμφότερα τῷ καιρῷ μεταβαλλόμενος, ὁ ὁμονοίας
ἐθνῶν καὶ κοινωνίας πόλεων καὶ συνεδρίου καὶ
θεάτρου μίαν φωνὴν ἀφιέντος ὡς οὐδενὸς ἄλλου
τῶν καλῶν ἐραστής, πολέμῳ καὶ ἀγῶνι χρήσα-
σθαι φανερῶς ἀθαρσὴς καὶ δύσελπις, κλέψαι δὲ
πράγματα καὶ συσκευάσασθαι κρύφα πόλεις
καὶ τυράννους ἐπηβολώτατος. διὸ καὶ πολλὰ
τῶν ἀνελπίστων κατορθώσας ἐν οἷς ἐτόλμησεν,
οὐκ ἐλάττονα δοκεῖ τῶν δυνατῶν ἐγκαταλιπεῖν

ARATUS ix. 4-x. 3

neither fertile nor extensive, and were neighbours to
a sea that had no harbours and for the most part
washed a precipitous and rocky shore. But this
people more than any other showed the world that
Greek prowess was invincible, whenever it enjoyed
good order, harmonious discipline, and a sensible
leader. For though they had taken almost no part in
the ancient glories of Greece, and at this time, though
counted all together, had not the power of a single
considerable city, still, owing to their good counsels
and their concord, and because they were able, in
place of envying, to obey and follow the one who was
pre-eminent among them for virtue, they not only
preserved their own freedom in the midst of so great
cities and powers and tyrannies, but also were con-
tinually saving and setting free very many of the
other Greeks.

X. Aratus was by natural bent a statesman, high-
minded, more exact in his public than in his private
relations, a bitter hater of tyrants, and ever making
a regard for the public weal determine his enmity
or his friendship. Wherefore he seems to have
proved not so much a strict friend, as a considerate
and mild enemy, changing his ground in either
direction according to the exigencies of the state,
loving concord between nations, community of cities,
and unanimity of council and assembly, beyond all
other blessings. It was manifest that he resorted
to open warfare and strife without courage and with
little confidence, but that in stealing advantages and
secretly managing cities and tyrants he was most
proficient. Therefore, though he won many unex-
pected successes where he showed courage, he seems
to have lost no fewer favourable opportunities through

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

δι᾽ εὐλάβειαν. οὐ γὰρ μόνον, ὡς. ἔοικε, θηρίων
τινῶν ὄψεις ἐνεργοὶ διὰ σκότους οὖσαι μεθ᾽ ἡμέ-
ραν ἀποτυφλοῦνται ξηρότητι καὶ λεπτότητι τῆς
περὶ τὸν ὀφθαλμὸν ὑγρότητος μὴ φερούσης τὴν
πρὸς τὸ φῶς σύγκρασιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ δεινότης τίς
ἐστιν ἀνθρώπου καὶ σύνεσις ἐν τοῖς ὑπαίθροις καὶ
διακεκηρυγμένοις εὐτάρακτος φύσει, πρὸς δὲ τὰς
ἐπικρύφους καὶ λαθραίους ἀναθαρσοῦσα πράξεις.

nv δὲ τοιαύτην ἀνωμαλίαν ἔνδεια λόγου φιλοσό-
pou περὶ τὰς εὐφυΐας ἀπεργάζεται, τὴν ἀρετήν,
ὥφπερ καρπὸν αὐτοφυῆ ἢ καὶ ἀγεώργητον, ἐκφερού-
σάς. δίχα. τῆς ἐπιστήμης. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἐξετα-
ζέσθω τοῖς παραδείγμασιν.

ΧΙ. Ὁ δὲ Ἄρατος, ἐπεὶ κατέμιξε τοῖς ᾿Αχαιοῖς
ἑαυτὸν καὶ τὴν πόλιν, ἐν τοῖς ἱππεῦσι στρατευ-
ὀόμενος ἠγαπᾶτο Ou εὐπείθειαν ὑπὸ τῶν ἀρχόντων,
ὅτι, καίπερ συμβολὰς τῷ κοινῷ μεγάλας δεδωκὼς
τὴν ἑαυτοῦ δόξαν καὶ τὴν τῆς πατρίδος δύναμιν,
ὡς ἑνὶ τῶν ἐπιτυχόντων χρῆσθαι παρεῖχεν αὑτῷ
τὸν ἀεὶ στρατηγοῦντα' τῶν ᾿Αχαιῶν, εἴτε Av-
patos, εἴτε Τριταιεὺς, εἴτε μικροτέρας τινὸς ὧν
τύχοι πόλεως. ἧκε δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ χρημάτων δωρεὰ
παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως πέντε καὶ εἴκοσι τάλαντα.
ταῦτα ἔλαβε μὲν ὁ Αρατος, λαβὼν δὲ τοῖς ἑαυτοῦ
πολίταις ἐπέδωκεν ἀπορουμένοις εἴς τε τἄλλα
καὶ λύτρωσιν αἰχμαλώτων.

XII. ᾿Επεὶ δὲ οἱ φυγάδες ἢ ἦσαν ἀπαρηγόρητοι
τοῖς ἔχουσι τὰς κτήσεις ἐνοχλοῦντες, ἥ τε πόλις
ἐκινδύνευεν ἀνάστατος γενέσθαι, μίαν ὁρῶν ἐλπίδα
τὴν Πτολεμαίου φιλανθρωπίαν ὥρμησεν ἐκπλεῦ-

1 τὸν ἀεὶ στρατηγοῦντα Ziegler, with Sint. and the MSS.:

τῷ ἀεὶ στρατηγοῦντι.

10:

ARATUS x. 3-xII. 1

over-caution. For not only in the case of certain
wild beasts, as it would seem, is the vision strong by
night but wholly blinded in the day-time (since the
humour in their eyes is too dry and delicate to bear
contact with the light), but there is also in some
men a cleverness and sagacity which is prone to be
confounded in transactions that are carried out under
the open sky and proclaimed abroad by public criers,
but when confronting hidden and secret enterprises
recovers its courage. Such unevenness a lack of
philosophy may cause in men of good natural parts ;
they produce virtue without scientific knowledge,
and it is like spontaneous and uncultivated fruit.
This can be proved by examples.

XI. Aratus, now, after uniting himself and _ his
city with the Achaeans, served in the cavalry, and
was beloved by his commanders on account of his
ready obedience. For although he had made great
contributions to the commonwealth in his own repu-
tation and the power of his native city, he gave his
services like those of any ordinary person to the one
who from time to time was general of the Achaeans,
whether he was a man of Dyme or of Tritaea, or of
a meaner city. And there came to him also a gift of
money from the king of Egypt, five-and-twenty
talents. These Aratus accepted, but gave them at
once to his fellow-citizens, who were in want of
money, especially for the ransoming of such as had
been taken prisoners.

XII. But the exiles were not to be dissuaded from
molesting those who were in possession of their
property, and the city was in danger of an upheaval.
Aratus saw that his only hope was in the generosity
of Ptolemy, and therefore determined to sail to

VOL. XI. Β 725

PLUTARCRH’S LIVES

cat καὶ δεηθῆναι τοῦ βασιλέως ὅπως αὐτῷ
χρήματα συμβάληται πρὸς τὰς διαλύσεις. ἀν-
/ \ 5 3 \ , e \ 7 . lal
ἤχθη μὲν οὖν ἀπὸ Μοθώνης ὑπὲρ Μαλέας, ὡς TO
, , Ν \ /
διὰ πόρου δρόμῳ χρησόμενος. πρὸς δὲ μέγα
r \ \ ΄ 3 Τὰ
πνεῦμα καὶ πολλὴν θάλασσαν ἐκ πελάγους κατι-
nr r al ,
οὔσαν ἐνδόντος τοῦ κυβερνήτου, παραφερόμενος
,ὔ “ nr » ο΄ ΑΛ ,ὔ ” 3
μόλις ἥψατο τῆς ᾿Αδρίας πολεμίας οὔσης. ἐκρα-
a \ ς ASD f \ ‘ bs ἃ
τεῖτο γὰρ ὑπὸ ᾿Αντιγόνου καὶ φυλακὴν εἶχεν: ἣν
\ Qn
φθάσας ἀπέβη, καὶ τὴν ναῦν καταλιπὼν ἀπ-
\ Ν a
εχώρησε paxpav ἀπὸ θαλάσσης ἔχων ἕνα τῶν
΄ \ e [οἷ / \ f
φίλων σὺν αὑτῷ Τιμάνθην. καὶ καταβαλόντες
᾿ ’ nr
ἑαυτοὺς εἴς τίνα τόπον ὕλης γέμοντα χαλεπῶς
> / 3 / \ iA € ΄
ἐνυκτέρευον. ὀλίγῳ δὲ ὕστερον ὁ φρούραρχος
5 \ \ lal Ν v € \ ἴω
ἐπελθὼν καὶ ζητῶν τὸν Apatov ὑπὸ τῶν θερα-
3 , “ f
πόντων ἐξηπατήθη τῶν ἐκείνου, δεδιδαγμένων
λέγειν ὡς εὐθὺς ἀποδρὰς εἰς ὔβοιαν ἐξέπλευσε.
4 a
τὰ μέντοι κομιζόμενα Kal τὴν ναῦν Kal τοὺς θερά-
ποντας ἀπέφηνε πολέμια καὶ κατέσχε.
Μ \ δὲ ¢ f > \ 5 5 , v a
Μετὰ 0€ ἡμέρας οὐ πολλᾶς EV ATOPOLS CVTL τῷ
, ͵ 7 , c “. a
Apatm γίνεταί τις εὐτυχία, Ῥωμαϊκῆς νεὼς
παραβαλούσης κατὰ τὸν τοπον ἐν ᾧ τὰ μὲν ἐπὶ
\ f \ , a
σκοπὴν ἀνιών, τὰ δὲ κρυπτόμενος διῆγεν. ἔπλει
\ 8 € “ > ’, > / \ , Ν
μὲν οὖν ἡ ναῦς εἰς Συρίαν, ἐπέβη δὲ πείσας τὸν
᾿ yy "a / [οὶ Ν
ναύκληρον ἄχρι Καρίας διακομισθῆναι" καὶ διεκο-
μίσθη κινδύνοις αὖθις οὐκ ἐλάττοσι χρησάμενος
\ a
κατὰ θάλατταν. ἐκ δὲ Kapias χρόνῳ πολλῷ
Ν 2 Bf » / a a
περαιωθεὶς εἰς Αἴγυπτον αὐτόθεν τε τῷ βασιλεῖ
/ \
διακειμένῳ πρὸς αὐτὸν οἰκείως ἐνέτυχε, καὶ τεθερα-
26

ARATUS χα. τοῦ

Egypt and beg the king to furnish him with money
for the settlement of these disputes. So he put to
sea from Mothone above Malea, intending to make
the shortest passage. But the steersman could not
make head against a strong wind and high waves
that came in from the open sea, and being carried
out of his course got with difficulty to Adria,t which
was a hostile place. For it was in the power of
Antigonus, and held a garrison of his. Aratus an-
ticipated arrest by landing, and forsaking the ship
withdrew a long way from the sea, having with him
one of his friends, Timanthes. They threw them-
selves into a place that was thickly covered with
woods, and had a grievous night of it. A little later
the commander of the garrison came to the ship in
search of Aratus, and was deceived by his servants,
who had been instructed to say that he had run away
at once and had sailed off to Euboea. The ship,
however, with its cargo and the servants of Aratus,
was declared a prize of war and detained.

After a few days, while still in this helpless plight,
Aratus met with a rare piece of good fortune, for a
Roman ship put in at the place where he was staying,
sometimes on a lookout-place, and sometimes hiding
himself. The ship was bound for Syria, but after going
on board Aratus persuaded the master of the vessel to
convey him as far as Caria. Thither he was conveyed,
encountering fresh perils by sea and perils as great
as before. From Caria, after a long time, he made
his way across to Egypt, and found the king both
naturally well disposed towards him, and much grati-

1 The text is probably corrupt. Bergk suggested Hydrea,
an island off the N.E. coast of Peloponnesus. Others think
of Andros, an island S.E. of Euboea,

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

πευμένῳ γραφαῖς καὶ πίναξιν ἀπὸ τῆς ᾿Βλλάδος,
ἐν οἷς κρίσιν “ἔχων οὐκ ἄμουσον ὁ “Apatos ἀεί
τι τῶν τεχνικῶν καὶ περιττῶν, μάλιστα δὲ Παμ-
φίλου καὶ Μελάνθου, συνάγων καὶ κτώμενος
ἀπέστελλεν.

XIII. Ἤνθει γὰρ ἔτι δόξα τῆς Σικυωνίας μού-
σης καὶ χρηστογραφίας, ὡς μόνης ἀδιάφθορον
ἐχούσης τὸ καλόν, ὥστε καὶ ᾿Απελλῆν ἐκεῖνον
ἤδη θαυμαζόμενον ἀφικέσθαι καὶ συγγενέσθαι
τοῖς ἀνδράσιν ἐπὶ ταλάντῳ, τῆς δόξης μᾶλλον
ἢ τῆς τέχνης δεόμενον μεταλαβεῖν. διὸ τὰς μὲν
ἄλλας εἰκόνας τῶν τυράννων ἀνεῖλεν εὐθὺς ὃ
"Ἄρατος, ¢ ὅτε τὴν πόλιν ἠλευθέρωσε, 7 περὶ δὲ: TH
᾿Αριστράτου κατὰ Φίώλιππον ἀκμάσαντος τὰ

2 λεύσατο πολὺν χρόνον. ἐγράφη μὲν γὰρ ὑπὸ πάν-
των τῶν περὶ τὸν Μέλανθον ἅρματι νικηφόρῳ
παρεστὼς ὃ ᾿Αρίστρατος, ᾿ Ἀπελλοῦ συνεφαψα-
μένου τῆς γραφῆς, ὡς Πολέμων ὁ περιηγητὴς
ἱστόρηκεν. ἣν δὲ 70 ἔργον ἀξιοθέατον, ὥστε
γνάμπτεσθαι τὸν [Άρατον ὑπὸ τῆς τέχνης, αὖθίς
τε μίσει τῷ πρὸς τοὺς τυράννους ἐξαγόμενον

3 κελεύειν καθαιρεῖν. τὸν οὖν ζωγράφον Νεάλκη
φίλον ὄντα τοῦ Apatov παραιτεῖσθαΐ φασι καὶ
δακρύειν, ὡς δ᾽ οὐκ ἔπειθεν, εἰπεῖν ὅτι τοῖς τυράν-
VOLS πολεμητέον, οὐ τοῖς τῶν τυράννων. “᾿Βάσω-
μεν οὖν τὸ ἅρμα καὶ τὴν Νίκην, αὐτὸν δέ σοι 108:
παρέξω τὸν ᾿Αρίστρατον ἐγὼ παραχωροῦντα τοῦ
πίνακος." ἐπιτρέψαντος οὖν τοῦ ᾿Αράτου δι-

a ῸΟῸΌϑΌϑ Ὸ τ Γ΄ΓΠτπς ὸᾺᾺ᾽ἢ’΄ρΓ΄΄΄΄΄΄ἷ΄΄΄ἷΠἷΠὃἽΓἷἝἷἿ΄ἷἿ΄΄΄ ΄ ΘῬ“ἷἕἷἝἷἕ“ἵἕἷ“͵΄ςςἘςς͵.

1 Philip 11., 382-336 Β.6.

ARATUS xi. 5—x1m. 3

fied because Aratus had sent him drawings and
paintings from Greece. In these matters Aratus
had a refined judgement, and was continually col-
lecting and acquiring works of artistic skill and ex-
cellence,especially those of Pamphilus and Melanthus.
These he would send to Ptolemy.

XIII. For the fame of Sicyon’s refined and beautiful
paintings was still in full bloom, and they alone
were thought to have a beauty that was indestruct-
ible. Therefore even the great Apelles, when he
was already admired, came to Sicyon and gave a
talent that he might be admitted into the society of
its artists, desiring to share their fame rather than
their art. Hence it was that Aratus, although he
at once destroyed the other portraits of the tyrants
when he had given the city its freedom, de-
liberated a long time about that of Aristratus (who
flourished in the time of Philip of Macedon!). For
it was the work of Melanthus and all his pupils, and
Aristratus was painted standing bya chariot in which
was a Victory; Apelles also had a hand in the
painting, as we are told by Polemon the Topographer.
And the work was a marvellous one, so that Aratus
was moved by the artistic skill therein; but after-
wards, such was his hatred of the tyrants, that he
ordered it to be removed and destroyed. Accord-
ingly, the painter Nealces, who was a friend of
Aratus, interceded with him for the picture, as
we are told, and with tears, and when he could
not persuade him, said that war should be waged
against the tyrants, but not against the treasures
of the tyrants. “Let us therefore leave the chariot
and the Victory, but Aristratus himself I will
undertake to remove from the picture.” Aratus

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ήἤλειψεν ὁ Νεάλκης tov ᾿Αρίστρατον, εἰς δὲ τὴν
χώραν φοίνικα μόνον ἐνέγραψεν, ἄλλο δὲ οὐδὲν
ἐτόλμησε παραβαλεῖν. τοὺς δὲ πόδας ἐξαλει-
φομένου τοῦ ᾿Αριστράτου διαλαθεῖν ὑπὸ τὸ ἅρμα
λέγουσιν.

"Ex τε δὴ τούτων ὁ Apatos ἠγαπᾶτο, καὶ διδοὺς
πεῖραν ἔτι μᾶλλον ἥψατο τοῦ βασιλέως, καὶ
δωρεὰν ἔλαβε τῇ πόλει πεντήκοντα καὶ ἑκατὸν
τάλαντα. καὶ τούτων τεσσαράκοντα μὲν εὐθὺς
μεθ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ κομίζων εἰς Πελοπόννησον κατῆρε,
τὰ δὲ λοιπὰ διελὼν εἰς δόσεις ὁ βασιλεὺς ὕστερον
κατὰ μέρος ἀπέστειλεν.

XIV. Ἦν μὲν οὖν μέγα καὶ τὸ χρήματα το-
σαῦτα πορίσαι τοῖς πολίταις, ὅσων μικρὸν μέρος
ἄλλοι στρατηγοὶ καὶ δημαγωγοὶ λαμβάνοντες
παρὰ βασιλέων ἠδίκουν καὶ κατεδουλοῦντο καὶ
προέπινον αὐτοῖς τὰς πατρίδας, μείζων δὲ ἡ διὰ
τῶν χρημάτων τούτων κατασκευασθεῖσα τοῖς μὲν
ἀπόροις πρὸς τοὺς πλουσίους διάλυσις καὶ ὁμό-
νοία, τῷ δὲ δήμῳ παντὶ σωτηρία καὶ ἀσφάλεια,
θαυμαστὴ δὲ ἡ τοῦ ἀνδρὸς ἐν δυνάμει τοσαύτῃ
μετριότης. ἀποδειχθεὶς γὰρ αὐτοκράτωρ διαλ-
λακτὴς καὶ κύριος ὅλως ἐπὶ τὰς φυγαδικὰς οἰκονο-
μίας μόνος οὐχ ὑπέμεινεν, ἀλλὰ πεντεκαίδεκα
τῶν πολιτῶν προσκατέλεξεν ἑαυτῷ, μεθ᾽ ὧν πόνῳ
πολλῷ καὶ μεγάλαις πραγματείαις κατειργάσατο
καὶ συνήρμοσε φιλίαν καὶ εἰρήνην τοῖς πολίταις.
ἐφ᾽ οἷς οὐ μόνον κοινῇ σύμπαντες οἱ πολῖται
τιμὰς ἀπέδοσαν αὐτῷ πρεπούσας, ἀλλὰ καὶ κατ᾽

3°

ARATUS xu. 3-xIv. 2

therefore yielded, and Nealces erased the figure of
Aristratus, and in its place painted ἃ palm-tree
merely, not daring to introduce anything else. We
are told, however, that the feet of the erased figure
of Aristratus were left by an oversight beneath the
chariot.

In consequence of this love of art Aratus was
already beloved by the king, and in personal inter-
course grew yet more upon him, and received for his
city a gift of a hundred and fifty talents. Forty of
these Aratus took with him at once and sailed to
Peloponnesus; the rest the king divided into instal-
ments, and sent them to him afterwards one by one.

XIV. Now it was a great achievement to procure
so large a sum of money for his fellow-citizens ; other
generals and leaders of the people had taken but
a fraction of this sum from kings in payment for
wronging, enslaving, and betraying to them their
native cities. But it was a far greater achievement
by means of this money to have effected a harmonious
adjustment of the disputes between rich and poor, and
safety and security for the entire people. Moreover,
we must admire the moderation of the man in the
exercise of so great power. For when he was ap-
pointed independent arbiter, with absolute powers for
settling the money affairs of the exiles, he would not
accept the office alone, but associated with himself
fifteen of his fellow-citizens, by whose aid, after
much toil and great trouble, he established peace
and friendship among his fellow-citizens.1_ For these
services not only did the entire body of citizens
bestow fitting public honours upon him, but the
exiles also on their own account erected a bronze

1 Cf. Cicero, De Off. ii. 23, 81ff.

PLUTARCR’S LIVES

30. « / eee / a ’ /

ἰδίαν οἱ φυγάδες εἰκόνα χαλκῆν ἀναστήσαντες
/ a

ἐπέγραψαν τόδε TO ἐλεγεῖον"

βουλαὶ μὲν καὶ ἄεθλα καὶ ἁ περὶ ᾿ Ελλάδος ἀλκά
no > \ 4 if € ,
τοῦδ᾽ ἀνδρὸς στάλαις πλάθεται Ηρακλέους"
» ᾽ Lei hor \ / Γ
ἄμμες δ᾽ εἰκόν᾽, Ἄρατε, τεὰν νόστοιο τυχόντες
>) a
στάσαμεν ἀντ᾽ ἀρετᾶς ἠδὲ δικαιοσύνας
a a lal , a lel
σωτῆρος σωτῆρσι θεοῖς, ὅτι πατρίδι τᾷ OA
/ 4
δαιμόνιον 1 θείαν τ᾽ ὥπασας εὐνομίαν.

XV. Ταῦτα διαπραξάμενος ὁ "Ἄρατος τοῦ μὲν
a Ud 7 > f N \ ΄
πολιτικοῦ φθόνου μείζων ἐγεγόνει διὰ τὰς χάριτας,
>, ,ὕ 9 νῈ \ 3 , > ? 52 A \
Ἀντίγονος δ᾽ ὁ βασιλεὺς ἀνιώμενος ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ καὶ
βουλόμενος ἢ μετάγειν ὅλως τῇ φιλίᾳ πρὸς αὑτὸν
ϑουλόμονος ἢ μετάγειν ὅλως τῇ φιλίᾳ πρὸς
ἢ διαβάλλειν πρὸς τὸν Τ]τολεμαῖον, ἄλλας τε
,

φιλανθρωπίας ἐνεδείκνυτο μὴ πάνυ προσιεμένῳ,

\ ip “-“ ’ / / Ψ᾿ A
καὶ θύων θεοῖς ἐν Κορίνθῳ μερίδας εἰς Σικυῶνα
τῷ ᾿Αράτῳ διέπεμπε. καὶ παρὰ τὸ δεῖπνον, ἑστι-
ὡμένων πολλῶν, εἰς μέσον φθεγξάμενος, “"Ὠιμην,"
> \ . a
ἔφη, “ τὸν Σικυώνιον τοῦτον νεανίσκον ἐλευθέριον
- A ΄ \ la ε \ \
εἶναι TH φύσει μόνον καὶ φιλοπολίτην' ὁ δὲ καὶ
βίων ἔοικε καὶ πραγμάτων βασιλικῶν ἱκανὸς
εἶναι κριτής. πρότερον γὰρ ἡμᾶς ὑπερεώρα ταῖς
ἐλπίσιν ἔξω βλέπων καὶ τὸν Αἰγύπτιον ἐθαύμαζε

“ 2 / A f \ 2 \

πλοῦτον, ἐλέφαντας καὶ στόλους καὶ αὐλὰς
ἀκούων, νυνὶ δὲ ὑπὸ σκηνὴν ἑωρακὼς πάντα τὰ
ἐκεῖ πράγματα τραγῳδίαν ὄντα καὶ σκηνογραφίαν
ὅλος ἡμῖν προσκεχώρηκεν. αὐτός τε οὖν ἀπο-
δέχομαι τὸ μειράκιον ἐγνωκὼς εἰς ἅπαντα χρῆ-

1 δαιμόνιον Sint.” and Ziegler, after Zeitz: δαίμον᾽ ἴσον.

ARATUS xiv. 2-xv. 3

statue of him, and inscribed thereon the following
elegiac verses :—

“The counsels, valorous deeds, and prowess
in behalf of Hellas, which this man has dis-
played, are known as far as the Pillars of
Heracles; but we who achieved our return
through thee, Aratus, for thy virtue and justice,
have erected to the Saviour Gods this statue of
our saviour, because to thy native city thou hast
brought a sacred and heavenly reign of law.”

XV. These successful achievements placed Aratus
beyond the jealousy of his fellow-citizens, owing to
the gratitude which he inspired; but Antigonus, the
king, was annoyed by the policv of Aratus, and
wished either to bring him over into complete friend-
ship with himself or to alienate him from Ptolemy.
He therefore showed him many kindnesses which
were not at all welcome, and especially this, that as
he was sacrificing to the gods at Corinth, he sent
portions of the victims to Aratus at Sicyon. And at
the banquet which followed, where many guests were
present, he said, so that all could hear: “1 thought
this Sicyonian youth was merely free-spirited and a
lover of his fellow-citizens ; but he would seem to be
a capable judge also of the lives and actions of kings.
For formerly he was inclined to overlook us, fixing
his hopes elsewhere, and he admired the wealth of
Egypt, hearing tales of its elephants, and fleets, and
palaces ; but now that he has been behind the scenes
and seen that everything in Egypt is play-acting and
painted scenery, he has come over entirely to us.
Therefore I both welcome the young man myself,
having determined to make every possible use of

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

σθαι, καὶ ὑμᾶς ἀξιῶ φίλον νομίζειν." τούτους τοὺς
λόγους ὑπόθεσιν λαβόντες οἱ φθονεροὶ καὶ κακο-
ἤθεις διημιλλῶντο ταῖς ἐπιστολαῖς ἀλλήλοις,
πολλὰ καὶ δυσχερῆ κατὰ τοῦ ᾿Αράτου τῷ [Πτολε-
μαίῳ γράφοντες, ὥστε κἀκεῖνον ἐγκαλοῦντα πέμ-
ψαι. ταῖς μὲν οὖν περιμαχήτοις καὶ διαπύροις
τοξευομέναις ἔρωσι φιλίαις βασιλέων καὶ τυράν-
νων τοσοῦτον προσῆν φθόνου καὶ κακοηθείας.
XVI. Ὃ δὲ Ἄρατος αἱρεθεὶς στρατηγὸς τὸ πρῶ-
τον ὑπὸ τῶν ᾿Αχαιῶν τὴν μὲν ἀντιπέρας Λοκρίδα
καὶ Καλυδωνίαν ἐπόρθησε, Βοιωτοῖς δὲ μετὰ μυ-
ρίων στρατιωτῶν βοηθῶν ὑστέρησε τῆς μάχης,
ἣν ὑπὸ Αἰτωλῶν περὶ Χαιρώνειαν ἡττήθησαν, 1034
᾿Αβοιωκρίτου τε τοῦ βοιωτάρχου καὶ χιλίων σὺν
2 αὐτῷ πεσόντων. ἐνιαυτῷ δὲ ὕστερον αὖθις στρα-
τηγῶν ἐνίστατο τὴν περὶ τὸν ᾿Ακροκόρινθον πρᾶ-
ἕξιν, οὐ Σικυωνίων οὐδ᾽ ᾿Αχαιῶν κηδόμενος, ἀλλὰ
κοινήν τινα τῆς “Ελλάδος ὅλης τυραννίδα, τὴν
Μακεδόνων φρουράν, ἐκεῖθεν ἐξελάσαι διανοού-
8 μενος. Χάρης μὲν γὰρ ὁ ᾿Αθηναῖος ἔν τινε μάχῃ
πρὸς τοὺς βασιλέως στρατηγοὺς εὐτυχήσας
ἔγραψε τῷ δήμῳ τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων ὡς νενικήκοι τῆς
ἐν Μαραθῶνι μάχης ἀδελφήν: ταύτην δὲ τὴν
πρᾶξιν οὐκ ἂν ἁμάρτοι τις ἀδελφὴν προσειπὼν
τῆς Ἰ]ελοπίδου τοῦ Θηβαίου καὶ Θρασυβούλον
τοῦ ᾿Αθηναίου τυραννοκτονίας, πλὴν ὅτε τῷ μὴ
πρὸς “ἔλληνας, ἀλλὰ ἐπακτὸν ἀρχὴν γεγονέναι
4 καὶ ἀλλόφυλον αὕτη διήνεγκεν. ὁ μὲν γὰρ Ἴσθ-
34

ARATUS xv. 3-xvI. 4

him, and I ask you to consider him a friend.” These
words were seized upon by the envious and male-
volent, who vied with one another in writing to
Ptolemy many grievous charges against Aratus, so
that the king sent an envoy and upbraided him.
So great malice and envy attend upon the friend-
ships of kings and tyrants, for which men strive and
at which they aim with ardent passion.

XVI. Aratus now, having been chosen general of
the Achaean League for the first time, ravaged the
opposite territories of Locris and Calydonia, and
went to the assistance of the Boeotians with an army
of ten thousand men. He came too late, however,
for the battle at Chaeroneia, in which the Boeotians
were defeated by the Aetolians, with the loss of
Aboeocritus, their Boeotarch, and a thousand men.
A year later,! being general again, he set on foot the
enterprise for the recovery of Acrocorinthus,? not in
the interests of Sicyonians or Achaeans merely, but
purposing to drive from that stronghold what held
all Hellas in a common subjection,—the Macedonian
garrison. Chares the Athenian, having been suc-
cessful in a battle with the king’s generals, wrote to
the people of Athens that he had won a battle which
was “sister to that at Marathon’’; and this enter-
prise of Aratus may be rightly called a sister of
those of Pelopidas the Theban and Thrasybulus the
Athenian, in which they slew tyrants, except that it
surpassed them in being undertaken, not against
Greeks, but against a foreign and alien power. For

1 In 243 B.c., two years later. ‘The office of general in the
League could not be held by the same person in successive
years. Cf. chap. xxiv. 4.

3 The citadel of Corinth,

PLUTARCH’S. LIVES

μός, ἐμφρασσων τὰς θαλάσσας, εἰς ταὐτὸ συνάγει
τὼ τοπω! καὶ συνάπτει τὴν ἤπειρον ἡμῶν, ὁ δὲ
᾿Ακροκόρινθος, ὑψηλὸν ὄρος, ἐκ μέσης ἀνα-
πεφυκὼς τῆς ᾿Ελλάδος, ὅταν λάβῃ φρουράν, ἐυί-
σταται καὶ ἀποκόύόπτει τὴν ἐντὸς ᾿Ισθμοῦ πᾶσαν
ἐπιμιξιῶν τε καὶ παρόδων καὶ στρατειῶν ἐργασίας
τε κατὰ γῆν καὶ κατὰ θάλατταν, καὶ ἕνα κύριον
ποιεῖ τὸν ἄρχοντα καὶ κατέχοντα φρουρᾷ τὸ
χωρίον, ὥστε μὴ παίζοντα δοκεῖν τὸν νεώτερον
Φίλεππον, ἀλλ᾽ Ear ἑκάστοτε πέδας τῆς ᾿ Ελ-
λάδος τὴν Κορινθίων πόλιν προσαγορεύειν.
XVII. Πᾶσι μὲν οὖν περιμάχητος ἣν ὁ τόπος
ἀεὶ καὶ βασιλεῦσι καὶ δυνάσταις, ἡ δὲ ᾿Αντεγόνου
σπουδὴ περὶ αὐτὸν οὐδὲν ἀπέλιπε πάθει τῶν ἐμ-
μανεστάτων ἐρώτων, ἀλλ᾽ ὅλος ἀνήρτητο ταῖς
φροντίσιν ὃ ὅπως ἀφαιρήσεται δόλῳ τοὺς ἔχοντας,
ἐπεὶ φανερῶς ἀνέλπιστος 7 ἦν ἡ ἐπιχείρησις. ᾿Αλεξ-
avépov γάρ, ὑφ᾽ ὃν τὸ χωρίον ἦν, ἀποθανόντος
(ὡς λέγεται) φαρμάκοις ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ, Νικαίας δὲ
τῆς ἐκείνου γυναικὸς ἐπὶ τῶν πραγμάτων
γενομένης καὶ φυλαττούσης τὸν ᾿Ακροκόρινθον,
εὐθὺς ὑποπέμπων Δημήτριον τὸν υἱὸν αὐτῇ, καὶ
γλυκείας ἐλπίδας ἐνδιδοὺς γάμων βασιλικῶν καὶ
συμβιώσεως πρὸς οὐκ ἀηδὲς ἐντυχεῖν γυναικὶ
πρεσβυτέρᾳ μειράκιον, αὐτὴν μὲν ἡρήκει, τῷ παιδὶ
χρησάμενος ὥσπερ ἄχλῳ τινὶ τῶν δελεασμάτων
ἐπ᾽ αὐτῇ, τὸν δὲ τόπον οὐ προϊεμένης, ἀλλ᾽ ἐγκρα-
τῶς φυλαττούσης, ἀμελεῖν προσποιούμενος ἔθυε
γάμους αὐτῶν ἐν Κορίνθῳ, καὶ θέας ἐπετέλει καὶ

1 τὼ τόπω Capps: τῷ τόπῳ.

ARATUS xvi. 4-xvir. 3

the Isthmus of Corinth, forming a barrier between
the seas, brings together the two regions, and thus
unites our continent; and when Acrocorinthus,
which is a lofty hill springing up at this centre of
Greece, is held by a garrison, it hinders and cuts off
all the country south of the Isthmus from inter-
course, transits, and the carrying on of military
expeditions by land and sea, and makes him who
controls the place with a garrison sole lord of Greece.
Therefore it is thought that the younger Philip of
Macedon! uttered no jest, but the truth, whenever
he called the city of Corinth “ the fetters of Greece.”

XVII. Accordingly, the place was always an object
of great contention among kings and dynasts, but the
eagerness of Antigonus to secure it fell nothing short
of the most frenzied passion, and he was wholly
absorbed in schemes to take it by stratagem from
its possessors, since an open attempt upon it was
hopeless. For when Alexander,? in whose hands
the place was, had died of poison given him (it is
said) in obedience to Antigonus, and his wife Nicaea
had succeeded to his power and was guarding the
citadel, Antigonus at once sent his son Demetrius to
her in furtherance of his schemes, and by inspiring
her with pleasant hopes of a royal marriage and of
wedded life with a young man who would be no
disagreeable company for an elderly woman, he
captured her, using his son for all the world like a
bait for her. The citadel, however, she did not give
up, but kept it under strong guard. Pretending,
therefore, indifference to this, Antigonus celebrated
the nuptials of the pair in Corinth, exhibiting

' Philip V., 237-179 B.c.
2 The tyrant of Corinth.

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

πότους συνῆγε καθ᾽ ἡμέραν, ὡς ἄν τις μάλιστα
παίζειν καὶ σχολάζειν τὴν διάνοιαν ὑφ᾽ ἡδονῆς
καὶ φιλοφροσύνης ἀφεικώς. ἐπεὶ δὲ καιρὸς ἣν,
ἄδοντος ᾿Αμοιβέως ἐ ἐν τῷ θεάτρῳ, παρέπεμπε τὴν
Νίκαιαν αὐτὸς ἐπὶ τὴν ᾿θέαν ἐν φορείῳ κεκοσμη-
μένῳ βασιλικῶς, ἀγαλλομένην τε τῇ τιμῇ καὶ
πορρωτάτω τοῦ μέλλοντος, οὖσαν. γενόμενος δὲ
τῆς ὁδοῦ κατὰ τὴν ἐκτροπὴν τὴν ἄνω “φέρουσαν,
ἐκείνην μὲν ἐκέλευσε προάγειν εἰς τὸ θέατ τρον,
αὐτὸς δὲ χαίρειν. μὲν ᾿Αμοιϑέα, χαίρειν δὲ τοὺς
γάμους ἐάσας ἀνῇει πρὸς τὸν ᾿Ακροκόρινθον ἁμιλ-
λώμενος Tap ἡλικίαν" καὶ κεκλεισμένην τὴν πύ-
λην εὑρών, ἔκοπτε τῇ βακτηρίᾳ κελεύων ἀνοίγειν.
οἱ δ᾽ ἔνδον ἀνέῳξ “αν καταπλαγέντες. οὕτω δὲ τοῦ
τόπου κρατήσας, οὐ κατέσχεν αὑτόν, ἀλλ᾽ ἔπινε
παίξων ὑπὸ χαρᾶς ἐν τοῖς στενωποῖς, καὶ δι᾽
ἀγορᾶς αὐλητρίδας ἔχων καὶ στεφάνους περικεί-
μενος, ἀνὴρ γέρων καὶ τηλικαύταις πραγμάτων
μεταβολαῖς κεχρημένος, ἐκώμαζε δεξιούμενος καὶ
προσαγορεύων τοὺς ἀπαντῶντας. οὕτως apa καὶ
λύπης καὶ φόβου μᾶλλον ἐξίστησι καὶ σάλον
παρέχει τῇ ψυχῇ τὸ χαίρειν ἄνευ λογισμοῦ
παραγινόμενον.

XVIII. ᾿Αλλὰ γὰρ ᾿Αντίγονος μέν, ὥσπερ εἴρη-
ται, κτησάμενος τὸν ᾿Ακροκόρινθον ἐφύλαττε,
μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων οἷς ἐπίστευε μάλιστα καὶ ἸΠερ-
σαῖον ἐπιστήσας ἄρχοντα τὸν φιλόσοφον. ὁ δὲ
"Ἄρατος ἔτι μὲν καὶ ᾿Αλεξάνδρου ξῶντος ἐπεχεί-
Ὁ" τῇ πράξει, γενομένης δὲ συμμαχίας τοῖς
3 ᾿Αχαιοῖς πρὸς τὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον ἐπαύσατο. τότε

1035

ARATUS xvir. 3-xvitr. 2

spectacles and giving banquets every day, as one
whom pleasure and kindliness led to think chiefly
of mirth and ease. But when the crucial moment
came, and as Amoebeus was about to sing in the
theatre, he escorted Nicaea in person to the spectacle.
She was borne in a litter which had royal trappings,
plumed herself on her new honour, and had not the
remotest suspicion of what was to happen. Then,
arrived at the diverging street that led up to the
citadel, Antigonus gave orders that Nicaea should
be borne on into the theatre, while he himself,
bidding adieu to Amoebeus, and adieu to the
nuptials, went up to Acrocorinthus with a speed
that belied his years; and, finding the gate locked,
he beat upon it with his staff and ordered it to
be opened. And the guards within, stupefied,
opened it. Thus master of the place, he could not
contain himself for joy, but drank and disported
himself in the streets, and with music-girls in his
train and garlands on his head, old man that he
was and acquainted with so great vicissitudes
of fortune, revelled through the market-place,
greeting and clasping hands with all who met him.
Thus we see that neither grief nor fear transports
and agitates the soul as much as joy that comes
unexpectedly.

XVIII. Antigonus, then, having got Acrocorinthus
into his power, as I have said, kept it under guard,
putting men there whom he most trusted, and
making Persaeus the philosopher their commander.
Now Aratus, even while Alexander was still living,
had set his hand to the enterprise, but an alliance
was made between the Achaeans and Alexander, and
he therefore desisted. At the time of which I speak,

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

δὲ αὖθις ἐξ ὑπαρχῆς ἑτέραν ἔλαβε τῆς πράξεως
ὑπόθεσιν τοιαύτην.

Ἦσαν ἐν Κορίνθῳ τέσσαρες ἀδελφοὶ Σύροι τὸ
γένος, ὧν εἷς ὄνομα Διοκλῆς ἐν τῷ φρουρίῳ μισθο-
φορῶν διέτριβεν. οἱ δὲ τρεῖς κλέψαντες βασι-
λικὸν χρυσίον ἦλθον εἰς Σικυῶνα “πρὸς Αἰγίαν
τινὰ τραπεξίτην, ᾧ διὰ τὴν ἐργασίαν ὁ "Apatos
ἐχρῆτο. καὶ μέρος μὲν εὐθὺς διέθεντο τοῦ χρυσίου,
τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν εἷς αὐτῶν ᾿Βργῖνος ἐπιφοιτῶν ἡσυχῇ
κατήλλαττεν. ἐκ δὲ τούτου γενόμενος τῷ Αἰγίᾳ
συνήθης, καὶ προαχθεὶς εἰς λόγον ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ περὶ
τῆς φρουρᾶς, ἔφη πρὸς τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἀναβαίνων
πρὸς τὸ κρημνῶδες ἐντομὴν καθεωρακέναι πλα-
γίαν, ἄγουσαν 7) XPaparwratov ἐπῳκοδόμηται
τῷ φρουρίῳ τὸ τεῖχος. προσπαίξαντος δὲ αὐτῷ
τοῦ Αἰγίου καὶ εἰπόντος" “Εἶτα, ὦ βέλτιστε, διὰ
μικρὸν οὕτω χρυσίον ἀνασπᾶτε τὰς βασιλικὰς
πράξεις, δυνάμενοι μίαν ὥραν. πολλῶν ἀποδόσθαι
χρημάτων ; ἢ γὰρ οὐχὶ καὶ τοιχωρύχοις καὶ
προδόταις ἁλοῦσιν ἅπαξ ἀποθανεῖν ὑπάρχει ;
γελάσας ὁ Lp γῖνος τότε μὲν ὡμολόγησεν ἀποπει-
ρᾶσθαι τοῦ Διοκλέους (τοῖς γὰρ ἄλλοις ἀδελφοῖς
μὴ πάνυ τι πιστεύειν), ὀλίγαις δὲ ὕ ὕστερον ἡμέραις
ἐπανελθὼν συντίθεται τὸν ᾿Άρατον ἄξειν πρὸς τὸ
τεῖχος, ὅπου τὸ ὕψος οὐ μεῖζον ἣν πεντεκαίδεκα
ποδῶν, καὶ τἄλλα συμπ πράξειν μετὰ τοῦ Διοκλέους.

XIX. Ὃ δὲ "Apatos ἐκείνοις μὲν ἑξήκοντα
τάλαντα δώσειν κατορθώσας ὡμολόγησεν, ἢν δὲ
ἀποτύχῃ, σωθῇ δὲ μετ᾽ ἐκείνων, οἰκίαν ἑκατέρῳ
καὶ τάλαντον. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἔδει παρὰ τῷ Αἰγίᾳ τὰ
ἑξήκοντα τάλαντα κεῖσθαι τοῖς περὶ Tov ᾿ΙΪξργῖνον,

ARATUS xvi. 2-x1x. 1

however, a new and fresh basis for the enterprise
was found by him in the following circumstances.
There were in Corinth four brothers, Syrians by
race, one of whom, Diocles by name, was serving as
a mercenary soldier in the citadel. The other three,
after stealing some gold plate of the king’s, came to
Aegias, a banker in Sicyon with whom Aratus did
business. A portion of the gold they disposed of to
him at once, but the remainder was being quietly
exchanged by one of them, Erginus, in frequent
visits. Erginus thus became well acquainted with
Aegias, and having been led by him into conversa-
tion about the garrison in the citadel, said that as he
was going up to see his brother he had noticed in
the face of the cliff a slanting fissure leading to
where the wall of the citadel was at its lowest.
Thereupon Aegias fell to jesting with him, and said:
“ Do you, then, best of men, thus for the sake of a
little gold plate rifle the king’s treasures, when it is
in your power to sell a single hour’s work for large
sums of money? Don’t you know that burglars as
well as traitors, if they are caught, have only one death
to die?’ Erginus burst out laughing, and as a first
step agreed to make trial of Diocles (saying that he
had no confidence at all in his other brothers), and a
few days afterwards came back and bargained to
conduct Aratus to the wall at a spot where it was
not more than fifteen feet in height, and to aid in
the rest of the enterprise together with Diocles.
XIX. Aratus on his part agreed to give the men
sixty talents if he was successful, and in case he
failed, and he as well as they got off safely, to give
each of them a house and a talent. Then, since the
sixty talents had to be deposited with Aegias for

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ὁ δὲ Ἄρατος οὔτε αὐτὸς εἶ ἶχεν ΠῚ TE on
δανειζόμενος ai ἴσθησιν ἑ ἑτέρῳ τῆς πράξεως παρα-
σχεῖν, λαβὼν τῶν ἐκπωμάτων τὰ πολλὰ καὶ τὰ
χρυσία τῆς γυναικὸς ὑπ τέθηκε τῷ Aiyia πρὸς τὸ
ἀργύριον. οὕτω γὰρ ἐπῆρτο τῇ ψυχῇ καὶ τοσοῦ-
τον ἔρωτα τῶν καλῶν πράξεων εἶχεν, ὥστε τὸν
Φωκίωνα καὶ τὸν ᾿Επαμεινώνδαν ἐπιστάμενος
“Ελλήνων δικαιοτάτους καὶ κρατίστους γεγονέναι
δοκοῦντας ἐπὶ τῷ διώσασθαι δωρεὰς μεγάλας καὶ
μὴ προέσθαι χρημάτων τὸ καλόν, αὐτὸς εἰς ταῦτα
δαπανᾶσθαι κρύφα καὶ προεισφέρειν, ἐν οἷς ἐκιν-
δύνευε μόνος ὑπὲρ πάντων οὐδὲ εἰδότων τὰ πρατ-
τόμενα, ἡρεῖτο. τίς γὰρ οὐκ ἂν θαυμάσειε καὶ
συν ᾿αγωνίσαιτο ἔτι νῦν τῇ μεγαλοψυχίᾳ τοῦ ἀν-
6pos, ὠνουμένου χρημάτ των τοσούτων κίνδυνον
τηλικοῦτον, καὶ τὰ τιμιώτατα δοκοῦντα τῶν κτη-
μάτων ὑποτιθέντος. ὅπως παρεισαχθεὶς νυκτὸς
εἰς τοὺς πολεμίους διαγωνίσητα τὶ περὶ τῆς ψυχῆς,
ἐνέχυρον λαβὼν τὴν ἐλπίδα τοῦ καλοῦ Tap αὐτῶν,
ἄλλο δὲ οὐδέν ;

XX. Οὖσαν δὲ καθ᾽ αὑτὴν ἐπισφαλῆ τὴν πρᾶ-
ξιν ἐπι: σφαλεστέραν ἐποίησεν ἁμαρτία. τις εὐθὺς
ἐν ἀρχῇ συμβᾶσα δι᾿ ἄγνοιαν. ὁ γὰρ οἰκέ τῆς τοῦ
᾿Αράτου Téyver ἐπέμφθη. μὲν ὡς μετὰ τοῦ Διο-
κλέους κατασκεψόμενος τὸ τεῖχος, οὔπ oo ἣν τῷ
Διοκλεῖ πρότερον ἐντετυγηκὼς κατ᾽ ὄψιν, ἀλλὰ
τὴν μορφὴν αὐτοῦ καὶ τὸ εἶδος δοκῶν κατέχειν ἐξ
ὧν ὁ ᾿ργῖνος ἐ ἐπεσήμηνεν οὐλοκόμην καὶ μελάγ-
χρουν καὶ ἀγένειον. ἐλθὼν οὖν" ὅπου συνετέ-

1 ἀγένειον. ἐλθὼν οὖν Coraés and Ziegler, with the MSS.:
ἀγένειον, ἐλθών.

ARATUS xix. 1-xx. 2

Erginus, and Aratus neither had them himself nor
was willing by borrowing them to give anyone
else a suspicion of his undertaking, he took most
of his plate and his wife’s golden ornaments and
deposited them with Aegias as security for the
money. For he was so exalted in spirit and had
so great a passion for noble deeds that, knowing as
he did that Phocion and Epaminondas were reputed
to have been the justest and best of Greeks because
they spurned great gifts and would not betray their
honour for money, he elected to expend his own
substance secretly, as an advance, on an enterprise in
which he alone was risking his life for the whole
body of citizens, who did not even know what was
goingon. For who will not admire the magnanimity
of the man, and yearn even now to lend a helping
hand, who purchased at so high a price so great a
danger, and pledged what he thought the most
precious of his possessions in order that he might
be introduced by night among his enemies and
contend for his life, receiving as his security from
his countrymen the hope of a noble action, and
nothing else?

XX. Now the enterprise was dangerous in itself,
but was made more dangerous still by a mistake
which occurred at the very beginning through
ignorance. For Technon, the servant of Aratus,
had been sent to inspect the wall with Diocles,
and had not yet met Diocles face to face, but
thought he would know how he looked because
Erginus had described him as curly-haired, of a
swarthy complexion, and without a beard. Having
come, therefore, to the place appointed, he was

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

TAKTO, τὸν ‘Epyivov ὡς ἀφιξόμενον μετὰ τοῦ
Διοκλέους a ἀνέμενε πρὸ τῆς πόλεως 1 πρὸ τοῦ καλου-
μένου "Ορνιθος. ἐν δὲ τούτῳ πρῶτος ἀδελφὸς
» 7] Ν f v / >
Epytvov καὶ Διοκλέους ὄνομα Διονύσιος ov συν-
εἰδὼς τὴν πρᾶξιν οὐδὲ κοινωνῶν, ὅμοιος δὲ τῷ
Διοκλεῖ, προσῇει κατὰ τύχην. ὁ δὲ Téyvev πρὸς
τὰ σημεῖα τῆς μορφῆς τῇ ὁμοιότητι κινηθεὶς
ἠρώτησε τὸν ἄνθρωπον εἴ TL συμβόλαιον αὐτῷ
7 \ > \ τ"
πρὸς ᾿Βργῖνον εἴη. φήσαντος δὲ ἀδελφὸν εἶναι.
παντάπασιν ὁ Τέχνων ἐπείσθη τῷ Διοκλεῖ διαλέ-
γεσθαι" καὶ μήτε τοὔνομα πυθόμενος μήτ᾽ ἄλλο
μηδὲν προσμείνας τεκμήριον ἐμβάλλει τε τὴν
δεξιὰν αὐτῷ καὶ περὶ τῶν συγκειμένων πρὸς τὸν
"Epyivov ἐλάλει κἀκεῖνον ἀνέκρινεν. ὁ δὲ δεξά-
μενος αὐτοῦ τὴν ἁμαρτίαν πανούργως ὡμολόγει
, / a
TE πάντα καὶ πρὸς τὴν πόλιν ἀναστρέψας ὑπῆγεν
“ ’
ἀνυπόπτως διαλεγόμενος. ἤδη δὲ πλησίον ὄντος
la) f td
αὐτοῦ καὶ μέλλοντος ὅσον οὔπω Tov Téxvava
Ὁ ΄, 3} RDS , = / 9 a
διαλαμβάνειν, ἀπὸ τύχης av πάλιν ὁ ‘Epyivos
αὐτοῖς ἀπήντησεν. αἰσθόμενος δὲ τὴν ἀπάτην καὶ
’ Ὰ , ’ r ,
TOV κίνδυνον διὰ νεύματος ἐδήλωσε τῷ ἸΤέχνωνι
φεύγειν" καὶ ἀποπηδήσαντες ἀμφότεροι, δρόμῳ
πρὸς τὸν “Ἄρατον ἀπεσώθησαν. οὐ μὴν ἀπέκαμε
ταῖς ἐλπίσιν ἐκεῖνος, ἀλλ᾽ ἔπεμψεν. εὐθὺς τὸν
Ἔργῖνον χρυσίον τε τῷ Διονυσίῳ κομίζοντα καὶ
δεησόμενον αὐτοῦ σιωπᾶν. ὁ δὲ καὶ τοῦτο ἐποίησε
καὶ τὸν Διονύσιον ἄγων μεθ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ πρὸς τὸν
v 8 > ΄ ὍΝ > N » f an
Ἄρατον ἦλθεν. ἐλθόντα δὲ αὐτὸν οὐκέτι διῆκαν,
’ \ , ’ ΄ 5 ’ ,
ἀλλὰ δήσαντες ἐφύλαττον ἐν οἰκίσκῳ κατακε-
κλεισμένον: αὐτοὶ δὲ παρεσκευάζοντο πρὸς τὴν
ἐπίθεσιν.
Χ ΧΙ. ᾿Ιὐπεὶ δὲ ἣν ἕτοιμα πάντα, τὴν μὲν ἄλλην
44

——E

1036

ARATUS xx. 2—-xx1. 1

waiting tor Erginus to come there with Diocles,
just outside the city, near what was called the
Ornis. As he was waiting, however, the oldest
brother of Erginus and Diocles, named Dionysius,
who was not privy to the enterprise and took no
part in it, but resembled Diocles, chanced to come
up. So Technon, moved by the similarity in the
marks of his outward appearance, asked him if he
was connected at all with Erginus; and on his saying
that he was a brother, Technon was altogether
convinced that he was talking with Diocles, and
without inquiring his name, or waiting for any other
proof whatever, gave him his hand and began
chatting with him and asking him questions about
what had been agreed upon with Erginus.
Dionysius took cunning advantage of his mistake,
assented to all that he said, and turning his back
towards the city led him along in unsuspicious
conversation. But just as he was near the city,
and was at the very point of seizing Technon, by
a second chance Erginus met them. Erginus
comprehended the trick and the danger, motioned
Technon to fly, and both of them ran off and got
safely to Aratus. Aratus, however, would not give
up hope, but at once sent Erginus to bribe Diony- .
sius and beg him to bold his tongue. Erginus not
only did this, but actually brought Dionysius with
him to Aratus. And now that Dionysius was there
they would not let him go, but bound him and kept
him indoors under lock and key, while they
themselves prepared for their attack.

XXI. When all things were ready, Aratus ordered

PLUTARCH’S: LIVES

δύναμιν ἐκέλευσεν ἐπὶ τῶν ὅπλων νυκτερεύειν,
ἀναλαβὼν δὲ λογάδας τετρακοσίους οὐδ᾽ αὐτοὺς
εἰδότας τὰ πραττόμενα, πλὴν ὀλίγων, ἦγε πρὸς
τὰς πύλας παρὰ τὸ Hpatov. ἣν δὲ τοῦ ἔτους ἡ
περὶ θέρος ἀκμάζον ὥρα, τοῦ δὲ μηνὸς πανσέ-
ληνος, ἡ δὲ νὺξ ἀνέφελος καὶ καταφανής, ὥστε
καὶ φόβον τὰ ὅπλα παρέχειν ἀντελάμποντα πρὸς
τὴν σελήνην, μὴ τοὺς φύλακας οὐ λάθωσιν. ἤδη
δὲ τῶν πρώτων ἐγγὺς ὄντων ἀπὸ θαλάσσης ἀν-
édpape νέφη καὶ κατέσχε τήν τε πόλιν αὐτὴν καὶ
τὸν ἔξω τόπον ἐπίσκιον γενόμενον. ἐνταῦθα δὲ
οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι συγκαθίσαντες ὑπελύοντο τὰς κρη-
πίδας: οὔτε γὰρ ψόφον ποιοῦσι πολὺν οὔτ᾽
ὀλισθήματα λαμβάνουσι γυμνοῖς τοῖς ποσὶν ἀντι-
λαμβανόμενοι τῶν κλιμάκων" ὁ δὲ ᾿Εργῖνος ἑπτὰ
λαβὼν νεανίσκους ἐσταλμένους ὁδοιπορικῶς ἔλαθε
τῇ πύλη προσμίξας. καὶ τὸν TUAWPOV ἀποκτιν-

\ “ Ν “
νύουσι καὶ τοὺς μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ φύλακας. ἅμα δὲ αἱ

τε κλίμακες προσετίθεντο καὶ κατὰ σπουδὴν ὁ
"Aparos ὑπερβιβάσας ἑκατὸν ἄνδρας, τοὺς δ᾽
ἄλλους ἕπεσθαι κελεύσας ὡς ἂν δύνωνται τάχιστα,
τὰς κλίμακας ἀναρπάσας ἐχώρει διὸ τῆς πόλεως
μετὰ τῶν ἑκατὸν ἐπὶ τὴν ἄκραν, ἤδη περιχαρὴς
διὰ τὸ λανθάνειν ὡς κατορθῶν.

Kai πως ἔτι πρόσωθεν αὐτοῖς ἀπήντα σὺν φωτὶ
φυλακὴ τεσσάρων ἀνδρῶν οὐ καθορωμένοις" ἔτι
γὰρ ἦσαν ἐν τῷ σκιαξομένῳ τῆς σελήνης" ἐκείνους
δὲ προσιόντας ἐξ ἐναντίας καθορῶσι. μικρὸν οὗν
ὑποστείλας τειχίοις τισὶ καὶ οἰκοπέδοις, ἐνέδραν
ἐπὶ τοὺς ἄνδρας καθίζει. καὶ τρεῖς μὲν αὐτῶν
ἐμπεσόντες ἀποθνήσκουσιν, ὁ δὲ τέταρτος πλη-
γεὶς ξίφει τὴν κεφαλὴν ἔφυγε, βοῶν ἔνδον εἶναι
46

ARATUS xxi. 1-4

the rest of his forces to pass the night under arms,
and taking with him four hundred picked men, few
of whom knew what was on foot themselves, led
them towards the gate of Corinth near by the
temple of Hera. It was midsummer, the moon was
at its full, and the night was cloudless and clear, so
that they feared lest the gleam of their arms in the
moonlight should disclose them to the sentinels.
But just as the foremost of them were near the
wall, clouds ran up from the sea and enveloped
the city itself and the region outside, which thus
became dark. Then the rest of them sat down and
took off their shoes, since men make little noise and
do not slip if they are barefooted when they climb
ladders; but Erginus, taking with him seven young
men equipped as travellers, got unnoticed to the gate.
Here they slew the gate-keeper and the sentries
who were with him. At the same time the ladders
were clapped to the wall, and after getting a
hundred men over in all haste, Aratus ordered the
rest to follow as fast as they could; then he pulled
his ladders up after him and marched through the
city with his hundred men against the citadel, being
already full of joy at his escape from detection and
confident of success.

A little farther on they encountered a watch of
four men with a light; they were not seen by them,
being still in the shade of the moon, but saw them
coming up in the opposite direction. So they drew
back a little for shelter beneath some walls and
buildings, and set an ambush for the men. Three
of them they killed in their attack, but the fourth,
with a sword-wound in his head, took to flight, crying

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

τοὺς πολεμίους. καὶ μετὰ μικρὸν αἵτε σάλπιγγες
ἐπεσήμαινον, ἢ τε πόλις ἐξανίστατο πρὸς τὰ
γινόμενα, πλήρεις τε ἦσαν οἵ στενωποὶ διαθεόν-
των, καὶ φῶτα πολλά, τὰ μὲν κάτωθεν ἤδη, τὰ
δὲ ἄνωθεν ἀπὸ τῆς ἄκρας περιέλαμπε, καὶ κραυγὴ
συνερρήγνυτο πανταχόθεν ἄσημος.

XXII. Ἔν τούτῳ δὲ ὁ μὲν ΓΑρατος ἐμφὺς τῇ
πορείᾳ παρὰ τὸ κρημνῶδες ἡμιλλᾶτο, βραδέως
καὶ ταλαιπώρως τὸ “πρῶτον, οὐ κατακρατῶν, ἀλλ᾽
ἀποπλανώμενος τοῦ τρίβου παντάπασιν ἐνδεδυ-
κότος καὶ πεοισκιαζομένου ταῖς τραχύτησι καὶ
διὰ πολλῶν ἑλιγμῶν καὶ παραβολῶν περαίνοντος
πρὸς τὸ τεῖχος. εἶτα θαυμάσιον οἷον ἡ σελήνη
λέγεται διαστέλλουσα τὰ νέφη καὶ ὑπολαμποῦσα,,
τῆς ὁδοῦ τὸ χαλεπώτατον σαφηνίξειν, ἕ ἕως ἥψατο
τοῦ τείχους καθ᾽ ὃν ἔδει τόπον" ἐκεῖ δὲ πάλιν
συνεσκίασε καὶ ἀπέκρυψε νεφῶν συνελθόντων.

Oi δὲ περὶ τὰς πύλας ἔξω περὶ τὸ Ἣραῖον
ἀπολειφθέντες τοῦ ᾿Αράτου στρατιῶται, τρια-
κόσιοι τὸ πλῆθος ὄντες, ὥς ποτε παρεισέπεσον
εἰς τὴν πόλιν θορύβου τε παντοδαποῦ καὶ φώτων
γέμουσαν, οὐ δυνηθέντες ἐξανευρεῖν τὸν αὐτὸν
τρίβον οὐδ᾽ εἰς ἴχνος ἐμβῆναι τῆς ἐκείνων πορείας,
ἔπτηξαν ἀθρόοι πρός τινι παλινσκίῳ λαγόνι τοῦ
κρημνοῦ συστείλαντες ἑαυτούς, καὶ διεκαρτέρουν
ἐνταῦθα περιπαθοῦντες καὶ δυσανασχετοῦντες.
βαλλομένων γὰρ ἀπὸ τῆς ἄκρας ἤδη τῶν περὶ τὸν
᾿Άρατον καὶ μαχομένων, ἀλαλαγμὸς ἐνα γώνιος
ἐχώρει κάτω, καὶ κραυγὴ περιήχει, διὰ τὴν ἀπὸ
τῶν ὀρῶν ἀνάκλασιν συγκεχυμένη καὶ ἄδηλος

1 ὑπολαμποῦσα Coraés and Bekker, adopting an anonymous
conjecture : ὑπολαβοῦσα.

1091

ARATUS χχι. 4-xxIl. 3

out that the enemy were in the city. And pres-
ently the trumpets were sounding, the city was in
an uproar over what was happening, the streets were
full of people running up and down, many lights
were flashing, some in the city below and some in
the citadel above, and a confused shouting broke
forth on all hands.

XXII. Meanwhile Aratus was struggling up the
steep with all his might, slowly and laboriously at
first, unable to keep to the path and wandering from
it, since it was everywhere sunk in the shadows of
the jutting cliffs and had many twists and turns
before it came out at the wall of the citadel. Then,
marvellous to relate, the moon is said to have parted
the clouds and shone out, making the most difficult
part of the road plain, until he got to the wall at the
spot desired ; there the clouds came together again
and everything was hidden in darkness.

But the soldiers of Aratus whom he had left at
the gate outside near the temple of Hera, three
hundred in number, when once they had burst into
the city and found it full of lights and manifold
tumult, were unable to discover the path which
their comrades had taken or follow in their steps.
So they crouched down and huddled themselves
together in a shaded flank of the cliff, and there
remained in great distress and impatience. For
Aratus and his party were now assailed with missiles
from the citadel and were fighting, the shouts of
the combatants came down the slopes, and cries
echoed round about which the reverberations from

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

[τς » \ ᾽ / in a \ ’ a
ὅθεν εἴληφε τὴν ἀρχήν. διαπορούντων δὲ αὐτῶν
2 > Wed \ / l4 ’ / s fal
ἐφ᾽ ὅ τι χρὴ τραπέσθαι μέρος, ᾿Αρχέλαος ὁ τῶν
βασιλικῶν ἡγεμὼν στρατιώτας ἔχων πολλοὺς
n ἈΝ VA /
μετὰ κραυγῆς ἀνέβαινε καὶ σαλπίγγων, ἐπιφερόμε-
νος τοῖς περὶ τὸν ἴΑρατον, καὶ παρήλλαττε τοὺς
τριακοσίους. οἱ δὲ ὥσπερ ἐξ ἐνέδρας ἀναστάντες
ἐμβάλλουσιν αὐτῷ καὶ διαφθείρουσιν οἷς ἐπέθεντο
΄ 2
πρώτοις, τοὺς δὲ ἄλλους καὶ τὸν ᾿Αρχέλαον φο-
βήσαντες ἐτρέψαντο καὶ κατεδίωξαν ἄχρι τοῦ
a \ \ , 7 »,
σκεδασθῆναι περὶ τὴν πόλιν διαλυθέντας. ἄρτι
/ a an
δὲ τούτων νενικηκότων ‘Epyivos ἀπὸ τῶν ἄνω
la Ss ’ / la a
μαχομένων ἦλθεν, ἀγγέλλων συμπεπλέχθαι τοῖς
/ ἂν 7
πολεμίοις τὸν [Ἄρατον ἀμυνομένοις εὐρώστως, καὶ
/ rn \ \ an
μέγαν ἀγῶνα περὶ αὐτὸ TO τεῖχος εἶναι, καὶ τάχους
a a / ¢e \ > \ 3 , e “-
δεῖν τῆς βοηθείας. οἱ δὲ εὐθὺς ἐκέλευον ἡγεῖσθαι"
ye an
Kai προσβαίνοντες ἅμα φωνῇ διεσήμαινον ἑαυτούς,
\ ¢
ἐπιθαρρύνοντες τοὺς φίλους: ἥ τε πανσέληνος
’ , Ne / , a
ἀπέφαινε τὰ ὅπλα πλείονα φαινόμενα τοῖς πολε-
΄ \ \ a A / \ a \
plots διὰ TO μῆκος τῆς πορείας, καὶ TO τῆς νυκτὸς
᾽ a \ Σ \ ’ \ , x
ἠχῶδες TOV ἀλαλαγμὸν ἀπὸ πολλαπλασιόνων ἢ
΄ὔ ’ὔ al ,
τοσούτων ἐποίει δοκεῖν φέρεσθαι. τέλος δὲ συν-
/ an
ερείσαντες ἐξωθοῦσι τοὺς πολεμίους Kal καθ-
/ n >
UTEPTEPOL τῆς ἄκρας ἦσαν Kal TO φρούριον εἶχον,
ἰς / "ὃ ὃ ΄ “ 4 b θ \ 3 /
ἡμέρας ἤδη διαυγούσης, ὃ τε ἥλιος εὐθὺς ἐπέλαμπε
a 7 a = “ \
τῷ ἔργῳ, καὶ παρῆν ἐκ Σικυῶνος ἡ λοιπὴ δύναμις
ἘΠῚ ΄ 7, \ ΄ A ,
τῷ ᾿Αράτῳ, δεχομένων κατὰ πύλας τῶν Κορινθίων
F- \ 5
προθύμως Kal τοὺς βασιλικοὺς συλλαμβανόντων.
XXIII. “Evei δὲ ἀσφαλῶς ἐδόκει πάντα ἔχειν,
/ > \ “ > Ν an BA ;
κατέβαινεν εἰς TO θέατρον ἀπὸ τῆς ἄκρας, πλήθους

ARATUS xxir. 3—xxul. 1

the hills rendered confused and of uncertain origin.
Then, as they were at a loss which way to turn,
Archelaiis, the commander of the king’s forces, having
many soldiers with him, made up the ascent amid
shouts and the blare of trumpets to attack Aratus
and his party, and thus passed by the three hundred.
These, rising up from ambush as it were, fell upon
him, slew the first whom they attacked, put the rest,
together with Archelaiis, to panic flight, and pursued
them until they were scattered and dispersed about
the city. And just as this victory had been won,
Erginus came from the party fighting on the heights,
with tidings that Aratus was engaged with the
enemy, that these were defending themselves vigor-
ously, that a great struggle was going on at the very
wall, and there was need of speedy help. The three
hundred at once ordered him to lead the way; and
as they took to the ascent their cries signalled their
coming and encouraged their friends; the light of
the full moon also made their arms appear more
numerous to the enemy than they really were, owing
to the length of their line of march, and the echoes
of the night gave the impression that the shouts
proceeded from many times the number of men
there really were. At last, with a united onset,
they repulsed the enemy, mastered the citadel,
and held its garrison in their power. Day was
now breaking, the sun at once shone out upon
their success, and the rest of the forces of Aratus
came up from Sicyon, the Corinthians readily re-
ceiving them by the gates and helping them to
seize the king’s soldiers.

XXIII. When everything appeared to be safe
Aratus came down from the citadel into the theatre

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἀπείρου συρρέοντος ἐπιθυμίᾳ τῆς τε ὄψεως αὐτοῦ
καὶ τῶν λόγων οἷς ἔμελλε χρῆσθαι πρὸς τοὺς Ko-
ρινθίους. ἐπιστήσας δὲ ταῖς παρόδοις ἑκατέρωθεν
τοὺς ᾿Αχαιούς, αὐτὸς ἀπὸ τῆς σκηνῆς εἰς μέσον
προῆλθε, τεθωρακισμένος καὶ τῷ προσώπῳ διὰ
τὸν κόπον καὶ τὴν ἀγρυπνίαν ἠλλοιωμένος, ὥστε
τῆς “Ψυχῆς τὸ γαυρούμενον καὶ χαῖρον ὑπὸ τῆς
περὶ τὸ σῶμα βαρύτητος κατακρατεῖσθαι. τῶν
δὲ ἀνθρώπων ἅμα τῷ προσελθεῖν αὐτὸν ἐκχυθέν-
των ταῖς φιλοφροσύναις, μεταλαβὼν εἰς τὴν
δεξιὰν τὸ δόρυ, καὶ τὸ γόνυ καὶ τὸ σῶμα τῇ ῥοπῇ
μικρὸν ἐγκλίνας καὶ ἀπερεισάμενος, εἱστήκει πο-
λὺν χρόνον σιωπῇ δεχόμενος αὐτῶν τοὺς κρότους
καὶ τὰς ἐπιβοήσεις, ἐπαινούντων μὲν τὴν ἀρετήν,
ζηλούντων δὲ τὴν τύχην. ὡς δὲ ἐπαύσαντο καὶ
κατέστησαν, συναγαγὼν ἑαυτὸν διεξῆλθε λόγον
ὑπὲρ τῶν ᾿Αχαιῶν τῇ πράξει πρέποντα, καὶ συν-
έπεισε τοὺς ἹΚορινθίους ᾿Αχαιοὺς γενέσθαι, καὶ
τῶν πυλῶν τὰς κλεῖς ἀπέδωκε τότε πρῶτον ἀπὸ
τῶν Φιλιππικῶν καιρῶν ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνοις γενομένας.
τῶν δὲ ᾿Αντεγόνου στρατηγῶν ᾿Αρχέλαον μὲν
ἀφῆκεν. ὑποχείριον γενόμενον, Θεόφραστον δὲ ἀν-
εῖλεν οὐ βουλόμενον ἀπαλλάττεσθαι ἸΠ]ερσαῖος δὲ
τῆς ἄκρας ἁλισκομένης εἰς Κεγχρεὰς διεξέπεσεν.
ὕστερον δὲ “λέγεται σχολάξων πρὸς τὸν εἰπόντα
μόνον αὐτῷ δοκεῖν στρατηγὸν εἶναι τὸν σοφόν,
“᾿Αλλὰ νὴ θεούς," φάναι, “ τοῦτο μάλιστα κἀμοί
σγοτε τῶν Ζήνωνος ἤρεσκε δογμάτων" νῦν δὲ μετα-
βάλλομαι νουθετηθεὶς ὑπὸ τοῦ Σικνωνίου νεανίου."
ταῦτα μὲν περὶ Ἰ]ερσαίου πλείονες ἱστοροῦσιν.

ARATUS xxi. 1-5

whither an immense multitude streamed with an
eager desire to see him and hear what he would say
to the Corinthians. After stationing his Achaeans
at both the side-entrances, he himself advanced from
the back-scene into the orchestra, with his breastplate
still on and his countenance altered by toil and loss
of sleep, so that the exultation and joy of his spirit
were overpowered by the weariness of his body.
Since the multitude, when he came forward to
address them, were profuse in their friendly ex-
pressions, taking his spear in his right hand and
slightly inclining his knee and his body, he sup-
ported himself upon it and stood thus for a
long time silently receiving their applause and ac-
clamations, their praises of his valour and_ their
congratulations on his success. But when they had
ceased and quiet had ensued, he summoned his
strength and in behalf of the Achaeans made a
speech which befitted their exploit, and persuaded
the Corinthians to join the Achaean League. He
also gave them back the keys to their gates, of
which they then became possessed for the first time
since the time of Philip of Macedon. Of the officers
of Antigonus, he dismissed Archelaiis, who had been
taken prisoner, but Theophrastus, who would not quit
his post, he slew; as for Persaeus, on the capture of
the citadel he made his escape to Cenchreae. And at
a later time, as we are told, when he was leading a life
of leisure, and someone remarked that in his opinion
the wise man only could be a good general, “ Indeed,”
he replied, “there was a time when I too particularly
liked this doctrine of Zeno’s ; but now, since the lesson
I got from the young man of Sicyon, I am of another
mind.’ This story of Persaeus is told by many writers.

PLUTARCH’S LIVES
XXIV. Ὁ δὲ "Άρατος εὐθὺς τό τε ᾿Ηραῖον ὑφ᾽

ἑαυτῷ καὶ τὸ Λέχαιον ἐποιήσατο" καὶ νεῶν μὲν 1038
εἰ κοσιπέντε βασιλικῶν ἐκυρίευσεν, ἵππους δὲ
πεντακοσίους καὶ Σύρους τετρακοσίους ἀπέδοτο"

τὸν τε ᾿Ακροκόρινθον ἐφύλαττον οἱ ᾿Αχαιοὶ
τετρακοσίοις ὁπλίταις καὶ πεντήκοντα, κυσὶ καὶ
κυνηγοῖς ἴσοις ἐν τῷ φρουρίῳ τρεφομένοις.

Οἱ μὲν οὖν Ῥωμαῖοι τὸν Φιλοποίμενα θαυ-
μάζοντες ᾿Ιλλήνων ἔσχατον προσηγόρευον, ὡς
μηδενὸς μεγάλου μετ᾽ ἐκεῖνον ἐν τοῖς “Ελλησι
γενομένου" ἐγὼ δὲ τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν. πράξεων
ταύτην ἐσχάτην καὶ νεωτάτην φαίην ἂν πεπρᾶ-
χθαι, τοῦτο μὲν τόλμῃ, τοῦτο δὲ τύχῃ ταῖς ἀρί-
σταις ἐνάμιλλον, ὡς ἐδήλωσεν εὐθὺς τὰ γινόμενα.
Μεγαρεῖς τε γὰρ ἀποστάντες ᾿Αντιγόνου τῷ ᾿Αρά-
τῷ προσέθεντο, καὶ Τροιζήνιοι μετὰ ᾿πιδαυρίων
συνετάχθησαν. εἰς τοὺς ᾿Αχαιούς, ἔξοδόν τε πρώ-
τὴν θέμενος εἰς τὴν ᾿Αττικὴν ἐνέβαλε, καὶ τὴν
Σαλαμῖνα διαβὰς ἐλεηλάτησεν, ὥσπερ ἐξ εἱρκτῆς
λελυμένη τῇ δυνάμει τῶν ᾿Αχαιῶν ἐφ᾽ 6 τι βού-
λοιτο χρώμενος. ᾿Αθηναίοις δὲ τοὺς ἐλευθέρους
ἀφῆκεν ἄνευ λύτρων, ἀρχὰς ἀποστάσεως ἐνδιδοὺς
αὐτοῖς. Ἡτολεμαῖον δὲ σύμμαχον ἐποίησε τῶν
᾿Αχαιῶν, ἡγεμονίαν ἔχοντα πολέμου καὶ κατὰ
γῆν καὶ θάλατταν. οὕτω δὲ ἴσχυσεν ἐν τοῖς
᾿Αχαιοῖς, ὥστ᾽, εἰ μὴ κατ᾽ ἐνιαυτὸν ἐξῆν, παρ᾽
ἐνιαυτὸν αἱρεῖσθαι στρατηγὸν αὐτόν, ἔργῳ δὲ καὶ
γνώμῃ διὰ παντὸς ἄρχειν. ἑώρων γὰρ αὐτὸν οὐ
πλοῦτον, οὐ δόξαν, οὐ φιλίαν βασιλικήν, οὐ τὸ
τῆς αὑτοῦ πατρίδος συμφέρον, οὐκ ἄλλο τι τῆς
αὐξήσεως τῶν ᾿Αχαιῶν ἐπίπροσθεν ποιούμενον.

ARATUS xxiv. 1-4

XXIV. As for Aratus, he at once made himselt
master of the temple of Hera and the harbour of
Lechaeum; he also seized five-and-twenty of the
king’s ships, and sold five hundred horses and four
hundred Syrians; Acrocorinthus, too, was garrisoned
by the Achaeans with four hundred men-at-arms,
and fifty dogs with as many keepers were maintained
in the citadel.

Now the Romans, in their admiration of Philopoe-
men, call him “the last of the Greeks,” implying
that no great man arose among the Greeks after
him; but I should say that this capture of Acro-
corinthus was the very last and latest achievement
of the Greeks, and that it rivalled their best, not
only in daring, but also in happy results, as events
atonce showed. For Megara seceded from Antigonus
and attached herself to Aratus; Troezen and Epi-
daurus were enrolled in the Achaean League; and
Aratus, making a distant expedition for the rst time,
invaded Attica, and crossing the strait plundered
Salamis, his Achaean forces, as though released from
prison, obeying his every wish. But the freemen
among his prisoners he sent back to the Athenians
without ransom, thus laying a foundation for their
revolt from Antigonus. He also made Ptolemy an
ally of the Achaeans, with the leadership in war on
land and sea. And he was so influential among the
Achaeans that, since it was not permissible every year,
they chose him general every other year, though,
in fact, his wisdom made him their leader all the
time. For they saw that he put first and foremost,
not wealth, not fame, not friendship with kings, not
his own native city’s advantage, but only the growth
in power of the Achaean League. For he considered

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

5 ἡγεῖτο yap ἀσθενεῖς ἰδίᾳ τὰς πόλεις ὑπαρχούσας

σώξεσθαι δι᾿ ἀχχήλων ὥσπερ ἐνδεδεμένας τῷ
κοινῷ συμφέροντι, καὶ καθάπερ τὰ μέρη τοῦ
σώματος ζῶντα καὶ συμπνέοντα διὰ τὴν πρὸς
ἄλληλα συμφυΐαν, ὅταν ἀποσπασθῇ καὶ γένηται
χωρίς, ἀτροφεῖ καὶ σήπεται, παραπλησίως τὰς
πόλεις ἀπόλλυσθαι μὲν ὑπὸ τῶν διασπώντων
τὸ κοινόν, αὔξεσθαι δὲ UT ἀλλήλων, ὅταν ὅλου
τινὸς “μεγάλου μέρη γενόμεναι κοινῆς προνοίας
τυγχάνωσιν.

XXV. Ὁρῶν δὲ τοὺς ἀρίστους τῶν προσοί-
κων αὐτονομουμένους, ᾿Αργείοις δὲ δουλεύουσιν
ἀχθόμενος, ἐπεβούλευεν ἀνελεῖν τὸν τύραννον
αὐτῶν ᾿Αριστόμαχον, ἅμα τῇ τε πόλει θρεπτήρια
τὴν ἐλευθερίαν ἀποδοῦναι φιλοτιμούμενος καὶ
τοῖς ᾿Αχαιοῖς προσκομίσαι τὴν πόλιν. οἱ μὲν οὖν
τολμῶντες εὑρ ρέθησαν, ὧν Αἰσχύλος προειστήκει
καὶ Χ αῤιμέφῆς ὁ μάντις" ξίφη δὲ οὐκ εἶχον, ἀλλ᾽
ἀπείρητο κεκτῆσθαι καὶ ζημίαι μεγάλαι τοῖς κεκτη-
μένοις ἐπῆσαν ὑπὸ τοῦ τυράννου. κατασκευάσας
οὖν ὁ τὴ αὐτοῖς ἐν Κορίνθῳ μικρὰς παραξιφί-
δας ἐνέρραψεν εἰς σώγματα" καὶ ταῦτα περιθεὶς
ὑποζυγίοις σκεύη τινὰ παρημελημένα κομίζουσιν
εἰς "A ργος ἀπέστειλε. Χαριμένους δὲ τοῦ μάντεως
προσλαβόντος ἐπὶ τὴν πρᾶξιν ἄνθρωπον, οἱ περὶ
τὸν Αἰσχύλον ἡ ἠγανάκτησαν καὶ δι᾿ ἑαυτῶν ἔπρατ-
τον, τοῦ Χαριμένους καταγνόντες. αἰσθόμενος
δὲ ἐκεῖνος ὀργῇ κατεμήνυσε τοὺς ἄνδρας ἤδη
βαδίζοντας ἐπὶ τὸν τύραννον ὧν οἱ πλεῖστοι
φθάσαντες ἐξ ἀγορᾶς ἀπέφυγον καὶ διεξέπεσον
εἰς Κόρινθον.

τ Cr chaps it. 1

ARATUS xxiv. 5-xxv. 3

that the Greek states which were weak would be
preserved by mutual support when once they had
been bound as it were by the common interest, and
that just as the members of the body have a common
life and breath because they cleave together in a
common growth, but when they are drawn apart
and become separate they wither away and decay,
in like manner the several states are ruined by those
who dissever their common bonds, but are augmented
by mutual support, when they become parts of a
great whole and enjoy a common foresight.

XXV. And so, since he saw that the best of the
neighbouring peoples were autonomous, and was
distressed at the servitude of the Argives, he plotted
to kill Aristomachus the tyrant of Argos, being
ambitious to restore its freedom to the city as a re-
ward for the rearing it had given him,} as well as to
attach it to the Achaean League. Accordingly, men
were found to dare the deed, of whom Aeschylus
and Charimenes the seer were the chief. They had
no swords, however, the tyrant having prohibited the
possession of them under heavy penalties. Aratus,
therefore, ordered small daggers to be made for them
in Corinth and sewed them up in pack-saddles; these
he put upon beasts of burden carrying ordinary wares
and sent them into Argos. But Charimenes the seer
took on a partner in the enterprise, at which Aeschy-
Jus and his friends were incensed and proceeded to
act on their own account, ignoring Charimenes.
When Charimenes was aware of this, he was angry
and informed against the men just as they were
setting out to attack the tyrant; most of them,
however, succeeded in escaping from the market-
place and fled to Corinth.

VOL, ΧΙ. Gc wi

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

\ / ,
Οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ χρόνου βραχέος διελθόντος ἀπο-
,
θνήσκει μὲν ὑπὸ δούλων ᾿Αριστόμαχος, ὑπο-
/ Ν \ ’ \ / 5 7
λαμβάνει δὲ τὴν ἀρχὴν φθάσας ᾿Δρίστιππος,
/ o \ lal
ἐξωλέστερος ἐκείνου τύραννος. ὅσοι δὴ τῶν
A Lé , /
᾿Αχαιῶν ἐν ἡλικίᾳ παρόντες ἔτυχον, τούτους
¢ \ /
ἀναλαβὼν ὁ "Ἄρατος ἐβοήθει πρὸς τὴν πόλιν
΄ an »
ὀξέως, οἰόμενος εὑρήσειν τὰ τῶν ᾿Αργείων πρό-
θυμα. τῶν δὲ πολλῶν ἤδη διὰ συνήθειαν ἐθελο-
\
δούλως ἐχόντων καὶ μηδενὸς ἀφισταμένου πρὸς
αὐτόν, ἀνεχώρησεν ἔγκλημα κατεσκευακὼς τοῖς
ἴω ΓΣ
᾿Αχαιοῖς ὡς ἐν εἰρήνῃ πόλεμον ἐξενηνοχόσι. καὶ
δίκην ἔσχον ἐπὶ τούτῳ παρὰ Μαντινεῦσιν, ἣν
ph if \ U 3 if - /
Apatov μὴ παρόντος Αρίστιππος εἷλε διώκων
καὶ μνῶν ἐτιμήθη τριάκοντα. τὸν δὲ Αρατον
ἌΨΨΕΝ Ψ \ an \ Ἂς 3 ΄
αὐτὸν ἅμα καὶ μισῶν καὶ δεδοικὼς ἐπεβούλευεν
lal a 2 a
ἀνελεῖν συνεργοῦντος ‘Avtuyovov τοῦ βασιλέως"
καὶ πανταχοῦ σχεδὸν ἧσαν οἱ τοῦτο πράττοντες
αὐτοῖς καὶ καιρὸν ἐπιτηροῦντες.
2 τ
Αλλ᾽ οὐδὲν οἷον ἀληθινὴ καὶ βέβαιος εὔνοια
΄ὔ \ ͵ ty a
φυλακτήριον ἀνδρὸς ἄρχοντος. ὅταν yap ἐθισθῶ-
Li
σιν οἵ τε πολλοὶ καὶ οἱ δυνατοὶ μὴ τὸν ἡγούμενον,
3 + Bea ς \ “ ¢ / 7 n Ν
ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὲρ τοῦ ἡγουμένου δεδιέναι, πολλοῖς μὲν
” CEA ὃ \ aA \ » 3 ’, SN
ὄμμασιν ὁρᾷ, διὰ πολλῶν δὲ ὥτων ἀκούει, Kal
, /
προαισθάνεται Ta γινόμενα. διὸ καὶ βούλομαι
Ν , >. / 5 ἴω / A
TOV λόγον ἐπιστήσας ἐνταῦθά που διεξελθεῖν
περὶ τῆς ᾿Αριστίππου διαίτης, ἣν ἡ ξηλοτυποὺ:
μένη τυραννὶς αὐτῷ καὶ ὁ τῆς μακαρίας καὶ
περιβοήτου μοναρχίας ὄγκος περιέθηκεν.
IMT YT 3 a \
AAVI. ‘Exetvos yap ᾿Αντίγονον μὲν ἔχων
58

1039

ARATUS xxv. 4-χχνι. I

Nevertheless, after a little while Aristomachus was
killed by slaves, and Aristippus, a more pernicious
tyrant than he, soon succeeded in seizing the power.
Aratus at once took all the Achaeans of military age
who were at hand and went swiftly to the aid of the
city, supposing that he would be welcomed by the
Argives. But since most of them were by this time
habituated to slavery and willing to endure it, so
that not a man came over to his side, he retired,
after involving the Achaeans in the charge of having
gone to war in time of peace. They were prosecuted
on this charge before the Mantineans, and in the
absence of Aratus, Aristippus as plaintiff won his
case and was awarded damages to the amount of
thirty minas.1_ Aratus himself the tyrant both hated
and feared, and so laid plots to kill him with the
assistance of Antigonus the king; and almost every-
where there were men who undertook this deed for
them and watched for an opportunity.

But there is no safeguard for a ruler like a sincere
and steadfast goodwill on the part of the ruled. For
when both the common people and the leading men
are afraid, not of their leader, but for their leader,
he sees with many eyes, hears with many ears, and
so perceives betimes what is going on. ‘Therefore 1
wish to stop my story at this point, in order to
describe the life that Aristippus led. This was laid
upon him by his office of tyrant, so envied of men,
and by the pride and pomp of monarchy, which men
celebrate and call blessed.

XXVI. For though he had Antigonus as ally, and

1 Half a talent. equivalent to about £118, or $600, a merely
nominal fine. Mantineia acted as arbitrator, perhaps by
special agreement.

