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PLUTARCH'S MORALS.
TRANSLATED ΓΙΙΟΜ THE GREEK BY SEVERAL HANDS.
r/i/'^^t-c./ius
CORRECTED AND REVISED
BY
IVILLL'IM λΥ. GOODWIN, Pii. D.,
PROFESSOR OF GREEK LITERATURE IN HARVARD UNIVERSITY.
AN INTRODUCTION BY RALPH WALDO E.MERSON.
Vol. I.
BOSTON:
LITTLE, BROWN, AND COMPANY.
1878.
Entered according to Act of Congress, in the j'ear 1870, by
LITTLE, rRi)WN, AND COMPANlf,
In the Office of the Librarian of Congress at Washington.
cambuidgk:
l-kess of juhn avilson and son.
EDITOR'S PREFACE.
The translation of Plutarch's Morals "by Several Hands" was
first published in London in 1684-1694. The fifth edition, « re-
vised and corrected from the many errors of the former editions,"
published in 1718, is the basis of the present translation. The
earlier translation made by Philemon Holland, Doctor of Physick,
published in London in 1003 and a^ain in 1657, has often been
of great use in the revision. It hardly need be stated, that the
name "Morals" is used by tradition to include all the works
of Plutarch except the Lives.
The original editions of the present work contained translations
of every grade of merit. Some of the essays were translated
by eminent scholars like William Baxter (nephew of Richard
Baxter) and Thomas Creech, whose work generally required
merely such revision as every translation of such an age would
now need. But a large number, including some of the longest
and most difficult treatises, were translated by men whose
ignorance of Greek — or whatever language was the immediate
ancestor of their own version — was only one of their many
defects as translators. Perhaps we may gain a better idea than we
have had of the scholars of Oxford whom Bentley delighted to tor-
ment, from these specimens of the learning of their generation;
and it may have been a fortunate thing for some of our translators
that Bentley w&s too much occupied with the wise heads of
Christ Church to be able to notice the blunders of men who could
write notes saying that the Parthenon is "a Promontory shoot-
ing into the Black Sea, where stood a Chappel dedicated to some
Virgin God-head, and famous for some Victory thereabout ob-
tained;"' or who could torture a plain statement that a certain
water when stirred produced bubbles (^πομ(ρόλνγες'ι into a story of a
Vi EDITOR'S PREFACE.
new substance called Pompholt/x, " made by Mixture of Brass with
the Air"! See Vol. V. p. 337, and Vol. III. p. 517, of the orig-
inal translation.
]3esides the great variety of scholarship and ignorance, each
translator had his own theory of translation. While some at-
tempted a literal version, so as even to bracket all words not
actually represented in the Greek, others gave a mere paraphrase,
which in one case (Mr. Pulley n's " Customs of the Lacedaemo-
nians •') became an original essay on the subject, based on the
facts supplied by Plutarch. The present editor's duty, of course,
changed with each new style of translation. It would have been
impossible to bring the whole work to a uniform standard of
verbal correctness, unless essentially a new translation had been
made. The original version was often so hopelessly incorrect that
no revision was possible; and here the editor cannot flatter him-
self that he has succeeded in patching the English of the seven-
teenth century with his own without detriment. Fortunately, the
earlier translation of Holland supplied words, and even whole
sentences, in many cases in which the other was beyond the
help of mere revision. The translation of Holland is generally
more accurate than the other, and, on the whole, a more con-
scientious work ; its antiquated style and diffuseness, however,
render it less fitted for republication at the present time. Not-
withstanding all the defects of the translation which is here re-
vised, it is beyond all question a more readable version than could
be made now; and the liveliness of its style will more than make
up to most readers for its want of literal correctness. It need
not be stated to professional scholars, that translations made in
the seventeenth century cannot, even by the most careful revision,
be made to answer the demands of modern critical scholarship.
One of the greatest difficulties in preparing the present work
has been to decide how much of the antiquated language of the
old translation should be retained. On this point the editor has
fortunately been able to consult the wisest and most experienced
advisers, to whose aid he has been constantly indebted ; but even
the highest authorities occasionally disagree on the first princi-
ples. He is fully aware, therefore, that he has dissatisfied a large
number of the friends of Plutarch in this respect ; but he is equally
sure that he should have dissatisfied an equal number' by any
other course which he might have followed. The general princi-
EDITOR'S PREFACE. VU
pie adopted has been to retain such expressions as were in good
use when the translation was made, provided the meaning is
obvious or easy to be learned from a dictionary, and to discard
such as would be unintelligible to ordinary readers. It has, in
some cases, been assumed that the use of a phrase of obvious
meaning in this translation is of itself authority for accepting it.
On these principles many words and expressions are retained,
whicli are decidedly weaker than their modern equivalents, espe-
cially many Latinisms and Gallicisms which now seem pedantic.
Even here consistency has been impossible, where the duty of a
reviser changed with every new treatise. Perhaps the editor can-
not state his own object more correctly, than by saying that he has
tried to make each treatise what the original translator would
have made it if he had carried out his own purpose conscien-
tiously and thoroughly. Where so many errors were to be cor-
rected, it would be absurd to hope that many have not remained
still uimoticed.
The corrupt state of the Greek text of many parts of Plutarch's
Morals must not be overlooked. No complete edition of the
Greek has been published since Wyttenbach's (1795-1800),
except the French one by Diibner in the Didot collection. The
latter gives no manuscript readings; and although it professes to
be based partly on a new collation of the manuscripts in the pub-
lic library of Paris, nothing distinguishes the changes made on
this authority from conjectures of the editor and his predecessors.
A slight glance at Wyttenbach will show that many parts of the
text are restored by conjecture ; and many of the conjectures,
though plausible and ingenious, are not such as would be ac-
cepted by modern scholarship if they were made in earlier classic
authors. A translator must accept many of these under silent
protest; to enumerate one-half of them would introduce a critical
commentary entirely out of place in a translation. In fact, no
critical translation of these treatises is possible, until a thorough
revision of the text, with the help of the best manuscripts, has been
made; and this is a task from which most scholars would shrink
in dismay. In many cases in this edition, blanks have been pre-
ferred to uncertain conjectures or traditional nonsense. The
treatises on Music, on the Procreation of the Soul, and the two
on the Stoics, have many of their dark corners made darker by
the utter uncertainty of the Greek text.
Vlll EDITOR'S PREFACE.
The essays in this edition follow the same order as in the old
translation ; but those on Fortune, and on Virtue and Vice, with
the Conjugal Precepts, are transferred from the beginning of vol-
ume third to the end of volume second. The sections have
been numbered in accordance with the modern editions of the
Greek text. References to most of the classic authors quoted by
Plutarch are given in the foot-notes, except where a quotation
is a mere fragment of an unknown work. The tragic fragments
are numbered according to the edition of Nauck (Leipsic, 1856).
All notes (except these references) introduced by the editor are
marked G. A few notes are taken from Holland ; and all which
are not otherwise marked are retained from the old translation.
In conclusion, the editor must express his warmest thanks to
his colleagues at the University and other friends who have
kindly aided him with their advice and skill. Without their
help, the undertaking would sometimes have seemed hopeless.
Habvard College,
November, 1870.
INTRODUCTION.
It is remarkable that of an author so familiar as Plutarch, not
only to scholars, but to all reading men, and whose history is so
easily gathered from his works, no accurate memoir of his life,
not even tlie dates of his birth and death, slionld liave come down
to us. Strange that the writer of so many illustrious biograjjhies
should wait so long for his own. It is agreed that he was born
about the year 50 a. d. He has been represented as having
been the tutor of the Emperor Trajan, as dedicating one of ins
books to him, as living long in Rome in great esteem, as having
received from Trajan the consular dignity, and as having been
appointed by him the governor of Greece. lie was a man whose
real superiority had no need of these flatteries. Meantime, the
simple truth is, that he was not the tutor of Trajan, that he
dedicated no book to him, was not consul in Rome, nor governor
of Greece ; appears never to have been in Rome but on two occa-
sions, and then on business of the people of his native city,
Chasronasa ; and thougli lie found or made friends at Rome, and
read lectures to some friends or scholars, he did not know or
learn tlie Latin language there ; with one or two doubtful excep-
tions, never quotes a Latin book ; and thougli the contemporary
in his youth, or in his old age, of Persius, Juvenal, Lucan, and
Seneca, of Quintilian, Martial, Tacitus, Suetonius, Pliny the Elder,
and the Younger, he does not cite them, and in return his name
is never mentioned by any Roman writer. It would seem that the
community of letters and of personal news was even more rare
at that day than the want of printing, of railroads and telegraphs,
would suggest to us.
But this neglect by his contemporaries has been compensated
by an immense popularity in modern nations. Whilst his books
were never known to the world in their own Greek tongue, it is
χ INTRODUCTION.
curious that the " Lives " were translated and printed in Latin,
thence into Italian, French, and English, more than a century
before the original " Works" were yet printed. For whilst the
" Lives " were translated in Rome in 1471, and the " Morals,"
part by part, soon after, the first printed edition of the Greek
" Works " did not appear until 1572. Hardly current in his
own Greek, these found learned interpreters in the scholars of
Germany, Spain, and Italy. In France, in the middle of the
most turbulent civil wars, Amyot's translation awakened general
attention. His genial version of the " Lives " in 1559, of the
" Morals " in 1572, had signal success. King Henry IV. wrote
to his wife, Marie de Medicis : " Vive Dieu. As God liveth, you
could not have sent me any thing which could be more agreeable
than the news of the pleasure you have taken in this reading.
Plutarch always delights me with a fresh novelty. To love him
is to love me ; for he has been long time the instructor of my
youth. My good mother, to whom I owe all, and who would
not wish, she said, to see her son an illustrious dunce, put this
book into my hands almost when I was a child at the breast. It
has been like my consciejice, and has whispered in my ear many
good suggestions and maxims for my conduct, and the govern-
ment of my affairs." Still earlier, Rabelais cites him with due
respect. Montaigne, in 1589, says : " We dunces had been lost,
had not this book raised us out of the dirt. By this favor of his
we dare now speak and write. The ladies are able to read to
schoolmasters. 'Tis our breviary." Montesquieu drew from him
his definition of law, and, in his Pensees, declares, " I am always
charmed with Plutarch ; in his writings are circumstances
attached to persons, which give great pleasure ; " and adds
examples. Saint Evremond read Plutarch to the great Condo
under a tent. Rollin, so long the historian of antiquity for
France, drew unhesitatingly his history from him. Voltaire
honored him, and Rousseau acknowledged him as his master.
In England, Sir Thomas North translated the " Lives" in 1579,
and Holland the " Morals " in 1603, in time to be used by Shak-
speare in his plays, and read by Bacon, Dryden, and Cudworth.
Then, recently, there has been a remarkable revival, in France,
in the taste for Plutarch and his contemporaries, led, we may
say, by the eminent critic Saint-Beuve. M. Octave Greard, in a
critical work on the " Morals," has carefully corrected the popular
INTRODUCTION. χί
legends, and constructed from the works of Plutarch himself his
true biography. M. Leveque has given an exposition of his
moral philosophy, under the title of " A Physician of the Soul,"
in tlie Revue des Deux Mondes ; and M. C. Martha, chapters on
th ; genius of Marcus Aurelius, of Persius, and Lucretius, in
the same journal ; wliilst M. Fustel de Coulanges has explored
from its roots in the Aryan race, then in their Greek and
Roman descendants, the primeval religion of the household.
Plutarch occupies a unique place in literature as an encyclo-
pgedia of Greek and Roman antiquity. Whatever is eminent
in fact or in fiction, in opinion, in character, in institutions, in
science — natural, moral, or metaphysical, or in memorable say-
ings, drew his attention and came to his pen with more or less
fulness of record. He is, among prose-writers, what Chaucer is
among English poets, a repertory for those who want the story
without searching for it at first hand, — a compend of all
accepted traditions. And all this without any supreme intellect-
ual gifts. He is not a profound mind ; not a master in any
science ; not a lawgiver, like Lycurgus or Solon ; not a metaphy-
sician, like Parmenides, Plato, or Aristotle ; not the founder of
any sect or community, like Pythagoras or Zeno ; not a naturalist,
like Pliny or LinuEeus ; not a leader of the mind of a genera-
tion, like Plato or Goethe. But if he had not the highest powers,
he was yet a man of rare gifts. He had that universal sympathy
with genius which makes all its victories his own ; though he
never used verse, he had many qualities of the poet in the power
of his imagination, the speed of his mental associations, and his
sharp, objective eyes. But what specially marks him, he is a
chief example of the illumination of the intellect by the force of
morals. Tliough the most amiable of boon-companions, this
generous religion gives liim apergus like Goethe's.
Plutarch was well-born, well-taught, well-conditioned ; a self-
respecting, amiable man, who knew how to better a good educa-
cation by travels, by devotion to affairs private and public ; a
master of ancient culture, he read books with a just criticism :
eminently social, he was a king in his own house, surrounded
himself with select friends, and knew the high A^alue of good
conversation ; and declares in a letter written to his wife that
" he finds scarcely an erasure, as in a book well-written, in the
happiness of his life."
XI] INTEODUCTION.
The range of mind makes the glad writer. Tlie reason of
Plutarch's vast popularity is his humanity. A man of society,
of affairs; upright, practical; a good son, husband, father, and
friend, — he has a taste for common life, and knows the court, the
camp, and the judgment-hall, but also the forge, farm, kitchen,
and cellar, and every utensil and use, and with a wise man's or
a poet's eye. Thought defends him from any degradation. He
does not lose his way, for the attractions are from within, not
from without. A poet in verse or prose must have a sensuous
eye, but an intellectual co-perception. Plutarch's memory is full,
and his horizon wide. Nothing touches man but he feels to be
his ; he is tolerant even of vice, if he finds it genial; enough a
man of the world to give even the devil his due, and would have
hugged Robert Burns, when he cried,
" 0 wad ye tak' a tliought and mend ! "
He is a philosopher with philosophers, a naturalist with natural
ists, and sufficiently a mathematician to leave some of his readers,
now and then, at a long distance behind him, or respectfully
skipping to the next chapter. But this scholastic omniscience of
our author engages a new respect, since they hope he understands
his own diagram.
He perpetually suggests jMontaigne, who was the best reader he
has ever found, though Montaigne excelled his master in the
point and surprise of his sentences. Plutarch had a religion
which Montaigne wanted, and which defends him from wanton-
ness ; and though Plutarch is as plain-spoken, his moral senti-
ment is always pure. What better praise has any writer received
than he whom Montaigne finds " frank in giving things, not
words," dryly adding, " it vexes me that he is so exposed to the
spoil of those that are conversant with him." It is one of the
felicities of literary history, the tie which inseparably coui)les these
two names across fourteen centuries. Montaigne, wliilst he grasps
Etienne de la Boece with one hand, reaches back the other to
Plutarch. These distant friendships charm ns, and honor all the
parties, and make the best example of the universal citizenship
and fraternity of the human mind.
I do not know where to find a book — to borrow a phrase of
Ben Jonson's — "so rammed with life," and this in chapters
chiefly ethical, which are so prone to be heavy and sentimental.
INTRODUCTION. χϋί
No poet could illustrate his thought with more novel or striking
similes or hap[)ier anecdotes. His style is realistic, picturesque,
and varied ; his sharp objective eyes seeing every thing that
moves, shines, or threatens in nature or art, or thought or
dreams. Indeed, twilights, shadows, omens, and spectres have
a charm for him. lie believes in witchcraft and the evil eye, in
demons and ghosts, — but prefers, if you please, to talk of these
in the morning. His vivacity and abundance never leave him to
loiter or pound on an incident. 1 admire his rapid and crowded
style, as if he had such store of anecdotes of his heroes that he
is forced to sujjpress more than he recounts, in order to keep up
Avith the hasting history.
His surprising merit is the genial facility with which he deals
with his manifold topics. There is no trace of labor or pain.
He gossips of heroes, philosophers, and poets ; of virtues and
genius ; of love and fate and empires. It is for his pleasure
that he recites all that is best in his reading: he prattles history.
But he is no courtier, and no Boswell : he is ever manly, far from
fawning, and would be welcome to tlie sages and wai'riors he
reports, as one having a native riglit to admire and recount these
stirring deeds and speeclies. I find him a better teacher of rhetoric
than any modern. His superstitions are poetic, aspiring, affirma-
tive. A poet might rhyme all day with hints drawn from Plutarch,
page on page. No doubt, this superior suggestion for the modern
reader owes much to the foreign air, the Greek wine, the religion
and history of antique heroes. Thebes, Sparta, Athens, and
Rome charm us away from the disgust of the passing hour. But
his own cheerfulness and rude health are also magnetic. In his
immense quotation and allusion, we quickly cease to discriminate
between what he quotes and what he invents. We sail on his
memory into the ports of every nation, enter into every private
property, and do not stop to discriminate owners, but give him
tlie praise of all. 'Tis all Plutarch, bv right of eminent domain,
and all property vests in this emperor. This facility and abun-
dance make the joy of his narrative, and he is read to tlie
neglect cf more careful historians. Yet he inspires a curiosity,
sometimes makes a necessity, to read them. He disowns any
attempt to rival Thucydides ; but I suppose he has a hundred
readers where Thucydides finds one, and Thucydides must often
thank Plutarch for that one. He lias preserved for us a r-iulti-
XIV INTRODUCTION.
tude of precious sentences, in prose or verse, of authors whoso
books are lost ; and these embahned fragments, through his loving
selection alone, have come to be proverbs of later mankind. I
hope it is only my immense ignorance that makes me believe
that they do not survive out of his pages, — not only Thcspis,
Polemos, Euphorion, Ariston, Evcnus, <fec., but fragments of
Menander and Pindar. At all events, it is in reading the frag-
ments he has saved from lost authors that I have hailed another
example of the sacred care which has unrolled in our times,
and still searches and unrolls papijri from ruined libraries and
buried cities, and has drawn attention to what an ancient might
call the politeness of Fate, — we will say, more advisedly, the
benign Providence which uses the violence of war, of earthquakes,
and changed watercourses, to save underground through barbar-
ous ages the relics of ancient art, and thus allows us to witness
the upturning of the alphabets of old races, and the deciphering
of forgotten languages, so to complete the annals of the fore-
fathers of Asia, Africa, and Europe.
His delight in poetry makes him cite with joy the speech of
Gorgias, " that the tragic poet who deceived was juster than he
who deceived not, and he that was deceived was wiser than he
who was not deceived."
It is a consequence of this poetic trait in his mind, that I con-
fess that, in reading him, I embrace the particulars, and carry a
faint memory of the argument or general design of the chapter ;
but he is not less welcome, and he leaves the reader with a relish
and a necessity for completing his studies. Many examples
might be cited of nervous expression and happy allusion, that
indicate a poet and an orator, though he is not ambitious of
these titles, and cleaves to the security of prose narrative, and
only shows his intellectual sympathy with these ; yet I cannot
forbear to cite one or two sentences which none Avho reads
them will forget. In treating of the style of the Pythian Oracle,
he says, —
" Do you not observe, some one will say, what a grace there is in Sap-
pho's measures, and how tliey delight and tickle the ears and fancies of the
hearers? AVhereas the Sibyl, with her frantic grimaces, uttering sen-
tences altogether thoughtful and serious, neither fucused nor perfumed,
continues her voice a thousand years through the favor of the Divinity
that speaks within her."
INTRODUCTION. XV
Another gives an insight into his mystic tendencies, —
" Early this morning, asking Epaminondas about the manner of Lysis's
burial, I found that Lysis had taught him as far as the incommunicable
mysteries of our sect, and that the same D;cmon that waited on Lysis,
presided over him, if I can guess at the pilot from the sailing of the ship.
The paths of life ai'e large, but in few are men directed by the Demons.
When Theanor had said this, he looked attentively on Epaminondas, as if
he designed a fresh search into his nature and inclinations."
And here is his sentiment on superstition, somewhat condensed
in Lord Bacon's citation of it : "1 had rather a great deal that
men should say, There was no such man at all as Plutarch, than
that they should say, that there was one Plutarch that would eat
up his children as soon as they were born, as the poets speak of
Saturn."
The chapter " On Fortune " should be read by poets, and other
wise men ; and the vigor of his pen appears in the chapter
" Whether the Athenians were more Warlike or Learned," and in
his attack upon Usurers.
Tliere is, of course, a wide difference of time in the writing of
these discourses, and so in their merit. Many of them are mere
sketches or notes for chapters in preparation, which were never
digested or finished. Many are notes for disputations in the
lecture-room. His poor indignation against Herodotus was per-
haps a youthful prize essay : it appeared to me captious and
labored; or perhaps, at a rhetorician's school, the subject of
Herodotus being the lesson of the day, Plutarch was appointed by
lot to take the adverse side.
The plain-speaking of Plutarch, as of the ancient writers gen-
erally, coming from tlie habit of writing for one sex only, lias a
great gain for brevity, and, in our new tendencies of civilization,
may tend to correct a false delicacy.
We are always interested in the man Avho treats the intellect
well. We expect it from the philosopher, — from Plato, Aristotle,
Spinoza, and Kant ; but we know that metaphysical studies in any
but minds of large horizon and incessant inspiration have their
dangers. One asks sometimes whether a metaphysician can treat
the intellect well. The central fact is the superhuman intelligence
pouring into us from its unknown fountain, to'be received with
religious awe, and defended from any mixture of our will. But
XVI INTRODUCTION.
this high Muse comes and goes ; and the danger is that, when the
Muse is wanting, the student is prone to supply its place with
microscopic subtleties and logomachy. It is fatal to spiritual
health to lose your admiration. " Let others wrangle," said St.
Augustine : " I will wonder." Plato and Plotinus are enthusiasts,
who honor the race ; but the logic of the sophists and material-
ists, whether Greek or French, fills us with disgust. Whilst we
expect this awe and reverence of the spiritual power from the
philosopher in his closet, we praise it in the man of the world, —
the man who lives on quiet terms with existing institutions, yet
indicates his perception of these high oracles, as do Plutarch,
Montaigne, Hume, and Goetlie. These men lift themselves at
once from the vulgar, and are not the parasites of wealth. Per
haps they sometimes compromise, go out to dine, make and take
compliments ; but they keep open the source of wisdom and
health. Plutarch is uniformly true to this centre. He had not
lost his Λvonder. He is a pronounced idealist, who does not hesi-
tate to say, like another Berkeley, " Matter is itself privation ; "
and again, " The Sun is the cause that all men are ignorant of
Apollo, by sense withdrawing the rational intellect from that
which is to that which appears." He thinks that " souls are
naturally endowed with the faculty of prediction ; " he delights
in memory, -with its miraculous power of resisting time. He
thinks that " Alexander invaded Persia with greater assistance
from Aristotle than from his father Philip." He thinks that
" he who has ideas of his own is a bad judge of another man's, it
being true that the Eleans would be the most proper judges of
the Olympic games, were no Eleans gamesters." He says of
Socrates, that he endeavored to bring reason and things together,
and make truth consist with sober sense. He wonders with Plato
at that nail of pain and pleasure which fastens the body to the
mind. The mathematics give him unspeakable pleasure, but he
chiefly liked that proportion which teaches us to account that
which is just, equal ; and not that which is equal, just.
Of philosophy he is more interested in the results than in the
method. He has a just instinct of the presence of a master, and
prefers to sit as a scholar with Plato, than as a disputant ; and,
true to his practical character, he wishes the philosopher not to
hide in a corner, but to commend himself to men of public regards
and ruling genius : " for, if he once possess such a man with
INTRODUCTION. XVU
principles of honor and religion, he takes a compendious method,
by doing good to one, to oblige a great part of mankind." 'Tis
a temperance, not an eclecticism, which makes him adverse
to the severe Stoic, or the Gymnosophist, or Diogenes, or any
other extremist. That vice of theirs shall not hinder him from
citing any good word they chance to drop. He is an eclectic in
su.h sense as Montaigne was, — willing to be an expectant, not a
dogmatist.
In many of these chapters it is easy to infer the relation
between the Greek philosophers and those who came to them for
instruction. This teaching was no play nor routine, but strict,
sincere, and affectionate. The part of each of the class is as im-
portant as that of the master. They are like the base-ball players,
to whom the pitcher, the bat, the catcher, and the scout are
equally important. And Plutarch thought, with Ariston, " that
neither a bath nor a lecture served any purpose, unless they were
purgative." Plutarch has such a keen pleasure in realities that
he has none in verbal disputes ; he is impatient of sophistry, and
despises the Epicharmian disputations : as, that he who ran in
debt yesterday owes nothing to-day, as being another man ; so, he
that was yesterday invited to supper, the next night comes an
unbidden guest, for that he is quite another person.
Except as historical curiosities, little can be said in behalf
of the scientific value of the " Opinions of the Philosophers," the
" Questions," and the " Symposiacs." They are, for the most
part, very crude opinions ; many of them so puerile that one
would believe that Plutarch in his haste adopted the notes of his
younger auditors, some of tliem jocosely misreporting the dogma
of the professor, who laid them aside as memoranda for future
revision, which he never gave, and they were posthumously pub-
lished. Now and then there are hints of superior science. You
may cull from this record of barbarous guesses of shepherds and
trav(^llers statements that are predictions of facts established in
modern science. Usually, when Thales, Anaximenes, or Anaxi
mander are quoted, it is really a good judgment. The explanation
of the rainbow, of the floods of the Nile, and of the remora^&c,
are just ; and the bad guesses are not worse than many of Lord
Bacon's.
His Natural History is that of a lover and poet, and not of a
b
XVlll INTRODUCTION.
physicist. His humanity stooped affectionately to trace the virtues
which he loved in the animals also. " Knowing and not knowing
is the affirmative or negative of the dog ; knowing you is to be your
friend ; not knowing you, your enemy." He quotes Thucydides,
saying, "that' not the desire of honor only never grows old, but
much less also the inclination to society and affection to the
State, which continue even in ants and bees to the very last."
But though curious in the questions of the schools on the nature
and genesis of things, his extreme interest in every trait of
character, and his broad humanity, lead him constantly to MoralS;
to the study of the Beautiful and Good. Hence his love of heroes,
his rule of life, and his clear convictions of the high destiny of
the soul. La Harpe said " that Plutarch is the genius the most
naturally moral that ever existed."^
'Tis almost inevitable to compare Plutarch with Seneca,
who, born fifty years earlier, was for many years his contem-
porary, though they never met, and their writings were perhaps
unknown to each other. Plutarch is genial, with an endless
interest in all human and divine things ; Seneca, a professional
philosopher, a writer of sentences, and, though he keep a sublime
path, is less interesting, because less humane ; and when we have
shut his book, we forget to open it again. There is a certain
violence in his opinions, and want of sweetness. He lacks the
sympathy of Plutarch. He is tiresome through perpetual didac-
tics. He is not happily living. Cannot the simple lover of truth
enjoy the virtues of those he meets, and the virtues suggested by
them, so to find himself at some time purely contented ? Seneca
was still more a man of the world than Plutarch ; and, by his
conversation with the Court of Nero, and his own skill, like "\ ol
taire's, of living with men of business, and emulating their ad-
dress in atfairs by great accumulation of his owni property, learned
to temper his philosophy with facts. He ventured far — appar-
ently too far — for so keen a conscience as he inly had. Yet we
owe to that wonderful moralist illustrious maxims ; as if the scar-
let vices of the times of Nero had the natural effect of driving
virtue to its loftiest antagonisms. " Seneca," says L'Estrange,
" was a pagan Christian, and is very good reading for our Chris-
tian pagans." He was Buddhist in his cold abstract virtue, with
a certain impassibility beyond humanity. He called " pity, that
INTRODUCTION. λΙΧ
fault of narrow souls." Yet Λvhat noble words we owe to him :
" God divided man into men, that they might help each other ; "
and again," The good man differs from God in nothing but dura-
tion." His thoughts are excellent, if only he had a right to say
them. Plutarch, meantime, with every virtue under heaven,
thought it the top of wisdom to philosophize, yet not appear to do
it, and to reach in mirth the same ends which the most serious
are proposing.
Plutarcli thought " truth to be tlie greatest good that man can
receive, and the goodliest blessing that God can give." " When
you are persuaded in your mind that you cannot either offer or
perform any thing more agreeable to the gods than the enter-
taining a right notion of them, you will then avoid superstition as
a no less evil than atheism." He cites Euripides to affirm, " If
gods do aught dishonest, they are no gods," and the memorable
words of Antigone, in Sophocles, concerning the moral senti-
ment : —
" For neitlier now nor yesterday began
These thoughts, wliich have been ever, nor yet can
A man be t'ound who their first entrance knew."
His faith in the immortality of the soul is another measure of
his deep Immanity. He reminds his friends that the Delphic
oracles have given several answers the same in substance as that
formerly given to Coraz the Naxian : —
" It sounds profane impiety
To teach tliat liuman souls e'er die."
He believes that the doctrine of the Divine Providence, and that
of the immortality of the soul, rest on one and the same basis.
He thinks it impossible either that a man beloved of tlie gods
should not be happy, or that a wise and just man should not be
beloved of tlie gods. To him the Epicureans are hateful, who
held that the soul perislies when it is separated from the body.
"The soul, incapable of death, suffers in the same manner in the
body, as birds tliat are kept in a cage." He believes " that the
souls of infants pass immediately into a better and more divine
state."
I can easily believe that an anxious soul may find in Plutarch's
chapter called " Pleasure not attainable by Epicurus," and his
" Letter to his Wife Timoxena," a more sweet and reassuring
argument on the immortality than in tlie Phaedo of Plato ; for
XX INTRODUCTIOX.
Plutarch always addresses the question on the human side, and
not on the metaphysical ; as Walter Scott took hold of boys
and young men, in England and America, and through them
of their fathers. His grand perceptions of duty lead him to
his stern delight in heroism ; a stoic resistance to low indulg-
ence ; to a fight with fortune ; a regard for truth ; his love of
Sparta, and of heroes like Aristides, Phocion, and Cato. Ele
insists that the highest good is in action. He thinks that the
inhabitants of Asia came to be vassals to one only, for not
having been able to pronounce one syllable ; which is, No. So
keen is his sense of allegiance to right reason, that he makes
a fight against Fortune whenever she is named. At Rome he
thinks her wings were clipped : she stood no longer on a ball,
but on a cube as large as Italy. He thinks it was by superior
virtue that Alexander won his battles in Asia and Africa, and
the Greeks theirs against Persia.
But this Stoic in his fight with Fortune, with vices, effeminacy,
and indolence, is gentle as a woman when other strings are
touched. He is the most amiable of men. " To erect a trophy
in the soul against anger is that which none but a great and vic-
torious puissance is al)le to achieve." — "Anger turns the mind
out of doors, and bolts the door." He has a tenderness almost to
tears when he writes on " Friendship," on " Marriage," on " the
Training of Children," and on the " Love of Brothers." " There
is no treasure," he says, " parents can give to their children, like
a brother ; 'tis a friend given by nature, a gift nothing can supply ;
once lost, not to be replaced. The Arcadian prophet, of whom
Herodotus speaks, was obliged to make a wooden foot in place of
that which had been chopped off. A brother, embroiled witli his
brother, going to seek in the street a stranger who can take his
place, resembles him who will cut ofif his foot to give himself one
of wood." *•
All his judgments are noble. He thought, with Epicurus, that
it is more delightful to do than to receive a kindness. " This
courteous, gentle, and benign disposition and behavior is not so
acceptable, so obliging or delightful to any of those with whom
we converse, as it is to those who have it." There is really no
limit to his bounty: " It would be generous to lend our eyes and
ears, nay, if possible, our reason and fortitude to others, whilst wc
are idle or asleep." His excessive and fanciful humanity reminds
INTRODUCTION. XXi
one of Charles Lamb, whilst it much exceeds him. When the
guests are gone, he " would leave one lamp burning, only as a sign
of the respect he bore to fires, for nothing so resembles an animal
as fire. It is moved and nourished by itself, and by its brightness,
like the soul, discovers and makes every thing apparent, and in its
quenching shows some power that seems to proceed from a vital
principle, for it makes a noise and resists, like an animal dying, ur
violently slaughtered ;" and he praises the Romans, who, when
the feast was over, " dealt well with the lamps, and did not take
away the nourishment they had given, but permitted them to live
and shine by it."
I can almost regret that the learned editor of the present
republication has not preserved, if only as a piece of history, the
preface of Mr. Morgan, the editor and in part writer of this
Translation of 1718. In his dedication of the work to the Arch
bishop of Canterbury, Wm. Wake, he tells the Primate that
" Plutarch was the wisest man of his age, and, if he had been a
Christian, one of the best too ; but it ivas his severe fate to flour-
ish in those daps of ignorance, which, His a favorable opinion to
hope that the Almighty toill sometime loink at ; that our souls may
be with these philosophers together in the same state of blissy
The puzzle in the worthy translator's mind between his theology
and his reason well re-appears in the puzzle of his sentence.
I know that the chapter of " Apothegms of Noble Command-
ers " is rejected by some critics as not a genuine work of Plutarch ;
but the matter is good, and is so agreeable to his taste and genius,
that if he had found it, he would have adopted it. If he did not
compile the piece, many, perhaps most, of the anecdotes were
already scattered in his Avorks. If I do not lament that a work
not his should be ascribed to him, I regret that he should have
suffered such destruction of his own. What a trilogy is lost to
mankind in his Lives of Scipio, Epaminondas, and Pindar !
His delight in magnanimity and self sacrifice has made his
books, like Homer's Iliad, a bil)le for heroes ; and wherever the
Cid is relished, the legends of Arthur, Saxon Alfred, and Richard
the Lion-hearted, Robert Bruce, Sydney, Lord Herbert of Cher-
bury, Cromwell, Nelson, Bonaparte, and Walter Scott's Chronicles
in prose or verse, — there will Plutarch, who told the story of
Leouidas, of Agesilaus, of Aristidcb, Phocion, Themistocles, De-
XXll INTRODUCTION
mosthenes, Epaminondas, Caesar, Cato, and the rest, sit as the
Vjestower of the crown of noble knighthood, and laureate of the
ancient world.
The chapters " On the Fortune of Alexander," in the " Morals,"
are an important appendix to the portrait in the " Lives." The
union in Alexander of sublime courage with the refinement of his
pure tastes, making him the carrier of civilization into the East,
are in the spirit of the ideal hero, and endeared him to Plularch.
That prince kept Homer's poems, not only for himself mder his
pillow in his tent, but carried these for the delight of the Persian
youth, and made them acquainted also with the tragedies of
Euripides and Sophocles. He persuaded the Sogdians not to kill,
but to cherish their aged parents ; the Persians to reverence, not
marry their mothers ; the Scythians to bury, and not eat their
dead parents. What a fruit and fitting monument of his best
days was his city Alexandria to be the birthplace or home of
Plotinus, St. Augustine, Synesius, Posidonius, Ammonius, Jam-
blichus. Porphyry, Origen, Aratus, ApoUonius, and Apuleius.
If Plutarch delighted in heroes, and held the balance between
the severe Stoic and the indulgent Epicurean, his humanity shines
not less in his intercourse with his personal friends. He was a
genial host and guest, and delighted in bringing chosen compan-
ions to the supper-table. He knew the laws of conversation and
the laws of good-fellowship quite as well as Horace, and has set
them down with such candor and grace as to make them good
reading to-day. The guests not invited to a private board by the
entertainer, but introduced by a guest as his companions, the
Greeks called shadows ; and the question is debated whether it
was civil to bring them, and he treats it candidly, but concludes:
" Therefore, wlien I make an invitation, since it is hard to break
the custom of the place, I give my guests leave to bring shadows ;
but when I myself am invited as a shadow, I assure you I refuse
to go." He has an oljjection to the introduction of music at
feasts. He thought it wonderful that a man having a muse in
his own breast, and all the pleasantness that would fit an enter-
tainment, would have pipes and harps play, and by that external
noise destroy all the sweetness that was proper and his own.
1 cannot close these notes without expressing my sense of the
valuable service which the Editor has rendered to his Author and to
INTRODUCTION. Χχίίί
his readers. Professor Goodwin is a silent benefactor to the book,
wherever I have compared the editions. I did not know liow care-
less and vicious in jiarts tlie old book was, until in recent reading
of the old text, on coming• on any thing at)surd or unintelligible, I
referred to the new text, and found a clear and accurate statement
ir. its place. It is the vindication of Plutarch. The correction
is not only of names of authors and of places grossly altered or
misspelled, but of unpardonable liberties taken by the transla-
tors, whether from negligence or freak.
One proof of Plutarch's skill as a writer is that he bears trans-
lation so well. In spite of its carelessness and manifold faults,
which, I doubt not, have tried the patience of its present learned
editor and corrector, I yet confess my enjoyment of this old
version for its vigorous English style. The work of some
forty or fifty University men, some of them imperfect in their
Greek, it is a monument of the English language at a period
of singular vigor and freedom of style. I hope the Commission
of the Pliilological Society in London, charged with the duty of
preparing a Critical Dictionary, will not overlook these volumes,
which show the wealth of their tongue to greater advantage
than many books of more renown as models. It runs through
the whole scale of conversation in the street, the market, the
coffee-house, the law courts, the palace, the college, and the
church. There are, no doubt, many vulgar phrases, and many
blunders of the printer ; but it is the speech of business and con-
versation, and in every tone, from lowest to highest.
We owe to these translators many sharp perceptions of the wit
and humor of their author, sometimes even to the adding of the
point. I notice one, which, although the translator has justified
his rendering in a note, the severer criticism of the Editor has
not retained. " \Vere there not a sun, we might, for all the other
stars, pass our days in Reverend Dark, as Heraclitus calls it."
I find a humor in the phrase which might well excuse its doubtful
accuracy.
It is a service to our Republic to puljlish a book that can force
ambitious young men, before they mount the platform of the
county conventions, to read the " Laconic Apothegms " and the
" Apothegms of Great Commanders." If we could keep the
secret, and communicate it only to a few chosen aspirants, we
XXIV INTRODUCTION.
might confide that, by this noble infiltration, they would easily
carry the victory over all competitors. But, as it was the desire
of these old patriots to fill with their majestic spirit all Sparta
or Rome, and not a few leaders only, we hasten to ofTer them to
the American people.
Plutarch's popularity will return in rapid cycles. If over-read
ill this decade, so that his anecdotes and opinions become com-
tiionplace, and to-day's novelties are sought for variety, his
sterling values will presently recall the eye and thought of the
best minds, and his books will be reprinted and read anew by
coming generations. And thus Plutarch will be perpetually
rediscovered from time to time as lonji as books last.
CONTENTS OF VOLUME FIRST.
WITH THE TRANSLATORS' NAMES.
A DISCOURSE TOUCHING THE TRAINING OF CHILDREN.
By Simon Ford, D.D.
Effect on cliildren of impurity in tlie parents, 3 ; of intemperance in the parents, 4.
Instruction and training necessary, 5. Training must assist nature, 5. Defective
natural parts may be improved by instruction, 5, 6. Diligent effort may supply
native deficiencies, 6. A virtuous character partly the effect of custom and
habit, 7. Mothers should nurse their own children, 7, 8. Manners of children
to be well-formed from the beginning, 8. Care to be taken of their associates, 9
Teachers of children to be carefully chosen, 9, 10. Moral character of teachers
to be carefully regarded, 10, 11. Unhappy consequences of the ill-training of
children, 11, 12. A good education preferable to the gifts of fortune, 12, 13.
Learning better than bodily strength, 13. Children should be trained to think
before they speak, 14, 15. A pompous style of speech to be avoided, 16. Tame-
ness of speech to be avoided, 16. The principal study of youtli should be phi-
losophy, 17, 18. Bodily exercise not to be neglected, 19. Gymnastic and military
exercises, 19. Corporal and disgraceful punishments not to be used, 20. Motives
to be addressed to the understanding and conscience, 20. Severe tasks not to be
imposed on children, 21. Relaxation to be allowed them, 21. Memory to be cul-
tivated, 22. A courteous manner of speaking to be inculcated. 22. Self-control
to be taught, 23, 24. Restraint of tlie tongue, 23, 24. Sotades punished for free
speech, 25. Severity to children unwise, 26. Young men to be restrained from
vicious company, 28, 29. Flatterers to be avoided, 29. Allowance sliould be
made for jrjuthful impetuosity, 30. Marriage a security for young men, 31.
Fathers not to be severe and harsh, but, examples to their children, 30, 31.
CONCERNING THE CURE OF ANGER.
By William Dillingham, D.D.
How may a tendency to anger be overcome ? i. 34. Not by the interference of otner
persons, 35. The mind being then under the influence of stormy passion, 36. The
aid of reason and judgment is more effectual, 37. Resist the beginning of anger,
37. When inclined to anger, try to be quiet and composed, 38, 39. Anger is un-
reasonable and foolish, 39. It disfigures the countenance, 40. Tends to one's
dishonor and discredit, 41. Produces absurd and insulting speeches, 42. Is dis-
ingenuous and unmanly, 42. Indicates a weak mind, 42. Discovers meanness
of spirit, 43. Fortitude consists with a mild temper, 44. Anger can destroy, it
7:XV1 CONTENTS OF VOL. I.
cannot restore, 46. It often overreaches itself, 47. Excessive urgency often fails
of success, 47. Forbearance towards servants urged, 48. Anger towards servants
makes them worse, 48. Never punish in anger, 49. Allow anger to cool, 49. No
harm arises from deferring anger, 49. Causes of anger examined ; we think we
incur contempt without it, 50 ; it arises from self-love, 52 ; and a spirit of fault-
finding, 52. The absence of these makes a man gentle towards others, 53, 54
Nobody can d fvell with an angry man, 54. Anger, the essence of all bad passions,
56. Good temper in us will disarm otliers, 55. Moderate expectations prevent
anger, 56. Knowledge of human nature softens anger, 57. Make trial for a few
days of abstinence from anger, 59.
OF BASHFULNESS.
By Thomas Hot, Fellow of St. John's College in Oxfokd.
Bashfulness defined, 60. Two extremes : too much or too little modesty ; both tc
be avoided, 61. Bashfulness, an excess of modesty, 61. 62. It is injurious, 62,
leaves a person at the mercy of others, 63 ; a bashful person is liable to imposi-
tion, 63 ; many are thus ruined, 64. Deny an unreasonable request, 65. The
fear of giving offence — bashfulness — hinders the proper care of our health, and
of our property, 67, 68 ; exposes to the very evils it seeks to avoid, 69. The
people of Asia are slaves, because they cannot say, " No," 69. Deny recom-
mendation to those not known to be worthy, 71. Undertake no services to which
you are not competent, 72. Cheerfully render good offices to those that deserve
them, 72; but deny tiiem to the unworthy, 73. We may not violate law and
justice to please anybody, 74. Men who would dread to blunder in a matter of
literature, often violate law, 74. Err not from tlie right, either from fear or flat-
tery, 76. Remember wiiat bashfulness has cost us, 77.
THAT VIRTUE MAY BE TAUGHT.
By Mr. Patrick, of the Charterhouse.
If men may be taught to sing, dance, and read ; to be skilful husbandmen and good
riders, — why not to order their lives aright ? 78. The practice of virtue is im-
mensely more important than graceful speecli and manners, 79. If things of
trifling moment may be taught, much more things of the deepest concern, 80.
THE ACCOUNT OF THE LAWS AND CUSTOMS OF THE LACE-
DAEMONIANS.
By Mr. John Pulleyn, of Trinity College in Cambridge.
Institutions of Lycurgus, 82. The citizens ate at one table, 82. Conversation at
the table, 82. The food: black broth, 83; spare diet, 84. Learning, philosophy,
mechanic trades, theatrical performances, utterly banished, 85. Scanty apparel,
86 ; hard beds, 86 ; social attachments, 86. A strict watch kept over the } oung,
87. Respect to tiie aged, 88. Control by the aged of other people's children, 88,
89. Children allowed to -«teal, if the theft were carefully concealed, 89. Thi
Spartan poetry and music, 90; martial music, 91. Tenacity of ancient customs,
92. Funerals, 92, 93 ; inscriptions, 93. Foreign travel prohibited, 93. A com-
CONTENTS OF VOL. I. XXVil
munity of children, 93 ; and of goods and estates, 94. Tlieir wavlike expeditions,
94. Tiieir religious worship, 95. The Helots, when drunk, exhibited before the
children, 9G. None but grave poetry allowed, 9ΰ. Meekness and forgiveness of
injuries not tolerated, 97. Λ laconic style of speaking practised, 98. Whipping
of boys annually before the altar of Diana, 98. Neglect of maritime aiTairs, 99.
Gold and silver banished, 99. Final overthrow of the institutions of Lycurgus
100.
CONCERNING MUSIC.
By John Philips, Gent.
Principles of Greek music : the tetrachord, heptachord, octachord ; scale of fifteen
notes, 102, 103, note. History of music, 104, et seq. Tiie lyre, 105. Amphion,
Linus, Antlies, Pierus, IMiilammon, Thamyras, &c., 105. Terpander, an inventor,
105, lOG, 109, 112, 122. Olympus, 107, 109, 123 ; Hyagnis, 107 ; Clonas, 107. History
of wind instruments, 108 ; the flute, ih. Three musical moods, — tiie Dorian, the
Phrygian, the Lydian, 109. Makers of paeans, 110. The enharmcmic species of
music, 110. Its relations to the diatonic and chromatic, 111. Varieties of rhythm,
112. The harp an invention of Apollo, 113. His statue at Delos a proof of this, ib.
Manly and grave music used by the ancients for its wortii, 114. The moderns
have introduced an interior sort, 114. Tiie Lydian mood, 114 ; the Dorian, 115.
The chromatic more ancient than the enharmonic scale, 116 ; though many of
• the ancient musicians did not use it, 117. Plato's remarks on harmony, 118,
Music a mathematical science, 119. Harmony as related to the senses, 121. Why
the Greeks were so careful to teach their children music, 121. The high purposes
of music, 121, 122. Archilochus, his improvements, 122, 123. Improvements of
Polymnestus, 107, 123. Improvements of Lasus, 123. Decline of the ancient
music, 123-125. To learn music, philosophy is needful, 126. Music too much a
thing of chance, 126. A sound judgment is necessary, 127. A perfect judgment
of music not derived from a partial knowledge, 12'J. Degeneracy of modern
music, 130. Benefits of a proper acquaintance with music, 132; facts in proof
of this, 133.
OF THE TRANQUILLITY OF THE MIND.
By Matthew Morgan, A.M., of St. John's College in Oxford.
Plutarch salutes his friend Paccius, 136. Worldly honor or wealth cannot procure
quietness of mind, 137. We should fortify ourselves against trouble, ib. Tran-
quillity of mind not to be procured by neglect of public or private duty, ib.
Idleness is to many an affliction, 138. Changes in life do not remoΛ•e causes of
disquiet, 140. The mind itself renders life pleasant or otherwise, 14L Make the
best of our circumstances, 142. Wise men derive benefit even from affliction,
142. No trouble can arise, but good may come of it, 143. Be not soured with
the perverseness of others, 144 ; nor fret at their failings, 145. A consideration
of the good we enjo}' may help us bear our afflictions, 146. Thus balancing one
against the other, 147. Consider what the loss would be of our present enjoy-
ments, 148. Cultivate a contented mind, 148, 149. The want of whieii creates
suffering, 149. Look at those worse off tiian ourselves, 150. Every one has his
particular trouble, '"51; therefore give no place to envy, ib. Do not repine
XXviil CONTENTS OF VOL. I.
because some things are be3'ond your reach, 152. Let every man know what
he can do and be contented with doing it, 154. Let alone what you are not
capable of, 155. It is wise to call to mind past enjoyment, 156. Do not distress
yourself by dwelling on past sorrows, nor give way to despondency of the
future, 157, 158. Neither be too sanguine in your hopes, 159. Afflictions come
as a matter of necessity, 161. Outward sufferings do not reach our nobler part,
the mind, 162. Death not a real, ultimate evil, 163. The Wise man may look
down on things terrible to the vulgar, 164. Guilt produces remorse, 165 A
clear ijonscicnce a rich possession, 165. Life should be full of joy, 106. That it
is not to some is their own fault, 167.
OF SUPERSTITION, OR INDISCREET DEVOTION.
Bt William Baxter, Gent.
Ignorance respecting God may lead either to atheism or superstition, 168. Atheism
and superstition compared, 168, et seq. Atheism tends to indifference, super-
stition to terror, 169. Superstition infuses into the mind a constant alarm and
dread, 170. Superstition allows of no escape from fear, it jierraits no hope, 172.
It perverts the moral sense, 173, 174. The atheist may be fretful and impatient ;
the superstitious man charges all his misfortunes and troubles to God, 175. Is
full of unreasonable apprehensions, 176. Converts tolerable evils into fatal ones,
177. Misinterprets the course of nature, 177. Is afraid of thmgs that will not
hurt him, 177. Allows himself no enjoyment, 178. Entertains dishonorable
thoughts of God, 180; and thus is morally wrong, 181. He secretly hates God,
and \vould have no God, 181. Superstition affords an apology for atheism, 182
Superstition of the Gauls, Scythians, and Carthaginians; they offered human sac-
rifices, 182, 183. In avoiding superstition do not fall into atlieism, 184.
THE APOPHTHEGMS OR REMARKABLE SAYINGS OF KINGS AND
GREAT COMMANDERS, 185-250.
By E. Hinton, of Witnet in Oxfordshire,
RULES FOR THE PRESERVATION OF HEALTH.
By Matthew Poole, D.D., of Northampton.
introduction, 251. Tlie hands to be kept always warm, 252. Accustom yourseli
in liealth to the food proper in sickness, 2•'>8. Avoid all excess in eating and
drinking, especially at feasts, 254. Be prepared to excuse yourself if invited to
drink to excess, 255. Partake of agreeable food and drink, when needful; other-
wise not, 256. Lean to the side of moderation and abstinence, rather than the
gratification of appetite, 257. Intem[)erance is as destructive of pleasure as of
health, 258. Sickness may be avoiiled by the use of a moderate diet, 259. A
luxurious course of living adds to the force of other causes of disease, 260 Be
especially careful of what you do, when threatened with illness, 261. When the
body is out of order, things that are otherwise pleasant become disgusting, 262.
Extreme carefulness in our diet should be avoided, 263. Disturbed sleep and
dislressing dreams show a diseased state of body, 264. Avoid things which have
CONTENTS OF VOL. I. . XXIX
proved caii)-es of disease to others, 264, 265. Reading or speaking aloud is to a
scholar conducive to health, 266. Yet tliis must not be carried to excess, 267.
Tlie cold batli not to be used after exercise ; use the warm bath, 268. Use solid
food cautiously and sparingly ; light food more freely, 268. Drink wine diluted
with water, or water simply, 269, 270. After supper, there should be a consider-
able interval, to be occupied with gentle exercise eitiier of body or mind, 271,
272. Sufferers from gluttony or excess siiould not attempt to relieve themselves
by physic but by abstinence, 273. Uo not fast when there is no need, 274. Idle-
ness is not conducive to health, 275. After severe labor, allow the body to rest,
even from pleasure, 276. A man should well study his own case, and know what
he can bear, 277. The body and the mind must deal carefully with each other,
278, 279.
flow A MAN MAY EECEIVE ADVANTAGE AND PROFIT FROM HIS
ENEMIES.
By John Hartcliffe, Fellow of King's College in Cambridge.
Ill-will always to be expected, 280. It is not enough tliat our enemies do us no
harm, 281. We may not be able to change bad men into good men, 282. But it
is possible to derive good even from bad men, 283. An enemy, in order to dis-
cover our failings, carefully watches all our movements and affairs, 283. Learn
from this to be wary and circumspect, 284. Learn to be discreet and sober, and
to give offence to nobody, 285. Live above reproach, 286, 287. When censured
and accused, examine if there be just cause for it, 288. Be willing to hear
the truth even from the lips of enemies, 289. If accused unjustly, avoid even the
appearance of the supposed wrong, 290. Have you given any occasion for the
false accusation ■? 291. Learn to keep the tongue in subjection, 292. Be magnan-
imous and kind to your enemy, 293. Indulge no malignant passion, 294. Envv
not your enemy's success, 297.
CONSOLATION TO APOLLONIUS.
By Matthew Morgan, A.M., of St. John's College in Oxford.
The son of Apollonius had died, 299. Apathy and excessive grief are alike unnat*
ural and improper, 300. Avoid both of these extremes, 300. Uninterrupted
happiness is not to be expected, 302, Everj' thing is subject to change, 303.
Evil is to be expected, 304, 305. Sorrow will not remove suffering, 306, 307.
Others are in trouble besides oui'selves, 303. Why should death be considered
so great an evil 1 308. Death is but the debt of nature, 309. Death is inevit<able,
and the termination of all human calamity, 310. Death is the brother of sleep,
311. Death divests us of the body, and thus frees us from great evil, 312. The
gods have often sent death as a reward for distinguished piety ; illustrated by
the cases of Biton and Cleobis, of Agamedes and Trophonius, of Pindar and
Euthynous, 313, 314. Even if death be the extinction of our being, it is no evil,
and why, 315. i^ven untimely death may shield from evil, 317. Not long life,
but virtuous is desirable, 317, 318. Sorrow for the dead may proceed from selfish
considerations, 319. Does tiie mourner intend to cherish grief as long as he
lives ? 320. Excessive grief is unmanly, 321. An untimely death dirters not
much from that which is timely, 322. It may be desirable, 323, 324. Excessive
XXX CONTENTS OF VOL. 1.
grief is unreasonable, 325. The state of tlie dead is better than that of the
living, 326. Tlie evil in the world far exceeds the good, 327. Life is a loan, soon
to be recalled, 327. Some people are querulous and can never be satisfied, 329.
Deatli is fixed by fate, 331. Lite is short, and should not be wasted in unavailing
sorrow, 332. Derive comfort from the example of those who have borne the
death of their sons bravelj', 332, 333. Providence wisely disposes, 335. Your
son died at the best time for him, 335. He is now numbered with tlie blest, 33fi.
The conclusion; a touching appeal to ApoUonius, 339.
CONCERNING THE VIRTUES OF WOMEN.
Br Isaac Chauncy, of the College of Physicians, London.
It is right to praise virtuous women, 340. Virtue in man and woman is the same,
340 ; even as tlie poetic art in man and woman is the same, 341. There may
be variety, yet unity, 341. Virtue of the Trojan women after landing in Italy,
342. Of the Phocian women in the war with the Thessalians, 343. Of the
women of Chios, 344. Of the Argive women and their repulse of the Spartan
army, 346. Of the Persian women, 347. Of the Celtic women, 347. Of the
Melian women, 348. Of tlie Tyrrlieiie women, 349. Of tlie Lycian women,
351. Of tiie women of Salmantica in Spain, 352. Of the maidens of Miletus,
bent on self-murder, and how this was prevented, 351. Of the maids of Cios,
354. Of tlie women of Pliocis during the Sacred War, 355. Of the Roman
Lucretia, Valeria, and Cloelia, 355-357. Of Micca and Megisto, and other women
of Elis, during the tyranny of Aristotimus, 357-303. Of Pieria and other women
of Myus, at Rliletus, 363, 364. Of Polycrita in the war between Naxos and
Miletus, 364-366. Of Lampsace, 366. Of Aretaphila, and how she delivered
Cyrene from tyranny, 367-37L Of Camma the Galatian, 372. Of Stratonica of
Galatia, 373. Of Chiomara of Galatia, 374. Of the women of Pergamus, 374.
Of Timoclea at the taking of Thebes, 376. Of Eryxo of Cyrene, 378. Of
Xenocrita of Cumae, 380. Of Pythes the Lydian and his wife, 382.
OF HEARING.
By Thomas Hoy, Fellow of St. John's College in Oxford
Introduction, addressed to Nicander, a j'oung man, 441. Remarks on hearing ii.
general, 442. Of the sense of hearing, as an inlet of thought and feeling, 442.
A guard to be placed over it, 443. How to hear with benefit, 443. Faults to be
avoided, 444. In hearing a discourse, hear with attention to the close, 445.
Guard against envy and ill-nature, 445, 446. Hear with calmness and candor, 446.
Endeavor to reap advantage from the speaker's faults, 447. Yield not to undue
admiration, 448. Examine the argument of the speaker apart from his expres
sion, 449. Separate the substance of a discourse from its accessories, 450, 451
Int(!rrupt not the speaker with trifling questions, 452. Propose no impertinent
questions, 453. Wait till the proper time for asking, 453. Withhold not praise
when it is due, 454. Yet bestow not inordinate praise, 455. Something worthy
of praise may be found in every discourse, 456. The hearer owes a duty to the
speaker no less than the speaker to the hearer, 457. Be not indiscriminate in
your praises, 458. Bear admonition in a proper spirit, 459. If you find diffi-
culties in tlie lecturer's instructions, ask him to explain, 460, 461. Concluding
exhortation, 462, 463.
CONTENTS OF VOL. I χχχί
OF LARGE ACQUAINTANCE: OR, AN ESSAY TO PROVE THE
FOLLY OF SEEKING MANY FRIENDS.
By W. G.
True friendsliip a thing of rare occurrence, 464. In the early times, friends went m
pairs, Orestes and Pylades, &c., 4(J5. True friendsliip cannot embrace a multi-
tude, 466. If we have numerous acquaintances, there should be one eminently
a friend, 466. The requisites to a true friendship, 467. Tlie diiBculty of iinding
a true friend, 467. Be not hasty in getting friends, 468. Admit none to your
confidence without long and thorough trial, 468. As true friendship cements two
hearts into one, so a large acquaintance divides and distracts the heart, 469. We
cannot discharge the obligations of friendship to a multitude, 470 ; therefore do
not attempt it, 471. Joining one's self intimately to another involves one in his
calamities, 472. Real friendship always has its origin in likeness, even in brutes.
472. Tliere must be a substantial oneness, 473. Therefore it is next to a mir
acle to find a constant and sure friend, 474.
CONCERNING THE FORTUNE OR VIRTUE OF ALEXANDER THl•.
GREAT.
By Johx Philips, Gent.
Did he recelA'^e his empire as the gift of Fortune ? By no means, 475. It was ac
quired at the expense of many severe wounds, 476, 507; of many hardships and
much daring, 477 ; as the issue of his training under Aristotle, 478. He was
himself a great philosopher, 479. He was the great civilizer of Asia, 480. He
realized the dreams of philosophers by making the world his country, 481.
Uniting the Greeks and the barbarians, 482. Gaining the affection of the van-
quished, 483. Aiming to establish universal brotherhood, 484. His philosophy
as exhibited in his recorded sayings, 485-489. His generous conduct, 490. His
patronage of learned men, 491. So different from other monarchs, 492. His mag-
nanimity, 495. Such a man owes little to Fortune, 490. Contrasted with Sar-
danapalus, 497. His greatness as seen in the confusion which followed his death,
498. Fortune cannot make an Alexander, 499. His silly imitators attest his
greatness, 501. His self-government, 502. The Persian empire was overthrown,
not by Fortune, but by the superior genius and virtue of Alexander, 503. Alex-
ander owed nothing to Fortune, 506.• His wisdom, his jjrowess, his many
wounds, his constancy and energy, procured his great success, 507-511. Com-
pared with the ablest men of antiquity, he is superior to all, 512, 513. His daring
courage, great dangers, and marvellous escape, while besieging a town of the
Oxydracae, 513-516.
PLUTARCH'S MORALS.
PLUTARCH'S MORALS.
A DISCOURSE TOUCHING THE TRAINING OF CHIL-
DREN.
1. The course which ou2rht to be taken for the trainins:
of free-born children, and the means whereby their man-
ners may be rendered virtuous, will, with the reader's leave,
be the subject of our present disquisition.
2. In the management of which, perhaps it may be ex-
pedient to take our rise from their very procreation. I
would therefore, in the first place, advise those who desire
to become the parents of famous and eminent children, that
they keep not company with all women that they light on ;
I mean such as harlots, or concubines. For such children
as are blemished in their birth, either by the father's or
the mother's side, are liable to be pursued, as long as they
live, with the indelible infamy of their base extraction, as
that which offers a ready occasion to all that desire to take
hold of it of reproaching and disgracing them therewith.
So that it was a wise speech of the poet who said, —
Misfortune on that family's entailed,
Whose reputation in its founder failed*
Wherefore, since to be well born gives men a good stock
of confidence, the consideration hereof ought to be of no
small value to such as desire to leave behind them a law-
ful issue. For the spirits of men who are alloyed and
* Eurip. Hercules Furens, 1261
* OF THE TRAINING OF CIULDREN.
counterfeit in their birth are naturally enfeebled and de-
based ; as rightly said the poet again, —
A bold and daring spirit is often daunted,
When with the guilt of parents' crimes 'tis haunted.*
So, on the contrary, a certain loftiness and natural gal-
lantry of spirit is wont to fill the breasts of those who are
born of illustrious parents. Of which Diophantus, the
young son of Themistocles, is a notable instance ; for he is
reported to have made his boast often and in many compa-
nies, that whatsoever pleased him pleased also all Athens :
for whatever he liked, his mother liked ; and whatever his
mother liked, Themistocles liked ; and whatever Themisto-
cles liked, all the Athenians liked. AVherefore it was
gallantly done of the Lacedaemonian States, when they
laid a round fine on their king Archidamus for marrying
a little woman, giving this reason for their so doing : that
he meant to beget for them not kings, but kinglings.
8. The advice which I am, in the next place, about to
give, is, indeed, no other than what hath been given by those
who have undertaken this argument before me. You will
ask me what is that 1 It is this : that no man keep com-
pany with his wife for issue's sake but when he is sober,
having drunk either no wine, or at least not such a quan-
tity as to distemper him ; for they usually prove Λvine-
bibbers and drunkards, whose parents begot them when
they were drunk. Wherefore Diogenes said to a stripling
somewhat crack-brained and half-witted : Surely, young
man, thy father begot thee Avhen he was drunk. Let this
suffice to be spoken concerning the procreation of children :
and let us pass thence to their education.
4. And here, to speak summarily, what λΥβ are wont to
say of arts and sciences may be said also concerning virtue :
that there is a concurrence of three things requisite to the
^ * Eurip. Hippol. 424.
OF THE TRAINING OF CHILDREN. 0
completing thereof in practice, — which are nature, reason,
and use. Now by reason here I would be understood to
mean learning ; and by nse, exercise. Now the principles
come from instruction, the practice comes from exercise,
and perfection from all three combined. And accordingly
as either of the three is deficient, virtue must needs be
defective. For if nature be not improved by instruction, it
is blind ; if instruction be not assisted by nature, it is
maimed ; and if exercise fail of the assistance of both, it is
imperfect as to the attainment of its end. And as in hus-
bandry it is first requisite that the soil be fertile, next that
the husbandman be skilful, and lastly that the seed he
sows be good; so here nature resembles the soil, the in-
structor of youth the husbandman, and the rational princi-
ples and precepts Avhich are taught, the seed. And I
would peremptorily affirm that all these met and jointly
conspired to the completing of the souls of those univer-
sally celebrated men, Pythagoras, Socrates, and Plato,
together Avith all others whose eminent ΛVorth hath gotten
them immortal glory. And happy is that man certainly,
and well-beloved of the Gods, on whom by the bounty of
any of them all these are conferred.
And yet if any one thinks that those in whom Nature
hath not thoroughly done her part may not in some measure
make up her defects, if they be so happy as to light upon
good teaching, and withal apply their ΟΛνη industry towards
the attainment of virtue, he is to know that he is very
much, nay, altogether, mistaken. For as a good natural
capacity may be impaired by slothfulness, so dull and
heavy natural parts may be improved by instruction ; and
whereas negligent students arrive not at the capacity of
understanding the most easy things, those who are industri-
ous conquer the greatest difficulties. And many instances
we may observe, that give us a clear demonstration of
the mighty force and successful efficacy of labor and indus-
b OF THE TRAINING OF CHILDREN.
try. For water continually dropping will wear hard rocks
hollow ; yea, iron and brass are worn out with constant
handling. Nor can we, if we Avould, reduce the felloes of
a cart-wheel to their former straightness, when once they
have been bent by force ; yea, it is above the poAver of
force to straighten the bended staves sometimes used by
actors upon the stage. So far is that which labor effects,
though against nature, more potent than what is produced
according to it. Yea, have Ave not many millions of in-
stances more which evidence the force of industry? Let
us see in some few that follow. A man's ground is of itself
good ; yet, if it be unmanured, it will contract barrenness ;
and the better it was naturally, so much the more is it
ruined by carelessness, if it be ill-husbanded. On the
other side, let a man's ground be more than ordinarily
rough and rugged ; yet experience tells us that, if it be
well manured, it will be quickly made capable of bearing-
excellent fruit. Yea, Avhat sort of tree is there which λνϊΐΐ
not, if neglected, grow crooked and unfruitful ; and what
but Avill, if rightly ordered, prove fruitful and bring its
fruit to maturity? What strength of body is there which
Λνίΐΐ not lose its vigor and fall to decay by laziness, nice
usage, and debauchery? And, on the contrary, Avhere is
the man of ne\^er so crazy a natural constitution, who can-
not render himself far more robust, if he will only give
himself to exercises of activity and strength ? What horse
well managed from a colt proves not easily governable by
the rider? And where is there one to be found which, if
not broken betimes, proves not stiff-necked and unmanage-
able ? Yea, why need we wonder at any thing else when
we see the wildest beasts made tame and brought to hand
by industry? And lastly, as to men themselves, that
Thessalian answered not amiss, who, being asked which
of his countrymen were the meekest, replied : Those that
have received their discharge from the wars.
OF THE TRAINING OF CHILDREN. 7
But what need of multiplying more words in this matter,
Avhen even the notion of the Avord ηΟος in the Greek lan-
guage imports continuance, and he that should call moral
\'irtues customary virtues would seem to speak not incon-
gruously ] I shall conclude this part of my discourse,
therefore, with the addition of one only instance. Lycurgus,
the Lacedaemonian lawgiver, once took two whelps of the
same litter, and ordered them to be bred in a quite different
manner ; whereby the one became dainty and ravenous,
and the other of a good scent and skilled in hunting ; which
done, a Avhile after he took occasion thence in an assembly
of the Lacedaemonians to discourse in this manner : Of
great weight in the attainment of virtue, fellow-citizens,
are habits, instruction, precepts, and indeed the whole man-
ner of life, — as I will presently let you see Jby example.
And, withal, he ordered the producing those two whelps
into the midst of the hall, where also there were set down
before them a plate and a live hare. Wherenpon, as they
had been bred, the one presently flies upon the hare, and the
other as greedily runs to the plate. And while the people
Avere musing, not perfectly apprehending what he meant
by producing those whelps thus, he added : These whelps
were both of one litter, but differently bred ; the one, you
see, has turned out a greedy cur, and the other a good
hound. And this shall suffice to be spoken concerning
custom and different ways of living.
5. The next thing that falls under our consideration is
the nursing of children, which, in my judgment, the
mothers should do themselves, giving their own breasts to
those they have borne. For this office will certainly be
performed with more tenderness and carefulness by natu-
ral mothers, who will love their children intimately, as
the saying is, from their tender nails.* Whereas, both
wet and dry nurses, who are hired, love only for their pay,
* 'Έ,ξ ονύχων απαλών.
ο OF THE TRAINING OF CHILDREN.
and are aifected to their work as ordinarily those that are
substituted and deputed in the place of others are. Yea,
even Nature seems to have assigned the suckling and nurs-
ing of the issue to those that bear them ; for which cause she
hath bestowed upon every living creature that brings forth
young, milk to nourish them withal. And, in conformity
thereto, Providence hath also wisely ordered that women
should have two breasts, that so, if any of them should happen
to bear twins, they might have two several springs of nour-
ishment ready for them. Though, if they had not that
furniture, mothers would still be more kind and loving to
their own children. And that not without reason ; for con-
stant feeding together is a great means to heighten the
affection mutually betwixt any persons. Yea, even beasts,
when they are separated from those that have grazed with
them, do in their way show a longing for the absent.
Wherefore, as I have said, mothers themselves should strive
to the utmost to nurse their own children. But if they
find it impossible to do it themselves, either because of
bodily weakness (and such a case may fall out), or because
they are apt to be quickly with child again, then are they
to chose the honestest nurses they can get, and not to
take whomsoever they have offered them. And the first
thino• to be looked after in this choice is, that the nurses be
bred after the Greek fashion. For as it is needful that the
members of children be shaped aright as soon as they are
born, that they may not afterwards prove crooked and dis-
torted, so it is no less expedient that their manners be well
fashioned from the very beginning. For childhood is a
tender thing, and easily wrought into any shape. Yea,
and the very souls of children readily receive the impres-
sions of those things that are dropped into them while they
are yet but soft ; but when they grow older, they will, as all
hard things are, be more difficult to be wrought upon. And
as soft wax is apt to take the stamp of the seal, so are the
OF THE TRAINING OF CHILDREN. V
minds of children to receive the instructions imprinted on
them at that age. AVhence, also, it seems to me good advice
Avhich divine Plato gives to nurses, not to tell all sorts of
common tales to children in infancy, lest thereby their
minds should chance to be filled with foolish and corrupt
notions.* The like good counsel Phocylides, the poet, seems
to give in this verse of his : —
If we'll have virtuous children, we should choose
Their tenderest age good principles to infuse.
6. Nor are we to omit taking due care, in the first place,
that those children who are appointed to attend upon such
young nurslings, and to be bred with them for play-fellows,
be well-mannered, and next that they speak plain, natural
Greek ; lest, being constantly used to converse with persons
of a barbarous language and evil manners, they receive
corrupt tinctures from them. For it is a true proverb, that
if you live with a lame man, you will learn to halt.
7. Next, when a child is arrived at such an age as to be
put under the care of pedagogues, great care is to be used
that we be not deceived in them, and so commit our chil-
dren to slaves or barbarians or cheating fellows. For it is
a course never enough to be laughed at which many men
nowadays take in this affair ; for if any of their servants
be better than the rest, they dispose some of them to follow
husbandry, some to navigation, some to merchandise, some
to be stewards in their houses, and some, lastly, to put
out their money to use for them. But if they find any
slave that is a drunkard or a glutton, and unfit for any other
business, to him they assign the government of their chil-
dren ; whereas, a good pedagogue ought to be such a one in
his dis])osition as Phoenix, tutor to Achilles, was.
And now I come to speak of that which is a greater
matter, and of more concern than any that I have said.
* See Plato, Repub. II. p. 377 C.
10 OF THE TRAINING OF CHILDREN.
We are to look after such masters for our children as are
blameless in their lives, not justly reprovable for their man-
ners, and of the best experience in teaching. For the very
spring and root of honesty and virtue lies in the felicity of
liiihtinii on aood education, iind as husbandmen are wont
to set forks to prop up feeble plants, so do honest school-
masters prop up youth by careful instructions and admoni-
tions, that they may duly bring forth the buds of good
manners. But there are certain fathers nowadays who
deserve that men should spit on them in contempt, who,
before making any proof of those to whom they design to
commit the teaching of their children, either through un-
acquaintance, or, as it sometimes falls out, through unskil-
fulness, intrust them to men of no good reputation, or, it
may be, such as are branded with infamy. Although they
are not altogether so ridiculous, if they offend herein
through unskilfulness ; but it is a thing most extremely
absurd, Avhen, as oftentimes it happens, though they know
and are told beforehand, by those who understand better
than themselves, both of the inability and rascality of cer-
tain schoolmasters, they nevertheless commit the charge
of their children to them, sometimes overcome by their
fair and flattering speeches, and sometimes prevailed on
to gratify friends who entreat them. This is an error of
like nature with that of the sick man, who, to please his
friends, forbears to send for tlie physician that might save
his life by his skill, and employs a mountebank that quick-
ly dispatcheth him out of the ΛVorld ; or of him who
refuses a 'skilful shipmaster, and then, at his friend's en-
treaty, commits the care of his vessel to one that is therein
much his inferior. In the name of Jupiter and all the Gods,
tell me how can that man deserve the name of a father,
who is more concerned to gratify others in their requests,
than to have his children well educated ? Or, is not
that rather fitly applicable to this case, which Socrates,
or THE TRAINING OF CHILDREN. 11
that ancient philosopher, was wont to say, — that, if he
could get up to the highest place in the city, he would lift
up his voice and make this proclamation thence : " What
mean you, fellow-citizens, that you thus turn every stone to
scrape Λvealth together, and take so little care of your
children, to whom, one day, you must relinquish it all ? " —
to which I would add this, that such parents do like hira
that is solicitous about his shoe, but neglects the foot that
is to wear it. And yet many fathers there are, who so
love their money and hate their children, that, lest it should
cost them more than they are willing to spare to hire a
good schoolmaster for them, they rather choose such per-
sons to instruct their children as are of no worth ; thereby
beating down the market, that they may purchase ignorance
cheap. It was, therefore, a Λvitty and handsome jeer
which Aristippus bestowed on a sottish father, who asked
him what he would take to teach his child. He answered,
A thousand drachms. Whereupon the other cried out :.
Ο Hercules, what a price you ask ! for I can buy a slave
at that rate. Do so, then, said the philosopher, and
thou shalt have two slaves instead of one, — thy son for
one, and him thou buyest for another. Lastly, how
absurd it is, when thou accustomest thy children to take
their food with their right hands, and chidest them if they
receive it with their left, yet thou takest no care at all that
the principles that are infused into them be right and
regular.
And now I will tell you what ordinarily is like to befall
such prodigious parents, when they have had their sons ill
nursed and worse taught. For when such sons are arrived
at mans estate, and, through contempt of a sound an)
orderly way of living, precipitate themselves into all man-
ner of disorderly and servile pleasures, then will those
parents dearly repent of their own neglect of their chil-
dren's education, when it is too late to amend it ; and vex
12 OF THE TRAIXIXG OF CHILDREN.
themselves, even to distraction, at their vicious courses.
For then do some of those children acquaint themselves
with flatterers and parasites, a sort of infamous and execra-
ble persons, the very pests that corrupt and ruin young
men ; others maintain mistresses and harlots, insolent and
extravagant ; others waste their substance ; others, again,
come to shipwreck on gaming and revelling. And some
venture on still more audacious crimes, committing adul-
tery and joining in the orgies of Bacchus, being ready
to purchase one bout of debauched pleasure at the price
of their lives. If now they had but conversed with some
philosopher, they would never have enslaved themselves
to such courses as these ; though possibly they might have
learned at least to put in practice the precept of Diogenes,
delivered by him indeed in rude language, but yet contain-
ing, as to the scope of it, a great truth, when he advised
a voung man to go to the public stews, that he might then
inform himself, by experience, how things of greatest value
and things of no value at all were there of equal worth.
8. In brief therefore I say (and what I say may justly
challenge the repute of an oracle rather than of advice),
that the one chief thing in this matter — which com
priseth the beginning, middle, and end of all — is good
education and regular instruction ; and that these two afford
great help and assistance toAvards the attainment of virtue
and felicity. For all other good things are but human and
of small value, such as will hardly recompense the industry
required to the getting of them. It is. indeed, a desirable
thing to be well descended ; but the glory belongs to our
ancestors. Riches are valuable ; but they are the goods of
Fortune, Avho frequently takes tliem from those that have
them, and carries them to those that never so much as
hoped for them. Yea, the greater they are, the fairer
mark are they for those to aim at who design to make our
bags their prize ; I mean evil servants and accusers. But
OF THE TRAINING OF CHILDREN. 13
the Aveightiest consideration of all is, that riches may be
enjoyed by the Avorst as well as the best of men. Glory is
a thing deserving• respect, but unstable ; beauty is a prize
that men fight to obtain, but, when obtained, it is of little
continuance ; health is a precious enjoyment, but easily im-
paired ; strength is a thing desirable, but apt to be the
prey of diseases and old age. And, in general, let any man
who values himself upon strength of body know that he
makes a great mistake ; for what indeed is any proportion
of human strength, if compared to that of other animals,
such as elephants and bulls and lions ? But learning alone,
of all things in our possession, is immortal and divine. And
two things there are that are most peculiar to human
nature, reason and speech ; of which two, reason is the
master of speech, and speech is the servant of reason, im-
pregnable against all assaults of fortune, not to be taken
away by false accusation, nor impaired by sickness, nor
enfeebled by old age. For reason alone grows youthful
by age ; and time,^ which decays all other things, increaseth
knowledge in us in our decaying years. Yea, war itself,
which like a Avinter torrent bears down all other things
before it and carries them aAvay with it, leaves learning
alone behind. Whence the answer seems to me very re-
markable, which Stilpo, a philosopher of Megara, gave to
Demetrius, Λνΐιο, when he levelled that city to the ground
and made all the citizens bondmen, asked Stilpo whether
he had lost any thing. Nothing, said he, for war cannot
plunder virtue. To this saying that of Socrates also is very
agreeable ; who, when Gorgias (as I take it) asked him
what his opinion Avas of the king of Persia, and whether
he judged him happy, returned answer, that he could not
tell what to think of him, because he knew not how he was
furnished with virtue and learning, — as judging humaii
felicity to consist in those endowments, and not in those
which are subject to fortune.
14 OF THE TRAINING OF CHILDREN.
9. Moreover, as it is my advice to parents that they make
the breeding up of their children to learning the chiefest
of their care, so I here add, that the learning they ought
to train them up unto should be sound and wholesome, and
such as is most remote from those trifles wliich suit the
popular humor. For to please the many is to displease
the wise. To this saying of mine that of Euripides him-
self bears witness : —
I'm better skilled to treat a few, my peers,
Than in a crowd to tickle vulgar ears ;
Though others have the luck ou't, when they babble
Most to the wise, then most to please the rabble.*
Besides, I find by my own observation, that those persons
who make it their business to speak so as to deserve the
favor and approbation of the scum of the people, ordinarily
live at a suitable rate, voluptuously and intemperately.
And there is reason for it. For they who have no regard
to Avhat is honest, so they may make provision for other
men's pleasures, will surely not be very prepense to prefer
what is right and wholesome before that Avhich gratifies
their own inordinate pleasures and luxurious inclinations,
and to quit that which humors them for that which restrains
them.
If any one ask what the next thing is wherein I ΛνοηΜ
have children instructed, and to what further good qualities
I would have them inured, I answer, that I think it advisa-
ble that they neither speak nor do any thing rashly ; for,
according to the proverb, the best things are the most
diflacult. But extemporary discourses are full of much
ordinary and loose stuff, nor do such speakers Λνεΐΐ know
where to begin or where to make an end. And besides
other faults which those Avho speak suddenly are com-
monly guilty of, they are commonly liable to this great
one, that they multiply words without measure ; whereas,
* Eurip. Hippol. 986.
OF THE TRAINING OF CHILDREN. 15
premeditation Λνΐΐΐ not sniFer a man to enlarge his dis-
course beyond a due proportion. To this purpose it is
reported of Pericles, that, being often called upon by
the people to speak, he would not, because (as he said)
he was unprepared. And Demosthenes also, who imi-
tated him in the managery of public affairs, when the
Athenians urged him to give his counsel, refused it with
this answer : I have not yet prepared myself. Though it
may be that this story is a mere fiction, brought down to
us by uncertain tradition, without any credible author.
But Demosthenes, in his oration against Midias, clearly sets
forth the usefulness of premeditation. For there he says :
" I confess, Ο ye Athenians ! that I came hither provided to
speak ; and I will by no means deny that I have spent my
utmost study upon the composing this oration. For it had
been a pitiful omission in me, if, having suffered and still
suffering such things, I should have neglected that Λvhich
in this cause was to be spoken by me." * But here I
would not be understood altogether to condemn all readi-
ness to discourse extempore, nor yet to allow the use of it
upon such occasions as do not require it ; but we are to
use it only as we do physic. Still, before a person arrives
at complete manhood, I would not permit him to speak
upon any sudden incident occasion ; though, after he has
attained a radicated faculty of speaking, he may allow him-
self a greater liberty, as opportunity is offered. For as they
who have been a long time in chains, when they are at last
set at liberty, are unable to walk, on account of their former
continual restraint, and are very apt to trip, so they who
have been used to a fettered way of speaking a great while,
if upon any occasion they be enforced to speak on a sudden,
will hardly be able to express themselves without some
tokens of their former confinement. But to permit those
that are yet children to speak extemporally is to give them
* Demosth. in Mid. p. 576, 16.
16 OF THE TRAINING OF CHILDREN.
occasion for extremely idle talk. A wretched painter, they
say, showing Apelles a picture, told him Avithal that he had
taken a very little time to paint it. If thou hadst not told
me so, said Apelles, I see cause enough to believe it was a
hasty draught ; but I Avonder that in that space of time
thou hast not painted many more such pictures.
I advise therefore (for I return now to the subject that I
have digressed from) the shunning and avoiding, not merely
of a starched, theatrical, and over-tragical form of speaking,
but also of that which is too low and mean. For that
which is too swelling is not fit for the managery of public
aff"airs ; and that, on the other side, which is too thin is very
inapt to Avork any notable impression upon the hearers.
For as it is not only requisite that a man s body be healthy,
but also that it be of a firm constitution, so ought a dis-
course to be not only sound, but nervous also. For though
such as is composed cautiously may be commended, yet
that is all it can arrive at ; Avhereas that which hath some
adventurous passages in it is admired also. And my opinion
is the same concerning the afi"ections of the speaker's mind.
For he must be neither of a too confident nor of a too
mean and dejected spirit ; for the one is apt to lead to
impudence, the other to servility ; and much of the orator's
art, as well as great circumspection, is required to direct his
course skilfully betwixt the two.
And now (whilst I am handling this point concerning the
instruction of children) I will also give you my judgment
concerning the frame of a discourse ; which is this, that to
compose it in all parts uniformly not only is a great argu-
ment of a defect in learning, but also is apt, I think, to
nauseate the auditory when it is practised ; and in no case
can it give lasting pleasure. For to sing the same tune, as
the saying is, is in every thing cloying and offensive ; but
men are generally pleased with variety, as in speeches and
pageants, so in all other entertainments.
OF THE TRAINING OF CHILDREN. 17
] 0. Wherefore, though we ought not to permit an ingen-
uous child entirely to neglect any of the common sorts of
learning, so far as they may be gotten by lectures or from
public shows ; yet I would have him to salute these only as
in his passage, taking a bare taste of each of them (seeing
no man can possibly attain to perfection in all), and to give
philosophy the pre-eminence of them all. I can illustrate
my meaning by an example. It is a fine thing to sail round
and visit many cities, but it is profitable to fix our dwellii;g
in the best. Witty also was the saying of Bias, the philos-
opher, that, as the wooers of Penelope, when they could not
have their desire of the mistress, contented themselves to
have to do with her maids, so commonly those students who
are not capable of understanding philosophy waste them-
selves in the study of those sciences that are of no value.
\Vhence it follows, that we ought to make philosophy the
chief of all our learning. For though, in order to the wel-
fare of the body, the industry of men hath found out two
arts, — medicine, which assists to the recovery of lost health
and gymnastics, Avhich help us to attain a sound constitu-
tion, — yet there is but one remedy for the distempers and
diseases of the mind, and that is philosophy. For by the
advice and assistance thereof it is that we come to under-
stand what is honest, and what dishonest ; what is just, and
what uujust ; in a word, what we are to seek, and what to
avoid. AVe learn by it how we are to demean ourselves
towards the Gods, towards our parents, our elders, the laws,
strangers, governors, friends, wives, children, and servants.
That is, we are to worship the Gods, to honor our parents,
to reverence our elders, to be subject to the laws, to obey
our governors, to love our friends, to use sobriety towards
our wives, to be aifectionate to our children, and not to treat
our servants insolently ; and (which is the chiefest lesson of
all) not to be overjoyed in prosperity nor too much dejected
in adversity ; not to be dissolute in our pleasures, nor in our
lii OF THE TRAINING OF CHILDREN.
anger to be transported with brutish rage and fury. These
things I account the principal advantages which we gain by
philosophy. For to use prosperity generously is the part of
a man ; to manage it so as to decline envy, of a well governed
man ; to master our pleasures by reason is the property of
wise men ; and to moderate anger is the attainment only of
extraordinary men. But those of all men I count most com-
plete, who know how to mix and temper the managery
of civil affairs with philosophy ; seeing they are thereby
masters of two of the greatest good things that are, — a life
of public usefulness as statesmen, and a life of calm tran-
quillity as students of philosophy. For, whereas there are
three sorts of lives, — the life of action, the life of contem-
plation, and the life of pleasure, — the man who is utterly
abandoned and a slave to pleasure is brutish and mean-
spirited ; he that spends his time in contemplation without
action is an unprofitable man ; and he that lives in action
and is destitute of philosophy is a rustical man, and commits
many absurdities. AVherefore we are to apply our utmost
endeavor to enable ourselves for both ; that is, to manage
public employments, and withal, at convenient seasons, to
give ourselves to philosophical studies. Such statesmen
were Pericles and Archytas the Tarentine ; such were Dion
the Syracusan and Epaminondas the Theban, both of whom
were of Plato's familiar acquaintance.
I think it not necessary to spend many more Avords about
this point, the instruction of children in learning. Only it
may be profitable at least, or even necessary, not to omit
procuring for them the writings of ancient authors, but to
make such a collection of them as husbandmen are wont to
do of all needful tools. For of the same nature is the use
of books to scholars, as being the tools and instruments of
learning, and withal enabling them to derive knowledge
from its proper fountains.
11. In the next place, the exercise of the body must not
OF THE TRAINING OF CHILDREN. 19
be neglected ; but children must be sent to schools of gym-
nastics, where they may have sufficient employment that
Avay also. This will conduce partly to a more handsome
carriage, and partly to the improvement of their strength.
For the foundation of a vigorous old age is a good constitu-
tion of the body in childhood. AVherefore, as it is expe-
dient to provide those things in fair weather which may
be useful to the mariners in a storm, so is it to keep good
order and govern ourselves by rules of temperance in youth,
as the best provision we can lay in for age. Yet must they
husband their strength, so as not to become dried up (as it
were) and destitute of strength to follow their studies.
For, according to Plato, sleep and weariness are enemies to
the arts.*
But why do I stand so long on these things ? I hasten to
speak of that which is of the greatest importance, even
beyond all that has been spoken of ; namely, I ΛνοηΜ have
boys trained for the contests of wars by practice in the
throwing of darts, shooting of arrows, and hunting of wild
beasts. For we must remember in war the goods of the
conquered are proposed as rewards to the conquerors. But
war does not agree with a delicate habit of body, used only
to the sliade ; for even one lean soldier that hath been used
to military exercises shall overthrow whole troops of mere
wrestlers who know nothing of war. But, somebody may
say, whilst you profess to give precepts for the education
of all free-born children, why do you carry the matter so as
to seem only to accommodate those precepts to the rich, and
neglect to suit them also to the children of poor men and
plebeians ] To which objection it is no difficult thing to
reply. For it is my desire that all children Avhatsoever may
partake of the benefit of education alike ; but if yet any
persons, by reason of the narrowness of their estates, cau-
* Plato, Repub. Λ^Ι. p. 537, B.
20
OF THE TRAINING OF CHILDREN.
not make use of my precepts, let them not blame me that
give them, but Fortune, which disableth them from makin;^
the advantage by them they otherwise might. Though
CYQU poor men must use their utmost endeavor to give their
children the best education ; or, if they cannot, they must
bestow upon them the best that their abilities will reach.
Thus much I thought fit here to insert in the body of my
discourse, that I might the better be enabled to annex what
I have yet to add concerning the right training of children.
12. I say now, that children are to be won to follow
liberal studies by exhortations and rational motives, and
on no account to be forced thereto by whipping or any
other contumelious pimishments. I will not urge that such
usage seems to be more agreeable to slaves than to ingenu-
ous children ; and even slaves, when thus handled, are dulled
and discouraged from the performance of their tasks, partly
by reason of the smart of their stripes, and partly because
of the disgrace thereby inflicted. But praise and reproof
are more eff"ectual upon free-born children than any such
dissrraceful handling ; the former to incite them to what is
good, and the latter to restrain them from that which is evil.
J3ut we must use reprehensions and commendations alter-
natclyf and of various kinds according to the occasion ; so
that when they grow petulant, they may be shamed by rep-
rehension, and again, Λνΐιβη they better deserve it, they may
be encouraged by commendations. Wherein Ave ought to
imitate nurses, who, when they have made their infants cry,
stop their mouths with the nipple to quiet them again. It
is also useful not to give them such large commendations as
to puff them up with pride ; for this is the ready way to fill
them with a vain conceit of themselves, and to enfeeble
their minds.
13. Moreover, I have seen some parents whose too much
love to their children hath occasioned, in truth, their not
loving them at all. I will give light to this assertion by an
OF THE TRAINING OF CHILDREN. 21
example to those who ask what it means. It is this : while
they are over-hasty to advance their children in all sorts of
learning beyond their eqnals, they set them too hard and
laborious tasks, whereby they fall under discouragement ;
and this, with other inconveniences accompanying it, caus-
eth them in the issue to be ill affected to learning• itself.
For as plants by moderate watering are nourished, but with
over- much moisture are glutted, so is the spirit improved by
moderate labors, but overwhelmed by such as are excessive.
W(; ought therefore to give children some time to take
breath fiom their constant labors, considering that all human
life is divided betwixt business and relaxation. To which
purpose it is that we are inclined by nature not only to wake,
but to sleep also ; that as we have sometimes wars, so like-
wise at other times peace ; as some foul, so other fair days ;
and, as Λνβ have seasons of important business, so also the
vacation times of festivals. And, to contract all in a word,
rest is the sauce of labor. Nor is it thus in livinof creatures
only, but in things inanimate too. For even in bows and
harps, we loosen their strings, that we may bend and wind
them up again. Yea, it is universally seen that, as the body
is maintained by repletion and evacuation, so is the mind by
employment and relaN:ation.
Those parents, moreover, are to be blamed who, when
they have committed their sons to the care of pedagogues
or schoolmasters, never see or hear them perform their
tasks ; Λvherein they fiiil much of their duty. For they
ought, ever and anon, after the intermission of some days,
to make trial of their children's proficiency ; and not in-
trust their hopes of them to the discretion of a hireling.
For even that sort of men will take more care of the
children, when they know that they are regularly to be
called to account. And here the saviui? of the kind's
groom is very applicable, that nothing made the horse
so fat as the king's eye.
22 OF THE TRAINING OF CHILDREN.
But we must most of all exercise and keep in constant em-
ployment the memory of children ; for that is, as it were,
the storehouse of all learning. Wherefore the mytholo-
gists have made Mnemosyne, or Memory, the mother of the
Muses, plainly intimating thereby that nothing doth so
beget or nourish learning as memory. AVherefore we must
employ it to both those purposes, whether the children be
naturally apt or backward to remember. For so shall we
both strengthen it in those to Avhom Nature in this respect
hath been bountiful, and supply that to others wherein she
hath been deficient. And as the former sort of boys will
thereby come to excel others, so will the latter sort excel
themselves. For that of Hesiod Avas well said, —
Oft little add to little, and tiic account
Will swell : lieapt atoms thus produce a mount.*
Neither, therefore, let the parents be ignorant of this,
that the exercising of memory in the schools doth not
only give the greatest assistance towards the attainment of
learning, but also to all the actions of life. For the remem-
brance of things past affords us examples in our consults
about things to come.
14. Children ought to be made to abstain from speaking
filthily, seeing, as Democritus said, words are but the
shadows of actions. They are, moreover, to be instructed
to be affable and courteous in discourse. For as churlish
manners are always detestable, so children may be kept
from being odious in conversation, if they will not be
l)ertinaciously bent to maintain all they say in dispute.
For it is of use to a man to understand not only how to
overcome, but also how to give ground when to conquer
would turn to his disadvantage. For there is such a thing
sometimes as a Cadmean victory ; which the wise Euripides
attesteth, when he saith, —
* Hesiod, \Yorks and Days, 371.
OF THE TRAINING OF CHILDREN. 2f3
Where two discourse, if the one's anger rise,
Tlie man wlio lets the contest fall is wise. *
Add we now to these things some others of which chil-
dren ought to have no less, yea, rather greater care ; to wit,
that they avoid luxurious living, bridle their tongues, sub-
due anger, and refrain their hands. Of how great moment
each of these counsels is, I now come to inquire ; and we
may best judge of them by examples. To begin with the
last : some men there have been, who, by opening their
hands to take what they ought not, have lost all the honor
they got in the former part of their lives. So Gylippus
the Lacedaemonian,! for unsewing the public money-bags,
was condemned to banishment from Sparta. And to be able
also to subdue anger is the part of a \vise man. Such a
one was Socrates ; for when a hectoring and debauched
young man rudely kicked him, so that those in his com-
pany, being sorely offended, were ready to run after him
and call him to account for it, AVhat, said he to them,
if an ass had kicked me, would you think it handsomely
done to kick him again ? And yet the young man himself
escaped not unpunished ; for when all persons reproached
him for so unworthy an act, and gave him the nickname
of Αα•/.τιςτ)[ς, or the kicker, he hanged himself. The same
Socrates. — when Aristophanes, publishing his play which
he called the Clouds, therein threw all sorts of the foulest
reproaches upon him, and a friend of his, who was pres-
* From the Protesilaus of Euripides, Frag. 656.
t The story is related by our author at large, in the Life of Lysander. It is this :
Lysander sent by Gylippus to the Ephori, or chief magistrates of Sparta, a great
sum of money, sealed up in bags. Gylippus unsews the bags at the bottom, and
takes what he thinks fit out of each bag, and sews them up again ; but was dis-
covered, partly by the notes which \vere put in the bags by Lysander, mentioning
the sums in each bag; and partly by his own servant, who, when the magistrates
were solicitous to find what was become of the money that was wanting, told them
jestingly that there were a great many owls under the tiles at his master's house
<for the money had that bird, as the badge of Athens, where it was coined, stamped
on it) ; whither they sent, and found it.
24- OF THE TRAINING OF CHILDREN.
ent at the acting of it, repeated to him what was there
said in the same comical manner, asking him Avithal,
Does not this offend you, Socrates? — repUed: Not at all,
for I can as well bear with a fool in a play as at a great
feast. And something of the same nature is reported to
have been done by Archytas of Tarentum and Plato.
Archytas, when, upon his return from the war, wherein he
had been a general, he was informed that his land had
been impaired by his bailiff's negligence, sent for him, and
said only thus to him when he came : If I were not very
angry with thee, I would severely correct thee. And
Plato, being offended with a gluttonous and debauched
servant, called to him Speusippus, his sister's son, and said
unto him : Go beat thou this fellow ; for I am too much
offended with him to do it myself.
These things, you will perhaps say, are very difficult to
be imitated. I confess it ; but yet we must endeavor to the
utmost of our power, by setting such examples before us,
to repress the extravagancy of our immoderate, furious
anger. For neither are we able to rival the experience or
virtue of such men in many other matters ; but we do,
nevertheless, as sacred interpreters of divine mysteries and
priests of wisdom, strive to follow these examples, and, as
it were, to enrich ourselves with what we can nibble from
them.
And as to the bridling of the tongue, concerning which
also I am obliged to speak, if any man think it a small
matter or of mean concernment, he is much mistaken.
For it is a point of wisdom to be silent when occasion re-
quires, and better than to speak, though never so well.
And, in my judgment, for this reason the ancients insti-
tuted mystical rites of initiation in religion, that, being in
them accustomed to silence, we might thence transfer the
fear Λνο have of the Gods to the fidelity required in human
secrets. Yea, indeed, experience shows that no man ever
OF THE TRAINING OF CHILDREN. 25
repented of having kept silence ; but mEiny that they have
not done so. And a man may, when he ΛνϊΠ, easily utter
what he hath by silence concealed ; but it is impossible for
him to recall what he hath once spoken. And, moreover,
I can remember infinite examples that have been told me
of those that have procured great damages to themselves
by intemperance of the tongue ; one or two of which I will
give, omitting the rest. AVlien Ptolemaeus Philadelphus
had taken his sister Arsinoe to wife, Sotades for breaking
an obscene jest* upon him lay languishing in prison a
great while ; a punishment which he deserved for his un-
seasonable babbling, whereby to provoke laughter in others
he purchased a long time of mourning to himself. Much
after the same rate, or rather still worse, did Theocritus the
Sophist both talk and suffer. For when Alexander com-
manded the Grecians to provide him a purple robe, where-
in, upon his return from the wars, he meant to sacrifice to
the Gods in gratitude for his victorious success against the.
barbarians, and the various states were bringing in the
sums assessed upon them, Theocritus said : I now see
clearly that this is what Homer calls purple death, which
I never understood before. By which speech he made the
king his enemy from that time forwards. The same person
provoked Antigonus, the king of Macedonia, to great wrath,
by reproaching him with his defect, as having but one eye.
Thus it was. Antigonus commanded Entropion his master-
cook (then in waiting) to go to this Theocritus and settle
some accounts with him. And when he announced his
errand to Theocritus, and called frequently about the busi-
ness, the latter said: I know that thou hast a mind to dish
me u\) raw to that Cyclops ; thus reproaching at once the
king with the want of his eye, and the cook with his em-
ployment. To Λvllich Entropion replied : Then thou shalt
lose thy head, as the penalty of thy loquacity and madness
* Eif ονχ όσίην τρνμαλίην το κέντρον ώϋεϊς.
26
OF THE TRAINING OF CHILDREN.
And he was as good as his word ; for he departed and in-
formed the king, who sent and put Theocritus to death.
Besides all these things, we are to accustom children to
speak the truth, and to account it, as indeed it is, a matter
of religion for them to do so. For lying is a servile quality,
deserving the hatred of all mankind ; yea, a fault for which
we ought not to forgive our meanest servants.
15. Thus far have I discoursed concerning the good-
breeding of children, and the sobriety requisite to that age,
Λvithout any hesitation or doubt in my own mind concern-
ing any thing that I have said. But in what remains to be
said, I am dubious and divided in my own thoughts, which,
as if they were laid in a balance, sometimes incline this,
and sometimes that way. I am therefore loath to persuade
or dissuade in the matter. But I must venture to answer
one question, which is this : whether we ought to ad.mit
those that make love to our sons to keep them company, or
whether Ave should not rather thrust them out of doors, and
banish them from their society. For when 1 look upon
those straightforward parents, of a harsh and austere tem-
per, who think it an outrage not to be endured that their
sons should have any thing to say to lovers, I am tender
of being the persuader or encourager of such a practice.
But, on the other side, Avhen I call to mind Socrates, and
Plato, and Xenophon, and Aeschines, and Cebes, with an
whole troop of other such men, who have approA^d those
masculine loves, and still have brought up young men to
learning, public employments, and virtuous living, I am
again of another mind, and am much influenced by my zeal
to imitate such great men. And the testimony also of
Euripides is favorable to their opinion, when he says, —
Another love there is in mortals found ;
The love of just and chaste and virtuous souls.*
And yet I think it not improper here to mention withal
* From the Dictys of Euripides, Frag. 312.
OF THE TRAINING OF CHILDREN. Ζ ι
that saying of Plato, spoken betwixt jest and earnest, that
men of great eminence must be allowed to show aifection
to what beautiful objects they please.* I would decide then
that parents are to keep off such as make beauty the object
of their affection, and admit altogether such as direct the
love to the soul ; whence such loves are to be avoided
as are in Thebes and Elis, and that sort which in Crete they
call ravishment (άοΛαγμός) ; -j* and such are to be imitated as
are in Athens and Sparta.
16. But in this matter let every man follow his ολνη
judgment. Thus far have I discoursed concerning the right
ordering and decent carriage of children. I will now pass
thence, to speak somewhat concerning the next age, that
of youth. For I have often blamed the evil custom of
some, Avho commit their boys in childhood to pedagogues
and teachers, and then suffer the impetuosity of their youth
to range Avithout restraint ; Avhereas boys of that age need
to be kept under a stricter guard than children. For who
does not know that the errors of childhood are small, and
perfectly capable of being amended ; such as slighting their
pedagogues, or disobedience to their teachers' instructions.
But when they begin to grow towards maturity, their
offences are oftentimes very great and heinous ; such as
gluttony, pilfering money from their parents, dicing, revel-
lings, drunkenness, courting of maidens, and defiling of
marriage-beds. AVherefore it is expedient that such im-
petuous heats should with great care be kept under and
restrained. For the ripeness of that age admits no bounds
in its pleasures, is skittish, and needs a curb to check it ;
so that those parents ΛνΙιο do not hold in their sons with
great strength about that time find to their surprise that
they are giving their vicious inclinations full swing in the
pursuit of the vilest actions. Wherefore it is a dut} in-
* See Plato, Repub. V. p. 468, C.
t See Strabo X. pp. 483, 484.
28 OF THE TRAINING OF CHILDREN.
cumbent upon wise parents, in that age especially, to set a
strict watch upon them, and to keep them within the bounds
of sobriety by instructions, threatenings, entreaties, counsels,
promises, and by laying before them examples of those
men (on one side) Avho by immoderate love of pleasures
have brought themselves into great mischief, and of tliose
(on the other) who by abstinence in the pursuit of them
have purchased to themselves very great praise and glory.
For these two things (hope of honor, and fear of punish-
ment) are, in a sort, the first elements of virtue ; the former
whereof spurs men on the more eagerly to the pursuit of
honest studies, while the latter blunts the edge of their
inclinations to vicious courses.
17. And in sum, it is necessary to restrain young men
from the conversation of debauched persons, lest they take
infection from their evil examples. This was taught by
Pythagoras in certain enigmatical sentences, which I shall
here relate and expound, as being greatly useful to further
virtuous inclinations. Such are these. Taste not of fish
that have black tails ; that is, converse not with men that
are smutted \vith vicious qualities. Stride not over the
beam of the scales ; wherein he teacheth us the regard we
ought to have for justice, so as not to go beyond its meas-
ures. Sit not on a choenix ; wherein he forbids sloth, and
requires us to take care to provide ourselves with the neces-
saries of life. Do not strike hands with every man ; he
means we ought not to be over hasty to make acquaintances
or friendships with others. Wear not a tight ring ; that
is, we are to labor after a free and independent way of
living, and to submit to no fetters. Stir not up the fire
with a sword ; signifying that Ave ought not to provoke a
man more when he is angry already (since this is a most
unseemly act), but we should rather comply with him while
his passion is in its heat. Eat not thy heart ; which forbids
to afflict our souls, and waste them with vexatious cares,
OF THE TRAINING OF CHILDREN. 29
Abstain from beans ; that is, keep out of public offices,
for anciently the choice of the officers of state was made
by beans. Put not food in a chamber-pot ; Avherein he
declares that elegant discourse ought not to be put into an
impure mind ; for discourse is the food of the mind, which
is rendered unclean by the foulness of the man λυΙίο receives
it. When men are arrived at the goal, they should not
turn back ; that is, those who are near the end of their
days, and see the period of their lives approaching,
ought to entertain it contentedly, and not to be grieved
at it.
But to return from this digression, — our children, as 1
have said, are to be debarred the company of all evil men,
but especially flatterers. For I would still affirm what I
have often said in the presence of divers fathers, that there
is not a more pestilent sort of men than these, nor any that
more certainly and speedily hurry youth into precipices.
Yea, they utterly ruin both fathers and sons, making the
old age of the one and the youth of the other full of sorrow,
while they cover the hook of their evil counsels Λvith the un-
avoidable bait of voluptuousness. Parents, Λvhen they have
good estates to leave their children, exhort them to sobriety,
flatterers to drunkenness ; parents exhort to continence,
these to lasciviousness ; parents to good husbandry, these
to prodigality ; parents to industry, these to slothfulness.
And they usually entertain them with such discourses as
these : The whole life of man is but a point of time ; let
us enjoy it therefore while it lasts, and not spend it to no
purpose. Why should you so much regard the displeasure
of your father? — an old doting fool, with one foot already
in the grave, and 'tis to be hoped it will not be long ere we
carry him thither altogether. And some of them there are
Avho procure young men foul harlots, yea, prostitute wives
to them ; and they even make a prey of those things which
the careful fathers have provided for the sustenance of their
30 OF THE TRAINING OF CHILDREN
old age. A cursed tribe ! True friendship's hypocrites,
they have no knowledge of plain dealing and frank speech.
They flatter the rich, and despise the poor ; and they seduce
the young, as by a musical charm. When those who feed
them begin to laugh, then they grin and show their teeth.
They are mere counterfeits, bastard pretenders to humanity,
living at the nod and beck of the rich ; free by birth, yet
slaves by choice, who always think themselves abused
when they are not so, because they are not supported in
idleness at others' cost. Wherefore, if fathers have any
care for the good breeding of their children, they ought to
drive such foul beasts as these out of doors. They ought
also to keep them from the companionship of vicious
school-fellows, for these are able to corrupt the most in-
genuous dispositions.
18. These counsels Λvhich I have now given are of great
worth and importance ; Avhat I have now to add touches
certain allowances that are to be made to human nature.
Again therefore I would not have fathers of an over-rigid
and harsh temper, but so mild as to forgive some slips of
youth, remembering that they themselves were once young.
But as physicians are wont to mix their bitter medicines
with sweet syrups, to make what is pleasant a vehicle for
what is wholesome, so should fathers temper the keenness
of their reproofs with lenity. They may occasionally loosen
the reins, and allow their children to take some liberties
they are inclined to, and again, when it is fit, manage them
with a straighter bridle. But chiefly should they bear their
errors without passion, if it may be ; and if they chance to be
heated more than ordinary, they ou^ht not to sufier the
flame to burn long. For it is better that a father's anger
be hasty than severe ; because the heaviness of his Avrath,
joined with unplacableness, is no small argument of hatred
towards the child. It is good also not to discover the
notice they take of divers faults, and to transfer to such
OF THE TRAINING OF CHILDREN. 31
cases that dimness of sight and hardness of hearing that
are wont to accompany old age ; so as sometimes not to
hear what they hear, nor to see what tliey see, of their
children's miscarriages. We use to bear with some faiUngs
in our friends, and it is no wonder if we do the like to our
children, especially Avhen we sometimes overlook drunken-
ness in our very servants. Thou hast at times been too
straight-handed to thy son ; make him at other whiles a larger
allowance. Thou hast, it may be, been too angry with
him ; pardon him the next fault to make him amends.
He hath made use of a servant's wit to circumvent thee in
sometliing ; restrain thy anger. He hath made bold to
take a yoke of oxen out of the pasture, or he hath come
home smelling of his yesterday's drink ; take no notice of
it ; and if of ointments too, say nothing. For by this means
the wild colt sometimes is made more tame. Besides, fo)
those who are intemperate in their youthful lusts, and will
not be amended by reproof, it is good to provide wives ; for
marriage is the strongest bond to hamper wild youth withal.
But we must take care that the wives we procure for them
be neither of too noble a birth nor of too great a portion to
suit their circumstances ; for it is a wise saying, drive on
your own track.* Wiiereas men that marry women very
much superior to themselves are not so truly husbands to
their wives, as they are unawares made slaves to their por-
tions. I will add a few words more, and put an end to
these advices. The chiefest thing• that fathers are to look
to is, that they themselves become effectual examples to
their children, by doing all those things which belong to
them and avoiding all vicious practices, that in their lives,
as in a glass, their children may see enough to give them
an aversion to all ill words anl actions. For those that
chide children for such faults as they themselves fall into
* This sayinc:, Την κατά σαυτόν Άα. is attributed to Pittacus of Mitylene by Dio
genes Laertius, I. 4, 8. See also Aristoph. Nub. 25, and Aesch. Prom 8y0. (G.)
32
OF THE TRAINING OF CHILDREN.
unconsciously accuse themselves, under their children's
names. And if they are altogether vicious in their own
lives, they lose the right of reprehending their very ser-
vants, and much more do they forfeit it towards their sons.
Yea, what is more than that, they make themselves even
counsellors and instructors to them in Avickedness. For
where old men are impudent, there of necessity must the
young men be so too. AVherefore we are to apply our
minds to all such practices as may conduce to the good
breeding of our children. And here we may take example
from Eurydice of Hierapolis, who, although she was an
Illyrian, and so thrice a barbarian, yet applied herself to
learning ΛνΙιοη she was well advanced in years, that she
miiilit teach her children. Her love towards her children
appears evidently in this Epigram of hers, which she dedi-
cated to the Muses : —
Eurydice to the Muses here doth raise
This monument, her honest love to praise;
Who her grown sons that she might sciiolars breed,
Then well in yeais, heraelf first learned to read.
And thus have I finished the precepts which I designed
to give concerning this subject. But that they should all
be followed by any one reader is rather, I fear, to be wished
than hoped. And to follow the greater part of them,
though it may not be impossible to human nature, yet will
need a concurrence of more than ordinary diligence joined
with good fortune.
CONCERNING THE CURE OF ANGER.
A DIALOGUE.
SYLLA, FUNDANUS.
1. Sylla. Those painters, Ο Fundaniis, in my opinion do
very wisely, who never finish any piece at the first sitting,
but take a review of it at some convenient distance of time ;
because the eye, being relieved for a time, renews its power
by making frequent and fresh judgments, and becomes able
to observe many small and critical diiFerences which con-
tinual poring and familiarity Avould prevent it from notic-
ing. Now, because it cannot be that a man should stand
off from himself and interrupt his consciousness, and then
after some interval return to accost himself again (which is
one principal reason why a man is a Avorse judge of him-
self than of other men), the next best course that a man
can take will be to inspect his friends after some time
of absence, and also to offer himself to their examination,
not to see whether he be grown old on the sudden, or
whether the habit of his body be become better or Avorse
than it was before, but that they may take notice of his
manner and behavior, whether in that time he hath made
any advance in goodness, or gained ground of his vices.
Wherefore, being after two years' absence returned to
Rome, and having since conversed with thee here again
for these five months, 1 think it no great matter of wonder
tnat those good qualities which, by the advantage of a
good natural disposition, von were formerly possessed of
34: CONCERNING THE CURE OF ANGER.
have in this time received so considerable an increase.
But truly, when I behold how that vehement and fiery dis-
position which you had to anger is now through the con-
duct of reason become so gentle and tractable, my mind
prompts me to say, with Homer, —
0 wonder ! how much gentler is he grown ! *
Nor hath this gentleness produced in thee any laziness
or irresolution ; but, like cultivation in the earth, it hath
caused an evenness and a profundity very effectual unto
fruitful action, instead of thy former veheraency and over-
eagerness. And therefore it is evident that thy former
2:)roneness to anger hath not been withered in thee by any
decay of vigor which age might have effected, or spontane-
ously ; but that it hath been cured by making use of some
mollifying precepts.
And indeed, to tell you the truth, when I heard our
friend Eros say the same thing, I had a suspicion that he
did not report the thing as it was, but that out of mere
good-will he testified those things of you which ought to
be found in every good and virtuous man. And yet you
know he cannot be easily induced to depart from what he
judges to be true, in order to favor any man. But now,
truly, as I acquit him of having therein made any false
report of thee, so I desire thee, being now at leisure from
thy journey, to declare unto us the means and (as it were)
the medicine, by use whereof thou hastWought thy mind to
be thus manageable and natural, thus gentle and obedient
unto reason.
FuNDANus. But in the mean while, Ο most kind Sylla,
you had best beware, lest you also through affection and
friendship may be somewhat careless in making an esti-
mate of my affairs. For Eros, having himself also a mind
oft-times unable to keep its ground and to contain itself
* II. XXn. 373.
CONCERNING THE CURE OF ANGER. 35
within that obedience which Homer mentions, but subject
to be exasperated through an hatred of men's wickedness,
may perhaps think I am grown more mikl ; just as in
music, when the key is changed, that note which before
was the base becomes a higher note Avith respect to oth-
ers which are now below it.
Sylla. Neither of these is so, Fundanus ; but, I pray
you, gratify us all by granting the request I made.
2. Fundanus. This then, Ο Sylla, is one of those
excellent rules given by Musonius which I bear in memo-
ry,— that those who would be in sound health must physic
themseh^es all their lives. Now I do not think that reason
cures, like hellebore, by purging out itself together with
the disease it cures, but by keeping possession of the soul,
and so governing and guarding its judgments. For the
power of reason is not like drugs, but like wholesome food ;
and, with the assistance of a good natural disposition, it
produceth a healthful constitution in all with whom it hath .
become familiar.
And as for those good exhortations and admonitions
Avhicli are applied to passions while they swell and are at
their height, they work but slowly and with small success ;
and they differ in nothing from those strong-smelling things,
which indeed do serve to put those that have the falling
sickness upon their legs again after they are fallen, but
are not able to remove the disease. For whereas other
passions, even when they are in their ruff and acme, do in
some sort yield and admit reason into the soul, which
comes to help it from without ; anger does not, as Melan-
thius says, —
Displace the mind, and then act dismal things ;
but it absolutely turns the mind out of doors, and bolts
the door against it ; and, like those who burn their houses
and themselves within them, it makes all things within full
86 CONCERNING THE CURE OF ANGER.
of confusion, smoke, and noise, so that the soul can neither
see nor hear any thing that might reheve it. AVherefore
sooner will an empty ship in a storm at sea admit of a pilot
from without, than a man tossed with anger and rage
listen to the advice of another, unless he have his own
reason first prepared to entertain it.
But as those who expect to be besieged are wont to
gather together and lay in provisions of such things as
they are like to need, not trusting to hopes of relief
from Avithout, so ought it to be our special concern to fetch
in from philosophy such foreign helps as it affords against
anger, and to store them up in the soul beforehand, seeing
that it will not be so easy a matter to provide ourselves
when the time is come for using them. For either the soul
cannot hear what is spoken without, by reason of the
tumult, unless it have its own reason (like the director of
the rowers in a ship) ready to entertain and understand
whatsoever precept shall be given ; or, if it do chance to
hear, yet ΛνΠΙ it be ready to despise what is patiently and
mildly offered, and to be exasperated by what shall be
pressed upon it with more vehemency. For, since wrath
is proud and self-conceited, and utterly averse from compli-
ance Avith others, like a fortified and guarded tyranny, that
which is to overthrow it must be bred within it and be of
its own household.
3. Now the continuance of anger and frequent fits of it
produce an evil habit in the soul called Avrath fulness, or a
propensity to be angry, Λvhich oft-times ends in choleric
temper, bitterness, and moroseness. Then the mind be-
comes ulcerated, peevish, and querulous, and like a thin,
weak plate of iron, receives impression and is wounded by
even the least occurrence ; but when the judgment pres-
ently seizes upon wrathful ebullitions and suppresses them,
it not only Λvorks a cure for the present, but renders the
soul firm and not so liable to such impressions for the fu-
CONCERNING THE CURE OF ANGER. 37
tare. And truly, when I myself had twice or thrice made
a resolute resistance unto anger, the like befell me that did
the Thebans ; who, having• once foiled the Lacedaemonians,
that before that time had held themselves invincible, never
after lost so much as one battle Avhich they fought against
them. For I became fully assured in my mind, that anger
might be overcome by the use of reason. And I perceived
that it might not only be quieted by the sprinkling of cold
Avater, as Aristotle relates, but also be extinguished by put-
ting one into a fright. Yea, according to Homer, many
men have had their anger melted and dissipated by sudden
surprise of joy. So that I came to this firm resolution,
that this passion is not altogether incurable to such as are
but Avilling to be cured ; since the beginnings and occa-
sions of it are not always great or forcible ; but a scoif, or
a jest, or the laughing at one, or a nod only, or some other
matter of no great importance, Λνϋΐ put many men into a
passion. Tbus Helen, by addressing her niece in the
words beginning, —
Ο my Electra, now a virgin stale,
provoked her to make this nipping return : —
Thou'rt wise too late, thou sliouldst have kept at home.*
And so did Callisthenes provoke Alexander by saying,
when the great bowl was going round, I will not drink so
deep in honor of Alexander, as to make work for Aescu-
lapius.
4. As therefore it is an easy matter to stop the fire that
is kindled only in hare's wool, candle-wick, or a little chaff,
but if it have once taken hold of matter that hath solidity
and thickness, it soon inflames and consumes, as Aeschylus
says, —
With youthful vigor the carpenter's lofty work ;
SO he that «.loserves anger w^iile it is in its beginning, and
* Eurip. Orestes, 72 and 99.
38 CONCERNING THE CURE OF ANGER.
sees it by degrees smoking and taking fire from some
speech or chafF-like scurrility, need take no great pains to
extinguish it, but oftentimes can put an end to it only by
silence or neglect. For as he that adds no fuel to the fire
hath already as good as put it out, so he that doth not feed
anger at the first, nor blow the fire in himself, hath pre-
vented and destroyed it. Wherefore Hieronymus, although
he taught many other useful things, yet hath given me no
satisfaction in saying that anger is not perceptible in its
birth, by reason of its suddenness, but only after its birth
and Avhile it lives ; for there is no other passion, while it is
gathering and stirring up, which hath its rise and increase
so conspicuous and observable. This is very skilfully
taught by Homer, by making Achilles suddenly surprised
with grief as soon as ever the word fell on his ear, saying
of him, —
This said, a sable cloud of grief covered him o'er ; *
but making Agamemnon grow angry slowly and need many
words to inflame him, so that, if these had been stopped
and forbidden when they began, the contest had never
grown to that degree and greatness which it did. Where-
fore Socrates, as oft as he perceived any fierceness of spirit
to rise within him towards any of his friends, setting him-
self like a promontory to break the Avaves, Avould speak
Avith a lower voice, bear a smiling countenance, and look
Avith a more gentle eye ; and thus, by bending the other way
and moving contrary to the passion, he kept himself from
falling or being Avorsted.
5. For the first way, my friend, to suppress auger, as
you would a tyrant, is not to obey or yield to it when it
commands us to speak high, to look fiercely, and to beat
ourselves ; but to be quiet, and not increase the passion, as
we do a disease, by impatient tossing and crying out. It is
* n. XVII. 591.
CONCERNING THE CURE OF ANGER. 39
true that lovers' practices, such as revelling, singing, crown-
ing tlie door with garlands, have a kind of alleviation in
them which is neither rude nor unpleasing : —
Coming, I asked not who or wliose she was,
But kissed lier door full sweetly, — that I wot ;
If this be sin, to sin I can but choose.
So the weeping and lamentation which we permit in mourn-
ers doubtless carry forth much of the grief together with
the tears. But anger, quite on the contrary, is more in-
flamed by what the angry persons say or do.
The best course then is for a man to compose himself,
or else to run away and hide himself and retreat into quiet,
as into an haven, as if he perceived a flt of epilepsy com-
ing on, lest he fall, or rather fall upon others ; and truly
we do most and most frequently fall upon our friends.
For we neither love all, nor envy all, nor fear all men ;
but there is nothing untouched and unset upon by anger.
AVe are angry with our foes and with our friends ; with our
own children and our parents ; nay, with the Gods above,
and the very beasts below us, and instruments that have no
life, as Thamyras was, —
His horn, though bound with gold, lie brake in's ire.
He brake his melodious and well-strung lyre ; *
and Pandarus, wishing a curse upon himself if he did not
burn his bow,
First broken by his hands.t
But Xerxes dealt blows and marks of his displeasure to
the sea itself, and sent his letters to the mountain in the
style ensuing : " Ο thou wretched Athos, whose top now
reaches to the skies, I charge thee, put not in the way of
my Λvorks stones too big and difficult to be wrought. If
thou do, I will cut thee into pieces, and cast thee into the
sea.
For anger hath many terrible effects, and many also that
* From the Thamyras of Sophocles, Frag. 224. t H- V. 216
40 CONCERNING THE CURE OF ANGER.
are ridiculous ; and therefore of all passions, this of anger
is iTiost hated and most contemned, and it is good to con-
sider it in both respects.
6. I therefore, whether rightly or not I know not,
began this cure with learning the nature of aiiger by be-
holding it in other men, as the Lacedaemonians learned what
drunkenness was by seeing it in the Helots. And, in the
iirst place, as Hippocrates said that that was the most dan-
gerous disease which made the sick man's countenance
most unlike to what it was, so I observed that men trans-
ported with anger also exceedingly change their visage,
color, gait, and voice. Accordingly I formed a kind of
image of that passion to myself, withal conceiving great in
dignation against myself if I should at any time appear to
my friends, or to my wife and daughters, so terrible and dis-
composed, not only Avith so wild and strange a look, but also
with so fierce and harsh a voice, as I had met with in some
others of my acquaintance, who by reason of anger were
not able to observe either good manners or countenance or
graceful speech, or even their persuasiveness and aff"ability
in conversation.
Wherefore Cains Gracchus, the orator, being of a rugged
disposition and a passionate kind of speaker, had a pipe
made for him, such as musicians use to vary their voice
higher or lower by degrees ; and with this pipe his ser-
vant stood behind him while he pronounced, and gave him
a mild and gentle note, Avhereby he took him down from
his loudness, and took off the harshness and angriness of
his voice, assuaging and charming the anger of the orator.
As their shrill wax-joined reed who herds do keep
Sounds forth sweet measures, which invite to sleep. *
For my own part, had I a careful and pleasant compan-
ion who would show me my angry face in a glass, I should
not at all take it ill. In like manner, some are wont to
* Aesch. Prometheus, 574.
CONCERNING THE CURE OF ANGER. 41
have a looking-glass held to them after they have bathed,
though to little purpose ; but to behold one's self unnaturally
disguised and disordered will conduce not a little to the
impeachment of anger. For those who delight in pleas-
ant fables tell us, that Minerva herself, playing on a pipe,
was thus admonished by a satyr : —
That look becomes you not, lay down your pipes,
And take your arms, and set your cheeks to rights ;
but would not regard it ; yet, when by chance she beheld
the mien of her countenance in a river, she was moved with
indignation, and cast her pipes away ; and yet here art had
the delight of melody to comfort her for the deformity.
And Marsyas, as it seems, did Avith a kind of muzzle and
mouth-piece restrain by force the too horrible eruption of
his breath when he played, and so corrected and concealed
the distortion of his visage : —
With shining gold he girt his temples rough,
And his wide mouth with thongs that tied behind.
Now anger doth swell and puff up the countenance very in-
decently, and sends forth a yet more indecent and unpleasant
voice, —
Moving the heart-strings, which should be at rest.
For when the sea is tossed and troubled with winds,
and casts up moss and sea-weed, they say it is purged ; but
those impure, bitter, and vain words which anger tlirows up
when the soul has become a kind of Λvhirlpool, defile the
speakers, in the first place, and fill them with dishonor, ar-
guing them to have always had such things in them and
to be full of them, only now they are discovered to have them
by their anger. So for a mere word, the lightest of things (as
Plato says), they undergo the heaviest of punishments, being
ever after accounted enemies, evil speakers, and of a ma-
lignant disposition.
7. While now I see all this and bear it in mind, the
42 CONCERNING THE CURE OF ANGER.
thought occurs to me, and I naturally consider by myself,
that as it is good for one in a fever, so much better is it for
one in anger, to have his tongue soft and smooth. For if
the tongue in a fever be unnaturally affected, it is indeed an
evil symptom, but not a cause of harm ; but when the
tongue of angry men becomes rough and foul, and breaks
out into absurd speeches, it produces insults which work ir-
reconcilable hatred, and proves that a poisonous malevo-
lence lies festering within. For wine does not make men
vent any thing so impure and odious as anger doth ; and,
besides, what proceeds from wine is matter for jest and
laughter, but that from anger is mixed with gall and bitter-
ness. And he that is silent in his cups is counted a burthen,
and a bore to the company, whereas in anger there is
nothing more commended than peace and silence ; as
Sappho adviseth, —
Wlien anger once 13 spread within thy breast,
Shut up thy tongue, that vainly barking beast.
8. Nor doth the constant observation of ourselves in
anger minister these things only to our consideration, but
it also gives us to understand another natural property of
anger, how disingenuous and unmanly a thing it is, and
how far from true wisdom and greatness of mind. Yet the
vulgar account the angry man's turbulence to be his activity,
his loud threats to argue boldness, and his refractoriness
strength ; as also some mistake his cruelty for an under-
taking of great matters, his implacableness for a firmness
of resolution, and his morosity for an hatred of that Avhich
is evil. For, in truth, both the deeds and motions and the
whole mien of angry men do accuse them of much little-
ness and infirmity, not only when they vex little children,
scold silly women, and think dogs and horses and asses
Avorthy of their anger and deserving to be punished (as
Ctesiphon the Pancratiast, who vouchsafed to kick the ass
CONCERNING THE CURE OF ANGER. 43
that had kicked him first) ; but even in their tyrannical
slaughters, their mean-spiritedness appearing in their
bitterness, and their suffering exhibited outwardly in their
actions, are but like to the biting of serpents λυΙιο, when
they themselves become burnt and full of pain, violently
thrust the venom that inflames them from themselves into
those that have hurt them. For as a great blow causes a
great swelling in the flesh, so in the softest souls the giving
Λvay to a passion for hurting others, like a stroke on the
soul, doth make it to swell with anger ; and all the more,
the greater is its weakness.
For this cause it is that women are more apt to be angry
than men are, and sick persons than the healthful, and old
men than those who are in their perfect age and strength,
and men in misery than such as prosper. For the covetous
man is most prone to be angry Avith his steward, the glutton
with his cook, the jealous man with his wife, the vain-
glorious person with him that speaks ill of him ; but of all
men there are none so exceedingly disposed to be angry as
those who are ambitious of honor, and affect to carry on a
fiiction in a city, which (according to Pindar) is but a
splendid vexation. In like manner, from the great grief
and suffering of the soul, through weakness especially, there
ariseth anger, which is not like the nerves of the soul (as
one spake), but like its straining and convulsive motions
when it vehemently stirs itself up in its desires and endeav-
ors of revenge.
9. Indeed such cAdl examples as these afford ns specula-
tions which are necessary, though not pleasant. But now,
from those who have carried themselves mildly and gently
in their anger, I shall present you with most excellent
sayings and beautiful contemplations ; and I begin to con-
temn such as say. You have wronged a man indeed, and is
a man to bear this 1 — Stamp on his neck, tread him down
in the dirt, — and such like provoking speeches, Avhere-
44 CONCERNING THE CURE OF ANGER.
by some do very unhandsomely translate and remove anger
from the Avomen's to the men's apartment. For fortitude,
which in other respects agrees with justice, seems only to
disagree in respect of mildness, which she claims as more
properly her own. For it sometimes befalls even worser
men to bear rule over those who are better than them-
selves ; but to erect a trophy in the soul against anger
(which Ileraclitus says it is an hard thing to fight against,
because whatever it resolves to have, it buys at no less a
price than the soul itself) is that which none but a great
and A'ictorious power is able to achieve, since that alone
can bind and curb the passions by its decrees, as with
nerves and tendons.
\Vherefore I always strive to collect and read not only
the sayings and deeds of philosophers, who (wise men say)
had no gall in them, but especially those of kings and
tyrants. Of this sort Avas the saying of Antigonus to his
soldiers, when, as some were reviling him near his tent,
supposing that he had not heard them, he stretched his
staff out of the tent, and said : AVhat ! Avill you not stand
somewhere farther off, while you revile me ? So was that
of Arcadio the Achaean, who was ever speaking ill of Philip,
exhorting men to flee
Till they should come where none would Philip know.
\Yhen afterwards by some accident he appeared in Mace-
donia, Philip's friends were of opinion that he ought
not to be suffered, but be punished ; but Philip meeting
him and speaking courteously to him, and then sending
him gifts, particularly such as were wont to be given to
strangers, bade him learn for the time to come Λvhat to
speak of him to the Greeks. And when all testified that
the man was become a great praiser of Philip, even to ad-
miration. You see, said Philip, I am a better physician
than you. And Λvhen he had been reproached at the
CONCERNING THE CUllE OF ANGER. 45
Olympic solemnities, and some said it was fit to make the
Grecians smart and rue it for reviling Philip, who had
dealt well with them, What then, said he, Λνϋΐ they do,
if I make them smart ? Those things also which Pisistra-
tus did to Thrasybulus, and Porsena to Mutius, were
bravely done ; and so was that of Magas to Philemon, for
having been by him exposed to laughter in a comedy on
the public stage, in these words : —
Magas, the king hath sent thee letters :
Unliappy Magas, thou dost know no letters.
And having taken Philemon as he was by a tempest cast
on shore at Paraetonium, he commanded a soldier only to
touch his neck Avith his naked SAVord and to go quietly away ;
and then having sent him a ball and huckle-bones, as if he
were a child that wanted understanding, he dismissed him.
Ptolemy was once jeering a grammarian for his Avant of
learning, and asked him who was the father of Peleus : I
will answer you (quoth he) if you will tell me first who Avas
the father of Lagus. This jeer gave the king a rub for
the obscurity of his birth, whereat all were moved Avith
indignation, as a thing not to be endured. But, said Pto-
lemv, if it is not fit for a king to be jeered, then no more
is it fit for him to jeer others. But Alexander was more
severe than he was wont in his carriage towards Calisthenes
and Clitus. AVherefore Porus, being taken captive by
him, desired him to treat him like a king ; and when
Alexander asked him if he desired no more, he answered,
When I say like a king, I have comprised all. And hence
it is that they call the king of the Gods Meilichius, while
the Athenians, I think, call him Maimactes ; but the office
of punishing they ascribe to the Furies and evil Genii,
never giving it the epithet of divine or heavenly.
10. As therefore one said of Philip, when he razed the
city of Olynthus, But he is not able to build such another
^6 CONCERNING THE CURE OF ANGER.
city ; so may it be said to anger, Thou canst overthrow, and
destroy, and cut down ; but to restore, to save, to spare, and
to bear with, is the work of gentleness and moderation, of a
Camilkis, a Metellus, an Aristides, and a Socrates ; but to
strike the sting into one and to bite is the part of pismires
and horse-flies. And truly, while I well consider revenge, 1
fmd that the way which anger takes for it proves for the
most part ineifectual, being spent in biting the lips, gnash-
ing the teeth, vain assaults, and railings full of silly threats ;
and then it acts like children in a race, who, for want of
governing themselves, tumble down ridiculously before
they come to the goal towards which they are has-
tening. Hence that Rhodian said not amiss to the servant
of the Roman general, who spake loudly and fiercely to
him. It matters not much what thou sayest, but what this
your master in silence thinks. And Sophocles, having in-
troduced Neoptolemus and Eurypylus in full armor, gave
a high commendation of them when he said, —
Into the liosts of brazen-armed men
Eacli boldly charged, but ne'er reviled liis foe.
Some indeed of the barbarians poison their swords ; but
true valor has no need of choler, as being dipped in reason ;
but anger and fury are weak and easily broken. Where-
fore the Lacedaemonians are wont by the sounding of
pipes to take off the edge of anger from their soldiers,
when they fight ; and before they go to battle, to sacrifice
to the Muses, that they may have the steady use of their
reason ; and when they have put their enemies to flight,
they pursue them not, but sound a retreat (as it were) to
their wrath, which, like a short dagger, can easily be han-
dled and drawn back. But anger makes slaughter of thou-
sands before it can avenge itself, as it did of Cyrus and
Pelopidas the Theban. Agathocles, being reviled by some
whom he besieged, bore it with mildness ; and when one
CONCERNING THE CURE OF ANGER. " 47
said to him, Ο Potter, Avhence wilt thou have pay for thy
mercenary soldiers? he answered with laughter, From
your city, if I can take it. And when some one from the
Avail derided Antigonus for his deformity, he answei'ed, I
thought surely I had a handsome face : and when he had
taken the city, he sold those for slaves who had scoffed at
him, protesting that, if they reviled him so again, he would
call them to account before their masters.
Furthermore, I observe that hunters and orators are wont
to be much foiled by anger. Aristotle reports that the
friends of Satyrus once stopped his ears with wax, when
he was to plead a cause, that so he might not confound
the matter through anger at the revilings of his enemies.
Do we not ourselves oftentimes miss of punishing an
offending servant, because he runs away from us in fright
when he hears our threatenino; words ? That therefore
which nurses say to little children — Do not cry, and thou
shalt have it — may not unfitly be applied to our mind
Avhen angry. Be not hasty, neither speak too loud, nor be
too urgent, and so what you desire will be sooner and
better accomplished. For as a father, when he sees his
son about to cleave or cut something witli an hatchet,
takes the hatchet himself and doth it for him ; so one
taking the work of revenge out of the hand of anger doth
himself, without danger or hurt, yea, with profit also,
inflict punishment on him that deserves it, and not on him-
self instead of him, as anger oft-times doth.
11. Now, whereas all passions do stand in need of dis-
cipline, which by exercise tames and subdues their un-
reasonableness and stubbornness, there is none about which
we have more need to be exercised in reference to servants
than that of anger. For neither do we envy nor fear them,
nor have we any competition for honor Avith them ; but we
have frequent fits of anger with them, which cause many
offences and errors, by reason of the very power possessed
48 CONCERNING THE CURE OF ANGER.
by US as masters, and which bring us easily to the ground,
as if we stood in a slippery place with no one standing by
to save us. For it is impossible to keep an irresponsible
poΛver from offending in the excitement of passion, unless
we gird up that great power with gentleness, and can slight
the frequent speeches of wife and friends accusing us of
remissness. And indeed I myself have by nothing more
than by such speeches been incensed against my servants,
as if they were spoiled for want of beating. And truly it
was late before I came to understand, that it was better
that servants should be something the worse by indulgence,
than that one should distort himself through wrath and bit-
terness for the amendment of others. And secondly, observ-
ing that many by this very impunity have been brought to
be ashamed to be wicked, and have begun their change to
virtue more from being pardoned than from being pun-
ished, and that they have obeyed some upon their nod only,
peaceably, and more willingly than they have done others
with all their beating and scourging, I became persuaded
of this, that reason Avas fitter to govern with than anger.
For it is not as the poet said, —
Wherever fear is, there is modesty ;
but, on the contrary, it is in the modest that that fear is bred
which produces moderation, Avhereas continual and unmerci-
ful beating doth not make men repent of doing evil, but only
devise plans for doing it without being detected. And in
the third place I always remember and consider with my-
self, that as he who taught us the art of shooting did not
forbid us to shoot, but only to shoot amiss, so no more can
it be any hindrance from punishing to teach us how Ave
may do it seasonably and moderately, with benefit and
decency. I therefore strive to put away anger, especially
by not denying the punished a liberty to plead for them-
selves, but granting them an hearing. For time gives a
CONCERNING THE CURE OF ANGER. -19
breathing-space unto passion, and a delay which mitigates
and dissolves it ; and a man's judgment in the mean while
finds out both a becoming manner and a proportionable
measure of punishing. And moreover hereby, he that is
punished hath not any pretence left him to object against
the correction given him, if he is punished not out of
anger, but being first himself convinced of his fault. And
finally we are here saved from the greatest disgrace of all,
for by this means the servant Avill not seem to speak mo -e
just things than his master.
As therefore Phocion after the death of Alexander, to
hinder the Athenians from rising too soon or believing it
too hastily, said : Ο Athenians, if he is dead to-day, he
will be so to-morrow, and on the next day after that ;
in like manner do I judge one ought to suggest to himself,
who through anger is making haste to punish : If it is
true to-day that he hath thus wronged thee, it will be true
to-morrow, and on the next day, also. Nor will tliere any.
inconvenience follow upon the deferring of his punishment
for a while ; but if he be punished all in haste, he will ever
after seem to have been innocent, as it hath oftentimes fallen
out heretofore. For which of us all is so cruel as to torment
or scourge a servant because, five or ten days before, he burnt
the meat, or overturned the table, or did not soon enough
what he was bidden ? And yet it is for just such tilings as
these, while they are fresh and newly done, that we are so
disordered, and become cruel and implacable. For as
bodies through a mist, so actions through anger seem greater
than they are. AVherefore we ought speedily to recall
such considerations as these are to our mind ; and when
we are unquestionably out of passion, if then to a pure and
composed reason the deed do appear to be wicked, we ought
to animadvert, and no longer neglect or abstain from pun-
ishment, as if we had lost our appetite for it. For there is
nothing to which we can more justly impute men's punish-
50 CONCERNING THE CURE OF ANGER.
ing others in their anger, than to a habit of not punishing
them when their anger is over, but growing remiss, and
doing like lazy mariners, who in fair weather keep loiter-
ing within the haven, and then put themselves in danger
by setting sail when the Avind blows strong. So Λνο like-
wise, condemning the remissness and over-calmness of our
reason in punishing, make haste to do it while our anger is
up, pushing us forward like a dangerous wind.
He that useth food doth it to gratify his hunger, which
is natural ; but he that inflicts punishment should do it
without either hungering or thirsting after it, not needing
anger, like sauce, to whet him on to punish ; but when
he is farthest off from desiring it, then he should do it
as a deed of necessity under the guidance of reason.
And though Aristotle reports, that in his time servants
in Etruria were Avont to be scourged while the music
played, yet they who punish others ought not to be carried
on Avith a desire of punishing, as of a thing they delight in,
nor to rejoice when they punish, and then repent of it when
they have done, — whereof the first is savage, the last
womanish ; but, without either sorrow or pleasure, they
should inflict just punishment when reason is free to judge,
leaving no pretence for anger to intermeddle.
12. But this perhaps may seem to be not a cure of
anger, but only a thrusting by and avoiding of such mis-
carriages as some men fall into when they are angry. And
yet, as Hieronymus tells us, although the swelling of the
spleen is but a symptom of the fever, the assuaging thereof
abates the disease. But, considering well the origin of
anger itself, I have observed that divers men fall into
anger for different causes ; and yet in the minds of all
of them was probably an opinion of being despised and
neglected. We must therefore assist those Avho Avould
avoid anger, by removing the act which roused their anger
as far as possible from all suspicion of contempt or insult,
CONCERNING THE CURE OF ANGER. 51
and by imputing it rather to folly or necessity or disorder
of mind, or to the misadventure of those that did it. Thus
Sophocles in Antigone : —
The best resolved mind in misery
Can't keep its ground, but suffers ecstasy.*
And so Agamemnon, ascribing to Ate the taking away of
Briseis, adds : —
Since I so foolish was as thee to wrong,
I'll please thee now, and give thee splendid gifts.t
For supplication is an act of one who is far from con-
temning ; and when he that hath done an injury appears
submissive, he thereby removes all suspicion of contempt.
But he that is moved to anger must not expect or wait for
such a submission, but must rather take to himself the
saying of Diogenes, who, when one said to him, They de-
ride thee, Ο Diogenes, made answer, But I am not derided;
and he must not think himself contemned, but rather him-
self contemn that man that offends him, as one acting out
of weakness or error, rashness or carelessness, rudeness or
dotage, or childishness. But, above all, we must bear with
our servants and friends herein ; for surely they do not
despise us as being impotent or slothful, but they think less
of us by reason of our very moderation or good-will
towards them, some because we are gentle, others be-
cause we are loving towards them. But now, alas !
out of a surmise that Ave are contemned, we not onlv
become exasperated against our Avives, our servants, and
friends, but we oftentimes fall out also Avith drunken inn-
keepers, and mariners and ostlers, and all out of a suspicion
that they despise us. Yea, we quarrel with dogs because
they bark at us, and asses if they chance to rush against
us ; like him who was going to beat a driver of asses, but
* Soph. Antig. 563. t II. XIX. 138.
52 CONCERNING THE CURE OF ANGER.
when the latter cried out, I am an Athenian, fell to beating
the ass, saying, Thou surely art not an Athenian too, and
so accosted him with many a bastinado.
13. And especially self-love and morosity, together Avith
luxury and effeminacy, breed in us long and frequent fits of
anger, which by little and little are gathered together into
our souls, like a swarm of bees or \vasps. AVherefore there
is nothing more conducing to a gentle behavior towards our
wife and servants and friends than contentedness and sim-
plicity, if Ave can be satisfied with what we have, and not
stand in need of many superfluities. Whereas the man
described in the poet, —
Who never is content with boiled or roast,
Nor likes his meat, what way soever drest, —
λ\Λ\ο can never drink unless he have snow by him, or eat
bread if it be bought in the market, or taste victuals out of
a mean or earthen vessel, or sleep on a bed unless it be
swelled and puffed up wdth feathers, like to the sea when it is
heaved up from the bottom ; but who with cudgels and
blows, with running, calling, and sweating doth hasten his
servitors that wait at table, as if they were sent for plasters
for some inflamed ulcer, he being slave to a weak, morose,
and fault-finding style of life, — doth, as it were by a contin-
ual cough or many buffetings, breed in himself, before he is
aware, an ulcerous and defluxive disposition unto anger.
And therefore the body is to be accustomed to contentment
by frugality, and so be made sufficient for itself. For they
who need but few things are not disappointed of many ; and
it is no hard matter, beginning with our food, to accept
quietly whatever is sent to us, and not by being angry and
querulous at every thing, to entertain ourselves and our
friends with the most unpleasant dish of all, Avhich is
anger. And surely
Than that supper nought can more unpleasant be,*
* Odyss. XX. 392.
CONCERNING THE CURE OF ANGER. 53
where the servants are beaten and the wife railed at, because
something is burnt or smoked or not salt enough, or
because the bread is too cold. Arcesilaus was once enter-
taining his friends and some strangers at a feast ; the
supper Λvas set on the board, but there wanted bread, the
serA^aiits having, it seems, neglected to buy any. Now, on
such an occasion, which of us would not have rent the very
walls with outcries 1 But he smiling said only : What a
fine thing it is for a philosopher to be a jolly feaster!
Once also when Socrates took Euthydemus from the wrest-
ling-house home with him to supper, his wife Xanthippe
fell upon him in a pelting cliase, scolding him, and in con-
clusion overthrew the table. Whereupon Euthydemus rose
up and went his way, being very much troubled at what
had happened. But Socrates said to him : Did not a hen
at your house the other day come flying in, and do the like ]
and yet I was not troubled at it. For friends are to be
entertained by good-nature, by smiles, and by a hospitable
welcome; not by knitting brows, or by striking horror and
tremblin» into those that serve.
We must also accustom ourselves to the use of any cups
indifferently, and not to use one rather than another, as
some are wont to single some one cup out of many (as they
say Marius used to do) or else a drinking-horn, and to
drink out of none but that ; and they do the same with
oil-glasses and brushes, affecting one above all the rest, and
when any one of these chances to be broken or lost, then
they take it heinously, and punish severely those that did it.
And therefore he that is prone to be angry should refrain
from such things as are rare and curiously Avrought, such
ay cups and seals and precious stones ; for such things dis-
tract a man by their loss more than cheap and ordinary
things are apt to do. Wherefore when Nero had made an
octagonal tent, a wonderful spectacle for cost and beauty,
Seneca said to him : You have proved yourself to be a
54 CONCERNING THE CURE OF ANGER.
poor man ; for if you chance to lose tliis, you cannot tell
where to get such another. And indeed it so fell out that
the ship was sunk, and this tent was lost with it. But Nero,
rememberino; the words of Seneca, bore the loss of it with
greater moderation.
But this contentedness in other matters doth make a
man good-tempered and gentle towards his servants ; and
if towards servants, then doubtless towards friends and sub-
jects also. We see also that newly bought servants enquire
concerning him that bought them, not whether he be su-
perstitious or envious, but whether he be an angry man or
not ; and that universally, neither men can endure their
wives, though chaste, nor women their husbands, though
kind, if they be ill-tempered withal ; nor friends the con-
versation of one another. And so neither wedlock nor
friendship with anger is to be endured ; but if anger be
away, even drunkenness itself is counted a light matter
For the ferule of Bacchus is a sufficient chastiser of a
drunken man, if the addition of anger do not change the
God of wine from Lyaeus and Choraeus (the looser of cares
and the leader of dances) to the savage and furious deity.
And Anticyra (with its hellebore) is of itself able to cure
simple madness ; but madness mixed with anger furnishes
matter for tragedies and dismal stories.
14. Neither ought any, even in their playing and jesting,
to give way to their anger, for it turns good-will into hatred ;
nor when they are disputing, for it turns a desire of know-
ing truth into a love of contention ; nor when they sit in
judgment, for it adds violence to authority ; nor when they
are teaching, for it dulls the learner, and breeds in him a
hatred of all learning ; nor if they be in prosperity, for it
increases envy ; nor if in adversity, for it makes them to be
unpitied, if they are morose and apt to quarrel with those
Λνΐιο commiserate them, as Priam did : —
CONCERNING THE CURE OF ANGER. 55
Be gone, ye upbraiding scoundrels, haven't ye at home
Enougli, that to help bear my grief ye come 1 *
On the other hand, good temper doth remedy some
thmgs, put an ornament upon others, and sweeten others ;
and it wholly overcomes all anger and moroseness, by gen-
tleness. As may be seen in that excellent example of
Euclid, who, when his brother had said in a quarrel,
[iOt me perish if I be not avenged of you, replied, And
let me perish if I do not persuade you into a better mind ;
and by so saying he straightway diverted him from his
purpose, and changed his mind. And Polemon, being
reviled by one that loved precious stones well and was even
sick with the love of costly signets, answered nothing, but
noticed one of the signets which the man wore, and looked
Avistfully upon it. Whereat the man being pleased said :
Not so, Polemon, but look upon it in the sunshine, and
it will appear much better to you. And Aristippus,
when there happened to be a falling out between him and
Aeschines, and one said to him, Ο Aristippus, what is
now become of the friendship that Λvas between you two?
answered. It is asleep, but I will go and awaken it.
Then coming to Aeschines, he said to him, What? dost
thou take me to be so utterly wretched and incurable
as not to be worth thy admonition ? No Avonder, said
Aeschines, if thou, by nature so excelling me in every
thing, didst here also discern before me what was right
and fitting to be done.
A woman's, nay a little child's soft hand,
With gentle stroking easier doth command,
And make the bristling boar to couch and fall.
Than any boisterous wrestler of them all.
But we that can tame wild beasts and make them gentle,
carrying young Avolves and the whelps of lions in our
arms, do in a fit of anger cast our own children, friends,
and companions out of our embraces ; and we let loose our
* II. XXIV. 239.
56 CONCERNING THE CURE OE ANGER.
ΛΥΓαΛ like a wild beast upon our servants and fellow citi-
zens. And we but poorly disguise our rage wiien we giA^e
it the specious name of zeal against wickedness ; and it is
with this, I suppose, as with other passions and diseases of
the soul, — although we call one forethought, another liber-
ality, another piety, we cannot so acquit and clear ourselves
of any of them.
15. And as Zeno has said that the seed was a mixture
drawn from all the powers of the soul, in like manner an-
ger seems to be a kind of universal seed extracted from all
the passions. For it is taken from grief and pleasure and
insolence ; and then from envy it hath the evil property of
rejoicing at another's adversity ; and it is even worse than
murder itself, for it doth not strive to free itself from suf-
fering, but to bring mischief to itself, if it may thereby but
do another man an evil turn. And it hath the most odious
kind of desire inbred in it, if the appetite for grieving and
hurting another may be called a desire.
AVherefore, Avhen we go to the houses of drunkards, we
may hear a Avench playing the flute betimes in the morn-
ing, and behold there, as one said, the muddy dregs of
wine, and scattered fragments of garlands, and servants
drunk at the door ; and the marks of angry and surly men
may be read in the faces, brands, and fetters of the servants.
'• But lamentation is the only bard that is always to be heard
beneath the roof" of the angry man, while his stewards are
beaten and his maid-servants tormented ; so that the spec-
tators, in the midst of their mirth and delight, cannot but
pity those sad effects of anger.
16. And even those who, out of a real hatred of wicked-
ness, often happen to be surprised with anger, can abate
the excess and vehemence of it so soon as they give up
their excessive confidence in those with Avhom they con-
verse. For of all causes this doth most increase anger,
when one proves to be wicked whom Ave took for a good
CONCERNING THE CURE OF ANGER. 57
man, or when one Avho we thought had loved us falls mto
some difference and chiding witli us.
As for my own disposition, thou knowest very well with
how strong inclinations it is carried to show kindness to
men and to confide in them ; and therefore, like those who
miss their step and tread on nothing, when I most of all
trust to men's love and, as it were, prop myself up with it,
I do then most of all miscarry, and, finding myself disap-
pointed, am troubled at it. And indeed I should never
succeed in freeing myself from this too great eagerness
and forwardness in my love ; but against excessive confi-
dence perhaps I can make use of Plato's caution for a
bridle. For he said that he so commended Helicon, the
mathematician, because he thought him a naturally versa-
tile animal ; but that he had a jealousy of those who had
been well educated in the city, lest, being men and the
offspring of men, they should in something or other dis-
cover the infirmity of their nature. But when Sophocles
says. If you search the deeds of mortals, you Λνϋΐ find
the most are base, he seems to insult and disparage us
over much. Still even such a harsh and censorious judg-
ment as this may make us more moderate in our anger ;
for it is the sudden and the unexpected which do most
drive us to frenzy. But we ought, as Panaetius somewhere
said, to imitate Anaxagoras ; and as he said upon the death
of his son, I knew before that I had begotten but a mortal,
so should every one of us use expressions like these of
those offences which stir up to anger : I knew, when I
bought mv servant, that I was not baying a philosoph(.'r ;
I knew that I did not get a friend that had no passiims ; I
knew that I had a wife that was but a woman. But if
every one would always repeat the question of Plato to
himself. But am not I perhaps such a one myself? and
turn his reason from abroad to look into himself, and put
restraint upon his reprehension of others, he would not
58 CONCERNING THE CURE OF ANGER.
make so much use of his hatred of evil in reprovii.g other
men, seeing himself to stand in need of great indulgence.
But now every one of us, when he is angry and punishing,
can bring the words of Aristides and of Cato : Do not steal,
Do not lie, and Why are ye so slothful? And, what is
most truly shameful of all, we do in our anger reprove
others for being angry, and what was done amiss through
anger we punish in our passion, therein not acting like
physicians, who
Purge bitter choler with a bitter pill,*
but rather increasing and exasperating the disease which
we pretend to cure.
While therefore I am thus reasoning with myself, I en-
deavor also to abate something of my curiosity ; because
for any one over curiously to enquire and pry into every
thing, and to make a public business of every employment
of a servant, every action of a friend, every pastime of a
son, every whispering of a wife, causes great and long and
daily fits of anger, whereof the product and issue is a
peevish and morose disposition. Wherefore God, as Euri-
pides says,
Afiairs of greatest weight himself directeth,
But matters small to Fortune he committeth.t
But I tliink a prudent man ought not to commit any thing
at all to Fortune, nor to neglect any thing, but to trust and
commit some things to his Avife, some things to his servants,
and some things to his friends (as a prince to certain vice-
gerents and accountants and administrators), while he him-
self is employing his reason about the weightiest matters,
and those of greatest concern.
For as small letters hurt the sight, so do small matters
him that is too much intent upon them ; they vex and stir
* Sophocles, Frag. 769 t Euripides, Frag. 964.
CONCERNING THE CURE OF ANGER. 59
up anger, which begets an evil habit in him in reference
to greater affairs. But above all the rest, I look on that
of Empedocles as a divine thing, '' To fast from evil."
And ΐ commended also those vows and professions made
in prayers, as things neither indecent in themselves nor
unbecoming a philosopher, — for a whole year to abstain
from venery and Avine, serving God with temperance all
the while ; or else again, for a certain time to abstain from
lying, minding and watching over ourselves, that we speak
nothing but what is true, either in earnest or in jest. After
the manner of these vows then I made my own, supposing
it would be no less acceptable to God and sacred than
theirs ; and I set myself first to observe a few sacred days
also, wherein I would abstain from being angry, as if it
were from being drunk or from drinking Avine, celebrating
a kind of i^ephalia and Melisponda * with respect to my
anger. Then, making trial of myself little by little for a
month or two, I by this means in time made some good
progress unto further patience in bearing evils, diligently
observing and keeping myself courteous in language and
behavior, free from anger, and pure from all wicked words
and absurd actions, and from passion, which for a little
(and that no grateful) pleasure brings Avith itself great
perturbations and shameful repentance. ΛVhence experi-
ence, not without some divine assistance, hath, I suppose,
made it evident that that was. a very true judgment and
assertion, that this courteous, gentle, and kindly disposition
and behavior is not so acceptable, so pleasing, and so de-
lightful to any of those Avith whom we converse, as it is to
those that have it.
* Nephalia {νηψω, to be sober) were wineless offerings, like those to the Eumen-
ides. See Aesch. Eumen. 107 : Χοός r' άοίνονς, νηφάλια μειλίγματα. Melisponda {μ^)
were offerings of honey. (G.)
OF BASHFULNESS.
1. Some plants there are, in their own nature wild and
barren, and hurtful to seed and garden-sets, Avhich yet
among able husbandmen pass for infallible signs of a rich
and promising soil. In like manner, some passions of the
mind not good in themselves yet serve as first shoots and
promises of a disposition which is naturally good, and also
capable of much improvement by cultivation. Among
these I rank bashfulness, the subject of our present dis-
course ; no ill sign indeed, but the cause and occasion of
a great deal of harm. For the bashful oftentimes run into
the same enormities as the most hardened and impudent,
with this difference only, that the former feel a regret for
such miscarriages, but the latter take a pleasure and satis-
faction therem. The shameless person is without sense of
grief for his baseness, and the bashful is in distress at the
very appearance of it. For bashfulness is only modesty
in the excess, and is aptly enough named δνσωττία {the
being put out of countenance), since the face is in some
sense confused and dejected with the mind. For as that
grief Λvhich casts down the eyes is termed dejection, so
tliat kind of modesty which cannot look another in the
face is called bashfulness. The orator, speaking of a
shameless fellow, said he carried harlots, not virgins, in
his eyes ; * on the other hand, the sheepishly bashful be-
♦ Oil κόρας ύλλα πόρνος. Κόρη means either maiden or the pupil of the eye. (G.)
BASHFTJLNESS. f) 1
trays no less the eiFeminacy and softness of his mind in
his looks, palHating his weakness, which exposes him to
the mercy of impudence, with the specious name of mod-
esty. Cato indeed was wont to say of young persons, he
had a greater opinion of such as were subject to color than
of those that looked pale ; teaching us thereby to look with
greater apprehension on the heinousness of an action than
on the reprimand which might follow, and to be more afraid
of the suspicion of doing an ill thing than of the danger
of it. However, too much anxiety and timidity lest we
may do wrong is also to be avoided; because many men
have become cowards and been deterred from generous
undertakings, no less for fear of calumny and detraction
than by the danger or difficulty of such attempts.
2. AVliile therefore v/e must not suffer the weakness in
the one case to pass unnoticed, neither must Ave abet or
countenance invincible impudence in the other, such as is
reported of Anaxarchus, —
Whose dosi-like carriage and effrontery,
Despising infamy, out-faceil disgrace.
A convenient mien betAveen both is rather to be endeav-
ored after, by repressing the over impudent, and ani-
mating the too meek temper. But as this kind of
cure is difficult, so is the restraining such excesses not
without danger ; for as a gardener, in stubbing up
some wild or useless bushes, makes at them careless-
ly with his spade, or burns them off the ground, but
in dressing a vine, or grafting an apple, or pruning an
olive, carries his hand with the greatest wariness and de-
hberation, that he may not unluckily injure the tree ; so a
philosopher, in removing envy, that useless and untractable
plant, or covetousness or immoderate love of pleasure from
the mind of youth, may cut deep safely, and make a large
scar ; but if he be to apply his discourse to some more sen-
sible or delicate part, such as the restraining excess of
62 BASHFULNESS.
bashfulness, it lies upon him to be very careful not to cut off
or eradicate modesty with the contrary vice. For nurses who
too often wipe away the dirt from their infants are apt to
tear their flesh and put them to pain. x\nd in like man-
ner we must not so far extirpate all bashfulness in youth as
to leave them careless or impudent; but as those that pull
down private houses adjoining to the temples of the Gods
prop up such parts as are contiguous to them, so in un-
dermining bashfulness, due regard is to be had to adjacent
modesty, good nature, and humanity. And yet these are
the very qualities by which bashfulness insinuates itself
and becomes fixed in a man, flattering him that he is good-
natured, courteous, and civil, and has common sense, and
that he is not obstinate and inexorable. The Stoics, there-
fore, in their discourses of modesty, distinguish all along
betwixt that and bashfulness, leaving not so much as
ambiguity of terms for a pretence to the vice. How-
ever, asking their good leave, we shall make bold to use
such words indifferently in either sense ; or rather we
shall follow the example of Homer, whose authority we
have for it, that
Much harm oft-times from modesty befalls,
Much good oft-times. *
And it was not done amiss of him to make mention of
the hurtfulness of it first, because modesty becomes profita-
ble only through reason, which cuts off what is superflu-
ous and leaves a just mean behind.
3. In the first place, therefore, the bashful man must be
persuaded and satisfied that that distemper of the mind is
prejudicial to him, and that nothing which is so can be
eligible. And withal, he must be cautious how he suffers
himself to be cajoled and led by the nose with the titles
of courteous or sociable, in exchange for those of grave,
• II. XXIV. 44.
BASHFULNESS 63
great, and just ; nor like Pegasus in Euripides, who, when
Bellerophon mounted him,
With trembling stooped more than his lord desired,*
must he debase himself and yield to all who make their
addresses to him, for fear of appearing hard and ungentle.
It is recorded of Bocchoris, king of Egypt, a man of a
very cruel nature, that the goddess Isis sent a kind of a
serpent (called aspis), which winding itself about his head
cast a shadow over him from above, and was a means to
him of determining causes according to equity. But bash-
fidness, on the contrary, happening upon remiss and spirit-
less tempers, suffers them not to express their dislike of
any thing or to argue against it, but perverts many times the
sentence of arbitrators, and stops the mouths of skilful
pleaders, forcing them often to act and speak coiitrary to
their conviction. And the most reckless man Avill always
tyrannize and domineer over such a one, forcing his bash-
fulness by his own strength of impudence. Upon this
account it is that bashfulncss, like a low piece of soft
ground, can make no resistance and decline no encounter,
but is exposed to the meanest actions and vilest passions.
But, above all, this is the worst guardian of raw and inex-
perienced youth. For, as Brutus said, he seems to have
had but an ill education that has not learned to deny any
thing. And no better overseer is it of the marriage-bed
or the woman's apartment ; as the repentant lady in
Sophocles accuses the spark that had debauched her, —
Thy tongue, tliy flattering tongue prevailed.t
So this vice, happening upon a disposition inclinable to
debauchery, prepares and opens the way, and leaves all
things easy and accessible to such as are ready to prefer
their Λvicked designs. Presents and treats are irresistible
baits for common mercenary creatures ; but importunity,
* Eurip. Bellerophon, Frag. 311. t• Sophocles, Frag. 772.
64 BASHFULNESS.
befriended with bashfiilness on their side, has sometimes
undone the modestest women. I omit what inconveniences
this kind of modesty occasions, Λvhen it obhges men to
lend their money to such Avhose credit is blown upon in
the workl, or to give bail for those they dare not trust ;
we do this, it is true, with an ill-will, and in our heart
reflect upon that old saying. Be bail, and pay for it, yet
cannot make use of it in our practice.
4. How many this fault has ruined, it is no easy thing
to recount. Creon in the play gave a very good lesson for
others to follow, when he told Medea, —
'Tis better now to brave thy direst hate,
Than curse a foolish easiness too late.*
Yet afterwards, being wrought upon through his bashful-
ness to grant her but one day longer, he ruined himself
and family by it. For the same reason, some, suspecting
designs against them of murder or poisoning, have ne-
glected to provide for their safety. Thus Dion could not
be ignorant of the treachery of Callippus, yet thought it
unfit to entertain such thoughts of his pretended friend and
guest, and so perished. So again, Antipater, the son of
Cassander, having entertained Demetrius at supper, and
being engaged by him for the next night, because he was
unwilling to distrust one who had trusted him, went, and
had his throat cut after supper. Polysperchon had prom-
ised Cassander for an hundred talents to murder Her-
cules, the son of Alexander by Barsine. Upon this he
invites him to sup ; but the young man, having some
suspicion of the thing, pretends himself indisposed. Poly-
sperchon coming to him said : Sir, above all things en-
deavor after your father s courteous behavior and obliging
way to his friends, unless haply you look on us with sus-
picion as if we were compassing your health. The young
man out of mere modesty was prevailed upon to go, and
» Eurip. Medea, 290.
BASHFULNESS. 65
was strangled as he sat at meat. It is not therefore (as
some will have us believe) insignificant or ridiculous, but
on the contrary very wise advice, which Hesiod gives, —
Welcome a friend, but never call thy foe.*
Be not bashful and mealy-mouthed in refusing him that
you are satisfied has a pique against you ; but never reject
him that seemeth to put his trust in you. For if you
invite, you must expect to be invited again ; and some
time or other your entertainment will be repaid you, if
bashfulness have once softened or turned the edge of that
diffidence which ought to be your guard.
5. To the end therefore that we may get the better of
this disease, which is the cause of so many evils, we must
make our first attempts (as our custom is in other things)
upon matters of no great difficulty. As, if one drink to
you after you have taken what is sufficient, be not so fool-
ishly modest to do violence to your nature, but rather
venture to pass the glass. Another, it may be, would tempt
you to play at dice while drinking ; be riot over-persuaded
into a compliance, for fear of being the subject of his
drollery, but reply with Xenophanes, when Lasus of
Hermione called him coward because he refused to play
at dice : Yes, said he, I confess myself the greatest cow-
ard in the world, for I dare not do an ill thing. Again,
you light upon an impertinent talker, that sticks upon you
like a burr ; don't be bashful, but break off the discourse,
and pursue your business. These evasions and repulses,
whereby our resolution and assurance are exercised in mat-
ters of less moment, Avill accustom us to it by degrees in
greater occasions. And here it will be but seasonable to
give you a passage, as it is recorded of Demosthenes. The
Athenians having one time been moved to send succors to
Harpalus, and themselves to engage in a war against Alex-
ander, it happened that Philoxenus, Alexander's admiral,
* Hesiod, Works and Days, 342
VOL. I. ό
66 BASHFULNESS.
unexpectedly arrived on their coast ; and the people being
so astonished as to be speechless for very fear, Demos-
thenes cried out : How would they endure the sun, who
are not able to look against a lamp ! Or how would
you comport yourself in weightier concerns, Avhile youi
prince or the people had an awe over you, if you cannot
refuse a glass of wine when an acquaintance offers it, or
turn off an impertinent babbler, but suffer the eternal
trifler to Avalk over you without telling him, Another time,
good sir, at present I am in haste.
6. Besides all this, the exercising such a resolution is
of great use in praising others. If one of my friend's
harpers play lewdly, or a comedian he has hired at a
great rate murder a piece of Menander in the acting,
although the vulgar clap their hands and admire, I think
it no moroseness or ill-breeding to sit silently all the while,
without servilely joining in the common applauses con-
trary to my judgment. For if you scruple to deal openly
with him in these cases, what will you do, should he repeat
to you an insipid composition of his own, or submit to your
revisal a ridiculous oration ] You will applaud, of course,
and enter yourself into the list of common parasites and
flatterers ! But hoAv then can you direct him impartially
in the greatest administrations of his life ? how be free with
him where he fails in any duties of his trust or marriage,
or neolects the offices incumbent on him as a member of
the community ? I must confess, I cannot by any means
approve of the reply Pericles made to a friend who be-
sought him to give false evidence, and that too upon oath,
when he thus answered : As far as the altar I am wholly
at your service. Methinks he Avent too far. But he that
has long before accustomed himself not to commend any
thing against his judgment, or applaud an ill voice, or
seem pleased with indecent scurrilities, will never suffer
things to come to that issue ; nor will any one be so bold
BASHFULNESS. 67
as to solicit him in this manner: Swear on my side, give
false evidence, or bring in an unjust verdict.
7. After the same manner we may learn to refuse such
as come to borrow considerable sums of us, if we have used
to deny in little matters where refusal is easy. As Arche-
laus, king of Macedon, sat at supper, one of his retinue, a
fellow who thought there was nothing so honest as to re-
ceive, begged of him a golden cup. But the king com-
manded a waiter to give it immediately to Euripides : For
you, sir, said he, are fit indeed to ask any thing, but to re-
ceive nothing ; and he deserves to receive, thougli he lacks
the confidence to ask. Thus Avisely did he make his judg-
ment, and not bashful timidity, his guide in bestowing favors.
Yet we oftentimes, when the honesty, nearness, and neces-
sities of our friends and relations are not motives sufficient
to prevail Avith us to their relief, can give profusely to im-
pudence and importunity, not out of any willingness to
bestow our money so ill, but merely for want of confidence
and resolution to deny. This was the case of Antigonus
the elder. Being wearied out with the importunity of Bias,
Give, said he to his servants, one talent to Bias and neces-
sity. A^et at other times he was as expert at encountering
such addresses as any prince, and dismissed them with as
remarkable answers. Thus a certain Cynic one day beg-
ging of him a groat, he made answer, That is not for a
prince to give. And the poor man replying. Then bestow
a talent, he reparteed briskly, Nor that for a Cynic (or, for
a dog) to receiA^e. Diogenes went about begging to all the
statues in the Ceramicus ; and his answer to some that
wondered at his fancy in it was, he was practising how to
beai a repulse. But indeed it chiefly lies upon us to exer-
cise ourselves in smaller matters to refuse an unreasonal)k'
request, that we may not be at loss how to refuse on occa-
sions of greater magnitude. For no one, as Demosthenes
says, who has spent all the money that he had in unneces-
68 BASHFULNESS.
sary expenses, will have plenty of money that he has not
for his necessary expenses.* And our disgrace is increased
many fold, if Ave want what is necessary or decent, and
abound in trifles and fopperies.
8, Yet bashfulness is not only a bad steward of our es-
tate, but even in weightier concerns it refuses to hearken to
the wholesome advice of right reason. Thus, in a danger-
ous fit of sickness, we send not to the ablest physician, for
fear of giving off'ence to another of our acquaintance. Or,
in taking tutors and governors for our children, we make
choice of such as obtrude themselves upon us, not such as
are better qualified for that service. Or, in our laAvsuits,
we regard not to obtain counsel learned in the laAv, be-
cause we must gratify the son of some friend or relation,
and give him an opportunity to show himself in the Avorld.
Nay, lastly, you shall find some that bear the name of
philosophers, λνΐιο call themselves Epicureans or Stoics, not
out of choice, or upon the least conviction, but merely
to oblige their friends or acquaintance, who have taken
advantage of their modesty. Since then the case is so
with us, we ought to prepare and exercise ourselves in
things that we daily meet with and of course, not so much
as indulging that foolish weakness in the choice of a bar-
ber or fuller, or in lodging in a paltry inn Avhen better
accommodation is to be had, to oblige the landlord who has
cringed to us. But if it be merely to break ourselves of
such follies, in those cases still \ve should make use of the
best, though the difference be but inconsiderable ; as the
Pythagoreans were strict in observing not to cross their
right knee with the left, or to use an even number with an
odd, though all things else were indiiferent. We must ob-
serve also, when we celebrate a sacrifice or keep a wedding
or make a public entertainment, to deny ourselves so far as
not to invite any that have been extremely complacent to us or
♦ Demosth. Olynth. III. p. 33, 25. § 19.
BASHFULNESS. 69
that put themselves upon us, before those who are known for
their good-humor or Avhose conversation is like to prove
beneficial. For he that has accustomed himself thus far
will hardly be caught and surprised, nay, rather he shall not
so much as be tempted, in greater instances.
9. And thus much mav suffice concernino• exercisinir
ourselves. My first use of what has been said is to observe,
that all passions and distempers of the mind are still ac-
companied with those very evils which by their means we
hoped to avoid. Thus disgrace pursues ambition ; pain
and indisposition, sensuality ; softness and effeminacy are
fretted with troubles ; contentiousness with disappointment
and defeats. But this is nowhere more conspicuous than in
bashfulness, which, endeavoring to avoid the smoke of re-
proach, throws itself into the fire. Such men, wanting
confidence to withstand those that unreasonably importune
them, afterwards feel shame before those who justly accuse
them, and for fear of a slight private rebuke incur more
public disgrace. For example, not having the heart to
deny a friend that comes to borrow, in short time they are
reduced to the same extremity themselves, and exposed
openly. Some again, after promising to help friends in
a lawsuit, are ashamed to face the opposite party, and are
forced to hide their heads and run away. Many have been
so unreasonably %veak in this particular as to accept of dis-
advantageous proposals of marriage for a daughter or sister,
and upon second thoughts have been forced to bring them-
selves off with an arrant lie.
10. One made this observation of the people of Asia,
that they were all slaves to one man, merely because they
could not pronounce that syllable No ; but he spake only in
raillery. But now the bashful man, though he be notable
to say one word, has but to raise his brows or nod down-
ward, as if he minded not, and he may decline many
ungrateful and unreasonable offices. Euripides was wont
70 BASHFULNESS.
to say, Silence is an answer to a Avise man ; * but we seem
to have greater occasion for it in our dealings with fools
and unreasonable persons, for men of breeding and sense
will be satisfied with reason and fair words. Upon this ac-
count we should be always provided Avith some notable
sayings and choice apothegms of famous and excellent men,
to repeat to the bashful, — such as that of Phocion to
Antipater, You cannot have me for both a friend and a
flatterer ; and that of his to the Athenians, when they
called upon him to come in for his share to defray the ex-
penses of a festival ; I am ashamed, said he. pointing to
Callicles his creditor, to contribute towards your follies, with-
out paying this man his due. For, as Thucydides says,
It is an ill thing to be ashamed of one's poverty, but much
Avorse not to make use of lawful endeavors to avoid it.f
But he that is so foolishly good-natured that he cannot an-
swer one that comes to borrow, —
My friend, no silver white liave I in all my caves, —
but gives him a promise to be better provided, —
The wretch has made himself a slave to sliame,
And drags a tiresome, though an unforged chain.!
Persaeus, being about to accommodate a friend with a sum
of money, paid it publicly in the market, and made the
conditions before a banker, remembering, it may be, that
of Hesiod, —
Seem not thy brother's honesty to doubt ;
Yet, smiling, call a witness to liis hand. Il
But when his friend marvelled and asked, How now,
so formally and according to law"? Yea, quoth he,
because I would receive my money again as a friend, and
not have to trouble the laAV to recover it. For many out
of bashfulness, not taking, care to have good security at
* Eurip. Frag. 967. The verse is found also in Menander, Monos. 222. (G.)
t Thucyd. II. 40. J Eurip. Pirithous, Frag. 598.
U Hesiod, Works and Days, 371.
BASHFULNESS. 71
first, have been forced afterwards to break with their
friends, and to have recourse to hiw for their moncv.
11. Again, Ph\to writing to Dionysius, by llehcon of
Cyzicus, gives the bearer a good character for honesty and
moderation, but withal in the postscript tells him, Yet this
I Avrite of a man, Avho, as such, is by nature an animal
subject to change. Xenocrates, though a man of rigid
morals, was prevailed upon by this kind of modesty to
recommend to Polysperchon a person, as it proved in the
end, not so honest as he Avas reputed. For Avhen
the Macedonian in compliment bade him call for whatever
he wanted, he presently desired a talent of silver. Poly-
sperchon ordered it accordingly to be paid him, but des-
patched away letters immediately to Xenocrates, advising
him for the future to be better acquainted with those he
recommended. Now all this came to pass through Xeno-
crates's ignorance of his man ; but we oftentimes give
testimonials and squander away our money to advance
such as we are very Avell satisfied have no qualification or
desert to recommend them, and this too Avith the forfeiture
of our reputation, and without the pleasure that men have
who are profuse upon Avliores and flatterers, but all the
Avhile in an agony, and struggling with that impudence
which does violence to our reason. Whereas, if at any
time, that verse can here be properly used, —
I know tlie dreadful consequence, and fear,*
Avhen such persons are at a man to forswear himself, or to
give a wrong sentence, or to vote for an unjust bill, or last-
ly to be bound for one that will never be able to pay the
debt'.
12. All passions of the mind have repentance still pur-
suing them closely, but it overtakes this of bashfulness in
the very act. For we give with regret, and we are in con-
* Eurip. Medea, 1078.
72 BASHFULNESS.
fusion while we bear false witness ; our reputation is
questioned when we engage for others, and when we fail
we are condemned by all men. From this imperfection
also it proceeds, that many things are imposed upon us not
in our power to perform, as to recommend such a man to
court, or to carry up an address to the governor, because
we dare not, or at least we will not, confess that we are
unknown to the prince or that another has more of his ear.
Lysander, on the other hand, when he was in disgrace at
court, but yet for his great services was thought to preserve
something of his former esteem with Agesilaus, made no
scruple to dismiss suitors, directing them .to such as were
more powerful with the king. For it is no disgrace not to
be able to do every thing ; but to undertake or pretend to
what you are not made for is not only shameful, but ex-
ti'emely troublesome and vexatious.
13. But to proceed to another head, we must perform
all reasonable and good offices to those that deserve them,
not forced thereto by fear of shame, but cheerfully and
readily. But where any thing prejudicial or unhandsome
is required of us, we ought to remember the story that is
related of Zeno. Meeting a young man of his acquaint-
ance that slunk away under a wall, as if he Avould not be
seen, and having learned from him that he withdrew from a
friend that importuned hiin to perjure himself, AVhat, re-
plied he, you novice ! is that fellow not afraid or ashamed
to require of thee what is unreasonable and unjust, and
darest thou not stand against him in that which is just
and honest? For he that first started that doctrine, that
'knavery is the best defence against a knave, was but an ill
teacher, advising us to keep off Λvickedness by imitating it.
But for such as presume upon our modesty, to keep them
off with their own weapons, and not gratify their unreason-
able impudence with an easy compliance, is but just and
good, and the duty of every wise man.
BASHFULNESS 73
14. Neither is it a hard matter to put oif some mean
and ordinary people, which will be apt to prove trouble-
some to you in that nature. Some shift them off with a
jest or a smart repartee ; as Theocritus, being asked in the
bath to lend his flesh-brush by two persons, whereof one
was a stranger to him, and the other a notorious thief,
made answer : You, sir, I know not well enough, and you
I know too Avell. And Lysimache, the priestess of Minerva
Polias in Athens, when the muleteers that brought the pro-
vision for the festival desired her to let them drink, replied.
No ; for I fear it may grow into a custom. So again, when
a captain's son, a young fluttering bully but a great coward,
petitioned Antigonus for promotion, the latter answered :
Sir, it is my way to reward my soldiers for theh valor, not
their parentage.
15. But if he that is importunate with us prove a man
of great honor or interest (and such persons are not easily
answered with excuses, when they come for our vote in the
senate or judicial cases), at such a time perhaps it will be
neither easy nor necessary to behave ourselves to them as
C'ato did towards Catulus. Catulus, a person of the highest
rank among the Romans, and at that time censor, once
waited on Cato, who was then quaestor and still a young
man, on behalf of a friend whom Cato had fined ; and when
he had used a great deal of importunity to no purpose, vet
would not be denied, Cato grew out of patience, and told
him, It Avould be an unseemly sight to have the censor
dragged hence by my officers. Catulus at this went away,
out of countenance and very angry. But consider whether
the answers of Agesilaus and Themistocles have not in them
much more of candor and equity. Agesilaus, being bidden
by his own father to give sentence contrary to law, replied :
I have been always taught by you to be observant of the
laws, and I shall endeavor to obey you at this time, by
domg nothing contrary to them. And Themistocles, when
74 BASHFULNESS.
Sinionides tempted him to commit a piece of injustice, said :
You would be no good poet, should you break the laws of
verse ; and should I judge against the law, I should make
no better magistrate.
16. For it is not because of blunders in metre in
lyric songs, as Plato observes, that cities and friends are
set at variance to their utter ruin and destruction, but be-
cause of their blunders with regard to laAV and justice.
Yet there are a sort of men that can be very curious and
critical in their verses and letters and lyric measures, and
yet would persuade others to neglect that justice and hon-
esty which all men ought to observe in offices, in passing
judgments, and in all actions. But these men are to be
dealt with after the following manner. An orator perhaps
presses you to show him favor in a cause to be heard before
you, or a demagogue importunes you when you are a sen-
ator : tell him you are ready to please him, on condition
that he make a solecism in the beginning of his oration, or
be guilty of some barbarous expression in his narration.
These terms, for shame, he will not accept ; for some we
see so superstitiously accurate as not to allow of two vow-
els meeting one another. Again, you are moved by a per-
son of quality to something of ill reputation : bid him come
over the market-place at full noon dancing, or making
buffoon-like grimaces ; if he refuse, question him once
more, whether he think it a more heinous offence to make
a solecism or a grimace, than to break a law or to perjure
one's self, or to show more favor to a rascal than to an
honest man. Nicostratus the Argive, \vhen Archidamus
promised him a vast sum of money and his choice of the
Spartan ladies in marriage, if he Avould deliver up the town
Cromnum into his hands, returned him this answer : He
could no longer believe him descended from Hercules, he
said, because Hercules traversed the world to destroy wicked
men, but Archidamus made it his business to debauch those
BASIIFULNESS. 75
that Avere good. In like manner, if one that stands upon
his qiuiHty or reputation presses us to do any thing dishon-
orable, wo must tell him freely, he acts not as becomes a
person of his cliaracter in the world.
17. But if it be a man of no quality that shall importune
you, you may enquire of the covetous man, whether he
would lend you a considerable sum without any other secu-
rity than your word ; desire the proud man to give you the
higher seat ; or the ambitious, to quit his ju-etensions to
some honor that lies fair for him. For, to deal plainly, it
is a shameful thing that these men should continue so stiff,
so resolute, and so unmoved in their vicious habits, while
we, Λνΐιο ])rofess ourselves lovers of justice and honesty,
have too little command of ourselves not to give up and
betray basely the cause of virtue. If they that would prac-
tise upon our modesty do this out of desire of glory or
power, Avhy should Ave contract disgrace or infamy to our-
selves, to advance the authority or set off the reputation of
others ? — like those who bestow the reward wrongfully in
public games, or betray their trust in collecting the poll,
Avho confer indeed garlands and honors upon other men,
but at the same time forfeit their own reputation and good
Avord. But suppose it be matter of interest only that puts
them upon it ; why should it not appear an unreasonable
piece of service for us to forego our reputation and con-
science to no other purpose than to satisfy another man's
avarice or make his coffers the heavier 1 After all, these I
am afraid are the grand motives with most men in such
cases, and they are even conscious that they are guilty ; as
men that are challenged and compelled to take too large a
glass raise an hundred scruples and make as many grim-
aces before they drink.
18. This weakness of the mind may be compared to a
constitution of body that can endure neither heat nor
cold. For let them be praised by those that thus ini-
76 BASHFULNESS.
pudently set upon them, and they are at once mollified
and broken by the flattery ; but let them be blamed or so
much as suspected by the same men after their suit has
been refused, and they are ready to die for woe and fear.
We ought therefore to prepare and fortify ourselves against
both extremes, so as to be made a prey neither to such as
pretend to frighten, nor to such as would cajole us. Thu-
cydides is of opinion, since there is a necessary connection
between envy and. great undertakings, tliat he takes the
wisest counsel who incurs envy by aiming the highest *
But we who esteem it less difficult to avoid the envy of all
men than to escape the censure of those we live among,
ought to order things so as rather to grapple with the un-
just hatred of evil men, than to deserve their just accusation
after we have served tlieir base ends. We ought to go
armed against that false and counterfeit praise such men
are apt to fling upon us, not suff"ering ourselves like swine
to be scratched and tickled by them, till, having got the ad-
vantage of us, they use us after their own pleasure. For
they that reach out their ears to flatterers diff"er very little
from such as stand fair and quiet to be trii)ped up, excepting
that the former catch the more disgraceful fall. These put
up with the afl'ronts and forbear the correction of wicked
men, to get the reputation of good-natured or merciful ; or
else are drawn into needless and perilous quarrels at the
instance of flatterers, who bear them in hand all the while
for the only men of judgment, the only men not to be
caught with flattery, and call them the only men who have
mouths and voices. Bion used to compare these men to
pitchers : Take them, said he, by the ears, and you may
move them as you please. Thus Alexinus, the sophist, was
reporting many scandalous things in the lyceum of Stilpo
the Megarian ; but when one present informed him that
Stilpo always spake very honorably of him, AVhy truly,
* Tlmcyd. II. 64.