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

σύμμαχον, τρέφων δὲ πολλοὺς ἕνεκα THs τοῦ
σώματος ἀσφαλείας, οὐδένα δὲ ἐν τῇ πόλει
ζῶντα τῶν ἐχθρῶν ὑπολελοιπώς, τοὺς μὲν δο-
ρυφόρους καὶ φύλακας ἔξω παρεμβάλλειν ἐκέ-
λευεν ἐν τῷ περιστύλῳ, τοὺς δὲ οἰκέτας, ὁπότε
δειπνήσαι, τάχιστα πάντας ἐξελαύνων καὶ τὴν
μέταυλον ἀποκλείων μετὰ τῆς ἐρωμένης αὐτὸς
εἰς οἴκημα κατεδύετο μικρὸν ὑπερῷον, θύρα
καταρρακτῇ κλειόμενον᾽" ἧς ὑπεράνω τὴν κλίνην
ἐπιτιθεὶς ἐκάθευδεν, ὡς εἰκὸς καθεύδειν τὸν οὕτως
ἔχοντα, πταραχωδῶς καὶ περιφόβως. τὸ δὲ κλι-
μάκιον ἡ τῆς ἐρωμένης μήτηρ ὑφαιροῦσα κατέ-
κλειεν εἰς ἕτερον οἴκημα, καὶ πάλιν ἅμ᾽ ἡμέρᾳ
προσετίθει καὶ κατεκάλει τὸν θαυμαστὸν τύραν-
νον, ὥσπερ ἑρπετὸν. ἐκ φωλεοῦ κατερχόμενον.
ὁ δὲ οὐχ ὅπλοις κατὰ βίαν, νόμῳ δὲ ὑπ᾽ ἀρετῆς
ἀκατάπαυστον ἀρχὴν περιπεποιημένος, ἐν ἱματίῳ
καὶ χλαμυδίῳ τῷ τυχόντι, τῶν πώποτε τυράννων
κοινὸς ἀποδεδειγμένος ἐχθρός, ἄχρι τῆς τήμερον
ἡμέρας γένος εὐδοκιμώτατον ἀπολέλοιπεν ἐν τοῖς
“Ἑλλησιν. ἐκείνων δὲ τῶν τὰς ἄκρας κατα-
λαμβανόντων καὶ τοὺς δορυφόρους τρεφόντων
καὶ τὰ ὅπλα καὶ τὰς πύλας καὶ τοὺς καταρράκτας
προβαλλομένων ὑπὲρ THS TOU σώματος ἀσφα-
λείας ὀλίγοι τὸν ἐκ , πληγῆς θάνατον, ὥσπερ οἱ
λαγωοΐ, διέφυγον' οἶκος δὲ ἢ ἢ γένος ἢ τάφος ἔχων
τιμωμένην μνήμην οὐδενὸς λέλειπται:

XXVIII. Πρὸς δ᾽ οὖν τὸν ᾿Αρίστιππον ὁ “Apa-
τος καὶ κρύφα πολλάκις καὶ φανερῶς προσ-
ἔπταισεν ἐπιχειρήσας καταλαμβάνειν τὸ “Apyos.
ἅπαξ δὲ κλίμακας προσθεὶς μετ᾽ ὀλίγων ἐπὶ τὸ
τεῖχος ἀνέβη παραβόλως, καὶ τοὺς βοηθοῦντας
60

ARATUS xxvi. 1-xxvil. I

kept many guards to protect his person, and had left
no single enemy alive in the city, yet he would order
his spearmen and guards to bivouac outside in the
colonnade ; and as for his servants, as soon as supper
was over he would drive them all out. Then he
would lock the doors of the inner house, and betake
himself with his mistress to a little upper room,
which was closed by a trap-door; on this door he
would place his couch and sleep, as one in his state
of mind would naturally sleep, by fits and starts and
in great fear. The ladder the mother of his mistress
would take away and lock up in another room, and
in the morning would put it in place again and call
the wonderful tyrant, who would come down like a
creeping thing out of its hole. Aratus, on the other
hand, not by force of arms, but legally and in con-
sequence of his virtues, had invested himself with an
enduring power, and yet went about in ordinary tunic
and cloak; he declared himself a public foe of any
and every tyrant; and he left behind him a posterity
of the highest repute among the Greeks down to
this day.! But of the men who seize citadels, main-
tain spearmen, and depend upon arms and gates and
trap-doors for the safety of their persons, only a
few, like timorous hares, have escaped a violent
death ; while not one of them has left a house, or a
family, or a tomb to keep his memory in honour.
XXVII. Against Aristippus, then, and in trying
to seize Argos, Aratus made many open and secret
attempts in vain. Once he set up scaling-ladders,
at great hazard got upon the wall with a few
followers, and killed the sentries that defended the

1 Cf. chap. liv. ad jin.
ει:

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

2 ἐνταῦθα τῶν φυλάκων ἀπέκτεινεν. εἶτα ἡμέρας
ἐπιφανείσης καὶ τοῦ τυράννου πανταχόθεν αὐτῷ
προσβάλλοντος, οἱ μὲν ᾿Αργεῖοι, καθώπερ οὐχ
ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐκείνωι ἐλευθερίας τῆς μάχης οὔσης, ἀλλ᾽
ὡς τὸν ἀγῶνα τῶν Νεμείων βραβεύοντες, ἴσοι καὶ
δίκαιοι θεαταὶ καθῆντο τῶν γινομένων, πολλὴν
ἡσυχίαν ἄγοντες, ὁ δὲ "Ἄρατος εὐρώστως ἀμυνό-
μενος λόγχη μὲν ἐκ χειρὸς διελαύνεται τὸν μηρόν,
ἐκράτησε δὲ τῶν τόπων ἐν οἷς ἣν, καὶ οὐκ ἐξεώσθ ἢ
μέχρι νυκτὸς ἐνοχλούμενος ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων.

8 εἰ δὲ καὶ τὴν νύκτα τῷ πόνῳ προσεταλαιπώρησεν,
οὐκ ἂν διήμαρτεν" ὁ γὰρ τύραννος ἤδη περὶ δρα-
σμὸν εἶχε καὶ πολλὰ τῶν ἰδίων ἐπὶ θάλασσαν
προεξέπεμψε" νῦν. δὲ τοῦτο μὲν οὐδενὸς ἐξαγ-
γείλαντος πρὸς τὸν Ἄρατον, ὕδατος δὲ ἐπελι-
πόντος, ἑαυτῷ δὲ χρήσασθαι διὰ τὸ τραῦμα μὴ
δυνάμενος, ἀπήγαγε τοὺς στρατιώτας.

XXVIII. ᾿Επεὶ δὲ ταύτην ἀπέγνω τὴν ὁδόν,
ἐμβαλὼν φανερῶς τῷ στρατοπέδῳ τὴν ᾿Αργολίδα
χώραν ἐπόρθει" καὶ περὶ τὸν Χάρητα ποταμὸν
ἰσχυρᾶς. μάχης γενομένης πρὸς ᾿Αρίστιππον
αἰτίαν ἔσχεν ὡς ἐγκαταλιπὼν τὸν ἀγῶνα καὶ
προέμενος τὸ νίκημα. τῆς γὰρ ἄλλης. δυνάμεως 104
ὁμολογουμένως ἐπικρατούσης καὶ τῷ διωγμῷ
πολὺ προελθούσης εἰς τοὔμπροσθεν, αὐτὸς οὐχ
οὕτως ἐκβιασθεὶς ὑπὸ τῶν καθ᾽ αὑτόν, ὡς ἀπι-
στῶν τῷ κατορθώματι καὶ φοβηθείς, ἀνεχώρησε

2 τεταραγμένος εἰς. τὸ στρατόπεδον. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἀπὸ
τῆς διώξεως ἐπανελθόντες οἱ λοιποὶ χαλεπῶς
ἔφερον ὅτι τρεψάμενοι τοὺς πολεμίους καὶ
πολὺ πλείονας ἐκείνων καταβαλόντες ἢ σφῶν
αὐτῶν ἀπολέσαντες παραλελοίπασι τοῖς ἡττη-

ARATUS xxvit. 1-xxvill. 2

place. Then day came and the tyrant attacked him
from all sides, while the Argives, as though it were
not a battle to secure their liberties, but a contest in
the Nemean games of which they were the judges,
sat as just and impartial spectators of what was going
on, without lifting a finger. Aratus, fighting sturdily,
had his thigh transfixed by a spear-thrust, yet held his
ground, and could not be dislodged at close quarters
until night, though harassed by his enemies. And
if through the night also he had maintained the
struggle, he would not have failed in his attempt;
for the tyrant was already bent on flight and had
sent on many of his goods to the sea. As it was,
however, no one told Aratus of this, and since water
was failing him and he could not use his strength by

reason of his wound, he led his soldiers away.
XXVIII. Then, since he despaired of success in
this way, he openly invaded the territory of Argos
with his army and ravaged it; and in a fierce battle
with Aristippus at the river Chares, he was accused
of abandoning the struggle and throwing away the
victory. For although the rest of his forces ad-
mittedly had the upper hand and had gone far on
ahead in pursuit, he himself, not so much because he
was ousted from his position by his opponents, as
out of mistrust of success and in utter fear, withdrew
in disorder to his camp. But when the rest of his
army came back from the pursuit and were indignant
because, though they had routed the enemy and
slain far more of them than they had lost of their
own number, they had suffered the vanquished to
63

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

μένοις στῆσαι κατ᾽ αὐτῶν τρόπαιον, αἰσχυνθεὶς
πάλιν ἔγνω διαμάχεσθαι περὶ τοῦ τροπαίου, καὶ
μίαν ἡμέραν διαλιπὼν αὖθις ἐξέτασσε τὴν στρα-

3 τιάν. ὡς δὲ ἤσθετο πλείονας γεγονότας καὶ
θαρραλεώτερον ἀνθισταμένους τοὺς περὶ τὸν τύ-
ραννον, οὐκ ἐτόλμησεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἀπῆλθε τοὺς νεκροὺς
ὑποσπόνδους ἀνελόμενος. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τῇ περὶ
τὴν ὁμιλίαν καὶ πολιτείαν ἐμπειρίᾳ καὶ χάριτι
τὴν διαμαρτίαν ταύτην ἀναμαχόμενος προσηγά-
yeto τὰς Κλεωνὰς τοῖς ᾿Αχαιοῖς, καὶ τὸν ἀγῶνα
τῶν Νεμείων ἤγαγεν ἐν Κλεωναῖς, ὡς πάτριον

4 ὄντα καὶ μᾶλλον προσήκοντα τούτοις. ἤγαγον
δὲ καὶ ᾿Αργεῖοι, καὶ συνεχύθη τότε πρῶτον ἡ
δεδομένη τοῖς ἀγωνισταῖς ἀσυλία καὶ ἀσφάλεια,
πάντας τῶν ᾿Αχαιῶν, ὅσους ἔλαβον ἠγωνισμένους
ἐν "Apryet, διὰ τῆς χώρας πορευομένους ὡς πολε-
μίους ἀποδομένων. οὕτω σφοδρὸς ἣν καὶ ἀπαρ-
aiTNTOS ἐν τῷ μισεῖν τοὺς τυράννους.

ΧΧΙΧ. ᾿Ολίγῳ δὲ ὕστερον ἀκούσας τὸν ᾿Αρί-
στίππον ἐπιβουλεύειν μὲν ταῖς Κλεωναῖς, φοβεῖ-
σθαι δὲ ἐκεῖνον ἐν ἹΚορίνθῳ καθεζόμενον, ἤθροισεν
ἐκ παραγγέλματος στρατείαν. καὶ σιτία κε-
λεύσας πλειόνων ἡμερῶν κομίζειν εἰς Keyypeas
κατῆλθεν, ἐκκαλούμενος δι’ ἀπάτης τὸν ᾿Αρίστιπ-
πον ὡς αὐτοῦ μὴ παρόντος ἐπιθέσθαι τοῖς
Κλεωναίοις" ὃ καὶ συνέβη. παρῆν γὰρ εὐθὺς ἐξ

2 "Ἄργους ἔχων τὴν δύναμιν. ὁ δὲ Αρατος εἰς
KopivOov ἤδη σκοταῖος ἐκ Κεγχρεῶν ὑποστρέψας,
2 After the events narrated ἰπ χχχῖν. 6

ARATUS xxvii. 2-xx1x. 2

erect a trophy over the victors, Aratus was ashamed
and determined again to fight out the question of
the trophy, and on the next day but one put his
army once more in battle array. However, on per-
ceiving that the forces of the tyrant were more
numerous than before and more courageous in their
resistance, he would not venture a decisive battle,
but withdrew after being allowed to take up his dead
under a truce. Nevertheless, by his skill in dealing
with men and public affairs, and by the favour in
which he stood, he retrieved this failure, brought
Cleonae into the Achaean League, and celebrated
the Nemean games in that city, on the ground that
it had an ancient and more fitting claim upon them.
But the games were also celebrated at Argos, and
then for the first time the privilege of asylum and
safe-conduct which had been granted to contestants
in the games was violated, since the Achaeans treated
as enemies and sold into slavery all contestants in
the games at Argos whom they caught travelling
through their territory. So fierce and implacable
was Aratus in his hatred of tyrants.

XNiX. A little while after this,! Aratus heard
that Aristippus was plotting against Cleonae, but
feared to attack it while his enemy was posted at
Corinth; he therefore assembled an army by public
proclamation. And after ordering his troops to
carry provisions for several days, he marched down
to Cenchreae, by this stratagem inviting Aristippus
to attack Cleonae in the belief that his enemy was
not at hand; and this was actually what happened.
For the tyrant set out at once from Argos with his
forces. But Aratus, returning from Cenchreae to
Corinth as soon as it was dark, and posting guards

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

Kal Tas ὁδοὺς φυλακαῖς διαλαβών, ἦγε τοὺς
᾿Αχαιοὺς ἑπομένους οὕτω μὲν εὐτάκτως, οὕτω δὲ
ταχέως καὶ προθύμως ὥστε μὴ μόνον ὁδεύοντας,
ἀλλὰ καὶ παρελθόντας εἰς τὰς Κλεωνὰς ἔτι νυκ-
τὸς οὔσης καὶ συνταξαμένους ἐπὶ μάχην ἀγνοεῖ-
σθαι καὶ λανθάνειν τὸν ᾿Αρίστιππον. ἅμα δὲ
ἡμέρᾳ τῶν πυλῶν ἀνοιχθεισῶν καὶ τῆς σάλπιγ-
γος ἐγκελευσαμένης, δρόμῳ καὶ ἀλαλαγμῷ προσ-
πεσὼν τοῖς πολεμίοις εὐθὺς ἐτρέψατο, καὶ
κατεῖχε διώκων 7 μάλιστα φεύγειν UTEVvoEL τὸν
᾿Αρίστιππον, ἐκτροπὰς πολλὰς τῶν χωρίων ἐχόν-
των. γενομένης δὲ τῆς διώξεως ἄχρι, Μυκηνῶν,
ὁ μὲν “τύραννος ὑπὸ ΙΚρητός τινος, ὡς Δεινίας
ἱστορεῖ, τοὔνομα Τραγίσκου, καταληφθεὶς ἀπο-
σφάττεται, τῶν δὲ ἄλλων ἔπεσον ὑπὲρ χιλίους
πεντακοσίους. ὁ δὲ “Apatos οὕτω λαμπρῶς
εὐτυχήσας καὶ μηδένα τῶν αὑτοῦ στρατιωτῶν
ἀποβαλών, ὅμως οὐκ ἔλαβε τὸ Ἄργος οὐδὲ
ἠλευθέρωσε, τῶν περὶ ᾿Αγίαν καὶ τὸν νεώτερον
᾿Αριστόμαχον μετὰ δυνάμεως βασιλικῆς παρ-
εἰσπεσόντων καὶ κατασχόντων τὰ πράγματα.
Τὸ μὲν οὖν πολὺ τῆς διαβολῆς καὶ λόγους καὶ
σκώμματα καὶ βωμολοχίας παρείλετο τῶν κολα-
κευόντων τοὺς τυράννους καὶ διεξιόντων, ἐκείνοις
χαριξομένων, ὡς τοῦ στρατηγοῦ τῶν ᾿Αχαιῶν
ἐκταράττοιτο μὲν ἡ κοιλία παρὰ τὰς μάχας,
κάρος δὲ προσπίπτοι καὶ ἴλιγγος ἅμα τῷ παρα-
στῆναι τὸν σαλπιγκτήν, ἐκτάξας δὲ τὴν δύναμιν
καὶ τὸ σύνθημα παρεγγυήσας, καὶ πυθόμενος
τῶν ὑποστρατήγων καὶ λοχαγῶν, μή τις αὐτοῦ
χρεία παρόντος (βεβλῆσθαι γὰρ τοὺς ἀστρα-
γάλους), ἀπέρχοιτο καραδοκήσων πόρρωθεν τὸ

ARATUS ΧΧΙΧ. 2-5

along all the roads, led his Achaeans towards
Cleonae, and they followed him in such good order
and with such swiftness and alacrity that not only
while they were on the march, but also when they
had got into Cieonae, before the night was over, and
had arrayed themselves for battle, Aristippus knew
nothing at all of it. Then, at daybreak, the gates
were thrown open, the trumpet gave its loud signal,
and dashing at a run and with shouts upon the
enemy Aratus routed them at once, and kept on
pursuing where he most suspected that Aristippus
was in flight, the country having many diverging
routes. The pursuit continued as far as Mycenae,
where the tyrant was overtaken and slain by a
certain Cretan named Tragiscus, as Deinias relates ;
and besides him there fell over fifteen hundred.
But although Aratus had won so brilliant a success,
and had lost not a single one of his own soldiers, he
nevertheless did not take Argos nor set it free, since
Agias and the younger Aristomachus burst into the
city with troops of the king and took control of affairs,

This success, then, refuted much of the calumny
heaped upon Aratus, as well as the scoffing and
abusive stories of the flatterers of the tyrants, who
would recount, to please their masters, how the
general of the Achaeans always had cramps in the
bowels when a battle was imminent, and how torpor
and dizziness would seize him as soon as _ the
trumpeter stood by to give the signal, and how,
after he had drawn up his forces and passed the
watchword along, he would ask his leutenants and
captains whether there was any further need of his
presence (since the die was already cast), and then
go off to await the issue anxiously at a distance. Tor

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

συμβησόμενον. ταῦτα γὰρ οὕτως ἴσχυσεν ὥστε
καὶ τοὺς φιλοσόφους ἐν ταῖς σχολαῖς ζητοῦντας
εἰ τὸ πάλλεσθαι τὴν καρδίαν καὶ τὸ χρῶμα τρέ-
πεσθαι καὶ τὴν κοιλίαν ἐξυγραίνεσθαι παρὰ τὰ
φαινόμενα δεινὰ δειλίας ἐστὶν ἢ δυσκρασίας τινὸς
περὶ τὸ σῶμα καὶ ψυχρότητος, ὀνομάζειν ἀεὶ τὸν
"Apatov ὡς ἀγαθὸν μὲν ὄντα στρατηγόν, ἀεὶ δὲ
ταῦτα πάσχοντα παρὰ τοὺς ἀγῶνας.

XXX. ‘Os δ᾽ ΟΥ̓. tov ᾿Αρίστιππον ἀνεῖλεν,
εὐθὺς ἐπεβούλευσε Λυδιάδῃ τῷ Μεγαλοπολίτῃ
τυραννοῦντι τῆς ἑαυτοῦ πατρίδος. ὁ δὲ οὐκ ὧν
ἀγεννὴς οὐδὲ ἀφιλότιμος τὴν φύσιν, οὐδὲ ὥσπερ
οἱ πολλοὶ τῶν μονάρχων ἀκρασίᾳ καὶ πλεονεξίᾳ
πρὸς ταύτην ῥυεὶς τὴν ἀδικίαν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπαρθεὶς
ἔρωτι δόξης ἔτι νέος καὶ λόγους ψευδεῖς καὶ
κενοὺς λεγομένους περὶ τυραννίδος, ὡς μακαρίου
καὶ θαυμαστοῦ πράγματος, εἰς μέγα φρόνημα
παραδεξάμενος ἀνοήτως, καὶ καταστήσας ἑαυτὸν
τύραννον ταχὺ μεστὸς ἣν τῆς ἐκ μοναρχίας βαρύ-
τητος. ἅμα δὲ ζηλῶν εὐημεροῦντα καὶ δεδοικὼς
ἐπιβουλεύοντα τὸν "A parov ὥρμησε καλλίστην
ὁρμὴν μεταβαλόμενος, πρῶτον μὲν ἑαυτὸν ἐλευ-
θερῶσαι μίσους. καὶ φόβου καὶ φρουρᾶς καὶ
δορυφόρων, εἶτα τῆς πατρίδος εὐεργέτης γενέσθαι
καὶ μεταπεμψάμενος τὸν "Άρατον ἀφῆκε τὴν
ἀρχήν, καὶ τὴν πόλιν εἰς τοὺς ᾿Αχαιοὺς μετ-
εκόμισεν. ἐφ᾽ οἷς μεγαλύνοντες αὐτὸν οἱ ᾿Αχαιοὶ
στρατηγὸν εἵλοντο.

Φιλοτιμούμενος δὲ εὐθὺς ὑπερβαλεῖν δόξη τὸν
"᾿Άρατον ἄλλας τε πολλὰς πράξεις οὐκ ἀναγκαίας
εἶναι δοκούσας καὶ στρατείαν ἐπὶ Λακεδαιμονίους
παρήγγελλεν. ἐνιστώμενος δὲ ὁ "Ἄρατος αὐτῷ

104]

ARATUS xxix. 5-Xxx. 3

these stories were so prevalent that even in the
schools of philosophy, when the query arises whether
palpitation of the heart and change of colour and
looseness of the bowels, in the presence of seeming
peril, are the mark of cowardice, or of some faulty
temperament and chilliness in the body, Aratus is
always mentioned by name as one who was a good
general, but always had these symptons when a
contest was impending.

XXX. Having thus made away with Aristippus,
Aratus at once began to plot against Lydiades, who
was tyrant in his native city of Megalopolis. This
Lydiades was neither of mean birth nor naturally
lacking in high ambition, nor, like most sole rulers,
had he been driven by licence and rapacity into this
iniquity, but he had been fired with a love of glory
while still young, and had thoughtlessly associated
with his high spirit the false and empty doctrines
current concerning tyranny, to the effect that it was
a wonderful and blessed thing. And now that he
had made himself tyrant, he was quickly sated with
the burdens which devolve upon the sole ruler.
Therefore, at once envying the successes of Aratus
and fearing his plots, he adopted a new and most
admirable plan, first, to free himself from hatred and
fear and guards and spearmen, and second, to become
a benefactor of his native city. So he sent for
Aratus, resigned his power, and made his city a
member of the Achaean League. Wherefore the
Achaeans exalted him and chose him general.

Lydiades was at once ambitious to surpass Aratus
in reputation, and not only did many other things
which were thought unnecessary, but also proclaimed
an expedition against the Lacedaemonians. Aratus

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

φθονεῖν ἐδόκει" καὶ τό γε δεύτερον ὁ Λυδιάδης
στρατηγὸς ἠρέθη, ἀντιπράττοντος ἄντικρυς ᾿Αρά-
του καὶ σπουδάζοντος ἑτέρῳ παραδοθῆναι τὴν
Set: αὐτὸς μὲν γάρ, ὡς εἴρηται, παρ᾽ ἐνιαυτὸν
ἦρ μέχρι μὲν οὖν τρίτης στρατηγίας ὁ Av-
διά i εὖ φερόμενος διετέλει καὶ παρ᾽ ἐνιαυτὸν
ἦρχεν ἐναλλὰξ τῷ ᾿Αράτῳ στρατηγῶν᾽ φανερὰν
δὲ ἐξενεγκάμενος. ἔχθραν καὶ πολλάκις αὐτοῦ
κατηγορήσας ἐν τοῖς ᾿Αχαιοῖς ἀπερρίφη καὶ
παρώφθη, πεπλασμένῳ δοκῶν ἤθει πρὸς ἀλη-
θινὴν καὶ ἀκέραιον ἀρετὴν ἁμιλλᾶσθαι. καὶ
καθάπερ τῷ κὀκκυγί φησιν Αἴσωπος, ἐρωτῶντι
τοὺς λεπτοὺς ὄρνιθας ὃ τι φεύγοιεν αὐτόν, εἰπεῖν
ἐκείνους ὡς ἔσται ποτὲ ἱέραξ, οὕτως ἔοικε τῷ
Λυξιάδῃ παρακολουθεῖν ἐκ τῆς τυραννίδος ὑπο-
ία βλάπτουσα τὴν φύσιν αὐτοῦ τῆς μεταβολῆς.

XXXI‘O δὲ "A patos εὐδοκίμησε καὶ περὶ
τὰς Αἰτωλικὰς πράξεις, ὅ ὅτε συμβαλεῖν μὲν αὐτοῖς
πρὸ τῆς Μεγαρικῆς ὡρμημένων τῶν ᾿Αχαιῶν,
καὶ τοῦ βασιλέως τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων Αγιδος
ἀφικομένου μετὰ δυνάμεως καὶ συνεξορμῶντος
ἐπὶ τὴν μάχην τοὺς ᾿Αχαιούς, ἐναντιωθεὶς καὶ
πολλὰ μὲν ὀνείδη, πολλὰ δ᾽ εἰς μαλακίαν καὶ
ἀτολμίαν καὶ σκώμματα καὶ χλευασμὸν ὑπομεί-
νας οὐ προήκατο τὸν τοῦ συμφέροντος λογισμὸν
διὰ τὸ φαινόμενον αἰσχρόν, ἀλλὰ παρεχώρησε
τοῖς πολεμίοις ὑπερβαλοῦσι τὴν Τεράνειαν ἀμα-
χεὶ παρελθεῖν εἰς Πελοπόννησον. ὡς μέντοι παρ-
ελθόντες ἐξαίφνης Πελλήνην κατέλαβον, οὐκέτ᾽ ἣν
ὁ αὐτός, οὐδ᾽ ἔμελλε διατρίβων καὶ περιμένων

1 Chap. xxiv. 4. § About 241 n.c. Cf. the Agis, xiv. f.
0

ARATUS xxx. 3-xxx1. 2

opposed him, but was thought to do so out of
Jealousy ; and Lydiades was chosen general for the
second time, though Aratus openly worked against
him and was eager to have the office given to some-
one else. For Aratus himself, as I have said,! held
the office every other year. Accordingly, until he
was general for the third time, Lydiades continued
to be held in favour, and held the office every other
year in alternation with Aratus; but after displaying
an open enmity to him and frequently denouncing
him before the Achaeans, he was cast aside and
ignored, since it was apparent that he was contend-
ing, with a fictitious character, against a genuine and
unadulterated virtue. And just as the cuckoo, in
the fable of Aesop, when he asks the little birds
why they fly away from him, is told by them that he
will one day be a hawk, so it would seem that since
Lydiades had once been a tyrant he was never free
from a suspicion, which did injustice to his real
nature, that he would change again.

XXXI. In the Aetolian war also Aratus won a
good repute. For when the Achaeans were bent
on an engagement with the Aetolians in front of
Megara,” and Agis the king of the Lacedaemonians
was come up with an army and joined in urging the
Achaeans on to battle, Aratus opposed this counsel,
and in spite of much vilification and much scoffing
abuse for weakness and cowardice would not abandon,
because of any seeming disgrace, which he judged to
be for the general advantage, but allowed the enemy
to cross the Geraneian range without a battle and
pass on into Peloponnesus. When, however, after
thus passing on, they suddenly seized Pellene, he
was no longer the same man, nor would he wait at

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

> lol Ν an 3 ? X ,
ἀθροισθῆναι καὶ συνελθεῖν εἰς ταὐτὸ πανταχόθεν
\ , > ’ > \ [τά \ n Ud
τὴν δύναμιν, ἀλλ᾽ εὐθὺς ὥρμησε μετὰ τῶν παρόν-
των ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους ἐν τῷ κρατεῖν ἀσθενε-
΄ > 3 , Wore”: » Ψ Ν

8 στάτους δι᾽ ἀταξίαν καὶ ὕβριν ὄντας. ἅμα yap
aA “ , e nn
τῷ παρελθεῖν εἰς THY πόλιν OL μὲν στρατιῶται

n lal lal
διασπαρέντες ἐν ταῖς οἰκίαις ἦσαν, ἐξωθοῦντες
ἀλλήλους καὶ διαμαχόμενοι περὶ τῶν χρημάτων,
ἡγεμόνες δὲ καὶ λοχαγοὶ τὰς γυναῖκας καὶ τὰς
a / .-
θυγατέρας τῶν Πελληνέων περιϊόντες ἥρπαζον,
\ La) a ’
καὶ τὰ κράνη τὰ αὑτῶν ἀφαιροῦντες ἐκείναις
περιετίθεσαν τοῦ μηδένα λαβεῖν ἄλλον, ἀλλὰ τῷ
κράνει δῆλον εἶναι τὸν δεσπότην ἑκάστης. οὕτω
δὲ διακειμένοις αὐτοῖς καὶ ταῦτα πράττουσιν
» ,ὔ Εν 3 \ / \
ἐξαίφνης ὁΑρατος ἐπιπεσὼν προσηγγέλθη. Kal
γενομένης ἐκπλήξεως, οἵαν εἰκὸς ἐν ἀταξίᾳ τοι-
/ an
αύὐτῃ, πρὶν ἢ πάντας πυθέσθαι τὸν κίνδυνον οἱ πρῶ-
ra a \ \
τοι περὶ τὰς πύλας τοῖς ᾿Αχαιοῖς καὶ τὰ προάστεια
συμπεσόντες ἔφευγον ἤδη νενικημένοι, καὶ κατε- 104
πίμπλασαν ἐλαυνόμενοι προτροπάδην ἀπορίας
τοὺς συνισταμένους καὶ προσβοηθοῦντας.
XXXII. Ἔν τούτῳ δὲ τῷ ταράχῳ μία τῶν
αἰχμαλώτων, ᾿Επιγήθους ἀνδρὸς ἐνδόξου θυγάτηρ,
αὐτὴ δὲ κάλλει καὶ μεγέθει σώματος εὐπρεπής,
A e a an ’
ἔτυχε μὲν ἐν TO ἱερῷ καθεζομένη τῆς ᾿Αρτέμιδος,
οὗ κατέστησεν αὐτὴν ὁ ἐπιλεκτάρχης ἑλὼν ἑαυτῷ
\ \ \ 7, 7 Niven?) lal
Kal περιθεὶς τὴν τριλοφίαν, ἄφνω δὲ Exdpapodca
2 πρὸς τὸν θόρυβον, ὡς ἔστη πρὸ τῶν θυρῶν τοῦ
ἱεροῦ καὶ κατέβλεψεν εἰς τοὺς μαχομένους ἄνωθεν
ἔχουσα τὴν τριλοφίαν, αὐτοῖς τε τοῖς πολίταις

ARATUS xxxi. 2—-xxxit. 2

all in order that his forces might assemble and come
together from all quarters, but at once set out with
those he had against the enemy, whom the disorder
and wantonness attendant upon their success had
wholly weakened. For as soon as they had entered
the city, the common soldiers had scattered them-
selves among the houses, jostling and fighting with
one another over the booty, while the leaders and
captains were going about and seizing the wives and
daughters of the Pellenians, on whose heads they
put their own helmets, that no one else might seize
them, but that the helmet might show to whom each
woman belonged. But while they were in this
situation and thus engaged, word was suddenly
brought them that Aratus had attacked. Dismay
fell upon them, as was natural amid such disorder,
and before all had learned of the danger the fore-
most of them, engaging with the Achaeans at the
gates and in the suburbs, were already conquered
and in full flight, and being driven in headlong rout,
they filled with dismay those who were collecting
together and coming to their aid.

XXXII. In the midst of this confusion, one of the
captive women, daughter of Epigethes, a man of
distinction, and herself conspicuous for beauty and
stateliness of person, chanced to be sitting in the
sanctuary of Artemis, where she had been placed by
the captain of a picked corps, who had seized her for
his prize and set his three-crested helmet upon her
head. But suddenly she ran forth to view the
tumult, and as she stood in front of the gate of the
sanctuary and looked down upon the combatants
from on high, with the three-crested helmet on her
head, she seemed to the citizens themselves a vision

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

θέαμα σεμνότερον ἢ Kat ἄνθρωπον ἐφάνη, καὶ
τοῖς πολεμίοις φάσμα θεῖον ὁρᾶν δοκοῦσι φρίκην
ἐνέβαλε καὶ θάμβος, ὥστε μηδένα τρέπεσθαι πρὸς
ἀλκήν.

Αὐτοὶ δὲ Πελληνεῖς λέγουσι τὸ βρέτας τῆς
θεοῦ τὸν μὲν ἄλλον ἀποκεῖσθαι χρόνον ἄψαυστον,
ὅταν δὲ κινηθὲν ὑπὸ τῆς ἱερείας ἐκφέρηται, μηδένα
προσβλέπειν ἐναντίον, ἀλλ᾽ ἀποτρέπεσθαι πάν-
Tas: ov yap ἀνθρώποις μόνον ὅραμα φρικτὸν
εἶναι καὶ χαλεπόν, ἀλλὰ καὶ δένδρα ποιεῖν ἄφορα
καὶ καρποὺς ἀπαμβλίσκειν, δι᾿ ὧν ἂν κομίξηται.
τοῦτο δὴ τότε τὴν ἱέρειαν ἐξενεγκαμένην καὶ τρέ-
πουσαν ἀεὶ κατὰ τοὺς Αἰτωλοὺς ἀντιπρόσωπον
ἔκφρονας καταστῆσαι καὶ παρελέσθαι τὸν λογι-
σμόν. ὁ δὲ ἴΑρατος οὐδὲν ἐν τοῖς ὑπομνήμασιν
εἴρηκε τοιοῦτον, ἀλλά φησι τρεψάμενος τοὺς
Αἰτωλοὺς καὶ φεύγουσι συνεισπεσὼν εἰς τὴν πόλιν
ἐξελάσαι κατὰ κράτος, ἑπτακοσίους δὲ ἀποκτεῖ-
ναι. τὸ δὲ ἔργον ἐν τοῖς μεγίστοις διεβοήθη, καὶ
Τιμάνθης ὁ ζωγράφος ἐποίησεν ἐμφαντικῶς τῇ
διαθέσει τὴν μάχην ἔχουσαν.

ΧΧΧΠΙ. Οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ πολλῶν ἐθνῶν καὶ
i ated ἐπὶ τοὺς ᾿Αχαιοὺς συνισταμένων εὐθὺς

“Apart os ἔπραττε φιλίαν πρὸς τοὺς Αἰτωλούς,
καὶ Πωανταλέοντι τῷ πλεῖστον Αἰτωλῶν δυναμένῳ
συνεργῷ χρησάμενος οὐ μόνον. εἰρήνην, ἀλλὰ καὶ
συμμαχίαν τοῖς ᾿Αχαιοῖς πρὸς τοὺς Αἰτωλοὺς
ἐποίησε.

Τοὺς δὲ ᾿Αθηναίους σπουδάζων ἐλευθερῶσαι
διεβλήθη καὶ κακῶς ἤκουσεν. ὑπὸ τῶν ᾿Αχαιῶν,
ὅτι σπονδὰς πεποιημένων αὐτῶν πρὸς τοὺς Μακε-
δόνας καὶ ἀνοχὰς ἀγόντων ἐπεχείρησε τὸν Πειραιᾶ
74

ARATUS ΧΧΧΙΙ. 2—xxx1. 2

of more than human majesty, while the enemy
thought they saw an apparition from heaven and
were struck with amazement and terror, so that not
a man of them thought of defending himself.

But the Pellenians themselves tell us that the
image of the goddess usually stands untouched, and
that when it is removed by the priestess and carried
forth from the temple, no man looks upon it, but all
turn their gaze away ; for not only to mankind is it
a grievous and terrible sight, but trees also, past
which it may be carried, become barren and cast
their fruit. This image, then, they say, the priestess
carried forth from the temple at this time, and by
ever turning it in the faces of the Aetolians robbed
them of their senses and took away their reason.
Aratus, however, in his Commentaries, makes no
mention of such a thing, but says that after routing
the Aetolians and bursting into the city with them
as they fled, he drove them out by main force, and
slew seven hundred of them. The action was ex-
tolled as among the greatest exploits, and Timanthes
the painter made a picture of the battle which in its
composition vividly pourtrayed the event.

XXXIII. Notwithstanding, since many peoples and
dynasts were combining against the Achaeans, Aratus
at once sought to make friends of the Aetolians, and
with the assistance of Pantaleon, their most in-
Huential man, not only made peace, but also an
alliance between them and the Achaeans.

But in his eagerness to set Athens free he incurred
the bitter reproaches of the Achaeans, because,
though they had made a truce and suspended hos-
tilities with the Macedonians, he attempted to seize

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

a 5 \ \ > 7 ᾽ “- ς
καταλαβεῖν. αὐτὸς δὲ ἀρνούμενος ἐν τοῖς ὑπο-
μνήμασιν οἷς ἀπολέλοιπεν ᾿ργῖνον αἰτιᾶται, μεθ᾽

\ ’ , fol
3 οὗ Ta περὶ τὸν ᾿Ακροκόρινθον ἔπραξεν. ἐκεῖνον
Ν IO7 aA lal / \ ἴω /
yap ἰδίᾳ τῷ Πειραιεῖ προσβαλόντα καὶ τῆς κλί-

,ὔ ,
μᾶκος συντριβείσης διωκόμενον ὀνομάζειν καὶ
a cal /
καλεῖν συνεχῶς "Ἄρατον ὥσπερ παρόντα, Kal δια-
φυγεῖν οὕτως ἐξαπατήσαντα τοὺς πολεμίους. οὐ
μὴν δοκεῖ πιθανῶς ἀπολογεῖσθαι. τὸν γὰρ Epyi-
νον, ἄνθρωπον ἰδιώτην καὶ Σύρον, ἀπ᾽ οὐδενὸς ἦν
εἰκότος. ἐπὶ νοῦν βαλέσθαι τὴν τηλικαύτην πρᾶξιν,
εἰ μὴ τὸν "Ἄρατον εἶχεν ἡγεμόνα καὶ παρ᾽ ἐκείνου
τὴν δύναμιν καὶ τὸν καιρὸν εἰλήφει πρὸς τὴν ἐπί-
4 θεσιν. ἐδήλωσε δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς ὁ “A patos ov δὶς
οὐδὲ τρίς, ἀλλὰ πολλάκις, ὥσπερ οἱ δυσέρωτες,
ἐπιχειρήσας τῷ Πειραιεῖ καὶ πρὸς τὰς διαμαρτίας
οὐκ ἀποκαμών, ἀλλὰ τῷ παρὰ μικρὸν ἀεὶ καὶ
/ γ᾽ ΄ A ? / \ Ν
σύνεγγυς ἀποσφάλλεσθαι τῶν ἐλπίδων πρὸς τὸ
θαρρεῖν ἀνακαλούμενος. ἅπαξ δὲ καὶ τὸ σκέλος
\ =

ἔσπασε διὰ τοῦ Θριασίου φεύγων: καὶ Tomas

Μ Ἂς , \ \ /
ἔλαβε πολλὰς θεραπευόμενος, Kal πολὺν χρόνον

΄ ral

ἐν φορείῳ κομιζόμενος ἐποιεῖτο τὰς στρατείας.

XXXIV. ᾿Αντιγόνου δὲ ἀποθανόντος καὶ Δη-
/ \ » / » a

μητρίου τὴν βασιλείαν παραλαβόντος ἔτι μᾶλλον
ἐνέκειτο ταῖς ᾿Αθήναις καὶ ὅλως κατεφρόνει τῶν

᾿ , \ nr ΄ὔ
Μακεδόνων. διὸ καὶ κρατηθέντος αὐτοῦ μάχῃ

\ / ¢ \ if “ /
περὶ Φυλακίαν ὑπὸ Βίθυος tov Δημητρίου στρα-

“ / lal ΄
τηγοῦ, καὶ λόγου γενομένου πολλοῦ μέν, ὡς
ἑάλωκε, πολλοῦ δὲ ὡς τέθνηκεν, ὁ μὲν τὸν Πει- 1043

a a \

2 para φρουρῶν Διογένης ἔπεμψεν ἐπιστολὴν εἰς

1 Antigonus Gonatas died in 239 B.c , and was succeeded
by his son Demetrius II., who reigned ten years.

ARATUS xxxill. 2-XxXxIv. 2

the Peiraeus. He himself, however, in the Com-
mentaries which he left, lays the blame for this
attempt upon Erginus, with whose aid he had
effected the capture of Acrocorinthus. He says that
Erginus attacked the Peiraeus on his own private
account, and that when his scaling-ladder broke and
the enemy were pursuing him, he kept calling upon
Aratus by name, as if Aratus were there, and thus
deceived and made his escape from them. But this
defence does not seem to be convincing. For Erginus
was a private man and a Syrian, and there is no
likelihood that he would have conceived of so great an
undertaking if he had not been under the guidance
of Aratus and obtained from him the force and the
fitting time for the attack. And Aratus himself also
made this plain, since he assaulted the Peiraeus, not
twice or thrice, but many times, like a desperate
lover, and would not desist in spite of his failures,
but was roused to fresh courage by the very narrow-
ness of the slight margin by which he was dis-
appointed of his hopes. And once he actually put
his leg out of joint as he fled through the Thriasian
plain; and while he was under treatment for this,
the knife was often used upon him, and for a long
time he was carried in a litter upon his campaigns.
XXXIV. When Antigonus died and Demetrius
succeeded to the throne,! Aratus was all the more
bent upon getting Athens, and wholly despised the
Macedonians. And so, after he had been overcome
in a battle at Phylacia by Bithys the general of
Demetrius, and reports were rife, one that he had
been captured, and another that he was dead, Dio-
genes, the guardian of the Peiraeus, sent a letter to

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

A ,
Κόρινθον ἐξίστασθαι τῆς πόλεως κελεύων τοὺς
Ε] Ζ 3 \ » ᾽ 7 ” \ A
alou 7 7
Αχαιούς, ἐπειδὴ "Apatos ἀπέθανεν: ἔτυχε δὲ τῶν
/ \ \ 5 /
γραμμάτων κομισθέντων παρὼν αὐτὸς ἐν Κορίνθῳ,
ε nw / \ \
καὶ διατριβὴν ot τοῦ Διογένους καὶ γέλωτα πολὺν
Ud » ΄ 9. ΣΝ Δ \
παρασχοντες ἀπηλλάγησαν. avTOS δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς
> / a » 2939 ὃΦ ͵7
ἐκ Μακεδονίας ναῦν ἔπεμψεν, ἐφ᾽ ἧς κομισθήσεται
e lal
πρὸς αὐτὸν ὁ “Apatos δεδεμένος. πᾶσαν δὲ
a , » a
᾿Αθηναῖοι κουφότητα κολακείας τῆς πρὸς Maxesdo-
id 4 ’ , oe lal
vas ὑπερβάλλοντες ἐστεφανηφόρησαν OTE πρῶτον
᾿ , , \ \ x ’ \ > \ 3
ἠγγέλθη τεθνηκώς. διὸ Kal πρὸς ὀργὴν εὐθὺς ἐκ-
᾽ lo
στρατεύσας ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἄχρι τῆς ᾿Ακαδημείας
»“ ? \ > \ 3 ,
προῆλθεν: εἶτα πεισθεὶς οὐδὲν ἠδίκησεν.

Οἱ δὲ ᾿Αθηναῖοι συμφρονήσαντες αὐτοῦ τὴν ἀρε-
τήν, ἐπεὶ Δημητρίου τελευτήσαντος ὥρμησαν ἐπὶ
Ν > , > a b] / € , , haat al 4
τὴν ἐλευθερίαν, ἐκεῖνον ἐκάλουν. ὁ δέ, καίπερ ἑτέ-
ρου μὲν ἄρχοντος τότε τῶν ᾿Αχαιῶν, αὐτὸς δὲ
ἀρρωστίᾳ μακρᾷ κλινήρης ὑπάρχων, ὅμως ἐν

/ / e ΄ A s x \
φορείῳ κομιζόμενος ὑπήντησε τῇ πόλει πρὸς τὴν
χρείαν, καὶ τὸν ἐπὶ τῆς φρουρᾶς Διογένη συνέπει-

΄σ ΙΑ rn Ἀν

σεν ἀποδοῦναι τόν τε Iletpard καὶ τὴν Μουνυχίαν

\ ΩΝ ys “ \ \ SS , “- > ,
καὶ τὴν Σαλαμῖνα καὶ TO Σούνιον τοῖς ᾿Αθηναίοις
ἐπὶ πεντήκοντα καὶ ἑκατὸν ταλάντοις, ὧν αὐτὸς ὁ
ἼΛρατος εἴκοσι τῇ πόλει συνεβάλετο. προσεχώ-

ao ¢€ a ~

pnoav δ᾽ εὐθὺς Αἰγινῆται καὶ “Ἑρμιονεῖς τοῖς
’ A (4 ‘A A >) ’ὔ ’ A
Αχαιοῖς, ἥ τε πλείστη τῆς ApKadtas αὐτοῖς συν-

/ \ , \ 3 “ » ,
ετέλει. καὶ Μακεδόνων μὲν ἀσχόλων ὄντων διά
τινας προσοίκους καὶ ὁμόρους πολέμους, Αἰτω-
λῶν δὲ συμμαχούντων, ἐπίδοσιν μεγάλην ἡ τῶν
᾿Αχαιῶν ἐλάμβανε δύναμις,
78

ARATUS xxxiv. 2-5

Corinth ordering the Achaeans to quit the city, since
Aratus had been killed; but when the letter arrived
at Corinth, Aratus chanced to be there in person,
and so the messengers of Diogenes, after furnishing
much diversion and laughter, went away. Moreover,
the king himself sent a ship from Macedonia, on
which Aratus was to be brought to him in chains.
And the Athenians, carrying their flattery of the
Macedonians to the highest pitch of levity, crowned
themselves with garlands as soon as they heard that
Aratus was dead. Therefore he was wroth, and at
once made an expedition against them, and advanced
as far as the Academy; then he listened to their
entreaties and did them no harm.

So the Athenians came to recognize the excellence
of his character, and when, upon the death of
Demetrius,! they set out to regain their freedom,
they called upon him. Then Aratus, although
another was at that time general of the Achaeans,
and he himself was confined to his bed by a long
sickness, nevertheless was carried in a litter to help
the city in its time of need, and joined in persuading
Diogenes, the commander of the garrison, to give up
the Peiraeus, Munychia, Salamis, and Sunium to the
Athenians for a hundred and fifty talents, twenty of
which Aratus contributed himself. Moreover, Aegina
and Hermione at once came over to the Achaeans,
and the greater part of Arcadia joined their league.
And since the Macedonians were busy with certain
neighbouring and adjacent wars, and the Aetolians
were in alliance with the Achaeans, the power of
the Achaean League was greatly increased.

1 In 229 B.c. He was succeeded by Antigonus Doson, who
reigned nine years,

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

XXXV. Οὗ" ᾿Άρατος ἐξεργαξόμενος τὴν πα-
λαιὰν ὑπόθεσιν, καὶ δυσανασχετῶν τὴν ἐν “A pyet
τυραννίδα γειτνιῶσαν αὐτοῖς, ἔπειθε πέμπων TOV
᾿Αριστόμαχον εἰς μέσον θεῖναι καὶ προσαγαγεῖν
τοῖς ᾿Αχαιοῖς τὴν πόλιν, καὶ ζηλώσαντα Λυδιάδην
ἔθνους τηλικούτου μετ᾽ εὐφημίας καὶ τιμῆς στρα-
τηγὸν εἶναι μᾶλλον ἢ μιᾶς πόλεως κινδυνεύοντα
καὶ μισούμενον τύραννον. ὑπακούσαντος δὲ τοῦ
᾿Αριστομάχου καὶ κελεύσαντος αὐτῷ πεντήκοντα
τάλαντα πέμψαι τὸν "Ἄρατον, ὅπως ἀπαλλάξῃ
καὶ διαλύσηται τοὺς παρ᾽ αὐτῷ στρατευομένους,
καὶ τῶν χρημάτων ποριζομένων, ὁ 0 Λυδιάδης ἔτι
στρατηγῶν καὶ φιλοτιμούμενος ἴδιον αὑτοῦ πολί-
τευμα τοῦτο πρὸς τοὺς ᾿Αχαιοὺς γενέσθαι, τοῦ
μὲν ᾿Αράτου κατηγόρει πρὸς ᾿Αριστόμαχον ὡς
δυσμενῶς καὶ ἀδιαλλάκτως ἀ ἀεὶ πρὸς τοὺς τυράν-
νους ἔχοντος, αὑτῷ δὲ πείσας τὴν πρᾶξιν ἐπι-
τρέψαι προσήγαγ ε τοῖς ᾿Αχαιοῖς τὸν ἄνθρωπον.
ἔνθα δὴ μάλιστα φανερὰν ἐποίησαν οἱ σύνεδροι
τῶν ᾿Αχαιῶν τὴν πρὸς τὸν "Ἄρατον εὔνοιαν καὶ
πίστιν. ἀντειπόντος μὲν γὰρ αὐτοῦ ov ὀργὴν
ἀπήλασαν τοὺς περὶ τὸν Ἀριστόμαχον" ἐπεὶ δὲ
συμπεισθεὶς πάλιν αὐτὸς ἤρξατο περὶ αὐτῶν δια-
λέγεσθαι παρών, πάντα ταχέως καὶ προθύμως
ἐψηφίσαντο, καὶ προσεδέξαντο μὲν τοὺς ᾿Αργείους
καὶ Φλιασίους εἰς τὴν πολιτείαν, ἐνιαυτῷ δὲ
ὕστερον καὶ τὸν ᾿Αριστόμαχον εἵλοντο στρατηγόν.

ὋὉ δὲ 07; ἡμερῶν παρὰ τοῖς ᾿Αχαιοῖς καὶ βουλό-
μενος εἰς τὸν Λακωνικὴν ἐμβαλεῖν ἐκάλει τὸν
“A patov ἐξ \ Anuar. ὁ δὲ ἔγραφε μὲν αὐτῷ τὴν
στρατείαν ἀπαγορευθι καὶ τῷ Κλεομένει θράσος

καὶ bracketed by Sint.?
80

ARATUS xxxv. 1-4

XXXV. And now Aratus, seeking to effect his
long-standing purpose, and impatient of the tyranny
so near the Achaeans in Argos, sent messengers and
tried to persuade Aristomachus to give his city free-
dom and attach it to the Achaean League, urging
him to imitate Lydiades and be general of so great
a nation with praise and honour, rather than tyrant
of a single city with peril and hatred. Aristomachus
consented, and told Aratus to send him fifty talents,
in order that he might disband and send away the
soldiers under him, and the money was being pro-
vided. Upon this, Lydiades, who was still general
and had an ambition that the Achaeans should regard
this transaction as his own work, denounced Aratus
to Aristomachus as a man who had always been an
implacable enemy of tyrants, and after persuading
Aristomachus to entrust the matter to himself,
brought him before the Achaean council. Then
the members of the council put into clearest light
their goodwill towards Aratus and their confidence
in him. For when he angrily opposed the project,
they drove Aristomachus away; but when he had
been won over again, and came before them in
person, and began to argue for the project, they
speedily and readily adopted all his proposals,
admitted Argos and Phlius into the league, and a
year later! actually choose Aristomachus general.

Aristomachus, then, being in high favour with the
Achaeans, and wishing to invade Laconia, summoned
Aratus from Athens. Aratus wrote him a letter in
which he tried to dissuade him from the expedition,
and expressed unwillingness to involve the Achaeans
in hostilities with Cleomenes, who was daring and

1 In 227 B.c.

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἔχοντι καὶ παραβόλως αὐξανομένῳ συμπλέκεσθαι
τοὺς ᾿Αχαιοὺς μὴ βουλόμενος, ὡρμημένου δὲ πάν-
τως ὑπήκουσε καὶ παρὼν συνεστράτευεν. ὅτε δὴ
καὶ κωλύσας περὶ τὸ Παλλάντιον τοῦ Kyeo-
μένους ἐπιφανέντος αὐτοῖς μάχην συνάψαι τὸν
᾿Αριστόμαχον ὑπὸ Λυδιάδου κατηγορήθη, καὶ
περὶ τῆς στρατηγίας εἰς ἀγῶνα καὶ ἀντιπαραγ-
γελίαν αὐτῷ καταστὰς ἐκράτησε τῇ χειροτονίᾳ
καὶ τὸ δωδέκατον ἠρέθη TTPATHYOS.

XXXVI. ’Ev ταύτῃ τῇ στρατηγίᾳ περὶ τὸ
Λύκαιον ἡττηθεὶς ὑπὸ τοῦ Κλεομένους ἔφυγε: καὶ
πλανηθεὶς νυκτὸς ἔδοξε μὲν τεθνάναι καὶ πάλιν
οὗτος ὁ λόγος κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ πολὺς ἐξεφοίτησεν εἰς
τοὺς “Ελληνας" ἀνασωθεὶς δὲ καὶ τοὺς στρατιώ-
τας συναγαγὼν οὐκ ἠγάπησεν ἀσφαλῶς ἀπελθεῖν,
ἀλλ᾽ ἄριστα τῷ καιρῷ χρησάμενος οὐδενὸς προσ-
δοκῶντος οὐδὲ συλλογιζομένου τὸ μέλλον ἐξαίφ-
νης ἐπέπεσε Μαντινεῦσι συμμάχοις οὖσι τοῦ
Κλεομένους: καὶ τὴν πόλιν ἑλὼν φρουρὰν ἐνέβαλε
καὶ τοὺς μετοίκους πολίτας ἐποίησεν αὐτῶν, καὶ
μόνος ἃ νικῶντες οὐκ ἂν ῥᾳδίως ἔσχον ἐκτήσατο
νενικημένοις τοῖς ᾿Αχαιοῖς.

Αὖθις δὲ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων ἐπὶ Μεγάλην
πόλιν στρατευσάντων βοηθήσας ὦκνει μὲν ἅψι-
μαχοῦντι τῷ Κλεομένει λαβὴν παρασχεῖν καὶ
τοῖς Μεγαλοπολίταις (βιαξομένοις ἀντεῖχεν, οὔτε
dros πρὸς τὰς κατὰ στόμα μάχας εὖ πεφυκὼς
καὶ τότε λειπόμενός τε πλήθει καὶ πρὸς ἄνδρα
τολμητὴν καὶ νέον ἤδη παρακμάζοντι τῷ θυμῷ
καὶ κεκολασμένῃ τῇ φιλοτιμία συνεστηκώς, καὶ

1 See the Cleomenes, iv. 3-4.
2996 B.c. Cf. the Cleomenes, v. * Cf. the Cleomencs, vi.
2
Q
Ο2

1044

ARATUS xxxv. 4—XXXVI1. 3

growing marvellously in power; but, since Aristo-
machus was altogether insistent, Aratus obeyed
orders and accompanied the expedition in person.
It was at this time that he prevented Aristomachus
from joining battle when Cleomenes came upon them
at Pallantium,! and was denounced therefore by
Lydiades, with whom he came into contest and
competition for the office of general, winning the
vote and being chosen general for the twelfth time.

XXXVI. In the campaign of this year? he was
defeated by Cleomenes near Mount Lycaeum, and
took to flight; and, since he lost his way in the
night, he was thought to be dead, and once more
a story to this effect had wide currency among the
Greeks. But he escaped alive and rallied his soldiers,
and then was not content to come off safely, but
making the best use of his opportunity, when no
one expected or had any idea of what was to happen,
he suddenly made an assault upon Mantineia, which
was in alliance with Cleomenes; and having taken
the city, he set a garrison there, and made its alien
residents full citizens, thus acquiring single-handed
for the conquered Achaeans what they could not
easily have obtained as conquerors.

And again, when the Lacedaemonians made an
expedition against Megalopolis,? he went to the aid
of the city, but was loth to give Cleomenes a chance
for the hand-to-hand fighting which he desired, and
resisted the importunities of the Megalopolitans.
For he was never at any time well fitted by nature
for set battles, and at this time in particular he was
inferior in numbers, and was matched against a man
who was young and daring, while his own courage
was past its prime, and his ambition chastened. He

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

΄ A A A “ 3 a ᾽ > e
νομίζων ἣν διὰ τοῦ τολμᾶν ἐκεῖνος ἐξ οὐχ ὑπαρ-
χόντων ἐκτᾶτο δόξαν αὑτῷ κεκτημένῳ φυλακτέον
εἶναι διὰ τῆς εὐλαβείας.

XXXVII. Οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τῶν ψιλῶν ἐκδραμόν-
των καὶ ὠσαμένων τοὺς Σπαρτιάτας ἄχρι τοῦ
\ \
στρατοπέδου Kal περὶ τὰς σκηνὰς διασπαρέντων,
e Ν vw 50» A » ’ > ’ > a
ὁ μὲν “Apatos οὐδ᾽ ὡς ἐπήγαγεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν μέσῳ
λαβὼν χαράδραν ἐπέστησε καὶ κατεκώλυσε δια-
a AY e / ¢€ \ / “
βῆναι τοὺς ὁπλίτας" ὁ δὲ Λυδιάδης περιπαθῶν
, \ /
πρὸς Ta γιγνόμενα καὶ tov “Apatov κακίζων
»“ \ 4 A , lanl n
ἀνεκαλεῖτο TOUS ἱππεῖς ὡς αὑτόν, ἀξιῶν ἐπιφανῆ-
vat τοῖς διώκουσι καὶ μὴ προέσθαι τὸ νίκημα
μηδὲ ἐγκαταλιπεῖν αὐτὸν ὑπὲρ τῆς πατρίδος ἀγω-
an \
vitopevov. πολλῶν δὲ συστραφέντων καὶ wya-
rr ’ \ 5" / “Ὁ ral nw ,
θῶν ἐπιρρωσθεὶς ἐνέβαλε τῷ δεξιῷ τῶν πολεμίων
\ , 307 ς Ν n SY
Kal τρεψάμενος ἐδίωκεν, ὑπὸ θυμοῦ καὶ φιλοτι-
/
μίας ἀταμιεύτως ἐπισπασθεὶς εἰς χωρία σκολιὰ
καὶ μεστὰ δένδρων πεφυτευμένων καὶ τάφρων
πλατειῶν, ἐν οἷς ἐπιθεμένου τοῦ Κλεομένους ἔπεσε
nn , Ν A
λαμπρῶς ἀγωνισάμενος τὸν κάλλιστον TOV ἀγώ-
a /
νων ἐπὶ θύραις τῆς πατρίδος. οἱ δ᾽ ἄλλοι hev-
\
γοντες εἰς τὴν φάλαγγα Kal συνταράξαντες τοὺς
¢€ ¢ \ an
ὁπλίτας ὅλον TO στράτευμα τῆς ἥττης ἐνέπλησαν.
id
αἰτίαν δὲ μεγάλην ὁ “Apatos ἔλαβε δόξας προέ-
\ 4> \ \ e Ν a 2 a
σθαι τὸν Λυδιάδην" καὶ βιασθεὶς ὑπὸ τῶν ᾿Α χαιῶν
/ ᾽ν 3 a
ἀπερχομένων πρὸς ὀργὴν ἠκολούθησεν αὐτοῖς εἰς
Αἴγιον. ἐκεῖ δὲ συνελθόντες ἐψηφίσαντο μὴ δι-
, A
δόναι χρήματα αὐτῷ μηδὲ μισθοφόρους τρέφειν,
5} ’ « a / ? if an
ἀλλ᾽ αὐτῷ πορίζειν, εἰ δέοιτο πολεμεῖν.
84

ARATUS xxxvi. 3-xxxvil. 3

also thought that the glory which his adversary was
trying to acquire by his daring and did not possess,
had already been acquired by himself and must be
preserved by his caution.

XXXVII. Nevertheless, his light infantry once
made a sally, drove the Spartans as far as to their
camp, and were scattered about among the tents.
Aratus, however, would not even then lead up his
men, but putting a ravine between himself and the
enemy, halted there, and would not suffer his men-
at-arms to cross it. Then Lydiades, distressed at
what was going on, and loading Aratus with re-
proaches, called his horsemen to him and exhorted
them to go to the help of the pursuers, and not to
let the victory slip out of their hands nor leave in the
lurch a commander who was fighting in behalf of his
native city. Many brave men gathering at his call,
he was emboldened to charge upon the right wing
of the enemy, which he routed and pursued. But
his ardour and ambition robbed him of discretion,
and he was drawn on into places that were intricate
and full of planted trees and broad trenches. Here
Cleomenes attacked him and he fell, after a brilliant
and most honourable combat at the gates of his
native city. The rest of his men fled to their main
line, threw the men-at-arms into confusion, and thus
infected the whole army with their defeat. Aratus
was severely blamed for this, being thought to have
betrayed Lydiades; and when the Achaeans left the
field in anger, they forced him to accompany them
to Aegium. Here they held an assembly, and voted
not to give him money and not to maintain mer-
cenaries for him; if he wanted to wage war, he must
provide the means himself.

PLUTARCH’S LIVES
XXXVHI. Οὕτω δὲ προπηλακισθεὶς ἐβουλεύ-

σατο μὲν εὐθὺς ἀποθέσθαι τὴν σφραγῖδα καὶ τὴν
στρατηγίαν ἀφεῖναι, λογισμῷ δὲ χρησάμενος τότε
μὲν ὑπέμεινε, καὶ πρὸς ᾿Ορχομενὸν ἐξαγαγὼν τοὺς
᾿Αχαιοὺς μάχην ἔθετο πρὸς Μεγιστόνουν τὸν
Κλεομένους πατρωόν, ἐν 7 κρατήσας τριακοσίους
μὲν ἀπέκτεινε, ζῶντα δὲ τὸν Μεγιστόνουν συν-
ἔλαβεν. εἰωθὼς δὲ στρατηγεῖν παρ᾽ ἐνιαυτόν,
ὡς ἡ τάξις αὐτῷ περιῆλθε, καλούμενος ἐξωμὸό-
σατο, καὶ Τιμόξενος ἡρέθη στρατηγός. ἐδόκει δὲ
ἡ μὲν πρὸς τοὺς ὄχλους ὀργὴ πρόφασις εἶναι
λεγομένη τῆς ἐξωμοσίας ἀπίθανος, αἰτία δ᾽ ἀλη-
θὴς τὰ “περιεστῶτα τοὺς ᾿Αχαιούς, οὐκέθ᾽ ὡς πρό-
τερον ἀτρέμα καὶ σχέδην τοῦ Κλεομένους ἐπιβαί-
νοντος οὐδ᾽ ἐμπλεκομένου ταῖς πολιτικαῖς ἀρχαῖς,
ἀλλ᾽ ἐπεὶ τοὺς ἐφόρους ἀποκτείνας καὶ τὴν χώραν
ἀναδασάμενος καὶ πολλοὺς τῶν μετοίκων ἐμβα-
λὼν εἰς τὴν πολιτείαν ἔσχεν ἰσχὺν ἀνυπεύθυνον,
εὐθὺς ἐπικειμένου τοῖς ᾿Αχαιοῖς καὶ τῆς ἡγεμονίας
ἑαυτὸν ἀξιοῦντος. διὸ καὶ μέμφονται τὸν "A pa-
TOV ἐν σάλῳ “μεγάλῳ καὶ χειμῶνι τῶν πραγμάτων
φερομένων ὥσπερ “κυβερνήτην ἀφέντα καὶ προέ-
μενον ἐτ έρῳ τοὺς οἴακας, ὅτε καλῶς εἶχε καὶ ἀκόν-
των ἐπιστάντα σώζειν τὸ κοινόν" εἰ δ᾽ ἀπεγνώκει
τὰ πράγματα καὶ τὴν δύναμιν τῶν ᾿Αχαιῶν, εἶξαι
τῷ Κλεομένει, καὶ μὴ πάλιν τὴν Πελοπόννησον
ἐκβαρβαρῶσαι φρουραῖς Μακεδόνων, μηδὲ πληρῶ-
σαι τὸν ᾿Ακροκόρινθον ᾿Ιλλυρικῶν ὅπλων καὶ
Γαλατικῶν, μηδὲ ods αὐτὸς ἐν ταῖς πράξεσι κατα-

1 Cf. the Cleomenes, xv. 1.
* For the year 224 Bc.
8 Cf. the Cleomenes, viii., xi.

1045

ARATUS xxxvi. 1-4

XXXVIII. Smarting under this insult, he resolved
to give up his seal at once, and resign the office of
general, but upon reflection he held on for the
present, and after leading the Achaeans forth to
Orchomenus, fought a battle there with Megistonoiis,
the stepfather of Cleomenes, in which he got the
upper hand, killing three hundred of the enemy and
taking Megistonoiis prisoner. But when, accustomed
as he was to be general every other year, his turn
came round again and he was invited to take the
office, he formally declined! and Timoxenus was
chosen general.2~ Now the grounds usually given
for this refusal of Aratus, namely, his anger at the
people, were not thought to be convincing, and
the real reason for it was the situation of the
Achaeans. For the invasions of Cleomenes were no
longer quiet and restrained, as formerly, nor was he
fettered by the civil authorities, but after he had
killed the ephors, divided up the land, advanced
many resident aliens to the citizenship, and thus got
an irresponsible power,? he immediately pressed the
Achaeans hard, and demanded the supreme leader-
ship for himself. And therefore men blame Aratus,
because, when the ship of state was driving in a
great surge and storm, he forsook the pilot’s helm
and left it to another, although it had been well,
even if the people were unwilling, to remain at their
head and save them; and if he despaired of the
government and power of the Achaeans, he ought
to have yielded to Cleomenes, and not to have made
Peloponnesus quite barbarous again under Mace-
donian garrisons, nor to have filled Acrocorinthus
with Illyrian and Gallic arms, nor, in the case of

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

στρατηγῶν Kal καταπολιτευόμενος, ἐν δὲ τοῖς
ὑπομνήμασι λοιδορῶν διετέλει, τούτους ἐπάγεσθαι
δεσπότας ταῖς πόλεσι συμμάχους ὑποκοριζόμενον.
εἰ δὲ Κλεομένης ἦν, λεγέσθω γὰρ οὕτως, Tapavo-
μος καὶ τυραννικός, GAN Ἡρακλεῖδαι πατέρες
αὐτῷ καὶ Σπάρτη πατρίς, ἧς τὸν ἀφανέστατον
ἄξιον ἀντὶ τοῦ πρώτου Μακεδόνων ἡγεμόνα ποιεῖ-
σθαι τοὺς ἔν Tie λόγῳ τὴν ᾿Ελληνικὴν τιθεμένους
εὐγένειαν. καίτοι Κλεομένης ἤτει τὴν ἀρχὴν
παρὰ τῶν ᾿Αχαιῶν ὡς πολλὰ ποιήσων ἀγαθὰ τὰς
πόλεις ἀντὶ τῆς τιμῆς καὶ τῆς προσηγορίας ἐκείνης,
᾿Αντίγονος δὲ καὶ κατὰ γῆν καὶ κατὰ θάλατταν
αὐτοκράτωρ ἡγεμὼν ἀναγορευθεὶς οὐχ ὑπήκουσε
πρὶν τὸν μισθὸν αὐτῷ τῆς ἡγεμονίας ὁμολογηθῆ-
ναι τὸν ᾿Ακροκόρινθον, ἀτεχνῶς τὸν Αἰσώπου μι-
μησάμενος κυνηγόν. οὐ γὰρ πρότερον ἐπέβη τοῖς
᾿Αχαιοῖς δεομένοις καὶ ὑποβάλλουσιν αὑτοὺς διὰ
τῶν πρεσβειῶν καὶ τῶν ψηφισμάτων ἢ τῇ φρουρᾷ
καὶ τοῖς ὁμήροις ὥσπερ χαλινουμένους ἀνασχέ-
σθαι. καίτοι πᾶσαν ὁΑρατος ἀφίησι φωνὴν ἀπο-
λογιζόμενος τὴν ἀνάγκην. ὁ Πολύβιος δὲ αὐτὸν
ἐκ πολλοῦ φησι καὶ πρὸ τῆς ἀνάγκης ὑφορώμε-
νον τὸ θράσος τὸ τοῦ Κλεομένους κρύφα τῷ
᾿Αντιγόνῳ διαλέγεσθαι, καὶ τοὺς Μεγαλοπολίτας
προκαθιέναι δεομένους ᾿Αχαιῶν ἐπικαλεῖσθαι τὸν
᾿Αντίγονον. οὗτοι γὰρ ἐπιέζοντο τῷ πολέμῳ
μάλιστα, συνεχῶς ἄγοντος αὐτοὺς καὶ φέροντος
τοῦ Κλεομένους. ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ Φύλαρχος ἱστό-

1 Histories, ii. 47, 4 ff.

ARATUS xxxvir. 4-8

men whom he was always defeating in the fields of
war and statesmanship and abusing in the pages
of his Commentaries, to have made these men lords
over the cities under the endearing name of allies.
And if Cleomenes was, as must be granted, lawless
and arbitrary, still, Heracleidae were his ancestors,
and Sparta was his native land, the meanest citizen
of which was more worthy than the foremost Mace-
donian to be made their leader by those who had
any regard for Greek nobility of birth. And yet
Cleomenes asked the Achaeans for the office, with
the promise that he would confer many benefits
upon their cities in return for that honour and its
title, whereas Antigonus, although he was proclaimed
leader with full powers by land and sea, would not
accept the office until Acrocorinthus had been
promised him as the pay for his leadership. In this
he acted just like Aesop’s hunter. For he would not
mount the Achaeans, although they prayed him to
do so and presented their backs to him by way of
embassies and decrees, until they consented to wear
the bit and bridle of the garrison they received and
the hostages they gave. And yet Aratus says every-
thing that he can say in explaining the necessity
that was upon him. Polybius, however, says! that
for a long time, and before the necessity arose,
Aratus mistrusted the daring temper of Cleomenes
and made secret overtures to Antigonus, besides
putting the Megalopolitans forward to beg the
Achaeans to call in Antigonus. For the Megalo-
politans were most oppressed by the war, since
Cleomenes was continually plundering their territory.
A similar account of these matters is given by
Phylarchus also, in whom, but for the testimony of

VOL. ΧΙ. p 89

PLUTARCH’S. LIVES

pnKe περὶ τούτων, ᾧ μὴ τοῦ Πολυβίου μαρτυροῦν-
τος οὐ πάνυ τι πιστεύειν ἄξιον ἢ ἣν. ἐνθουσιᾷ γὰρ
ὅταν ἅψηται τοῦ Κλεομένους, ὑπ᾽ εὐνοίας, καὶ
καθάπερ ἐν δίκῃ τῇ ἱστορίᾳ τῷ μὲν ἀντιδικῶν
διατελεῖ, τῷ δὲ συναγορεύων.

XXXEX! ᾿Απέβαλον δ᾽ οὖν οἱ ᾿Αχαιοὶ τὴν
Μαντίνειαν, πάλιν ἑλόντος αὐτὴν τοῦ Κλεομέ-
νους, καὶ μάχῃ μεγάλῃ περὶ τὸ ᾿βκατόμβαιον
ἡττηθέντες οὕτω κατεπλάγησαν ὥστε πέμπειν
εὐθὺς ἐφ᾽ ιἡγεμονίᾳ τὸν Κλεομένη καλοῦντες εἰς
"Apyos. ὁ δὲ "Αρατος ὡς ἤσθετο βαδίζοντα καὶ
περὶ Λέρναν ὄντα μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως, φοβηθεὶς
ἀπέστελλε πρέσβεις τοὺς ἀξιοῦντας ὡς παρὰ
φίλους καὶ συμμάχους αὐτὸν ἥκειν μετὰ τρι-
ακοσίων, εἰ δὲ ἀπιστεῖ, λαβεῖν ὁμήρους. ταῦτα
ὕβριν εἶναι καὶ χλευασμὸν αὑτοῦ φήσας ὁ
Κλεομένης ἀνέζευξεν, ἐπιστολὴν γράψας τοῖς
᾿Αχαιοῖς ἐγκλήματα πολλὰ κατὰ τοῦ ᾿Αράτου
καὶ διαβολὰς ἔχουσαν. ἔγραφε δὲ κἀκεῖνος ἐπι-
στολὰς κατὰ τοῦ Κλεομένους: καὶ ,ἐφέροντο Τ
λοιδορίαι καὶ βλασφημίαι μέχρι γάμων καὶ
γυναικῶν ἀλλήλους κακῶς λεγόντων.

"Ex τούτου κήρυκα πέμψας ὁ Κλεομένης
πόλεμον προεροῦντα τοῖς ᾿Αχαιοῖς, μικροῦ μὲν
ἔλαθε τὴν Σικυωνίων πόλιν ἁρπάσας διὰ προδο-
σίας, ἔγγυθεν 1 δὲ ἀποτραπεὶς Πελλήνῃ προσέβα-
λε καὶ τοῦ στρατηγοῦ τῶν ᾿Αχαιῶν ἐκπεσόντος
ἔσχε τὴν πόλιν. ὀλίγῳ δὲ ὕστερον καὶ Φενεὸν
ἔλαβε καὶ Πεντέλειον. εἶτ᾽ εὐθὺς ᾿Αργεῖοι προσ-
εχώρησαν αὐτῷ καὶ Φλιάσιοι φρουρὰν ἐδέξαντο"
καὶ 2} οὐδὲν ἔτι τῶν ἐπικτήτων βέβαιον ἣν

1 ἔγγυθεν Bekker reads ἐκεῖθεν, with the Aldine.

ARATUS Sonera 8—XXXIX. 4

Polybius, one should not put entire credence. For
goodwill makes his every mention of Cleomenes
ecstatic, and as if he were pleading in a court of
law, he is for ever accusing Aratus in his history,
and defending Cleomenes.

XXXIX. So, then, the Achaeans lost Mantineia,
which was taken again by Cleomenes, and after
being defeated in a great battle at Hecatombaeum
they were so dismayed that they sent at once and
invited Cleomenes to come to Argos and assume the
leadership. But Aratus, when he learned that
Cleomenes was on the way and at Lerna with his
forces, feared the issue, and sent an embassy to
demand that he should come with three hundred
men only, as to friends and allies, and that if he was
distrustful, he should accept hostages. Cleomenes
declared that he was insulted and mocked by this
demand, and retired with his army, after writing a
letter to the Achaeans which was full of bitter accu-
sations against Aratus. Aratus also wrote letters
against Cleomenes; and their mutual abuse and
defamation reached the point of maligning one
another’s marriages and wives.

As a result of this, Cleomenes sent a herald to
declare war against the Achaeans, and almost
succeeded in seizing the city of Sicyon with the
help of traitors; he turned aside, however, when
close at hand, and assaulted and took the city of
Pellene, from which the Achaean commander fled.
And not long afterwards he took Pheneus also and
Penteleium. Then Argos went over to his side, and
Phlius received a garrison which he sent. Ina word,
not one of their acquisitions longer held firm to the

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

τοῖς ᾿Αχαιοῖς, ἀλλὰ θόρυβος πολὺς ἄφνω περι-
εἰστήκει TOV "Aparov, ὁ ὁρῶντα τὴν Πελοπόννησον
κραδαινομένην καὶ τὰς πόλεις ἐξανισταμένας ὑπὸ
τῶν νεωτεριζόντων. πανταχόθεν.

XL. τρέμει γὰρ οὐδὲν οὐδὲ ἔ ἔστεργεν. ἐπὶ τοῖς
παροῦσιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ Σικνωνίων αὐτῶν καὶ Κοριν-
θίων ἐγένοντο πολλοὶ καταφανεῖς διειλεγμένοι
τῷ Κλεομένει καὶ πάλαι πρὸς τὸ κοινὸν ἰδίων
ἐπιθυμίᾳ δυναστειῶν ὑπούλως ἔχοντες. ἐπὶ τού-
τους ἐξουσίαν ἀνυπεύθυνον ὁ "Ἄρατος λαβὼν
τοὺς μὲν ἐν Σικυῶνι διεφθαρμένους ἀπέκτεινε,
τοὺς δὲ ἐν Κορίνθῳ πειρώμενος ἀναζητεῖν καὶ
κολάζειν ἐξηγρίαινε τὸ πλῆθος ἤδη νοσοῦν καὶ
βαρυνόμενον τὴν ὑπὸ τοῖς ᾿Αχαιοῖς πολιτείαν.
συνδραμόντες οὖν εἰς τὸ τοῦ ᾿Απόλλωνος ἱερὸν
μετεπέμποντο τὸν ᾿Άρατον, ἀνελεῖν ἢ συλλαβεῖν
πρὸ τῆς ἀποστάσεως ἐγνωκότες. ὁ δὲ ἧκε μὲν
αὐτὸς ἐφελκόμενος τὸν ἵππον ὡς οὐκ ἀπιστῶν
οὐδὲ ὑποπτεύων, ἀναπηδησάντων δὲ πολλῶν καὶ
λοιδορουμένων αὐτῷ καὶ κατηγορούντων εὖ πως
καθεστῶτι τῷ προσώπῳ καὶ τῷ λόγῳ πράως
ἐκέλευε καθίσαι καὶ μὴ βοᾶν ἀτάκτως ἑστῶτας,
ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς περὶ θύρας ὄντας εἴσω παριέναι"
καὶ ταῦθ᾽ ἅμα λέγων ὑπεξήει βάδην ὡς παρα-
δώσων τινὶ τὸν ἵππον. οὕτως δὲ ὑπεκδὺς καὶ
τοῖς ὑπαντῶσι τῶν Κορινθίων ἀθορύβως διαλε-
γόμενος καὶ κελεύων πρὸς τὸ ᾿Απολλώνιον βαδί-
ζειν, ὡς ἔλαθε πλησίον τῆς ἄκρας γενόμενος,
ἀναπηδήσας ἐπὶ τὸν ἵππον καὶ Κλεοπάτρῳ τῷ
ἄρχοντι τῆς φρουρᾶς διακελευσάμενος ἐγκρατῶς

' With this chapter cf. the Cleomenes, xvii.—xix. 1.
See chap. xli. 1.

1046

ARATUS xxxix. 4-xXL. 4

Achaeans, but a vast confusion suddenly encompassea
Aratus. Hesaw Peloponnesus shaking, and its cities
everywhere stirred to revolt by restless agitators.
XL. For there was no quiet anywhere, and no
contentment with present conditions, but even
among the Sicyonians and Corinthians themselves
there were many who were known to have been in
conference with Cleomenes, men whom a desire for
private domination had long ago led into secret
hostility towards the common interests. For the
punishment of these men Aratus was clothed with
absolute power,? and seizing those in Sicyon who
were thus corrupted he put them to death; but
when he tried to seek out and chastise those in
Corinth, he roused the resentment of the populace
there, which was already disaffected and ill at ease
under the Achaean administration. So they as-
sembled hastily in the temple of Apollo and sent
for Aratus, determined to kill him or seize him, and
then to revolt. He came, accordingly, leading his
horse after him, as though he had no distrust or
suspicion, and when many sprang up and abused and
denounced him, with a composed countenance and
gentle words he bade them sit down and not stand
there shouting in disorderly fashion, but to admit
also those who were outside at the door; and as he
spoke, he withdrew slowly, as if he would hand his
horse over to somebody. Having thus slipped out
of the crowd, he conversed calmly with the
Corinthians who met him, bidding them go to the
temple of Apollo, and so, before his enemies were
aware of it, came nigh the citadel. Then he leaped
upon his horse, and after giving orders to Cleopater
the commander of the garrison in the citadel to guard

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

φυλάττειν ἀφίππευσεν εἰς Σικυῶνα, τριάκοντα
μὲν αὐτῷ στρατιωτῶν ἑπομένων, τῶν δὲ ἄλλων
ἐγκαταλιπόντων καὶ διαρρυέντων.

Αἰσθόμενοι δ᾽ οἱ Κορίνθιοι μετ᾽ ὀλίγον τὴν
ἀπόδρασιν αὐτοῦ καὶ διώξαντες, ὡς οὐ κατέλα-
βον, μετεπέμψαντο τὸν Κλεομένη καὶ παρέδο-
σαν τὴν πόλιν οὐδὲν οἰομένῳ λαμβάνειν παρ᾽
αὐτῶν τοσοῦτον ὅσου διήμαρτεν ἀφέντων᾽ ᾿Άρατον.
οὗτος μὲν οὗν, προσγενομένων αὐτῷ τῶν τὴν
λεγομένην ᾿Ακτὴν κατοικούντων καὶ τὰς πόλεις
ἐγχειρισάντων, ἀπεσταύρου καὶ περιετείχιζε τὸν
pL ted

XLI. Τῷ δὲ ᾿Αράτῳ συνῆλθον εἰς Σικυῶνα τῶν
eis ov πολλοί"1 καὶ γενομένης ἐκκλησίας
npeOn στρατηγὸς αὐτοκράτωρ. καὶ περιεστήσατο
φρουρὰν ἐκ τῶν ἑαυτοῦ πολιτῶν, τριάκοντα μὲν
ἔτη καὶ τρία πεπολιτευμένος ἐν τοῖς ᾿Αχαιοῖς,
πεπρωτευκὼς δὲ καὶ δυνάμει καὶ δόξῃ τῶν “EX-
λήνων, τότε δὲ ἔρημος καὶ ἄπορος συντετριμμένος,
ὥσπερ ἐπὶ ναυαγίου τῆς πατρίδος ἐν τοσούτῳ
σάλῳ καὶ κινδύνῳ διαφερόμενος. καὶ γὰρ Αἰ.
τωλοὶ δεομένου βοηθεῖν ἀπείπαντο, καὶ τὴν
᾿Αθηναίων πόλιν χάριτι τοῦ ᾿Αράτου πρόθυμον
οὗσαν οἱ περὶ [ὑὐρυκλείδην καὶ Μικίωνα διεκώ-
λυσαν. ὄντων δὲ τῷ ᾿Αράτῳ καὶ χρημάτων ἐν
Κορίνθῳ καὶ οἰκίας, ὁ Κλεομένης ἥψατο μὲν
οὐδενὸς οὐδὲ ἄλλον εἴασε, μεταπεμψάμενος δὲ
τοὺς φίλους αὐτοῦ καὶ τοὺς διοικητὰς ἐκέλευε

1 οὐ πολλοί Ziegler, with δὲ and most good MSS.: οἱ
πολλοί.

ARATUS xu. 4-x11. 2

it with a strong hand, he rode off to Sicyon, followed
by only thirty of his soldiers; the rest deserted him
and dispersed.

After a little while the Corinthians learned of his
flight and pursued him, but did not overtake him.
Then they sent for Cleomenes and delivered their
city into his hands,! although he thought that he had
gained by what they gave him far less than he had
lost by their letting Aratus get away. Cleomenes,
accordingly, after the accession to him of the
inhabitants of Acte, as the district is called, who
placed their cities in his hands, proceeded to run a
wall and palisade about Acrocorinthus.

XLI. But a few of the Achaeans came together
with Aratus at Sicyon; and in an assembly there
held he was chosen general with full powers. And
now he surrounded himself with a guard from among
his own citizens. For three-and-thirty years he had
directed public affairs among the Achaeans, and
had enjoyed more power and reputation than any
other Greek ; but now, abandoned by his allies and
helplessly crushed, he was like one drifting about in
great surge and peril on the wreck of his native city.
For the Aetolians refused him their aid when he
asked for it, and the Athenians, whom gratitude
made eager to help him, were prevented by Eury-
cleides and Micion.? As for the house and property
belonging to Aratus in Corinth, Cleomenes would
not touch them at all, nor permit anyone else to do
so, but sent for the friends and stewards of Aratus
and ordered them to administer and watch over

1 Karly in 223 B.c. The story is told very differently in
the Cleomenes. xix. 1 f.
3 Two leading orators of the time.

PLUTARCH’S: LIVES

΄ A ᾽ 4 /
πάντα dtoixeivy'! καὶ φυλάσσειν ws Apatw λόγον
ς / γ007 \ \ > \ vy ,
upéEovtas: ἰδίᾳ δὲ πρὸς αὐτὸν ἔπεμψε Τρίπυλον
, Ν iS € ΄
καὶ πάλιν Μεγιστόνουν τὸν Tatpwov ὑπισχνοῦ-
μενος ἄλλα τε πολλὰ καὶ δώδεκα τάλαντα
΄ / U a /
σύνταξιν ἐνιαύσιον, ὑπερβαλλόμενος τῷ ἡμίσει
π- nr 9 “ \ a Si: σε ἋΣ /
Πτολεμαῖον: ἐκεῖνος yap ἕξ τάλαντα τῷ Αράτῳ
2 3 \ ? / ’ ’ \ “ ’ “
Kat ἐνιαυτὸν ἀπέστελλεν. ἠξίου δὲ τῶν ᾿Αχαιῶν
a a ’ a
ἡγεμὼν ἀναγορευθῆναι καὶ κοινῇ μετ᾽ αὐτῶν
fi \ ᾽ “ Ν 3 /
φυλάσσειν tov ᾿Ακροκόρινθον. τοῦ δὲ ᾿Αράτου
\ a
φήσαντος ὡς οὐκ ἔχοι τὰ πράγματα, μᾶλλον δὲ
ὑπ᾿ αὐτῶν ἔχοιτο, καὶ κατειρωνεύσασθαι δό-
> \ Weary \ -" ΄ > /
Eavtos, ἐμβαλὼν εὐθὺς τὴν Σικυωνίαν ἐπόρθει
\ / \ / a , a
καὶ κατέφθειρε καὶ προσεκάθητο TH πόλει τρεῖς
rn an an a
μῆνας, ἐγκαρτεροῦντος τοῦ ᾿Αράτου καὶ δια-
ἴω \ 2 / aA
ποροῦντος εἰ δέξεται τὸν ᾿Αντίγονον ἐπὶ τῷ
a x Ἵ ΄ /
παραδοῦναι tov ᾿Ακροκόρινθον' ἄλλως yap οὐκ
ἐβούλετο βοηθεῖν.
7 (ἢ Ν
XL. Οἱ μὲν οὖν ᾿Αχαιοὶ συνεληλυθότες εἰς
» > las \ ” 2 ΄ να \ /
Αἴγιον ἐκεῖ τὸν "Apatov ἐκάλουν. ἣν δὲ κίνδυνος,
ἴω / ,
τοῦ Κλεομένους πρὸς τῇ πόλει στρατοπεδεύοντος,
διελθεῖν. καὶ κατεῖχον οἱ πολῖται, δεόμενοι καὶ
Ν a lal / 5)
προήσεσθαι TO σῶμα τῶν πολεμίων ἐγγὺς ὄντων
οὐ φάσκοντες" ἐξήρτηντο δὲ αὐτοῦ καὶ γυναῖκες
» A [4 \ a A
ἤδη καὶ παῖδες ὥσπερ πατρὸς κοινοῦ Kal σωτῆρος
iA
περιεχόμενοι Kal δακρύοντες. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ Oap-
\ /
puvas καὶ παραμυθησάμενος αὐτοὺς ἐξίππευσεν
5 Ν \ / ” ys / a \
ἐπὶ τὴν θάλατταν, ἔχων δέκα φίλους καὶ τὸν
1 διοικεῖν suggested by Sintenis, with comparison of
Cleomenes, xix. 3: ποιεῖν.

οὔ

1047

ARATUS xu. 2—-xuil. 2

everything as though they are to render an account
to Aratus. Moreover, he privately sent Tripylus to
Aratus, and afterwards Megistonoiis, his stepfather,
promising to give him, besides many other things,
a yearly pension of twelve talents, thus doubling
the amount which Aratus received annually from
Ptolemy; for he sent six talents each year to
Aratus.! Cleomenes demanded, however, that he
should be proclaimed leader of the Achaeans, and
together with them should have the keeping of
Acrocorinthus. Aratus made answer that he did not
control affairs, but rather was controlled by them;
whereupon Cleomenes, thinking himself mocked, at
once invaded the territory of Sicyon, ravaged and
laid it waste, and encamped before the city three
months. All this while Aratus held out patiently,
and debated with himself whether he should accept
Antigonus as an ally on condition of handing over
to him Acrocorinthus! for on any other terms
Antigonus was unwilling to give him help.?

XLII. Accordingly, the Achaeans came together
at Aegium and invited Aratus thither. But there
was danger in his trying to get there, since Cleomenes
was encamped before Sicyon. Besides, the citizens
tried to detain him, beseeching him not to go and
refusing to let him expose himself while the enemy
were near; and presently the women and children
were clinging to him and tearfully embracing him
as a common father and preserver. Nevertheless,
after encouraging and comforting them, he rode out
to the sea, accompanied by ten friends and by his

1 Ptolemy III., surnamed Euergetes, king of Egypt 247—
222 B.C.

2 Cf. the Cleomenes, xix. 3 ἢ.

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

υἱὸν ἤδη νεανίαν ὄντα: καὶ παρορμούντων ἐκεῖ
, ? 3 ee) » ΄ Ἴ
πλοίων, ἐπιβάντες εἰς Αἴγιον παρεκομίσθησαν
2 Ν \ b] / ’ Ka lal ἈΝ ᾽ ’
ἐπὶ τὴν ἐκκλησίαν, ἐν ἢ καλεῖν τὸν Ἀντίγονον
, /
ἐψηφίσαντο καὶ παραδιδόναι tov ᾿Ακροκόρινθον.
»Μ \ \ Ν ΕΝ Vv \ > \ \
ἔπεμψε δὲ καὶ Tov υἱὸν “Apatos πρὸς αὐτὸν μετὰ
lal ὃ e ’ r
TOV ἄλλων ὁμήρων. ἐφ᾽ ols οἱ Κορίνθιοι χαλεπῶς
φέροντες τά τε χρήματα διήρπασαν αὐτοῦ καὶ
\ > / a / \ +
τὴν οἰκίαν τῷ Κλεομένει δωρεὰν ἔδωκαν.
a /
XLII. Τοῦ δ᾽ ᾿Αντεγόνου προσιόντος ἤδη μετὰ
τῆς δυνάμεως (ἦγε δὲ πεζοὺς δισμυρίους Μακε-
/ “- /
Sovas, ἱππεῖς δὲ χιλίους Kal τριακοσίους) ἀπήντα
A nr e A \
μετὰ τῶν δημιουργῶν ὁ "Άρατος αὐτῷ κατὰ
\
θάλατταν eis Unyds, λαθὼν τοὺς πολεμίους, ov
a μη
πάνυ τι θαρρῶν τὸν ᾿Αντίγονον οὐδὲ πιστεύων
rn , » \ > / « Ν
τοῖς Μακεδόσιν. ἤδει γὰρ ηὐξημένον ἑαυτὸν
ἐξ ὧν ἐκείνους κακῶς ἐποίησε καὶ πρώτην εἰλη-
΄, a 7
φότα μεγίστην ὑπόθεσιν τῆς πολιτείας τὴν πρὸς
? ΄, Ν Ν » ? rae lal ᾽
Αντίγονον τὸν παλαιὸν ἔχθραν. ἀλλὰ ὁρῶν ἀπα-
, Ν
ραίτητον ἐπικειμένην ἀνάγκην καὶ τὸν καιρόν, ᾧ
δουλεύουσιν οἱ δοκοῦντες ἄρχειν, ἐχώρει πρὸς τὸ
δεινόν. ὁ δὲ ᾿Αντίγονος, ὥς τις αὐτῷ προσιόντα
x » » \ \ 4 ᾽ /
tov Apatov ἔφρασε, τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους ἡσπάσατο
μετρίως καὶ κοινῶς, ἐκεῖνον δὲ καὶ περὶ τὴν
πρώτην ἀπάντησιν ἐδέξατο τῇ τιμῇ περιττῶς,
N § , ’ \ ’ “5 \ al
Kal τἄλλα πειρώμενος ἀνδρὸς ἀγαθοῦ καὶ νοῦν
γ᾽ . a. ,
ἔχοντος ἐνδοτέρω τῆς χρείας προσηγάγετο.
Καὶ γὰρ ἦν ὁ "Ἄρατος οὐ μόνον ἐν πράγμασι
98

ARATUS xin. 2-xuin. 3

son, who was now a young man. Vessels were lying
at anchor off the shore, and upon these the party
were conveyed to Aegium, where the assembly was
sitting. Here it was voted to call in Antigonus and
hand over to him Acrocorinthus.! Aratus even sent
his son to Antigonus with the other hostages. At
this the Corinthians were indignant ; they plundered
his property and made a present of his house. to
Cleomenes.