BASHFULNESS. 77
says lie, he is one of the most obliging and best of men.
But now Menedemus, >vhen it Avas told him that Alexinus
often praised him, replied : That may be, but I always talk
against him ; for he must be bad who either praises a bad
man or is blamed by an honest one. So wary was he of
being caught by such baits, agreeably to that precept
of Hercules in Antisthenes,* who cautioned his sons not to
be thankful to such as Avere used to praise them, — thereby
meaning no more than that they should be so far from
being wheedled thereby as not even to return their flat-
teries. That of Pindar was very apposite, and enough to
be said in such a case : Avhen one told him, I cry you up
among all men, and speak to your adA^antage on all occa-
sions ; and I, replied he, am always very thankful, in that
I take care you shall not tell a lie.
19. I shall conclude Λvith one general rule, of sovereign
use against all the passions and diseases of the mind, but
particularly beneficial to such as labor under the present
distemper, bashfulness. And it is this : whenever they
have given way to this weakness, let them store up careful-
ly such failings in their memory, and taking therein deep
and liΛ^ely impressions of what remorse and disquiet they
occasioned, bestow much time in reflecting upon them and
keeping them fresh. For as tra\*ellers that have got a
dangerous fall against such a stone, or sailors shipwrecked
upon a particular promontory, keeping the image of their
misfortune continually before them, appear fearful and ap-
prehensive not only of the same but even the like dangers ;
so they that keep in mind the disgraceful and prejudicial
effects of bashfulness will soon be enabled to restrain them-
selves in like cases, and will not easily slip again on any
occasion.
* Antisthenes, in his tenth tome, had a book entitled Hercules or De Prudentia or
De Robore ('Ηρακλής η περί Φρονησεως η ισχνός), mentioned by Diogenes Laertius in
his life. See Diogenes Laert. VI. 1, 9.
THAT Λ^ΙΚΤϋΕ MAY BE TAUGHT.
1. Men deliberate and dispute variously concerning vir-
tue, Λvhether prudence and justice and the right ordering
of one's life can be taught. MoreoA^er, we marvel that the
works of orators, shipmasters, musicians, carpenters, and
husbandmen are infinite in number, while good men are
only a name, and are talked of like centaurs, giants, and
the Cyclops, and that as for any virtuous action that is sin-
cere and unblamable, and manners that are without any
touch and mixture of bad passions and affections, they are
not to be found ; but if Nature of its own accord should
produce any thing good and excellent, so many things of
a foreign nature mix with it (just as wild and impure pro-
ductions with generous fruit) that the good is scarce dis-
cernible. Men learn to sing, dance, and read, and to be
skilful in husbandry and good horsemanship ; they learn
how to put on their shoes and tlieir garments ; they have
those that teach them how to fill wine, and to dress and
cook their meat ; and none of these things can be done as
they ought, unless they be instructed how to do them.
And will ye say, Ο foolish men ! that the skill of ordering
one's life well (for the sake of which are all the rest) is not
to be taught, but to come of its own accord, without reason
and without art ?
2. Why do we, by asserting that virtue is not to be taught,
make it a thing that does not at all exist ? For if by its
ΤΠΛΤ VIRTUE MAY BE TAUGHT. 79
being learned it is produced, he that hinders its being learned
destroys it. And now, as Plato * says, we never heard that
because of a blunder in metre in a lyric song, therefore
one brother made war against another, nor that it put friends
at variance, nor that cities hereupon were at such enmity
tliat they did to one another and suffered one from another
the extremest injuries. Nor can any one tell us of a sedi-
tion raised in a city about the right accenting or pronoun-
cing of a word, — as whether we are to say Tulyha^ or
Τίλχινας, — nor that a difference arose in a family betwixt
man and wife about the woof and the warp in cloth. Yet
none will go about to weave in a loom or to handle a book
or a harp, unless he has first been taught, though no great
harm would follow if he did, but onlv the fear of makinir
himself ridiculous (for, as Heraclitus says, it is a piece of
discretion to conceal one's ignorance) ; and yet a man with-
out instruction presumes himself able to order a family, a
wife, or a commonwealth, and to govern very well. Dio-
genes, seeing a youth devouring his victuals too greedily,
gave his tutor a box on the ear, and that deservedly, as
judging it the fault of him that had not taught, not of him
that had not learned better manners. And what I is it neces-
sary to begin to learn from a boy how to eat and drink hand-
somely in company, as Aristophanes expresses it, —
Not to devour their meat in haste, nor giggle,
Nor awliwardly their ieot across to \vriggle,t
and yet are men fit to enter into tlie fellowship of a fiimily,
city, married estate, private conversation, or public ofRce,
and to manage it without blame, without any previous in-
struction concerning good behavior in conversation ?
When one asked Aristippus this question. What, are you
eΛΈrywhere ? he laughed and said, I throw away the fare
of the waterman, if I am everywhere. And why canst not
thou also answer, that the salary given to tutors is thrown
• Plato, Clitophon, p. 407 C. t Aristopli. Nub. 983.
80 THAT VIRTUE MAY BE TAUGHT.
away and lost, if none are the better for their discipline
and instruction. But, as nurses shape and form the body
of a child with their hands, so these masters, when the nurses
have done with them, first receive them into their charge,
in order to the forming of their manners and directing their
steps into the first tracks of virtue. To which purpose the
Lacedaemonian, that was asked what good he did to the
child of Avhom he had the charge, answered well : I make
good and honest things pleasant to children. These
masters also teach them to bend down their heads as they
go along, to touch salt fish with one finger only, but fresh
fish, bread, and flesh with two ; thus to scratch themselves,
and thus to tuck up their garments.
3. Now he that says that the art of physic may be
proper for a tetter or a whitlow, but not to be made use of
for a pleurisy, a fever, or a frenzy, in what does he differ
from him that should say that it is fit there sliould be schools,
and discourses, and precepts, to teach trifling and childish
things, but that all skill in greater and more manly things
comes from use without art and from accidental opportu-
nity ? For as he would be ridiculous who should say, that
one who never learned to row ought not to lay hand on the
oar, but that he might guide the helm who was never taught
it ; so is he that gives leave for men to be instructed in other
arts, but not in virtue. He seems to be quite contrary to
the practice of the Scythians, Avho, as Herodotus * tells us,
put out their servants' eyes, to prevent them from running
away ; but he puts the eye of reason into these base and
slavish arts, and plucks it from virtue. But the general
Iphicrates — when Callias, the son of Chabrias, asked him,
What art thou? Art thou an archer or a targeteer, a
trooper or a foot-soldier ? — answered well, I am none of
all these, but one that commands them all. He therefore
would be ridiculous that should say that the skill of draw-
* See Herod. IV. 2.
THAT VIRTUE MAY BE TAUGHT. 81
ing a bow, of handling arms, of throwing with a shng,
and of good horsemanship, might indeed be tanght, but the
skill of commanding and leading an army came as it hap-
pened, one knew not how. And would not he be still
more ridiculous who should say that prudence only could
not be taught, without Avhicli all those arts are useless and
unprofitable? When she is the governess, ranking all
things in due place and order, every thing is assigned to be-
come useful ; for instance, how uni^raceful would a feast
be, though all concerned were skilful and enough practised
in cookery, in dressing and serving up the meat, and in fill-
ing the wine as they ought, if all things were not well
disposed and ordered among those that waited at the
table ? . . .
THE ACCOUNT OF THE LAAVS AND CUSTOMS
OF THE LACEDAEMONIANS*
1 . It was a singular instance of the Λvisdom of this nation,
in that they took the greatest care they could, by an early
sober education, to instil into their youth the principles of
virtue and good manners, that so, by a constant succession
of prudent and valiant men, they might the better provide
for the honor and security of their state, and lay in the minds
of every one a solid and good foundation of love and friend-
ship, of prudence and knowledge, of temperance and fru-
gality, of courage and resolution. And therefore their great
lawgiver thought it necessary for the ends of government to
institute several distinct societies and conventions of the
people ; amongst which was tliat of their solemn and
public living together at one table, \vhere their custom
was to admit their youth into the conversation of their
wise and elderly men, that so by daily eating and drinking
with them they might insensibly, as it were, be trained up
to a right knowledge of themselves, to a just submission to
their superiors, and to the learning of whatever might con-
duce to the reputation of their laws and the interest of
their country. For here they were taught all the whole-
some rules of discipline, and daily instructed how to de-
* Tliis is not a translation, but rather an essay by Mr. Pulleyn based upon the
text of Plutarcli's brief notes on the customs of the Lacedaemonians. It is tlierefore
reprinted witliout essential changes. The sections of the original are marked when-
ever this is possible. (G.)
CUSTOMS OF THE LACEDAEMONIANS. 83
mean themselves from the example and practice of their
great ones ; and though they did not at this public meeting
confine themselves to set and grave discourses concerning
the civil government, but allowed themselves a larger free-
dom, by mingling sometimes with their politics the easy
and familiar entertainments of mirth and satire, yet this
was ever done Avith the greatest modesty and discretion,
not so much to expose the person of any one, as to reprove
the fault he had committed. Whatever was transacted at
these stated and common feasts was to be locked up in
every one's breast with the greatest silence and secrecy,
insomuch as the eldest among them at these assemblies,
pointing to the door, acquainted him Avho entered the room
that nothing of what was done or spoken there was to be
talked of afterwards.
2. At all these public meetings they used a great deal
of moderation, they being designed only for schools of tem-
perance and modesty, not for luxury and indecency ; their
chief dish and only delicacy being a sort of pottage (called
by them their black broth, and made of some little pieces
of flesh, with a small quantity of blood, salt, and vinegar),
and this the more ancient among them generally preferred
to any sort of meat Avhatsoever, as the more pleasing en-
tertainment and of a more substantial nourishment. The
younger sort contented themselves with flesh and other
ordinary provisions, without tasting of this dish, which was
reserved only for the old men. It is reported of Dionysius,
the Sicilian tyrant, that having heard of the great fame and
commendation of this broth, he hired a certain cook of
Lacedaemon, who was thoroughly skilled in the make and
composition of it, to furnish his table every day with so
great and curious a dainty ; and that he might have it in
the greatest perfection, enjoined him to spare no cost in the
making it agreeable and pleasant to his palate. But it
seems the end answered not the pains he took in it ; for
84 THE ACCOUNT OF THE LAWS AND
after all his care and niceness, the king, as soon as he had
tasted of it, found it both fulsome and nauseous to his
stomach, and spitting it out with great distaste, as if he
had taken down a vomit, sufficiently expressed his disap-
probation of it. But the cook, not discouraged at this dis-
like of his master, told the tyrant that he humbly conceived
the reason of this disagreeableness to him was not in the
pottage, but rather in himself, who had not prepared his
body for such food according to the Laconic mode and
custom. For hard labors and long exercises and moderate
abstinence (the best preparatives to a good and healthy ap-
petite) and frequent bathings in the river Eurotas were the
only necessaries for a right relish and understanding of
the excellency of this entertainment.
3. 'Tis true, their constant diet was very mean and
sparing ; not what might pamper their bodies or make their
minds soft and delicate, but such only as would barely serve
to supply the common necessities of nature. This they
accustomed themselves to, that so they might become sober
and governable, active and bold in the defence of their
country ; they accounting only such men serviceable to the
state, who could best endure the extremes of hunger and
cold, and Avith cheerfulness and vigor run through the
fatigues of labor and the difficulties of hardship. Those
who could fast longest after a slender meal, and Avith the
least provision satisfy their appetites, were esteemed the
most frugal and temperate, and most sprightly and healthful,
the most comely and well proportioned ; nature, through
such a temperance and moderation of diet, not suffering
the constitution to run out into an unwieldy bulk or great-
ness of body (the usual consequence of full tables and too
much ease), but rather rendering it thereby nervous and
sinewy, of a just and equal growth, and consolidating and
knitting together all the several parts and members of it.
A very little drink did serve their turn, who never drank
CUSTOMS OF THE LACEDAEMONIANS. 85
but when an extreme thirst provoked them to it ; for at
all their common entertainments they studied the greatest
measures of sobriety, and took care they should be de-
prived of all kinds of compotations whatsoever. And at
night wdien they returned home, they went cheerfully to
their sleep, without the assistance of any light to direct
them to their lodging ; that being prohibited them as an
indecent thing, the better to accustom them to travel in
the dark, without any sense of fear or apprehensions of
danger.
4. They never applied their minds to any kind of learn-
ing, furtlier than Avhat was necessary for use and service ;
nature indeed liaA'ing made them more fit for the purposes
of Avar than for the improvements of knowledge. And
therefore for speculative sciences and philosophic studies,
they looked upon them as foreign to their business and
unserviceable to their ends of living, and for this reason
they Avould not tolerate them amongst them, nor suffer the
professors of them to live within their government. They
banished them their cities, as they did all sorts of strangers,
esteeming them as things that did debase the true worth
and excellency of vii'tue, which they made to consist only
in manly actions and generous exercises, and not in vain
disputations and empty notions. So that the whole of
what then' youth was instructed in was to learn obedience
to the laws and injunctions of their governors, to endure
with patience the greatest labors, and where they could not
conquer, to die valiantly in the field For this reason like-
wise it was, that all mechanic arts and trades, all vain and
insignificant employments, such as regarded only curiosity
or pleasure, Avere strictly prohibited them, as things that
Avould make them degenerate into idleness ^nd covetous-
ness, would render them vain and effeminate, useless to
themselves, and unserviceable to the state ; and on this
account it was that they would never suffer any scenes or
86 THE ACCOUNT OF THE LAWS AND
interludes, whether of comedy or tragedy, to be set up
among them, lest there should be any encouragement given
to speak or act any thing that might savor of contempt or
contumely against their laws and government, it being
customary for the stage to assume an indecent liberty of
taxing the one with faults and the other with imperfec-
tions.
5. As to their apparel, they were as thinly clad as they
were dieted, never exceeding one garment, which they
wore for the space of a whole year. And this tliey did,
the better to inure them to hardship and to bear up against
all the injuries of the weather, that so the extremities of
heat and cold should have no influence at all upon their
constitution. They were as regardless of their selves as
they were negligent of their clothes, denying themselves
(unless it were at some stated time of the year) the
use of ointments and bathings to keep them clean and
sweet, as too expensive and signs of a too soft and delicate
temper of body.
6. Their youth, as they were instructed and ate in pub-
lic together, so at night slept in distinct companies in one
common ciiamber, and on no other beds than what were
made of reeds, which they had gathered out of the river
Eurotas, near the banks of which they grew. This was
the only accommodation they had in the summer, but in
winter they mingled with the reeds a certain soft and
downy thistle, having much more of heat and Λvarmth
in it than the other.
7. It was freely allowed them to place an ardent af-
fection upon those whose excellent endowments recom-
mended them to the love and consideration of any one ;
but then this was always done with the greatest innocency
and modesty, and every way becoming the strictest rules
and measures of virtue, it being accounted a base and dis-
honorable passion in any one to love the body and not the
CUSTOMS OF THE LACEDAEMONIANS. 87
mind, as those did who in their yonng men preferred the
beauty of the one before the excellency of the other.
Chaste thoughts and modest discourses were the usual
entertainments of their loves ; and if any one was accused
at any time either of wanton actions or impure discourse,
it was esteemed bv all so infamous a thmg;, that the stains
it left upon his reputation could never be wiped out during
his whole life.
8. So strict and severe was the education of their youth,
that whenever they were met with in the streets by your
grave and elderly persons, they underwent a close exami-
nation ; it being their custom to enquire of them upon
what business and whither they were going•, and if they
did not give them a direct and true answer to the question
demanded of them, but shamed them with some idle story
or false pretence, they never escaped without a rigorous
censure and sharp correction. And this they did to pre-
vent their youth from stealing abroad upon any idle or bad
design, that so, through the uneasy fears of meeting these
grave examiners, and the impossibility of escaping punish-
ment upon their false account and representations of things,
they might be kept within due compass, and do nothing
that might entrench upon truth or offend against the rules
of virtue. Nor was it expected only from their superiors
to censure and admonish them upon any miscarriage or
indecency whatsoever, but it was strictly required of them
under a severe penalty ; for he who did not reprove a fault
that was committed in his presence, and showed not his
just resentments of it by a verbal correction, was adjudged
equally culpable with the guilty, and obnoxious to the same
punishment. For they could not imagine that person had
a serious regard for the honor of their laws and the repu-
tation of their government, who could carelessly pass by
any immorality and patiently see the least corruption of
good manners in their youth ; by which means they took
88 THE ACCOUNT OF THE LAWS AND
away all occasions of fondness, partiality, and indulgence
in «the aged, and all presumption, irreverence, and disobedi-
ence, and especially all impatiency of reproof, in the
younger sort. For not to endure the reprehension of their
superiors in such cases was highly disgraceful to them, and
ever interpreted as an open renunciation of their authority,
and a downright opposing of the justice of their proceed-
ings.
9. Besides, when any Avas surprised in the commission
of some notorious offence, he was presently sentenced to
walk round a certain altar in the city, and publicly to shame
himself by singing an ingenious satire, composed by him-
self, upon the crime and folly he had been guilty of, that
so the punishment might be inflicted by the same hand
which had contracted the guilt.
10. Their children weie brought up in a strict obedience
to their parents, and taught from their infancy to pay a
profound reverence to all their dictates and commands.
And no less were they enjoined to show an awful regard
and observance to all their superiors in age and authority,
so as to rise up before the hoary head, and to honor the
face of the old man, to give him the way when they met
him in the streets, and to stand still and remain silent till
he Λvas passed by ; insomuch as it was indulged them, as a
peculiar privilege due to their age and wisdom, not only to
have a paternal authority over their own children, servants,
and estates, but over their neighbors too, as if they were a
part of their own family and propriety ; that so in general
there might be a mutual care, and an united interest, zeal-
ously carried on betwixt them for the private good of every
one in particular, as well as for the public good of the com-
munities they lived in. By this means they never wanted
faithful counsellors to assist \vith good advice in all their
concerns, nor hearty friends to prosecute each other's inter-
est as it were their own ; by this means they never wanted
CUSTOMS OF THE LACEDAEMONIANS. 89
careful tutors and guardians for their youth, who were
always at hand to admonish and instruct them in the solid
principles of virtue.
11. Xo one durst show himself refractory to their in-
structions, nor at the least murmur at their reprehensions ;
insomuch that, whenever any of their youth had been piui-
ished by them for some ill that had been done, and a com-
plaint thereupon made by them to their parents of the
severity they had suifered, hoping for some little relief from
their indulgence and affection, it was accounted highly dis-
honorable ixi them not to add to their punishment by a fresh
correction for the folly and injustice of their complaint.
For by the common interest of discipline, and that great
care that every one Λvas obliged to take in the education of
thek youth, they had a firm trust and assurance in one
another, that they never would enjoin their children the
])erformance of any thing that was in the least unnecessary
or unbecoming them.
12. Though it might seem very strange and unaccount-
able in this wise nation, that any thing which had the least
semblance of baseness or dishonesty should be universally
approved, commended, and encouraged by their laws, yet
so it Avas in the case of theft, whereby their young children
were alloAved to steal certain things, as particularly the
fruit of their orchards or their messes at their feasts. But
then this was not done to encourage them to the desires of
avarice and injustice, but to sharpen their wits, and to
make them crafty and subtle, and to train them up in all
sorts of Λviles and cunning, watchfulness aiid circumspec-
tion, Avhereby they were rendered more apt to serve them
in their wars, which Avas upon the matter the whole pro-
fession of this commonwealth. And if at any time they
were taken in the act of stealing, they were most certainly
punished with rods and the penance of fasting ; not be-
cause they esteemed the stealth criminal, but because they
90 THE ACCOUNT OF THE LAWS AND
wanted skill and cunning in the management and conceal-
ing of it.*
14. They spent a great part of their studies in poetry
and music, which raised their minds above the ordinary
level, and by a kind of artificial enthusiasm inspired them
with generous heats and resolutions for action. Their
compositions, consisting only of very grave and moral sub-
jects, were easy and natural, in a plain dress, and without
any paint or ornament, containing nothing else but the just
commendations of those great personages whose singular
wisdom and virtue had made their lives famous and exem-
plary, and whose courage in defence of their country had
made their deaths honorable and happy. Nor Avere the
valiant and virtuous only the subject of these songs ; but
the better to make men sensible of what rewards and hon-
ors are due to the memory of such, they made invectives
in them upon those who were signally vicious and cowards,
as men who died with as much contempt as they had lived
with infamy. They generally concluded their poem Avith a
solemn profession of what they would be, boasting of their
progress in virtue, agreeable to the abilities of their nature
and the expectations of their age.
15. At all their public festivals these songs were a great
part of their entertainment, where there were three com-
panies of singers, representing the three several ages of
nature. The old men made up the first chorus, whose
business was to present what they had been after this
manner : —
Tliat active courage youthful blood contains
Did once with equal vigor warm our veins.
To which the chorus, consisting of young men only, thus
answers : —
Valiant and bold we are, let who will try :
Who dare accept our challenge soon shall die.
• § 13 of the original is included in the paraphrase with § 3. (Q.)
CUSTOMS OF THE LACEDAEMONIANS. 91
The third, Avhich λυθιό of young children, replied to them
in this manner : —
Those seeds which Nature in our breast did sow
Shall soon to generous fruits of virtue grow ;
Then all those valiant deeds which you relate
We will excel, and scorn to imitate.*
16. They made use of a peculiar measure in their songs,
when their armies were in their march towards an enemy,
which being sung in a full choir to their flutes seemed
proper to excite in them a generous courage and contempt
of death. Lycurgus was the first who brought this war-
like music into the field, that so he might moderate and
soften tlie rage and fury of their minds in an engagement
by solemn musical measures, and that their valor (which
should be no boisterous and unruly thing) might always be
under the government of their reason, and not of passion.
To this end it was always their custom before the fight to
sacrifice to the Muses, that they might behave themselves.
Λvith as much good conduct as with courage, and do such
actions as were worthy of memory, and which might chal-
lenge the applauses and commendations of every one.
17. And indeed so great an esteem and veneration had
they for the gravity and simplicity of their ancient music,
that no one was allowed to recede in the least from the
established rules and measures of it, insomuch as the
Ephori, upon complaint made to them, laid a severe
mulct upon Terpander (a musician of great note and
eminency for his incomparable skill and excellency in
playing upon the harp, and who, as he had ever pro-
fessed a great veneration for antiquity, so ever testified
by his eulogiums and commendations the esteem he ahvays
had of virtuous and heroic actions), depriving him of his
harp, and (as a peculiar punishment) exposing it to the cen-
* Tiie three songs were — Ά μις ποτ' ημες ίλκιμοι νεανίαι, We once were valiant
youth ; Άμες δι- y' επμίν ai δε ?ής, ανγύσδεο, And we are now: If you will, behold us ,
Άμες δε y' έσσόμεαΟα πολλω κύρρονες, And we will soon be far more valiant. (G.)
92 THE ACCOUNT OF THE LAWS AND
sure of the people, by fixing it upon a nail, because he had
added one string more to his instrument than was the usual
and stated number, though done with no other design and
advantage than to vary the sound, and to make it more
useful and pleasant. That music Avas ever accounted among
them the best, which Avas most grave, simple, and natural.
And for this reason too, when Timotheus in their Carnean
feasts, Avhich Avere instituted in honor of Apollo, contended
for a preference in his art, one of the Ephori took a knife
in his hand, and cut the strings of his harp, for having ex-
ceeded the number of seven in it. So severely tenacious
were they of their ancient customs and practices, that they
would not suifer the least innovation, though in things that
were indifferent and of no great importance, lest an indul-
gence in one thing might have introduced another, till at
length by gradual and insensible alterations the whole body
of their laws might be disregarded and contemned, and so
the main pillar which did support the fabric of their gov-
ernment be weakened and undermined.
18. Lycurgus took away that superstition, which for-
merly indeed had been the practice among them, concerning
their sepulchre and funeral solemnities, by permitting them
to bury the remains of their departed friends within the
city, that so they might the better secure them from the
rude and barbarous violence of an enemy, and to erect
their monuments for them in separated places joining to
their temples ; that, having their graves and tombs always
before their eyes, they might not only remember but imi-
tate the worthy actions they had done, and so lessen the
fears and apprehensions of death with the consideration of
those honors they paid their memories when they put off
theiy mortalities. He took away those pollutions which
they formerly looked upon as arising from their dead bodies,
and prohibited all costly and sumptuous expenses at their
funerals, it being very improper for those Avho while alive
CUSTOMS OF THE LACEDAEAIONIANS. 9ίί
generally abstained from whatever was vain and curious to be
carried to the grave with any pomp and magnificence.
Therefore without the use of drugs and ointments, without
any rich odors and perfumes, without any art or curiosity,
save only the little ornament of a red vestment and a few
olive-leaves, they carried him to the place of burying, where
he was, Avithout any formal sorrows and public lamentations,
honorably and securely laid up in a decent and convenient
sepulchre. And here it Avas lawful for any one who would
be at the trouble to erect a monument for the person de-
ceased, but not to engrave the least inscription on it ; this
being the peculiar reward of such only who had signalized
themselves in war, and died gallantly in defence of their
country.
19, 20. It was not allowed any of them to travel into
foreign countries, lest their conversation should be tinctured
with the customs of those places, and they at their return
introduce amongst them new modes and incorrect ways of
living, to the corruption of good manners and the prejudice
of their own laws and usage ; for Avhich reason they ex-
pelled all strangers from Sparta, lest they should insinuate
their vices and their folly into the affections of the people,
and leave in the minds of their citizens the bad principles
of softness and luxury, ease and covetousness.
21. Nothing could sooner forfeit the right and privilege
of a citizen, than refusing their children that public educa-
tion which their laAVS and country demanded of them. For
as none of them were on any account exempt from obe-
dience to their laws, so, if any one out of an extraordinary
tenderness and indulgence Avould not suffer his sons to be
brought up according to their strict discipline and insti-
tutions, he was straightway s disfranchised. For they could
not think that person could ever prove serviceable to their
government, who had not been educated with the same care
and severity with his fellow-subjects. And it was no
94: THE ACCOUNT OF THE LAWS AND
less a shame and reproach to the parents themselves, who
could be of such mean and abject spirits as to prefer the
love of their children to the love of their country, and
the satisfaction of a fond and imprudent passion to the
honor and security of their state.
23. Nay further, as there was a community of children,
so there was of their goods and estates, it being free for
them in case of necessity to make use of their neighbor's
servants, as if they were their own ; and not only so, but of
their horses and dogs too, unless the owners stood in need
of them themselves, whenever they designed the diversion
of hunting, an exercise peculiar to this nation, and to which
they were accustomed from their youth. And if upon any
extraordinary occasion any one was pressed with the want
of what his neig-hbors were possessed of, he went freely to
them and borrowed, as though he had been the right pro-
prietary of their storehouses ; and being supplied answer-
ably to his necessities, he carefully sealed them up again
and left them secure.
24. In all t,heir warlike expeditions they generally clothed
themselves Λvith a garment of a purple color, as best
becoming the profession of soldiers, and carrying in them
a signification of that blood they were resolved to shed in
the service of their country. It was of use likewise, not
only to cast a greater terror into their adversaries and to
secure from their discovery the wounds they should receive,
but likewise for distinction's sake, that in the heat and fury of
the battle they might discriminate each other from the
enemy. They always fought with consideration and cun-
ning, craft being many times of more advantage to them
than downright blows ; for it is not the multitude of
men, nor the strongest arm and the sharpest sword, that
make men masters of the field.
25. Whenever a victory was gained through a well-con-
trived stratagem, and thereby with little loss of men and
CUSTOMS OF THE LACEDAEMONIANS. 95
blood, they always sacrificed an ox to INIars ; but when the
success Avas purely owing to their valor and prowess, they
only offered up a cock to him ; it being in their estimation
more honorable for their generals and commanders to over-
come their enemies by policy and subtlety than by mere
strength and courage.
26, 27. One great part of their religion lay in then-
solemn prayers and devotion, which they daily offered up
to their Gods, heartily requesting of them to enable them to
bear all kinds of injuries with a generous and unshaken
mind, and to reward them with honor and prosperity, ac-
cording to their performances of piety and virtue.
28. Besides, it was a great part of that honor they paid
their Gods, of Avhatever sex they were, to adorn them with
military weapons and armor, partly out of superstition and
an extraordinary reverence they had for the virtue of for-
titude, which they preferred to all others, and Avliich they
looked upon as an immediate gift of the Gods, as being the
greatest lovers and patrons of those who were endued with
it ; and partly to encourage every one to address his devo-
tions to them for it ; insomuch as Venus herself, who in
other nations was generally represented naked, had her
armor too, as well as her particular altars and worshippers.
29. ΛVhenever they take any business of moment in
hand, they generally pray to Fortune in a set form of words
for their success in it ; * it being no better in their esteem
than profaneness and irreverence to their Gods to invoke
them upon slight and trivial emergencies.
30. No discovery of what is bad and vicious comes witli
greater evidence to the spirits and apprehensions of chil-
dren, who are unable to bear the force of reason, than that
which is offered to them by way of. example. Therefore
»
Expressed by Plutarch in the proverb, —
Ύαν χείρα ποτιφέροντα ταν ήχαν καΤίεΙν,
As thou Un^test thy hand to the work, invoke Fortune, (G.)
96 THE ACCOUNT OF THE LAWS AND
the Spartan discipline did endeaAOi* to preserve their youth
(on whom philosophical discourses Avould have made but
small impression) from all kinds of intemperance and excess
of wine, by presenting before them all the indecencies of
their drunken Helots, persons indeed who were their slaves,
and employed not only in all kinds of servile offices, but
especially in tilling of their fields and manuring of their
ground, which was let out to them at reasonable rates, they
paying in every year their returns of rent, according to
Λvhat was anciently established and ordained amongst them
at the first o-eneral division of their lands. And if an ν did
exact greater payments from them, it was esteemed an exe-
crable thing amongst them ; they being desirous that the
Helots might reap gain and profit from their labors, and
thereupon be obliged faithfully to serve their masters as
Λvell as their own interest with greater cheerfulness and
industry. And therefore their lords never required more
of them than Avhat bare custom and contracts exacted of
them.
33. They adjudged it necessary for the preservation of
that gravity and seriousness of manners which was required
of their youth for the attainments of wisdom and virtue,
never to admit of any light and wanton, any ludicrous or
eiFeminate poetry ; which made them allow of no poets
among them but such only who for their grave and virtu-
ous compositions were approved by the public magistrate ;
that being hereby under some restraint, they might neither
act nor write any thing to the prejudice of good manners,
or to the dishonor of their laws and government.
34. And therefore it was, that when they heard of Ar-
chilochus's arrival at Sparta (though a Lacedaemonian, and
of an excellent wit), yet they presently commanded him to
depart the city, having understood how that in a poem of his
he had affirmed it was greater wisdom for a man to throw
his arms away and secure himself by fiight, than to stand
CUSTOMS OF THE LACEDAEMONIANS. 97
to his own defence with the hazard of his life, or therein
to die valiantly in the field. His words Avere after this
manner : —
Let who will boast their courage in the field,
I find but little safetj' from m\' shield.
Nature's not Honor's laws we must obey ;
This made me cast my useless shield away,
And by a prudent flight and cunning save
A life, which valor could not, from the grave.
A better buckler I can soon regain,
But who can get another life again ? *
35. It was a received opinion amongst many nations,
that some of their Gods were propitious only to their men,
and others only to their Avomen, which made them some-
times prohibit the one and sometimes the other from being
present at their sacred rites and solemnities. But the
Lacedaemonians took away this piece of superstition by
not excluding either sex from their temples and religious
services ; but, as they were always bred up to the same
civil exercises, so they were to the same common per-
formances of their holy mysteries, so that by an early
knowledge of each other there might be a real love and
friendship established betwixt them, which ever stood most
firm upon the basis of religion.
36. Their virtuous man, as he was to do no wrong, so
likewise was not to suffer any without a due sense and
modest resentment of it ; and therefore the Ephori laid a
mulct upon Sciraphidas, because he could so tamely receive
the many injuries and aff"ronts that were offered him, — con-
cluding that he who was so insensible of his own interest as
not to stand up in a bold and honest vindication of himself
from the Λvrongs and injustice that may be done to his
* ΆστΓίΛ μεν ΣαΙ(ι)ν τις άγύλλεται, ην παρά θάμνφ
'Έ,ντος ΰμώμητον καλλιπον ουκ ίθέλαν
[AvTdf δ' έξέ((>νγον θανάτου τέλος-] άσπις εκείνη
^Εββέτω• έξαντις κτήσομαι ού κακίυ.
Archilochus, Fr. 6 (Bergk). The passage in brackets is omitted by Plutarch. (G.)
VOL. I. 7
98 THE ACCOUNT OF THE LAWS AND
good name and honor, would without all doubt be as dull
and listless, when an opportunity should invite him to it,
in appearing for the defence of the fame and reputation of
his country.
39. Action and not speaking was the study and com-
mendation of a Spartan, and therefore polite discourses
and long harangues were not with them the character of a
wise or learned man, their speech being always grave and
sententious, without any ornament or tedious argumenta-
tion. They accustomed themselves to brevity, and upon
every subject to express themselves in the finest words,
with as much satire and smartness as possible ; insomuch
as they had a law among them for the instruction of their
youth, by which they were enjoined to practise a close and
compendious style in all their orations ; which made them
banish one Cephisoplion, a talkative rhetorician, for boast-
ing publicly that he could upon any subject whatsoever
entertain his auditory for a whole day together ; alleging
this as a sufficient reason for their justification, that it was
the part of a good orator to adjust his discourse according
to the Aveight and dignity of the matter he was to treat of.
40. There was indeed a strange and unnatural custom
amongst them, annually observed at the celebration of the
bloody rites of Diana Orthia, Avhere there was a certain
number of children, not only of the vulgar sort but of the
gentry and nobility, who Avere whipped almost to death
Avith rods before the altar of the goddess ; their parents
and relations standing by, and all the Avhile exhorting them
to patience and constancy in suffering. Although this
ceremony lasted for the space of a whole day, yet they
underwent this barbarous rite with such a prodigious cheer-
fulness and resolution of mind as never could be expected
from the softness and tenderness of their age. They did
not so much as express one little sigh or groan during the
whole solemnity, but out of a certain emulation and desire
CUSTOMS OF THE LACEDAEMONIANS. 99
of glory there was a great contention among them, who
should excel his companions in the constancy of enduring
the length and sharpness of their pains ; and he Λνΐιο held
out the longest was ever the most esteemed and valued
person amongst them, and the glory and reputation where-
with they rewarded his sufferings rendered his after life
much more eminent and illustrious.
42. They had a very slight regard to maritime affairs, on
the account of an ancient law amongst them, whereby thfy
were prohibited from applying of themselves to the becom-
ing of good seamen or engaging themselves in any sea-fight.
Afterwards indeed, through the necessity of affairs and the
security of their country, they judged it convenient, when
they were invaded by the Athenians and other nations, to
furnish themselves with a navy ; by which it was that Ly-
sander, who was then the general in that expedition,
obtained a great victory over the Athenians, and thereby
for a considerable time secured the sovereignty of the seas
to themselves. But finding afterwards this grievance aris-
ing from it, that there was a very sensible corruption of
good manners and decay of discipline amongst them, from
the conversation of their rude and debauched mariners,
they were obliged to lay this profession wholly aside, and
by a revival of this law endeavor to retrieve their ancient
sobriety, and, by turning the bent and inclinations of the
people into their old channel again, to make them tractable
and obedient, modest and virtuous. Though indeed they
did not long hold to their resolution herein, any more than
they were Avont to do in other matters of moment, which
could not but be variable, according to the circumstances
of affairs and the necessities of their government. For
though great riches and large possessions Avere things they
hated to death, it being a capital crime and punishment to
have any gold or silver in their houses, or to amass up
together heaps of money (which was generally made with
100 THE ACCOUNT OF THE LAWS AND
them of iron or leather), — for which reason several had
been put to death, according to that law which banished
covetousness out of the city, on the account of an answer
of their oracle to Alcamenes and Theopompus, two of
their Spartan kings,
That the love of money should be the ruin of Sparta, —
vet notwithstanding the severe penalty annexed to the
heiiping up much wealth, and the example of those who
had suffered for it, Lysander was highly honored and re-
Λvarded for bringing in a great quantity of gold and silver
to Lacedaemon, after the victory he had gained over the
Athenians, and the taking of the city of Athens itself,
wherein an inestimable treasure was found. So that what
had been a capital crime in others Avas a meritorious act
in him. It is true indeed that as long as the Spartas did
adhere closely to the observation of the laws and rules
of Lycurgus, and keep their oath religiously to be true to
their own government, they outstripped all the other cities
of Greece for prudence and valor, and for the space of five
hundred years became famous everywhere for the excel-
lency of their laAVS and the Avisdom of their policy. But
when the honor of these laws began to lessen and their
citizens grew luxurious and exorbitant, when covetousness
and too much liberty had softened their minds and almost
destroyed the wholesome constitution of their state, their
former greatness and power began by little and little to
decay and dwindle in the estimation of men. And as by
reason of these vices and ill customs they proved unservice-
able to themselves, so likewise they became less formidable
to others ; insomuch as their several allies and confederates,
Λνΐιο had with them jointly carried on their common good
and interest, were wholly alienated from them. But al-
though their affairs were in such a languishing posture,
Λyhen Philip of Macedon, after his great victory at Chae-
CUSTOMS OF THE LACEDAEMONIANS. 101
ronea, was by the Grecians declared their general both by
land and sea, as likewise his son Alexander after the con-
quest of the Thebans ; yet the Lacedaemonians, though
their cities had no other Λvalls for their security, but only
their own courage, though by reason of their frequent wars
they were reduced to low measures and small numbers of
men, and thereby become so weak as to be an easy prey to
any powerful enemy, yet retaining amongst them some
reverence for those few remains of Lycurgus's institution
and government, they could not be brought to assist these
two, or any other of their Macedonian kings in their Avars
and expeditions ; neither could they be prevailed Avith to
assist at their common assemblies and consults with them,
nor pay any tribute or contributions to them. But when
all those laws and customs (which are the main pillars that
support a state) enacted by Lycurgus, and so highly ap-
proved of by the government, were now universally despised
and unobserved, they immediately became a prey to the
ambition and usurpation, to the cruelty and tyranny of their
fellow-citizens ; and having no regard at all to their ancient
virtues and constitution, they utterly lost their ancient glory
and reputation, and by degrees, as well as weaker nations,
did in a very little time everywhere degenerate into pov-
erty, contempt, and servitude ; being at present subject to
the Romans, like all the other cities of Greece.
CONCERNING MUSIC*
ONESICRATES, SOTERICHUS, LYSIAS.
1. The wife of Phocion the just was always wont to
maintain that her chiefest glory consisted in the warlike
achievements of her husband. For my part, I am of
* No one will attempt to studji this treatise on music, witliout some previous
knowledge of the principles of Greek music, with its various moods, scales, and
combinations of tetrachords. The whole subject is treated by Boeckh, De Mt-tris
Plndari (in Vol. I. 2 of his edition of* Pindar); and more at lensfth in Westphal's
Hannonik und Melopoie der Griechen (in Kossbach and Westphal's Mvtrik, Vol. II. 1).
An elementary explanation of the ordinary scale and of the names of the notes
(which are here retained without any attempt at translation) may be of use to the
reader.
The most ancient scale is said to have liad only four notes, corresponding to the
four strings of the tetrachord. But before Terpander's time two forms of the
heptacliord (with seven strings) were already in use. One of these was enlarged to
an octachord (witli eiglit strings) by ad(hng tlie octave (called νήτη]. This addition
is ascribed to Terpander by Plutarch (§ 28) ; but he is said to have been unwilling
to increase the number of strings permanently to eight, and to have therefore omitted
the string called τρίτη, thus reducing the octachord again to a heptachord. The notes
of the full octachord in this form, in the ordinary diatonic scale, are as follows : —
1. υπάττ] e 5. παμαμέση b
2. παρυπάτη f 6. τρίτη c
3. λιχανός g 7. παρανηττ/ d
4. μέση a 8. νητη e (octave)
The note called υπάτη {hypate, or highest) is the lowest in tone, being named from
its position. So νητη or νεύτη (nete, or lowest) is the highest in tone.
Tlie other of the two heptachords mentioned above contained the octave, but
omitted the παραμέση and had other changes in the higher notes. The scale is as
follows: —
1. υπάτη e 5. τρίτη b
2. παρυπάτη f 6. παρανήτη c
3. λοχανός g 7. νήτη, d
4. μέση a
CONCERNING MUSIC. 103
opinion that all my glory, not only that peculiar to myself,
but also what is common to all my familiar friends and rela-
tions, floAVs from the care and diligence of my master that
taught me learning. For the most renowned performances
of great commanders tend only to the preservation of some
few private soldiers or the safety of a single city or nation,
but make neither the soldiers nor the citizens nor the
people any thing the better. But true learning, being
the essence and body of felicity and the source of pru-
dence, we find to be profitable and beneficial, not only to
one house or city or nation, but to all the race of men.
Therefore by how much the more the benefit and advan-
tage of learning transcends the profits of military perform-
ances, by so much the more is it to be remembered and
mentioned, as most worthy your study and esteem.
2. For this reason, upon the second day of the Saturnaliau
festival, the famous Onesicrates invited certain persons, the
best skilled in music, to a banquet ; by name Soterichus
This is not to be confouncletl with the reduced octachord of Terpander. Tins
lieptachord includes two tetrachords so united that the lowest note of one is identical
with the higliest note of the other; wliile tlie octacliord includes two tetrachords
entirely separated, with each note distinct. The former connection is called
κατά συναφήν, the latter κατά όιύζευξιν. Of the eight notes of the octachord,
the first four (counting from the lowest), υπάττ], παρυπάτη, λοχανός, anil μέσ?ί, are the
same in the heptachord ; παραμέση is omitted in the heptachord ; while rpin/,
παραρτ/τη, and vi/ri] in the heptachord are designated as τρίτη συνημμένων, τταρανητη
συνημμένων, and νητη συνημμένων, to distinguish them from the notes of the same
name in the octachord, which sometimes have the designation όιεζευγμένων, but gen-
erally are written simply τρίτ?], &c.
These simple scales were enlarged by the addition of higher and lower notes,
four at the bottom of tiie scale (i.e. before υπάτη), called προσλαμί3ανύμενος, ύπάτ?/
ύπατων, παρυπάτη ύπατων, λιχανός ύπατων; and three at the top (above νητη), called
VTjTjj, παρανητη, τρίτη, each witli the designation ΰπερβολαίων. The lowest three notes
of the ordinary octachord are here designated by μέσων, wlien the simple names are
not used. Thus a scale of fifteen notes was made ; and we have one of eighteen by
including the two classes of τρίτη, παρανητη, and νητη designated by συνημμένων and
όιεζευγμένων.
The harmonic intervals, discovered by Pythagoras, are the Octave (δίά πασών), with
its ratio of 2:1 ; the Fifih ((5m πέντε), with its ratio of 3 : 2 (λόγος ήμώλως or Sesqui-
alter) ; tlie Fourth (δίά τεσσάρων), with its ratio of 4 : 3 (λόγος επίτριτος or Sesquiterce) ;
and tlie Tone (τόνος), with its ratio of 9 : 8 (λόγος έπόγόοος or Sesquioctave). (G.)
104 CONCERNING MUSIC.
of Alexandria, and Lysias, one of those to Avhom lie gave
a yearly pension. After all had done and the table was
cleared, — To dive, said he, most worthy friends, into the
natnre and reason of the human voice is not an argument
proper for this merry meeting, as being a subject that
requires a more sober scrutiny. But because our chiefest
grammarians define the voice to be a percussion of the air
made sensible to the ear, and for that we were yesterday
discoursing of Grammar, — which is an art that can give
the voice form and shape by means of letters, and store it
up in the memory as a magazine, — let us consider what
is the next science to this which may be said to relate to
the voice. In my opinion, it must be music. For it is
one of the chiefest and most religious duties belonging to
man, to celebrate the praise of the Gods, who gave to him
alone the most excelling advantage of articulate discourse,
as Homer has observed in the following verses : —
With sacred liymns and songs that s\veetly please,
The Grecian youth all day tlie Gods appease ;
Their lofty paeans bright Apollo hears,
And still the charming sounds delight liis ears.*
Now then, you that are of the grand musical chorus,
tell your friends, who was the first that brought music
into use ; Avhat time has added for the advantage of the
science ; who have been the most famous of its professors ;
and lastly, for what and how far it may be beneficial to
mankind.
3. This the scholar propounded ; to which Lysias made
reply. Noble Onesicrates, said he, you desire the solution
of a hard question, that has been by many already pro-
posed. For of the Platonics the most, of the Peripatetic
philosophers the best, have made it their business to com-
pile several treatises concerning the ancient music and the
reasons why it came to lose its pristine perfection. Nay,
* n. I. 472.
CONCERNING MUSIC. 105
tlie Λ'ΘΓγ grammarians and musicians themselves who ar-
rived to the height of education have expended much time
and study upon the same subject, whence has arisen great
variety of discording opinions among the several writers,
Heraclides in his Compendium of Music asserts, that
Amphion, the son of Jupiter and Antiope, was the first
that invented playing on the harp and lyric poesy, being
first instructed by his father ; Avhich is confirmed by a small
manuscript, preserved in the city of Sicyon, wherein is set
doAvn a catalogue of the priests, poets, and musicians of
Argos. In the same age, he tells us, Linus the Euboean
composed several elegies ; Anthes of Anthedon in Boeotia
was the first author of hymns, and Pierus of Pieria the first
that wrote in the praise of the Muses. Philammon also, the
Delphian, set forth in verse a poem in honor of the nativity
of Latona, Diana, and x\pollo, and was the first that insti-
tuted dancing about the temple of Delphi. Thamyras, of
Thracian extraction, had the best voice and the neatest
manner of singing of any of his time ; so that the poets
feigned him to be a contender with the Muses. He is said
to have described in a poem the Titans' Avar against the
Gods. There was also Demodocus the Corcyraean, who is
said to have written the Destruction of Troy, and the Nup-
tials of Vulcan and Venus ; and then Phemius of Ithaca
composed a poem, entitled The Return of those who came
back Avith Agamemnon from Troy. Not that any of these
stories before cited were compiled in a style like prose
without metre ; they were rather like the poems of Ste-
sichorus and other ancient lyric poets, who composed in
heroic verse and added a musical accompaniment. The
same Heraclides writes that Terpander, the first that insti-
tuted the lyric nomes,* set verses of Homer as well as his
* According to K. 0. Miiller (History of Greek Literature, Ciuip. XII § 4), the
names were " musical compositions of great simplicity and severity, sometiiing re-
sembling the most ancient melodies of our church music." (G.)
106 CONCERNING MUSIC.
own to music according to each of these nomes, and sang
them at pubHc trials of skill. He also was the first to give
names to the lyric nomes. In imitation of Terpander, Clo-
nas, an elegiac and epic poet, first instituted nomes for
flute-music, and also the songs called Prosodia.* And
Polymnestus the Colophonian in later times used the same
measure in his compositions.
4 Now the measures appointed by these persons, noble
Onesicrates, in reference to such songs as are to be sung
to the flutes or pipes, were distinguished by these names,
— Apothetus, Elegiac, Comarchius, Schoenion, Cepion,
Tenedius, and Trimeles (or of three parts).
To these succeeding ages added another sort, which were
called Polymnastia. But the measures set down for those
that played and sung to the harp, being the invention of
Terpander, were much more ancient than the former. To
these he gave the several appellations of Boeotian, Aeolian,
Trochaean, the Acute, Cepion, Terpandrian, and Tetraoe-
dian.f And Terpander made preludes to be sung to the
lyre in heroic verse. Besides, Timotheus testifies how that
the lyric nomes were anciently appropriated to epic verses.
For Timotheus merely intermixed the dithyrambic style
with the ancient nomes in heroic measure, and thus sang
them, that he might not seem to make too sudden an inno-
vation upon the ancient music. But as for Terpander, he
seems to have been the most excellent composer to the
harp of his age, for he is recorded to have been four times
in succession a victor at the Pythian games. And certainly
he was one of the most ancient musicians in the world ;
for Glaucus the Italian in his treatise of the ancient poets
and musicians asserts him to have lived before Archilochus,
affirming him to be the second next to those that first in-
vented wind-music.
* ΤΙροσόδια were songs sung to the music of flutes by processions, as they marched
to temples or altars ; hence, songs of supplication. (G.)
t See Rossbach and Westphal, II. 1, p. 81. (G.)
CONCERNING MUSIC. 107
5. Alexander in his Collections of Phrygia says, that
Olympus was the first that brought into Greece the man-
ner of touchhig the strings with a quill ; and next to him
were the Idaean Dactyli ; Hyagnis was the first that sang
to the pipe ; after him his son Marsyas, then Olympus ;
that Terpander imitated Homer in his verses and Or-
pheus in his musical compositions ; but that Orpheus never
imitated any one, since in his time there Λvere none but
such as composed to the pipe, which was a manner quite
different from that of Orpheus. Clonas, a composer of
nomes for flute-music, and somewhat later than Terpan-
der, as the Arcadians affirm, Avas born in Tegea or, as the
Boeotians allege, at Thebes. After Terpander and Clonas
flourished Archilochus ; yet there are some writers who
affirm, that Ardalus the Troezenian taught the manner of
composing to wind-music before Clonas. There was also the
poet Polymnestus, the son of Meles the Colophonian, who
iuA^ented the Polymnestian measures. They farther write
that Clonas invented the nomes Apothetus and Schoenion.
Of Polymnestus mention is made by Pindar and Alcman,
both lyric poets ; but of several of the lyric nomes said to
be instituted by Terpander they make Philammon (the an-
cient Delphian) author.
6. Now the music appropriated to the harp, such as it
was in the time of Terpander, continued in all its sim-
plicity, till Phrynis grew into esteem. For it was not the
ancient custom to make lyric poems in the present style, or
to intermix measures and rhythms. For in each norae
they were careful to observe its own proper pitch ; whence
came the expression nome (from νόμος, law), because it was
unlawful to alter the pitch appointed for each one. At
length, falling from their devotion to the Gods, they began
to sing the verses of Homer and other poets. This is
manifest by the proems of Terpander. Then for the form
108 CONCERNING MUSIC.
of the harp, it was such as Cepion, one of Terpander's
scholars, first caused to be made, and it was called the Asian
harp, because the Lesbian harpers bordering upon Asia
always made use of it. And it is said that Periclitus, a
Lesbian by birth, was the last harper wlio won a prize by
his skill, which he did at one of the Spartan festivals called
Carneia ; but he being dead, that succession of skilful mu-
sicians, which had so long continued among the Lesbians,
expired. Some there are who erroneously believe that
Hipponax was contemporary with Terpander, when it is
plain that Hipponax lived after Periclitus.
7. Having thus discoursed of the several nomes appro-
priated to the stringed as Avell as to the wind instruments,
we Avill now speak something in particular concerning
those peculiar to the wind instruments. First they say.
that Olympus, a Phrygian player upon tlie flute, invented
a certain nome in honor of Apollo, which he called Poly-
cephalus,* or of many heads. This Olympus, they say,
was descended from the first Olympus, the scholar of Mar-
syas, who invented several forms of composition in honor
of the Gods ; and he, being a boy beloved of Marsyas, and
by him taught to play upon the flute, first brought into
Greece the laws of harmony. Others ascribe the Poly-
cephalus to Crates, the scholar of Olympus ; though Pra-
tinas will have Olympus the younger to be the author of it.
The Harmatian nome is also said to be invented by Olympus,
the scholar of Marsyas. This Marsyas was by some said
to be called Masses ; which others deny, not allowing him
any other name but that of Marsyas, the son of that Ilyagnis
who invented the art of playing upon the pipe. Bat that
* This seems to be the nome referred to by Pindar, Pytli. XII. 12, as the invention
of Pallas Athena. The Schoha on tlie passage of Pindar tell us that the goddess
represented it in the lamentation of the two surviving Gorgons for their sister Medu-
sa slain by Perseus, and the hissing of the snakes which surrounded their heads, —
whence the name πολυκέφαλος, or many-headed. (G.)
CONCERNING MUSIC. 109
Olympus was the author of the Ilarmatian nome is plainly
to be seen in Glaucus's treatise of the ancient poets ; and
that Stesichorus of Himera imitated neither Orpheus nor
Terpander nor Antilochus nor Thales, but Olympus, and
that he made use of the Harmatian nome and the dactylic
dance, which some rather apply to the Orthian mood, while
others aver it to have been the invention of the Mysians,
for that some of the ancient pipers were INIysians.
8. There was also another mood in use among the an-
cients, called Cradias, Λvhich Hipponax says Mimnermus
always delighted in. For formerly they that played upon
the flute sang also elegies at the same time set to notes.
Which the description of the Panathenaea concerning the
musical combat makes manifest. Among the rest, Sacadas
of Argos set several odes and elegies to music, he himself
being also a good flute-player and thrice a victor at the
Pythian games. Of him Pindar makes mention. ΝοΛν
Avhereas in the time of Polymnestus and Sacadas there
existed three musical moods, the Dorian, Phrygian, and
Lydian, it is said that Sacadas composed a strophe in every
one of those moods, and then taught the choruses to sing
the first after the Dorian manner, the second according to
the Phrygian, and the third after the Lydian manner ; and
this nome was called Trimeres (or threefold) by reason of
the shifting of the moods, although in the Sicyonian cata-
logue of the poets Clonas is said to be the inventor of this
name.
9. Music then received its first constitution from Ter-
pander at Sparta. Of the second constitution, Thaletas the
Gortinean, Xenodamus the Cytherean, Xenocritus the Lo-
crian, Polymnestus the Colophonian, and Sacadas the
Argive were deservedly acknowledged to be the authors.
For these, having introduced the Gymnopaediae into Lace-
daemon, settled the so-called Apodeixeis (or Exhibitions)
110 CONCERNING MUSIC.
among the Arcadians, and the Endymatia in Argos. Now
Thaletas, Xenodamus, and Xenocritus, and their schohirs,
were poets that addicted themselves altogether to making
of paeans ; Polymnestus was all for the Orthian or military
strain, and Sacadas for elegies. Others, and among the
rest Pratinas, affirm Xenodamus to have been a maker of
songs for dances (Hyporchemes), and not of paeans ; and a
tune of Xenodamus is preserved, which plainly appears to
have been composed for a dance. Now that a paean differs
from a song made for a dance is manifest from the poems
of Pindar, Λνΐιο made both.
10. Polymnestus also composed nomes for flute-music ;
but in the Orthian nome he made use of his lyric vein, as
the students in harmony declare. But in this we cannot
be positiv^e, because we have nothing of certainty concern-
ing it from antiquity ; and whether Thaletas of Crete was
a composer of hymns is much doubted. For Glaucus,
asserting Thaletas to be born after Archilochus, says that he
imitated the odes of xlrchilochus, only he made them longer,
and used the Paeonic and Cretic rhythm, which neither
Archilochus nor Orpheus nor Terpander ever did ; for
Thaletas learned these from Olympus, and became a good
poet besides. As for Xenocritus the Locrian from Italy,
it is much questioned whether he was a maker of paeans
or not, as being one that always took heroic subjects with
dramatic action for his verses, for which reason some
there were who called his arguments Dithyrambic. More
over, Glaucus asserts Thaletas to have preceded him iii
time.
11. Olympus, by the report of Aristoxenus, is supposed
by the musicians to have been the inventor of the enhar-
monic species of music ; for before him there was no other
than the diatonic and chromatic. And it is thought that
the invention of the enharmonic species was thus brought
CONCERNING MUSIC. Ill
to pass:* for that Olympus before altogether composing and
playing in the diatonic species, and having frequent occa-
sion to shift to the diatonic parhypate, sometimes from the
paramese and sometimes from the mese, skipping the dia-
tonic lichanos, he found the beauty that appeared in the
new character ; and thus, admiriuij a conjunction or scheme
so agreeable to proportion, he made this new species in the
Doric mood. For now he held no longer to what belonged
either to the diatonic or to the chromatic, but lie was
already come to the enharmonic. And the first foundations
of enharmonic music which he laid Avere these : in enliar-
monics the first thing that appears is the spondiasmus,f to
Avhich none of the divisions of the tetrachord seems prop-
erly to belong, unless any one will take the more intense
spondiasmus to be diatonic. But he that maintained this
would maintain a falsehood and an absurdity in harmony ;
a falsehood, because it would be less by a diesis than is
required by the leading note ; an absurdity in harmony,
because, even if we should place the proper nature of the
* The relations of the enharmonic scale to the ordinary diatonic are thus stated
hv Westphal (pp. 124-126), 6 being here substituted for the German h: —
-^
Diatonic. e f
Enharmonic. e δ f a . b δ
•g I I X ^i. I
The δ inserted between e and /"and between b and c is called diesis, and represents
a q'".arter-tone. The section in Westphal containing this scheme will greatly aid the
Interpretation of § 11 of Plutarch. (G.)
t This is Volkmann's conjecture for "spondee." It is defined by him (according
to Aristides Quintilianus) as the raising of the tone through three dieses (or quarter-
tones). (G.)
112 CONCERNING MUSIC.
more intense spondiasmus in the simple chromatic, it would
then come to pass, that two double tones would follow in
order, the one compounded, the other uncompounded.
For the thick enharmonic now used in the middle notes
does not seem to be the invention of the fore-mentioned
author. But this is more easily understood by hearing any
musician play in the ancient style ; for then you shall find
the semi-tone in the middle parts to be uncompounded.
These were the beginnings of enharmonic music ; after-
wards the semitone was also divided, as Avell in the Phry-
gian as Lydian moods. But Olympus seems to have
advanced music by producing something never known or
heard of before, and to have gained to himself the honor
of being the most excellent, not only in the Grecian but in
all other music.
12. Let us now proceed to rhythms ; for there Avere
several varieties of these, as well in musical as in rhythmi-
cal composition. And here Terpander, among all those
novelties with which he adorned music, introduced an
elegant manner, that gave it much life. After him, beside
the Terpandrian, which he did not relinquish, Polymnestus
brought in use another of his own, retaining however the
former elegant manner, as did also Thaletas and Sacadas.
Other innovations were also made by Alkman and Stesichorus,
who nevertheless receded not from the ancient foi'ms. But
Crexus, Timotheus, and Philoxenus. and those other poets
of the same age, growing more arrogant and studious of
novelty, affected those other manners now called Philan-
thropic and Thematic. For now the fewness of strings and
the plainness and majesty of the old music are looked upon
as absolutely out of date.
13. And now, having discoursed to the best of my abihty
of the ancient music and the first inventors of it, and how
succeeding ages brought it to more and more perfection, I
shall make an end, and give way to my friend Soterichus,
CONCERNING MUSIC. 113
not only greatly skilled in music but in all the rest of the
sciences. For we have always labored rather on the prac-
tical than the contemplative part. ΛVhich Λvhen Lysias
had said, he forbare speaking any farther ; but then Sote-
richus thus began.
14. Most noble Onesicrates, said he, since you have
engaged us to speak our knowledge concerning the most
venerable excellencies of music, which is most pleasing to
the Gods, I cannot but approve the learning of our mastt-r
Lysias, and his great memory in reciting all the inventors
of the ancient music, and those who have written concern-
ing it. But 1 must needs say, that he has given us this
account, trusting only to what he has found recorded. AVe
on the other side have not heard of any man that Avas the
inventor of the benefits of music, but of the God Apollo,
adorned Avith all manner of virtue. The flute Avas neither
the invention of Marsyas nor Olympus nor Hyagnis ; nor
was the harp Apollo's invention only, but as a God he was
the inventor of all the music both of the flute and harp.
This is manifest from the dances and sacrifices which were
solemnized to Apollo, as Alcaeus and others in their hymns
relate. His statue also placed in the Temple of Delos
holds in his right hand a bow ; at his left the Graces stand,
with every one a musical instrument in her hands, one car-
rying a harp, another a flute, another with a shepherd's
pipe set to her lips. And that this is no conceit of mine
appears from this, that Anticles and Ister have testified the
same in their commentaries upon these things. And the
statue is reported to be so ancient, that the artificers were
said to have lived in the time of Hercules. The youth
also that carries the Tempic laurel into Delphi is accom-
panied by one playing upon the flute. And the sacred
presents of the Hyperboreans were sent of old to Delos,
attended Avith flutes, pipes, and harps. Some have thought
that the God himself played upon the flute, as the best of
114 CONCERNING MUSIC.
lyrics, Alcman, relates. Corinna also asserts that Apollo
was by Minerva taught to pipe. Venerable is therefore
music altogether, as being the invention of the Gods.
15. The ancients made use of it for its worth, as they
did all other beneficial sciences. But our men of art, con-
temning its ancient majesty, instead of that manly, grave,
heaven-born music, so acceptable to the Gods, have brought
into the theatres a sort of effeminate musical tattling, mere
sound without substance ; which Plato utterly rejects in the
third book of his commonwealth, refusing the Lydian har-
mony as fit only for lamentations. And they say that this
was first instituted for doleful songs. Aristoxenus, in his first
book of music, tells us how that Olympus sang an elegy
upon the death of Python in the Lydian mood, though
some will have Menalippides to be the author of that song.
Pindar, in his paean on the nuptials of Niobe, asserts that
the Lydian harmony was first used by Anthippus. Others
aihrm, that Torebus was the first that made use of that
sort of harmony; among the rest, Dionysius the iambic
writer.
16. The mixed Lydian moves the affections, and is fit
for tragedies. This mood, as Aristoxenus alleges, was
invented by Sappho, from whom the tragedians learned it
and joined it with the Doric. The one becomes a majestic,
lofty style, the other mollifies and stirs to pity ; both which
are the properties of tragedy. The history of music, how-
ever, made Pythoclides the flute-player to be the author of
it; and Lysis reports that Lamprocles the Athenian, finding
that the diazeuxis (or separation of two tetrachords) was
not where almost all others thought it had been, but toward
the treble, made such a scheme as is now from paramese to
the highest hypate. But for the softer Lydian, being con-
trary to the mixed Lydian and like the Ionian, they say it
was invented by Damon the Athenian. %
17. But as for those sorts of harmony, the one being
CONCERNING MUSIC. 115
sad and doleful, the other loose and effeminate, Plato de-
servedly rejected them, and made choice of the Dorian, as
more proper for sober and warlike men ; not being igno-
rant, however (as Aristoxenus discourses in his second
book of music), that there might be something advanta-
geous in the rest to a circumspect and wary commonwealth.
For Plato ^ave much attention to the art of music, as beinu•
the hearer of Draco the Athenian and Metellus the Agri-
gentine ; but considering, as we have intimated before, that
there was much more majesty in the Dorian mood, it was
that he preferred. He knew moreover that Alcman, Pindar,
Simonides, and Bacchylides had composed several Parthenia
in the Doric mood ; and that several Prosodia (or suppli-
cations to the Gods), several hymns and tragical lamenta-
tions, and now and then love verses, were composed to the
same melody. But he contented himself with such songs
as were made in honor of Mars or Minerva, or else such
as Avere to be sung at solemn offerings, called Spondeia.
For these he thought sufficient to fortify. and raise the mind
of a sober person ; not being at all ignorant in the mean
time of the Lydian and Ionian, of which he knew the trage-
dians made use.
18. Moreover, the ancients well understood all the sorts
of styles, although they used but few. For it was not their
ignorance that confined them to such narrow instruments
and so few strings ; nor was it out of ignorance that Olym-
pus and Terpander and those that came after them would
not admit of larger instruments and more variety of strings.
This is manifest from the poems of Olympus and Terpan-
der and all those that were their imitators. For, being
plain and without any more than three strings, these
so far excelled those that were more numerously strung,
insomuch that none could imitate Olympus's play ; and they
were all inferior to him when they betook themselves to
their polychords.
116 CONCERNING MUSIC.
19. Then again, that the ancients did not through igno-
rance abstain from the third string in the spondaic style,
their use of it in play makes apparent. For had they not
known the use of it, they would never have struck it in
harmony with parhypate ; but the elegancy and gravity that
attended the spondaic style by omitting the third string in-
duced them to transfer the music to paranete. The same
reason may serve for nete ; for this in play they struck in
concord to mese, but in discord to paranete, although in
song it did not seem to them proper to the slow spondaic
motion. And not only did they do this, but they did the
same with nete of the conjunct heptachords ; for in play
they struck it in concord to mese and lichanos, and in discord
to paranete and parhypate ; * but in singing those touches
were no way allowable, as being ungrateful to the ear
and shaming the performer, xls certain it is from the
Phrygians that Olympus and his followers were not igno-
rant of the third string ; for they made use of it not only
in pulsation, but in their hymns to the Mother of the Gods
and several other Phrygian songs. Nor is it less apparent,
with regard to the ντζάται, that they never abstained for
want of skill from that tetrachord in the Dorian mood ;
indeed in other moods they knowingly made use of it, but
removed it from the Dorian mood to preserve its elegant
graA^ty.
20. The same thing was done also by the tragedians.
For the tragedians have never to this day used either the
chromatic or the enharmonic scale ; ΛνΜΙβ the lyre, many
generations older than tragedy, used them from the very
beginning. Now that the chromatic was more ancient
than the enharmonic is plain. For we must necessarily
account it of greater antiquity, according to the custom and
use of men themselves ; otherwise it cannot be said that
* See Westphal's interpretation of this difficult and probably corrupt passage, II.
l,p.89. (G.)
CONCERNING MUSIC. 117
any of the differences and distinctions were ancienter
the one than the other. Therefore, if any one should
allege that Aeschylus or Phrynichus abstained from the
chromatic out of ignorance, would he not be thought to
maintain a very great absurdity 1 Such a one might as well
aver that Pancrates lay under the same blindness, who
avoided it in most, but made use of it in some things ;
therefore he forebore not out of ignorance, but judgment,
imitating Pindar and Simonides and that which is at present
called the ancient manner.
21. The same may be said of Tyrtaeus the Mantinean,
Andreas the Corinthian, Thrasyllus the Phliasian, and
several others, who, as we well know, abstained by choice
from the chromatic, from transition, from the increased
number of strings, and many other common forms of
rhythms, tunes, diction, composition, and expression. Tele-
phanes of Megara was so great an enemy to the pipe made
of reed (called syrinx), that he would not suffer the instru-
ment maker to join it to the flute (pipe made of wood or
horn), and chiefly for that reason forbore to go to the Py-
thian games. In short, if a man should be thought to be
ignorant of that which he makes no use of, there would
be found a great number of ignorant persons in this age.
For we see that the admirers of the Dorian composition
make no use of the Antiginedian ; the followers of the zVn-
tiginedian reject the Dorian; and other musicians refuse
to imitate Timotheus, being almost all bewitched with the
trifles and the idle poems of Polyidus. On the other
side, if we dive into the business of variety and compare
antiquity with the present times, we shall find there
was great variety then, and that frequently made use of.
For then the variation of rhythm was more highly esteemed,
and the change of their manner of play more frequent, ΛΥβ
are now lovers of fables, they were then lovers of rbytlim.
Plain it is therefore, that the ancients did not refrain from
118 CONCERNING MUSIC.
broken measures out of ignorance, but out of judgment.
And yet Avhat wonder is this, when there are so many other
things necessary to human life which are not unknown,
though not made use of by those who have no occasion to
use them ] But they are refused, and the use of them is
altogether neglected, as not being found proper on many
occasions.
22. Having already shown that Plato neither for want
of skill nor for ignorance blamed all the other moods and
casts of composition, we now proceed to show that he
really was skilled in harmony. For in his discourse con-
cerning the procreation of the soul, inserted into Timaeus,
he has made known his great knowledge in all the sciences,
and of music among the rest, in this manner : " After
this," saith he, " he filled up the double and treble intervals,
taking parts from thence, and adding them to the midst
between them, so that there were in every interval two mid-
dle terms." * This proem was the effect of his experience
in music, as we shall presently make out. The means
from whence every mean is taken are three, arithmetical,
enharmonical, geometrical. Of these the first exceeds and
is exceeded in number, the second in proportion, the third
neither in number nor proportion. Plato therefore, desirous
to show the harmony of the four elements in the soul, and
harmonically also to explain the reason of that mutual con-
cord arising from discording and jarring principles, under-
takes to make out two middle terms of the soul in every
interval, according to harmonical proportion. Thus in a
musical octave there happen to be two middle distances,
Avhose proportion we shall explain. As for the octaves,
they keep a double proportion between their two extremes.
For example, let the double arithmetical proportion be 6
and 12, this being the interval between the νηάτη μ^βων and
* Plato, Timaeus, p. 36 A. See the whole passage in the treatise Of the Procrea-
tion of the Soul as discoursed in Timaeus, Chap. XXIX. (G.)
CONCERNING MUSIC. 119
the νι]τη Μζίνγμ^νων, 6 therefore and 12 being the two
extremes, the former note contams the number 6, and the
hitter 12. To these are to be added the intermediate
numbers, to which the extremes must hold the proportion,
the one of one and a third, and the other of one and a
half. These are the numbers 8 and 9. For as 8 contains
one and a third of 6, so 9 contains one and a half of 6 ;
thus you have one extreme. The other is 12, containing 9
and a third part of 9, and 8 and half 8. These then being
the numbers between 6 and 12, and the interval of the
octa\'e consisting of a diatessaron and diapente, it is plain
that the number 8 belongs to mese, and the number 9 to
paramese ; which being so, it follows that hypate is to
mese as paramese to nete of the disjunct tetrachords ; for it
is a fourth from the first term to the second of this propor-
tion, and the same interval from the third term to the
fourth. The same proportion will be also found in the num-
bers. For as 6 is to 8, so is 9 to 12 ; and as 6 is to 9, so
is 8 to 12. For 8 is one and a third part of 6, and 12 of
9 ; while 9 is one and a half part of 6, and 12 of 8. AVhat
has been said may suffice to show how great was Plato's
zeal and learning in the liberal sciences.
23. Now that there is something of majesty, something
great and divine in music, Aristotle, who was Plato's
scholar, thus labors to convince the world: "Harmony,"
saith he, " descended from heaA^en, and is of a divine,
noble, and angelic nature ; but being fourfold as to its
efficacy, it has two means, — the one arithmetical, the
other enharmonical. As for its members, its dimensions,
and its excesses of intervals, they are best discovered by
number and equality of measure, the whole art being con-
tained in two tetrachords." These are his words. The
body of it, he saith, consists of discording parts, yet con-
cording one with another ; whose means nevertheless
agree according to arithmetical proportion. For the upper
120 CONCERNING MUSIC.
strinof beinj? fitted to the lowest in the ratio of two to one
produces a perfect diapason. Thus, as we said before,
nete consisting of twelve units, and hypate of six, the
paramese accords with hypate according to the sesquialter
proportion, and has nine units, whilst mese has eight units.
So that the chiefest intervals through the whole scale are
the diatessaron (which is the proportion of 4 : 3), the diapente
(which is the proportion of 3 : 2), and the diapason (which
is the proportion of 2:1); while the proportion of 9 : 8
appears in the interval of a tone. With the same ine-
qualities of excess or diminution, all the extremes are
differenced one from another, and the means from tlie
means, either according to the quantity of the numbers
or the measure of geometry ; which Aristotle thus expkiins,
observing tliat nete exceeds mese by a third part of
itself, and hypate is exceeded by paramese in the same
proportion, so that the excesses stand in proportion. For
by the same parts of themselves they exceed and are ex-
ceeded ; that is, the extremes (nete and hypate) exceed
and are exceeded by mese and paramese in tlie same pro-
portions, those of 4 : 3 and of 3 : 2. Now these excesses are
in what is called harmonic progression. But the distances
of nete from mese and of paramese from hypate, expressed
in numbers, are in the same proportion (12 : 8 = 9:6); for
paramese exceeds mese by one-eighth of the latter. Again,
nete is to hypate as 2 : 1 ; paramese to hypate as 3:2; and
mese to hypate as 4 : 3. Tliis, according to Aristotle, is the
natural constitution of harmony, as regards its parts and
its numbers.
24. But, according to natural philosophy, both harmony
and its parts consist of even, odd, and also even-odd.
Altogether it is even, as consisting of four terms ; but its
parts and proportions are even, odd, and even-odd. So
nete is even, as consisting of twelve units ; paramese is
odd, of nine ; mese even, of eight ; and hypate e\ en-odd,
CONCERNING MUSIC. 121
of six (i.e., 2x3). Whence it comes to pass, that music
— herself and her parts — being thus constituted as to ex-
cesses and proportion, the whole accords with the whole,
and also with each one of the parts.
25. But now as for the senses that are created within
the body, such as are of celestial and heavenly extraction,
and which by divine assistance affect the understanding of
men by means of harmony, — namely, sight and hearing, —
do by the very light and voice express harmony. And others
which are their attendants, so far as they are senses, like-
wise exist by harmony ; for they perform none of their
effects Λvithout harmony ; and although they are inferior
to the other two, they are not independent of them. Nay,
those two also, since they enter into human bodies at
the very same time with God himself, claim by reason a
vigorous and incomparable nature.
26. Manifest from hence therefore it is, why the ancient
Greeks, with more reason than others, were so careful to
teach their children music. For they deemed it requisite
by the assistance of music to form and compose the minds of
youth to what was decent, sober, and virtuous ; believing
the use of music beneficially efficacious to incite to all seri-
ous actions, especially to the adventuring upon warlike
dangers. To which purpose they made use of pipes or
flutes when they advanced in battle array against their
enemies ; like the Lacedaemonians, who upon the same oc-
casion caused the Castorean melody to be played before
their battalions. Others inflamed their courage with
harps, playing the same sort of harmony when they went
to look danger in the face, as the Cretans did for a long
time. Others, even to our own times, continue to use the
trumpet. The Argives made use of flutes at their wrest-
ling matches called Stheneia ; which sort of sport was first
instituted in honor of Danaus, but afterwards consecrated
to Jupiter Sthenius, or Jupiter the Mighty. And now at
Γ22 CONCERNING MUSIC.
this day it is the custom to make use of flutes at the games
called Pentathla, although there is now nothing exquisite
or antique, nothing like Λvhat Avas customary among men
of old time, like the song composed by Hierax for this
very game ; still, even though it is sorry stuff and nothing
exquisite, it is accompanied by flute-music.
27. But among the more ancient Greeks, music in
theatres was never known, for they employed their whole
musical skill in the Λvorship of the Gods and the educa-
tion of youth ; at which time, there being no theatres
erected, music was yet confined within the walls of
their temples, as being that with which they worshipped
the supreme Deity and sang the praises of virtuous men.
And it is probable that the word θίατρον, at a later period,
and θεωηεΐν (to heliold) much earlier, were derived from 0^6^
(God). But in our age is such another face of new in-
ventions, that there is not the least remembrance or care
of that use of music which related to education ; for
all our musicians make it their business to court the
theatre Muses, and study nothing but compositions for the
stage.
28. But some will say. Did the ancients invent nothing
themselves? Yes, say I, they did invent, but their in-
ventions were grave and decent. For they who have writ-
ten the history of music attribute to Terpander the addition
of the Dorian nete, which before was not in use. Even
the Λvhole Mixolydian mood is a new invention. Such were
also the Orthian manner of melody with Orthian rhythms,
and also the Trochaeus Semantus.* And if we believe
Pindar, Terpander was the inventor of the Scolion (or
roundelay). Archilochus also invented the rhythmic com-
position of the iambic trimeter, the change to rhythms of
different character, the melo-dramatic delivery ,t and the
* See Rossbach, Grieehische Rhythmik, p. 96, §23. (G.)
t So Rossbach and Westplial interpret παρακατα?ιογη. Metrik,III. pp. 184, 554. (G.)
CONCERNING MUSIC. 123
accompaniment proper to each of these. He is also pre-
sumed to be the author of epodes, tetrameters, the Cretic
and the prosodiac rhytlims, and the augmentation of the
heroic verse. Some make him author also of the elegiac
measure, as likewise of the extending the iambic to the
paeon epibatus, the prolonged and heroic to the prosodiac
and Cretic. And Archilochus is first said to have taught
how iambics could be partly recited to the stroke of the
lyre and partly sung ; from him the tragedians learned it,
and from them Crexus took it, and made use of it in
dithyrambics. It is thought that he invented also playing
on the lyre at intervals in the song, whereas the ancients
played only during the singing.
29. Of the Hypolydian mood they make Polymnestus the
inventor, and the first that taught the lowering and raising
of the voice {βΆναις and h^oli]). To the same Olympus to
whom they also ascribe the first invention of Grecian and
well-regulated nomic music they attribute likewise the
finding out the enharmonic music, the prosodiac measure
to which is composed the hymn to Mars, and the chorean
measure Avhich he used in the hymns to the Mother of the
Gods. Some report him to be the author also of the bac-
chius. And every one of the ancient songs show that this
is so. But Lasus of Hermione, transferring the rhythms
to suit the dithyrambic time, and making use of an instru-
ment with many notes, made an absolute innovation upon
the ancient music, by the use of more notes, and those
more widely distributed.
30. In like manner Menalippides the lyric poet, Philoxe-
nus and Timotheus, all forsook the ancient music. For
whereas until the time of Terpander the Antissaean the
harp had only seven strings, he* added a greater number,
and gave its notes a wider range. The wind-music also
* It is uncertain here to whom the pronoun he refers. Volkmann transfers the
whole sentence to tlie end of Cliap. XXIX., referring it to Lasus of Hermione. (Ό.)
124: CONCERNING MUSIC.
exchanged its ancient plainness for a more copious variety.
For in ancient times, till Menalippides the dithyrambic
canie into request, the wind-music received salaries from
the poets, poetry holding the first rank and the musicians
being in the service of the poet. Afterwards that custom
grew out of date ; insomuch that Pherecrates the come-
dian brings in Music in woman's habit, all bruised and
battered, and then introduces Justice asking the reason ; to
which Music thus replies : —
Music. ' Tis mine to speak, thy part to hear,
And therefore lend a willing ear ;
Much have I suffered, long opprest
By Menalippides, that beast ;
He haled me from I'arnassus' springs,
And plagued me with a dozen strings.
His rage howe'er sufficed not yet,
To make my miseries complete.
Cinesias, that cursed Attic,
A mere poetical pragmatic.
Such horrid strophes in mangled verse
Made the unharmonious stage rehearse,
That I, tormented with the pains
Of cruel dithyrambic strains,
Distorted lay, that you would swear
The right side now the left side were.
Nor did my miseries end here ;
For Phrynis with his whirlwind brains.
Wringing and racking all my veins.
Ruined me quite, while nine small wires
With harmonies twice six he tires.
Yet might not he so mucli be blamed.
From all his errors soon reclaimed ;
But then Timotheus with his freaks
Furrowed my face, and ploughed ray cheeks.
Justice. Say which of them so vile could be ?
Music . Milesian Pyrrhias, that was he,
Whose fury tortured me much more
Than all that I have named before ;
Where'er I walk the streets alone,
If met by him, the angry clown.
With his twelve cat-guts strongly bound,
He leaves me helpless on the ground.*
* The original of this fragment of Pherecrates may be found in Meineke's Poet.
Comic. Graec. Fragm. II. p. 326 ; and in Didot's edition of the same fragments,
p. .110. Meineke includes the verses commonly assigned to Aristophanes in the
extract from Pherecrates. (G.)
CONCERNING MUSICi 125
Aristophanes the comic poet, making mention of Phi-
loxenus, complains of his introducing lyric verses among
the cyclic choruses, where he brings in Music thus
speaking : —
He filled me with discordant measures airy,
Wicked Ilyperbolaei and Niglari ;
And to uphold the follies of his play,
Like a lank radish bowed me every way.
Other comedians have since set forth the absurdity of those
who have been slicers and manglers of music.
31. Now that the right moulding or ruin of ingenuous
manners and civil conduct lies in a well-grounded musical
education, Aristoxenus has made apparent. For, of those
that were contemporary with him, he gives an account of
Telesias the Theban, who in his youth was bred up in the
noblest excellences of music, and moreover studied the
works of the most famous lyrics, Pindar, Dionysius the
Theban, Lamprus, Pratinas, and all the rest who were ac-
counted most eminent ; who played also to perfection upon
the flute, and was not a little industrious to furnish himself
with all those other accomplishments of learning ; but be-
ing past the prime of his age, he was so bewitched with
the theatre's new fangles and the innovations of multiplied
notes, that despising those noble precepts and that solid
practice to which he had been educated, he betook him-
self to Philoxenus and Timotheus, and among those
delighted chiefly in such as were most depraved with
diversity of notes and baneful innovation. And yet, when
he made it his business to make verses and labor both
ways, as well in that of Pindar as that of Philoxenus, he
could have no success in the latter. And the reason
proceeded from the truth and exactness of his first educa-
tion.
32. Therefore, if it be the aim of any person to practise
music with skill and judgment, let him imitate the ancient
126 CONCERNING MUSIC.
manner ; let him also adorn it with those other sciences,
and make philosophy his tutor, which is sufficient to judge
what is in music decent and useful. For music being gen-
erally divided into three parts, diatonic, chromatic, and
enharnionie, it behooΛ^es one who comes to learn music
to understand poetry, which uses these three parts, and to
know how to express his poetical inventions in proper
musical form.
First therefore we are to consider that all musical learn-
ing is a sort of habituation, which does not teach the
reason of her precepts at one and the same time to the
learner. Moreover, we are to understand that to such an
education there is not requisite an enumeration of its sev-
eral divisions, but every one learns by chance what either
the master or scholar, according to the authority of the
one and the liberty of the other, has most aifection for.
But the more prudent sort reject this chance-medley way
of learning, as the Lacedaemonians of old, the Man-
tineans, and Pallenians, who, making choice either of one
single method or else but very few styles, used only that
sort of music which they deemed most proper to regu-
late the inclinations of youths.
33. This Λνίΐΐ be apparent, if any one shall examine
every one of the parts, and see what is the subject of their
several contemplations. For harmony takes cognizance
of intervals, systems, classes of harmonious sounds, notes,
tones, and systematical transmutations. Farther than this
it goes not. And therefore it would be in vain to enquire
of harmony, whether the poet have rightly and (so to speak)
musically chosen the Dorian for the beginning, the mixed
Lydian and Dorian for the end, or the Hypophrygian
and Phrygian for the middle. For the industry of har-
mony reaches not to these, and it is defective in many other
things, as not understanding the force and extent of elegant
aptness and proper concinnity. Neither did ever the chro-
CONCERNING MUSIC. 127
miitic or enharmonic species arrive to such force of aptitude
as to discover the nature and genius of the poem; for that is
the work of the poet. It is as phiin, that the sound of the
system is different from the sound of the descant sung in
the same system ; which, however, does not belong to the
consideration of harmonical studies. There is the same to
be said concerning rhythms, for no rhythm can claim to it-
self the force of perfect aptitude. For we call a thing apt
and proper when we consider the nature of it. The
reason of this, we say, is either a certain plain and mixed
composure, or both ; like the enharmonic species of Olym-
pus, by him set in the Phrygian mood and mixed with the
paeon epibatos, which rendered the beginning of the key
naturally elegant in what is called the nome of Minerva.
For having made choice of his key and measure, he only
changed the paeon epibatos for the trochee, which pro-
duced his enharmonic species. However, the enharmonic
species and Phrygian tone remaining together with the
whole system, the elegancy of the character was greatly
altered. For that which was called harmony in the nome
of ^linerva was quite another thing from that in the intro-
duction. He then that has both judgment as well as skill
is to be accounted the most accurate musician. For he that
understands the Dorian mood, not being able withal to dis-
cern by his judgment what is proper to it and when it is fit
to be made use of, shall never know what he does ; nay, he
shall quite mistake the nature and custom of the key.
Indeed it is much questioned among the Dorians them-
selves, whether the enharmonic composers be competent
judges of the Dorian songs. The same is to be said con-
cerning the knowledge of rhythm. For he that understands
a paeon may not understand the proper use of it, though
he know the measure of which it consists. Because it is
much doubted among those that make use of paeons,
whether the bare knowledge make a man capable to deter
128 CONCERNING MUSIC.
mine concerning the proper use of those rhythms ; or, as
others say, whether it aspire to presume so far. Therefore
it behooves that person to have two sorts of knowledge,
who will undertake to judge of what is proper and what
improper ; first, of the custom and manner of elegancy for
Λvhich such a composition Avas intended, and next of those
things of which the composition consists. And thus, that
neither the bare knowledge of harmony, nor of rhythm, nor
of any other things that singly by themselves are but a part
of the whole body of music, is sufficient to judge and deter-
mine either of the one or the other, what has been already
said may suffice to prove.
34. [Now then, there being three species into which all
harmony is divided, equal in the magnitude of systems or
intervals and force of notes and tetrachords, we find that
the ancients never disputed about any more than one ; for
they never troubled themselves with the chromatic or dia-
tonic, but dift"ered only about the enharmonic ; and there
no farther than about the great interval called the diapason.
The further subdivision indeed caused some little variance,
but they nearly all agreed that harmony itself is but one.*]
Therefore he must never think to be a true artist in the un-
derstanding and practice of music, who advances no fartlier
than the single knowledge of this or that particular : but
it behooves him to trace through all the particular members
of it, and so to be master of the whole body, by under-
standing how to mix and join all the divided members.
For he that understands only harmony is confined to a
single manner. Wherefore, in short, it is requisite that
the sense and understanding concur in judging the parts of
music ; and that they should neither be too hasty, like
those senses which are rash and forward, nor too slow, like
those which are dull and heavy ; though it may happen
* The passage in brackets is out of place here, and is generally transferred to the
middle of Chapter XXXVII. (G.)
CONCERNING MUSIC. 12^
sometimes, through the mequaHty of Nature, that the same
senses may be too slow and too quick at the same time.
Which things are to be avoided by a sense and judgment
that would run an equal course.
35. For there are three things at least that at the same
instant strike the ear, — the note, the time, and the word or
syllable. By the note we judge of the harmony, by the
time of the rhythm, and by the word of the matter or sub-
ject of the song. As these proceed forth altogether, it is
requisite the sense should give them entrance at the same
moment. But this is certain, Avhere the sense is not able to
separate every one of these and consider the effects of each
apart, there it can never apprehend Avhat is well or what is
amiss in any. First therefore let us discourse concerning
coherence. For it is necessary that coherence accompany
the discerning faculty. For judgment of good or bad is
not to be made from notes disjoined, broken time, and
shattered words, but from coherence. For there is in
practice a certain commixture of parts which commonly
are not compounded. So much as to coherence.
36. We are next to consider Avhether the masters of
music are sufficiently capable of being judges of it. Now
I aver the negative. For it is impossible to be a perfect
musician and a good judge of music by the knowledge of
those things that seem to be but parts of the whole body, as
by excellency of hand upon the instrument, or singing
readily at first sight, or exquisiteness of the ear, so far as
this extends to the understanding of harmony and time.
Neither does the knowledge of time and harmony, pulsa-
tion or elocution, or Avhatever else falls under the same
consideration, perfect their judgment. Now for the reasons
why a musician cannot gain a perfect judgment from any
of these, we must endeavor to make them clear. First then
it must be granted that, of things about Avhich judgment is
to be made, some are perfect and others imperfect. Those
VOL. I. θ
130 CONCERNING MUSIC.
things which are perfect are the compositions in general,
whether sung or phiyed, and the expression of tliose, whether
upon the instruments or by the voice, Λvith the rest of the
same nature. The imperfect are the things to these apper-
taining, and for whose sake they are made use of. Such
are the parts of expression. A second reason may be
found in poetry, with which the case is the same. For a
man that hears a consort of voices or instruments can judge
whether they sing or phiy in tune, and whether the language
be plain or not. But every one of these are only parts of
instrumental and vocal expression ; not the end itself, but
for the sake of the end. For by these and things of the
same nature shall the elegancy of elocution be judged^
whether it be proper to the poem which the performer un-
dertakes to sing. The same is to be said of the several
passions expressed in the poetry.
37. Tlie ancients now made principal account of the
moral impression, and therefore preferred that fashion of
the antique music Avhich was grave and least affected.
Therefore the Argives are said to have punislied deviation
from the ancient music, and to have imposed a fine upon
such as first adventured to play with more than seven strings,
and to introduce the Mixolydian mood.* Pythagoras, that
grave philosopher, rejected the judging of music by the
senses, affirming that the virtue of music could be appre-
ciated only by the intellect. And therefore he did not judge
of music by the ear, but by the harmonical proportion, and
thought it sufficient to fix the knowledge of music within
the compass of the diapason.
38. But our musicians nowadays have so utterly ex-
ploded the most noble of all the moods, which the ancients
greatly admired for its majesty, that hardly any among them
make the least account of enharmonic distances. And so
negligent and lazy are they grown, as to believe the enhar-
* See note on Chapter XXXIV.
CONCERNING MUSIC. 131
monic diesis to be too contemptible to fiill under the appre-
hension of sense, and they therefore exterminate it out of
their compositions, deeming those to be triflers that have any
esteem for it or make use of the mood itself. For proof
of which they think they bring a most powerful argument,
which rather appears to be the dulness of their own senses ;
as if whatever fled their apprehensions Λvere to be rejected
as useless and of no value. And then again they urge that
its magnitude cannot be perceived through its concord, like
that of the semitone, tone, and other distances ; not under-
standing, that at the same time they throw out the third,
fifth, and seventh, of which the one consists of three, the
other of five, and the last of seven dieses. And on the
same principle all the intervals that are odd should be re-
jected as useless, inasmuch as none of them is perceptible
through concord ; and this would include all which by
means of even the smallest diesis are measured by odd
numbers. Whence it necessarily follows, that no division
of the tetrachord would be of use but that which is to be
measured by all even intervals, as in the syntonic diatonic,
and in the toniaean chromatic.
39. But these opinions are not only contrary to appear-
ance, but repugnant one to another. For they themselves
chiefly make use of those divisions of tetrachords in which
most of the intervals are either unequal or irrational. To
Λvhich purpose they always soften both lichanos and para-
nete, and lower even some of the standing sounds by an
irrational interval, bringing the trite and paranete to ap-
proach them. And especially they applaud the use of
those systems in which most of the intervals are irrational,
by- relaxing not only those tones which are by nature mov-
able, but also some which are properly fixed ; as it is plain
to those that rightly understand these things.
40. Now for the advantages that accrue to men from the
use of music, the famous Homer has taught it us, introduc-
132 CONCERNING MUSIG
ing Achilles, in the height of his fury toward Agamemnon,
appeased by the music which he learned from Chiron, a
person of great wisdom. For thus says he : —
Amused at ease, tlie god-like man they found,
Pleased with the solemn harp's harmonious sound.
The well-wrought harp from conquered Thehe came;
Of polished silver was its costly frame.
With this he soothes his angry soul, and sings
The immortal deeds of heroes and of kings.*
Learn, says Homer, from hence the true use of music.
For it became Achilles, the son of Peleus the Just, to sing
the famous acts and achievements of great and valiant men.
Also, in teaching the most proper time to make use of it, he
found out a profitable and pleasing pastime for one's leisure
hours. For Achilles, being both valiant and active, by
reason of the disgust he had taken against xlgamemnon
withdrew from the Λvar. Homer therefore thought he
could not do better than by the laudable incitements of music
and poetry to inflame the hero's courage for those achieve-
ments which he afterwards performed. And this he did,
calling to mind the great actions of former ages. Such
was then the ancient music, and such the advantages that
made it profitable. To Avhich end and purpose we read
that Hercules, Achilles, and many others made use of it ;
whose master, wisest Chiron, is recorded to have taught
not only music, but morality and physic.
41. In brief therefore, a rational person will not blame
the sciences themselves, if any one make use of them amiss,
but will adjudge such a failing to be the error of those that
abuse them. So that whoever he be that shall give his
mind to the study of music in his youth, if he meet with a
musical education, proper for the forming and regulating
his inclinations, he will be sure to applaud and embrace
that which is noble and generous, and to rebuke and blame
the contrary, as well in other things as in what belongs to
* II. IX. 186.
CONCERNING MUSIC. 133
music. And by that means he will become clear from all
reproachful actions, for now having reaped the noblest
fruit of music, he may be of great use, not only to himself
but to the commonwealth ; while music teaches him to ab-
stain from every thing indecent both in Avord and deed, and
to observe decorum, temperance, and regularity.
42. Now that those cities which were governed by the
best laws took care always of a generous education in
music, many testimonies may be produced. But for us it
shall suffice to have instanced Terpander, who appeased a
sedition among the Lacedaemonians, and Thaletas the Cre-
tan, of whom Pratinas writes that, being sent for by the
Lacedaemonians by advice of the oracle, he freed the city
from a raging pestilence. Homer tells that the Grecians
stopped the fury of another noisome pestilence by the
power and charms of the same noble science : —
With sacred liymns and songs tliat sweetly please.
The Grecian youth all day the Gods appease.
Their lofty paeans bright Apollo hears,
And still the charming sounds delight his ears.
These verses, most excellent master, I thought requisite to
add as the finishing stone to my musical discourse, which
were by you cited before * to show the force of harmony.
For indeed the chiefest and sublimest end of music is the
graceful return of our thanks to the Gods, and the next is
to purify and bring our minds to a sober and harmonious
temper. Thus, said Soterichus, most excellent master, I
have given you what may be called an encyclic discourse of
music.
43. Nor was Soterichus a little admired for what he had
spoken, as one that both by his countenance and speech
had shown his zeal and affection for that noble science.
After all, said Onesicrates, I must needs applaud this in
both of you, that you have kept within your own spheres
* See Section 2.
13-i CONCERNING MUSIC.
and observed your proper limits. For Lysias, not insisting
any further, undertook only to show us what was necessary
to the making a good hand, as being an excellent per-
former himself. But Soterichus has feasted us with a
discovery of the benefit, the theory, the force, and right
end of music. But one thing I think they have willingly
left for me to say ; for I cannot think them guilty of so
much bashfulness that they should be ashamed to bring
music into banquets, where certainly, if anywhere, it can-
not but be very useful, which Homer also confirms to be
true : —
Song and the merry dance, the joy of feasts. *
Not that I would have any one believe from these words,
that Homer thought music useful only for pleasure and
delight, there being a profounder meaning concealed in the
verse. For he brought in music to be present at the ban-
quets and revels of the ancients, as believing it then to be
of greatest use and advantage to repel and mitigate the
inflaming power of the wine. To which our Aristoxenus
agrees, who alleges that music was introduced at banquets
for this reason, that as Avine intemperately drunk weakens
both the body and mind, so music by its harmonious order
and symmetry assuages and reduces them to their former
constitution. And therefore it was that Homer reports
that the ancients made use of music at their solemn festi-
vals.
44. But for all this, my most honored friends, methinks
you have forgot the chiefest thing of all, and that which
renders music most majestic. For Pythagoras, Archytas,
Plato, and many others of the ancient philosophers, were
of opinion, that there could be no motion of the Avorld or
rolling of the spheres without the assistance of music, since
the Supreme Deity created all things harmoniously. But
• Odyss. I. 152.
CONCERNING MUSIC. 135
it would be unseasonable now to enter upon such a dis-
course, especially at this time, when it would be absurd for
Music to transgress her highest and most musical office,
which is to give the laws and limits of time and measure
to all things. Therefore after he had sung a paean, and
offered to Saturn and his oifs])ring, with all the other Gods
and the Muses, he dismissed the company.
OF THE TRANQUILLITY OF THE MIND.
PLUTARCH WISHETH ALL HEALTH TO HIS PACCIUS.
1. It wsls late before I received your letter, wherein you
make it your request that I would write something to you
concerning the tranquillity of the mind, and of those
things in the Timaeus which require a more perspicuous
interpretation. At the same time a very urgent occasion
called upon our common friend and companion Eros to
sail directly to Rome; that which quickened him to a
greater expedition was a dispatch he received from Funda-
nus, that best of men, who, as his custom is, always enjoins
the making haste. Therefore, \vanting full leisure to con-
summate those things justly which you requested, and
being on the other side unwilling to send one from me to
your dear self empty handed, I have transcribed my
commonplace book, and hastily put together those col-
lections which I had by me concerning this subject; for I
thought you a man that did not look after flourishes of
style and the afl"ected elegance of language, but only
required what was instructive in its nature and useful to us
in the conduct of our lives. And I congratulate that bravery
of temper in you, that though you are admitted into the
confidence of princes, and have obtained so great a vogue
of eloquence at the bar that no man hath exceeded you,
you have not, like the tragic Μ crops, suffered yourself to
be puffed up with the applause of the multitude, and
transported beyond those bounds Avhich are prescribed to
OF THE TRANQUILLITY OF THE MIND. 137
our passions ; but you call to mind that which you have so
often heard, that a rich slipper will not cure the gout, a
diamond ring a whitlow, nor will an imperial diadem ease
the headache. For Λvhat advantage is there in honor,
riches, or an interest at court, to remove all perturbations
of mind and procure an equal tenor of life, if we do not
use them with decency when they are present to our
enjoyment, and if we are continually afflicted by their loss
when we are deprived of them ] And what is this but the
province of reason, when the sensual part of us grows
turbulent and makes excursions, to check its sallies and
bring it again Λvithin the limits it hath transgressed, that it
may not be carried away and so perverted with the gay
appearances of things. For as Xenophon gives advice, we
ought to remember the Gods and pay them particular
de\Otions when our affairs are prosperous, that so when
an exigency presseth us Ave may more confidently invoke
them, now we have conciliated their favor and made them
our friends. So wise men always ruminate upon those
arguments which have any efficacy against the troubles of
the mind before their calamities happen, that so the
remedies being long prepared, they may acquire energy,
and Avork with a more powerful operation. For as angry
dogs are exasperated by every one's rating them, and are
flattered to be quiet only by his voice to which they are
accustomed ; so it is not easy to pacify the brutish affec-
tions of the soul but by familiar reasons, and such as are
used to be administered in such inward distempers.
2. Besides, he that affirmed that whosoever would enjoy
tranquillity of mind must disengage himself from all
private and public concerns, would make us pay dear for
our tranquillity by buying it with idleness ; as if he should
prescribe thus to a sick man : —
Lie still, poor wretch, and keep thy bed.*
* Eurip. Orestes, 258.
i;i8 Of THE TRANQUILLITY OF THE MIND.
Now stupefaction is a bad remedy for desperate pain in
the body, and verily he would be no better physician for
the soul who should order idleness, softness, and neglect
of friends, kinsfolk, and country, in order to remove its
trouble and grief. It is likewise a false position that those
live most contentedly who have the least to do ; for then by
this rule Avomen should be of more sedate dispositions
than men, since they only sit at home and mind theii
domestic affairs. Whereas in fact, as Hesiod expresseth
it,—
The virgins' tender limbs are kept from cold ;
Not the least wind to touch tliem is so bold ; *
but nevertheless we see that grief and troubles and
discontentments, arising from jealousy or superstition or
vain opinions, flow as it were with a torrent into the apart-
ments of the females. And though Laertes lived twenty
years in the fields secluded from the world, and
Only a toothless hag did make his bed,
Draw him his drink, and did his table spread, t
though he forsook his house and country, and fled from a
kingdom, yet grief with his sloth and sadness still kept
him company. There are some to whom idleness hath
been an affliction ; as for instance, —
But raging still, amidst his navy sat
The stern Achilles, steadfast in his hate ;
Nor mix'd in combat, nor in council join'd ;
But wasting cares lay heavy on his mind :
In his black thoughts revenge and slaughter roll,
And scenes of blood rise dreadful in his soul. J
And he himself complains of it, being mightily dis-
turbed, after this manner : —
I live an idle burden to the ground.il
Hence it is that Epicurus adviseth those who aspire to
glory not to stagnate in their ambition, but be in perpetual
* Hesiod, Works and Days, 519. t Odyss. I. 19L
} II. I. 488. II H. XVIII. 104.
OF THE TRANQUILLITY OF THE MIND. 139
motion, and so obey the dictates of their genius in manag-
ing the commonwealth ; because they would be more
tormented and would suffer greater damages by idleness,
if they were disappointed of that they weve in the eager
pursuit of. But the philosopher is absurd in this, that he
doth not ex(;ite men who have abilities to qualify themselves
for charges in the government, but only those who are of a
restless and unquiet disposition. For the tranquillity and
perturbation of the mind are not to be measured by the
fewness or multitude of our actions, but by their beauty or
turpitude ; since the omission of Avhat is good is no less
troublesome than the commission of evil.
3. As for those who think there is one positive state of
life, Avhich is always serene, — some fancying it to be of
the husbandmen, others of those which are unmarried, and
some of kings, — Menander clearly shows them their error
in these verses : —
I thouglit those men, my Plumia, always best,
Who take no money up at interest;
Who disenffaged from bushiess spend the day,
And in complaints don't sigh tlie night away.
Who, troubled, lamentable groans don't fetch.
Thus breatliing out. All ! miserable wretch !
Those whom despairing thoughts don't waking keep,
But witliout starlings sweetly take tlieir sleep.
He goes on and observes to us, that the same lot of mis-
fortune falls to the rich as well as the poor : —
1 These neighbors slender confines do divide, —
Sorrow and human life are still allied.
It the luxurious liver doth infest.
And robs the man of honor of his rest ;
In stricter ties doth with the poor engage,
With him grows old to a decrepit age.
But as timorous and raw sailors in a boat, Avhen they grow
sick with the working of the waves, think they shall over-
come their pukings if they go on board of a ship, but there
being equally out of order, go into a galley, but are there-
fore never the better, because they carry their nauseousness
140 OF THE TRANQUILLITY OF THE MIND.
and fear along with them ; so the several changes of life
do only shift and not wholly extirpate the causes of our
trouble. And these are only our want of experience, the
weakness of our judgment, and a certain impotence of
mind which hinders us from making a right use of what
Ave enjoy. The rich man is subject to this uneasiness of
humor as Avell as the poor ; the bachelor as well as the
man in wedlock. This makes the pleader withdraw from
the bar, and then his retirement is altogether as irksome.
And this infuseth a desire into others to be presented at
court ; and when they come there, they presently grow
weary of the life.
Poor men when sick do peevishly complain,
The sense of want doth aggravate their pain.*
For then the wife grows officious in her attendance, the
physician himself is a disease, and the bed is not made
easy enough to his mind ; even his friend importunes him
with his visits : —
He doth molest him when he first doth come,
And when he goes away he's troublesome,
as Ion expresseth it. But when the heat of the disease is
over and the former temperature of the body is restored, then
health returns, and brings with it all those pleasant images
which sickness chased away ; so that he that yesterday
refused eggs and delicate cakes and the finest manchets will
now snap eagerly at a piece of household bread, Avith an
olive and a few water-cresses.
4. So reason makes all sorts of life easy, and every change
pleasant. Alexander Avept when he heard from Anaxarchus
that there was an infinite number of worlds, and his friends
asking him if any accident had befallen him, he returns
this answer : Do not you think it a matter worthy of lamen-
tation, that, when there is such a vast multitude of them,
we have not yet conquered one ? But Crates with only his
* Eurip. Orestes, 232.
OF THE TRANQUILLITY 0Γ THE MIND. 141
scrip and tattered cloak laughed out his life jocosely, as
if he had been always at a festival. The great power
and command of Agamemnon gave him an equal disturb-
ance : —
Look upon Aiiamemiioti, Atreus's son,
What mighty loads of trouble he hath on.
He is distracted with perpetual care ;
Jove that inflicts it gives him strength to bear*
Diogenes, when he was exposed to sale in the market
and was commanded to stand up, not only refused to do il,
but ridiculed the auctioneer, with this piece of raillery :
AVhat ! if you were selling a fish, would you bid it rise
up ? Socrates was a philosopher in the prison, and dis-
coursed Λvith his friends, though he was fettered. But
Phaeton, when he climbed up into heaven, thought himself
unhappy there, because nobody would give him his father's
chariot and the horses of the sun. As therefore the shoe
is twisted to the shape of the foot and not in the opposite
way, so do the affections of the mind render the life con-
formable to themselves. For it is not custom, as one
observed, \vhich makes even the best life pleasant to those
who choose it, but it must be prudence in conjunction with
it, which makes it not only the best for its kind, but sweet-
est in its enjoyment. The fountain therefore of tranquil-
lity being in ourselves, let us cleanse it from all impurity
and make its streams limpid, that all external accidents, by
being made familiar, may be no longer grievous to us, since
we shall know how to use them well.
Let not these things thy least concern engage ;
For though thou fret, they will not mind thy rage.
Him only good and hapjiy we may call
Who rightly useth what doth him befall.t
5. For Plato compared our life to a game at dice, \vhere
we ought to throw for what is most commodious for us,
but when we have thrown, to make the best of our casts.
* II. X. 88. t From Eurip. Bellerophon.
1J:2 OF THE TRANQUILLITY OF THE» MIND.
We cannot make what chances we please turn up, if we
play fair ; this lies out of our power. That which is within
our power, and is our duty if we are wise, is to accept pa-
tiently what Fortune shall allot us, and so to adjust things
in their proper places, that what is our own may be dis-
posed of to the best advantage, and what hath happened
against our will may offend us as little as possible. But
as to men \vho live without measures and with no prudence,
like those whose constitution is so sickly and infirm that
they are equally impatient both of heats and colds, pros-
perity exalts them above their temper, and adversity dejects
them beneath it ; indeed each fortune disturbs them, or
rather they raise up storms to themselves in either, and
they are especially querulous under good circumstances.
Theodorus, who was called the iVtheist, was used to say,
that he reached out his instructions with the right hand,
and his auditors received them with their left hands. So
men of no education, when Fortune would even be com-
plaisant to them, are yet so awkward in their observance,
that they take her addresses on the wrong side. On the
contrary, men that are wise, as the bees draw honey from
the thyme, which is a most unsavory and dry herb, extract
something that is convenient and useful even from the most
bitter afflictions.
6, This therefore let us learn and have inculcated upon
us ; like the man Avho threw a stone at a bitch, but hit his
step-mother, on which he exclaimed, Not so bad. So we
may often turn the direction of what Fortune obtrudes upon
us contrary to our desires. Diogenes was driven into ban-
ishment, but it was " not so bad " for him ; for of an exile
he became a philosopher. Zeno of Citium, when he heard
that the only ship he had left was sunk by an unmerciful
tempest, with all the rich cargo that was in her, brake out
into this exclamation : Fortune, I applaud thy contrivance,
wdio by this means hast reduced me to a threadbare cloak
OF THE TRANQUILLITY OF THE MIND. 143
and the piazza of the Stoics. AVhat hinders then but that
these examples should be the patterns of our imitation]
Thou stoodst candidate for a place in the government, and
wast baulked in thy hopes ; consider that thou wilt live at
ease in thy own country, following thy own affairs. Thou
wast ambitious to be the confidant of some great person,
and sufFeredst a repulse ; thou \vilt gain thus much by it,
that thou wilt be free from danger and disembarrassed from
business. Again, hast thou managed any affairs full of
intricacy and trouble ? Hot water doth not so much cher-
ish the soft members of the body, as Pindar* expresseth
it, as glory and honor joined with poAver sweeten all our
toils and make labor easy. Hast thou met with any unfor-
tunate success '? Hath calumny bit, or envy hissed at thee ?
There is yet a prosperous gale, which sits fair to convey
thee to the port of the Muses and land thee at the Academy.
This Plato did, after he made shipwreck of the friendship
of Diogenes. And indeed it highly conduceth to the tran
quillity of the mind, to look back upon illustrious men and
see with what temper they have borne their calamities.
For instance, doth it trouble thee that thou wantest
children] Consider that kings of the Romans have died
Avithout them, — had kingdoms to leave, but no heirs. Doth
poverty and low condition afflict thee 1 It is put to thy
option, wouldst thou not rather of all the Boeotians be
Epaminondas, and of all the Romans Fabricius? But thy
bed is violated, and thy wife is an adulteress. Didst thou
never read this inscription at Delphi 1 —
Here am I set by Agis' royal hand,
Who both the earth and ocean did command.
And yet did the report never arrive thee that Alcibiades
debauched this king's wife, Timaea ? — and that she herself
whispered archly to her maids, that the child was not the
g(>nuine offspring of her husband, but a voung Alcibiades]
* Pindar, Nem. IV. 6.
144: OF THE TRANQUILLITY OF THE MIND.
Yet this did not obstruct the glory of the man ; for, not-
M'ithstanding his being a cuckold, he Avas the greatest and
most famous among the Greeks. Nor did the dissolute
manners of his daughter hinder Stilpo from enlivening
his humor and being the jolliest philosopher of his time ;
for Avhen Metrocles upbraided him with it, he asked him
whether he was the offender or his mad girl. He answered,
that it was her sin but his misfortune. To which Stilpo
replied : But are not sins lapses 1 No doubt of it, saith
Metrocles. And is not that properly called lapse, when we
fall off from the attainment of those things λυο were in the
pursuit of? He could not deny it. He pursued him fur-
ther with this question : And are not these unlucky traverses
misfortunes to them who are thus disappointed ] Thus by
a pleasant and philosophical reasoning he turned the dis-
course, and showed the Cynic that his calumny was idle
and he barked in vain.
7. But there are some whom not only the evil dispositions
of their friends and domestics, but those of their enemies,
give disturbance to. For a proneness to speak evil of
another, anger, envy, ill-nature, a jealous and perverse
temper, are the pests of those who are infected Avith them.
And these serve only to trouble and exasperate fools, like
the brawls of scolding neighbors, the peevishness of our
acquaintance, and the iniquity or want of qualifications in
those who administer the government. But thou seemest
to me to be especially concerned with affairs of this nature ;
for, like the physicians mentioned by Sophocles, —
Who bitter clioler cleanse and scour
With drugs as bitter and as sour, —
thou dost let other men's enormities sour thy blood ; which
is highly irrational. For, even in matters of private man-
agement, thou dost not always employ men of wit and
address, which are the most proper for such an execution,
but sometimes those of rough and crooked dispositions ;
OF THE TRANQUILLITY OF THE MIND. 145
and to animadvert upon them for every peccadillo thou
must not think belongs to thee, nor is it easy in the per-
formance. But if thou makest that use of them, as chi-
rurgeons do of forceps to pull out teeth or ligatures to
bind Avounds, and so appear cheerful ' whatever falls out,
the satisfaction of thy mind will delight thee more than the
concern at other men's pravity and malicious humor will
disturb thee. Otherwise, as dogs bark at all persons indif-
ferently, so, if thou persecutest everybody that offends
thee, thou wilt bring the matter to this pass by thy impru-
dence, that all things will ίΙοΛν down into this imbecility of
thy mind, as a place void and capable of receiving them,
and at last thou wilt be filled Avith nothing but other men's
miscarriages. For if some of the philosophers inveigh
against compassion Avhich others' calamities affect us with,
as a soft affection (saying, that we ought to give real assist-
ance to those in distress, and not to be dejected or sympa-
thize with them), and if — which is a thing of higher
moment — they discard all sadness and uneasiness Λvhen
the sense of a vice or a disease is upon us, saying that we
ought to cure the indisposition without being grieved ; is it
not highly consonant to reason, that we should not storm
or fret, if those we have to do Avith are not so wise and
honest as they should be ? Let us consider the thing truly,
my Paccius, lest, whilst we find fault Avith others, we pi'ove
partial in our own respect through inadvertency, and lest
our censuring their failings may proceed not so much from
a hatred of their vices as from love of ourselves. AVe
should not have our passions moved at every provocation,
nor let our desires grow exorbitant beyond what is just ;
for these little aversions of our temper engender suspicions,
and infuse moroseness into us, which makes us surly to
those who precluded the way to our ambition, or who made
us fall into those disastrous events we would willingly have
shunned. But he that hath a smoothness in his nature
VOL. I. 10
14:6 OF THE TRANQUILLITY OF THE MIND.
and a talent of moderation can transact and converse with
mankind easily and with mildness.
8. Let us recapitulate therefore what we have said.
When we are in a fever, every thing that we taste is not
only unsavory but bitter ; but when we see others relish it
without any disgust, we do not then lay the blame either
upon the meat or drink, but conclude that only ourselves
and the disease are in fault. In like manner we shall cease
to bear things impatiently, if we see others enjoy them with
alacrity and humor. And this likewise is a great promoter
of the tranquillity of the mind, if, amongst those ill suc-
cesses which carry a dismal appearance, we look upon
other events which have a more beautiful aspect, and so
blend them together that we may overcome the bad by the
mixture of the good. But although, when our eyes are
dazzled with too intense a splendor, we refresh our sight
by viewing something that is green and florid, yet we fix
the optics of our minds upon doleful objects, and compel
them to dwell upon the recital of our miseries, plucking
them perforce, as it were, from the consideration of what
is better. And here we may insert that which was said to
a pragmatical fellow, handsomely enough : —
Wh}' so quick sighted others' faults to find,
But to thy own so partially art blind ?
'Tis malice that exasperates thy mind.
But why, my friend, art thou so acute to discern even
thy own misfortunes, and so industrious to renew them
and set them in thy sight, that they may be the more con-
spicuous, Λνΐιϋο thou never turnest thy consideration to
those good things which are present with thee and thou
dost enjoy 1 But as cupping-glasses draw the impurest
blood out of the body, so thou dost extract the quintessence
of infelicity to afflict thyself. In this thou art no better
than the Chian merchant, who, while he sold abundance of
his best and most generous wine to others, called for some
OF THE TRANQUILLITY OF THE MIND. 147
that was pricked and vapid to taste at supper ; and one of
his servants asking another what he left his master doing,
he made this answer, that he was calling for bad when the
good was by him. For most men leave the pleasant and
delectable things behind them, and run with haste to em-
brace those which are not only difficult but intolerable.
Aristippus was not of this number, for he knew, even to
the niceness of a grain, to put prosperous against adverse
fortune into the scale, that the one might outweigh the
other. Therefore when he lost a noble farm, he asked one
of his dissembled friends, who pretended to be sorry, not
only Avith regret but impatience, for his mishap : Thou hast
but one piece of land, but have I not three farms yet re-
maining 1 He assenting to the truth of it : Why then, saith
he, should Τ not rather lament your misfortune, since it is
the raving only of a mad man to be concerned at what is
lost, and not rather rejoice in Avhat is left? Thus, as chil-
dren, if you rob them of one of their play-games, will
throw away the rest, and cry and scream ; so, if Fortune
infest us only in one part, we grow fearful and abandon
ourselves wholly to her attacks.
9. But somebody Avill object to me. What is it that Ave
have ? Hather, AVhat is it that Ave have not ? One is
honorable, the other is master of a family ; this man hath
a good Avife, the other a faithful friend. Antipater of Tar-
sus, when he Avas upon his death-bed and reckoning up all
the good events which had befallen him, Avould not omit a
prosperous voyage Avhich he had AA'hen he sailed from
Cilicia to Athens. Even the trite and common blessings
are not to be despised, but ought to take up a room in our
deliberations. AVe should rejoice that Ave live, and are in
health, and see the sun ; that there are no Avars nor sedi-
tions in our country ; that the earth yields to cultivation,
and that the sea is open to our traffic ; that aa^c can talk,
be silent, do business, and be at leisure, Avhen Ave please.
148 OF THE TRANQUILLITY OF THE MIND.
They will afford us greater tranquillity of mind present, if
Λ\Έ form some just ideas of them when they are absent ;
if λΥβ often call to our remembrance how solicitous the sick
man is after health, how acceptable peace is to put out a
war, and what a courtesy it Λνΐΐΐ do us to gain credit and
acquire friends in a city of note, where we are strangers
and unknown ; and contrariwise, how great a grief it is to
forego these thino^s when we once have them. For surely
a thing does not become great and precious when we huxe
lost it, wdiile it is of no account so long as we possess it;
for the value of a thing cannot be increased by its loss.
But we ought not to take pains to acquire things as being
of great value, and to be in fear and trembling lest Λνβ
may lose them, as if they were precious, and then all the
time they are safe in our possession, to neglect them as if
they were of no importance. But we are so to use them that
we may reap satisfaction and gain a solid pleasui-e from
them, that so Λve may be the better enabled to endure their
loss Avith evenness of temper. But most men, as Arcesi-
laus observed, think they must be critics upon other men's
poems, survey their pictures with a curious eye, and
examine their statues with all the delicacy of sculpture,
but in the meanwhile transiently pass over their own lives,
though there be some things in them which will not only
detain but please their consideration. But they will not
restrain the prospect to themselves, but are perpetually
looking abroad, and so become servile admirers of other
men's fortune and reputation ; as adulterers are always
gloating upon other men's wives and contemning their
own.
10. Besides, this is a thing highly conducing to the
tranquillity of the mind, for a man chiefly to consider him-
self and his own aff"airs. But if this always cannot take
place, he should not make comparisons wdth men of a
superior condition to himself; though this is the epidemi
OF THE TRANQUILLITY OF THE MIND. 149
cal frenzy of the vulgar. As for instance, slaves wlio lie in
fetters applaud their good fortune whose shackles are off ;
those who are loosed from their bonds Avould be free men
by manumission ; these again aspire to be citizens ; the
citizen would be rich ; the wealthy man would be a gover-
nor of a provhice ; the haughty governor would be a king,
and the king a God, hardly resting content unless he can
hurl thunderbolts and dart lightning. So all are eager for
what is above them, and are never content with what they
have.
The wealth of golden Gyges has no delight for me.
Likewise, —
No emulation doth my spirits fire,
Tiie actions of the Gods I don't admire.
I would not, to be great, a tyrant be ;
The least appearances I would not see.
But one of Thasis, another of Chios, one of Galatia, and a
fourth of Bithynia, not contenting themselves with the
rank they enjoyed amongst their fello\v-citizens, wdiere
they had honor and commands, complain that they have
not foreign characters and are not made patricians of Kome;
and if they attain that dignity, that they are not ])raetors ;
and if they arrive even to that degree, they still think them-
selves ill dealt with that they are not consuls ; and when
promoted to the fasces, that they were declared the second,
and not the first. And what is all this but ungratefully
accusing Fortune, and industriously picking out occasions
to punish and torment ourselves 1 But he that is in his
right senses and wise for his own advantage, out of those
many millions which the sun looks upon,
Who of the products of the earth do eat,*
if he sees any one in the mighty throng who is more rich
and honorable than himself, he is neither dejected in his
mind nor countenance, nor doth he pensively sit down
* Simonidcs, 5, 17.
150 OF THE TRANQUILLITY OF THE MIND.
deploring his unhappiness, but he walks abroad publicly
with an honest assurance. He celebrates his own good
genius, and boasts of his good fortune in that it is
happier than a thousand other men's which are in the
world. In the Olympic games you cannot gain the victory
choosing your antagonist. But in human life affairs
allow thee to excel many and to bear thyself aloft, and to
be envied rather than envious ; unless indeed thou dost
match thyself unequally with a Briareus or a Hercules.
Therefore, M'hcn thou art surprised into a false admiration
of him who is carried in his sedan, cast thy eyes down-
ward upon the slaves who support his luxury. ΛΥΙιοη thou
art wondering at the greatness of Xerxes crossing the
Hellespont, consider those Avretches who are digging
through Mount Athos, who are urged to thek labor with
blows, blood being mixed with their sweat ; call to mind
that they had their ears and noses cut off, because the
brids'e was broken bv the violence of the waves ; think
upon that secret reflection they have, and how happy they
would esteem thy life and condition. Socrates heilring
one of his friends crying out. How dear things are sold in
this city ! the Λνΐηο of Chios costs a mina, the purple
fish three, and a half pint of honey five drachms, — he
brought him to the meal-shop, and showed him that half a
peck of flour was sold for a penny. 'Tis a cheap city,
said he. Then he brought him to the oil-man's, and told
him he might have a quart of olives for two farthings. At
last he went to the salesman's, and convinced him that the
purchase of a sleeveless jerkin Λvas only ten drachms. 'Tis
a cheap city, he repeated. So, when we hear others de-
clare that our condition is afflicted because we are not
consuls and in eminent command, let us then look upon
ourselves as living not only in a bare happiness but splen-
dor, in that we do not beg our bread, and are not forced
to subsist by carrying of burthens or by flattery.
OF THE TRANQUILLITY OF THE MIND. 151
11. But such is our folly, that we accustom ourselves
rather to live for other men's sakes than our ολνη; and our
dispositions are so prone to upbraidings and to be tainted
with envy, that the grief we conceive at others' prosperity
lessens the joy we ought to take in our own. But to cure
thee of this extravagant emulation, look not upon tlie out-
side of these applauded men, which is so gay and brilliant,
but draw the gaudy curtain and carry thy eyes inward, and
thou shalt find most gnawing disquiets to be dissembled
under these false appearances. AVhen the renoAvned Pit-
tacus, who got him so gi'eat a name for his fortitude,
Avisdom, and justice, Avas entertaining his friends at a
noble banquet, and his spouse in an angry humor came
and overturned the table ; his guests being extremely dis-
turbed at it, he told them : Every one of you hath his
particular plague, and my wife is mine; and he is very
happy who hath this only.
The pleading lawyer's happy at the bar ;
But the scene openmg shows a civil war.
For the good man hath a domestic strife,
He's slave to that imperious creature, wife.
Scolding without doors doth to him belong,
But she within them doth claim all the tongue.
Pecked by his female tyrant liim I see.
Whilst from this grievance I mj'self am free.
These are the secret stings Λvllich are inseparable from
honor, riches, and dominion, and which are unknoAvn to the
vulgar, because a counterfeit lustre dazzleth their sight.
All pleasant things Atrides doth adorn ;
The merry genius smiled when he was born.*
And they compute this happiness from his great stores of
ammunition, his variety of managed horses, and his bat-
talions of disciplined men. But an inward voice of sorrow
seems to silence all this ostentation with mournful accents : —
Jove in a deep affliction did him plunge.t
Observe this likewise : —
* II. 111. 182. t H• II. 111.
152 OF THE TRANQUILLITY OF THE MIND.
Old man, I reverence thy aged head.
Who to a miglity lengtli hast spun thy thread;
Safe from all dangers, to the grave goest down
Ingloriously, because thou art unknown.*
Such expostulations as these with thyself will ser\e to
dispel this querulous humor, which makes thee fondly ap-
plaud other people's conditions and depreciate thy own.
12. This likewise greatly obstructs the tranquillity of
the mind, that our desires are immoderate and not suited to
our abilities of attainment, which, like sails beyond the pro-
portion of the vessel, help only to overset it ; so that, being-
blown up with extravagant expectations, if ill success frus-
trates our attempts, we presently curse our stars and accuse
Fortune, when we ought rather to lay the blame upon our
enterprising folly. For we do not reckon him unfortunate
Λνΐιο will shoot with a ploughshare, and let slip an ox at a
hare. Nor is he born under an unlucky influence who
cannot catch a buck with a sling or drag-net ; for it Avas
the weakness and perverseness of his mind which inflamed
him on to impossible things. The partial love of himself
is cliiefly in fault, which infuseth a vicious inclination to arro-
gate, and an insatiable ambition to attempt every thing. For
they are not content with the affluence of riches and the
accomplishments of the mind, that they are robust, have a
complaisance of humor and strength of brain for company,
that they are privadoes to princes and governors of cities,
unless they have dogs of great sagacity and swiftness,
horses of a generous strain, nay, unless their quails and
cocks are better than other men's. Old Dionyshis, not
being satisfied that he was the greatest potentate of his
time, grew angry, even to a frenzy, that Philoxenus the poet
exceeded him in the sweetness of his voice, and Plato in
the subtleties of disputation ; therefore he condemned one
to the quarries, and sold the other into Aegina. But Alex-
ander was of another temper ; for when Criso the famous
* Eurip. Iph. Aul. 16.
OF THE TRANQUILLITY OF THE MIND. 153
runner contended with him for swiftness, and seemed to be
designedly lagging behind and yielding the race, he was in
a great rage Avith him. And Achilles in Homer spake very
well, when he said : —
None of tlie Greeks for courage me excel ;
Let otliers have tlie praise of speaking well.*
When Megabyzus the Persian came into the shop of
Apelles, and began to ask some impertinent questions con-
cerning his art, the famous painter checked him into silence
with this reprimand : As long as thou didst hold thy
peace, thou didst appear to be a man of condition, and
I paid a deference to the eclat of thy purple and the
lustre of thy gold ; but now, since thou art ήΐΛ'οΙοηβ, thou
exposest thyself to the laughter even of my boys that mix
the colors. Some think the Stoics very childish, when they
hear them affirm that the wise man must not only deserve
that appellation for his prudence, be of exact justice and
great fortitude, but must likewise have all the flowers of a
rhetorician and the conduct of a general, must have the
elegancies of a poet, be very wealthy, and called a king ;
but these good men claim all these titles for themselves, and
if they do not receive them, they grow peevish and are
presently out of temper. But the qualifications of the Gods
themselves are different ; for the one is styled the deity of war,
another of the oracle, a third of traffic ; and Jupiter makes
Venus preside over marriages and be goddess of the nuptial
bed, the delicacy of her sex being unapt for martial affairs.
13. And there are some things which carry a contrariety
in their nature, and cannot be consistent. As for in-
stance, the study of the mathematics and practice in oratory
are exercises which require a great leisure and freedom
from other concerns ; but the intrigues of politics cannot
be managed, and the favor of princes cannot be attained or
cultivated, without severe application and being involved in
* II. XVIIL 105.
154 OF THE TRANQUILLITY OF THE MIND.
affairs of high moment. Then the indulging ourselves to
drink wine and eat flesh makes the body strong, but it
effeminates the mind. Industry to acquire and care to pre-
serve our wealth do infinitely increase it ; but the contempt
of riches is the best refreshment in our philosophic journey.
Hence it is very manifest that there is a wide difference in
things, and that we ought to obey the inscription of the
Pythian oracle, that every man should know himself, that
he should not constrain his genius but leave it to its own
propensions, and then that he should apply himself to that
to which he is most adapted, and not do violence to Nature
by dragging her perforce to this or that course of life.
With generous provender they the horse do feed,
That he may win tlie race with strength and speed.
Tlie mighty ox is fitted to the yoke,
And by his toil the fertile clods are broke.
The dolphin, when a ship he doth espy,
Straight the good-natured fish his fins doth ply ;
By the ship's motion he his own doth guide,
And lovingly swims constant to her side.
And if you'd apprehend the foaming boar,
Tiie monster by a mastifi' must be tore.*
But he is stupid in his wishes who takes it amiss that he
is not a lion,
Who with a proud insulting air doth tread,
Rough as the mountains where he first was bred ; 1
or that he is not a Malta-shock, delicately brought up in the
lap of a fond widow. He is not a jot more rational who
ΛνοηΜ be an Empedocles, a Plato, or a Democritus, and write
about the universe and the reality of things therein, and
at the same time would sleep by the dry side of an old
woman, because she is rich, as Euphorion did ; or be admitted
to debauch with Alexander amongst his club of drunkards,
as Medius was ; or be concerned that he is not in as high a
vogue of admiration as Ismenias was for his riches and Epa-
minondas for his virtue. For those Λνΐιο run races do not
* Pindar, Frag. 258 (Boeckh), f Odyss. VL 130; II. XVII. 61.
OF THE TRANQUILLITY OF THE MIND. 155
think they have injury done them if they are not crowned
with those garlands which are due to the wrestlers, but they
are rather transported with joy at their own rewards.
"Sparta has fallen to thy lot ; honor and adorn her." Solon
hath expressed himself to this purpose : —
Virtue for sordid wealth shall not be sold ;
It's beauty far outshines the miser's gold.
This without Fortune's siiocks doth still endure ;
But that's possession is insecure.*
And Strato, who wrote of physics, when he heard that
Menedemus had a great number of scholars, asked : \Vhat
wonder is it, if more come to wash than to be anointed ?
And Aristotle, writing to Antipater, declared, that x\lexan-
der was not the only one who ought to think highly of
himself because his dominion extended over many subjects,
since they had a right to think as well of themselves who
entertained becoming sentiments of the Gods. So that, by
having a just opinion of our own excellences, we shall be
disturbed with the less envy against those of other men.
But now, although in other cases we do not expect figs from
the vine nor grapes from the olive-tree, yet, if Λνο have not
the complicated titles of being rich and learned, philoso-
phers in the schools and commanders in the field, if Ave
cannot flatter, and have the facetious liberty to speak what
we please, nay, if we are not counted parsimonious and
splendid in our expenses at the same time, we grow uneasy
to ourselves, and despise our life as maimed and imperfect.
Besides, Nature seems to instruct us herself; for, as she
ministers diff"erent sorts of food to her animals, and hath
endowed them with diversity of appetites, — some to eat
flesh, others to pick up seed, and others to dig up roots for
their nourishment, — so she hath bestowed upon her rational
creatures various sorts of accommodations to sustain their
being. The shepherd hath one distinct from the plough -
* Solon, Frag: 15.
156 OF THE TRANQUILLITY OF THE MIND.
man ; the fowler hath another peculiar to himself ; and the
fourth lives by the sea. So that in common equity we
ought to labor in that vocation which is appointed and most
commodious for us, and let alone the rest ; and so not to
prove that Hesiod fell short of the truth when he sj^ake
after this manner : —
The potter liates another of the trade.
If by his hands a finer disli is made ;
The smith liis brotlier snmdge witli scorn doth trtat,
If he his iron strikes with brisker heat.*
And this emulation is not confined to mechanics and
those who follow the same occupations ; but the rich man
envies the learned. He that hath a bright reputation
envies the miser's guineas, and the pettifogger thinks he is
outdone in talking by the sophister. Nay, by Heaven, he
that is born free sottishly admires the servile attendance of
him who is of the household to a king ; and the man
that hath patrician blood in his \e\ns calls the comedian
happy who acts his part gracefully and with humor, and
applauds even the mimic who pleaseth with fiirce and
scaramouchy gestures ; thus by a false estimate of happi-
ness they disturb and perplex themselves.
14. Now that every man hath a storehouse of trouble
and contentment in his own bosom, and that the vessels
Avhich contain good and evil are not placed at Jupiter's
threshold, t but in the recesses of the mind, the variety of
our passions is an abundant demonstration. The fool
doth not discern, and consequently cannot mind, the good
that is obvious to him, for his thoughts are stdl intent
upon the future ; but the prudent man retrieves things
that were lost out of their oblivion, by strength of recollec-
tion renders them perspicuous, and enjoys them as if they
were present. Happiness having only a few coy minutes
to be courted in, the man that hath no intellect neglects
* Ilesiod, Works and Days, 25. t See II. XXIV. 527.
OF THE TKANQUILLITY OF THE MIXD. 157
this o]iportunity, and so it slides away from his sense and
no more belongs to him. But like him that is painted in
hell twisting a rope, and who lets the ass that is by him
devour all the laborious textures as fast as he makes them,
so most men have such a lethargy of forgetfulness upon
them, that they lose the remembrance of all great actions,
and no more call to mind their pleasant intervals of leisure
and repose. The relish of their former banquets is grown
insipid, and delight hath left no piquant impression upon
their palates ; by this means they break as it were the con-
tinuity of life, and destroy the union of present things to
the past ; and dividing yesterday from to-day and to-day
from to-morrow, they utterly efface all events, as if they
had never been. For, as those who are dogmatical in the
schools, and deny the augmentation of bodies by reason of
the perpetual flux of all substance, do strip us out of our-
selves and make no man to be the same to-day that he was
yesterday ; so those who bury all things that have preceded
them in oblivion, Avho lose all the notices of former times
and let them all be shattered carelessly out of their minds,
do every day make themselves void and empty ; and they
become utterly dependent on the morrow, as if those
things which happened last year and yesterday and the
day before were not to affect their cognizance and be
occurrences worthy their observation,
15. This is a great impediment to the tranquillity of the
mind. But that which is its more sensible disturbance is
this, that as flies upon a mirror easily slide down the
smooth and polished parts of it, but stick to those which are
rugged and uneven and fall into its flaws, so men let what
is cheerful and pleasant flow from them, and dwell only
upon sad melancholy remembrances. Nay, as those of
Olynthus carry beetles into a certain place, which from the
destruction of them is called their slaughter-house, Λvhere,
all passages being stopped against their escape, they are
158 OF THE TRANQUILLITY OF THE MIND.
killed by the Aveariness of perpetual flying about ; so when
men have once fallen upon the memory of their former
sorrows, no consolation can take them off from the mourn-
ful theme. But as in a landscape we draw the most
beautiful colors, so we ought to fill the prospect of our
minds with the most agreeable and sprightly images ; that,
if we cannot utterly abolish those which are dark and un-
pleasant, we may at least obscure them by more gay and
lively representations. For as the strings of a lute or bow,
so is the harmony of the world alternately tightened and
relaxed by Adcissitude and change ; and in human affairs
there is nothing that is unmixed, nothing that is un-
allied. But as in music there are some sounds which are
fiat and some sharp, and in grammar some letters that are
vocal and some mute, but neither the man of concord nor
syntax doth industriously decline one sort, but with the
fineness of his art mixeth them together ; so in things in
this world which carry a direct opposition in their nature
one to another, — when, as Euripides expresseth it.
The good things with the evil still are joined,
And in strict union mutually combined ;
The chequered work doth beautiful appear,
For what is sweet allays the more seΛ'ere ; —
yet we ought not to be discouraged or have any desponden-
cies. But in this case let us imitate the musicians, who
drown the harsh cadences with others that more caress
the ear ; so, by tempering our adverse fortune with what
is more prosperous, let us render our lives pleasant and of
an equal tone. For that is not true which Menander tells
us : —
Soon as an infant doth salute the day,
A genius his first cryings doth obej',
And to his charge comes hastily away ;
The daemon doth assist the tender lad,
Shows him what's good, and saves him from the bad.
But the opinion of Empedocles deserves more our ap-
probation, who saith that, as soon as any one is born, he is
OF THE TRANQUILLITY OF THE MIND. 159
carefully taken up and governed by two guardian spirits.
" There were Chthonia and far-seeing Heliope, and bloody
Deris and grave-faced Harmonia, Kallisto and Aeschra,
Thoosa and Uenaea, with lovely Nemertes and black-fruit-
ed Asaphaea."
16. By this diversity of characters is expressed only the
variety of our passions ; and these are the seeds of dis-
content we brought into the world with us. Since now
these disorder our lives and make them unequal, he that
is master of himself wishes for the better, but expects the
worse ; but he useth them both with a moderation suitable
to that injunction, Do not any thing too much. For, as
Epicurus said, not only does he that is least impatient after
to-morrow enjoy it most when it comes ; but honor, riches,
and power give those the greatest complacency who are
not tormented with any apprehensions that the contrary
will befall them. For an immoderate craving after things
of this nature infuseth a fear of losing them, equal to the
first intemperate desire. This deadens the fruition, and
makes the pleasure as weak and unstable as flame driven
by the wind. But he to whom his reason hath given the
assurance that he can boldly say to Fortune,
Welcome to me, if good tliou bringest aught,
And if thou fail, I will take little thought, —
this is the man who can confidently enjoy Avhat is present
with him, and Λvho is not afflicted with such cowardice of
thoughts as to be in constant alarms lest he should lose his
possessions, which Avould be an intolerable grievance.
But let us not only admire but imitate that temper of mind
in Anaxagoras, which made him express himself in these
words upon the death of his son : —
I knew that I had begotten a mortal.
And let us apply it to all the casualties of our life after
this manner. I know my riches have only the duration of a
160 OF THE TRANQUILLITT OF THE MIND.
day ; I know that the same hand which bestowed authority
upon me could spoil me of those ornaments and take it
away again ; I know my wife to be the best of women, but
still a woman ; my friend to be faithful, yet the cement
might be broken, for he Λvas a man, — which, as Plato
saith, is a very inconstant creature. These previous ex-
postulations and preparations, if any thing fall out Avhich
is against our mind but not contrary to our expectation,
will cure the palpitation of our hearts, make our disturb-
ances settle and go down, and bring our minds to a
consistence ; not indulging us in these lazy exclamations,
Who would have thought it ? — I looked for better, and
did not expect this. Carneades gives us a short memoir
concerning great things, that the cause from whence all our
troubles proceed is that they befciU unexpectedly. The
kingdom of Macedon compared with the Roman empire
sank in the competition, for it was only an inconsiderable
part of it ; yet when Perseus lost it, he not only deplored
his own misfortune, but he was thought by all the most
abject and miserable of mankind. Yet Aemilius that
conquered him, when he delivered up the command of sea
and land into the hands of a successor, was crowned and
did sacrifice, and was esteemed happy. For he knew,
when he received his honor, that it was but temporary, and
that he must lay down the authority he had taken up.
But Perseus was stripped of his dominions by surprise.
The poet hath prettily illustrated what it is for a thing to
fall out unexpectedly. For Ulysses, when his dog died,
could not forbear crying, yet would hot suffer himself to
weep when his Λvife sate by him crying, but stopped his
tears ; for here he came strengthened with reason and
beforehand acquainted with the accident, but before it was
the suddenness of the disaster which raised his sorrow and
threw him into complaints.
17. Generally speaking, those things which happen to
OF THE TRANQUILLITY OF THE MIND. 161
US against our will afflict us partly by a pungency that is
in their nature, and partly custom and opinion so efFem-
inate us that Ave are impatient under them. But against
all contingencies we should have that of Menander in
readiness : —
Afflictions to thyself thou flost create,
Thy fancy only is unfortunate.
For Avhat are afflictions to thee, if they touch neither thy
body nor thy soul 1 Of this sort is the low extraction of
thy father, the adultery of thy wife, the loss of a garland,
or being deprived of the upper seat in an assembly. And
with all these crosses thou mayest have ease of mind and
strength of body. But to those things which in their own
nature excite our grief, — such as sickness, pains of the
body, and the death of our friends and children, — we ought
to apply that of Euripides : —
Alas ! alas ! and well-a-day !
But why alas and irell atvni/ ?
Naught else to us hath yet been dealt.
But tliat which daily men have felt.
Tliere is no reasoning more effectual to restrain our pas-
sions and hinder our minds from falling into despair, than
that Avhich sets before us a physical necessity and the
common lot of nature. And it is our bodies only that lie
exposed to this destiny, and which we offer (as it Avere) as
a handle to Fortune ; but the fort-royal is still secure, where
our strength lies and our most precious things are treas-
ured up. AVhen Demetrius took Megara, he asked Stilpo
whether he had not suffered particular damage in the
plundering ; to w4iich he made this ansAver, that he
saw nobody that could rob him. So when Fate hath made
all the depredations upon us it possibly can and hath left
us naked, yet there is something still within us which is
out of the reach of the pirate, —
Which conquering Greece could never force away.*
* II. V. 484.
voi I. 11
162 OF THE TRANQUILLITY OF THE MIND.
Therefore we ought not so to Λάΐΐίγ and depress our na-
ture as if it could not get the ascendant over Fortune, and
had nothing of firmness and stabihty in it. But we ought
rather to consider that, if any part of us is obnoxious to
this, it is only that which is the smallest, and the most im-
pure and sickly too ; Avhilst the better and more gen-
erous Ave have the most absolute dominion of, and our
chiefest goods are placed in it, such as true discipline, a
right notion of things, and reasonings Avhich in their last
results bring us unto virtue ; which are so far from being
abolished, that they cannot be corrupted. We ought like-
wise, with an invincible spirit and a bold security as re-
gards futurity, to answer Fortune in those words which
Socrates retorted upon his judges : Anytus and Meletus
may kill, but they cannot hurt me. So she can afflict me
with a disease, can spoil me of my riches, disgrace me with
my prince, and bring me under a popular odium ; but she
cannot make a good man wicked, or the brave man a mean
and degenerate coward ; she cannot cast envy upon a gen-
erous temper, or destroy any of those habits of tlie mind
Avhich are more useful to us in the conduct of our lives,
when they are within the command of our Avills, than the
skill of a pilot in a storm. For the pilot cannot mitigate
the billows or calm the winds ; he cannot sail into the
haven as often as he has occasion, or Avithout fear and
trembling abide any danger that may befall him ; but after
having used all his efforts, he at last recommits himself
to the fury of the storm, pulls down all his sails by the
board, whilst the lower mast is within an inch of the abyss,
and sits trembling at the approaching ruin. But the
affections of the mind in a wise man procure tranquillity
even to the body. For he prevents the beginnings of dis-
ease by temperance, a spare diet, and moderate exercise ;
but if an evil begin more visibly to show itself, as we some-
times steer our ship by rocks which lie in the water, he
OF THE TRANQUILLITY OF THE MIND. 163
must then furl in his sails and pass by it, as Asclepiadcs
expresseth it ; but if the Λvaves grow turbulent and the
sea rougher, the port is at hand, and he may leave this
body, as he would a leaky vessel, and swim ashore.
18. For it is not so much the desire of life as the fear
of death, which makes the fool have such a dependence
upon the body, and stick so fast to its embraces. So Ulys-
ses held fast by the fig-tree, dreading Charybdis that lay
under him, —
Where the wind would not suffer liim to stay,
Nor would it serve to carry him away,*
so that on tliis side Λvas but a slender support, and there
Λvas inevitable dani^er on the other. But he who considers
the nature of the soul, and that death will transport it to a
condition either far better or not much Λvorse than what
he now enjoys, hath contempt of death to sustain him as
he travelleth on in this pilgrimage of his life, no small
viaticum towards tranquillity of mind. For as to one that
nan live pleasantly so long as virtue and the better part of
mankind are predominant, and can depart fearlessly so
soon as hostile and unnatural principles prevail, saying to
himself, —
Faie shall release me when I please myself ; t
what in the whole scope of the creation can be thought of
that can raise a tumult in such a man, or give him the
least molestation 1 Certainly, he that threw out that brave
defiance to Fortune in these Avords, " I have prevented thee,
Ο Fortune, and have shut up all thy avenues to me," did
not speak it confiding in the strength of walls or bars, or
the security of keys ; but it was an effect of his learning,
and the challenge was a dictate of his reason. And these
heights of resolution any men may attain to if they are
Avilling ; and we ought not to distrust, or despair of arriv-
* Aesch. Philoct. Frag. 246. t Eurip. Bacchae, 498.
164 or THE TRANQUILLITY OF THE MIND.
ing to the courage of saying the same things. Therefore
we should not only admire, but be kindled with emulation,
and think ourselves touched Avith the impulse of a divine
instinct, which piques us on to the trial of ourselves in
matters of less importance ; that thereby we may find how
our tempers bear to be qualified for greater, and so may
not incuriously decline that inspection we ought to have
over ourselves, or take refuge in the saying. Perchance
nothing will be more difficult than this. For the luxurious
thinker, who withdraws himself from severe reflections and
is conversant about no objects but Avhat are easy and de-
lectable, emasculates his understanding and contracts a
softness of spirit ; but he that makes grief, sickness, and
banishment the subjects of his meditation, who composeth
his mind sedately, and poiseth himself Avith reason to sus-
tain the burthen, will find that those things are vain, empty,
and false which appear so grievous and terrible to the
vulgar, as his own reasonings will make out to him in
every particular.
19. But many are shocked at this saying of Menan-
der, —
No man can tell what will himself befall , —
in the mean Avhile being monstrously ignorant what a noble
expedient this is to disperse our sorrows, to contemplate
upon and to be able to look Fortune steadily in the face ;
and not to cherish delicate and eff"eminate apprehensions
of things, like those bred up in the shade, under false and
extravagant hopes which hdxe not strength to resist the
first adversity. But to the saying of Menander we may
make this just and serious reply: It is true that a man
while he lives can never say. This will never befall me ; but
he can say this, I will not do this or that ; I Λνϋΐ scorn to
lie ; I Avill not be treacherous or do a thing ungenerously ;
I Λνΐΐΐ not defraud or circumvent any one. And to do this
lies within the sphere of our performance, and conduceth
ΟΙ THE TRANQUILLITY OF THE MIND. 165
extremely to the tranquillity of the mind. Whereas, on
the contrary, the being conscious of having done a Λvickcd
action* leaves stings of remorse behind it, which, like an
ulcer in the flesh, makes the mind smart Avith perpetual
Avounds ; for reason, which chaseth away all other pains,
creates repentance, shames the soul with confusion, and
punisheth it with torment. But as those who are chilled
with an ague or that burn with a fever feel acuter griefs
than those who are scorched with the sun or frozen up
with the severity of the Aveather, so those things which are
casual and fortuitous give us the least disturbance, because
they are external accidents. But the man whom tiie truth
of this makes uneasy, —
Another did not run me on this shelf;
I was the cause of all the ills myself, t
who laments not only his misfortunes but his crimes, finds
his agonies sharpened by the turpitude of the fact. Ilcuce
it comes to pass, that neither rich furniture nor abundance
of gold, not a descent from an illustrious family or great-
ness of authority, not eloquence and all the charms of
speaking can procure so great a serenity of life as a mind
free from guilt, kept untainted not only from actions but
purposes that are wicked. 13y this means the soul Λνϋΐ be
not only unpolluted but undisturbed ; the fountain will run
clear and unsullied ; and the streams that flow from it Avill
be just and honest deeds, ecstasies of satisfaction, a brisk
energy of spirit which makes a man an enthusiast in his
joy, and a tenacious memory sweeter than hope, Avhich (as
Pindar saith) with a virgin warmth cherisheth old age, ^
For as censers, even after they are empty, do for a long
time after retain their fragrancy, as Carneades expresseth
it, so the good actions of a wise man perfume his mind,
and leave a rich scent behind them ; so that joy is, as it
* Eurip. Orestes, 396. t See II. 1. 335.
t See Plato, Repub. I. p. 331 A.
166 OF THE TRANQUILLITY OF THE MIND.
were, Λvatered with these essences, and owes its flourishing
to them. This makes him pity those Avho not only bewail
but accuse human life, as if it were only a region of
calamities and a place of banishment appointed for their
souls.
20. That saying of Diogenes extremely pleaseth me,
who, seeing one sprucing himself up very neatly to go to
a great entertainment, asked him whether every day was
not a festival to a good man. And certainly, that which
makes it the more splendid festival is sobriety. For the
world is a spacious and beautiful temple ; this a man is
brouiiht into as soon as he is born, where he is not to be a
dull spectator of immovable and lifeless images made by
•human hands, but is to contemplate sublime things, which
(as Plato tells us) tlie divine mind has exhibited to our
senses as likenesses of things in the ideal world, having the
principles of life and motion in themselves ; such as are
the sun, moon, and stars ; rivers which are still supplied
with fresh accessions of water ; and the earth, which with
a motherly indulgence suckles the plants and feeds her
sensitive creatures. Now since life is the introduction and
the most perfect initiation into these mysteries, it is but
just that it should be full of cheerfulness and tranquillity.
For we are not to imitate the little vulgar, who Avait impa-
tiently for the jolly days which are consecrated to Saturn,
Bacchus, and Minerva, that they may be merry with hired
laughter, and pay such a price to the mimic and stage-
dancer for their diversions. At all these games and cere-
monies we sit silent and composed ; for no man laments
when he is initiated in the rites, Avhen he beholds the games
of Apollo, or drinks in the Saturnalia. But when the
Gods order the scenes at their own festivals, or initiate us
into their own mysteries, the enjoyment becomes sordid
to us ; and we wear out our wretched lives in care, heavi-
ness of spirit, and bitter complaints.
OF THE TRANQUILLITY OF THE MIND. 167
Men are delighted with the harmonious touches of an
instrument ; they are pleased likewise with the melody of
the birds ; and it is not Avithout some recreation that they
behold the beasts frolicsome and sporting ; but when the
frisk is over and they begin to bellow and curl their brows,
the ungrateful noise and their angry looks offend them.
But as for their own lives, they suffer them to pass away
Λvithout a smile, to boil Avith passions, be involved in
business, and eaten out with endless cares. And to ease
them of their solicitudes, they will not seek out for reme-
dies themselves, nor will they even hearken to the reasons
or admit the consolations of their friends. But if they
would only give ear to these, they might bear their present
condition Avithout fault-finding, remember the past Avith
joy and gratitude, and live without fear or distrust, looking
forward to the future with a joyful and lightsome hope.
OF SUPERSTITION OR INDISCREET DEVOTION.
1. Our great ignorance of the Divine Beings most natu-
rally runs in two streams ; whereof the one in harsh and coarse
tempers, as in dry and stubborn soils, produces atheism,
and the other in the more tender and flexible, as in moist
and yielding grounds, produces superstition. Indeed, every
wrong judgment, in matters of this nature especially, is
a great unhappiness to us ; but it is here attended with a
passion, or disorder of the mind, of a worse consequence
than itself. For every such passion is, as it were, an error
inflamed. And as a dislocation is the more painful when
it is attended with a bruise, so are the perversions of our
understandings, Avhen attended with passion. Is a man of
opinion that atoms and a void were the first origins of
things 1 It is indeed a mistaken conceit, but makes no
ulcer, no shooting, no searching pain. But is a man of
opinion that Avealth is his last good ? This error contains
in it a canker ; it preys upon a man's spirits, it transports
him, it suffers him not to sleep, it makes him horn-mad, it
carries him over headlong precipices, strangles him, and
makes him unable to speak his mind. Are there some
again, that take virtue and vice for substantial bodies ?
This may be sottish conceit indeed, but yet it bespeaks
neither lamentations nor groans. But such opinions and
conceits as these, —
Poor virtue ! thou wast but a name, and mere jest,
And I, clioust fool, did practise thee in earnest,
OF SUPERSTITION. 169
and for thee have I quitted injustice, the way to wealth, and
excess, the parent of all true pleasure, — these are the
thoughts that call at once for our pity and indignation ; for
they will engender swarms of diseases, like iiy-blows and
vermin, in our minds.
2. To return then to our subject, atheism, which is
a false persuasion that there are no blessed and incorrupti-
ble beings, tends yet, by its disbelief of a Divinity, to bring
men to a sort of unconcernedness and indifferency of temper ;
for the design of tiiose that deny a God is to ease themselves
of his fear. But superstition appears by its appellation
to be a distempered opinion and conceit, productive of
such mean and abject apprehensions as debase and break
a man's spirit, while he thinks there are divine powers in-
deed, but Avithal sour and vindictive ones. So that the
atheist is not at all, and the superstitious is perversely, affected
with the thoughts of God ; ignorance depriving the one of
the sense of his goodness, and superadding to the other a
persuasion of his cruelty. Atheism then is but false reason-
ing single, but superstition is a disorder of the mind pro-
duced by this false reasoning.
3. Every distemper of our minds is truly base and igno-
ble ; yet some passions are accompanied with a sort of levity,
that makes men appear gay, prompt, and erect ; but none,
we may say, are wholly destitute of force for action. But
the common charge upon all sorts of passions is, that they
excite and urge the reason, forcing it by their violent stings.
Fear alone, being equally destitute of reason and audacity,
renders our whole irrational part stupid, distracted, and un-
serviceable. Therefore it is called δεΐμα because it hinds,
and τύηβο^' because it distracts the mind.* But of all fears,
none so dozes and confounds as that of superstition. He
fears not the sea that never goes to sea ; nor a battle, that
* Plutarch derives δεΐμα from δέω, to hind, and τάρ3ος from ταράσσω, to distract or
confuse. (G.)
170 OF SUPERSTITION
follows not the camp ; nor robbers^ that stirs not abroad ;
nor malicious informers, that is a poor man ; nor emulation,
that leads a private life ; nor earthquakes, that dwells in
Gaul ; nor thunderbolts, that dwells in Ethiopia : but he
that dreads divine powers dreads every thing, the land, the
sea, the air, the sky, the dark, the light, a sound, a silence,
a dream. Even slaΛ^es forget their masters in their sleep ;
sleep lightens the irons of the fettered ; their angry sores,
mortified gangrenes, and pinching pains allow them some
intermission at night.
Dear sleep, sweet easer of my irksome grief,
Pleasant thou art ! how welcome tliy relief! *
Superstition will not permit a man to say this. That
alone will give no truce at night, nor suffer the poor soul
so much as to breathe or look up, or respite her sour and
dismal thoughts of God a moment ; but raises in the sleep
of the superstitious, as in the place of the damned, certain
prodigious forms and ghastly spectres, and perpetually
tortures the unhappy soul, chasing her out of sleep into
dreams, lashed and tormented by her own self, as by some
other, and charged by herself with dire and portentous
injunctions. Neither have they, when awake, enough sense
to slight and smile at all this, or to be pleased with the
thouglit that nothing of all that terrified them was real ;
but they still fear an empty shadow, that could never mean
them any ill, and cheat themselves afresh at noonday, and
keep a bustle, and are at expense upon the next fortune-
teller or vagrant that shall but tell them : —
If in a dream hobgoblin tliou hast seen,
Or felt'st the rambling guards o' th' Fairy Queen,
send for some old witch wdio can purify thee, go dip thy-
self in the sea, and then sit down .upon the bare ground the
rest of the day.
0 tliat our Greeks should found such barbarous rites.t
» Eurip. Orestes, 211. t Eurip. Troad. 759.
OR INDISCREET DEVOTION. 171
as tumbling in mire, rolling themselves in dunghills, keep-
ing of Sabbaths, monstrous prostrations, long and obstinate
sittings in a place, and Λάle and abject adorations, and all
for vain superstition ! They that were careful to preserve
good singing used to direct the practisers of that science to
sing with their moutlis in their true and proper postures.
Should not we then admonish those that would address
themselves to the heavenly powers to do that also with a
true and natural mouth, lest, Avhile we are so solicitous that
the tongue of a sacrifice be pure and right, we distort and
abuse our own with silly and canting language, and there-
by expose the dignity of our divine and ancient piety to
contempt and raillery ] It was not unpleasantly said some-
where by the comedian to those that adorned their beds \vith
the needless ornaments of silver and gold : Since the Gods
have given us nothing gratis except sleep, why will )ou
make that so costly ] It might as well be said to the
superstitious bigot : Since the Gods have bestowed sleep on
us, to the intent we may take some rest and forget our
sorrows, why will you needs make it a continual irksome
tormentor, when you know your poor soul hath ne'er
another sleep to betake herself to '? Ileraclitus saith : They
who are awake hn.\e a world in common amongst them ; but
they that are asleep are retired each to his own private
world. But tlie frightful visionary hath ne'er a world at
all, either in common with others or in private to himself;
for neither can he use his reason when awake, nor be free
from his fears when asleep ; but he hath his reason always
asleep, and his fears always awake ; nor hath he either an
hiding-place or refuge.
4. Polycrates was formidable at Samos, and so was
Periander at Corinth ; but no man ever feared eitlier of
them that had made his escape to an equal and free
government. But he that dreads the divine government,
as a sort of inexorable and implacable tyranny, whither
172 OF SUPERSTITION
nan he remove? AVhitlier can he fly'? What land, \vhat
sea can he find where God is not 1 Wretched and miser-
able man ! in what corner of the Avorld canst thou so hide
thyself, as to think thou hast now escaped hiin 1 Slaves
are allowed by the laAvs, when they despair of obtaining
their freedom, to demand a second sale, in hopes of kinder
masters. But superstition allows of no change of Gods ;
nor could he indeed find a God he Avould not fear, that
dreads his own and his ancestors' guardians, that quivers at
his preservers and benign patrons, and that trembles and
shakes at those of whom we ask wealth, plenty, concord,
peace, and direction to the best words and actions. Slaves
again account it their misfortune to become such, and can
say, —
Both man and wife in direful slavery,
And with ill masters too ! Fate's worst decree !
But how much less tolerable, think you, is their condition,
that can never possibly run away, escape, or desert? A
slave may fly to an altar, and many temples aflford sanctuary
to thieves ; and they that are pursued by an enemy think
themselves safe if they can catch hold on a statue or a
shrine. But the superstitious fears, quivers, and dreads
most of all there, Avhere others Avhen fearfuUest take
greatest courage. Never hale a superstitious man from
the altar. It is his place of torment ; he is there chas-
tised. In one word, death itself, the end of life, puts no
period to this vain and foolish dread : but it transcends
those limits, and extends its fears beyond the grave, adding
to it the imagination of immortal ills ; and after respite from
past sorrows, it fancies it shall next enter upon never-end-
ing ones. I know not what gates of hell open themselves
from beneath, rivers of flre together Avith Stygian torrents
present themselves to view ; a gloomy darkness appears
full of ghastly spectres and horrid shapes, with dreadful
aspects and doleful groans, together with judges and tor-
OR INDISCREET DEVOTION. 173
mentors, pits and caverns, full of millions of miseries and
woes. Thus does wretched superstition bring inevitably
upon itself by its fancies even those calamities Avliich it has
once escaped.
5. Atheism is attended with none of this. True indeed,
the ignorance is very lamentable and sad. For to be blind
or to see amiss in matters of this consequence cannot but
be a fatal unhappiness to the mind, it being then deprived
of the fairest and brightest of its many eyes, the knowledge
of God. Yet this opinion (as hath been said) is not neces-
sarily accompanied with any disordering, ulcerous, frightful,
or slavish passion. Plato thinks the Gods never gave men
music, the science of melody and harmony, for mere,
delectation or to tickle the ear, but in order that the
confusion and disorder in the periods and harmonies of
the soul, which often for want of the Muses and of grace
break forth into extravagance through intemperance and
license, might be sweetly recalled, and artfully wound up
to their former consent and agreement.
No animal accurst by Jove
Music's sweet charms can ever love,*
saith Pindar. For all such will rave and grow outrageous
straight. Of this we have an instance in tigers, which
(as they say), if they hear but a tabor beat near them, Avill
rage immediately and run stark mad, and in fine tear
themselves in pieces. They certainly suffer the less
inconvenience of the two, Avho either through defect of
hearing or utter deafness are Avholly insensible of music,
and therefore unmoved by it. It was a great misfortune
indeed to Tiresias, that he wanted sight to see his friends
and children ; but a far greater to Athamas and Agave, to
see them in the shape of lions and bucks. And it had
been happier for Hercules, when he was distracted, if he
could have neither seen nor known his children, than to
* Pindar, Pyth. I. 25.
17-i OF SUPERSTITION
have used like the Avorst of enemies those he so tenderly
loved.
6. ΛVell then, is not this the very case of the atheist,
compared with the superstitious ? The former sees not
the Gods at all, the latter believes that he really sees them ;
the former wholly overlooks them, but the latter mistakes
their benignity for terror, their paternal aifection for
tyranny, their providence for cruelty, and their frank sim-
plicity for savageness and brutality.
Again, the Avorkman in copper, stone, and Avax can per-
suade such that the Gods are in human shape ; for so they
make them, so they draw them, and so they worship them.
But they will not hear either philosophers or statesmen
that describe the majesty of the Divinity as accompanied
by goodness, magnanimity, benignity, and beneficence.
The one therefore hath neither a sense nor belief of that
divine good he might participate of ; and the other dreads
and fears it. In a Avord, atheism is an absolute insensi-
bility to God (or want of jjassion)^ which does not
recognize goodness ; while superstition is a blind heap
of passions, which imagine the good to be evil. They are
afraid of their Gods, and yet run to them ; they fawn upon
them, and reproach them ; they imOke them, and accuse
them. It is the common destiny of humanity not to enjoy
uninterrupted felicity.
Nor pains, nor age, nor labor they e'er bore,
Nor visited rough Acheron's hoarse shore,
saith Pindar of the Gods ; but human passions and affairs
are liable to a strange multiplicity of uncertain accidents
and contingencies.
7. Consider well the atheist, and observe his behavior
first in things not under the disposal of his will. If he be
otherwise a man of good temper, he is silent under his
present circumstances, and is providing himself with either
remedies or palliatives for his misfortunes. But if he be a
OR INDISCREET DEVOTION. 175
fretful and impatient man, his whole complaint is against
Fortune. He cries out, that nothing is managed here
below either after the rules of a strict justice or the orderly
course of a providence, and that all human affairs are hur-
ried and driven without either premeditation or distinction.
This is not the demeanor of the superstitious ; if the least
thing do but happen amiss to him, he sits him down
plunged in sorrow, and raises himself a vast tempest of
intolerable and incurable passions, and presents his fancy
Avith nothing but terrors, fears, surmises, and distractions,
until he hath overwhelmed himself with groans and fears.
He blames neither man, nor Fortune, nor the times, nor
himself; but charges all upon God, from Λνΐιοηι he fancies
a whole deluge of vengeance to be pouring down upon
him ; and, as if he were not only unfortunate but in open
hostility with Heaven, he imagines that he is punished by
God and is now making satisfaction for his past crimes,
and saith that his sufferings are all just and owing to him-
self. Again, when the atheist falls sick, he reckons up
and calls to his remembrance his several surfeits and
debauches, his irregular course of living, excessive labors,
or unaccustomed clianges of air or climate. Likewise,
when he miscarries in any public administration, and either
falls into popular disgrace or comes to be ill presented to
his prince, he searches for the causes in himself and those
about him, and asks,
IVhere have I erred ? What have I done amiss ?
ΛVhat should be done by me that undone is ? *
But the fanciful superstitionist accounts every little dis-
temper in his body or decay in his estate, the death of his
children, and crosses and disappointments in matters relat-
ing to the public, as the immediate strokes of God and
the incursions of some vindictive daemon. And therefore
he dares not attempt to remove or relieve his disasters, or
* Pythagoras, Carmen Aur. 41.
176 0¥ SUPERSTITION
to use the least remedy or to oppose himself to them, for fear
he should seem to struggle with God aud to make resist-
ance under correction. If he be sick, he thrusts away the
physician ; if he be in any grief, he shuts out the philoso-
pher that would comfort and advise him. Let me alone,
saith he, to pay for my sins : I am a cursed and vile offen-
der, and detestable both to God and angels. Now suppose
a man unpersuaded of a Divinity in never so great sorrow
and trouble, you may yet possibly wipe away his tears, cut
his hair, and force away his mourning ; but how will yon
come at this superstitious penitentiary, either to speak to
him or to bring him any relief? He sits him down with-
out doors in sackcloth, or wrapped up in foul and nasty
rags ; yea, many times rolls himself naked in mire, repeat-
ing over I know not what sins and transgressions of his
own ; as, how he did eat this thing and drink the other
thing, or went some way prohibited by his Genius. But
suppose he be now at his best, and laboring under only a
mild attack of superstition ; you shall even then find him
sittino; down in the midst of his house all becharmed and
bespelled, with a parcel of old Avomen about him, tugging
all they can light on, and hanging it upon him as (to use
an expression of Bion's) upon some nail or peg.
8. It is reported of Teribazus that, being seized by the
Persians, he drew out his scimitar, and being a very stout
person, defended himself bravely ; but when they cried
out and told him he was apprehended by the king's order, he
immediately put up his sword, and presented his hands to
be bound. Is not this the very case of the superstitious ?
Others can oppose their misfortunes, repel their troubles,
and furnish themselves with retreats, or means of avoiding
the stroke of things not under the disposal of their wills ;
but the superstitious person, without anybody's speaking
to him, — but merely upon his own saying to himself, This
thou undergoest, vile wretch, by the direction of Providence,
OR INDISCREET DEVOTION. 177
and by Heaven's just appointment, — immediately casts
away all ^liope, surrenders himself up, and shuns and
affronts his friends that would relieve him. Thus do these
sottish fears oftentimes convert tolerable evils into fatal and
insupportable ones. The ancient Midas (as the story goes
of him), being much troubled and disquieted by certain
(dreams, grew so melancholy thereupon, that he made him-
self away by drinking bull's blood. Aristodemus, king of
Messenia, when a war broke out betwixt the Lacedaemo-
nians and the Messenians, upon some dogs howling like
wolves, and grass coming up about his ancestors' domestic
altar, and his divines presaging ill upon it, fell into such a
fit of suUeimess and despair that he slew himself. And
perhaps it had been better if the Athenian general, Nicias,
had been eased of his folly the same way that Midas and
Aristodemus were, than for him to sit still for fear of a
lunar eclipse, while he was invested by an enemy, and so
be himself made a prisoner, together with an army of forty
thousand men (that were all either slain or taken), and die
ingloriously. There was nothing formidable in the inter-
position of the earth betwixt the sun and the moon, neither
was there any thing dreadful in the shadow's meeting the
moon at the proper time : no, the dreadfulness lay here,
that the darkness of ignorance should blind and befool .
a man's reason at a time when he had most occasion to
use it.
Glaucus, behold !
The sea witli billows deep begins to roll ;
The seas begin in azure rods to lie ;
A teeming cloud of pitch hangs on the sky
Right o'er Gyre rocks ; there is a tempest nigh ; *
which as soon as the pilot sees, he falls to his prayers and
invokes his tutelar daemons, but neglects not in the mean
time to hold to the rudder and let down the mainyard ;
and so,
* Archilochus, Frag. 56.
VOL. I. 12
178 OF SUPERSTITION
By gathering in his sails, with mighty pain,
Escapes the hell-pits of the raging main,
Hesiod * directs his husbandman, before he either
plough or sow, to pray to the infernal Jove and the vener-
able Ceres, but with his hand upon the plough-tail. Homer
acquaints us how Ajax, being to engage in a single combat
with Hector, bade the Grecians pray to the Gods for him ;
and while they were at their devotions, he was putting on
his armor. Likewise, after Agamemnon had thus prepared
his soldiers for the fight, —
Each make his spear to glitter as the sun,
Each see his warlike target Avell hung on,—
he then prayed, —
Grant me, great Jove, to throw down Priam's roof.t
For God is the brave man's hope, and not the coward's
excuse. The Jews indeed once sat on their tails, — it be-
ing forsooth their Sabbath day, — and suffered their enemies
to rear their scaling-ladders and make themselves masters
of their walls, and so lay still until they were caught
like so many trout in the drag-net of their own supersti-
tion.:{:
9. Such then is the behavior of superstition in times of
adversity, and in things out of the power of man's Λνϋΐ.
Nor doth it a jot excel atheism in the more agreeable and
pleasurable part of our lives. Now Avhat we esteem the
most agreeable things in human life are our holidays,
temple-feasts, initiatings, processionings, Λvith our public
prayers and solemn devotions. Mark we now the atheist's
behavior here. 'Tis true, he laughs at all that is done,
with a frantic and sardonic laughter, and now and then
whispers to a confidant of his. The devil is in these people
sure, that can imagine God can be taken Λvith these foole-
* Hesiod, Works and Days, 463. t See II. VII. 193 ; II. 382, 414.
} See M.iccabees, I. 2, 27-38, cited by Wyttenbach. (G.)
on INDISCREET DEVOTION. 179
ries : but this is the ΛVOΓst of his disasters. But now the
superstitious man would fain be pleasant and gay, but can-
not for his heart. The Avhole town is filled with odors of
incense and perfumes, and at the same time a mixture of
hymns and sighs fills his poor soul.* He looks pale with
a garland on his head, he sacrifices and fears, pravs with a
faltering tongue, and offers incense with a trembling hand.
In a word, he utterly bafiles that saying of Pythagoras,
that we are then best when we come near the Gods. For
the superstitious person is then in his worst and most piti-
ful condition, when he approaches the shrines and temples
of the Gods.
10. So that I cannot but wonder at those that charge
atheism with impiety, and in the mean time acquit super-
stition. Anaxagoras Avas indicted of blasphemy for having
affirmed the sun to be a red-hot stone ; yet the Cimmerians
were never much blamed for denying his being. What 1
Is he tliat holds there is no God guilty of impiety, and is
not he that describes him as the superstitious do much
more guilty'? I, for my own part, had much rather
people should say of me, that there neither is nor ever
was such a man as Plutarch, than they should say:
" Plutarch is an unsteady, fickle, froward, vindictive,
and touchy fellow ; if you invite others to sup with you,
and chance to leave out Plutarch, or if some business
falls out that you cannot wait at his door with the morn-
ing salute, or if when you meet with him you don't
speak to him, he'll fasten upon you somewhere with his
teeth and bite the part through, or catch one of your
children and cane him, or turn his beast into your corn
and spoil your crop." AVhen Timotheus the musician
was one day singing at Athens an hymn to Diana, in
which among other things was this, —
Mad, raving, tearing, foaming Deity, —
* Sophocles, Oed. Tyr. 4.
180 OF SUPERSTITION
Cinesias, the lyric poet, stood up from the midst of the
spectators, and spoke aloud : I wish thee with all my heart
such a Goddess to thy daughter, Timotheus. Such like,
nay \vorse, are the conceits of the superstitious about this
Goddess Diana : —
Thou dost on tlie bed-clothes jump,
And tliere liest like a lump.
Thou dost tantalize the bride,
When love's charms by tiiee are tied.
Thou look'st grim and full of dread,
When thou walk'st to find the dead.
Thou down chairs and tables rumbl'st,
When with Oberon tiiou tumbl'st.*
Nor have they any milder sentiments of Apollo, Juno, or
Λ'^enus ; for they are equally scared with them all. Alas I
what could poor Niobe ever say that could be so reflecting
upon the honor of Latona, as that Avhich superstition
makes fools believe of her"? _ Niobe, it seems, had given
her some hard Avords, for which she fairly shot her
Six daughters, and six sons full in their prime ; t
SO impatient was she, and insatiate with the calamities of
another. Now if the Goddess was really thus choleric
and vindictive and so highly incensed Avith bad language,
and if she had not the wisdom to smile at human frailty
and ignorance, but suffered herself to be thus transported
with passion, I much marvel she did not shoot them too
that told this cruel story of her, and charged lier both in
speech and writing with so much spleen and rancor. We
oft accuse Queen Hecuba of barbarous and savage bitter-
ness, for having once said in Homer, —
Would God I had his liver 'twixt my teeth;}
yet the superstitious believe, if a man taste of a minnow or
* I leave Mr. Baxter's conjectural version of this corrupt passage, instead of
inserting another equally conjectural. As to the original Greek, hardly a word can
be made out with certainty. (G).
t II. XXIV. 604. ♦ II. XXIV. 212.
OR INDISCREET DEVOTION. 181
bleak, the Syrian Goddess will eat his shins through, fill
his body with sores, and dissolve his liver.
11. Is it a sin then to speak amiss of the Gods, and is
it not to think amiss of them ] And is not thinking the
cause of speaking ill ] For the only reason of our dislike
to detraction is that we look upon it as a token of ill-will
to us ; and we therefore take those for our enemies that
misrepresent us, because we look upon them as untrusty
and disaffected. You see then what the superstitious
think of the divinity, while they fancy the Gods such
heady, faithless, fickle, revengeful, cruel, and fretful things.
The consequence of which is that the superstitious person
must needs both fear and hate them at once. And indeed,
how can he otherwise choose, while he thinks the greatest
calamities he either doth now or must hereafter undergo
are wholly owing to them ] Now he that both hates and
fears the Gods must of necessity be their enemy. And if
he trembles, fears, prostrates, sacrifices, and sits perpetually
in their temples, that is no marvel at all. For the very
worst of tyrants are complimented and attended, yea, have
statues of gold erected to them, by those who in private
hate them and wag their heads. Hermolaus waited on
Alexander, and Pausanias was of Philip's guard, and so
Avas Chaerea of Caligula's ; yet every one of these said, I
warrant you, m his heart as he went along, —
Had I a power as my will is goo 1,
Ivuovv this, bold tyrant, I would have thy blood.*
The atheist believes there are no Gods ; the superstitious
would have none, but is a believer against his will, and
would be an infidel if he durst. He would be as glad to
ease himself of the burthen of his fear, as Tantalus would
be to slip his head from under the great stone that hangs
over him, and would bless the condition of the atheist as
* II. XXII. 20.
182 OF SUPERSTITION
absolute freedom, compared with his own. The atheist
now has nothing to do with superstition ; while the super-
stitious is an atheist in his heart, but is too much a coward
to think as he is inclined.
12. Moreover, atheism hath no hand at all in causing
superstition ; but superstition not only gave atheism its
first birth, but serves it ever since by giving it its best
apology for existing, which, although it be neither a good
nor a fair one, is yet the most specious and colorable. For
men were not at first made atheists by any fault they found
in the heavens or stars, or in the seasons of the year, or in
those revolutions or motions of the sun about the earth
that make the day and night ; nor yet by observing any
mistake or disorder either in the breeding of animals or
the production of fruits. No, it \vas the uncouth actions
and ridiculous and senseless passions of superstition, her
canting words, her foolish gestures, her charms, her magic,
her freakish processions, her taborings, her foul expiations,
her vile methods of purgation, and her barbarous and in-
human penances, and bemirings at the temples, — it was
these, I say, that gave occasion to many to affirm, it would
be far happier there were no Gods at all than for them
to be pleased and delighted with such fantastic toys, and to
thus abuse their votaries, and to be incensed and pacified
with trifles.
13. Had it not been much better for the so much famed
Gauls and Scythians to have neither thought nor imagined
nor heard any thing of their Gods, than to have believed
them such as would be pleased with the blood of human
sacrifices, and would account such for the most complete
and meritorious of expiations ? How much better had it
been for the Carthaginians to have had either a Critias or
a Diagoras for their first lawmaker, that so they might
have believed in neither God nor spirits, than to make such
ofi"erings to Saturn as they made?• — not such as Empedo-
OR INDISCREET DEVOTION. 183
cles speaks of, where he thus touches the sacrifices of
beasts : —
Tlie sire lifts up his dear beloved son,
Who first some other form and shape did take ;
He doth liim slay and sacrifice anon,
And therewith vows and foolish prayers doth make.
But they knowingly and wittingly themselves devoted their
own children ; and they that had none of their own
bought of some poor people, and then sacrificed them like
lambs or pigeons, the poor mother standing by the while
Λvithout either a sigh or tear ; and if by chance she fetched
a sigh or let fall a tear, she lost the price of her child,
but it was nevertheless sacrificed. Λ11 the places round
the image were in the mean time filled with the noise of
hautboys and tabors, to drown the poor infants' crvinof.
Suppose we now the Typhous and Giants should depose
the Gods and make themselves masters of mankind, what
sort of sacrifices, think you, would they expect? Or what
other expiations Avould they require ? The queen of King
Xerxes, Amestris, buried twelve men alive, as a sacrifice to
Pluto to prolong her own life ; and yet Plato saith. This
God is called in Greek Hades, because he is placid, wise,
and wealthy, and retains the souls of men by persuasion
and oratory. That great naturalist Xenophanes, seeing
the Egyptians beating their breasts and lamenting at the
solemn times of their devotions, gave them this pertinent
and seasonable admonition : If they are Gods (said he),
don't cry for them ; and if they are men, don't sacrifice to
them.
14. There is certainly no infirmity belonging to us that
contains such a multiplicity of errors and fond passions, or
that consists of such incongruous and incoherent, opinions,
as this of superstition doth. It behooves us therefore to
do our utmost to escape it ; but withal, we must see
we do it safely and prudently, and not rashly and incon-
184 OF SUPERSTITION.
siderately, as people run from the incursions of robbers
or from fire, and fall into bewildered and untrodden
paths full of pits and precipices. For so some, while
they would avoid superstition, leap over the golden
mean of true piety into the harsh and coarse extreTr>p>
of atheism.
J
THE APOPHTHEGMS OR REMARKABLE SAYINGS OF
KINGS AND GREAT COMMANDERS.
PLUTARCH TO TRAJAN THE EMPEROR IVISHETH PROSPERITY.
Artaxerxes, King of Persia, Ο Caesar Trajan, greatest
of princes, esteemed it no less royal and bountiful kindly
and cheerfully to accept small, than to make great presents ;
and when he was in a progress, and a common country
laborer, having nothing else, took up water with both his
hands out of the river and presented it to him, he smiled
and received it pleasantly, measuring the kindness not by
the value of the gift, but by the affection of the giver.
And Lycurgus ordained in Sparta very cheap sacrifices,
that they might always worship the Gods readily and
easily Avith such things as were at hand. Upon the same
account, when I bring a mean and slender present of the
common first-fruits of philosopliy, accept also (I beseech
you) Avith my good aff"ection these short memorials, if they
may contribute any thing to the knowledge of the manners
and dispositions of great men, which are more apparent in
their Λvords than in their actions. My former treatise con-
tains the lives of the most eminent princes, lawgivers, and
generals, both Romans and Grecians ; but most of their
actions admit a mixture of fortune, whereas such speeches
and answers as happened amidst their employments, pas-
sions, and events afford us (as in a looking-glass) a clear
discovery of each particular temper and disposition. Ac-
cordingly Siramnes the Persian, to such as wondered that
186 THE APOPHTHEGMS OF KINGS
he usually spoke like a wise man and yet was unsuccessful
in his designs, replied : I myself am master of my words,
but the king and fortune have power over my actions.
In the former treatise speeches and actions are mingled
together, and require a reader that is at leisure ; but in this
the speeches, being as it were the seeds and the illustrations
of those lives, are placed by themselves, and Avill not (I
think) be tedious to you, since they will give you in a few
words a review of many memorable persons.
Cyrus. The Persians affect such as are hawk-nosed
and think them most beautiful, because Cyrus, the most
beloved of their kings, had a nose of that shape. Cyrus
said that those that would not do good for themselves
ought to be compelled to do good for others ; and that no-
body ought to govern, unless he was better than those he
governed. When the Persians were desirous to exchange
their hills and rocks for a plain and soft country, he would
not suffer them, saying that both the seeds of plants and the
lives of men resemble the soil they inhabit.
Darius. Darius the father of Xerxes used to praise
himself, saying that he became even Aviser in battles and
dangers. AVhen he laid a tax upon his subjects, he sum-
moned his lieutenants, and asked them whether the tax
was burthensome or not? When they told him it was
moderate, he commanded them to pay half as much as was
at first demanded. As he was opening a pomegranate,
one asked him what it Avas of which he would wish for
a number equal to the seeds thereof. He said, Of men
like Zopyrus, — Avho was a loyal person and his friend.
This Zopyrus, after he had maimed himself by cutting off
his nose and ears, beguiled the Babylonians ; and being
trusted by them, he betrayed the city to Darius, who often
said that he would not have had Zopyrus maimed to gain
a hundred Babylons.
Semiramis. Semiramis built a monument for herself, with
AND GREAT COMMANDERS. 137
this inscription : "Whatever king wants treasure, if he open
this tomb, he maybe satisfied. Darius therefore opening it
found no treasure, but another inscription of this import :
If thou wert not a Avicked person and of insatiable covctous-
ness, thou wouldst not disturb the mansions of the dead.
Xerxes. Arimenes came out of Bactria as a rival for
the kingdom with his brother Xerxes, the son of Darius.
Xerxes sent presents to him, commanding those that
brought them to say : ΛYith these your brother Xerxes now
honors you ; and if he chance to be proclaimed king, you
shall be the next person to himself in the kingdom. When
Xerxes was declared king, Arimenes immediately did him
homage and placed the croAvn upon his head ; and Xerxes
gave him the next place to himself. Being offended with
the Babylonians, Avho rebelled, and having overcome
them, he forbade them weapons, but commanded they
should practise singing and playing on the flute, keep
brothel-houses and taverns, and wear loose coats. He
refused to eat Attic figs that were brought to be sold, until
he had conciuered the country tluit produced them. AVhen
he caught some Grecian scouts in his camp, he did them
no harm, but having allowed them to A^ew his army as
much as they pleased, he let them go.