XLIII. And now, as Antigonus was approaching
with his forces (he was followed by twenty thousand
Macedonian footmen and thirteen hundred horse),
Aratus, in company with his High Councillors,? went
by sea to meet him at Pegae, eluding the enemy.
He had no very great confidence in Antigonus, and
put no trust in the Macedonians. For he knew that
his own rise to power had been a consequence of the
harm he had done to them, and that he had found
the first and the chief basis for his conduct of affairs
in, his hatred towards the former Antigonus.? But
seeing how inexorable was the necessity laid upon
him in the demands of the hour, to which those we
call rulers are slaves, he went on towards the dread
ordeal. But Antigonus, when he was told that
Aratus was coming to him, gave the rest of the party
an ordinary and moderate welcome; Aratus, however,
he received at’ this first meeting with superlative
honour, and afterwards, finding him to be a man of
worth and wisdom, drew him in closer intimacy to
himself.

For Aratus was not only helpful in large under-

1 In the spring of 223 Β.σ. Cf. the Cleomenes, xix. 4.
2 A body of ten men, chosen as admirers of the general.
ὃ Antigonus Gonatas. See the note on xxxiv. 1.

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

μεγάλοις ὠφέλιμος, ἀλλὰ καὶ σχολάξοντι βασιλεῖ
συγγενέσθαι Tap ὁντινοῦν ἐπίχαρις. διό, καΐπερ
ὧν νέος ὁ ᾿Αντίγονος, ὡς κατενόησε τὴν φύσιν
τοῦ ἀνδρὸς μηδὲν ἀργὸν εἰς φιλίαν βασιλικὴν
οὖσαν, οὐ μόνον ᾿Αχαιῶν, ἀλλὰ καὶ Μακεδόνων
τῶν σὺν αὐτῷ πάντων μάλιστα * χρώμενος
ἐκείνῳ διετέλει" καὶ τὸ σημεῖον ἀπέβαινεν ὡς ὁ
θεὸς ἐπὶ τῶν ἱερῶν ἔδειξε. λέγεται γὰρ οὐ πρὸ
πολλοῦ θύοντι τῷ ᾿Αράτῳ δύο χολὰς ἐν ἥπατι
φανῆναι μιᾷ πιμελῇ “περιεχομένας" καὶ τὸν
μάντιν εἰπεῖν ὡς ταχὺ “πρὸς τὰ ἔχθιστα καὶ
πολεμιώτατα, σύνεισιν εἰς ἄκραν φιλίαν. τότε
μὲν οὖν παρήνεγκε τὸ ῥηθέν, οὐδὲ ἄλλως πολὺ
νέμων πίστεως ἱεροῖς καὶ “μαντεύμασιν, ἀλλὰ τῷ
λογισμῷ χρώμενος. ἐπεὶ δὲ ὕ ὕστερον εὖ χωροῦν-
τι τῷ πολέμῳ συναγαγὼν ὁ ᾿Αντίγονος ἑστίασιν
ἐν Κορίνθῳ καὶ πολλοὺς ὑποδεχόμενος τὸν “A pa-
Tov ἐπάνω κατέκλινεν ἑαυτοῦ, καὶ μετὰ μικρὸν
αἰτήσας περιβόλαιον ἠρώτησεν εἰ δοκεῖ κἀκείνῳ
ψῦχος εἶναι, τοῦ δὲ καὶ πάνυ ῥιγοῦν φήσαντος,
ἐκέλευσε προσχωρεῖν ἐγγυτέρω καὶ δάπιδος κομι-
σθείσης ἀμφοτέρους ὁμοῦ περιέβαλον οἱ παῖδες,
τότε δὴ τὸν λρατον ἀναμνησθέντα τῶν ἱερῶν
ἐκείνων γέλως ἔλαβε, καὶ ,διηγεῖτο τῷ βασιλεῖ
τὸ σημεῖον καὶ τὴν προαγύρευσιν. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα
μὲν ἐπράχθη χρόνοις ὕστερον.

XLIV. Ἔν δὲ ταῖς ΠΠηγαῖς δόντες καὶ λαβόντες
ὅρκους εὐθὺς ἐβάδιζον ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους. καὶ
περὶ τὴν πόλιν ἀγῶνες ἧσαν, εὖ πεφραγμένον

1 πάντων μάλιστα Coraés and Ziegler, after Reiske: πάντα.

100

ARATUS xu. 3-xLIiv. 1

takings, but also more acceptable than anyone else
as a companion in the king’s leisure hours. ‘There-
fore, although Antigonus was young, as soon as he
perceived that Aratus was naturally well fitted to bea
king’s friend, he continually treated him with greater
intimacy than anyone else, whether of the Achaeans,
or of the Macedonians in his following ; and thus the
omen proved true which the god had given to Aratus
in his sacrificial victims. For it is related that as he
was sacrificing a little while before this, a liver was
found which had two gall-bladders enclosed in a
single coil of fat; whereupon the seer had declared
that Aratus would soon enter into close friendship
with what he most hated and fought against. At the
time, then, Aratus paid no heed to the utterance,
since in general he put little faith in victims and
divinations, and trusted rather to his reasoning
powers. Later, however, when the war was going
on well, Antigonus gave a feast in Corinth, at which
he had many guests, and made Aratus recline just
above himself. After a little while the king called
for a coverlet, and asked Aratus if he too did not
think it cold ; and when Aratus replied that he was
very chilly, the king ordered him to come nearer ; so
that the rug which the servants brought was thrown
over both of them together. Then, indeed, Aratus
called to mind his sacrificial victims and burst out
laughing, and told the king about the omen and the
seers prediction. But this took place at a later
time.

XLIV. At Pegae Antigonus and Aratus exchanged
oaths of fidelity, and straightway marched against
the enemy at Corinth. And there were conflicts
about the city, Cleomenes being well fortified, and

IOI

PLUTARCR’S LIVES

TOU Κλεομένους καὶ τῶν Κορινθίων ἀμυνομένων
προθύμως. ἐν τούτῳ δὲ ᾿Αριστοτέλης ὁ ᾿Αργεῖος
φίλος ὧν ᾿Αράτου. διαπέμπεται κρύφα πρὸς
αὐτόν, ὡς ἀποστήσων τὴν πόλιν, εἰ στρατιώτας
ἐκεῖνος ἔχων ἔλθοι. τοῦ δὲ ᾿Αράτου φράσαντος
τῷ ᾿Αντιγόνῳ καὶ μετὰ χιλίων καὶ πεντακοσίων
εἰς ᾿Επίδαυρον ἐξ ᾿Ισθμοῦ πλοίοις κομιζομένου
κατὰ τάχος, οἱ μὲν ᾿Αργεῖοι προεξαναστάντες
ἐπέθεντο τοῖς τοῦ Κλεομένους καὶ κατέκλεισαν
εἰς. τὴν ἀκρόπολιν, ὁ δὲ Κλεομένης πυθόμενος
ταῦτα, καὶ δείσας μὴ κατασχόντες οἱ πολέμιοι
τὸ "A pyos ἀποκόψωσιν αὐτὸν τῆς οἴκαδε σωτη-
ρίας, ἐκλεπὼν TOV. ᾿Ακροκόρινθον ἔ ἔτι νυκτὸς ἐβοή-
θει. καὶ παρελθὼν μὲν εἰς Ἄργος ἔφθη καὶ
τροπήν τινα τῶν πολεμίων ἐποίησεν, ὀλίγῳ δὲ
ὕστερον ᾿Αράτου προσφερομένου καὶ τοῦ βασι-
NEWS ἐπιφαινομένου μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως ἀπ-
ἐχώρησὲέν εἰς Μαντ τίνειαν. ἐκ τούτου τοῖς “μὲν
᾿Αχαιοῖς πάλιν αἱ πόλεις ἅπασαι προσεχώρη-

σαν, ᾿Αντίγονος δὲ τὸν ᾿Ακροκόρινθον παρέλαβεν,

᾿Αρατος δὲ στρατηγὸς αἱρεθεὶς ᾿ ὑπ᾽ ᾿Αργείων
ἔπεισεν αὐτοὺς ᾿Αντιγόνῳ τά τε τῶν τυράννων
καὶ τὰ τῶν προδοτῶν χρήματα δωρεὰν δοῦναι.
τὸν δὲ ᾿Αριστόμαχον ἐ ἐν Κεγχρεαῖς στρεβλώσαντες
κατεπόντισαν, ἐφ᾽ ᾧ καὶ μάλιστα κακῶς ἤκουσεν

"Apatos, ὡς ἄνθρωπον. οὐ πονηρόν, ἀλλὰ καὶ

κεχρημένον. ἐκείνῳ καὶ πεπεισμένον ἀφεῖναι τὴν
ἀρχὴν καὶ προσαγαγεῖν τοῖς ᾿Αχαιοῖς τὴν πόλιν,

ὅμως περιϊδὼν παρανόμως “ἀπολλύμενον.
XLV. Ἤδη δὲ καὶ τῶν ἄχλων ἐκείνῳ τὰς
αἰτίας ἐπέφερον, οἷον ὅτι τὴν μὲν Κορινθίων πόλιν

102

1048

ARATUS xtiv. I-xtLv. 1

the Corinthians defending themselves with ardour.
Meanwhile, however, Aristotle the Argive, who was
a friend of Aratus, sent secretly to him and promised
to bring his city to revolt from Cleomenes if Aratus
would come thither with soldiers. So Aratus, after
informing Antigonus, took fifteen hundred men and
sailed from the Isthmus to Epidaurus with all speed.1
But the Argives, revolting prematurely, attacked the
garrison of Cleomenes and shut them up in the
citadel, and Cleomenes, learning of this, and fearing
that if his enemies got possession of Argos they
would cut him off from a safe return home, abandoned
Acrocorinthus while it was still night and went to
their aid. He succeeded in getting into Argos first,
routing some of the enemy on the way; but shortly
afterwards Aratus came up, and Antigonus showed
himself with his forces, and Cleomenes therefore
retreated to Mantineia. Upon this the cities all
came over to the Achaeans again, Acrocorinthus was
handed over to Antigonus, and Aratus, having been
chosen general by the Argives, persuaded them to
make a present to Antigonus of the property of the
tyrants and of the traitors. As for Aristomachus,
he was tortured at Cenchreae and then thrown into
the sea; for which deed, more than any other, Aratus
was reproached, on the ground that he had allowed
a man to be lawlessly put to death who was ποῖ
wicked, but had coéperated with him, and at his
persuasion had renounced his power and attached
his city to the Achaean League.?

XLV. Presently, too, men began to blame Aratus
for whatever else was done, as, for instance, that the

1 Cf. the Cleomenes, xx. 3 f.
3. Cf. chap. xxxv.

103

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

"A U ὃ \ EO e , \
ντιγόνῳ δωρεὰν ἔδωκαν, ὥσπερ κώμην THY TU-
a \ ’ Ν , e
χοῦσαν, Tov ᾿Ορχομενὸν δὲ συνεχώρησαν αὐτῷ
/ \ 3 lal J,
διαρπάσαντι φρουρὰν ἐμβαλεῖν Μακεδονικήν,
ἐψηφίσαντο δὲ ἄλλῳ μὴ γράφειν βασιλεῖ μηδὲ
/ ‘
πρεσϑεύειν πρὸς ἄλλον ἄκοντος ᾿Αντιγόνου,
A \
2 τρέφειν τε καὶ μισθοδοτεῖν ἠναγκάζοντο τοὺς
, wn
Μακεδόνας, θυσίας δὲ καὶ πομπὰς Kal ἀγῶνας
᾽ / / ’ / a ’ /
Αντιγόνῳ συνετέλουν, ἀρξαμένων Tav’ Ἀράτου πο-
-“ \ / wn / \ ’ ’ [2 ν᾽
λιτῶν καὶ δεξαμένων τῇ πόλει τὸν ᾿Αντίγονον ὑπ
΄ ’ A A
᾿Αράτου EeviSouevov, ἡτιῶντο πάντων ἐκεῖνον,
a “ Ce /
ἀγνοοῦντες OTL TAS ἡνίας ἐκείνῳ TapadedwKas
\ ACh fol a b , > /
καὶ TH ῥύμῃ τῆς βασιλικῆς ἐφελκόμενος ἐξουσίας
οὐδενὸς ἣν ἢ μόνης φωνῆς ἔτι κύριος, ἐπισφαλῆ
/ lal \
3 τὴν παρρησίαν ἐχούσης. ἐπεὶ φανερῶς γε πολλὰ
lal Ν
τῶν πραττομένων ἐλύπει τὸν ἴλρατον, ὥσπερ τὸ
aA ᾽ , ξ Ν lal
περὶ τῶν εἰκόνων" ὁ yap AVTiyovos Tas μὲν τῶν
» ,
ἐν Ἄργει τυράννων καταβεβλημένας ἀνέστησε,
\ x a ς , \ » , ς oo
tas δὲ τῶν ἑλόντων τὸν ᾿Ακροκόρινθον ἑστώσας
᾽ ᾽ \ wn A 3 , \ Ν \
ἀνέτρεψε πλὴν μιᾶς τῆς ἐκείνου: καὶ πολλὰ περὶ
/ \ εν > » 2O/ \
4 τούτων δεηθεὶς 0” Apatos οὐκ ἔπεισεν. ἐδόκει δὲ
\ ἣν \ 7 > «ς A lol
καὶ τὰ περὶ Μαντίνειαν οὐχ ᾿Ελληνικῶς διῳκῆ-
σθαι τοῖς ᾿Αχαιοῖς. κρατήσαντες γὰρ αὐτῶν δι
᾿Αντιγόνου τοὺς μὲν ἐνδοξοτάτους καὶ πρώτους
> 7, A γ »): \ \ 3 f
ἀπέκτειναν, τῶν δ᾽ ἄλλων τοὺς μὲν ἀπέδοντο,
\ δ᾽ » ὃ / 5 / 3 “ὃ li
TOUS εἰς Μακεδονίαν ἀπέστειλαν ἐν πέδαις
ral 4 ,
δεδεμένους, παῖδας δὲ καὶ γυναῖκας ἠνδραποδί-
a ,
σαντο, τοῦ δὲ συναχθέντος ἀργυρίου τὸ τρίτον
\ a
αὐτοὶ διείλοντο, τὰς δὲ δύο μοίρας ἔνειμαν τοῖς

1 ἐν πέδαις Sint.?, followed by Ziegler: πέδαις.

104

ARATUS χιν. 1-4

Achaeans made a present to Antigonus of the city
of Corinth, as if it had been an ordinary village;
that they allowed the king to plunder Orchomenus
and put a Macedonian garrison in it; that they
decreed not to write or send an embassy to any other
king against the wishes of Antigonus; that they
were forced to furnish supplies and pay for the
Macedonian troops; and that they celebrated sacri-
fices, processions, and games in honour of Antigonus,
the fellow-citizens of Aratus leading the way and
receiving Antigonus into their city, where he was the
guest of Aratus. For all these things men blamed
Aratus, not knowing that, since he had entrusted the
reins to the king and was dragged along in the wake
of the king's power, he was no longer master of
anything except his tongue, which it was dangerous
for liiin to use with freedom. At any rate Aratus
was plainly annoyed at many acts of the king, and
especially at his treatment of the statues in Argos;
for those of the tyrants, which had been cast down,
Antigonus set up again, while those of the captors
of Acrocorinthus, which were standing, he threw
down, that of Aratus only excepted; and though
Aratus made many appeals to him in the matter, he
could not persuade him, It was thought also that the
treatment of Mantineia by the Achaeans was not
in accord with the Greek spirit. For after mastering
that city with the aid of Antigonus, they put to
death the leading and most noted citizens, and of
the rest, some they sold into slavery, while others
they sent off into Macedonia in chains, and made
slaves of their wives and children, dividing a third
of the money thus raised among themselves, and
giving the remaining two-thirds to the Macedonians.

105

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

Μακεδόσι. καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ἔσχε τὸν τῆς ἀμύνης
νόμον" καὶ γὰρ εἰ δεινὸν ἄνδρας ὁμοφύλους καὶ
συγγενεῖς οὕτω μεταχειρίσασθαι δι᾿ ὀργήν, ἀλλ᾽
ἐν ἀνάγκαις γλυκὺ γίνεται καὶ σκληρόν, κατὰ
Σιμωνίδην, 6 ὥσπερ ἀλγοῦντι τῷ θυμῷ καὶ φλεγ-
μαίνοντι θεραπείαν καὶ ἀναπλήρωσιν προσφε-
ρόντων. τὰ δὲ μετὰ ταῦτα πραχθέντα περὶ τὴν
πόλιν οὔτ᾽ εἰς καλὴν οὔτ᾽ εἰς ἀναγκαίαν ἐστὶ
θέσθαι τῷ ᾿Αράτῳ πρόφασιν. τῶν γὰρ ᾿Αχαιῶν
τὴν πόλιν παρ᾽ ᾿Αντιγόνου δωρεὰν λαβόντων καὶ
κατοικίζειν ἐγνωκότων αὐτὸς οἰκιστὴς αἱρεθεὶς
καὶ στρατηγὸς ὧν ἐψηφίσατο, μηκέτι καλεῖν
Μαντίνειαν, ἀλλ᾽ ᾿Αντιγόνειαν, ὃ ὃ καὶ μέχρι νῦν
καλεῖται. καὶ δοκεῖ δι᾿ ἐκεῖνον ἡ μὲν ἐρατεινὴ
Μαντίνεια παντάπασιν ἐξαληλίφθαι, διαμένει δὲ
ἡ πόλις ἐπώνυμος τῶν ἀπολεσάντων καὶ ἀνελόν-
των τοὺς πολίτας.

MOLVA. Ἔκ τούτου Κλεομένης μὲν ἡττηθεὶς
μάχῃ μεγάλῃ περὶ Σελλασίαν ἐξέλιπε τὴν
Σπάρτην καὶ ἀπέπλευσεν εἰς Αἴγυπτον, ᾿Αντί-
γονος δὲ πάντα τὰ δίκαια καὶ φιλάνθρωπα τῷ
᾿Αράτῳ πεποιηκὼς ἀνέζευξεν εἰς Μακεδονίαν,
κἀκεῖ νοσῶν ἤδη τὸν διάδοχον τῆς βασιλείας
Φίλιππον, οὔπω πάνυ μειράκιον ὄντα, πέμπων
εἰς “Πελοπόννησον ᾿Αράτῳ μάλιστα προσέχειν
ἐκέλευσε καὶ Ov ἐκείνου ταῖς πόλεσιν ἐντυχεῖν
καὶ γνωρισθῆναι τοῖς Αχαιοῖς. καὶ μέντοι καὶ

1 καὶ στληρόν with Bergk (Poet. Lyr. Gr. iii.4 p. 530): καὶ
ov σκληρόν.

1 The repeated treacheries of the Mantineians towards the
Achaeans are related at length in Polybius, ii. 57 f. :
2 Honier, 2liad, ii. 607.

106

1049

ARATUS xiv. 4—-XLvI. 2

It is true that this came under the law of reprisal ; 1
for though it is a terrible thing to treat men of the
same race and blood in this way, out of anger, still
“in dire stress even cruelty is sweet,” as Simonides
says, when men, as it were, give satisfaction and heal-
ing care to a mind that is in anguish and inflamed.
But the subsequent treatment of the city by Aratus
was neither necessary nor honourable, and cannot
be excused. For after the Achaeans had received
the city from Antigonus as a present and had decided
to colonize it, Aratus himself was chosen to be the
founder of the new settlement, and being then
general, got a decree passed that the city should no
longer be called Mantineia, but Antigoneia, and this
is its name down to the present time. And so it was
due to Aratus that the name of “lovely Mantineia” ?
was altogether extinguished, and the city continues
to bear the name of him who destroyed and slew its
former citizens.®

XLVI. After this, Cleomenes, having been de-
feated in a great battle at Sellasia,* forsook Sparta
and sailed off to Egypt, and Antigonus, after having
accorded to Aratus fair and kindly treatment in every
way, led his army back to Macedonia. There, being
now a sick man, he sent Philip, his successor in the
kingdom, who was still a stripling, into the Pelopon-
nesus, and ur ged him to attach himself to Aratus
above all others, and through him to deal with the
cities and make the acquaintance of the Achaeans.

3 The old name of the city was restored by the Emperor

Hadrian. Pausanias, vill. 8. 12.
4 In 221 n.c., cf. the Cleomenes, xxviii. ff.

107

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

παραλαβὼν αὐτὸν ὁ "A patos οὕτως διέθηκεν ὦ ὥστε
πολλῆς μὲν εὐνοίας πρὸς αὐτόν, πολλῆς δὲ πρὸς
τὰς “Ἑλληνικὰς πράξεις φιλοτιμίας καὶ ὁρμῆς
μεστὸν εἰς Μακεδονίαν ἀποστεῖλαι.

XLVII. Τελευτήσαντος δὲ ᾿Αντιγόνου κατα-
φρονήσαντες Αἰτωλοὶ τῶν ᾿Αχαιῶν διὰ τὴν ῥᾳθυ-.
μίαν (ἐθισθέντες γὰρ ἀλλοτρίαις. σώζεσθαι χερσὶ
καὶ τοῖς Μακεδόνων ὅπλοις αὑτοὺς ὑπεσταλκότες
ἐν ἀργίᾳ πολλῇ καὶ ἀταξίᾳ διῆγον) ἐπέθεντο
τοῖς κατὰ Πελοπόννησον πράγμασι" καὶ τὴν μὲν
Πατρέων καὶ Δυμαίων λεηλασίαν ὁδοῦ πάρεργον
ἐποιήσαντο, τὴν δὲ } Μεσσήνην ἐμβαλόντες ἐπόρ-

2 θουν. ἐφ᾽ οἷς ὁ “A patos ἀγανακτῶν καὶ τὸν
στρατηγοῦντα τότε τῶν ᾿Αχαιῶν Τιμόξενον ὁρῶν
ὀκνοῦντα καὶ διατρίβοντα τὸν χρόν ον, ἤδη τῆς
στρατηγίας αὐτῷ τελευτώσης, αὐτὸς ἠρημένος
ἄρχειν μετ᾽ ἐκεῖνον προέλαβεν ἡμέραις πέντε τὴν
ἀρχὴν ἕνεκα τοῦ βοηθῆσαι Μεσσηνίοις. καὶ
συναγαγὼν τοὺς ᾿Αχαιοὺς τοῖς τε σώμασιν ἀγυ-
μνάστους ὄντας καὶ ταῖς διανοίαις ἐκλελυμένους

8 πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον ἡττᾶται περὶ Καφύας" καὶ
θυμικώτερον ἐστρατηγηκέναι δόξας οὕτως αὖ
πάλιν ἀπημβλύνθη καὶ προήκατο τὰ πρώγματα
καὶ τὰς ἐλπίδας, ὥσπε πολλάκις λαβὴν τοὺς
Αἰτωλοὺς παρασχόντας ἀνέχεσθαι καὶ περιορᾶν
ὥσπερ κωμάζοντας ἐν τῇ Πελοπουνήσῳ μετὰ

4 πολλῆς ἀσελγείας καὶ θρασύτητος. αὖθις οὖν
τὰς χεῖρας ὀρέγοντες εἰς Μακεδονίαν ἐπεσπῶντο
καὶ κατῆγον ἐπὶ τὰς ᾿Ελληνικὰς πράξεις τὸν
Φίλιππον, οὐχ ἥκιστα διὰ τὴν πρὸς TOV” Apatov

1 In 99] B.c. See the Cleomenes, xxx.
2 In 220 B.c. See the Cleomenes, xxxiv. 1.

108

ARATUS xvi. 2-xLvII. 4

And indeed Aratus did take the prince in hand, and
managed matters so as to send him back to Mace-
donia full of great goodwill towards his patron and
of ardour and ambition for the conduct of Hellenic
affairs.

XLVII. But upon the death of Antigonus! the
Aetolians, despising the Achaeans on account of their
slothful ways (for now that they were accustomed
to save themselves by other men’s prowess and had
taken shelter behind the Macedonian arms, they
were living in great inactivity and lack of discipline),
proceeded to interfere in the affairs of Pelopon-
nesus;* and after plundering the territories of
Patrae and Dyme on their way, they invaded
Messenia and ravaged it. At this Aratus was
incensed, and seeing that Timoxenus, who at that
time was general of the Achaeans, was hesitant and
dilatory, since his term of office was just about to
expire, he himself, having been chosen to succeed
Timoxenus, anticipated his term of office by five
days for the sake of giving aid to the Messenians.
And having assembled the Achaeans, who were
physically and mentally unfit for war, he met with
defeat at Caphyae. Then, being thought to have
conducted the campaign with too much ardour, his
purposes were once more blunted and he gave up
the cause and his hopes for lost, so that oftentimes,
when the Aetolians gave him an advantage, he
neglected it, and suffered them to revel, as it were,
in Peloponnesus, with great boldness and wanton-
ness. Once more, therefore, the Achaeans stretched
out their hands imploringly to Macedonia, and
brought Philip down to take part in Hellenic affairs,
above all things because his goodwill towards Aratus

109

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

εὔνοιαν αὐτοῦ Kal πίστιν ἐλπίξοντες εὐκόλῳ. ἘΠῚ
πάντα χρήσεσθαι καὶ χειροήθει.
XLVIII. Καὶ τότε πρῶτον ᾿Απελλοῦ καὶ Meya-
λέου καί τινων αὐλικῶν ἄλλων διαβαλλόντων
\ " » \ τ ΄ \
tov “Apatov ἀναπεισθεὶς ὁ βασιλεύς, Kal συν-
αρχαιρεσιάσας τοῖς ἀπὸ τῆς ἐναντίας στάσεως,
" \
ἐσπούδασε τοὺς ᾿Αχαιοὺς ἑλέσθαι στρατηγὸν
’ὔ
᾿Επήρατον. ὡς δ᾽ ἐκείνου μὲν καταφρονουμένου
/ ς Ν lal Adee “ “ Xt 59 /
τέλέως ὑπὸ τῶν ᾿Αχαιῶν, Tod δὲ ᾿Αράτου παρ-
αμελοῦντος ἐγίνετο τῶν χρησίμων οὐδέν, ἔγνω
A ἣν ς f
διαμαρτάνων Tov παντὸς ὁ Φίλιππος. καὶ ava-
x ο Ὥς σι α-
κρουσάμενος αὖθις ἐπὶ τὸν ἴΑρατον ὅλος ἦν ἐκείνου,
καὶ τῶν πραγμάτων αὐτῷῴ πρός τε δύναμιν καὶ
Ν b , by , > ΄ a > ΄
πρὸς εὐδοξίαν ἐπιδιδόντων ἐξήρτητο τοῦ ἀνδρός,
ὡς δι’ ἐκεῖνον εὐδοκιμῶν καὶ αὐξόμενος. ἐδόκει
- A COA, > / ΄ > Ἂς
τε πᾶσιν ὁ Apatos οὐ μόνον δημοκρατίας, ἀλλὰ
\ / > \ aay / ¢e \
καὶ βασιλείας ἀγαθὸς εἶναι παιδαγωγός: ἡ yap
προαίρεσις αὐτοῦ καὶ τὸ ἦθος ὡς χρῶμα ταῖς
πράξεσι τοῦ βασιλέως ἐπεφαίνετο. καὶ yap ἡ
Ν , , -
πρὸς Λακεδαιμονίους ἁμαρτόντας μετριότης τοῦ
Ve Ae Ν n e » ae [χά
νεανίσκου καὶ ἡ πρὸς Κρῆτας ὁμιλία, δι᾿ ἧς ὅλην
\ A fs 2 /
προσηγάγετο THY νῆσον ἡμέραις ὀλίγαις, ἥ τε
Ν a
πρὸς Αἰτωλοὺς στρατεία γενομένη θαυμαστῶς
b] Ἂς 3 7] \ an , / >
ἐνεργὸς εὐπειθείας μὲν τῷ Φιλίππῳ δόξαν, εὐβου-
, \ gli tay, 7 ΄, ν \ ne
λίας δὲ τῷ ᾿Αράτῳ προσετίθει. καὶ διὰ ταῦτα
n € a
μᾶλλον οἱ βασιλικοὶ φθονοῦντες, ws οὐδὲν ἐπέραι-
νον κρύφα διαβάλλοντες, ἀναφανδὸν ἐλοιδοροῦντο
» a \

Kal προσέκρουον αὐτῷ Tapa τοὺς πότους μετὰ
inchs ας δ, δ ἀ τδας Βριδςς isla cuit anata ee, eaten δος
1 Cf. Polybius, v. 80.

110

ARATUS xuvir. -4-xivut. 4

and his confidence in him led them to hope that
they would find him easy-tempered in all things and
manageable.

XLVIII. And now for the first time Apelles,
Megaleas, and sundry other courtiers made false
charges against Aratus to which the king listened,
and joining in the canvass made by those of the
opposite faction, he favoured the election of Epera-
tus as general of the Achaeans. But Eperatus
was altogether despised by the Achaeans,! and
as long as Aratus gave little heed to public matters
nothing went well. Philip therefore perceived that
he had been entirely wrong. So he reversed his
course, went back to Aratus, and was wholly his;
and since the progress of events now brought
him increased power and reputation, he depended
altogether upon Aratus, convinced that his repute
and strength were due to him. And all the world
thought that Aratus was a good guardian and tutor
for a kingdom no less than for a democracy; for
his. principles and character were manifest, like |
colour in a fabric, in the actions of the king. [or
instance, the moderation of the young prince in
dealing with the offending Lacedaemonians, his
engaging behaviour towards the Cretans, by means
of which he won the whole island to obedience in
a few days, and the astonishingly vigorous conduct
of his campaign against the Aetolians, all added
to the reputation of Philip for taking good advice,
and to that of Aratus for giving it. For this
reason, too, the royal courtiers were all the more -
envious of him, and since they could accomplish
nothing by their secret calumnies, they took to
abusing and insulting him openly at their banquets,

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

A / “ \
πολλῆς ἀσελγείας Kal βωμολοχίας: ἅπαξ δὲ καὶ
’ ‘L > / » \ \ \
λίθοις βάλλοντες ἀπιόντα εἰς THY σκηνὴν μετὰ
Ν “ ’ ᾽ Φ ’
τὸ δεῖπνον κατεδίωξαν. ἐφ᾽ οἷς ὁ Φίλιππος
» \ ᾽ \ \ 3 \ he , »
ὀργισθεὶς εὐθὺς μὲν αὐτοὺς ἐξημίωσεν εἴκοσι
/ “ \ , N γι
ταλάντοις, ὕστερον δὲ λυμαίνεσθαι τὰ πράγματα
καὶ ταράττειν δοκοῦντας ἀπέκτεινεν.
lol ig ‘
XLIX. ᾿Επεὶ δὲ τῆς τύχης εὐροούσης ἐπαιρύ-
a \ /
μενος τοῖς πράγμασι πολλὰς μὲν avédve καὶ
΄ b) / e > + / \ \
μεγάλας ἐπιθυμίας, ἡ δ᾽ ἔμφυτος κακία, Tov Tapa
φύσιν σχηματισμὸν ἐκβιαζομένη καὶ ἀναδύουσα,
Ν la)
κατὰ μικρὸν ἀπεγύμνου Kal διέφαινεν αὐτοῦ TO
3 a \ 107 \ , ¥
ἦθος, πρῶτον μὲν ἰδίᾳ τὸν νεώτερον Αρατον
, \ A
ἠδίκει περὶ τὴν γυναῖκα Kal πολὺν χρόνον ἐλών-
θανεν ἐφέστιος ὧν καὶ ξενιζόμενος ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν'
ἔπειτα πρὸς τὰς ᾿Ελληνικὰς ἐξετραχύνετο πολι-
i \ \ 9 ” \ w >
τείας Kal φανερὸς ἦν ἤδη τὸν “Apatoyv ἀπο-
t ? \ Ntete ΄ Ν \
σειόμενος. ἀρχὴν δὲ ὑποψίας τὰ Μεσσηνιακὰ
[2 \ lal
παρέσχε. στασιασάντων γὰρ αὐτῶν ὁ ev” ApaTos
ὑστέρει βοηθῶν, ὁ δὲ Φίλεππος ἡμέρᾳ μιᾷ πρό-
έρει βοηθῶν, ππὸς ἡμέρᾳ μιᾷ πρ
3 \ > \ i ’ \ 3 4
τερον ἐλθὼν εἰς τὴν πόλιν εὐθὺς οἷστρόν τινα
κατ᾽ ἀλλήλων ἐνέβαλε τοῖς ἀνθρώποις, ἰδίᾳ μὲν
7 ἴω an
ἐρωτῶν τοὺς στρατηγοὺς τῶν Μεσσηνίων εἰ νόμους
\ A ial > v 3 , \ /
KATA τῶν TONAWVY οὐκ ἔχουσιν, ἰδίᾳ δὲ πάλιν
\ an an a rn
TOUS τῶν πολλῶν προεστῶτας εἰ χεῖρας κατὰ
τῶν τυραννούντων οὐκ ἔχουσιν. ἐκ δὲ τούτον
΄, ς \ lal
θαρρήσαντες οἱ μὲν ἄρχοντες ἐπελαμβάνοντο τῶν
δημαγωγῶν, ἐκεῖνοι δὲ μετὰ τῶν πολλῶν ἐπελ-

[12

ARATUS xuvitl. 4-xLix. 3

with great wantonness and scurrility; and once
they actually pursued and threw stones at him as he
was going to his tent after supper. At this Philip
was enraged, and for the nonce fined them twenty
talents; afterwards, however, regarding them as a
noxious and confusing element in his affairs, he put
them to death.!

XLIX. But soon, as the king’s fortune flowed
smoothly on, he was lifted up by his success, and
developed many inordinate desires; his inherent
badness, too, forcing aside the unnatural restraints
of his assumed deportment and making its way to
the light, little by little laid bare and revealed his
true character. In the first place he inflicted a
private wrong upon the younger Aratus by corrupt-
ing his wife, and was for a long time undetected,
since he was a housemate and a guest of the family ;
in the second place, he began to show hostility
towards the civil polities of the Greeks, and it was
presently clear that he was trying to shake off
Aratus. First grounds of suspicion were afforded by
his conduct at Messene. For there was factional
strife in the city, and Aratus was tardy in coming to
its aid, and Philip, who got to the city a day before
Aratus, at once goaded on the two parties against
one another. In private he asked the generals of
the Messenians if they had not laws to enforce
against the common people, and again in private he
asked the leaders of the common people if they had
not hands to lift against the tyrants. Upon this
the officials plucked up courage and tried to lay
hands upon the leaders of the people, and they,
coming to the attack at the head of their followers,

1 Cf. Polybius, v. 15 f.
113

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

θόντες τούς Te ἄρχοντας ἀπέκτειναν καὶ τῶν
ἄλλων ὀλίγον ἀπολείποντας διακοσίων.

L. Οὕτω δὲ δεινὸν ἔργον ἐξειργασμένου τοῦ
Φιλίππου, καὶ συγκροίοντος ἔτι μᾶλλον ἑαυτοῖς
τοὺς Μεσσηνίους, ἐπελθὼν ὁ Ἄρατος αὐτός τε
δῆλος ἢ ἦν φέρων βαρέως καὶ τὸν υἱὸν ἐπιτιμῶντα
πικρῶς τῷ Φιλίππῳ καὶ λοιδορούμενον οὐκ ἐκώ-
λυσεν. ἐδόκει δὲ ὁ νεανίσκος ἐρᾶν τοῦ Φιλίππου:
καὶ τότε λέγων. εἶπε πρὸς αὐτὸν ὡς οὐδὲ καλὸς
ἔτι φαίνοιτο τὴν ὄψιν αὐτῷ τοιαῦτα δράσας,
ἀλλὰ πάντων αἴσχιστος. ὁ δὲ Φίλιππος ἐκείνῳ
μὲν οὐδὲν ἀντεῖπε, καίπερ ἐπίδοξος ὦν, ὑπ᾽ ὀργῆς
καὶ πολλάκις ἐξυλακτήσας λέγοντος αὐτοῦ, τὸν
δὲ πρεσβύτερον, ὡς ἐνηνοχὼς πράως τὰ λεχθέντα
καί τις GY μέτριος καὶ πολιτικὸς τὴν φύσιν, ἀν-
έστησεν ἐκ τοῦ θεάτρου τὴν δεξιὰν ἐμβαλών, καὶ
προσῆγεν εἰς τὸν ᾿Ιθωμάταν τῷ τε Aut θύσων καὶ
θεωρήσων τὸν τόπον. ἔστι γὰρ οὐχ ἧττον εὐερκὴς
τοῦ ᾿Ακροκορίνθου, καὶ λαβὼν φρουρὰν. γίνεται
χαλεπὸς καὶ δυσεκβίαστος τοῖς παροικοῦσιν.
ἀναβὰς δὲ καὶ θύσας, ὡς προσήνεγκεν αὐτῴ τὰ
σπλάγχνα τοῦ βοὸς ὁ μάντις, ἀμφοτέραις ταῖς
χερσὶν ὑπολαβὼν ἐδείκνυε τῷ τε ᾿Αράτῳ καὶ τῷ
Φαρίῳ Δημητρίῳ, παρὰ μέρος ἀποκλίνων εἰς ἑκά-
τερον καὶ πυνθανόμενος τί καθορῶσιν ἐν τοῖς
ἱεροῖς, κρατοῦντα τῆς ἄκρας αὐτὸν ἢ τοῖς Μεσση-
νίοις ἀποδιδόντα. γελάσας οὖν ὁ Δημήτριος, -“ ὲ
μέν, πέφη, “ μάντεως ἔχεις ψυχήν, ἀφήσεις τὸν
τόπον" εἰ δὲ βασιλέως, ἀμφοτέρων τῶν κεράτων
τὸν βοῦν καθέξεις," αἰνιττόμενος τὴν Πελοπόν-

1A precinct of Zeus, on the summit of Mt. Ithome. Cf.
Pausanias, iv. 3. 9.

114

ARATUS xuix. 3-L. 4

slew the officials and nearly two hundred citizens
besides. .

L. After this outrageous deed of Philip's, and
while he was striving more than ever to set the
Messenians by the ears, Aratus reached the city.
He showed clearly that he was indignant himself, and
would not check his son when he bitterly reproached
and reviled Philip. Now, it would seem that the
young man was a lover of Philip; and so at this
time he told Philip, among other things, that he
no longer thought him fair to look upon, after so
foul a deed, but the most repulsive of men. Philip
made no answer to him, although it was expected
that he would, since in his anger he had many times
cried out savagely while the young man was speaking,
but. as though he meekly submitted to what had
been said and was a person of moderation and not
above the ordinary citizen, he gave the elder Aratus
his hand, led him forth from the theatre, and brought
him to the Ithomatas,! in order to sacrifice to Zeus
and take a view of the place. For it is quite as well
walled in as Acrocorinthus, and with a garrison in it
is difficult of access and a hard place for its neigh-
bours to take by force. hither Philip went up, and
offered sacrifice, and when the seer brought him the
entrails of the ox, he took them in both hands and
showed them to Aratus and Demetrius of Pharos,
leaning towards each one in turn and asking them
what indications they saw in the omens; was he
to be master of the citadel, or to give it back to the .
Messenians? Demetrius, with a laugh, replied: “ If
thou hast the spirit of a seer, thou wilt give up the
place; but if that of a king, thou wilt hold the ox by
both its horns,” speaking darkly of Peloponnesus,

{15

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

νῆσον, ws, εἰ προσλάβοι Tov ᾿Ιθωμάταν τῷ ’Axpo-
κορίνθῳ, παντάπασιν ἐσομένην ὑποχείριον καὶ
ταπεινήν. ὁ δὲ ΓΑρατος ἐπὶ πολὺ μὲν ἡσύχαζε,
δεομένου δὲ τοῦ Φιλίππου τὸ φαινόμενον λέγειν,
“Πολλὰ μέν, εἶπεν, “ ὦ Φίλιππε, Κρητῶν ὄρη
καὶ μεγάλα, πολλαὶ δὲ Βοιωτῶν ἄκραι καὶ
Φωκέων ἐκπεφύκασι τῆς γῆς" εἰσὶ δέ που πολλοὶ
καὶ τῆς ᾿Ακαρνάνων τοῦτο μὲν χερσαῖοι, τοῦτο
δ᾽ ἔναλοι τόποι θαυμαστὰς ὀχυρότητας ἔχοντες"
ἀλλ᾽ οὐδένα τούτων κατείληφας, καὶ πάντες
ἑκουσίως σοι ποιοῦσι τὸ προστασσύμενον. "λῃσταὶ
γὰρ ἐμφύονται πέτραις καὶ κρημνῶν περιέχονται,
Θασιλεῖ δὲ πίστεως καὶ χάριτος ἰσχυρότερον
οὐδὲν οὐδὲ ὀχυρώτερον. ταῦτά σοι τὸ Κρητικὸν
ἀνοίγει πέλαγος, ταῦτα τὴν Πελοπόννησον. ἀπὸ
τούτων ὁρμώμενος σὺ τοσοῦτος ἡλικίαν τῶν μὲν
ἡγεμών, τῶν δὲ κύριος ἤδη καθέστηκας." ἔτι
λέγοντος αὐτοῦ τὰ μὲν σπλάγχνα τῷ μάντει
παρέδωκεν ὁ Φίλιππος, ἐκεῖνον δὲ τῆς χειρὸς
ἐπισπασάμενος, “Δεῦρο τοίνυν," epy, “ τὴν αὐτὴν
ὁδὸν ἴωμεν" ὥσπερ ἐκβεβιασμένος ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ καὶ
τὴν πόλιν ἀφῃρημένος.

LI. Ὁ δὲ "Ἄρατος ἀπορρέων ἤδη τῆς αὐλῆς καὶ
κατὰ μικρὸν ἑαυτὸν ἀνακομιζόμενος ἐκ τῆς πρὸς
τον Φίλιππον συνηθείας, διαβαίνοντος εἰς " πει-
ρὸν αὐτοῦ καὶ δεομένου συστρατεύειν, ἀπείπατο
καὶ κατέμεινε, δεδιὼς ἀναπλησθῆναι δόξης πονη-
ρᾶς ἀφ᾽ ὧν ἐκεῖνος ἔπραττεν. ἐπεὶ δὲ τάς τε ναῦς
ὑπὸ “Ῥωμαίων ἀπολέσας αἴσγιστα καὶ ὅλως ἀπο-
τυχὼν ταῖς πράξεσιν ἐπανῆλθεν εἰς Πελοπόννη-
σον, καὶ τοὺς Μεσσηνίους αὖθις ἐπιχειρήσας
φενακίζειν καὶ μὴ λαθὼν ἠδίκει φανερῶς καὶ τὴν

116

1051

ARATUS τ. 4-11. 2

which, if Philip added the Ithomatas to Acrocorin-
thus, would be altogether subject and submissive to
him. Aratus held his peace for a long time, but
upon Philip’s asking him to express his opinion, said:
“There are many lofty hills in Crete, O Philip, and
many towering citadels in Boeotia and Phocis; in
Acarnania, too, I suppose, as well inland as on its
shores, there are many places which show an amazing
strength ; but not one of these dost thou occupy, and
yet all these peoples gladly do thy bidding. For it is
robbers that cling to cliffs and crags, but for a king
there is no stronger or more secure defence than
trust and gratitude. These open up for thee the
Cretan sea, these the Peloponnesus. Relying upon
these, young as thou art, thou hast already made
thyself leader here, and master there.’ While he
was yet speaking, Philip handed the entrails to the
seer, and drawing Aratus to him by the hand, said:
“Come hither, then, and let us take the same road,”
implying that he had been constrained by him and
made to give up the city.

LI. But Aratus presently began to withdraw from
the court and little by little to retire from his
intimacy with Philip. When the king was about
to cross into Epeirus! and asked him to join the ex-
pedition, he refused and remained at home, fearing
that he would be covered with ignominy by the
king’s proceedings. Philip lost his fleet most shame-
fully at the hands of the Romans, and after utter
failure in his undertakings, came back into Pelopon-
nesus. Here he tried once more to hoodwink the
Messenians, and after being detected in this, wronged

1 In 215 spe. Philip had made an alliance with the
Carthaginians against the Romans.

117

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

΄ al en 58. ᾿
χώραν αὐτῶν ἐπόρθει, παντάπασιν ὁ ᾿Άρατος
ἢ) Ἐ if \ ὃ ῳ 60 Ν > f we \
ἀπεστράφη καὶ διεβλήθη πρὸς αὐτόν, ἤδη καὶ
A a “
τῶν περὶ τὴν γυναικωνῖτιν ἀδικημάτων αἰσθό-
ἣ a ,
μενος Kal φέρων ἀνιαρῶς αὐτός, ἀποκρυπτόμενος
\ κ᾿ er 50.) \ ε , - 5
δὲ τὸν υἱόν" εἰδέναι yap ὑβρισμένον περιῆν, ἄλλο
j , ,ὔ
δὲ οὐδέν, ἀμύνασθαι μὴ δυναμένῳ. μεγίστην
n /
yap ὁ Φίλιππος δοκεῖ Kal παραλογωτάτην μετα-
f
βαλέσθαι μεταβολήν, ἐξ ἡμέρου βασιλέως καὶ
\ f
μειρακίου σώφρονος ἀνὴρ ἀσελγὴς καὶ τύραννος
sigs iz r x \ > 5 oo \
ἐξώλης γενόμενος. τὸ δὲ οὐκ ἣν apa μεταβολὴ
7 » ’ 3 / Pb] > / / \
φύσεως, GAN ἐπίδειξις ἐν ἀδείᾳ κακίας πολὺν
7 \ / > /
χρόνον διὰ φόβον ἀγνοηθείσης.
11 “O \ oO / 5 7 Ν f
. Ὅτι yap ἣν μεμιγμένον αἰσχύνῃ καὶ φοβῳ
f r a.
τὸ πρὸς τὸν Apatov αὐτοῦ πάθος ἀπ᾽ ἀρχῆς
συντεθραμμένον, ἐδήλωσεν οἷς ἔπραξε περὶ αὐτόν.
ἐπιθυμῶν γὰρ ἀνελεῖν τὸν ἄνδρα καὶ νομίζων οὐδ᾽
ἂν ἐλεύθερος ἐκείνου ζῶντος εἶναι, μή τί γε τύραν-
aA ἊΝ f Bt \ ἡδὲ > fe {
νος ἢ βασιλεύς, βίᾳ μὲν οὐδὲν ἐπεχείρησε, Tav-
f \ “ la \ ον 3
ρίωνα δὲ τῶν στρατηγῶν τινα Kal φίλων ἐκέλευσεν
ἀδήλῳ τρόπῳ τοῦτο πρᾶξαι, μάλιστα διὰ φαρμά-
Ξ n \ / id
κων, αὐτοῦ μὴ παρόντος. ὁ δὲ ποιησάμενος TOV
“Apatov συνήθη φάρμακον αὐτῷ δίδωσιν, οὐκ
ὀξὺ καὶ σφοδρόν, ἀλλὰ τῶν θέρμας τε μαλακὰς
τὸ πρῶτον ἐν τῷ σώματι καὶ βῆχα κινούντων
5 a 3 τ \ \ > ᾿ \
ἀμβλεῖαν, εἶτα οὕτως κατὰ μικρὸν εἰς φθορὰν
/ > \ » / Ν ” ΕῚ 9
περαινόντων. οὐ μὴν ἔλαθέ γε τὸν ᾿Δρατον' ἀλλ
ὡς οὐδὲν ἦν ὄφελος ἐλέγχοντι, πράως καὶ σιωπῇ
N , χ᾽ ΄
τὸ πάθος, ὡς δή τινα νόσον κοινὴν καὶ συνήθη
νοσῶν, διήντλει. πλὴν ἑνός γε τῶν συνήθων ἐν

118

ARATUS τὰ. 2-111. 3

them openly and ravaged their territory. Then
Aratus was altogether estranged and filled with dis-
trust of the king, being now aware also of the crime
committed against his domestic life. At this he was
sorely vexed himself, but kept it hidden from his son,
who could only know that he had been shamefully
abused, seeing that he was not able to avenge him-
self. For Philip would seem to have undergone a very
great and inexplicable change,! in that from a gentle
prince and chaste youth he became a lascivious man
and a pernicious tyrant. In fact, however, this was
not a change of nature, but a showing forth, in time
of security, of a baseness which his fears had long
led him to conceal.

LII. For that the feelings which he had cherished
from the beginning towards Aratus had an admix-
ture of shame and fear, was made plain by what he
did to him atthe last. For he desired to kill Aratus,
and thought he could not be a free man while Aratus
lived, much less a tyrant or a king. In a violent
way, however, he made no attempt upon him, but
ordered Taurion, one of his officers and friends, to do
this in a secret way, preferably by poison, when the
king was absent. So Taurion made an intimate
companion of Aratus, and gave him poison, not of a
sharp and violent sort, but one of those which first
induce gentle heats in the body, and a dull cough,
and then little by little bring on consumption. The
thing was not hidden from Aratus, but since it was
no use for him to convict the criminal, he calmly and
silently drank his cup of suffering to the dregs, as if
his sickness had been of a common and _ familiar
type. However, when one of his intimate com-

1 Cf, Polybius, vii. 13.
119

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

na , t , / ’ f
τῷ δωματίῳ παρόντος ἀναπτύσας δίαιμον, ἰδόντος
᾽ , \ θ / «- T “-“ ” 3 « *
ἐκείνου καὶ θαυμάσαντος, avta, εἶπεν, “ ὦ
a an / 359
ΚΚκεφάλων, ἐπίχειρα τῆς βασιλικῆς φιλίας.
ς a , b] lb erty
LIII. Οὕτω δὲ αὐτοῦ τελευτήσαντος ἐν Αὐγίῳ
lal x lal
TO ἑπτακαιδέκατον στρατηγοῦντος, καὶ τῶν
’ a f 2 a / \
Αχαιῶν φιλοτιμουμένων ἐκεῖ γενέσθαι ταφὰς
A , lone) / 7
καὶ μνήματα πρέποντα τῷ βίῳ τοῦ ἀνδρός, Σικυώ-
n \ 3 a nf
viol συμφορὰν ἐποιοῦντο μὴ Trap αὐτοῖς τεθῆναι
\ A b) \ , f
TO σῶμα. Kal τοὺς μὲν ᾿Αχαιοὺς ἔπεισαν ἐφιέναι,
” / a
νόμου δὲ ὄντος ἀρχαίου μηδένα θάπτεσθαι τειχῶν
U 6 a / la
ἐντός, ἰσχυρᾶς TE τῷ νόμῳ δεισιδαιμονίας προσ-
ΓΑ yy > \ e \ 7 ’ ,
οὔσης, ἔπεμψαν εἰς Δελφοὺς ὑπὲρ τούτων Epnao-
\ , “ > al Ν
μενοι τὴν Πυθίαν. ἡ δὲ αὐτοῖς ἀναιρεῖ τὸν
XN ,
χρησμὸν τόνδε"

΄ 5
βουλεύῃ, Σικυών, ζωάγριον αἰὲν ᾿Αράτου,
aup ὁσίῃ θαλίῃ τε κατοιχομένοιο ἄνακτος;
ὡς τὸ βαρυνόμενον τῷδ᾽ ἀνέρι καὶ τὸ βαρῦνον
/ ” 223 / \ ’ Aa 9» \ /
γαίης ἔστ᾽ ἀσέβημα καὶ οὐρανοῦ ἠδὲ θαλάσσης.

, Ν a , (da b \ ie
κομισθείσης δὲ τῆς μαντείας ot τε ᾿Αχαιοὶ σύμ-
πᾶντες ἥσθησαν, καὶ διαφερόντως οἱ Σικυώνιοι

L ΄ » φ \ \ / > \ > “
μεταβαλόντες εἰς ἑορτὴν τὸ πένθος εὐθὺς ἐκ τοῦ
y ζΖ Ν ν 5
Αἰγίου τὸν νεκρὸν ἐστεφανωμένοι καὶ λευχειμο-
lal \ ~ ,
VOUVTES ὑπὸ παιάνων καὶ χορῶν εἰς τὴν πόλιν
5) - A , ΄ ld
ἀνῆγον, Kal τόπον ἐξελόμενοι περίοπτον ὥσπερ
3 \ A A /
οἰκιστὴν καὶ σωτῆρα τῆς πόλεως ἐκήδευσαν. καὶ
a , a 3, Ἃ A
καλεῖται μέχρι νῦν ᾿Αράτειον, καὶ θύουσιν αὐτῷ

«--.--... =

1 In 213 B.c.

ARATUS tn. 3-111. 4

panions who was with him in his chamber saw him
spit blood, and expressed surprise, “Such, my dear
Cephalo,” said Aratus, ‘are the wages of royal
friendship.”

LIII. And so he died,! at Aegium, while general
for the seventeenth time, and the Achaeans were
very desirous that he should have burial there and
memorials befitting his life. But the Sicyonians re-
garded it as a calamity that he should not be buried
in their city, and persuaded the Achaeans to sur-
render his body to them. They had, however, an
ancient law that no one should be buried inside the
city walls, and the law was supported by strong feel-
ings of superstition. So they sent to Delphi to get
advice in the matter from the Pythian priestess, and
she gave them the following oracular answer :—

“Would’st thou, O Sicyon, pay Aratus lasting
honour for the lives he saved,
And join in pious funeral rites for thy departed
lord ?
Know that the place which vexes or is vexed by
him
Is sacrilegious, be it in earth or sky or sea.”
When the oracle was brought to them the Achaeans
were all delighted, and the Sicyonians, in particular,
changing their mourning into festival, at once put on
garlands and white raiment and brought the body ot
Aratus from Aegium into their city, amid hymns of
praise and choral dances; and choosing out a com-
manding place, they buried him there, calling him
founder and saviour of the city. And the place is
called to this day Arateium, and yearly sacrifices are
made to Aratus there, one on the day when he

VOL. XI. E 121

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

θυσίαν, τὴν “μέν, ἡ τὴν πόλιν ἀπήλλαξε τῆς τυ-
ραννίδο: ἣ ἡμέρᾳ πέμπτῃ Δαισίου μηνός, ὃν ᾿Αθη-
ναῖοι καλοῦσιν ᾿Ανθεστηριῶνα, καὶ τὴν θυσίαν
ἐκείνην Σωτήρια προσαγορεύουσι, τὴν δὲ τοῦ
μηνὸς ἐν νὰ γενέσθαι τὸν ἄνδρα διαμνημονεύουσι.
τῆς μὲν οὖν προτέρας ὁ τοῦ Διὸς τοῦ Σωτῆρος
κατήρχετο θυηπόλος, τῆς δὲ δευτέρας ὁ τοῦ
᾿Αράτου, στρόφιον οὐχ ὁλόλευκον, ἀλλὰ μεσο-
πόρφυρον ἔχων, μέλη δὲ ἥδετο πρὸς κιθάραν ὑπὸ
τῶν περὶ τὸν Διόνυσον τεχνιτῶν, καὶ συνεπόμ-
πευεν ὁ γυμνασίαρχος ἡγούμενος τῶν τε παίδων
καὶ τῶν ἐφήβων, εἶτα ἐφείπετο ἡ βουλὴ στεφα-
νηφοροῦσα καὶ τῶν ἄλλων πολιτῶν ὁ βουλόμενος.
ὧν ἔτε δείγματα μικρὰ ταῖς ἡμέραις ἐκείναις
ἐξοσιούμενοι διαφυλάττουσιν: αἱ δὲ πλεῖσται
τῶν τιμῶν ὑπὸ χρόνου καὶ πραγμάτων ἄλλων
ἐκλελοίπασιν.

LIV. ᾿Αλλὰ γὰρ ὁ μὲν πρεσβύτερος ᾿᾿ ‘A patos
οὕτω βιῶσαι καὶ τοιοῦτος γενέσθαι τὴν φύσιν
ἱστορεῖται" τὸν δὲ υἱὸν αὐτοῦ μιαρὸς ὧν φύσει
καὶ MET ὠμότητος ὑβριστὴς ὁ Φίλιππος οὐ θανα-
σίμοις, ἀλλὰ μανικοῖς ἐξέστησε τοῦ λογισμοῦ
φαρμάκοις" καὶ παρέτρεψεν εἰς δεινὰς καὶ ἀλλο-
κότους ἐπιφοράς, πράξεων ἀτόπων καὶ σὺν αἰ-
σχύνῃ παθῶν ὀλεθρίων ὀρεγόμενον, ὥστε τὸν
θάνατον αὐτῷ, καίπερ ὄντι νέῳ καὶ ἀνθοῦντι, μὴ
συμφοράν, ἀλλ᾽ ἀπόλυσιν κακῶν καὶ σωτηρίαν
γενέσθαι. δίκας γε μὴν ὁ Φίλιππος οὐ μεμπτὰς
Διὶ ξενίῳ “καὶ φιλίῳ τῆς ἀνοσιουργίας ταύτης
τίνων διετέλεσε. καταπολεμηθεὶς μὲν γὰρ ὑπὸ
“Ῥωμαίων ἐπέτρεψεν ἐκείνοις τὰ καθ᾽ αὑτόν, ἐκ-

122

ARATUS ui. 4-niv. 2

freed the city from its tyranny—the fifth day of the
month Daesius (which the Athenians call Anthes-
terion), which sacrifice has the name Soteria, and
one on the day of the month when, according to the
records, he was born. The first of these sacrifices
was performed by the priest of Zeus the Saviour;
the second by the priest of Aratus, who wore a
headband, not pure white but purple and white, and
hymns with accompaniment of lyre were sung by the
artists of Dionysus, and the gymnasiarch took part
in the procession, at the head of the boys and young
men of military age; then followed the councillors
wearing garlands, and all other citizens who desired.
Of these ceremonial rites the Sicyonians _ still
preserve slight traces, celebrated on the same days
of the year, but most of them, owing to the passage
of time and the pressure of other matters, have
lapsed.

LIV. Such was the life and such the nature of
the elder Aratus, as history tells us; and as for his
son, he was deprived of his reason by Philip, who
had an abominable nature and added savage cruelty
to his wanton exercise of power. He gave the
young man poisons which did not kill, but crazed,
and thus made him a prey to strange and dreadful
impulses, under which he grasped at absurd activities,
and experiences not only shameful but destructive,
so that death came to him, although he was young
and in the flower of his life, not as a calamity, but
as release from evils, and salvation. For this unholy
deed, however, Philip paid ample penalties to Zeus,
the guardian of hospitality and friendship, as long
as he lived. For after being subdued by the Romans
and putting his fortunes in their hands, he was

123

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

\ \ a ” 2 A \ . nf A
πεσὼν δὲ τῆς ἄλλης ἀρχῆς καὶ Tas ναῦς πλὴν
/
πέντε πάσας προέμενος καὶ χίλια προσεκτίσειν
©
ὁμολογήσας τάλαντα καὶ TOV υἱὸν ὁμηρεύσοντα
? n
παραδοὺς δι’ οἶκτον ἔτυχε Μακεδονίας καὶ τῶν
,
συντελούντων. ἀποκτείνων δὲ ἀεὶ τοὺς ἀρίστους
καὶ συγγενεστάτους φρίκης ἐνέπλησε καὶ μίσους
ee / \
ὅλην τὴν βασιλείαν πρὸς αὑτόν. ν δὲ μόνον ἐν
“ €
τοσούτοις κακοῖς εὐτύχημα κτησάμενος, υἱὸν
» A / a s \ f
ἀρετῇ διαφέροντα, τοῦτον φθόνῳ Kai ζηλοτυπίᾳ
lol / a aA A
τῆς παρὰ Ῥωμαίοις τιμῆς ἀνεῖλε, Ἱ]ερσεῖ δὲ
\ \
θατέρῳ τὴν ἀρχὴν παρέδωκεν, ὃν οὐ γνήσιον,
’ 3.6 / Φ , » , \
ἀλλ᾽ ὑπόβλητον eivat φασιν, ἐκ Πναθαινίου τινὸς
“ an ΄
ἀκεστρίας γενόμενον. τοῦτον Αἰμίλιος ἐθριάμ-
βευσε:" καὶ κατέστρεψεν ἐνταῦθα τῆς ᾿Αντιγονικῆς
, A
βασιλείας ἡ διαδοχή. τὸ δὲ ᾿Αράτου γένος ἐν TH
Σικυῶνι καὶ τῇ Πελλήνῃ διέμεινε καθ᾽ ἡμᾶς.

124

ARATUS tlv. 2-3

stripped of most of his dominions, surrendered all
his ships but five, agreed to pay a thousand talents
besides, gave up his son to serve as hostage, and
‘only out of pity obtained Macedonia and its tribu-
taries. But he was for ever putting to death the
noblest of his subjects and his nearest kin, and
thus filled his whole kingdom with horror and
hatred of him. One piece of good fortune only was
his, amid so many ills, and that was a son of sur-
passing excellence; but this son he killed, out of
envy and jealousy of the honour paid him by the
Romans, and left his kingdom to his other son,
Perseus, who was not legitimate, as we are told, but
supposititious, the child of a sempstress, Gnathaenion.?
This king graced the triumph of Aemilius, and with
him ended the royal line of the Antigonids ; whereas
the descendants of Aratus were living at Sicyon and
Pellene in my time.

1 See the 4emiliu. Paulus, viii. 6f. ; xxxiv., xxxvi.

125

litt: ei. bas Senheh ὑγοναισωδαμμνο a ae “a
96} ia οὐ. tiga ah Ee apy: φῆ φυδ, νϑοί ποῦ
(bos

bas Atte

96} qd “etd one a a ἥδ
0 ot aid an dea ‘ot fa

ἄν: bas. re ne Ao: dentate ra tii τος
φῴφηθεῖνε ,2bitogitet: off te onilLeveradd bebao nitd
bas..cozole, ta en sisw ainterA. toedsbusozeb odd

‘sett ver oi 9Π5{{5Ὁ

feaxx evinkx ς 18 tiv. pashan, τ σαϑν, si 902 1

ARTAXERXES

APTOZEPZH2

I. Ὁ μὲν πρῶτος ᾿Αρτοξέρξης, τῶν ἐν Πέρσαις
βασιλέων πρᾳότητι καὶ μεγαλοψυχίᾳ πρωτεύσας,
Μακρόχειρ ἐπεκαλεῖτο τὴν δεξιὰν μείζονα τῆς
ἑτέρας «ἔχων, Ξέρξου δὲ ἣν υἱός" ὁ δὲ δεύτερος,
περὶ οὗ τάδε γράφεται, Μνήμων ἐπικληθεὶς ἐκ
θυγατρὸς ἣν ἐκείνου. Δαρείου γὰρ καὶ Ulapuod-
TLOOS παῖδες ἐ ἐγένοντο τέσσαρες, πρεσβύτατος μὲν
᾿Αρτοξέρξης, μετ᾽ ἐκεῖνον δὲ Κῦρος, νεώτεροι δὲ
τούτων ᾿᾽Οστάνης καὶ ᾿Οξάθρης. ὁ μὲν οὖν Κῦρος
ἀπὸ Κύρου τοῦ παλαιοῦ τοὔνομα ἔσχεν, ἐκείνῳ δὲ
ἀπὸ τοῦ ἡλίου γενέσθαι φασί: Κῦρον γὰρ καλεῖν
Πέρσας τὸν ἥλιον. ὁ δὲ ᾿Αρτοξέρξης ᾿Αρσίκας
πρότερον ἐκαλεῖτο᾽ καίτοι Δείνων φησὶν . ὅτι
‘Oupons. ἀλλὰ τὸν Κτησίαν, εἰ καὶ τάλλα μύθων
ἀπιθάνων καὶ παραφόρων ἐμβέβληκεν εἰς τὰ
βιβλία παντοδαπὴν πυλαίαν., οὐκ εἰκός εστιν
ἀγνοεῖν τοὔνομα τοῦ βασιλέως Tap ὧ διέτριβε
θεραπεύων αὐτὸν καὶ γυναῖκα καὶ μητέρα καὶ
παῖδας.

II. Ὁ μὲν οὖν Κῦρος ἔντονόν τι καὶ σφοδρὸν
εὐθὺς ἐκ πρώτης ἡλικίας εἶχεν, ἅτερος δὲ πρᾳό-
τερος ἐδόκει περὶ πάντα καὶ ταῖς ὁρμαῖς φύσει
μαλακώτερος εἶναι. γυναῖκα δὲ καλὴν καὶ ἀγα-
θὴν ἔλαβε μὲν τῶν γονέων κελευόντων, ἐφύλαξε

1 Artaxerxes I. 465-425 n.c. The parallel form Artaxerxes
has become fixed in English,

128

1012

ARTAXERXES

I. Tue first Artaxerxes,! preéminent among the
kings of Persia for gentleness and magnanimity, was
surnamed Longimanus, because his right hand was
longer than his left, and was the son of Xerxes;
the second Artaxerxes,” the subject of this Life, was
surnamed Memor, or Mindful, and was the grandson
of the first by his daughter Parysatis. For Dareius*
and Parysatis had four sons—an eldest, Artaxerxes,
and next to him Cyrus, and after these Ostanes and
Oxathres. Cyrus took his name from Cyrus of old,‘
who, as they say, was named from the sun; for
“Cyrus” is the Persian word for sux. Artaxerxes
was at first called Arsicas; although Deinon gives
the name as Oarses. But it is unlikely that Ctesias,
even if he has put into his work a perfect farrago
of extravagant and incredible tales, should be
ignorant of the name of the king at whose court
he lived as physician to the king’s wife and mother
and children.

II. Now Cyrus, from his very earliest years, was
high-strung and impetuous, but Artaxerxes seemed
gentler in everything and naturally milder in his
impulses. His wife,a beautiful and excellent woman,
he married in compliance with his parents’ bidding,

° Artaxerxes IT. 404-362 Β 6.
* Dareius IT. 424-404 b ὦ.
‘ Cyrus the Elder, 559-529 k.c,

129

PLUTARCH’'S LIVES

δὲ κωλυόντων" τὸν yap ἀδελφὸν αὐτῆς ἀποκτείνας
2 ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐβουλεύετο κἀκείνην ἀνελεῖν, ὁ δὲ
᾿Αρσίκας τῆς μητρὸς ἱκέτης γενόμενος καὶ πολλὰ
κατακλαύσας μόλις ἔπεισε μήτε ἀποκτεῖναι μήτε
αὐτοῦ διαστῆσαι τὴν ἄνθρωπον. ἡ δὲ μήτηρ
ὑπῆρχε τὸν Κῦρον μᾶλλον φιλοῦσα καὶ βουλομένη
βασιλεύειν ἐκεῖνον. διὸ καὶ τοῦ πατρὸς νοσοῦν-
τος ἤδη μετάπεμπτος ἀπὸ θαλάσσης γενόμενος
παντάπασιν ἀνέβαινεν εὔελπις WY, ὡς κατειργα-
σμένης ἐκείνης διάδοχον αὐτὸν ἀποδειχθῆναι τῆς
ἀρχῆς. καὶ γὰρ εἶχεν εὐπρεπῆ λόγον ἡ Παρύ-
σατις, ᾧ καὶ Ἐέρξης ὁ παλαιὸς ἐχρήσατο, Δημα-
ράτου διδάξαντος, ὡς ᾿Αρσίκαν μὲν ἰδιώτῃ, Κῦρον
δὲ βασιλεύοντι Δαρείῳ texetv.t οὐ μὴν ἔπεισεν,
ἀλλ᾽ ὁ πρεσβύτερος ἀπεδείχθη βασιλεύς, ᾿Άρτο-
ξέρξης μετονομασθείς, Κῦρος δὲ Λυδίας σατράπης
καὶ τῶν ἐπὶ θαλάσσης στρατηγός.

ἘΠῚ ‘Oduye δ᾽ ὕστερον ἢ τεχεύτησαι Δαρεῖον
ἐξήλασεν εἰς Πασαργάδας ὁ βασιλεύς, ὃ ὅπως τελε-
σθείη τὴν βασιλικὴν τελετὴν ὑπὸ τῶν ἐν Πέρσαις
ἱερέων. ἔστι δὲ θεᾶς πολεμικῆς ἱερόν, ἣν ᾿Αθηνᾶν
ἄν τις εἰκάσειεν. εἰς τοῦτο δεῖ τὸν τελούμενον
παρελθόντα τὴν μὲν ἰδίαν ἀποθέσθαι στολήν, ἀνα-
λαβεῖν δὲ ἣν Κῦρος ὁ παλαιὸς ἐφόρει πρὶν ἢ βα-
σιλεὺς γενέσθαι, καὶ σύκων παλάθης ἐμφαγόντα
τερμίνθου κατατραγεῖν καὶ ποτήριον ἐκπιεῖν ὀξυ-
γάλακτος. εἰ δὲ πρὸς τούτοις ἕτερ᾽ ἄττα δρῶσιν,
ἄδηλόν ἐστι τοῖς ἄλλοις. ταῦτα δρᾶν Ἀρτοξέρξου

1 τεκεῖν Bekker has τέκοι, after Coraés.

130

ARTAXERXES τι. 1-111. 3 .

and kept her in defiance of them; for after the king
had put her brother to death, he wished to kill her
also. But Arsicas, throwing himself at his mother’s
teet and supplicating her with many tears, at last
obtained her promise that his wife should neither
be killed nor separated from him. But the mother
had more love for Cyrus, and wished that he should
succeed to the throne. Therefore, when his father
was now lying sick, Cyrus was summoned home from
the sea-coast, and went up in full hope that by
his mother’s efforts he had been designated as suc-
cessor to the kingdom. For Parysatis had a specious
argument (the same that Xerxes the Elder employed
on the advice of Demaratus'), to the effect that she
had borne Arsicas to Dareius when he was in private
station, but Cyrus when he was a king. However,
she could not prevail, but the elder son was declared
king, under the new name of Artaxerxes, while
Cyrus remained satrap of Lydia and commander of
the forces in the maritime provinces.”

III. A little while after the death of Dareius, the
new king made an expedition to Pasargadae, that
he might receive the royal initiation at the hands
of the Persian priests. Here there is a sanctuary of
a warlike goddess whom one might conjecture to be
Athena. Into this sanctuary the candidate for initia-
tion must pass, and after laying aside his own proper
robe, must put on that which Cyrus the Elder used
to wear before he became king; then he must eat
of a cake of figs, chew some turpentine-wood, and
drink a cup of sour milk. Whatever else is done
besides this is unknown to outsiders. As Artaxerxes

' See Herodotus, vil. 3.
Σ Cf. Xenophon, Axab. i. 1, 1 ff.

5 PLUTARCH’S LIVES

μέλλοντος ἀφίκετο, Τισαφέρνης πρὸς αὐτὸν ἄγων
ἕνα τῶν ἱερέων, ὃς ἐν παισὶ Κύρου τῆς νομιζομένης
ἀγωγῆς ἐπιστάτης γενόμενος καὶ διδάξας μαγεύειν
αὐτὸν οὐδενὸς ἧττον ἐδόκει ΠΠερσῶν ἀνιᾶσθαι μὴ
ἀποδειχθέντος ἐκείνου βασιλέως" διὸ καὶ πίστιν
ἔσχε κατηγορῶν Κύρου. κατηγόρει δὲ ὡς μέλ-
λοντος ἐνεδρεύειν ἐ ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ, καὶ ἐπειδὰν ἐκδύηται
τὴν ἐσθῆτα ὁ βασιλεύς, ἐπιτίθεσθαι καὶ δια-
φθείρειν αὐτόν. οἱ μὲν ἐκ ταύτης τῆς διαβολῆς
τὴν σύλληψιν γενέσθαι φασίν, οἱ δὲ καὶ παρελ-
θεῖν τὸν Κῦρον εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν καὶ παραδοθῆναι
κρυπτόμενον ὑπὸ τοῦ ἱερέως. μέλλοντα δὲ αὐτὸν
ἤδη ἀποθνήσκειν ἡ ἡ μήτηρ περισχοῦσα ταῖς ἀγκά-
λαις καὶ τοῖς βοστρύχοις περιελίξασα καὶ συλ-
λαβοῦσα τὸν ἐκείνου πράχηλον πρὸς τὸν αὑτῆς,
ὀδυρομένη πολλὰ καὶ ποτνιωμένη παρῃτήσατο
καὶ κατέπεμψεν. αὖθις ἐπὶ θάλατταν, οὐκ ἀγα-
πῶντα τὴν ἀρχὴν ἐκείνην, οὐδὲ μεμνημένον τῆς
διέσεως, ἀλλὰ τῆς “συλλήψεως, καὶ δι’ ὀργὴν
σπαργῶντα μᾶλλον ἢ πρότερον ἐπὶ τὴν βασιλείαν.

IV. "Ἔνιοι δέ φασιν οὐκ ἀρκούμενον οἷς ἐλάμ-
βανεν εἰς τὸ καθ᾽ ἡμέραν δεῖπνον ἀποστῆναι
βασιλέως, εὐήθη λέγοντες. εἰ γὰρ ἄλλο μηδέν,
ἀλλὰ ἡ μήτηρ ὑπῆρχε, χρῆσθαι καὶ λαμβάνειν
ὅσα βούλοιτο τῶν αὑτῆς παρέχουσα καὶ διδοῦσα.
μαρτυρεῖ δὲ τῷ πλούτῳ καὶ τὸ μεσθοφορικὸν
πολλαχόθι διὰ τῶν φίλων καὶ ξένων αὐτῷ παρα-
τρεφόμενον, ὡς Ξενοφῶν εἴρηκεν. ἀθρόους μὲν
γὰρ οὐ συνήγαγε:"", ἔτι τὴν παρασκευὴν ἐπικρυπτό-

1 Anab, i. 1, 6-11.

132

101:

ARTAXERXES m1. 3-1v. 1

was about to perform these rites, Tissaphernes
brought to him a certain priest who had conducted
Cyrus through the customary discipline for boys, had
taught him the wisdom of the Magi, and was thought
to be more distressed than any one in Persia because
his pupil had not been declared king. For this
reason, too, his accusation against Cyrus won cre-
dence. And he accused him of planning to lie in
wait for the king in the sanctuary until he should
put off his garment, and then to fall upon him and
kill him. Some say that Cyrus was arrested in con-
sequence of this false charge, others that he actually
made his way into the sanctuary and hid himself
there, and was delivered into custody by the priest.
But now, as he was about to be put to death, his
mother clasped him in her arms, twined her tresses
about him, pressed his neck against her own, and
by much lamentation and entreaty prevailed upon
the king to spare him, and sent him back to the
sea-coast. Here he was not satisfied with the office
assigned to him, nor mindful of his release, but only
of his arrest; and his anger made him more eager
than before to secure the kingdom.

IV. Some say that he revolted from the king
because his allowance did not suffice for his daily
meals, which is absurd. For had no other resource
been his, still, his mother was resource enough, who
gave freely from her own wealth all that he wished
to take and use. And that he had wealth is proved
by the mercenary troops that were maintained for
him in many places by his friends and connections,
as Xenophon tells us.! For he did not bring these
together into one body, since he was still trying to
conceal his preparations, but in one place and another,

133

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

a 4
μενος, ἀλλαχόθι δὲ ἄλλους ἐπὶ πολλαῖς προφάσεσι
a by? / δὲ [4 iy

2 ξενολογοῦντας εἶχε. βασιλέως δὲ ἥ TE μήτηρ
a a \ a b \ 2 oN
παροῦσα Tas ὑποψίας ἀφῇῆρει, καὶ Κῦρος αὐτὸς ἀεὶ
n \ δὴ > / >
θεραπευτικῶς ἔγραφε, TA μὲ» αἰτούμενος Trap
»" Lal \
αὐτοῦ, Ta δὲ Τισαφέρνους ἀντικατηγορῶν, ὡς δὴ

πρὸς ἐκεῖνον αὐτῷ ζήλου καὶ ἀγῶνος ὄντος.

an UA Qn
8 “Hy δέτις καὶ μέλλησις ἐν TH φύσει τοῦ Bact-
λέως, ἐπιείκεια φαινομένη τοῖς πολλοῖς. ἐν ἀρχῇ
a ? n
δὲ καὶ πάνυ ζηλοῦν ἔδοξε τὴν ᾿Αρτοξέρξου τοῦ

ὁμωνύμου πρᾳότητα, ἡδίω τε ἑαυτὸν παρέχων

A /
ἐντυγχάνεσθαι, καὶ περὶ TO τιμᾶν καὶ χαρίζεσθαι

Ν be ui) , ε / Uy . δὲ id

τὸ κατ᾽ ἀξίαν ὑπερβάλλων, κολάσεως δὲ πάσης
? an A > / \ e / > \ lal
ἀφαιρῶν τὸ ἐφυβρίξζον καὶ ἡδόμενον, ἐν δὲ τῷ
δέχεσθαι χάριτας οὐχ ἧττον τοῖς διδοῦσιν ἢ τοῖς
λαμβάνουσιν ἐν τῷ διδόναι φαινόμενος εὔχαρις
4 καὶ φιλάνθρωπος. οὐδὲν γὰρ ἣν οὕτως μικρόν τι

a“ / ἃ \ / ΄ > \
τῶν διδομένων ὃ μὴ προσεδέξατο προθύμως, ἀλλὰ
καὶ ῥόαν μίαν ὑπερφυῆ μεγέθει προσενέγκαντος
» / \ ’ σι ἐς NT \ 6 4» Ἕ
ἘΠ πεσθι OS σθαι, Νὴ τὸν Μι ραν, εἰπεν,

᾿οὗτος ὁ ἀνὴρ καὶ πόλιν ἂν ἐκ μικρᾶς Taye
ποιήσειε μεγάλην πιστευθείς."

V. ᾿Επεὶ δὲ ἄλλων ἄλλα προσφερόντων καθ᾽
CON 3 \ Μ JINN ἌΡΣΕΝ a ΄
ὁδὸν αὐτουργὸς ἄνθρωπος οὐδὲν ἐπὶ καιροῦ φθάσας

a lal rn / a ο
εὑρεῖν τῷ ποταμῷ προσέδραμε καὶ ταῖν χεροῖν
e a to 7 [4
ὑπολαβὼν τοῦ ὕδατος προσήνεγκεν, ἡσθεὶς ὁ
᾿Αρτοξέρξης φιάλην ἔπεμψεν αὐτῷ χρυσῆν καὶ
χιλίους δαρεικούς. Ἐὐκλείδᾳ δὲ τῷ Λάκωνι, πολ-

\ a
ha παρρησιαζομένῳ πρὸς αὐτὸν αὐθαδῶς, ἐκέ-
λευσεν εἰπεῖν τὸν χιλίαρχον ὅτι “ Σοὶ μὲν ἔξεστιν

134

ARTAXERXES tv. 1-v. 1

and on many pretexts, he kept recruiting-agents.
And as for the king’s suspicions, his mother, who
was at court, tried to remove them, and Cyrus him-
self would always write in a submissive vein, some-
times asking favours from him, and sometimes making
countercharges against Tissaphernes, as if his eager
contention were against him. '

There was, too, a certain dilatoriness in the nature
of the king, which most people took for clemency.
Moreover, in the beginning he appeared to be
altogether emulous of the gentleness of the Arta-
xerxes whose name he bore, showing himself very
agreeable in intercourse, and bestowing greater
honours and favours than were really deserved, while
from all his punishments he took away the element
of insult or vindictive pleasure, and in his acceptance
and bestowal of favours appeared no less gracious
and kindly to the givers than to the recipients.
For there was no gift so small that he did+ not
accept it with alacrity; indeed, when a certain
Omisus brought him a single pomegranate οἵ sur-
passing size, he said: “ By Mithra, this man would
speedily make a city great instead of small were he
entrusted with it.”

V. Once when he was on a journey and various
people were presenting him with various things, ἃ
labouring man, who could find nothing else atthe
moment, ran to the river, and, taking some of the
water in his hands, offered it to him; at which
Artaxerxes was so pleased that he sent him a goblet
of gold and a thousand darics. To Eucleidas. the
Lacedaemonian, who would often say bold and im-_
pudent, things to him, he sent this word by his
oficer of the guard: “It is in thy power to say

135

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

εἰπεῖν ἃ βούλει, ἐμοὶ δὲ καὶ λέγειν καὶ ποιεῖν."
ἐν δὲ θήρᾳ τινὶ Τηριβάζου δείξαντος αὐτῷ τὸν
κάνδυν ἐσχισμένον, ἠρώτησεν ὅ τι δεῖ ποιεῖν.
ἐκείνου δὲ εἰπόντος, ἐξ ᾿Αλλον αὐτὸς ἔνδυσαι, τοῦ-
τον δὲ ἐμοὶ δός, οὕτως ἐποίησεν, εἰπών, “ Δίδωμι
μέν, ὦ Τηρίβαξε, σοὶ τοῦτον, φορεῖν δὲ ἀπαγο-
ρεύω." τοῦ δὲ Τηριβάζου μὴ φροντίσαντος (ἣν
γὰρ οὐ πονηρός, ὑπόκουφος δὲ καὶ παράφορος),
ἀλλὰ τόν τε κάνδυν εὐθὺς ἐκεῖνον ἐνδύντος καὶ
δέραια χρυσᾶ καὶ γυναικεῖα τῶν βασιλικῶν περι-
εμένου, πάντες μὲν ἠγανάκτουν (οὐ γὰρ ἐξῆν), ὁ
μέντοι βασιλεὺς κατεγέλασε καὶ «εἶπε: “ Δίδω μί
σοι καὶ τὰ χρυσία φορεῖν ὡς γυναικὶ καὶ τὴν
στολὴν ὡς μαινομένῳ." τραπέζης δὲ τῆς αὐτῆς
μηδενὸς μετέχοντος ἀλλ᾽ ἢ μητρὸς βασιλέως ἢ
γαμετῆς γυναικός, καθεζομένων τῆς μὲν ὑπ᾽ αὐτόν,
τῆς δὲ μητρὸς ὑπὲρ αὐτόν, ᾿Αρτοξέρξης καὶ τοὺς
ἀδελί δούς ἐ ἐπὶ τὴν αὐτὴν ἐκάλει τράπεζαν, ᾽Οστά-
νην καὶ ᾿Οξάθρην, νεωτέρους ὄντας. ἐν δὲ τοῖς
μάλιστα͵ κεχαρισμένην ὄψιν παρεῖχε τοῖς Πέρ-
σαις ἡ τῆς γυναικὸς Στατείρας ἁρμάμαξα γυμνὴ
τῶν παραπετασμάτων ἀεὶ προφερομένη καὶ διδοῦ-
σα ταῖς δημότισιν ἀσπάσασθαι αὐτὴν καὶ προσ-
ελθεῖν, ὅθεν ἡγαπῶᾶτο τοῖς πολλοῖς ἡ βασίλεια.
VI. Τὸν μέντοι Κῦρον οἱ νεωτερισταὶ καὶ πολυ-
πράγμονες ὡς λαμπρὸν ἄνδρα τῇ ψυχῇ καὶ
πολεμικὸν διαφερόντως καὶ φιλέταιρον ῴοντο τὰ
πράγματα ποθεῖν, καὶ τὸ μέγεθος τῆς ἡγεμονίας
βασιλέως δεῖσθαι φρόνημα καὶ φιλοτιμίαν ἔχον-
τος. οὐχ ἧττον οὖν τοῖς ἄνω πιστεύων ὁ Κῦρος
ἢ τοῖς περὶ αὑτὸν ἐπεχείρει τῷ πολέμῳ: καὶ

136

ARTAXERXES $v. 1-v1. 2

what thou pleasest, but it is in mine both to say
and to do.’ Again, when he was hunting once
and Teribazus pointed out that the king’s coat
was rent, he asked him what was to be done. And
when Teribazus replied, “ Put on another for thyself,
but give this one to me,” the king did so, saying,
“1 give this to thee, Teribazus, but I forbid thee to
wear it.” Teribazus gave no heed to this command
(being not a bad man, but rather light-headed and
witless), and at once put on the king’s coat, and
decked himself with golden necklaces and women’s
ornaments of royal splendour. Everybody was in-
dignant at this (for it was a forbidden thing);
but the king merely laughed, and said: “1 permit
thee to wear the trinkets as a woman, and the >
robe as a madman.” Again, no one shared the
table of a Persian king except his mother or his
wedded wife, the wife sitting below him, the mother
above him; but Artaxerxes invited to the same table
with him his brothers Ostanes and Oxathres, although
they were his juniors. But what gratified the Persians
most of all was the sight of his wife Stateira’s carriage,
which always appeared with its curtains up, and thus
permitted the women of the people to approach and
greet the queen. This made her beloved of the
common folk.

VI. Nevertheless, restless and factious men thought
that affairs demanded Cyrus, a man who had a
brilliant spirit, surpassing skill in war, and great love
for his friends ; and that the magnitude of the empire
required a king of lofty purpose and ambition. Ac-
cordingly, Cyrus relied quite as much upon the
people of the interior as upon those of his own
province and command, when he began the war.

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Λακεδαιμονίοις ἔγραφε παρακαλῶν βοηθεῖν καὶ
συνεκπέμπειν ἄνδρας, οἷς ἔφη δώσειν, ἂν μὲν
πεζοὶ παρῶσιν, ἵππους, ἂν δὲ ἱ ἱππεῖς, συνωρίδας"
ἐὰν δ᾽ ἀγροὺς ἔχωσι, κώμας" ἐὰν δὲ κώμας, πόλεις"
μισθοῦ δὲ τοῖς στρατευομένοις οὐκ ἀριθμόν, ἀλλὰ
μέτρον ἔσεσθαι. μεγαληγορῶν δὲ περὶ αὑτοῦ
πολλὰ καὶ καρδίαν. ἔφη τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ φορεῖν βαρυ-
τέραν καὶ φιλοσοῴ εἴν μᾶλλον καὶ μαγεύειν βέλτιον,
οἶνον δὲ πλείονα πίνειν καὶ φέρειν' ἐκεῖνον δὲ
ὑπὸ δειλίας καὶ μαλακίας ἐν μὲν τοῖς κυνηγεσίοις
μηδὲ ἐφ᾽ ἵππου, ἐν δὲ τοῖς κινδύνοις μηδὲ ἐπὶ τοῦ
θρόνου καθῆσθαι. Λακεδαιμόνιοι μὲν οὖν σκυτά-
Anv πρὸς Κλέαρχον ἀπέστειλαν ὑπηρετεῖν Κύρῳ
πάντα κελεύοντες. ὁ δὲ Κῦρος ἀνέβαινεν ἐπὶ
βασιλέα βαρβαρικήν τε πολλὴν ἔχων δύναμιν
καὶ μισθοφόρους “EXXAnvas ὀλίγῳ τρισχιλίων καὶ
μυρίων ἀποδέοντας, ἄλλας ἐπ᾽ ἄλλαις ποιούμενος
προφάσεις τῆς στρατείας. οὐ μὴν ἔλαθέ γε εἰς
πολὺν χρόνον, ἀλλ᾽ ἧκε βασιλεῖ Τισαφέρνης
αὐτάγγελος" καὶ πολὺς θόρυβος εἶχε τὰ βασίλεια,
τῆς τε Παρυσάτιδος τὴν πλείστην αἰτίαν τοῦ
πολέμου φερομένης, καὶ τῶν φίλων αὐτῆς ἐν
ὑποψίαις ὄ ὄντων καὶ διαβολαῖς. μάλιστα δὲ ἡνία
τὴν Παρύσατιν ἡ Στάτειρα τῷ πολέμῳ περιπα-
θοῦσα καὶ βοῶσα, “ Ποῦ νῦν αἱ πίστεις ἐκεῖναι;
ποῦ δὲ αἱ δεήσεις, αἷς ἐξελομένη τὸν ἐπιβουλεύ-
σαντα τῷ ἀδελφῷ πολέμου καὶ κακῶν ἐμπέπληκας
ἡμᾶς ;᾿ ἐκ δὴ τούτων μισοῦσα τὴν Στάτειραν ἡ
Παρύσατις, καὶ φύσει βαρύθυμος οὖσα καὶ Bap-

1. Cf. Xenophon, Anab. 1.1, 9; 2, 21; 4, 3.

138

1014

ARTAXERXES νι. 2-5

He also wrote to the Lacedaemonians, inviting them
to aid him and send him men, and promising that
he would give to those who came, if they were foot-
men, horses; if they were horsemen, chariots and
pairs; if they had farms, he would give them villages ;
if they had villages, cities; and the pay of the
soldiers should not be counted, but measured out.
Moreover, along with much high-sounding talk about
himself, he said he carried a sturdier heart than his
brother, was more of a philosopher, better versed in
the wisdom of the Magi, and could drink and carry
more wine than he. His brother, he said, was too
effeminate and cowardly either to sit his horse in a
hunt, or his throne in a time of peril. The Lacedae-
monians, accordingly, sent a dispatch-roll to Clearchus
ordering him to give Cyrus every assistance:! So
Cyrus marched up against the king with a large
force of Barbarians and nearly thirteen thousand
Greek mercenaries,? alleging one pretext after
another for his expedition. But the real object of
it was not long concealed, for Tissaphernes went in
person to the king and informed him of it. Then
there was a great commotion at the court, Parysatis
being most blamed for the war, and her friends
undergoing suspicion and accusation. And above
all was she vexed by Stateira, who was greatly dis-
tressed at the war, and kept crying: “ Where now
are those pledges of thine? And where are the
entreaties by which thou didst rescue the man who |
had. plotted against the life of his brother, only to
involve us in war and calamity?” Therefore Pary-
satis hated Stateira, and being naturally of a harsh

2 Cf. Xenophon, Anab. i. 7, 10, where the force of Bar-
barians is said to have numbered one hundred thousand.

139

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

βαρος ἐν ὀργαῖς καὶ μνησικακίαις, ἐπεβούλευεν
αὐτὴν ἀνελεῖν. ἐπεὶ δὲ Δείνων μὲν ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ
συντελεσθ᾽, ναι τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν εἴρηκε, Κτησίας δὲ
ὕστερον, ὃν οὔτε ἀγνοεῖν. τὸν χρόνον εἰκός ἐστι
παρόντα ταῖς πράξεσιν, οὔτε ἑκὼν αἰτίαν εἶχεν ἐκ
τοῦ χρόνου μεταστῆσαι τὸ ἔργον, ὡς ἐπράχθη
διηγούμενος, οἷα πάσχει πολλάκις ὁ “λόγος αὐτοῦ
πρὸς τὸ μυθῶδες καὶ δραματικὸν ἐκτρεπόμενος
τῆς ἀληθείας, τοῦτο μὲν ἣν ἐκεῖνος ἀπέδωκε
χώραν ἕξει.

ΝΠ. Κύρῳ δὲ προσιόντι φῆμαι καὶ λόγοι προσ-
ἔπιπτον, ὡς οὐ μάχεσθαι βασιλέως. εὐθὺς ἐγνω-
κότος οὐδὲ συνδραμεῖν εἰς χεῖρας αὐτῷ σπεύδοντος,
ἀλλ᾽ ἐν ἸΤ]έρσαις ὑπομένειν ἄχρι ἂν αἱ δυνάμεις
ἐκεῖ πανταχόθεν συνέλθωσι. καὶ γὰρ τάφρον
εὗρος ὀργυιῶν δέκα καὶ βάθος ἴσων ἐπὶ σταδίους
διὰ τοῦ πεδίου τετρακοσίους ἐνέβαλε: καὶ ταύτης
τε περιεῖδε τὸν Κῦρον ἐντὸς παρελθόντα καὶ Βα-
βυλῶνος αὐτῆς οὐ μακρὰν γενόμενον. Τηριβάξου

δέ, ὥς φασι, πρώτου τολμήσαντος εἰπεῖν ὡς οὐ

δεῖ Rue ο τὺ οὐδὲ Μηδίας ἐκστάντα καὶ Ba-
βυλῶνος a ἅμα. καὶ Σούσων ἐνδύεσθαι τῇ Περσίδι,
πολλαπλασίαν μὲν ἔχοντα δύναμιν τῶν πολεμίων,
μυρίους δὲ σατράπας καὶ στρατηγοὺς Κύρου καὶ
φρονεῖν καὶ μάχεσθαι βελτίονας, ὥρμησε διαγω-
νίσασθαι τὴν ταχίστην.

Καὶ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἐξαίφνης καταφανεὶς ἐνενή-
κοντα μυριάσι στρατοῦ διακεκοσμημέναις λαμ-

1 ἅμα Bekker and Ziegler, after Corais: ἀλλά.

140

ARTAXERXES νι. s—vit. 3

temper and savage in her wrath and resentment, she
plotted to kill her. Deinon says that her plot was
carried out during the war. Ctesias, however, says
that it was accomplished afterwards, and neither is
it likely that he was ignorant of the time since he
was at the scene of action, nor had he any occasion,
in his narrative of the deed, to change the time of
it on purpose, however often his story turns aside
from the truth into fable and romance. I shall
therefore give the event the place which he has
assigned to it.}

VII. As Cyrus proceeded on his march, rumours
and reports kept coming to his ears that the king
had decided not to give battle at once, and was not
desirous of coming to close quarters with him, but
rather of waiting in Persia until his forces should
assemble there from all parts. For he had run a
trench, ten fathoms in width and as many in depth,
four hundred furlongs through the plain; and yet
he allowed Cyrus to cross this and to come within
a short distance of Babylon itself.2 And it was
Teribazus, as we are told, who first plucked up
courage to tell the king that he ought not to shun
a battle, nor to retire from Media and Babylon, as
well as Susa, and hide himself in Persia, when he
had a force many times as numerous as that of the
enemy, and countless satraps and generals who sur-
passed Cyrus in wisdom and military skill. The king
therefore determined to fight the issue out as soon
as possible.

So, to begin with, by his sudden appearance with
an army of nine hundred thousand men in brilliant

1 See chap. xix.
* Cf. Xenophon, Anub. i. 7, 14-17,
141

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

πρῶς, TOUS πολεμίους ἀσυντάκτους καὶ ἀνόπλους
διὰ τὸ θαρρεῖν καὶ καταφρονεῖν ὁδοιποροῦντας
ἐξέπληξε καὶ συνετάραξεν, ὥστε σὺν θορύβῳ καὶ
βοῇ πολλῇ μόλις εἰς τάξιν καθίστασθαι τὸν
Κῦρον: ἔπειτα σιγῇ καὶ σχέδην ἐπάγων θαῦμα
τοῖς "“ἔλλησι τῆς εὐταξίας παρεῖχε, κραυγὰς ἀτά-
KTOUS καὶ σκιρτήματα καὶ πολὺν τάραχον αὐτῶν
καὶ διασπασμὸν ἐν πλήθει τοσούτῳ προσδεχομέ-
νοις. εὖ δὲ καὶ κατὰ τοὺς “ἔλληνας ἀντέταξε τῶν
δρεπανηφόρων τὰ ῥωμαλεώτατα πρὸ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ
φάλαγγος, ὡς πρὶν ἐν χερσὶ γενέσθαι διακόψοντα
τὰς τάξεις βίᾳ τῆς εἰσελάσεως.

VILL. Τὴν δὲ μάχην ἐκείνην πολλῶν μὲν ἀπηγ-
γελκότων, Ἐξενοφῶντος δὲ μονονουχὶ δεικνύοντος
ὄψει, καὶ τοῖς πράγμασιν, ὡς οὐ γεγενημένοις,
ἀλλὰ γινομένοις, ἐφιστάντος ἀεὶ τὸν ἀκροατὴν
ἐμπαθῆ καὶ συγκινδυνεύοντα διὰ τὴν ἐνάργειαν,
οὐκ ἔστι νοῦν ἔχοντος ἐπεξηγεῖσθαι, πλὴν ὅσα
τῶν ἀξίων λόγου παρῆλθεν εἰπεῖν ἐκεῖνον. ὁ μὲν
οὖν τόπος, ἐν ᾧ παρετάξαντο, Κούναξα καλεῖται
καὶ Βαβυλῶνος ἀπέχει σταδίους πεντακοσίους.
Κῦρον δὲ πρὸ τῆς μάχης Κλεάρχου παρακα-
λοῦντος ἐξόπισθεν τῶν μαχομένων εἶναι καὶ μὴ
κινδυνεύειν αὐτὸν εἰπεῖν φασι, “Τί λέγεις, ὦ
Κλέαρχε; σὺ κελεύεις με τὸν βασιλείας ὀρεγό-
μενον ἀνάξιον εἶναι βασιλείας ;" ἁμαρτόντος δὲ
Κύρου μέγα τῷ δῦναι προπετῶς εἰς μέσα τὰ
δεινὰ καὶ μὴ φυλάξασθαι τὸν κίνδυνον, οὐχ ἧττον
ἥμαρτεν, εἰ μὴ καὶ μᾶλλον, Κλέαρχος ἀντιτάξαι

1 Anab. i. 8.

142

1015

ARTAXERXES vu. 3-vm1. 3

array, he so terrified and confounded the enemy, who
were marching along in loose order and without arms
because of their boldness and contempt for the king,
that Cyrus could with difficulty bring them into
battle array amid much tumult and shouting; and
again, by leading his forces up slowly and in silence,
he filled the Greeks with amazement at his good
discipline, since they had expected in so vast a host
random shouting, and leaping, with great confusion
and dissipation of their lines. Besides this, he did
well to craw up in front of his own jine, and over
against the Greeks, the mightiest of his scythe- ©
bearing chariots, in order that by the force of their
charge they might cut to pieces the ranks of the
Greeks before they had come to close quarters.
VIII. Now, since many writers have reported to
us this battle, and since Xenophon! brings it all but
before our eyes, and by the vigour of his description
makes his reader always a participant in the emotions
and perils of the struggle, as though it belonged, not
to the past, but to the present, it would be folly to
describe it again, except so far as he has passed over
things worthy of mention. The place, then, where
the armies were drawn up, is called Ὁ as: and it
is five hundred furlongs distant from Babylon. And
we are told that Cyrus, before the battle; when
Clearchus besought him to remain behind the com-
batants and not risk his life, replied : “‘ What sayest
thou, Clearchus? Dost thou bid me, who am reaching
out for a kingdom, to be unworthy of a kingdom?”’
It was a great mistake for Cyrus to plunge headlong
into the midst of the fray, instead of trying to avoid
its dangers; but it was no less a mistake, nay, even
a greater one, for Clearchus to refuse to array his

143

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

κατὰ τὸν βασιλέα μὴ θελήσας τοὺς “Ἕλληνας,
ἀλλὰ προσμίξας τῷ ποταμῷ τὸ δεξιόν, ὡς μὴ
κυκλωθείη. τὴν γὰρ ἀσφάλειαν ἐξ ἅπαυτος διώ-
κοντα καὶ πλεῖστον λόγον ἔχοντα τοῦ μηδὲν
παθεῖν οἴκοι μένειν ἦν κράτιστον. ὁ δὲ μυρίους
σταδίους ἀπὸ θαλάσσης ἐν ὅπλοις ἀναβεβηκὼς
μηδενὸς ἀναγκάξοντος, ἀλλ᾽ ὅπως Κῦρον εἰς τὸν
θρόνον καθίσῃ τὸν “βασίλειον, εἶτα περισκοπῶν
χώραν καὶ τάξιν, οὐκ ap’ ἧς σώσειε τὸν ἡγεμόνα
καὶ μισθοδότην, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν τίνι θέμενος ἑαυτὸν
ἀσφαλῶς μαχεῖται καθ᾽ ἡσυχίαν, ὅμοιος ἣν ὑπὸ
δέους τῶν παρόντων ἐκβεβληκότι τοὺς περὶ τῶν
ὅλων λογισμοὺς καὶ προϊεμένῳ τὴν τῆς στρατείας
ὑπόθεσιν. ὅτι γὰρ οὐδεὶς ἂν ὑπέμεινε τῶν τεταγ-
μένων περὶ βασιλέα τοὺς “EXAnvas ἐμπεσόντας,
ὠσθέντων δ᾽ ἐκείνων καὶ βασιλέως φυγόντος ἢ
πεσόντος ὑπῆρχε Κύρῳ νικῶντι σώζεσθαι καὶ
βασιλεύειν, ἐκ τῶν πεπραγμένων δῆλόν ἐστι. διὸ
τὴν Κλεάρχου μᾶλλον εὐχάβειαν ἢ ἢ τὸ τοῦ Κύρου
θράσος αἰτιατέον ὡς τὰ πράγματα καὶ Κῦρον
ἀπολέσασαν. εἰ “γὰρ αὐτὸς ἐσκόπει βασιλεὺς
ὅπου τάξας τοὺς “Ἕλληνας ἀβλαβεστάτοις χρή-
σεται “πολεμίοις, οὐκ ἂν ἑτέραν ἐξεῦρεν 7 τὴν
ἀπωτάτω χώραν ἑαυτοῦ καὶ τῶν περὶ ἑαυτόν, ἀφ᾽
ἧς οὔτε νικηθεὶς αὐτὸς ἤσθετο καὶ Κῦρος ἔφθη
KATAKOT εὶς ἢ χρησάμενός TL τῇ Κλεάρχου νίκῃ.
καίτοι Κῦρος τὸ συμφέρον οὐκ ἠγνόησεν, ἀλλ᾽
ἐκεῖ Κλέαρχον ἐκέλευε τάττεσθαι κατὰ μέσον.
ὁ δ᾽ αὐτῷ μέλειν εἰπὼν ὕπως ἕξει κάλλιστα, τὸ
πᾶν διέφθειρεν.

144

ARTAXERXES vit. 3-7

Greeks over against the king, and to keep his right
wing close to the river, that he might not be sur-
rounded. For if he sought safety above everything
else and made it his chief object to avoid losses, it
had been best for him to stay at home. But he had
marched ten thousand furlongs up from the sea-coast
under arms, with no compulsion upon him, but in
order that he might place Cyrus upon the royal
throne; and then, in looking about for a place and
position which would enable him, not to save his
leader and employer, but to fight safely and as he
pleased, he was like one who, through fear of instant
peril, had cast aside the plans made for general
success and abandoned the object of the expedition.
For had the Greeks charged upon the forces arrayed
about the king, not a man of them would have stood
his ground ; and had these been routed and the king
either slain or put to flight, Cyrus would have won
by his victory, not only safety, but a kingdom. This
is clear from the course of the action. Therefore the
caution of Clearchus rather than the temerity of
Cyrus must be held responsible for the ruin of Cyrus
and his cause. For if the king himself had sought
out a place to array the Greeks in which their attack
would be least injurious to him, he could have found
no other than that which was most remote from
himself and his immediate following, since he himself.
did not know that his forces had been defeated there,
and Cyrus could take no advantage at all of the
victory of Clearchus, because he was cut down too
soon. And yet Cyrus well knew what was for the
best, and ordered Clearchus to take his position
accordingly in the centre. But Clearchus, after
telling Cyrus he would see to it that the best was
done, ruined everything.

? 145

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

IX. Οἱ pev yap “Ἕλληνες ὅσον ἐβούλοντο τοὺς
βαρβάρους ἐνίκων καὶ διώκοντες ἐπὶ πλεῖστον
προῆλθον" Κύρῳ δὲ γενναῖον ἵππον, ἄστομον δὲ
καὶ ὑβριστὴν ἐλαύνοντι, ΠΠασακᾶν καλούμενον, ὡς
Κτησίας φησίν, ἀντεξήλασεν ὁ Καδουσίων ἄρχων
᾿Αρταγέρσης μέγα βοῶν, “ὯὮ τὸ κάλλιστον ἐν
Πέρσαις ὄνομα Κύρου καταισχύνων, ἀδικώτατε
ἀνδρῶν καὶ ἀφρονέστατε, κακοὺς μὲν “EXAnvas
ἔρχῃ κακὴν ὁδὸν ἄγων ἐπὶ τὰ Περσῶν ἀγαθά,
δεσπότην δὲ σεαυτοῦ καὶ ἀδελφὸν ἐλπίζων ἀναι-
ρήσειν, ὃς σοῦ μυριάκις μυρίους δούλους ἔχει
κρείσσονας. αὐτίκα δὲ πειράσῃ: πρότερον γὰρ
ἀπολεῖς ἐνταῦθα τὴν σεαυτοῦ κεφαλὴν ἢ θεά-
σασθαι τὸ βασιλέως πρόσωπον. ταῦτα εἰπὼν
ἐξηκόντισεν ἐπ᾽ αὐτόν. ὁ δὲ θώραξ στερεῶς
ἀντέσχε, καὶ οὐκ ἐτρώθη μὲν ὁ Κῦρος, ἐκραδάνθη
δὲ τῆς πληγῆς ἰσχυρᾶς προσπεσούσης. ἀπο-
στρέψαντος δὲ τὸν ἵππον τοῦ ᾿Αρταγέρσου Βαλὼν
ὁ Κῦρος ἐ ἔτυχε, καὶ διήλασε παρὰ τὴν κλεῖδα διὰ
τοῦ τραχήλου τὴν αἰχμήν.

Τὸν μὲν οὖν ᾿Αρταγέρσην ἀποθανεῖν ὑ ὑπὸ τοῦ
Κύρου σχεδὸν ἅπαντες ὁμολογοῦσι" περὶ δὲ τῆς
αὐτοῦ Κύρου τελευτῆς ἐπεὶ Ξενοφῶν ἁπλῶς καὶ
συντόμως, ἅτε δὴ μὴ παρὼν αὐτός, εἶπεν, οὐδὲν
ἴσως κωλύει τὰ Δείνωνος ἰδίᾳ καὶ πάλιν τὰ
Κτησίου διελθεῖν.

X. Φησὶν οὖν ὁ μὲν Δείνων ὅτι τοῦ ᾿Αρτα-
γέρσου πεσόντος εἰσελάσας βιαίως ὁ Κῦρος εἰς
τοὺς “προτεταγμένους τοῦ βασιλέως κατέτρωσεν
αὐτοῦ τὸν ἵππον, ὁ δὲ ἀπερρύη" Τηριβάζου δὲ

146

ARTAXERXES ix, 1-x. I

IX. For the Greeks were victorious to their hearts’
content over the Barbarians, and went forward a
very great distance in pursuit of them; but Cyrus,
riding a horse that was high-bred, but fierce and hard
to guide (his name was Pasacas, as Ctesias tells us),
was met in full course by Artagerses, commander of
the Cadusians, who cried with a loud voice: “0
thou who disgracest the name of Cyrus, that noblest
name among the Persians, thou most unjust and
senseless of men, thou art come with evil Greeks on
an evil journey after the good things of the Persians,
and thou hopest to slay thine own brother and thy
master, who hath a million servants that are better
men than thou. And thou shalt at once have proof
of this; for thou shalt lose thine own head here
before thou hast seen the face of the king.” With
these words he hurled his spear at Cyrus. But the
breastplate of Cyrus stoutly resisted, and its wearer
was not wounded, though he reeled under the shock
of the mighty blow. Then, as Artagerses turned his
horse away, Cyrus hurled his spear and hit him, and
drove its head through his neck past the collar-bone.

Thus Artagerses died at the hands of Cyrus, as
nearly all writers are agreed in saying; but as
regards the death of Cyrus himself, since Xenophon
makes simple and brief mention of it,! because he
was not present himself when it happened, there is
no objection perhaps to my recounting, first what
Deinon says about it, and then what Ctesias says.

X. Accordingly, Deinon says that after Artagerses
had fallen, Cyrus charged furiously into those drawn
up in front of the king, and wounded the king’s
horse, and that the king fell to the ground; but

1 Anabd. 1. viii. 26.
147

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἀναβαλόντος αὐτὸν ἐπ᾽ ἄλλον ἵππον ταχὺ καὶ
εἰπόντος, “ἾΙΊ βασιλεῦ, μέμνησο τῆς ἡμέρας

/ Ε] Ν > / / b] Ὁ /
ταύτης" ov γὰρ ἀξία λήθης ἐστί," πάλιν ὁ Κῦρος
ἐνσείσας τῷ ἵππῳ κατέβαλε τὸν ᾿Αρτοξέρξην.
πρὸς δὲ τὴν τρίτην ἐπέλασιν δυσανασχετήσας ὁ ὁ
βασιλεύς, καὶ εἰπὼν πρὸς τοὺς παρόντας ὡς
βέλτιόν. ἐστι μὴ ζῆν, “ἀντεξήλαυνε τῷ Κύρῳ
προπετῶς καὶ ἀπερισκέπτως εἰς ἐναντία βέλη
φερομένῳ. καὶ βάλλει μὲν αὐτὸς ἀκοντίῳ, Ban-
Novae δὲ οἱ περὶ αὐτόν. πίπτει δὲ ὁ Κῦρος, ὡς
μὲν ἔνιοι λέγουσι, πληγεὶς ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως,
ὡς δὲ ἕτεροί τινες, Kapos ἀνθρώπου πατάξαντος,
ᾧ γέρας ἔδωκε τῆς πράξεως ταύτης ὁ βασιλεὺς
ἀλεκτρυόνα χρυσοῦν ἐπὶ δόρατος ἀεὶ πρὸ τῆς
τάξεως ἐν ταῖς στρατείαις κομίζειν" καὶ γὰρ
αὐτοὺς τοὺς Κᾶρας ἀλεκτρυόνας οἱ Ἰ]έρσαι διὰ
τοὺς λόφους, οἷς κοσμοῦσι τὰ κράνη, προσ-
ηγόρευον.

XI. Ἣ δὲ Κτησίου διήγησις, ὡς ἐπιτεμόντι
πολλὰ συντόμως ἀπαγγεῖλαι, τοιαύτη τίς ἐστι.
Κῦρος ἀποκτείνας ᾿Αρταγέρσην ἤλαυνεν εἰς αὐτὸν
βασιλέα τὸν ἵππον, καὶ αὐτὸς εἰς ἐκεῖνον, ἀμφό-
τεροι σιωπῇ: φθάνει δὲ βαλὼν ᾿Αριαῖος ὁ Κύρου
φίλος βασιλέα, καὶ οὐκ ἔτρωσε. βασιλεὺς δὲ
ἀφεὶς τὸ δόρυ Κύρου μὲν οὐκ ἔτυχε, Σατιφέρνην
δέ, πιστὸν ἄνδρα Κύρῳ καὶ γενναῖον, ἔβαλε καὶ
ἀπέκτεινε. Κῦρος δ᾽ ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ἐξακοντίσας διὰ
τοῦ θώρακος ἔτρωσε τὸ στῆθος, ὅσον ἐνδῦναι δύο
δακτύλους τὸ ἀκόντιον, πεσεῖν δὲ αὐτὸν ὑπὸ τῆς
πληγῆς ἀπὸ τοῦ ἵππου. φυγῆς δὲ καὶ ταραχῆς
τῶν περὶ αὐτὸν γενομένης, ὁ μὲν ἀναστὰς μετ᾽

148

1016

ARTAXERXES x. 1r-xI. 2

Teribazus quickly mounted him upon another horse,
saying, “‘O king, remember this day, for it deserves
not to be forgotten ” ; whereupon Cyrus again plunged
in and dismounted Artaxerxes. But at his third
assault, the king, being enraged, and saying to those
who were with him that death was better, rode out
against Cyrus, who was rashly and impetuously
rushing upon the missiles of his opponents. The
king himself hit him with a spear, and he was hit by
the attendants of the king. Thus Cyrus fell, as some
say, by a wound at the hands of the king, but as
sundry others have it, from the blow of a Carian, who
was rewarded by the king for this exploit with the
privilege of always carrying a golden cock upon his
spear in front of the line during an expedition; for
the Persians call the Carians themselves cocks,
because of the crests with which they adorn their
helmets.

XI. But the narrative of Ctesias, to give it in a
much-abbreviated form, is something as follows
After he had slain Artagerses, Cyrus rode against
the king himself, and the king against him, both
without a word. But Ariaeus, the friend of Cyrus,
was beforehand in hurling his spear at the king,
though he did not wound him. And the king,
casting his spear at Cyrus, did not hit him, but
struck and killed Satiphernes, a trusted friend of
Cyrus and a man of noble birth. But Cyrus threw
his spear at the king and wounded him in the
breast through the cuirass, so that the weapon
sank in two fingers deep, and the king fell from
his horse with the blow. Amid the ensuing
confusion and flight of his immediate followers, the
king rose to his feet, and with a few companions

149

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

/ 3, ΄ \
ὀλίγων, ἐν οἷς καὶ Κτησίας ἣν, λόφον τινὰ πλη-
, JL 4 A \ lal
σίον καταλαβὼν ἡσύχαζε; Κῦρον δὲ τοῖς πολε-
/ > , CEC Σ / id \ A
μίοις ἐνειλούμενον ὁ ἵππος ἐξέφερεν ὑπὸ θυμοῦ
᾿ ἈΝ nr
μακράν, ἤδη σκότους ὄντος ἀγνοούμενον ὑπὸ τῶν
͵ \ a /
πολεμίων καὶ ζητούμενον ὑπὸ τῶν φίλων. ἐπαι-
A , \ τ Ἂ € A \
pomevos δὲ TH νίκῃ καὶ μεστὸς ὧν ὁρμῆς καὶ
΄ a 3 /
θράσους διεξήλαυνε βοῶν, “’KEtotac@e, πενι-
7 }5 a Q\ \ / 2 a
χροί. τοῦτο oe Ilepotctt πολλάκις αὐτοῦ
r ς / lal
βοῶντος, ot μὲν ἐξίσταντο προσκυνοῦντες, ἀπο-
/ \ n a ς / o / \
πίπτει δὲ τῆς κεφαλῆς ἡ τιάρα τοῦ Kupov. καὶ
/ / / Μ᾿ /
παρατρέχων νεανίας Ilépans ὄνομα Μιθριδάτης
/ \ 4 n \
ἀκοντίῳ βάλλει τὸν κρόταφον αὐτοῦ Tapa τὸν
’ / » “ “ / \ \ e lal
ὀφθαλμόν, ἀγνοῶν ὅστις εἴη. πολὺ δὲ αἷμα τοῦ
/ Vf 3 /
τραύματος ἐκβαλόντος ἰλιγγιάσας καὶ καρωθεὶς
[2 rr yy” δ “
ὁ Κῦρος ἔπεσε. καὶ ὁ μὲν ἵππος ὑπεκφυγὼν ἐπλά-
\ ἌΣ / - b] / /
ζετο, Tov δ᾽ ἐφίππειον πῖλον ἀπορρυέντα λαμβάνει
a \ “ , 5 yi / /
τοῦ τὸν Κῦρον βαλόντος ἀκόλουθος αἵματος περί-
\ \ fa) 5 a a > /
πλεω. τὸν δὲ Κῦρον ἐκ τῆς πληγῆς ἀναφέροντα
al / cr , 2 / /
χαλεπῶς καὶ μόλις εὐνοῦχοΐ τινες ὀλίγοι παρόντες
᾽ , 2115}. Ψ ᾿ 7 \ ΄
ἐπεχείρουν ἐπ᾽ ἄλλον ἵππον ἀναθέσθαι καὶ σώζειν.
b) / 7 “ /
ἀδυνάτως δ᾽ ἔχοντα καὶ δι’ αὑτοῦ προθυμούμενον,
/ ς , 9 nr ‘ /
βαδίζειν ὑπολαβόντες YOY, τῷ μεν σώματι καρη-
βαροῦντα καὶ σφαλλόμενον, οἰόμενον δὲ νικᾶν
2 ΄ “ yA
ἀκούοντα τῶν φευγόντων ἀνακαλουμένων Κῦρον
f \ / / 3 \ /
βασιλέα καὶ φείδεσθαι δεομένων. ἐν δὲ τούτῳ
/ ,
Καύνιοί τινες ἄνθρωποι κακόβιοι καὶ ἄποροι καὶ
al fol fal /
ταπεινῶν ὑπουργημάτων ἕνεκα τῇ τοῦ βασιλέως
a “ 7 /
στρατιᾷ παρακολουθοῦντες ἔτυχον συναναμιχθέν-
e / A \ \ n . \ /
TES ὡς φίλοις τοῖς περὶ TOV Κῦρον. ὡς δὲ μόλις
150

ARTAXERXES x1. 2-6

among whom also was Ctesias, took possession of
a certain hill near by and remained there quietly ;
but Cyrus, enveloped by his enemies, was borne on
a long distance by his spirited horse, and since it
was now dark, his enemies did not recognize him
and his friends could not find him. But lifted up
by his victory, and full of impetuosity and confi-
dence, he rode on through his foes, crying out,
“Clear the way, ye beggars!”’ ‘Thus he cried out
many times, in Persian, and they cleared the way,
and made him their obeisance. But the turban of
Cyrus fell from his head, and a young Persian,
Mithridates by name, running to his side, smote him
with his spear in the temple, near the eye, not
knowing who he was. Much blood gushed from
the wound, and Cyrus, stunned and giddy, fell to
the ground. His horse escaped and wandered
about the field, but the horse’s saddle-cloth, which
had slipped: off, was captured by the attendant of
the man who had struck Cyrus, and it was soaked
with blood. Then, as Cyrus was slowly and. with
difficulty recovering from the blow, a few eunuchs
who were at hand tried to put him upon another
horse and bring him to a place of safety. But since
he was unable to ride and desired to go on his own
feet, they supported him and led him along. His
head was heavy and he reeled to and fro, but he
thought he was victorious because he heard the
fugitives saluting Cyrus as king and begging him
to spare them. Meanwhile some Caunians——_low
and poverty-stricken men who followed the king’s
army to do menial service—chanced to join the
party about Cyrus, supposing them to be friends.
But when at last they perceived that the tunics

157

PLUTARCH’S -LIVES

a / “ a
συνεῖδον τὰ ἐπιθορακίδια φοινικᾶ, λευκοῖς χρω-
μένων τῶν βασιλικῶν ἁπάντων, ἔγνωσαν πολε-

, , “Ὁ
μίους ὄντας. εἷς οὖν ἐκείνων ἐτόλμησεν ἀγνοῶν
a \ an b] a n \
ἐξόπισθεν βαλεῖν tov Κῦρον ἀκοντίῳ. τῆς δὲ
\ ς
περὶ τὴν ἰγνύαν φλεβὸς ἀναρραγείσης πεσὼν ὁ
nr « iA / »Ἅ Ν /
Κῦρος ἅμα παίει πρός τινι λίθῳ τὸν τετρωμένον
, a \ e
κρόταφον καὶ ἀποθνήσκει. τοιοῦτος μὲν ὁ Krn-
“ ’ὔ ,
σίου λόγος, ᾧ καθάπερ ἀμβλεῖ ξιφιδίῳ μόλις
A \
ἀναιρῶν τὸν ἄνθρωπον ἀνήρηκεν.
, f :
XI. Ἤδη δὲ αὐτοῦ τεθνηκότος ᾿Αρτασύρας ὁ
, ᾽ \ »“ Ὁ ,
βασιλέως ὀφθαλμὸς ἔτυχεν ἵππῳ παρεξελαύνων.
\ ͵
γνωρίσας οὖν τοὺς εὐνούχους ὀλοφυρομένους
lal / ἴω
ἠρώτησε τὸν πιστότατον αὐτῶν, “Τίνα τοῦ-
® , ’ ΄ ὍΝ τ \
tov, ὦ Ἰ]αρίσκα, κλαίεις παρακαθήμενος ;” ὁ δὲ
3 FS «Οὐ CAIN * ΠΝ ΄ res θ
εἶπεν vx ὁρᾷς, ὦ ᾿Αρτασύρα, Κῦρον τεθνη-
/ » / e De A \
κότα ;" θαυμάσας οὖν ὁ ᾿Αρτασύρας τῷ μὲν
if a /
εὐνούχῳ θαρρεῖν παρεκελεύσατο καὶ φυλάττειν
2 \ \ ἐκ Ν
τὸν νεκρόν, αὐτὸς δὲ συντείνας πρὸς τὸν ᾿Αρτο-
/ , > a
EépEnv, ἀπεγνωκότα μὲν ἤδη τὰ πράγματα, κακῶς
ΟΝ Ν \ a ΓΑ
δὲ καὶ τὸ σῶμα διακείμενον ὑπό τε δίψης καὶ
a / /
τοῦ τραύματος, χαίρων φράζει ὡς αὐτὸς ἴδοι
θ f Ko e δὲ lal \ ? \ 4
τεθνηκότα Κῦρον. ὁ δὲ πρῶτον μὲν εὐθὺς ὥρ-
? \ ἌΝ \
μησεν αὐτὸς ἰέναι, καὶ τὸν ᾿Αρτασύραν ἄγειν
᾽ fi 3 Ν \ / - 9 ἣν \ \ 3 ,
ἐκέλευσεν ἐπὶ TOV τόπον" ἐπεὶ δὲ πολὺς ἣν λόγος
“ « ΄ \ / ‘
τῶν ᾿λλήνων καὶ φόβος ὡς διωκόντων Kai πάντα
/
νικώντων Kal κρατούντων, ἔδοξε πλείονας πέμψαι
\ /
Tous κατοψομένους" Kal τριάκοντα λαμπάδας
Μ > Ld θ » a δὲ ἊΝ > /
ἔχοντες ἐπέμφθησαν. αὐτῷ δὲ μικρὸν ἀπολεί-
ποντι τοῦ τεθνάναι διὰ τὸ διψῆν Σατιβαρζάνης

152

1011

ARTAXERXES x1. 6-x11. 3

over their breastplates were of a purple colour,
whereas all the king’s people wore white ones, they
knew that they were enemies. Accordingly, one
of them, not knowing who Cyrus was, ventured to
smite him from behind with his spear. The vein
in the ham of Cyrus was ruptured and he fell, and
at the same time struck his wounded temple against
a stone, and so died. Such is the story of Ctesias,
in which, as with a blunt sword, he is long in killing
Cyrus, but kills him at last.

XII. When Cyrus was now dead, Artasyras, the
king's Eye,! chanced to pass by on horseback, and
recognizing the eunuchs as they lamented, he asked
the trustiest of them, “‘Who is this man, Pariscas,
by whom thou sittest mourning?’’ And Pariscas
answered: ‘‘O Artasyras, dost thou not see Cyrus
dead?”’ Astonished at this, then, Artasyras bade
the eunuch be of good courage and guard the dead
body, but he himself went in hot haste to Artaxerxes
(who had already given up his cause for lost, and
besides was physically in a wretched plight from
thirst and from his wound), and joyfully told him
that with his own eyes he had seen Cyrus dead.
At first the king promptly set out to go in person
to the place, and ordered Artasyras to conduct him
thither; but since there was much talk about the
Greeks, and it was feared that they were pursuing
and conquering and making themselves masters
everywhere, he decided to send a larger company
to see where Cyrus lay. So thirty men were sent,
with torches. Meanwhile, since the king was
almost dead with thirst, Satibarzanes the eunuch

1 A confidential officer of high rank, a Superintendent of
the Realm.

VOL. XI. Ἐ 15}

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ὁ εὐνοῦχος περιθέων ἐζήτει ποτόν" οὐ γὰρ εἶχε
τὸ χωρίον ὕδωρ, οὐδὲ ἣν ἐγγὺς τὸ στρατόπεδον.
μόλις οὖν ἐπιτυγχάνει τῶν Καυνίων ἐκείνων τῶν
κακοβίων ἑνὸς ἐν ἀσκίῳ φαύλῳ διεφθαρμένον
ὕδωρ καὶ πονηρὸν ἔχοντος, ὅσον ὀκτὼ κοτύλας"
καὶ λαβὼν τοῦτο καὶ κομίσας τῷ βασιλεῖ δίδωσιν.
ἐκπιόντα δὲ ἅπαν ἠρώτησεν εἰ μὴ πάνυ δυσχε-
ραίνει τὸ ποτόν. ὁ δὲ ὦμοσε τοὺς θεοὺς μήτε
οἶνον ἡδέως οὕτως πώποτε πεπωκέναι μήτε ὕδωρ
τὸ κουφότατον καὶ καθαρώτατον, “Ὥστε, ἔφη,
“τὸν δόντα σοι τοῦτο ἄνθρωπον, ἂν ἐγὼ μὴ
δυνηθῶ ζητήσας ἀμείψασθαι, τοὺς θεοὺς εὔχομαι
ποιῆσαι μακάριον καὶ πλούσιον."

XIII. Ἔν δὲ τούτῳ “προσήλαυνον οἱ τριάκοντα
λαμπροὶ καὶ περιχαρεῖς, ἀναγγέλλοντες αὐτῷ τὴν
ἀνέλπιστον εὐτυχίαν. ἤδη δὲ καὶ πλήθει τῶν
συντρεχόντων πάλιν πρὸς αὐτὸν καὶ συνισταμέ-
νων ἐθάρρει, καὶ κατέβαινεν ἀπὸ τοῦ λόφου φωτὶ
πολλῷ περιλαμπόμενος. ὡς δὲ ἐ ἐπέστη τῷ νεκρῷ,
καὶ κατὰ δή τινα νόμον Περσῶν ἡ δεξιὰ χεὶρ
ἀπεκόπη καὶ ἡ κεφαλὴ τοῦ σώματος, ἐκέλευσε
τὴν κεφαλὴν αὑτῷ κομισθῆναι" καὶ τῆς κόμης
δραξάμενος οὔσης βαθείας καὶ λασίας ἐπεδείκνυε
τοῖς ἀμφιδοξοῦσιν ἔτι καὶ φεύγουσιν. οἱ δὲ
ἐθαύμαξον καὶ “προσεκύνουν, ὥστε ταχὺ μυριάδας
ἑπτὰ | περὶ αὐτὸν γενέσθαι καὶ συνεισελάσαι πάλιν
εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον. ἐξεληλάκει, δέ, ὡς ὁ Κτησίας
φησίν, ἐπὶ τὴν μάχην τεσσαράκοντα μυριάσιν.
οἱ δὲ περὶ Δείνωνα καὶ Ξενοφῶντα πολὺ πλείονας
γενέσθαι “λέγουσι τὰς μεμαχημένας. ἀριθμὸν δὲ
νεκρῶν ὁ Κτησίας ἐνακισχιλίους ἀνενεχθῆναί

154

ARTAXERXES xi. 3-xut. 3

ran about in quest of a drink for him; for the place
had no water, and the camp was far away. At last,
then, he came upon one of those low Caunians, who
had vile and polluted water in a wretched skin,
about two quarts in all: this he took, brought it to
the king, and gave it to him. After the king had
drunk it all off, the eunuch asked him if he was not
altogether disgusted with the drink. But the king
swore by the gods that he had never drunk wine,
or the lightest and purest water, with so much
pleasure. “Therefore,” said the king, ‘if I should
be unable to find and reward the man who gave
thee this drink, I pray the gods to make him rich
and happy.”

XIII. And now the thirty messengers came riding
up with joy and exultation in their faces, announcing
to the king his unexpected good fortune. Presently,
too, he was encouraged by the number of men who
flocked back to him and formed in battle array, and
so he came down from the bill under the light of
many torches. And after he had halted at the dead
body of Cyrus, and its right hand and head had been
cut off (in accordance with a law of the Persians),
he ordered the head to be brought to him; and
grasping it by the hair, which was long and bushy,
he showed it to those who were still wavering and
disposed to fly. These were amazed, and made
obeisance to the king, so that very soon seventy
thousand men were about him and marched back
with him to their camp. He had marched out to
the battle, as Ctesias says, with four hundred
thousand men. But Deinon and Xenophon say that
the army which fought under him was much larger.
As to the number of his dead, Ctesias says that it

Fo3

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

\ ΑΝ Ψ a > A \ ,
φησι πρὸς Tov ᾿Αρτοξέρξην, αὐτῷ δὲ δισμυρίων
οὐκ ἐλάττους φανῆναι τοὺς κειμένους. ταῦτα μὲν
οὗν ἔχει διαμφισβήτησιν᾽ ἐκεῖνο δὲ τοῦ ἱἀ τησίου
λαμπρὸν ἤδη ψεῦσμα, τὸ πεμφθῆναι φάναι πρὸς
Tous” EXXnvas αὐτὸν μετὰ Φαλίνου τοῦ ZaxvvOtov
καί τινων ἄλλων. ὁ γὰρ Ξενοφῶν ἠπίστατο
συνδιατρίβοντα βασιλεῖ Κτησίαν᾽ μέμνηται γὰρ

αὐτοῦ καὶ τοῖς βιβλίοις τούτοις ἐντετυχηκὼς
δῆλός ἐστιν οὐκ ἂν οὖν ἐλθόντα καὶ λόγων
τοσούτων ἑρμηνέα γενόμενον παρῆκεν ἀνώνυμον,
Φαλῖνον δὲ τὸν Ζακύνθιον ὠνόμαζεν. ἀλλὰ δαι-
μονίως ὁ Κτησίας, ὡς ἔοικε, φιλότιμος. ὧν καὶ
οὐχ ἧττον φιλολάκων καὶ φιλοκλέαρχος ἀεί τινας
ἐν τῇ διηγήσει χώρας ἑαυτῷ δίδωσιν, ἐν αἷς
γενόμενος πολλὰ καὶ καλὰ μεμνήσεται Κλεάρχου
καὶ τῆς Λακεδαίμονος.

NIV. Μετὰ δὲ τὴν μάχην δῶρα κάλλιστα μὲν
ἐξέπεμψε καὶ μέγιστα τῷ ᾿Αρταγέρσου παιδὶ τοῦ
πεσόντος ὑπὸ Κύρου, καλῶς δὲ καὶ Κτησίαν
καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ἐτίμησε. τὸν δὲ Καύνιον ἐκεῖνον
ἐξανευρών, ὃς ἐπέδωκε τὸ ἀσκίον, ἐξ ἀδόξου καὶ
πένητος ἔντιμον καὶ πλούσιον ἐποίησεν. ἦν δέ τις
ἐπιμέλεια καὶ περὶ τὰς τῶν ἐξαμαρτόντων. δικαι-
ὦσεις. ᾿Αρβάκην μὲν yap τινα Μῆδον ἐ ἐν τῇ μάχῃ
πρὸς Κῦρον φυγόντα καὶ πάλιν ἐκείνου πεσόντος
μεταστάντα, δειλίαν καὶ μαλακίαν καταγνούς, οὐ
προδοσίαν οὐδὲ κακόνοιαν, ἐκέλευσε γυμνὴν ἀνα-
λαβόντα πόρνην περιβάδην ἐ ἐπὶ τοῦ τραχήλου δι᾽
ἡμέρας ὅλης ἐν ἀγορᾷ περιφέρειν. ἑτέρου δὲ πρὸς

ΠΕΣ 7-23,

155

1018

ARTAXERXES xin. 3-x1v. 2

was reported to Artaxerxes as nine thousand, but
that he himself thought the slain no fewer than
twenty thousand. ‘This matter, then, is in dispute.
But it is certainly a glaring falsehood on the part of
Ctesias to say that he was sent to the Greeks along
with Phalinus the Zacynthian and certain others.
For Xenophon knew that Ctesias was in attendance
upon the king, since he makes mention of him and
had evidently read his works; if, then, Ctesias had
come to the Greeks and served as an interpeter in
so momentous a colloquy, Xenophon would not
have left him nameless and named only Phalinus
the Zacynthian.t The truth is that Ctesias, being
prodigiously ambitious, as it would seem, and none
the less partial to Sparta and to Clearchus, always
allows considerable space in his narrative for himself,
and there he will say many fine things about
Clearchus and Sparta.

XIV. After the battle, the king sent the largest
and most beautiful gifts to the son of that Artagerses
who fell at the hands of Cyrus; he also gave gener-
ous rewards to Ctesias and others, and when he had
found out the Caunian who had given him the skin
of water, he raised him from obscurity and poveriy
to honour and wealth. There was much watchful
care also in his punishment of those who had
gone wrong. For example, in the case of Arbaces, a
Mede, who had run away to Cyrus during the battle,
and, when Cyrus fell, had changed back again, the
king pronounced him guilty, not of treachery, nor
even of malice, but of cowardice and weakness, and
ordered him to take a naked harlot astride his neck
and carry her about in the market-place for a whole
day. And in the case of another man, who, besides

157

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

rn a / “-“ / rn
τῷ μεταστῆναι ψευσαμένου καταβαλεῖν δύο τῶν
A \ /
πολεμίων, προσέταξε διαπεῖραι τρισὶ βελόναις
a / na
τὴν γλῶτταν. οἰόμενος δὲ καὶ βουλόμενος δοκεῖν
Ν ΄
καὶ λέγειν πάντας ἀνθρώπους ὡς αὐτὸς ἀπεκτόνοι
na an , ,
Κῦρον, Μιθριδάτῃ τε τῷ βαλόντι πρώτῳ Κῦρον
n / /
ἐξέπεμψε δῶρα Kal λέγειν ἐκέλευσε τοὺς διδόντας
eae ΄ RARE (RA SS es par
ὡς “Τούτοις σε τιμᾷ ὁ βασιλεὺς OTe τὸν ἐφίπ-
na \ / 9 lal \
πειον Κύρου πῖλον εὑρὼν ἀνήνεγκας"᾽ τοῦ δὲ
΄ δ a Μ
Kapos, ὑφ᾽ οὗ τὴν ἰγνύαν πληγεὶς ὁ Κῦρος ἔπεσε,
καὶ αὐτοῦ δωρεὰν αἰτοῦντος, ἐκέλευσεν εἰπεῖν τοὺς
διδόντας ὅτι “Σοὶ ταῦτα δίδωσιν βασιλεὺς evay-
A “ WN 3 7 ᾽
γελίων δευτερεῖα" πρῶτος γὰρ ᾿Αρτασύρας, μετ
b] a \ \ \ 4 \ » / ”
ἐκεῖνον δὲ σὺ τὴν Κύρου τελευτὴν ἀπήγγειλας.
ὁ μὲν οὖν Μιθριδάτης ἀπῆλθε σιωπῇ λυπούμενος"
τὸν δὲ ἄθλιον Kapa κοινόν τι πάθος ἐξ ἀβελτερίας
\ \ \ “-“
κατέσχε. διαφθαρεὶς γὰρ ὑπὸ τῶν παρόντων, ὡς
ἔοικεν, ἀγαθῶν, καὶ ἀναπεισθεὶς εὐθὺς ἀντιποιεῖ-
a ε \ b) , > >g/ \ “i
σθαι τῶν ὑπὲρ αὐτόν, οὐκ ἠξίου τὰ δοθέντα
\ > / », 5 ΧΟ ΣΝ 7 /
μισθὸν εὐαγγελίων ἔχειν, ἀλλ᾽ ἡγανάκτει μαρτυρό-
Ν a vf an > \ “Ψ » >
μενος καὶ βοῶν ὅτι Κῦρον οὐδεὶς ἕτερος, ἀλλ
αὐτὸς ἀπεκτόνοι, καὶ τὴν δόξαν ἀδίκως ἀποστε-
an ; ἴω δὲ ᾽ / e \ La
ροῖτο. ταῦτα δὲ ἀκούσας ὁ βασιλεὺς σφόδρα
΄ AN \ \ os
παρωξύνθη καὶ τὴν κεφαλὴν ἐκέλευσεν ἀποτεμεῖν
τοῦ ἀνθρώπου. παροῦσα δ᾽ ἡ μήτηρ, “Μὴ σύ
” = ‘6c - Ἂς n ἴω > n
γε, εἶπεν, “οὕτω Tov Kapa τοῦτον, ὦ βασιλεῦ,
τὸν ὄλεθρον ἀπαλλάξῃς, ἀλλὰ παρ᾽ ἐμοῦ τὸν
ε 5 / a
ἄξιον ἀπολήψεται μισθὸν ὧν τολμᾷ λέγειν.
,ὔ Ν lal
ἐπιτρέψαντος δὲ τοῦ βασιλέως ἐκέλευσε τοὺς
> \ a a e / / Ἂν
ἐπὶ τῶν τιμωριῶν ἡ ἸΙαρύσατις λαβόντας τὸν
158

ARTAXERXES χιν. 2-5

going over to the enemy, had lyingly boasted that
he had slain two of them, the king ordered that his
tongue should be pierced with three needles.
Moreover, believing, and wishing all men to think,
and say, that he had killed Cyrus with his own hand,
he sent gifts to Mithridates, the one who first hit
Cyrus, and ordered the bearers of the gifts to say:
“This is thy reward from the king because thou
didst find and bring to him the trappings of the
horse of Cyrus.”” Again, when the Carian, from
whom Cyrus received the blow in the ham which
brought him down, asked that he also should receive
a gift, the king ordered its bearers to say: “The
king gives thee these things as a second prize for
good tidings ; for Artasyras came first, and after him
thou didst come, with tidings of the death of Cyrus.’
Now, Mithridates went away without a_ word,
although he was vexed; but the wretched Carian, in
his folly, gave way to a common feeling. That is,
he was corrupted, it would seem, by the good things
which he had, and led by them to aspire at once to
things beyond his reach, so that he would not deign
to take the gifts as a reward for good tidings, but
was indignant, calling men to witness and crying in
loud tones that it was he himself, and no one else,
who had killed Cyrus, and that he was unjustly
robbed of his glory. When the king heard of this,
he was vehemently angry and gave orders that the
man should be beheaded. Whereupon the king's
mother, who was present, said to him: “O King, do
not let this accursed Carian off so easily, but leave
him to me, and he shall receive the fitting reward
for his daring words.” So the king consigned the
man to Parysatis, who ordered the executioners to

159

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἄνθρωπον ἐφ᾽ ἡμέρας δέκα στρεβλοῦν, εἶτα τοὺς
ὀφθαλμοὺς ἐξορύξαντας εἰς τὰ ὦτα θερμὸν ἐντή-
κειν χαλκὸν ἕως ἀποθάνῃ.

XV. Κακῶς δὲ ἀπώλετο καὶ Μιθριδάτης μετ᾽
ὀλίγον χρόνον ἐκ τῆς αὐτῆς ἀβελτερίας. κληθεὶς
γὰρ ἐπὶ δεῖπνον ἔνθα καὶ βασιλέως καὶ τῆς μη-
τρὸς εὐνοῦχοι παρῆσαν, ἧκεν ἐσθῆτι καὶ χρυσῷ
κεκοσμημένος οἷς ἔλαβε παρὰ βασιλέως. ἐπεὶ δὲ
εἰς τὸ πίνειν ἀφίκοντο, λέγει πρὸς αὐτὸν ὁ μέγι-
στον δυνάμενος τῶν Lapucatidos εὐνούχων: “Ὥς
καλὴν μὲν ἐσθῆτά σοι ταύτην, ὦ Μιθριδάτα, ὃ
βασιλεὺς δέδωκε, καλὰ δὲ στρεπτὰ καὶ ψέλια’
πολλοῦ δὲ ἄξιος ὁ ἀκινάκης. ἢ μακάριόν σε καὶ
περίβλεπτον ἅπασι πεποίηκεν. ἢ ἤδη δὲ μεθύων

ὁ Μιθριδάτης, " Me. δὲ ταῦτά ἐστιν," εἶπεν, “ὦ
Σιπαραμίζην: “μειζόνων γὰρ ἐγὼ καὶ καλλιόνων
βασιλεῖ τὴν ἡμέραν ἐκείνην ἄξιον ἐμαυτὸν παρ-
ἔσχον. " καὶ ὃ Σπαραμίξης ἐπιμειδιάσας, “ Φθόνος
μὲν οὐδείς, ὦ ὦ Μιθριδάώτα, : elev" ᾿ ἐπεὶ δέ φασιν
“Ἕλληνες οἶνον καὶ ἀλήθειαν εἶναι, τί λαμπρόν, ὦ
τᾶν, ἢ μέγα, πῖλον εὑρεῖν ἵππου περιρρυέντα καὶ
τοῦτον ἀνενεγκεῖν ; ” χαῦτα δὲ οὐκ ἀγνοῶν τὸ
ἀληθὲς ἔλεγεν, ἀλλὰ βουλόμενος ἐκκαλύψαι “πρὸς
τοὺς παρόύντας ὑπεκίνει τὴν κουφότητα τοῦ ἀν-
θρώπου λάλου καὶ ἀκρατοῦς γεγονότος διὰ τὸν
οἶνον. εἶπεν οὖν μὴ κατασχών" “Ὑμεῖς μέν, ὅ τι
βούλεσθε, πίλους λέγετε καὶ φλχυάρους' ἐγὼ δὲ
ὑμῖν λέγω διαρρήδην ὑπὸ ταύτης ἀνῃρῆσθαι
Κῦρον τῆς χειρός. οὐ γὰρ ὡς ᾿Αρταγέρσης ἡ ἠκόν-
τίσα κενὸν καὶ μάταιον, ἀλλὰ τοῦ μὲν ὀφθαλμοῦ

160

ARTAXERXES xiv. 5—xv. 4

take him and rack him on the wheel for ten days,
then to gouge out his eyes, and finally to drop molten
brass into his ears until he died.

XV. Mithridates also came to a miserable end a
little while after, owing to the same folly. For
being invited to a banquet at which eunuchs of the
king and of the queen-mother were present, he
came decked out with raiment and gold which he
had received from the king. And when the company
were at their cups, the chief eunuch of Parysatis
said to him: “ Mithridates, how beautiful this
raiment is which the king gave thee, and how
beautiful the collars and bracelets! Costly, too, is
thy scimitar. Verily the king has made thee happy
in the admiring eyes of all men.” ‘Then Mithridates,
now flushed with wine, replied: ‘‘Sparamizes, what
do these things amount to? Surely my services to
the king on that day were worthy of greater and
more beautiful gifts.” Here Sparamizes smiled at
him and said: “ There’s no grudging them to thee,
Mithridates; but since, according to the Greek
maxim, there is truth in wine, what great or brilliant
exploit was it, my good fellow, to find a horse's
trappings that had slipped off, and bring them to the
king?” In saying this, Sparamizes was not ignor-
ant of the truth, but he wished to unveil Mithridates
to the company, and therefore slyly stirred up his
vanity when wine had made him talkative and
robbed him of self-control. Accordingly, Mithridates
threw away constraint and said: “ Ye may talk as
ye please about horse-trappings and such nonsense ;
but I declare to you explicitly that Cyrus was slain
by this hand of mine; for I did not, like Artagerses,
make a futile and an idle cast of spear, but I

i161

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

4 ee a δὲ if Ν \ ὃ Xx ,
μικρὸν ἥμαρτον, τοῦ δὲ κροτάφου τυχὼν καὶ διελά-
/ Ν Ls ὃ \ LQ e 9.99 4
σας κατέβαλον Tov ἄνδρα' καὶ τέθνηκεν ὑπ᾽ ἐκεί-
lal / 9” e \ = Vv \ /
νου τοῦ τραύματος." οἱ μὲν οὖν ἄλλοι TO τέλος
a lal θ δ / \ \ ὃ , e an
non τοῦ Μιθριδάτου Kal τὴν κακοδαιμονιαν ορων-
᾽ \ a 7 ς δ ς a ’ / «- 3)
τες εἰς τὴν γῆν ἐκυψαν' ὁ ὁ ἐστιὼν αὕτους,

“Ὁ) 3») » «- θ / , 3 An /
τᾶν, ἔφη, “ Μιθριδάτα, πίνωμεν ἐν τῷ παροντι
καὶ ἐσθίωμεν τὸν βασιλέως δαίμονα προσκυνοῦν-

, \ / a ΤΡ “ 94 ”
TES, λόγους δὲ μείζους ἢ καθ᾽ ἡμᾶς ἐάσωμεν.

XVI. Ἔκ τούτου τῇ μὲν ἸΙαρυσάτιδι φράζει
τὸν λόγον ὁ εὐνοῦχος, ἐκείνη δὲ βασιλεῖ: βασιλεὺς
δὲ ἠγανάκτησεν ὥσπερ ἐξελεγχόμενος καὶ τὸ

/ \ e/ > ΄ lal 4
κάλλιστον καὶ ἥδιστον ἀπολλύων τῆς νίκης.
> / \ / “ a \
ἐβούλετο yap βαρβάρους ἅπαντας πεπεῖσθαι καὶ
“Ἑλληνας ὡς ἐν ταῖς ἐξελάσεσι καὶ συμπλοκαῖς

\ \ ἣν \ ? .é \ > ν »
δοὺς καὶ λαβὼν πληγὴν ἐτρώθη μὲν αὐτός, ἔκ-
Ν ἣν a > / > Ν ,ὔ
τεινε δὲ ἐκεῖνον. ἐκέλευσεν οὖν τὸν Μιθριδάτην
ἀποθανεῖν σκαφευθέντα.
Τὸ δὲ σκαφευθῆναι τοιοῦτόν ἐστι' σκάφας δύο
/ >
πεποιημένας ἐφαρμόζειν ἀλλήλαις λαβόντες, εἰς
τὴν ἑτέραν κατακλίνουσι τὸν κολαζόμενον ὕπτιον"

3 \ ,
εἶτα τὴν ἑτέραν ἐπάγοντες καὶ συναρμόζοντες,
Ὁ“ Co ᾽
ὥστε τὴν κεφαλὴν καὶ τὰς χεῖρας ἔξω καὶ τοὺς

μ᾿ ΄ὔ lal ἴω
πόδας ἀπολαμβάνεσθαι, τὸ δὲ ἄλλο σῶμα πᾶν

I φθαι, 6160 ἐσθί Ὁ ἀνθρώ a
ἀποκεκρύφθαι, διδόασιν ἐσθίειν τῷ ἀνθρώπῳ, Kav

᾽ν / / la) x
μὴ θέλῃ, προσβιάζονται κεντοῦντες TA ὄμματα"

/ Ν -
φαγόντι δὲ πιεῖν μέλε καὶ γάλα συγκεκραμένον
cr ΄ ᾽ Ν , ξ΄
ἐγχέουσιν εἰς τὸ στόμα καὶ κατὰ τοῦ προσώπου
΄ ne \ \ :
καταχέουσιν. εἶτα πρὸς τὸν ἥλιον ἀεὶ στρέφου-
}] , \ » fal
σιν ἐναντία Ta ὄμματα, καὶ μνιῶν προσκαθημέ-
162

1019

ARTAXERXES xv. 4-xvi. 3

narrowly missed his eye, struck him in the temple,
pierced it, and brought the man down; and it was
of that wound that he died.”” The rest of the com-
pany, then, who already saw the end of Mithridates
and his hapless fate, bowed their faces towards the
ground ; and their host said: ‘‘ My good Mithridates,
let us eat and drink now, revering the good genius
of the king, and let us waive discourse that is too
weighty for us.”

XVI. Afterwards the eunuch told the matter
to Parysatis, and she to the king; and the king
was incensed, as being openly convicted of false-
hood, and likely to forfeit the fairest and most
pleasing feature of his victory. For he wished that
41} Barbarians and all Greeks should be fully
persuaded that when he and his brother had charged
and grappled with each other, he had given and
received a blow, being only wounded himself, but
killing his brother. He therefore gave orders that
Mithridates should be put to death by the torture
of the boats.

Now, this torture of the boats is as follows. Two
boats are taken, which are so made as to fit over one
another closely; in one of these the victim is laid,
flat upon his back; then the other is laid over the
first and carefully adjusted, so that the victim’s head,
hands, and feet are left projecting, while the rest of
his body is completely covered up. ‘Then they give
him food to eat, and if he refuse it, they force him to
take it by pricking his eyes. After he has eaten,
they give him a mixture of milk and honey. to drink,
pouring it into his mouth, and also deluge his face
with it. Then they keep his eyes always turned
towards the sun, and a swarm of flies settles down

163

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

νων πλῆθος πᾶν ἀποκρύπτεται TO πρόσωπον.
ἐντὸς δὲ ποιοῦντος ὅσα ποιεῖν ἀναγκαῖόν ἐστιν
ἐσθίοντας ἀνθρώπους καὶ πίνοντας, εὐλαὶ καὶ
σκώληκες ὑπὸ φθορᾶς καὶ σηπεδόνος ἐκ τοῦ
περιττώματος ἀναζέουσιν, ὑφ᾽ ὧν ἀναλίσκεται τὸ
σῶμα διαδυομένων εἰς τὰ ἐντός, ὅταν γὰρ ἤδη
φανερὸς ἢ τεθνηκὼς ὁ ἄνθρωπος, ἀφαιρεθείσης
τῆς ἐπάνω σκάφης ὁρῶσι τὴν μὲν σάρκα KATEDN-
δεσμένην, περὶ δὲ τὰ σπλάγχνα τοιούτων θηρίων
ἑσμοὺς ἐσθιόντων καὶ προσπεφυκότων. οὕτως
ὁ Μιθριδάτης ἑπτακαίδεκα ἡμέρας φθειρόμενος
μόλις ἀπέθανε.

XVII. Λοιπὸς δ᾽ ἦν τῇ Παρυσάτιδι σκοπὸς ὁ
τὴν κεφαλὴν ἀποτεμὼν καὶ τὴν χεῖρα τοῦ Κύρου
MacaBurns, βασιλέως εὐνοῦχος. ὡς οὖν αὐτὸς
οὐδεμίαν καθ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ λαβὴν παρεδίδου, τοιοῦτον
ἐπιβουλῆς τρόπον ἡ Παρύσατις συνέθηκεν. ἦν
τά τε ἄλλα θυμόσοφος γυνὴ καὶ δεινὴ κυβεύειν'
διὸ καὶ βασιλεῖ πρὸ τοῦ πολέμου πολλάκις συν-
εκύβευε" μετὰ δὲ τὸν πόλεμον διαλυθεῖσα “πρὸς
αὐτὸν οὐκ ἔφευγε τὰς φιλοφροσύνας, ἀλλὰ καὶ
συνέπαιξε καὶ τῶν ἐρωτικῶν ἐκοινώνει συμπράτ-
τουσα καὶ παροῦσα, καὶ ὅλως μικρότατον αὐτοῦ
τῇ Στατείρᾳ μετεδίδου χρῆσθαι καὶ συνεῖναι,
μισοῦσά τε μάλιστα πάντων ἐκείνην καὶ μέγιστον
αὐτὴ βουλομένη δύνασθαι. λαβοῦσα δή ποτε τὸν
᾿Αρτοξέρξην ὡρμημένον ἀλύειν σχολῆς οὔσης
προὐκαλεῖτο περὶ χιλίων δαρεικῶν κυβεῦσαι: καὶ
κυβεύοντα περιεῖδε νικῆσαι καὶ τὸ χρυσίον ἀπ-
ἔδωκε. προσποιουμένη δὲ ἀνιᾶσθαι καὶ φιλονει-

164

ARTAXERXES xvr. 3-xvit. 3

upon his face and hides it completely. And since
inside the boats he does what must needs be done
when men eat and drink, worms and maggots seethe
up from the corruption and rottenness of the excre-
ment, devouring his body, and eating their way into
his vitals. For when at last the man is clearly dead
and the upper boat has been removed, his flesh is
seen to have been consumed away, while about his
entrails swarms of such animals as I have mentioned
are clinging fast and eating. In this way Mithridates
was slowly consumed for seventeen days, and at last
died.

XVII. And now there was one mark left for the
vengeance of Parysatis—the man who had cut off the
head and right hand of Cyrus, Masabates, an eunuch
of the king. Against this man, then, since he him-
self gave her no chance to get at him, Parysatis
concocted a plot of the following sort. She was in
general an ingenious woman, and greatly addicted
to playing at dice. For this reason she frequently
played at dice with the king before the war, and
after the war was over and she had been reconciled
with him, she did not try to avoid his friendly over-
tures, but actually joined in his diversions, and took
part in his amours by her codperation and presence,
and, in a word, left very little of the king for
Stateira’s use and society. For she hated Stateira
above all others, and wished to have the chief
influence herself. So, one day, finding Artaxerxes
trying to amuse himself in a vacant hour, she
challenged him to play at dice for a thousand darics,
allowed him to win the game, and paid the money
down. Then, pretending to be chagrined at her loss
and to seek revenye, she challenged the king to play

165

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

κεῖν ἐκέλευσεν αὖθις ἐξ ἀρχῆς περὶ εὐνούχου
διακυβεῦσαι: κἀκεῖνος ὑπήκουσε. ποιησάμενοι δὲ
συνθήκας πέντε μὲν ἑκάτερον ὑπεξελέσθαι τοὺς
πιστοτώτους, ἐκ δὲ τῶν λοιπῶν ὃν ἂν ὁ νικῶν
ἕληται, δοῦναι τὸν ἡττώμενον, ἐπὶ τούτοις ἐκύ-
βευον. σφόδρα δὴ γενομένη πρὸς τῷ πράγματι
καὶ σπουδάσασα περὶ τὴν παιδιάν, εὖ δέ πως
αὐτῇ καὶ τῶν κύβων πεσόντων, νικήσασα λαμβά-
νει τὸν Μασαβάτην' οὐ γὰρ ἣν ἐν τοῖς ὑπεξηρη-
μένοις. καὶ πρὶν ἐν ὑποψίᾳ γενέσθαι βασιλέα
τοῦ πράγματος ἐγχειρίσασα τοῖς ἐπὶ τῶν τειμω-
ριῶν προσέταξεν ἐκδεῖραι, ζῶντα, καὶ τὸ μὲν σῶμα

πλάγιον διὰ τριῶν σταυρῶν ἀναπῆξαι, τὸ δὲ δέρμα.

χωρὶς διαπατταλεῦσαι. γενομένων δὲ τούτων καὶ
βασιλέως χαλεπῶς φέροντος καὶ παροξυνομένου
πρὸς αὐτήν, εἰρωνευομένη μετὰ γέλωτος, “ἢ
ἡδύς," ἔφασκεν, " εἶ καὶ μακάριος, εἰ χαλεπαίνεις
διὰ γέροντα πονηρὸν εὐνοῦχον, ἐγὼ δὲ χιλίους ἐκ-
κυβευθεῖσα “δαρεικοὺς σιωπῶ καὶ στέργω." βασι-
λεὺς μὲν οὖν ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἐξηπατήθη μεταμελόμενος
ἡσυχίαν ἦγεν, ἡ δὲ .τάτειρα καὶ πρὸς τἄλλα
φανερῶς ἠναντιοῦτο καὶ τούτοις ἐδυσχέραινεν, ὡς
ἄνδρας εὐνούχους καὶ πιστοὺς βασιλεῖ διὰ Κῦρον
ὠμῶς καὶ παρανόμως ἀπολλυούσης αὐτῆς.
XVIII. ᾿Επεὶ δὲ Κλέαρχον καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους
στρατηγοὺς Τισαφέρνης ἐξηπάτησε καὶ παρ-
εσπόνδησεν ὅρκων γενομένων καὶ συλλαβὼν ἀν-
έπεμψεν. ἐν πέδαις δεδεμένους, δεηθῆναί φησιν
αὐτοῦ τὸν Κλέαρχον ὁ Κτησίας ὅπως κτενὸς
εὐπορήσειε. τυχόντα δὲ καὶ τημελήσαντα τὴν
κεφαλὴν ἡσθῆναί τε τῇ χρείᾳ καὶ τὸν δακτύλιον

ε66

1020

ARTAXERXES xvii. 3-xvut. 1

a second game, with an eunuch for the stake, and
the king consented. They agreed that both might
reserve five of their most trusty eunuchs, but that
from the rest the loser must give whichever one the
winner might select, and on these conditions played
their game. Parysatis took the matter much to
heart and was in great earnest with her playing, and
sinee the dice also fell in her favour, she won the
game, and selected Masabates; for he was not among
those who had been excepted. And before the king
suspected her design, she put the eunuch in the
hands of the executioners, who were ordered to
flay him alive, to set up his body slantwise on
three stakes, and to nail up his skin to a fourth.
This was done, and when the king was bitterly
incensed at her, she said to him, with a mocking
laugh: “ What a blessed simpleton thou art, to be
incensed on account of a wretched old eunuch, when
I, who have diced away a thousand darics, accept my
loss without a word.” So the king, although sorry
that he had been deceived, kept quiet in the matter,
but Stateira openly opposed Parysatis in other things,
and above all was angry with her because, for the
sake of Cyrus, she was cruelly and lawlessly putting
to death eunuchs and others who were faithful to
the king.

XVIII. Now, when Clearchus and his fellow-
generals had been completely deceived by Tissa-
phernes,! and, contrary to solemn oaths, had been
seized and sent up to the king in chains, Ctesias
tells us that he was asked by Clearchus to provide
him with a comb. Clearchus got the comb and
dressed his hair, and being pleased at the service

1 Cf. Xenophon, Azad. ii. 5.
167

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

αὐτῷ δοῦναι σύμβολον φιλίας πρὸς τοὺς ἐν
Λακεδαίμονι συγγενεῖς καὶ οἰκείους" εἶναι δὲ
γλυφὴν ἐν τῇ σφραγῖδι Καρυνάτιδας ὁ ὀρχουμένας.
τὰ δὲ πεμπόμενα σιτία τῷ Κλεάρχῳ τοὺς συν-
δεδεμένους στρατιώτας ἀφαιρεῖσθαι καὶ κατ-
αναλίσκειν, ὀλίγα TH Κλεάρχῳ διδόντας aT αὐτῶν.
ἰάσασθαι δὲ καὶ τοῦτό φησιν ὁ Κτησίας, πλείονα
τῷ Κλεάρχῳ πέμπεσθαι διαπραξάμενος, ἰδίᾳ δὲ
ἕτερα τοῖς στρατιώταις δίδοσθαι" καὶ ταῦτα “μὲν
ὑπουργῆσαι καὶ παρασχεῖν χάριτι καὶ γνώμῃ τῆς
Παρυσάτιδος. πεμπομένου δὲ καθ᾽ ἡμέραν τῷ
Κλεάρχῳ κωλῆνος ἐπὶ τοῖς σιτίοις, παρακαλεῖν
αὐτὸν καὶ διδάσκειν ὡς χρὴ μικρὸν εἰς τὸ κρέας
ἐμβαλόντα μαχαίριον ἀποκρύψαντα πέμψαι καὶ
μὴ περιϊδεῖν ἐν τῇ βασιλέως ὠμότητι τὸ τέλος
αὐτοῦ γενόμενον: αὐτὸς δὲ φοβούμενος μὴ ἐθελῆ-
σαι. βασιλέα δὲ τῇ μὲν μητρὶ παραιτουμένῃ
μὴ κτεῖνα: τὸν Κλέαρχον ὁμολογῆσαι καὶ ὀμόσαι'
πεισθέντα δὲ αὖθις ὑπὸ τῆς Στατείρας ἀποκτεῖναι
πάντας πλὴν Μένωνος. ἐκ δὲ τούτου “τὴν Παρύ-
σατιν ἐπιβουλεῦσαι τῇ Στατείρᾳ καὶ συσκευά-
σασθαι τὴν φαρμακείαν κατ᾽ αὐτῆς, οὐκ εἰκότα
λέγων, ἀλλὰ πολλὴν ἀλογίαν ἔχοντα τῆς αἰτίας,
εἰ δεινὸν ἔργον Τὰ ἔδρασε καὶ παρεκινδύνευσεν

Παρύσατις διὰ Κλέαρχον, ἀνελεῖν τολμήσασα
τὴν γνησίαν βασιλέως γυναῖκα καὶ τέκνων κοινω-
νὸν ἐπὶ βασιλείᾳ τρεφομένων. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν
οὐκ ἄδηλον ὡς ἐπιτραγῳδεῖται τῇ Κλεάρχου
μνήμῃ. καὶ γὰρ ἀναιρεθέντων φησὶ τῶν στρα-
τηγῶν τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους ὑπὸ κυνῶν σπαράττεσθαι

168

ARTAXERXES xvin. 1-5

rendered, gave Ctesias his ring as a token of friend-
ship which he might show to his kindred and friends
in Sparta; and the device in the seal was a group of
dancing Caryatides. Moreover, as Ctesias says, the
provisions sent to Clearchus were seized by the
soldiers in captivity with him, who consumed them
freely and gave only a small part of them to Cle-
archus. This hardship also Ctesias says he remedied,
by getting more provisions sent to Clearchus, and a
separate supply given to the soldiers; and these
services he says he rendered and performed to please
Parysatis, and at her suggestion. He says further
that a flitch of bacon was sent to Clearchus every
day to supplement his rations, and that Clearchus
earnestly advised him that he ought to bury a small
knife in the meat and send it to him thus hidden
away, and not allow his fate to be determined by the
cruelty of the king; but he was afraid, and would
not consent to do this. The king, Ctesias says, at
the solicitation of his mother, agreed and swore not
to kill Clearchus; but he was won back again by
Stateira, and put all the generals to death except
Menon. It was because of this, Ctesias says, that
Parysatis plotted against the life of Stateira and
prepared the poison for her. But it is an unlikely
story, and one that gives an absurd motive for her
course, to say that Parysatis thus risked and wrought
a dreadful deed because of Clearchus, and dared to
kill the king’s lawful wife, who was the mother by
him of children reared for the throne. Nay, it is
quite evident that he add; this sensational detail out
of regard for the memory of Clearchus, For he says
that after the generals had been put to death, the
rest of them were torn by dogs and birds, but that

169

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

καὶ ὀρνέων, τῷ δὲ Κλεάρχου νεκρῷ θύελλαν a ἀνέ-
μου γῆς θῖνα πολλὴν φέρουσαν ἐπιχῶσαι καὶ
ἐπικρύψαι τὸ σῶμα" φοινίκων δέ τινων διασπα-
ρέντων ὀλίγῳ “χρόνῳ θαυμαστὸν ἄλσος “ἀναφῦναι
καὶ κατασκιάσαι τὸν τόπον, ὥστε καὶ βασιλεῖ
σφόδρα μεταμέλειν, ὡς ἄνδρα θεοῖς φίλον
ἀνῃρηκότι τὸν “Κλέαρχον.

XIX. Ἡ δ᾽ οὖν Παρύσατις, μίσους τε πρὸς τὴν
Στάτειραν ἐξ ἀρχῆς ὑποκειμένου καὶ ζηλοτυπίας,
ὁρῶσα τὴν μὲν αὑτῆς δύναμιν αἰδουμένου βασιλέως
καὶ τιμῶντος οὖσαν, τὴν δ᾽ ἐκείνης ἔρωτι καὶ πίστει,
βέβαιον καὶ ἰσχυράν, ἐπεβούλευσεν ὑπὲρ τῶν
μεγίστων, ὡς ETO, παραβαλλομένη. θεράπαιναν
εἶχε πιστὴν καὶ δυναμένην Tap αὐτῇ μέγιστον
ὄνομα Tiyy, ἣν ὁ μὲν Δείνων ὑπουργῆσαι τῇ
φαρμακείᾳ φησί, συγγνῶναι δὲ μόνον ἄκουσαν ὁ
Κτησίας. τὸν δὲ δόντα τὸ φάρμακον οὗτος μὲν
ὀνομάζει Βελιτάραν, ὁ δὲ Δείνων Μελάνταν. ἐκ
δὲ τῆς πρόσθεν ὑποψίας καὶ διαφορᾶς ἀρξάμεναι
πάλιν εἰς τὸ αὐτὸ φοιτᾶν καὶ συνδειπνεῖν ἀλλή-
λαις, ὅμως τῷ δεδιέναι καὶ φυλάττεσθαι τοῖς

ΠῚ ἜΑΡ: Ἐπ εν Lal as aes
αὐτοῖς σιτίοις Kal ἀπὸ τῶν αὐτῶν ἐχρῶντο.
γίνεται δὲ μικρὸν ev Ἰ]έρσαις ὀρνίθιον, ᾧ περιτ-
τώματος οὐδέν ἐστιν, ἀλλ᾽ ὅλον διάπλεων πιμελῆς
τὰ ἐντός" καὶ νομίζουσιν ἀνέμῳ καὶ δρόσῳ τρέφε-
σθαι τὸ ζῷον: ὀνομάζεται δὲ ῥυντάκης. τοῦτό
φησιν ὁ Κτησίας μικρᾷ μαχαιρίδι κεχρισμένῃ τῷ
φαρμάκῳ κατὰ θάτερα τὴν Παρύσατιν διαιροῦσαν
ἐκμάξαι τῷ ἑτέρῳ μέρει τὸ φάρμακον" καὶ τὸ μὲν
ἄχραντον καὶ καθαρὸν εἰς τὸ στόμα βαλοῦσαν

170

ARTAXERKXES xviii. 5—xIx. 3

in the case of Clearchus, a blast of wind carried a
great mass of earth and heaped it in a mound which
covered his body; upon this some dates fell here
and there, and in a short time a wonderful grove οὗ
trees sprang up and overshadowed the place, so that
even the king was sorely repentant, believing that in
Clearchus he had killed a man whom the gods loved.

XIX. Parysatis, accordingly, who from the outset
had a lurking hatred and jealousy of Stateira, saw
that her own influence with the king was based on
feelings of respect and honour, while that of Stateira
was grounded fast and strong in love and confidence ;
she therefore plotted against her life and played for
what she thought the highest stake. She had a
trusted maidservant named Gigis, who had most
influence with her and assisted her in preparing
the poison, according to Deinon, although Ctesias
says she was merely privy to the deed, and that
against her will. The poison was actually given by
a man named Belitaras, according to Ctesias; Deinon
gives his name as Melantas. After a period of dis-
sension and suspicion, the two women? had begun
again to meet and eat with one another, although
their mutual fear and caution led them to partake of
the same dishes served by the same hands. Now,
there is a little Persian bird which has no excrement,
but is all full of fat inside; and the creature is
thought to live upon air and dew; the name of it is
“rhyntaces.” It was a bird of this species, according
to Ctesias, that Parysatis cut in two with a little
knife smeared with poison on one side, thus wiping
the poison off upon one part only of the bird; the
undefiled and wholesome part she then put into her

1 t.¢, Parysatis and Stateira.
171

PLUTARCH’S: LIVES

b] ‘ 3 ’, \ A \ A , \
αὐτὴν ἐσθίειν, δοῦναι δὲ τῇ Στατείρᾳ τὸ πεφαρμαγ-
΄ e \ , ’ \ UA > \ \
μένον" ὁ δὲ Δείνων οὐ τὴν Παρύσατιν, ἀλλὰ τὸν
Μελάνταν τέμνοντα τῷ μαχαιρίῳ τὰ φαρμασ-
σόμενα τῶν κρεῶν τιθέναι κατὰ τὴν Στάτειραν.
ἀποθνήσκουσα δ᾽ οὖν ἡ γυνὴ μετὰ πόνων μεγάλων
n ΄ I n tal
Kal σπαραγμῶν αὐτή τε συνῃσθάνετο τοῦ κακοῦ
al / A
καὶ βασιλεῖ παρέσχεν ὑποψίαν κατὰ τῆς μητρός,
Bins \ lo cr / ©
εἰδότε TO θηριῶδες αὐτῆς Kal δυσμείλικτον. ὅθεν
e /
εὐθὺς ἐπὶ THY ζήτησιν ὁρμήσας τοὺς μὲν ὑπηρέτας
a \ f
καὶ τραπεζοκόμους τῆς μητρὸς συνέλαβε καὶ
κατεστρέβλωσε, τὴν δὲ Γίγιν ἡ Παρύσατις πολὺν
χὰ e A
χρόνον εἶχεν οἴκοι μεθ᾽ αὑτῆς καὶ βασιλέως
ἐξαιτοῦντος οὐκ ἔδωκεν, ἀλλ᾽ ὕστερον αὐτῆς
al /
δεηθείσης εἰς τὸν οἶκον ἀφεθῆναι νυκτός, αἰσθό-
μενος καὶ λόχον ὑφεὶς συνήρπασε καὶ κατέγνω
θάνατον. ἀποθνήσκουσι ὃὲ οἱ φαρμακεῖς ἐν
Πέρσαις κατὰ νόμον οὕτως" λίθος ἐστὶ πλατύς,
M45) Σ \ \ , » δα as ,
ἐφ᾽ ov τὴν κεφαλὴν καταθέντες αὐτῶν ἑτέρῳ λίθῳ
παίουσι καὶ πιέζουσιν, ἄχρι οὗ συνθλάσωσι τὸ
\
πρόσωπον καὶ τὴν κεφαλήν. ἡ μὲν οὖν Vives
οὕτως ἀπέθανε, τὴν δὲ Παρύσατιν ὁ ὁ “Apt οξέρξης
\
ἄλλο μὲν οὐδὲν οὔτε εἶπε κακὸν οὔτε ἐποίησεν,
εἰς δὲ Βαβυλῶνα βουλομένην ἐξέπεμψεν εἰπών,
[4 5 ’ὔ / ’ XN > ”
ἕως ἐκείνη περίεστιν αὐτὸς OUK ὄψεσθαι Βαῤβυ-
λῶνα. τὰ μὲν κατὰ τὴν οἰκίαν οὕτως εἶχεν.
XX. Ἐπεὶ δὲ τοὺς Κύρῳ συναναϑάντας “ Ελ-
ληνας σπουδάσας λαβεῖν ὁ βασιλεὺς οὐδὲν ἧττον
\
ἢ Κύρου περιγενέσθαι καὶ τὴν βασιλείαν κατα-
A 3 »᾿ 9 \ »"Σ Ν e , ‘
σχεῖν οὐκ ἔλαβεν, ἀλλὰ Κῦρον τὸν ἡγεμόνα Kat
τοὺς αὑτῶν στρατηγοὺς ἀποβαλόντες ἐξ αὐτῶν
μονονουχὶ τῶν βασιλείων ἐσώθησαν, ἐξελέγξαντες

172

1021

ARTAXERXES xix. 3-Xx. 1

own mouth and ate, but gave to Stateira the poisoned
part. Deinon, however, says it was not Parysatis,
but Melantas who cut the bird with the knife and
placed the flesh that was poisoned before Stateira.
Be that as it may, the woman died, in convulsions
and great suffering, and she comprehended the evil
that had befallen her, and brought the king to suspect
his mother, whose fierce and implacable nature he
knew. The king, therefore, at once set out upon the
inquest, arrested the servants and table-attendants
of his mother, and put them on the rack. Gigis,
however, Parysatis kept for a long time at home with
her, and would not give her up at the king’s demand.
But after a while Gigis herself begged to be dismissed
to her own home by night. The king learned of
this, set an ambush for her, seized her, and condemned
her to death. Now, the legal mode of death for
poisoners in Persia is as follows. There is a broad
stone, and on this the head of the culprit is placed ;
and then with another stone they smite and pound
until they crush the face and head to pulp. It was
in this manner, then, that Gigis died; but Parysatis
was not further rebuked or harmed by Artaxerxes,
except that he sent her off to Babylon, in accordance
with her wish, saying that as long as she lived he
himself would not see Babylon. Such was the state
of the king’s domestie affairs.

XX. Now, the king was no less eager to capture
the Greeks who had come up with Cyrus than he
had been to conquer Cyrus and preserve his throne.
Nevertheless, he could not capture them, but though
they had lost Cyrus their leader and their own com-
manders, they rescued themselves from his very
palace, as one might say, thus proving clearly to the

173

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

καὶ ἀποφήναντες τὰ Περσῶν καὶ βασιλέως πράγ-
ματα χρυσὸν ὄντα πολὺν καὶ τρυφὴν καὶ γυ-
ναῖκας, τὰ δὲ ἄλλα τῦφον καὶ ἀλαζονείαν, πᾶσα
μὲν ἡ “Ελλὰς ἐξεθάρρησε καὶ κατεφρόνησε τῶν
βαρβάρων, Λακεδαιμονίοις δὲ καὶ δεινὸν ἐφαίνετο
μὴ νῦν ye δουλείας ἐξελέσθαι τοὺς τὴν ᾿Ασίαν
κατοικοῦντας “EAXnvas μηδὲ παῦσαι προπηλακι-
ζομένους UT αὐτῶν. πρότερον δὲ διὰ Θίμβρωνος,
εἶτα διὰ Δερκυλλίδου πολεμοῦντες, οὐδὲν δὲ
πράττοντες ἀξιόλογον, ᾿Αγησιλάῳ τῷ βασιλεῖ
τὸν πόλεμον ἐπέτρεψαν. ὁ δὲ περαιωθεὶς ναυσὶν
εἰς ᾿Ασίαν εὐθὺς ἣν ἐνεργὸς καὶ δόξαν εἶχε peya-
Any καὶ Τισαφέρνην παραταξάμενος ἐνίκησε καὶ
τὰς πόλεις ἀφίστη. τούτων δὲ γενομένων συμ-
φρονήσας ὁ ᾿Αρτοξέρξης ὃν τρόπον αὐτοῖς ἐστι
πολεμητέον, ἔπεμψε Τιμοκράτην τὸν ἱΡόδιον εἰς
τὴν ϑλλάδα χρυσίον πολὺ κομίζοντα, διδόναι
καὶ διαφθείρειν τοὺς πλεῖστον ἐν ταῖς πόλεσι
δυναμένους κελεύσας, καὶ πόλεμον ᾿Ελληνικὸν
κινεῖν ἐπὶ τὴν Λακεδαίμονα. τοῦ δὲ Τιμοκράτους
ταῦτα πράττοντος καὶ τῶν μεγίστων πόλεων
συνισταμένων καὶ τῆς Πελοποννήσου διαταρατ-
τομένης, μετεπέμποντο τὸν ᾿Αγησίλαον ἐκ τῆς
᾿Ασίας οἱ ἄρχοντες. ὅτε δὴ καί φασιν αὐτὸν
ἀπιόντα πρὸς τοὺς φίλους εἰπεῖν ὡς τρισμυρίοις
τοξόταις ἐξελαύνοιτο "τῆς ᾿Ασίας ὑπὸ βασιλέως:
τὸ γὰρ Ἰ]ερσικὸν νόμισμα τοξότην ἐπίσημον
εἶχεν.

Χ ΧΙ. ᾿Βξέβαλε δὲ καὶ τῆς θαλάττης Λακε-
δαιμονίους Κόνωνι τῷ ᾿Αθηναίῳ μετὰ Φαρνα-
βάξζου στρατηγῷ χρησάμενος. ὁ γὰρ Κόνων

174

ARTAXERXES xx. 1-xx1. 1

world that the empire of the Persians and their king
abounded in gold and luxury and women, but in all
else was an empty vaunt. Therefore all Greece took
heart and despised the Barbarians, and the Lacedae-
monians in particular thought it strange if now at
least they could not rescue the Greeks that dwelt in
Asia from servitude, and put a stop to their outrage-
ous treatment at the hands of the Persians. The
war they waged was at first conducted by Thimbron,
and then by Dercyllidas, but since they accomplished
nothing worthy of note, they at last put the conduct
of the war in the hands of their king, Agesilaiis.
He crossed over to Asia with a fleet, went to work
at once, won great fame, defeated Tissaphernes in a
pitched battle, and set the Greek cities in revolt.
This being the case, Artaxerxes considered how he
must carry on the war with Agesilaiis, and sent
Timocreon the Rhodian into Greece with a great
sum of money, bidding him use it for the corruption
of the most influential men in the cities there, and
for stirring up the Greeks to make war upon Sparta.
‘Limocrates did as he was bidden, the most important
cities conspired together against Sparta, Peloponnesus
was in a turmoil, and the Spartan magistrates sum-
moned Agesilaiis home from Asia. It was at this
time, as we are told, and as he was going home, that
Agesilaiis said to his friends; “The king has driven
me out of Asia with thirty thousand archers’’; for
the Persian coin has the figure of an archer stamped
upon it.}

XXI. The king also expelled the Lacedaemonians
from the sea, employing Conon the Athenian as his
commander along with Pharnabazus. For Conon

1 Cf. the Agesilaiis, xv. 6.
175

PLUTARCH’S ‘LIVES

διέτριβε μὲν ἐν Κύπρῳ μετὰ τὴν ἐν Αἰγὸς ποτα-
μοῖς ναυμαχίαν, οὐ τὴν ἀσφάλειαν ἀγαπῶν, ἀλλὰ
τὴν τῶν πραγμάτων μεταβολήν, ὥσπερ ἐν πε-
λάγει τροπήν, περιμένων. ὁρῶν δὲ καὶ τοὺς
ἑαυτοῦ λογισμοὺς δυνάμεως καὶ τὴν βασιλέως
δύναμιν ἀνδρὸς ἔμφρονος δεομένην, ἔπεμψεν ἐπι-
στολὴν βασιλεῖ περὶ ὧν διενοεῖτο. καὶ ταύτην
ἐκέλευσε τὸν κομίζοντα μάλιστα μὲν ἀποδοῦναι
διὰ Ζήνωνος τοῦ Κρητὸς ἢ ἢ Πολυκρίτου τοῦ Μεν-
δαίου: τούτων δ᾽ ἣν ὁ μὲν Ζήνων ὀρχηστής, ὃ
δὲ Πολύκριτος ἰατρός: ἂν δὲ οὗτοι μὴ παρῶσι,
διὰ Κτησίου τοῦ ἰατροῦ. λέγεται δὲ ὁ Κτησίας
τὴν ἐπιστολὴν λαβὼν παρεγγράψαι τοῖς ὑπὸ
τοῦ Κόνωνος ἐπεσταλμένοις ὅπως καὶ Κτησίαν
ἀποστείλῃ πρὸς αὐτόν, ὡς ὠφέλιμον ὄντα ταῖς
ἐπὶ θαλάσσῃ πράξεσιν. ὁ δὲ Κτησίας αὐτὸν ἀφ᾽
ἑαυτοῦ βασιλέα φησὶ προσθεῖναι τὴν λειτουρ-
; se BSA
γίαν αὐτῷ ταύτην.

᾿Αλλ᾽ ἐπεὶ κρατήσας τῇ περὶ Κνίδον ναυμα χίᾳ
διὰ Φαρναβάζου καὶ Κόνωνος ἀφείλετο τὴν κα-
τὰ θάλατταν ἀρχὴν Λακεδαιμονίους, ἐπέστρεψε
πᾶσαν ὁμοῦ τὴν Ελλάδα πρὸς αὑτόν, ὥστε καὶ
τὴν περιβόητον εἰρήνην βραβεῦσαι τοῖς “Ελλησι
τὴν ἐπ᾿ ᾿Ανταλκίδου προσαγορευομένην. ὁ δὲ
᾿Ανταλκίδας Σπαρτιάτης ἦν, Λέοντος υἱός, καὶ
σπουδάσας βασιλεῖ διεπράξατο τὰς ἐν ᾿Ασίᾳ
πόλεις “EAA tas ἁπάσας καὶ νήσους, ὅσαι
προσκυροῦσιν "Acta, παρεῖναι Λακεδαιμονίους
αὐτῷ κεκτῆσθαι φόρων ὑποτελεῖς, εἰρήνης γενο-
μένης τοῖς “Ελλησιν, εἰ δεῖ τὴν τῆς ᾿Ελλάδος
ὕβριν καὶ προδοσίαν εἰρήνην καλεῖν, ἧς πόλεμος
οὐδεὶς ἀκλεέστερον ἤνεγκε τέλος τοῖς κρατηθεῖσι.
176

ARTAXERKXES xxi. 1-5

passed the time at Cyprus, after the sea-fight at
Aegospotami,! not satisfied with mere safety, but
awaiting a reversal in the course of affairs,as he would
a change of wind at sea. And seeing that his own
plans needed a military force, and the king’s force
needed a sagacious leader, he wrote a letter to the
king explaining his purposes. This letter he ordered
the bearer, if possible, to give the king by the hand
of Zeno the Cretan or Polycritus the Mendaean
(Zeno was a teacher of dancing, and Polycritus was
a physician); but if these were not at court, by the
hand of Ctesias the physician. And it is said that
Ctesias, on receiving the letter, added to the sug-
gestions which Conon made to the king a request
to send Ctesias also to him, as likely to be of service
in matters on the sea-coast. Ctesias, however, says
that the king of his own accord conferred upon him
this new duty.