Artaxerxes. Artaxerxes, the son of Xerxes, surnamed
Longimanus (or Long-hand) because he had one hand
longer than the other, said, it was more princely to add
than to take away. He first gave leave to those that
hunted Avith him. if they would and saw occasion, to throw
their darts before him. He also first ordained that punish-
ment for his nobles Avho had offended, that they should be
stripped and their garments scourged instead of their bodies ;
and whereas their hair should have been plucked out, that
the same should be done to their turbans. AVhen Satibar-
zanes, his chamberlain, petitioned him in an unjust matter,
and he understood he did it to gain thirty thousand pieces
188 THE APOPHTHEGMS OF KINGS
of money, he ordered his treasurer to bring the said sum,
and gave them to him, saying : Ο Satibarzanes ! take it ;
for when I have given you this, I shall not be poorer, but I
had been more unjust if I had granted your petition.
Cyrus the Younger. Cyrus the Younger, when he was
exhorting the Lacedaemonians to side with him in the war,
said that he had a stronger heart than his brother, and
could drink more wine unmixed than he, and bear it better ;
that his brother, when he hunted, could scarce sit his
horse, or when ill news arrived, his throne. He exhorted
them to send him men, promising he would give horses
to footmen, chariots to horsemen, villages to those that
had farms, and those that possessed villages he would make
lords of cities ; and that he would give them gold and
silver, not by tale but by Aveight.
Artaxerxes Mnemon. Artaxerxes, the brother of Cyrus
the Younger, called Mnemon, did not only give very free
and patient access to any that Avould speak with him, but
commanded the queen his wife to draw the curtains of her
chariot, that petitioners might have the same access to her
also. When a poor man presented him with a very fair
and great apple. By the Sun, said he, 'tis my opinion, if this
person \vere entrusted Λvith a small city, he would make it
great. In his flight, when his carriages were plundered,
and he was forced to eat dry figs and barley-bread. Of how
great pleasure, said he, have I hitherto lived ignorant !
Parysatis. Parysatis, the mother of Cyrus and Arta-
xerxes, advised him that would discourse freely with the
king, to use words of fine linen.
Orontes. Orontes, the son-in-law of King Artaxerxes,
falliuii into diso-race and beino: condemned, said : As arith-
meticians count sometimes myriads on their fingers, some-
times units only ; in like manner the favorites of kings
sometimes can do every thing with them, sometimes little
or nothing.
AND GREAT COMMANDERS. 189
Memnon. Memnon, one of King Darius's generals against
Alexander, when a mercenary soldier excessively and im-
pndently reviled Alexander, struck him with his spear,
adding, I pay you to fight against Alexander, not to re-
proach him.
Egyptian Kings. The Egyptian kings, according unto
their law, used to swear their judges that they should not
obey the king when he commanded them to give an unjust
sentence.
PoLTYS. Poltys king of Thrace, in the Trojan Λvar,
being solicited both by the Trojan and Grecian ambassa-
dors, advised Alexander to restore Helen, promising to give
him two beautiful women for her.
Teres. Teres, the father of Sitalces, said, when he was
out of the army and had nothing to do, he thought there
was no difference between him and his grooms.
CoTYS. Cotys, when one gave him a leopard, gave him
a lion for it. He was naturally prone to anger, and severe-
ly punished the miscarriages of his servants. AVhen a
stranger brought him some earthen vessels, thin and brittle,
but delicately shaped and admirably adorned Avith sculp-
tures, he requited the stranger for them, and then brake
them all in pieces. Lest (said he) my passion should pro-
voke me to punish excessively those that brake them.
Idathyrsus. Idathyrsus, King of Scythia, when Darius
invaded him, solicited the Ionian tyrants that they Avould
assert their liberty by breaking down the bridge that was
made over the Danube : which they refusing to do because
they had sworn fealty to Darius, he called them good,
honest, lazy slaves.
Ateas. Ateas wrote to Philip : You reign over the Ma-
cedonians, men that have learned fighting ; and I over the
Scythians, which can fight with hunger and thirst. As he
was rubbing his horse, turning to the ambassadors of Philip,
he asked whether Philip did so or not. He took prisoner
190 THE APOPHTHEGMS OF KINGS
Ismenias, an excellent piper, and commanded him to play ;
and when others admired him, he swore it was more pleas-
ant to hear a horse neigh.
SciLURUs. Scilurus on his death-bed, being about to
leave fourscore sons surviving, offered a bundle of darts to
each of them, and bade them break them. When all refused,
drawing out one by one, he easily broke them ; thus teach-
ing them thiit, if they held together, they would continue
strong, but if they fell out and Avere divided, they would
become weak.
Gelo. Gelo the tyrant, after he had overcome the Car-
thaginians at Himera, made peace with them, and among
other articles compelled them to subscribe this, — that they
should no more sacrifice their children to Saturn. He
often marched the Syracusans out to plant their fields, as
if it had been to Avar, that the country might be improved
by husbandry, and they might not be corrupted by idleness.
When he demanded a sum of money of the citizens, and
thereupon a tumult was raised, he told them he would but
borrow it ; and after the war was ended, he restored it to
them again. At a feast, when a harp was offered, and
others one after another tuned it and played upon it, he
sent for his horse, and with an easy agility leaped upon
him.
HiERO. Hiero, who succeeded Gelo in the tyranny, said
he was not disturbed by any that freely spoke against him.
He judged that those that revealed a secret did an injury
to those to whom they revealed it ; for we hate not only
those who tell, but them also that hear what we would not
have disclosed. One upbraided him with his stinking
breath, and he blamed his wife that never told him of it ;
but she said, I thought all men smelt so. To Xenophanes
the Colophonian, who said he had much ado to maintain
two servants, he replied : But Homer, whom you disparage,
maintains above ten thousand, although he is dead. He
AND GREAT COxMMANDERS. 191
fined Epicharmus the comedian, for speaking unseemly
when his wife was by.
DioNYSius. Dionysius the Elder, when the public ora-
tors cast lots to know in what order they should speak,
drew as his lot the letter M. And Λvhen one said to him,
Μωρολογεΐς, You Will make a foolish speech, Ο Dionysius-,
You are mistaken, said he, Μοναρχί^σω, I shall be a mouarch.
And as soon as his speech was ended, the Syracusans chose
him general. In the beginning of his tyranny, the citizens
rebelled and besieged him ; and his friends advised him to
resign the government, rather than to be taken and slain
by them. But he, seeing a cook butcher an ox and the ox
immediately fall down dead, said to his friends : Is it not
a hateful thing, that for fear of so short a death we should
resign so great a government'? When his son, whom he
intended to make his successor in the government, had
been detected in debauching a freeman's wife, he asked
him in anger. When did you ever know me guilty of such
a crime ? But you, sir, replied the son, had not a tyrant
for your father. Nor will you, said he, have a tyrant for
your son, unless you mend your manners. And another
time, going into his son's house and seeing there abundance
of silver and gold plate, he cried out: Thou art not capa-
ble of being a tyrant, who hast made never a friend \vith
all the plate I have given thee. When he exacted money
of the Syracusans, and they lamenting and beseeching him
pretended they had none, he still exacted more, twice or
thrice renewing his demands, until he heard them laugh
and jeer at him as they went to and fro in the market-place,
and then he gave over. Now, said he, since they contemn
me. it is a sign they have nothing left. When his mother,
being ancient, requested him to find a husband for her, I
can, said he, overpower the laws of the city, but I cannot
force the laws of Nature. Although he punished other
malefactors severely, he favored such as stole clothes, that
192 THE APOPHTHEGMS OF KINGS
the Syracusans might forbear feasting and drunken clubs.
A certain person told him privately, he could show him. a
way how he might know beforehand such as conspired
against him. Let ns know, said he, going aside. Give
me, said the person, a talent, that everybody may believe
that I have taught you the signs and tokens of plotters ;
and he gave it him, pretending he had learned them, much
admiring the subtilty of the man. Being asked whether
he was at leisure, he replied : God forbid that it should
ever befill me. Hearing that two young men very much
reviled him and his tyranny in their cups, he invited both
of them to supper ; and perceiving that one of them prat-
tled freely and foolishly, but the other drank warily and
sparing, he dismissed the first as a drunken fellow whose
treason lay no deeper than his wine, and put the other to
death as a disaffected and resolved traitor. Some blaming
him for rewarding and preferring a wicked man, and one
hated by the citizens ; I would have, said he, somebody
hated more than myself. When he gave presents to the
ambassadors of Corinth, and they refused them because
their law forbade them to receive gifts from a prince to
Avhom they were sent in embassy, he said they did very ill
to destroy the only advantage of tyranny, and to declare
that it was dangerous to receive a kindness from a tyrant.
Hearing that a citizen had buried a quantity of gold in his
house, he sent for it ; and when the party removed to an-
other city, and bought a farm Avith part of his treasure
which he had concealed, Dionysius sent for him and bade
him take back the rest, since he had now begun to use his
money, and was no longer making a useful thing useless.
Dionysius the Younger said that he maintained many
Sophists ; not that he admired them, but that he might be
admired for their sake. AVhen Polyxenus the logician told
him he had baffled him ; Yes, said he, in words, but I have
caught you in deeds ; for you, leaving your own fortune,
AND GREAT COMMANDERS. 19;^
attend me and mine. When he was deposed from his gov-
ernment, and one asked him what he got by Phdo and
philosophy, he answered, That I may bear so great a
change of fortune patiently. Being asked how it came to
pass that his father, a private and poor man, obtained the
goΛ^ernment of Syracuse, and he already possessed of it,
and the son of a tyrant, lost it, — My father, said he, en-
tered upon affairs when the democracy was hated, but I,
when tyranny was become odious. To another that ask°d
him the same question, he replied : My father bequeathed
to me his government, but not his fortune.
Agathocles was the son of a potter. When he became
lord and was proclaimed king of Sicily, he was wont to
place earthen and golden vessels together, and show them
to young men, telling them, Those I made first, but now
I make these by my valor and industry. As he was besieg-
ing a city, some from the Λvalls reviling him, saying, Do
you hear, potter, Avhere will you have money to pay your
soldiers] — he gently answered, I'll tell you, if I take this
city. And having taken it by storm, he sold the prisoners,
telling them. If you reproach me again, I will complain to
your masters. Some inhabitants of Ithaca complained of
his mariners, that making a descent on the island they had
taken aAvay some cattle ; But your king, said he, came to
Sicily, and did not only take away sheep, but put out the
shepherd's eyes, and went his way.
Dion. Dion, that deposed Dionysius from the tyranny,
when he heard Callippus, whom of all his friends and
attendants he trusted most, conspired against him, refused
to question him for it, saying : It is better for him to die
than to live, who must be weary not only of his enemies,
but of his friends too.
Archelaus. Archelaus, when one of his companions
(and none of the best) begged a golden cup of him, bade
the boy give it Euripides ; and when the man wondered
VOL. I. 18
194 THE APOPHTHEGMS OF KINGS
at him, You, said he, are worthy to ask, but he is worthy
to receive it Avithout asking. A prating barber asked him
how he would be trimmed. He answered. In silence.
When Euripides at a banquet en^braced fair Agatho and
kissed him, although he was no longer beardless, he said,
turning to his friends : Do not wonder at it, for the beauty
of such as are handsome lasts after autumn.
Timotheus the harper, receiving of him a reward less
than his expectation, twitted him for it not obscurely ; and
once singing the short verse of the chorus. You commend
earth-born silver, directed it to him. And Archelaus
answered him again singing, But you beg it. AVhen one
sprinkled water upon him, and his friends would have had
him punish the man. You are mistaken, said he, he did not
sprinkle me, but some other person whom he took me
to be.
Philip. Theophrastus tells us that Philip, the father of
Alexander, was not only greater in his port and success,
but also freer from luxury than other kings of his lime.
He said the Athenians were happy, if they could find every
year ten fit to be chosen generals, since in many years he
could find but one fit to be a general, and that was
Parmenio. When he had news brought him of divers and
eminent successes in one day, Ο Fortune, said he, for all
these so great kindnesses do me some small mischief.
After he had conquered Greece, some advised him to place
garrisons in the cities. No, said he, I had rather be called
merciful a great while, than lord a little while. His friends
advised him to banish a railer his court, ΐ will not do it,
said he, lest he should go about and rail in many places.
Smicythus accused Nicanor for one that commonly spoke
evil of King Philip ; and his friends advised him to send for
him and punish him. Truly, said he, Nicanor is not the
worst of the Macedonians ; we ought therefore to consider
whether we have given him any cause or not. \Vhen he
AND GREAT COMMANDEES. 195
understood therefore that Nicanor, being slighted by the
king, was much afflicted with poverty, he ordered a boon
should be given him. And when Smicythus reported that
Nicanor was continually abounding in the king's praises.
You see then, said he, that whether we will be well or ill
spoken of is in our own power, lie said he was beholden
to the Athenian orators, who by reproaching him made him
better both in speech and behavior ; for I will endeavor,
said he, both by my words and actions to prove them liars.
Such Athenians as he took prisoners in the fight at Chae-
ronea he dismissed without ransom. When they also de-
manded their garments and quilts, and on that account
accused the Macedonians, Philip laughed and said. Do ye
not think these Athenians imagine we beat them at cockal ?
In a fight he broke his collar-bone, and the surgeon that
had him in cure requested him daily for his reward. Take
what you will, said he, for you have the key.* There
were two brothers called Both and Either ; perceiving
Either was a good understanding busy fellow and Both a
silly fellow and good for little, he said : Either is Both, and
Both is Neither. To some that advised him to deal severely
with the Athenians he said : You talk absurdly, who would
persuade a man that suffers all things for the sake of glory,
to overthrow the theatre of glory. Being arbitrator betwixt
two wicked persons, he commanded one to fiy out of Mace-
donia and the other to pursue him. Being about to pitch
his camp in a likely place, and hearing there was no hay
to be had for the cattle. What a life, said he, is ours, since
Ave must live according to the convenience of asses ! I)e-
siijnino: to take a strons: fort, which the scouts told him Avas
exceeding difficult and impregnable, he asked Avhether it
was so difficult that an ass could not come at it laden \vith
gold. Lasthenes the Olynthian and his friends being
aggrieved, and com[)laining that some of Philip's retinue
* The Greek αλύς (clavis), a key, signifies also the collar-bone. (G.)
196 THE APOPHTHEGMS OF KINGS
called them traitors, These Macedonians, said he, are a rude
and clownish people, that call a spade a spade. He ex-
horted his son to behave himself coui'teously toward the
Macedonians, and to acquire influence with the people,
Avhile he could be affable and gracious during the reign of
another. He advised liim also to make friends of men
of interest in the cities, both good and bad, that afterwards
he might make use of these, and suppress those. To Philo
the Theban, who had been his host and given him entertain-
ment while he remained an hostage at Thebes, and after-
Avards refused to accept any present from him, he said : Do
not take from me the title of invincible, by making me inferior
to you in kindness and bounty. Having taken many prison-
ers, he was selling them, sitting in an unseemly posture, with
his tunic tucked up ; when one of the captives to be sold
cried out, Spare me, Philip, for our fathers were friends.
When Philip asked him, Prithee, how or from Avhence ?
Let me come nearer, said he, and 111 tell you. When he
Avas come up to him, he said : Let down your cloak a little
lower, for you sit indecently. Whereupon said Philip : Let
him go, in truth he wisheth me well and is my friend, though
I did not know him. Being invited to supper, he carried
many he took up by the way along with him ; and perceiv-
ing his host troubled (for his provision was not sufficient),
he sent to each of his friends, and bade them reserve a place
for the cake. They, believing and expecting it, ate little,
and so the supper was enough for all. It appeared he
grieved much at the death of Hipparchus the Euboean.
For when somebody said it was time for him to die, — For
himself, said he, but he died too soon for me, preventing
me by his death from returning him the kindness his friend-
ship deserved. Hearing that Alexander blamed him for
having children by several women. Therefore, saith he to
him, since you have many rivals with you for the kingdom,
be just and honorable, that you may not receive the king-
AND GEEAT COMMANDERS. 197
dom as my gift, but by your own merit. He charged him
to be observant of Aristotle, and study philosophy. That
you may not, said he, do many things which I now repent
of doing. He made one of Antipater's recommendation a
judge ; and perceiving afterwards that his hair and beard
were colored, he removed him, saying, I could not think
one that was faithless in his hair could be trusty in his deeds.
As he sate judge in the cause of one Machaetas, he fell
asleep, and for want of minding his arguments, gave judg-
ment against him. And when being enraged he cried out,
I appeal ; To whom, said he, wilt thou appeal 1 To you
yourself, Ο king, said he, when you are awake to hear me
Avith attention. Then Philip rousing and coming to him-
self, and perceiving Machaetas Avas injured, although he
did not reverse the sentence, he paid the fine himself.
When Harpalus, in behalf of Crates his kinsman and
intimate friend, who was charged with disgraceful crimes,
begged that Crates might pay the fine and so cause the action
to be Avithdrawn and avoid public disgrace ; — It is better,
said he, that he should be reproached upon his own account,
than we for him. His friends being enraged because the
Peloponnesians, to Avhom he had shown favor, hissed at
him in the Olympic games. What then, said he, would they
do if we should abuse them ? Awaking after he had
overslept himself in the army ; I slept, said he, securely,
for Antipater watched. Another time, being asleep in the
day-time, while the Grecians fretting with impatience
thronged at the gates ; Do not wonder, said Parmenio to
them, if Philip be now asleep, for ΛΛ^ιϋβ you slept he was
awake. AVhen he corrected a musician at a banquet, and
discoursed with him concerning notes and instruments, the
musician replied : Far be that dishonor from your majesty,
that you should understand these things better than I do.
While he was at variance with his wife Olympia and his son,
Demaratus the Corinthian came to him, and Philip asked
198 THE APOPHTHEGMS OF KINGS
him how the Grecians held together. Demaratus repUed :
You had need to enquire how the Grecians agree, who
aaree so well with your nearest relations. AVhereupon he
let fall his anger, and Avas reconciled to them. A poor old
Λνοηιπη petitioned and dunned him often to hear her cause ;
and he answered, I am not at leisure ; the old woman
bawled out, Do not reign then. He admired the speech,
and immediately heard her and others.
Alexander. While Alexander was a boy, Philip 'had
great success in his affairs, at which, he did not rejoice, bat
told the children that Avere brought up with him, My father
"will leave me nothing to do. The children answered, Your
father gets all this for you. But what good, saitli he, will
it do me, if I possess much and do nothing ? Being nim-
ble and light-footed, his father encouraged him to run in
tlie Olympic race ; Yes, said he, if there were any kings
there to run with me. A wench bein^ brouorht to lie with
him late in the evening, he asked why she tarried so long.
She answered, I staid until my husband was abed ; and he
sharply reproved his pages, because through their careless-
ness he had almost committed adultery. As he was sacri-
ficing to the Gods liberally, and often offered frankincense,
Leonidas his tutor standing by said, Ο son, thus generously
will you sacrifice, when you have conquered the country
that bears frankincense. And when he had conquered it,
he sent him this letter : I have sent you an hundred talents
of frankincense and cassia, that hereafter you may not be
niggardly towards the Gods, when you understand I have
conquered the country in which perfumes grow. The
night before he fought at the river Granicus, he exhorted
the ]Macedonians to sup plentifully and to bring out all
tliey had, as they were to sup the next day at the charge
of their enemies. Perillus, one of his friends, begged of
him portions for his daughters ; and he ordered him to
receive fifty talents. And when he said, Ten were enough,
AND GREAT COMMANDERS. 199
Alexander replied : Enough for you to receive, but not for
me to give. lie commanded his steward to give Anaxar-
chus the philosopher as much as he should ask for. He
asketh, said the steward, for an hundred talents. He doth
well, said he, knowing he hath a friend that both can and
will bestow so much on him. Seeing at Miletus many
statues of wrestlers that had overcome in the Olympic
and Pythian games, And where, said he, were these lusty
fellows when the barbarians assaulted your city ] Λλ^ΐιοη
AdsL queen of Caria was ambitious often to send him
sauces and sweetmeats delicately prepared by the best
cooks and artists, he said, I have better confectioners of
my own, viz., my night-travelling for my breakfast, and my
spare breakfast for my dinner. All things being prepared
for a fight, his captains asked him whether he had any thing
else to command them. Nothing, said he, but that the
Macedonians should shave their beards. Parmenio won-
dering at it, Do you not know, said he, there is no better
hold in a fight than the beard I When Darius offered him
ten thousand talents, and to divide Asia equally Avith him ;
I would accept it, said Parmenio, were I Alexander. And
so truly would I, said Alexander, if I were Parmenio.
But he answered Darius, that the earth could not bear
two suns, nor Asia two kings. ΛΥΙιοη he was going to
fight for the world at Arbela, against ten hundred thousand
enemies set in array against him, some of his friends came
to him, and told him the discourse of the soldiers in their
tents, Avho had agreed that nothing of the spoils should be
brought into the treasury, but they would have all them-
selves. You tell me good ncAvs, said he, for I hear the
discourse of men that intend to fight, and not to run away.
Several of his soldiers came to him and said : Ο Kiuii ! be
of good courage, and fear not the multitude of your ene-
mies, for they will not be able to endure the very stink of
our sweat. The army being marshalled, he saw a soldier
200 THE APOPHTHEGMS OF KINGS
fitting his thong to his javelin, and dismissed him as a use-
less fellow, for fitting his weapons when he should use
them. As he Avas reading a letter from his mother, con-
taining secrets and accusations of Antipater, Hephaestion
also (as he was wont) read it along with him. Alexander
did not hinder him ; but when the letter was read, he took
his ring off" his finger, and laid the seal of it upon Ile-
phaestion's mouth. Being saluted as the son of Jupiter in
the temple of Ammon by the chief priest ; It is no won-
der, said he, for Jupiter is by nature ihe father of all, and
calls the best men his sons. ΛVllen he was wounded with
an arrow in the ankle, and many ran to him that were
wont to call him a God, he said smiling : That is blood, as
you see, and not, as Homer saith, —
Such liumor as distils from blessed Gods.*
To some that commended the frugality of Antipater, whose
diet was sober and without luxury ; Outwardly, said he,
Antipater wears white clothes, but within he is all purple.
In a cold Avinter day one of his friends invited him to a
banquet, and there being a little fire on a small hearth, he
bid him fetch either wood or frankincense. Antipatridas
brought a beautiful singing Avoman to supper with him ;
Alexander, being taken with her visage, asked Antipatridas
Avhether she was his miss or not. And when he confessed
she was ; Ο villain, said he, turn her immediately out
from the banquet. Again, when Cassander forced a kiss
from Pytho, a boy beloved by Evius the piper, and Alex-
ander perceived that Evius was concerned at it, he was ex-
tremely enraged at Cassander, and said with a loud A^oice,
It seems nobody must be loved if you can help it. AVhen
he sent such of the Macedonians as were sick and maimed to
the sea, they showed him one that Avas in health and yet
subscribed his name among the sick ; being brought into
* II. V. 340.
AND GREAT COMMANDERS. 201
the presence and examined, he confessed he used that pre-
tence for the love of Telesippa, who was going to the sea.
Alexander asked, of whom he could make inquiries about
this Telesippa, and hearing she was a free woman, he said.
Therefore, my Antigenes, let us persuade her to stay with
us, for to force her to do so when she is a free woman is
not according to my custom. Of the mercenary Grecians
that fought against him he took many prisoners. He com-
manded the Athenians should be kept in chains, because
they served for wages when they were allowed a public
maintenance ; and the Thessalians, because when they had
a fruitful country they did not till it ; but he set the The-
bans free, saying. To them only I have left neither city nor
country. He took captive an excellent Indian archer that
said he could shoot an arrow through a ring, and com-
manded him to show his skill ; and when the man refused
to do this, lie commanded him in a rage to be put to death.
The man told them that led him to execution that, not
having practised for many days, he was afraid he should
miss. Alexander, hearing this, wondered at him and dis-
missed him Avith rewards, because he chose rather to die
than show himself unworthy of his reputation. Taxiles,
one of the Indian kings, met Alexander, and advised him
not to make war nor fight with him, but if he Avere a
meaner person than himself, to receive kindness from him,
or if he were a better man, to show kindness to him. He
answered, that was the very thing they must fight for, who
should exceed the other in bounty. AYhen he heard the
rock called Aornus in India was by its situation impregna-
ble, but the commander of it was a coward ; Then, said
he, the place is easy to be taken. Another, commanding
a rock thought to be invincible, surrendered himself and
the rock to Alexander, who committed the said rock and
the adjacent country to his government, saying : I take this
for a wise man, who chose rather to commit himself to a
202 THE APOPHTHEGMS OF KINGS
good man than to a strong place. When the rock was
taken, his friends said that it exceeded the deeds of Hercu-
les. But I, said he, do not think my actions and all my
empire to be compared with one word of Hercules. He
lined some of his friends whom he caught playing at dice
in earnest. Of his chief and most powerful friends, he
seemed most to respect Craterus, and to love Hephaestion.
Craterus, said he, is the friend of the king ; but Hephaes-
tion is the friend of Alexander. He sent fifty talents to
Xenocrates the philosopher, who would not receive them,
saying he Avas not in want. And he asked whether Xeno-
crates had no friend either ; For as to myself, said he, the
treasure of Darius is hardly sufficient for me to bestow
among my friends. He demanded of Porus, after the fight,
how he should treat him. lloyally, said he, like a king.
And being again asked, Avhat farther he had to request ;
All things, said he, are in that word royally. Admiring
his wisdom and valor, he gave him a greater government
than he had before. Being told a certain person reviled
him. To do good, said he, and to be evil spoken of is
kingly. As he was dying, looking upon his friends, I see,
said he, my funeral tournament λυΙΙΙ be great. When he
was dead, Demades the rhetorician likened the Macedonian
army Avithout a general to Polyphemus the Cyclops when
his eye Avas put out.
Ptolemy. Ptolemy, the son of Lagus, frequently supped
with his friends and lay at their houses ; and if at any
time he invited them to supper, he made use of their fur-
niture, sending for vessels, carpets, and tables ; for he him-
self had only things that were of constant use about him,
saying it Avas more becoming a king to make others rich
than to be rich himself.
xA.NTiGONUS. Antigonus exacted money severely. When
one told him that Alexander did not do so, It may be so,
said he ; Alexander reaped Asia, and I but glean after him.
AND GREAT COMMANDERS. 203
Seeing some soldiers playing at ball in head-pieces and
breast-plates, he was pleased, and sent for their officers,
intending to commend them ; bnt Λvhen he heard the offi-
cers were drinking, he bestowed their commands on the
soldiers. When all men wondered that in his old age his
government was mild and easy ; Formerly, said he, I songht
for power, but now for glory and good-will. To Philip his
son, who asked him in the presence of many when the
army would march, AVhat, said he, are you afraid that you
only should not hear the trumpet ] The same young man
being desirous to quarter at a widow's house that had three
handsome daughters, Antigoruis called the quartermaster to
him : Prithee, said he, help my son out of these straits.
Kecovering from a slight disease, he said : No harm ; this
distemper puts me in mind not to aim at great things, since
we are mortal. Hermodotus in his poems called liim Son
of the Sun. He that attends my close-stool, said he, sings
me no such song. When one said. All things in kings are
just and honorable, — Indeed, said he, for barbarian kings ;
but for us only honorable things are honorable, and only
just things are just. Marsyas his brother had a cause de-
pending, and requested him it might be examined at his
house. Nay, said he, it shall be heard in the judgment-
hall, that all may hear whether we do exact justice or not.
In the winter being forced to pitch his camp where neces-
saries were scarce, some of his soldiers reproached him,
not knowing he Avas near. He opened the tent Avitli his
cane, saying : Woe be to you, unless you get you farther off
when you revile me. Aristodemus, one of his friends,
supposed to be a cook's son, advised him to moderate his gifts
and expenses. Thy Λvords, said he, Aristodemus, smell of
the apron. The Athenians, out of a respect to him, gave
one of his servants the freedom of their city. And I ΛνοηΜ
not, said he, have any Athenian whipped by my com-
mand. A youth, scholar to Auaximenes the rhetorician,
20-i THE Al^OPHTHEGMS OF KINGS
spoke ill his presence a prepared and studied speech ;
and he asking something which he desired to learn, the
youth was silent. AVhat do you say, said he, is all that
you have said written in your table-book ? AVhen he heard
another rhetorician say. The snow-spread season makes
the country fodder spent ; Will you not stop, said he,
prating to me as you do to the rabble ] Thrasyllus the
Cynic begged a drachm of him. That, said he, is too little
for a king to give. Why then, said the other, give me a
talent. And that, said he, is too much for a Cynic (or
for a dog) to receive. Sending his son Demetrius with
ships and land-forces to make Greece free ; Glory, said
he, from Greece, as from a watch-tower, will shine through-
out the Avorld. Antagoras the poet was boiling a conger,
and Antigonus, coming behind him as he was stirring his
skillet, said : Do you think, Antagoras, that Homer boiled
congers, when he wrote the deeds of Agamemnon ? An-
tagoras replied: Do you think, Ο King, that Agamemnon,
when he did such exploits, was a peeping in his army to
see Λνΐιο boiled congers % After he had seen in a dream
Mithridates mowing a golden harvest, he designed to kill
him, and acquainted Demetrius his son with his design,
making him swear to conceal it. But Demetrius, taking
INIithridates aside and walking with him by the seaside,
with the pick of his spear wrote on the shore, •' Fly,
Mithridates ; " Avhich he understanding, fled into Pontus,
and there reigned until his death.
Demetrius. Demetrius, while he Avas besieging Rhodes,
found in one of the suburbs the picture of lalysus made
by Protogenes the painter. The Rhodians sent a herald to
him, beseeching him not to deface the picture. I will
sooner, said he, deface my father's statues, than such a
picture. When he made a league with the Rhodians, he
left behind him an engine, called the City Taker, that it
might be a memorial of his magnificence and of their cour-
AND GREAT COMMANDERS. 205
nge. When the Athenians rebelled, and he took the city,
Avhich had been distressed for want of provision, he called
an assembly and gave them corn. And while he made a
speech to them concerning that affair, he spoke improp-
erly ; and Avhen one that sat by told him how the word
ought to be spoken, he said : For this correction I bestow
upon you five thousand bushels more.
Antigonus THE ShcoxD. Antigouus the Secoud — when
his father was a prisoner, and sent one of his friends to
admonish him to pay no regard to any thing that he might
write at the constraint of Seleucus, and to enter into no
obligation to surrender up the cities — wrote to Seleucus
that he would give up his whole kingdom, and himself for
an hostage, that his father might be set free. Being about
to fight by sea Avith the lieutenants of Ptolemy, and the
pilot telling him the enemy outnumbered him in ships, he
said : But how many ships do you reckon my presence to
be Avorth ? Once when he gave ground, his enemies press-,
ing upon him, he denied that he fled ; but he betook him-
self (as he said) to an advantage that lay behind him. To
a vouth, son of a valiant father, but himself no verv great
soldier, petitioning he might receive his f\ither"s pay ; Young
man, said he, I pay and reward men for their own, not for
their fathers' valor. When Zeno of Citium, whom he
admired beyond all philosophers, died, he said. The theatre
of my actions is fallen.
Lysimachus. Lysimachus, when he was overcome by
Dromichaetas in Thrace and constrained by thirst, sur-
rendered himself and his army,• When he was a prisoner,
and had drunk ; Ο Gods, said he, for how small a satisfac-
tion have I made myself a slave from a king ! To Philip-
pides the comedian, his friend and companion, he said :
AVhat have I that I may impart to you ? He answered,
What you please, except your secrets.
Antipater. Antipater, hearing that Parmenio was slain
206 THE APOPHTHEGMS OF KINGS
by Alexander, said : If Parmenio conspired against Alex-
ander, whom may we trust] but if he did not, Avhat is to
be done ? Of Demades the rhetorician, now grown old, he
said : As of sacrifices when finished, so there is nothing left
of him but his belly and tongue.
Antiochus the Third. Antiochus the Third Avrote to
the cities, that if he should at any time ΛνπΙο for any thing
to be done contrary to the law, they should not obey, but
suppose it to be done out of ignorance. AVhen he saw
the Priestess of Diana, that she was exceeding beautiful,
he presently removed from Ephesus, lest he should be
swayed, contrary to his judgment, to commit some unholy
act.
Antiochus Hierax. Antiochus, surnamed the Hawk,
warred with his brother Seleucus for the kingdom. After
Seleucus was overcome by the Galatians, and was not to be
heard of, but supposed to be slain in the fight, he laid aside
his purple and went into mourning. A while after, hearing
his brother was safe, he sacrificed to the Gods for the good
news, and caused the cities under his dominion to put on
garlands.
EuMENES. Eumenes was thought to be slain by a con-
spiracy of Perseus. That report being brought to Pcrga-
mus. Attains his brother put on the crown, married his
wife, and took upon him the kingdom. Hearing after-
Avards his brother was alive and upon the way, he met him,
as he used to do, with his life-guard, and a spear in his
hand. Eumenes embraced him kindly, and whispered in
his ear : —
If a widow you will wed,
Wait till you're sure her husband's dead.*
But he never afterwards did or spake any thing that showed
any suspicion all his lifetime ; but when he died, be be-
queathed to him his queen and kingdom. In requital of
* Μη σπονδε yr/μαι, πριν τελεντησαντ'' Ιδι^ς. Έτοώι Sophooles's Tyro, Frag. 596.
AND GREAT COMMANDERS. 207
which, his brother bred up none of his own children,
although he had many ; but ΛνΙιοη the son of Eumenes
Avas groAvn up, he bestowed the kingdom on him in his
own lifetime.
Pyrrhus the Epirot. Pyrrhus was asked by his sons,
when they were boys, to Avhom he would leave the king-
dom. To him of you, saitli he, that hath the sharpest
sword. Being asked whether Pytho or Caphisius Avas the
better piper, Polysperchon, said he, is the best general.
He joined in battle with the Romans, and twice overcame
them, but with the loss of many friends and captains. If
I should o\'ercome the Romans, said he, in another fight,
I were undone. Not being able to keep Sicily (as he said)
from them, turning to his friends he said: A\^hat a fine
wrestling ring do we leave to the Romans and Carthagi-
nians ! His soldiers called him Eagle ; And I may deserve
the title, said he, while I am borne upon the wings of your
arms. Hearing some young men had spoken many re.
proachful words of him in their drink, he summoned them
all to appear before him next day ; when they appeared,
ne asked the foremost whether they spake such things of
him or not. The young man ansAvered : Such words were
spoken, Ο King, and more we had spoken, if we had had
more wine.
Antiochus. Antiochus, who twice made an inroad into
Parthia, as he w^as once a hunting, lost his friends and ser-
vants in the pursuit, and went into a cottage of poor people
who did not know him. As they were at supper, he threw
out discourse concerning the king ; thev said for the most
part he was a good prince, but overlooked many things he
left to the management of debauched courtiers, and out of
love of hunting often neglected his necessary aff'airs ; and
there they stopped. At break of day the guard arrived at
the cottage, and the king was recognized when the crown
and purple robes w^ere brought. From the day, said he,
208 THE APOPHTHEGMS OF KINGS
on Avliich I first receh^d these, I ne\Tr heard truth con-
cerning myself till yesterday. When he besieged Jerusa-
lem, the Jews, in respect of their great festival, begged
of him seven days' truce ; which he not only granted, but
preparing oxen with gilded horns, with a great quantity of
incense and perfumes, he went before them to the very
gates, and having delivered them as a sacrifice to their
priests, he returned back to his army. The Jews won-
dered at him, and as soon as their festival was finished,
surrendered themselves to him.
Themistocles. Themistocles in his youth w^as much
given to wine and women. But after Miltiades the gen-
eral overcame the Persian at Marathon, Themistocles
utterlv forsook his former disorders ; and to such as won-
dered at the change, he said, The trophy of Miltiades will
neither suffer me to sleep nor to be idle. Being asked
Avhether he Avould rather be Achilles or Homer, — And
pray, said he, which would you rather be, a conqueror in
the Olympic games, or the crier that proclaims who are
conquerors ? When Xerxes with that great navy made a
descent upon Greece, he fearing, if Epicydes (a popular,
but a covetous, corrupt, and cowardly person) were made
general, the city might be lost, bribed him with a sum of
money to desist from that pretence. Adimantus was
afraid to hazard a sea-fight, w hereunto Themistocles per-
suaded and encouraged the Grecians. Ο Themistocles,
said he, those that start before their time in the Olympic
games are always scourged. Aye ; but, Adimantus, said
the other, they that are left behind are not crowned.
Eurybiades lifted up his cane at him, as if he Avould strike
him. Strike, said he, but hear me. When he could not
persuade Eurybiades to fight in the straits of the sea, he
sent privately to Xerxes, advising him that he need not
fear the Grecians, for they Λvere running away. Xerxes
upon this persuasion, fighting in a place advantageous for
AND GREAT COMMANDERS. 209
the Grecians, was worsted ; and then he sent him another
message, and bade him fly with all speed o\'er the Helles-
pont, for the Grecians designed to break down his bridge ;
that under pretence of saving him he might secure the
Grecians. A man from the little island Seriphus told
him, he Avas famous not upon his own account but through
the city where he lived. You say true, said he, for if I
had been a Seriphian, I had not been famous ; nor would
you, if you had been an Athenian. To Antiphatus, a beau-
tiful person that avoided and despised Themistocles when
he formerly loved him, but came to him and flattered him
Λνΐιοη he was in great power and esteem ; Hark you, lad,
said he, though late, yet both of us are wise at last. To
Simonides desiring him to give an unjust sentence. You
ΛνοηΜ not be a good poet, said he, if you should sing out
of tune ; nor I a good governor, if I should give judgment
contrary to laΛV. When his son was a little saucy towards
his mother, he said that this boy had more power than all
the Grecians, for the Athenians governed Greece, he the
Athenians, his Avife him, and his son his wife. He pre-
ferred an honest man that wooed his daughter, before a rich
man. I would rather, said he, have a man that wants
money, than money that wants a man. Having a farm to
sell, he bid the crier proclaim also that it had a good
neighbor. When the Athenians reviled him ; AVhy do you
complain, said he, that the same persons so often befriend
you ] And he compared himself to a row of plane-trees,
under which in a storm passengers run for shelter, but in
fair weather they pluck the leaves off and abuse them.
Scoffing at the Eretrians, he said, Like the sword-fish, they
have a sword indeed, but no heart. Being banished first
out of Athens and afterwards out of Greece, he betook
himself to the king of Persia, Λνΐιο bade him speak his
mind. Speech, he said, Λvas like to tapestry ; and like
it, when it Avas spread, it showed its figures, but when
VOL. I. 14
210 THE APOPHTHEGMS OF KINGS
it was folded up, hid and spoiled them. And therefore he
requested time until he might learn the Persian tongue,
and could explain himself without an interpreter. Having
there received great presents, and being enriched of a sud-
den ; Ο lads, said he to his sons, we had been undone if
we had not been undone.
Myronides. INIyronides summoned the Athenians to
iiaht aijainst the Boeotians. AVlien the time was almost
come, and the captains told him they were not near all
come out ; They are come, said he, all that intend to fight.
And marching while their spirits were up, he overcame
his enemies.
Aristides. Aristides the Just always managed liis offices
himself, and avoided all political clubs, because poAver got-
ten by the assistance of friends was an encouragement to
the unjust. AVhen the Athenians were fully bent to banish
him by an ostracism, an illiterate country fellow came to
him with his shell, and asked him to write in it the name
of Aristides. Friend, said he, do you know Aristides ?
Not 1, said the fellow, but I do not like his surname of
Just. He said no more, but Avrote his name in the shell
and gave it him. He was at variance with Themistocles,
who was sent on an embassy Avith him. Are you content,
said he, Themistocles, to leave our enmity at the borders ?
and if you please, we will take it up again at our return.
Λνΐιεη he levied an assessment upon the Greeks, he re-
turned poorer by so much as he spent in the journey.
Aeschylus wrote these verses on Amphiaraus : —
His shield no emblem bears ; his generous soul
Wishes to be, not to appear, the best ;
While tlie deep furrows of his noble mind
Harvests of wise and prudent counsel bear.*
* Σήμα δ' ονκ ίπην κύκλω•
Ον γαρ δοκεΐν άριστος αλλ' είναι θέλει,
ΒαθεΙαν άλοκα δια φρενυς καρπονμενος,
Έξ ης τα κεύνά βλαστύνει βουλεύματα.
Aesch. Sept. 591. Thus the passage stands in all MSS. of Aeschylus ; but it ie
AND GREAT COMMANDERS. 211
And when they were pronounced in the theatre, all turned
their eyes upon Aristides.
Pericles. Whenever he entered on his command as aen-
cral, while he was putting on his war-cloak, he used thus
to hespeak himself: Remember, Pericles, you govern free-
men, Grecians, Athenians. He advised tlie Athenians to
demolish Aegina, as a dangerous eyesore to the haven of
Piraeus. To a friend that wanted him to bear false wit-
ness and to bind the same with an oath, he said: 1 am a
friend only as far as the altar. When he lay on his death-
bed, he blessed himself that no Athenian ever Avent into
mourning upon his account.
Alcibiades. Alcibiades while he was a boy, wrestling
in a ring, seeing he could not break his adversary's hold,
bit him by the hand ; Avho cried out. You bite like a
Avoman. Not so, said he, but like a lion. He had a very
handsome dog, that cost him seven thousand drachmas ;
and he cut off his tail, that, said he, the Athenians may
have this story to tell of me, and may concern themselves
no farther with me. Coming into a school, he called for
Homer's Iliads ; and when the master told him he had
none of Homer's works, he gave him a box on the ear, and
Avent his way. He came to Pericles's gate, and being told
he was busy a preparing his accounts to be given to the
people of Athens, Had he not better, said he, contrive
how he might give no account at all "? Being summoned by
the Athenians out of Sicily to plead for his life, he ab-
sconded, saying, that criminal was a fool who studied a
defence when he might fly for it. But, said one, will you
not trust your country with your cause 1 No, said he, nor
my mother either, lest she mistake and cast a black pebble
qiioted by Plutarch in liis Life of Aristides, § 3, with δίκαιης in the second verse in
the place of ύμίστος. It has been plausibly conjectured, that the actor who spoke tiie
part intentionally substituted the word όίκαιος as a compliment to Aristides, on seeing
him in a conspicuous place among the spectators. See Hermann's note on the passage
in his edition of Aeschylus. (G.)
212 THE APOPHTHEGMS OF KINGS
instead of a white one. When he heard death Λyas de-
creed to him and his associates, Let ns convince them, said
he, that we are aUve. And passhig over to Lacedaemon,
he stirred up the Decelean war against the Athenians.
Lamachus. Lamachns chid a captain for a fault ; and
when he had said he ΛνοηΜ do so no more. Sir, said he, in
war there is no room for a second miscarriag-e.
Iphicrates. Iphicrates was despised because he was
thought to be a shoemaker's son. The exploit that first
brought him into repute was this : when he was wounded
himself, he caught up one of the enemies and carried him
alive and in his armor to his own ship. lie once pitched
his camp in a country belonging to his allies and confed-
erates, and yet he fortified it exactly with a trench and
bulwark. Said one to him, What are ye afraid of? Of all
speeches, said he, none is so dishonorable for a general, as
I should not have thought it. As he marshalled his army
to fight with barbarians, I am afraid, said he, they do not
know Iphicrates, for his very name used to strike terror
into other enemies. Being accused of a capital crime, he
said to the informer : Ο fellow ! what art thou doin»•, Λνΐιο,
when Avar is at hand, dost advise the city to consult con-
cerning me, and not with me ? To Harmodius, descended
from the ancient Harmodius, when he reviled him for his
mean birth. My nobility, said he, begins in me, but yours
ends in you. A rhetorician asked him in an assembly,
who he was that he took so much upon him, — horseman,
or footman, or archer, or shield-bearer. Neither of them,
said he, but one that understands how to command all
those.
TiMOTHEUs. Timotheus Avas reputed a successful gen-
eral, and some that envied him painted cities falling under
his net of their own accord, while he was asleep. Said
Timotheus, If I take such cities when I am asleep, what
do you think I shall do when I am awake ? A confident
AND GREAT COMMANDERS. 213
commander showed the Athenians a wound he had re-
ceived. But I, said he, when I ΛΛ'as your general in
Sanios, was ashamed that a dart from an engine fell near
me. The orators set up Chares as one they thought fit to
be general of the Athenians. Not to be general, said
Timotheus, but to carry the general's baggage.
Chabrtas. Chabrias said, they "were the best commanders
who best understood the affairs of their enemies. He was
once indicted for treason Avith Iphicrates, Avho blamed him
for exposing himself to danger, by going to the place of
exercise, and dining at his usual hour. If the Athenians,
said he, deal severely Avith us, you will die all foul and
gut- foundered ; I'll die clean and anointed, with my dinner
in mv belh'. He was wont to say, that an army of staofs,
with a lion for their commander, was more formidable than
an army of lions led by a stag.
Hegesippus. AVhen Hegesippus, surnamed Crobylus
(i.e. Top-knot), instigated the Athenians against Philip,
one of the assembly cried out, You would not persuade us
to a war ? Yes, indeed, Avould I, said he, and to mourning
clothes and to public funerals and to funeral speeches,
if Ave intend to live free and not submit to the pleasure
of the Macedonians.
Pytheas. Pytheas, when he Avas a young man, stood
forth to oppose the decrees made concerning Alexander.
One said : Have you, young man, the confidence to speak
in such Aveighty affairs ? And Avhy not ? said he : Alexander,
AA^hom you voted a God, is younger than I am.
Phociox. Phocion the Athenian Avas ne\'er seen to
laugh or cry. In an assembly one told him. You seem to
be thoughtful, Phocion. You guess right, said he, for I
am contriving how to contract what I have to say to the
people of Athens. The Oracle told the Athenians, there
was one man in the city of a contrary judgment to all the
rest ; and the Athenians in a hubbub ordered search to be
214 THE APOPHTHEGMS OF KINGS
made, who this should be. I, said Phocion, am the man ;
I alone am pleased Avith nothing the common people say
or do. Once when he had delivered an opinion which
pleased the people, and perceived it Λvas entertained by a
general consent, he turned to his friend, and said : Have I
not unawares spoken some mischievous thing or other 1
The Atbenians gathered a benevolence for a certain sacri-
fice ; and when others contributed to it, he being often
spoken to said : I should be ashamed to give to you, and
not to pay this man, — pointing to one of his creditors.
Demosthenes the orator told him. If the Athenians should
be mad, they would kill you. Like enough, said he, me
if they Avere mad, but you if they were wise. Aristo-
giton the informer, being condemned and ready to be
executed in prison, entreated that Phocion would come to
him. And Λνΐιοη his friends would not suffer him to go to
so vile a person ; x\nd where, said he, would you discourse
with Aristogiton more pleasantly 1 The Athenians were
offended with the Byzantines, for refusing to receive Chares
into their city, who was sent with forces to assist them
against Philip. Said Phocion, You ought not to be dis-
pleased with the distrust of your confederates, but with
your commanders that are not to be trusted. Whereupon
he was chosen general, and being trusted by the Byzantines,
he forced Philip to return without his errand. King
Alexander sent him a present of a hundred talents ; and
he asked those that brought it, what it should mean that,
of all the Athenians. Alexander should be thus kind to
him. They answered, because he esteemed him alone to
be a worthy and upright person. Pray therefore, said he,
let him suffer me to seem as well as to be so. Alexander
sent to them for some ships, and the people calling for
Phocion by name, bade him speak his opinion. He stood
up and told them : I advise you either to conquer your-
selves, or else to side with the conqueror. An uncertain
AND GREAT COMMANDERS. 215
rumor happened, that Alexander Avas dead. Immediately
the orators leaped into the pulpit, and advised them to
make war without delay ; but Pliocion entreated tliem to
tarry awhile and know the certainty : For, said he, if he
is dead to-day, he will be dead to-morrow, and so forwards.
Leosthenes hurried the city into a war, with fond hopes
conceited at the name of liberty and command. Phocion
compared his speeches to cypress-trees ; They are tall, said
he, and comely, but bear no frait. IIoweΛτr, the first
attempts were successful ; and when the city Avas sacrific-
ing for the good news, he was asked whether he did not
wish he had done this himself. I would, said he, have
done what has been done, but have advised what I did.
When the Macedonians invaded Attica and plundeied the
seacoasts, he drew out the youth. When many came to
him and generally persuaded him by all means to possess
himself of such an ascent, and thereon to marshal his
army, Ο Hercules ! said he, how many commanders do I
see, and how few soldiers ? Yet he fought and overcame,
and slew Nicion, the commander of the Macedonians.
But in a short time the Athenians were overcome, and
admitted a garrison sent by Antipater. Menyllus, the
governor of that garrison, offered money to Phocion, who
was enraged thereby and said : This man is no better than
Alexander ; and what I refused then I can Avith less honor
receive now. Antipater said, of the two friends he had
at Athens, he could never persuade Phocion to accept a
present, nor could he ever satisfy Demades Avith presents.
When Antipater requested him to do some indirect thing
or other, Antipater, said he, you cannot have Phocion for
your friend and flatterer too. After the death of Antipater,
democracy was established in Athens, and the assembly
decreed the death of Phocion and his friends. The rest
were led weeping to execution ; but as Phocion passed
silently, one of his enemies met him and spat in his face.
216 THE APOPHTHEGMS OF KINGS
But he turned himself to the magistrates, and said, AVill
nobody restrain this insolent fellow? One of those that
were to suffer Avith him lamented and took on : Why,
Euippus, said he, are you not pleased that you die with
Phocion ? ΛΥΙιοη the cup of hemlock was brought to him,
being asked whether he had any thing to say to his son ; I
command you, said he. and entreat you not to think of
any revenge upon the Athenians.
PisisTiiATUS. Pisistratus, tyrant of Athens, when some
of his party revolted from him and possessed themselves
of Phyle, came to them bearing his baggage on his back.
They asked him what he meant by it. Eitliei, said he, to
persuade you to return with me, or if I cannot persuade
you, to tarry with you ; and therefore I come prepared
accordingly. An accusation was brought to him against
his mother, that she was in love and used secret familiarity
Avith a young man, who out of fear for the most ])art re-
fused her. This young man he invited to supper, and as
they weve at supper asked him how he liked his entertain-
ment. He ansAvered, Very Avell. Thus, said he, you shall
be treated daily, if you please my mother. Thrasybulus
Avas in love with his daughter, and as he met her, kissed
her ; whereupon his wife would have incensed him against
Thrasybulus. If, said he, we hate those that love us,
Avhat shall we do to them that hate us] — and he gave
the maid in marriage to Thrasybulus. Some lascivious
drunken persons by chance met his Avife, and used un-
seemly speech and behavior to her ; but the next day they
beo-o-cd his pardon with tears. As for vou, said he, learn
to be sober for the future ; but as for my wife, yesterday
she was not abroad at all. He designed to marry another
wife, and his children asked him whether he could blame
them for any thing. By no means, said he, but I com-
mend you, and desire to have more such children as you
are,
AND GREAT COMMANDERS. 217
Demetrius Phalereus. Demetrius Phalcreus persuaded
Kiug• Ptolemy to get and study such books as treated of
government and conduct ; for those things are written iu
books which the friends of kings dare not advise.
Lycurgus. Lvcurofus the Lacedaemonian brou":ht lonir
hair into fashion among his countrymen, saying that it
rendered those that were handsome more beautiful, and
those that were deformed more terrible. To one that ad-
vised him to set up a democracy in Sparta, Pray, said he,
do you first set up a democracy in your own house. He
ordained that houses should be built with saws and axes
only, thinking they would be ashamed to bring plate,
tapestry, and costly tables into such pitiful houses. He
forbade them to contend at boxing or in the double contest
of boxing and wrestling, that they might not accustom
themselves to be conquered, no, not so much as in jest.
He forbade them also to Avar often against the same
people, lest they should make them the more warlike.
Accordingly, many years after, when Agesilaus was wound-
ed, Antalcidas told him the Thebans had rewarded him
worthily for teaching and accustoming them to war, whether
they would or no.
Charillus. King Charillus, being asked why Lycurgus
made so few laws, answered, They who use few words do
not need many laws. When one of the Helots behaved
rather too insolently towards him. By Castor and Polhix,
said he, I would kill you, were I not angry. To one that
asked him why the Spartans wore long hair, Because, said
he, of all ornaments that is the cheapest.
Teleclus. King Teleclus, when his brother inveighed
against the citizens for not giving him that respect which
they did to the king, said to him, No wonder, you do not
know how to bear injury.
Theopompus. Theopompus, to one that slioAved him tlie
walls of a city, and asked him if they were not high and
218 THE APOPIITIIEGMS OF KINGS
beautiful, answered, No, not even if they are built for
women.
Archidamus. Archidamus, in the Peloponnesian war,
when his allies requested him to appoint tliem their quota
of tributes, replied. War has a wery irregukir appetite.
Brasidas. Brasidas caught a mouse among his dried
figs, which bit him, and he let it go. AVhereupon, turning
to the company. Nothing, said he, is so small which may
not save itself, if it have the valor to defend itself
against its aggressors. In a fight he was shot through his
shield, and pkicking the spear out of his Avound, with the
same he slew his adversary. AVhen he was asked how he
came to be wounded. My shield, said he, betrayed me.
It was his fortune to be slain in battle, as he endeavored to
liberate the Grecians that Avere in Thrace. These sent an
embassy to Lacedaemon, which made a visit to his mother,
Λνΐιο first asked them whether Brasidas died honorably.
ΛVhen the Thracians praised him, and afifirmed that there
would never be such another man. My friends, said she,
you are mistaken ; Brasidas indeed was a valiant man, but
Lacedaemon hath many more valiant men than he.
Agis. Kina• Agis said. The Lacedaemonians are not v/ont
to ask how many, but where the enemy are. At jNlantinea
he was advised not to fight the enemy that exceeded him
in number. It is necessary, said he, for him to fight with
many, Λνΐιο would rule over many. The Eleans were com-
mended for managing the Olympic games honorably. What
Avonder, said he, do they do, if one day in four years they
do justice? When the same persons enlarged in their
commendation. What wonder is it, said he, if they use
justice honorably, which is an honorable thing ? To a
lewd person, that often asked who Avas the best man among
tlie Spartans, he answered. He that is most unlike you.
When another asked what was the number of the Lacedae-
monians, — Sufficient, said he, to defend themselves fron•
AND GREAT COMMANDERS. 219
wicked men. To another that asked him the same ques-
tion, If you should see them fight, said he, you would
think them to be many.
Lysander. Dionysius the Tyrant presented Lysander's
daughters with rich garments, which he refused to accept,
saying he feared they would seem more deformed in them.
To such as blamed him for managing much of his affairs
by stratagems, which Avas unworthy of Hercules from
whom he was descended, he answered, Where the lion's
skin will not reach, it must be pieced with the fox's. AVhen
the citizens of Argos seemed to make out a better title than
the Lacedaemonians to a country that was in dispute be-
tween them, drawing his sword. He that is master of this,
said he, can best dispute about bounds of countries. AVhen
the Lacedaemonians delayed to assault the walls of Corinth,
and he saw a hare leap out of the trench ; Do you fear, said
he, such enemies as these, whose laziness suffers hares to
sleep on their walls ? To an inhabitant of Megara, that in
a parley spoke confidently unto him, Your words, said he,
want the breeding of the city.
Agesilaus. Agesilaus said that the inhabitants of Asm
were bad freemen and good servants. When they Avere wont
to call the king of Persia the Great King, W^herein, said he,
is he greater than I, if he is not more just and wise than I am]
Being asked which was better, valor or justice, he answ^ered,
AVe should have no need of valor, if we were all jusc.
When he broke up his camp suddenly by night in the ene-
my's country, and saAV a lad he loA-ed left behind by reason
of sickness, and weeping. It is a hard thing, said he, to be
pitiful and wise at the same time. Menecrates the phy-
sician, surnamed Jupiter, inscribed a letter to him thus :
Menecrates Jupiter to King Agesilaus wisheth joy. And
he returned in answ^er : King Agesilaus to Menecrates
wisheth his Avits. AVhen the Lacedaemonians overcame
the Athenians and their confederates at Corinth, and he
220 THE APOPHTHEGMS OF KINGS
heard the number of the enemies that were slain ; Alas,
said he, for Greece, who hath destroyed so many of her men
as were enough to have conquered all the barbarians to-
gether. He had received an answer from the Oracle of
Jupiter in Olympia, which was to his satisfaction. After-
wards the Ephori bade him consult Apollo in the same
case ; and to Delphi he Avent, and asked that God whether
he was of the same mind with his father. He interceded
for one of his friends Avith Idrieus of Caria, and wrote to
him thus : If Nicias has not offended, set him free ; but
if he is guilty, set him free for my sake ; by all means
set him free. Behig .exhorted to hear one that imitated
the voice of a nightingale, I have often, said he, heard
niiihtin^ales themselves. The law ordained that such as
ran aAvay should be disgraced. After the fight at Leuctra,
the Ephori, seeing the city void of men, were willing
to dispense with that disgrace, and empowered Agesilaus
to make a law to that purpose. But he standing in the
midst commanded that after the next day the laws should
remain in force as before. He was sent to assist the king
of Egypt, wilh whom he Λvas besieged by enemies that
outnumbered his own forces ; and Λvhcn they had en-
trenched their camp, the king commanded him to go out
and fight them. Since, said he, they intend to make them-
selves equal to us, I will not hinder them. AVlicn the
trench was almost finished, he drew up his men in the void
space, and so fighting with equal advantage he overcame
them. AVhen he was dying, he charged his friends that
no fiction or counterfeit (so he called statues) should be
made for him ; For if, said he, I have done any honorable
exploit, that is my monument ; but if I have done none, all
your statues will signify nothing.
Archidamus. Λνΐιεη Archidamus, the son of Agesilaus,
beheld a dart to be shot from an engine newly brought out
of Sicily, he cried out, Ο Hercules ! .the valor of man is
at an end.
AND GREAT COMMANDERS. 221
Agis the Younger. Demades said, the Laconians'
swords were so small, that jugglers might swallow them.
That may be, said Agis, but the Lacedaemonians can reach
their enemies very well with them. The Ephori ordered
him to deliver his soldiers to a traitor. I will not, said
he, entrust him with strangers, who betrayed his own
men.
Cleomenes. To one that promised to give him hardy
cocks, that would die fighting. Prithee, said he, give me
cocks that will kill fighting.
Paedaretus. Pacdaretus, when he Λvas not chosen
among the Three Hundred (which was the highest office
and honor in the city), Avent away cheerfully and smiling,
saying, he was glad if the city had three hnndred better
citizens than himself.
Damonidas. Damonidas, being placed by him that or-
dered the chorus in the last rank of it, said : AVell done,
you have found a way to make this place also honorable.
Nicostratus. Archidamus, general of the Argives, en-
ticed Nicostratus to betray a fort, by promises of a great
sum, and the marriage of Λvhat Lacedaemonian lady he
pleased except the king's daughters. He answered, that
Archidamus was none of the off"spring of Hercules, for he
went about to punish wicked men, but Archidamus to cor-
rupt honest men.
EuDAEMONiDAS. Eudaemouidas beholding Xenocrates,
Avhen he was old, in the Academy reading philosophy to
his scholars, and being told he was in quest of virtue,
asked : And when does he intend to practise it ? Another
time, Λνΐιοη he heard a philosopher arguing that only the
wise man can be a good general, This is a wonderful
speech, said he, but he that saitli it never heard the sound
of trumpets.
Antiochus. Antiochus being Ephor, when he heard
Philip had given the Messenians a country, asked whether
222 THE APOPHTHEGMS OF KINGS
ne had granted them that they should be Λ'ictol■ious when
they fought for that country.
Antalcidas. To an Athenian that called the Lacedae-
monians unlearned, Therefore we alone, said Antalcidas,
have learned no mischief of you. To another Athenian
that told him. Indeed, we have often driven you from the
Cephissus, he replied. But we neΛ'er drove you from
the Eurotas. When a Sophist was beginning to recite
the praise of Hercules ; And who, said he, ever spoke
against him ]
Epaminondas. No panic fear ever surprised the army
of the Thebans while Epaminondas was their general.
He said, to die in war was the most honorable death,
and the bodies of armed men ought to be exercised,
not as wrestlers, but in a warlike manner. Where-
fore he hated fat men, and dismissed one of them, say-
ing, that three or four shields would scarce serve to secure
his belly, Avhich would not suffer him to see his members.
He was so frugal in his diet that, being invited by a
neighbor to supper, and finding there dishes, oint-
ments, and junkets in abundance, he departed imme-
diately, saying : I thought you were sacrificing, and not
displaying your luxury. When his cook gave an account
to his colleagues of the charges for several days, he was
offended only at the quantity of oil ; and when his col-
leagues wondered at him, 1 am not, said he, troubled at
the charge, but that so much oil should be received into
my body. ΛVhen the city kept a festival, and all gave
themselves to banquets and drinking, he was met by one
of his acquaintance unadorned and in a thoughtful posture.
He wondering asked him why he of all men should walk
about in that manner. That all of you, said he, may be
drunk and revel secure!}•. An ill man, that had committed
no great fault, he refused to discharge at the request of
Pelopidas ; when his miss entreated for him, he dismissed
AND GREAT COMMANDERS. 223
him, saying : Whores are fitting to receive such presents,
and not generals. The Lacedaemonians invaded the
Thebans, and oracles were brought to Thebes, some that
promised victory, others that foretold an overthrow. He
ordered those to be placed on the right hand of the judg-
ment seat, and these on the left. IVhen they Avere placed
accordingly, he rose up and said : If you will obey your
commanders and imanimously resist your enemies, these
are your oracles, — pointing to the better ; but if you
play the cowards, those, — pointing to the worser. An-
other time, as he drew nigh to the enemy, it thundered,
and some that were about him asked him Avhat he thouo-ht
the Gods would signify by it. They signify, said he, that
the enemy is thunderstruck and demented, since he pitches
his camp in a bad place, Avhen he w^as nigh to a better.
Of all the happy and prosperous events that befell him,
he said that in this he took most satisfaction, that he over-
came the Lacedaemonians at Leuctra while his father and
mother, that begot him, Avere living. Whereas he was
wont to appear with his body anointed and a cheerful
countenance, the day after that fight he came abroad meanly
habited and dejected ; and when his friends asked him
Avhether any misfortune had befallen him. No, said he, but
yesterday I Avas pleased more than became a wise man, and
therefore to-day I chastise that immoderate joy. Perceiv-
ing the Spartans concealed their disasters, and desiring to
discover the greatness of their loss, he did not give them
leave to take .away their dead altogether, but allowed each
city to bury its ΟΛνη ; whereby it appeared that above a
thousand Lacedaemonians were slain. Jason, monarch of
Thessaly, was at Thebes as their confederate, and sent two
thousand pieces of gold to Epaminondas, then in great
Avant ; but he refused the gold, and when he saw Jason, he
said : You are the first to commit violence. And borrow-
ing fifty drachms of a citizen, with that money to supply
224 THE APOPHTHEGMS OF KINGS
h.is 'army he invaded Peloponnesus. Another time, Avhen
the Persian king sent him thirty thousand darics, he chid
Diomedon severely, asking him whether he sailed so far to
bribe Epaminondas ; and bade him tell the king, as long
as he Avished the prosperity of the Thebans, Epaminondas
would be his friend gratis, but when he Avas otherwise
minded, his enemy. AVhen the Argives were confederates
Λvith the Thebans, the Athenian ambassadors then in
Arcadia complained of both, ond Callistratus the orator
reproached the cities with Orestes and Oedipus. But
Epaminondas stood up and said : We confess there hath
been one amongst us that killed his father, and among the
Argives one that killed his mother ; but we banished those
that did such things, and the Athenians entertained them.
To some Spartans that accused the Thebans of many and
great crimes, These indeed, said he, are they that have put
an end to your short dialect. The Athenians made friend-
ship and alliance with Alexander the tyrant of Pherae, who
was an enemy to the Thebans, and who had promised to
furnish them Avith flesh at half an obol a pound. And we,
said Epaminondas, will supply them with wood to that flesh
gratis ; for if they grow meddlesome, we will make bold
to cut all the wood in their country for them. Being de-
sirous to keep the Boeotians, that were groAvn rusty by
idleness, always in arms, when he Avas chosen their chief
magistrate, he used to exhort them, saying : Yet consider
what you do, my friends ; for if I am your general, you
must be my soldiers. He called their country, which was
plain and open, the stage of war, which they could keep
no longer than their hands were upon their shields. Cha-
brias, having slain a few Thebans near Corinth, that en-
gaged too hotly near the walls, erected a trophy, Avhich
Epaminondas laughed at, saying, it was not a trophy, but
a statue of Trivia, Avhich they usually placed in the high-
way before the gates. One told him that the Athenians
AND GREAT COMMANDERS. 225
had sent an army into Peloponnesus adorned with new
armor. What then ^ said he, doth Antigenidas sigh because
Telles hath got new pipes] (Now Antigenidas Λvas an
excellent piper, but Telles a vile one.) Understanding his
shield-bearer had taken a great deal of money from a pris-
oner, Come, said he, give me the shield, and buy you a
victualling-house to live in ; for now you are grown rich
and Avealthy, you will not hazard your life as yon did ior-
merlv. Beini^ asked whether he thought himself or Chi-
brias or Iphicrates the better general. It is hard, said he,
to judge while we live. After he returned out of Laconia,
he Avas tried for his life, with his fellow-commanders, for
continuing Boeotarch four months longer than the law
allowed. He bade the other commanders lay the blame
upon him, as if he had forced them, and for himself, he
said, his actions were his best speech ;' but if any thing at
all were to be answered to the judges, he entreated them,
if they put him to death, to Avrite his fault upon his monu-
ment, that the Grecians might know that Epaminondas
compelled the Thebans against their Avill to plunder and fire
Laconia, — which in five hundred years before had never
suffered the like. — to build Messene two hundred and
thirty years after it was sacked, to unite the Arcadians,
and to restore liberty to Greece ; for those things were
done in that expedition. Whereupon the judges arose
with great laughter, and refused even to receive the votes
against him. In his last fight, being wounded and carried
into his tent, he called for Diaphantes and after him f f r
loUidas ; and \vhen he heard they Avere slain, he advised
the Thebans to make their peace with the enemy, since
tliey had never a general left them ; as by the event proved
true. So well did he understand his countrymen.
Pelopidas. Pelopidas, Epaminondas's colleague, when
his friends told him that he neglected a necessary business,
that was the gathering of money, replied : In good deed
VOL. X. 15
226 THE APOPHTHEGMS OF KINGS.
money is necessary for this NicomeJas, pointing to a lame
man that could not go. As he was going out to fight, his
wife beseeched him to haxe a care of himself. To others
you may give this advice, said he ; but a commander and
general you must advise that he should save his country-
men. A soldier told him, λΥβ are fallen among the ene-
mies. Said he, How are Ave fallen among them, more than
they among us 1 When Alexander, the tyrant of Pherae,
broke his faith and cast him into prison, he reviled him ;
and when the other told him he did but hasten his death,
That is my design, said he, that the Thebans may be exas-
perated against you, and be revenged on you the sooner.
Thebe, the wife of the tyrant, came to him, and told him
she wondered to see him so merry in chains. He answered,
he wondered more at her, that she could endure Alexan-
der without being" chained. When Epaminondas caused
him to be released, he said : I thank Alexander, for I have
now found by trial that I have not only courage to fight,
but to die.
ROMAN APOPHTHEGMS.
M.' CuRius. When some blamed M.' Curius for distribut-
ing but a small part of a country he took from the enemy,
and preser\ang the greater part for the commonwealth, he
prayed there might be no Roman who Avould think that
estate little Avhich was enough to maintain him. The
Samnites after an overthrow came to him to offer him
gold, and found him boiling rape-roots. He answered the
Samnites that he that could sup so wanted no gold, and
that he had rather rule over those who had gold than have
it himself.
AND GREAT COMMANDERS. 227
C. Fabricius. C. Fabricius, hearing Pyrrhus had over-
thrown the Romans, told Labienus, it was Pyi-rhus, not
the Epirots, that beat the Romans. He went to treat
about exchange of prisoners with Pyrrhus, who offered
him a great sum of gold, which he refused. The next day
Pyrrhus commanded a very large elephant should secretly
be placed behind Fabricius, and discover himself by roar-
ing ; whereupon Fabricius turned and smiled, saying, I was
not astonished either at your gold yesterday or at your beast
to-day. Pyrrhus invited him to tarry with him, and to
accept of the next command under him : That, said he,
will be inconvenient for you ; for, wdien the Epirots know
us both, they will rather have me for their king than you.
When Fabricius was consul, Pyrrhus's physician sent hitn
a letter, wherein he promised him that, if he commanded
him, he would poison Pyrrhus. Fabricius sent the letter
to Pyrrhus, and bade him conclude that he Avas a very bad
judge both of friends and enemies. The plot was discov-
ered ; Pyrrhus hanged his physician, and sent the Roman
prisoners he had taken Avithout ransom as a present to Fa-
bricius. He, however, refused to accept them, but returned
the like number, lest he might seem to receive a reward.
Neither did he disclose the conspiracy out of kindness to
Pyrrhus, but that the Romans might not seem to kill him
by treachery, as if they despaired to conquer him in open
Avar.
Fabius Maximus. Fabius Maximus would not fight,
but chose to spin away the time with Hannibal, — who
Avanted both money and provision for his army, — by
pursuing and facing him in rocky and mountainous places.
AVhen many laughed at him and called him Hannibal's
schoolmaster, he took little notice of them, but pursued
his own design, and told his friends : He that is afraid of
scoffs and reproaches is more a coward than he that
flies from the enemy. \Vhen Minucius, his fellow-consul,
228 THE APOPHTHEGMS OF KINGS
upon routing a party of the enemy, \vas highly extolled as
a man worthy of Rome ; I am more afraid, said he, of
Minucius's success than of his misfortune. And not lone:
after he fell into an ambush, and was in danger of perish-
ing Avith his forces, until Fabius succored him, slew many
of the enemy, and brought him off. AVhereupon Hannibal
told his friends : Did I not often presage that cloud on the
hills would some time or other break upon us ] After the
city received the great overthrow at Cannae, he was chosen
consul with Marcellus, a daring person and much desirous
to fight Hannibal, Avhose forces, if nobody fought him, he
hoped would shortly disperse and be dissolved. Therefore
Hannibal said, he feared fighting Marcellus less than
Fabius who would not fight. He was informed of a
Lucanian soldier that frequently wandered out of the
camp by night after a woman he loved, but otherwise an
admirable soldier; he caused his mistress to be seized
privately and brought to him. When she came, he sent
for the soldier and told him : It is known you lie out
a nights, contrary to the law ; but your former good be-
havior is not forgotten, therefore your faults are forgiven
to your merits. Henceforwards you shall tarry Avith me,
for I have your surety. And he brought out the woman
to him. Hannibal kept Tarentum with a garrison, all
but the castle ; and Fabius drew the enemy far from it,
and by a stratagem took the town and plundered it.
ΛVhen his secretary asked what Avas his pleasure as to
the holy images. Let us leave, said he, the Tarentines
their offended Gods. When M. Livius, who kept a
garrison in the castle, said he took Tarentum by his
assistance, others laughed at him ; but said Fabius, You
say true, for if you had not lost the city, I had not re-
took it. When he was ancient, his son was consul, and
as he was discharging his office publicly with many
attendants, he met him on horseback. The young man
AND GREAT COMMANDERS. 229
sent a sergeant to command him to alight ; when others
Avere at a stand, Fabius presently alighted, and running
faster than for his age might be expected, embraced his
son. AVell done, son, said he, I see you are Λvise, and
know whom you govern, and the grandeur of the office
you have undertaken.
SciPio THE Elder. Scipio the Elder spent on his
studies what leisure the campaign and government Avould
allow him, saying, that he did most when he was idle.
When he took Carthage by storm, some soldiers took
prisoner a very beautiful virgin, and came and presented
her to him. I ΛνοηΜ receive her, said he, with all
my heart, if I were a private man and not a governor.
ΛVhile he was besieging the city of Badia, Λvhcrein
appeared above all a temple of Venus, he ordered
appearances to be given for actions to be tried before
him within three days in that temple of A'enus ; and he
took the city, and Avas as good as his word. One asked
him in Sicily, on what confidence he presumed to pass
with his navv against Carthage. He showed him three
hundred disciplined men in armor, and pointed to a
high tower on the shore ; There is not one of these,
said he, that would not at my command go to the top
of that tower, and cast himself down headlong. Over
he Avent, landed, and burnt the enemy's camp, and the
Carthaginians sent to him, and covenanted to surrender
their elephants, ships, and a sum of money. But Avhen
Hannibal was sailed back from Italy, their reliance on
him made them repent of those conditions. This coming
to Scipio's ear, Nor will I, said he, stand to the agreement
if they will, unless they pay me five thousand talents more
for sending for Hannibal. The Carthaginians, Avhen they
were utterly overthrown, sent ambassadors to make peace
and league with him ; he bade those that came return im-
mediately, as refusing to hear them before they brought
230 THE APOPHTHEGM'S OF KINGS
L. Terentius with them, a good man, whom the Carthagi-
nians had taken prisoner. AVhen they brought him, he
placed him in the council next himself, on the judgment-
seat, and then he transacted Avith the C'arthaginians and
put an end to the war. And Terentius followed him when
he triumphed, wearing the cap of one that was made free ;
and when he died, Scipio gave wine mingled with honey to
those that were at the funeral, and performed other funeral
rites in his' honor. But these things were done afterwards.
King Antiochus, after the Romans invaded him, sent to
Scipio in Asia for peace ; That should have been done
before, said he, not now Avhen you have received a bridle
and a rider. The senate decreed him a sum of money out
of the treasury, but the treasurers refused to open it on
that day. Then, said he, I will open it myself, for the
moneys with which I filled it caused it to be shut.
When Paetilius and Quintus accused him of many crimes
before the people, — On this very day, said he, I conquered
Hannibal and Carthage ; I for my part am going with
my crown on to the Capitol to sacrifice ; and let him that
pleaeeth stay and pass his vote upon me. Having thus
said, he went his way ; and the people followed him, leav-
ing his accusers declaiming to themselves.
T. QuiNCTius. T. Quinctius Avas eminent so early, that
before he had been tribune, praetor, or aedile, he was
chosen consul. Being sent as general against Philip, he
Avas persuaded to come to a conference with him. And
when Philip demanded hostages of him, because he was
accompanied Avitli many Romans while the Macedonians
had none but himself; You, said Quinctius, haA^e created
this solitude for yourself, by killing your friends and kin-
dred. Having overcome Philip in battle, he proclaimed
in the Isthmian games that the Grecians were free and
to be governed by their own laws. And the Grecians
redeemed all the Roman prisoners that in Hannibal's days
AND GREAT COMMANDERS. 231
were sold for slaves in Greece, each of them with two
hundred drachms, and made him a present of them ; and
they followed him in Rome in his triumph, wearin•^ caps
on their heads such as they use to wear who are made free.
lie advised the Achaeans, who designed to make war
upon the Island Zacynthus, to take heed lest, like a tortoise,
they should endanger their head by thrusting it out of
Peloponnesus. AVhen King Antiochus was coming upon
Greece with great forces, and all men trembled at the
re[)ort of his numbers and equipage, he told the Achaeans
this story : Once I dined Avitli a friend at Chalcis, and
when I wondered at the variety of dishes, said my host,
" All these are pork, only in dressing and sauces they dif-
fer." And therefore be not you amazed at the king's
forces, when you hear talk of spearmen and men-at-arms
and choice footmen and horse-archers, for all these are but
Syrians, with some little difference in their Aveapons. Phil-
opoemen, general of the Achaeans, had good store of
horses and men-at-arms, but could not tell what to do for
money ; and Quinctius played upon him, saying, Philopoe-
men had arms and legs, but no belly ; and it happened
his body was much after that shape.
Cneus Domitius. Cneus Domitius, — whom Scipio the
Great sent in his stead to attend his brother Lucius in the
Avar against Antiochus, — when he had viewed the ene-
my's army, and the commanders that were with him ad-
vised him to set upon them presently, said to them : We
shall scarce have time enough now to kill so many thou-
sands, plunder their baggage, return to our camp, and
refresh ourselves too ; but we shall have time enough to
do all this to-morroAV. The next day he engaged them,
and slew fifty thousand of the enemy.
Publics Licinius. Publius Liciiiius, consul and general,
being worsted in a horse engagement by Perseus king of
Macedon, with what were slain and what were took pris-
232 THE APOPHTHEGMS OF KINGS
oners, lost two thousand eight hundred men. Presently
after the fight, Perseus sent ambassadors to make peace
and league Λvith him ; and although he was overcome, yet
he advised the conqueror to submit himself and his affairs
to the pleasure of the Komans.
Paulus Aemilius. Paulus Aemilius, Λvhen he stood for
his second consulship, was rejected. Afterwards, the war
with Perseus and the Macedonians being prolonged by the
ignorance and effeminacy of the commanders, they chose
him consul. I thank, said he, the people for nothing ;
they choose me general, not because I want the office, but
because they want an officer. As he returned from the
hall to his own house, and found his little daughter Tertia
Λveeping, he asked her what she cried for] Perseus,
said she (so her little dog was called), is dead. Luckily
hast thou spoken, girl, said he, and I accept the omen,
AVhen he found in the camp much confident prating among
the soldiers, who pretended to advise him and busy them-
selves as if they had been all officers, he bade them be quiet
and only whet their swords, and leave other things to his
care.
He ordered night-guards should be kept without swords
or spears, that they might resist sleep, when they liad
nothing wherewith to resist the enemy. He invaded Mace-
donia by the way of the mountains ; and seeing the enemy
drawn up, when Nasica advised him to set upon them pres-
ently, he replied : So I should, if I were of your age ; but
long experience forbids me, after a march, to fight an army
marshalled regularly. Having overcome Perseus, he feasted
his friends for joy of the victory, saying, it required the
same skill to make an army very terrible to the enemy, and
a banquet very acceptable to our friends. AVhen Perseus
was taken prisoner, he told Paulus that he would not be
led in triumph. That, said he, is as you please, — mean-
ing he might kill himself He found an infinite quantity
AND GREAT COMMANDERS. ^ 233
of money, but kept none for himself; only to liis son-in-
law Tubero he gave a silver bowl that weighed five pounds,
as a reward of his valor ; and that, they say, was the first
piece of plate that belonged to the Aemilian family. Of
the four sons he had. he parted with two that were adopted
into other families ; and of the two that lived Avith him,
one of them died at the age of fourteen years, but five
days before his triumph; and five days after the triumph,
at the age of twelve years died the other. When the
people that met him bemoaned and compassionated his
calamities, Now, said he, my fears and jealousies for my
country are over, since Fortune hath discharged her revenge
for our success on my house, and I have paid for all.
Cato the Elder. Cato the Elder, in a speech to the
people, inveighed against luxury and intemperance. How
hard, said he, is it to persuade the belly, that hath no
ears '? And he wondered how that city was preserved
Avherein a fish was sold for more than an ox ! Once he
scoff"ed at the prevailing imperiousness of women : All
other men. said he, govern their wives ; but we command
all other men, and our Avives us. He said he had rather
not be rewarded for his good deeds than not punished for
his evil deeds ; and at any time he could pardon all other
offenders besides himself. He instigated the magistrates
to punish all offenders, saying, that they that did not pre-
vent crimes when they might encouraged them. Of young
men, he liked them that blushed better than those who
looked pale ; and hated a soldier that moved his hands as
he walked and his feet as he fought, and whose sneeze
was louder than his outcry when he charged. He said, he
was the worst governor who could not govern himself. It
was his opinion that every one ought especially to rever-
ence himself; for every one was always in his own pres-
ence. When he saw many had their statues set up, I had
rather, says he, men should ask why Cato had no statue,
234 THE APOPHTHEGMS OF KINGS
than why he had one. He exhorted those in power to be
sparing of exercising their power, that they might continue
in poAver. They that separate honor from virtue, said he,
separate virtue from youth. A governor, said he, or judge
ought to do justice without entreaty, not injustice upon en-
treaty. He said, that injustice, if it did not endanger the
authors, endangered all besides. He requested old men
not to add the disgrace of wickedness to old age, which
was accompanied with many other evils. He thought an
angry man differed from a madman only in the shorter
time which his passion endured. He thought that they
who enjoyed their fortunes decently and moderately, were
far from being envied; For men do not envy us, said he,
but our estates. He said, they that were serious in ridicu-
lous matters would be ridiculous in serious affairs. Hon-
orable actions ought to succeed honorable sayings ; Lest,
said he, they lose their reputation. He bhimed the people
for always choosing the same men officers ; For either you
think, said he, the government little worth, or- very few fit
to govern. He pretended to wonder at one that sold an
estate by the seaside, as if he were more powerful than
the sea; for he had drunk up that which the sea could
hardly drown. When he stood for the consulship, and saw
others begging and flattering the people for votes, he
cried out aloud : The people have need of a sharp phy-
sician and a great purge ; therefore not the mildest but
the most inexorable person is to be chosen. For Avhich
Avord he was chosen before all others. Encouraging young
men to fight boldly, he oftentimes said. The speech and
voice terrify and put to flight the enemy more than the
hand and sword. As he warred against Baetica, he was
outnumbered by the enemy, and in danger. The Celtibe-
rians offered for two hundred talents to send him a supply,
and the Romans would not suffer him to engage to pay wa-
ges to barbarians. You are out, said he ; for if Ave overcome,
AND GREAT COMMANDERS. 235
not we but the enemy must pay them ; if we are routed,
there will be nobody to demand nor to pay either. Hav-
ing taken more cities, as he saith, than he stayed days in
the enemies' country, he reserved no more of the prey for
himself than what, he ate or drank. He distributed to
every soldier a round of silver, saying, It was better many
should return out of the campaign Avith silver than a few
with gold ; for governors ought to gain nothing by their
governments but honor. Five servants waited on him in
the army, whereof one had bought three prisoners ; and
understanding Cato knew it, before he came into his pres-
ence he hanged himself. Being requested by Scipio Africa-
nus to befriend the banished Achaeans, that they might
return to their own country, he made as if he would not be
concerned in that business ; but when the matter was dis-
puted in the senate, rising up, he said : We sit here, as
if we had nothing else to do but to argue about a few old
Grecians, whether they shall be carried to their graves by
our bearers or by those of their own country. Posthu-
mus Albinus wrote a history in Greek, and in it begs the
pardon of his readers. Said Cato, jeering him. If the Am-
phictyonic Council commanded him to write it, he ought to
be pardoned.
SciPio Junior. It is reported that Scipio Junior never
bought nor sold nor built any thing for the space of fifty-
four years, and so long as he lived ; and that of so great
an estate, he left but thirty-three pounds of silver, and two
of gold behind him, although he was lord of Carthage,
and enriched his soldiers more than other generals. He
observed the precept of Polybius, and endeavored never to
return from the forum, until by some means or other he
had engaged some one he lighted on to be his friend or com-
panion. While he Avas yet young, he had such a repute
for valor and knowledge, that Cato the Elder, being asked
his opinion of the commanders in Africa, of whom Scipio
was one, answered in that Greek verse, —
236 THE APOPHTHEGMS OF lONGS
Others like sliadows Qy;
He only is wise.*
When he came from the army to Rome, the people pre-
ferred him, not to gratify him, but because they hoped by
his assistance to conquer Carthage with more ease and
speed. After he was entered the walls, the Carthaginians
defended themselves in the castle, separated by the sea,
not very deep. Polybius advised him to scatter caltropi!
in the water, or planks with iron spikes, that the enemy
might not pass over to assault their bulwark. He an-
swered, that it was ridiculous for those who had taken
the walls and Avere within the city to contrive how they
might not fight with the enemy. He found the city full of
Greek statues and presents brought thither from Sicily, and
made proclamation that such as ^vere present from those
cities might claim and carry away what belonged to them.
When others plundered and carried away the spoil, he
would not suffer any that belonged to him, either slave
or freeman, to take, nor so much as to buy any of it. He
assisted C. Laelius, his most beloved friend, when he stood
to be consul, and asked Pompey (who was thought to be a
piper's son) whether he stood or not. He replied. No ;
and besides promised to join with them in going about and
procuring votes, which they believed and expected, but
were deceived ; for news was brought that Pompey was
in the forum, fawning on and soliciting the citizens for
himself; whereat others being enraged, Scipio laughed.
AVe may thank our own folly for this, said he, that, as if we
w^ere not to request men but the Gods, we lose our time
in waiting for a piper. When he stood to be censor, Ap-
pius Claudius, his rival, told him that he could salute all
the Romans by their names, Avhereas Scipio scarce knew any
of them. You say true, said he, for it hath been my care
not to know niany, but that all might know me. He ad-
« See Odyss. X. 495.
AND GREAT COMMANDERS. 237
vised the city, which then had an army in Celtiberia, to
send them both to the army, either as tribunes or lieuten-
ants, that thus the soldiers might be witnesses and judges
of the valor of each of them. When he was made censor,
he took away his horse from a young man, who, in the
time while Carthage was besieged, made a costly supper,
in Λvhich was a honey-cake, made after the shape of that
city, Avhich he named Carthage and set before his guests
to be plundered by them ; and Λvhen the young man asked
the reason why he took his horse from him, he said. Be-
cause you plundered Carthage before me. As he saw C.
Licinius coming towards him, I know, said he, that man is
perjured; but since nobody accuses him, I caunot be his
accuser and judge too. The senate sent him thrice, as
Clitomachus saith, to take cognizance of men, cities, and
manners, as an overseer of cities, kings, and countries.
As he came to Alexandria and landed, he went with his
head covered, and the Alexandrians running about him en-
treated he would gratify them by uncovering and showing
them his desirable face. When he uncovered his head,
they clapped their hands with a loud acclamation. The
king, by reason of his laziness and corpulency, making a
hard shift to keep pace with them, Scipio Avhispered softly
to Panaetius : The x^lexandrians ha\e already received
some benefit of our visit, for upon our account they have
seen their king walk. There travelled with him one
friend, Panaetius the philosopher, and five servants, whereof
one dying in the journey, he would not buy another, but
sent for one to Rome. The Numantines seemed invinci-
ble, and having overcome several generals, the people the
second time chose Scipio general in that war. When
great numbers strived to list them in his army, even that
the senate forbade, as if Italy thereby would be left desti-
tute. Nor did they allow him money that Avas in bank, but
ordered him to receive the revenues .of tributes that were
238 THE APOPHTHEGMS OF KINGS'
not yet payable. As to money, Scipio said he Avanted none,
for of his own and by his friends he could be supplied ;
but of the decree concerning the soldiers he complained,
for the war (he said) Avas a hard and difficult one, Avhether
their defeat had been caused by the valor of the enemy or
by the cowardice of their own men. When he came to
the army, he found there much disorder, intemperance,
superstition, and luxury. Immediately he drove away the
soothsayers, priests, and panders. He ordered them to
send away their household stuff, all except kettles, a spit,
and an earthen cup. He allowed a silver cup, weighing
not more than two pounds, to such as desired it. He for-
bade them to bathe ; and those that anonited themselves
were to rub themselves too ; for horses wanted another to
rub them, he said, only because they had no hand of their
own. He ordered them to eat their dinner standing, and
to have only such food as was dressed without fire ; but
they might sit down at supper, to bread, plain porridge, and
flesh boiled or roasted. He himself walked about clothed
in a black cassock, saying, he mourned for the disgrace
of the army. He met by chance with the pack-horses of
Memmius, a tribune that carried wine-coolers set with
precious stones, and the best Corinthian vessels. Since
you are such a one, said he, you have made yourself use-
less to me and to your country for thirty days, but to your-
self all your life long. Another showed him a shield Avell
adorned. The shield, said he, young man, is a fine one,
but it becomes a Roman to have his confidence placed
rather in his right hand than in his left. To one that was
building the rampart, saying his burthen was very heavy.
And deservedly, said he, for you trust more to this wood
than to your sword. When he saAV the rash confidence of
the enemy, he said that he bought security with time ; for
a good general, like a good physician, useth iron as his last
remedy. And yet he fought when he saw it convenient,
AND GREAT COMMANDERS. 239
and routed the enemy. ΛVhen tliey were worsted, the elder
men chid them, and asked why they fled from those they
had pursued so often. It is said a Numantine answered,
The sheep are the same still, but they have another shep-
herd. After he had taken Numantia and triumphed a
second time, he had a controversy with C. Gracchus con-
cerning the senate and the allies ; and the abusive people
made a tumult about him as he spake from the pulpit ;
The outcry of the army, said he, when they charge, never
disturbed me, much less the clamor of a rabble of new-
comers, to whom Italy is a step-mother (I am well assured)
and not a mother. And when they of Gracchus's party
cried out. Kill the Tyrant, — No wonder, said he, that they
who make war upon their country would kill me first ; for
Rome cannot fall while Scipio stands, nor can Scipio live
when Rome is fallen.
Caecilius Metellus. Caecilius Metellus designing to
reduce a strong fort, a captain told him he would under-
take to take it with the loss only of ten men ; and he
asked him, whether he himself would be one of those ten.
A young colonel asked him what design he had in the
wheel. If I thought my shirt knew, said he, I would
pluck it off and burn it. lie was at variance with Scipio
in his lifetime, but he lamented at his death, and commanded
his sons to assist at the hearse ; and said, he gave the Gods
thanks in the behalf of Rome, that Scipio was born in no
other country.