But after Artaxerxes, by the sea-fight which
Pharnabazus and Conon won for him off Cnidus, had
stripped the Lacedaemonians of their power on the
sea, he brought the whole of Greece into dependence
upon him, so that he dictated to the Greeks the
celebrated peace called the Peace of Antalcidas.?
Now Antalcidas was a Spartan, son of Leon, and
acting in the interests of the king he induced the
Lacedaemonians to surrender to the king all the
Greek cities of Asia, and all the islands adjacent to
Asia, to possess them on payment of tribute; and
peace was thus established among the Greeks, if the
mockery and betrayal of Greece can be called peace,
a peace than which no war ever brought a more in-
glorious consummation to the defeated.

1 405 B.c. Cf. the Alcibiades xxxvii. 2.
* In 387 3.0. Cf. the Agesilais, xxiii. 1 ff.

177

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

XXII. Διὸ καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους Σπαρτιάτας ἀεὶ
βδελυττόμενος ὁ ᾿Αρτοξέρξης, καὶ νομίζων, ὥς
φησι Δείνων, ἀνθρώπων ἁπάντων ἀναιδεστάτους
εἶναι, τὸν Av ταλκίδαν ὑ ὑπερηγάπησεν. εἰς Πέρσας
ἀναβάντα. καί ποτε λαβὼν ἕνα τῶν ἀνθινῶν
στεφάνων καὶ βάψας εἰς μύρον τὸ πολυτελέστα-
τον, ἀπὸ δείπνου ἔπεμψε τῷ ᾿Ανταλκίδᾳ" καὶ

2 πάντες ἐθαύμασαν τὴν φιλοφροσύνην. ἣν ᾿δέ, ὡς
ἔοικεν, ἐπιτήδειος οὗτος ἐντρυφηθῆναι καὶ τοιοῦ-
τον λαβεῖν στέφανον, ἐξορχησάμενος ἐν Πέρσαις
τὸν Λεωνίδαν καὶ τὸν Καλλικρατίδαν. ὁ μὲν γὰρ
᾿Αγησίλαος, ὡς ἔοικε, πρὸς τὸν εἰπόντα, ““ Φεῦ
τῆς “Ελλάδος, ὅπου μηδίζουσιν ἡμῖν οἱ Λάκωνες,"
“Ov μᾶλλον, εἶπεν, “οἱ Μῆδοι λακωνίζουσι ;”
τοῦ δὲ ῥήματος ἡ κομψότης τὴν τοῦ πράγματος
αἰσχύνην οὐκ ἀφεῖλεν, ἀλλὰ τὴν μὲν ἡγεμονίαν
ἀπώλεσαν ἐν Λεύκτροις ἀγωνισάμενοι κακῶς, ἡ
δὲ δόξα τῆς Σπάρτης προαπώλετο ταῖς ὁμολο-
γίαις ἐκείναις.

8 “Aype μὲν οὖν ἐπρώτευεν ἡ Σπάρτη, Eévov
ἐποιεῖτο καὶ φίλον ὠνόμαζεν ἑαυτοῦ τὸν ᾿Ανταλκί-
dav: ἐπεὶ δὲ ἡττήθησαν ἐν Λεύκτροις, ταπεινὰ
πράττοντες ἐδέοντο μὲν χρημάτων καὶ τὸν ᾿Αγη-
σίλαον εἰς Αἴγυπτον ἐξέπεμψαν, ὁ δὲ ᾿Ανταλκί-
δας ἀνέβη πρὸς τὸν ᾿Αρτοξέρξην παρακαλῶν

4 ἐπαρκέσαι τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις. ὁ δ᾽ οὕτως ἐξη-
μέλησε καὶ παρεῖδε καὶ ἀπέρριψεν αὐτόν, ὥστε
καταβάντα καὶ χλευαζόμενον ὑπὸ τῶν ἐχθρῶν,
φοβούμενον δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἐφόρους, ἀποκαρτερῆσαι.

᾿Ανέβη δὲ πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα καὶ ᾿Ισμηνίας ὁ

178

ARTAXERXES xxir. 1-4

XXII. For this reason Artaxerxes, although he
always held other Spartans in abomination, and con-
sidered them, as Deinon tells us, the most shameless
of all mankind, showed great affection for Antalcidas
when he came up to Persia. On one occasion he
actually took a wreath of flowers, dipped it in the
most costly ointment, and sent it to Antalcidas after
supper; and all men wondered at the kindness.}
But Antalcidas was a fit person, as it would seem, to
be exquisitely treated and to receive such a wreath,
now that he had danced away among the Persians
the fair fame of Leonidas and Callicratidas. For
Agesilaiis, as it would appear, when someone said
to him: ‘“ Alas for Greece, now that the Spartans
are medizing,”’ replied, ‘Are not the Medes the
rather spartanizing?” However, the wittiness of
the speech could not remove the shame of the deed,
and the Spartans lost their supremacy in the disastrous
battle of Leuctra,? though the glory of Sparta had
been lost before that by this treaty.

So long, then, as Sparta kept the first place in
Greece, Artaxerxes treated Antalcidas as his guest
and called him his friend; but after the Spartans
had been defeated at Leuctra, they fell so low as to
beg for money, and sent Agesilaiis to Egypt, while
Antalcidas went up to Artaxerxes to ask him to
supply the wants of the Lacedaemonians. The king,
however, so neglected and slighted and rejected him
that, when he came back home, being railed at by
his enemies, and being in fear of the ephors, he
starved himself to death.

Ismenias the Theban also, and Pelopidas, who had

1 Cf. the Pelopidas, xxx. 4.
2 In 371 B.c. Cf. the Agesilaiis, xxviii. 5.

179

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

Θηβαῖος καὶ [Πελοπίδας ἤδη τὴν ἐν Λεύκτροις
μάχην νενικηκώς. ἀλλ᾽ οὗτος μὲν οὐδὲν αἰσχρὸν
ἐποίησεν" ᾿Ισμηνίας δὲ προσκυνῆσαι κελευόμενος
ἐξέβαλε πρὸ αὑτοῦ χαμᾶξε τὸν δακτύλιον, εἶτα
κύψας ἀνείλετο καὶ παρέσχε δόξαν προσκυνοῦν-
τος. Piparyopa δὲ τῷ ᾿Αθηναίῳ διὰ Βηλούριδος
τοῦ γραμματέως εἰσπέμψαντι γραμματίδιον ἀ ἀπόρ-
ρητον ἡσθεὶς μυρίους τε δαρεικοὺς ἔδωκε, καὶ
γάλακτος βοείου δεομένῳ δι᾿ ἀσθένειαν ὀγδοή-
κοντα βοῦς ἀμέχγεσθαι. παρηκολούθουν' ἔτι δὲ
κλίνην καὶ στρώματα καὶ τοὺς στρωννύντας ἔπεμ-
ψεν, ὡς ov μεμαθηκότων ᾿ Ελλήνων ὑποστρων-
νύναι, καὶ φορεῖς τοὺς κομίζοντας αὐτὸν μέχρι
θαλάσσης μαλακῶς ἔχοντα. παρόντι δὲ δεῖπνον
ἐπέμπετο λαμπρότατον, ὥστε καὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν
τοῦ βασιλέως, ᾿᾽Οστάνην, 57) Tipayopa,” φάναι,

“μέμνησο ταύτης τῆς τραπέζης" οὐ γὰρ ἐπὶ μι-
κροῖς οὕτω σοι κεκοσμημένη παράκειται." τοῦτο
δ᾽ ἣν ὀνειδισ μὸς εἰς προδοσίαν “μᾶλλον ἢ χάριτος
ὑπόμνησις. Τιμαγόρου μὲν οὖν διὰ τὴν δωροδο-
κίαν ᾿Αθηναῖοι θάνατον κατέγνωσαν.

XXIII. Ὁ δὲ" Δρτοξέρξης ἕν ἀντὶ πάντων ὧν
ἐλύπει τοὺς “λληνας εὔφραινε, Τισαφέρνην τὸν
ἔχθιστον αὐτοῖς καὶ δυσμενέστατον ἀποκτείνας.
ἀπέκτεινε δὲ ταῖς διαβολαῖς αὐτοῦ τῆς Παρυσά-
TLOOS συνεπιθεμένης. οὐ γὰρ ἐνέμεινε τῇ ὀργῇ
πολὺν χρόνον ὁ βασιλεύς, ἀλλὰ διηλλάγη τῇ

μητρὶ καὶ μετεπέμψατο, νοῦν μὲν ὁρῶν ἔχουσαν

' Cf. the Pelopidas, xxx. 1-3.
* Cf. the Pelopidas, xxx. 6 f.
5 Cf. the Agesilaiis, x. 3 f.

180

1023

ARTAXERXES xxi. 4-xxmt. τ

just been victorious in the battle of Leuctra, went
up to the king.t Pelopidas did nothing to disgrace
himself; but Ismenias, when ordered to make the
obeisance to the king, threw his ring down on the
ground in front of him, and then stooped and picked
it up, thus giving men to think that he was making
the obeisance. With Timagoras the Athenian, how-
ever, who sent to him by his secretary, Beluris, a
secret message in writing, the king was so pleased
that he gave him ten thousand darics, and cighty
milch cows to follow in his train because he was sick
and required cow’s milk; and besides, he sent him a
couch, with bedding for it, and servants to make the
bed (on the ground that the Greeks had not learned
the art of making beds), and bearers to carry him
down to the sea-coast, enfeebled as he was. More-
over, during his presence at court, he used to send
him a most splendid supper, so that Ostanes, the
brother of the king, said: “Timagoras, remember
this table; it is no slight return which thou must
make for such an array.’’ Now this was a reproach
for his treachery rather than a reminder of the king's
favour. At any rate, for his venality, Timagoras was
condemned to death by the Athenians.’

XXIII. But there was one thing by which
Artaxerxes gladdened the hearts of the Greeks, in
return for all the evils which he wrought them, and
that was his putting Tissaphernes to death, their
most hated and malicious enemy.? And he put him
to death in consequence of accusations against him
which were seconded by Parysatis. For the king
did not long persist in his wrath against his mother,
but was reconciled with her and summoned her to
court, since he saw that she had intellect and a lofty

131

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

καὶ φρόνημα βασιλείας ἄξιον, αἰτίας δὲ μηδεμιᾶς
οὔσης ἐμποδὼν ἔτι δι’ ἣν ὑπόψονται συνόντες
ἀλλήλοις ἢ λυπήσουσιν. ἐκ δὲ τούτου πάντα
πρὸς χάριν ὑπουργοῦσα βασιλεῖ, καὶ τῷ πρὸς
μηδὲν ὧν ἐκεῖνος ἔπραττε δυσκολαίνειν ἔ ἔχουσα
τὸ δύνασθαι παρ᾽ αὐτῷ καὶ τυγχάνειν ἁπάντων,
ἤσθετο τῆς ἑτέρας τῶν θυγατέρων, ᾿Ατόσσης,
ἐρῶντος ἔρωτα δεινόν, ἐπικρυπτομένου δὲ δι᾽ ἐκεί-
νην οὐχ ἥκιστα καὶ κολάζοντος τὸ πάθος, ὥς
φασιν ἔνιοι, καίτοι γεγενημένης ἤδη πρὸς τὴν
παρθένον ὁμιλίας αὐτῷ λαθραίας. ὡς οὖν ὑπώ-
πτευσεν ἡ Παρύσατις, τὴν παῖδα μᾶλλον ἢ πρό-
τερον ἡσπάζετο, καὶ πρὸς τὸν ᾿Αρτοξέρξην ἐπήνει
τό τε κάλλος αὐτῆς καὶ τὸ ἦθος, ὡς βασιλικῆς καὶ
μεγαλοπρεποῦς. τέλος οὖν γῆμαι τὴν κόρην
ἔπεισε καὶ γνησίαν ἀποδεῖξαι γυναῖκα, χαίρειν
ἐάσαντα δόξας “Ελλήνων καὶ νόμους, Πέρσαις δὲ
νόμον αὐτὸν ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ δικαιωτὴν αἰσχρῶν
καὶ καλῶν ἀποδεδειγμένον. ἔνιοι μέντοι λέγου-
σιν, ὧν ἐστὶ καὶ ‘Hpaxretdns ὁ Κυμαῖος, οὐ μίαν
μόνον τῶν θυγατέρων, ἀλλὰ καὶ δευτέραν, “Apn-
στριν, γῆμαι τὸν ᾿Αρτοξέρξην, περὶ ἧς ὀλίγον
ὕστερον ἀπαγγελοῦμεν. τὴν 0 ἴΑτοσσαν οὕτως
ἠγάπησεν ὁ πατὴρ συνοικοῦσαν ὥστε ἀλφοῦ κατα-
νεμηθέντος αὐτῆς τὸ σῶμα δυσχερᾶναι μὲν ἐπὶ
τούτῳ μηδ᾽ ὁτιοῦν, εὐχόμενος δὲ περὶ αὐτῆς τῇ
Ἥρᾳ προσκυνῆσαι μόνην θεῶν ἐ ἐκείνην, ταῖς χερσὶ
τῆς γῆς ἁψάμενος, δῶρά τε τῇ θεῷ τοσαῦτα
πέμψαι τοὺς σατράπας καὶ φίλους αὐτοῦ κελεύ-
σαντος ὥστε τὰ μεταξὺ τοῦ ἱεροῦ καὶ τῶν βασι.-
λείων ἑκκαίδεκα στάδια χρυσοῦ καὶ ἀργύρου καὶ

πορφύρας καὶ ἵππων ἐμπλησθῆναι.
182

ARTAXERXES xxur. 1-5

spirit worthy of a queen, and since there was no
longer any ground for their suspecting and injuring
one another if they were together. After this she
consulted the king’s pleasure in all things, and by
approving of everything that he did, acquired
influence with him and achieved all her ends. She
perceived that the king was desperately in love with
one of his two daughters, Atossa, and that, chiefly on
his mother’s account, he was trying to conceal and
restrain his passion, although some say that he had
already had secret intercourse with the girl. When,
accordingly, Parysatis became suspicious of the
matter, she showed the girl more affection than
before, and would speak to Artaxerxes in praise of
her beauty and her disposition, saying that she was
truly royal and magnificent. At last, then, she per-
suaded the king to marry the girl and proclaim her
his lawful wife, ignoring the opinions and laws of the
Greeks, and regarding himself as appointed by
Heaven to be a law unto the Persians and an
arbitrator of good and evil. Some, however, say,
and among them is Heracleides of Cymé, that
Artaxerxes married, not one of his daughters only,
but also a second, Amestris, of whom we shall speak
a little later.! Atossa, however, was so beloved by
her father as his consort, that when her body was
covered with leprosy he was not offended at this in
the least, but offered prayers to Hera in her behalf,
making his obeisance and clutching the earth before
this goddess as he did before no other; while his
satraps and friends, at his command, sent the goddess
so many gifts that the sixteen furlongs between her
sanctuary and the royal palace were filled with gold
and silver and purple and horses.
Σ Chap: xxvii, 4.
183

τῷ

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

XXIV. Πόλεμον δὲ πρὸς μὲν Αἰγυπτίους διὰ
Φαρναβάζου καὶ ᾿Ιφικράτους ἐξενεγκὼν ἀπέτυχε,
στασιασάντων ἐκείνων" ἐπὶ δὲ Καδουσίους αὐτὸς
ἐστράτευσε τριάκοντα μυριάσι πεζῶν καὶ μυρίοις
ἱππεῦσιν. ἐμβαλὼν δὲ εἰς χώραν τραχύτητι
χαλεπὴν καὶ ὁμιχλώδη καὶ τῶν ἀπὸ σπόρου
καρπῶν ἄγονον, ἀπίοις δὲ καὶ μήλοις καὶ τοιού-
τοις ἄλλοις ἀκροδρύοις τρέφουσαν ἀνθρώπους
πολεμικοὺς καὶ θυμοειδεῖς, ἔλαθε μεγάλαις ἀπο-
ρίαις Kal κι"δύνοις περιπεσών. οὐδὲν yap ἐδώδι-

. ΄ IQ\ ¥ > , \
μον ἣν λαμβάνειν οὐδὲ ,ἔξωθεν ἐπεισάγεσθαι, τὰ
δὲ ὑποξύγια μόνον κατέκοπτον, ὥστε ὄνου κεφα-
λὴν μόλις δραχμῶν ἑξήκοντα ὠνιον εἶναι. τὸ δὲ
βασιλικὸν δεῖπνον ἐξελείφθη: καὶ τῶν ἵππων
ὀλίγοι περιῆσαν ἔτι, τοὺς δὲ ἄλλους ἐσθίοντες
κατανηλώκεσαν.

᾿νταῦθα Tnpi8afos, ἀνὴρ πολλάκις μὲν ἐν
πρώτῃ ov ἀνδραγαθίαν τάξει γενόμενος, πολλάκις
δὲ ἀπορριφεὶς διὰ κουφότητα καὶ τότε ταπεινὰ
πράττων καὶ περιορώμενος, ἔσωσε βασιλέα καὶ
τὸν στρατόν. ὄντων γὰρ δυεῖν ἐν τοῖς Καδου-
σίοις βασιλέων, ἑκατέρου δὲ χωρὶς στρατοπε-
δεύοντος, ἐντυχὼν τῷ ᾿Αρτοξέρξῃ καὶ φράσας
περὶ ὧν διενοεῖτο πράττειν, ἐβάδιξεν αὐτὸς πρὸς
τὸν ἕτερον τῶν Καδουσίων, καὶ πρὸς τὸν ἕτερον
κρύφα τὸν υἱὸν ἔπεμπεν. ἐξηπάτα δὲ ἑκάτερον
ἑκάτερος, λέγων ὡς ἅτερος ἐπιπρεσβεύεται πρὸς
τὸν ᾿Αρτοξέρξην φ λίαν μόνῳ πράττων ἑαυτῷ καὶ
συμμαχίαν" οὐκοῦν, εἰ “σωφρονεῖ, χρῆναι πρότερον
ἐντυγχάνειν ἐκείνῳ, αὑτὸν δὲ συμπράξειν ἅ ἅπαντα.
τούτοις ἐπείσθησαν ἀμφότεροι, καὶ φθάνειν ἀλλή-

184

ARTAXERXES xxiv. 1-4

XXIV. In the war which Pharnabazus and
Iphicrates conducted for him against Egypt he was
unsuccessful, owing to the dissensions of these
commanders; against the Cadusians, therefore, he
made an expedition in person, with three hundred
thousand footmen and ten thousand horse. But the
country which he penetrated was rough and hard to
traverse, abounded in mists, and produced no grains,
although its pears and apples and other such tree-
fruits supported a warlike and courageous population.
Unawares, therefore, he became involved in great
distress and peril. For no food was to be got in the
country or imported from outside, and they could
only butcher their beasts of burden, so that an ass’s
head was scarcely to be bought for sixty drachmas.
Moreover, the royal banquets were abandoned ; and
of their horses only a few were left, the rest having
been consumed for food.

Here it was that Teribazus, a man whose bravery
often set him in a leading place, but whose levity as
often cast him down, so that at this time he was in
disgrace and overlooked, saved the king and _ his
army. For the Cadusians had two kings, and each
of them encamped separately. So Teribazus, after
an interview with Artaxerxes in which he told him
what he purposed to do, went himself to one of the
Cadusian kings, and sent his son secretly to the
other. Each envoy, then, deceived his man, telling
him that the other king was sending an embassy to
Artaxerxes to secure friendship and alliance for him-
self alone: he should, therefore, if he were wise,
have an interview with Artaxerxes before the other
did, and he himself would help him all he could.
Both kings were persuaded by this argument, and

VOL. ΧΙ. ἊΣ 185

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

λους νομίζοντες ὁ μὲν τῷ Τηριβάζῳ συνέπεμψε

πρέσβεις, ὁ δὲ τῷ παιδὶ τοῦ Τηριβάξου. διατρι-

βῆς δὲ γενομένης ὑποψίαι καὶ διαβολαὶ κατὰ τοῦ

Τηριβάζου τῷ ᾿Αρτοξέρξη προσέπιπτον" αὐτὸς

δὲ δυσθύμως. εἶχε καὶ μετενόει πιστεύσας τῷ

Τηριβάξῳ, καὶ τοῖς φθονοῦσιν ἐγκαλεῖν παρεῖχεν.
δ ἐπεὶ δὲ ἧκεν ὁ Τηρίβαξος, % ἧκε δὲ καὶ ὁ υἱὸς αὐτοῦ 1024.
τοὺς Καδουσίους ἄγοντες, ἐγένοντο δὲ σπονδαὶ
πρὸς ἀμφοτέρους καὶ εἰρήνη, μέγας ὧν ὁ Τηρί-
βαζος ἤδη καὶ λαμπρὸς ἀνεζεύγνυε μετὰ τοῦ
βασιλέως, ἐπιδεικνυμένου πᾶσαν τὴν δειλίαν καὶ
τὴν μαλακίαν οὐ τρυφῆς καὶ πολυτελείας, ὥσπερ
οἱ πολλοὶ νομίζουσιν, ἔκγονον οὖσαν, ἀλλὰ μοχθη-
ρᾶς φύσεως καὶ ἀγεννοῦς καὶ δόξαις πονηραῖς
ἑπομένης. οὔτε γὰρ χρυσὸς οὔτε κάνδυς οὔτε ὁ
τῶν μυρίων καὶ δισχιλίων ταλάντων περικείμενος
ἀεὶ τῷ βασιλέως σώματι κόσμος ἐκεῖνον ἀπεκώ-
λυε πονεῖν καὶ ταλαιπωρεῖν, ὥσπερ οἱ τυχόντες,
ἀλλὰ τήν τε φαρέτραν ἐνημμένος καὶ τὴν πέλτην
φέρων αὐτὸς ἐβάδιζε πρῶτος ὁδοὺς ὀρεινὰς καὶ
προσάντεις, ἀπολιπὼν τὸν ἵππον, ὥστε τοὺς
ἄλλους πτεροῦσθαι καὶ -συνεπικουφίξεσθαι τὴν
ἐκείνου προθυμίαν καὶ ῥώμην ὁρῶντας" καὶ γὰρ
διακοσίων καὶ πλειόνων σταδίων κατήνυεν ἡμέρας
ἑκάστης πορείαν.

ΧΧΥ, ᾿Ιὑπεὶ δὲ εἰς σταθμὸν κατέβη βασιλικὸν
παραδείσους ἔχοντα θαυμαστοὺς καὶ κεκοσμημέ-
vous διαπρεπῶς ἐν τῷ πέριξ ἀδένδρῳ καὶ ψιλῷ
χωρίῳ, κρύους ὄντος, ἐπέτρεψε τοῖς στρατιώταις ἐκ
τοῦ παραδείσου ξυλίξεσθαι τὰ δένδρα κόπτοντας,
5 μήτε πεύκης μήτε κυπαρίττου φειδομένους. ὀκ-

[-»]

186

ARTAXERXES xxiv. 4-xxv. 2

each thinking that he was anticipating the other, one
sent his envoys along with Teribazus, and the other
with the son of Teribazus. But matters were
delayed, and suspicions and calumnies against
Teribazus came to the ears of Artaxerxes ; he himself
also was ill at ease, and repented him of having put
confidence in Teribazus, and gave occasion to his
rivals to malign him. But at last Teribazus came,
and his son came too, both bringing their Cadusian
envoys, and a peace was ratified with both kings;
whereupon Teribazus, now a great and splendid
personage, set out for home with the king. And
the king now made it plain that cowardice and
effeminacy are not always due to luxury and ex-
travagance, as most people suppose, but to a base
and ignoble nature under the sway of evil doctrines.
For neither gold nor robe of state nor the twelve
thousand talents’ worth of adornment which always
enveloped the person of the king prevented him
from undergoing toils and hardships like an ordinary
soldier ; nay, with his quiver girt upon him and his
shield on his arm he marched in person at the head
of his troops, over precipitous mountain roads,
abandoning his horse, so that the rest of the army
had wings given them and felt their burdens
lightened when they saw his ardour and vigour;
for he made daily marches of two hundred furlongs
and more.

XXV. At length he came down to a royal halting-
place which had admirable parks in elaborate cultiva- .
tion, although the region round about was bare and
treeless ; and since it was cold, he gave permission to
his soldiers to cut the trees of the park for wood,
sparing neither pine nor cypress. And when they

187

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

νούντων δὲ Kal φειδομένων διὰ τὰ κάλλη καὶ τὰ
μεγέθη. λαβὼν πέλεκυν αὐτὸς ὅπερ ἣν μέγιστον

\ ’ A a ” 5) \ ΄
καὶ κάλλιστον τῶν φυτῶν ἔκοψεν. ἐκ δὲ τούτου

,ὔ Ν \ fal fal
ξυλιζόμενοι καὶ πολλὰ πυρὰ ποιοῦντες εὐμαρῶς
Ψ / ᾽ N > Ν \ \ 2 a
ἐνυκτέρευσαν. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ πολλοὺς καὶ ἀγαθοὺς
’ \ ” 4 \ Ld “ /
ἀποβαλὼν ἄνδρας, ἵππους δὲ ὁμοῦ τι πάντας

a , an
ἐπανῆλθε. καὶ δόξας καταφρονεῖσθαι διὰ τὴν
ἀτυχίαν καὶ τὴν ἀπότευξιν τῆς στρατείας, ἐν
ὑποψίαις εἶχε τοὺς πρώτους: καὶ πολλοὺς μὲν
> 4 35 49 7 , \ / / « \
ἀνήρει δι᾿ ὀργήν, πλείονας δὲ φοβούμενος. ἡ yap

κε ? a ,
δειλία φονικώτατόν ἐστιν ἐν ταῖς τυραννίσιν͵
“ \ \ “ \ > 4 ¢e ,
ἵλεων δὲ Kal πρᾷον Kai ἀνύποπτον ἡ θαρραλεύ-
n ’
της. διὸ καὶ τῶν θηρίων τὰ ἀτιθάσευτα καὶ
an i wn
δυσεξημέρωτα ψοφοδεῆ καὶ δειλά, τὰ δὲ γενναῖα

/ a \ Ν a > / Ν
πιστεύοντα μᾶλλον διὰ τὸ θαρρεῖν οὐ φεύγει τὰς
φιλοφροσύνας.

XXVI. Ὃ δὲ ᾿Αρτοξέρξης ἤδη πρεσβύτερος ὧν
ἠσθάνετο τοὺς υἱοὺς ἀγῶνα περὶ τῆς βασιλείας
ἐν τοῖς φίλοις καὶ τοῖς δυνατοῖς ἔχοντας. οἱ μὲν

Ν > , > ’, € Μ ᾽ ΄ “
γὰρ εὐγνώμονες ἠξίουν, ὡς ἔλαβεν αὐτός, οὕτως
» a a / \ 5) f € \
ἀπολιπεῖν πρεσβεῖα Δαρείῳ τὴν ἀρχήν. ὁ δὲ

΄, “ 2 \ Ἃ \ , “ψ Χ \
νεώτατος Ὥχος ὀξὺς ὧν καὶ βίαιος εἶχε μὲν καὶ

Ξ \ \ , ᾽ 5. 7) ΄
τῶν περὶ τὸ βασίλειον οὐκ ὀλίγους σπουδαστάς,
ud \ / / Ν ΄
ἤλπιζε δὲ μάλιστα κατεργάσεσθαι τὸν πατέρα

\ A 3 , / \
διὰ τῆς ᾿Ατόσσης. ἐκείνην yap ἐθεράπευεν ὡς
γαμησομένην καὶ συμβασιλεύσουσαν αὐτῷ μετὰ

\ A \
τὴν TOU πατρὸς τελευτήν. ἣἦν δὲ λόγος OTL καὶ
ζῶντος ἐλάνθανεν αὐτῇ πλησιάζων. ἀλλὰ τοῦτο
188

ARTAXERXES xxv. 2-xxvi. 2

hesitated and were inclined to spare the trees on
account of their great size and beauty, he took an
axe himself and cut down the largest and most
beautiful tree. After this the men provided them-
selves with wood, and making many fires, passed the
night in comfort. Nevertheless, he lost many and
brave men, and almost all his horses before he
reached home. And now, thinking that his subjects
despised him because of the disastrous failure of his
expedition, he was suspicious of his chief men ; many
of these he put to death in anger, and more out of
fear. For it is cowardly fear in a tyrant that leads to
most bloodshed; but bold confidence makes him
gracious and mild and unsuspicious. So also among
wild beasts, those that are refractory and hardest to
tame are timorous and fearful, whereas the nobler
sorts are led by their courage to put more confidence
in men, and do not reject friendly advances.

XXVI. But Artaxerxes, being now advanced in
years, perceived that his sons were forming rival
parties among his friends and chief men _ with
reference to the royal succession. For the con-
servatives thought it right that, as he himself had
received the royal power by virtue of seniority, in
like manner he should leave it to Dareius. But his
youngest son, Ochus, who was of an impetuous and
violent disposition, not only had many adherents
among the courtiers, but hoped for most success in
winning over his father through the aid of Atossa.
For he sought to gain Atossa’s favour by promising
that she should be his wife and share the throne with
him after the death of his father. And there was a
report that even while his father was alive Ochus
had secret relations with Atossa. But Artaxerxes

189

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

μὲν ἠγνόησεν ὁ ᾿Αρτοξέρξης: “ταχὺ δὲ βουλόμενος
ἐκκροῦσαι τῆς ἐλπίδος τὸν Ὦχον, ὅπως μὴ τὰ
αὐτὰ Κύρῳ τολμήσαντος αὐτοῦ πόλεμοι καὶ
ἀγῶνες αὖθις καταλάβωσι τὴν βασιλείαν, ἀνέ-
δειξε τὸν Δαρεῖον βασιλέα πεντηκοστὸν ἔτος
γεγονότα, καὶ τὴν καλουμένην κίταριν ὀρθὴν
φέρειν ἔδωκε. νόμου δὲ ὄντος ἐν Πέρσαις δωρεὰν
αἰτεῖν τὸν ἀναδειχθέντα καὶ διδόναι τὸν ἀναδεί-
ἕαντα πᾶν τὸ αἰτηθέν, ἄνπερ ἢ δυνατόν, ἤτησεν
᾿Ασπασίαν ὁ Δαρεῖος τὴν μάλιστα σπουδασθεῖ-
σαν ὑπὸ Κύρου, τότε δὲ τῷ βασιλεῖ παλλακευ-
ομένην. ἣν δὲ Φωκαὶς τὸ γένος ἀπ᾽ ᾿Ιωνίας,
ἐλευθέρων γονέων καὶ τεθραμμένη κοσμίως. ἐπεὶ
δὲ Κύρου δειπνοῦντος εἰσήχθη μεθ᾽ ἑτέρων γυναι-
κῶν, αἱ μὲν ἄλλαι παρακαθεζόμεναι προσπαί-
ζοντος αὐτοῦ καὶ ἁπτομένου καὶ σκώπτοντος οὐκ
ἀηδῶς ἐνεδέχοντο τὰς φιλοφροσύνας, ἐκείνη δὲ
παρὰ τὴν κλίνην εἱστήκει σιωπῇ καὶ Κύρου
καλοῦντος οὐχ ὑπήκουε: βουλομένων δὲ προσ-
άγειν τῶν κατευναστῶν, δι Οἰμώξεται μέντοι. τού-
των," εἶπεν, “' ὃς ἂν ἐμοὶ προσαγάγῃ τὰς χεῖρας.
ἔδοξεν οὖν ἄχαρις τοῖς παροῦσιν εἶναι, καὶ a ἄγροι-
κος. ὁ δὲ Κῦρος ἡσθεὶς ἐγέλασε, καὶ εἶπε πρὸς
τὸν ἀγαγόντα τὰς γυναῖκας, “ ἾΑρα ἤδη συνορᾷς
ὅτι μοι μόνην ταύτην ἐλευθέραν καὶ ἀδιάφθορον
ἥκεις κομίζων 5° ;᾿ ἐκ δὲ τούτου προσεῖχεν ἀρξά-
μενος αὐτῇ, καὶ μάλιστα πασῶν ἔστερξε καὶ
σοφὴν προσηγόρευσεν. ἑάλω δὲ Κύρου πεσόντος
ἐν τῇ μάχῃ καὶ διαρπαζομένου τοῦ στρατοπέδου.
ΧΧΥΙΠΙ: Ταύτην ὁ Δαρεῖος αἰτήσας ἠνίασε τὸν

1 Cf. Xenophon, Anad. i. 10. 2; Plutarch, Pericles, xxiv. 7.
199

1025

ARTAXERXES xxvi. 2-xxvit. I

was ignorant of this; and wishing to shatter at once
the hopes of Ochus, that he might not venture upon
the same course as Cyrus and so involve the kingdom
anew in wars and contests, he proclaimed Dareius,
then fifty years of age, his successor to the throne, and
gave him permission to wear the upright “ kitanis,” as
the tiara was called. Now, there wasa custom among
the Persians that the one appointed to the royal
succession should ask a boon, and that the one who
appointed him should give whatever was asked, if it
was within his power. Accordingly, Dareius asked
for Aspasia, who had been the special favourite of
Cyrus, and was then a concubine of the king. She
was a native of Phocaea, in Ionia, born of free
parents, and fittingly educated. Once when Cyrus
was at supper she was led in to him along with other
women. The rest of the women took the seats given
them, and when Cyrus proceeded to sport and dally
and jest with them, showed no displeasure at his
friendly advances. But Aspasia stood by her couch
in silence, and would not obey when Cyrus called
her; and when his chamberlains would have led her
to him, she said: ‘ Verily, whosoever lays his hands
upon me shali rue the day.’’ The guests therefore
thought her a graceless and rude creature. But
Cyrus was delighted, and laughed, and said to the
man who had brought the women: “ Dost thou not
see at once that this is the only free and unperverted
woman thou hast brought me?”’ From this time on
he was devoted to her, and loved her above all
women, and called her The Wise. She was taken
prisoner when Cyrus fell in the battle at Cunaxa and
his camp was plundered.!

XXVIII. This was the woman for whom Dareius

1gt

PLUTARCH'S LIVES

A \
πατέρα" δύσζηλα yap τὰ βαρβαρικὰ δεινῶς περὶ
' , ,
TO ἀκόλαστον, ὥστε μὴ μόνον τὸν προσελθόντα
a \
καὶ θιγόντα παλλακῆς βασιλέως, ἀλλὰ Kal τὸν
‘
ἐν πορείᾳ προεξελθόντα καὶ διεξελάσαντα Tas
» /
ἁμάξας ἐφ᾽ als κομίζονται, θανάτῳ κολάζεσθαι.
᾿ “4
καίτοι τὴν μὲν "Λτοσσαν εἶχεν ἔρωτι ποιησάμενος
γυναῖκα παρὰ τὸν νόμον, ἑξήκοντα δὲ καὶ τρια-
κόσιαι παρετρέφοντο κάλλει διαφέρουσαι παλ-
λακίδες. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ αἰτηθεὶς ἐκείνην
ἐλευθέραν ἔφησεν εἶναι καὶ λαμβάνειν ἐκέλευσε
/ v \ \ ΄ὕ
βουλομένην, ἄκουσαν δὲ μὴ βιάζεσθαι. μετα-
/ \ a
πεμφθείσης δὲ τῆς ᾿Ασπασίας καὶ παρ᾽ ἐλπίδας
A f ς 4 Ν a ” \
τοῦ βασιλέως ἑλομένης τὸν Δαρεῖον, ἔδωκε μὲν
ς ’ 5 / a \ \ ra ald ef
UT ἀνάλκης τοῦ γόμου, δοὺς δὲ ὀλίγον ὕστερον
/ a A
ἀφείλετο. τῆς yap ᾿Αρτέμιδος τῆς ἐν “ExBarta-
A > 2 a es ef
vows, ἣν ᾿Αναῖτιν καλοῦσιν, ἱέρειαν ἀνέδειξεν
’ / ef e \ / Ν » ’ ,
αὐτήν, ὅπως ἁγνὴ διώγῃ τὸν ἐπίλοιπον βίον,
+7 bY / 3 \ \ , \ Ὰ
οἰόμενος οὐ χαλεπήν, ἀλλὰ καὶ μετρίαν τινὰ καὶ
a /
παιδιᾷ μεμιγμένην ταύτην λήψεσθαι δίκην παρὰ
lo) / ς
τοῦ παιδός. ὁ δ᾽ ἤνεγκεν οὐ μετρίως, εἴτ᾽ ἔρωτι
n » , \ , By ¢e ,
τῆς Ασπασίας περιπαθὴς γεγονώς, εἴτε ὑβρίσθαι
καὶ κεχλευάσθαι νομίζων ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρός.
, »
Αἰσθόμενος δ᾽ αὐτὸν οὕτως ἔχοντα Τηρίβαξζος
Ε “ > Ἄ ? an ’ / \
ETL μᾶλλον ἐξετράχυνεν, ἐν τοῖς ἐκείνου σινιδὼν
Ν 3 , 9 n “
τὰ καθ᾽ αὑτόν. ἣν δὲ τοιαῦτα. πλειόνων οὐσῶν
A / e Lf 7 AN
βασιλεῖ θυγατέρων ὡμολόγησε Φαρναβάξῳ μὲν
᾿Απά δώ ixa, ἱΡοδογούνην δὲ ᾿᾽Ορό
Απάμαν δώσειν γυναῖκα, Podoyourny δὲ ᾿Ορόντῃ,
192

ARTAXERXES xxvit. 1-4

asked, and he gave offence thereby to his father; for
the Barbarian folk are terribly jealous in all that
pertains to the pleasures of love, so that it is death
for a man, not only to come up and touch one of the
royal concubines, but even in journeying to go along
past the waggons on which they are conveyed. And
yet there was Atossa, whom the king passionately
loved and had made his wife contrary to the law, and
he kept three hundred and sixty concubines ‘also,
who were of surpassing beauty. However, since he
had been asked for Aspasia, he said that she was
a free woman, and bade his son take her if she was
willing, but not to constrain her against her wishes.
So Aspasia was summoned, and contrary to the hopes
of the king, chose Dareius. And the king gave her
to Dareius under constraint of the custom that
prevailed, but a little while after he had given her,
he took her away again. That is, he appointed her
a priestess of the Artemis of Ecbatana, who bears the
name of Anaitis, in order that she might remain
chaste for the rest of her life, thinking that in this
way he would inflict a punishment upon his son
which was not grievous, but actually quite within
bounds and tinctured with pleasantry. The resent-
ment of Dareius, however, knew no bounds, either
because he was deeply stirred by his passion for
Aspasia, or because he thought that he had been
insulted and mocked by his father.

And now Teribazus, who became aware of the
prince’s feelings, sought to embitter him still more,
finding in his grievance a counterpart of his own,
which was as follows. The king had several
daughters, and promised to give Apama in marriage
to Pharnabazus, Rhodogune to Orontes, and Amestris

193

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

Τηριβάζῳ δὲ Αμηστριν. καὶ τοῖς μὲν ἄχλοις
ἔδωκε, Τηρίβαξον δὲ ἐψεύσατο γήμας αὐτὸς τὴν
"Apna pty, ἀντ᾽ ἐκείνης δὲ τῷ Τηριβάξῳ τὴν
νεωτάτην [Ἄτοσσαν ἐνεγύησεν. ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ ταύ-
τὴν ἐρασθεὶς ἔγημεν, ὡς εἴρηται, παντάπασι
δυσμενῶς πρὸς αὐτὸν ὁ Τηρίβαξος ἔσχεν, οὐδὲ
ἄλλως στάσιμος ὧν τὸ ἦθος, ἀλλ᾽ ἀνώμαλος καὶ
παράφορος. διὸ καὶ νῦν μὲν εὐημερῶν ὅμοια
τοῖς πρώτοις, νῦν δὲ προσκρούων καὶ σκορακιξύ-
μενος οὐδεμίαν ἔφερεν ἐμμελῶς, μεταβολήν, ἀχλὰ
καὶ τιμώμενος ἣν ἐπαχθὴς ὑπὸ χαυνότητος, καὶ
τὸ κολουόμενον οὐ ταπεινὸν οὐδὲ ἡσυχαῖον, ἀλλὰ
τραχὺ καὶ ἀγέρωχον εἶχε.

ΧΧ ΝΗΙ. Πῦρ οὖν ἐπὶ πῦρ ἐγένετο τῷ νεανίσκῳ
προσκείμενος ὁ Τηρίβαξος ἀεὶ καὶ λέγων ὡς οὐδὲν
ὀνίνησιν ἡ κίταρις ἑστῶσα περὶ τῇ κεφαλῇ τοὺς
ὑφ᾽ αὑτῶν μὴ ζητοῦντας ὀρθοῦσθαι τοῖς πράγ-
μασι, κἀκεῖνον ἀβέλτερα φρονεῖν, εἰ, τοῦ μὲν
ἀδελφοῦ διὰ τῆς γυναικωνίτιδος. ἐνδυομένου τοῖς
πράγμασι, τοῦ δὲ πατρὸς οὕτως ἔμπληκτον ἦθος
καὶ ἀβέβαιον ἐ ἔχοντος, οἴεται βέβαιον αὐτῷ τὴν
διαδοχὴν ὑπάρχειν. ὁ “γὰρ “Ελληνικοῦ χάριν
γυναίου τὸν ἄψευστον ἐν Πέρσαις ψευσάμενος
νόμον οὐ δή που πιστός ἐστι τὰς περὶ τῶν μεγί-
στων ὁμολογίας ἐμπεδώσειν. οὐ ταὐτὸ δ᾽ εἶναι
τὸ μὴ τυχεῖν ᾿Ὥχῳ κἀκείνῳ τὸ στέρεσθαι τῆς
βασιλείας: Ὦχον μὲν γὰρ οὐδένα κωλύσειν
ἰδιώτην βιοῦν μακαρίως, ἐκείνῳ δ᾽ ἀποδεδειγμένῳ
βασιλεῖ βασιλεύειν ἀνάγκην ἢ μηδὲ ζὴν εἶναι.

ΤΌ ΒΒΡ. xxili/ 2 ff, “Cr, ΒΟΌΣ ΣΧ ΣΎ ΩΣ

ARTAXERXES xxvit. 4-xxvill. 2

to Teribazus. He kept his promise to the other two,
but broke his word to Teribazus and married Amestris
himself, betrothing in her stead to Teribazus his
youngest daughter, Atossa. But soon he fell
enamoured of Atossa also and married her, as has
been said, and then Teribazus became a downright
foe to him. Teribazus was at no time of a stable
disposition, but uneven and precipitate. And so,
when he would be at one time in highest favour,
and at another would find himself in disgrace and
spurned aside, he could not bear either change of
fortune with equanimity, but if he was held in
honour his vanity made him offensive, and when he
fell from favour he was not humble or quiet, but
harsh and ferocious.

XXVIII. Accordingly, it was adding fire to fire
when Teribazus attached himself to the young prince
and was forever telling him that the tiara standing
upright on the head 2 was of no use to those who did
not seek by their own efforts to stand upright in
affairs of state, and that he was very foolish if, when
his brother was insinuating himself into affairs of state
by way of the harem, and his father was of a nature
so fickle and insecure, he could suppose that the
succession to the throne was securely his. Surely he
whom regard for a Greek courtesan had led to violate
the inviolable custom of the Persians, could not be
trusted to abide by his agreements in the most
important matters. Moreover, he said it was not the
same thing for Ochus not to get the kingdom and
for Dareius to be deprived of it; for no one would
hinder Ochus from living happily in private station,
but Dareius had been declared king, and must needs
be king or not live at all.

195

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

Καθόλου μὲν οὖν ἴσως, τὸ Σοφόκλειον,
ταχεῖα πειθὼ τῶν κακῶν ὁδοιπορεῖ"

, ς lf x / 5 \ \ f
λεία γάρ τις ἡ πορεία καὶ κατάντης ETL TO βουλό-
/ Ν € A \ la ’
μενον. βούλονται δὲ οἱ πλεῖστοι TA φαῦλα δι
a lal ͵
ἀπειρίαν τῶν καλῶν καὶ ἀγνοιαν' οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ
Ν n > an ‘ x Ν Ν 3
τὸ μέγεθος TO τῆς ἀρχῆς καὶ TO πρὸς TOV Oyov
fal , f e LA a 7 ΄
τοῦ Δαρείου δέος ὑπόθεσιν τῷ Τηριβάξῳ παρ-
A / / e
εἶχε: Kumpoyévera δ᾽ οὐ πάμπαν ἀναίτιος, ἢ
a » 7 ᾽ὔ
τῆς ᾿Ασπασίας ἀφαίρεσις.
\ A
X XIX. ᾿Επέδωκεν οὖν ἑαυτὸν τῷ Τηριβάζῳ'
an / an Qo 7
καὶ πολλῶν ἤδη συνισταμένων, εὐνοῦχος ἐδήλωσε
lal a \ \ /
τῷ βασιλεῖ τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν καὶ τὸν τρόπον, εἰδὼς
“ ’ πον
ἀκριβῶς ὅτι νυκτὸς ἐγνώκασιν ἐν τῷ θαλάμῳ
a Ν “
κατακείμενον ἀναιρεῖν αὐτὸν ἐπεισελθόντες. ἀκού-
Ν “Ἵν f \ x a /
σαντι δὲ τῷ ᾿Αρτοξέρξη καὶ τὸ παριδεῖν κίνδυνον
τηλικοῦτον, ἀμελήσαντα τῆς διαβολῆς, δεινὸν
+f AS lal \ /
ἐδόκει, Kal τὸ πιστεῦσαι μηδενὸς ἐλέγχου γενο-
je ο a /
μένου δεινότερον. οὕτως οὖν ἐποίει: τὸν μὲν
a / A
εὐνοῦχον ἐκείνοις ἐκέλευσε παρεῖναι καὶ παρ-
a Ν a 5
ακολουθεῖν, αὐτὸς δὲ τοῦ θαλάμου τὸν ὄπισθεν
“ / a
τῆς κλίνης τοῖχον ἐκκόψας καὶ θυρώσας κατ-
/ ’ / Ν / “5 / \ nn
εκάλυψεν αὐλαίᾳ tas θύρας. ἐνστάσης δὲ τῆς

ef a ,
ὥρας Kal φράσαντος τοῦ εὐνούχου τὸν καιρόν,"

ἐπὶ τῆς κλίνης ὑπέμεινε καὶ οὐκ ἐξανέστη πρό-
τερον ἢ τῶν ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ἐρχομένων τὰ πρόσωπα
κατιδεῖν καὶ γνωρίσαι σαφῶς ἕκαστον. ὡς δὲ
εἶδεν ἐσπασμένους τὰ ἐγχειρίδια καὶ προσφερο-

/ \ \ ’ , ς \ ’ ,
μένους, ταχὺ τὴν avAaiaY ὑπολαβὼν ἀνεχωρηῆσεν

1 ¥;om an unknown play, Nauck, Trag. Grace. Frag.*,
p. 915.

196

1026

ARTAXERXES xxvul. 3-Xxx1x. 3

Now, perhaps it is generally true, as Sophocles
says,! that—

“Swiftly doth persuasion unto evil conduct make
its way’;

tor smooth and downward sloping is the passage to
what a man desires, and most men desire the bad
through inexperience and ignorance of the good.
However, it was the greatness of the empire and
the fear which Dareius felt towards Ochus that
paved the way for Teribazus although, since Aspasia
had been taken away, the Cyprus-born goddess
of love was not altogether without influence in the
case.

XXIX. Accordingly, Dareius put himself in the
hands of Teribazus ; and presently, when many were
in the conspiracy, an eunuch made known to the
king the plot and the manner of it, having accurate
knowledge that the conspirators had resolved to
enter the king’s chamber by night and kill him in
his bed. When Artaxerxes heard the eunuch’s
story, he thought it a grave matter to neglect the
information and ignore so great a peril, and a graver
still to believe it without any proof. He _ there-
fore acted on this wise. He charged the eunuch
to attend closely upon the conspirators ; meanwhile
he himself cut away the wall of his chamber behind
the bed, put a doorway there, and covered the door
with a hanging. Then, when the appointed hour
was at hand and the eunuch told him the exact time,
he kept his bed and did not rise from it until he saw
the faces of his assailants and recognised each man
clearly. But when he saw them advancing upon him
with drawn swords, he quickly drew aside the

197

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

? x 3 \ v \ \ / ’ »;Ἤ
εἰς τὸ ἐντὸς οἴκημα καὶ τὰς θύρας ἐπήρραξε
4 ’ ip 98 e a τ ᾽ » ~
κράζων. ὀφθέντες οὖν οἱ σφαγεῖς ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ,
/ \ , ’ , A \ “
πράξαντες δὲ μηθέν, ἀπεχώρουν φυγῇ διὰ θυρῶν,
καὶ τοὺς περὶ τὸν Τηρίβαζον ἐκέλευον ἀποχωρεῖν
A \ ’ e \ 5 ”
ὡς φανεροὺς γεγονότας. οἱ μὲν οὖν ἄλλοι διαλυ-
7 ,
θέντες ἔφυγον: ὁ δὲ Τηρίβαζος συλλαμβανόμενος
\ > , aA / , Ν
πολλοὺς ἀπέκτεινε τῶν βασιλέως δορυφόρων καὶ
μόγις ἀκοντίῳ πληγεὶς πόρρωθεν ἔπεσε. τῷ δὲ
a \
Δαρείῳ peta τῶν τέκνων ἀναχθέντι καθίσας τοὺς
, / > \ > , > ᾽
βασιλείους δικαστάς, οὐ παρὼν αὐτὸς, ἀλλ
ἑτέρων κατηγορησάντων, ἐκέλευσεν ὑπηρέτας τὴν
ἑκάστου γραψαμένους ἀπόφασιν ὡς αὐτὸν ἐπανε-
a 3 / «ς
νεγκεῖν. ἀποφηναμένων δὲ πάντων ὁμοίως καὶ
- ,
καταγνόντων τοῦ Δαρείου θάνατον, οἱ μὲν ὑπηρέ-
, b] \ 3 ” / »
ται συλλαβόντες αὐτὸν εἰς οἴκημα πλησίον ἀπ’-
7 e \ ὃ , \ Ga Ν \ »
ἤγαγον, ὁ δὲ δήμιος κληθεὶς ἧκε μὲν ξυρὸν ἔχων,
\ a
ᾧ Tas κεφαλὰς ἀποτέμνουσι τῶν κολαζομένων,
> \ \ XN a 3 / Ne [3 4 \
ἰδὼν δὲ τὸν Δαρεῖον ἐξεπλάγη Kal ἀνεχώρει πρὸς
\ ΄ ᾽ , ε > ͵ γῸΝ
τὰς θύρας ἀποβλέπων, ὦ; οὐ δυνησόμενος οὐδὲ
is 3. ἘῸΝ, / / 4
τολμήσων αὐτόχειρ γενέσθαι βασιλέως. ἔξωθεν
δὲ τῶν δικαστῶν ἀπειλούντων καὶ διακελευομένων
’ ’ N n € / \ / a
ἀναστρέψας καὶ TH ἑτέρᾳ χειρὶ δραξάμενος τῆς
, 3 “ Ν \ > A A
κόμης αὐτοῦ Kal καταγαγὼν ἀπέτεμε τῷ ξυρῷ
τὸν τράχηλον.
Ἔνιοι δέ φασι τὴν κρίσιν γενέσθαι βασιλέως
αὐτοῦ παρόντος, τὸν δὲ Δαρεῖον, ὡς κατελαμ-
a f a
βάνετο τοῖς ἐλέγχοις, ἐπὶ στόμα πεσόντα δεῖσθαι
καὶ ἱκετεύειν: τὸν δὲ UT ὀργῆς ἀναστάντα καὶ
σπασάμενον τὸν ἀκινάκην τύπτειν ἕως ἀπέκτεινεν"
198

ARTAXERXES xxix. 3-7

hanging, retired into the inner chamber, closed the
door with a slam, and raised a cry. The murderers,
accordingly, having been seen by the king, and
having accomplished nothing, fled back through the
door by which they had come, and told Teribazus
and his friends to be off since their plot was known.
The rest, then, were dispersed and fled; but Teri-
bazus slew many of the king’s guards as they sought
to arrest him, and at last was smitten by a spear at
long range, and fell. Dareius, together with his
children, was brought to the king, who consigned
him to the royal judges for trial. The king was not
present in person at the trial, but others brought in
the indictment. However, the king ordered clerks
to take down in writing the opinion of each judge
and bring them all to him. All the judges were of
one opinion and condemned Dareius to death, where-
upon the servants of the king seized him and led him
away into achamber near by, whither the executioner
was summoned. The executioner came, with a sharp
knife in his hand, wherewith the heads of condemned
persons are cut off; but when he saw Dareius, he
was confounded, and retired towards the door with
averted gaze, declaring that he could not and would
not take the life of a king. But since the judges
outside the door plied him with threats and com-
mands, he turned back, and with one hand clutching
Dareius by the hair, dragged him to the ground, and
cut off his head with the knife.

Some say, however, that the trial was held in the
presence of the king, and that Dareius, when he was
overwhelmed by the proofs, fell upon his face and
begged and sued for mercy; but Artaxerxes rose up
in anger, drew his scimitar, and smote him till he

199

ὡς

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

εἶτα εἰς τὴν αὐλὴν προελθόντα τὸν ἽΠΤλιον προσ-
κυνῆσαι καὶ εἰπεῖν" “ Εὐφραίνεσθε ἀπιόντες, ὧ
Πέρσαι, καὶ λέγετε τοῖς ἄλλοις ὅτι τοῖς ἄθεσμα
καὶ παράνομα διανοηθεῖσιν ὁ μέγας ᾿Ωρομάζης
δίκην ἐπιτέθεικεν.᾽"

XXX. ΗΟ εν οὖν ἐπιβουλὴ τοιοῦτον ἔσχε
τέλος. ὁ δὲ Ὦχος ἤδη μὲν ἦν ταῖς ἐλπίσι λαμ-
πρὸς ὑπὸ τῆς ᾿Ατόσσης ἐπαιρόμενος, ἔτι δὲ ἐφο-
βεῖτο τῶν μὲν γνησίων τὸν ὑπόλοιπον ᾿Δριάσπην,
τῶν δὲ νόθων ᾿Αοσάμην. ὁ μὲν yap ᾿Αριάσπης
οὐ διὰ τὸ πρεσβύτερος εἶναι τοῦ "Ὥχου, πρᾷος
δὲ καὶ ἁπλοῦς καὶ φιλάνθρωπος, ἠξιοῦτο βασι-
λεύειν ὑπὸ τῶν Περσῶν' ὁ δὲ ᾿Αρσάμης καὶ νοῦν

εἰν ἐδόκει καὶ μάλιστα τῷ πατρὶ προσφιλὴς
is οὐκ ἐλάνθανε τὸν Ὦχον. ἐπιβουλεύων οὖν
ἀμφοτέροις καὶ δολερὸς ὧν ὁμοῦ καὶ φονικὸς
ἐχρήσατο τῇ “μὲν ὠμότητι τῆς φύσεως πρὸς τὸν
᾿Αρσάμην, τῇ δὲ κακουργίᾳ καὶ δεινότητι “πρὸς
τὸν ᾿Αριάσπην. ὑπέπεμψε γὰρ πρὸς αὐτὸν εὐ-
νούχους καὶ φίλους βασιλέως ἀπειλάς τινας ἀεὶ
καὶ λόγους φοβεροὺς ἀπαγγέλλοντας, ὡς τοῦ
πατρὸς ἐγνωκότος ἀποκτιννύειν αὐτὸν ὠμῶς καὶ
ἐφυβρίστως. οἱ δὲ ταῦτα καθ᾽ ἡμέραν ἐκφέρειν

οκοῦντες ὡς ἀπόρρητα, καὶ τὰ μὲν μέλλειν, τὰ
δὲ ὅσον οὔπω πράσσειν βασιλέα λέγοντες, οὕτως
ἐξέπληξαν τὸν ἄνθρωπον καὶ τοσαύτην ἐνέβαλον
πτοίαν αὐτῷ καὶ ταραχὴν καὶ δυσθυμίαν εἰς τοὺς
λογισμούς, ἃ ὥστε φάρμακον σκευάσαντα τῶν θανα-
σίμων καὶ πιόντα τοῦ ζῆν ἀπαλλαγῆναι. πυθό-
μενος δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς τὸν τρόπον τῆς τελευτῆς,
ἐκεῖνον μὲν ἀπέκλαυσε, τὴν δ᾽ αἰτίαν ὑπώπτενεν.
ἐλέγχειν δὲ καὶ ζητεῖν ἐξαδυνατῶν διὰ γῆρας ἔτι
200

ARTAXERXES xxix. 7—xxx. 4

had killed him; then, going forth into court, he
made obeisance to the sun and said: ‘‘ Depart in joy
and peace, ye Persians, and say to all whom ye meet
that those who contrived impious and unlawful
things have been punished by great Oromasdes.”’
XXX. Such, then, was the end of the conspiracy.
And now Ochus was sanguine in the hopes with
which Atossa inspired him, but he was still afraid of
Ariaspes, the only legitimate son of the king remain-
ing, and also of Arsames among the illegitimate sons.
For Ariaspes, not because he was older than Ochus,
but because he was mild and straightforward and
humane, was deemed by the Persians worthy to be
their king ; Arsames, however, was thought to have
wisdom, and the fact that he was especially dear to
his father was not unknown to Ochus. Accordingly,
he plotted against the lives of both, and being at
once wily and bloody-minded, he brought the cruelty
of his nature into play against Arsames, but his
villainy and craft against Ariaspes. For he secretly
sent to Ariaspes eunuchs and friends of the king,
who constantly brought him word of sundry threaten-
ing and terrifying utterances implying that his father
had determined to put him toa cruel and shameful
death. Since they pretended that these daily re-
ports of theirs were secrets of state, and declared,
now that the king was delaying in the matter, and
now that he was on the point of acting, they so
terrified the prince, and filled his mind with so great
trepidation, confusion, and despair, that he drank a
deadly poison which he had prepared, and thus rid
himself of life. When the king was informed of the
manner of his death, he bewailed his son. He also
suspected what had caused his death, but being

20!

PLUTARCH’S: LIVES

μᾶλλον ἡσπάζετο τὸν ᾿Αρσάμην, καὶ δῆλος ἦν
μάλιστα πιστεύων ἐκείνῳ καὶ παρρησιαζόμενος.
“ e \ \ > ’ ᾽ / \
ὅθεν οἱ περὶ tov Ὧχον οὐκ ἀνεβάλοντο τὴν
πρᾶξιν, ἀλλ᾽ ᾿Αρπάτην υἱὸν Τηριβάξου παρα-
᾽
σκευάσαντες ἀπέκτειναν δι᾽ ἐκεινου τὸν ἄνθρωπον.
= N i ’ \ « “ a ¢ 3 / \ \
ἣν μὲν οὖν ἐπὶ ῥοπῆς μικρᾶς o ᾿Αρτοξέρξης διὰ τὸ
a ΄ lol -
γῆρας ἤδη τότε: προσπεσόντος δὲ αὐτῷ τοῦ περὶ
Ν 7 4 / 2) x 2 / > / > ᾽
τον Ἀρσάμην πάθους οὐδὲ ὀλίγον ἄντεσχεν, ἀλλ
εὐθὺς ὑπὸ λύπης καὶ ξυσθυμίας ἀπεσβέσθη,
βιώσας μὲν ἐνενήκοντα καὶ τέσσαρα ἔτη, βασι-
λεύσας δὲ δύο καὶ ἑξήκοντα, δόξας δὲ πρᾷος εἶναι
καὶ φιλυπήκοος οὐχ ἥκιστα διὰ τὸν υἱὸν Ὦχον
ὠμότητι καὶ μιαιφονίᾳ πάντας ὑπερβαλόμενον.

202

ARTAXERXES xxx. 4-5

unable by reason of his age to search out and
eonvict the guilty one, he was still more well-
affectioned towards Arsames, and clearly made him
his chief support and confidant. Wherefore Ochus
would not postpone his design, but set Arpates, a
son of Teribazus, to the task and by his hand slew
the prince. Now Artaxerxes, by reason of his age,
was already hovering between life and death; and
when the sad fate of Arsames came to his ears, he
could not hold out even a little while, but straight-
way expired of grief and despair. He had lived
ninety-four years, and had been king sixty-two, and
had the reputation of being gentle and fond of his
subjects; though this was chiefly due to his son
Ochus, who surpassed all men in cruelty and blood-
guiltiness.

203

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ΓΑΛΒΑΣ

Ι. Ὃ μὲν ᾿Αθηναῖος ᾿Ιφικράτης τὸν μισθοφό-
ρον ἠξίου στρατιώτην καὶ φιλόπλοντον εἶναι καὶ
φιλήδονον, ὅπως ταῖς ἐπιθυμίαις χορηγίαν ἐπιζη-
τῶν ἀγωνίζηται παραβολώτερον, οἱ δὲ πλεΐστοι,
καθάπερ ἐρρωμένον σῶμα, τὸ στρατιωτικὸν ἀξιοῦ-
σιν ἰδίᾳ μηδέποτε χρώμενον. ὁρμῇ συγκινεῖσθαι
τῇ τοῦ στρατηγοῦ. διὸ καὶ [[αῦλον Αἰμίλιον
λέγουσι τὴν ἐν Μακεδονίᾳ δύναμιν παραλαβόντα
λαλιᾶς καὶ περιεργίας, οἷον διαστρατηγοῦσαν,
ἀνάπλεων, ᾿παρεγγυῆσαι τὴν χεῖρα ποιεῖν ἑτοί-
μην καὶ τὴν μάχαιραν ὀξεῖαν ἕκαστον, αὐτῷ δὲ
τῶν ἄλλων μελήσειν. ὁ δὲ Πλάτων οὐδὲν ἐ ἔργον
ὁρῶν ἄρχοντος ἀγαθοῦ καὶ στρατηγοῦ στρατιᾶς
μὴ σωφρονούσης μηδὲ ὁμοπαθούσης, ἀλλὰ τὴν
πειθαρχικὴν ἀ ἀρετὴν ὁμοίως τῇ βασιλικῇ νομίζων
φύσεως γενναίας καὶ προφῆς φιλοσόφου δεῖσθαι,
μάλιστα τῷ πρᾷῳ καὶ φιλανθρώπῳ τὸ ᾿θυμοειδὲς
καὶ δραστήριον ἐμμελῶς ἀνακεραννυμένης, ἄλλα
τε πάθη πολλὰ καὶ τὰ Ῥωμαίοις συμπεσόντα
μετὰ τὴν Νέρωνος τελευτὴν ἔχει μαρτύρια καὶ
παραδείγματα τοῦ μηδὲν εἶναι φοβερώτερον ἀπαι-

1 With Plutarch’s Galba may be compared Suetonius,
Galba ; Dion Cassius, lxiv, 1-9; Tacitus, Hist. i. 1-45.

206

1053

GALBA?

I, Iputcrates the Athenian used to think that the
mercenary soldier might well be fond of wealth and
fond of pleasure, in order that his quest for the
means to gratify his desires might lead him to fight
with greater recklessness ; but most people think that
a body of soldiers, just like a natural body in full
vigour, ought to have no initiative of its own, but
should follow that of its commander. Wherefore
Paulus Aemilius, as we are told, finding that the army
which he had taken over in Macedonia was infected
with loquacity and meddlesomeness, as though they
were all generals, gave out word that each man
was to have his hand ready and his sword sharp,
but that he himself would look out for the rest.?
Moreover, Plato? sees that a good commander or
general can do nothing unless his army is amenable
and loyal; and he thinks that the quality of
obedience, like the quality characteristic of a king,
requires a noble nature and a philosophic training
which, above all things, blends harmoniously the
qualities of gentleness and humanity with those: of
high courage and aggressiveness... Many dire events,
and particularly those which befell the Romans after
the death of Nero, bear witness to this, and show
plainly that an empire has nothing more fearful to

2 See the Aemilius, xili. 4.

3 Cf,.¢.g. Republic 376 C..
297

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

δεύτοις χρωμένης καὶ ἀλόγοις ὁρμαῖς ἐν ἡγεμονίᾳ
4 στρατ. ωτικῆς δυνάμεως. Δημάδης μὲν γὰρ
᾿Αλεξάνδρου τελευτήσαντος εἴκαζε τὴν Μακε-
δόνων στρατιὰν ἐκτετυφλωμένῳ τῷ Κύκλωπι,
πυλλὰς κινουμένην ὁρῶν κινήσεις ἀτάκτους καὶ
παραφόρους: τὴν δὲ “Ῥωμαίων ἡγεμονίαν ὅμοια
τοῖς λεγομένοις Τιτανικοῖς πάθεσι καὶ κινήμασι
κατελάμβανεν, εἰς πολλὰ διασπωμένην ἅμα καὶ
πολλαχόθεν αὖθις ἑαυτῇ -συμπίπτουσαν, οὐχ
οὕτως ὑπὸ φιλαρχίας τῶν ἀναγορευομένων αὐτο-
κρατόρων, ὡς φιλοπλουτίας καὶ ἀκολασίας τοῦ
στρατιωτικοῦ δι᾽ ἀλλήλων ὥσπερ ἥλους τοὺς
δ ἡγεμόνας ἐκκρούοντος. καίτοι Διονύσιος Φεραῖον
ἄρξαντα Θετταλῶν δέκα μῆνας, εἶτα εὐθὺς ἀν-
αἱρεθέντα, τὸν τραγικὸν ἀνεκάλει τύραννον, ἐπι-
σκώπτων τὸ τάχος τῆς μεταβολῆς. ἡ δὲ τῶν
Καισώρων ἑστία, τὸ Παλάτιον, ἐ ἐν ἐλάσσονι χρό-
νῷ τέσσαρας αὖτ τοκράτορας͵ ὑπεδέξατο, τὸν μὲν
εἰσαγόντων ὥσπερ διὰ σκηνῆς, τὸν δ᾽ ἐξαγόντων.
ἀλλ᾽ ἦν γε παραμυθία τοῖς κακῶς πάσχουσι μία
τὸ μὴ δεηθῆναι δίκης ἑτέρας ἐπὶ τοὺς αἰτίους, ἀλλ᾽
ὁρᾶν αὐτοὺς ὑφ᾽ ἑαυτῶν φονευομένους, πρῶτον δε
καὶ δικαιότατα πάντων τὸν δελεάσαντα καὶ δι-
δάξαντα τοσοῦτον ἐλπίζειν ἐπὶ μεταβολῇ Καίσα-
pos ὅσον αὐτὸς ὑπέσχετο, κάλλιστον ἔργον δια-
βαλὼν τῷ μισθῷ, τὴν ἀπὸ Νέρωνος ἀποστασίαν
προδοσίαν γενομένην.
ὙΤ Νυμφίξιος γὰρ Σαβῖνος ὁ ὧν ἔπαρχος, ὥσπερ
εἴρηται, μετὰ Τιγελλίνου τῆς αὐλῆς, ἐπεὶ τὰ
Νέρωνος ἀπέγνωστο παντάπασι καὶ δῆλος ἣν

1 An allusion to the provorb ἥλῳ ὁ ἧλος ἐκκρούεται.
208

GALBA τ. 3-H. 1

show than a military force given over to untrained
and unreasoning impulses. Demades, indeed, after
Alexander had died, likened the Macedonian army
to the blinded Cyclops, observing the many random
and disorderly movements that it made; but the
Roman Empire was a prey to convulsions and dis-
asters like those caused by the Titans of mythology,
being torn into many fragments, and again in many
places collapsing upon itself, not so much through
the ambition of those who were proclaimed emperors,
as through the greed and licence of the soldiery,
which drove out one commander with another as nail
drives out nail.1 And yet the Pheraean? who ruled
Thessaly for ten months and was then promptly killed,
was called the tragedy-tyrant by Dionysius, with
scornful reference to the quickness of the change.
But the house of the Caesars, the Palatium, in a
shorter time than this received four emperors, the
soldiery ushering one in and another out, as in play.
But the suffering people had one consolation at least in
the fact that they needed no other punishment of the
authors of their sufferings, but saw them slain by one
another’s hands, and first and most righteously of all,
the man who ensnared the soldiery and taught them
to expect from the deposition of a Caesar all the good
things which he promised them, thus defiling a most
noble deed by the pay he offered for it, and turning
the revolt from Nero into treachery.

II. It was Nymphidius Sabinus, prefect of the court
guard along with Tigellinus, as I have already stated,
who, when Nero’s case was altogether desperate, and

2 Alexander, tyrant of Pherae. See the Pelopidas, xxiv.-
XXXV.

Ὁ Probably in the lost Life of Nero.
209

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἀποδρασόμενος eis Αἴγυπτον, ἔπεισε TO στρατιω-
τικόν, ὡς μηκέτι παρόντος, ἀλλ᾽ ἤδη πεφευγότος,
αὐτοκράτορα Γάλβαν ἀναγορεῦσαι, καὶ δωρεὰν
ὑπέσχετο κατ᾽ ἄνδρα τοῖς αὐλικοῖς καὶ στρατη-
γικοῖς προσαγορευομένοις δραχμὰς ἑπτακισχιλίας
πεντακοσίας, τοῖς δὲ ἐ ἐκτὸς στρατευομένοις πεντή-
κοντα καὶ διακοσίας ἐπὶ χιλίαις, ὅσον ἀμήχανον
ἣν συναγαγεῖν μὴ πλείονα μυριάκις κακὰ παρα-
σχόντα πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις ὦ ὧν Νέρων παρέσχε. τοῦ-
το γὰρ εὐθὺς μὲν ἀπώλεσε Νέρωνα, μετ᾽ ὀλίγον δὲ
Γάλβαν' τὸν μὲν γὰρ ὡς ληψόμενοι 1 προήκαντο,
τὸν δὲ μὴ λαμβάνοντες ἀπέκτειναν. εἶτα τὸν
τοσοῦτον δώσοντα ζητοῦντες ἔφθησαν ἐν ταῖς
ἀἁποστάσεσι καὶ προδοσίαις ἀναλώσαντες αὑτοὺς
ἢ τυχόντες ὧν ἤλπισαν. τὰ μὲν οὖν καθ᾽ ἕκαστα
τῶν γενομένων ἀπαγγέλλειν ἀκριβῶς τῆς πραγ-
ματικῆς ἱστορίας ἐστίν, ὅσα δὲ ἄξια λόγου τοῖς
τῶν Καισάρων ἔργοις καὶ πάθεσι συμπέπτωκεν,
οὐδὲ ἐμοὶ προσήκει παρελθεῖν.

Ill. Γάλβας Σουλπίκιος ὅτι μὲν ἰδιώτης πλου-
σιώτατος ἁπάντων εἰς τὸν Καισάρων παρῆλθεν
οἶκον, ὁμολογεῖται" μέγα δὲ ἔ ἔχων εὐγενείας ἀξίω-
μα τὸν Σερουΐων οἶκον, αὐτὸς ἐφρόνει μεῖζον ἐπὶ
τῇ Κάτλου συγγενείᾳ, “πρωτπεύσαντος “ἀνδρὸς
ἀρετῇ καὶ δόξῃ τῶν καθ᾽ ἑαυτόν, εἰ καὶ τὸ δύνα-
σθαι μᾶλλον ἑκὼν ἑτέροις παρῆκεν. ἣν δέ τι καὶ
Λιβίᾳ τῇ Καίσαρος γυναικὶ κατὰ γένος προσή-
κων ὁ Τάλβας, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο Λιβίας παρασχού-

1 Plutarch uses the Greek word drachma for the corre-
sponding Roman denarius, a silver coin about equivalent to

210

1054

GALBA πὶ 1-m. 2

it was clear that he was going to run away to Egypt,
persuaded the soldiery, as though Nero were no
longer there but had already fled, to proclaim Galba
emperor, and promised as largess seventy-five hundred
drachmas apiece for the court, or praetorian, guards,
as they were called, and twelve hundred and fifty
drachmas! for those in service outside of Rome, a
sum which it was impossible to raise without in-
flicting ten thousand times more evils upon the
world than those inflicted by Nero. This promise
was at once the death of Nero, and soon afterwards
of Galba: the one the soldiers abandoned to his fate
in order to get their reward, the other they killed
because they did not get it. Then, in trying to find
someone who would give them as high a price, they
destroyed themselves in a succession of revolts and
treacheries before their expectations were satisfied.
Now, the accurate and circumstantial narration of
these events belongs to formal history ; but it is my
duty also not to omit such incidents as are worthy
of mention in the deeds and fates of the Caesars.
III. That Sulpicius Galba was the richest private
person who ever came to the imperial throne, is
generally admitted ; moreover, his connection with
the noble house of the Servii gave him great prestige,
although he prided himself more on his relationship
to Catulus, who was the foremost man in his time in
virtue and reputation, even if he gladly left to others
the exercise of greater power. Galba was also some-
how related to Livia, the wife of Augustus Caesar,
and therefore, at the instance of Livia, he was made

the franc. But a Roman writer would reckon by sestertii,
the sestertius being worth about a quarter of the denarius.

211

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

, fol , \
ons ὕπατος ἐκ Iladatiovu προῆλθε. λέγεται δὲ
΄ ’ A
καὶ στρατεύματος ἐν Veppavia καλῶς ἄρξαι καὶ

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Διβύης ἀνθύπατος γενόμενος σὺν ὀλίγοις ἐπαινε-
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αὐτοκράτορος γενομένου μικρολογίας, ἣν ἕωλόν
ῇ > , » N iZ
twa δόξαν εὐταξίας ἔφερε καὶ σωφροσύνης.
ors NP tess τ 2 , » ”
ἐπέμφθη δὲ ὑπὸ Νέρωνος ᾿Ιβηρίας ἄρχων, οὔπω
, Lal \ 2 » "4 f
δεδιδαγμένου φοβεῖσθαι τοὺς ἐν ἀξιώμασι peya-
1 a n 2 / δὲ \ / ὃ a
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»
τι πράῳ γεγονέναι προσετίθει πίστιν εὐλαβείας
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TO γῆρας.
n id a
IV. ᾿Επεὶ 2 δέ, τῶν ἀλιτηρίων ἐπιτρόπων ὠμῶς
\ / ,
καὶ ἀγρίως τὰς ἐπαρχίας ἐκείνῳ διαφορούντων,
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ἀναπνοήν τινα καὶ παραμυθίαν τοῖς καταδικαΐζο-
l4
μένοις καὶ πωλουμένοις παρέσχε" Kal ποιημάτων
εἰς Νέρωνα γινομένων καὶ πολλαχοῦ περιφερομέ-
/
νων καὶ ᾳἀδομένων, οὐκ ἐκώλυεν οὐδὲ συνηγανάκτει
a 3 , ie) ” a ’ - e x
τοῖς ἐπιτρόποις" ἐφ᾽ ols ἔτι μᾶλλον ἠγαπᾶτο ὑπὸ
a / \ iy
τῶν ἀνθρώπων. Kal yap ἣν ἤδη συνήθης, ἔτος ὄγδοον
> a \ » \ ” > τ} ΄ γ} 5 ,
ἐκεῖνο τὴν ἀρχὴν ἔχων ἐν ᾧ Lovvios Οὐίνδιξ ἐπανέ-
στὴ Νέρωνι, Varatias ὧν στρατηγός. λέγεται
μὲν οὖν καὶ πρὸ τῆς ἐμφανοῦς ἀποστάσεως γράμ-
τ Ν a
pata πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀφικέσθαι Tapa τοῦ Οὐϊίνδικος,
οἷς μήτε πιστεῦσαι μήτε μηνῦσαι καὶ κατειπεῖν,
1 μεγάλους Coraés and Bekker have μεγάλοις, after Reiske.
2 ἐπεὶ Sint.? corrects to ἐκεῖ (there).
212

GALBA 111. 2-1v. 2

consul? by the emperor. We are told also that he
commanded an army in Germany with distinction,
and that when he was pro-consul of Africa,? he won
such praise as few have done. But his simple and
contented way of living, the sparing hand with
which he dealt out money, always avoiding excess,
were counted unto him, when he became emperor,
as parsimony, so that the reputation which he bore
for moderation and self-restraint was an insipid
sort of thing. By Nero he was sent out as governor
of Spain, before Nero had yet learned to be afraid
of citizens who were held in high esteem. Galba,
however, was thought to be of a gentle nature,
and his great age gave an added confidence that he
would always act with caution.

IV. But when, as the nefarious agents of Nero
savagely and cruelly harried the provinces, Galba
could help the people in no other way than by
making it plain that he shared in their distress and
sense of wrong, this somehow brought relief and
comfort to those who were being condemned in
court and sold into slavery. And when verses were
made about Nero, and men circulated and sang thei
freely, he did not put a stop to it nor share in the
displeasure of Nero’s agents; wherefore he was still
more beloved by the inhabitants. For he was by
this time well known to them, since it was in the
eighth year of his governorship that Junius Vindex,
a general in Gaul, revolted against Nero. It is said,
indeed, that even before the open rebellion Galba
received letters from Vindex, and that he neither
put any trust in them nor gave accusing information

Σ᾿ In 33 A.D, 2 In 45 a.p. 3 In 61 a.p.

213

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ὡς ἕτεροι τῶν ἡγεμονικῶν ἐπιστολὰς αὐτοῖς
γραφείσας ἔπεμψαν πρὸς Νέρωνα καὶ διέφθειραν
ὅσον ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς τὴν πρᾶξιν, ἧς ὕστερον μετα-
σχόντες ὡμολόγησαν αὑτῶν οὐδὲν ἧττον ἢ ἐκεί-
νου προδόται γεγονέναι. ἀλλ᾽ ἐπειδὴ λαμπρῶς
τὸν πόλεμον ἐκφήνας ὁ Οὐίνδιξ ἔγραψε τῷ Βάλβᾳ

᾿παρακαλῶν ἀναδέξασθαι τὴν ἡγεμονίαν καὶ

παρασχεῖν ἑαυτὸν ἰσχυρῷ σώματι ζητοῦντι κε-
φαλήν, ταῖς Παλατίαις δέκα μυριάδας ἀνδρῶν
ὡπλισμένων ἐχούσαις ἄλλας τε πλείονας ὁπλίσαι
υναμέναις, προὔθηκε βουλὴν τοῖς φίλοις. ὧν οἱ μὲν
ἠξίουν περιμένειν καραδοκοῦντα τίνα κίνησιν ἡ
“Ῥώμη καὶ φορὰν ἕξει πρὸς τὸν ᾿ νεωτερισμόν' Tiros
δὲ Ovinios. ὁ τοῦ στρατηγικοῦ τάγματος ἡγεμὼν
αὐτοῖς } εἶπεν" “Ὦ, Γάλβα, τίνα τρόπον βου-
λεύεσθε ; ; τὸ γὰρ ζητεῖν Νέρωνι εἰ πιστοὶ μενοῦ-
μεν, οὐκ ἤδη μενόντων ἐστίν. ὡς οὖν ὑπάρχοντος
ἐχθροῦ Νέρωνος οὐ δὴ προετέον τὴν τοῦ Οὐΐνδι-
KOS φιλίαν, ἢ ἢ καὶ κατηγορητέον εὐθὺς αὐτοῦ καὶ
πολεμητέον, ὅτι σὲ βούλεται “Ρωμαίους ἔχειν
ἄρχοντα μᾶλλον ἢ Νέρωνα τύραννον."

ἀμ Ye τούτου προγράμματι μὲν ἐδήλωσεν ὁ
Ιάλβας ἡμέραν ἐν ἣ τὰς κατὰ μέρος ἐλευθερώ-
σεις ἀποδώσει τοῖς δεομένοις, λαλιὰ δὲ καὶ φήμη
προεκπεσοῦσα πλῆθος ἀνθρώπων. ἤθροισε προ-
θύμων ἐπὶ τὸν νεωτερισμόν. οὐκ ἔφθη γοῦν
φανερὸς ἐπὶ τοῦ βήματος γενόμενος, καὶ πάντες
αὐτὸν ὁμοφώνως αὐτοκράτορα προσεῖπον. ὁ δὲ
ταύτην μὲν εὐθὺς οὐ προσεδέξατο τὴν προσ-
ηγορίαν, κατηγορήσας δὲ τοῦ Νέρωνος, καὶ τῶν
ἀνῃρημένων ἀνδρῶν ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ τοὺς ἐπιφανεστά-

* αὐτοῖς suggested by Sint.* for the αὐτός of the MSS.
214

1055

GALBA Iv. 2-v. 2

about them, although other provincial governors sent
to Nero the letters written to them, and thus did
all they could to ruin the enterprise of Vindex ; and
yet they afterwards took part in it, and thus confessed
that they had been false to themselves no less than
to Vindex. But after Vindex had openly declared
war, he wrote to Galba inviting him to assume the
imperial power, and thus to serve what was a vigorous
body in need of a head, meaning the Gallic provinces,
which already had a hundred thousand men under
arms, and could arm other thousands besides. ‘Then
Galba took counsel with his friends. Some of these
thought it best for him to wait and see what move-
ment Rome would set on foot in response to the
revolution; but Titus Vinius, the captain of the
praetorian guard, said to them: “Ὁ Galba, what
counsels are these? For to ask whether we shal!
remain faithful to Nero means that we are already
unfaithful. Assuming, then, that Nero is an enemy,
we surely must not reject the friendship of Vindex ;
or else we must at once denounce him and make
war upon him because he wishes the Romans to
have thee as their ruler rather than Nero as their
tyrant.”

V. After this, Galba issued an edict appointing a
day on which he would grant individual manu-
missions to all who desired them, and gossip and
rumour flying all abroad brought together a multi-
tude of men who were eager for the revolution.
At any rate, no sooner was Galba seen upon the
tribunal than all with one voice hailed him as
emperor. However, he did not at once accept this
appellation, but after denouncing Nero, and bewailing
the most illustrious of the men who had been put to

215

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

TOUS oro pupapevos, ὡμολόγησεν ἐπιδώσειν τῇ
πατρίδι τὴν ἑαυτοῦ πρόνοιαν, οὔτε Καῖσαρ οὔτ᾽

αὐτοκρατωρ, στρατηγὸς δὲ συγκλήτου καὶ δήμου
“Ῥωμαίων ὀνομαζόμενος.

“Ὅτε δ᾽ ὀρθῶς ὁ Οὐίνδιξ καὶ λελογισμένως
ἐξεκαλεῖτο τὸν Γάλβαν ἐπὶ τὴν ἡγεμονίαν, ἐπι-
στώσατο μάρτυρι τῷ Νέρωνι. προσποιούμενος
γὰρ ἐκείνου καταφρονεῖν καὶ παρ᾽ οὐδὲν ἡγεῖσθαι
τὰ Γαλατῶν, ἅμα τῷ πυθέσθαι τὰ περὶ Πάλβαν
(ἔτυχε δὲ λελουμένος καὶ ἀριστῶν) ἀνέτρεψε τὴν
τράπεζαν. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ συγκλήτου ψηφισαμένης
πολέμιον τὸν Τάλβαν αὐτός τε παίζειν καὶ θρα-
σύνεσθαι πρὸς τοὺς φίλους βουλόμενος, οὐ φαύ-
λην ἔφη πρόρρησιν ἐμπεπτωκέναι λογισμοῦ δεο-
μένῳ χρημάτων αὐτῷ: καὶ τὰ μὲν Γαλατῶν, ὃ ὅταν
ὑποχείριοι γένωνται, λαφυραγωγήσεσθαι, ἡ δὲ
Γάλβα πάρεστιν οὐσία χρῆσθαι καὶ πωλεῖν ἤδη
πολεμίου πεφηνότος. οὗτός τε δὴ τὰ Γάλβα πι-
πράσκειν ἐκέλευε, καὶ Γάλβας ἀκούσας, ὅσα Νέ-
ρωνος ἣν ἐν ᾿Ιβηρίᾳ κηρύττων εὕρισκε πολλοὺς
προθυμοτέρους ὠνητάς.

ὙΠ ᾿Αφισταμένων δὲ πολλῶν τοῦ Νέρωνος καὶ
πάντων ἐπιεικῶς τῷ Γάλβᾳ προστιθεμένων, μόνος
Κλώδιος Μάκρος ἐ ἐν Λιβύῃ καὶ Οὐεργίνιος Ῥοῦφος
ἐν Γαλατίᾳ τοῦ ΤῬερμανικοῦ στρατεύματος ἡγού-
μενος αὐτοὶ καθ᾽ ἑαυτοὺς ἔπραττον, οὐ τὴν αὐτὴν
αἵρεσιν ἔχοντες. ἀλλ᾽ 0 μὲν Κλώδιος, ἐν ἁρπαγαῖς

πραγμάτων γεγονὼς καὶ φόνοις ἀνδρῶν δι᾽ ὠμότητα
καὶ πλεονεξίαν, δῆλος ἣν ἐν τῷ μήτε κατέχειν
μήτε ἀφιέναι τὴν ἀρχὴν δύνασθαι περιφερόμενος,
Οὐεργίνιος δὲ ταγμάτων ἐπιστατῶν δυνατωτάτων

πολλάκις αὐτὸν ἀναγορευόντων αὐτοκράτορα καὶ
216

GALBA v. χ-νι. 2

death by him, promised to devote his best powers to
the service of his country, taking as his title, not
Caesar, nor Emperor, but General of the Roman
Senate and People.

Now, that Vindex acted wisely and well in calling
upon Galba to be emperor, was convincingly proved
by Nero. For though he pretended to despise
Vindex and to regard matters in Gaul as of no
moment, as soon as he learned what Galba had done
—Nero had just taken his bath and was at breakfast
—he overturned his table. However, after the Senate
had voted Galba an enemy, Nero, with a desire to jest
and put on a bold countenance with his friends,
said that an excellent idea had occurred to him in
his need of money: the property of the Gauls would
not fall to him as spoil of war until after they should
be subdued ; but Galba’s estate was ready to be used
and sold at once, now that Galba had been declared
a public enemy. So he ordered the property of
Galba to be sold, and Galba, when he heard of it,
put up at public sale all that Nero owned in Spain,
and found many readier buyers.

VI. Many were now falling away from Nero, and
almost all of them attached themselves to Galba;
only Clodius Macer in Africa, and Verginius Rufus in
Gaul (where he commanded the German forces),
acted on their own account, though each took a
different course. Clodius, whose cruelty and greed
had led him into robberies and murders, was clearly
in a strait where he could neither retain nor give up
his command ; while Verginius, who commanded the
strongest legions and was often saluted by them as
emperor and strongly urged to take the title, declared

VOL, XI H 217

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

βιαζομένων οὔτε αὐτὸς ἔφη λήψεσθαι THY ἡγεμο-
νίαν οὔτε ἄλλῳ περιόψεσθαι διδομένην, ὃν ἂν μὴ ἡ
συγκλητος ἕληται. ταῦτα τὸν άλβαν ov μετ-
ρίως ἐθορύβει τὸ πρῶτον" ἐπεὶ δὲ τὰ Οὐεργινίου
καὶ Οὐϊΐνδικος στρατεύματα τρόπον τινὰ βίᾳ τοὺς
ἡγεμόνας, ὥσπερ ἡνιόχους κρατῆσαι χαλινῶν μὴ
δυνηθέντας, εἰς μάχην ἐξενεγκόντα μεγάλην συν-
έρραξαν, καὶ Οὐΐνδικος ἑαυτὸν ἀνέλοντος ἐπὶ
δισμυρίοις ΤΤαλατῶν πεσοῦσι, διῆλθε λόγος ὡς
βουλομένων πάντων ἐπὶ νίκῃ τοσαύτῃ τὸν Οὐερ-
γίνιον ἀναδέξασθαι τὴν ἡγεμονίαν ἢ πάλιν
μεταβαλουμένων πρὸς Νέρωνα, τότε δὴ παντά-
Tact περίφοβος γενόμενος ὁ Γάλβας ἔγραψε τῷ
Οὐεργινίῳ, “παρακαλῶν κοινοπραγεῖν καὶ δια-
φυλάσσειν ἅμα τὴν ἡγεμονίαν καὶ τὴν ἐλευθερίαν
“Ρωμαίοις" αὖθις δὲ μετὰ τῶν φίλων εἰς Κλουνίαν,
᾿Ιβηρικὴν πόλιν, ἀναχωρήσας ἐν τῷ μετανοεῖν
περὶ τῶν γεγονότων καὶ ποθεῖν τὴν συνήθη καὶ
σύντροφον ἀπραγμοσύνην μᾶλλον ἢ πράττειν τι
τῶν ἀναγκαίων διέτριβεν.

VII. Ἦν δὲ θέρος ἤδη, καὶ βραχὺ πρὸ δείλης ἧκεν
ἀπὸ Pepys’ Ἵκελος ἀνὴρ ἀπελεύθερος ἑβδομαῖος.
πυθόμενος δὲ τὸν Γάλβαν ἀναπαύεσθαι καθ᾽
ἑαυτὸν ἐβάδιζε συντόνως ἐπὶ τὸ δωμάτιον αὐτοῦ,
καὶ βίᾳ τῶν θαλαμηπόλων ἀνοίξας καὶ παρελθὼν
ἀπήγγειλεν ὃ ὅτι καὶ ζῶντος ἔτι τοῦ Νέρωνος, οὐκ
ὄντος δὲ “φανεροῦ, τὸ στράτευμα πρῶτον, εἶτα ὁ
δῆμος καὶ ἡ σύγκλητος αὐτοκράτορα τὸν Γάλβαν
ἀναγορεύσειεν, ὀλίγον δὲ ὕστερον ἀπαγγελθείη
τεθνηκὼς ἐκεῖνος" οὐ μὴν αὐτὸς γε πιστεύσας
ἔφη τοῖς ἀπαγγέλλουσιν, ἀλλὰ ἐπελθὼν τῷ
νεκρῷ καὶ κείμενον θεασάμενος, οὕτως ἐξελθεῖν.
218

GALBA νι. 2-vII. 2

that he would neither assume the imperial power
himself, nor allow it to be given to anyone else whom
the senate did not elect. These things greatly dis-
turbed Galba at first; but presently the armies of
Verginius and Vindex in a manner forced their
leaders, like charioteers who had lost control of the
reins, into the crash of a great battle, and Vindex,
after the loss of twenty thousand Gauls, died by his
own hand, and a report was current that all the
soldiers desired Verginius, in view of the great
victory he had won, to assume the imperial power,
or they would go back again to Nero. Then indeed
Galba was all alarm, and wrote to Verginius inviting
him to join in efforts for the preservation alike of
the empire and the freedom of the Romans. But
after this he retired with his friends to Clunia, a city
in Spain, and spent his time in repenting of what he
had done and in longing for his habitual and wonted
freedom from care, rather than in taking any of the
steps now made necessary.

VII. It was now summer,! and shortly before sun-
set there came from Rome a freedman named Icelus,
who had made the journey in seven days. Having
learned that Galba was reposing by himself, he went
in hot haste to his chamber, opened the door in spite
of the chamberlains, entered, and announced that
while Nero was still alive, but in hiding, that the army
first, and then the senate and people, had proclaimed
Galba emperor, and that a little while afterwards it
was reported that Nero was dead; Icelus himself,
however, as he said, had not believed the report, but
had gone and seen the dead body where it lay, and
then had set out on his journey. This announcement

1 Of 68 a.D.
219

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ταῦτα ἀπαγγελλόμενα λαμπρὸν ἣρε TOV Γάλβαν,
καὶ συνέδραμε πλῆθος ἀνδρῶν ἐπὶ θύρας ἐκτεθαρ-
ρηκότων ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ βεβαίως. καίτοι τὸ τάχος
ἣν ἄπιστον. ἀλλὰ καὶ δυσὶν ἡμέραις ὕστερον }
Ovivios Τίτος 5 ἀπὸ στρατοπέδου μεθ᾽ ἑτέρων
ἀφίκετο τὰ δόξαντα τῇ συγκλήτῳ καθ᾽ ἕκαστον
ἀπαγγέλλων. οὗτος μὲν οὖν εἰς τάξιν ἔντιμον
προήχθη: τῷ δ᾽ ἀπελευθέρῳ δακτυλίους τε
χρυσοῦς ἔδωκε καὶ Μαρκιανὸς ὁ ἼἽκελος ἤδη
καλούμενος εἶχε τὴν πρώτην ἐν τοῖς ἀπελευθέροις
δύναμιν.

VII. ‘Ey δὲ “Ῥώμῃ Νυμφίδιος Σαβῖνος, οὐκ
ἠρέμα καὶ κατὰ μικρόν, ἀλλὰ συλλήβδην ὁμοῦ,
πάντα πράγματα φέρων περιήνεγκεν͵ εἰς ἑαυτόν,
ὡς Γάλβαν μὲν ὄντα πρεσβύτην καὶ μόλις εἰς
Ῥώμην ἐξαρκέσοντα φοράδην κομισθῆναι διὰ
γῆρας" ἣν γὰρ ἐτῶν τριῶν καὶ ἑβδομήκοντα: τὰ
δὲ αὐτόθι σι τρατεύματα, καὶ πάλαι πρὸς αὐτὸν
εὐνόως ἔχοντα καὶ νῦν ἑνὸς ἐξηρτημένα μόνου, διὰ
τὸ τῆς δωρεᾶς μέγεθος εὐεργέτην ἐκεῖνον ἡγεῖσθαι,
Γάλβαν δὲ χρεωφειλέτην. εὐθὺς οὖν Τιγελλίνῳ
μὲν τῷ συνάρχοντι προσέταξεν ἀποθέσθαι τὸ
ξίφος, ὑποδοχὰς δὲ ποιούμενος ἐδείπνιξε τοὺς
ὑπατικοὺς καὶ τοὺς ἡγεμονικούς, ἔτι τὸ Γάλβα
προστιθεὶς ὄνομα ταῖς κλήσεσιν, ἔν τε τῷ στρατο-
πέδῳ πολλοὺς παρεσκεύασε λέγειν ὡς πεμπτέον
ἐστὶ πρὸς Πάλβαν αἰτουμένους ἔπαρχον εἰσαεὶ
Νυμφίδιον ἄνευ συνάρχοντος.

“A δὲ ἡ σύγκλητος εἰς τιμὴν ἔπραττεν αὐτοῦ

1 ὕστερον supplied by Coraés, after Amyot.

1056

GALBA vit. 2- τ. 3

highly elated Galba, and there came running to his
door a multitude of men who had gained complete
confidence as the result of Icelus’ report. And yet
the messenger’s speed was incredible. But two days
afterwards Titus Vinius with others came from the
camp and reported in detail the decrees of the senate.
Vinius, accordingly, was advanced to a position of
honour, and as for the freedman, he was allowed to
wear the gold ring, received the name of Marcianus
instead of Icelus, and had the chief influence among
the freedmen.

VIII. But at Rome Nymphidius Sabinus was
forcing the entire control of affairs into his own
hands, not slowly and little by little, but all at once.
He thought that Galba was an old man and would
hardly have the strength to be carried to Rome on a
litter, by reason of his age, for he was in his seventy-
third year ; moreover, he knew that the soldiery in
the city had long been well disposed towards him
and were now devoted to him alone, regarding him
as their benefactor because of the large gifts which
he promised, but Galba as their debtor. Straight-
way, therefore, he ordered his colleague Tigellinus
to lay down his sword, gave receptions at which he
banqueted men who had been consuls or in high
command (although he still affixed the name of
Galba to his invitations), and instigated many of the
soldiers to declare that a deputation ought to be sent
to Galba demanding that Nymphidius be made pre-
fect for life without a colleague.

Moreover, the senate did much to enhance his

2 Tiros after this name the words πολλὰ τῶν, deleted by
Coraés and Bekker, are retained by Sint.* with indication
of a lacuna (πολλὰ, . . τῶν).

221

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

καὶ δύναμιν, ἀνακαλοῦσα εὐεργέτην καὶ συντρέ-
χουσα καθ᾽ ἡμέραν ἐπὶ θύρας καὶ παντὸς ἐξάρχειν
δόγματος ἀξιοῦσα καὶ βεβαιοῦν, ἔτι περαιτέρω
τόλμης ἀνῆγεν αὐτόν, ὥστε ὀλίγου χρόνου τοῖς
θεραπεύουσι μὴ μόνον ἐπίφθονον, ἀλλὰ καὶ φοβε-
ρὸν εἶναι. τῶν δ᾽ ὑπάτων οἰκέτας δημοσίους
προχειρισαμένων τὰ δόγματα κομίζοντας τῷ αὐτο-
κράτορι, καὶ τὰ καλούμενα διπλώματα σεσημα-
σμένα δόντων, ἃ γνωρίζοντες οἱ κατὰ πόλιν
ἄρχοντες ἐν ταῖς τῶν ὀχημάτων ἀμοιβαῖς ἐπιτα-
χύνουσι τὰς προπομπὰς τῶν γραμματηφύρων, οὐ οὐ
μετρίως ἠγανάκτησεν ὅτε μὴ Tap αὐτοῦ καὶ
σφραγῖδα καὶ στρατιώτας λαβόντες ἀνέπεμψαν,
ἀλλὰ λέγεται καὶ βουλεύσασθαι περὶ τῶν ὑπάτων,
εἶτα τὴν ὀργὴν ἀπολογησαμένοις καὶ δεηθεῖσιν
ἀνῆκε. τῷ δὲ δήμῳ χαριζόμενος οὐκ ἐκώλυε τὸν
παραπίπτοντα. τῶν Νέρωνος ἀποτυμπανίζειν.
Σπῖκλον μὲν οὖν τὸν μονομάχον ἀνδριάσι Νέρωνος
ἑλκομένοις ὑποβαλόντες ἐν ἀγορᾷ διέφθειραν,
᾿Απόνιον δέ τινα τῶν κατηγορικῶν ἀνατρέψαντες
ἁμάξας λιθοφόρους ἐπήγαγον, ἄλλους δὲ διέσπα-
σαν πολλούς, ἐνίους μηδὲν ἀδικοῦντας, ὥστε καὶ
Μαύρικον, ἄνδρα τῶν ἀρίστων καὶ ὄντα καὶ δο-
κοῦντα, πρὸς τὴν σύγκλητον εἰπεῖν OTL φοβεῖται
μὴ ταχὺ Νέρωνα ζητήσωσιν.

Οὕτω δὲ προσάγων ὁ Νυμφίδιος ἐγγυτέρω
ταῖς ἐλπίσιν οὐκ ἔφευγε Τ᾽αΐου Καίσαρος υἱὸς
λέγεσθαι τοῦ μετὰ Τιβέριον ἄρξαντος. ἐγνώκει
γὰρ ὁ Vaios, ὡς ἔοικε, τὴν τεκοῦσαν αὐτὸν ἔτι

1 Caligula.

222

GALBA vit. 3-1x. 1

honour and power, giving him the title of benefactor,
assembling daily at his door, and allowing him the
privilege of initiating and confirming all their
decrees. This raised him to a still higher pitch
of boldness, so that within a short time those who
paid court to him were filled, not only with jealousy,
but also with fear. When the consuls provided
public servants to carry the decrees of the senate to
the emperor, and gave to these the diplomas, as they
were called, sealed with their official seal (in order
that the magistrates of the various cities, recognising
this, might expedite the supply of fresh vehicles for
the journey of the couriers), he was vexed beyond all
bounds because the decrees had not been sent under
his seal and in charge of his soldiers, nay, it is said
that he actually thought of proceeding against the
consuls, but put away his wrath when they excused
themselves and begged for forgiveness. Again, in
his desire to gratify the people, he would not
prevent them from beating to death any follower of
Nero who fell into their hands. Accordingly, they
cast Spiculus the gladiator under statues of Nero
that were being dragged about in the forum, and
killed him; Aponius, one of Nero’s informers, they
threw to the ground and dragged waggons laden
with stone over him; and many others, some of
whom had done no wrong, they tore in pieces, so
that Mauricus, who was justly deemed one of the
best men in Rome, told the senate that he was afraid
they would soon be searching for a Nero.

IX. Thus coming in his hopes nearer and nearer to
his goal, Nymphidius was not averse to having it said
that hewas the son of the Caius Caesar! who succeeded
Tiberius. For Caius, as it would appear, while still

223

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

3 aN > 3 δῇ \ » Φ bd ’
μειράκιον ὧν οὐκ ἀειδῆ THY ὄψιν οὖσαν, ἐκ ὃ
> / > / ᾽ὔ oe >
ἀκεστρίας ἐπιμισθίου Καλλίστῳ, Καίσαρος ἀπ-

/ , 5 beet) e \ Tas
ελευθέρῳ, γεγενημένην. ἀλλ᾽ ἦν ἡ πρὸς Γάϊον
A / an /
ἔντευξις αὐτῆς, ὡς ἔοικε, νεωτέρα τῆς Νυμφιδίου
/ ye a a
γενέσεως, αἰτίαν δὲ ἔσχεν ἐκ Maptiavod τοῦ po-
an / lf
νομάχου γεγονέναι, τῆς Νυμφιδίας ἐρασθείσης

Ν , > lal \ la) b / > ly ks 2

διὰ δόξαν αὐτοῦ, καὶ μᾶλλον ἐδόκει καθ᾽ ὁμοιότητα
an ’ / ΑἹ / / > 3 e n
τῆς ἰδέας ἐκείνῳ προσήκειν. ἀλλ᾽ ὁμολογῶν γε
5 Ὁ ἤ
Νυμῴφιδίας εἶναι μητρὸς ἔργον μὲν αὑτοῦ μόνου
\ / > “ 7 = \ 3 lol
τὴν Νέρωνος ἐποιεῖτο κατάλυσιν, ἄθλα δὲ αὐτῆς
οὐ νομίζων ἱκανὰ καρποῦσθαι τὰς τιμὰς καὶ τὰ
χρήματα καὶ τὸ Σπόρῳ τοῦ Νέρωνος συγκαθεύδειν,
ὃν εὐθὺς ἀπὸ τῆς πυρᾶς ἔτι καιομένου τοῦ νεκροῦ
la > an > “ - 7 N
μεταπεμψάμενος ἐκεῖνος ἐν sda εἶχε τάξει καὶ 1057
Ποππαίαν προσηγύρευεν, ἐπὶ τὴν διαδοχὴν παρ-
εδύετο τῆς ἡγεμονίας. καὶ τὰ μὲν αὐτὸς ἐν Ῥώμῃ
διὰ τῶν φίλων ὑπειργάζετο, καὶ γυναικῶν τινων

> “A \ nr > n 4
αὐτῷ καὶ συγκλητικῶν ἀνδρῶν κρύφα συλλαμβα-
νομένων, ἕνα δὲ τῶν φίλων, 1 ελλιανόν, εἰς ᾿Ιβηρίαν
ἔπεμψεν κατασκεψόμενον.

X. Τῷ δὲ Τάλβᾳ μετὰ τήν Νέρωνος τελευτὴν
ἐχώρει πάντα. Οὐεργίνιος δὲ Ῥοῦφος ἀμφίβολος
ὧν ἔτι φροντίδα παρεῖχε, μὴ τῷ δυνάμεως πολλῆς
καὶ μαχιμωτάτης ἄρχειν προσειληφὼς τὸ νενικηκέ-
ναι Οὐΐνδικα καὶ κεχειρῶσθαι μέγα μέρος τῆς
ς Ἢ e / 3 ΄ , :)
Ρωμαίων ἡγεμονίας, ἐν σάλῳ γενομένην ἀποστα-

A 7 ΄ an
τικῷ Ladatiav ἅπασαν, ὑπακούσαι τοῖς παρα-
καλοῦσιν αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τὴν ἀρχήν. οὐδενὸς γὰρ ἦν
Μ a 2Q\ Sh ’ ᾽ \ “ ς Ἂ
ὄνομα μεῖζον, οὐδὲ εἶχε δόξαν οὐδεὶς ὅσην ὁ Ovep-
224

GALBA ix. I-x. 2

a young man, had been intimate with the mother of
Nymphidius, a woman of comely appearance and a
daughter of Callistus, Caesar's freedman, by a hired
sempstress. But this intimacy, as it would seem,
was later than the birth of Nymphidius, and it was
believed that he was a son of Martianus, the gladiator
(with whom Nymphidia fell in love on account of his
fame), and his resemblance to Martianus was thought
to favour this connection. But although he certainly
admitted that Nymphidia was his mother, he took to
himself sole credit for the overthrow of Nero, and
thinking himself insufficiently rewarded for this by
the honours and wealth which he enjoyed, and by
the company of Sporus, Nero's favourite (whom he
had sent for at once, while Nero’s body was yet
burning on its pyre, and treated as his consort, and
addressed by the name of Poppaea), he aspired to
the succession in the empire. Some secret steps to
this end he himself took at Rome through the agency
of his friends, and certain women and men of sena-
torial rank secretly assisted him, and one of his
friends, Gellianus, he sent to Spain to keep an eye
upon matters there.

X. But everything went well with Galba after the
death of Nero. Verginius Rufus, it is true, who was
still hesitating, gave him anxiety. For besides com-
manding a large and most efficient army, Verginius
had the added prestige of his victory over Vindex
and his subjugation of all Gaul, which was a large
part of the Roman Empire and had been in the
throes of revolt. Galba therefore feared that Ver-
ginius might listen to those who invited him to take
the supreme power. Forno man’s name was greater
than that of Verginius, and no man had a reputation

225

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

γίνιος, ὡς μεγίστη ῥοπὴ τοῖς Ῥωμαίων πραγμασι
τυραννίδος ὑμοῦ χαλεπῆς καὶ Παλατικῶν πολέ-
pov ἀπαλλαγῇ γενόμενος. ἀλλ᾽ ἐκεῖνος τότε τοῖς
ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἐμμένων λογισμοῖς ἐφύλαττε τῇ συγ-
κλήτῳ τὴν αἵρεσιν τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος. καίτοι φα-
νερᾶς γε τῆς Νέρωνος τελευτῆς γενομένης τό τε
πλῆθος ἐνέκειτο τῷ ᾿Οὐεργινίῳ πάλιν, καὶ τῶν
χιλιάρχων τίς τῶν ἐν τῇ σκηνῇ σπασάμενος τὸ
ξίφος. ἐκέλευε τὸν Οὐεργίνιον δέχεσθαι τὴν ἡγεμο-
νίαν ἢ τὸν σίδηρον. ἐπεὶ δὲ Φάβιος Οὐάλης
ἄρχων ἑνὸς τάγματος ὥρκωσε πρῶτος. εἰς Ι άλβαν,
καὶ γράμματα ἧκεν ἀπὸ Ῥώμης περὶ ὧν ἡ σύγ-
KANTOS ἐψηφίσατο, “χαλεπῶς μὲν καὶ μόλις, ἔπεισε
δ᾽ οὖν τοὺς στρατιώτας αὐτοκράτορα τὸν [Γάλβαν
ἀνειπεῖν: καὶ πέμψαντος αὐτοῦ διάδοχον Φλάκκον
ἱΟρδεώνιον ἐδέξατο. καὶ παραδοὺς ἐκείνῳ. τὴν
δύναμιν αὐτὸς ἀπήντησε τῷ Darpa πρόσω χω-
ροῦντι, καὶ συνανέστρεφεν, οὔτε ὀργῆς οὔτε τιμῆς
ἐπιδήχλου τυγχάνων. αἴτιος δὲ τοῦ μὲν αὐτὸς ὁ
Πάλβας αἰδούμενος τὸν ἄνδρα, τοῦ δὲ οἱ φίλοι καὶ
μάλιστα Ovivios Titos, ὑπὸ φθόνου τὸν Οὐεργί-
νιον οἰόμενος μὲν κολούειν, ἠγνόει δὲ ἄρα τῷ
Οὐεργινίου χρηστῷ δαίμονι συνεργῶν, ἤδη τὸν
ἄνδρα πολέμων καὶ κακῶν, ὅσα τοὺς ἄλλους ἡγε-
μόνας κατέσχεν, ἐκτὸς εἰς βίον ἀκύμονα καὶ
γῆρας εἰρήνης καὶ ἡσυχίας μεστὸν ὑπεκτιθεμένῳ.

ΧΙ. Γάλβαν δὲ περὶ Νάρβωνα, πόλιν Ἰ'αλατι-
κήν, οἱ παρὰ τῆς συγκλήτου πρέσβεις ἐντυχόντες
ἠσπάζοντο, καὶ παρεκάλουν ἐπιφανῆναι τῷ δήμῳ
ποθοῦντι ταχέως. ὁ δὲ τάς τε ἄλλας παρεῖχεν
ἐντεύξεις καὶ συνουσίας αὐτοῖς φιλανθρώπους καὶ

226

GALBA x. 2-x1. 1

equal to his, since he had exercised the greatest in-
Huence in ridding the Roman state alike of a grievous
tyrant and of Gallic wars. But in the present crisis
he was true to his original resolves and maintained
the senate’s right to choose the emperor. And yet
when Nero’s death was known for certain, the mass
of his soldiery were insistent again with Verginius,
and one of the military tribunes in his tent drew his
sword and ordered Verginius to choose between
imperial power and the steel. But after Fabius
Valens, commander of a legion, had led off in taking
the oath of allegiance to Galba, and letters had come
from Rome telling of the senate’s decrees, he suc-
ceeded at last, though with the greatest difficulty,
in persuading his soldiers to declare Galba emperor ;
and when Galba sent Flaccus Hordeonius to succeed
him, Verginius received that officer, handed over his
army to him, and went himself to meet Galba as he
advanced, and turned back in his company without re-
ceiving any clear mark either of his anger or esteem.
This was due, in the one case, to Galba himself, who
had a wholesome respect for Verginius, and in the
other to Galba’s friends, especially Titus Vinius.
Vinius was jealous of Verginius, and thought to block
his career ; but without knowing it he was aiding the
man’s good genius, which was now removing him
from all the wars and miseries which encompassed
the other leaders, and bringing him into a calm
haven of life, and an old age full of peace and quiet.

XI. At Narbo, a city of Gaul, Galba was met by
the deputies from the senate, who greeted him and
begged him to gratify speedily the eager desire of
the people to see him. In his general interviews
and meetings with them he was kind and unassuming,

224

PLUTARCRH’S LIVES

δημοτικάς, πρός TE TAS ἑστιάσεις πολλῆς κατα-
σκευῆς καὶ θεραπείας βασιλικῆς παρούσης, ἣν ἐκ
τῶν Νέρωνος ὁ Νυμφίδιος αὐτῷ προσέπεμψεν,
οὐδενὶ χρώμενος ἐκείνων, ἀλλὰ τοῖς ἑαυτοῦ πᾶσιν,
εὐδοκίμει, μεγαλόφρων ἀνὴρ καὶ κρείττων ἀπει-
ροκαλίας φαινόμενος. ταχὺ μέντοι τὰ γενναῖα
ταῦτα καὶ ἄτυφα καὶ πολιτικὰ δημαγωγίαν Ovinos
ἀποφαίνων καὶ κομψότητα μεγάλων ἀπαξιοῦσαν
αὑτήν, ἔπεισε χρήμασί τε χρῆσθαι τοῖς Νέρωνος
καὶ περὶ τὰς ὑποδοχὰς μὴ φείδεσθαι τῆς βασιλι-
κῆς πολυτελείας. καὶ ὅλως αἴσθησιν αὑτοῦ κατὰ
μικρὸν ὑπὸ τῷ Οὐινίῳ γενησομένου παρεῖχεν ὁ
πρεσβύτης.

XI. "Hy δὲ Ovinos ἀργυρίου μὲν ἐσχάτως καὶ
παρ᾽ ὁντινοῦν ἥττων, ἔνοχος δὲ καὶ τοῖς περὶ
γυναῖκας ἁμαρτήμασιν. ἔτι γὰρ ὧν νέος καὶ
στρατευόμενος ὑπὸ Καλβισίῳ Σαβίνῳ τὴν πρώτην
στρατείαν ἀκόλαστον οὖσαν τὴν γυναῖκα τοῦ
ἡγεμόνος παρεισήγαγε νύκτωρ εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον
ἐν ἐσθῆτι στρατιωτικῇ καὶ διέφθειρεν ἐν τοῖς
ἀρχείοις, ἃ πριγκίπια καλοῦσι Ῥωμαῖοι. ἐπὶ
τούτῳ δὲ Daios Καῖσαρ ἔδησεν αὐτόν" ἐκείνου δὲ
ἀποθανόντος εὐτυχίᾳ χρησάμενος ἀπελύθη. δει-
πνῶν δὲ παρὰ Κλαυδίῳ Καίσαρι ποτήριον a ἀργυροῦν
ὑφείλετο" πυθόμενος δὲ ὁ Καῖσαρ τῇ ὑστεραίᾳ
πάλιν αὐτὸν ἐπὶ δεῖπνον ἐκάλεσεν, ἐλθόντι δὲ
ἐκέλευσεν ἐκείνῳ μηδὲν ἀργυροῦν, ἀλλὰ κεράμεα
πάντα προσφέρειν καὶ παρατιθέναι τοὺς ὑπηρέτας.
τοῦτο μὲν οὖν διὰ τὴν Καίσαρος μετριότητα κωμι-
κωτέραν γενομένην γέλωτος, οὐκ ὀργῆς ἄξιον ἔδο-
Eev: ἃ δὲ τὸν Γάλβαν ἔχων ὑφ᾽ αὑτῷ, καὶ δυνάμενος

228

1058

GALBA xr. I-x1I. 3

- and when he entertained them, though there was an
abundance of royal furniture and service at his com-
mand, which Nymphidius had sent him from Nero’s
palace, he used none of it, but only what was his
own, thus winning a good repute, and showing him-
self a man of large mind who was superior to
vulgarity. Vinius, however, by declaring to him
that this dignified, simple, and unassuming course
was merely a flattery of the people and a refinement
of delicacy which thought itself unworthy of great
things, soon persuaded him to make use of Nero’s
riches, and in his receptions not to shrink from a
regal wealth of outlay. And in general the aged
man let it be seen little by little that he was going
to be under the direction of Vinius.

XII. Now Vinius was to the last degree and
beyond all compare a slave of money, and was also
addicted to loose conduct with women. For when
he was still a young man and was serving his first
campaign, under Calvisius Sabinus, he brought his
commander's wife, an unchaste woman, by night
into the camp in the garb of a soldier, and had
commerce with her in the general’s quarters (the
Romans call them “principia”’). For this offence
Caius Caesar put him in prison; but on the death of
the emperor he had the good fortune to be released.
While he was at supper with Claudius Caesar, he
purloined a silver drinking-cup, and Caesar, learning
of it, invited him to supper again the next day, and
when he came, ordered the attendants to set before
him no silver plate at all, but only earthenware. This
misdeed, it is true, owing to the comic turn which
Caesar's moderation took, was thought worthy of
laughter, not of anger; but what he did when he had

229

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

μέγιστον ἐπὶ χρήμασιν, ἔπραττε, τραγικῶν παθῶν
καὶ συμφορῶν μεγάλων τοῖς μὲν αἰτίαν, τοῖς δὲ
7 popacty παρέσχεν.

STIL ‘O yap Νυμφίδιος εὐθὺς ἐπανελθόντος
τοῦ Γελλιανοῦ πρὸς αὐτόν, ὃν ἔπεμψε τοῦ Γάλβα
τρόπον τινὰ κατάσκοπον, ἀκούσας τῆς μὲν αὐλῆς
καὶ τῶν δορυφόρων ἔπαρχον ἀποδεδεῖχθαι Κορ-
νήλιον Λάκωνα, τὸ δὲ σύμπαν εἶναι τοῦ Οὐινίου
κράτος, αὐτῷ δὲ μηδέποτε τοῦ Γάλβα στῆναι
πλησίον ἐγγεγονέναι μηδὲ ἐντυχεῖν ἰδίᾳ, πάντων
αὐτὸν ὑφορωμένων καὶ διαφυλαττόντων, ἐθο-
ρυβήθη: καὶ συναγαγὼν. τοὺς ἡγεμόνας τοῦ στρα-
τεύματος ἔφη Πάλβαν μὲν αὐτὸν εἶναι πρεσβύτην
ἐπιεικῆ καὶ μέτριον, ἐλάχιστα δὲ τοῖς αὑτοῦ
χρώμενον λογισμοῖς ὑπὸ Οὐινίου καὶ Λάκωνος
οὐκ εὖ διοικεῖσθαι. πρὶν οὗν λαθεῖν αὐτοὺς ἣν
ἔσχε Τιγελλῖνος ἰσχὺν ἐν τοῖς πράγμασι κτησα-
μένους, πεμπτέον εἶναι πρὸς τὸν ἡγεμόνα πρέσβεις
ἀπὸ στρατοπέδου τοὺς διδάξοντας ὅ ὅτι τῶν φίλων
δύο μόνους τούτους ἀποσκευασάμενος ἡδίων παρέ-
σται πᾶσι καὶ ποθεινότερος. ἐπεὶ δὲ ταῦτα λέγων
οὐκ ἔπειθεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἄτοπον ἐδόκει καὶ ἀλλόκοτον
ἡγεμόνα πρεσβύτην, ὥσπερ ἄρτι γευόμενον ἐξου-
σίας μειράκιον, οἷς χρήσεται φίλοις ἢ μή, ῥυθμί-
ζειν, ἑτέραν ὁδὸν τραπόμενος ἔγραφε τῷ Γάλβᾳ
δεδιττόμενος, νῦν μὲν ὡς ὕπουλα καὶ μετέωρα
πολλὰ τῆς πόλεως “ἐχούσης, νῦν δὲ Κλωδὲξιον
Maxpov ἐν Διβύῃ τὰ σιτηγὰ κατέχειν, αὖθις δὲ
ΠῚ" τὰ Γερμανικὰ τάγματα, καὶ περὶ τῶν
ἐν Συρίᾳ καὶ lovdaia δυνάμεων ὅμοια πυνθάνεσθαι.

230

GALBA xn. 3-xm1. 3

Galba under his control and was most influential with
him in financial matters, was partly a cause and partly
a pretext for tragic events and great calamities.
XIII. For Nymphidius, as soon as Gellianus had
come back to him, whom he had sent to be a sort of
spy upon Galba, heard that Cornelius Laco had been
appointed prefect of the praetorian guard, and that
Vinius was all powerful with Galba, while Gellianus
had never stood near him or seen him in private, but
had been looked upon with suspicion and distrust by
everyone. Nymphidius was therefore much disturbed,
and calling together the officers of the army, told
them that Galba himself was a well-meaning and
moderate old man, but did not follow his own
counsels in the least, and was badly directed by
Vinius and Laco. Therefore, before these men had
succeeded in secretly acquiring the power which
Tigellinus had held, a deputation should be sent to
the emperor from the camp, to inform him that if
he would put away from his company of friends
only these two men, he would be more acceptable
and welcome to all on his arrival. But this speech
of Nymphidius did not convince his hearers; nay,
they thought it a strange and unnatural thing to
dictate to an aged emperor, as if he had been a
youth just tasting power, what friends he was to
have or not to have. Nymphidius therefore took
another course, and wrote to Galba messages in-
tended to alarm him—now, that there was much
hidden distemper and unrest in the city, now, that
Clodius Macer was holding back the grain supplies i in
Africa; again, that the legions in Germany were
mutinous, and that like news came concerning the
forces in Syria and Judaea. But since Galba gave

231

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

A / A £
4 τοῦ δὲ Γάλβα μὴ πάνυ τὸν νοῦν προσέχοντος
a , A ,
αὐτῷ μηδὲ πιστεύοντος ἔγνω προεπιχειρεῖν" καίτοι
, 7 ’ N U ”
Κλώδιος Κέλσος ᾿Αντιοχεύς, ἀνὴρ ἔμφρων, εὔνους
, , / > A
δὲ ἐκείνῳ καὶ πιστός, ἀπηγόρευε, λέγων οὐκ ἂν
A ,
οἴεσθαι. μίαν ἐν Ῥώμῃ συνοικίαν Καίσαρα προσ-
rn 7 / \
εἰπεῖν Νυμφίδιον. ἀλλὰ πολλοὶ κατεγέλων, καὶ
\ , \
Μιθριδάτης ὁ ἸΠοντικὸς ἐπισκώπτων τὴν φαλα-
U NF Fe ἢ la) ial £7 A », Ν
κρότητα καὶ ῥυσσότητα τοῦ Γάλβα νῦν ἔφη τινὰ
la 9. « / 3 , \ A lal
δοκεῖν εἶναι Ῥωμαίοις, ὀφθέντα δὲ φανεῖσθαι τῶν
ἡμερῶν τούτων ἃς καλεῖται Καῖσαρ, ὄνειδος.
> , , b] NY
XIV. "Εδοξεν οὖν περὶ μέσας νύκτας εἰς τὴν
\ Ι 4 »
παρεμβολὴν παραγαγόντας ἀναδεικνύειν αὐτο-
/ nw “
κράτορα τὸν Νυμφίδιον. πρῶτος δὲ τῶν χιλι-
, € / ,
άρχων ᾿Αντώνιος ᾿“Ονωράτος ἑσπέρας γενομένης
> a ,
τοὺς Ud ἑαυτῷ στρατιώτας συναγαγὼν ἐκάκιζε
€ , ’ , Ὗ ’ , ,
μὲν αὑτόν, ἐκάκιξζε δὲ ἐκείνους ἐν ὀλίγῳ χρόνῳ
, 9
τροπὰς τοσαύτας τρεπομένους κατ᾽ οὐδένα λογι-
Ἂν » \ A > , 5 \ / /
σμὸν οὐδὲ αἵρεσιν ἀμεινόνων, ἀλλὰ δαίμονός τινος
/
αὐτοὺς ἐκ προδοσίας εἰς προδοσίαν ἐλαύνοντος.
2 καὶ τὰ μὲν πρῶτα προφάσεις ἔχειν τὰ Νέρωνος
A , , , ,
ἐγκλήματα: νῦν δὲ Γάλβαν προδιδόναι, τίνα φόνον
A \ , ,
μητρὸς ἐγκαλοῦντας ἢ σφαγὴν γυναικός, ἢ ποίαν
᾽ ,ὔ 4 xX , fal > ,
αἰδουμένους θυμέλην ἢ τραγῳδίαν τοῦ αὐτοκράτο-
“6? 5) IQ\ I OA > \ ΄ὔ e ,
pos; “᾿Αλλ᾽ οὐδὲ ἐκεῖνον ἐπὶ τούτοις ὑπεμείναμεν
ἐγκαταλιπεῖν, ἀλλὰ Νυμφιδίῳ πεισθέντες ὅτι
a rn 7 4 5
πρῶτος ἡμᾶς ἐγκατέλιπε καὶ πέφευγεν εἰς
8 Αἴγυπτον. πότερον οὖν Νέρωνι Γάλβαν ἐπι-
θυσώμεθα, καὶ τὸν ἐκ Νυμφιδίας ἑλόμενοι Καί-
\ 3 ΄, ΘΑ Ὁ \ »- 3
capa τὸν ἐκ AtBias avéXwpev, ὡς τὸν ἐξ ᾿Αγριπ-
232

GALBA xin. 4-χιν. 3

no heed to him whatever and put no confidence
in his reports, he determined not to wait before
making his attempt. And yet Clodius Celsus of
Antioch, a man of good sense, who was well-dis-
posed and faithful to him, tried to dissuade him,
saying that in his opinion not a single precinct in
Rome would give Nymphidius the title of Caesar.
But many ridiculed Galba, and especially Mithridates
of Pontus, who scoffed about his bald head and
wrinkled face, and said that now the Romans
thought him a great personage, but when they saw
him they would regard all the days in which he had
borne the title of Caesar as a disgrace to them.

XIV. It was decided, therefore, to bring Nym-
phidius into the camp about midnight and proclaim
him emperor. But when it was evening, the lead-
ing military tribune, Antonius Honoratus, calling
together the soldiers under his command, reviled
himself, and reviled them for changing about so
often in so short a time, not according to any plan
or choice of better things, but because some evil
spirit drove them from one treachery to another.
In the first instance, he said, they had an excuse in
the crimes of Nero; but now, if they were to betray
Galba, what charge of murdering his mother or
slaying his wife could they bring against him, or
what feelings of shame that their emperor should
appear in public as musician or tragic actor? ‘‘ Nay,
not even with these provocations would we consent
to abandon a Nero, but we had to be persuaded by
Nymphidius that Nero had first abandoned us and
fled to Egypt. Shall we, then, sacrifice Galba after
Nero, and choosing the son of Nymphidia as our
Caesar, shall we slay the scion of the house of Livia,

233

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

πίνης ἀνείλομεν; ἢ τούτῳ δίκην ἐπιθέντες ὧν 1059
δέδρακε, τιμωροὶ μὲν Νέρωνος, Γάλβα δὲ φύλακες
ἀγαθοὶ καὶ πιστοὶ φανῶμεν; ᾽"

Ταῦτα λέγοντι τῷ χιλιάρχῳ προσέθεντο πάντες
οἱ στρατιῶται, καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους προσιόντες ἐμμέ-
νειν παρεκάλουν τῇ πρὸς τὸν αὐτοκράτορα πίστει"
καὶ τοὺς πλείους μετέστησαν. ἀρθείσης δὲ βοῆς,
εἴτε πεισθεὶς ὁ Νυμφίδιος, ὥς φασιν ἔνιοι, καλεῖν
αὐτὸν ἤδη τοὺς στρατιώτας, εἴτε προλαβεῖν σπεύ-
δων τὸ θορυβοῦν ἔτι καὶ διστάζον, ὑπὸ φωτὶ
πολλῷ προΐει, λόγον τινὰ κομίζων ἐν βιβλίῳ
γεγραμμένον ὑπὸ Κιγγωνίου Βάρρωνος, ὃν ἐκμε-
μελετήκει πρὸς τοὺς στρατιώτας εἰπεῖν. ἰδὼν δὲ
κεκλεισμένας τοῦ στρατοπέδου τὰς πύλας καὶ
περὶ τὰ τείχη πολλοὺς ὡπλισμένους ἔδεισε" καὶ
προσιὼν ἠρώτα τί βούλονται καὶ τίνος κελεύ-
σαντος ἐν ὅπλοις γεγόνασιν. ἀπαντώσης δ᾽ αὐτῷ
παρὰ πάντων μιᾶς φωνῆς, Γάλβαν αὐτοκράτορα
γινώσκειν, κἀκεῖνος ὁμόσε χωρῶν ἐπευφήμει καὶ
τοὺς ἑπομένους ἐκέλευε. τῶν δὲ παρὰ τὰς πύλας
παρέντων αὐτὸν εἰσελθεῖν pet ὀλίγων αὐτὸς
ἀκοντίξζεται λόγχῃ" καὶ ταύτην μὲν ἐδέξατο πρὸ
αὐτοῦ θυρεῷ Σεπτίμιος, ἄλλων δὲ γυμνοῖς ξίφεσιν
ἐπιφερομένων φυγὼν καὶ διωχθεὶς ἐν οἰκήματι
στρατιώτου σφάττεται. καὶ τὸν νεκρὸν εἰς μέσον
ἑλκύσαντες καὶ περιβαλόντες κιγκλίδα θέαμα τοῖς
βουλομένοις μεθ᾽ ἡμέραν παρέσχον.

XV. Οὕτω δὲ τοῦ Νυμφιδίου καταστρέψαντος
ὁ άλβας πυθόμενος, καὶ τῶν συνωμοτῶν αὐτοῦ
234

GALBA xiv. 3-xv. 1

as we have slain the son of Agrippina? Or, shall
we inflict punishment on Nymphidius for his evil
deeds, and thereby show ourselves avengers of Nero,
but true and faithful guardians of Galba?”’

So spoke the tribune, and all his soldiers took his
side, and visiting their fellow-soldiers, exhorted them
to maintain their fidelity to the emperor; and they
brought over the greater part of them. But now
loud shouts arose, and Nymphidius, either because
he was convinced, as some say, that the soldiers
were already calling him, or because he was anxious
to win over betimes the element that was still
unruly and mutinous, came up in a glare of lights,
carrying in his hand a speech written ‘out for him by
Cingonius Varro; this he had got by heart to deliver
to the soldiers. But when he saw the gate of the
camp closed and a great number of men under arms
along the walls, he was struck with fear ; and drawing
near, he asked what they meant, and by whose
command they were under arms. One cry came to
him from the lips of all, and this was that they
acknowledged Galba as emperor, whereupon he also,
as he joined them, shouted in approval, and bade his
followers do the same. But after the soldiers at the
gate had permitted him to enter with a few followers,
alance was hurled at him. This weapon was
received in the shield which Septimius interposed,
but others assailed him, with drawn swords, where-
upon he fled, was pursued, and was cut down in a
soldier's hut. His dead body was dragged forth,
surrounded with a paling, and exposed to public
view all day.

XV. Such was the violent end of Nymphidius, and
when Galba learned of it, he ordered such of his

235

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

κελεύσας ἀποθανεῖν ὅσοι μὴ δι’ αὑτῶν εὐθὺς
ἀπέθανον, ἐν οἷς ἦν καὶ Κιγγώνιος ὁ τὸν λόγον
γράψας καὶ Μιθριδάτης ὁ ἸΙοντικός, ἔδοξε, μὴ
νομίμως, εἰ καὶ δικαίως, μηδὲ δημοτικῶς ἃ ἀνῃρηκέναι
πρὸ κρίσεως “ἄνδρας οὐκ ἀσήμους. ἕτερον γὰρ
ἡγεμονίας σχῆμα προσεδέχοντο πᾶντες, ἐξαπατώ-
μενοι συνήθως ὑπὸ τῶν ἐν ἀρχῆ λεγομένων. ἔτι
δὲ μᾶλλον ἠνίασεν αὐτοὺς ἀνὴρ ὑπατικὸς καὶ
Νέρωνι πιστὸς ἀποθανεῖν κελευσθείς, Πετρώνιος
Τουρπιλιανός. Μάκρον ' γὰρ ἐν Λιβύῃ διὰ Τρε-
βωνίου" καὶ Φοντήϊον ἐν Τερμανίᾳ διὰ Οὐάἄλεντος
ἀνελὼν πρόφασιν εἶχεν ἐν ὅπλοις καὶ στρατοπέ-
δοις ὁ ὄντας φοβηθῆναι. Τουρπιλιανὸν δέ, γέροντα
γυμνὸν καὶ ἄνοπλον, λόγου μεταλαβεῖν οὐδὲν
ἐκώλυεν, εἴ τι ἣν ἐπαγγέλλεται μετριότητα τοῖς
πράγμασιν ἔργῳ φυλάξειν ἔμελλε.

αῦτα μὲν. οὖν τοιαύτας ἔχει μέμψεις. ἐπεὶ δὲ
προσιὼν ἀπεῖχε τῆς πόλεως περὶ πέντε καὶ εἴκοσι
σταδίους, ἐνετύγχανεν ἀκοσμίᾳ καὶ θορύβῳ τῶν
ἐρετῶν τὴν ὁδὸν προκατεχόντων καὶ περικεχυμέ-
νων πανταχόθεν. οὗτοι δὲ ἦσαν οὗς εἰς ἕν τάγμα
ὁ “Νέρων συλλοχίσας ἀπέφηνε στρατιώτας" καὶ
τότε παρόντες ἐκβεβαιώσασθαι τὴν στρατείαν
οὔτ᾽ οφθῆναι τοῖς ἀπαντῶσιν οὔτ᾽ ἀκουσθῆναι
παρίεσαν. τὸν αὐτοκράτορα, ἀλλ᾽ ἐθορύβουν βοῇ
σημεῖα τῷ τάγματι καὶ χώραν aineuiaes. ἐκείνου
δὲ ὑπερτιθεμένου καὶ πάλιν εἰπεῖν 3 κελεύσαντος,

1 Μάκρον (as in Xili. 3), Τρεβωνίου, suggested by Sint.? for
Sept: and Τρεβωνιανοῦ of the MSS.

2 πράγμασιν Sint.2 has γράμμασιν (in his letters), after
Emporius.

3 πάλιν εἰπεῖν Bekker has παρείκειν (yield), after Coraés.

236

GALBA xv. 1-4

fellow-conspirators as had not at once taken their
own lives to be put to death. Among these was
Cingonius, who wrote the speech for Nymphidius,
and Mithridates of Pontus, But it was held to be
illegal and despotic, even though just, to put to
death without a trial men who were not without
distinction. For everyone expected a different mode |
of government, being thoroughly deceived, as is
usual, by assurances made in the beginning. And
people took it still more amiss when Petronius
Turpilianus, a man of consular dignity who was
faithful to Nero, was ordered to take his own life.
For in having Macer taken off in Africa at the hands
of ‘Trebonius, and Fonteius in Germany at the hands
of Valens, Galba could excuse himself with the fear
they inspired as commanders of armed forces. But
there was no reason why Turpilianus, a helpless old
man and unarmed, should not havea chance to defend
himself, if the emperor was really going to observe
that moderation in his dealings which he promised.
Such, then, was the censure to which these acts
exposed Galba. Moreover, when, in his approach to
the city, he was distant from it about five-and-
twenty furlongs, he fell in with a disorderly and
tumultuous crowd of seamen, who beset his way and
encompassed him on all sides. These were men
whom Nero had formed into a legion and given the
title of soldiers. And now they were there to
enforce their just rights as soldiers, and would not
suffer the emperor to be seen or heard by those who
came to meet him, but with tumultuous shouts
demanded standards for their legion and regular
quarters. When Galba put off their demand and
told them to renew it at another time, they declared

237

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

᾽ / ἴω ‘ ? \ S ,
ἀρνήσεως σχῆμα THY ἀναβολὴν εἶναι φάσκοντες
\ Ud “
ἠγανάκτουν καὶ παρείποντο μὴ φειδόμενοι βοῆς.
, / ,
ἐνίων δὲ καὶ τὰς μαχαίρας σπασαμένων, ἐκέλευσε
a a A e / e /
τοὺς ἱππεῖς ἐμβαλεῖν αὐτοῖς ὁ Τάλβας. ὑπέστη
\ > \ 3 , ᾽ Ψ i \ > \ 3 ,
δὲ οὐδεὶς ἐκείνων, ἀλλ᾽ οἱ μὲν εὐθὺς ἀνατραπέντες,
, Ν ᾽
οἱ δὲ φεύγοντες διεφθάρησαν, οὐ χρηστὸν οὐδὲ
a n ἊΝ Ν 2 ,
αἴσιον ποιοῦντες τῷ TadrPa Tov οἰωνὸν εἰσιόντι
“ “ ΧΆ 5 A
διὰ πολλοῦ φόνου Kal νεκρῶν τοσούτων εἰς τὴν
, 3 > 2 ,ὔ > a , 4
πόλιν. ἀλλ εἰ καὶ τις αὑτοῦ κατεφρόνει προτε-
ἴω ς he “4 nr
pov ἀσθενοῦς καὶ γέροντος ὁρωμένου, τότε πᾶσι
φρικώδης καὶ φοβερὸς ἐγένετο.
an TO A , an x Ν
XVI. Βουλόμενος δὲ τῆς περὶ τὰς δωρεὰς ἀμε-
τρίας καὶ πολυτελείας τοῦ Νέρωνος ἀποδεικνύναι
μεγάλην μεταβολήν, ἀστοχεῖν ἐδόκει τοῦ πρέ-
΄, \ > / > “ \
ποντος. Kavov yap avAnoavtos αὐτῷ παρὰ 1060
lal ’ , \ 9 € | ee 4 ΕῚ ᾿ς
δεῖπνον (ἀκρόαμα δὲ ἣν ὁ Kavos εὐδοκιμούμενον)
ἐπαινέσας καὶ ἀποδεξάμενος ἐκέλευσεν αὑτῷ
κομισθῆναι τὸ γλωσσόκομον" καὶ λαβὼν χρυσοῦς
’ / “ St? 4 5 A a7 3
τινας ἐπέδωκε τῷ Κάνῳ, φήσας ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων, οὐκ
᾽ Tal , / \ \ \ a
2 ἐκ τῶν δημοσίων χαρίζεσθαι. Tas δὲ δωρεὰς as
Νέρων ἔδωκε τοῖς περὶ σκηνὴν καὶ παλαίστραν,
ἀπαιτεῖσθαι συντόνως κελεύσας πλὴν τοῦ δεκάτου
͵ Ss \ ΄
μέρους, εἶτα μικρὰ καὶ γλίσχρα κομιζόμενος
΄ \ σι “
(ἀνηλώκεσαν γὰρ οἱ πλεῖστοι τῶν λαβόντων,
7 “
ἐφήμεροι καὶ σατυρικοὶ τοῖς βίοις ἄνθρωποι)
/ “ n
TOUS πριαμένους Tap αὐτῶν ἢ λαβόντας ὁτιοῦν
’ lal
8 ἀνεζήτει καὶ παρ᾽ ἐκείνων ἐξέπραττε. τοῦ δὲ
/ Ὁ 3,
πράγματος ὅρον οὐκ ἔχοντος, ἀλλὰ πόρρω
νεμομένου καὶ προϊόντος ἐπὶ πολλούς, αὐτὸς μὲν
238

GALBA xv. 4-xvI. 3

that the postponement was merely a way of refusing
their demands, and were incensed, and followed
along with unremitted shouts. Some actually
drew their swords, and then Galba ordered his
horsemen to charge upon them. Not a man of
them stood his ground, but some were done to
death at once in the rout, and others as they fled,
nor was it a happy and auspicious omen that Galba
should enter the city through so much slaughter and
so many dead bodies. But whereas many had
before this despised him and looked upon him as a
weak old man, now all regarded him with shudder-
ing fear.

XVI. And now, in his desire to display a great
change from Nero’s immoderate and extravagant
manner of giving, he was thought to fall short of
what was fitting. For example, after Canus had
played on the flute for him at a banquet (now Canus
was a performer of high repute), he was loud in his
praises and ordered his purse to be brought to him ;
and taking from it a few gold pieces, he gave them
to Canus, with the remark that the gift was made
from his own, and not from the public moneys.
Again, he ordered that the gifts which Nero had
made to people of the theatre and palaestra should
be demanded back again with strictness, all but the
tenth part; and then, when he got only slight
and grudying returns (for most of the recipients had
squandered their largess, being men of a loose and
improvident way of living), he had a search made for
such as had bought or received anything whatsoever
from them, and tried to exact it from these. The
business had no limits, but was far extended and
affected many ; it gave the emperor himself a bad

259

PLUTARCH’S:’ LIVES

ip \ lal 2 iid
ἠδόξει, φθόνον δὲ καὶ μῖσος εἶχεν Οὐΐνιος, ὡς
rn \ yy ee ’ , ff
τοῖς μὲν ἄλλοις ἅπασιν ἀνελεύθερον παρέχων
Ν \ {7
TOV ἡγεμόνα Kal μικρολόγον, αὐτὸς δὲ χρώμενος
ἀσώτως καὶ λαμβάνων πάντα καὶ πιπράσκων.
id \ \ «ς /
ὁ μὲν yap ᾿Ησίοδος
» , Θ \ / / θ
ἀρχομένου τε πίθου καὶ λήγοντος κορέσασθαι

a € lal rn \ /
φησὶ δεῖν, ὁ δὲ Ovivios ὁρῶν ἀσθενῆ Kai γέροντα
Ny / ? , lal / e [4 \
tov ᾿άλβαν ἐνεπίμπλατο τῆς τύχης, ὡς ἅμα μὲν

ἀρχομένης, ἅμα δὲ φθινούσης.
XVII. Ὃ δὲ πρεσβύτης ἠδικεῖτο τὰ μὲν
n
n 6 a an Ν
πρῶτα τοῦ Οὐινίου κακῶς διοικοῦντος, ἃ δὲ αὐτὸς
a an /
ὀρθῶς προῃρεῖτο διαβάλλοντος ἢ κωλύοντος"
οἷον ἦν τὸ περὶ τὰς κολάσεις τῶν Νερωνιανῶν.
> coed
ἀπέκτεινε γὰρ TOUS πονηρούς, ἐν οἷς ἦν ὁ AXLos
lal /
καὶ ἸΠολύκλειτος καὶ Iletivos καὶ ἸΠατρόβιος.
ὁ δὲ δῆμος ἐκρότει, καὶ δι’ ἀγορᾶς αὐτῶν ἀγο-
, »Ω' \ \ * \ nA "
μένων ἐβόα καλὴν μὲν εἶναι καὶ θεοφιλῆ πομπήν,
Φ a \ \ \ N53 ΄ \ if
ἀπαιτεῖν δὲ καὶ θεοὺς Kal ἀνθρώπους τὸν διδάσκα-
λον καὶ παιδαγωγὸν τῆς τυραννίδος Τιγελλῖνον.
ἐφθάκει δὲ ὁ γενναῖος προειληφὼς ἀρραβῶσι
/ \ 7, S Ν /
μεγάλοις τὸν Οὐίΐνιον. εἶτα Tovpmidtavos μέν,
ἰς \ /
ὅτε μὴ προεδίδου μηδὲ ἐμίσει τὸν ἡγεμόνα
: a 7 7 » \ Vad f
τοιοῦτον ὄντα μισούμενος, ἄλλο δὲ μηδὲ Ev μέγα
συναδικήσας, ἀπέθανεν: ὁ δὲ καὶ ποιήσας ἄξιον
θανάτου Νέρωνα καὶ γενόμενον τοιοῦτον ἐγκα-
N a
ταλιπὼν Kal προδοὺς περιῆν, μέγα δίδαγμα

1 Works and Days, 366.
240

GALBA xvi. 3-xvil. 3

name, and brought envy and hatred upon Vinius
as having made the emperor ungenerous and sordid
with everybody else, while he himself used money
lavishly, taking everything that was offered and
selling freely. For Hesiod! bids men to

«“ Drink without stint at the beginning and end ot
the cask,”

and so Vinius, seeing that Galba was old and feeble,
sated himself with the good fortune which he
thought was just beginning and at the same time
was soon to end.

XVII. But the aged emperor suffered injustice not
only when Vinius, as at first, administered affairs
badly, but also when he brought into odium or pre-
vented wise measures set on foot by Galba him-
self ; as, for instance, in the matter of punishing the
adherents of Nero. For Galba set out to kill the bad
ones, among whom were Helius and Polycleitus and
Petinus and Patrobius. And the people applauded
the act, and shouted, as the culprits were dragged
through the forum to their doom, that it was a
goodly procession indeed, and acceptable to the gods,
but that gods and men alike demanded justice on
the tutor and teacher of the tyrant, namely, Tigel-
linus. That worthy minister, however, had won the
protection of Vinius betimes, by means of large
advances. Again, Turpilianus, who was hated merely
because he would not betray nor show hatred to
Nero in spite of all that emperor's crimes, but apart
from this had participated in no one serious offence,
was put to death; whereas the man who had made
Nero worthy of death, and betrayed and forsook him
when he had come to that pass, was left alive —a great

241

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

τοῦ μηδὲν ἄπρακτον εἶναι παρὰ Οὐινίῳ μηδὲ
ἀνέλπιστον τοῖς διδοῦσιν. οὐδενὸς γὰρ οὕτω
θεάματος ἐρασθεὶς ὁ Ῥωμαίων δῆμος ὡς τοῦ
Τιγελλῖνον ἰδεῖν ἀπαγόμενον, οὐδὲ παυσάμενος
ἐν πᾶσι θεάτροις καὶ σταδίοις αἰτούμενος ἐκεῖνον,
ἐπεπλήχθη διαγράμματι τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος Τι-
γελλῖνον μὲν οὐ πολὺν ἔτι βιώσεσθαι φάσκον-
τος χρόνον ὑπὸ φθινάδος νόσου δαπανώμενον,
ἐκείνους δὲ παραιτουμένου μὴ διαγριαίνειν

δ μηδὲ τυραννικὴν ποιεῖν τὴν ἡγεμονίαν. ἀχθο-

μένου δὲ Tod δήμου καταγελῶντες ὁ μὲν Τιγελ-
a γι \
λῖνος ἔθυσε σωτήρια καὶ παρεσκεύασε λαμπρὰν
, ἢ \ a »
ἑστίασιν, ὁ δὲ Οὐΐνιος ἀναστὰς παρὰ τοῦ αὐτο-
κράτορος μετὰ δεῖπνον ἐκώμασεν ὡς ἐκεῖνον,
ἄγων τὴν θυγατέρα χήραν οὖσαν. καὶ προὔπιεν
A a /
ὁ Τιγελλῖνος αὐτῇ πέντε καὶ εἴκοσι μυριάδας
’ ,ὔ \ a i \ ᾽
ἀργυρίου, καὶ τῶν παλλακίδων τὴν ἀγελαρ-
χοῦσαν ἐκέλευσε τὸν περιδέραιον κόσμον ἀφελο-
/
μένην ἐκείνῃ περιάψαι, πεντεκαίδεκα μυριάδων
εἶναι λεγόμενον.
γ- Ν , /
XVIII. Ἔκ δὲ τούτου καὶ τὰ μετρίως πρατ-
/ \ Ἂν e \ \ N Ὁ
τόμενα διαβολὴν εἶχεν, ὡς τὰ πρὸς τοὺς ᾿αλάτας
Οὐΐνδικι συναραμένους. ᾿ ἐδόκουν γὰρ οὐ φιλαν-
΄ a 2 , δ \ Ὁ) Up \
θρωπίᾳ τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος, ἀχλὰ ὠνούμενοι παρὰ
Ovwiov τυγχάνειν ἀνέσεώς τε δασμῶν καὶ
, e \ > \ \ a \
πολιτείας. οἱ μὲν οὖν πολλοὶ διὰ ταῦτα πρὸς
\ , \
THY ἡγεμονίαν ἀπηχθάνοντο, τοὺς δὲ στρατιώτας
Ν \ 4 A
τὴν δωρεὰν μὴ κομιζομένους ἐν ἀρχῇ μὲν ἐλπὶς
an \ “-“
παρῆγεν ὡς, εἰ καὶ μὴ τοσοῦτον, ἀλλ᾽ ὅσον
242

GALBA xvu. 3-xvitt. 2

object-lesson to show that Vinius could do anything
and fulfil any expectation for those who gave him
enough. For there was no spectacle on which the
Roman people had so set their hearts as that of
Tigellinus dragged away to punishment, and in all
the theatres and circuses they would not cease
demanding him, until they were quelled by an edict
of the emperor in which he declared that Tigellinus
was wasting away with consumption and had not
much longer to live, and advised them not to
exasperate the government or force it to be tyrannical.
Then, in mockery of the dissatisfied people, Tigel-
linus offered sacrifices for his preservation and
prepared a splendid feast ; and Vinius, rising from
beside the emperor, afterwards went to a drinking-
bout in Tigellinus’ house, leading his daughter, who
was a widow. Tigellinus pledged her health with
a gift of twenty-five myriads of money,! and ordered
the governess of his concubines to take the necklace
from her own neck and put it about hers. The
necklace was said to be worth fifteen myriads.
XVIII. After this, even the reasonable measures
of the emperor fell under censure, as, for instance,
his treatment of the Gauls who had conspired with
Vindex. For they were thought to have obtained their
remission of tribute and their civil rights, not through
the kindness of the emperor, but by purchase from
Vinius. Such were the reasons, then, why most of
the people hated the government; but the soldiers,
though they had not received their promised largess,
were led on at first by the hope that Galba would
give them, if not the whole of it, at least as much as

1 See the note on Chap. ii. 2.

243

PLUTARCR’S LIVES

Νέρων ἔδωκεν, ἀποδώσοντος. ἐπεὶ δὲ μεμφομένους
ἀκούσας ἀφῆκε φωνὴν ἡγεμόνι μεγάλῳ πρέ-
πουσαν, εἰπὼν εἰωθέναι καταλέγειν στρατιώτας,
οὐκ ἀγοράξειν, πυθομένοις τοῦτο δεινὸν εἰσῆλθε
μῖσος καὶ ἄγριον πρὸς αὐτόν. ἐδόκει γὰρ οὐκ
αὐτὸς ἀποστερεῖν μόνος, ἀλλὰ νομοθετεῖν καὶ
διδάσκειν τοὺς μευ, αὑτὸν αὐτοκράτορας.

᾿Αλλὰ τὸ μὲν 1 ἐν “Ῥώμῃ τυφλὸν ἡ ἦν ἔτι κίνημα,
καί τις αἰδὼς ἅμα πρὸς παρόντα τὸν Βάλβαν
ἀμβλύτητα καὶ μέλλησιν € ἐνεποίει τῷ νεωτερισμῷ,
καὶ τὸ μηδεμίαν ἀρχὴν ἐμφανῆ μεταβολῆς ὁρῶ-
σθαι συνέστελλε καὶ συνέκρυπτεν ἁμῶς γέ πως
τὴν δυσμένειαν αὐτῶν. οἱ δὲ πρότερον ὑπὸ
Οὐεργινίῳ γενόμενοι, τότε δ᾽ ὄντες ὑπὸ Φλάκκῳ
περὶ Γερμανίαν, μεγάλων μὲν ἀξιοῦντες αὑτοὺς
διὰ τὴν μάχην ἣν ἐμαχέσαντο πρὸς Οὐΐνδικα,
μηδενὸς δὲ τυγχάνοντες, ἀπαρηγόρητοι τοῖς
ἄρχουσιν ἦσαν. αὐτὸν δὲ τὸν Φλάκκον ὑπὸ
συντόνου ποδάγρας ἀδύνατον ὄντα τῷ σώματι
καὶ “πραγμάτων ἄπειρον ἐν οὐδενὶ λόγῳ τὸ
παράπαν ἐποιοῦντο. καί ποτε θέας οὔσης, καὶ
τῶν χιλιάρχων καὶ λοχαγῶν τὸ “Ρωμαίοις σύνηθες
εὐτυχίαν ἐπευχομένων τῷ αὐτοκράτορι. Πάλβᾳ,
διεθορύβησαν οἱ πολλοὶ τὸ πρῶτον, εἶτα ταῖς
εὐχαῖς ἐπιμενόντων ἐκείνων ἀντεφώνουν ‘Ei
ἄξιος."

XIX. Τοιαῦτα δὲ ἕτερα καὶ τῶν ὑπὸ li ἐγελλίνῳ
ταγμάτων. ὑβριζόντων πολλάκις, ἐπέμπετο γρώμ-
ματα τῷ Parse παρὰ τῶν ἐπιτρόπων' ὁ δὲ
φοβηθεὶς ὡς μὴ μόνον διὰ τὸ γῆρας, ἀλλὰ καὶ

1 τὸ μὲν Coraés and Bekker have τῶν μὲν, the correction of
Reiske,

244

106

GALBA xvitt. 2-ΧΙΧ. 1

Nero had given. When, however, Galba heard that
they were complaining, he spoke out as became a
great emperor, and declared that it was his custom
to enroll soldiers, not to buy them; whereupon they
began to cherish a dire and savage hatred towards
him. For they thought that he was not only
defrauding them himself, but laying down the law
and giving instructions for succeeding emperors.

But the agitation at Rome was still smouldering,
and at the same time a certain respect for Galba’s
presence blunted and delayed the spirit of revolu-
tion, and the absence of any manifest occasion for a
change repressed and kept under cover, somehow or
other, the resentment of the soldiers. But the
army which had formerly served under Verginius,
and was now serving under Flaccus in Germany,
thinking themselves deserving of great rewards on
account of the battle they had fought against
Vindex, and getting nothing, could not be appeased
by their officers. Of Flaccus himself, who was
physically incapacitated by an acute gout, and in-
experienced in the conduct of affairs, they made no
account whatever. And once at a spectacle, when
the military tribunes and centurions, after the Roman
custom, invoked health and happiness upon the
emperor Galba, the mass of the soldiery raised a
storm of dissent at first, and then, when the officers
persisted in their invocation, cried out in response,
“If he deserves it.”

XIX. The legions also that were under the
command of Tigellinus frequently behaved with
similar insolence, and letters on the subject were
sent to Galba by his agents. So the emperor, fear-
ing that it was not only his old age but also his

245

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

διὰ τὴν ἀπαιδίαν καταφρονούμενος, ἐβουλεύετο
παῖδα θέσθαι τῶν ἐπιφανῶν τινα νεανίσκον καὶ
2 διάδοχον ἀποδεῖξαι τῆς ἀρχῆς. ἣν δὲ Μάρκος
Ὄθων, ἀνὴρ γένει μὲν οὐκ ἀφανής, τρυφῇ δὲ καὶ
φιληδονίαις εὐθὺς ἐ ἐκ παίδων € ἐν ὀλίγοις Ῥωμαίων
διεφθαρμένος. ὡς δὲ τὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον "ἡ Ὅμηρος
““Ὀλένης πόσιν ἠὐκόμοιο, μηδὲν ἔχοντα πρὸς
δόξαν ἄλλο σεμνύνων ἀπὸ τῆς γυναικός, ὀνομάζει
πολλάκις, οὕτως γεγονὼς περιβόητος ἐν Ῥώμῃ
διὰ τὸν Ποππαίας γάμον, ἧς ἤρα μὲν ὁ Νέρων
Κρισπίνῳ συνούσης, ἔτι δ᾽ αἰδούμενος τὴν ἑαυτοῦ
γυναῖκα καὶ τὴν μητέρα φοβούμενος ὑφῆκε τὸν
8 “Οϑωνα πειρῶντα τὴν Hommaiav. φίλῳ δὲ τῷ
Ὄθωνι καὶ συμβιωτῇ διὰ τὴν ἀσωτίαν ἐχρῆτο,
καὶ σκωπτόμενος UT αὐτοῦ πολλάκις εἰς μικρο-
λογίαν καὶ ἀνελευθερίαν ἔχαιρε. λέγεται δέ
ποτε μύρῳ τῶν πολυτελῶν χρισαμένου τοῦ
Νέρωνος καὶ tov "OPwva καταβρέξαντος, ἐ ἐκεῖνος
πάλιν τῇ ὑστεραίᾳ δεχόμενος αὐτὸν ἅμα πολλα-
χόθεν ἀργυροῦς καὶ χρυσοῦς προβαλεῖν ἄφνω
σωλῆνας, ὥσπερ ὕ wp τὸ μύρον ἐκχέοντας καὶ
4 κατακλύζοντας. ἀλλὰ τήν ye Ποππαίαν προμοι-
χεύσας τῷ Νέρωνι, καὶ διαφθείρας Tats εἰς
ἐκεῖνον ἐλπίσιν, ἔπεισεν ἀποστῆναι τοῦ ἀνδρός.
ἐλθούσης δὲ παρ᾽ αὐτὸν ὡς γαμετῆς οὐκ ἠγάπα
μετέχων, ἀλλ᾽ ἤσχαλλε μεταδιδούς, οὐδὲ αὐτῆς
ἀχθομένης, & ὡς φασι, τῇ ζηλοτυπίᾳ τῆς [Ποππαίας.
ὅ καὶ γὰρ ἀποκλεῖσαι τὸν Νέρωνα λέγεται μὴ

παρόντος τοῦ Ὄθωνος, εἴτε τῆς ἡδονῆς ἀφαιροῦσα,

τὸ πλήσμιον, εἴτε, ὥς φασιν ἔνιοι, βαρυνομένη

246

GALBA xix. 1-5

childlessness that brought him into contempt,
planned to adopt some young man of illustrious
tamily and appoint him his successor. Marcus Otho,
now, was a man of good lineage, but from his very
childhood corrupted by luxury and the pursuit of
pleasure as few Romans were. And as Homer often
calls Paris “the husband of fair-haired Helen,”
giving him a dignity borrowed from his wife, since
he had no other title to fame, so Otho was celebrated
at Rome for his marriage with Poppaea. With
Poppaea Nero was enamoured while she was the
wife of Crispinus, but since he respected his own
wife still and feared his mother, he put Otho up
to soliciting her favours for him. For because of .
Otho’s lavish prodigality Nero made an intimate
friend of him, and was well pleased to be rallied by
him often for parsimony and meanness. Thus, we
are told that Nero once anointed himself with a
costly ointment and sprinkled a little of it upon
Otho; whereupon Otho, entertaining the emperor
in his turn on the following day, suddenly brought
into play gold and silver pipes on all sides of the
room, out of which the ointment gushed freely, like
so much water. But as for Poppaea, Otho corrupted
her with hopes of Nero’s favour and seduced her
first himself, and persuaded her to leave her husband.
However, after she had come to live with him as his
wife, he was not content to have only a share in her
favours, and was loth to give Nero a share, while
Poppaea herself, as we are told, was not displeased
at the rivalry between them. For it is said that she
would shut out Nero although Otho was not at
home; whether it was that she sought to keep his
pleasure in her from cloying, or whether, as some

247

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

᾿ , , 3 A \ \ ΄

τὸν Καίσαρος γάμον, ἐραστῇ δὲ μὴ φεύγουσα
χρῆσθαι διὰ τὸ φιλακόλαστον. ἐκινδύνευσεν
οὖν ὁ Ὄθων ἀποθανεῖν' καὶ παράλογον ἣν ὅτι
τὴν γυναῖκα, καὶ ἀδελφὴν ἀποκτείνας διὰ τὸν
Ποππαίας γάμον ἐφείσατο τοῦ Ὄθωνος.

XX. Σενέκαν δὲ εἶχεν εὔνουν" κἀκείνου τὸν
Νέρωνα πείσαντος καὶ παραινέσαντος ἐξεπέμφθη
Λυσιτανῶν στρατηγὸς ἐπὶ τὸν ᾿Ωκεανόν. καὶ
παρέσχεν ἑαυτὸν οὐκ ἄχαριν οὐδὲ ἐπαχθῆ τοῖς
ὑπηκόοις, εἰδὼς φυγῆς ὑποκόρισμα καὶ παρακά-
λυμμα τὴν ἀρχὴν αὐτῷ δεδομένην. ἀποστάντος
δὲ Πάλβα πρῶτος αὐτῷ © προσεχώρησε τῶν
ἡγεμόνων, καὶ φέρων ὃ ὅσον εἶχεν ἐν ἐκπώμασι καὶ
τραπέζαις ἄργυρον καὶ χρυσὸν ἔδωκε κατακόψαι
ποιουμένῳ νόμισμα, καὶ τῶν οἰκετῶν ἐδωρήσατο 1062
TOUS εἰθισμένους περὶ δίαιταν ἡγεμόνι ἐμμελῶς
ὑπουργεῖν. καὶ τὰ ἄλλα πιστὸς ἣν αὐτῷ, καὶ
διδοὺς πεῖοαν οὐδενὸς ἧττον ἐδόκει πραγμάτων
ἔμπειρος εἶναι" καὶ βαδίξοντι “τὴν ὁδὸν ἅπασαν
ἐφ᾽ ἡμέρας πολλὰς συνοχούμενος διετέλεσεν.
ἐν δὲ τῇ συνοδίᾳ καὶ τῇ συνηθείᾳ τὸν Οὐΐνιον
ἐξεθεράπευσεν ὁμιλίᾳ καὶ δώροις, μάλιστα, δὲ
τῶν πρωτείων ὑφιέμενος αὐτῷ τό γε μετ᾽ ἐκεῖνον
δύνασθαι bu ἐκεῖνον εἶχε βεβαίως. τῷ δὲ ἀν-
επιφθόνῳ περιῆν, προῖκα συμπράττων πάντα τοῖς
δεομένοις, καὶ παρέχων ἑαυτὸν εὐπροσήγορον καὶ
φιλάνθρωπον ἅπασι. πλεῖστα δὲ τοῖς στρατιω-
τικοῖς συνελάμβανε καὶ προῆγε πολλοὺς ἐφ᾽

' αὐτῷ Coraés and Bekker, after Du Soul: αὐτός.

1 Cf. Tacitus, Annals, xiii. 45 1.

248

GALBA x1x. 5-xx. 3

say, she recoiled from a marriage with the emperor,
but was not averse to having him as a lover, out of
mere wantonness. Otho, accordingly, came into
peril of his life; and it was strange that although
his own wife and sister were put to death by Nero
on account of his marriage with Poppaea, Otho
himself was spared.}

XX. But Otho had the good will of Seneca, by
whose advice and persuasion Nero sent him out as
governor of Lusitania to the shores of the western
ocean. Here he made himself acceptable and
pleasing to his subjects, although he knew that his
office had been given him to disguise and mitigate
his banishment. When Galba revolted, Otho was
the first of the provincial governors to go over to
him, and bringing all the gold and silver that he had
in the shape of drinking-cups and tables, he gave it
to him for conversion into coin, presenting him also
with those of his servants who were qualified to give
suitable service for the table of an emperor. In
other ways he was trusted by Galba, and when put to
the test was thought to be inferior to none as a
man of affairs; and during the entire journey of the
emperor he would travel in the same carriage with
him for many days together. Moreover, amid the
intimacies of the common journey he paid court to
Vinius, both in person and by means of gifts, and,
above all else, by yielding to him the first place, he
got his aid in holding securely the place of influence
next to him. But in avoiding envy he was superior
to Vinius, for he gave his petitioners every aid with-
out any reward, and showed himself easy of access
and kindly to all men. But it was the soldiers whom
he was most ready to help, and he advanced many of

2
VOL. XI. I Bi,

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἡγεμονίας, τὰ μὲν αἰτούμενος ἀπὸ TOD αὐτοκρά-
4 τορος, τὰ δὲ τὸν Οὐίνιον καὶ τοὺς ἀπελευθέρους
παρακαλῶν Ἴκελον καὶ ᾿Ασιατικόν' οὗτοι γὰρ
ἦσαν ἐν δυνάμει μάλιστα τῶν περὶ τὴν αὐλήν.
ὁσάκις δὲ τὸν Γάλβαν εἱστία, τὴν παραφυλάτ-
τουσαν ἀεὶ σπεῖραν ἐδέκαζε χρυσοῦν ἑκάστῳ
διανέμων, οἷς τιμᾶν αὐτὸν ἐδόκει καταπολιτευό-
μενος καὶ δημαγωγῶν τὸ στρατιωτικόν.

XXI. ᾿Αλλ᾽ οὖν βουλευομένου γε τοῦ Γάλβα
περὶ διαδόχου τὸν "Οθωνα παρεισῆγεν ὁ Οὐΐνιος,
οὐδὲ τοῦτο προῖκα πράσσων, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπὶ γάμῳ τῆς
θυγατρός, ὁμολογίας γενομένης γαμεῖν αὐτὴν τὸν
Ὄθωνα παῖδα τοῦ VadBa καὶ διάδοχον ἀποδει-
χθέντα τῆς ἡγεμονίας. ὁ δὲ Τάλβας ἀεὶ μὲν ἦν
δῆλος πρὸ τοῦ ἰδίου τὸ κοινὸν τιθέμενος καὶ ζητῶν
οὐχ αὑτῷ θέσθαι τὸν ἥδιστον, ἀλλὰ “Ρωμαίοις
τὸν ὠφελιμώτατον. δοκεῖ δὲ μηδ᾽ ἂν ἐπὶ τοῖς
ἰδίοις χρήμασι μόνον ἑλέσθαι τὸν "Ὄθωνα κληρο-
“νόμον, ἀκόλαστον εἰδὼς καὶ πολυτελῆ καὶ πεντα-
κισχιλίων μυριάδων ὀφλήμασι βεβαπτισμένον.
ὅθεν ἀκούσας τοῦ Οὐινίου σιωπῇ καὶ πράως
ὑπερέθετο τὴν διάθεσιν. ἀποδείξας δ᾽ αὑτὸν
ὕπατον καὶ συνάρχοντα τὸν Οὐΐνιον ἐπίδοξος ἣν
ἔτους ἀρχῇ τὸν διάδοχον ἀναγορεύσειν" καὶ τὸ
στρατιωτικὸν ἡδέως εἶχε τὸν "Ὄθωνα Tap ὁντινοῦν
ἄλλον ἀναγορευθῆναι.

XXII. Καταλαμβάνει δ᾽ αὐτὸν ἔτι μέλλοντα

1 See the note on Chap. ii. 2.
250

GALBA xx. 3-XxII. I

them to places of command, sometimes asking the
appointment from the emperor, and sometimes
getting the support of Vinius, and of the freedmen
Icelus and Asiaticus; for these were the most
influential men at court. And as often as he
entertained Galba, he would compliment the cohort.
on duty for the day by giving each man a gold piece,
thus showing honour to the emperor, as it was
thought, while really scheming for the support and
favour of the soldiery.

XXI. So, then, while Galba was deliberating upon
a successor, Vinius suggested Otho. And yet not
even this was done for nothing, but as a return for
the marriage of his daughter, For it had been
agreed that Otho should marry her when he had
been adopted by Galba and declared his successor.
But Galba always showed clearly that he placed the
public good before his private interests, and in the
present case that he aimed to adopt, not the man
who was most agreeable to himself, but the one who
would be most serviceable to the Romans. And it
does not seem that he would have chosen Otho
merely as the heir of his own private fortune,’since
he knew that he was unrestrained and extravagant
and immersed in debts amounting to five millions.!
Wherefore, after listening to Vinius calmly and
without a word, he postponed his decision. But he
appointed himself and Vinius consuls for the follow-
ing year, and it was expected that on their accession
to office he would declare his successor. And the
soldiery would have been glad that Otho, rather
than anyone else, should be so declared.

XXII. But while the emperor was hesitating
and deliberating, he was overtaken by the dis-

251

ο»

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

Kai βουλευόμενον € ἐκραγέντα τὰ Ῥερμανικά. κοινῇ
9 yap ἅπαντες οἱ στρατευόμενοι τὸν 1" ar Bav ἐ ἐμίσουν
οὐκ ἀποδιδόντα τὴν δωρεάν, ἰδίας δὲ ἐκεῖνοι προ-
φάσεις. ἐποιοῦντο Οὐεργίνιόν τε Povdov a ἀπερριμ-
μένον ἀτίμως καὶ Ἰ᾿αλατῶν τοὺς πολεμήσαντας
αὐτοῖς δωρεῶν τυγχάνοντας, ὅσοι δὲ “μὴ προσ-
έθεντο Οὐϊΐνδικι κολαζομένους, ᾧ ὦ μόνῳ τὸν Πάλβαν |
χάριν εἰδέναι καὶ τιμᾶν τεθνηκότα, καὶ γεραίρειν |
δημοσίοις ἐναγισμοῖς, ὡς ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνου Ῥωμαίων.
ἀποδεδειγμένον αὐτοκράτορα. τοιούτων ἀναφαν- |
Sov ἤδη λόγων ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ περιφερομένων |
ἐπῆλθεν ἡ νουμηνία τοῦ πρώτου “μηνός, ἣ ἣν Ka-
λάνδας ᾿Ιανουαρίας καλοῦσι: τοῦ δὲ Φλάκκου
συνωγαγόντος αὐτοὺς ἐπὶ τὸν ὅρκον ὃν ἔθος ἐστὶν
ὀμνύειν ὑπὲρ τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος, τὰς μὲν εἰκόνας
τοῦ TarBa προσελθόντες ἀνέτρεψαν καὶ κατ-
έσπασαν, αὐτοὶ δὲ ὀμόσαντες ὑπὲρ συγκλήτου καὶ
δήμου Ῥωμαίων διελύθησαν. εἶτα τοῖς ἡγεμονι-
κοῖς παρίστατο δεδοικέναι τὴν ἀναρχίαν ὡς
ἀπόστασιν. λέγει δέ τίς ἐν αὐτοῖς" és Te πάσχο-
μεν, ὦ συστρατιῶται, μήτ᾽ ἄλλον ἡγεμόνα ποιού-
μενὸι μήτε τὸν νῦν ὄντα φυλάττοντες, ὥσπερ οὐ
Γάλβαν, ἀλλ᾽ ὅλως ἄρχοντα καὶ τὸ ἄρχεσθαι
φεύγοντες ; Φλάκκον μὲν οὖν ᾿Ορδεώνιον. οὐδὲν
ἄλλο ἢ σκιὰν ὄντα VarSa καὶ εἴδωλον ἐατέον,
ἡμέρας δὲ μιᾶς ὁδὸν ἀφέστηκεν ἡ ἡμῶν Οὐϊτέλλεος,
ὁ τῆς ἑτέρας Τερμανίας ἡ ἡγούμενος, πατρός τε
τιμητοῦ καὶ τρὶς ὑπάτου γενομένου καὶ Κλαυδίῳ 10)
Καίσαρι τρόπον τινὰ συνάρξαντος, αὐτός τε τὴν

1 See Chap. iv. 3.

252

GALBA xxn. 1-5

orders which broke out among the troops in
Germany. For the soldiers in all parts of the
empire had a common hatred of Galba because
he had not given them their usual largess, but
those in Germany made special excuses for them-
selves out of the fact that Verginius Rufus had been
cast off in dishonour; that the Gauls who had fought
against them were getting rewards, while all those
who had not joined Vindex were being punished;
and that to Vindex alone Galba showed gratitude
by honouring him when he was dead and giving him
the distinction of public obsequies, on the ground that
Vindex had proclaimed him emperor of the Romans.
Such arguments as these were already circulating
openly in the camp, when the first day of the first
month came, which the Romans call the Calends of
January. On this day Flaccus assembled the soldiers
that they might take the customary oath of allegiance
to the emperor; but they overturned and pulled
down all the statues of Galba which they could find,
and after swearing allegiance to the senate and
people of Rome, went to their quarters. Then their
officers began to fear that their lawless spirit might
issue in revolt, and one of them made this speech:
“What is wrong with us, my fellow soldiers? We
are neither supporting the present emperor nor
setting up another. It is as though we were
averse, not to Galba, but to all rule and obedience.
Flaceus Hordeonius, indeed, who is nothing but a
shadow and image of Galba, we must ignore, but
there is Vitellius, who is only ἃ day’s march distant
from us, and commands the forces in the other
Germany. His father was censor, thrice consul, and
in a manner the colleague of Claudius Caesar, and

253

PLUTARCH’S: LIVES

λοιδορουμένην ὑπ᾽ ἐνίων πενίαν δεῖγμα λαμπρὸν
ἔχων χρηστότητος καὶ μεγαλοφροσύνης. φέρε,
τοῦτον ἑλόμενοι δείξωμεν ἀνθρώποις πᾶσιν ὡς
Ἰβήρων καὶ Λυσιτανῶν ἀμείνους ἐσμὲν αὐτο-
κράτορα αἱρεῖσθαι. ;

Ταῦτα τῶν μὲν ἤδη προσιεμένων, τῶν δ᾽ οὐ
προσιεμένων, εἷς ὑπεξελθὼν σημαιοφόρος ἀπήγ-
yethe τῷ Οὐϊτελλίῳ νυκτός, ἑστιωμένων πολλῶν
παρ᾽ αὐτῷ. τοῦ δὲ λόγου διαπεσόντος εἰς τὰ
στρατεύματα πρῶτος Φάβιος Οὐάλης, ἡγεμὼν
ἑνὸς τάγματος, τῇ ὑστεραίᾳ μετὰ ἱππέων συχνῶν
ἐλάσας αὐτοκράτορα τὸν Οὐϊτέλλιον προσεῖπεν.
ὁ δὲ τὰς μὲν ἔμπροσθεν ἡμέρας ἐδόκει διωθεῖσθαι
καὶ ἀναδύεσθαι, τὸ μέγεθος τῆς ἀρχῆς φοβού-
μενος, τότε δέ φασιν οἴνου διάπλεων καὶ τροφῆς
ὄντα μεσημβρινῆς προελθεῖν καὶ ὑπακοῦσαι
Γερμανικὸν ὄ ὄνομα θεμένων αὐτῷ, τὸ δὲ “Καίσαρος
οὐ προσδεξάμενον. εὐθὺς δὲ καὶ τὸ μετὰ Φλάκκου
στράτευμα τοὺς καλοὺς ἐ ἐκείνους καὶ δημοκρατικοὺς
εἰς σύγκλητον ὅρκους ἀφέντες ὥμοσαν Οὐϊτελλίῳ
τῷ αὐτοκράτορι ποιήσειν τὸ προστασσόμενον.

XXIII. Οὕτω μὲν ἀνηγορεύθη Οὐϊτέλλιος
αὐτοκράτωρ ἐν Γερμανίᾳ. πυθόμενος δὲ τὸν ἐκεῖ
νεωτερισμὸν ὁ Γάλβας οὐκέτι τὴν εἰσποίησιν
ἀνεβάλλετο. γινώσκων δὲ τῶν φίλων. ἐνίους μὲν
ὑπὲρ Δολοβέλλα, τοὺς δὲ πλείστους ὑπὲρ Ὄθωνος
ἀρχαιρεσιάξοντας, ὦ ὧν οὐδέτερον ἐδοκίμαζεν αὐτός,
ἄφνω μηδὲν “προειπὼν μετεπέμψατο Πείσωνα,
Κράσσου καὶ Σκριβωνίας ἔκγονον, ods Νέρων
ἀνῃρήκει, νεανίαν ἐν τῇ πρὸς πᾶσαν ἀρετὴν
εὐφυΐᾳ τὸ κόσμιον καὶ αὐστηρὸν ἐμφανέστατα

254

GALBA ΧΧΙΙ. 5-xxul. 2

Vitellius himself, in the poverty with which some
reproach him, affords a splendid proof of probity and
magnanimity. Come, let us choose him, and so show
the world that we know how to select an emperor
better than Iberians and Lusitanians.”

While some of the soldiers were already for adopt-
ing this proposal and others for rejecting it, one
standard-bearer stole away and brought tidings of
the matter by night to Vitellius, as he was entertain-
ing many guests. The news spread swiftly to the
troops, and first Fabius Valens, commander of a
legion, rode up next day with a large body of horse-
men and saluted Vitellius as emperor. Hitherto
Vitellius had seemed to decline and avoid the
office, fearing the magnitude of it; but on this day,
as they say, being fortified with wine and a midday
meal, he came out to the soldiers and accepted the
title of Germanicus which they conferred upon him,
though he rejected that of Caesar. And straightway
the army with Flaccus also, casting aside those fine
and democratic oaths of theirs to support the senate,
took oath that they would obey the orders of
Vitellius the emperor.

XXIII. Thus was Vitellius proclaimed emperor in
Germany ; and when Galba learned of the revolution
there he no longer deferred his act of adoption.
Knowing that some of his friends favoured the selec-
tion of Dolabella, and most of them that of Otho,
neither of whom was approved by himself, he
suddenly, and without any previous notice of his
intention, sent for Piso (whose parents, Crassus and
Scribonia, had been put to death by Nero), a young
man in whose predisposition to every virtue the traits
of gravity and decorum were most conspicuous ; then

255

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἔχοντα' καὶ κατέβαινεν εἰς TO στρατόπεδον ἐκεῖ-
νον ἀποδείξων Καίσαρα καὶ διάδοχον. καίτοι
μεγάλαι μὲν εὐθὺς ἐξιόντι διοσημίαι παρηκολού-
θουν, ἀρξαμένου δὲ τὰ μὲν λέγειν ἐν τῷ στρατο-
πέδῳ, τὰ δὲ ἀναγινώσκειν, τοσαυτώκις ἐβρόντησε
καὶ κατήστραψε, καὶ τοσοῦτος ὄμβρος καὶ ζόφος
ἐξεχύθη εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον καὶ τὴν πόλιν, ὡς
κατάδηλον εἶναι μὴ προσιέμενον μηδὲ ἐπαινοῦν τὸ
δαιμόνιον γινομένην οὐκ ἐπ᾽ ἀγαθῷ τὴν εἰσποίη-
σιν. ἣν δὲ καὶ τὰ τῶν στρατιωτῶν ὕπουλα καὶ
σκυθρωπὰ μηδὲ τότε δωρεᾶς αὐτοῖς δοθείσης.

Τοῦ δὲ Πείσωνος οἱ παρόντες ἐθαύμασαν τῇ
τε φωνῇ τεκμαιρόμενοι καὶ τῷ προσώπῳ τὸ τηλι-
καύτην χάριν ἀνεμπλήκτως, οὐ μὴν ἀναισθήτως
δεχόμενον, ὥσπερ αὖ τοῦ "Ὄθωνος ἐπεφαίνετο
πολλὰ σημεῖα τῇ μορφῇ πικρῶς καὶ σὺν ὀργῇ
τῆς ἐλπίδος τὴν ἀπότευξιν φέροντος, ἧς πρῶτος
ἀξιωθεὶς καὶ τοῦ τυχεῖν ἐγγυτάτω γενόμενος τὸ
μὴ τυχεῖν ἐποιεῖτο σημεῖον ἔχθους ἅμα καὶ κακο-
νοίας τοῦ Γάλβα πρὸς αὐτόν. ὅθεν οὐδὲ ἄφοβος
ἣν περὶ τοῦ μέλλοντος, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸν Πείσωνα
δεδιὼς καὶ τὸν Γάλβαν προβαλλόμενος καὶ τῷ
Οὐινίῳ χαλεπαίνων ἀπήει πολλῶν παθῶν πλήρης.
οὐδὲ γὰρ τὸ ἐλπίζον ἐκλιπεῖν οὐδὲ ἀπαγορεῦσαι
παντάπασιν εἴων οἱ περὶ αὐτὸν ὄντες ἀεὶ μάντεις
καὶ Χαλδαῖοι, εἰς τὰ μάλιστα δὲ Πτολεμαῖος
ἰσχυριζόμενος τῷ προειπεῖν πολλάκις ὡς οὐκ
ἀποκτενεῖ Νέρων αὐτόν, ἀλλὰ τεθνήξεται πρότερος,
αὐτὸς δὲ περιέσται καὶ ἄρξει Ῥωμαίων (ἐκεῖνο γὰρ
256

GALBA xxii. 2-4

he went down to the camp to declare him Caesar
and heir to the throne. And yet as soon as he set
out, great signs from heaven accompanied him on his
way, and after he had begun to pronounce and read
his address to the soldiers, there were many peals
of thunder and flashes of lightning, and much dark-
ness and rain pervaded both the camp and the city,
so that it was plain that the act of adoption was
inauspicious and was not favoured or approved by the
heavenly powers. The soldiers also were secretly
disloyal and sullen, since not even then was their
largess given to them.

As for Piso, those who were present at the scene
and observed his voice and countenance were amazed
to see him receive so great a favour without great
emotion, though not without appreciation ; whereas
in the outward aspect of Otho there were many
clear signs of the bitterness and anger with which
he took the disappointment of his hopes. He had
been the first to be thought worthy of the prize, and
had come very near attaining it, and his not attain-
ing it was regarded by him as a sign of ill-will and
hatred on Galba’s part towards him. Wherefore he
was not without apprehension for the future, and
fearing Piso, blaming Galba, and angry with Vinius,
he went away full of various passions. For the
soothsayers and Chaldaeans who were always about
him would not suffer him to abandon his hopes or
give up altogether, particularly Ptolemaeus, who
dwelt much upon his frequent prediction that Nero
would not kill Otho, but would die first himself, and
that Otho would survive him and be emperor of the
Romans (for now that he could point to the first
part of the prediction as true, he thought that Otho

257

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἀληθὲς ἀποδείξας ἠξίου μηδὲ ταῦτα ἀπελπίᾷξει")"
οὐχ ἥκιστα δ᾽ οἱ συναχϑόμενοι κρύφα καὶ συν-
επιστένοντες ὡς ἀχάριστα πεπονθότι. πλεῖστοι

δὲ τῶν περὶ Τυγελλῖνον καὶ Νυμφίδιον ἐν τιμῇ.

γεγονότων ἀπερριμμένοι τότε καὶ ταπεινὰ πράτ-
τοντες ἐφθείροντο πρὸς αὐτὸν καὶ συνηγανάκτουν
καὶ παρώξυνον.