C. Marius. C. Marius was of obscure parentage, pur-
suing offices by his valor. He pretended to the chief
aedileship, and perceiving he could not reach it, the same
day he stood for the lesser, and missing of that also, yet
for all that he did not despair of being consul. Having a
Λνοη on each leg, he suffered one to be cut, and endured
the surgeon without binding, not so much as sighing or
once contracting his eyebroAvs ; but when the surgeon
240 THE APOPHTHEGMS OF KINGS
would cut the other, he did not suiFer him, saying the cure
was not worth the pain. In his second consulship, Lucius
his sister's son offered unchaste force to Trebonius, a sol-
dier, who slew him ; Avhen many pleaded against him, he
did not deny but confessed he killed the colonel, and told
the reason why. Hereupon Marius called for a crown, the
reward of extraordinary valor, and put it upon Trebonius's
head. He had pitched his camp, when he fought against
the Teutons, in a place where water was wanting ; Avhen
the soldiers told him they were thirsty, he showed them a
river running by the enemy's trench. Look you, said he,
there is water for you, to be bought for blood ; and they
desired bim to conduct them to fight, while their blood was
fluent and not all dried up with thirst. In the Cimbrian
war, he gave a thousand valiant Camertines the freedom of
Rome, which no law did allow ; and to such as blamed
him for it he said, I could not hear the laws for the clash
of arrows. In the civil war, he lay patiently entrenched
and besieged, waiting for a fit opportunity ; when Popedius
Silon called to him, Marius, if you are so great a general come
down and fight. And do you, said he, if you are so great
a commander, force me to fight against my will, if you can.
LuTATius Catulus. Lutatius Catulus in the Cimbrian
war lay encamped by the side of the river Athesis, and his
soldiers, seeing the barbarians attempting to pass the river,
gave back ; when he could not make them stand, he
hastened to the front of them that fled, that they might
not seem to fly from their enemies but to follow their com-
mander.
Sylla. Sylla, surnamed the Fortunate, reckoned these
two things as the chiefest of his felicities, — the friend-
ship of Metellus Pius, and that he had spared and not
destroyed the city of Athens.
C. PopiLius. C. Popilius was sent to Antiochus with a
letter from the senate, commanding him to withdraw his
AND GREAT COMM.\NDERS. 211
army out of Egypt, and to renounce the protection of that
kmgclom during the minority of Ptolemy's children. AVhen
he came towards him in his camp, Antiochus kindly sahited
him at a distance, but witliout returning his salutation he
delivered his letter ; which being read, the king answered,
that he would consider, and give his answer. Whereupon
Popilius with his wand made a circle round him, saying, Con-
sider and answer before you go out of this place ; and when
Antiochus ansAvered that he would give the liomans satis-
faction, then at length Popilius saluted and embraced him.
LucuLLUs. Lucullus in Armenia, Avith ten thousand foot in
armor and a thousand horse, was to fight Tigranes and his
army of a hundred and fifty thousand, the day before the
nones of October, the same day on which formerly Scipio's
army was destroyed by the Cimbrians. When one told
him, The Romans dread and abominate that day; Therefore,
said he, let us fight to-day valiantly, that Ave may change
this day from a black and unlucky one to a joyful and
festival day for the Romans. His soldiers Avere most afraid
of their men-at-arms ; but he bade them be of good courage,
for it Avas more labor to strip than to OA-ercome them. He
first came up to their counterscarp, and perceiving the
confusion of the barbarians, cried out, FelloAv-soldiers, the
day's our oavu ! And Avlien nobody stood him, he pursued,
and, Avith the loss of five Romans, sleAv above a hundred
thousand of them.
Cn. Pompeius. Cn. Pompeius Avas as much beloved by
the Romans as his father Avas hated. When hoAvas vouu"•,
he Avholly sided Avitli Sylla, and before he had borne many
offices or Avas chosen into the senate, he enlisted many
soldiers in Italy. AVhen Sylla sent for him, he returned
ansAver, that he would not muster his forces in the presence
of his general, unfleshed and Avithout spoils ; nor did he
come before that in seA^eral fights he had overcome the
captains of the enemy. He Avas sent by Sylla lieutenant-
VOL. I. 16
24:2 ΤΙίΕ ArOniTUEGMS OF KINGS
general into Sicily, and being told that the soldiers turned
out of the Avay and forced and plundered the country, he
sealed the swords of such as he sent abroad, and punished
all other stragglers and wanderers. He had resolved to
put the ]Mamertines, that were of the other side, all to the
sword ; but Sthenius the orator told him. He would do in-
justice if he should punish many that were innocent for
the sake of one that was guilty ; and that he himself
was the person that persuaded his friends and forced his
enemies to side with Marius. Pompey admired the man,
and said, he could not blame the Mamertines for being
inveigled by a person who preferred his country beyond
his οΛΛ^η life ; and forgave both the city and Sthenius
too. When he passed into Africa against Domitius and
overcame him in a great battle, the soldiers saluted him
Imperator. He answered, he could not receive that
honor, so long as the fortification of the enemy's camp
stood undemolished ; upon this, although it rained hard,
they rushed on and plundered the camp. At his re-
turn, among other courtesies and honors Λvherewith Sylla
entertained him, he styled him The Great ; yet when he
was desirous to triumph, Sylla would not consent, because
he was not yet chosen into the senate. But when Pompey
said to those that were about him, Sylla doth not know
that more worship the rising than the setting sun, Sylla
cried aloud. Let him trium.ph. Hereat Servilius, one of
the nobles, was displeased ; the soldiers also Λvithstood his
triumph, until he had bestowed a largess among them.
But when Pompey replied, I would rather forego my
triumph than flatter them, — Now, said Servilius, I see
Pompey is truly great and worthy of a triumph. It was a
custom in Rome, that knights who had served in the wars
the time appointed by the laws should bring their horse
into the forum before the censors, and there give an
account of their warfare and the commanders under whom
AND GP.EAT COMMANDERS. 2^6
they had served. Pompey, then consul, brought also his
horse before the censors, Gellius and Lentulus ; and ^γhen
they asked him, as the manner is, ^\'hether he had served
all his campaigns. All, said he, and under myself as
general. Having gotten into his hands the Avritings of
Sertorius in Spain, among Avhich Avere letters from
several leading men in Rome, inviting Sertorius to Rome
to innovate and change the government, he burnt them
all, by that means giving opportunity to ill-affected per-
sons to repent and mend their manners. Phraates, king
of Partliia, sent to him requesting that the river Euphrates
might be his bounds. He answered, the Romans had
rather the right should be their bounds towards Parthia.
L. Lucullus, after he left the army, gave himself up to
pleasure and luxury, jeering at Pompey for busying himself
in affairs unsuitable to his age. He answered, tliat govern-
ment became old age better than luxury. In a fit of sick-
ness, his physician prescribed him to eat a thrush ; but
when none could be gotten, because they were out of
season, one said, that LucuUus had some, for he kept them
all the year. It seems then, said he, Pompey must not live,
nnless Lucullus play the glutton ; and dismissing the ])hy
sician, he ate such things as were easy to be gotten. In a
great dearth at Rome, he was chosen by title overseer of
the market, but in reality lord of sea and land, and sailed
to Africa, Sardinia, and Sicily. Having procured great
quantities of wheat, he hastened back to Rome ; and Avhen
by reason of a great tempest the pilots Λvere loath to hoist
sail, he went first aboard himself, and commanding the
anchor to be weighed, cried out aloud. There is a necessit)•
of sailing, but there is no necessitv of livini^r. A\^hen the
difference betwixt him and Caesar broke out, and Marcel-
linus, one of those whom he had preferred, revolted to
Caesar and iuA^eighed much against Pompey in the senate ;
Art thou not ashamed, said he, Marcellinus, to reproach
24-1 THE ArOPHTHEGxMS OF KINGS
me, who taught you to speak Λyhen you ΛveΓe dumh, and
fed you full e\'en to vomiting Avhen you were starved ? To
Cato, Λνΐιο severely blamed him because, when he had
often informed him of the growing power of Caesar, such
as was dangerous to a democracy, he took little notice of
it, he answered, Your counsels were more presaging, but
mine more friendly. Concerning himself he freely pro-
fessed, that he entered all his offices sooner than he ex-
pected, and resigned them sooner than was expected by
others. After the fight at Pharsalia, in his flight towards
Egypt, as he Avas going out of the ship into the fisher-boat
the kins sent to attend him, turning to his wife and son, he
said nothing to them beside those two verses of Sophocles :
Wl)oever comes within a tyrant's door
Becomes his shive, though he were free before.
As he came out of the boat, when he was struck with a
sword, he said nothing ; but gave one groan, and covering
his head submitted to the murderers.
Cicero. Cicero the orator, Avhen his name was played
upon and his friends advised him to change it, answered,
that he would make the name of Cicero more honorable
than the name of the Catos, the Catuli, or the Scauri. He
dedicated to the Gods a silver cup with a cover, with the
first letters of his other names, and instead of Cicero a
chick-pea (cicer) engraven. Loud bawling orators, he
said, were driven by their weakness to noise, as lame men
to take horse. \'^erres had a son that in his youth had not
well secured his chastity ; yet he reviled Cicero for his
effeminacy, and called him catamite. Do you not know,
said he, that children are to be rebuked at home within
doors'? Metellus Nepos told him he had slain more by his
testimony than he had saved by his pleadings. You say
true, said he, my honesty exceeds my eloquence. AVhen
Metellus asked him who his father was, Your mother, said
he, hath made that question a harder one for you to answer
AND GREAT COMMANDERS. 245
than for me. For she was unchaste, while Metelkis him-
self was a light, inconstant, and passionate man. The
same Metellus, wlien Diodotus his master in rhetoric died,
caused a marble crow to be placed on his monument ; and
Cicero said, he returned his master a very suitable gratu-
ity, Λνΐιο had taught him to fly but not to declaim. Hearing
that \'atinius, his enemy and otherwise a lewd person, was
dead, and the next day that he was alive, A mischief on
him, said he, for lying. To one that seemed to be an
African, who said he could not hear him when he pleaded,
And yet, said he, your ears are of full bore. He had sum-
moned Popilius Cotta, an ignorant blockhead that pretended
to the law, as a witness in a cause ; and Avhen he told the
court he knew nothing of the business, On my conscience,
I'll warrant you, said Cicero, he thinks you ask him a
question in the law. Verres sent a golden sphinx as a
present to Hortensius the orator, who told Cicero, when
he spoke obscurely, that he was not skilled in riddles.
Thafs strange, said he, since you have a sphinx in your
house. Meeting Voconius with his three daughters that
were hard favored, he told his friends softly that verse, —
Children lie hath got,
Though Apollo favored not.
AVhen Faustus the son of Sylla, being very much in
debt, set up a writing that he would sell his goods by auc-
tion, he said, I like this proscription better than his father's.
When Pompey and Caesar fell out, he said, I know whom
to fly from, but I know not whom to fly to. He blamed
Pompey for leaving the city, and for imitating Themistocles
rather than Pericles, when his affairs did not resemble the
former s but the latter's. He changed his mind and went
over to Pompey, who asked him where he left his son-in-
law Piso. He answered, AVith your father-in-law Caesar.
To one that went over from Caesar to Pompey, saying that
in his haste and eagerness he had left his horse behind him,
246 THE APOPHTHEGMS OF KINGS
he said, You have taken better care of your horse than of
yourself. To one that brought news that the friends of
Caesar looked sourly, You do as good as call them, said
he, Caesar's enemies. After the battle in Pharsalia, when
Pompey Avas fled, one Nonius said they had seven eagles
left still, and advised to try what they would do. Your
advice, said he, were good, if we \vere to fight with jack-
daws, Caesar, now conqueror, honorably restored the
statues of Pompey that were thrown down ; Avhereupon
Cicero said, that Caesar by erecting Pompey's statues had
secured his own. He set so high a value on oratory, and
did so lay out himself especially that way, that having a
cause to plead before the centumviri, when the day ap-
proached and his slave Eros brought him word it was
deferred until the day following, he presently made him
free.
C. Caesar. Cains Caesar, Avhen he was a young man,
fled from Sylla, and fell into the hands of pirates, who first
demanded of him a sum of money ; and he laughed at the
rogues for not understanding his quality, and promised
them twice as much as they asked him. Afterwards, when
he was put into custody until he raised the money, he
commanded them to be quiet and silent Avhile he slept.
While he was in prison, he made speeches and verses
Avhich he read to them, and when they commended them
but coldly, he called them barbarians and blockheads, and
threatened them in jest that he ΛνοηΜ hang them. But
after a while he was as good as his word ; for when the monev
for his ransom was brought and he discharged, he gathered
men and ships out of Asia, seized the pirates and crucified
them. At Home he stood to be chief priest against Catulus, a
man of great interest among the Romans. To his mother,
who brought him to the gate, he said. To-day, mother, you
will have your son high priest or banished. He divorced
his Avife Pompeia, because she was reported to be over
AND GREAT COMMANDERS. 247
fiimiliar with Clodius ; yet when Clodius was brought to
trial upon that account, and he was cited as a witness, he
spake no evil against his wife ; and when the accuser asked
him. Why then did you divorce her ] — Because, said he,
Caesar's wife ought to be free even from suspicion. As
he was reading the exploits of Alexander, he wept and
told his friends, lie was of my age when he conquered
Darius, and I hitherto have done nothing. He passed by
a little inconsiderable town in the Alps, and his friends
said, they wondered whether there were any contentions
and tumults for offices in that place. He stood, and after
a little pause answered, I had rather be the first in this
town than second in Kome. He said, great and surprising
enterprises were not to be consulted upon, but done. And
coming against Pompey out of his province of Gaul, he
l)assed the river Ilubicon, saying. Let every die be thrown.
After Pompey fled to sea from Rome, he went to take
money out of the treasury : when Metellus, who had the
charge of it, forbade him and shut it against him, he
threatened to kill him ; whereupon ]\ietellus being aston-
ished, he said to him. This, young man, is harder for me to
say than to do. ΛVhen his soldiers were having a tedious
passage from Brundisium to Dyrrachium, unknown to all
he went aboard a small vessel, and attempted to pass the
sea ; and when the vessel Avas in danger of being overset,
he discovers himself to the pilot, crying out, Trust Fortune,
and know that you carry Caesar. But the tempest being
vehement, his soldiers coming about him and expostuhiting
passionately with him, asking whether he distrusted them
and was looking for another army, would not suffer him to
pass at that time. They fought, and Pompey had the bet-
ter of it ; but instead of following his blow he retreated to
his camp. To-day, said Caesar, the enemy had the victory,
but none of them know how to conquer. Pompey com-
manded his army to stand in array at Pharsalia in their
24S THE APOPHTHEGMS OF KINGS
place, and to receive the charge from the enemy. In this
Caesar said he was out, thereby suffering the eagerness of
his soldiers' spirits, Avhen they were up and inspired with
rage and success, in the midst of their career to languish
and expire. After he routed Pharnaces Ponticus at the
first assault, he wrote thus to his friends, I came, I saw, I
conquered.* After Scipio was worsted in Africa and tied,
and Cato had killed himself, he said : I envy thee thy death,
Ο Cato ! since thou didst envy me the honor of saving thee.
Antonius and Dolabelhi were suspected by his friends, who
advised him to secure them ; he answered, I fear none of
those fat and lazy fello\vs, but those pale and lean ones, —
meaning Brutus and Cassius. As he was at supper, the
discourse was of death, which sort was the best. That,
said he, which is unexpected.
Caesar Augustus. Caesar, who was the first surnamed
Augustus, being yet young, demanded of Antony the twen-
ty-five millions of money f which he had taken out of the
house of Julius Caesar when he was slain, that he might
pay the Romans the legacies he had left them, every man
seventy-five drachms. But Avhen Antony detained the
money, and bade him, if he were wise, let fall his demand,
he sent the crier to offer his own paternal estate for sale,
and therewith discharged the legacies ; by which means
he procured a general respect to himself, and to Antony
the hatred of the Romans. Rymetalces, king of Thrace,
forsook Antony and went over to Caesar ; but bragging
immoderately in his drink, and nauseously reproaching his
new confederates, Caesar drank to one of the other
kings, and told him, I love treason but do not commend
* ^ίίλθον, είδον, ενίκησα, veni, vidi, vici.
t It is doubtful what amount is liere intenrled by Plutarch. If sesterces are un-
derstood, tlie amount is much less than it is commonly stated ; and even if we un-
derstand drachmas (or denarii), we shall still fall below the amount commonly given,
which is 700,000,000 sesterces (or about $28,000,000). See, for example. Veil
Paterc. II. 60, 4 : Sestertium septiens miliens. (G.)
AND GREAT COMMANDERS. 249
traitors. The Alexandrians, when he had taken their city,
expected great severity from him ; but when he came upon
the judgment-seat, he phiced Arius the Alexandrian by
him. and told them : I spare this city, first because it is
great and beautiful, secondly for the sake of its founder,
Alexander, and thirdly for the sake of Arius mv friend.
When it was told him that Eros, his steward in Egypt,
having bought a quail that beat all he came near and was
never worsted by any, had roasted and eaten it, he sent for
him ; and when upon examination he confessed the fact,
he ordered him to be nailed on the mast of the ship. He
removed Theodorus, and in his stead made Arius his fac-
tor in Sicily^ whereupon a petition was presented to him,
ill which was written, Theodorus of Tarsus is either a bald-
pate or a thief, what is your opinion ? Caesar read it, and
subscribed, I think so. ]\iecaenas, his intimate companion,
presented him yearly on his birthday with a piece of plate.
Athenodorus the philosopher, by reason of his old age,
begged leave that he might retire from court, which Caesar
granted ; and as Athenodorus was taking his leave of him.
Remember, said he, Caesar, whenever you are angry, to
say or do nothing before you have repeated the four-and-
twenty letters to yourself. Whereupon Caesar caught him
by the hand and said, I have need of your presence still ;
and he kept him a year longer, saying. The reward of
silence is a secure reward., He heard Alexander at the
age of thirty-two years had subdued the greatest part of
the world and was at a loss what he should do with the
rest of his time. Bu-t he wondered Alexander should not
think it a lesser labor to gain a great empire than to set in
order Avhat he had gotten. He made a law concerning•
adulterers, wherein was determined how the accused were
to be tried and how the guilty were to be punished. Af-
terwards, meeting with a young man that was reported to
have been familiar with his daughter Julia, being enraged
259 THE ArOPHTIIEGMS OF KINGS.
he struck him Avith his hands ; but when the young man
cried out, Ο Caesar! you have made a hiw, he was so
troubled at it that he refrained from supper that day.
When he sent Caius his daughter's son into Armenia, he
begged of the Gods that the favor of Pompey, the valor
of Alexander, and his own fortune might attend him.
He told the Romans he would leave them one to succeed
him in the government that never consulted twice in the
same affair, meaning Tiberius. He endeavored to pacify
some young men that were imperious in their offices ; and
when they gave little heed to him, but still kept a stir,
Young men, said he, hear an old man to whom old men
hearkened when he was young. Once, when the Athenians
had offended him, he wrote to them from Aegina : I suppose
you know 1 am angry with you, otherwise I had not win-
tered at Aegina. Besides this, he neither said nor did any
thing to them. One of the accusers of Eurycles prated
lavishly and unreasonably, proceeding so far as to say. If
these crimes, Ο Caesar, do not seem great to you, command
him to repeat to me the seventh book of Thucydides ;
Avherefore Caesar being enraged commanded him to prison.
But afterwards, when he heard he was descended from
Brasidas, he sent for him again, and dismissed him with a
moderate rebuke. When Piso built his house from top to
bottom with great exactness. You cheer my heart, said he,
who build as if Rome would be eternal.
PLUTAHCH'S IIULES FOR THE PRESERVATION
OF HEALTH.
A DIALOGUE.
MOSCHIO, ZEUXIPPUS.
1. MoscHio. And you, Zeuxippus, diverted Glaiicus the
physician from entering into a philosophical discourse Avith
you yesterday.
Zeuxippus. I did not hinder him in the least, friend
Moschio, it was he that would not discourse in philosophy.
But I feared and avoided giving so contentious a man any
opportunity of discourse ; for though in physic the man
has (as Homer* expresses it) an excellency before most of
his profession, yet in philosophy he is not altogether so
candid, but indeed so rude in all his disputations, that he
is hardly to be borne with, flying (as it were) at us open
mouthed. So that it is neither an easy nor indeed a just
thing, that Ave should bear those confusions in terms he
makes, when we are disputing about a wholesome diet.
Besides, he maintains that the bounds of philosophy and
medicine are as distinct as those of the Mysians and Phry-
2:ians. And takino• hold of some of those thinsfs we Avere
discoursing of, perhaps not with all exactness, yet not
Avithout some profit, he made scurrilous reflections on
them.
MoscHio. But I am ready, Zeuxippus, to hear those
and the other things you shall discourse of, with a great
deal of pleasure.
* II. XI. 514.
25*2 RULES FOR THE PRESERVATION OF HEALTH.
Zeuxippus. You hiive naturally a philosophical genius,
Moschio, and are trouhled to see a philosopher have no
kindness for the study of medicine. You are uneasy that
he should think it concerns him more to study geometry,
logic, and music, than to be desirous to understand
What in his house is well or ill-designed,*
his house being his own body. You shall see many specta-
tors at that play where their charges are defrayed out of
the public stock, as they do at Athens. Now among all
the liberal arts, medicine not only contains so neat and
large a field of pleasure as to give place to none, but she
pays plentifully the charges of those who delight in the
study of her by giving them health and safety ; so that it
ought not to be called transgressing the bounds of a philos-
opher to dispute about those things which relate to health,
but rather, all bounds being laid aside, we ought to pursue
our studies in the same common field, and so enjoy both
the pleasure and the profit of tlieni.
MoscHio. But to pass by Glaucus, who with his prp-
tended gravity would be thought to be so perfect as not to
stand in need of philosophy, — do you, if you please, run
through the whole discourse, and first, those things which
you say were not so exactly handled and Avhich Glaucus
carped at.
2. Zeuxippus. A friend of ours then heard one alleging
that to keep one's hands always warm and never suffer
them to be cold did not a little conduce to health ; and, on
the contrary, keeping the extreme parts of the body cold
drives the heat inward, so that you are always in a fever
or the fear of one. But those things which force the heat
outwards do distribute and draw the matter to all parts,
with advantage to our health. If in any work we employ
our hands, we are able to keep in them that heat which is
* Odjss. IV. 392.
RULES FOR THE PRESERVATION OF HEALTH. 253
induced by their motion. But when we do not work with
our hands, we shoukl take all care to keep our extreme
parts from cold.
3. This Avas one of those thinofs he ridiculed. The sec-
Ο
ond, as I remember, was touching the food allowed the
sick, which he advises us sometimes both to touch and
taste when we are in good health, that so we may be used
to it, and not be shy of it, like little children, or hate such
a diet, but by degrees make it natural and familiar to our
appetite ; that in our sickness we may not nauseate whole-
some diet, as if it were physic, nor be uneasy when we are
prescribed any msipid thing, that lacks both the smell and
taste of a kitchen. A\'herefore we need not squeamishly
refuse to eat before we wash, or to drink water when we
may have Avine, or to take warm drink in summer when
there is snow at hand. AVe must, however, lay aside all
foppish ostentation and sophistry as well as vain-glory in
this abstinence, and quietly by ourselves accustom our ap-
petite to obey reason with willingness, that thus we may
wean our minds long beforehand from that dainty contempt
of such food which we feel in time of sickness, and that
w^e may not then effeminately bewail our condition, as if we
were fallen from great and beloved pleasures into a low
and sordid diet. It Avas well s;dd. Choose out the best condi-
tion you can, and custom will make it pleasant to you.
And this will be beneficial in most things we undertake,
but more especially as to diet ; if, in the height of our
health, λλο introduce a custom whereby those things may
be rendered easy, familiar, and, as it were, domestics of
our bodies, remembering what some suffer and do in sick-
ness, who fret, and are not able to endure warm water or
gruel or bread when it is brought to them, calling them
dirty and unseemly things, and the persons who would
urge them to them base and troublesome. The bath hath
destroyed many whose distemper at the beginning was not
254 RULES FOR THE PRESERVATION OF HEALTH.
very bad, only because they could not endure to eat before
they washed ; among whom Titus the emperor was one,
as his physicians affirm.
4. This also was said, that a thin diet is the healthfulest
to the body. But we ought chiefly to avoid all excess in
meat or drink or pleasure, when there is any feast or en-
tertainment at hand, or when we expect any royal or
princely banquet, or solemnity Avhich we cannot possibly
avoid; then ought the body to be light and in readiness to
receive the winds and waves it is to meet with. It is a
hard matter for a man at a feast or collation to keep that
mediocrity or bounds he has been used to, so as not to
seem rude, precise, or troublesome to the rest of the com-
pany. Lest we should add lire to fire, as the proverb is,
or one debauch or excess to another, we should take care
to imitate that ingenious droll of Philip, which was this.
He Avas invited to supper by a countryman. Avho supposed
he Avould brin^ but few friends with him ; but when he
saw him bring a great many, there not being much pro-
vided, he Avas much concerned at it : Avhich when Philip
perceived, he sent privately to every one of his friends, that
they should leave a corner for cake ; they believing this
and still expecting, ate so sparingly that there Avas supper
enough for them all. So we ought beforehand to prepare
ourselves against all unavoidable invitations, that there may
be room left in our body, not only for the meal and the
dessert, but for drunkeiuiess itself, by bringing in a fresh
and a willing appetite along with us.
5. But if such a necessity should surprise you when you
are already loaded or indisposed, in the presence either of
persons of quality or of strangers that come in upon you
unaAvares, and you cannot for shame but go and drink with
them that are ready for that purpose, then you ought to
arm yourself against that modesty and prejudicial shame-
facedness with that of Creon in the tragedy, who says, —
RULES FOR THE PRESERVATION OF HEALTH. 255
'Tis better, sirs, Τ should ^'ou now displease,
Than by complying next day lose my ease.*
He who throws himself into a pleurisy or frenzy, to
avoid being censured as an uncivil person, is certainly no
well-bred man, nor has he sense of understandino- enough
to converse with men, unless in a tavern or a cook-shop.
Whereas an excuse ingeniously and dexterously made is
no less acceptable than compliance. He that makes a
feast, though he be as unwilling to taste of it himself as if
it was a sacrifice, yet if he be merry and jocund over his
glass at table, jesting and drolling upon himself, seems
better company than they who are drunk and gluttonized
together. Among the ancients, he made mention of Alex-
ander, who after hard drinking was ashamed to resist
the importiuiity of INIedius, λυΙιο invited him afresh to the
drinking of wine, of which he died ; and of our time, of
Regulus the wrestler, who, being called by break of day
by Titus Caesar to the bath, went and washed Avith him,
and drinking but once (as they say) was seized with an
apoplexy, and died immediately. These things Glaucus
in laughter objected to as pedantic. He was not over-fond
of hearing farther, nor indeed were we of discoursing
more. But do you give heed to every thing that was
said.
6. First, Socrates advises us to beΛvare of such meats
as persuade a man to eat them though he be not hungry,
and of those drinks that would prevail with a man to drink
them Avhen he is not thirsty. Not that he absolutely for-
bade us the use of them ; but he taught that we might use
them Λvhere there Avas occasion for it, suiting the pleasure
of them to our necessity, as cities converted the money
which was designed for the festivals into a supply for war.
For that which is agreeable by nature, so long as it is a
part of our nourishment, is proper for us. He that is
* See Eurip. Medea, 290.
256 EULES FOR THE PRESERVATION OF HEALTH.
hungry sliould eat necessary food and find it pleasant ; but
when he is freed from his common appetite, he ought not
to raise up a fresh one. For, as dancing was no unpleasant
exercise to Socrates himself, so he that can make his meal
of sweetmeats or a second course receives the less damajre.
But he that has taken already what may sufficiently satisfy
his nature ought by all means to avoid them. And con-
cerning these things, indecorum and ambition are no less
to be avoided than the love of pleasure or gluttony. For
these often persuade men to eat without hunger or drink
without thirst, possessing them with base and trouble-
some fancies, as if it were indecent not to taste of every
thing Avhicli is either a rarity or of great price, as udder,
Italian mushrooms, Samian cakes, or snow in Egypt.
Again, these often incite men to eat things rare and much
talked of, they being led to it, as it were, by the scent of
vain-glory, and making their bodies to partake of them
without any necessity of it, that they may have something
to tell others, who shall admire their having eaten such
rare and superfluous things. And thus it is with them in
relation to fine women ; when they are in bed with their
ΟΛνη wives, however beautiful and loving they may be, they
are no Avay concerned ; but on Phryne or Lais they bestow
their money, inciting an infirm and unfit body, and pro-
voking it to intemperate pleasures, and all this out of a
vain-glorious humor. Phryne herself said in her old age,
that she sold her lees and dregs the dearer because she
had been in such repute when she was young.
7. It is indeed a great and miraculous thing that, if we
allow the body all the pleasures Λvhich nature needs and
can bear, — or rather, if we struggle against its appetites
on most occasions and put it off, and are at last brouglit
with difficulty to yield to its necessities, or (as Plato saith)
give way when it bites and strains itself, — after all we
should come off without harm. But, on the other hand.
EULES FOR THE PRESERVATION OF HEALTH. 257
those desires which descend from the mind into the
body, and urge and force it to obey and accompany them
in all their motions and affections, must of necessity leave
behind them the greatest and severest ills, as the effects of
such infirm and dark delii^hts. The desire of our mind
ought no ways to incite our bodies to any pleasure, for the
beginning of this is against nature. And as the tickling
of one's armpits forces a laughter, which is neither mode-
rate nor merry, nor indeed properly a laughter, but ratl;er
troublesome and like convulsions ; so those pleasures
Avhich the molested and disturbed body receives from the
mind are furious, troublesome, and wholly strangers to
nature. Therefore when any rare or noble dish is before
you, you Avill get more honor by refraining from it than
partaking of it. Remember what Simonides said, that he
never repented that he had held his tongue, but often that
he had spoken ; so Λve shall not repent that we have
refused a good dish or drunk water instead of Falernian,
but the contrary. We are not only to commit no violence
on Nature ; but when any of those things are offered to
her, even if she has a desire for them, Ave ought oftentimes
to direct the appetite to a more innocent and accustomed
diet, that she may be used to it and acquainted Avith it ;
for as the Theban said (though not over honestly), If the
law must be violated, it looks best when it is done for an
empire.* But we say better, if we are to take pride in any
such thing, it is best when it is in that moderation which
conduces to our health. But a narrowness of soul and a
stingy humor compel some men to keep under and defraud
their genius at home, \vho, when they enjoy the costly fare
of another man's table, do cram themselves as eagerly as
if it were all plunder ; then they are taken ill, go home,
and the next day find the crudity of their stomachs the
reward of their unsatiableness. AVherefore Crates, sup-
* Eteocles the Theban, in Eurip. Phoeniss. 524.
VOL. I. 17
258 RULES FOR THE PRESERVATION OF HEALTH.
posing that luxury and prodigality Avere the chief cause
of seditions and insurrections in a city, in a droll advises
that we should never go beyond a lentil in our meals, lest
we bring ourselves into sedition. But let every one exhort
himself not to increase his meal beyond a lentil, and not to
pass by cresses and olives and fall upon pudding and fish,
thyit he may not by his over-eating bring his body into
tumults, disturbances, and diarrhoeas ; for a mean diet
keeps the appetite within its natural bounds, but the arts
of cooks and confectioners, with their elaborate dishes and
aromatic sauces, do (according to the comedian) push for-
Avard and enlarge the bounds of pleasure, and entrench
upon those of our profit. I know not how it comes to
pass that we should abominate and hate those women that
either bewitch or give philters to their husbands, and yet
give our meat and drink to our slaves and hirelings, to all
but corrupt and poison them. For though that may seem
too severe which was said by Arcesilaus against lascivious
and adulterous persons, that it signifies little which way
one goes about such beastly Avork ; * yet it is not much
from our purpose. For what difference is there (to speak
ingenuously) whether satyrion moves and whets my lust,
or my taste is irritated by the scent of the meat or the
sauce, so that, like a part infected with itch, it shall always
need scratching and tickling 1
8. But we shall perhaps discourse against pleasures in
another place, and show the beauty and dignity that tem-
perance has within itself ; but our present discourse is in
praise of many and great pleasures. For diseases do not
either rob or spoil us of so much business, hope, journeys,
or exercise, as they do of pleasure ; so that it is no way
convenient for those who would follow their pleasure to
neglect their health. There are diseases which will permit
a man to study philosophy and to exercise any military
* Μηδέν δια<^ίρευν όπισθεν τίνα η ίμπροσθεν είναι κίναιδον.
UTILES FOR THE TRESERVATION OF HEALTH. 259
office, nay, to act the kingly part. But the pleasures and
enjoyments of the body are such as cannot be born alive
in the midst of a distempei . or if they are, the pleasures
they afford are not only short and impure, but mixed with
much alloy, and they bear the marks of that storm and
tempest out of which they rise. Venus herself delights
not in a gorged, but in a calm and serene body ; and
pleasure is tlie end of that, as Λνβΐΐ as it is of meat and
drink. Health is to pleasure as still weather to the hal-
cyon, giving it a safe and commodious birth and nest.
Prodicus seems elegantly enough to have said, that of all
sauces fire was the best ; but most true it is to say, that
health gives things the most divine and grateful relish. For
meat, whether it be boiled, roasted, or stewed, has no
pleasure or gusto in it to a sick, surfeited, or nauseous
stomach. But a clean and undebauched appetite renders
every thing sweet and delightful to a sound body, and (as
Homer expresses it) devourable.
9. As Demades told the Athenians, who unseasonably
made war, that they never treated of peace but in mourn-
ing, so we never think of a moderate and slender diet but
when we are in a fever or under a course of physic. But
when we are in these extremities, we diligently conceal our
enormities, though we remember them well enough ; yet as
many do, we lay the blame of our illness now upon the air,
now upon the unhealthfulness of the place or the length
of a journey, to take it off from that intemperance and
luxury Avhich was the cause of it. As Lysimachus, when
he Avas amono; the Scvthians and constrained bv his thirst,
delivered up himself and his army into captivity, but after-
wards, drinking cold water, cried out, Ο ye Gods ! for how
short a pleasure have I thrown away a great felicity ! — so
in our sickness, w^e ought to consider with ourselves that,
for the sake of a draught of cold water, an unseasonable
bath, or good company, we spoil many of our delights as
260 RULES FOR THE PRESERVATION OF HEALTH.
well as our honorable business, and lose many pleasant
diversions. The remorse that arises from these considera-
tions wounds the conscience, and sticks to us in our health
like a scar, to make us more cautious as to our diet. For
a healthful body does not breed any enormous appetite, or
such as we cannot prevail Avith or overcome. But we
ought to put on resolution against our extravagant desires
or efforts towards enjoyment, esteeming it a low and child-
ish thing to give ear to their complaints and murmurings ;
for they cease as soon as the cloth is taken away, and will
neither accuse you of injustice, nor think you have done
them wrong ; but on the contrary, you Avill find them the
next day pure and brisk, no way clogged or nauseating. As
Timotheus said, when he had had a light philosophic dinner
the other day with Plato in the Academy, They who dine
with Plato never complain the next morning. It is re-
ported that Alexander said, when he had turned off his
usual cooks, that he carried always better with him ; for
his journeys by night recommended his dinner to him, and
the slenderness of his dinner recommended his supper.
10. I am not ignorant that fevers seize men upon a
fatigue or excess of heat or cold. But as the scent of flow-
ers, which in itself is but faint, if mixed Avith oil is more
strong and fragrant ; so an inward fulness gives, as it were,
a body and substance to external causes and beginnings of
sickness. For without this they could do no hurt, but
would vanish and fade away if there were lowness of
blood and pureness of spirit to receive the motion, which
in fulness and superabundance, as in disturbed mud, makes
all things polluted, troublesome, and hardly recoverable.
We ought not to imitate the good mariner λυΙιο out of cov-
etousness loads his ship hard and afterwards labors hard
to throw out the salt water, by first clogging and over-
charging our bodies and endeavoring afterwards to clear
them by purges and clysters ; but we ought to keep our
RULES FOR THE PRESERVATION OF HEALTH. 261
bodies in right order, that if at any time they should be
oppressed, their lightness may keep them up like a cork.
11. We ought chiefly to be careful in all predispositions
and forewarnings of sickness. For all distempers do not
invade us, as Hesiod expresses it, —
In silence, — for the Gods have struck tliem dumb ; *
but the most of them have ill digestion and a kind of a
laziness, which are the forerunners and harbingers that
give us warning. Sudden heaviness and weariness tell us
a distemper is not far off, as Hippocrates aiRnns,by reason
(it seems) of that fulness which doth oppress and load the
spirit in the nerves. Some men, when their bodies all but
contradict them and invite them to a couch and repose,
through gluttony and love of pleasure throw themselves
into a bath or make haste to some drinking meeting, as if
they were laying in for a siege ; being mightily in fear lest
the fever should seize them before they have dined. Those
Λνΐιο pretend to more elegance are not caught in this man-
ner, but foolishly enough ; for, being ashamed to own their
qualms and debauch or to keep house all day, when others
call them to go with them to the gymnasium, they arise
and pull off their clothes with them, doing the same things
which they do that are in health. Intemperance and ef-
feminacy make many fly for patronage to the proverb,
AVine is best after Λνΐηο, and one debauch is the Avay to
drive out another. This excites their hopes, and persuades
and urges them to rise from their beds and rashly to fall
to their wonted excesses. Against which hope he ought
to set that prudent advice of Cato, when he says that great
things ought to be made less, and the lesser to be quite
left οΑ"; and that it is better to abstain to no pui-pose and
be at quiet, than to run ourselves into hazard by foicing
ourselves either to bath or dinner. For if there be any ill
* Hesiod, Works and Days, 102.
262 RULES FOR THE PRESERVATION OF HEALTH,
in it, it is an injury to us that we did not Avatch over our-
selves and refrain ; but if there be none, it is no incon-
venience to your body to have abstained and be made more
pure by it. He is but a child who is afraid lest his friends
and servants should perceive that he is sick either of a
surfeit or a debauch. He that is ashamed to confess the
crudity of his stomach to-day will to-morrow Λvith shame
confess that he has either a diarrhoea, a fever, or the
griping in the guts. You think it is a disgrace to want,
but it is a greater disgrace to bear the crudity, heaviness, and
fulness of your body, when it has to be carried into the
bath, like a rotten and leaky boat into the sea. As some
seamen are ashamed to live on shore when there is a storm
at sea, yet when they are at sea lie shamefully crying and
retching to vomit ; so in any suspicion or tendency of the
body to any disease, they think it an indecorum to keep
their bed one day and not to have their table spread, yet
most shamefully for many days together are forced to be
purged and plastered, flattering and obeying their physi-
cians, asking for Avine or cold water, being forced to do
and say many unseasonable and absurd things, by reason
of the pain and fear they are in. Those therefore who
cannot govern themselves on account of pleasures, but
yield to their lusts and are carried away by them, may
opportunely be taught and put in mind that they receive
the greatest share of their pleasures from their bodies.
12. And as the Spartans gave the cook vinegar and salt,
and bade him look for the rest in the victim, so in our
bodies, the best sauce to whatsoever is brought before us is
that our bodies are pure and in health. For any thing tliat
is sweet or costly is so in its own nature and apart from
any thing else ; but it becomes sweet to the taste only wlien
it is in a body which is delighted with it and which is dis-
posed as nature doth require. But in those bodies which
are foul, surfeited, and not pleased with it, it loses its beauty
KULES FOR THE PRESERVATION OF HEALTH. 2G3
and convenience. Wherefore we need not be concerned
whether fish be fresh or bread fine, or whether the bath be
warm or your she-friend a beauty ; but whether you are
not squeamish and foul, whether you are not disturbed and
do not feel the dregs of yesterday's debauch. Otherwise
it will be as when some drunken revellers break into a
house where they are mourning, bringing neither mirtli nor
pleasure with them, but increasing the lamentation. So
Venus, meats, baths, and wines, in a body that is crazy and
out of order, mingled with what is vitiated and corrupted,
stir up phlegm and choler, and create great trouble ; neither
do they bring any pleasure that is answerable to their ex-
pectations, or worth either enjoying or speaking of.
13. A diet which is very exact and precisely according
to rule puts one's body both in fear and danger ; it hinders
the gallantry of our soul itself, makes it suspicious of every
thing or of having to do with any thing, no less in pleasures
than in labors ; so that it dares not undertake any thing
boldly and courageously. We ought to do by our body as
by the sail of a ship in fair and clear weather: — we must
not contract it and draw it in too much, nor be too remiss
or negligent about it when we have any suspicion upon us,
but give it some allowance and make it pliable (as we have
said), and not wait for crudities and diarrhoeas, or heat or
drowsiness, by which some, as by messengers and appari-
tors, are frighted and moderate themselves when a fever is
at hand ; but Ave must long beforehand guard against the
storm, as if the north wind blew at sea.
14. It is absurd, as Democritus says, by the croaking of
ravens, the crowing of a cock, or the wallowing of a sow
in the mire, rarefully to observe the signs of windy or rainy
weather, and not to prevent and guard ourselves against
the motions and fluctuations of our bodies or the indica-
tion of a distemper, nor to understand the signs of a storm
which is just ready to break forth within ourselves. So
264 RULES FOR THE PRESERVATION OF HEALTH.
th it we are not only to observe our bodies as to meat and
exercise, whether they use them more shiggishly or unwill-
ingly than they were wont ; or whether we be more thirsty
and hungry than we use to be ; but Λve are also to take care
as to our sleep, whether it be continued and easy, or
whether it be irregular and convulsive. For absurd dreams
and irregular and unusual fantasies show either abun-
dance or thickness of humors, or else a disturbance of the
spirits within. For the motions of the soul shoAV that the
body is nigh a distemper. For there are despondencies of
mind and fears that are without reason or any apparent
cause, which extinguish our hopes on a sudden. Some
there are that are sharp and prone to anger, whom a little
thing makes sad ; and these cry and are in great trouble
when ill vapors and fumes meet together and (as Plato says)
are intermingled in the ways and passages of the soul.
ΛVherefore those to whom such things happen must con-
sider and remember, that even if there be nothing spiritual,
there is some bodily cause which needs to be brought away
and purged.
15. Besides, it is profitable for him who visits his friends
in their sickness to enquire after the causes of it. Let us not
sophistically or impertinently discourse about lodgements,
irruptions of blood, and commonplaces, merely to show
our skill in the terms of art which are used in medicine.
But when we have with diligence heard such trivial and
common things discoursed of as fulness or emptiness,
weariness, lack of sleep, and (above all) the diet which the
patient kept before he fell sick, then, — as Plato used to
ask himself, after the miscarriage of other men he had
been with, Am not 1 also such a one ? — so ought we to
take care by our neighbor's misfortunes, and diligently to
beware that we do not fall into them, and afterwards cry
out upon our sick-bed. How precious above all other things
is health ! When another is in sickness, let it teach us
SULES FOR THL• PRESERVATION OF HEALTH. 265
how valuable a treasure health is, which we ought to keep
and preserve Avith all possible care. Neither will it be
amiss for every man to look into his own diet. If therefore
Ave have been eating, drinking, laboring, or doing any thing
to excess, and our bodies give us no suspicion or hint of a
distemper, yet ought we nevertheless to stand υ,ροη our
guard and take care of ourselves, — if it be after venery
and labor, by giving of ourselves rest and quiet ; if after
drinking of wine and feasting, by drinking of water ; but
especially, after we have fed on flesh or solid meats or eaten
divers things, by abstinence, that we may leave no super-
fluity in our bodies ; for these very things, as they are the
cause of many diseases, likewise administer matter and
force to other causes. Wherefore it was very well said,
that to eat — but not to satiety, to labor — but not to weari-
ness, and to keep in nature, are of all things the most
healthful. For intemperance in venery takes away that
by Avhich vigor our nourishment is elaborated, and causes
more superfluity and redundance.
16. But Ave shall begin and treat of each of these, and
first we shall discourse of those exercises which are proper
for a scholar. And as he that said he sliould prescribe
nothing for the teeth to them that dwelt by the seaside
taught them the benefit of the sea-water, so one would
think that there was no need of writing to scholars con-
cerning exercise. For it is Avonderful what an exercise the
daily use of speech is, not only as to health but even to
strength. I mean not fleshly and athletic health, or such
as makes one's external parts firm, like the outside of a
house, but such as gives a right tone and inward vigor to
the vital and noble parts. And that the vital spirit in-
creases strength is made plain by them avIio anointed the
wrestlers, who commanded them, when their limbs were
rubbed, to withstand such frictions in some sort, in holding
their wind, observing carefully those parts of the body
266 RULES FOll THE PRESERVATION OF HEALTH.
which were smeared and rubbed* Now the voice, being
a motion of the spirit, not superficially but firmly seated
in the boAvels, as it Avere in a fountain, increases the heat,
thins the blood, purges every vein, opens all the arteries,
neither does it permit the coagulation or condensation of
anv superfluous humor, which would settle like dregs in
those vessels which receive and work our nourishment.
AVherefore we ought by much speaking to accustom our-
selves to this exercise, and make it familiar to us ; and if
we suspect that our bodies are weaker or more tired than
ordinary, by reading or reciting. For what riding in a
coach is comparediΛvith bodily exercise, that is reading
compared with disputing, if you carry your voice softly and
low, as it Avere in the chariot of another man's words.
For disputes bring Avith them a vehemence and contention,
adding the labor of the mind to that of the body. All
passionate noise, and such as would force our lungs, ought
to be avoided ; for irregular and violent strains of our voice
may break something within us, or bring us into convul-
sions. But when a student has either read or disputed,
before he walks abroad, he ought to make use of a gentle
and tepid friction, to open the pores of his body, as much as
is possible, even to his very bowels, that so his spirits may
gently and quietly diffuse themselves to the extreme parts
of his body. The bounds that this friction ought not to
exceed are, that it be done no longer than it is pleasant to
our sense and without pain. For he that so allays the dis-
turbance which is Λvithin himself and the agitation of his
spirits ΛνΠΙ not be troubled by that superfluity which re-
mains in him ; and if it be unseasonable for to Avalk, or if
his business hinder him, it is no great matter; for nature
has already received satisfaction. Whether one be at sea
or in a public inn, it is not necessary that he should be
* The text of this passage is uncertain, and probably corrupt. I have given
Holland's version of the doubtful expressions. (G.)
RULES FOR THE PRESERVATION OF HEALTH. 267
silent, though all the company laugh at him. For where
it is no shame to eat, it is certainly no shame to exercise
yourself ; but it is worse to stand in awe of and be troubled
with seamen, carriers, and innkeepers, that laugh at you
not because you play at ball or tight a shadow, but because
in your discourse you exercise yourself by teaching others,
or by enquiring and learning something yourself, or else by
calling to mind something. For Socrates said, he that
uses the exercise of dancing had need have a room big
enough to hold seven beds ; but he that makes either sing-
ing or discourse his exercise may do it either standing or
lying in any place. But this one thing we must observe,
that Λvhen we are conscious to ourselves that we are too
full, or have been concerned with Venus, or labored hard,
we do not too much strain our voice, as so many rhetori-
cians and readers in philosophy do, some of whom out of
glory and ambition, some for reward or private contentions,
have forced themselves beyond what has been convenient.
Our Niger, Λνΐιοη he Λvas teaching philosophy in Galatia,
by chance sAvallowed the bone of a fish ; but a stranger
coming to teach in his place, Niger, fearing he might run
away with his repute, continued to read his lectures, though
the bone still stuck in his throat ; from whence a great and
hard inflammation arising, he, being unable to undergo the
pain, permitted a deep incision to be made, by Avhicli wound
the bone was taken out ; but the wound growing worse,
and rheum falling upon it, it killed him. Cut this may be
mentioned hereafter in its proper place.
17. After exercise to use a cold bath is boyish, and has
more ostentation in it than health ; for though it may seem
to harden our bodies and make them not so subject to out-
ward accidents, yet it does more prejudice to the inward
parts, by hindering transpiration, fixing the humors, and
condensing those vapors which love freedom and trans-
piration. Besides, necessity Avill force those who use cold
268 RULES FOR THE PRESERVATION OF HEALTH.
baths into that exact and accurate way of diet they Avould
so much avoid, and make them take care they be not in the
least extravagant, for every such error is sure to receive
a bitter reproof. But a Avarm bath is much more pardon-
able, for it does not so much destroy our natural \igoY and
strength as it does conduce to our health, laying a soft and
easy foundation for concoction, preparing those things for
digestion which are not easily digested without any pain
(if they be not very crude and deep lodged), and freeing
us from all inward weariness. But when we do sensibly
perceive our bodies to be indifferent well, or as they ought
to be, we should omit bathing, and anoint ourselves by the
fire ; which is better if the body stand in need of heat, for
it dispenses a warmth throughout. But we should make
use of the sun more or less, as the temper of the air per-
mits. So much may suffice to have been said concerning
exercises.
18. As for what has been said of diet before, if any part
of it be profitable in instructing us how we should allay
and bring down our appetites, there yet remains one thing
more to be advised : that if it be troublesome to treat one's
belly like one broke loose, and to contend with it though
it has no ears (as Cato said), then ought Ave to take care
that the quality of what we eat may make the quantity
more light ; and we should eat cautiously of such food as
is solid and most nourishing (for it is hard always to re-
fuse it), such as flesh, cheese, dried figs, and boiled eggs ;
but more freely of those things which are thin and light,
such as moist herbs, fowl, and fish if it be not too fat ; for
he that eats such things as these may gratify his appetite,
and yet not oppress his body. But ill digestion is chiefly
to be feared after flesh, for it presently very much clogs us
and leaves ill relics behind it. It would be best to accus-
tom one's self to eat no flesh at all, for the earth affords
plenty enough of things fit not only for nourishment, but
RULES FOR THE PRESERVATION OF HEALTH. 269
for delight and enjoyment ; some of which you may eat
without much preparation, and others you may make
pleasant hy adding divers other things to them. But since
custom is almost a second nature, we may eat flesh, but
not to the cloying of our appetites, like Λvolves or lions,
but only to lay as it were a foundation and bulwark for our
nourishment, — and then come to other meats and sauces
which are more agreeable to the nature of our bodies and
do less dull our rational soul, which seems to be enlivened
by a light and brisk diet.
19. As for liquids, we should never make milk our drink,
but rather take it as food, it yielding much solid nourish-
ment. As for wine, we must say to it what Euripides
said to Venus : —
Tliy joys with moderation I would have,
And tliat I ne'er may want tliem liumbly crave.
For wine is the most beneficial of all drinks, the pleas-
antest medicine in the world, and of all dainties the least
cloying to the appetite, provided more regard be given to
the opportunity of the time of drinking it than even to its
being properly mixed with water. Water, not only when
it is mixed with wine, but also if it be drunk by itself
between mixed wine and water, makes the mingled wine
the less hurtful. We should accustom ourselves therefore
in our daily diet to drink two or three glasses of water,
which will allay the strength of the wine, and make drink-
ing of water familiar to our body, that so in a case of
necessity it may not be looked on as a stranger, and we be
offended at it. It so falls out, that some have then the
greatest inclination for wine when there is most need they
should drink water ; for such men, when they have been
exposed to great heat of the sun, or have fallen into a
chill, or have been speaking vehemently, or have been
more than ordinarily thoughtful about any thing, or after
any fatigue or labor, are of the opinion that they ought to
270 RULES roil THE PRESERVATION OF HEALTH
drink wine, as if nature required some repose for the body
and some diversion after its .labors. But nature requires
no such repose (if you will call pleasure repose), but de-
sires only such an alteration as shall be between pleasure
and pain ; in which case we ought to abate of our diet,
and either wholly abstain from wine, or drink it allayed
with very much mixture of water. For Avine, being sharp
and fiery, increases the disturbances of the body, exasper-
ates them, and wounds the parts affected ; which stand
more in need of being comforted and smoothed, which
Avater does the best of any thing. If, when we are not
thirsty, we drink warm water after labor, exercise, or heat,
yve find our inward parts loosened and smoothed by it ; for
the moisture of water is gentle and not violent, but that of
wine carries a great force in it, which is no ways agree-
able in the fore-mentioned cases. And if any one should
be afraid that abstinence would bring upon the body that
acrimony and bitterness which some say it will, he is like
those children who think themselves much Avronged because
they may not eat just before the fit of a fever. The best
mean between both these is drinking of Avater. We often-
times sacrifice to Bacchus himself without wine, doing very
well in accustoming ourselves not to be always desirous
of wine. Minos made the pipe and the crown be laid aside
at the sacrifice when there was mourning. And yet we
know an aflflicted mind is not at all affected by either the
pipe or crown ; but there is no body so strong, to Avhich, in
commotion or a fever, wine does not do a great deal of
injury.
20. The Lydians are reported in a famine to have spent
one day in eating, and the next in sports and drollery. But
a lover of learning and a friend to the Muses, when at any
time he is forced to sup later than ordinary, will not be so
much a slave to his belly as to lay aside a geographical
scheme when it is before him, or his book, or his lyre ; but
RULES FOR THE PRESERVATION OF HEALTH. 271
strenuously turning himself, and taking his mind off from
eating, he will in the Muses' name drive away all such de-
sires, as so many Harpies, from his table. \Vill not the
Scythian in the midst of his cups oftentimes handle his
bow and twang the string, thereby rousing up himself from
that drunkenness in which he was immersed ? Will a
Greek be afraid, because he is laughed at, by books and
letters gently to loosen and unbend any blind and obstinate
desire ? The young men in Menander, when they were
drinking, were trepanned by a bawd, which brought in to
them a company of handsome and richly attired women ;
but every one, as he said.
Cast down liis eyes and fell to junketing, —
not one daring to look upon them. Lovers of learmng
have many fair and pleasant diversions, if they can no
other Avay keep in their canine and brutisli appetites
when they see the table spread. The bawling of such fel-
lows as anoint wrestlers, and the opinion of pedagogues
that it hinders our nourishment and dulls one's head to
discourse of learning at table, are indeed of some force
then, when we are called upon to solve a fallacy like the
Indus or to dispute about the Kyrieuon at a feast. For
though the pith of the palm-tree is very sweet, yet they
say it will cause the headache. To discourse of logic at
meals is not indeed a very delicious banquet, is rather
troublesome, and pains one's head ; but if there be any
who will not give us leave to discourse philosophically or
ask any question or read any thing at table, though it be
of those things which are not only decent and profitable
but also pleasantly merry, we will desire them not to
trouble us, but to talk in this style to the athletes in the
Xystum and the Palaestra, who have laid aside their books
and are wont to spend their whole time in jeers and scur-
rilous jests, being, as Aristo wittily expresses it. smooth
and hard, like the pillars in the gymnasium. But we must
'272 RULES FOR THE PRESERVATION OF HEALTH.
obey our pliysicians, who advise us to keep some interval
between supper and sleep, and not to heap up together a
great deal of victuals in our stomachs and so shorten our
breath (lest we presently by crude and fermenting aliment
overcharge our digestion), but rather to take some space
and breathing-time before we sleep. As those who have
a mind to exercise themselves after supper do not do it by
running or wrestling, but rather by gentle exercise, such
as walking or dancing ; so when we intend to exercise our
minds after supper, we are not to do it with any thing of
business or care, or with those sophistical disputes which
bring us into a vain-glorious and violent contention. But
there are many questions in natural philosophy Avhich are
easy to discuss and to decide ; there are many disquisitions
Avhich relate to manners, which please the mind (as Homer
expresses it) and do no Λvay discompose it. Questions in
history and poetry have been by some ingeniously called
a second course to a learned man and a scholar. There
are discourses which are no way troublesome ; and, besides,
iiibles may be told. Nay, it is easier to discourse of the
pipe and lyre, or hear them discoursed of, than it is to
hear either of them played on. The quantity of time
allowed for this exercise is till our meat be gently settled
within us, so that our digestion may have power enough
to master it.
21. Aristotle is of opinion that to walk after supper stirs
up our natural heat ; but to sleep, if it be soon after, chokes
it. Others again say that rest aids digestion, and that mo-
tion disturbs it. Hence some walk immediately after supper ;
others choose rather to keep themselves still. But that
man seems to obtain the design of both, who cherishes and
keeps his body quiet, not immediately suffering his mind
to become heavy and idle, but (as has been said) gently
distributing and lightening his spirits by either hearing or
speaking some pleasant thing, such as will neither molest
nor oppress him.
RULES FOR THE PRESERVATION OF HEALTH. 273
22. Medicinal vomits and purges, which are the bitter
reliefs of gluttony, are not to be attempted without great
necessity. The manner of many is to fill themselves be-
cause they are empty, and again, because they are full, to
empty themselves contrary to nature, being no less tor-
mented with being full than being empty ; or rather, they
are troubled at their fulness, as being a hindrance of their
appetite, and are always emptying themselves, that they
may make room for new enjoyment. The damage in these
cases is evident ; for the body is disordered and torn by
both these. It is an inconvenience that always attends
a vomit, that it increases and gives nourishment to this
insatiable humor. For it engenders hunger, as violent and
turbulent as a roaring torrent, which continually annoys a
man, and forces him to his meat, not like a natural appe-
tite that calls for food, but rather like inflammation that
calls for plasters and physic. Wherefore his pleasures are
short and imperfect, and in the enjoyment are very furious
and unquiet ; upon which there come distentions, and
affections of the pores, and retentions of the spirits, Avhich
will not wait for the natural evacuations, but run over the
surface of the body, so that it is like an overloaded ship,
Λvhere it is more necessary to throw something overboard
than to take any thing more in. Those disturbances in our
bellies which are caused by physic corrupt and consume
our inward parts, and do rather increase our superfluous
humors than bring them away ; which is as if one that was
troubled at the number of Greeks that inhabited the city,
should call in the Arabians and Scythians.
Some are so much mistaken that, in order that they may
void their customary and natural superfluities, they take
Cnidian-berries or scammony, or some other harsh and in-
congruous physic, which is more fit to be carried away by
purge than it is able to purge us. It is best therefore by a
moderate and regular diet to keep our body in order, so
vr»T. r io
274 EULES FOE THE PEESEEVATION OF HEALTH.
that it may command itself as to fulness or emptiness. If
at any time there be a necessity, we may take a vomit, but
Avithout physic or much tampering, and such a one as will
not cause any great disturbance, only enough to save us
from indigestion by casting up gently what is superfluous.
For as linen cloths, when they are washed with soap and
nitre, are more worn out than when they are washed with
water only, so physical vomits corrupt and destroy the
body. If at any time we are costive, there is no medicine
better than some sort of food which will purge you gently
and with ease, the trial of which is familiar to all, and the
use without any pain. But if it will not yield to those, we
may drink water for some days, or fast, or take a clyster,
rather than take any troublesome purging physic ; which
most men are inclined to do, like that sort of women
which take things on purpose to miscarry, that they may
be empty and begin afresh.
23. But to be done with these, there are some on the
other .side who are too exact in enjoining themselves to
periodical and set fasts, doing amiss in teaching nature to
want coercion Avhen tliere is no occasion for it, and mak-
ing that abstinence necessary which is not so, and all this
at times when nature requires her accustomed way of liv-
ing. It is better to use those inj mictions we lay upon our
bodies with more freedom, even when we have no ill symp-
tom or suspicion upon us ; and so to order our diet (as has
been said), that our bodies may be always obedient to any
change, and not be enslaved or tied up to one manner of
living, nor so exact in regarding the times, numbers, and
periods of our actions. For it is a life neither safe, easy,
politic, nor like a man, but more like the life of an oyster
or the trunk of a tree, to live so without any variety, and
in restraint as to our meat, abstinence, motion, and rest ;
casting ourselves into a gloomy, idle, solitary, unsociable,
and inglorious way of living, far remote from the ad-
1
RULES FOR THE TRESERVATION OF HEALTH. 275
mmistration of the state, — at least (I may say) in my
opinion.
24. For health is not to be purchased by sloth and idle-
ness, for those are chief inconveniences of sickness ; and
there is no difference between him who thinks to enjoy his
health by idleness and quiet, and him who thinks to pre-
serve his eyes by not using them, and his voice by not
speaking. For such a man's health will not be any ad-
vantage to him in the performance of many things he is
obliged to do as a man. Idleness can never be said to con-
duce to health, for it destroys the very end of it. Ί^ογ is
it true that they are the most healthful that do least. For
Xenocrates was not more healthful than Phocion, or Theo-
phrastus than Demetrius. It signified nothing to Epicurus
or his followers, as to that so much talked of good habit
of body, that they declined all business, though it were
never so honorable. AVe ought to preserve the natural
constitution of our bodies by other means, knowing every
part of our life is capable of sickness and health.
The contrary advice to that which Plato gave his schol-
ars is to be given to those Λνΐιο are concerned in public
business. For he was wont to say, whenever he left his
school ; Go to, my boys, see that you employ your leisure
in some honest sport and pastime. Now to those that are
in public office our advice is, that they bestow their labor
on honest and necessary things, not tiring their bodies with
small or inconsiderable things. For most men upon acci-
dent torment themselves with watchings, journeyings, and
running up and down, for no advantage and Avith no good
design, but only that they may do others an injury, or be-
cause they envy them or are competitors with them, or
because they hunt after unprofitable and empty glory. To
such as these I think Democritus chiefly spoke, when he
said, that if the body should summon the soul before a
court on an action for ill-treatment, the soul would lose the
276 RULES FOR THE TRESERVATION OF HEALTH.
case. And perhaps on the other hand Theophrastus spoke
Avell, when he said metaphorically, that the soul pays a
dear house-rent to its landlord the body. But still the
body is very much more inconvenienced by the soul, when
it is used beyond reason and there is not care enough taken
of it. For when it is in passion, action, or any concern,
it does not at all consider the body. Jason, being some-
what out of humor, said, that in little things we ought not
to stand upon justice, so that in greater things we may be
sure to do it. ΛΥο, and that in reason, advise any public
man to trifle and play with little things, and in such cases
to indulge himself, so that in worthy and great concerns
he may not bring a dull, tired, and Λveary body, but one
that is the better for having lain still, like a ship in the
dock, that when the soul has occasion again to call it into
business, " it may run with her, like a sucking colt with
the mare."
25. Upon which account, Avhen business gives us leave,
we ought to refresh our bodies, grudging them neither
sleep nor dinner nor that ease which is the medium be-
tween pain and pleasure ; not taking that course which
most men do, who thereby wear out their bodies by the
many changes they expose them to, making them like hot
iron thrown into cold Λvater, by softening and troubling
them Λvith pleasures, after they have been very much
strained and oppressed Λvith labor. And on the other
side, after they have opened their bodies and made them
tender either by wine or venery, they exercise them either
at the bar or at court, or enter upon some other business
which recpiires earnest and vigorous action. Heraclitus,
Avhen he was in a dropsy, desired his physician to bring a
drought upon his body, for it had a glut of rain. Most
men are very much in the wrong who, after being tired or
having labored or fasted, moisten (as it were) and dissolve
their bodies in pleasure, and again force and distend them
RULES FOR THE PRESERVATION OF HEALTH. 277
after those pleasures. Nature does not require that we
should make the body amends at that rate. But an intem-
perate and slavish mind, so soon as it is free from labor,
like a sailor, runs insolently into pleasures and deliglits,
and again falls upon business, so that nature can have no
rest or leave to enjoy that temper and calmness which
it does desire, but is troubled and tormented by all this
irregularity. Those that have any discretion never so much
as offer pleasure to the body when it is laboring, — for at
such times they do not require it at all, — nor do they so
much as think of it, theii• minds being intent upon that
employ they are in, either the delight or diligence of the
soul getting the mastery over all other desires. Epamin-
ondas is reported wittily to have said of a good man that
died about the time of the battle of Leuctra, How came
he to have so much leisure as to die, when there was so
much business stirring ? It may truly be asked concerning
a man that is either of public employ or a scholar. What
time can such a man spare, either to debauch his stomach
or be drank or lascivious ? For such men, after they have
done their business, allow quiet and repose to their bodies,
reckoning not only unprofitable pains but unnecessary
pleasures to be enemies to nature, and avoiding them as
such.
26. I have heard that Tiberius Caesar was wont to say,
that he Avas a ridiculous man that held forth his hand to
a physician after sixty. But it seems to me to be a little
too severely said. But this is certain, that CA^ery man
ought to have skill in his own pulse, for it is very different
in every man ; neither ought he to be ignorant of the tem-
per of his own body, as to heat and cold, or what things
do him good, and what hurt. For he has no sense, and is
both a blind and lame inhabitant of his body, that must
learn these things from another, and must ask his physi-
cians whether it is better with him in winter or summer ;
278 RULES FOR THE PRESERVATION OF HEALTH.
or whether moist or dry things agree best with him,
or whether his pulse be frequent or slow. For it is neces-
sary and easy to know such things by custom and expe-
rience. It is convenient to understand more what meats
and drinks are wholesome than what are pleasant, and to
have more skill in Avhat is good for the stomach than in
what seems good to the mouth, and in those things that
are easy of digestion than in those that gratify our palate.
For it is no less scandalous to ask a physician what is easy
and what is hard of digestion, and what Avill agree with
your stomach and what not, than it is to ask what is sweet,
and what bitter, and Avhat sour. They nowadays correct
their cooks, being able well enough to tell what is too
sweet, too salt, or too sour, but themselves do not know
what will be light or easy of digestion, and agreeable to
them. Therefore in the seasoning of broth they seldom
err, but they do so scurvily pickle themselves every day as to
afford work enough for the physician. For that pottage
is not accounted best that is the sweetest, but they mingle
bitter and sweet together. But they force tlie body to par-
take of many, and those cloying pleasures, either not know-
ing, or not remembering, that to things that are good and
wholesome nature adds a pleasure unmingled with any
regret or repentance afterward. We ought also to know
Avhat things are cognate and convenient to our bodies, and
be able to direct a proper diet to any one upon any change
of weather or other circumstance.
27. As for those inconveniences Avhich sordidness and
poverty bring upon many, as gathering of fruit, continual
labor, and running about, and want of rest, Avhich fall
heavy upon the weaker parts of the body and such as are
inwardly infirm, we need not fear that any man of employ
or scholar — to whom our present discourse belongs — should
be troubled with them. But there is a severe sort of sordid-
ness as to their studies, which they ought to avoid, by which
RULES FOR THE PRESERVATION OF HEALTH. 279
they are forced many times to neglect their body, oftentimes
denying it a supply when it has done its Avork, making the
mortal part of us do its share in work as well as the im-
mortal, and the earthly part as much as the heavenly. But,
as the ox said to his fellow-servant the camel, when he
refused to ease him of his burthen. It won't be long before
you carry my burthen and me too : which fell out to be
true, when the ox died. So it happens to the mind, when
it refuses that little relaxation and comfort which it needs
in its labor ; for a little while after a fever or vertigo seizes
us, and then reading, discoursing, and disputing must be
laid aside, and it is forced to partake of the body's dis-
temper. Plato therefore rightly exhorts us not to employ
the mind without the body, nor the body without the mind,
but to drive them equally like a pair of horses ; and when
at any time the body toils and labors with the mind, then
to be the more careful of it, and thus to gain its well-
beloved health, believing that it obliges us with the best
of things when it is no impediment to our knowledge
and enjoyment of virtue, either in business or discourse.
HOW A MAN MAY RECEIVE ADVANTAGE AND
PROFIT FROM HIS ENEMIES.
Not to mention, Cornelius Pulcher, your gentle as
well as skilful administration of public affairs, for which
goodness and humanity you have gotten an interest in man-
kind, Λνο clearly perceive that in your private conversation
you have made a quiet and peaceable way of living your
choice and continual practice. By this means you are
justly esteemed a useful member of the commonwealth in
general, and also a friendly affable companion to those who
familiarly converse with you, as being a person free from
all sour, rough, and peevish humors. For, as it is said of
Crete, we may by great chance discover one single region
of the world that never afforded any dens or coverts for
wild beasts. But through the long succession of ages,
even to this time, there scarce ever was a state or king-
dom that hath not suffered under envy, hatred, emulation,
the love of strife, fierce and unruly passions, of all others
the most productive of enmity and ill-will among men.
Nay, if nothing else will bring it to pass, familiarity will
at last breed contempt, and the very friendship of men
doth frequently draw them into quarrels, that prove sharp
and sometimes implacable. Which that wise man Chilo
did well understand, ΛνΙιο, when he heard another assert
that he had no enemy, asked him very pertinently whether
he had no friend. In my judgment therefore it is abso-
lutely necessary that a man, especially if he sit at the
now TO PROFIT BY OUR ENEMIES. 281
helm and be engaged to steer the government, should
AvatchfuUy observe every posture and motion of his enemy,
and subscribe to Xenophon's opinion in this case ; who
hath set it down as a maxim of the greatest wisdom, that
a man should make the best advantage he can of him
that is his adversary.
Wherefore, having lately determined to write somewhat
on this argument, I have now gathered together all my
scattered thoughts and meditations upon it, which I have
sent to you, digested into as plain a method as I could ;
forbearing all along to mention those observations I have
heretofore made and written in my Political Precepts,
because I know you have that treatise at your hand, and
often under your eye.
(β.ΊΟιίΐ ancestors were well satisfied and content if they
could safely guard themselves from the violent incursions
of wild beasts, and this was the end and object of all their
contests with these creatures. But their posterity have
laid down their weapons of defence, and have invented a
quite contrary use of them, making them serviceable to
some of the chief ends of human life. For their flesh
serves for food, and their hair for clothing; medicines and
antidotes are devised out of their entrails ; and their skins
are converted into armor. So that we may upon good
grounds fear that, if these supplies should fail, their man-
ner of life would appear savage, destitute of convenient
food and raiment, barbarous and naked.
Although we receive these benefits and comforts from
the very beasts, yet some men suppose themselves happy
and secure enougli, provided they escape all harm from
enemies, not regarding Xenophon's judgment, whom they
ought to credit in this matter, that every man endowed
with common sense and understanding may, if he please,
make his opposites very useful and profitable to him.
Because then we cannot live in this world out of the
282 HOW το PROFIT BY OUR ENEMIES.
neighborhood of such as will continually labor to do us
injury or oppose us, let us search out some way whereby
this advantage and profit from enemies may be acquired.
The best experienced gardener cannot so change the
nature of every tree, that it shall yield pleasant and well-
tasted fruit ; neither can the craftiest huntsman tame every
beast. One therefore makes the best use he can of his
trees, the other of his beast ; although the first perhaps are
barren and dry, the latter wild and ungovernable. So sea-
water is unwholesome and not to be drunk ; yet it aflfords
nourishment to all sorts of fish, and serves as it were for a
chariot to convey those who visit foreign countries. The
Satyr would have kissed and embraced the fire the first
time he saw it ; but Prometheus bids him take heed, else he
miaht have cause to lament the loss of his beard,* if he
came too near that which burns all it touches. Yet this
very fire is a most beneficial thing to mankind ; it bestows
upon us the blessings both of light and heat, and serves
those who know how to use it for the most excellent instru-
ment of mechanic arts. Directed by these examples, we
may be able to take right measures of our enemies, con-
sidering that by one handle or other we may lay hold
of them for the use and benefit of our lives ; though
otherwise they may appear very untractable and hurtful
to us.
There are many things which, when we have obtained
them by much labor and sweat, become nauseous, un-
2:rateful, and directly contrary to our inclinations ; but
there are some (you know) who can turn the very indispo-
sitions of their bodies into an occasion of rest and freedom
from business. And hard pains that have fallen upon
* Τράγος γένειον άρα πενθήσεις σί γε, Τ/ιοη goat, soon thou shalt bewail the loss of
thy beard. This verse is supposed to belong to tlie Satyrdrama Prometheus of
Aeschylus, which was exhibited with the trilogy to which the Persians belong. Tlie
whole tetralogy, according to the didascalia, consisted of the Phineus, Persians,
Glaucus, and Prometheus. (G.)
HOW TO PROFIT BY OUR ENEMIES. 283
many men have rendered them only the more robust
through vigorous exercise. There are others who. as
Diogenes and Crates did, have made banishment from their
native country and loss of all their goods a means to pass
out of a troublesome world into the quiet and serene state
of pliilosophy and mental contemplation. So the Stoic
Zeno welcomed the good fortune, when he heard the ship
was broken wherein his adventures were, because she had
reduced him to a torn coat, to the safety and innocence
of a mean and low condition. For as some creatures of
strong constitutions eat serpents and digest them well, —
nay, there are some whose stomachs can by a strange
powerful heat concoct shells or stones, — while on the
contrary, there are the weak and diseased, who loathe
even bread and wine, the most agreeable and best supports
of human life ; so the foolish and inconsiderate s[)oil the
very friendships they are engaged in, but the wise and
prujdent make good use of the hatred and enmity of men.
(βΤ) To those then who are discreet and cautious, the
most malignant and worst part of enmity becomes advan-
tageous and useful. But what is this you talk of all this
while ] An enemy is ever diligent and Avatchful to con-
trive stratagems and lay snares for us, not omitting any
opportunity whereby he may carry on his malicious pur-
poses. He lays siege to our whole life, and turns spy into
the most minute action of it ; not as Lynceus is said to
look into oaks and stones, but by arts of insinuation he
gets to the knowledge of our secrets, by our bosom friend,
domestic servant, and intimate acquaintance. As much as
possibly he can, he enquires what we have done, and labors
to dive into the most hidden counsels of our minds. Nay,
our friends do often escape our notice, either Avhen they
die or are sick, because we are careless and neglect them ;
but we are apt to examine and pry curiously almost into
the very dreams of our enemies.
284 HOW το PROFIT BY OUR ENEMIES.
Now our enemy (to gratify his ill-will towards us) doth
acquaint himself with the infirmities both of our bodies and
mind, with the debts we have contracted, and with all the
differences that arise in our families, all which he knows
as well, if not better, than ourselves. He sticks fast to our
faults, and chiefly makes his invidious remarks upon them.
Nay, our most depraved afi"ections, that are the worst dis-
tempers of our minds, are always the subjects of his inquiry ;
just as vultures pursue putrid flesh, noisome and corrupted
carcasses, because they have no perception of those that
are sound and in health. So our enemies catch at our fail-
ings, and then they spread them abroad by uncharitable
and ill-natured reports.
Hence we are taught this useful lesson for the direction
and management of our conversations in the world, that
we be circumspect and wary in every thing we speak or do,
as if our enemy always stood at our elbow and overlooked
every action. Hence we learn to lead blameless and inof-
fensive lives. Tliis will beget in us vehement desires and
earnest endeavors of restraining disorderly passions. Tliis
will fill our minds with good thoughts and meditations, and
with strong resolutions to proceed in a virtuous and harm-
less course of life.
For as those commonwealths and cities know best how
to value the happiness of having good and wholesome laws,
and most admire and love the safety of a quiet and peace-
able constitution of things, Avhich have been harassed by
wars with their neighbors or by long expeditions ; so those
persons who have been brought to live soberly by tlie fear
and awe of enemies, who have learned to guard against
negligence and idleness, and to do every thing with a view
to some profitable end, are by degrees (they know not how)
drawn into a habit of living so as to offend nobody, and
their manners are composed and fixed in their obedience to
vh-tue by custom and use, with very little help from the
now TO PROFIT BY OUR ENEMIES. 285
reason. For they always carry in their minds that saying
of Homer, if we act any thing amiss,
Priam will laugh at us, and all his brood ;
onr enemies will please themselves and scoff at our de-
fects ; therefore we will do nothing that is ridiculous, sinful,
base, or ignoble, lest we become a laughing-stock to such
as do not love us.
In the theatre Λνο often see great artists in music and
singing very supine and remiss, doing nothing as they
should, whilst they play or sing alone ; but whencA^er they
challenge one another and contend for masterv, thev do
not only rouse up themselves, but they tune their instru-
ments more carefully, they are more curious in the choice
of their strings, and they try their notes in frequent and
more harmonious consorts. Just so a man who hath an
adversary perpetually to rival him in the well ordering of
his life and reputation is thereby rendered more prudent
in what he does, looks after his actions more circumspectly,
and takes as much care of the accurateness of them as the
musician does of his lute or organ. For evil hath this
peculiar quality in it, that it dreads an enemy more than a
friend. For this cause Nasica, when some thought the
Roman affairs were established for ever in peace and safety,
after they had razed Carthage and enslaved Greece, de-
clared that even then they were in the greatest danger of
all and most likely to be undone, because there Λvere none
left whom they might still fear and stand in some awe of.
ίί^ And here may be inserted that wise and facetious
aiiaAver of Diogenes to one that asked him how he might
be rcA'enged of his enemy : The only way, says he, to gall
and fret him effectually is for yourself to appear a good
and honest man. The common people are generally envi-
ous and vexed in their minds, as oft as they see the cattle
of those they have no kindness for, their dogs, or their
horses, in a thriving condition ; they sigh, fret, set their
286 HOW το PROFIT BY OUR ENEMIES.
teeth, and show all the tokens of a malicious temper, when
they behold their fields well tilled, or their gardens adorned
and beset Avith flowers. If these things make them so
restless and uneasy, Avhat dost thou think they Avould do,
Avhat a torment would it be to them, if thou shouldst de-
monstrate thyself in the face of the world to be in all thy
carriage a man of impartial justice, a sound understanding,
unblamable integrity, of a ready and eloquent speech, sin-
cere and upright in all your dealings, sober and temperate
in all that you eat or drink ;
While from the culture of a prudent mind,
Harvests of wise and noble thought you reap.*
Those that are conquered, saith Pindar, must seal up
their lips ; they dare not open their mouths, no, not even
to mutter.•]• But all men in these circumstances are not so
restrained ; but such chiefly as come behind their opposites
in the practice of diligence, honesty, greatness of mind,
humanity, and beneficence. These are beautiful and glo-
rious virtues, as Demosthenes X says, that are too pure and
great to be touched by an ill tongue, that stop the mouths
of backbiters, choke them and command them to be silent.
Make it thy business therefore to surpass the base ; for this
surely thou canst do. || If we would vex them that hate
us, we must not reproach our adversary for an eff"eminate
and debauched person, or one of a boorish and filthy con-
versation ; but instead of throwing this dirt, we ourselves
must be remarkable for a steady virtue and a well-gov-
erned behavior ; we must speak the truth, and carry
ourselves civilly and justly towards all who hold any cor-
respondence or maintain any commerce with us. But if at
any time a man is so transported by passion as to utter any
bitter Avords, he must take heed that he himself be not
* Aeschyl. Septem, 593 See note on page 202. (G.)
t Fragment 253. J Fals. Legat. p. 406, 4.
II Eurip. Orest. 251.
HOW TO PROFIT BY OUR ENEMIES. 287
chargeable for those crimes for which he upbraids others ;
he must descend into himself, examine and cleanse his own
breast, tliat no putrefaction nor rottenness be lodged there ;
otherwise he will be condemned as the physician is by the
tragedian : —
Wilt thou heal others, thou thyself being full of sores ? *
If a man should jeer you and say that you are a dunce
and illiterate, upon this motive you ought to apply your
mind to the taking of pains in the study of philosophy and
all kinds of learning. If he abuses you for a coward, then
raise up your mind to a courageous manliness and an un-
daunted boldness of spirit. If he tells you you are lascivious
and Λvanton, this scandal may be wiped off by having your
mind barred up against all impressions of lust, and your
discourse free from the least obscenity. These are allow-
able returns, and the most cutting strokes you can give your
enemy ; there being nothing that carries in it more vexation
mid disgrace, than that scandalous censures should fall
back upon the head of him who was the first author of
them. For as the beams of the sun reverberated do most
severely affect and punish weak eyes, so those calumnies
are most vexatious and intolerable which truth retorts back
upon their first broachers. For as the north-east wind
gathers clouds, so does a vicious life gather unto itself op-
probrious speeches.
r^ Insomuch that Plato, when he was in company Avith
any persons that were guilty of unhandsome actions, was
wont thus to reflect upon himself and ask this question.
Am I of the like temper and disposition with these men?
In like manner, whosoever passes a hard censure upon an-
other man's life should presently make use of self-exami-
nation, and enquire what his own is ; by which means he
Avill come to know what his failings are, and how to amend
♦ Eurip. Frag. No. 1071.
288 HOW το PROFIT BY OUR ENEMIES.
them. Thus the very censures and backbitings of his
enemy will redound to his advantage, although in itself this
censorious humor is a very vain, empty, and useless thing.
For every one will laugh at and deride that man who is
humpbacked and baldpated, while at the same time he
makes sport with the natural deformities of his brethren ;
it being a very ridiculous unaccountable thing to scoff at
another for those very imperfections for which you yourself
may be abused. As Leo Byzantinus replied upon the hump-
backed man, who in drollery reflected on the Aveakness of
his eyes. You mock me for a human infirmity, but you
bear the marks of divine veno^eance on vour own back.
Wherefore no man should arraign another of adultery,
when he himself is addicted to a more bestial vice. Neither
may one man justly accuse another of extravagance or loose-
ness, Avhen he himself is stingy and covetous. Alcmaeon
told Adrastus, that he was near akin to a \voman that
killed her husband ; to Avhich Adrastus gave a very pat and
sharp answer, — Thou Avith thy own hands didst murder thy
mother.* After the same sarcastical way of jesting did
Domitius ask Crassus whether he did not weep for the
death of the lamprey that was bred in his fish-pond ; to
which Crassus makes this present reply, — But have I not
heard that you did not weep when you carried out three
wives to their burial.
Whence we may infer that it behooves every man who
takes upon him to correct or censure another not to be too
clamorous or merry upon his f\iults, but to be guilty of no
such crime as may expose him to the chastisement and
reproach of others. For the great God seems to have given
that commandment oi Know thyself to those men more es-
pecially Avho are apt to make remarks upon other men's
actions and forget themselves. So, as Sophocles hath well
observed, They often hear that which they Avould not, be-
* From the Adrastus of Euripides.
HOW TO PROFIT BY OUR ENEMIES. 289
cause they allow themselves the liberty of talking what
they please.
(p\ This is the use that may be lawfully made of censur-
ing and judging our enemies ; that we may be sure we are
not culpable for the same misdemeanors Λvhich Ave condemn
in them. On the contrary, we may reap no less advantage
from our being judged and censured by our enemies. In
this case Antisthenes spake incomparably well, that if a man
would lead a secure and blameless life, it was necessary that
he should have either very ingenuous and honest friends, or
very furious enemies, because the first would keep him from
sinning by their kind admonitions, the latter by their evil
words and vehement invectives.
But for as mucli as in these times friendship is grown
almost speechless, and hath left off that freedom it did
once use, since it is loquacious in flattery and dumb in
admonition, therefore we must expect to hear truth only
from the mouths of enemies. As Telephus, when he could
find no physician that he could confide in as his friend,
thought his adversary's lance would most probably heal his
Avound ; so he that hath no friend to give him advice and
to reprove him in what he acts amiss must bear patiently
the rebukes of an enemy, and thereby learn to amend the
errors of his ways ; considering seriously the object which
these severe censures aim at, and not what the person is
who makes them. For as he who designed the death of
Prometheus the Thessalian, instead of giving the fatal blow,
only lanced a swelHng that he had, which did really pre-
sevve his life and free him from the hazard of approaching
death ; just so may the harsh reprehensions of enemies cure
some distempers of the mind that were before either un-
known or neglected, though these angry speeches do origi
nally proceed from malice and ill-Avill. But many, when
they are accused of a crime, do not consider whether they
are guilty of the matter alleged against them, but are rather
VOL. I. 19
290 HOW το PROFIT BY OUR ENEMIES.
solicitous whether the accuser hath nothing that may be
laid to his charge ; like the combatants in a match at wrest-
ling, they take no care to wipe off the dirt that sticks upon
them, but they go on to besmear one another, and in their
mutual strugglings they wallow and tumble into more dirt
and filthiness.
It is a matter of greater importance and concern to a
man when he is lashed by the slanders of an enemy, by
living Λdrtuously to prevent and avert all objections that
may be made against his life, than it is to scour the spots
out of his clothes when they are shown him. And even if
any man with opprobrious language object to you crimes
you know nothing of, you ought to enquire into the causes
and reasons of such false accusations, that you may learn
to take heed for the future and be very wary, lest unwit-
tingly you should commit those offences that are unjustly
attributed to you, or something that comes near them.
Lacydes, king of the Argives, was abused as an effemi-
nate person, because he wore his hair long, used to dress
himself neatly, and his mien was finical. So Pompey,
though he was very far from any effeminate softness, yet
was reflected upon and jeered for being used to scratch his
head with one of his fingers. Crassus also suffered much
in the like kind, because sometimes he visited a vestal vir-
gin and showed great attention to her, having a design to
purchase of her a little farm that lay conveniently for him.
So Postumia was suspected of unchaste actions, and was
e\'en brought to trial, because she would often be very
cheerful and discourse freely in men's company. But she
was found clear of all manner of guilt in that nature.
Nevertheless at her dismission, Spurius Minucius the Ponti-
fex Maximus gave her this good admonition, that her words
s]iould be always as pure, chaste, and modest as her life
Avas. Themistocles, though he had offended in nothing,
Yet was suspected of treachery with Pausanias, because he
now TO PROFIT BY OUR ENEMIES. 291
corresponded familiarly with him, and used every day to
send him letters and messengers.
n\ Whenever then any thing is spoken against you that
is not true, do not pass it by or despise it because it is false,
but forthwith examine yourself, and consider what you have
said or done, what you have ever undertaken, or what con-
verse you have ever had that may have given likelihood to
the slander ; and when this is discovered, decline for the
future all things that may provoke any reproachful or foul
language from others.
For if troubles and difficulties, into which some men fall
either by chance or through their own inadvertency and
rashness, may teach others Avhat is fit and safe for them to
do, — as Merope says,
Fortune hath taken for her salary
My dearest goods, but wisdom she hath given;*
why should not we take an enemy for our tutor, who will
instruct us gratis in those things we knew not before ? For
an enemy sees and understands more in matters relating to
us than our friends do ; because love is blind, as Plato f
says, in discerning the imperfections of the thing beloved.
But spite, malice, ill-will, wrath, and contempt talk much,
are very inquisitive and quick-sighted. When Hiero was
upbraided by his enemy for having a stinking breath, he
returned home and demanded of his wife why she had not
acquainted him with it. The innocent good woman makes
this answer : I thought all men's breath had that smell.
For those things in men that are conspicuous to all are
sooner understood from the information of enemies than
from that of friends and acquaintance.
ψ\ Furthermore, an exact government of the tongue is
a strong evidence of a good mind, and no inconsiderable
part of virtue. But since every man naturally is desirous
to propagate his conceits, and without a painful force can»
* From Euripides. t Laws, V. p. 731 Ε
292 HOW το PROFIT BY OUR ENEMIES.
not smother his resentments, it is no easy task to keep
this unruly member in due subjection, unless such an
impetuous aifection as anger be thoroughly subdued by
much exercise, care, and study. For such things as "' say-
ing let fall against our will," or " a word flying by the
range of our teeth," * or " a speech escaping us by accident,"
are all likely to happen to those whose ill-exercised minds
(as it were) fall and waste away, and whose course of life
is licentious ; and we may attribute this to hasty passion
or to unsettled judgment. For divine Plato tells us that
for a Avord, which is the lightest of all things, both Gods
and men inflict the heaviest penalties. f But silence, Avhich
can never be called to account, doth not only, as Hip-
pocrates hath observed, extinguish thirst, but it bears up
against all manner of slanders Avith the constancy of
Socrates and the courage of Hercules, who was no more
concerned than a fly at what others said or did. Now it
is certainly not grander or better than this for a man to
bear silently and quietly the revilings of an enemy, taking
care not to provoke him, as if he were swimming by a
dangerous rock ; but the practice is better. For whoso-
ever is thus accustomed to endure patiently the scoff's of an
enemy will, without any disturbance or trouble, bear with
the chidings of a wife, the rebukes of a friend, or the
sharper reproofs of a brother. When a father or mother
corrects you, you will not be refractory or stubborn under
the rod. Xanthippe, though she was a woman of a very
angry and troublesome spirit, could never move Socrates to
a passion. By being used to bear patiently this heavy
sufferance at home, he was ever unconcerned, and not
in the least moved by the most scurrilous and abusive
tongues he met withal abroad. For it is much better to
overcome boisterous passions and to bring the mind into a
calm and even frame of spirit, by contentedly undergoing
* II. IV. 350. t Plato, Laws, XI. p. 935 A.
HOW TO PROFIT BY OUR ENEMIES. 293
the scoffs, outrages, and afFronts of enemies, than to be
stirred up to choler or revenge by the worst they can say
or do.
\ 9^ Thus we may show a meek and gentle temper and a
suwiiissive bearing of evil in our enmities ; and even in-
tegrity, magnanimity, and goodness of disposition are also
more conspicuous here than in friendship. For it is not so
honorable and \irtuous to do a friend a kindness, as it is
umvorthy and base to omit this good office when he stands
in need ; but it is an eminent piece of humanity, and a
manifest token of a nature truly generous, to put up with
the affronts of an enemy when you have a fair opportunity
to revenge them. For if any one sympathizes Avith his
enemy in his affliction, relieves him in his necessities, and
is ready to assist his sons and family if they desire it, any
one that Avill not love this man for his compassion, and
highly commend him for his charity, " must have a black
heart made of adamant or iron," as Pindar says.
When Caesar made an edict that the statues of Pompev
Avhich were tumbled down should be rebuilt and restored
to their former beauty and magnificence, Tully tells him
that by setting up again Pompey's statues he has erected one
for himself, an everlasting monument of praise and honor
to after ages. So that we must give to every one his due,
to an enemy such respect and honor as he truly deserves.
Thus a man that praises his enemy for his real deserts
shall himself obtain the more honor by it ; and whenever
he shall correct or censure him, he will be credited in what
he does, because every one will beheve that he does it out
of a dislike and just abhorrence of his vice and not of his
person.
By this practice we shall be brought at length to ])er-
form the most honorable and ΛVorthy actions ; for he who
is wont to praise and speak the best things of his enemies
will never repine at the prosperity or success of his friends
294 HOW το PEOFIT BY OUR ENEMIES.
and acquaintance ; he is never troubled, but rather rejoices,
when they thrive and are happy. And what virtue can
any man exercise that will be more profitable and delight-
ful to him than this, which takes away from him the
bitterness of malice, and doth not only break the teeth of
envy, but, by teaching him to rejoice at another man's
felicity, doth double his own enjoyment and satisfaction.