XXIV. Ἔν δὲ τούτοις Οὐετούριος καὶ Βάρβιος,
ὁ μὲν ὀπτίων, ὁ δὲ τεσσεράριος' οὕτω γὰρ κα-
λοῦνται οἱ διαγγέλων καὶ διοπτήρων ὑπηρεσίας
τελοῦντες. μεθ᾽ ὧν Ὄθωνος ἀπελεύθερος Ovo pa-
στος ἐπιφοιτῶν TOUS μὲν ἀργυρίῳ, τοὺς δὲ ἐλπίσι
διέφθειρεν ἤδη σαθροὺς ¢ ὄντας καὶ δεομένους προ-
φάσεως. οὐ γὰρ ἣν ἡμερῶν τεσσάρων ἔργον
ὑγιαίνοντος στρατοπέδου μεταστῆσαι πίστιν, ὅσαι
μεταξὺ τῆς εἰσποιήσεως ἐγένοντο καὶ τῆς σφαγῆς.
ἕκτῃ γὰρ ἀνῃρέθησαν, ἣν ἄγουσι Ῥωμαῖοι πρὸ
δεκαοκτὼ καλανδῶν Φεβρουαρίων.

"Exetvn γὰρ ἕωθεν εὐθὺς ὁ μὲν Γάλβας ἔθυεν
ἐν Παλατίῳ τῶν φίλων παρόντων, ὁ δὲ θύτης
᾿Ομβρίκιος ἅμα τῷ λαβεῖν εἰς τὰς χεῖρας τοῦ
ἱερείου τὰ σπλάγχνα καὶ προσιδεῖν οὐ Ov αἰνιγ-
μῶν, ἀλλ᾽ ἄντικρυς ἔφη σημεῖα μεγάλης ταραχῆς,
καὶ μετὰ δόλου κίνδυνον ἐκ κεφαλῆς ἐπικείμενον
τῷ αὐτοκράτορι, μονονουχὶ τὸν Ὄθωνα τοῦ θεοῦ
χειρὶ ληπτὸν παραδιδόντος. παρῆν γὰρ ὄπισθεν
τοῦ Γάλβα, καὶ προσεῖχε τοῖς λεγομένοις καὶ
δεικνυμένοις ὑπὸ τοῦ ᾿᾽Ομβρικίου. θορυβουμένῳ

? January 15th (a.p. xviii. Cal. Feb.), 68 a.p.

258

GALBA xxul. 4-xxIv. 3

should not despair of the second part). Above all,
Otho was encouraged by those who secretly shared
his resentment and chagrin on the ground that he
had been thanklessly treated. Moreover, most ot
the adherents of Tigellinus and Nymphidius, men
who had once been in high honour, but were now
cast aside and of no account, treacherously went over
to Otho, shared his resentment, and spurred him on
to action.

XXIV. Among these were Veturius and Barbius,
the one an “optio,’ the other a “ tesserarius ” (these
are the Roman names for scout and messenger). In
company with these Onomastus, a freedman of
Otho’s, went round corrupting the soldiers, some
with money, and others with fair promises. The
soldiers were already disaffected and wanted only a
pretext for treachery. For four days would not have
sufficed to change the allegiance of a loyal army, and
only so many days intervened between the act of
adoption and the murder, since on the sixth day
after the adoption (the Romans call it the eighteenth
before the Calends of February 1), Galba and Piso
were slain.

On that day, shortly after dawn, Galba was
sacrificing in the Palatium in the presence of his
friends; and as soon as Umbricius, the officiating
priest, had taken the entrails of the victim in his
hands and inspected them, he declared not am-
biguously, but in so many words, that there were
signs of a great commotion, and that peril mixed
with treachery hung over the emperor’s head.
Thus the god all but delivered Otho over to arrest.
For Otho was standing behind Galba, and noted
what was said and pointed out by Umbricius.. But

23?

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

\ Sin \ , 5) , \ ellis
δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ χρόας ἀμείβοντι παντοδαπὰς ὑπὸ
/
δέους παραστὰς ᾿Ονόμαστος ἀπελεύθερος ἥκειν
\ /
ἔφη καὶ περιμένειν αὐτὸν οἴκοι τοὺς ἀρχιτέκτονας.
fal Ν a fas
ἣν δὲ σύμβολον καιροῦ, πρὸς ὃν ἔδει ἀπαντῆσαι
7 A δ
τὸν Ὄθωνα τοῖς στρατιώταις. εἰπὼν οὖν, ὅτι
X Ta \ a
παλαιὰν ἐωνημένος οἰκίαν βούλεται τὰ ὕποπτα
“ a aA a \ a
δεῖξαι τοῖς πωληταῖς, ἀπῆλθε, καὶ διὰ τῆς Τιβε-
, / >? ‘ \ ᾽ Me >
ptov καλουμένης οἰκίας καταβὰς ἐβάδιζεν εἰς
® a / €
ἀγοράν, οὗ χρυσοῦς εἱστήκει κίων, εἰς ὃν al
/ A “ A
τετμημέναι τῆς ᾿Ιταλίας ὁδοὶ πᾶσαι τελευτῶσιν.
> A ,
XXV. ᾿Ενταῦθα τοὺς πρώτους ἐκδεξαμένους
Ν ‘ / ΄
αὐτὸν καὶ προσειπόντας αὐτοκράτορα φασι μὴ
’ an ,
πλείους τριῶν καὶ εἴκοσι γενέσθαι. διό, καίπερ
» Ν a / ,
οὐ κατὰ THY TOV σώματος μαλακίαν καὶ θηλύτητα
a A , >] \ > Ν Bat \
τῇ ψυχῇ διατεθρυμμένος, ἀλλὰ itapos ὧν πρὸς
Ν Ἁ ,
τὰ δεινὰ καὶ ἄτρεπτος, ἀπεδειλίασεν. οἱ δὲ
if > ” 5» \ a , a
TAPOVTES οὐκ εἴων, ἀλλὰ τοῖς ξίφεσι γυμνοῖς
περιϊόντες αὐτοῦ τὸ φορεῖον ἐκέλευον αἴρεσθαι,
7 b / \ \
παραφθεγγομένου πολλάκις ἀπολωλέναι καὶ TOUS
, ΄ lj
φορειαφόρους ἐπιταχύνοντος. ἐξήκουον γὰρ ἔνιοι
΄ cr SS \
θαυμάξοντες μᾶλλον ἢ ταραττόμενοι διὰ τὴν
’ he a , \
ὀλιγότητα TOV ἀποτετολμημένων. φερομένῳ δὲ
“ ’ a a A
οὕτω Ov ἀγορᾶς ἀπήντησαν ἕτεροι τοσοῦτοι, καὶ
πάλιν κατὰ τρεῖς καὶ τέτταρας ἄλλοι προσεπέ-
4 ΄
λαζον. εἶτα συνανέστρεφον ἅπαντες ἀνακαλού-
» τ’ fe “ ,
μενοι Καίσαρα καὶ γυμνὰ ta ξίφη προϊσχόμενοι.
n \ “Ὁ
τῶν δὲ χιλιάρχων ὁ τὴν φυλακὴν ἔχων τοῦ
, Ἴ \ ΄
στρατοπέδου Μαρτίαλις, ὥς φασι, μὴ συνειδώς,
ἐκπλαγεὶς δὲ τῷ ἀπροσδοκήτῳ καὶ φοβηθεὶ
γεὶ , ροσδοκήτῳ καὶ ηθεὶς
260

GALBA xxiv. 3-Xxxv. 3

as he stood there in confusion and with a countenance
changing to all sorts of colours through fear, Ono-
mastus his freedman came up and told him that the
builders were come and were waiting for him at his
house. Now, this was a token that the time was at
hand when Otho was to meet the soldiers. With
the remark, then, that he had bought an old house
and wished to show its defects to the vendors, he
went away, and passing through what was called
the house of Tiberius, went down into the forum, to
where a gilded column stood, at which all the roads
that intersect Italy terminate.

XXV. Here, as we are told, the soldiers who first
welcomed him and saluted him as emperor were no
more than twenty-three. Therefore, although he
was not sunken in spirit to match the weakness and
effeminacy of his body, but was bold and adventurous
in presence of danger, he began to be afraid. The
soldiers who were there, however, would not suffer
him to desist, but surrounding his litter with their
swords drawn, ordered it to be taken up, while Otho
urged the bearers to hasten, saying to himself many
times that he wasalost man. For he was overheard
by some of the bystanders, and they were astonished
rather than disturbed, owing to the small number of
those who had ventured upon the deed. But as he
was thus borne through the forum, he was met by as
many more soldiers, and others again kept joining
the party by threes and fours. Then all crowded
around the litter, saluting Otho as emperor and
brandishing their drawn swords. At the camp,
Martialis, the military tribune in charge of the
watch at the time, who was not privy to the plot, as
they say, but was confounded by their unexpected

261

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἐφῆκεν εἰσελθεῖν. γενομένῳ δὲ ἐντὸς οὐδεὶς
ἀντέπεσεν. οἱ γὰρ ἀγνοοῦντες τὰ πραττόμενα
τοῖς εἰδόσι καὶ συνεστῶσιν ἐκ παρασκευῆς ἐμπε-
ριεχόμενοι καθ᾽ ἕνα καὶ δύο σποράδες, ὑπὸ δέους
τὸ πρῶτον, εἶτα πεισθέντες ἐπηκολούθησαν.

Εἰς δὲ τὸ Παλάτιον εὐθὺς μὲν ἀπηγγέλη τῷ
Πάλβᾳ παρόντος. ἔτι τοῦ θύτου καὶ τῶν ἱερῶν ἐν
χερσὶν ὄντων, ὥστε καὶ τοὺς πάνυ πρὸς τὰ
τοιαῦτα δυσπειθῶς καὶ ἀτενῶς ἔχοντας ἐκπιλήττε-
σθαι καὶ θαυμάζειν τὸ θεῖον: ὄχλου δὲ παντοδα-
ποῦ συρρέοντος ἐξ ἀγορᾶς, αὐτῷ μὲν Οὐΐνιος καὶ
Λάκων καὶ τῶν ἀπελευθέρων ἔνιοι γυμνὰ τὰ
ξίφη προϊσχόμενοι παρέστησαν, ὁ δὲ Πείσων
προελθὼν τοῖς φυλάττουσι τὴν αὐλὴν δορυφόροις
ἐνετύγχανε. τοῦ δ᾽ ᾿Ιλλυρικοῦ τάγματος ἐν τῇ
καλουμένῃ παστάδι Βιψανίᾳ στρατοπεδεύοντος
ἀπεστάλη Μάριος Κέλσος, ἀνὴρ ἀγαθός, προ-
καταληψόμενος.

XXVI. Βουλευομένου δὲ τοῦ Πάλβα προελθεῖν,
καὶ Οὐινίου μὲν οὐκ ἐῶντος, Κέλσου δὲ καὶ Λά-
κωνος π᾿παρορμώντων καὶ σφοδρότερον τοῦ Οὐινίου
καθαπτομένων, θροῦς διῆλθε πολὺς ὡς ἀνῃρη-
μένου τοῦ "Οθωνος ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ" καὶ μετὰ
“μικρὸν ὠφθη ᾿Ιούλιος “Arrucos τῶν οὐκ ἀσήμων
ἐν τοῖς δορυφόροις στρατευόμενος “γυμνῷ τῷ ξίφει
προσφερόμενος. καὶ βοῶν ἀνῃρηκέναι τὸν Καίσα-
ρος πολέμιον' ὠσάμενος δὲ διὰ τῶν προεστώτων
ἔδειξε τῷ Tarp TO ξίφος. ἡμαγμένον. ὁ δὲ
βλέψας πρὸς αὐτόν, “ Τίς σε," εἶπεν, “ἐκέλευσε ; ;
τοῦ δὲ ἀνθρώπου τὴν πίστιν εἰπόντος καὶ τὸν

262

GALBA xxv. 3-xxvi. 2

appearance and terrified, permitted them to enter.
And after Otho was inside the camp, no one opposed
him. For those who were ignorant of what was
going on, scattered about as they were by ones and
twos, were designedly enveloped by those who knew
and were privy to the plot, and so gave in their
adherence, at first through fear, and then under
persuasion.

News of this was carried at once to Galba in the
Palatium and the priest was still standing there with
the entrails in his hands, so that even men who
were altogether indifferent and sceptical about such
matters were confounded and filled with wonder at
the divine portent. And now a motley crowd came
streaming out from the forum; Vinius and Laco
and some of the freedmen stood at Galba’s side
brandishing their naked swords ; Piso went out and
held conference with the guards on duty in the
court ; and Marius Celsus, a man of worth, was sent
off to secure the allegiance of the Illyrian legion
encamped in what was called the Vipsanian portico.

XXVI. And now, as Galba purposed to go forth,
and Vinius would not permit it, while Celsus and
Laco urged it and vehemently chided Vinius, a
rumour spread insistently that Otho had been slain
in the camp; and after a little, Julius Atticus, a
soldier of distinction among the guards, was seen
rushing up with his sword drawn, and crying out
that he had slain the enemy of Caesar; and forcing
his way through the crowd about Galba, he showed
him his sword all stained with blood. Then Galba
fixed his eyes upon him and said, ‘‘ Who gave thee
thy orders?”’ Whereupon the man replied that it
was his fidelity and the oath that he had sworn, at

263

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ὅρκον ὃν ὦμοσε, καὶ TOD πλήθους ἐπιβοῶντος ὡς
A ἊΝ >) \ A ,
εὖ, καὶ κροτοῦντος, ἐμβὰς εἰς TO φορεῖον ἐκομί-
an Ae a “3. “ὦ 7
ζετο τῷ τε Διὶ θῦσαι καὶ φανῆναι τοῖς πολίταις
ae 9 [ \ » \ » 4
βουλόμενος. ἐμβαλόντος δὲ εἰς τὴν ἀγοράν,
᾿ ,ὔ ΄ 5 ͵ ,
ὥσπερ τροπαία πνεύματος, ἀπήντησε φήμη Kpa-
fal aA ΄ὔ \
τεῖν τὸν "OOwva τοῦ στρατεύματος. οἷα δὲ ἐν
a :) ͵7ὔ n
πλήθει τοσούτῳ, τῶν μὲν ἀναστρέφειν, τῶν δὲ
προϊέναι, τῶν δὲ θαρρεῖν, τῶν δὲ ἀπιστεῖν βοών-
των, καὶ τοῦ φορείου, καθάπερ ἐν κλύδωνι, δεῦρο
’ A i.
κὠκεῖ διαφερομένου Kal πυκνὸν ἀπονεύοντος, épai-
VOVTO πρῶτον ἱππεῖς, εἶτα ὁπλῖται διὰ τῆς Lav-
λου βασιλικῆς προσφερόμενοι, μιᾷ φωνῇ μέγα
βοῶντες ἐκποδὼν ἵστασθαι τὸν ἰδιώτην. τῶν
μὲν οὖν πολλῶν δρόμος ἣν, οὐ φυγῇ σκιδναμένων,
2 an a
ἀλλ᾽ ἐπὶ Tas στοὰς καὶ τὰ μετέωρα τῆς ἀγορᾶς,
ὥσπερ θέαν καταλαμβανόντων. ᾿Ατιλλίου δὲ
/ ,
Βεργελίωνος εἰκόνα ᾿άλβα προσουδίσαντος, ἀρ-
Ν “ ,
χὴν τοῦ πολέμου ποιησάμενοι περιηκόντισαν TO
an > lal a
φορεῖον: ὡς δ᾽ οὐκ ἔτυχον αὐτοῦ, προσῆγον
> , -“ / », \ ᾽ \ ? Ν
ἐσπασμένοις τοῖς ξίφεσιν. ἤμυνε δὲ οὐδεὶς οὐδὲ
e / \ CBS AS 3 Q / A / “ » =)
ὑπέστη πλὴν ἑνὸς AVOPOS, ὃν μόνον ἥλιος ἐπεῖδεν
a €
ἐν μυριάσι τοσαύταις ἄξιον τῆς Ῥωμαίων ἡγε-
, an
μονίας: Σεμπρώνιος ἣν Δῆνσος ἑκατοντάρχης,
/ \ A
οὐδὲν ἰδίᾳ χρηστὸν ὑπὸ Γάλβα πεπονθώς, τῷ δὲ
n \ A , A / a 7)
καλῷ καὶ τῷ νόμῳ βοηθῶν προέστη τοῦ φορείου.
\ Ν a “ ΄
καὶ τὸ κλῆμα πρῶτον, ᾧ κολάζουσιν ἑκατοντάρ-
\ an a
Yar τοὺς πληγῶν δεομένους, ἐπαράμενος τοῖς
2 Υ͂ , ΄ lol
ἐπιφερομένοις ἐβόα καὶ διεκελεύετο φείδεσθαι Tov
> ΄ Μ A
αὐτοκράτορος. ἔπειτα συμπλεκομένων αὐτῷ
4
264

GALBA xxvi. 2-5

which the multitude cried out that he had done well,
and gave him their applause. Then Galba got into
his litter and was carried forth, wishing to sacrifice
to Jupiter and show himself to the citizens. But
when he was come into the forum, there met him,
like a change of wind, a report that Otho was master
of the army. Then, as might be expected in so
great a crowd, some cried out to him to turn back,
others to go forward; some bade him to be of good
courage, others urged him to be cautious; and so,
while his litter was swept hither and thither, as in a
surging sea, and often threatened to capsize, there
came into view, first horsemen, and then men-at-
arms, charging through the basilica of Paulus, and
with one voice loudly ordering all private citizens
out of their way. The multitude, accordingly, took
to their heels, not scattering in flight, but seeking
the porticoes and eminences of the forum, as if to
get a view of a spectacle. Hostilities began with
the overthrow of a statue of Galba by Attilius
Vergilio, and then the soldiers hurled javelins at the
litter; and since they failed to strike it, they
advanced upon it with their swords drawn. No one
opposed them or tried to defend the emperor, except
one man, and he was the only one, among all the
thousands there on whom the sun looked down, who
was worthy of the Roman empire. This was Sem-
pronius Densus, a centurion, and though he had
received no special favours from Galba, yet in
defence of honour and the law he took his stand in
front of the litter. And first, lifting up the switch
with which centurions punish soldiers deserving of
stripes, he cried out to the assailants and ordered
them to spare the emperor. Then, as they came to

265

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

7 \ f > ΄ \ ,
'σπασάμενος τὸ ξίφος ἠμύνατο πολὺν χρόνον,
ἕως τυφθεὶς τὰς tyvvas ἔπεσε.

ΟΝ ts Τὸν δὲ Γάώλβαν, ἀποκλιθέντος τοῦ
φορείου περὶ τὸν Κουρτίου καλούμενον λάκκον,
ἐκκυλισθέντα τεθωρακισμένον ἔ ἔτυπτον ἐπιδραμόν-
TES. ὁ δὲ τὴν σφαγὴν προτείνας, “Δρᾶτε," εἶπεν,

“εἰ τοῦτο τῷ δήμῳ Ρωμαίων ἄμεινόν. ἐστι."
πολλὰς μὲν οὖν ἔλαβε πληγὰς εἴς τε τὰ σκέλη
καὶ τοὺς βραχίονας, ἀπέσφαξε δὲ αὐτόν, ὡς οἱ
πλεῖστοι λέγουσι, Καμούριός TLS ἐκ τοῦ πεντεκαι-
δεκάτου τάγματος. ἔνιοι δὲ Τερέντιον, οἱ δὲ Λεκά-
νιον ἱστοροῦσιν, οἱ δὲ Φάβιον Φάβουλον, ὃν καί
φασιν ἀποκόψαντα τὴν κεφαλὴν κομίζειν τῷ
ἱματίῳ συλλαβόντα, διὰ τὴν ψιλότητα δυσπερί-
ληπτον οὖσαν: ἔπειτα τῶν σὺν αὐτῷ κρύπτειν
οὐκ ἐώντων, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκφανῆ πᾶσι ποιεῖν τὴν ἀν-
᾿δραγαθίαν, περιπείραντα περὶ λόγχην καὶ
ἀναπήλαντα πρεσβύτου πρόσωπον, ἄρχοντός
τε κοσμίου καὶ ἀρχιερέως καὶ ὑπάτου, δρόμῳ
χωρεῖν, ὥσπερ αἱ βάκχαι, π πολλάκις μεταστρεφό-
μενον, καὶ κραδαίνοντα ΤῊ λόγχην αἵματι καταρ-
ρεομένην.

Τὸν δ᾽ Ὄθωνα, τῆς κεφαλῆς κομισθείσης, ἀνα-
κραγεῖν λέγουσιν' “Οὐδέν ἐστι τοῦτο, ὦ συστρα-
τιῶται, τὴν Πείσωνός μοι κεφαλὴν δείξατε." μετ᾽
ὀλίγον δὲ ἧκε κομιξζομένη" τρωθεὶς γὰρ ἔφευγεν
ὁ νεανίσκος, καὶ καταδιωχθεὶς ὑ ὑπὸ Μούρκου τινὸς
ἀπεσφάγη πρὸς τῷ ἱερῷ τῆς Ἑστίας. ἀπεσφάτ-
τετο δὲ καὶ Οὐϊνιος ὁμολογῶν κοινωνὸς γεγονέναι
τῆς ἐπὶ τὸν Τάλβαν συνωμοσίας: ἐβόα yap
ἀποθνήσκειν παρὰ τὴν "Ὅθωνος γνώμην. ἀλλὰ

266

GALBA xxvi. 5-XxXVII. 4

close quarters with him, he drew his sword, and
fought them off a long time, until he fell with a
wound in the groin.

XXVII. The litter was upset at the place called
Lacus Curtius, and there Galba tumbled out and lay
in his corselet, while the soldiers ran up and struck
at him. But he merely presented his neck to their
swords, saying: “Do your work, if this is better for
the Roman people.’”’ So, then, after receiving many
wounds in his legs and arms, he was slain, as most
writers state, by a certain Camurius, of the fifteenth
legion. Some, however, ascribe his death to Teren-
tius, others to Lecanius, and others still to Fabius
Fabulus, who, they say, cut off Galba’s head and was
carrying it wrapped in his cloak, since its baldness
made it difficult to grasp ; then, since his companions
would not suffer him to hide his deed of valour, but
insisted on his displaying it to all eyes, he impaled
on his spear and thrust on high the head of an aged
man, who had been a temperate ruler, a high priest,
and a consul, and ran with it, like a bacchanal,}
whirling about often, and brandishing the spear all
dripping with blood.

But Otho, as they say, when the head was brought
to him, cried out: “This is nothing, fellow-soldiers ;
show me the head of Piso.” And after a little it
was brought to him; for the young man had been
wounded and tried to escape, and a certain Murcus
ran him down and slew him at the temple of Vesta
Vinius also was slain, and he admitted himself a
party to the conspiracy against Galba by crying out
that he was put to death contrary to the wishes of

1 So the Bacchanals with the head of Pentheus (Euripides,
Bacchae, 1153 ff.).
267

σι

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

yap καὶ TOUTOU τὴν κεφαλὴν ἀποτεμόντες καὶ
Λάκωνος ἐκόμισαν πρὸς τὸν “‘OOwva δωρεὰς αἰ-
τοῦντες. ὡς δέ φησιν ᾿Αρχίλοχος,

al 4 ’ /
ἑπτὰ γὰρ νεκρῶν πεσόντων, οὗς ἐμάρψαμεν
ποσίν,
, A 2 /
χίλιοι φονῆες ἐσμέν,

οὕτως τότε πολλοὶ τοῦ φόνου μὴ συνεφαψά-
μενοι, χεῖρας δὲ καὶ ξίφη καθαιμάσσοντες ἐπε-
δείκνυντο καὶ δωρεὰς ἤτουν βιβλία διδόντες τῷ
"Ὄθωνι. εἴκοσι γοῦν καὶ ἑκατὸν εὑρέθησαν
ὕστερον ἐκ τῶν γραμματίων, os ὁ Οὐϊτέλλεος
ἀναζητήσας ἅπαντας ἀπέκτεινεν. ἧκε δὲ καὶ
Μάριος Κέλσος εἰς τὴν παρεμβολήν. καὶ πολ-
λῶν αὐτοῦ κατηγορούντων ὅτι τοὺς στρατιώτας
ἔπειθε τῷ Γάλβᾳ βοηθεῖν, καὶ τοῦ πλήθους
ἀποκτιννύειν βοῶντος, Ὄθων οὐκ ἐβούλετο: φο-
Bovpevos δὲ ἀντιλέγειν οὐχ οὕτως ἔφη ταχέως 106
ἀποκτενεῖν αὐτόν' εἶναι γὰρ ἃ ἃ δεῖ πρότερον ἐκπυ-
θέσθαι παρὰ τοῦ ἀνδρός. ἐκέλευσεν οὖν δήσαντας
φυλάττειν, καὶ παρέδωκε τοῖς μάλιστα πιστευ-
ομένοις.

XXVIII. Εὐθὺς δὲ βουλὴ συνεκαλεῖτο. καὶ
καθάπερ ἄλλοι γεγονότες ἢ θεῶν ἄλλων γεγονό-
των συνελθόντες ὥμνυον ὅρκον ὑπὲρ τοῦ Ὄθωνος,
ὃν αὐτὸς ὀμόσας οὐκ ἐτήρησε" καὶ Καίσαρα καὶ
Σεβαστὸν ἀ ἀνηγόρευον, ἔτι τῶν νεκρῶν ἀκεφάλων
ἐν ταῖς ὑπατικαῖς ἐσθῆσιν ἐρριμμένων ἐπὶ τῆς
ἀγορᾶς. ταῖς δὲ κεφαλαῖς ὡς οὐδὲν εἶχον ἔτι

χρῆσθαι, τὴν μὲν Οὐινίου τῇ θυγατρὶ δισχιλίων

1 Bergk, Lyr. Gr. Frag. 11.4 p. 398.
268

GALBA xxvil. 4—xxvill. 2

Otho. However, they cut off his head, and Laco’s
too, and brought them to Otho, of whom they
demanded largess. And as Archilochus says 1 that,

“Only seven lay dead on the ground, where we
trod their bodies under foot. But we who slew are
a thousand,”

so in this case, many who had no part in the murder
smeared their hands and swords with blood and
showed them to Otho, as they presented him with
written petitions for largess. At any rate, a hundred
and twenty were afterwards discovered by means of
these petitions, all of whom were sought out and
put to death by Vitellius. Marius Celsus also came
into the camp. There many denounced him for
trying to persuade the soldiers to defend Galba, and
the majority clamoured for his death, but Otho
did not wish it; however, since he was afraid to
oppose them, he said he would not put Celsus to
death so quickly, since there were matters about
which he must first question him. He therefore
ordered that he be fettered and kept under guard,
and handed over to those in whom he put most
trust.

XXVIII. A senate was at once convened. And
as if they were now other men, or had other gods to
swear by, they united in swearing an oath to support
Otho—an oath which he himself had sworn in
support of Galba, but had not kept. Moreover,
they gave him the titles of Caesar and Augustus,
while the dead bodies, all headless in their consular
robes, were still strewn over the forum. And as for
the heads, when they had no further use for them,
that of Vinius they sold to his daughter for twenty-

269

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

Kal πεντακοσίων δραχμῶν ἀπέδοντο, τὴν δὲ
Πείσωνος ἡ γυνὴ ἔλαβεν Οὐερανία δεηθεῖσα, τὴν
δὲ Γάλβα τοῖς Πατροβίου δούλοις ἐδωρήσαντο.
λαβόντες δὲ ἐκεῖνοι καὶ πάντα τρόπον αἰκισά-
μενοι καὶ καθυβρίσαντες ἔρριψαν ἡ τοὺς ὑπὸ τῶν
Καισάρων κολαζομένους θανατοῦσιν' ὁ δὲ τόπος
Σεσσώριον καλεῖται. τὸ δὲ σῶμα τοῦ Ράλβα
Πρίσκος “Ελβίδιος ἀνείλετο, τοῦ Ὄθωνος ἐπι-
τρέψαντος- ἔθαψε δὲ νυκτὸς ᾿Αργεῖος ἀπελεύ-
ερος.

XXIX. Τοιαῦτα τὰ κατὰ τὸν Γάλβαν, ἄνδρα
μήτε γένει μήτε πλούτῳ πολλῶν ἀπολειφθέντα
“Ῥωμαίων, ὁμοῦ δὲ πλούτῳ καὶ γένει πρωτεύ-
σαντα πάντων τῶν καθ᾽ αὑτόν, πέντε αὐτοκρα-
τόρων ἡγεμονίαις ἐμβιώσαντα μετὰ τιμῆς καὶ
δόξης, ὥστε τῇ δόξῃ pee ἢ τῇ δυνάμει καθ-
ἐλεῖν Νέρωνα. τῶν γὰρ | συνεπιτιθεμένων τότε
τοὺς μὲν οὐδεὶς ἠξίωσε τῆς ἡγεμονίας, οἱ δ᾽ éav-
τοὺς ἀπηξίωσαν, Γάλβας δὲ καὶ κληθεὶς καὶ
ὑπακούσας αὐτοκράτωρ καὶ τῇ Οὐΐνδικος ἐμπα-
ρασχὼν ὄνομα τόλμῃ, κίνημα καὶ “νεωτερισμὸν
αὐτοῦ λεγομένην τὴν ἀπόστασιν ἐποίησε πόλεμον
ἐμφύλιον, ἀνδρὸς ἡ ἡγεμονικοῦ τυχοῦσαν. ὅθεν οὐχ
ἑαυτῷ τὰ πράγματα λαμβάνειν, ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον
ἑαυτὸν οἰόμενος διδόναι τοῖς “πράγμασιν, ἄρχειν
ἠξίου τῶν ὑπὸ Τιγελλίνου καὶ Νυμφιδίου τετιθα-
σευμένων ὡς Σκηπίων ἦρχε καὶ Φαβρίκιος καὶ
Κάμιλλος τῶν τότε Ῥωμαίων. ὑπερειπόμενος δὲ
τῷ γήρᾳ, ἄχρι τῶν ὅπλων καὶ τῶν ᾿στρατευμά-
των ἄκρατος ἣν καὶ ἀρχαῖος αὐτοκράτωρ, Οὐινίῳ

1 καθελεῖν Νέρωνα. τῶν γὰρ κιτιλ, Bekker, after Coraés :
καθελὼν Νέρωνα τῶν K.T.A.
270

GALBA xxvill. 2—xxIx. 4

five hundred drachmas; that of Piso was given to
his wife Verania in answer to her prayers ; and that
of Galba was bestowed upon the servants of Patrobius.
They took it, and after heaping all manner of insult
and outrage upon it, cast it into a place called
Sessorium, where those under condemnation of the
emperors are put to death. The body of Galba was
taken up by Priscus Helvidius, with the permission
of Otho; and it was buried at night by Argivus, a
freedman.

XXIX. Such were the fortunes of Galba, a man
surpassed by few Romans in lineage and wealth, and
both in wealth and lineage the foremost of his time.
During the reigns of five emperors he lived with
honour and high repute, so that it was by his
high repute, rather than by his military power,
that he overthrew Nero. For of his partners in
the task, some were by all men deemed unworthy
of the imperial dignity, and others deemed them-
selves unworthy. But to Galba the imperial title
was offered and by him it was accepted; and by
simply lending his name to the bold measures of
Vindex, he gave to his revolt (as his rebellious
agitation was called) the character of a civil war,
because it had acquired a man who was worthy to
rule. Wherefore, in the belief that he was not
seizing the conduct of affairs for himself, but rather
giving himself for the conduct of affairs, he set out
with the idea of commanding the petted creatures
of Tigellinus and Nymphidius as Scipio and Fabricius
and Camillus used to command the Romans of their
time. But being gradually weighed down by his
years, in arms and camps, indeed, he was an
“ imperator”’ of a severe and ancient type; but

271

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

δὲ καὶ Λάκωνι καὶ τοῖς ἀπελευθέροις πάντα τὰ
A / 4 , Φ ,

πράγματα πωλοῦσι παρέχων ἑαυτόν, οἷον Νέρων
A A . {/ A

παρεῖχε τοῖς ἀπληστοτάτοις, οὐδένα ποθοῦντα

Ἁ > f 3 , \ ΕἸ \ \

τὴν ἀρχήν, οἰκτείοαντας δὲ τοὺς πολλοὺς τὸν

θάνατον ἀπέλιπεν.

272

GALBA xxix. 4

just as Nero put himself in the hands of his most
insatiate favourites, so Galba put himself in the
hands of Vinius and Laco and their freedmen, and
they made merchandise of everything, so that he
left behind him no one who wished him still in
power, but very many who were moved to pity at
his death,

273

i Sede oh

is i of how tt ΠΝ conte παι τὸν Ὧι

OTMNGO

ἀκ ρολαβιιξαα tees νος πόκι gsr dap δ ὈΛῊ to
Ebene rie! (ae gag eae 843° GVH

: » oe Ys : ι of ASI κ Ρ SY
| ee eh a” we SSA, ποθι ΝᾺ

ἔδυ vainArrs, 2pinie
aaaaete ἐτον san Κλ δι δε. poo
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eg eat IEE So 5 Oke wos ou
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wou ae coe ἿΝ β

ee |

bee ΓΝ ope aoe

ee et ce ον; :
νὴ ψοϑ δι πὰς re
ee υυ βιας ρτόλετρα udsoud a,
cg oT ily eee
n oe δ εἰν δ ἐν "ὦ τὰ:
Ἄ Fe pecans το ϊδῆς (h2 wel mortage "
hacer ml bie eat areca at

ah τοῦ το ϑε υλίνοήν a apna agape

sniinander
oe ᾽ ἡ τὴς eae

ΟΘΩΝ

GA i) e ,
I. Ὁ δὲ νεώτερος αὐτοκράτωρ ἅμ᾽ ἡμέρᾳ προ-
/ 7 \ 4
ελθὼν eis τὸ Καπιτώλιον ἔθυσε: καὶ κελεύσας
/ / » lel ἂν i¢ \ > Ve
Μάριον KédXcov ἀχθῆναι πρὸς αὑτὸν ἡσπάσατο
/ a
καὶ διελέχθη φιλανθρώπως, καὶ παρεκάλεσε τῆς
an a A 5 /
αἰτίας ἐπιλαθέσθαι μᾶλλον ἢ τῆς ἀφέσεως μνη-
a \ , ᾿ mn
μονεύειν. Tov δὲ Κέλσου μήτ᾽ ἀγεννῶς ἀποκρι-
, | fae ’ , > Ἂ te ’ \
ναμένου μήτ᾽ ἀναισθήτως, ἀλλὰ φήσαντος αὐτὸ
nr / , -
τοῦ τρόπου διδόναι τὸ ἔγκλημα πίστιν, ἐγκεκλῆ-
«7 \ ,
σθαι yap ὅτι V'dd\Ba βέβαιον ἑαυτὸν παρέσχεν,
χὰ 4 b ,ὔ ” b) / e ,
ᾧ χάριν οὐδεμίαν ὥφειλεν, ἡγάσθησαν οἱ παρόντες
/ \ /
ἀμφοτέρων Kal TO στρατιωτικὸν ἐπήνεσεν. ἐν δὲ
\
συγκλήτῳ πολλὰ δημοτικὰ καὶ φιλάνθρωπα δια-
,ὔ ἃ Ν 5 N ἐν , , A
λεχθείς, OV μὲν αὐτὸς ὑπατεύειν χρόνον ἤμελλε,
᾿ς , Ψ > , € ΄ a \
τούτου μέρος ἔνειμεν Οὐεργινίῳ “Ρούφῳ, τοῖς δὲ
/ a
ἀποδεδευγμένοις ὑπὸ Νέρωνος ἢ Γάλβα πᾶσιν
3 / Ν Ve 7
ἐτήρησε TAS ὑπατείας. ἱερωσύναις δὲ τοὺς καθ᾽
, , ‘or a
ἡλικίαν προήκοντας ἢ δόξαν ἐκόσμησε. τοῖς δὲ
\ / A A
ἐπὶ Νέρωνος φυγοῦσι καὶ κατελθοῦσιν ἐπὶ VarBa
συγκλητικοῖς πᾶσιν ἀπέδωκεν ὅσα μὴ πεπραμένα
a 7 e
TOV κτημώτων ἑκάστου ἐξεύρισκεν. ὅθεν οἱ
wn \
πρῶτοι καὶ κράτιστοι πεφρικότες πρότερον ὡς
1 ἑκάστου Coraés and Bekker, after Stephanus, for the
ἕκαστον of the MSS.: ἑκάστων.

276

1067

ΟΤΗΟ:

I. Ar daybreak the new emperor went forth to
the Capitol and sacrificed; then, having ordered
Marius Celsus to be brought to him, he greeted that
officer, conversed with him kindly, and urged him to
forget the cause of his imprisonment rather than
to remember his release. Celsus replied in a manner
that was neither ignoble nor ungrateful, saying that
the very charge made against him afforded proof of
his character, for the charge was that he had been
loyal to Galba, from whom he had received no
special favours. Both speakers were admired by
those who were present, and the soldiery gave their
approval. In the senate Otho spoke at length in a
kindly strain and like a popular leader. For part of
the time during which he himself was to have been
consul, he assigned the office to Verginius Rufus,
and all those who had been designated as future
consuls by Nero or Galba he confirmed in their
appointment. To the priesthoods he promoted those
who were preeminent in age or reputation. More-
over, to all the men of senatorial rank who had been
exiled under Nero and restored under Galba, he
restored whatever portions of each man’s property
he found to be unsold. Wherefore the citizens of
highest birth and greatest influence, who before this

! With Plutarch’s Otho may be compared Suetonius, Otho ;
Dion Cassius, lxiv. 1O—15; Tacitus, Hist. i. 46—ii. 49.

277

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

οὐκ ἀνδρός, ἀλλά τινος ἢ Lows ἢ παλαμναίου
δαίμονος ἄφνω τοῖς πράγμασιν ἐπιπεπτωκότος,
ἡδίους ἐγένοντο ταῖς ἐλπίσι πρὸς τὴν ἠγεμονίωαν
ὥσπερ διαμειδιῶσαν.

II. Ὁμοῦ δὲ Ρωμαίους πάντας οὐδὲν εὔφρανεν
οὕτως οὐδὲ ὠκειώσατο πρὸς αὐτὸν ὡς τὰ περὶ
Τιγελλῖνον. ἐλελήθει μὲν γὰρ ἤδη κολαζόμενος
αὐτῷ τῷ φόβῳ τῆς κολάσεως ἣν ὡς χρέος ἀπήτει
δημόσιον ἡ πόλις, καὶ νοσήμασιν ἀνηκέστοις
σώματος, αὐτάς τε τὰς ἀνοσίους καὶ ἀρρήτους ἐν
γυναιξὶ πόρναις καὶ ἀκαθάρτοις ἐγκυλινδήσεις,
αἷς ἔτι προσέσπαιρε δυσθανατοῦντος αὐτοῦ τὸ
ἀκόλαστον ἐπιδραττόμενον, ἐσχάτην τιμωρίαν
ἐποιοῦντο καὶ πολλῶν ἀντάξια θανάτων οἱ
σωφρονοῦντες. ἠνία δὲ τοὺς πολλοὺς ὅμως τὸν
ἥλιον ὁρῶν μετὰ τοσούτους καὶ τοιούτους δι᾽
αὐτὸν οὐχ ὁρῶντας. ἔπεμψεν οὖν ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ὁ
"Ὄθων εἰς τοὺς περὶ Σινόεσσαν ἀγρούς" ἐκεῖ γὰρ
διῃτᾶτο, πλοίων παρορμούντων, ὡς φευξόμενος
ἀπωτέρω. καὶ τόν γε πεμφθέντα χρυσίῳ πολλῷ
πείθειν ἐπεχείρησε παρεῖναι: μὴ πεισθέντι δὲ
δῶρα μὲν ἔδωκεν οὐδὲν ἧττον, ἐδεήθη δὲ ὑπομεῖναι
ἕως ἂν ἀποξύρηται τὸ γένειον: καὶ λαβὼν αὐτὸς
ἑαυτὸν ἐχλαιμοτόμησεν.

IIT. Οὕτω δὲ τῷ δήμῳ τὴν δικαιοτάτην ἡδονὴν
ἀποδοὺς ὁ Καῖσαρ, αὐτὸς ἰδίας ἔχθρας οὐδενὶ
τοπαράπαν ἐμνησικάκησε, τοῖς δὲ πολλοῖς χαρι-
ζόμενος οὐκ ἔφευγε τὸ πρῶτον ἐν τοῖς θεάτροις
Νέρων προσαγορεύεσθαι: καί τινων εἰκόνας Νέ-

278

OTHO 1. 3-111. 1

had felt a shuddering fear that it was not a man, but
some genius of retribution or avenging spirit, that
had suddenly fallen upon the state, became more
cheerful in their hopes for a government which wore
a face so smiling.

II. But nothing so gladdened all Romans alike,
and won their allegiance to the new emperor so
much, as his treatment of Tigellinus. Men were
not aware that Tigellinus was already punished by
his very fear of that punishment which the city was
demanding as a debt due to the public, and also by
incurable bodily diseases ; and besides, there were
those unhallowed and unspeakable grovellings of his
among the vilest harlots, for which his lustful nature
still panted, clutching after them as his life painfully
ebbed away; these were looked upon by reasonable
men as extremest punishment and an equivalent of
many deaths. Nevertheless it vexed the common
people that he should see the light of day after so
many good men had been robbed of that light by
him. Accordingly, Otho sent a messenger to fetch
him from his country estate at Sinuessa ; for he was
staying there, where vessels lay at anchor, that he
might fly to more distant parts. He tried to bribe
the messenger with a large sum of money to let him
go, but failing in this, he made him gifts neverthe-
less, and begged him to wait till he had shaved;
and taking the razor he cut his own throat.

III. And now that the emperor had given the
people this most righteous gratification, he did not
remember his own private grievances against any
man soever, and in his desire to please the multitude
did not refuse at first to be hailed in the theatres
by the name of Nero, and when statues of Nero

279

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ρωνος εἰς τοὐμφανὲς “προθεμένων οὐκ ἐκώλυσε.
Κλούβιος δὲ Ῥοῦφος εἰς ᾿Ιβηρίαν φησὶ κομισθῆναι
διπλώματα, οἷς ἐκπέμπουσι τοὺς γραμματη-
φόρους, τὸ τοῦ Νέρωνος θετὸν ὄνομα προσγε-
γραμμένον ἔχοντα ᾿ τῷ τοῦ Ὄθωνος. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ
τοὺς πρώτους καὶ κρατίστους αἰσθόμενος ἐπὶ
τούτῳ δυσχεραίνοντας ἐ ἐπαύσατο.

Τοιαύτην δὲ τῆς ἡγεμονίας κατάστασιν αὐτῷ
λαμβανούσης, οἱ | μισθοφόροι χαλεποὺς παρεῖχον
ἑαυτούς, ἀπιστεῖν παρακελευόμενοι καὶ φυλάτ-
τεσθαι καὶ κολούειν τοὺς ἀξιολόγους, εἴτ᾽ ἀληθῶς
φοβούμενοι δι’ εὔνοιαν, εἴτε προφάσει χρώμενοι
ταύτῃ τοῦ ταράττειν καὶ πολεμοποιεῖν. Κρισπῖ-
νον δὲ πέμψαντος αὐτοῦ τὴν ἑπτακαιδεκάτην
σπεῖραν ᾿᾽Ὡστίας ἀπάξοντα, κἀκείνου νυκτὸς ἔτι
συσκευαζομένου καὶ τὰ ὅπλα ταῖς ἁμάξαις ἐπετι-
θέντος, οἱ θρασύτατοι πάντες ἐβόων οὐδὲν ὑγιὲς
τὸν Κρισπῖνον ἥκειν διανοούμενον, ἀλλὰ τὴν σύγ-
κλητον ἐπιχειρεῖν πράγμασι νεωτέροις, καὶ τὰ ὅπλα
κατὰ Καίσαρος, οὐ Καίσαρι παρακομίζεσθαι. τοῦ
δὲ λόγου πολλῶν ἁπτομένου καὶ παροξύνοντος, οἱ
μὲν ἐπελαμβάνοντο τῶν ἁμαξῶν, οἱ δὲ τοὺς ἐνι-
σταμένους ἑκατοντάρχας δύο καὶ τὸν Κρισπῖνον
αὐτὸν ἀπέκτειναν, πάντες δὲ διασκευασάμενοι καὶ
παρακαλέσαντες ἀλλήλους Καίσαρι βοηθεῖν ἤλαυ-
νον εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην: καὶ πυθόμενοι παρ᾽ αὐτῷ
δειπνεῖν ὀγδοήκοντα συγκλητικούς, ἐφέροντο πρὸς
τὰ βασίλεια, νῦν καιρὸν εἶναι λέγοντες ἐν ταὐτῷ
πάντας ἀνελεῖν τοὺς Καίσαρος πολεμίους. ἡ μὲν

οὖν πόλις ὡς αὐτίκα διαρπαγησομένη θόρυβον

1 Of. Chap. viii 4
280

OTHO ut. 1-5

were produced in public, he did not prevent it.
Moreover, Cluvius Rufus tells us that “ diplomas,” 1
such as couriers are provided with, were sent to
Spain, in which the cognomen of Nero was added to
the name of Otho. However, perceiving that the
men of highest birth and greatest influence were
displeased at this, Otho gave up the practice.

But while he was placing his government on this
basis, the paid soldiers began to make themselves
troublesome by urging him not to trust the influential
citizens, but to be on his guard against them and
restrict their power. It is uncertain whether their
goodwill led them to be really apprehensive for him,
or whether they used this pretext for raising dis-
turbance and war. And so, when the emperor sent
Crispinus to bring back the seventeenth legion from
Ostia, and while that officer was still getting the
baggage together at night and loading the arms
upon the waggons, the boldest of the soldiers all
began to cry out that Crispinus was come on no
good errand, and that the senate was attempting to
bring about a revolution, and that the transportation
of the arms was an act of hostility, not of service,
to the emperor. The notion prevailed with great
numbers and exasperated them; some attacked the
waggons, others killed two centurions who opposed
them, as well as Crispinus himself; and then the
whole body, putting themselves in array and exhort-
ing one another to go to the help of the emperor,
marched to Rome. Here, learning that eighty
senators were at supper with Otho, they rushed to
the palace, declaring that now was a good time to
take off all the emperor’s enemies at one stroke.
Accordingly, the city was in great commotion,

VOL, Xi: K A287

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

a , 9S l4
εἶχε πολύν, ἐν δὲ τοῖς βασιλείοις ἦσαν διαδρομαί,
b] ’,
καὶ τὸν Obwva δεινὴ κατελάμβανεν ἀπορία. φο-
7 Ν ς Ν lal 5 “ Ρ] \ S Ν
βούμενος γὰρ ὑπὲρ τῶν ἀνδρῶν αὐτὸς ἣν φοβερὸς
f / lal
ἐκείνοις, καὶ πρὸς αὑτὸν ἀνηρτημένους ἑώρα ταῖς
v - id
ὄψεσιν avavdous Kal περιδεεῖς, ἐνίους Kal μετὰ
γυναικῶν ἥκοντας ἐπὶ τὸ δεῖπνον. ἅμα δὲ τοὺς
5 / 3 7 -“ ᾽ὔ /
ἐπάρχους ἀπέστελλε τοῖς στρατιώταις διαλέγε-
\ OA Υ͂ ef \ \
σθαι καὶ πραὕὔνειν κελεύσας, ἅμα δὲ TOUS κεκλη-
, »
μένους ἄνδρας ἀναστήσας καθ᾽ ἑτέρας θύρας
> a \ \ 7 e , \
ἀφῆκε: καὶ μικρὸν ἔφθησαν ὑπεκφυγόντες, διὰ
τῶν μισθοφόρων ὠθουμένων εἰς τὸν ἀνδρῶνα καὶ
f ’ὔ ,
πυνθανομένων τί γεγόνασιν οἱ Καίσαρος πολέ-
, \ - 93 θὸ 3 \ al 4 οἵ
μιοι. τοτε μὲν οὖν ὀρθὸς ἀπὸ τῆς κλίνης πολλὰ
id Ν \ \ \ /
παρηγορήσας καὶ δεηθεὶς καὶ μηδὲ δακρύων φει-
/ “ > / 3 ΄ a 2 ac /
σάμενος μόλις ἀπέπεμψεν αὐτούς τῇ ὃ ὑστεραίᾳ
/ i ds αι Κ \
δωρησάμενος ἅπαντας κατ᾽ ἄνδρα χιλίαις καὶ δια-
κοσίαις καὶ πεντήκοντα δραχμαῖς εἰσῆλθεν εἰς τὸ
Ψ , Ν a
στρατόπεδον, Kal TO μὲν πλῆθος ἐπήνεσεν, ὡς
Ν / I
πρὸς αὐτὸν εὔνουν καὶ πρόθυμον, ὀλίγους δέ τινας
> 3 ᾽ 5 A / e a /
οὐκ ἐπ᾿ ἀγαθῷ φήσας ὑποικουρεῖν, διαβάλλοντας
αὐτοῦ τὴν μετριότητα καὶ τὴν ἐκείνων εὐστά-
7 a
θειαν, ἠξίου συναγανακτεῖν καὶ συγκολάζειν.
ἐπαινούντων δὲ πάντων καὶ κελευόντων, δύο μό-
νους παραλαβών, οἷς οὐδεὶς ἔμελλεν ἄχθεσθαι
κολασθεῖσιν, ἀπηλλάγη.

IV. Ταῦτα οἱ μὲν ἀγαπῶντες ἤδη καὶ πι-
΄ 2 ig \ / e ee
στεύοντες ἐθαύμαζον τὴν μεταβολήν, οἱ δ᾽ avay-
Kala πολιτεύματα πρὸς τὸν καιρὸν ἡγοῦντο,

282

106

OTHO in. 5-1v. 1

expecting to be plundered at once; in the palace
there were runnings to and fro; and a dire per-
plexity fell upon Otho. For while he had fears
about the safety of his guests, he himself was an
object of fear to them, and he saw that they kept
their eyes fixed upon him in speechless terror, some
of them having even brought their wives with them
to the supper. But he sent the prefects of the
guard with orders to explain matters to the soldiers
and appease them, while at the same time he
dismissed his guests by another door; and they
barely succeeded in making their escape as the
soldiers, forcing their way through the guards into
the great hall, asked what was become of the
enemies of Caesar. In this crisis, then, Otho stood
up on his couch, and after many exhortations, and
entreaties, and not without plentiful tears, at last
succeeded in sending them away; but on the follow-
ing day, after making a gift of twelve hundred and
fifty drachmas to every man, he went into the camp.
There he commended the great body of the soldiers
for their goodwill and zeal in his service, but said
that there were a few of them who were intriguing
to no good purpose, thereby bringing his moderation
and their fidelity into disrepute, and he demanded
that they share his resentment against these and
assist him in punishing them. All his hearers
approving of this and bidding him to do as he
wished, he took two men only, at whose punishment
no one was likely to be distressed, and went away.
IV. Those who were already fond of Otho and
put confidence in him admired this change in his
behaviour, but others thought it a policy forced upon
him by the situation, wherein he courted popular

283

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

a A \
δημαγωγοῦντος αὐτοῦ διὰ τὸν πόλεμον. ἤδη γὰρ
ἠγγέλλετο βεβαίως Οὐϊτέλλιος ἀξίωμα καὶ δύνα-

,
μιν αὐτοκράτορος ἀνειληφώς: καὶ πτεροφύροι
συνεχῶς ἐφοίτων ἀεί τι προσχωρεῖν ἐκείνῳ φρά-
\
ζοντες, ἕτεροι δὲ; τὰ Παννονικὰ καὶ τὰ Aadpa-
τικὰ καὶ τὰ περὶ Μυσίαν στρατεύματα δηλοῦντες
ες \ Ἁ « “4 wv \ \
ἠρῆσθαι μετὰ τῶν ἡγεμόνων “Ofwva. ταχὺ δὲ
ἀφίκετο καὶ παρὰ Μουκιανοῦ γράμματα καὶ παρὰ
Οὐεσπεσιανοῦ φίλια, τοῦ μὲν ἐν Συρίᾳ, τοῦ δὲ ἐν
᾿Ιουδαίᾳ μεγάλας δυνάμεις ἐχόντων. ὑφ᾽ ὧν ἐπαι-
a μεγ μεις ἐχόντων.
, 4 De / lal
ρόμενος ἔγραψεν Οὐϊτελλίῳ παραινῶν στρατιω-
τικὰ φρονεῖν, ὧς χρήματα πολλὰ δώσοντος αὐτοῦ
\ f 3 = , ca G4
Kal πόλιν, ἐν ἡ βιώσεται ῥᾷστον καὶ ἥδιστον
, 3: ι6 7 5 f \ > A ΕῚ a
βίον μεθ᾽ ἡσυχίας. ἀντέγραψε δὲ κἀκεῖνος αὐτῷ
, a an
κατειρωνευόμενος ἡσυχῆ πρῶτον" ἐκ δὲ τούτου διε-
ρεθιζόμενοι πολλὰ βλάσφημα καὶ ἀσελγῆ χλευά-
ζοντες ἀλλήλοις ἔγραφον, οὐ ψευδῶς μέν, ἀνοήτως
δὲ καὶ γελοίως θατέρου τὸν ἕτερον ἃ προσῆν
ἀμφοτέροις ὀνείδη λοιδοροῦντος. ἀσωτίας yap
, , a
Kal μαλακίας καὶ ἀπειρίας πολέμων καὶ τῶν
, 3 \ , A / f A
πρόσθεν ἐπὶ πενίᾳ χρεῶν πλήθους ἔργον ἦν εἰπεῖν
e / a 3 A
ὁποτέρῳ μεῖον αὐτῶν μέτεστι.
Σημείων δὲ καὶ φαντασμάτων πολλῶν λεγο-
, Ἂ \ vy , 3 f \ Ὁ
μένων, TA μὲν ἄλλα φήμας ἀδεσπότους Kal ἀμφι-
/ ΄
βόλους εἶχεν, ἐν δὲ Καπιτωλίῳ Νίκης ἐφεστώσης
e \ ’ ΄ a
ἅρματι τὰς ἡνίας πάντες εἶδον ἀφειμένας ἐκ τῶν
a Ὁ Ὁ
χειρῶν, ὥσπερ κρατεῖν μὴ δυναμένης, καὶ τὸν ἐν
΄ ΄ sh /
μεσοποταμίᾳ νήσῳ Laiov Καίσαρος ἀνδριάντα
284

OTHO uv. 1-4

favour because of the war. For already there were
sure tidings that Vitellius had assumed the dignity
and power of emperor; and swift couriers were
continually coming with accounts of ever new
accessions to him, although others made it clear
that the armies in Pannonia, Dalmatia, and Mysia,
with their leaders, adhered to Otho. And quickly
there came also friendly letters from Mucianus and
Vespasian, who were at the head of large forces, the
one in Syria, the other in Judaea. Otho was elated
by these, and wrote to Vitellius advising him not to
have more than a soldier’s ambitions, in which case
he should be rewarded with a large sum of money,
and a city, where he could live in the utmost ease
and pleasure and be undisturbed. Vitellius also wrote
to Otho in reply, at first in a somewhat dissembling
manner; but afterwards both got excited and wrote
one another abusive letters filled with shameful
insults; not that either brought false charges, but it
was foolish and ridiculous for one to storm the other
with reproaches applicable to both. For as regards
prodigality, effeminacy, inexperience in war, and
multiplicity of debts incurred in a previous state of
poverty, it were hard to say which of them had the
advantage.

There were many reports of signs and apparitions,
most of which were of uncertain and dubious origin ;
but everybody saw that a Victory standing in a
chariot on the Capitol had dropped the reins from
her hands, as if she had not power to hold them,
and that the statue of Caius Caesar on the island in

1 δὲ supplied by Sint.?, after Schaefer ; Bekker assumes a
lacuna before ἕτεροι.

285

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

μήτε σεισμοῦ γεγονότος μήτε πνεύματος ἀφ᾽ ἐσ-
πέρας μεταστραφέντα πρὸς τὰς ἀνατολάς" ὅ φασι
συμβῆναι περὶ τὰς ἡμέρας ἐκείνας ἐν αἷς οἱ περὶ
Οὐεσπεσιανὸν ἐμφανῶς ἤδη τῶν πραγμάτων ἀντε-
λαμβάνοντο. καὶ τὸ περὶ τὸν Θύμβριν δὲ σύμ-
πτωμα σημεῖον ἐποιοῦντο οἱ πολλοὶ μοχθηρόν.
ἣν μὲν γὰρ ὥρα περὶ ἣν μάλιστα οἱ ποταμοὶ πλή-
θουσιν, ἀλλ᾽ οὔπω τοσοῦτος ἤρθη πρότερον, οὐδὲ
ἀπώλεσε τοσαῦτα καὶ διέφθειρεν, ὑπερχυθεὶς καὶ
κατακλύσας πολὺ μέρος τῆς πόλεως, πλεῖστον
δὲ ἐν ᾧ τὸν ἐπὶ πράσει διαπωλοῦσι σῖτον, ὡς
δεινὴν ἀπορίαν ἡμερῶν συχνῶν κατασχεῖν.

V. Ἐπεὶ δὲ τὰς ᾿Αλπεις κατέχοντες ἤδη
προσηγγέλλοντο Κεκίνας καὶ Οὐάλης Οὐϊτελλίῳ
στρατηγοῦντες, ἐν Ρώμῃ Δολοβέλλας, εὐπατρί-
δης ἀνήρ, ὑποψίαν παρεῖχε τοῖς μισθοφόροις
νεώτερα φρονεῖν. ἐκεῖνον μὲν οὖν, εἴτε αὐτὸν εἴτε
ἄλλον δεδοικώς, εἰς πόλιν ᾿Ακύνιον παρέπεμψε πα-
ραθαρρύνας. καταλέγων δὲ τῶν ἐν τέλει συνεκδή-
μους ἔταξεν ἐν τούτοις καὶ Λεύκιον τὸν Οὐϊτελλίου
ἀδελφόν, οὔτε προσθεὶς οὐδὲν οὔτε ἀφελὼν ἧς
εἶχε τιμῆς. ἰσχυρῶς δὲ καὶ τῆς μητρὸς ἐπεμε-
λήθη τοῦ Οὐϊτελλίου καὶ τῆς γυναικός, ὅπως
μηδὲν φοβήσονται περὶ αὑτῶν. τῆς δὲ Ῥώμης
φύλακα Φλαούιον Σαβῖνον, ἀδελφὸν Οὐεσπεσια-
νοῦ, κατέστησεν, εἴτε καὶ τοῦτο πράξας ἐπὶ τιμῇ
Nepoves (παρ᾽ ἐκείνου γὰρ εἰλήφει τὴν ἀρχὴν

Σαβῖνος, ἀφείλετο δὲ Γάλβας αὐτόν), εἴτε μᾶλ-
oF εὔνοιαν ἐνεδείκνυτο Οὐεσπεσιανῷ καὶ πίστιν
αὔξων Σαβῖνον.

Αὐτὸς μὲν οὖν ἐν Βριξίλλῳ, πόλει τῆς ᾿Ιταλίας

286

OTHO ιν. 4-v. 3

the Tiber, without the occurrence of earthquake or
wind, had turned from west to east, which is said to
have happened during the time when Vespasian was
at last openly trying to seize the supreme power.
The behaviour of the Tiber, too, was regarded by
most people as a baleful sign. It was a time, to be
sure, when rivers are at their fullest, but the Tiber
had never before risen so high, nor caused so great
ruin and destruction. It overflowed its banks and
submerged a great part of the city, and especially
the grain-market, so that dire scarcity of food
prevailed for many days together.

V. And now, when word was brought to Rome
that Caecina and Valens, who were in command
with Vitellius, were in possession of the Alps, Dola-
bella, a man of noble family, was suspected by the
praetorian soldiers of revolutionary designs. Otho
therefore sent him away (through fear of him or of
someone else) to the town of Aquinum, with words
of encouragement. And in his selection of the men
in authority who were to accompany him on his
expedition he included also Lucius, the brother of
Vitellius, without either increasing or diminishing
his honours. He also took strong measures for the
safety of the wife and mother of Vitellius, that they
might have no fear for themselves. Moreover, he
appointed Flavius Sabinus, a brother of Vespasian,
prefect of the city, either because in this way also
he could honour the memory of Nero (for Nero had
bestowed the office upon Sabinus, but Galba had
deprived him of it), or rather because, by advancing
Sabinus, he could show how he favoured and trusted
Vespasian.

Well, then, Otho himself tarried behind at Brixil-

287

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

περὶ τὸν ᾿Ηριδανὸν ἀπελείφθη, στρατηγοὺς δὲ
τῶν δυνάμεων ἐξέπεμψε Μάριόν τε Κέλσον καὶ
Σουητώνιον Παυλῖνον ἔτι τε άλλον καὶ Σπουρί-
vay, ἄνδρας ἐνδόξους, χρήσασθαι δὲ μὴ δυνηθέντας
ἐπὶ τῶν πραγμάτων ὡς προῃροῦντο τοῖς ἑαυ-
τῶν λογισμοῖς δι᾽ ἀταξίαν καὶ θρασύτητα τῶν
στρατιωτῶν. οὐ “γὰρ ἠξίουν ἑ ἑτέρων ἀκούειν, ὡς
παρ᾽ αὐτῶν τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος τὸ ἄρχειν ἔχοντος.
ἣν μὲν οὖν οὐδὲ τὰ τῶν πολεμίων ὑγιαίνοντα
παντάπασιν οὐδὲ χειροήθη τοῖς ἡγεμόσιν, ἀλλ᾽
ἔμπληκτα, καὶ σοβαρὰ διὰ τὴν αὐτὴν αἰτίαν. οὐ
μὴν ἀλλ᾽ Seals ἐμπειρία γε παρῆν τοῦ μάχεσθαι
καὶ τὸ κάμνειν ἐθάδες ὄντες οὐκ ἔφευγον, οὗτοι
δὲ μαλακοὶ μὲν ἦσαν ὑπὸ σχολῆς καὶ διαίτης
ἀπολέμου, πλεῖστον χρόνον ἐν θεάτροις καὶ πανη-
γύρεσι καὶ παρὰ σκηνὴν βεβιωκότες, ὕβρει δὲ
καὶ κόμπῳ ἐπαμπέχειν ἐβούλοντο, προσποιήσα-
σθαι τὰς λειτουργίας ὡς κρείττονες ἀπαξιοῦντες,
οὐχ ὡς ἀδύνατοι φέρειν. ὁ δὲ Σπουρίνας προσβια-
ζόμενος αὐτοὺς ἐκινδύνευσε μικρὸν ἐλθόντας ἀν-
ἐλεῖν αὐτόν. ὕβρεως δὲ καὶ βλασφημίας οὐδεμιᾶς
ἐφείσαντο, προδότην καὶ λυμεῶνα τῶν Καίσαρος
καιρῶν καὶ πραγμάτων λέγοντες. ἔνιοι δὲ καὶ
μεθυσθέντες ἤδη νυκτὸς ἦλθον ἐπὶ τὴν σκηνὴν
ἐφόδιον αἰτοῦντες" εἶναι γὰρ αὐτοῖς πρὸς Καίσαρα
βαδιστέον, ὅ ὅπτως ἐκείνου κατηγορήσωσιν.

VE Ὥνησε δὲ τὰ πράγματα καὶ Σπουρίναν ἐν
τῷ παραυτίκα λοιδορία περὶ Πλακεντίαν γενομένη
τῶν στρατιωτῶν. οἱ γὰρ Οὐϊτελλίου τοῖς “τείχεσι
προσβάλλοντες ἐχλεύαζον τοὺς "Ὄθωνος ἑστῶτας

1 +d κάμνειν Bekker, after Coraés : τοῦ κάμνειν.

288

1069

OTHO v. 3-v1. 1

lum, a town of Italy on the river Po, but sent his
forces on under the command of Marius Celsus and
Suetonius Paulinus, besides Gallus and Spurina.
These were men of distinction, but were unable
to conduct the campaign according to their own
plans and wishes, owing to the disorderly and
arrogant spirit of their soldiers. For these would
not deign to obey other officers, since, as they said,
they had made the emperor their commander. It
is true that the enemy’s troops also were not
altogether in condition, nor under the control ot
their officers, but fierce and haughty, and for the
same reason. Nevertheless, they were certainly
experienced in fighting, and being accustomed to
hard labour, they did not shun it; whereas Otho’s
men were soft, owing to their lack of employment
and their unwarlike mode of life, having spent most
of their time at spectacles and festivals and plays,
and they wished to cloak their weakness with in-
solence and boasting, disdaining to perform the
services laid upon them because they were above
the work, not because they were unable to do it.
When Spurina tried to force them into obedience,
he caine near being killed by them. They spared
him no abuse nor insolence, declaring that he was
betraying and ruining the opportunities and the
cause of Caesar. Nay, some of them who were
drunk came at night to his tent and demanded
money for a journey, for they must go, they said, to
Caesar, in order to denounce their commander.

VI. But Spurina and the emperor’s cause were
helped for the time by the abuse which his soldiers
received at Placentia. For when the troops of
Vitellius assaulted the walls, they railed at the

289

PLUTARCH’S: LIVES

παρὰ τὰς ἐπάλξεις, σκηνικοὺς καὶ πυρριχιστὰς
καὶ Πυθίων καὶ ᾿Ολυμπίων θεωρούς, πολέμου δὲ
καὶ στρατείας ἀπείρους καὶ ἀθεάτους ἀποκαλοῦν-
τες, καὶ μέγα φρονοῦντας ἐπὶ τῷ γέροντος ἀν-
όπλου κεφαλὴν ἀποτεμεῖν, τὸν Γάλβαν λέγοντες,
εἰς δὲ ἀγῶνα καὶ “μάχην ἀνδρῶν οὐκ ἂν ἐκφανῶς
καταβάντας. οὕτω γὰρ ἐταράχθησαν ὑ ὑπὸ τού-
των τῶν ὀνειδῶν καὶ διεκάησαν ὦ ὥστε προσπεσεῖν
τῷ Σπουρίνα, δεόμενοι χρῆσθαι καὶ προστάττειν
αὐτοῖς, οὐδένα κίνδυνον οὐδὲ πόνον ἀπολεγο-
μένοις. ἰσχυρᾶς δὲ συστάσης τειχομαχίας καὶ
μηχανημάτων πολλῶν προσαχθέντων ἐκράτησαν
οἱ τοῦ Σπουρίνα, καὶ φόνῳ πολλῷ τοὺς ἐναντίους
ἀποκρουσάμενοι διετήρησαν ἔνδοξον πόλιν καὶ
τῶν ᾿Ιταλῶν οὐδεμιᾶς ἧττον ἀνθοῦσαν.

Ἦσαν δὲ καὶ τὰ ἄλλα τῶν Οὐϊτελλίου στρατη-
γῶν οἱ Ὄθων ος ἐντυχεῖν ἀλυπότεροι καὶ πόλεσι
καὶ ἰδιώταις" ἐκείνων δὲ Κεκίνας μὲν οὔτε φωνὴν
οὔτε σχῆμα δημοτικός, GAN’ ἐπαχθὴς καὶ ἀλλό-
κοτος, σώματος μεγάλου, Παλατικῶς ἀναξυρίσι
καὶ χειρῖσιν ἐνεσκευασμένος, σημείοις καὶ ἄρχου-

“Ῥωμαϊκοῖς διαλεγόμενος. καὶ τὴν γυναῖκα
ee αὐτῷ λογάδην ἱππεῖς ὀχουμένην
ἵππῳ κεκοσμημένην ἐπιφανῶς. Φάβιον δὲ Οὐά-
λεντὰ τὸν ἕτερον στρατηγὸν οὔτε ἁρπαγαὶ πολε-
μίων οὔτε κλοπαὶ καὶ δωροδοκίαι παρὰ συμμάχων
ἐνεπίμπλασαν χρηματιζόμενον, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐδόκει
διὰ τοῦτο βραδέως ὁδεύων ὑστερῆσαι τῆς προτέ-
ρας μάχης. οἱ δὲ τὸν Κεκίναν αἰτιῶνται, σπεύ-
δοντα τὴν νίκην ἑαυτοῦ γενέσθαι πρὶν ἐκεῖνον

290

OTHO vr. 1-5

soldiers of Otho who manned the ramparts, calling
them actors, dancers, spectators at Pythian and
Olympian games, men who had never known or
seen a campaign or fighting, and thought highly of
themselves because they had cut off the head of a
defenceless old man (meaning Galba), but would not
openly enter a conflict and battle of men. Otho’s
soldiers were so disturbed by these reproaches, and
so inflamed, that they threw themselves at the feet
of Spurina, begging him to use them and command
them, and pleading excuse from no danger or toil.
And so, when a fierce assault was made upon the
walls and many siege-engines were brought to bear
upon them, Spurina’s men prevailed, repulsed their
opponents with great slaughter, and held safe a city
which was famous and more flourishing than any in
Italy.

In other ways, too, the generals of Vitellius were
more vexatious than those of Otho in their dealings
with both cities and private persons. One of them,
Caecina, had neither the speech nor the outward
appearance ofa Roman citizen, but was offensive and
strange, a man of huge stature, who wore Gaulish
trousers and long sleeves, and conversed by signs
even with Roman officials. His wife, too, accompanied
him, with an escort of picked horsemen; she rode
a horse, and was conspicuously adorned. Fabius
Valens, the other general, was so rapacious that
neither what he plundered from the enemy nor
what he stole or received as gifts from the allies
could satisfy him. Indeed, it was thought that this
rapacity of his had delayed his march, so that he
was too late for the battle at Placentia. But some
blame Caecina, who, they say, was eager to win the

201

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἐλθεῖν, ἄλλοις τε μικροτέροις περιπεσεῖν ἁμαρτή-
μασι καὶ μάχην οὐ κατὰ καιρὸν οὐδὲ γενναίως
συνάψαι, μικροῦ πάντα τὰ πράγματα διαφθεί-
ρᾶσαν αὐτοῖς.

VII. ‘Errel γὰρ ἀποκρουσθεὶς TAS Πλακεντίας
ὁ Κεκίνας ἐπὶ Κρεμώνην ὥρμησεν, ἑτέραν πόλιν
εὐδαίμονα καὶ μεγάλην, πρῶτος μὲν "Άννιος
Γάλλος πρὸς Πλακεντίαν Σπουρίνᾳ βοηθῶν, ὡς
ἤκουσε καθ᾽ ὁδὸν τοὺς Πλακεντίνους περυγεγονέ-
vat, κινδυνεύειν δὲ τοὺς ἐν Κρεμώνῃ, μετήγαγεν
ἐκεῖ τὸ στράτευμα καὶ κατεστρατοπέδευσε πλη-
σίον τῶν πολεμίων: ἔπειτα καὶ τῶν ἄλλων
ἕκαστος ἐβοήθει τῷ στρατηγῷ. τοῦ δὲ Κεκίνα
λοχίσαντος εἰς λάσια χωρία καὶ ὑλώδη πολλοὺς
ὁπλίτας, ἱππεῖς δὲ προεξελάσαι κελεύσαντος, κἂν
συνάψωσιν οἱ πολέμιοι κατὰ μικρὸν ἀναχωρεῖν
καὶ ἀναφεύγειν, ἄχρι ἂν ὑπάγοντες οὕτως ἐμβά-
λωσιν αὐτοὺς εἰς τὴν ἐνέδραν, ἐξήγγειλαν αὐτό-
porot τῷ Κέλσῳ. καὶ οὗτος μὲν ἱππεῦσιν
ἀγαθοῖς ἀντεξελάσας, “πεφυλαγμένως δὲ χρώ-
μενος τῇ διώξει καὶ τὴν ἐνέδραν περισχὼν καὶ
συνταράξας, ἐκάλει τοὺς ὁπλίτας ἐκ τοῦ στρατο-
πέδου. καὶ δοκοῦσιν ἂν ἐπελθόντες ἐν καιρῷ μη-
δένα λιπεῖν τῶν πολεμίων, ἀλλὰ πᾶν τὸ μετὰ
Κεκίνα στράτευμα συντρῖψαι καὶ ἀνελεῖν ἐπισπό-
μενοι τοῖς ἱππεῦσι" νυνὶ δὲ ὁ Παυλῖνος ὀψὲ καὶ
σχολῇ προσβοηθήσας αἰτίαν ἔσχεν sea:
THS δόξης στρατηγῆσαι δι᾽ εὐλάβειαν. δὲ
πολλοὶ τῶν στρατιωτῶν καὶ προδοσίαν tee:
λουν αὐτῷ, καὶ παρώξυνον τὸν "Ὄθωνα, μεγαλη-

202

1010

OTHO vi. 5-vi1. 4

victory himself before Valens came, and so not only
made other minor mistakes, but also joined battle
inopportunely and without much spirit, thereby
almost ruining their whole enterprise.

VII. For when Caecina, repulsed from Placentia,
had set out to attack Cremona, another large and
prosperous city, first Annius Gallus, who was coming
to the help of Spurina at Placentia, hearing upon the
march that Placentia was safe, but that Cremona was
in peril, changed his course and led his army to
Cremona, where he encamped near the enemy; then
his colleagues! came one by one to his aid. Caecina
now placed a large body of men-at-arms in ambush
where the ground was rough and woody, and then
ordered his horsemen to ride towards the enemy,
and if they were attacked, to withdraw little by
little and retreat, until they had in this way drawn
their pursuers into the ambush. But deserters
brought word of all this to Celsus, who rode out
with good horsemen to meet the enemy, followed
up his pursuit with caution, surrounded the men in
ambush, and threw them into confusion. Then he
summoned his men-at-arms from the camp. And
apparently, if these had come up in time to the
support of the cavalry, not a man of the enemy
would have been left alive, but the whole army with
Caecina would have been crushed and slain. As it
was, however, Paulinus came to their aid too slowly
and too late, and incurred the charge of sullying his
reputation as a commander through excessive caution.
But most of the soldiers actually accused him of
treachery, and tried to incense Otho against him,

1 Celsus, Paulinus, and Spurina (v. 3), although Spurina is
not mentioned further.

293

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

γοροῦντες ὡς νενικηκότων αὐτῶν, τῆς δὲ νίκης
οὐκ ἐπὶ πᾶν προελθούσης κακίᾳ τῶν στρατηγῶν.
0 δὲ Ὄθων οὐχ οὕτως ἐπίστευεν αὐτοῖς ὡς ἐβού-
λετο μὴ δοκεῖν ἀπιστεῖν. ἔπεμψεν οὖν Τιτιανὸν
ἐπὶ τὰ στρατεύματα τὸν ἀδελφὸν καὶ Πρόκλον
τὸν ἔπαρχον, ὃς εἶχεν ἔργῳ τὴν πᾶσαν “ἀρχήν,
πρόσχημα ὃ δὲ ἣν ὁ Τιτιανός. οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Κέλ-
σον καὶ Παυλίνον ἄλλως ἐφείλκοντο συμβούλων
ὄνομα καὶ φίλων, ἐξουσίαν καὶ δύναμιν ἐν τοῖς
πράγμασι μηδεμίαν ἔχοντες. ἣν δὲ θορυβώδη
καὶ τὰ παρὰ τοῖς πολεμίοις, μάλιστα δὲ τοῖς ὑπὸ
τῷ Οὐάλεντι" καὶ τῆς περὶ τὴν ἐνέδραν μάχης
ἀπαγγελθείσης ἐχαλέπαινον ὅτι μὴ παρεγένοντο
μηδὲ ἤμυναν ἀνδρῶν τοσούτων ἀποθανόντων.
μόλις δὲ πείσας καὶ παραιτησάμενος ὡρμημένους
αὐτοὺς βάλλειν ἀνέζευξε καὶ συνῆψε τοῖς περὶ
Κεκίναν.

VIII. Ὁ δὲ Ὄθων παραγενόμενος εἰς Βητριακὸν
εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον (ἔστι δὲ πολίχνη πλησίον
Κρεμώνης τὸ Βητριακόν) ἐβουλεύετο περὶ τῆς
μάχης. καὶ Πρόκλῳ μὲν ἐδόκει καὶ Τιτιανῷ,
τῶν στρατευμάτων ὄντων προθύμων καὶ προσφά-
του τῆς νίκης, διαγωνίσασθαι καὶ μὴ καθῆσθαι
τὴν ἀκμὴν ἀμβλύνοντα. τῆς δυνάμεως καὶ περι-
μένοντα Οὐϊτέλλιον. αὐτὸν ἐκ Γαλατίας ἐπελθεῖν"
[Ταυλῖνος δὲ τοῖς μὲν πολεμίοις ἔφη πάντα μεθ᾽
ὧν μαχοῦνται παρεῖναι, καὶ μηδὲν ἐνδεῖν, Οθωνι
δὲ τῆς ἤδη παρούσης οὐκ ἐλάττονα προσδόκιμον
εἶναι δύναμιν ἐκ Μυσίας καὶ Παννονίας, ἂν τὸν
αὑτοῦ περιμένῃ καιρόν, ἀλλὰ μὴ στρατηγῇ πρὸς
τὸν τῶν πολεμίων. οὐ γὰρ ἀμβλυτέροις γε χρή-

294

OTHO vu. 4-vi1. 3

loudly boasting that they had been victorious, but
that their victory was made incomplete by the
cowardice of their commanders. Otho did not
believe them, and yet wished to avoid the appear-
ance of disbelieving them. He therefore sent to
the armies his brother Titianus, and Proculus, the
prefect of the guards; of these two men Proculus
had the entire authority in reality, and Titianus
only in appearance. Celsus and Paulinus, too,
enjoyed the empty title of friends and counsellors,
but had no power or influence in the conduct of
affairs. There were disturbances also among the
enemy, and especially among the troops of Valens ;
for when these were told about the battle at the
ambuscade, they were enraged because they were
not present and had given no aid where so many
men had lost their lives. They actually began to
stone Valens, but he finally succeeded in pacifying
them, and then broke camp and joined Caecina.
VIII. Otho now came to the camp at Bedricum
(a little village near Cremona) and held a council of
war. Proculus and Titianus were of the opinion
that he ought to fight a decisive battle while his
armies were flushed with their recent victory, and
not sit there dulling the efficiency of his troops and
waiting for Vitellius to come in person from Gaul.
Paulinus, on the contrary, said that the enemy
already had all the resources with which they would
give battle, and lacked nothing, whereas, in the case
of Otho, a force as large as the one he already had
might be expected from Mysia and Pannonia, if he
would only wait for his own best opportunity and
conduct the campaign to suit that of the enemy.
For his men were now confident of success in spite

295

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

/ a lal lal 3 b} 5 ,
σεσθαι τότε τοῖς νῦν θαρροῦσιν am ἔλαττονων,
δ \ » , ,
ἂν πλείονας τοὺς ἀγωνιζομένους προσλάβωσιν,
᾽ 3 > , > lad θ 5 \ \ δὲ
ἀλλ᾽ ἐκ περιουσίας ἀγωνιεῖσθαι: καὶ χωρὶς δὲ

» \ \ oy ἊΝ > lal 5 » θό
τούτου τὴν διατριβὴν εἶναι πρὸς αὐτῶν ἐν ἀφθο-
a 4 , \ , ’
νοις πᾶσιν ὄντων, ἐκείνοις δὲ τὸν χρόνον ἀπορίαν

a lA
παρέξειν τῶν ἀναγκαίων ἐν πολεμίᾳ καθεζομένοις.
an , ,
ταῦτα λέγοντι Llavrivw Μάριος Κέλσος ἐγένετο
a 4
σύμψηφος. Ἄννιος δὲ Γάλλος οὐ παρῆν μέν,
> % Ὁ / x > bcd /
ἀλλ᾽ ἐθεραπεύετο πεπτωκὼς ἀφ ἵππου, γράψαν-
- \ ΄
τος δὲ "Ὄθωνος αὐτῷ συνεβούλευσε μὴ σπεύδειν,
ἀλλὰ τὴν ἐκ Μυσίας περιμένειν δύναμιν ἤδη καθ᾽
CON > > \ 9 ,ὔ ΄ > \ > ,
ὁδὸν οὖσαν. οὐ μὴν ἐπείθετο τούτοις, ἀλλὰ ἐκρά-
τησαν οἱ πρὸς τὴν μάχην παρορμῶντες.
᾽
IX. Αἰτίαι δὲ πλείονες ἄλλαι ὑπ᾽ ἄλλων λέ-
yovTat' προδήλως δὲ οἱ στρατηγικοὶ προσαγο-
ς, , ,
ρευόμενοι καὶ τάξιν ἔχοντες δορυφόρων, τότε
a n /
μᾶλλον ἀληθινῆς γευόμενοι στρατείας Kal Tas ἐν
¢€ , § \ \ id b , Ν
Ῥώμῃ διατριβὰς καὶ διαίτας ἀπολέμους καὶ πανη-
Ν a
γυρικὰς ποθοῦντες, οὐκ ἧσαν καθεκτοὶ σπεύδοντες
> \ \ € Lal
ἐπὶ τὴν μάχην, ws εὐθὺς ἐξ ἐπιδρομῆς ἀναρπασό-
\ b / a \ \ > Ν v
μενοι τοὺς ἐναντίους. δοκεῖ δὲ μηδὲ αὐτὸς "Ὄθων
4“ , yy δ NN \ > / \ [ὦ
ἐξαναφέρειν ἔτι πρὸς τὴν ἀδηλότητα μηδὲ ὑπο-
7 ’ ΄ \ , fn
μένειν ἀηθείᾳ Kal μαλακότητι τοὺς περὶ τῶν δει-
an / ’ὔ “
νῶν λογισμούς, ἐκπονούμενος δὲ ταῖς φροντίσι
VA 3 lal
σπεύδειν ἐγκαλυψάμενος, ὥσπερ ἀπὸ κρημνοῦ,
A \
μεθεῖναι τὰ πράγματα πρὸς TO συντυχόν. Kal
la \ - ἴω if ἴω
τοῦτο μὲν διηγεῖτο Σεκοῦνδος ὁ ῥήτωρ ἐπὶ τῶν
> n / a
ἐπιστολῶν γενόμενος TOV”"Obwvos. ἑτέρων δὲ Hy
296

107]

OTHO vit. 3-1x. 3

of their inferior numbers, and he would not find them
less keen after they had received reinforcements,
nay, their superiority would lead them to fight all the
better. And besides, delay was to their advantage,
since they had everything in abundance, while to the
enemy time would bring a scarcity of supplies, since
they were occupying a hostile country. So Paulinus
argued, and Marius Celsus voted with him. Annius
Gallus was not present, being under treatment for a
fall from his horse, but Otho asked his advice by
letter, and his counsel was not to hasten the battle,
but to await the forces from Mysia, which were
already on the march. Nevertheless, Otho would
not listen to these counsels, and the day was carried
by those who urged immediate battle.

IX. Various other reasons for this are given by
various writers; but manifestly the praetorian
soldiers, as they were called, who served as the
emperors guards, since they were now getting a
more generous taste of real military service and
longed for their accustomed life of diversion at
Rome in which festivals abounded and war was
unknown, could not be restrained, but were eager
for the battle, feeling sure that at the very first
onset they would overwhelm their opponents.
Moreover, it would seem that Otho himself could
not longer bear up against the uncertainty of the
issue, nor endure (so effeminate was he and so unused
to command) his own thoughts of the dire peril con-
fronting him ; but worn out by his anxieties, he veiled
his eyes, like one about to leap from a precipice, and
hastened to commit his cause to fortune. And this
is the account given by Secundus the rhetorician,
who was Otho’s secretary. But others would tell us

297

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ἀκούειν OTL τοῖς στρατεύμασιν ἀμφοτέροις παρί-
σταντο ὁρμαὶ πολλαὶ ὡς εἰς ταὐτὸ συνελθεῖν" καὶ
μάλιστα μὲν αὐτοὺς ὁμοφρονήσαντας ἐκ τῶν πα-
ρόντων ἡγεμονικῶν ἑλέσθαι τὸν ἄριστον, εἰ δὲ μή,
τὴν σύγκλητον ὁμοῦ καθίσαντας ἐφεῖναι τὴν
αἵρεσιν ἐκείνῃ τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος. καὶ οὐκ ἀπει-
κός ἐστι, μηδετέρου τότε τῶν προσαγορευομένων
αὐτοκρατόρων εὐδοκιμοῦντος, ἐπιπίπτειν τοιού-
τους διαλογισμοὺς τοῖς γνησίοις καὶ διαπόνοις καὶ
σωφρονοῦσι τῶν στρατιωτῶν, ὡς ἔχθιστον εἴη
καὶ δεινόν, ἃ πάλαι διὰ Σύλλαν καὶ Μάριον, εἶτα
Καίσαρα καὶ Ἰομπήϊον ὠκτείροντο δρῶντες ἀλ-
λήλους καὶ πάσχοντες οἱ πολῖται, ταῦτα νῦν ὑπο-
μένειν ἢ Οὐϊτελλίῳ λαιμαργίας καὶ οἰνοφλυγίας
ἢ τρυφῆς καὶ ἀκολασίας "Ὄθωνι τὴν ἡγεμο-
νίαν χορήγημα προθεμένους. ταῦτ᾽ οὗν ὑπο-
νοοῦσι τούς τε περὶ τὸν Κέλσον αἰσθανομένους
ἐμβαλεῖν διατριβήν, ἐλπίζοντας ἄνευ “μάχης καὶ
πόνων κριθήσεσθαι τὰ πράγματα, καὶ τοὺς περὶ
τὸν Οθωνα φοβουμένους ἐ ἐπιταχῦναι τὴν μάχην.

X. Αὐτὸς δὲ πάλιν εἰς Βρίξιλλον ἀνεχώρησε,
καὶ τοῦτο προσεξαμαρτών, οὐχ ὅτι μόνον τὴν ἐν
ὀφθαλμοῖς αὐτοῦ παρόντος αἰδῶ καὶ φιλοτιμίαν
ἀφεῖλε τῶν ἀγωνιζομένων, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς “ἐρρω-
μενεστάτους καὶ προθυμοτάτους δι’ αὐτὸν ἱππεῖς
καὶ πεζοὺς ἀπαγαγὼν φυλακὴν τοῦ σώματος
ὡσπερεὶ στόμωμα : τῆς δυνάμεως ἀπέκοψε.

, Συνέβη δὲ ταῖς ἡμέραις ἐκείναις καὶ περὶ τὸν

ριδανὸν. ἀγῶνα γενέσθαι, τοῦ μὲν Κεκίνα ζευ-
γνύντος τὴν διάβασιν, τῶν δὲ "OPwvos εἰργόντων

298

OTHO rx. 3-x. 2

that both armies were strongly inclined to confer ;
and above all, if they could agree, to elect as
emperor the best of the commanders who were with
them, but if not, to convene the senate and commit
to it the choice of an emperor. And since neither
of the men who then had the title of emperor
enjoyed high repute, it is not unlikely that the
real soldiers, those who knew what hardship was and
had sense, should be led to reflect that it would be a
dreadful and most hateful thing if the evils which
the citizens had once to their sorrow inflicted
upon one another and suffered because of Sulla and
Marius, and again because of Caesar and Pompey,
should now be endured again only to make the
imperial power a means for providing for the glut-
tony and drunkenness of Vitellius or for the luxury
and licentiousness of Otho. It is suspected, then,
that Celsus was aware of these feelings, and there-
fore tried to interpose delay, hoping that the issue
would thus be decided without hardship and battle,
and that Otho, fearing this, hastened on the battle.

X. Otho himself returned to Brixillum, and in
this too he made a mistake, not only because he
took away from the combatants the respect and
ambition which his presence and oversight inspired,
but also because, by leading away as his bodyguard
of foot and horse the men who were most vigorous
and eager to please him, he cut away, as it were,
the head and front of his army.

During this time there was also a conflict at the
river Po, where Caecina tried to build ἃ bridge
across the stream, and Otho’s soldiers attacked him

1 στόμωμα Doehner’s correction of the vulgate ri σῶμα,

adopted by Sint.?*
299

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

καὶ προσμαχομένων. ὡς δὲ οὐδὲν ἐπέραινον,
ἐνθεμένων εἰς τὰ πλοῖα δᾷδα θείου καὶ πίττης
ἀνάπλεων, διὰ τοῦ πόρου πνεῦμα προσπεσὸν
ἄφνω τὴν παρεσκευασμένην ὕλην ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμί-
ους ἐξερρίπιξε. καπνοῦ δὲ πρῶτον, εἶτα λαμπρᾶς
φλογὸς ἐκπεσούσης, ταραττόμενοι καὶ ἀποπη-
Oates εἰς τὸν ποταμὸν τάς τε ναῦς ἀνέτρεπον
καὶ τὰ σώματα τοῖς πολεμίοις μετὰ γέλωτος
παρεῖχον. οἱ δὲ Γερμανοὶ τοῖς "Ὄθωνος μονο-
μάχοις περὶ νησῖδα τοῦ ποταμοῦ προσμίξαντες
ἐκράτησαν καὶ διέφθειραν αὐτῶν οὐκ ὀλίγους.