As in war many things, although they are bad and evil in
themselves, yet have become necessary, and by long custom
and prescription have obtained the validity of a law, so
that it is not easy to root them out, even by those Λνΐιο
thereby suffer much harm ; just so doth enmity usher in
the mind a long train of vices, meagre envy coupled with
grim hatred, restless jealousy and suspicion, unnatural joy
at other men's miseries, and a long remembrance of injuries.
Fraud, deceit, and snares, joined to these forces of wicked-
ness, work infinite mischief in the Avorld, yet they appear
as no evils at all when they are exerted against an enemy.
By this means they make a deep entrance into the mind ;
they get fast hold of it, and are hardly shaken off. So
that, unless we forbear the practice of these ill qualities
towards our enemies, they will by frequent acts become so
habitual to us, that we shall be apt to make use of them to
the manifest wrong and injury of our friends. Wherefore,
if Pythagoras was highly esteemed for instructing his dis-
ciples to avoid all manner of cruelty against beasts them-
selves,— so that he himself would redeem them out of
their captivity in either the fowler's or the fisherman's net,
and forbade his followers to kill any creature, — it is surely
much better and more manly in our differences with men
to show ourselves generous, just, and detesters of all false-
hood, and to moderate and correct all base, unworthy, and
hurtful passions ; that in all our conversation with our
friends we may be open-hearted, and that we may not
seek to overreach or deceive others in any of our dealings.
HOW TO PROFIT BY OUR ENEMIES. 295
For Scaurus was a professed enemy and an open accuser
of Domitius ; whereupon a treacherous servant of Domi-
tius comes to Scaurus before the cause Avas to be heard,
and tells him that he has a secret to communicate to him
in relation to the present suit, Λvhich he knows not of, and
which may be very advantageous on his side. Yet Scaurus
would not permit him to speak a word, but apprehended
him, and sent him back to his master. And when Cato
was prosecuting Murena for bribery, and was collecting
evidence to support his charge, he was accompanied
(according to custom) by certain persons in the interest
of the defendant, who watched his transactions. These
often asked him in the morning, whether he intended on
that day to collect evidence or make other preparation for
the trial ; and so soon as he told them he should not, they
put such trust in him that they went their way. This was
a plain demonstration of the extraordinary deference and
honor they paid to Cato ; but a far greater testimony, and
one surpassing all the rest, is it to prove that, if Ave accus-
tom ourselves to deal justly and uprightly with our enemies,
then we shall not fail to behave ourselves so towards our
friends.
/lO. Simonides Avas wont to say that there was no lark
wkhout its crest ; so the disposition of men is naturally
pregnant with strife, suspicion, and envy, which last (as
Pindar observes) is " the companion of emply-brained
men." Therefore no man can do any thing that will
tend more to his own profit and the preservation of his
peace than utterly to purge out of his mind these corrupt
affections, and cast them off as the very sink of all iniquity,
that they may create no more mischief between him and
his friends. This Onomademus, a judicious and Avise man,
understood well, who, when he was of the prevailing side
in a civil commotion at Chios, gave this counsel to his
friends, that they should not quite destroy or drive away
296 HOW το PROFIT BY OUR ENEMIES.
those of the adverse party, but let some abide there, for
fear they should begin to fall out among themselves as
soon as then' enemies were all out of the way. Therefore,
if these uneasy dispositions of the mind be spent and con-
sumed upon enemies, they would neΛ'er molest or disquiet
our friends. Neither doth Hesiod approve of one potter
or one singer's envying another, or that a neighbor or
relation or brother should resent it ill that another pros-
pers and is successful in the world.* But if there be no
other v^'ay whereby we may be delivered from emulation,
envy, or contention, we may suffer our minds to vent these
passions upon the prosperity of our enemies, and whet the
edge and sharpen the point of our anger upon them. For
as gardeners that have knowledge and experience in plants
expect their roses and violets should grow the better by
beinof set near leeks and onions, — because all the sour
juices of the earth are conveyed into these, — so an enemy
by attracting to himself our vicious and peevish qualities,
may render us less humorsome and more candid and in-
genuous to our friends that are in a better or more
happy state than ourselves.
AAlierefore let us enter the lists with our enemies, and
contend Avith them for true glory, lawful, empire, and just
gain. Let us not so much debase ourselves as to be troubled
and fret at any possessions they enjoy more than we have.
Let us rather carefully observe those good qualities where-
in our enemies excel us, so that by these motives we may
be excited to outdo them in honest diligence, indefatigable
industry, prudent caution, and exemplary sobriety ; as
lliemistocles complained that the victory Miltiades got at
Marathon would not let him sleep. But whosoever views
his adversary exalted far above him in dignities, in plead-
ing of great causes, in administration of state affairs, or in
favor and friendship with princes, and doth not put forth
* Hesiod, Works and Days, 23.
HOW TO PROFIT BY OUR ENEMIES. 297
all his strength and power to get before him in these
things, — this man commonly pines away, and by degrees
sinks into the sloth and misery of an envious and inactive
life. And we may observe, that envy and hatred do raise
such clouds in the understanding, that a man shall not be
able to pass a right judgment concerning things which he
hates ; but whosoever with an impartial eye beholds, and
with a sincere mind judges, the life and manners, dis-
courses, and actions of his enemy, will soon understand
that many of those things that raise his envy were gotten
by honest care, a discreet providence, and virtuous deeds.
Thus the love of honorable and brave actions may be
kindled and advanced in him, and an idle and lazy course
of life may be contemned and forsaken.
/^l. But if our enemies arrive at high places in the
courts of princes by flattery or frauds, by bribery or gifts,
we should not be troubled at it, but should rather be
pleased in comparing our undisguised and honest way of
living with theirs which is quite contrary. For Plato, who
was a competent judge, was of opinion that virtue was a
more valuable treasure than all the riches above the earth
or all the mines beneath it. And we ought evermore to
have in readiness this saying of Solon : * But we will not
give up our virtue in exchange for their wealth. So will
we never give up our virtue for the applause of crowded
theatres, which may be won by a feast, nor for the loftiest
seats among eunuchs, concubines, and royal satraps. For
nothing that is worth any one's appetite, nothing that
is handsome or becoming a man, can proceed from that
which is in itself evil and base. But, as Plato repeats
once and again, the lover cannot see the fiiults of the thing
or person that he loves, and we apprehend soonest what
our enemies do amiss ; therefore we must let neither our
joy at their miscarriages nor our sorrow at their successes
* Solon, Frag. No. 16.
298 HOW το PROFIT BY OUR ENEMIES.
be idle and useless to ourselves, but we are bound to con-
sider in both respects, how we may render ourselves better
than they are, by avoiding what is faulty and vicious in
them, and how we may not prove worse than they, if we
imitate them in what they do excel.
CONSOLATION TO APOLLONIUS.
1. As soon, Apollonius, as I heard the news of the un-
timely death of your son, Avho was very dear to us all, I
fell sick of the same grief with you, and shared your misfor-
tune with all the tenderness of sympathy. For he was a
sweet and modest yoiuig man, devout towards the Gods,
obedient to his parents, and obliging to his friends ; indeed
doing all things that were just. But when the tears of his
funeral were scarcely dry, I thought it a time very improper
to call upon you and put you in mind that you should bear
this accident like a man ; for when this unexpected afflic
tion made you languish both in body and mind, I considered
then that compassion was more seasonable than advice. For
the most skilful physicians do not put a sudden stop to a
flux of humors, but give them time to settle, and then fo-
ment the swelling by softening and bringing it to a head
with medicines outwardly applied.
2. So now that a competent time is past — time which
brings all things to maturity — since the first surprise of
your calamity, I believed I should do an acceptable piece
of friendship, if I should now comfort you with those
reasons which may lessen your grief and silence your
complaints.
Soft words alleviate a wounded heart,
If you in time will mitigate the smart.*
* Aesch. Prom. 378.
300 CONSOLATION TO APOLLONIUS.
Euripides hath said wisely to this purpose : —
Our applications should suited be
Unto the nature of tlie malady ;
Of sorrow we should wipe the tender eyes,
But the immoderate weeper should chas:ise
For of all the passions which move and afflict the mind of
man, sorrow in its nature is the most grievous ; in some
they say it hath produced madness, others have contracted
incurable diseases, and some out of the vehemence of it
have laid violent hands upon themselves.
3. Therefore to be sad, even to an indisposition, for the
death of a son proceeds from a principle of nature, and it is
out of our poAver to prevent it. I dislike those who boast
so much of hard and inflexible temper which they call apa-
thy, it being a disposition Λvllich never happens and never
could be of use to us ; for it would extinguish that soci-
able love we ought to have for one another, and which it is
so necessary above all things to preserve. But to mourn
excessively and to accumulate grief I do afhrm to be
altog^ether unnatural, and to result from a depraved opinion
we have of things ; therefore Ave ought to shun it as de-
structive in itself, and unworthy of a virtuous man ; but to
be moderately affected by grief we cannot condemn. It
were to be Avished, saith Grantor the Academic, that we
could not be sick at all ; but when a distemper seizeth
us, it is requisite we should have sense and feeling in case
any of our members be plucked or cut off. For that talked-
of apathy can never happen to a man without great detri-
ment ; for as now the body, so soon the very mind would
be λγ'ύά and savage.
4. Therefore in such accidents, it is but reasonable that
they who are in their right senses should avoid both ex-
tremes, of being Avithout any passion at all and of having
too much ; for as the one argues a mind that is obstinate
and fierce, so the other doth one that is soft and effeminate.
CONSOLATION TO APOLLONIUS. 301
He therefore hath cast up his accounts the best, Avho, con-
fining himself within due bounds, hath such ascendant over
his temper, as to bear prosperous and adverse fortune with
the same equaUty, \vhichsoever it is that happens to him
in this hfe. He puts on those resokitions as if he Avere in
a popuhir government where magistracy is decided by lot ;
if it luckily falls to his share, he obeys his fortune, but if
it passeth him, he doth not repine at it. So we must sub-
mit to the dispensation of human affairs, Avithout being
uneasy and querulous. Those who cannot do this Avant
prudence and steadiness of mind to bear more happy cir-
cumstances ; for amongst other things which are prettily
said, this is one remarkable precept of Euripides : —
If Fortune prove extravagantly kind,
Above its (emper do not raise tiiy mind ;
If she disclaims thee like a jilting dame,
Be not dejected, but be still the same,
Like gold unchanged amidst the hottest flame.
For it is the part of a wise and well-educated man, not
to be transported beyond himself with any prosperous
events, and so, when the scene of fortune changeth, to
observe still the comeliness and decency of his morals. For
it is the business of a man that lives by rule, either to pre-
vent an evil that threatens him, or, when it is come, to
qualify its malignity and make it as little as he can, or put
on a masculine brave spirit and so resolve to endure it.
For there are four ways that prudence concerns herself
about any thing that is good ; she is either industrious to
acquire or careful to preserve, she either augments or
useth it Avell. These are the measures of prudence, and
consequently those of all other virtues, by which we ought
to square ourselves in either fortune.
For no man lives who always happy is.*
And, by Jove, you should not hinder what ought to be
done. —
* From the Stheneboea of Euripides, Frag. 0 i2.
302 CONSOLATION TO APOLLONIUS.
Those things which in their nature ought to be.*
5. For, as amongst trees some are very thick Avith fruit,
and some bear none at all ; amongst living creatures some
are very prolific, and some barren ; and as in the sea there
is alternate vicissitude of calms and tempests, so in human
life there are many and various circumstances which dis-
tract a man into divers changes of fortune. One consider-
ing this matter hath not said much from the purpose : —
Tliink not thyself, Ο Atreus' son, forlorn ;
Thou always to be happy wast not born.
Even Agamemnon's self must be a shade,
For thou of frail materials art made.
Sorrow and joy alternately succeed ;
'Spite of thy teeth, the Gods have so decreed.f
These verses are Menander's.
If thou, 0 Trophimus, of all mankind,
Uninterrupted happiness coulilst find ;
If Λνΐιβη thy mother brouglit thee forth with pain,
Didst this condition of thy life obtain,
That only prosperous gales thy sails should fill.
And all things happen 'cording to thy will ;
If any of the Gods did so engage.
Such usage justly might provoke thy rage,
Matter for smart resentment might afford,
For the false Deity did break his word.
But if thou une.xcepted saw'st the light,
Without a promise of the least delight,
I say to thee (gravely in tragic style)
Thou ought to be more patient all the while.
In short, — and to say more there's no one can, —
Which is a name of frailty, thou'rt a man ;
A creature more rejoicing is not found.
None more dejected creeps upon the ground.
Though weak, yet he in politics refines,
Involves himself in intricate designs ;
With nauseous business he himself doth cloy,
And so the pleasure of his life destroy.
In great pursuits thou never hast been cross'd
No disappointments have thy projects lost;
Nay, such hath been the mildness of thy fate,
Hast no misfortune had of anj' rate ;
If Fortune is at any time severe,
Serene and undisturbed thou must appear.
♦ From Euripides. t Eurip. Iph. Aul. 29.
CONSOLATION TO APOLLONIUS. 303
But though this be the state of all sublunary things, yet
such is the extravagant pride and folly of some men, that if
they are raised above the common by the greatness of their
riches or functions of magistracy, or if they arrive to any
eminent charge in the commonwealth, they presently swell
with the titles of their honor, and threaten and insult over
their inferiors ; never considering Avhat a treacherous God-
dess Fortune is, and how easy a revolution it is for things
that are uppermost to be thrown down from their height and
for humble things to be exalted, and that these changes of
Fortune are performed quickly and in the swiftest moments
of time. To seek for any certainty therefore in that which
is uncertain is the part of those who judge not aright of
things : —
Like to a wheel that constantly goes round,
One part is up whilst t'other's on the ground.
6. But the most sovereign remedy against sorrow is our
reason, and out of this arsenal we may arm ourselves with
defence against all the casualties of life ; for every one ought
to lay down this as a maxim, that not only is he himself
mortal in his nature, but life itself decays, and things are
easily changed into quite the contrary to what they are ;
for our bodies are made up of perishing ingredients. Our
fortunes and our passions too are subject to the same mortal-
ity ; indeed all things in this Avorld are in perpetual flux, —
Which no man can avoid with all his care.*
It is an expression of Pindar, that we are held to the
dark bottom of hell by necessities as hard as iron. And
Euripides says : —
No worldly wealth is firm and sure ;
But for a day it doth endure.f
And also : —
From small beginnings our misfortunes grow,
And little rubs our feet do overthrow ;
A single day is able down to cast
Some things from height, and others raise as fast.i
• II. XII. 327. t Eurip. Plioeniss. 558. ί From the Ino of Euripides.
304 CONSOLATION TO APOLLONIUS.
Demetrius Phalereus affirms that this was truly said, but
that the poet had been more in the right if for a single day
he had put only a moment of time.
For earthly fruits and mortal men's estate
Turn round about in one and selfsame rate ;
Some live, wax strong, and prosper day by day,
While others are cast down and fade away.*
And Pindar hath it in another place,
What are we, what are we not ?
Man is but a shadow's dream. t
He used an artificial and very perspicuous hyperbole to
draw human life in its genuine colors ; for Λvhat is weaker
than a shadow ? Or what words can be found out whereby
to express a shadow's dream ? Grantor hath something
consonant to this, Avhen, condoling Hippocles upon the loss
of his children, he speaks after this manner : —
" These are the things Avhich all the old philosophers
talk of and have instructed us in ; which though we do
not agree to in every particular, yet this hath too sharp a
truth in it, that our life is painful and full of difficulties ;
and if it doth not labor with them in its own nature, yet
we ourselves have infected it Avith that corruption. For
the inconstancy of Fortune joined us at the beginning of
our journey, and hath accompanied us ever since ; so that
it can produce nothing that is sound or comfortable unto us ;
and the bitter potion was mingled for us as soon as we were
born. For the principles of our nature being mortal is the
cause that our judgment is depraved, that diseases, cares,
and all those fatal inconveniences afflict mankind."
But what need of this digression "? Only that we may
be made sensible that it is no unusual thing if a man be
unfortunate ; but we are all subject to the same calamity.
For as Theophrastus saith. Fortune surpriseth us unawares,
robs us of those things we have got by the sweat of our
* From the Ino of Euripides. t Pindar, Pyth. VIII. 135.
CONSOLATION TO APOLLONIUS. 305
industry, and spoils the gaudy appearance of a prosperous
condition ; and this she doth when she pleaseth, not being
stinted to any periods of time. These and things of the like
nature it is easy for a man to ponder Avith himself, and to
hearken to the sayings of ancient and wise men; among
whom divine Homer is the chief, Λvho suni? after this
manner
Of all that breathes or grovelling creeps on earth,
Most man is vain ! calamitous by birth :
To-day, with power elate, in strengtli lie blooms ;
Tlie haughty creature on that power presumes :
' Anon from Heaven a sad reverse he feels ;
Untaught to bear, 'gainst Heaven the wretch rebels.
For man is changeful, as his bliss or woe ;
Too high when prosperous, when distress'd too low.*
And in another place : —
What or from whence I am, or who my sire
(Replied the chief), can Tydeus' son enquire?
Like leaves on trees the race of man is found,
Now green in youth, now withering on the ground ;
Another race the following spring supplies ;
They fall successive, and successive rise.
So generations in their course decay ;
So flourish these, when those are past away.f
How prettily he managed this image of human life
appears from what he hath said in another place : —
For what is man ? Calamitous by birth.
They owe their life and nourishment to earth ;
Like yearly leaves, that now with beauty crown'd,
Smile on the sun, now wither on tlie ground.i
AVhen Pausanias the king of Sparta was frequently brag-
ging of his performances, and bidding Simonides the lyric
poet in raillery to give him some wise precept, he, know-
ing the vain-glory of him that spoke,. admonished him to
remember that he was a man. Philip the king of Mace-
don, when he had received three despatches of good news
at the same time, of Avhich the first was that his chariots
* Odvss. XVIII. 130. t 11. VI. 145.
ί II. XXI. 463.
VOL. I. 20
306 CONSOLATION TO APOLLONIUS.
had won the victory in the Olympic games, the second, that
his general Parmenio had overcome the Dardanians in fight,
and the third, that his wife Olympias had brought him forth
an heir, — lifting up his eyes to heaven, he passionately cried
out, Propitious Daemon ! let the affliction be moderate by
which thou intendest to be even with me for this compli-
cated happiness. Theramenes, one of the thirty tyrants
of Athens, when he alone was preserved from the ruins of
a house that fell upon the rest of his friends as they were
sitting at supper, and all came about him to congratulate
him on his escape, — broke out in an emphatical accent,
Fortune! for what calamity dost thou reserve mel And
not long after, by the command of his fellow-tyrants, he was
tormented to death.
7. But Homer seems to indicate a particular praise to
himself, when he brings in Achilles speaking thus to
Priam, who was come forth to ransom the body of
Hector : —
Rise then ; let reason mitigate our care :
To mourn avails not : man is born to bear.
Such is, alas ! the Gods' severe decree :
They, only tiiey, are blest, and only tree.
Two urns by Jove's high tlirone have ever stood,
The source of evil one, and one of good ;
From thence the cup of mortal man he fills,
Blessings to tliese, to these distributes ills ;
To most he mingles both ; the wretcli decreed
To taste tlie bad unmix'd is cursed indeed ;
Pursued by wrongs, by meagre famine driven.
He wanders, outcast botli of eartii and heaven.*
Hesiod, who was the next to Homer both in respect of
time and reputation, and who professed to be a disciple of
the Muses, fancied that all evils were shut up in a box,
and that Pandora opening it scattered all sorts of mischiefs
through both the earth and seas : —
The cover of the box she did remove,
And to fly out the crowding mischief strove ;
But slender hope upon tlie brims did stay,
* II. XXIV. 522.
CONSOLATION TO APOLLONIUS. 807
Ready to vanish into air away ;
She with retrieve tlie haggard in did put,
And on the prisoner close the box did shut ;
But plagues innumerable abroad did fly,
Infecting all the earth, the seas, and sky.
Diseases now with silent feet do creep.
Torment us waking, and afflict our sleep.
These midnight evils steal without a noise,
For Jupiter deprived them of their voice.*
8. After these the comedian, talking of those who beai
afflictions uneasily, speaks consonantly to this purpose : —
If we in wet complaints could quench our grief,
At any rate we'd purchase our relief;
With proffered gold would bribe off all our fears,
And make our eyes distil in precious tears.
But the Gods mind not mortals here below,
Nor the least thought on our affairs bestow ;
But with an unregarding air pass by.
Whether our cheeks be moist, or whether dry.
Unhappiness is always sorrow's root.
And tears do hang from them like crystal fruit.
And Dictys comforts Danae, who Avas bitterly taking on,
after this manner : —
Dost think that thy repinings moΛ;e the grave,
Or from its jaws thy dying son can save 1
If thou would'st lessen it, thy grief compare ; —
Consider how unhappy others are ;
How many bonds of slavery do hold ;
How many of their children robbed grow old ;
How sudden Fate throws off th' usurped crown,
And in the dirt doth tread the tyrant down.
Let this with deep impression in thee sink,
And on these revolutions often think. t
He bids her consider the condition of those who have
suffered equal or greater afflictions, and by such a parallel
to comfort up her own distempered mind.
9. And here that opinion of Socrates comes in very perti-
nently, who thought that if all our misfortunes were laid
in one common heap, Λvhence every one must take an equal
portion, most people Avould be contented to take their own
and depart. After this manner Antimachus the poet allayed
* Hesiod, Works and Days, 94. t From the Danae of Euripides.
308 CONSOLATION TO APOLLONIUS.
his grief when he lost his wife Lyde, whom he tenderly
loved ; for he writ an elegy upon her, which he called by
her own name, and in it he numbered up all the calamities
which have befcillen great men ; and so by the remembrance
of other men's sorrows he assuaged his own. By this it
may appear, that he Λνΐιο comforts another who is macerat-
ing himself with grief, and demonstrates to him, by reck-
oning up their several misfortunes, that he suffers nothing
but Avhat is common to him with other men, takes the surest
way to lessen the opinion he had of his condition, and
brings him to believe that it is not altogether so bad as he
took it to be.
10. Aeschylus also doth justly reprimand those who
think death to be an evil, declaring after this manner: —
Some as a thing injurious death do fly ;
But of all mischiefs 'tis the remedy.
And he who spoke thus very nicely imitated him : —
Come, witlT impatience I expect thee, Death ;
And stop with thy obliging liand my breath :
To thee as a physician all resort.
And we through tempests sail into thy port.
And it is great to speak this sentence wdth courage : —
Where is the slave who never fears to die ? *
Or this : —
And shadows never scare me, thanks to hell.
But what is it at length in death, that is so grievous and
troublesome 1 For I know not how it comes to pass that,
w^hen it is so familiar and as it were related to us, it should
seem so terrible. How can it be rational to wonder, if that
clea\'es asunder which is divisible, if that melts whose
nature is liquefaction, if that burns which is combustible,
and so, by a parity of reason, if that perisheth which by
nature is perishable ] For Avhen is it that death is not in
us ? For, as Heraclitus saith, it is the same thing to be
* From Euripides.
CONSOLATION TO APOLLONIUS. 309
dead and alive, asleep and awake, a yonng man and de-
crepit ; for these alternately are changed one into another.
For as a potter can form the shape of an animal out of his
clay and then as easily deface it, and can repeat this back-
wards and forwards as often as he pleaseth, so Nature too
out of the same materials fashioned iii-st our grandfathers,
next our fathers, then us, and in process of time will en-
gender others, and again others upon these. For as the
flood of our generation glides on without any intermission
and will never stop, so in the other direction the stream
of our corruption flows eternally on, whether it be called
Acheron or Cocytus by the poets. So that the same cause
Avhich first showed us the light of the sun carries us down
to infernal darkness. And in my mind, the air Avhich cn-
compasseth us seems to be a lively image of the thing ; for
it brings on the vicissitudes of night and day, life and
death, sleeping and waking. For this cause it is that life
is called a fatal debt, which our fathers contracted and Ave
are bound to pay ; which is to be done calmly and without
any complaint, when the creditor demands it ; and by this
means we shall show ourselves men of sedate passions.
11. And I believe Nature, knowing the confusion and
shortness of our life, hath industriously concealed the end
of it from us, this making for our advantage. For if we
were sensible of it beforehand, some would pine away with
untimely sorrow, and would die before their death came.
For she saw the woes of this life, and with wdiat a torrent
of cares it is overflowed, — which if thou didst undertake
to number, thou Avouldst grow angry with it, and confirm
that opinion which hath a vogue amongst some, that death
is more desirable than life. Simonides hath glossed upon
it after this manner : —
Our time is of a short and tender length,
Cares we have many, and hut little strength ;
Labors in crowds pusli one another on,
And cruel destiny we cannot shun.
310 CONSOLATION TO APOLLONIUS.
The casting of these lots is very just,
For good and bad lie in one common dust.
Pindar hath it so : —
The Gods unequal have us mortals vexed,
Tor to one good, two evils are annexed :
They pay a single joy with double care,
And fools such dispensations cannot bear.*
Sophocles so
Why at a mortal's death dost thou complain 1
Thou know'st not what may be his future gain.
And Euripides so : —
Dost thou not know the state of human things?
A faithful monitor thy instruction brings.
Inevitable death hangs o'er our head,
And threatens falling by a doubtful thread.
There's no man can be certain over night.
If he siiall live to see to-morrow's light.
Life without any interruption flows,
And the results of fate there's no man knows. t
If then the condition of human hfe is such as they speak
of, why do we not rather applaud their good fortunes who
are freed from the drudgery of it, than pity and deplore
them, as some men's folly prompts them to do?
12. Socrates said that death Avas like either to a very
deep sleep, or to a journey taken a great way and for a
long time, or else to the utter extinction of soul and body ;
and if we examine each of these comparisons, he said, we
sliall find that death is not an evil upon any account. For
if death is sleep, and no hurt happens to those who are in
that innocent condition, it is manifest that neither are the
dead ill dealt with. To what purpose should I talk of that
which is so tritely known amongst all, that the most pro-
found sleep is always the sΛveetest ? Homer % particularly
attests it : —
His senses all becalmed, he drew his breath,
His sleep was sound, and quiet like to death.
* Pindar, Pyth. III. 145. t Eurip. Alcestis, 792.
ί See Odyss. XIIL 80; and II. XIV. 231; XVL 672; XL 241.
CONSOLATION TO APOLLONIUS. 311
And in many places lie saith thus, —
Slie met Death's brother, Sleep. —
And again, —
Twin brothers, Sleep and Death, —
thereby representing the similitude (as it were) to the
sight, for twins especially indicate similarity. And in
another place he saith, Death is brazen sleep, thereby
intimating to us that it is insensible. Neither hath he
spoken much amiss who calls sleep the lesser mysteries
of death ; for sleep is really the first initiation into the
mysteries of death.
Diogenes the Cynic, when a little before his death he fell
into a slumber, and his physician rousing him out of it
asked him whether any thing ailed him, wisely ansΛvered,
Nothing, sir, only one brother anticipates another, — Sleep
before Death.
13. If death be like a journey, neither upon this account
is it an evil, but rather the contrary ; for certainly it is the
emphasis of happiness to be freed from the incumbrances
of the flesh and all those troublesome passions which attend
it, Avhich serve onlv to darken the understandini?, and over-
spread it with all the folly that is incident to human
nature.
" The very body," saith Plato, " procures us infinite dis-
quiet only to supply its daily necessities with food ; but if any
diseases are coincident, they hinder our contemplations, and
stop us in our researches after truth. Besides, it distracts
us Λvith irregular desires, fears, and vain amours, setting
before us so many fantastic images of things, that the com-
mon saying is here most true, that on account of the body
we can never become wise. For wars, popular seditions,
and shedding of blood by the sword are owing to no other
original than this care of the body and gratifying its licen-
tious appetites ; for we fight only to get riches, and these
312 CONSOLATION TO APOLLONIUS.
we acquire only to please the body ; so that those who are
thus employed have not leisure to be philosophers. And
after all, when λυο have retrieved an interval of time to
seek after truth, the body officiously interrupts us, is so
troublesome and importune, that we can by no means dis-
cern its nature. Therefore it is evident that, if we will
clearly know any thing, we must divest ourselves of the
body, and behold things as they are in themselves with the
mind itself, that at last we may attain what we so mucli
desire, and what w^ do profess ourselves the most partial
admirers of, which is Avisdom. And this we cannot con-
summately enjoy till after death, as reason teacheth us.
For if so be that we can understand nothing clearly as long
as we are clogged with flesh, one of these things must
needs be, either that we shall never arrive at that knowl-
edge at all, or only when we die ; for then the soul will
exist by itself, separate from the body ; and whilst we are
in this life, we shall make the nearest advances towards it,
if we have no more to do with the body than what decency
and necessity require, if we break ofl" all commerce Λvith it,
and keep ourselves pure from its contagion, till God shall
give us a final release, and then being pure and freed from
all its follies, we shall converse (it is likely) with intelli-
gences as pure as ourselves, with our unaided vision be-
holding perfect purity, — and this is truth itself. For it is
not fit that what is pure should be apprehended by what is
impure." *
Therefore, if death only transports us to another place,
it is not to be looked upon as an evil, but rather as an ex-
ceeding good, as Plato hath demonstrated. The words of
Socrates to his judges seem to me to be spoken even with
inspiration : " To fear death, gentlemen, is nothing else than
to counterfeit the being wise, when we are not so. For
he that fears death pretends to know what he is ignorant
* Plat. Phaed. pp. G6 Β — 07 Β.
CONSOLATION TO ArOLLONIUS. ^13
of; for no man is certain whether death be not the greatest
good that can befall a man, but they positively dread it as
if they were sure it was the greatest of evils." Agreeably
to this said one after this manner : —
Let no man fear what doth his labors end ; —
and death sets us free even from the greatest evils.
1-i. The Gods themselves bear witness to the truth of
this, for many have obtained death as a gratuity from them.
The less famous instances I will pass by, that I may not be
prolix, and only mention those who are the most celebrated
and in all men s mouths. And in the first place, I will re-
late what befell Biton and Cleobis, two young men of
Argos. They report that their mother being the priestess
of Juno, and the time being come that she was to go up to
the temple to perform the rites of the Goddess, and those
whose office it was to draΛV her chariot tarrying longer than
usual, these two young men harnessed themselves and took
it up, and so carried their mother to the temple. She, be-
ing extremely taken with the piety of her sons, petitioned
the Goddess that she Avould bestow upon them the best
present that could be given to men ; accordingly she cast
them into that deep sleep out of which they never awoke,
taking this way to recompense their filial zeal with death.
Pindar writes of Agamedes and Trophonius, that after they
had built a temple at Delphi, they requested of Apollo a
reward for their work. It was answered them that they
should have it Avithin seven days, but in the mean while
they were commanded to live freely and indulge their
genius ; accordingly they obeyed the dictate, and the
seventh night they died in their beds. It is said also of
Pindar, that when the deputies of the Boeotians were sent
to consult the oracle, he desired them to enquire of it
which was the best thing amongst men, and that the
Priestess of the tripod gave them this answer, — that he
314 CONSOLATION TO APOLLONIUS.
could not be ignorant of it, if he was the author of those
writings concerning Agamedes and Trophonius ; but if he
desired personally to know, it should in a little time be
made manifest to him ; and that Pindar hearing this pre-
pared himself for the stroke of Fate, and died in a short
time after. Of Euthynous the Italian there is this memo-
rable story, that he died suddenly, Avithout anybody's
knowing the cause of his death. His father Avas Elysius
the Terinean, who was a man of the first condition for his
estate and virtue, being rich and honorable, and this being
his only son and heir to all his fortune, which was very
great, he had a strong jealousy upon him that he was
poisoned, and not knowing how he should come to the in-
formation of it, he went into the vault Avhere they invoke
the dead, and after having offered sacrifice, as it is enjoined
by the law, he slept in the place ; when all things were in
a midnight silence, he had this vision. His father appeared
to him, to whom after having related his lamentable mis-
fortune, he earnestly desired the ghost that he would assist
him in finding out the cause. He answered that he was
come on purpose to do it. But first, saith he, receive from
this one what he hath brought thee, and thereby thou wilt
understand the reason of all thy sorrow. The person that
the father meant was very like to Euthynous both for years
and stature ; and the question being put to him who he
was, he answered, I am the genius of thy son ; and at the
same time he reached out a book to him, which he opened
and found these verses written therein : —
'Tis ignorance makes wretched men to err ;
Fate dill to liappiness tliy son prefer.
By destined death Euthynous seized we see ;
So 'twas tlie better both for him and thee.
These are the stories which the ancients tell us.
15. But lastly, if death be the entire dissipation of soul
and body (which was the third part of Socrates's compari-
CONSOLATION TO APOLLONIUS. 315
son), even then it cannot be an evil. For this would
produce a privation of sense, and consequently a complete
freedom from all solicitude and care ; and if no good, so no
evil would befall us. For good and evil alike must by
nature inhere in that which has existence and essence ;
but to that which is nothing, and wholly abolished out of
the nature of things, neither of the two can belong. There-
fore, when men die, they return to the same condition they
were in before they were born. For as, before we came
into the world, we were neither sensible of good nor afflict-
ed with evil, so it will be wlien we leave it ; and as those
things which preceded our birth did not concern us, so
neither will those things which are subsequent to our
death : —
The dead secure from sorrow safe do lie,
'Tis the same thing not to be born and die.*
For it is the same state of existence after death as it was
before Ave were born. Unless perhaps you will make a
difference between having no being at all and the utter ex-
tinction of it, after the same manner that you make a
distinction between an house and a garment after they are
ruined and worn out, and at the time before the one was
built and the other made. And if in this case there is no
difference, it is plain that there is none between the state be-
fore we were born and that after we are dead. It is elegantly
said by Arcesilaus, that death, which is called an evil, hath
this peculiarly distinct from all that are thought so, that
when it is present it gives us no disturbance, but when
remote and in expectation only, it is then that it afflicts us.
And indeed many out of the poorness of their spirit, having
entertained most injurious opinions of it, have died even
to prevent death. Epicharmus hath said excellently to this
purpose : "-It was united, it is now tiissolved ; it returns
back whence it came, — earth to earth, the spirit to re-
* From Aeschylus.
316 CONSOLATION TO APOLLONIUS.
gions above. What in all this is grievous ^ Nothing at
all." But that which Cresphontes in Euripides saith of
Hercules, —
For if he dwells below, beneath the earth,
With those whose life is gone, his strength is nought,
I would have changed into these words, —
For if he dwells below, beneath the earth,
With those whose life is gone, his woes are o'er.
This Laconic too is very noble : —
Others before and after us will be,
Whose age we're not permitted e'er to see.
And again : —
These neither did live handsomely nor die,
Though both should have been done with decency.
But Euripides hath spoken incomparably well of those who
labor under daily indispositions : —
I hate the man who studies to defeat
The power of death with artificial meat,
To baffle and prevent his fate does think.
And lengthens out his life witli magic drink.
Whereas, when he a burden doth become,
Then he should die, because he's troublesome.
Old age in modesty should then give place,
And so make way unto a brisker race.*
But Merope moved the passion of the theatre with these
masculine expressions : —
My sons by death are ravished from my side,
And I'm a widow, who was once a bi'ide. '
I am not thus selected to be crossed,
Others their sons and husbands too have lost.t
And we may not incongruously add these : —
What is become of that magnificence ?
Where is King Croesus with his opulence 1
Or where is Xerxes with his mighty pride,
Who with a bridge did curb the raging tide ?
Inhabitants of darkness they became.
And now are living only in their fame.
Theh riches have perished with their bodies.
* Eurip. Supphants, 1109. t From the Cresphontes of Euripides.
CONSOLATIOX TO APOLLONIUS. 317
16. Yes, we may say, but an untimely death from many
doth extort groans and passionate complaints. But the way
to dry up these sorrows is so expedite and easy, that every
vulgar poet hath prescribed it. Consider what consolation
a comedian puts in the mouth of one who comforts another
upon so sad an occasion : —
If this \vitli certainty thou coukl'st have known,
Tliat Fortune always wnuhl have kindness sliown.
That nothing but what's good would him befall,
His death tiiou justly might'st untimely call.
But if calamities were imminent,
And Death the fatal mischief did prevent,
To give to things the character that's due,
Death was the most obliging of tiie two.
It therefore being uncertain whether it was for his ad-
vantage that he departed this life and Avas freed from all
the miseries that attend it, we had thereby lost all that we
fancied we could enjoy in him Avhilst he was living. And
Amphiaraus in the poet doth not do amiss when he consoles
the mother of Archemorus, who Avas even sick with grief
for the untimely death of her infant son. He speaks : —
There is no man whom sorrow doth not seize ;
Our children die while others we beget.
At last we die ourselves, and mortals grieve
As they give dust to dust ; but human life
Must needs be reaped like a full crop of corn.
One man must live, another die : why weep
For this, which by necessity must be 1
There is no hardship in necessity.*
17. In general, every one should meditate seriously with
himself, and have the concurrence of other men's opinions
Avith his OAvn, that it is not the longest life which is the best,
but that which is the most virtuous. For that musician is
not to be commended who plays upon variety of instruments,
nor that orator that makes multiplicity of speeches, nor the
pilot that conducts many ships, but he of each faculty that
doth one of them well ; for the beauty of a thing doth not
* From the Hypsipyle of Euripides.
318 CONSOLATION TO APOLLONIUS.
consist in length of time, but in the virtue and seasonable
moderation wherewith it is transacted. This is that which
is called happy and grateful to the Gods. And for this reason
it is that poets celebrate those who have died before they
have become old, and propose them for examples, as the most
excellent men and of divine extraction, as him for instance,
Beloved by Jove and liim who gilds the skies,
Yet short his date of lifie.*
And we see in every thing that preference is not given
so much to age as to maturity. For amongst trees and
plants, those are accounted the most generous which bring
forth abundance of fruit, and that early ripe. And amongst
living creatures too, those are the most valued which supply
us with the accommodations of life in a short time. Be
sides, if we compare the space of our life with eternit-,
Ave shall find no difference betwixt long and short ; foL'
according to Simonides, thousands and millions of years are
but as a point to what is infinite, or rather the smallest part
of that point. They report that about Pontus there are
some creatures of such an extempore being that the whole
term of their life is confined Avithin the space of a day ;
for they are brought forth in the morning, are in the prime
of their existence at noon, grow old at night, and then die.
Dost thou not think that if these had the soul and reason
of a man, they would be so affected, and that things would
happen to them after the same manner as to us? — that
those Avho died before the meridian would be lamented
with tears and groans ? — and that Ave should call tliem
happy Avho lived their day out ? For the measure of a
man's life is the Avell spending of it, and not the length.
18. But such exclamations as this, " the young man ought
not to be taken off so abruptly in the vigor of his years,"
are very frivolous, and proceed from a great Aveakness of
mind ; for Avho is it that can say what a thing ought to bo ?
♦ Odyss. XV. 245.
CONSOLATION TO APOLLONIUS. . 319
But things have been, are, and will be done, Λvhich some-
body or other will say ought not to be done. But we do
not come into this life to be dogmatical and prescribe to it ;
but we must obey the dictates of the Gods who govern the
world, and submit to the establishments of Fate and
Providence.
19. But when they mourn over those Λνΐιο die so untimely,
do they do it upon their own account, or upon that of the
deceased ? If upon their own, because they have lost that
pleasure they thought they should have enjoyed in them, or
are deprived of that profit they expected or that relief they
flattered themselves they should receive from them in their
old age, then self-love and personal interest prescribe the
measures of their sorrow ; so that upon the result they do
net love the dead so much as themselves and their own
interest. But if they lament upon the account of the de-
ceased, that is a grief easily to be shaken off", if they only
consider that by their very death they will be out of the
sphere of any evil that can reach them, and believe the
Avise and ancient saying, that we should always augment
what is good, and extenuate the evil. Therefore if grief
is a good thing, let us enlarge and make it as great as we
can ; but if it is numbered amongst the evils, as in truth it
ought to be, let us endeavor all we can to suppress it. make
it as inconsiderable as we can, and at last utterly eff"ace it.
How easy this is to be done, I will make appear by an il-
lustrious example of consolation. They say that an ancient
pliilosopher came to the Queen Arsinoe, Avho was then sor-
rowful for the death of her son, and discoursed her after
this manner: " At the time that .Jupiter distributed hon-
ors amongst his under-deities, it happened that Grief was
absent ; but he came at last when all the dignities were
disposed of, and then desired that he might have some
share in the promotions. Jupiter, having no better vacan-
cies left, bestowed upon him sorrow and funeral tears." He
320 CONSOLATION TO APOLLONIUS.
made this inference from the story : " Therefore," saith
he, " as other daemons love and frequent those who give
them hospitable reception, so sadness will never come near
you, if you do not give it encouragement ; but if you
caress it with those particular honors which it challengeth
as its due, which are sighs and tears, it will have an unlucky
aifection for you, and will always supply you with fresh
occasion that the observance may be continued." By this
plausible speech he seems in a wonderful manner to have
buoyed this great woman out of her tears, and to have made
her cast off her veil.
20. In short, I Avould ask the mourner whether he
designs to put an end to his grief, or to allow the anguish
to have the same duration with his life. If this thou hast
resolved, I must say thou hast cut out for thyself the most
bitter infelicity in the world, and all through the stupidity
and softness of thy mind ; but if thou wilt ever make a
change, why dost thou not make it now, and so free thyself
from misery ? Apply now the same reasons thou must use
a great while hence, to unburden thy mind and ease thy
afflictions ; and as in bodily distempers the quickest remedy
is the best, so bestow the advantage thou must otherwise
allow to time upon reason and instruction, and so cease to
be unhappy.
21. But it is objected, the calamity was sudden, and I did
not expect it. But thou oughtest to have done it, and con-
sidered the vanity and uncertainty of human affairs, that thy
enemies might not have come suddenly upon thee and taken
thee unawares. Theseus in Euripides seems to be excel-
lently well prepared for events of this nature, for he saith
thus : —
This wholesome precept from the wise I learn,
To thhik 'of misery without concern.
My meditating thoughts are always spent
Either on death or else on banishment.
Foresight of evils doth employ my mind,
CONSOLATION TO APOLLONIuS. 321
That me \vithout (defence tliey may not find ;
And though in ambuscade the mischief lies,
Kill me it may, but shall not me surprise.*
But those who are of a degenerate and thoughtless spirit
never apply their mind to any thing that is either useful or
becoming ; but they grow exorbitant in their sorrows, and
afflict the innocent body, making it sick for company, as
Achaeus expresseth it.
22. Therefore Platof doth rightly instruct us to acqui-
esce in cases of this nature, Λvhen it is not manifest whether
they be good or evil, and when we get nothing by being
uneasy under them ; for grief is the greatest obstacle to
deliberation as to what is best to be done. Therefore he
commands us, as in the casting of dice, to accommodate
ourselves to what befalls us, in the way which reason shows
us to be best ; and when any thing ails us, not to imitate
the folly of children, w^io presently cry out and clap their
hands to the place affected, but to accustom our minds
to seek at once for remedies which may restore the part
that is diseased to its first tone of health, making lamenta-
tion give place to the healing art. He that instituted laws
for the Lycians commanded the citizens that when they
mourned they should put on women's apparel, intimating
thereby that sorrow was an effeminate thing, and therefore
was not fit for men of temper and liberal education. For
it is indeed a weak and unmanly passion, and women are
more subject to it than men, the barbarians more than the
Greeks, and the dregs of mankind more than the refined
part of them ; and even amongst the barbarians, the brave-
spirited Celts and Gauls have not a propensity to it, or any
that have generous sentiments ; but the Egyptians, the
Syrians, and the Lydians, and those Avho resemble them
in the softness of their disposition. They report that some
of these will hide themselves in retirements under ground,
* See the Latin version in Cicero, Tusc. IIL 14, 29.
t Plato, Repub. X. p. G04 B.
VOL. I. 21
322 CONSOLATION TO APOLLONIUS.
and refuse to behold that sun of Λvhich their hiinented
friend is deprived. Ion, the tragedian, who heard some-
thing of this extravagance, introduceth a person speaking
after this manner : —
Your blooming children's nurse, I have come forth
A suiipliant from the caves where I have mourned.
Some of these barbarians have deformed their bodies by
cutting off their noses, ears, and other parts of themselves,
thinking to gratify the dead by these mutilations, when in
doing so they deviated excessively from that moderation
which Nature prescribes us.
23. And, by Jove, we meet Avith some persons Avho affirm
that the death of every one is not to be lamented, but only
of those who die untimely ; for they have not tasted of
those things which we call enjoyments in the world, as a
nuptial bed, proficiency in learning, the coming up to an
height in any thing, the honor of magistracy and charges
in the government. It is for the sake of these things that
we condole Λνΐΐΐι those who lose friends by untimely death,
because they were frustrated of their hopes ; but in the
meanΛvhίle we are ignorant that a sudden death doth not
at all differ from any other, considering the condition of
human nature. For as when a journey is enjoined into a
remote country, and there is a necessity for exevy one to
imdertake it, and none hath liberty to refuse, though some
20 befofe and others follow, yet all must arrive at the same
stage at last ; so when we all lie under an obligation of
discharging the same debt, it is not material whether Ave
pay sooner or later. But if any one's death may be called
untimely, and consequently an evil, that appellation suits
only with that of children and infants, and especially of
those A\ho are newly born. But this Ave bear steadfastly
and with patience ; but when those that are groAvn up die,
we take on heavily, because we fondly hoped that when
their years were full blown they Avould then have an unin-
CONSOLATION TO APOLLONIUS. 323
teiTupted state of health. Now if the age of man Avere
limited to the space of twenty years, we should not think
that he who had arrived to fifteen died an untimely death,
but that he had filled up a just measure of living ; but one
that had attained twenty, or at least had approached very
near it, Λνο should applaud for his good fortune, as if he had
enjoyed the most happy and perfect life in the Avorld. So
if life were prolonged to two hundred years as its fixed
period, and any one died at a hundred, we should howl
over him as if he had been hastily cut off.
24. It is manifest then, by Avhat hath been said now and
what hath been mentioned before, that the death we call
untimely is capable of consolation ; and the saying is true,
that " Troilus wept less than Priam," * perishing as he did in
his youth, while his father's kingdom flourished and his
riches abounded, Avhich Priam afterwards laments as most
deplorably lost. For observe what he saith to his son
Hector, when he entreats him to decline the battle he was
going to fight against Achilles : —
Yet shun Achilles ! enter yet the wall ;
And spare thyself, thy father, spare us all !
Save thy clear life ; or, if a soul so brave
Neglect that thought, thy clearer glory save.
Pity, while yet I live, these silver hairs ;
While yet thy father feels the woes he bears.
Yet curst with sense ! a wretcii whom in his rage
All trembling on the verge of helpless age
Great Jove has placed, sad spectacle of pain !
The bitter dregs of Fortune's cup to drain :
To fill with scenes of death his closing eyes,
And number all his days by miseries !
My heroes slain, my bridal bed o'erturn'd,
My daughters ravish'd, and my city burn'd,
My bleeding infants dash'd against the floor ;
These I have yet to see, perhaps yet more 1
Perhaps even I, reserv'd by angry Fate,
The last sad relic of my ruin'd state,
(Dire pomp of sovereign wretchedness !) must fall,
* Μείον Τρωίλοζ• έόύκρυσεν η ΤΙρ'υιμος is a saying of Callimachus, as we learn from
Cicero, Tusc. I. 39 : Quanquam non male ait Callimachus, multo saepius lacriinasse
Priamum quam Troilum. (G.)
324 CONSOLATION TO APOLLONIUS,
And stain the pavement of my regal hall ;
Where famish'd ilogs, late guardians of my door,
Sliall lick their mangled master's spatter'd gore.
But when the Fates, in fulness of their rage,
Spurn tiie hoar head of unresisting age,
In dust the reverend lineaments deform,
And pour to dogs the life-blood scarcelj' warm :
This, this is misery ! the last, the worst,
That man can feel, — man, fated to be cursed !
He said, and acting what no words can say,
Rent from his head the silver locks away.
With him the mournful mother bears a part ;
Yet all her sorrows turn not Hector's heart.*
Having then so many examples of this kind before tnme
eyes, thon oughtest to make thyself sensible that not a few
have been saved by death from those calamities they would
certainly have fallen into had they lived longer. Content-
ing myself with those I have related already, 1 will omit
the rest, that I may not seem tedious ; and these are suffi-
cient to show that we ought not to abandon ourselves to
violent sorrow, beyond temper and the bounds of nature.
25. Grantor saith, To be innocent is the greatest comfort
in afflictions. I assent to him, and affirm that it is the
noblest remedy. Besides, the indication of our love to the
deceased consists not in grieving ourselves for him, but in
paying respect to his fame by honorable remembrance.
For no good man deserves elegies, but panegyrics ; and Λνβ
should rather celebrate his loss by an honorable remem-
brance, than lament it ; and offer up rather first-fruits of
joy to the Gods, and not tears which sorrow extorts from
us. For he who ceaseth to be amongst men becomes par-
taker of a divine life, is free from the servitude of the body,
and all those solicitous cares which they who are embar-
rassed Avith a mortal life of necessity must undergo till they
have finished the course \vhich Providence hath marked
out for them ; and this life Nature hath not given us as a
perpetual possession, but hath clogged it with restrictions
and conditions of fate.
* II. XXII. 56
CONSOLATION TO APOLLONIUS. 325
26. Those therefore who are the masters of their reason
ought not to be transported by the death of friends beyond
the Hmits of nature and a just moderation unto unprofit-
able and barbarous complaints, and so Λvait till that comes
upon them Avhich hath happened to many, to have their
vital moisture exhausted before their tears, and to be car-
ried to their own graves in those mourning weeds they put
on for others, where their sorrow must lie buried with
those evils they provoked upon themselves by their own
imprudence. To whom that of Homer may be appositely
applied : —
Whilst others they lament with weeping eyes,
The darkness of the night doth them surprise.*
Wherefore in this case we should often thus reason with
ourselves : Shall Ave put an end to our sorrow, or shall λυο
grieve all the days of our life ? To make it infinite is the
last degree of infatuation ; for we have seen those who
have been in the deepest circumstances of dejection to be
so mitigated by time, that they have banqueted upon those
tombs which before they could not endure the sight of
without screeching out and beating their breasts, but which
they can now dance round with music and all the postures
of jollity. Therefore to be obstinate in our grief is tlie
resolution of madness. If then thou hast purposed within
thyself that it shall have an end, join this consideration
with it, that time Λνϋΐ assuage it too ; for what is once
done even the Deity himself cannot unravel ; therefore that
which hath happened to us beyond our hope and contrary
to our opinion hath palpably shown us Avhat is wont from
the same causes to befall others. What's the result then ?
Cannot any discipline teach us, nor cannot we reason with
ourselves , that —
The earth with evils doth abound ;
As many in the sea are found ? t
* See Ή. XXIII. 109 ; Odyss. I. 423. t Hesiod, Works and Days, 94.
s
326 CONSOLATION TO APOLLONIUS.
And thus likewise : —
The Fates have so encompassed men with ills,
That even the wind can find no entrance ?
27. For many, as Grantor tells us, and those very wise
men, not now but long ago have deplored the condition of
human nature, esteeming life a punishment, and to be born
a man the highest pitch of calamity ; this, Aristotle tells us,
Silenus declared Avhen he was brought captive to Midas.
I think it best to quote the expressions of the philosopher
himself, in his book entitled Eudemus, or Of the Soul,
wherein he speaks after this manner : —
" Wherefore, thou best and happiest of mankind, if we
think those blessed and happy who have departed this life,
then it is not only unlawful but even blasphemy to speak
any thing that is false or contumelious of them, since they
are now changed into a better and more refined nature.
And this my opinion is so old, that the original and author
of it is utterly unknown ; but it hath been derived down
to us even from eternity, so established is the truth of it.
Besides, thou seest what is so familiar in men's mouths,
and hath been for many years a trite expression. AVhat is
that, saith he ] He answered him : It is best not to be
born at all ; and next to that, it is more eligible to die
than to live ; and this is confirmed even by divine testi-
mony. Pertinently to this they say that Midas, after
hunting, asked his captive Silenus somewhat urgently,
what was the most desirable thing amongst men. At first
he would return no answer, but was obstinately silent. At
last, when Midas would not give over importuning him, he
broke out into these words, though very unwillingly : ' Thou
seed of an evil genius and precarious ofi"spring of hard
fortune, whose life is but for a day, Avhy dost thou compel
me to tell thee those things it is better thou wert ignorant
of ? For those live the least disturbed who know not their
misfortunes ; but for men, the best for them is not to be
CONSOLATION TO APOLLONIUS. 327
born at all, nor to be made partakers of the most excellent
nature ; not to be is best for both sexes. This should
have the first place in our choice ; and the next to this is,
when we are born, to die as soon as we can.' It is plain
therefore, that he declared the condition of the dead to be
better than that of the living."
I could bring millions of examples to justify this topic,
but I will not be long.
28. We are not therefore to lament those who die in
the bloom of their years, as if they were spoiled of things
Avhich we call enjoyments in a longer life ; for it is uncer-
tain, as we have often said, Avhether they are deprived of
good or evil, for the evil in the world far exceeds the good.
The good we obtain hardly and with anxious endeavor, but
the evil easily befalls us ; for they say evils are linked to-
gether, and by a mutual dependence of causes follow one
another, but the good lie scattered and disjoined, and with
great difficulty are brought within the compass of our life.
Therefore we seem to have forgot our condition ; for not
only is it true, as Euripides hath it, that
The things we do possess are not our own ; *
but in general no man can claim a strict propriety in any
thing he hath : —
When Gods do riclies lend, it is but just
Tliat wiien they please we should resign our trust.
ΛΥβ ought not therefore to take it amiss if they demand
those things which they lent us only for a small time ; for
even your common brokers, unless they are unjust, will not
be displeased if they are called upon to refund their pawns,
and if one of them is not altogether so ready to deliver
them, thou mayst say to him Avithout any injury. Hast thou
forgot that thou receivedst them upon the condition to re-
store them "? The same parity of reason holds amongst all
men. The Gods have put life into our hands by a fatal
* Eurip. Phoeniss. 555.
328 CONSOLATION TO APOLLONIUS.
necessity, and there is no prefixed time when what is so
deposited will be required of us, as the brokers know not
when their pa\vns will be demanded. If therefore any one
is angry when he is dying himself, or resents the death of
his children, is it not very |)lain, that he hath forgot that
he himself is a man and that he hath begotten children as
frail as himself? For a man that is in his wits cannot be
ignorant that he is a mortal creature, and born to this very
end that he must die. If Niobe, as it is in the fable, had
had this sentence always at hand, that she must at length
die, and could not
In the ever-flowering bloom of youth remain,
Nor loaded with cliildren, like a fruitful tree,
Behold the sun's sweet light, —
she would never have sunk to such a degree of desperation
as to desire to throw off her life to ease the burthen of her
sorrow, and call upon the Gods to hurry her into the ut-
most destruction. There are two sentences inscribed upon
the Delphic oracle, hugely accommodated to the usages of
man s life, Know thyself, and Nothing too much ; and upon
thesf all other precepts depend. And they themselves
accord and harmonize with each other, and each seems to
illustrate the energy of the other ; for in Know thyself is
included JSiothing too much ; and so again in the latter is
comprised Know thyself. And Ion hath spoken of it
thus : —
This sentence, Know thpelf, is but a word ;
But only Jove himself could do the thing.
And thus Pindar : —
This sentence briet, Do nothing to excess,
Wise men have always praised exceedingly.
29. He therefore that hath these impressed upon his
mind as the precepts of the Pythian oracle, can easily
conform himself to all the affairs of life, and bear them
handsomely ; considering his nature, so that he is neither
lifted up to arrogance upon a prosperous event, nor when
CONSOLATION TO APOLLONIUS. 329
an adverse happens, is dejected into complaint through
pusillanimity and that fear of death which is so congenial
to us ; both which proceed from the ignorance of those
things which fall out in human life by necessity and fatal
decree. The Pythagoreans speak handsomely to this pur-
pose : —
Against those evils thou shouldest not repine,
Which are inflicted by the powers divine.
Thus the tragedian Aeschylus : —
He store of wisdom and of virtue hath,
Whom nothing from tlie Gods provokes to wrath.
Euripides thus : —
He that is passive when the Fates command
Is wise, and all the Gods doth understand.
In another place so : —
He that can bear those things which men befall,
Him wise and modest we may justly call.
30. But many there are who blame all things ; and
whatsoever unexpectedly happens to them, they think is
procured them by the malignity of Fortune and the spite
of some evil genius. Wherefore they are querulous and
cry out upon every occasion, inveighing against the bitter-
ness of their mishaps. Their complaints we may not
unfitly obviate with this expression, —
The Gods do Imrt thee not, but thou thyself, —
even thou thyself through perverseness and want of good
instruction. And by reason of this false and deceiving
opinion they accuse any kind of death ; for if one die
upon his travel, they exclaim after this manner : —
The Avretch, his father being absent, dies ;
Nor did his aged mother close his eyes.*
If he die in his ΟΛνη country, with his parents about
him, they lament that he is ravished out of their hands,
and hath left them nothing but regret for his loss. If he
* II. XI. 452.
330 CONSOLATION TO APOLLONIUS.
die silent, giving them no instructions at parting, they
complain thus : —
His tender dying words I did not hear,
Which I in my remembrance still should bear*
If he spoke any thing before he breathed out his soul,
they keep those last accents as fuel to maintain their
sorrow still kindled. If he die a sudden death, they cry
out that he is snatched away ; if chronical pains waste him,
they will tell you that the slow distemper hath emaciated
him to death. Thus every appearance, take it Avhich way
you will, is sufficient to stir up your complaints. These
things the poets have introduced, and the chiefest among
them, Homer, who sung after this manner : —
As a poor father, helpless and undone,
Mourns o'er the ashes of an only son.
Takes a sad pleasure the last bones to burn,
And pours in tears ere yet they close the urn.t
And whether these things are justly lamented doth not yet
appear. But see what he elsewhere sings : —
Born in his elder years, his only boy,
Λνΐιο was designed his riches to enjoy. f
31. Who knows but that the Deity, with a fatherly prov-
idence and out of tenderness to mankind, foreseeing what
would happen, hath taken some purposely out of this life
by an untimely death ] So we should think that nothing
has befallen them which they should have sought to shun, —
For nought that cometh by necessity is hard, 1|
neither of those things which fall out by a precedent
ratiocination or a subsequent. And many by a timely
death have been withdrawn from greater calamities ; so
that it hath been good for some never to have been born
at all ; for others, that as soon as life hath been blown in it
should be extinguished ; for some, that they should live a
little longer ; and for others again, that they should be
* II. XXIV. 744. t II. XXIII. 222 ; XVII. 37
t II. IX. 482. II From Euripides.
CONSOLATION TO APOLLONIUS. 331
cropped in the prime of their youth. These several sorts
of deaths sliould be taken in good part, since Fate is
inevitable. Therefore it becomes men Λνοΐΐ educated to
consider that those who have paid their debt to mortality
have onlv «-one before us a little time ; that the lonaest life
is but as a point in respect of eternity, and that many who
have indulged their sorrow to excess have themselves fol-
lowed in a small while those that they have lamented,
having reaped no profit o'ut of their complaints, but mace-
rated themselves with voluntary afflictions. Since then
the time of our pilgrimage in this life is but short, we
ought not to consume ourselves with sordid grief, and so
render ourselves unhappy by afflicting our minds and
tormenting our bodies ; but we should endeavor after a
more manly and rational sort of life, and not associate our-
selves with those who will be companions in grief and by
flattering our tears will only excite them the more, but
rather Λvith those who will diminish our grief by solemn
and generous consolation. And we ought to hear and
keep in our remembrance those words of Homer where-
with Hector answers Andromache, comforting her after
this manner : —
Andromaclie, my soul's far better part,
Why with untimely sorrows heaves thy heari t
No hostile hand can antedate my doom,
Till Fate condemns me to the silent tomb.
Fix'd is tlie term to all the race of earth,
And such the liard condition of our birth :
No force can then resist, no flight can save,
All sink alike, the fearful and the brave.*
Which the poet expresseth in another place thus :
The thread which at his birth for him was spun.t
S2. Having these things fixed in our minds, all vain and
fruitless sorrow will be superseded ; the time that we have
all to live being but very short, Λνβ ought to spare and
* II. VI. 486. t II. XX. 128.
332 CONSOLATION TO APOLLONIUS.
husband it, and not lay it out too prodigally upon sorrow,
but rather spend it in tranquillity, deserting the mournful
colors, and so take care of our own bodies, and consult the
safety of those who live Λvith us. It is requisite that we
should call to mind what reasons Ave urged to our kinsmen
and friends when they were in the like calamities, when we
exhorted them to suffer these usual accidents of life with a
common patience, and bear mortal things with humanity ;
lest being prepared with instructions for other men's mis-
fortunes, we reap no benefit ourselves out of the remem-
brance of those consolations, and so do not cure our minds
by the sovereign application of reason. For in any thing
a delay is less dangerous than in sorrow ; and when by
every one it is so tritely said, that he that procrastinates in
an affair contests Avith destruction, I think the character
will more fitly sit upon him who defers the removing his
troubles and the perturbations of his mind.
33. We ought also to cast our eyes upon those conspic-
uous examples who have borne the deaths of their sons
generously and with a great spirit ; such as were Anaxa-
goras of Clazomenae, Demosthenes of Athens, Dion of
Syracuse, King Antigonus, and many others who have lived
either in our times or in the memory of our fathers. They
report of Anaxagoras that, when he was reading natural
philosophy to his pupils and reasoning with them, sudden
news Avas brought him of the death of his son. He pres-
ently stopped short in his lecture, and said this to his
auditors, I knew that I begot my son mortal. And of
Pericles, who was surnamed Olympius for his wisdom and
the strength of his eloquence, when he heard that both his
sons were dead, Paralus and Xanthippus, how he behaved
himself upon this accident Protagoras tells us in these
words. " When his sons," saith he, " being in the first ver-
dure of their youth and handsome lads, died within eigiit
days, he bore the calamity without any repining ; for he was
CONSOLATION TO APOLLONIUS. 333
of a pacific temper, from whence there was every day an
accession of advantages towards the making him happy, the
being free from grief, and thereby acquiring a great repu-
tation amongst his fellow-citizens. For every one that saw
him bear this calamity with so brave a resolution thought
him magnanimous, and indeed entertained an higher opin-
ion of him than he strictly deserved ; for he was conscious
to himself of some Aveakness and defects in cases of this
nature." Now after he had received the news of the death
of his sons, he put on a garland according to the custom
of his country, and being clothed in white, he made an
harangue to the people, was the author of safe and rational
counsels, and stirred up the courage of his Athenians to
warlike expeditions. Chronicles tell us, that when an ex-
press came out of the field to Xenophon the Socratic as he
was sacrificing, which acquainted him that his son perished
in the fight, he pulled the garland from his head, and
enquired after what manner he fell ; and it being told
him that he died gallantly, making a great slaughter of
his enemies, after he had paused awhile to recollect his
thoughts and quiet his first emotion of concern with reason,
he adorned his head again, finished the sacrifice, and spoke
thus to the messengers : I did not make it my request to
the Gods, that my son might be immortal or long-lived, for
it is not manifest whether this was convenient for him or
not, but that he might have integrity in his principles and
be a lover of his country ; and now I have my desire. Dion
of Syracuse, as he was consulting with his friends concern-
ing some affairs, heard a great noise ; and crying out and
asking what was the matter, he was told the accident, that
his son was killed Avith a fall from the top of the house.
He was not at all surprised or astonished at the disaster,
but commanded the dead body to be delivered to the women,
that they might bury it according to custom. But he went
on with his first deliberations, and re-assumed his discourse
334: CONSOLATION TO APOLLONIUS.
in that part where this accident had broken it off. It is
said that Demosthenes the orator imitated him upon the
loss of his only and dearest daughter ; about Avhich Aes-
chines, thinking to upbraid him, spoke after this manner :
Within seven days after the death of his daughter, before
he had performed the decencies of sorrow, and paid those
common rites to the memory of the deceased, he put on a
garland, clothed himself in white, and sacrificed, thereby
outraging decency, though he had lost his only daughter,
the one which had first called him father.* Thus did
Aeschines with the strokes of his oratory accuse Demc^s-
thenes, not knowing that he rather deserved a panegyric
upon this occasion, when he rejected his sorrow and pre-
ferred the love of his country to the tenderness and com-
passion he ought to have for his relations. King Antigonus,
when he heard the death of his son Alcyoneus who was
slain in battle, looking steadily upon the messengers of
these sad tidings, after a little interval of silence and with
a modest countenance, spoke thus : Ο Alcyoneus, thou
hast fallen later than I thought thou wouldst, so brisk wast
thou to run upon the thickest of thy enemies, having no
regard either to thy own safety or to my admonitions.
Every one praiseth these men for the bravery of their spirit,
but none can imitate what they have done, through the
weakness of their minds which proceeds from want of
good instruction. But although there are many examples
extant, both in the Greek and Roman stories, of those who
have borne the death of their relations not only with de-
cency but courage, I think these that I have related to be
a sufiScient motive to thee to keep tormenting grief at a
distance, and so ease thyself of that labor Avhich hath no
profit in it and is all in vain.
34. For that virtuous men die in the prime of their
years by the kindness of the Gods, to whom they are pecu-
* Aeschines against Ctesiphon, § 77.
CONSOLATION TO APOLLONIUS. 'ό'ΟΓί
Harly clear, I have already told thee in the former part of
my discourse, and λυΙΙΙ giA^e a short hint of it now, bearing
witness to that which is so prettily said by Menander : —
He whom the Gods do love dies young.
But perhaps, my dear Apollonius, thou wilt thus object
to me : My young Apollonius was blessed by fortune in
his life, and I ought first to have died that he might bury
me ; for this is according to nature. According to our
human nature, I confess ; but Providence hath other meas-
ures, and that supreme order Avhich governs the world is
very different ; for thy son being now made happy, it was
not requisite according to nature that he should tarry in
this life longer than the time prefixed him, but that, having
consummated the term of his duration, he should perform
his fatal journey, Nature recalling him to herself But he
died untimely, you may say. Upon that account he is the
happier, not having been sensible of those evils which are
incident to life. For Euripides said truly : —
The tune of being here we style amiss ;
We call it life, but truly labor 'tis.
Thy Apollonius died in the beautiful flower of his years,
a youth in all points perfect, who gained the love, and pro-
voked the emulation of all his contemporaries He was
dutiful to his father and mother, obliging to his domestics,
Avas a scholar, and (to comprehend all in a Λvord) he was a
lover of mankind. He had a veneration for the old men
that were his friends, as if they had been his parents, had
an affection for his companions and equals, reverenced his
instructors, Avas hospitable and mild to his guests and
strangers, gracious to all, and beloved by all, as well
for his attractive countenance as for his lovely affability.
Therefore, being accompanied Avith the applauses of thy
piety and his own, he hath only made a digression from
this mortal life to eternity, as if he had withdrawn from the
entertainment before he grew absurd, and before the stag-
336 CONSOLATION TO APOLLONIUS.
gerings of drunkenness came upon him, which are incident
to a long okl age. Now if the sayings of the old philoso-
phers and poets are true, as there is probability to think,
that honors and high seats of dignity are conferred upon
the righteous after they are departed this life, and if, as it
is said, a particular region is appointed for their souls to
dΛvell in, you ought to cherish very fair hopes that your
son stands numbered amongst those blest inhabitants.
35. Of the state of the pious after death, Pindar dis-
courseth after this manner : —
There the sun sliines with an unsullied light,
Wiien all the world below is thick with night.
There all the richly scented plants do grow,
And there the crimson-colored roses blow ;
Each flower blooming on its tender stalk,
And all these meadows are their evening walk.
There trees peculiarly delight tlie sense,
With their exhaled perfumes of frankincense.
The boughs their noble burdens cannot hold,
The weight must sink them when the fruit is gold.
Some do the horse unto the manege bring,
Others unto the tuneful lute do sing ;
There's plenty to excess of every thing.
The region always doth serene appear,
The sun and pious flames do make it clear,
Where fragrant gums do from the altars rise.
When to the Gods they offer sacrifice.
And proceeding farther, in another lamentation he spake
thus concerning the soul : —
Just we that distribution may call,
Which to each man impartially doth fall.
It doth decide the dull contentious strife,
And easeth the calamities of life.
Death doth its eflbrts on the body spend ;
But the aspiring soul dotli .up wards tend.
Nothing can damp that bright and subtile flame,
Immortal as the Gods from whence it came.
But this sometimes a drowsy nap will take.
When all the other members are awake.
Fancy in various dreams doth to it show.
What punishments unto each crime is due ;
What pleasures are reserved for pious deeds,
And with what scourges the incestuous bleeds.
CONSOLATION TO APOLLONIUS. 337
36. Divine Plato hath spoken many things of the immor-
tality of the soul in that book which he calls his Phaedo ;
not a few in his Republic, his Menon, and his Gorgias ;
and hath some scattered expressions in the rest of his dia-
logues. The things which are written by liim in his Dia-
logue concerning the Soul I will send you by themselves,
illustrated with my commentaries upon them, according to
your request. I will now only quote those which are op-
portune and to the present purpose, and they are the words
of Socrates to Callicles the Athenian, Avho was the compan-
ion and scholar of Gorgias the rhetorician. For so saith
Socrates in Plato : —
" Hear then," saith he, " a most elegant story, Avhich you,
1 fancy, will think to be a fable, but I take it to be a truth,
for the things Avhich I shall tell you have nothing but real-
ity in them. Jupiter, Neptune, and Pluto, as Homer tells
us, divided amongst themselves the kingdom Avhich they
received by inheritance from their father ; but there Avas a
law established concerning men in the reign of Saturn,
which was then valid and still remains in force amongst
ο
the Gods, that that mortal Avhich had led a just and pious
life should go, when he died, into the fortunate islands of
the blest, and there dwell in happiness, free from all mis-
ery ; but he that had lived impiously and in contempt of
the Gods should be shackled with vengeance, and be thrust
into that prison which they call Tartarus. In the time of
Saturn, and in the first beginning of Jove's empire, the
living judged the living, and tliat the same day that the ν
were to die ; Avhereupon the decisions of the bench were
not rightly managed. Therefore Pluto and his curators
under him came out of these fortunate islands, and com-
plained to Jupiter that men were sent to both places Avho
were not worthy. I, saith Jupiter, will take care that this
thing be not practised for the future ; for the reason that
the sentences are now unjustly passed is that the guilty come
vor.- r. ^"
33S CONSOLATION TO ArOLLONIUS.
clothed to the tribunal, and whilst they are yet alive. For
some of profligate dispositions are yet palliated Avith a
beautiful outside, with riches, and titles of nobility ; and so
when they come to be arraigned, many Avill offer tliemselves
as witnesses to swear that they have lived very pious lives.
The judges are dazzled with these appearances, and they
sit upon them too in their robes ; so tliat their minds are
(as it were) covered and obscured with eyes and ears, and
indeed with the encumbrance of the whole body. The
judges and the prisoners being clotlied is thus a very great
impediment. Therefore in the first place the foreknowl-
edge of death is to be taken away ; for now they see the
end of their line, and Prometheus has been commanded to
see that this be no longer allowed. Next they ought to be
divested of all dress and ornament, and come dead to the
tribunal. The judge himself is to be naked and dead too,
that with his own soul he may view the naked soul of each
one so soon as he is dead, Λvhen he is now forsaken of his
relations, and has left behind him all his gayeties in the
other world ; and so justice Λνϋΐ be impartially pronounced.
Deliberating on this Λvith myself before I received your
advice, I have constituted my sons judges, Minos and
Rhadamanthus from Asia, and Aeacus from Europe ; these
therefore, after they have departed this life, sliall assume
their character, and exercise it in the field, and in the road
where two ways divide themselves, the one leading to the
fortunate islands, and the other to the deep abyss ; so
Rhadamanthus shall judge the Asians, and Aeacus the
Europeans. But to Minos I will grant the authority of a
final appeal, that if any thing hath escaped the notice of
the others, it shall be subjected to his cognizance, as to the
last resort of a supreme judge ; that so it may be rightly
decided what journey every one ought to take. These are
the things, Callicles, which I have heard and think to be
true ; and I draw this rational inference from them, that
CONSOLATION TO APOLLONIUS. 339
death in my opinion is nothing else but the separation of
two things nearly united, which are soul and body." *
37. These collections, my dear Apollonius, I have joined
together with all the accuracy I could, and out of them com-
posed this consolatory letter I now send thee, which is verv
necessary to dispel thy melancholy humor and put a period
to thy sighs. I have paid likewise that deference which
became me to the ashes of thy son, wdio is the darling of
the Gods, such an honor being most acceptable to those
whom fame hath consecrated to immortality. Thou wilt
therefore do handsomely to believe the reasons I have
urged to thee, and gratify thy deceased son, by shaking off
this unprofitable sorrow, which eats into thy mind and af-
flicts thy body, and again returning to that course of humor
which nature hath chalked out and the former customs of
thy life have made familiar to thee. For as, when thy son
lived amongst us, he could not Avithout the deepest regret
see thee or his mother sad, so now that he is amonsrst the
Gods enjoying the intimacy of their conversation, such a
prospect from thence must be much more displeasing.
Therefore take up the resolutions of a good and generous
man and of one who loved his son, and so extricate thyself,
the mother of the lad, thy kinsmen and friends at once from
this great infelicity. Betake thyself to a more tranquil sort
of life ; which, as it will be acceptable to thy son, will also
be extremely pleasing to all of us who have that concern
for thee that we ought to have.
* Plat Gorg. 523 A — 524 B.
CONCERNING THE VIRTUES OF ΛΛΌΜΕΝ.
CoNCERNWG the virtues of women, Ο Clea, I am not of
the same mind with Thucydides. For he wonld prove
that she is the best woman concerning whom there is the
least discourse made by people abroad, either to her praise
or dispraise ; judging that, as the person, so the very name
of a good Avoman ought to be retired and not gad abroad.
But to us Gorgias seems more accurate, who requires that
not only the face but the fame of a woman should be known
to many. For the Roman law seems exceeding good, which
permits due praises to be given publicly both to men and
women after death. Wherefore when Leontis, a most
excellent woman, departed this life, immediately Ave made
a long oration to thee about her, and truly not devoid of
philosophical consolation ; and now (as thou didst desire)
I send thee in writing the rest of my speech and conversa-
tion, carrying Avitli it an historical demonstration that the
virtue of a man and woman is one and the same. And
although it be not composed for the tickling of the ear,
yet if there be jucundity in the nature of an example to
him that is persuaded of the truth of it, my narration fails
TiOt of that grace which works conviction ; neither is it
ashamed of commixing the Graces with the Muses in the
SAveetest harmony (as Euripides saith), Avhile it engageth
confidence especially through that part of the soul which
is studious of grace and beauty. For surely, if, whilst we
asserted the art of painting to be the same, whether per-
CONCERNING THE VIRTUES OF WOMEN. 341
formed by men or women, Ave produced the same sort of
draughts Avrought by women which Apelles, Zeuxis, or
Nicomachus hath left, is there any one who woukl repre-
hend us as attempting rather to humor and cajole men
than to convince them ] A'erily I do not think it. More-
over, if, whilst we go to make appear that the poetic
or comic art is not one thing in men and another in
women, we compare Sappho's verses with Anacreon's, or
the Sibylline oracles with tliose of Bacis, can any one justly
blame this way oi argumentation, because it insinuates a
credence into the pleased and delighted hearers ] No one
surely would say this. Neither can a man truly any way better
learn the resemblance and the difference between femin-
hie and virile virtue than by comparing together lives with
lives, exploits with exploits, as the products of some great
art ; duly considering whether the magnanimity of Semi-
ramis carries with it the same character and impression with
that of Sesostris, or the cunning of Tanaquil the same with
that of King Servius, or the discretion of Porcia the same
with that of Brutus, or that of Pelopidas with Timoclea, —
reg-arding that quality of these virtues Avhcrein lie their
chiefest point and force. ^Moreover, virtues do admit some
other differences, like peculiar colors, by reason of men's
.aispositions, and are assimilated to the manners and tem-
peraments of the bodies wherein they are, yea, to the edu-
cation and manner of diet. Achilles was courageous in
one manner, Ajax in another ; the subtlety of Ulysses Avas
not like that of Nestor, neither were Cato and x\gesilaus
just after the same manner ; neither Avas Eirene a lover of
her husband as Alcestis was ; neitlier Avas Cornelia mag-
nanimous in the same way with Olympias. But, for all
this, we do not say that there are many kinds of fortitude,
prudence, and justice specifically distinct, so long as their
individual dissimilitudes exclude none of them from the
specific definitions.
342 CONCERNING THE VIRTUES OF WOMEN.
Those things now which are very commonly discoursed
of, and of which I know thou hast had the exact history
and knowledge froni solid books, I will at present omit,
unless there be some public and recorded matters worth
your hearing, which have escaped the historians of former
times.
And seeing that many worthy things, both public and
private, have been done by women, it is not amiss to give
a brief historical account of those that are public, in the
first place.
ExAJiPLE 1. Of the Trojan Women.
Of those that escaped at the taking of Troy the most
part Λyere exercised with much tempestuous weather, and
being inexperienced in navigation and unacquainted with
the sea, they were Λvafted over into Italy ; and about the
river Tiber they made a very narrow escape by putting
into such ports and havens as they could meet with.
AVhilst the mpu went about the country to enquire after
pilots, there fell out a discourse among the women, that for
a people as fortunate and happy as they had been, any fixed
habitation on the land was better than perpetual wandering
over the sea ; and that they must make a new country for
themselves, seeing it Avas impossible to recover that which,
they had lost. Upon this, complotting together, they set
fire on the ships, Roma (as they say) being one of the fii'st
in the attempt. But having done these things, they went to
meet their husbands, who were running towards the sea to
the relief of the ships ; and fearing their indignation, they
laid hold some of them on their husbands, and some on their
kinsfolk, and fell a kissing them soundly ; by which carriage
they obtained their charitable reception. Wherefore it hath
been formerly, and now remains to be a custom among the
Romans, for the women to salute their kinsfolk that come
unto them by kissing.
CONCERNING THE \"IRTUES OF WOMEN. 343
The Trojans as it seems, being sensible of the strait they
were in, and having also made some experience of the na-
tives entertaining them with mnch bounty and humanity,
applauded the exploit of the women, and sat down by the
Latins.
Example 2. Of the Phocian Women.
The action of the women of Phocis hath not fallen
under the cognizance of any noted writer of that age, and
yet there was never a more memorable deed of virtue
wrought by Avomen, — the which is attested by those
famous sacred rites performed by the Phocians at Hy-
ampolis, and by ancient decrees. The total history of
the transaction is particularly recorded in the Life of
Daiphantus.
The story of those women is this. There was an im-
placable war between the Thessalians and the Phocians.
For these (the Phocians) slew all the Thessalian governors
and maaistrates in tlie cities of Phocis in one dav. Where-
upon they (the Thessalians) slew two hundred and fifty
Phocian hostages, and with their whole host marched up
against them through Locris, pubHshing their resolution to
spare no men that were of age, and to sell the women and
children for slaves. Daiphantus therefore, the son of Ba-
thyllius, a triumvir, governor of Phocis, persuaded the
Phocian men themselves to go to meet the Thessalians in
battle ; but as for the women, together with their children,
that they should assemble them from all the parts of Pho-
cis into one place, which they should pile round with com-
bustible matter, and should lea\^e a watch, to whom they
should give in charge, that if he perceived that the men
Avere conquered, he should immediately set tire to tlie pile
and burn all the bodies to ashes. The counsels were
agreed to by some, but one stands up and saith : It is just
that these things be consented to by the women also, and
344: CONCERNING THE VIRTUES OF WOMEN.
if they do not cheerfully submit to it, they should have no
force offered to them. The account of this discourse bemg
come to the Λvomen, they assembled together by them-
selves, and carried it by vote, and applauded Daiphantus
as a man that best consulted the affairs of Phocis ; they
say also, that the children meeting together privately voted
the same things. These matters being thus settled, the
Phocians joining battle at Cleonae, a town of Hyampolis,
got the victory. Hence the Grecians call this vote of the
Phocian women Aponoia (the desperate resolve). And of
all the festivals this of the Elaphebolia is the greatest,
Avhich they observe to Diana in Hyampolis to this day, in
remembrance of this victory.
Example 3. Of the Women of Chios.
The people of Chios possessed themselves of Leuconla
upon this occasion following. A certain famous man of the
nobles of Chios was married ; whilst the bride was drawn
in her chariot, King Hippoclus, an intimate friend of the
bridegroom's, being present with the rest, and also fuddled
and merry, leaped into the chariot, not designing any in-
civility, but only to keep up the usual custom and to make
sport. However, the bridegroom's friends slew him. The
effects of divine displeasure appearing against the people
of Chios, and the oracle commanding them to slay the
slayers of Hippoclus, they replied, ΛΥο have all of us slain
Hippoclus. The oracle commanded them all therefore to
depart the city, if all did partake of the guilt. So that at
length the principals, accessories, and abettors of the mur-
der by any means whatsoever, being not a few in number
nor feeble for strength, transplanted themselves into Leu-
conia, which the Chians had once taken from the Corone-
ans by the aid of the Erythraeans. Afterward a war arising
between them and the Erythraeans, by far the most potent
CONCERNING THE VIRTUES OF WOMEN. 310
people among the lonians, when the latter invaded Leuco
nia, the men of Chios ΛveΓe not able to defend themselves
and came to an agreement to depart upon these terms
that every one should take with him only one cloak and
one coat, and nothing else. But the women of Chios up-
braided them as mean-spirited men, that they would lay
down their Aveapons and go naked men through their
enemies. And when they made answer that they were
sworn so to do, they charged them not to leave their
weapons behind them, but to say to their adversaries, that
the spear is a cloak and the buckler a coat to every man
of courage. The men of Chios being persuaded to these
things, and emboldening themselves courageously against
the Erythraeans, and showing their weapons, the Ery-
thraeans were amazed at their audacity, and none opposed
or hindered them, but were glad of their departure. These
men therefore, being taught courage by the women in this
manner, made a safe escape.
Many years after this there was another exploit, nothing
inferior to this in fortitude, performed by the women of
Chios. AVhen Philip, the son of Demetrius, besieged the
citv, he set forth a barbarous and insolent proclamation,
inviting the servants to a defection upon promise of liberty
and marriage of their mistresses, saying that he would give
them their masters' wives into their possession. At this
the women were dreadfully and outrageously incensed ; and
also the servants were no less provoked to indignation, and
Avere ready to assist. Therefore they rushed forth furiously
and ascended the wall, bringing stones and darts, encourag-
ing and animating the soldiers ; so that in the end these
women discomfited and repulsed the enemy, and caused
Philip to raise his siege, while not so much as one servant
fell off to him.
346 CONCERNING THE VIRTUES OF WOMEN.
Example 4. Of the Argive Women.
Of all the renowned actions performed by women, none
w^as more famous than the fight with Cleomenes in the
country of Argos, whom Telesilla the poetess by her in-
fluence defeated. This woman they say was of an honora-
ble family, but had a sickly body ; she therefore sent to
consult the oracle concerning her health. Answer was made,
that she must be a servant to the Muses. Accordingly she
becomes obedient to the Goddess, applying herself to poetry
and music ; her distempers left her, and she became the mir-
ror of women in the art of poetry. Now when Cleomenes,
king of the Spartans, having slain many Argives (but not
so many as some fabulously reported, to wit, 7,777),
marched up against the city, the youthful women Avere (as
it were) divinely inspired with desperate resolution and
courage to repulse the enemies out of their native country.
They ' take arms under the conduct of Telesilla, they
place themselves upon the battlements, they crown the
walls, even to the admiration of the enemy ; they by a sally
beat off" Cleomenes, Avith the slaughter of many of his men ;
and as for the other king. Demaratus (as Socrates saith),
he having entered the city and possessed him of the so-
called Pamphyliacum, they beat him out. In this manner
the city being preserved, those women that were slain in
the engagement they buried by the Argive road ; to them
that escaped they gave the honor of erecting the statue of
Mars, in perpetual memorial of their bravery. Some say
this fight was on the βΟΛ'οηίΙι day of the month ; others say
it vvas on the first day of the month, Λvhich is now called
the fourth and was anciently called Hermaeus by the Ar-
gives ; upon which day, even to this time, they perform
their Hybristica (i.e., their sacred rites of incivility), cloth-
ing the women with men's coats and cloaks, but the men
with women's veils and petticoats. To repair the scarcity
CONCERNING THE VIRTUES OF WOMEN. 347
of men, they admitted not slaves, as Herodotus saitli, but
the best sort of the adjacent inhabitants to be citizens, and
married them to the widows ; and these the women thought
meet to reproach and undervahie at bed and board, as worse
than themselves ; whence there was a law made, that mar-
ried women should wear beards Λvhen they lay with their
husbands.
Example 5. Of the Persian Women.
Cyrus, causing the Persians to revolt from King Asty-
ages and the Medes, was overcome in battle ; and the
Persians retreating by flight into the city, the enemy pur-
sued so close that they had almost fallen into the city Avitli
them. The Avomen ran out to meet them before the city,
plucking up their petticoats to their middle, saying, Ye
vilest varlets among men, whither so fast ? Ye surely can-
not find a refuge in these parts, from whence ye came
forth. The Persians blushing for shame at the sia'ht and
speech, and rebuking themselves, faced about, and renew-
ing the fight routed their enemies. Hence a law was
enacted, that Λνΐιεη the king enters the city, every woman
should receive a piece of gold ; and this law Cyrus made.
And they say that Ochus, being in other kinds a naughty
and covetous king, Avould always, when he came, compass
the city and not enter it, and so deprive the women of
their largess ; but Alexander entered twice, and gave all
the women with child a double benevolence
Example 6. Of the Celtic Women,
There arose a very grievous and irreconcilable conten-
tion among the Celts, before they passed over the Alps to
inhabit that tract of Italy which now they inhabit, which
proceeded to a civil war. The women placing themselves
between the armies, took up the controversies, argued
them so accurately, and determined them so impartially,
34:8 CONCERNING THE VIRTUES OF WOMEN.
that an admirable friendly correspondence and general
amity ensued, both civil and domestic. Hence the Celts
made it their practice to take women into consultation
about peace or war, and to use them as mediators in any
controversies that arose between them and their allies. In
the league therefore made with Hannibal, the writing runs
thus : If the Celts take occasion of quarrelling with the
Carthaginians, the governors and generals of the Cartha-
ginians in Spain shall decide the controversy ; but if the
Carthaginians accuse the Celts, the Celtic women shall be
judges.
Example 7. Oj the Melicm Women.
The Melians standing in need of a larger country con-
stituted Nymphaeus, a handsome man and marvellously
comely, the commander for the transplanting of the colony.
The oracle enjoined them to continue sailing till they cast
away their ships, and there to pitch their colony. It hap-
pened that, when they arrived at Caria and went ashore,
their ships were broken to pieces by a storm. Some of
the Carians which dwelt at Cryassus, whether commiserat-
ing their distressed condition or dreading their resolution,
invited them to dwell in their neighborhood, and bestowed
upon them a part of their country ; but then observing
their marvellous increase in a little time, they conspired to
cut them off by treachery, and provided a feast and great
entertainment for that end and purpose. But it came to
pass that a certain virgin in Caria, Avhose name was
Caphene, fell in love with Nymphaeus. While these
things were in agitation, she could not endure to connive
at the destruction of her beloved Nymphaeus, and there-
fore acquainted him privately with tlie conspiracy of the
citizens against him. When the Cryassians came to invite
them, Nymphaeus made this answer : It is not the custom
of the Greeks to go to a feast without their wives. The
CONCERNING THE VIRTUES OF WOMEN. 349
Carians hearing this requested them also to bring their
wives ; and so explaining the whole transaction to the
Melians, he charged the men to go Λvithout armor in plain
apparel, but that every one of the Avomen should carry a
daiiirer stuck in her bosom, and that each should take her
place by her husband. About the middle of supper, their
signal token was given to the Carians ; the point of time
also the Grecians Avere sensible of. Accordingly the
women laid open their bosoms, αιχά the men laid hold of
the daggers, and sheathing them in the barbarians, slew
them all together. And possessing themselves of the
country, they overthreΛV that city, and built another, which
they called New Cryassus. Moreover, Caphene being
married to Nymphaeus received due honor and grateful
acknowledgments becoming her good services. Here the
taciturnity and courage of women is worthy of admiration,
that none of them among so many did so much as un-
wittingly, by reason of fear, betray their trust.
Example 8. Of the Tyrrhene Women.