XI. Devopevor δὲ τούτων, καὶ τῶν ἐν Βητριακῷ
στρατιωτῶν τοῦ Ὄθωνος ἐκφερομένων μετ᾽ ὀργῆς
ἐπὶ τὴν μάχην, προήγαγεν αὐτοὺς ὁ Πρόκλος ἐκ
τοῦ Βητριακοῦ, καὶ κατεστρατοπέδευσεν ἀπὸ
πεντήκοντα σταδίων οὕτως ἀπείρως καὶ καταγε-
λάστως ὥστε, τῆς μὲν ὥρας ἐαρινῆς οὔσης, τῶν
δὲ κύκλῳ πεδίων πολλὰ νάματα καὶ ποταμοὺς
ἀεννάους ἐχόντων, ὕδατος σπάνει πιέξεσθαι. τῇ
δὲ ὑ ὑστεραίᾳ βουλόμενον προάγειν ἐπὶ τοὺς πολε-
μίους ὁδὸν οὐκ ἐλάττονα σταδίων ἑ ἑκατὸν οἱ περὶ
τὸν Παυλῖνον οὐκ εἴων, ἀλλ᾽ @ovTo δεῖν περι-
μένειν καὶ μὴ προπονεῖν ἑαυτούς, μηδὲ εὐθὺς ἐκ
πορείας μάχην τίθεσθαι πρὸς ἄνδρας ὡπλισμέ-
vous καὶ παρατεταγμένους καθ᾽ ἡσυχίαν, ἐν ὅσῳ
χρόνῳ προΐασιν αὐτοὶ τοσαύτην ὁδὸν ἀναμεμιγ-
μένων ὑποζυγίων καὶ ἀκολούθων. οὔσης δὲ περὶ
τούτων ἀντιλογίας ἐν τοῖς στρατηγοῖς ἦλθε
παρ᾽ Ὄθωνος ἱππεὺς τῶν καλουμένων. Νομάδων
γράμματα κομίζων κελεύοντα μὴ μένειν μηδὲ
διατρίβειν, ἀλλ᾽ ἄγειν εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους.
ἐκεῖνοι μὲν οὖν ἄραντες ἐχώρουν, ὁ δὲ Κεκίνας
300

OTHO x. 2-x1. 3

and tried to prevent it. Not succeeding, Otho’s
men loaded their vessels with torchwood full of
sulphur and pitch, and began to cross the river;
but a blast of wind suddenly smote the material
which they had prepared for use against the enemy,
and fanned it afire. First smoke arose from it, then
bright flames, so that the crews were confounded
and leaped overboard into the river, upsetting their
boats, and putting themselves at the mercy of a
jeering enemy. Moreover, the Germans attacked
Otho’s gladiators at an island in the river, over-
powered them and slew not a few of them.

XI. These disasters threw Otho’s soldiers at
Bedriacum into a rage for battle, and Proculus
therefore led them forth out of Bedriacum, and after
a march of fifty furlongs pitched his camp, but in a
manner so ignorant and ridiculous that his men were
troubled by lack of water, although it was the
spring of the year and the plains around abounded
in running streams and rivers that never dried up.
On the following day he proposed to make a march
of no less than a hundred furlongs and attack the
enemy, but Paulinus objected, and thought they
ought to wait and not tire themselves beforehand,
nor join battle immediately after a march with men
who had armed and arrayed themselves at their
leisure, while they themselves were advancing so
great a distance with all their beasts of burden and
camp-followers. While the generals were disputing
about the matter, there came from Otho a Numidian
courier with a letter which ordered them not to
wait or delay, but to march at once against the
enemy. Accordingly, they decamped and moved
forward, and Caecina, who was much disturbed on

301

PLUTARCH’S. LIVES

πυθόμενος τὴν ἔφοδον αὐτῶν ἐθορυ Βήθη, καὶ κατὰ
σπουδὴν ἀπολιπὼν τὰ ἔργα καὶ τὸν ποταμὸν
ἧκεν εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον. ὡπλισμένων δὲ ἤδη
τῶν πολλῶν, καὶ τὸ σύνθημα παραλαμβανόντων

παρὰ τοῦ Οὐάλεντος, ἐν ὅσῳ τὴν τάξιν διελάγ-
χανε τὰ τάγματα, τοὺς ἀρίστους τῶν ἱππέων
προεξέπεμψαν.

XII. ᾿Εμπίπτει δὲ τοῖς προτεταγμένοις τῶν
"OOwvos ἐκ δή τινος αἰτίας δόξα καὶ λόγος ὡς
μεταβαλουμένων τῶν Οὐϊτελλίου στρατηγῶν
πρὸς αὐτούς. ὡς οὖν ἐγγὺς ἦσαν, ἠσπάσαντο
φιλίως συστρατιώτας προσαγορεύσαντες. ἐκεί-
νων δὲ τὴν προσαγύρευσιν οὐκ εὐμενῶς, ἀλλὰ
μετὰ θυμοῦ καὶ φωνῆς πολεμικῆς ἀμειψαμένων,
τοῖς μὲν ἀσπασαμένοις ἀθυμία, τοῖς δὲ λοιποῖς
ὑπόνοια κατὰ τῶν ἀσπασαμένων ὡς προδιδόντων
παρέστη. καὶ τοῦτο πρῶτον αὐτοὺς ἐτάραξεν
ἤδη τῶν πολεμίων ἐν χερσὶν ὄντων. εἶτα τῶν
ἄλλων οὐδὲν ἣν κόσμῳ γινόμενον, ἀλλὰ πολλὴν
μὲν ἀταξίαν τὰ σκευοφόρα τοῖς μαχομένοις
ἐμπλαζόμενα παρεῖχε, πολλοὺς δὲ τὰ χωρία
διασπασμοὺς ἐποίει τάφρων 6 ὄντα μεστὰ καὶ ὀρυγ-
μάτων, ἃ φοβούμενοι καὶ περιϊόντες ἠναγκάζοντο
φύρδην καὶ κατὰ μέρη πολλὰ συμπλέκεσθαι τοῖς
ἐναντίοις. μόναι δὲ δύο λεγεῶνες (οὕτω γὰρ τὰ
τάγματα Ῥωμαῖοι καλοῦσιν), ἐπίκλησιν ἡ μὲν
Οὐϊτελλίου “Αρπαξ, ἡ δὲ Ὄθωνος Βοηθός, εἰς
πεδίον ἐξελίξασαι ψιλὸν καὶ ἀναπεπταμένον,
νόμιμόν τινα μάχην, συμπεσοῦσαι φαλαγγηδόν,
ἐμάχοντο πολὺν χρόνον. οἱ μὲν οὖν "Οθωνος
ἄνδρες ἦσαν εὔρωστοι καὶ ἀγαθοί, πολέμου δὲ
καὶ μάχης τότε πρῶτον πεῖραν λαμβάνοντες" οἱ
302

OTHO xt. 3-x11. 3

learning of their approach, hastily abandoned his
operations at the river and came to his camp.
There most of the soldiers had already armed them-
selves, and Valens was giving out the watchword to
them, and while the legions were taking up their
positions, the best of the cavalry were sent out in
advance.

XII. And now, for some reason, it was believed
and rumoured among Otho’s vanguard that the
generals of Vitellius would come over to their side.
Accordingly, when these drew near, Otho’s men
greeted them in a friendly fashion and called them
fellow-soldiers. ‘The enemy, however, returned the
salutation in no kindly spirit, but with anger and
hostile cries, so that those who had greeted them
were dejected, and were suspected of treachery by
the others on their side. This was the first thing
that threw Otho’s men into confusion, and at a
time when the enemy were close at hand. And
besides, nothing else was done properly, since the
baggage-train wandered about among the fighting
men and caused great disorder. Moreover, the line
of battle was often broken by the nature of the
ground, which was full of trenches and pits, and in
avoiding or going around these the men were com-
pelled to engage their opponents promiscuouly and
in many detachments. Only two legions (to use the
Roman word), that of Vitellius called “ Rapax’’ (or
Devourer) and that of Otho called “ Adiutrix”’ (or
Helper), got out into a treeless and extended plain,
engaged in full formation, and fought a regular
battle for a long time. Otho’s men were sturdy
and brave, but were now for the first time getting a
taste of war and fighting; those of Vitellius, on the

393

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

δὲ Οὐϊτελλίου πολλῶν ἀγώνων ἐθάδες, ἤδη δὲ
γηραιοὶ καὶ παρακμάζοντες.

Ὁ ρμήσαντες οὖν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς οἱ θθωνος ἐ ἐώσαντο
καὶ τὸν ἀετὸν ἀφείλοντο, παντᾶς ὁμοῦ τι τοὺς
προμάχους ἀποκτείναντες" ὁ οἱ δὲ ὑπὸ αἰσχύνης καὶ
ὀργῆς ἐμπεσόντες αὖ' τοῖς τόν τε πρεσβευτὴν τοῦ
τάγματος ᾿Ορφίδιον ἔκτειναν καὶ πολλὰ τῶν
σημείων ἥρπασαν. τοῖς δὲ μονομάχοις ἐμπειρίαν
τε καὶ θάρσος ἔχειν πρὸς τὰς συμπλοκὰς δοκοῦ-
σιν ἐπήγαγεν Οὔαρος ᾿Αλφῆνος τοὺς καλουμένους
Βατάβους. εἰσὶ δὲ Τερμανῶν ἱππεῖς ἄριστοι,
νῆσον οἰκοῦντες ὑπὸ τοῦ Ῥήνου περιρρεομένην.
τούτους ὀλίγοι μὲν τῶν μονομάχων ὑπέστησαν, οἱ
δὲ πλεῖστοι φεύγοντες ἐπὶ τὸν ποταμὸν ἐμπίπτου-
σιν εἰς σπείρας τῶν πολεμίων αὐτόθι τεταγμένας,
ὑφ᾽ ὧν ἀμυνόμενοι πάντες ὁμαλῶς διεφθάρησαν.
αἴσχιστα δὲ ἡ ἠγωνίσαντο πάντων οἱ στρατηγικοΐί,
μηδὲ ὅσον ἐν χερσὶ γενέσθαι τοὺς ἐναντίους ὑπο-
μείναντες, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς ἀηττήτους ἔτι φόβου
καὶ ταραχῆς ἀνεπίμπλασαν φεύγοντες δι᾽ αὐτῶν.
οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ πολλοί γε τῶν Ὄθωνος νενικηκότες
τοὺς καθ᾽ αὑτοὺς ἐβιάσαντο καὶ διεξέπεσον διὰ
τῶν πολεμίων κρατούντων εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον.

XII. Τῶν δὲ στρατηγῶν οὔτε ἸΙρόκλος οὔτε
Παυλῖνος συνεισελθεῖν ἐτόλμησαν, arr ἐξέκλιναν
φοβούμενοι τοὺς στρατιώτας ἤδη τὴν αἰτίαν ἐπὶ
τοὺς στρατηγοὺς τρέποντας. Αννιος δὲ Γάλλος
ἀνελάμβανεν ἐν τῇ πόλει καὶ παρεμυθεῖτο τοὺς
ἐκ τῆς μάχης συλλεγομένους, ὡς ἀγχωμάλου
γεγενημένης καὶ πολλοῖς κεκρατηκότας “μέρεσι
τῶν πολεμίων. Μάριος δὲ Κέλσος τοὺς ἐν τέλει

304

OTHO xu. 3-x1. 2

other hand, had seen many battles and were used to
them, but they were now old and past their prime.

So Otho’s men charged upon them, drove them
back, and captured their eagle, killing nearly all
who stood in the first rank ; but the others, impelled
by shame and anger, fell upon their foes, slew
Orfidius, the commander of the legion, and seized
many of their standards. Against Otho’s gladiators,
too, who were supposed to have experience and
courage in close fighting, Alfenus Varus led up the
troops called Batavians. They are the best cavalry
of the Germans, and come from an island made by
the Rhine. A few of the gladiators withstood these,
but most of them fled towards the river, where they
encountered cohorts of the enemy in battle array,
and in defending themselves against these, were cut
off to a man. But the praetorian soldiers fought
more shamefully than any others. They did not
even wait for their opponents to come to close
quarters, but fled through the ranks of their still
unvanquished comrades, filling them with fear and
confusion. Notwithstanding all this, many of
Otho’s men conquered those who opposed them,
forced their way through the victorious enemy, and
regained their camp.

XIII. But as for their generals, neither Proculus
nor Paulinus ventured to enter the camp with them,
but turned aside through fear of the soldiers, who
were already laying the blame for their defeat upon
their commanders. But Annius Gallus received into
the town the soldiers who gathered there out of the
battle, and tried to encourage them. The battle
had been nearly equal, he said, and in many parts of
it they had overcome their enemies. Marius Celsus,

3°5

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

bf / a ,
συναγαγὼν ἐκέλευσε σκοπεῖν TO KOLVOV, WS ἐπὶ
a ΄ VA a
συμφορᾷ τηλικαύτῃ Kal φόνῳ τοσούτῳ πολιτῶν
ἌΓΟΝ, Y y TEN > 06 bd 20 7, 7
μηδὲ "Ὄθωνος, εἴπερ ἀνὴρ ἀγαθός ἐστιν, ἐθελή-
a an / \ /
σοντος ἔτι πειρᾶσθαι τῆς τύχης, ὅπου καὶ Κάτων
- Ν ΄
καὶ Σκηπίων, Καίσαρι κρατοῦντι μετὰ Φάρσαλον
ἢ \ / Dee » e \
εἶξαι μὴ θελήσαντες, αἰτίαν ἔχουσιν ὡς πολλοὺς
\ ’ \ vy 9 » ,
καὶ ἀγαθοὺς ἄνδρας ἐν Λιβύῃ παραναλώσαντες
4 4 nA
οὐκ ἀναγκαίως, καίπερ ἀγωνιζόμενοι περὶ τῆς
€ 7 Σ / \ \ ” \ e
Ῥωμαίων ἐλευθερίας. τὰ yap ἄλλα κοινὴν ἡ
΄ nn \ ἃ > ’ a
τύχη παρέχουσα πᾶσιν ἑαυτὴν ἕν οὐκ ἀφαιρεῖται
- “ ’ “Ὁ \
τῶν ἀγαθῶν, TO κἂν πταίσωσιν εὐλογιστεῖν πρὸς
τὰ συντυγχάνοντα.
na \
Ταῦτα λέγων ἔπειθε τοὺς ἡγεμονικούς. ἐπεὶ
, , f ,’
δὲ πειρώμενοι τοὺς στρατιώτας ἑώρων εἰρήνης
\ f ve
δεομένους καὶ Τιτιανὸς ἐκέλευε πρεσβεύειν ὑπὲρ
\
ὁμονοίας, ἔδοξε Κέλσῳ καὶ Γάλλῳ Badilew καὶ
͵ a \ Ν / \ 2 ei?
διαλέγεσθαι τοῖς περὶ τὸν Κεκίναν καὶ Οὐάλεντα.
βαδίζουσι δὲ αὐτοῖς ἀπήντησαν ἑκατοντάρχαι τὴν
ON 7 in)
μὲν δύναμιν ἤδη κεκινημένην λέγοντες ἐρχομένην
ἣν n an
ἐπὶ TO Βητριακόν, αὐτοὶ δὲ ὑπὸ τῶν στρατηγῶν
ε
ἀπεστάλθαι περὶ ὁμονοίας. ἐπαινέσαντες οὖν οἱ
\ \ / 3 / > \ >’ /
περὶ τὸν Κέλσον ἐκέλευσαν αὐτοὺς ἀναστρέψαν-
τας πάλιν ἀπαντᾶν pet αὐτῶν τοῖς περὶ τὸν
,) \ «
Κεκίναν. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἐγγὺς ἦσαν, ἐκινδύνευσεν ὁ
Ui \
Κέλσος. ἔτυχον yap οἱ περὶ τὴν ἐνέδραν ἡττη-
, / e a
μένοι πρότερον ἱππεῖς προεξελαύνοντες. ὡς οὗν
/ \ ͵ n 3 \ ,
προσιόντα Tov Κέλσον κατεῖδον, εὐθὺς βοήσαντες
, »
ὥρμησαν ἐπ ᾿αὐτόν. οἱ δὲ ἑκατοντάρχαι προ-
7, » , \ a an
ἐστησαν ἀνείργοντες" καὶ TOV ἄλλων λοχαγῶν
306

OTHO xu. 2-5

moreover, assembled the officers and urged them to
consult the public good. In view of so great a
calamity, he said, and the slaughter of so many
citizens, not even Otho himself, if he were a good
man, would wish to make further trial of his fortune,
since even Cato and Scipio, by refusing to yield toa
victorious Caesar after Pharsalus, had incurred the
charge of needlessly squandering the lives of many
brave men in Africa, although their struggle was in
behalf of Roman freedom. For in general all men
alike are subject to the decrees of fortune, but of
one thing she cannot rob a good man, and that
is the privilege, in case of adversity, of taking
reasonable measures to correct the situation that
confronts him.

By this speech Celsus won over the officers. And
after they had sounded the soldiers and found them
desirous of peace, and when Titianus urged that an
embassy be sent in the interest of concord, Celsus
and Gallus decided to go and confer with Caecina
and Valens. But as they were on the way they
were met by some centurions of the enemy, who
said that their army was already in motion and was
on its way to Bedriacum, and that they themselves
had been sent out by their generals to treat for
concord. Accordingly, Celsus commended them,
and bade them turn back with him and go to meet
Caecina. But when they were near the army of
Caecina, Celsus ran risk of his life. For it chanced
that the horsemen who had formerly been worsted
by him at the ambush were riding on in advance.
So when they saw Celsus coming up, they forthwith
raised a shout and dashed against him. But the
centurions stood in front of him and kept them off;

391

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

φείδεσθαι βοώντων οἱ περὶ Tov Κεκίναν πυθό-
μενοι καὶ προσελάσαντες τὴν ἀκοσμίαν ταχὺ τῶν
ἱππέων ἔπαυσαν, τὸν δὲ Κέλσον ἀσπασάμενοι
φιλοφρόνως ἐβάδιξον μετ᾽ αὐτῶν εἰς τὸ Βητριακόν.
ἐν δὲ τούτῳ μετάνοια. Τιτιανὸν ἔ ἔσχεν ἐκπέμψαντα
τοὺς πρέσβεις: καὶ τῶν στρατιωτῶν τοὺς θρασυν-
ομένους αὖθις aveBiBalev ἐπὶ τὰ τείχη καὶ τοὺς
ἄλλους παρεκάλει βοηθεῖν. τοῦ δὲ Κεκίνα προσ-
ἐλάσαντος τῷ ἵππῳ καὶ τὴν δεξιὰν ὀρέγοντος
οὐδεὶς ἀντέσχεν, GAN’ οἱ μὲν ἀπὸ τῶν τειχῶν
ἠσπάζοντο τοὺς στρατιώτας, οἱ δὲ τὰς πύλας
ἀνοίξαντες ἐξήεσαν καὶ ἀνεμίγνυντο τοῖς προσ-
ἤκουσιν. ἠδίκει δὲ οὐδείς, ἀλλὰ καὶ φιλοφρο-
σύναι καὶ δεξιώσεις ἦσαν, ὄμοσαν δὲ πάντες περὶ
τοῦ Οὐϊτελλίου καὶ προσεχώρησαν.

XIV. Οὕτω μὲν οἱ πλεῖστοι τῶν παραγενομε-
νων ἀπαγγέλλουσι γενέσθαι τὴν μάχην, οὐδὲ
αὐτοὶ σαφῶς ὁμολογοῦντες εἰδέναι τὰ καθ᾽ ἕκαστα
διὰ τὴν ἀταξίαν καὶ τὴν ἀνωμαλίαν. ἐμοὶ δὲ
ὕστερον ὁδεύοντι διὰ τοῦ πεδίου Μέστριος Φλῶρος,
ἀνὴρ ὑπατικὸς τῶν τότε μὴ κατὰ γνώμην, ἀλλ᾽
ἀνάγκῃ μετὰ τοῦ "Ὄθωνος γενομένων, νεὼν ὄντα
παλαιὸν ἐπιδείξας διηγεῖτο μετὰ τὴν μάχην
ἐπελθὼν ἰδεῖν νεκρῶν σωρὸν τηλικοῦτον ὥστε
τοὺς ἐπιπολῆς ἅπτεσθαι τῶν ἀετῶν. καὶ τὴν
αἰτίαν ἔφη ζητῶν οὔτε αὐτὸς εὑρεῖν οὔτε παρ᾽
ἄλλου του πυθέσθαι. θνήσκειν μὲν γὰρ παρὰ
τοὺς ἐμφυλίους πολέμους, ὅταν τροπὴ γένηται,
πλείονας εἰκός ἐστι, τῷ μηδένα ζωγρεῖν, χρῆσθαι
γὰρ οὐκ ἔστι τοῖς ἁλισκομένοις, ἡ δ᾽ ἐπὶ τοσοῦτο

308

1073

OTHO xu. 5-x1v. 2

the other officers also shouted to the horsemen to
spare Celsus, and Caecina, hearing their cries, rode
up and speedily brought his horsemen to order.
Then he greeted Celsus in a friendly manner and
went on with him to Bedriacum. But meanwhile
Titianus had repented of having sent the embassy,
and after ordering the more resolute of the soldiers
back again upon the walls, he exhorted the rest to
go to their support. However, when Caecina rode
up on his horse and stretched out his hand to them,
not a man resisted further, but some greeted his
soldiers from the walls, while others, throwing
open the gates, went forth and mingled with the
advancing troops. There were no hostilities, on
the part of Otho’s men, but only friendly salutations
and greetings, and all took oath to support Vitellius
and went over to his side.

XIV. This is the account which most of the
participants give of the battle, although they them-
selves confess that they were ignorant of its details,
owing to the disorder and the unequal fortunes of the
several groups. Ata later time, when I was travelling
through the plain, Mestrius Florus, one of the men
of consular rank who were at that time with Otho
(by constraint, and not of their own will), pointed
out to me an ancient temple, and told me how, as
he came up to it after the battle, he saw a heap of
dead bodies so high that those on top of it touched
the gable of the temple. The reason for this he
said he could neither discover himself nor learn
from anyone else. It is natural, indeed, that in
civil wars, when a rout takes place, more men
should be killed, because no quarter is given (there
being no use for prisoners); but why the dead

3°99

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

σωρεία καὶ συμφόρησις οὐκ ἔχει τὴν αἰτίαν
εὐσυχλόγιστον.

XV. Te δὲ "Ὄθωνι πρῶτον μὲν acadys, ὥσπερ
εἴωθε περὶ τῶν τηλικούτων, “προσέπεσε λόγος"
ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ τετρωμένοι τινὲς ἧκον ἐκ τῆς μάχης
ἀπαγγέλλοντες, τοὺς μὲν φίλους ἧττον ἄν τις
ἐθαύμασεν οὐκ ἐῶντας ἀπαγορεύειν, ἀλλὰ θαρρεῖν
παρακελευομένους, τὸ δὲ τῶν στρατιωτῶν πάθος
ἅπασαν ὑπερέβαλε πίστιν. ὡς οὐδεὶς ἀπῆλθεν,
οὐδὲ μετέστη πρὸς τοὺς κρατοῦντας, οὐδ᾽ ὥφθη
τὸ καθ᾽ αὑτὸν ζητῶν ἀπεγνωσμένου τοῦ ἡγεμόνος,
πάντες δ᾽ ὁμαλῶς ἐπὶ θύρας ἦλθον, ἐκάλουν
αὐτοκράτορα, προελθόντος ἐγίνοντο προστρό-
παιοι, μετὰ βοῆς καὶ ἱκεσίας χειρῶν ἥπτοντο,
προσέπιπτον, ἐδάκρυον, ἐδέοντο μὴ σφᾶς ἐγκατα-
λιπεῖν, μὴ προδοῦναι τοῖς πολεμίοις, ἀλλὰ χρῆσθαι
μέχρι ἂν ἐμπνέωσι καὶ ψυχαῖς καὶ σώμασιν ὑπὲρ
αὑτοῦ. ταῦτα ὁμοῦ πάντες ἱκέτενον. εἷς δὲ τῶν
ἀφανεστέρων ἀνατείνας τὸ ξίφος καὶ εἰπών,
“Ἴσθι, Καΐσαρ, οὕτως ὑπὲρ σοῦ παρατεταγ-
μένους ἅπαντας," ἀπέσφαξεν ἑαυτόν.

᾿Αλλὰ τούτων οὐδὲν ἐπέκλασε τὸν Ὄθωνα,
φαιδρῷ δὲ καὶ καθεστῶτι προσώπῳ πανταχόσε
τὰς ὄψεις περιαγαγών, “Ταύτην; εἶπεν, “ᾧ
συστρατιῶται, τὴν ἡμέραν ἐκείνης, ἐν ἦ με
πρῶτον ἐποιήσατε αὐτοκράτορα, μακαριωτέραν
ἡγοῦμαι, τοιούτους ὁρῶν ὑμᾶς καὶ τηλικούτων
ἀξιούμενος. ἀλλὰ μὴ μείζονος ἀποστερεῖτε, τοῦ
καλῶς ἀποθανεῖν ὑπὲρ τοσούτων καὶ τοιούτων
πολιτῶν. εἰ τῆς Ρωμαίων ἡ ἡγεμονίας ἄξιος γέγονα,
δεῖ με τῆς ἐμῆς ψυχῆς ὑ ὑπὲρ 7 τῆς πατρίδος ἀφειδεῖν.
οἷδα τὴν νίκην τοῖς ἐναντίοις οὔτε βεβαίαν οὔτε
310

OTHO xiv.) 2=xv. '4

bodies should be collected and heaped up in such a
manner is not easy to determine.

XV. To Otho there came at first, as is usual in
such catastrophes, an indistinct rumour of the
result ; but presently some of his soldiers who had
been wounded came with direct tidings of the
battle. Here one cannot so much wonder that his
friends would not let him give up all for lost, and
exhorted him to be of good cheer; but the feelings
of his soldiers towards him passed all belief. Nota
man of them left him, or went over to the victorious
side, or was seen to despair of the emperor’s cause
and seek his own safety, but all alike came to his
door, called upon him as emperor, became his
humble suppliants when he appeared before them,
seized his hands with cries and prayers, fell down
before him, wept, begged him not to abandon them,
and not to betray them to their enemies, but to use
their lives and persons in his service as long as they
had breath. Such were their united supplications.
And one obscure soldier held up his sword, and with
the words “ Know, O Caesar, that all of us stand in
this fashion at thy side,” slew himself.

None of these things, however, broke Otho down,
but looking all around with a countenance composed
and cheerful, he said : “ This day, my fellow-soldiers,
I deem more blessed than that on which ye first
made me emperor, since I see you so devoted to me
and am judged worthy of so high honour at your
hands. But do not rob me of a greater blessed-
ness—that of dying nobly in behalf of fellow-citizens
so many and so good. If 1 was worthy to be Roman
emperor, 1 ought to give my life freely for my
country. I know that the victory of our adversaries

311

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

> / \ b] f
ἰσχυρὰν οὗσαν. ἀπαγγέλλουσι τὴν εκ Μυσίας
ἡμῶν δύναμιν οὐ πολλῶν ἡμερῶν ὁδὸν ἀπέχειν,
ἤδη καταβαίνουσαν ἐ ἐπὶ τὸν ᾿Αδρίαν. ᾿Ασία καὶ
Συρία καὶ Αἴγυπτος καὶ τὰ πολεμοῦντα Ιουδαίοις
στρατεύματα μεθ᾽ ἡμῶν, ἥ τε σύγκλητος map.
ἡμῖν καὶ τέκνα τῶν ἐναντίων καὶ γυναῖκες. ἀλλ᾽
οὐκ ἔστι πρὸς ᾿Αννίβαν οὐδὲ Πύρρον οὐδὲ Κίμ-
βρους ὁ πόλεμος ὑ ὑπὲρ τῆς ᾿Ιταλίας, ἀλλὰ “Ῥωμαίοις
πολεμοῦντες ἀμφότεροι τὴν πατρίδα. καὶ νικῶντες
ἀδικοῦμεν καὶ νικώμενοι. καὶ γὰρ τὸ ἀγαθὸν τοῦ
γρατοῦντος ἐκείνῃ κακόν ἐστι. πιστεύσατε πολ-
λάκις ὅτι «δύναμαι κάλλιον ἀποθανεῖν ἢ ἄρχειν.
οὐ γὰρ ὁρῶ τί τηλικοῦτον “Ῥωμαίοις ὄφελος
ἔσομαι κρατήσας, ,ἡλίκον ἐπιδοὺς ἐμαυτὸν ὑπὲρ
εἰρήνης καὶ ὁμονοίας, καὶ τοῦ μὴ πάλιν ἡμέραν
τοιαύτην ἐπιδεῖν τὴν ᾿Ιταλίαν."

XVI. Τοιαῦτα διαλεχθείς, καὶ πρὸς τοὺς ἐνί-
σταάσθαι καὶ παρακαλεῖν ἐ ἐπιχειροῦντας ἀπισχυρι-
σάμενος, τούς τε φίλους ἐκέλευεν ἀπαλλάττεσθαι
καὶ τῶν συγκλητικῶν τοὺς παρόντας" τοῖς δὲ μὴ
παροῦσιν ἐπέστελλε καὶ γράμματα πρὸς τὰς
πόλεις, ὅπως παρακομισθῶσιν ἐντίμως καὶ μετὰ
ἀσφαλείας. προσαγόμενος δὲ τὸν ἀδελφιδοῦν
Κοκκήϊον, ἐ ἔτι μειράκιον ὄντα, θαρρεῖν παρεκάλει
καὶ μὴ δεδιέναι Οὐϊτέλλιον, οὗ καὶ μητέρα καὶ
γενεὰν καὶ γυναῖκα αὐτός, ὥσπερ οἰκείων κηδό-
μενος, διαφυλάξαι. διὰ τοῦτο γὰρ οὐδὲ θέσθαι
παῖδα βουλόμενος αὐτόν, ἀλλ᾽ ἀναβαλέσθαι τὴν
εἰσποίησιν, ὅπως συνάρχοι κρατήσαντος αὐτοῦ,
μὴ προσαπόλοιτο πταίσαντος" “Ἐκεῖνο δέ,"
εἶπεν, “ὦ παῖ, παρεγγυῶμαί σοι τελευταῖον,

312

(

OTHO xv. 4=xv1. 2

is neither decisive nor assured. I have word that
our forces from Mysia are already approaching the
Adriatic, and are only a few days distant from us.
Asia, Syria, Egypt, and the armies fighting against
the Jews, are on our side; the senate, too, is with
us, as well as the wives and children of our
adversaries. Still, it is not to defend Italy against
Hannibal, or Pyrrhus, or the Cimbri, that our war is
waged, but both parties are waging war against
Romans, and we sin against our country whether we
conquer or are conquered.” For the victor’s gain is
our country’s loss. Believe me when I insist that I
ean die more honourably than I can reign. For I
do not see how my victory can be of so great
advantage to the Romans as my offering up my life
to secure peace and concord, and to prevent Italy
from beholding such a day again.”

XVI. So he spake, and after resisting firmly those
who tried to oppose and dissuade him, he ordered
his friends to depart, as well as the men of senatorial
rank who were present ; to those who were absent
he sent the same command, and wrote to the cities
urging them to escort the travellers on their way
with honour and in safety. Then he sent for his
nephew Cocceius, who was still a youth, and bade
him be of good cheer and not fear Vitellius, whose
mother and wife and children he had kept safe and
cared for as though they were his own. He had
desired, he said, to make him his son, but had put
off the adoption, in order that the youth might share
his power after he had prevailed, and not perish with
him after he had failed. “And now, my boy,” he
said, “this is my last charge to thee; do not alto-

VOL. ΧΙ. 1, 93:8

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

μήτε ἐπιλαθέσθαι παντάπασι μήτε ἄγαν μνη-
μονεύειν ὅτι Καίσαρα θεῖον ἔσχες."

Γενόμενος δὲ ἀπὸ τούτων μετὰ μικρὸν ἤκουσε
θορύβου καὶ βοῆς ἐπὶ θύραις. οἱ γὰρ στρατιῶται
τῶν συγκλητικῶν τοῖς ἀπιοῦσι διηπείλουν ἀπο-
σφάξειν, εἰ μὴ παραμενοῦσιν, ἀλλὰ οἰχήσονται
τὸν αὐτοκράτορα καταλιπόντες. πάλιν οὖν προ-
ῆλθεν ὑπὲρ τῶν ἀνδρῶν φοβηθείς, καὶ τοὺς
στρατιώτας, οὐκέτι δεητικὸς οὐδὲ πρᾷος, ἀλλὰ
τραχὺς ὀφθείς, καὶ μετ᾽ ὀργῆς εἰς τὸ θορυβοῦν
μάλιστα διαβλέψας, ἀπελθεῖν ἐποίησεν εἴξαντας
καὶ διατρέσαντας.

XVII. Ἤδη δὲ ἑσπέρας οὔσης ἐδίψησε, καὶ
πιὼν ὀλίγον ὕδατος, δυεῖν ὄντων αὐτῷ ξιφῶν,
ἑκατέρου κατεμάνθανε τὸ σπάσμα πολὺν χρόνον,
καὶ τὸ ἕτερον ἀπέδωκε, θάτερον δὲ εἰς τὰς ἀγκάλας
ἀναλαβὼν τοὺς οἰκέτας προσεκαλεῖτο. καὶ φι-
λοφρονούμενος διένεμε τῶν χρημάτων τῷ μὲν
πλέον, τῷ δὲ ἔλαττον, οὐχ ὥσπερ ἀχλοτρίων
ἀφειδῶν, ἀλλὰ τὸ κατ᾽ ἀξίαν καὶ τὸ μέτριον
ἐπιμελῶς φυλάττων. ἀποπέμψας δὲ τούτους
ἤδη τὸ λοιπὸν ἀνεπαύετο τῆς νυκτός, ὥστε τοὺς
κατευναστὰς αἰσθάνεσθαι βαθέως αὐτοῦ καθ-
εὐδοντος. ὄρθρου δὲ καλέσας ἀπελεύθερον ᾧ
TVVOLOKNGE τὰ περὶ τοὺς συγκλητικούς, μαθεῖν
προσέταξε: καὶ πυθόμενος γεγονέναι τοῖς ἀπερ-
χομένοις ὧν ἕκαστος ἔχρῃξεν, “Ἴθι τοίνυν, ᾿ ἔφη,

‘ov, Kal ποίει τοῖς στρατιώταις ἐμφανῆ σεαυτόν,
εἰ μὴ θέλεις κακῶς ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν ἀποθανεῖν ὡς ἐμοὶ
συμπράξας τὸν θάνατον. ἐξελθόντος δὲ τοῦ
ἀνθρώπου τὸ ξίφος ὑ ὑποστήσας ὀρθὸν ἀμφοτέραις
ταῖς χερσί, καὶ περιπεσὼν ἄνωθεν, ὅσον ἅπαξ
314

OTHO xvi. 2-xvilI. 3

gether forget, and do not too well remember, that
thou hadst a Caesar for an uncle.”’

This done, after a little he heard tumult and
shouting at his door. For as the men of senatorial
rank were departing, the soldiers threatened to kill
them if they did not remain, instead of forsaking
their emperor. Once more, then, he went forth,
since he feared for the men’s safety. He was no
longer gentle and suppliant, however, but stern of
countenance, and looking angrily round upon the
most turbulent of the soldiers, he made them go
away submissively and in fear.

XVII. It was now evening, and being thirsty, he
drank a little water. He had two swords, and after
examining the blade of each for a long time, he
laid one of them aside, but put the other under
his arm, and then called his servants. ‘These he
addressed kindly, and distributed money to them,
- more to one and less to another, not as though
lavish with what was no longer to be his, but with
strict regard to moderation and the claims of merit.
After sending the servants away, he betook himself
to rest for the remainder of the night, and slept so
soundly that his chamberlains heard his heavy breath-
ing. Just before dawn he called a freedman with
whom he had arranged for the departure of the
senators, and bade him learn how they fared. And
when he was told that all of them had what was
needful for their journey, “ Go thou, then,” he said
to the freedman, “ and show thyself to the soldiers,
unless thou wishest them to put thee to a miserable
death for helping me to die.” Then, when the man
had gone out, with both hands he held his sword
upright beneath him, and fell upon it, giving but a

“5

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

ti 3 fal , “ >? Nt
στενάξαι μόνον ἤσθετο τοῦ πόνου Kal τοῖς ἐκτὸς
by A /
αἴσθησιν παρέσχεν. ἀραμένων δὲ τῶν παίδων
¢ ‘ \
οἰμωγὴν εὐθὺς ἅπαν TO στρατόπεδον καὶ τὴν
Lé a ἴς Ν \ A e
πόλιν ἐπεῖχε κλαυθμός" καὶ μετὰ βοῆς οἱ στρατι-
an lA /
ὥται εἰσέπεσον ἐπὶ τὰς θύρας Kal ὠλοφύροντο,
n \ n € \ \ /
περιπαθοῦντες καὶ λοιδοροῦντες ἑαυτοὺς μὴ φυλά-
Eavtas τὸν αὐτοκράτορα μηδὲ κωλύσαντας ἀπο-
a “ lal ᾽
θανεῖν ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν. ἀπέστη δὲ οὐδεὶς τῶν κατ
52 ἢ > \ M4 F a / 9 \ ΄
AUTOV, ἐγγὺς ὄντων τῶν πολεμίων, ἀλλὰ κοσμή-
\ a ἊΝ
σαντες τὸ σῶμα καὶ πυρὰν κατασκευάσαντες
) / > a “ e if ς a
ἐξεκόμιξζον ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις οἱ φθάσαντες ὑποδῦναι
\ ΄ Ν Ἢ la) \
καὶ βαστάσαι τὸ λέχος ἐπιγαυρούμενοι. τῶν δὲ
57 \ a an a ,
ἄλλων οἱ μὲν τὸ τραῦμα τοῦ νεκροῦ κατεφίλουν
/ an A e \
προσπίπτοντες, OL δὲ ἥπτοντο τῶν χειρῶν, οἱ δὲ
ἮΝ / Aa A
προσεκύνουν πόρρωθεν. ἔνιοι δὲ TH πυρᾷ λαμπά-
ὃ ς / ¢€ \ b) / 3 Ν 5) td
as ὑφέντες ἑαυτοὺς ἀπέσφαξαν, οὐδὲν ἐκδήλως
, an ,
οὔτε πεπονθότες γρηστὸν ὑπὸ τοῦ τεθνηκότος
Μ ΄ \ a a
οὔτε πείσεσθαι δεινὸν ὑπὸ τοῦ κρατοῦντος δεδιό-
3 3. 49 a A
τες. ἀλλ ἔοικε μηδενὶ τῶν TwTOTE τυράννων ἢ
Γι ¢
βασιλέων Oeivos οὕτως ἔρως ἐγγενέσθαι καὶ
Ν na a A Ν
περιμανὴς τοῦ ἄρχειν, ὡς ἐκεῖνοι τοῦ ἄρχεσθαι
ΝΥ ἐς Ue » » ΄ e/ >
καὶ ὑπακούειν ᾿Ὅθωνος ἠράσθησαν' οὕς ye μηδ
5) θ , ε ΄ ” ᾽ \ f
ἀποθανόντος ὁ πόθος προὔλιπεν, ἀλλὰ παρέμεινεν
> > / 5) ”
εἰς ἀνήκεστον ἔχθος Οὐϊτελλίῳ τελευτήσας.
\ an
XVIII. Ta μὲν οὖν ἄλλα καιρὸν οἰκεῖον ἔχει
an 5 a a =e]
λεχθῆναι" κρύψαντες δὲ TH γῇ τὰ λείψανα τοῦ
ὌΘ » 40 7 vy 9 ΕῚ an
@Vvos οὔτε μεγέθει σήματος οὔτ᾽ ἐπιγραφῆς
ve \ , ’ , ΕἼ , “- Ν
oyx@ τὸν τάφον ἐποίησαν ἐπίφθονον. εἶδον δὲ
Σ , , n
ἐν Βριξίχλλῳ γενόμενος καὶ μνῆμα μέτριον καὶ
316

1075

OTHO xvi. 3-xviit. 1

single groan as he felt the pang. The servants
outside heard his groan and raised a wailing cry, and
at once the whole camp and the city were filled
with lamentation. The soldiers, with loud cries,
burst in at the door, and then bewailed their
emperor, full of anguish, and reviling themselves
because they had not watched over him and pre-
vented him from dying in their behalf. Not one of
his followers went away, although the enemy were
near, but after attiring the body and preparing a
funeral pyre for it, they escorted it thither with
military honours, and full of exultation were those
who won the privilege of carrying the bier. Of the
rest, some embraced the emperor’s body and kissed
his wound, others grasped his hands, and others still
made him their obeisance at a distance. There
were some, too, who first put their torches to the
pyre and then slew themselves, not, so far as could
be known, because they were either indebted to
the dead for favours, or fearful of punishment at
the hands of the victor. Nay, it would seem
that no king or tyrant was ever possessed by so
dire and frenzied a passion for ruling as was that
of these soldiers for being ruled and commanded
by Otho; not even after his death did their yearn-
ing for him leave them, nay, it abode with them
until it finally changed into an incurable hatred for
Vitellius.

XVIII. Well, then, the rest of the story is now in
place. They buried the remains of Otho, and made
a tomb for them which neither by the great size of
its mound nor by the boastfulness of its inscription
could awaken jealousy. I saw it when I was at
Brixillum. It is a modest memorial and the inscrip-

PLUTARCH’S LIVES

\ ’ \ 4“ ” » /
τὴν ἐπιγραφὴν οὕτως ἔχουσαν, εἰ μεταφρασθείη:
« Andwoe 1 Μώρκου Ὄθωνος."

᾿Απέθανε δὲ "ὔθων ἔτη μὲν ἑπτὰ καὶ τριάκοντα
βιώσας, ἄρξας δὲ τρεῖς μῆνας, ἀπολιπὼν δὲ μὴ
χείρονας μηδ᾽ ἐλάττους τῶν τὸν βίον αὐτοῦ
ψεγόντων τοὺς ἐπαινοῦντας τὸν θάνατον. βιώσας
γὰρ οὐδὲν ἐπιεικέστερον Νέρωνος ἀπέθανεν evye-
νέστερον,.

Οἱ δὲ στρατιῶται Πολλίωνος τοῦ ἑτέρου τῶν
ἐπάρχων ὀμνύειν εὐθὺς εἰς, τὸν Οὐϊτέλλιον κελεύ-
σαντος ἐδυσχέραινον' καὶ πυθόμενοι τῶν συγ-
κλητικῶν ἐνίους ἔτι παρεῖναι τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους
ἀφῆκαν, Οὐεργινίῳ δὲ “Ῥούφῳ πράγματα παρεῖ-
χον ἅμα τοῖς ὅπλοις ἐλθόντες € ἐπὶ τὴν οἰκίαν καὶ
κατακαλοῦντες αὖθις καὶ κελεύοντες ἄρχειν ἢ
πρεσβεύειν ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν. ὁ δὲ τὴν ἡγεμονίαν
ἡττωμένων παραλαβεῖν, νενικηκότων πρότερον
μὴ θελήσας, μανικὸν ἡγεῖτο: πρεσβεύειν δὲ πρὸς
τοὺς Τερμανοὺς δεδιώς, πολλὰ βεβιάσθαι παρὰ
γνώμην ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ δοκοῦντας, ἔλαθε δι’ ἑτέρων
θυρῶν ἐκποδὼν ποιήσας ἑαυτόν. ὡς δὲ τοῦτο
ἔγνωσαν οἱ στρατιῶται, τούς τε ὅρκους ἐδέξαντο
καὶ τοῖς περὶ τὸν Κεκίναν προσέθεντο συγγνώμης
τυχόντες.

' Δηλώσει Bekker adopts Δαίμοσι, the correction of
Lobeck.

OTHO xvi. 1-4

tion on it, in translation, runs thus: “To the
memory of Marcus Otho.”

Otho died at the age of thirty-seven years, but he
had ruled only three months, and when he was gone,
those who applauded his death were no fewer or
less illustrious than those who blamed his life. For
though he lived no more decently than Nero, he
died more nobly.

As for his soldiers, when Pollio, their remaining
prefect,! ordered them to swear allegiance at once
to Vitellius, they were incensed; and when they
learned that some of the senators were still there,
they let all of them go except Verginius Rufus,
and him they annoyed by going to his house in
military array and inviting him again,? and even
urging him, to assume the imperial power, or to go on
an embassy in their behalf. But Verginius thought
it would be madness for him to accept the imperial
dignity now, when they were defeated, after refusing
it before, when they were victorious, and as for
going on an embassy to the Germans, he feared to
do so, since they felt that he had often done them
violence beyond all reason; and so he stole away
unobserved by another door. When the soldiers
learned of this, they consented to take the oaths,
and joined the forces of Caecina, thus obtaining
pardon.

1 The other was Proculus, (vii. 4 ; siii. 1).
2 See The Galba, vi. 3; x, 2ff,

319

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GENERAL INDEX TO ALL THE ‘LIVES’

The Roman numerals refer to the volume, the Arabic to the page. Numbers
marked off by semicolons belong to lemmata omitted for the sake of brevity.

A name without a number following two or more with numbers indicates
uncertainty as to the identity of the person referred to.

Bergk is used for Bergk, Poetae Lyrici Graeci, 4th ed.; Kock for Kock,
Comicorum Atticorum Fragmenta; Nauck for Nauck, Vragicorum Graecorum

Fragmenta, 2nd ed.

ABANTES, Euboean tribe referred to
by Homer and Archilochus, I. 10
Abantidas, aimed at tyranny of
Sicyon, ΧΙ. 4; slain, 6

Abas, river where Pompey defeated
Albanians, V. 208

Aboeocritus, boeotarch defeated at
Chaeroneia by Aetolians, ΧΙ. 34

Abolus, river where Timoleon defeated
Mamercus, VI. 340

Abra, attendant of Pompeia, VII.
152, 464

Abriorix (Ambiorix) destroys army of
Titurius and Cotta, vir. 500

Abuletes, imprisoned by Alexander,
vil. 414

Abydos, scené of naval battle, Iv.
73

Academus, gave name to Academy,
1. 74

Academy, near Athens, XI. 78;
beautified by Cimon, II. 446;
ravaged by Sulla, Iv. 362. See
also 1. 406

Academy, new, rep. by Philo, Cleito-
machus, Carneades, VII. 88, 11. 606

Academy, old, rep. by Antiochus of
Ascalon, II. 606 3

Acamantis, tribe of Pericles, III. 6

Acanthians, their treasury, IV. 234,
280

Acarnania, overrun by Pericles, ΠῚ.
60; given to Pyrrhus, rx. 360

Acarnanians, defeated by Agesilaus,
v.62; fight for Antigonus, Χ. 114
Acastus, son of Pelias, eaten by worms,
Iv. 440

ponte Larentia, wife of Faustulus, 1.
00

Acerrae, city north of Po, v. 446

Acestodorus, quoted, II. 38

Achaeans, helped by Agesilaus, V. 62;
league against Philip, vir. 40;
league joined by Sicyon, XI. 206;
choose Aratus general, 34; alliance
with Alexander, 38; joined by
Corinth, 52; by Megara, Troezen,
Epidaurus, 54, 58; joined by
Cleonae, 64; ask aid of Sparta,
X. 30; joined by Megalopolis,
XI. 68; allied with Aetolians, 74;
joined by Aegina, Hermione,
Arcadia, 78; by Argos and Phlius,
80; by Mantineia, 82; war with
Sparta, X. 54, 58, 62, 80, 84, ΧΙ. 86,
90; aided by Antigonus, xX. 266;
recover Argos, XI. 102; war with
Aetolians, X. 126, XI. 108; Philo-
poemen cavalry leader, X. 272;
invite Philip, x1. 108; defeat
Machanidas, X. 280, 284; with
Romans against Nabis, 292 ; against
Philip, 334; exiles restored, II. 326.
See also X. 274, 314, 360, 370

Achaeans, Phthiotic, 11. ὅθ, v. 418,
430, X. 350

321

GENERAL INDEX TO ALL THE ‘LIVES’

Achaeans’ harbour, in Troad, 11. 506

Achaicus, surname of Mummius,
IX. 464

Acharnae, Attic deme, IT. 66, 252

Acheloiis river, III. 60

Achillas, has Pompey killed, Vv. 316;
wars on Caesar, VII. 558; executed,
v. 324

Achilles, defeats Paris, I. 78; deified
in Epeirus, 1X. 346; slain by Paris,
Iv. 452

Achilles,
TX. 350

Achradina, strongest part of Syracuse,
ν. 484, VI. 62, 66, 76, etc.

Acilius, friend of Brutus, VI. 176

Acilius, soldier of Caesar, VII. 478

Acilius, C., quoted, I. 158; interprets
Greek, τι. 370

Acilius Glabrio, M’, defeats Antiochus,
ete., II. 334, 340, IV. 364, X. 366

Acontium, mountain in Greece, IV.
380, 388

Acrae, in Sicily, VI. 58

Acrillae, in Sicily, v. 482

Acrocorinthus, X. 82, 90, XI. 34, 36,
54, 76, 102

Acron, slain by Romulus, 1. 134, 190,
Vv. 454

Acropolis of Athens, IT. 28, 54, 416,
446, 612, III. 42, IX. 338

Acrotatus (1), son of Cleomenes,
father of Areus, x. 10

Acrotatus (2), son of Areus, slain at
Megalopolis, IX. 434, x. 10

Acrurium, mountain in Phocis, VIII.
222

Actaeon (1), Plataean hero, ΤΠ. 246

Actaeon (2), torn to pieces by dogs,
VIII. 2

Actaeon (3), torn to pieces by lovers,
VIII. 2

Acte, joins Cleomenes, XI. 94; Deme-
trius, IX. 58

Actium sea-fight, IX, 278, VI. 246;
v.174

rescues infant Pyrrhus,

Acuphis, made ruler by Alexander,
vi1. 390

Ada, queen of Caria, VII. 286

Adeimantus (1), Athenian archon,
11.16

Adeimantus (2), Athenian general at
Aegospotami, IV. 106

Adiabeni, support Tigranes, 11. 652,
558

322

Adiutrix, legion of Otho, xI. 302

Admetus (1), loved by Apollo, 1.
318

Admetus (2), king of Molossians,
shelters Themistocles, 11. 64

Adonia festival, described, II. 256,
Iv. 48

Adramyttium,
VII. 90

Adranum, saved by Timoleon, VI. 286.
298

Adranus, god honoured in Sicily, v1,

home of Xenocles,

Adrasteia, mountain range, IT. 496

Adrastus, helped by Theseus, I. 66,
VIT. 150

Adria, Tuscan city, IT. 128

Adria, northern sea, IT. 128

Adria, where Philistus wrote history,
VI. 24

Adria? garrisoned by Antigonus, XI.
26

Adrian, officer under Lucullus, 11.
520 ἣ

Adriatic sea, II. 198

Adultery, unknown at Sparta, I. 252;
Solon’s law, 466

Aeacidae, IT. 44: Ix. 432

Aeacides, father of Pyrrhus, 1X. 58,
346, 350

Aeacus, described, I. 20, VII. 224;
sanctuary at Aegina, 70

Aeantid tribe, lost 52 at Plataea,
II. 272 ;

Aedepsus hot springs, IV. 408

Aediles, two kinds, IX. 470; Iv. 158

Aedui, rebel against Caesar, VII. 506

Aegae (1), little Aeolic citadel, I.
70

Aegae (2), garrisoned by Pyrrhus,
ΙΧ. 432

Aegean, made free sea by Cimon,
II. 428

Aegeid, Attic tribe, ΠΙ. 254, Iv. 56

Aegeus, his history, I. 6, 24, 32, 44,
196, 200

Aegialia, littleisland, x. 118

Aegias, banker of Sicyon, ΧΙ. 40

Aegina, 11. 44, IV. 252, VII. 2, 64,
70

Aeginetans, attacked. by Athens,
17.10; 46: 52; 111. 84; expelled by
Athenians, 98; 230; restored by
Lysander, IV. 268; join Achaean
league, XT. 78

GENERAL INDEX TO ALL THE ‘LIVES’

Aegium, attached to Rome by Cato
Major, τι. 336; X. 86; 106; ΧΙ. 84,
96; 120

Aegle, loved by Theseus, I. 40, 66

Aegospotami, Lysander defeats
Athenians, IV. 106, 254, 258,
xI. 176

Aegyptians, I. 318; months in year,
368; wheel, 356; revolt from
Persia, 11. 84; send grain to Avhens,
II. 108

Aelia, wife of Sulla, Iv. 344

Aelii, their poverty, VI. 366, 432

Aelius, Sextus, consul with Flamini-
nus, X. 324

Aelius Tubero, married Aemilius
Paulus’ daughter, VI. 366, 426, 432

Aemilia (1), mother of Romulus by
Mars, I. 92

Aemilia (2), wife of Scipio Magnus,
VI. 358

Aemilia (3), wife of Glabrio, then of
Pompey, IV. 432, Υ. 134

Aemilii, patrician family, I. 334,
VI. 358

Aemilius, common crier, VI. 454

Aemilius, M., elected consul, 11. 206

Aemilius Lepidus, M., stone bridge
over Tiber, 1.338; VI. 454

Aemilius Papus, Q., consul with
Fabricius, rx. 410

Aemilius Paulus, Lucius (1), death at
Cannae, III. 158 f., V1. 358

Aemilius Paulus, Lucius (2), son of
preceding, VI. 358; aedile, augur,
360; warin Spain, 362; divorces
Papiria, children, 364; subdues
Ligurians, 366; general against
Perseus, 378; victory at Pydna,
400f.; triumph, 440; two sons
die, 446; address to people, 448;
censor, 454; death, 456

Aemilius Scaurus, see “ Scaurus.”’

Aenaria, island near Minturnae, IX.
566, 574

Aeneas, father of Romulus and
Aemilia, husband of Roma, I. 92;
descendants ruled in Alba, 96;
brought Palladium and Samo-
thracian images to Italy, 11. 144;
founded Lavinium, IV. 188

Aenus, Thracian city, VIII. 258

Aeolia, Nicogenes its wealthiest man,
Ir. 70

Aeolian, spokenin Phocis, If, 408.

Aequians, defeated by Postumius
Tiburtus, 11. 96; war on Rome,
176, 182; Iv. 216

Aéropus (1), Macedonian, Ix. 46

Aéropus (2), friend of Pyrrhus, Ix.
368

Aeschines (1), of Lamptrae, plotted
with Persians, IT. 252
Aeschines (2), the Socratic, quoted,
11. 292, 117.68, 92
Aeschines (3), orator, I. 430, VII. 8,
20, 30, 38, 52, 58
Aeschylus (1), kinsman of Timoleon,
γι. 270
Aeschylus (2), Argive, ΧΙ. 56
Aeschylus (3), defeated by Sophocles
diedin Sicily, 11. 430; vi. 242
Eleusinians, cited, I. 68
Persians (341-3), 11. 40
Prometheus Loosed (Nauck 68),
v. 116
Seven against Thebes (395 f, and
435), I. 4 (592 f.), II. 220
Suppliants (226), 1. 116
— (Bergk, II.‘ 242), vir. 214
—(Nauck, 107), 1x. 84
Aesculapius, friend of Sophocles,
iy temple in Epidaurus, V.
Aesion, on Attic orators, VII. 26
Aeson, Macedonian river near Pydna,
VI. 396
Aesop, talk with Solon, 1. 482;
fables, WI. 418, XI. 70, 88; V.
428
Aesop, tragedian imitated by Cicero
VII. 94
Aesuvian meadow, battle between
Tarquin and Romans, I. 522
Aethiopians, attacked by Perseus,
11. 410
Aethra, Theseus’ mother, I. 8, 12, 16;
carried off by Hector, etc., 78
Aetolians, defeat Athenians, III. 226;
destroy city of Oeniadae, alliance
with Antipater, VII. 366, XI. 8;
defeat Boeotians at Chaeroneia, 34;
driven from Pellene by Aratus, 70,
X. 32; allied with Achaeans, XI. 74;
invade Laconia, X. 88; war with
Demetrius, IX. 100: conquered,
364, XI. 94; war with Achaeans,
X. 126; defeat Aratus at Caphyae,
ΧΙ. 108; support Romans, xX. 334,
338; at Cynoscephalae, 344; oppose

323

GENERAL INDEX TO ALL THE ‘LIVES’

Flamininus, 346 f.; join Antiochus,
362, 11. 340; kill Nabis, X. 296:
attacked by Acilius Glabrio and
Philip, 364

Aeros, title of tyrants, Il. 228,
Ix. 370

Afranius, Pompey’s legate in Spain,
Vill. 52; held Armenia, Vv. 204;
defeats Parthians, 208; subdues
Arabians about Amanus, 216;
consul, 228; defeated by Caesar,
in Spain, 290, VII. 530, 542; V. 286;
defeated at Thapsus, VII. 566

Africa, governed by Sextilius, IX. 576 ;
secured for Sulla by Pompey, Vv. 140;
province of Pompey, VII. 512; of
Cassius, VI. 168

African war, II. 310

“Ὁ Africanus,’’ Scipio’s surname, IX.
464

Agamemnon, sacrificed daughter, V.
ἜΣ ten years taking Troy, III. 82;
Vv. 12 5 VIII. 2

Agariste, Pericles’ mother, III. 6

Agathareus, with Zeuxis, ΠΙ. 40; with
Alcibiades, IV. 42

Agathocleia, Ptolemy’s mistress, X.
124

Agathocles, of Syracuse, gives
daughter Lanassa to Pyrrhus,
captures Corcyra, IX. 368; nearly

takes Carthage, 388; 60; 3

Agathocles, Lysimachus’ son, IX. 76;
war on Demetrius, 116 f.

Agave, in ‘* Bacchae”’ of Euripides,
ΠῚ. 420

Age, golden, II. 436

Ager Romanus, divided up by Numa,
I. 362

Agesias, of Acharnae, 11. 252

Agesilaiis, Archidamus’ son, lineage
and character, V. 2, 36, 50, 64, 70,
I. 298, Vi. 344, ‘VIII. 1525 x: δ:
king with Lysander’s help, v. 6,
Iv. 292; war on Persia, Vv. 12 f.,
11. 464, IV. 296 f., ΣΙ. 174; defeats
Tissaphernes, V. 24, XI. 174;
given control of navy, V. 26;
alliance with Cotys, 28; sets cities
in order, plans attack on Susa and
Ecbatana, recalled, 38, 416; defeats
Trallians, 42; invades Boeotia,
Coroneia battle, 44f., suppresses
Lysander’s speech, 54, IV. 318;
attacks Corinth and Argos, V. 563

324

seizes Heraeum, 58; defeats Acarna-
nians, 62; approves seizure of
Cadmeia, 66; invades Boeotia,
criticized, 72, 874,1. 244; declares
war on Thebes, Leuctra, v. 78;
XI. 178; declines battle with
Epaminondas, VY. 86; refuses peace
with Thebans, 94; goes to Egypt,
100; deserts Tachos for Nectana-
big, 106; death, 112
Sayings: I. 268, V. 58; Iv. 300,

Vv. 20; 32; 44; 64; 12; 104; 106;
ΤΩΣ XI. 174; 178

Agesilaiis, supports Agis, X. 14 20;
spoils Agis’ plans by avarice, 30,
34; saved by son Hippomedon,
36°

Agesipolis, Pausanias’ son, succeeded
by Cleombrotus, V. 66, X. 8;
befriended by Agesilatis, V. 54;
saves Epaminondas and Pelopidas
at Mantineia, 350

Agesipolis, Cleombrotus’ son, short
reign, X. 8

Agesistrata, Agis’ mother, xX. 10;
supports son in reforms, 16; 42;
death, 46

Agiadae, royal line of Sparta, Iv. 302,
18, x. 8

Agias, wth younger Aristomachus
seizes Argos, XI. 66

Agiatis, QGylippus’ daughter, Agis’
wife, then Oleomenes’, xX. 50;
death, 98

Agis (1), son of Archidamus and
Lampido, brother of Agesilatis and
king of Sparta, I. 296, V. 2; wife
Timaea corrupted by Alcibiades, 4
8, Iv. 64; plots against Alcibiades,
66; from Deceleia besieges Athens,
253, 268; fined for omitting sacri-
fice, 1. 238: gold and silver subvert
Lycurgus’ laws, 296, X. 12; when
dying acknowledges Leotychides as
his son, IV. 292, V. 6

Agis (2), son of Archidamus IILI., slain
by Antipater at Megalopolis, v. 40,
VII. 58, X. 8

Agis (3), son of Hudamidas, 5th from
Agesilaiis, V. 112, X. 8; character,
10; seeks to restore Lycurgus’
constitution, 14 f. 5 got ‘“‘rhetra’’
before senate, 16 ; ‘‘rhetra”’ rejected,
24; supplants ‘ephors by others,
28; ruined by Agesilaiis, 30, 34;

GENERAL INDEX TO ALL ‘THE LIVES’

aids Achaeans against Aetolians,
30, XI. 70; slain by Leonidas, Υ.
112, X. 42 f.; saying, 46

Agis, sayings, I. 264, 268

Agnus, Attic deme, L 26

Agrarian law of Licinius Stolo, I. 194

Agraule, Attic deme, Il. 62, Iv. 60

Agraulus, young warriors’ oath in
sanctuary of, IV. 38

Agriculture of Cato Major, I. 366,
378, 390

Agrigentum, supports Dion, VI. 56;
Neapolis in its territory, 102;
repeopled after Timoleon pacified
Sicily, 344; Ix. 416 :

Agrippa, M., Octavius’ friend, Ix. 214;
Cassius’ prosecutor, VI. 184; at
Actium, Ix. 284f.; married Marcel-
lus and Octavia’s daughter, then
Octavius’, 330

Agrippa Menenius, speech to plebs on
Mons Sacer, Iv. 130

Agrippina the Younger, had son
Lucius by Ahenobarbus, married
Claudius Caesar, Ix. 332; mother
of Nero, XI. 234

Agylaeus, Spartan ephor, X. 66

“ Agoge,’’ defined, V. 2, X. 72

Ahala, Servilius, slew Spurius Maelius,
VI. 126

Ahenobarbus, origin of name, VI. 420

Ahenobarbus, Cn. Domitius (1),
invaded Africa, V. 136; slain at
Utica by Pompey, 140

Ahenobarbus, Cn. Domitius (2), with
Antony against Parthians, Ix. 230;
264; deserts to Octavius and dies,
280

Ahenobarbus, Cn. Domitius (3),
married Agrippina, had son L.
Domitius, IX. 332.

Ahenobarbus, L. Domitius (1), pro-
consul of Hither Spain, slain by
Sertorius’ quaestor, VIII. 30

Ahenobarbus, L. Domitius (2), married
Porcia, sues for consulship, M1. 358,
426, v. 250, VOI. 332; yields
Corfinium to Caesar, VU. 526; in
Pompey’s camp, V. 290, 334, VIL.
178, 544; led Pompey’s left at
Pharsalus, V. 294, VI. 548

Ahenobarbus, L. Domitius (3), married
Antony and Octavia’s daughter, Ix.
332

Ahenobarbus, L. Domitius (4), son

of Cn. D. Ahenobarbus and Agrip
pina, adopted by Claudius, became
Emperor Nero, Ix. 332

Aias, Periboea’s son, I. 66; Hurysaces
and Philaeus’ father, 426, Iv. 2

Aidoneus, king of Molossians, had
wife Persephone, daughter Cora,
dog Cerberus, slew Peirithoiis,
imprisoned Theseus, I. 72, 80

Aigialia, see *‘ Aegialia.”’

Aigikoreis, original Attic tribe, why
so called, I. 468

Aigle, see ‘* Aegle.”’

Αἰγὸς ἕλος, see “ Goat’s Marsh ”’

Aii Locutii ara, erected by Camillus,
11. 168

snes Cyprian city renamed Soli, I.
47

Ajax, see ‘‘ Aias.”’

᾽Ἄκεσις, possibly related to ‘‘ancile,’’
I. 352

Alalcomenius, Boeotian for Maimac-
terion, II. 278

Alba, ruled by Aeneas’ descendants,
I. 96; 112; Romiilus king on death
of Numitor, 172; 11.130; Vil. 582

Alban ake its overflow a prodigy,
πὰς 9

Alban mount, Vv. 494

Alban villa, Pompey’s, Vv. 254, 324,
VII. 160

Albanians, adjoin Iberians in Cau-
casus, II. 554, Vv. 204; crushed by
Pompey, 206f., 230; conquered
by Canidius, rx. 214

Albinius, Lucius, helps Vestals in
flight, 11. 144

Albinus, Postumius, wrote history in
Greek, II. 336

Albinus, legate slain by Sulla’s
soldiers, IV. 342

Alcaeus, wrote epigram on defeat of
Philip at Cynoscephalae, Χ. 344

Aleaeus of Sardis, poisoned by
Mithridates, Vv. 212

Aleander, blinded Lycurgus in one
eye, pardoned by him, I. 234

Alcetas, Tharrhypas’ son, Arybas’
father, IX. 346

Alcetas, gets letter from Alexander
the Great, VII. 382; refuses to serve
under Eumenes, VIII. 90; wants
chief command under Eumenes, 102

Alcibiades, his family, guardians,
tutor, etc., I. 256, IV. 2, ΙΧ. 296;

55:5

GENERAL INDEX TO ALL THE ‘LIVES’

character, III. 236, 246, Iv. 4f., 38,
62, VII. 150, an orator, Ill. 62,
1V. 24; favourite of Socrates, 8f., 18;
of Timon, 42, IX. 296; fought at
Potidaea, at Delium, Iv. 18;
married Hipparete, 20; victorious
in charifot races, 24, VII. 2;
enters public life, IV. 22, 28; with
Nicias effects ostracism of Hyper-
bolus, II. 232, Il. 246, Iv. 30;
upsets: Peace of Nicias, III. 242,
Iv. 32; made general, allies Argos,
Mantinea, and Elis with Athens,
ΠΙ. 244, Iv. 36; urges Sicilian
expedition, III. 250, Iv. 44;
general with Nicias and Lamachus
for Sicilian expedition, ITI. 252,
IV. 46; accused of mutilating the
Hermae, IV. 48, 60; sails, takes
Rhegium, plans campaign, recalled,
III. 258, IV. 52, 58; saves Messana
from Athenians, escapes at Thurii,
58; flees to Sparta, 60; urges
sending Gylippus to Sicily and
fortifying Deceleia, 62; corrupts
Agis’ wife, Timaea, 64, Vv. 4;
flees to Tissaphernes, IV. 66, Vv. 6;

advises him in conduct of war,
IV. 68, 240; opposed by Phrynichus,
70; made general by army at
Samos, 74; recalled from exile,
makes great change in situation,
wins naval battle off Abydos, 78,
238; imprisoned by Tissaphernes,
escapes, 80; captures Cyzicus, 82;

defeats Pharnabazus, takes Selym-
bria, 86; takes Byzantium, 90;

returns to Athens, 92; attacks
Andros, leaves Antiochus over fleet
at Samos, 102, 242; fleet defeated
by Lysander, 104; "deposed, warns
Athenian generals at Aegospotami,
106, 256; flees to Bithynia, 108;

then to ‘Pharnabazus in ‘Phrygia,
110; slain, 114; statue in forum
at Rome, I. 336. See also 11. 296;

III. 106
Sayings: IV. 6, 14, 16, 22, 34, 38,
58, 60
Alcidamas, his rhetorical system

obtained by Demosthenes according
to Ctesibius, VIT. 12.
Alcimenes, Achaean noble, with
Dion’s expedition against Syracuse,
1. 48

326

Alcimus, the Epeirot, sturdiest man
under Demetrius, slain at Rhodes,
Ix. 50

Alcimus, place near Piraeus, 11. 88

Alcmaeon, Amphiaraiis’ son, re-
sembled Orontes, the Persian, XI. 8

Alcmaeon, Megacles’ father, I. 486;
led Amphictyons in defence of
Delphi, 430

Alcmaeon, Leobotes’ father, 11. 62;
denounced Themistocles, 292

Alcemaeonidae, Athenian family, I. 492

Alcman, lyric poet, Helots forbidden
to sing his songs, I. 290; eaten of
worms, IV. 440; Fragment 35
(Bergk 111. 51) quoted, I. 272

Alcmene, Lysidice’s daughter, Pelop’s
granddaughter, Heracles’ mother,
I. 16; body disappeared like
Romulus’, 180; her monument at
Haliartus near Rhadamanthus’
tomb, IV. 312

Alcmeon, see ** Alemaeon.”’

Alcyoneus, son of Antigonus, Ix. 458 f.

Alea, name of Rhadamanthus’ tomb
at Haliartus, Iv. 312

Alesia, Mapes city taken by Caesar,
VII.

Alexander (1), see “ Paris.”

Alexander (2) the Macedonian, warned
Aristides of Mardonius’ plan, 11.
256; 448

Alexander (3), king of Macedonia, at
war with Ptolemy, Υ. 404; slain by
him, 4

ἔτεσιν, (4), soldier of Alexander
the Great, VII. 390

Alexander (5), son of Alexander the
Great and Roxana, engaged to
Deidameia, IX. 354

Alexander (6), son of Polysperchon,
married Cratesipolis, Ix. 22;
approaches Athens with army,
VIII. 220

Alexander (7), son of COassander,
expelled by his brother Antipater,
asks help of Demetrius and Pyrrhus,
IX. 86; given Antipater’s land by
Pyrrhus, 360; slain by Demetrius,
90, 340, 362

Alexander (8), son of Demetrius and
Deidameia, lived and died in Egypt,
ΙΧ. 134

Alexander (9), son of Pyrrhus and
Lanassa, IX. 370

GENERAL INDEX TO ALL THE ‘LIVES’

Alexander (10), tyrant of Corinth,
made alliance with Achaeans, XI.
38; poisoned by Antigonus, 36

Alexander (11), led Thracians at
Pydna, VI. 400

Alexander (12), 3rd son of Perseus,
his fate, VI. 452

Alexander (13), Polyhistor (?) taught
Crassus philosophy of Aristotle,
III. 320

Alexander (14), Strabo’s freedman,
stole public property, V. 122

Alexander (15), son of Antony and
Cleopatra, IX. 218; given Armenia,
Media, and Parthia, 262

Alexander of Antioch, with Antony
against Parthians, Ix. 244, 248

Alexander the Great, lineage, VII. 224;
birth, 228; appearance, v. 118,
Vil. 230; character, 232, 242, 284 f.,
338 f., IX. 152; teachers, VII. 236,
240, 286, 296; as regent subdued
Maedi, fought at Chaeroneia, 244;
quarrel with father, 246; at 20
becomes king, 250; defeats Syrmus,

king of Triballi, 252; defeats
Thebans, 54, 254, Vill. 180f.,
Ix. 140f.; by Greeks chosen

leader against Persians, VII. 258;
strength of his army, 260; battle of
Granicus, II. 138, VII. 262f.;
storms Halicarnassus and Miletus,
268; subdues Pisidia, Phrygia,
Paphlagonia, Cappadocia, cuts
Gordian knot, 272; treated for
illness by Philip the Acarnanian,
276; defeats Dareius at Issus

278 f.; takes Tyre, 292; takes Gaza,
296; founds Alexandria, visits
Temple of Ammon, 300f.; holds

contests of dithyrambic choruses
and tragedies, 308; rejects Dareius’
peace proposals, 310; defeats
Dareius at Arbela, 316f.; pro-
claimed king of Asia, 326; traverses
Babylonia, 328; takes Susa, 332;
ravages Persis, hears Dareius is
captured, sends Thessalians home,
348; takes Dareius’ camp, 350;
invades Hyrcania, Vv. 206, VII. 352;
invades Parthia, assumes barbaric
dress, 354; routs Scythians, 356;
attempts to mix Macedonians and
barbarians, marries Roxana, 358;
plotted against by Philotas and

others, 362f.; murders Cleitus,
368f.; prepares to invade India,
VI. 384, VII. 384; exchanges gifts
with Taxiles the Indian, massacres
Indian mercenaries, 390; conquers
Porus, 394f.; founds Bucephalia,
398; his men refuse to cross Ganges,
400; severely wounded in attacking
Malli, 402; pardons captured
gymnosophists, 404f.; reaching
ocean orders Nearchus to return by
sea with fleet, reaches Gedrosia,
410, VIII. 80; punishes erring
subordinates, VII. 414; reaches
Persia, 416; marries Stateira, 418;
reaches Ecbatana in Media where
Hephaestion dies, V. 428, VII. 424;
reaches Babylon, 426; dies of fever,

᾽

See also 11. 248, V. 38, 232, VI.
372, 384, VII. 48, 58, 60, VIII. 80,
86, 182, 184, 190, ΙΧ. 58, 64, 338,
X. 264, 382

Sayings: V. 40; VII. 232; 234;
236; 240; 246; 2503 252; 256, VIIl.
184: Vil. "258: "260; "262: "268: 280;
282: 284; 286: 288: 298; 306: ; 310;
320: 334; 338: 340: 342: 346: 350;
370; 372; 378; 388 f.; 392; 394;
406: 426; 430

Alexander of Macedon, quoted, I. 12
Alexander of Myndus, quoted, Ix.

506

Alexander of Pherae, humbled by
Pelopidas, V. 402f.; takes Pelo-
pidas prisoner, induced by Epami-
nondas to surrender him, 406; 412;
renews his oppressions, 418; 420;
defeated at Pharsalus by Pelopidas,
422; slain at instigation of wife,
430f.; ruled Thessaly 10 months,
called tragedy-tyrant by Dionysius,
ΧΙ. 208

Alexandria, founded, VII. 298; great
library destroyed, 560; VIII. 320;
met

Alexandrians, worship Cleomenes after
his death, X. 140; liked Antony,
IX. 202

Alexandropolis, city repeopled and
renamed by Alexander, VII. 244

Alexas, the Laodicean, most influential
Greek with Antony, executed by
Octavius, IX. 302

Alexas .the Syrian ,Ix. 286

327

GENERAL INDEX TO ALL THE ‘LIVES’

Alexicrates, chief cup-bearer to
Pyrrhus, IX. 358

Alexippus, physician, cured Peucestas
of illness, VII. 346

Aliens at Athens, II. 2, Iv. 12

Allia, river flowing into Tiber, 11. 136

Allia, battle of, 1. 348, 11.134 f.

Alliance, see ‘‘ Treaty.”’

Allies, Athenian, continue to pay
assessments but stop military
service, II. 436. See also ‘‘ Hel-
lenes’’ and ‘Delos, Confederacy
ΣΙ τ

Allobroges, their part in conspiracy
of Oatiline, VIT. 124

Alopece, deme of Lysander, II. 863
of Aristides, 210; of Thucydides,
ΠΙ. 32

Alopecus, hill near Haliartus, IV. 318

Alphabet, that used after Hucleides,
II. 212

Alps, 11. 126; northern boundary of
Tuscany, 128; VI. 366

Alsaea, city seized by Cleomenes, X. 64

Alveus, Sciron’s son, slain at
Aphidnae, I. 76

Alycus, place in Megara, I. 76

Amantius, disgraces Caesar by greed,
VII. 562

Amanus, mountain in Cilicia, vy. 216,
VII. 174, Ix. 122, 124

Amarsyas, father of Phereclus, I. 34

Amathusians, I. 42

Amazoneum, place at Athens, place
in Chalcis, I. 62

Amazons, war with Theseus, I. 58, 60,
62, 64, 190; attacked by Heracles,
11.544; their queen visits Alexander,
VII. 356; habits and country, Υ. 208

Ambiorix, see “ Abriorix.’’

Ambracia, I11. 57; given Pyrrhus by
Alexander, IX. 360; 368

Ambrones, ancestral name of Ligur-
jans, Ix. 514; defeated Manlius
and Caepio, defeated by Romans
at Aquae Sextiae, 512 f.

Ambustus, @. Fabius, one of three
sent to consult oracle at Delphi re
Alban lake, 111. 102; though
ambassador, fights Gauls, I. 348,
II. 132; appointed military tribune,
134

Ameinias, the Deceleian, slays
Ariamnes, Xerxes’ brother, 11. 42;
rivals Aristides at Plataea, 388

328

Ameinias, the Phocian, Antigonus’
general, enters Sparta, IX. 444

Ameria, Italian city, IX. 508

Amestris, Artaxerxes’
married to father, XI. 192

Amfidius, Tullus, of Antium, plans
with Coriolanus war on Rome, IV,
170 f.; quoted, 172; advises
Volscians to summon Coriolanus,
182; becomes jealous, 192; causes
Coriolanus’ death, 214; slain by
Romans, 218

Amisus, rich city founded by Athens,
11. 510, 530; besieged, 514; sacked
by Lucullus, 526; restored by him,
530; V. 212; 222

Ammon, son of Zeus and Pasiphaé,
XI. 20; If. 462; I11. 254, 260; his
temple in Africa, IV. 288; 304; VII.
228; consulted by Alexander, 304;
424

Ammonius, philosopher, taught Plu-
tarch and his friend Themistocles.
II. 90

Amnaeus, Roman senator, VIII. 280

Amoebus, singer, XI. 38

Amompharetus (1), one of five
Spartan umpires re Salamis, 1. 428

Amompharetus (2), Spartan at Plataea,
II. 264

Ane Athenian naval defeat off,
1X2

Amphares, compasses death of Agis,
his mother, and grandmother, Χ. 40,
46, 48

Amphiaraiis, father of Alcmaeon,
ΧΙ. 8; 11. 220; his oracle, 270

Amphicrates, rhetorician, died at
court of Tigranes, 11. 540

Amphictyons, persuaded by Solon,
wage war on Cirrha, I. 428; urged
by Sparta to exclude cities that did
not fight against Persia, II. 56; 336;
426; Iv. 362

Amphilochia, given
Alexander, Ix. 360

Amphipolis, won by Athenians, 11.
426; Cleon and Brasidas fall in
battle there, III. 236; 242; Vv. 308;
VI. 416; 418

Amphissa, Philip successful there,
VII. 42; ΙΧ. 198

Amphitheus, bribed by Persian money,
Iv. 308

Amphitrope, Diophantus’ deme, IT. 294

daughter,

Pyrrhus by

GENERAL INDEX TO ALL THE ‘LIVES’

Amphitryon, Alemene’s husband, Iy.
312

Amulius, descendant of Aeneas, dis-
possesses his brother Numitor,
exposes Ilia’s children, I. 96; father
of Ilia’s twins, 98, 102; slain by
Romulus and Remus, 112, 158, 188

Amycla, Alcibiades’ Spartan nurse,
I. 256, IV. 2

Amyclas, father of Daphne according
to Phylarchus, xX. 20

Amyntas, Macedonian, sent by Philip
on embassy to Thebes, VII. 42; in
exile advises Dareius not to attack
Alexander in narrow passes, 278

Amyntas, king of Lycaonia and
Galatia, sends army to Antony,
ΙΧ. 276; deserts to Octavius, 280

Anacharsis, meeting with Solon, bon
mot, I. 414

Anacreon of Teos, poet, III. 4, 78

Anaitis, name of Artemis of Ecbatana,
XI. 192

“Avaxes, derived from ἀνάσχεσις,1. 352

"Avaxres, Why kings so called, I. 78

Anaphlystus, Euthippus’ deme, II. 458

Anapus, river in Sicily, VI. 58, 312

᾿Ανάσχεσις, possibly related to
** ancile.”’

Anaxagoras of Clazomene, teacher of
Themistocles, 11.6; his philosophy,
influence on Pericles, I11. 10, 14, 16,
290, IV. 262; III. 20; 52; attacked
by Diopeithes’ bill, 92; saved from
imprisonment by Pericles, 290;
saying, 54

Anaxandrides, Delphian, quoted, Iv.
280

Anaxarchus, sophist, Alexander’s
friend, VII. 244, 306, 374

Anaxenor, lute-player with Antony,
IX. 186

Anaxidamus, of Chaeroneia,
Sulla, Iv. 382, 390

Anaxilas, one of five Spartan umpires
re Salamis, I. 428

Anaxilaiis, of Byzantium, tried at
Sparta for surrendering city and
acquitted, Iv. 90

Anaximenes, orator, says funeral
orations began with Solon, I. 526,
VII. 70

Anaxo, carried off by Theseus, I. 66,
196

helps

Anazarbus, see ‘‘ Quinda.”’’

Ancharia, Octavia’s mother, Ix. 206

Ancharius, of senatorial rank, slain
by Marius’ men, Ix. 584

Ancilia, story of, I. 350 f.

Ancus Martius, Numa’s
completed wooden
Tiber, I. 338; Iv. 118

Andocides, orator, 11. 88; suspected
of mutilating Hermae and im-
prisoned, IIT. 254, Iv. 54 ἢ.

*Avdpeca, Cretan name for συσσίτια,
I. 236

Andrians, reply to
asking money, II. 56

Androcleides (1), accused of being
bribed by Persia to oppose Spartans,
Iv. 308; outlawed from Thebes,
slain through Leontidas, v. 350 f.

Androcleides (2), helps rescue infant
Pyrrhus, Ix. 348

grandson,
bridge over

Themistocles

Androcleides, records saying of
Lysander, IV. 250
Androcleion, helps rescue infant

Pyrrhus, IX. 348

Androcles, opponent of Alcibiades,
Iv. 48

Androcottus, subdued all India, vii.
400; his opinion of Alexander, 402

Androcrates, Plataean hero, his shrine,
11. 246 f.

Androcydes of Cyzicus, painter, V. 400

Androgeos, Minos’ son, his murder
led to invasion of Attica, 1. 28 f., 190

Andromache, character in ‘‘ Trojan
Women ’’ of Euripides, vy. 414

Andromache, Dion’s sister, murdered
by Hicetas, VI. 120

Andromachus (1), Timaeus’ father,
welcomes Timoleon’s expedition,
VI. 284

Andromachus (2), betrays Romans to
Parthians, III. 406

Andron of Halicarnassus, cited, I. 56

Andronicus, the Rhodian, published
copies of works in Apellicon’s
library, IV. 406

Andros, given 250 settlers by Pericles,
Ill. 34; people defeated by
Alcibiades, Iv. 102

Androtion, re Solon’s seisachtheia, I.
442; speech against by Demos-
thenes, VII. 36

Anecdotes, I. 262, 264, 268, 270, 276,
280, 290, 392, 412, 420, 11. 232,
Υ. 340, VII. 76, 90

329

GENERAL INDEX TO ALL THE ‘LIVES’

᾿Ανέκαθεν, used for ἄνω by Athenians,
I. 78; possibly related to “‘ ancile,”’
352

Avexds, used for ἄνω by Athenians,
I. 78

Angelus, helps rescue infant Pyrrhus,
ΙΧ. 348

Anicius, L., captures Genthius, king
of Illyrians, with wife and children,
VI. 386

Anienus, ordered by Caesar to cut
through isthmus of Corinth, VII.
578

Animals, examples of Greek kindness
to, 11. 316, III. 2, Iv. 22, 24, v. 144,
148, 388, VII. 396

Anio river, I. 558; plebs seceded to it,
IV. 128; battle of, 11. 198 f.

Annalius, L., senator, struck by
Crassus, III. 426

Annius, C., sent to Spain by Sulla,
worsts Sertorius, VIII. 18

Annius, T., defeats Ti. Gracchus in
public debate, X. 178

Annius, soldier of Marius, slays M.
Antonius, IX. 588

Annius Gallus, see ‘‘ Gallus, Annius.”’

Antaeus, killed by Hercules, I. 22;
buried in city of Tingis, VIII. 24

Antagoras, the Chian, offends Pausan-
ias, joins Athenians, 11. 284

Antalcidas, Spartan, Leon’s son, sent
to Tiribazus re peace, V. 62;
peace of, dictated by Artaxerxes,
its terms, XI. 176: V. 416, XI. 178;
y. 86; starved to death, x1. 178

Sayings: I. 244, V. 72, 374; 86

Antemnae, its people conquered by
Romulus and transferred to Rome,
I. 138; yields to Sulla, Iv. 422

Antenor, Epicharmus’ treatise dedi-
cated to him, I. 334

Anthedon, Boeotian city destroyed
by Sulla, Iv. 408

Anthemion, Anytus’ father, IV. 12, 150

pee Paes Athenian herald, III.

Anthesterion, IV. 372, Ix. 60 f.

Antho, Amulia’s daughter, intercedes
tor Ilia, I. 96

Antias, Valerius, re Sabine girls
seized by Romans, I. 130; re books
put in Numa’s coffin, 380; version
of re about L. Flamininus,
>

330

Antiates, most warlike of Volscians,

IV.136. See also ‘*‘ Antium.”’
‘* Anticato,’’ writen by Caesar, VII.
568

Anticleides, re queen of Amazons,
VII. 356

Anticrates, Spartan, slew Epaminon-
das, V. 98

Anticyra, granary for Antony, ΙΧ.
294

Anticyra, prostitute of Demetrius,
Ix. 54

Antigenes the One-eyed, punished
by Alexander, VII. 420; leader of
Silver-shields, envies Eumenes, VIII.
116; with Teutamus plots against
Eumenes, 126

Antigenes, says queen of Amazons
came tosee Alexander, VII. 356

Antigenidas, re flute-playing, Ix. 4

Antigone of Pydna, reports Philotas’
words to Alexander, VII. 362

Antigone, Berenice’s daughter by
Philip, married to Pyrrhus, ΙΧ.
356, 358; had son Ptolemy, 360,
368

Antigoneia, new name given Man-
tineia, XI. 106

** Antigonids,’’ name of bowls, VI. 442

Antigonis, new tribe at Athens in
honour of Antigonus, IX. 26

Antigonus the One-eyed, general and
successor of Alexander, his children,
his career, VI. 372, VIII. 4, IX. 6, 8,
332, 334; VIII. 84; with Antipater
to conduct war against Eumenes,
102; defeats Eumenes at Orcynii,
104; 108; aspires to supreme power,
114; 120;122 ; defeated by Eumenes,
130; decides to execute Eumenes,
134; punishes Eumenes’ betrayers,
136; IX. 10; sends son Demetrius
against Ptolemy, 12; 16; frees
Athens, 18; 24; asks Demetrius to
fight Ptolemy for Cyprus, 34; wins
Cyprus, 40; when 80 years old
attacks Ptolemy unsuccessfully,
42; defeated by league of other
kings and slain, 66, VIII. 210; his
royal line brought to end by
Aemilius Paulus, VI. 460

Sayings: I. 140, v. 340, 342,

Vill. 108, Ix. 40, 366

Antigonus Doson, made regent, then
king by Macedonians, Iv. 142, VI.

GENERAL INDEX TO ALL THE ‘LIVES’

372; crosses Geraneia with large
force, X. 92; garrisons Corinth,
X. 96, XI. 88, 98, 100, 102; takes
Tegea by siege and_ surprises
Orchomenos and Mantineia, x. 100,

XI. 104; advances to Argos, X.
106f.; defeats Cleomenes at
Sellasia, 112f., 266f.; offered

Philopoemen command, 270; 274;
takes Sparta, restores laws and
constitution, returns to Macedonia
and dies, 118; ΧΙ. 106

Antigonus Gonatas, Demetrius’ son,
had a son Demetrius, VI. 372; IX.
134; defeats Boeotians, 98; tries to
liberate his father Demetrius, 128;
buries him, 132; defeated by
Pyrrhus, 430; 444; agrees to leave
Argos, 450; 452; defeats Pyrrhus,
who is slain, 460; XI. 8; 20; 32;
gets Acrocorinthus, 36; loses
Megara, 54; ally of Aristippus,
tyrant of Argos, 58; dies, 76

Sayings: IX. 430, x1. 32

Antigonus the Jew, beheaded by
Antony, ΙΧ. 218

Antigonus, ve Tarpeia’s father, I.
142

Antilibanus, Mount, Arabs dwell near
it, VII. 292

Antilochus, writes verses in honour of
Lysander, IV. 282

Antimachus of Colophon, defeated
in poetic contest by Niceratus,
consoled by Plato, IV. 282; his
poetry seems laboured, VI. 346

Antimachus of Teos, epic poet, saw
eclipse on day Rome founded, I.
120

Antioch by Daphne in Syria, 11. 534,
Υ. 218, VIII. 262, Ix. 78

Antioch in Mygdonia, called Nisibis
by barbarians, captured by Lucul-
lus, II. 578

Antiochis, Aristides’ tribe, II. 210;
victorious in poetic contest, 212;
opposed Persian centre at Marathon,

Antiochus, sea captain, great favourite
of Alcibiades, Iv. 22; defeated and
slain off Ephesus by Lysander,
102 f., 242, 454

Antiochus (Soter), son of Seleucus
and Apameia, Ix. 76; defeated by
Demetrius, 70; married his father’s

wife Stratonice, 92; made king of
Upper Asia by his father, 94
Antiochus the Great, not to be
compared with Xerxes, 11. 396;
spurred on by Hannibal, x. 346;
348; 354; won back most of
Seleucus Nicator’s dominions, II.
334; VI. 362; crosses to Greece,
joined by Aetolians, xX. 362;
defeated at Thermopylae, returns
to Asia, II. 336 f., 388, Iv. 364,
X. 302, 364; in flight marries
Cleoptolemus’ daughter, 304, 366;
defeated in Phrygia by Scipio,
II. 504, III. 398, X. 378; terms of
peace, VI. 370
Antiochus of Ascalon,
“Concerning Gods’’ mentions
battle of Taurus, 11. 564; led Old
Academy, friend of Lucullus, 606;
admired by M. Brutus, VI. 128:
his lectures attended by Cicero:
his philosephy, VII. 88, 90
Antiochus of Commagene, besieged
by Ventidius, comes to terms with
Antony, Ix. 212
Antiope, Amazon, seized by Theseus,
loved by Solots, I. 58, 62, 196; had
son Hippoly tus by Theseus, 64
Antiorus, Lycurgus’ son, I. 302
Antipater, Alexander’s general, his
surrender demanded by Thebans,
VII. 254; 280; defeated and slew
Agis in Arcadia, V. 40, X. 8; fearing
Alexander, makes alliance wiih
Aetolians, VII. 366; rebelled ageinst
by Olympias and Cleopatra, 414;
suspected of poisoning Alexander,
436; besieged by Leosthenes in
Lamia, 66, VIII. 86, 196; with
Leonnatus defeated by Greeks in
Thessaly, 200; defeats Greeks at
Crannon, Ii. 138; advances on
Athens, VII. 70, VIII. 202 f.; exe-
cutes Hypereides, Aristonicus, and
Himeraeus, VII. 70; gives Athenian
poor land in Thrace, VIII. 208; 210,
Vil. 218; sends soldiers to arrest
Demosthenes, 70 f.; 78; with
Craterus crosses to Asia against
Perdiccas, VIII. 90; 92; to help
Antigonus against Eumenes, 102;
married daughter Phila to Deme-
trius, IX. 32, 90, 334; before dying
appoints Polysperchon general-in-

331

in treatise

GENERAL INDEX TO ALL THE ‘LIVES’

chief, and Cassander chiliarch,
Vili. 216; died in Macedonia,
114

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