At the time when the Tyrrhenians inhabited the islands
Lemnos and Imbros, they violently seized upon some Athe-
nian \vomen from Brauron, on whom they begat children,
Avhich children the Athenians banished from the islands as
mixed barbarians. But these arriving at Taenarum were
serviceable to the Spartans in the lielotic war, and there-
fore obtained the privilege of citizens and marriage, but
were not dignified Λvith magistracies or admitted to the
senate ; for they had a suspicion that they would combine
together in order to some innovation, and conceived they
might shake the present established government. Where-
fore the Lacedaemonians, seizing on them and securing
them, shut them up close prisoners, seeking to take them
oif by evident and strong convictions. But the wives of
the prisoners, gathering together about the prison, by many
350 CONCERNING THE VIRTUES OF WOMEii.
supplications prevailed Avith the jailers that they might be
admitted to go to salute their husbands and speak with
them. x\s soon as they came in, they required them to
change their clothes immediately and leave them to their
wives ; while the men, apparelled in their wives' habits,
should go forth. These things being eifected, the women
stayed behind, prepared to endure all hard usages of the
prison, but the deluded keepers let out the men as if they
had been their wives. Whereupon they seized upon Tay-
geta, exciting the Helotic people to revolt, and taking them
to their aid ; but the Spartans, alarmed by these things into
a great consternation, by a herald proclaimed a treaty of
peace. And they were reconciled upon these conditions,
that they should receive their wives again, and furnished
with ships and provisions should make an expedition by
sea, and possessing themselves of a land and a city else-
where should be accounted a colony and allies of the Lace-
daemonians. These things did the Pelasgians, taking
Pollis for their captain and Crataedas his brother, both
Lacedaemonians, and one part of them took up their seat
m Melos ; but the most part of them, which were shipped with
Pollis, sailed into Crete, trying the truth of the oracles, by
whom they were told that, when they should lose their
Goddess and their anchor, then they should put an end to
their roving and there build a city. AVherefore, putting
into harbor on that part of Crete called Chersonesns, panic
fears fell upon them by night, at which coming under a
consternation, they leaped tumultuously on board their
ships, leaving on shore for haste the statue of Diana, which
was their patrimony brought from Brauron to Lemnos, and
from Lemnos carried about with them wherever they went.
The tumult being appeased, when they had set sail, they
missed this statue ; and at the same time Pollis, finding
that his anchor had lost one of its beards (for the anchor,
having been dragged, as appeared, through some rocky
CONCERNING THE VIRTUES OF ΛΥΟΜΕΝ. 351
place, was accidentally torn), said that the oracul<M' answer
of the Pythia was accomplished. Therefore he gave a sign
to tack abont, and accordingly made an inroad into that
country, conqnered those that opposed him in many battles,
sat down at Lyctus, and bronglit many other cities to be
tributary to him. And now they repute themselves to
be akin to the Athenians on their mothers' side, and to be
Spartan colonies.
ExAAiPLE 9. Of the Lycian Women.
That Avhich is reported to have fallen out in Lycia,
although it be fabulous, hath yet common fame attesting
it. Amisodarus, as they say, Λvhom the Lycians call Isaras,
came from a colony of the Lycians about Zeleia, bringing
with him pirate ships, Λνΐιίοΐι Chimarrhus, a warlike man,
who was also savage and brutish, was commander of. He
sailed in a ship which had a lion carved on her head and a
dragon on her stern. He did much mischief to the Lycians,
so that they could not sail on the sea nor inhabit the towns
nigh the sea-coast.
This man Bellerophon pursued with his Pegasns and
slew him, and also defeated the Amazons, for Avhich he
obtained no due requital, but lobates the king was most
nnjust to him ; upon which Bellerophon went to the sea-
shore, and made earnest supplication by himself to N^ep-
tune that he would render that country barren and
nnfruitful ; and having said his prayers, he faced about.
LTpon which the waves of the sea arose and overwhelmed
the land, and it was a dreadful sight to behold the lofty
billows following Bellero[)hon and drowning the plain.
And now, when the men by their deprecation, laboring to
put a stop to Bellerophon, availed nothing at all, the
women plucking up their petticoats met him full butt ;
npon which confounded with shame he turned back again,
and the flood, as they say, returned with him. But some
352 CONCERNING THE VIRTUES OF WOMEN.
unriddle the fabulous part of this story, by telling us that
it was not by execrations that he brought up the sea ; but
the fattest part of the plain lying lower than the sea, and
a certain ridoe extendinq; itself all alons: the shore whicli
beat off the sea, Bellerophon broke through this, so that
the sea forcibly flowed in and overwhelmed the plain ; and
when the men by their humble addresses obtained nothing,
the women assembling about him in multitudes gained re-
spect from him and pacified his wrath. Some tell us that
the celebrated Chimaera was a mountain opposite to the
sun, which caused reflections of the suli's beams, and in
summer ardent and fiery heats, Avhich spread over the
plain and withered the fruits ; and Bellerophon, finding out
the reason of the mischief, cut through the smoothest part
of the cliff", which especially caused these reflections. But
on seeing that he was treated ungratefully, his indignation
was excited to take vengeance on the Lycians, but was ap-
peased by the women. I'he reason which Nymphis (in the
fourth book concerning Heraclea) doth assign is to me not
at all fabulous ; for he saith, when Bellerophon slew a cer-
tain wild boar, which destroyed the cattle and fruits in the
province of the Xanthians, and received no due reward of
his service, he prayed to Neptune for vengeance, and ob-
tained that all the fields should cast forth a salt dew and
be universally corrupted, the soil becoming bitter ; which
continued till he, condescendingly regarding the women sup-
pliants, prayed to Neptune; and removed his wrath from
them. Hence there was a law among the Xanthians, that
they should not for the future derive their names from their
fathers, but from their mothers.
Example 10. Of the Women of Salmantica.
When Hannibal, the son of Barca, besieged the great
city Salmantica in Spain, before he fought against the
Romans, at the first assault the besieged citizens were sur-
CONCERNING THE VIRTUES OF WOMEN. 353
prised Avith fear, insomuch that they consented to grant him
his demands, and to give him three hmidred talents of sil-
ver and three hundred hostages. Upon which he raised his
siege ; when they changed their minds, and would not per-
form any thing that they had promised. Wherefore return-
ing again to his siege, he g;ive command to his soldiers to
take the city by storm, and fall to the plundering their
goods. At this the barbarians, struck universally into a
panic fear, came to terms of composition, for the free citi-
zens to depart the city with their clothes to their backs,
but to leave their weapons, goods, slaves, and city behind
them. Now the women supposed that, although the ene-
mies would strictly search every man as he departed, yet
the women would go untouched. Accordingly, taking scim-
itars and hiding them under their coats, they fell in with
the men as they marched out. When they were all gone
out of the city, Hannibal sets a guard of Masaesylian sol-
diers, -fixing their post without the gate, but the rest of his
army fell promiscuously into the city to plunder. But the
Masaesylians, seeing them busy in carrying away much
spoil, were not able any longer to refrain or to mind the
charge of their watch, takino; it heinouslv that that was
their lot, and therefore left their post and went to take their
share of the booty. Upon this the women raised a shout
to animate their husbands, and delivered the scimitars
into their hands, and they themselves some of them fell
upon the sentinels ; insomuch that one of them, snatching
away the spear of Banon the interpreter, smote him with
it, though he was armed with a breastplate. And as for
the rest, the men routed and put some to flight and slew
others, making their escape by charging through them in
a great body together with the women. Hannibal, being
made acquainted with these things, pursued them, and those
he took he slevi^ ; but some betaking themselves to the
mountains easily made their escape, and afterwards, send-
voL. I. 23
354 CONCERNING THE VIRTUES OF WOMEN.
ing in tlicir humble supplications, were admitted by him
into the city, obtaining indemnity and civil usage.
Example 11. Of the Women of Milesia.
A certain dreadful and monstrous distemper did seize
the iNlilesian maids, arising from some hidden cause. It is
most likely the air had acquired some infatuating and ven-
omous quality, that did influence them to this change and
alienation of mind ; for all on a sudden an earnest longing for
death, Avith furious attempts to hang themselves, did attack
them, and many did privily accomplish it. The arguments
and tears of parents and the persuasion of friends availed
nothing, but they circumvented their keepers in all their
contrivances and industry to prevent them, still murdering
themselves. And the calamity seemed to be an extraordi-
nary divine stroke and beyond human help, until by the
counsel of a wise man a decree of the senate was passed,
enacting that those maids who hanged themselves should
be carried naked through the market-place. The passage
of this law not only inhibited but quashed their desire of
slaying themselves. Note Avhat a great argument of good
nature and virtue this fear of disgrace is ; for they who
had no dread upon them of the most terrible things in the
Avorld, death and pain, could not abide the imagination of
dishonor and exposure to shame even after death.
Example 12. Of the Women of Cios.
It Avas a custom among the maids of Cios to assemble
together in the public temples, and to pass the day together
in good fellowship ; and there their sweethearts had the fe-
licity to behold how prettily they sported and danced about.
In the evening this company went to the house of every
particular maid in her turn, and waited upon each other's
parents and brethren very officiously, even to the washing
of their feet. It oftentimes so fell out that many young
CONCERNING ΤίΙΕ ΛαΚΤΠΕΒ OF WOMEN. 355
men fell in \o\e with one maid ; but they carried it so de-
cently and civilly that, when the maid was espoused to one,
the rest presently gave off courting of her. The eifect of
this good order among the Avomen Λvas that no mention was
made of any adultery or fornication among them for the
space of seven hundred years.
Example 13. Of the Phocian Women.
When the tyrants of Phocis had taken Delphi, and the
Thebans undertook that war against them which was called
the Holy AVar, certain women devoted to Bacchus (which
they call Thyades) fell frantic and went a gadding by night,
and mistaking their way they came to Amphissa ; and
being very much tired and not as yet in their right Avits,
they Hung down themselves in the market-place, and fell
asleep as they lay scattered up and down here and there.
But the Avives of the Amphisseans, fearing, because that
city was engaged to aid the Phocians in the war and abun-
dance of the tyrants' soldiery were present in the city, the
Thyades might have some indignity put upon them, ran
forth all of them into the market-place and stood silently
round about them, neither would offer them any disturb-
ance whilst they slept ; but Avhen they were awake, they
attended their service particularly and brought them re-
freshments ; and in fine, by persuasions obtained leave of
their husbands to accompany them and escort them in
safety to their own borders.
Example 14. Valeria and Oloelia.
The injury done to Lucretia and her great virtue Avere
the causes of banishing Tarquinius Superbus, the seventh
Roman king from Romulus, she being married to an illus-
trious man, one of the royal race. She was ravished by
one of Tarquin's sons, who was in a Avay of liospitality
entertained by her ; and after she had acquainted her
356 CONCEENING THE VIRTUES OF WOMEN
friends and family with the abuse offered her, she imme-
diately slew herself. Tarquinius having fallen from his do-
minion, after many battles that he fought in attempting to
regain his kingly government, at last prevailed Avith Por-
sena, prince of the Etrurians, to encamp against Rome
with a powerful army. Whereupon the Romans, being
jiressed Avith war and famine at the same time, like-
wise knowing that Porsena Λvas not only a great soldier
but a just and civil person, resolved to refer the matters
against Tarquinius to him as a judge. This proposal Tar-
quinius obstinately refused to consent unto, saying that
Porsena could not be a just arbitrator if he did not remain
constant to his military alliance. Whereupon Porsena left
him to himself, and made it his endeaA-or to depart a friend
to the Romans, on condition of having restored to him
the tracts of land they had cut off from the Etrurians and the
captives they had taken. Upon these accepted conditions
hostages being given, — ten male children, and ten females
(among Λvhom was Valeria, the daughter of Publicola the
consul), — he immediately ceased his Avarlike preparations
before the articles of agreement were quite finished. Now
the virgin hostages going down to the river, as if they in-
tended only to wash themselves a little further than ordi-
nary from the camp, there, by the instigation of one of
them Avhose name was Cloelia, wrapping their garments
about their heads, they cast tliemselves into that great river
Tiber, and assisting one another, swam tlirough those vast
deptlis with much labor and difficulty. There are some
who say that Cloelia compassing a horse got upon him,
and passing over gently before, the rest swimming after her,
conducted, encouraged, and assisted them ; the argument
they use for this we shall declare anon.
As soon as the Romans saw the maids had made such a
clever escape, they admired indeed their fortitude and
resolution, but did not approve of their return, not abiding
CONCERNING THE VIRTUES OF WOMEN. 357
to be ΛΥΟΓβθ in their faith than any one man ; therefore
they charged the maids to return back, and sent them away
with a safe conduct. Tarquinius hiid wait for them as they
passed tlie river, and wanted but Uttle of intercepting the
virains. But Valeria with three of her household servants
made her flight to the camp of Porsena ; and as for the rest,
Aruns, Porsena's son, gave them speedy help and delivered
them from the enemies. When they were brought, Por-
sena looking upon them commanded them to tell him
which of them advised and first attempted this enterprise ;
all of them being surprised with fear, except Cloelia, were
silent, but she said, that she was the author of it ; at which
Porsena, mightily surprised, commanded an horse curiously
adorned Avitli trappings should be brought, which he gave
to Cloelia, and dismissed them all Avith much generosity
and civility ; and this is the ground which many make of
saying that Cloelia passed through the river on horseback.
Others deny this story, but yet say that Porsena admiring
the. undauntedness and confidence of the maid, as being
beyond Avhat is commonly in a woman, bestowed a present
on her becoming a man champion. It is certain that there
is the statue of a woman on horseback by the side of the
Sacred Way, which some say represents Cloelia, others,
Valeria.
Example 15. Of Micca and Merj'isto.
Aristotimus having usurped tyranny over the people
of Elis in Peloponnesus, against Avhom he prevailed by
the aid of King Antigonus, used not his power with anv
meekness or moderation. For he was naturally a savage
man ; and being in servile fear of a band of mixed barba-
rians, who guarded his person and his government, he con-
nived at many injurious and cruel things which his subjects
suffered at their hands, among which was the calamity of
Philodemus. This man had a beautiful daughter, whose
358 CONCERNING THE VIRTUES OF WOMEN.
name Avas Micca. This maid one of the tyrant's captains
of auxiliaries, called Lucius, attempted to lie with, more
out of a design to debauch her than for any love he had
to her ; and for this end he sent to fetch her to him. The
parents verily seeing the strait they were in advised her to
go ; but the maid, being of a generous and courageous
spirit, clasped about her father, beseeching him with earnest
entreaties that he would rather see her put to death than
that her virginity should be filthily and Avickedly violated.
Some delay being made, Lucius himself starts up in the
midst of his cups, enraged with wrath and lust, and drunk
with wine ; and finding Micca laying her head on her
father's knees, he instantly commanded her to go along
Avith him ; but she refusing, he rent off her clothes, and
Avhipped her stark naked, she stoutly enduring the smart
in silence. When her father and mother perceived that
by their tears they could not avail or bring any succor to
her, they turned to imploring the help of both Gods and
men, as persons that were oppressed by the most cruel and
unrighteous proceedings. But this barbarous fellow, drunk
and raging every Avay with madness, ran the maid through
as she lay A\ath her face in her father's bosom. Neither
was the tyrant affected with these cruelties, but slew many
and sent more into exile ; for they say eight hundred took
their fliglit into Aetolia, petitioning the tyrant that their
wives and children might come to them. A little after he
made proclamation, permitting the women that Avould to go
to their husbands, carrying with them all their household
goods that they pleased ; but when he perceived that all
the women received the proclamation with pleasure (for the
number was above six hundred), he charged them all to go
in great companies on the appointed day, as if he intended to
consult for their safety. When the day came, they crowded
at the gates with their goods packed up, carrying their
children, some in their arms and some in carts, and stayed
CONCERNING THE VIRTUES OF WOMEN. 359
for one another. All on a sudden many of the tyrant's
creatures made towards them in great haste, crying aloud
to them to stay, while they were yet at great distance
from them ; and as they approached, they charged the
Avomen to return back. Likewise turning about their
chariots and carts, they forced them upon them, drove the
horses through the midst of them witliout fear or wit, suf-
fering the women neither to follow nor to stay, nor to
reach forth any help to the perishing infants, some of
whom were killed falling out of the carts, others run over
bv the carts. So they drove them in (as so many sheep
which butchers drive along), hauling and whipping them
as they thronged upon one another, till they had crowded
them all into a prison ; but their goods they returned to
Aristotimus. The people of Elis taking these things very
heinously, the priestesses devoted to Bacchus (which they
call the Sixteen), taking with them their suppliant boughs
and wreaths belonging to the service of their God, went to
meet Aristotimus in the market-place ; the guards, out of a
reverential awe, stood off and gave \vay to their approach.
These priestesses stood still at first with silence, solemnly
reaching forth their supplicatory rods ; but as soon as they
appeared as petitioners and deprecators of his wrath against
the women, he fell into a great rage at the guards, exclaim-
ing against them that they had suffered the priestesses to
approach his presence, and he caused some to be thrust
away, others to be beaten and dragged through the market-
place, and fined them two talents apiece.
These thino-s beimj transacted in this manner, one Hel-
Do '
lanicus moved a conspiracy against this tyrant. He was a
man who, by reason of old age and the loss of two sons
by death, was unsuspected of the tyrant, as being altogether
unlikely for action. In the mean time also the exiles waft
themselves over from Aetolia, and take Amymona, a very
convenient place on the borders to entrench a camp in,
360 CONCERNING THE VIRTUES OF WOMEN.
Avhere tbey received great numbers of the citizens who
made their escape by flight from Elis. Aristotimus being
startled at these things went in to the imprisoned women,
and thinking to work them to his pleasure more by fear
than by favor, charged them to send letters to their hus-
bands, enjoining them to depart out of the coasts ; if they
Avould not write, he threatened them to slay their children
before their eyes, and then put them (the mothers) to
death by torments. AVhilst he was long provoking and
urging them to declare whether they would obey his man-
dates or not, most of them answered him nothing, but
looked with silence one upon another, signifying by nods
and gestures that they were not at all affrighted at his
threat. But Megisto the wife of Timocleon, Avho both in
respect of her husband and her own excellent accomplish-
ments carried the port of a princess among them, would
not vouchsafe to rise off her seat to him nor permit the
rest so to do, but as she sat, she gave him this answer: —
" Verily if thou wert a discreet man, thou wouldst not
after this manner discourse with Λvomen about their hus-
bands, but wouldst send to them as to our lords, finding
out better language than that by which thou hast deluded
us. But if thou thyself despairest to prevail Λvith them,
and therefore undertakest to trepan them by our means, do
not hope to put a cheat upon us again. And may they
never be guilty of such baseness, that for the saving their
wives and little ones they Λνϋΐ desert that liberty of their
native country ; for it is not so great a prejudice to them
to lose us, Avhom even ηολν they are depriA^ed of, as it
will be benefit to set the subjects at liberty from thy
cruelty and oppression."
Aristotimus, being not able to refrain himself at this
speech of Megisto, required that her son should be
brought, as if it were to slay him before her eyes ; but
whilst the officer was seeking out the child, that was in the
CONCERNING THE VIRTUES OF WOMEN. 361
company of other children playing and wrestling together,
his mother called him by his name, and said : Come hither,
my child ; before thou hast any sense and understanding,
be thou delivered from bitter tyranny ; for it would be
much more grievous to me to see thee basely enslaved
than to see thee die. At which Aristotimus drawing his
sword upon the mother herself, and transported with rage,
M^as going to fall upon her, Λνΐιοη one of his favorites, Cylon
by name (esteemed his trusty confidant, but in reality a
hater of him, and a confederate with Hellanicus in the con-
spiracy), put a stop to him, and averted him in an humble
manner, telling him : This is an ignoble and woman-like
carriage, not at all becoming a person of a princely mind
and a statesman. Hereupon Aristotimus scarcely coming
to his senses departed. Now observe what an ominous
prodigy happened to him. It was about noon, when he
was taking some repose, his wife sitting by ; and whilst his
servants were providing dinner, an eagle was seen in the
air floating over the house, which did, as it were consider-
ately and on purpose, let fall a stone of an handsome big-
ness upon that part of the roof of the house Λvhich was
over the apartment where Aristotimus lay. At the same
time there was also a great rattling from above, together
Avith an outcry made by the people that were abroad look-
ing upon the bird. Upon \vhich Aristotimus, falling into
a great consternation and examining the matter, sent and
called his soothsayer which he usually consulted in his
public concerns, and being in great perplexity, desired to
be satisfied what that prodigy meant. The soothsayer bade
him be of good cheer, for it signified that Jupiter now
wakened and assisted him. But to the citizens that he
could confide in he said, that vengeance Avould no longer
be delayed from falling on the tyrant's head. ΛVherefore
it was concluded by Hellanicus and his friends not to defer
any longer, but to bring matters to an issue the next day.
3G2 CONCERNING THE VIRTUES OF WOMEN.
At night Hellanicus imagined in his sleep that he saw one
of his dead sons stand by him saying, What is the matter
with thee, Ο father ! that thou sleepest ? To-morrow thou
shalt be governor of this city. Being animated by his
vision, he encouraged the rest concerned with him. i^ow
Aristotimus was informed that Craterus, coming to his aid
with great forces, was encamped in Olympia ; upon which
he became so confidently secure, that he ventured to go
without his guards into the market-place, Cylon only ac-
companying him. Wherefore Hellanicus, observing this
opportunity, did not think good to give the signal to those
that Avere to undertake the enterprise witli him, but with a
clear voice and lifting up both his hands, he spake saying :
Ο ye good men ! why do ye delay ? Here is a fair theatre
in the midst of your native country for you to contend in
for the prize of valor. Whereupon Cylon in the first
place drawing his sword smote one of Aristotimus's wait-
ing gentlemen ; but Thrasybulus and Lampis making a
brisk opposition, Aristotimus escaped by flight into the
temple of Jupiter. Here slaying him, they dragged forth
his corpse into the market-place, and proclaimed liberty to
the citizens. Neither were the men there much before the
women, who immediately ran forth with joyful acclamations,
environing the men and binding triumphant garlands about
their heads. The multitude presently rushed on upon the
tyrant's palace, where his wife shutting herself into her
bed-chamber hanged herself He had also two daughters,
maidens of most beautiful complexions, ripe for marriage.
Those they laid hands on, and haled forth, with a despe-
rate resolution to slay them, but first to torment and abuse
them. But Megisto, with the rest of the women, meeting
them called out with a loud voice : Will they perpetrate
such enormities who reckon themselves a free people, in
imitation of the practices of audacious and libidinous
tyrants? The multitude reverencing the gravity of this
CONCERNING THE VIRTUES OF WOMEN. 363
matron, pleading with them so undauntedly as alsa affec-
tionately Avith tears, they resolved to lay aside this oppro-
brious way of proceeding, and to cause them to die by
their own hands. As they weve therefore returned into
the chamber, they required the maids immediately to be
their own executioners. Muro, the eldest, untying her
girdle and tying it about her neck, saluted her sister, and
exhorted her to be careful and do whatever she saw her
do ; lest (as she said) we come to our death in a base and
unworthy manner. But the younii:er desirins: it mi":ht be
her lot to die first, she delivered her the girdle, saying : I
did never deny thee any thing thou didst ever desire,
neither Avill I now ; take this favor also. I am resolved to
bear and endure that which is more grievous than death to
me, to see my most dear sister die before me. Upon this,
when she had instructed her sister how to put the girdle
so as to strangle her, and perceived her dead, she took her
down and covered her. And now the eldest sister, whose
turn was next, besought Megisto to take care of her, and
not suffer her to lie indecently after slie was dead. So that
there was not any one present that was so bitter and
vehement a tyrant-hater that he did not lament and com-
passionate these maidens upon their brave and virtuous
behavior.
Of the innumerable famous exploits performed by wo-
men, these examples may suffice. But as for their par-
ticular virtues, we will describe them according as they
offer themselves scattered here and there, not supposing
that our present history doth necessarily require an exact
order of time.
Example 16. Of Pieria.
Some of the lonians who came to dwell at Miletus,
falling into contention with the sons of Neleus, departed to
3ΰ4 CONCERNING THE VIRTUES OF WOMElS.
Myus, and there took up their situation, where they suf-
fered many injuries from the Milesians ; for they made war
upon them by reason of their revolt from them. This war
Avas not indeed without truces or commerce, but upon cer-
tain festival days the women of Myus went to Miletus.
Now there was at Myus Pythes, a renowned man among
them, who had a wife called lapygia, and a daughter
Pieria. Pythes, when there was a time of feasting and
sacrificing to Diana among the Milesians, which they called
Neleis, sent his wife and daughter, who desired to partici-
pate of the said feast ; when one of the most potent sons
of Neleus, Phrygius by name, fell in love with Pieria. He
desired to know what service he could do Avhicli might be
most acceptable to her. She told him, that he should
bring it to pass that she with many otliers might have their
frequent recourse thither. Hence Phrygius understood
that she desired friendship and peace with the citizens of
Miletus ; accordingly he finished the war. Whence arose
that great honor and renown of Pieria in both cities ; inso-
much that the Milesian women do to this day make use of
this benediction to new married wives, that their husbands
may love them so as Phrygius loved Pieria.
Example 17. Of Pohjcrita.
A Avar arose between the Naxians and Milesians upon
the account of Neaera, the wife of Hypsicreon, a Milesian.
For she fell in love with Promedon a Naxian, who was
Hypsicreon s guest. Promedon lies \vith his beloved Ne-
aera ; and she, fearing her husband's displeasure, took ship-
ping with her Promedon, who carried her over into Naxos
and placed her a supplicant to Testa. The Naxians not
restoring her upon demand, for the sake of Promedon and
making her devotion to Vesta their pretence, a war arose.
To the assistance of the Milesians came in many others ;
and of the lonians the Erythraeans were most ready. So
CONCERNING THE VIRTUES OF WOMEN. 365
that this Avar was of long continuance, and had great calam-
ities attending it. But as it Avas begun by the lewdness of
a woman, so it was ended by a woman's policy. Diognetus,
a colonel of the Erythraeans, holding a fortification com-
mitted to his keeping, Avhich was cast up against the Nax-
ians, lying naturally to great advantage and well furnished
with ammunition, took great spoils from the Naxians ; yea,
he captivated both free married women and virgins ; with
one of which, called Polycrita, he fell in love, and treated
her not as a captive but after the manner of a married wife.
Now a festival comiuii in turn to be celebrated amonir the
Milesians in the camp, and all of them given to their cups
and luxury, Polycrita petitioned Diognetus that he would
be pleased to permit her to send some part of the cakes to
her brethren. lie permitting and bidding her do it, she
thrust into a cake a piece of lead engraven with writhig,
and commanded the bearer to say to her brethi-en that they
alone by themselves should eat up Avhat she had sent. Ac-
cordingly they met with the plate of lead, and read Poly-
crita's hand-writing, advising them that night to fall upon
their enemies, who, by reason of excess caused by their
feastings, were overcome with wine and therefore in a care-
less secure condition. They acquainted the officers with it,
and urged them to accompnny them forth against the ene-
mies. Upon engagement the stronghold being gotten and
many slain, Polycrita by entreaty of her countrymen obtained
the life of J3iognetus and preserved him. But she being
met by her countrymen at the gate, who received her with
acclamations of joy and garlands, and greatly applauded
her deed, could not bear the greatness of the joy, but died,
falling down at the gate of the citadel, where she was
buried ; and it is called the Sepulchre of Envy, as though
some envious fortune had grudged Polycrita the fruition of
so great honor. And thus do the Naxian writers declare
the history. But Aristotle saith, that Polycrita was not
?ί66 CONCERNING THE VIRTUES OF WOMEN.
taken captive, but that by some other way or means Diogne-
tus seeing her fell in love with her, and was ready to give
and do all that he could for the enjoying her. Polycrita
promised to consent to him, provided she might obtain one
only thing of him ; concerning which, as the philosopher
saith, she required an oath of Diognetus. When he had
sworn, she required Delium to be delivered up to her (for
the stronghold was called Delium), otherwise she would
not yield to go with him. He, being besotted Λvitll lust and
for his oath's sake, delivered up the place into the hands
of Polycrita, and she to her countrymen. From hencefor-
ward they adjusted matters so equally, that the Naxians had
free conΛ'erse, as they pleased, with the Milesians.
Example 18. Of Lampsace.
There Λvere two brethren, Phobus and Blepsus, twins of
the stock of Codrus, natives of Phocaea ; of which two
Phobus, the elder, threw himself from the Leucadian rocks
into the sea, as Charon of Lampsacus hath told us in his-
tory. This Phobus, having potency and royal dignity, took
a voyage into Parium upon the account of his ΟΛνη private
concerns ; and becoming a friend and guest to Mandron
king of the Bebrycians, the same that \vere called Pituoes-
sans, he aided and assisted him in the war against those of
the bordering inhabitants that molested him. So that Avhen
Phobus was returning back by sea, Mandron showed great
civility to him, promising to give him a part of his country
and city, if he would bring over the Phocaeans and plant
them as inhabitants in Pituoessa. Phobus therefore per-
suading his countrymen sent his brother to conduct them
over as planters, and likewise the obligation was performed
on Mandron's part according to expectation. But the
Phocaeans taking great booty, prey, and spoils from the
neighboring barbarians, Avere first envied, and afterwards
became a terror to the Bebrycians ; and therefore they de-
CONCERNING THE VIRTUES OF WOMEN. 367
sired to be rid of them. As for Mandron, being an honest
and righteous person, they could not possess him against
the Grecians ; but he taking a long journey, they provided
to destroy the Phociieans by treachery. Mandron had a
daughter called Lampsace, a virgin, who was acquainted
Λvith the plot ; and first she endeavored to take off her
friends and familiars from it, admonishing them what a
dreadful and ungodly enterprise they were going upon, — to
murder men that were benefactors, military auxiliaries, and
now citizens. But when she could not prevail with them,
she declared to the Grecians secretly Avhat was plotting,
and wished them to stand upon their guard. Upon this,
the Phocaeans provided a sacrifice and feast, and invited
the Pituoessans into the suburbs ; on which, dividing them-
selves into two parts, with one they surprised the walls of
the city, Avith the other they slew the men. Thus taking
the city, they sent to Mandron, desiring him to join with
their own rulers in the government. As for Lampsace,
she died of a sickness, and they bui'ied her sumptuously,
and called the city Lampsace after her name. But when
INIandron, avoiding all suspicion of betraying his people,
refused to come to dwell among them, and desired this
favor at their hands, that they would send him the wives
and children of the deceased, the Phocaeans most readily
sent them, offering them no injury at all. And ascribing
in the first place heroic renown to Lampsace, in the last
place they decreed a sacrifice to her as a Goddess, which
they continue yearly to offer.
Example 19. Aretaphila.
Aretaphila, a Cyrenaean, was not of ancient time, but
lived in the time of the Mithridatic war. She arrived at
such a degree of fortitude and experience in counsel as
might be compared with the conduct of any heroic ladies.
She was the daughter of Aeglator and the wife of Phaedi-
3 68 CONCERNING THE VIRTUES OF WOMEN.
mils, both renowned men. She was a great beauty, excel-
ling in discretion, and was not unacquainted with the most
knotty pieces of policy ; but the common disasters of her
native country rendered her famous.* IS^icocrates, having
then usurped the tyranny over the Cyrenaeans, not only
murdered many other citizens, but also assassinated Mela-
nippus, a priest of Apollo, with his ΟΛνη hand, and held the
priesthood himself. He slew also Phaedimus, the husband
of Aretaphila, and married Aretaphila against her will.
Unto a thousand other Λdllanies he added this, that he set
guards at the gates, who mangled the dead corpses as they
were carrying forth, pricking them with their daggers and
clapping hot irons to them, lest any citizen should be car-
ried out privily under pretence of being a dead corpse.
Aretaphila's own proper calamities were very grievous to
her, although the tyrant, for the love that he bare to her,
suffered her to enjoy a great part of his regal power ; for
his love had subdued him unto her, and to her alone was
he gentle and manageable, being very rude and savage in
his behavior to others. But that which troubled her more
than other things was to see her miserable country suffer-
ing such horrid things in so base a manner ; one citizen
being slaughtered after another, without any hopes of a
vindictive justice from any. The exiles also were altogether
enfeebled, affrighted, and scattered here and there. Are-
taphila therefore supposed herself to be the only hope
remaining for the state ; and emulating the famous and
brave enterprises of Thebe of Pherae, although she was
destitute of the faithfiu friends and helpers which circum-
stances afforded to Thebe, she laid a plan to despatch her
husband by poison. But in setting herself about it, pro-
viding the materials, and trying many experiments \vith
poisons, the matter could not be hid, but was discovered ;
and there being proof made of the attempt, Calbia, Nico-
crates's mother, being naturally of a murdering implacable
CONCERNING THE VIRTUES OF WOMEN. 369
spirit, presently adjudged Aretaphila to torments and then
to death. But love abated the rage of Nicocrates, and put
him upon delay ; and the vigorous manner in which Are-
taphila met the accusation and defended herself gave some
plausible ground for his hesitation. But when she was
convicted by the clearest proofs, and the preparation she
had made for the poison was even in sight, admitting no
denial, she confessed that she provided poison, but not
deadly poison. But truly, Ο sir, she said, I am contending
for matters of great concern, no less indeed than the honor
and power which by thy gracious favor 1 reap the fruit of.
I am maligned by many ill women, whose poisons and
treacheries I stand in fear of, and therefore have been per-
suaded to contrive something on the other side in my own
defence. These are haply foolish and woman-like plots,
but not such as deserve death, unless it seem good to thee
as judge to take away thy wife's life on account of love-
potions and charms, which she has used because she wishes
to be loved by thee more than thou wouldst have her.
Notwithstanding this defence which Aretaphila had made
for herself, Nicocrates thought good to commit her to tor-
ments ; and Calbia presided in the judicature, rigid and
mexorable. But Aretaphila bore up invincibly under her
tortures, till Calbia herself was tired, sore against her will.
But Nicocrates being pacified discharged her, and was sorry
he had tortured her. And it was not very long ere he went
in again unto her, being highly transported with affection,
renewing his favor towards her with honors and courteous
behavior. But she would not be brought under by flattery,
who had held out so stoutly under tortures and pains ; and
an emulation of victory, conjoined with the love of honesty,
made her betake herself to other measures.
She had a daughter marriageable, an excellent beauty.
Her she presented for a bait to the tyrant's brother, a young
stripling and lasciviously addicted. There was a report,
VOL. I. 24
370 CONCERNING THE VIRTUES OF WOjIEN.
that Aretaphila used such enchantments and witchcrafts
towards the maid, that she phxiuly charmed and destroyed
the young man's reason. He was called Leander. After
he was entangled, he petitioned his brother and accom-
plished the marriage. Now the maid, being instructed by
her mother, instigated and persuaded him to set the city at
liberty, insinuating that he himself could not live long free
under an arbitrary government, nor could he marry a wife
or reserve her to himself. Also some friends, xlretaphila's
favorites, suggested to him continually some accusations or
surmises concerning his brother. But as soon as he per-
ceived that Aretaphila was counselling and aiding in these
matters, he undertook the business, and excited Daphnis
a household servant, who slew Nicocrates by his com-
mand. In what followed, he attended not so much to
Aretaphila, but presently manifested by his actions that he
was rather a fratricide than a tyrannicide ; for he managed
his affairs perversely and foolishly. But yet he had some
honor for Aretaphila, and she had some influence with him ;
neither did she manage any enmity or open opposition
against him, but ordered her affairs privily. First of all,
she stirred up an African war against him, and incited
Anabiis, a certain duke, to invade his borders and approach
the city ; and then she buzzed into Leander's head suspi-
cions against the favorites and officers, saying that they
were not forward to fight but rather ambitious of peace
and tranquillity, which indeed (she said) the state of affairs
and the security of his dominion required of him if lie
would hold his subjects in firm subjection ; and she would
effect a cessation of arms and bring Anabus to a parley with
him, if he would permit it, before an incurable war should
break forth. Leander gave her commission. First she
treated with the African, and with the promise of great
presents and treasures begged that he would seize Leander
when he came to treat \vith him. The African Λναβ per-
CONCERNING THE VIRTUES OF WOMEN. 371
suaded, but Leander Avas backward to it ; only for the re-
spect that he bore to Aretaphila, who said that she ΛVoιlld
be present, he went unarmed and unguarded. But as he
came nigh and saw Anabus, he made a halt, and would
have waited the coming of his guards ; only Aretapliila
being present sometimes encouraged him, sometimes reviled
him. But at last, when he still hesitates, she undauntedly
lays hold on him, and dragging him resolutely along, de-
livers him to the barbarian. He was immediately seized,
confined, and bound, and kept prisoner by the African,
until Aretaphila s friends, Avith other citizens, procured the
treasures promised. Many people acquainted Avith this
ran forth to the parley ; and as soon as they saw Areta-
phila, they were so transported that they had like to have
forgot their indignation against the tyrant, and reckoned
the punishing him of no great concern. But the first
work after the enjoyment of their liberty was the saluting
Aretaphila, between acclamations of joy and weeping, and
falling down before her, as before the statue of one of the
Gods. And the people fiocked in one after another, so
that thev scarcely had rime that eveniuii to receive Lean-
der again and return into the city. AVhen they had satis-
fied themselves in honoring and applauding Aretapliila,
they turned themselves to the tyrants ; and Calbia they
burnt alive, Leander they sewed up in a sack and threw
him into the sea, but they voted that Aretaphila should
bear her share in the government together with the states-
men, and be taken into counsel. But she, by great suff"er-
ings having acted a tragi-comedy consisting of various
parts, and at last obtained the reward of the garland, as
soon as she saw the city set at liberty, betook herself to
her private apartment ; and casting oiF all multiplicity of
business, she led the rest of her time in spinning, and
finished her days in tranquillity among her friends and ac-
quaintance.
372 CONCERNING THE VIRTUES OF WOMEN.
Example 20. Gamma.
There were two most potent persons among the tetrarchs
of Galatia, allied by kin to each other, Sinatus and Synorix ;
one of which, Sinatus, took a maid to wife, Camma by name,
very comely to behold for person and favor, but principally
to be admired for virtue. For she was not only modest and
loving to her husband, but discreet and of a generous mind.
And by reason of her gentle and courteous behavior she
was extremely acceptable to her inferiors ; yea, that Λvhich
rendered her more eminently renowned was, that being a
priest of Diana (for the Galatians worship that goddess
most) she did always appear magnificently adorned in all
sacred processions and at the sacrifices. Wherefore Syn-
orix, falling in love with her, could not prevail either by
persuasions or violence, Λvhilst her husband lived. He
commits a horrid crime, — he slays Sinatus treacherously,
— and not long after accosts Camma, whilst she abode
within the temple, and bore Synorix's crime not in an ab-
ject and despondent manner, but Avith a mind intent upon
revenge on Synorix, and only waiting an o})portunity. He
was importunate in his humble addresses, neither did he
seem to use arguments that were Avithout all show of hon-
esty. For as in other things he pretended that he far ex-
celled Sinatus, so he slew him for the love he bare to Camma
and for no other wicked design. The woman's denials were
at first not very peremptory, and then by little and little she
seemed to be softened towards him. Her familiars and
friends also lay at her in the service and favor of Synorix,
who was a man of great power, persuading and even for-
cing her. In fine therefore she consented, and accordingly
sent for him to come to her, that the mutual contract and
covenant might be solemnized in the presence of the God-
dess. When he came, she received him with much cour-
tesy, and bringing him before the altar and pouring out
CONCERNING THE VIRTUES OF WOMEN. 373
some of the drink-ofFering upon the altar out of the bowls,
part of the remainder she drank herself and part she gave
him to drink. The cup was poisoned mead. As she saw
him drink it all up, she lifted up a shrill loud voice, and fell
down and worshipped her Goddess, saying : I call thee to
witness, Ο most reverend Divinity ! that for this very day's
work's sake I have over-lived the murder of Sinatus, no
otherwise taking any comfort in this part of my life but in
the hope of revenge that I have had. And now I go down
to my husband. And for thee, the lewdest person among
men, let thy relations prepare a sepulchre, instead of a
bride-chamber and nuptials. AVhen the Galatian henrd
these things, and perceived the poison to wamble up and
down and indispose his body, he ascended his chariot, hop-
ing to be relieved by the jogging and shaking. But he
presently alighted, and put himself into a litter, and died
that evening. Camma continued all that night, and being
told that he had ended his life, she comfortably and cheer-
fully expired.
Example 21. Stratonica.
Galatia also produced Stratonica the Λvife of Deiotarus,
and Chiomara the \vife of Ortiagon, both of them Λνοηιοη
worth remembrance. Stratonica knowing that her hus-
band Avanted children of his own body to succeed in his
kingdom, she being barren persuaded him to beget a child
on another woman, and subject it to her tutelage. Dei-
otarus admiring her proposal, committed all to her care
upon that account. She provided a comely virgin for him
from among the captives, Electra by name, and brouglit
her to lie with Deiotarus. The children begotten of her
she educated very tenderly and magnificently, as if they
had been her own.
374 CONOERNING THE VIRTUES OF WOMEN.
Example 22. Chiomara.
It fell out that Chiomara, the wife of Ortiagon, was
taken captive with other women, in the time when the
Romans under Cneus Manlius overcame the Galatians of
Asia in battle. The centurion that took lier made use
of his fortune soldier-like and defiled her ; for he was, as
to voluptuousness and covetousness, an ill-bred and insatia-
ble man, over Avhom avarice had gotten an absolute con-
quest. A great quantity of gold being promised by the
woman for her ransom, in order to her redemption he
brought her to a certain bank of a river. As the Gala-
tians passed over and paid him the money in gold, and
received Chiomara into their possession, she gave an inti-
mation of her pleasure to one of them by nod, — to smite
the Iloman while he Avas kissino• and takins' his leave of
her. He obeyed her commands and cut off his head. She
takes it, wraps it up in her apron, and carries it with her ;
and as she comes to her husband, she casts down the head
before him, at which being startled he said, Ο wife ! thy
fidelity is noble. Yea, verily, replied she, it is a nobler
thins: that there is now but one man alive that hath ever
lain with me. Polybius saith that he discoursed with this
woman at Sardis, and admired her prudence and dis-
cretion.
Example 23. Of the Woman of Pergamus.
When Mithridates sent for sixty noblemen of Galatia as
friends, he seemed to carry himself abusively and imperi-
ously toAvards them, which they were all mightily provoked
at. Poredorix, a man of a robust body and lofty mind, who
Avas no less than tetrarch of the Tosiopae, designed to lay
hold on Mithridates, seizing him when he should be de-
termining causes on the bench of judicature in the gym-
nasium, and to force him bench and all into the ditch ;
CONCERNING THE VIRTUES OF WOMEN. 375
but by a certain chance he went not np to the place of
judicature that day, but sent for the Galatians to come
home to him to his house. Poredorix encouraged them all
to be of good courage, and when they should be all come
together there, to fall upon him on eΛ^ery side, slay him,
and cut his body in pieces. This conspiracy Λvas not un-
known to Mithridates, an intimation of it being given liim ;
accordingly he delivers up the Galatians one by one to
be slain. But calling to mind a young man among them,
who excelled in comeliness and beauty all whom he knew,
he commiserated him and repented himself and was ap-
parently grieved, supposing him slain among the first, and
also sent his command, that if he were alive he should
remain so. The young man's name was Bepolitanus. There
Avas a strange accident befell this man. When he was ap-
prehended, he had on very gay and rich apparel, which
the executioner desired to preserve clean from being
stained with blood ; and undressing the young man leis-
urely, he saw the king's messengers running to him and
calling out the name of the youth. So that covetousness,
which is the ruin of many, unexpectedly saved the life of
Bepolitanus. But Poredorix being slain was cast forth
unburied, and none of his friends did dare to come near
him ; only a certain Avoman of Pergamus, that was conver-
sant with him while he lived at Galatia, attempted to cover
his corpse and bury it. But Λvhen the guards perceived
her, they laid hold on her and brought her before the king.
And it is reported that Mithridates was much affected at
the sight of her, the young maid seeming altogether harm-
less, and the more so, as it seemed, because he knew that
love was the reason of her attempt. He gave her leave
therefore to take away the corpse and bury it, and to take
grave-clothes and ornaments at his cost.
376 CONCERNING THE VIRTUES OF WOMEN.
Example 24. Timoclea.
Theagenes the Theban, who held the same sentiments
with regard to his country's welfare Avith Epaminondas,
Pelopidas, and the other most worthy Thebans, was slain in
Chaeronea, in the common disaster of Greece, even then
when he had conquered his enemies and was in pursuit of
them. For it was he that answered one who cried out
aloud to him, How far wilt thou pursue ? Even (saith he)
to Macedonia. When he Avas dead, his sister survived him,
who gave testimony that he Avas nobly descended, and
that he was naturally a great man and excellently accom-
plished. Moreover, this woman was so fortunate as to
reap a great benefit by her prowess, so that the more
public calamities fell upon her, so much the easier she
bore them. For when Alexander took Thebes and the
soldiers fell a plundering, some in one part and some in
another, it happened tliat a man, neither civil nor sober
but mischievous and mad, took up his quarters in Timo-
clea's house. He was a captain to a Thracian company,
and the king's namesake, but nothing like him ; for he
having no regard either to the family or estate of this
woman, Avlien he had swilled himself in wine after supper,
commanded her to come and lie with him. Neither ended
he here, but enquired for gold and silver, Avhether she had
not some hid by her ; sometimes threatening as if he would
kill her, sometimes flattering as if he would always repute
her in the place of a wife. She, taking the occasion
offered by him, said : " Would God I had died before this
night came, rather than lived to it ; that though all other
things had been lost, I might have preserved my body free
from abuse. But now seeing it is thus come to pass, and
Divine Providence hath thus disposed of it that I must
repute thee my guardian, lord, and husband, I will not
hold any thing from thee that is thine own. And as for
CONCERNING THE VIRTUES OF WOMEN. 377
myself, I see I am at thy disposition. As for corporeal en-
joyments, the Avorld was mine, I had silver bowls, I had
gold, and some money ; but when this city \vas taken, I
commanded my maids to pack it up altogether, and threw
it, or rather put it for security, into a Avell that had no
water in it. Neither do many know of it, for it hath a
covering, and nature hath provided a shady wood round
about it. Take then these things, and much good may
they do thee ; and they shall lie by thee, as certain tokens
and marks of the late flourishing fortune and splendor of
our family."
When the Macedonian heard these things, he stayed not
for day, but presently went to the place by Timoclea's con-
duct, commanding the garden-door to be shut, that none
might perceive what they were about. He descended in
his morning vestment. But the revengeful Clotho brought
dreadful things upon him by the hand of Timoclea, Λνΐιο
stood on the top of the well ; for as soon as she perceived
by his voice that he readied the bottom, she threw down
abundance of stones upon him, and her maids rolled in
many and great ones, till they had dashed him to pieces
and buried him under them. As soon as the Macedonians
came to understand this and had taken up the corpse, there
having been late proclamation that none of the Thebans
should be slain, they seized her and carried her before the
king and declared her audacious exploit ; but the king,
who by the gravity of her countenance and stateliness of
her behavior did perceive in her something that savored
of the greatest worth and nobility, asked her first. What
woman art thou 1 She courageously and undauntedly an-
swered : Theagenes was my brother, who was a com-
mander at Chaeronea, and lost his life fighting against
you in defence of the Grecian liberty, that we might not
suffer any such thing ; and seeing I have suffered things
unworthy of my rank, I refuse not to die ; for it is better
378 CONCERNING THE VIRTUES OF WOMEN.
SO to do than to experience another such a night as the
last, which awaits me unless thou forbid it. All the most
tender-spirited persons that were present broke out into
tears ; but Alexander was not for pitying her, as being a
woman above pity. But he admired her fortitude and elo-
quence, which had taken strong hold on him, and charged
his officers to have a special care and look to the guards,
lest any such abuse be offered again to any renowned
ftimily ; and dismissed Timoclea, charging them to have a
special regard to her and all that should be found to be of
her family.
Example 25. Eryxo.
Arcesilaus was the son of Battus who Λvas surnamed
Felix, not at all like to his father in his conversation. His
father, when he lived, laid a fine of a talent upon him for
making fortifications about his house. After his father's
death, he being of a rugged disposition (therefore surnamed
the Severe), and following the counsels of Laarchus, an ill
friend, became a tyrant instead of a king. For Laarchus
affecting the government for himself, either banished or slew
the noblemen of Cyrene, and charged the fault upon Arcesi-
laus ; and at last casting him into a wasting and grievous
disease, by giving him the sea-hare in his drink, he deprived
him of his life. So that Laarchus assumed the government,
under pretence of being protector to Arcesilaus's young son
Battus ; but the youth, by reason either of his lameness or
youthful age, was contemned. As for his mother, many
made addresses to her, being a modest and courteous
woman, and she had many of the commons and nobility at
her devotion. Therefore Laarchus, pretending to be her
humble servant, would needs marry her, and thereby take
Battus to the dignity of being son and then alloAV him a
share in the government. But Eryxo (for that was the
woman's name), taking counsel of her brethren, bade Laar-
CONCKRXING THE VIRTUES OF WOMEN. 379
chus treat with them as if she had designed marriage ;
Laarchus accordingly treating with Eryxo's brethren, they
on purpose delay and prolong the business. Eryxo sends
one of her maid-servants acquainting him, that for the
present her brethren did oppose the match, but if they
could but accomplish it so as to lie together once, her
brethren would cease arguing the matter any farther, and
would give their consent. He should therefore come to
her by night, if he pleased ; an entrance being once made
in a business, the rest will succeed well enough. These
things were m ghty pleasing to Laarchus, and he was much
inflamed by the ΛVoman's obliging carriage towards him,
and declared that he would come to Avhatever place she
should command him. These things Eryxo transacted
with the privity of Polyarchus, her eldest brother. A time
being now appointed for the congress, Polyarchus placed
himself in his sister's bed-chamber, together with two
young men that were sword-men, all out of sight, to re-
venge the death of his father, whom Laarchus had lately
murdered. Eryxo sending at the time to acquaint him, he
entered without his guard, and the young men falling upon
him, he was wounded with the sword and died ; the corpse
immediately they threw over the wall. Battus they brought
forth and proclaimed king over his father's dominions, and
Polyarchus restored to the Cyrenaeans their ancient con-
stitution of government. There Avere present at that time
many soldiers of Amasis, the Egyptian king; Avhom Laar
chus had employed and found faithful, and by whose means
he had been not a little formidable to the citizens. These
sent messengers to accuse Polyarchus and Eryxo to Amasis.
At this the king was greatly incensed, and determined to
make war upon the Cyrenaeans. But it happened that his
mother died, and while he was solemnizing her funeral, am-
bassadors came and brought the news of his intentions to
Cyrene. AVherefore it was thought best by Polyarchus to
380 CONCERNING THE VIRTUES OF WOMEN.
go and apologize for himself. Er} xo would not desert him,
but was resolved to accompany him and run the same haz-
ard with him. Nor would his mother Critola leave him,
though she was an old Avoman ; for great was her dignity,
she being the sister of old Battus, surnamed Felix. As
soon as they came into Egypt, as others with admiration
approved of the exploit, so even x\masis himself did not a
little applaud the chastity and fortitude of Eryxo, honoring
her with presents and royal attendance, with which he sent
back Polyarchus and the ladies into Cyrene.
Example 26. Xenocrita.
Xenocrita of Cumae deserves no less to be admired for
her exploits against Aristodemus the tyrant, whom some
have supposed to be surnamed the Effeminate, being igno-
rant of the true story. He was called by the barbarians
Malakos (that is soft and effeminate) with regard merely to
his youth ; because, when he was a mere stripling, with
other companions of the same age who Avore long hair
(whence they were called Coronistae, as it seems from their
long hair), he became famous in the war against the bar-
barians. He was also not only renowned for resolution
and activity, but very exceedingly remarkable for his discre-
tion and providence ; insomuch that being admired by the
citizens he proceeded to the highest dominion among them.
He was to bring aid to the Romans when they were in Avar
with the Etrurians, who engaged to restore Tarquinius
Superbus to his kingdom ; in all which expedition, that
was very long, he managed all affairs so as to ingratiate
himself with the military part of the citizens, aiming more
at the making himself head of a popular faction than gen-
eral of the army. He accordingly prevails Avith them to
join with him in attacking the senate, and in casting out the
citizens of highest rank and most potent into exile. After-
wards becoming tyrant, he was flagitious in his carriage
CONCERNING THE VIRTUES OF WOMEN. 381
toAvards women and free-born youth, and exceeded even him-
self m vileness. For history reports of him how that he ac-
customed the boys to Avear their hair long and set with
golden ornaments, and the girls he compelled to be polled
round, and to Avear youths' jerkins and short-tailed petti-
coats. Notwithstanding, he had a peculiar affection for
Xenocrita, a girl of Cumae, left behind by her exiled father.
Her he kept, but could not bring over to his humor by any
insinuations or persuasions, neither had he gained her
father's consent ; however, he reckoned the maid would
be brought to love him by constant conversation with him,
since she would be envied and reputed very happy by the
citizens. But these things did not at all besot the maid ;
but she took it heinously that she must be constrained to
dwell with him, not espoused or married. Neither did she
less long for the liberty of her native country than did
those who were hated by the tyrant.
It happened about that time that Aristodemus was cast-
ing up an entrenchment about the borders of Cumae, a
work neither necessary nor profitable, only because he was
resolved to tire out the citizens with hard toil and labor ;
for every one wns required to carry out a stinted number
of baskets of earth daily, in order to the delving this ditch.
A certain maid, as she saw Aristodemus approaching, ran
aside and covered her face with her apron ; but when
Aristodemus was withdrawn, the young men would sport
and jest Avith her, asking her whether out of modesty she
avoided only the sight of Aristodemus and Avas not so af-
fected towards other men. She made answer designedly,
rather than otherwise, that of the Cumaeans Aristodemus
was the only man. This sentence thus spoken verily
touched them all very near, for it provoked the generous-
minded men among them for very shame to the recovering
of their liberties. And it is said that Xenocrita was heard
to say, that she had rather carry earth for her father, if he
382 CONCERNING THE VIRTUES OF WOMEN.
were at home, than participate in the great luxury and
pomp of Aristodemus. These things added courage to
them that were about to make an insurrection against
Aristodemus, which Tliymoteles had the chief manage-
ment of; for Xenocrita providing them safe admittance,
they easily rushed in upon Aristodemus, unarmed and un-
guarded, and slew him. In this manner the city of Cumae
gained its liberty, by the virtue of two women ; one by
suggesting and invigorating the enterprise, the other by
bringing it to an issue. When honors and great presents
were tendered to Xenocrita, she refused all ; but requested
one thing, that she might bury the corpse of Aristodemus.
This they delivered her, and made her a priestess of Ceres ;
reckoning that, as it Avas a deserved honor bestowed on her.
so she would be no less acceptable to the Goddess.
Example 27. The Wife of Pythes.
It is reported that the wife of Pythes, who lived at the
time of Xerxes, was a wise and courteous woman. Pythes,
as it seems, finding by chance some gold mines, and falling
vastly in love with the riches got out of them, was insatia-
bly and beyond measure exercised about them ; and he
brought down likewise the citizens, all of Λνΐιοηι alike he
compelled to dig or carry or refine the gold, doing nothing
else ; many of them dying in the work, and all being quite
worn out. Their wives laid down their petition at his gate,
addressing themselves to the wife of Pythes. She bade
them all depart and be of good cheer ; but those goldsmiths
which she confided most in she required to wait upon her,
and confining them commanded them to make up golden
loaves, all sorts of junkets and summer-fruits, all sorts of
fish and flesh meats, in which she knew Pythes Avas most
delighted. All things being provided, Pythes coming home
then (for he happened to go a long journey) and asking for
his supper, his wife set a golden table before him, having
CONCERNING ΤΠΕ VIRTUES OF WOMEN. 383
no edible food upon it, but all golden. Pythes admired the
Avorkmanship for its imitation of nature. When, however,
he had sufficiently fed his eyes, he called in earnest for
something to eat ; but his wife, when he asked for any sort,
brouglit it of gold. Whereupon being provoked, he cried
out, I am an hungered. She replied : Thou hast made
none other provisions for us ; every skilful science and art
being laid aside, no man works in h sbandry ; but neglect-
ing sowing, planting, and tilling the ground, we delve and
search for useless things, killing ourselves and our subjects.
These things moved Pythes, but not so as to give over all
his works about the mine ; for he now commanded a fifth
part of the citizens to that work, the rest he converted to
husbandry and manufactures. But when Xerxes made an
expedition into Greece, Pythes, being most splendid in his
entertainments and presents, requested a gracious favor of
the king, that since he had many sons, one might be spared
from the camp to remain Avith him, to cherish his old age.
At which Xerxes in a rage slew this son only which he
desired, and cut him in two pieces, and commanded the
army to march between the two parts of the corpse. The
rest he took along with him, and all of them were slain in
the wars. At which Pythes fell into a despairing condition,
so that he fell under the like suffering with many Avicked
men and fools. He dreaded death, but was weary of his
life ; yea, he was willing not to live, but could not cast
away his life. He had this project. There was a great
mound of earth in the city, and a river running by it, which
they called Pythopolites. In that mound he prepared him
a sepulchre, and diverted the stream so as to run just by
the side of the mound, the river lightly washing the sepul-
chre. These things being finished, he enters into the
sepulchre, committing the city, and all the government
thereof to his wife ; commanding her not to come to him,
but to send his supper daily laid on a sloop, till the sloop
38i CONCERNING THE VIRTUES OE WOMEN.
should pass by the sepulchre with the supper untouched ;
and then she should cease to send, as supposmg him dead.
He verily passed in this manner the rest of his life ; but
his wife took admirable care of the government, and
brought in a reformation of all things amiss among the
people.
LACONIC APOPHTHEGMS; OR REMARKABLE SAYINGS
OF THE SPARTANS.
Of Agasicles.
Agasicles the Spartan king, when one wondered why,
smce he was a great lover of instruction, he would not
admit Philophanes the Sophist, freely said, I ought to be
their scholar whose son I am. And to one enquiring hoΛV
a governor should be secure without guards, he replied,
If he rules his subjects as fathers do their sons.
Of Agesilaus the Great.
Agesilaus the Great, being once chosen steward of a
feast, and asked by the butler how much wine he allowed
every guest, returned : If you have a great deal provided,
as much as every one calls for ; if but a little, give them
all an equal share. When he saw a malefactor resolutely
endure his torments. How great a rascal is this fellow, he
cried out, that uses patience, bravery, and courage, in such
an impious and dishonest case ! To one commending an
orator for his skill in amplifying petty matters he said, I
don't think that shoemaker a good workman that makes a
great shoe for a little foot. When one in discourse said to
him. Sir, you have assented to such a thing already, and
repeated it \'ery often, he replied. Yes, if it is right; but
if not, I said so indeed but never assented. And the other
rejoining, But, sir, a king is obliged to perform whatever
he hath granted by his nod ; * No more, he returned, than
* II. I. 527
VOL. I. 25
386 LACONIC APOPHTHEGMS.
those that petition him are bound to make none but good
and just requests, and to consider all circumstances of time
and what befits a king. When he heard any praise or
censure, he thought it as necessary to enquire into the
character of those that spake as of those of whom they
spake. While he was a boy, at a certain solemnity of
naked dancing, the person that ordered that affair put him
in a dishonorable place ; and he, though already declared
king, endured it, saying, 111 show that it is not the places
that grace men, but men the places. To a physician pre-
scribing him a nice and tedious course of physic, he said,
By Castor and Pollux, unless I am destined to live at any
rate, I surely shall not if I take all this. Whilst he stood
by the altar of Minerva Chalcioecus sacrificing an ox, a
louse bit him. At this he never blushed, but cracked him
before the whole company, adding these words, By all the
Gods, it is pleasant to kill a plotter at the very altar. An-
other time seeing a boy pull a mouse by the tail out of his
hole, and the mouse turn and bite the boy's fingers and so
escape ; he bade his companions take notice of it, saying,
If so little a creature will oppose injurious violence, what
think ye that men ought to do ?
Being eager for war against the Persians to free the
Asiatic Greeks, he consulted the oracle of Jupiter at Do-
dona ; and that telling him to go on as he designed, he
brought tlie answer to the Ephors, upon which they ordered
him to go to Delphi and put the same question. He went,
and put it in this form : Apollo, are you of the same mind
with your father ] And the oracle agreeing, he was chosen
general and the war began. Now Tissaphernes, at first
being afraid of Agesilaus, came to articles, and agreed that
the Greek cities should be free and left to their own laws ;
but afterward procuring a great army from the king, he
declared war against him unless he should presently leave
Asia. Glad of this treachery of Tissaphernes, he marched
LACONIC APOPHTHEGMS. 387
as if his design was to make an inroad upon Cavia ; but
when Tissaphernes had brought his troops thither, he
turned upon Phrygia, and took a great many cities and
abundance of rich spoil, saying to his friend : To break one's
promise is indeed impious ; but to outwit an enemy is not
only just and glorious, but profitable and sweet. Being
inferior to the enemy in horse, he retreated to Ephesus, aud
ordered all the wealthy to provide each a man and horse,
which should excuse them from personal service in his
Λvars. By which means, in the room of rich cowards, he
Λvas soon furnished with stout men and able horses ; and
this he said he did in imitation of Agamemnon, who
agreed for a serviceable mare to discharge a Λvealthy cow-
ard. When he ordered the captives to be sold naked and
the chapmen came, a thousand bid money for the clothes,
but all derided the bodies of the men, which were tender
and white by reason of their delicate breeding, as useless
and worth nothing. He said to his soldiers, Look, those
are the things for which ye fight, and these are the things
with whom ye fight. Having beaten Tissaphernes in Lydia
and killed many of his men, he wasted the territories of
the king ; and the king sending money and desiring a
peace, Agesilaus replied : To grant peace is in the power
only of the commonwealth. I delight to enrich my soldiers
rather than myself, and think it agreeable to the honor of
the Greeks not to receive gifts from their enemies but to
take spoils.
Megabates the son of Spithridates, a very pretty boy,
who thought himself very well beloved, coming to him to
offer a kiss and an embrace, he turned aAvay his head. But
when the boy had not appeared a long time, Agesilaus en-
quired after him ; and his friends replied, that it was his
own fault, since he derided the kiss of the pretty boy, and
the youth was afraid to come again. Agesilaus, standing
silent and musing a pretty while, said : Well, I will use no
388 LACONIC APOPHTHEGMS.
persuasions, for methinks I had rather conquer such desires
than take the most popular city of ray eneraies ; for it is
better to preser\'e our own than rob others of their liberty.
In all things else he Avas very exact, and a strict observer
of the law ; but in his friends' concerns he thought that to
be too scrupulous Avas a bare pretence to cloak unwilling-
ness to use his interest. And agreeable to this, there is
extant a sraall note of his, interceding for a friend to one
Idrieus a Carian : If Nicias is not guilty, discharge him ;
if he is, discharge him for my sake ; but by all means pray
let him be discharged. This was his usual humor in his
friends' concerns, yet sometimes profit and convenience was
preferred ; for once breaking up his camp in disorder, and
leaving one that he loved behind him sick, when he begged
and beseeched him with tears to have compassion, he turned
and said. How hard it is to be pitiful and wise at once ! His
diet was the same with that of his attendants ; he never
fed to satisfy, nor drank himself drunk ; he used sleep not
as a master, but as a servant to his affairs ; and was so fitted
to endure heat or cold, that he alone was undisturbed at the
change of seasons. He lodged amongst his soldiers, and
his bed Avas as mean as any ; and this he had always in his
mouth : It befits a governor to excel private men not in
delicacy and softness, but in bravery and courage. And
therefore when one asked him what good Lycurgus's laws
had brought to Sparta, he replied, Contempt of pleasure.
And to one that wondered at his and the other Lacedae-
monians' mean fare and poor attire, he said, From this
course of life, sir, we reap liberty. And to one advising
him to indulge more, saying, Chance is uncertain, and you
may never have the opportunity again, he replied, I accus-
tom myself so that, let whatever change happen, I shall
need no change. When he was grown old, he continued
the sarae course ; and to one asking him why at his age in
very cold weather he would not wear a coat, he replied, that
LACONIC APOPHTHEGMS. 389
the youth may miitate, havmg the old men and governors
for example.
The Thasians, when ho marched through then* country,
presented him with corn, geese, sweetmeats, honey-cakes,
and all sorts of delicacies, both of meat and drink ; he ac-
cepted the corn, but commanded them to carry back tlie
rest, as useless and unprofitable to him. But they impor-
tunately pressing him to take all, he ordered them to be
given to the Helots ; and when some asked the reason, he
replied. They that profess bravery ought not to meddle
with such delicacies ; and whatever takes with slaves can-
not be agreeable to the free. Another time the Thasians,
after considerable benefits received, made him a God and
dedicated temples to his honor, and sent an embassy to
compliment him on that occasion. AVhen he had read
over the honors the ambassadors had brought him. Well,
said he, and can your country make men Gods ? And they
affirming. Go to, he rejoined, make yourselves all Gods
first ; and when that is done, I'll believe you can make me
one. The Greeks in Asia decreeing him statues, he Avrote
thus to them : Let there be no representation of me, either
painted, founded, or engraved. In Asia, seeing a house roofed
with square beams, he asked the master whether trees in
their country Λvere grown square. And lie replying, No,
but round ; What then, said he, if they grew square, woukl
you make them round? Being asked how far Sparta's
bounds extended, shaking a spear he replied, As far as this
Λνϋΐ reach. And to another enquiring Avhy Sparta was
Avithout walls, he showed the citizens in arms, saving, Look,
these are the walls of Sparta. And to another that ])ut
the same question he replied. Cities should be walled not
with stones and timber, but with the courage of the inhab-
itants ; and his friends he advised to strive to be rich not
in money, but in bravery and virtue. When he would have
his soldiers do any thing quickly, he before them all put the
390 LACONIC APOPHTHEGMS.
first hand to it ; he was proud that he wrought as much as
any, and valued himself more upon ruling his own desires
than upon being king. When one saw a lame Spartan
maiTliing to the war, and endeavored to procure a horse
for him. How, said he, don't you know that war needs those
that will stay, not those that Avill fly? Being asked how he
got this great reputation, he replied. By contemning death.
And another time, one enquiring why the Spartans used
pipes and music when they fought, he said, When all move
in measure, it may be known who is brave and who a cow-
ard. When he heard one magnifying the king of Persia's
happiness, who was but young, Yes, said he, Priam himself
was not unhappy at that age.
AVhen he had conquered a great part of Asia, he de-
signed to march against the King himself, to break his
quiet and hinder him from corrupting the popular men
amongst the Greeks ; but being recalled by the Ephors to
oppose the designs which the other Greek states, bought
with the King's gold, were forming against Sparta, he said,
A good ruler should be governed by the laws, — and sailed
away from Asia, leaving the Greeks there extremely sorry
at his departure. And because the stamp of the Persian
money was an archer, he said, when he broke up his camp,
that he was driven out of Asia by thirty thousand of the
King's archers. For so many pieces of gold being carried
to Thebes and Athens by Timocrates, and distributed
amongst the popular men, the people were excited to
war upon the Spartans. And this epistle he sent to the
Ephors : —
Agesilaus to the Ephors, Greeting.
AVe have subdued a great part of Asia, driven out the
barbarians, and furnished Ionia with arms. But since
you command me back, I follow, nay almost come before
this epistle ; for I am not governor for myself, but for the
LACONIC APOPHTHEGMS. 391
commonwealth. And then a king trnly rules according to
justice, when he is governed by the laws, the Ephors, or
others that are in authority in the commonwealth.
Passing the Hellespont, he marched through Thrace, but
made no applications to any of the barbarians, only send-
ing to know whether he marched through the country of
an enemy or a friend. All the others received him as
friends and guided him in his march ; only the Troadians
(of whom, as story says, even Xerxes bought his passage)
demanded of Agesilaus a hundred talents of silver and as
many women. But he scoiRngly replied, Why then do not
you come presently to receive what you demand? And
leading on his army, he fought them ; and having destroyed
a considerable number, he marched through. To the king
of Macedon he sent the same question ; and he replying
that he would consider of it. Let him consider, saith he,
and we will be marching on. Upon which the king, sur-
prised at his daring temper and afraid of his force, ad-
mitted him as a friend. The Thessalians having assisted
his enemies, he wasted their country, and sent Xenocles
and Scythes to Larissa in order to make a treaty. These
being seized and detained, all others stomached it extreme-
ly, and were of opinion that Agesilaus should besiege and
storm Larissa. But he replying that he would not give
either of their lives for all Thessaly, he had them deliv-
ered upon articles. Hearing of a battle fought near Cor-
inth, in which very few of the Spartans, but many of the
Corinthians, Athenians, and their allies were slain, he did
not appear joyful, or puffed up with his victory, but fetch-
ing a deep sigh cried out, Unhappy Greece, that hath de-
stroyed herself men enough to have conquered all the
barbarians ! The Pharsalians pressing upon him and dis-
tressing his forces with five hundred horse, he charged
them, and after the rout raised a tJOphy at the foot of
392 LACONIC APOPHTHEGMS.
Narthacium. And this victory pleased him more than all
the others he had won, because with his single cavalry he
had beaten those that vaunted themselves as the best
horsemen in the world. Diphridas bringing him com-
mands immediately upon his march to make an inroad into
Boeoiia, — though he designed the same thing in a short
tim(i, when he should be better prepared, — he obeyed,
and sending for twenty thousand men from the camp at
Corinth, marched into Boeotia ; and at Coronea joining
battle with the Thebans, Athenians, Argives, Corinthians,
and Locrians altogether, he won, though desperately
wounded himself, the greatest battle (as Xenophon af-
firms) that w^as fought in his age. And yet when he
returned, after so much glory and so many victories, he
made no alteration in his course of life.
Λνΐιοη he saw some of the citizens think themselves
brave fellows for breeding horses for the race, he per-
suaded his sister Cunisca to get into a chariot and put in
for the prize at the Olympian games, intending by that way
to convince the Greeks that it was no argument of bravery,
but of wealth and profuse expense. Having Xenophon
the philosopher at his house, and treating him with great
consideration, he urged him to send for his children and
have them brought up in Sparta, where they might learn
the most excellent of arts, how to govern and how to be
governed. And at another time being asked by Avhat
means the Lacedaemonians flourished above others. Be-
cause, says he, they are more studious than others how
to rule and how to obey. AVhen Lysander was dead,
he found a strong faction, which Lysander upon his re-
turn from Asia had associated against him, and was very
eager to show the people what manner of citizen Lysan-
der was whilst he lived. And finding among Lysander's
papers an oration composed by Cleon of Halicarnassus,
about new desi^^ns and changing the government, which
LACONIC APOPHTHEGMS. 393
Lysander Avas to speak to the people, he resolved to publish
it. But \vhen an old politician, perusing the discourse and
fearing its effect upon the people, advised him not to dig
up Lysander but rather bury the speech Avith him, he
followed the advice, and made no more of it. Tliose of
the contrary faction he did not openly molest, but by cun-
ning contrivance he got some of them into office, and then
showed them to be rascals when in poAver. And then
defending them or getting their pardon when accused, he
brought them over to his own side, so that he had no enemy
at last. To one desiring him to write to his acquaintance in
Asia, that he might have justice done him, he replied. My
acquaintance will do thee justice, though I do not write.
One showed him the wall of a city strongly built and well
fortified, and asked him whether he did not think it a fine
thing. Yes, by heaven, he replied, for women, but not for
men to live in. To a Megarian talking great things of his
city he said, Youth, thy Avords want an army.
What he saw others admire he seemed not so much as
to know ; and when Callipides, a man famous among the
Greeks for acting tragedies and caressed by all, met him
and saluted him, and then impudently intruding amongst
his companions showed himself, supposing that Agesilaus
would take notice of him and begin some familiar dis-
course, and at last asked. Doth not your majesty know me 1
Have not you heard Avho I am? — he looked upon him and
said, Art not thou Callipides, the Merry Andrew ? * (For
that is the name the Lacedaemonians give an actor.) Be-
ing once desired to hear a man imitate a nightingale, he
refused, saying, I have often heard the bird itself. Mene-
crates the physician, for his good success in some desperate
diseases, was called Jupiter ; and priding himself in the
name, he presumed to write to Agesilaus thus : Menecrates
Jupiter to King Agesilaus wisheth good health. Heading
* Αείκηλίκτας, the Spartan word for the more common υποκριτής. (G.)
394 LACONIC APOPHTHEGMS.
no more, he presently wrote back : King Agesilaus to
Menecrates wisheth a sound mind.
When Conon and Pliarnabazus with the king's navy
were masters of the sea and wasted the coasts of Laconia,
and xlthens — Pharnabazus defraying the charges — was
surrounded with a wall, the Lacedaemonians made a peace
with the Persian ; and sending Antalcidas, one of their citi-
zens, to Tiribazus, they agreed to deliver into the King's
hands all the Asiatic Greeks, for whose freedom xlgesilaus
fought. Upon which account Agesilaus Avas not at all
blemished by this dishonorable treaty ; for Antalcidas was
his enemy, and clapped up a peace on purpose because the
war raised Agesilaus and got him glory. ΛVllen one said,
The Lacedaemonians are becoming medized, he replied,
Kather the Modes are becoming laconized. And being
asked which was the better virtue, courage or justice, he
said : Courage Avould be good for nothing, if there were no
justice ; and if all men were just, there would be no need
of courage. The Asians being wont to style the king of
Persia The Great ; How, said he, is he greater than I am,
if he is not more just or temperate? And he used to say.
The Greeks in Asia are mean-spirited freemen, but stout
slaves. And being asked how one might get the greatest
reputation amongst men, he replied, By speaking the best
and doing the bravest things. And he had this saying com-
monly in his mouth, A commander should be daring against
his enemy, and kind and good-natured to his own soldiers.
ΛVhen one asked him what boys should learn ; That, said
he, which they shall use when men. When he sat judge
upon a cause, the accuser spake floridly and well ; but the
defendant meanly and ever now and then repeated these
words, Agesilaus, a king should assist the laws. AVhat, said
he, dost thou think, if any one dug down thy house or took
away thy coat, a mason or a weaver would assist thee ?
A letter being brought him from the king of Persia by
LACONIC APOPHTHEGMS. 395
a Persian that came with Callias the Spartan, after the
peace was concluded, offering him friendship and kind en-
tertainment, he would not receive it, bidding the messenger
tell the king that there was no need to send private letters
to him ; for if he was a friend to Sparta and meant well to
Greece, he would do his best to be his friend ; but if he
designed upon their liberty, he might know that, though
he received a thousand letters from him, he would be his
enemy. He was very fond of his children ; and it is re-
ported that once toying with them he got astride upon a
reed as upon a horse, and rode about the room ; and being
seen by one of his friends, he desired him not to speak of
it till he had children of his own. When he had fought
often with the Thebans and was wounded in the battle,
Antalcidas, as it is reported, said to him : Indeed, sir, you
have received a Λ^ery fair reward for instructing the The-
bans, whom, when ignorant and unwilling, you have forced
to learn the art of war. For story tells us, the Lacedae-
monians at that time by frequent skirmishes had made the
Thebans better soldiers than themselves. And therefore
Lycurgus, the old lawgiver, forbade them to fight often
with the same nation, lest the enemy should learn their
discipline. When he understood that the allies took it
very ill, that in their frequent expeditions they, being great
in number, followed the Spartans that were but few ; de-
signing to show their mistake about the number, he ordered
all the allies to sit down in one body and the Lacedaemo-
nians in another by themselves. Then he made j^i'oclama-
tion that all the potters should rise first ; and when they
stood up, the braziers next ; then the carpenters, next the
masons, and so all other traders in order. Now almost all
the allies stood up and not one of the Spartans, for their
law forbids them all mechanical employments. Then said
Agesilaus, with a smile. See now how many soldiers we pro-
vide more than you. When at the battle of Leuctra many
396 LACONIC APOPHTHEGMS.
of the Spartans fled and upon that account were obnoxious
to the hxws, the Ephors, seemg the city had but few men
and stood in great need of soldiers at that time, would free
them from the infamy and yet still keep the laws in force.
Upon that account they put the power of making laws into
the hands of Agesilaus ; and he coming into the assembly
said, I will make no new laws, nor will I add any thing to
those you already have, nor take therefrom, nor change
them in any wise ; but I will order that the laws you
already have be in force from to-morroΛV.
Epaminondas rushing on with a torrent and tide of force,
and the Thebans and their allies being puffed up with this
victory, though he had but an inconsiderable number, Ages-
ilaus repulsed them from the city and forced them to
retreat. In the battle at Mantinea, he advised the Spartans
to neglect the others and fight Epaminondas only, saying :
The wise alone is the stout man, and the cause of victory ;
and therefore if we take him off, we shall quickly have
the rest ; for they are fools and worth nothing. And it
happened accordingly ; for Epaminondas having the better
of the day and the Spartans being routed, as he turned
about and encouraged his soldiers to pursue, a Lacedae-
monian gave him his death-wound. He falling, the Spar-
tans that fled with Agesilaus rallied and turned the victory ;
the Thebans appearing to have much the worse, and the
Spartans the better of the day. When Sparta had a gre.it
many hired soldiers in pay, and wanted money to carry on
the war, Agesilaus, upon the king of Egypt's desire, went
to serve him for money. But the meanness of his habit
brought him into contempt with the people of that coun-
try ; for they, according to their bad notions of princes, ex-
pected that the king of Sparta should appear like the
Persian, gaudily attired. But in a little time he sufficiently
convinced them that majesty and glory were to be gotten
by prudence and courage. When he found his men dis-
LACONIC APOPHTHEGMS. ^91
couragecl at the number of the enemy (for they were
200,000) and their own fewness, just before the engage-
ment, without any man's privity, he contrived how to en-
courage them : in the hollow of his left hand he Avrote
VICTORY, and taking the liver from the priest, he put it into
that hand, and held it a pretty while, pretending he was in
doubt and perplexity at some appearance, till the charac-
ters Avere imprinted on the flesh ; and then he showed it to
the soldiers, telling them the Gods gave certain signs of
victory by these characters. Upon which, thinking they
had sure evidence of good success, they marched reso-
lutely to the battle. When the enemy much exceeded
them in number and were making an entrenchment round
his camp, and Nectabius, whom then he assisted, urged
him to fight ; I would not, said he, hinder our enemies
from making their number as small as ours. And when
the trench was almost drawn round, ordering his army
to the space between, and so fighting upon equal terms,
with those few soldiers he had he routed and killed abun-
dance of the enemy, and sent home a great treasure. Dying
on his voyage from Egypt, he commanded his attendants
not to make any figure or representation of his body ; For,
said he, if I have done any brave action, that will preserve
my memory ; if not, neither will a thousand statues, the
works of base mechanics.
Of AgesipoUs the Son of Cleombrotus.
Agesipolis the son of Cleombrotus, when one told him
that Philip had razed Olynthus in a few days, said, ΛΥ^Ι,
but he is not able to build such another in twice that time.
To one saying that whilst he was king he himself was an
hostage with some other youths, and not their wives or
children, he replied, Very good, for it is fit we ourselves
should suffer for our own faults. AVhen he designed to
send for some whelps from home, and one said, Sir, none
398 LACONIC APOPHTHEGMS.
must be carried out of the country, he replied, Nor men
heretofore, but now they may.
Of Agesipolis the Son of Pausanias.
Agesipolis the son of Pausanias, Λvhen the Athenians
appealed to the Megarians as arbitrators of the differences
between them, said. It is a shame, Athenians, that those
who Avere once the lords of all Greece should understand
what is right and just less than the people of Megara.
Of Agis tJie Son of Arcln'damus.
Agis the son of Archidamus, when the Ephors gave
orders, Go take the youth, and follow this man into his
own country, and he shall guide thee to the very citadel,
said : How can it be prudent to trust so many youths to the
fidelity of him who betrays his own country 1 Being asked
what art was chiefly learned in Sparta, To know, he re-
plied, how to govern and to be governed. He used to say.
The Spartans do not enquire how many the enemy are, but
where they are. At Mantinea, being advised not to fight
the enemy, who exceeded him in number, he said, It is
necessary for him to fight a great many that would rule a
great many. To one enquiring how many the Spartans
Λvere, Enough, he replied, to keep rascals at a distance.
Marching by the walls of Corinth, and perceiving them to
be high and strong and stretching out to a great length, he
said, What women live there? To an orator that said
speech was the best thing, he rejoined. You then, when
you are silent, are Avorth nothing. AVhen the Argi\'es,
after they had been once beaten, faced him more boldly
than before ; on seeing many of the allies disheartened, he
said, Courage, sirs ! for when we conquerors shake, what
do you think is the condition of the conquered ? To an
ambassador from the Abderites, after he had ended his
long speech, enquiring what answer he should carry to his
LACONIC APOPHTHEGMS. 399
city, lie replied, This : As long as you talked, so long I qui-
etly heard. Some commending the Eleans for exact justice
in determining the prizes at the Olympian games, he said.
What great wonder is it, that in four years they can be just
one day ] To some that told him he was envied by the
heirs of the other royal family, Well, said he, their own
misfortunes will torment them, and my own and my friends'
success besides. AVhen one advised him to give the flying
enemy room to run, he said, How shall we fight those that
stand to it and resist, if Ave dare not engage those whom
their cowardice makes fly? AVhen one proposed a way to
free Greece, well contrived indeed but hard to be brought
about, he said. Friend, thy words Avant an army and a treas-
ure. To one saying, Philip won't let you set foot upon any
other part of Greece, he returned, Sir, we have room
enough in our own country. An ambassador from Perin-
thus to Lacedaemon, after a long tedious speech, asking
what answer he should carry back to the Perinthians, he
said, What but this ] — that thou couldst hardly find an end
to thy talk, and I kept silent. He went by himself ambas-
sador to Philip ; and Philip saying, What ! but one ? he
replied, I am an ambassador but to one. An old man, ob-
serving that the ancient laws were neglected and that new
evil customs crept in, said to him, when he was now grown
old himself, All things here at Sparta are turned topsy-
turvy. He replied with a joke : If it is so, it is agreeable
to reason ; for when I was a boy, I heard my father say
that all things were then topsy-turvy ; and he heard his
father say the same ; and it is no wonder if succeeding
times are worse than the [)receding ; but it is a wonder if
they happen to be better, or but just as good. Being
asked how a man could be always free, he replied, If he
contemns death.
400 LACONIC ArOPIITIIEGMS.
Of Agi& the Younger.
Agis the Younger, when Demades said, The Spartans'
swords are so short that our jugglers can easily swallow
them, replied, Yet the Spartans can reach their enemies
Avith these swords. A base fellow often asking who Λvas
the bravest of the Spartans, he said, He that is most un-
like thee.
Of Agis the Last.
Agis, the last king of Lacedaemon, being taken and
condemned by the Ephors without hearing, as he was led
to the gallows, saw one of the officers weeping. Do not
weep for me, he said, who, being so unjustly, so barbarously
condemned, am in a better condition than my murderers.
And having spoken thus, he quietly submitted himself to
the halter.
Of Acrotatus.
Acrotatus, when his parents commanded him to join in
some unjust action, refused for some time ; but when they
grew importunate, he said : When I was under your power
I had no notion of justice, but now you have dehvered me
to my country and her laws, and to the best of your power
have taught me loyalty and justice, I shall endeavor to fol-
low these rather than you. And since you would have me
to do that which is best, and since just actions are best for
a private man and much more for a governor, I shall do
Avhat you would have me, and refuse what you command.
Of Alcamenes the Son of Teleclus.
Alcamenes the son of Teleclus, being asked how a ruler
might best secure his government, replied. By slighting
gain. And to another enquiring why he refused the pres-
ents the Messenians made him he said. Because, if I had
taken them, I and the laws could never have agreed.
LACONIC APOPHTHEGMS. 401
^Vhen one said that though he had wealth enough he lived
but meanly, he replied, AYell, it is a glory for one that hath
abundance to live as reason not as appetite directs.
Of Alexandridas.
Alexandridas, the son of Leo, said to one that was much
concerned at his banishment from the city, Good sir, be
not concerned that you must leave the city, but that you
have left justice. To one that talked to the Ephors very
pertinently but a great deal too much he said, Sir, your
discourse is very good, but ill-timed. And when one asked
him why they let their Helot slaves cultivate the fields, and
did not take care of them themselves, he replied, Because
we acquired our land not caring for it but for ourselves.
Another saying, Desire of reputation causes abundance of
mischief, and those are happy that are free from it ; Then,
he subjoined, it follows that villains are happy ; for do you
think that he that commits sacrilege or doth an injury takes
any care for credit and reputation ? Another asking why
in a battle the Spartans venture so boldly into danger. Be-
cause, said he, we train ourselves to have a reverential
regard for our lives, not, as others do, to tremble for them.
Another demanding why the judges took so many days to
pass sentence in a capital cause, and why he that was
acquitted still remained liable to be brought to trial, he
replied : They consult so long, because if they make a mis-
take in judgment and condemn a man to death, they cannot
correct their judgment ; and the accused still remains liable,
because this provision might enable them to give even a
better judgment than before.
Of Anaxnnder the Son of Eurycrates.
Anaxander, the son of Eurycrates, to one asking him
why the Spartans laid up no money in the exchequer, re-
plied, that the keepers of it might not be tempted to be
knaves.
VOL. r. 26
402 LACONIC APOPHTHEGMS.
Of Anaxilas.
Anaxilas, when one wondered for what reason the Ephors
did not rise up lo the king, since the kings made them,
said, It is for the same reason for which they are appointed
Ephors (or overseers).
Of AndrocUdas.
Androclidas a Spartan, being maimed in his leg, enhsted
in the army ; and when some refused him because he Λvas
maimed, he said. It must not be those that can run away,
but those that can stand to it, that must fight the enemy.
Of Aiitalcidas.
Antalcidas, Λvhen he was to be initiated in the Samothra-
cian mysteries, and was asked by the priest what great sin
he had committed in all his life, replied. If I have committed
any, the Gods know it already. To an Athenian that called
the Lacedaemonians illiterate he said. True ; for we alone
have learned no ill from you. Another Athenian saying,
AVe have often beat you back from the Cephissus, he sub-
joined. But we never repulsed you from the Eurotas. To
another demanding how one might please most men, he
replied, By speaking what delights, and doing what profits
them. A Sophist being about to read him an encomium
of Hercules, he said, Why, who has blamed him? To
Agesilaus, when he was wounded in a battle by the The-
bans, he said. Sir, you have a fine reward for forcing them
to learn the art of war ; for, by the many skirmishes Ages-
ilaus had with them, they learned discipline and became
good soldiers. He said. The youth are the walls of Sparta,
and the points of their spears its bounds. To one enquir-
ing why the Lacedaemonians fought with such short swords
he replied, AVe come up close to our enemies.
LACONIC APOPHTHEGMS. 403
Of Antiochus.
Antiochus, one of the Ephors, when he heard Philip had
bestowed some hinds on the Messenians, said, Well, but
hath Philip also given them forces, that they may be able
to defend his gift?
Of Aregeus.
Aregeus, ΛΛ^Ιιεη some praised not their own but other
men's Avives, said : Faith, about virtuous women there
should be no common talk ; and Avhat beauty they have
none but their own husbands should understand. As he
was walking through Selinus, a city of Sicily, he saw this
epitaph upon a tomb, —
Those tliat extinguished the tyrannic flanae,
Surprised by war and hasty fate,
Though they are still alive in lasting fame.
Lie buried near Selinus' gate ; —
and said: You died deservedly for quenching it wnen
already in a flame ; for you should have hindered it from
coming to a blaze.
Of Ariston.
Ariston, when one commended the saying of Cleomenes,
— who, being asked what a good king should do, replied.
Good turns to his friends, and evil to his enemies, — said:
ΗοΛν much better is it, sir, to do good to our friends, and
make our enemies our friends ! Though upon all hands it
is agreed Socrates spoke this first, yet he hath the credit of
it too. To one asking how many the Spartans Avere in
number he replied. Enough to chase our enemies. An
Athenian making a funeral oration in praise of those that
fell by the hand of the Lacedaemonians, he said. What
brave fellows then were ours, that conquered these !
Of Archidamidas.
Archidamidas said to one commending Charilas for
being kind to all alike, How can he deserve commenda-
404 LACONIC APOPHTHEGMS
tion, that is gentle to the wicked and unjust? When one
was angry with Hecataeus the Sophist because when ad
mitted to the public entertainment he said nothing, he said,
Sir, you seem not to understand that he that knows how to
speak knows also when to speak.
Of Arckidamus the Son of Zeiixidamns.
Archidamus the son of Zeuxidamus, when one asked
him who were governors at Sparta, replied, The laws, and
the magistrates according to those laws. To one that
praised a fiddler and admired his skill he said, How must
you prize brave men, when you can give a fiddler such a
commendation ! AVhen one recommending a musician to
him said. This man plays well upon the harp, he returned,
And we have this man who makes broth well ; — as if it
were no more to raise pleasure and tickle with a sound
than with meats and broths. To one that promised to make
his Avine sweet he said. To Avhat purpose I for we shall
spend the more, and ruin our public mess. When he
besieged Corinth, seeing some hares started under the
very Avails, he said to his soldiers, Our enemies may be
easily surprised. Two choosing him arbitrator, he brought
them both into the temple of Minerva of the Brazen House,
and made them swear to stand to his determination ; and
Avhen they had both sworn, he said, I determine that you
shall not go out of this temple, till you have ended all the
differences between you. Dionysius the Sicilian tyrant
sending his daughters some very rich apparel, he refused
it, saying, When this is on, I am afraid they will look ugly
and deformed. When he saw his son rashly engaging the
Athenians, he said, Pray get more strength or less spirit.
Of Archidamvs the Son of Agesilaus.
Archidamus the son of Agesilaus, when Philip after the
battle at Chaeronea sent him a haughty letter, returned
LACONIC APOPHTHEGMS. 40ϋ
this answer. If you measure your shadow, you will find it
no greater tiian before the victory. And being asked how
much land the Spartans possessed, he said, As much as
their spears reach. Periander, a physician, being well
skilled in his profession and of good credit, but writing
very bad poems, he said to him, AVhy, Periander, instead
of a good physician are you eager to be called a bad poet I
In the Λvar with Philip, when some advised him to fight at
some distance from his own country, he replied. Let us not
mind that, but whether we shall fight bravely and beat our
enemies. To some who commended him for routing the
Arcadians he said, It had been better if we had been too
hard for them in policy rather than in strength. A¥hen he
invaded Arcadia, understanding that the Eleans were ready
to oppose him, he wrote thus : Archidamus to the Eleans ;
It is good to be quiet. The allies in the Peloponnesian
war consulting what treasure would be sufficient to carry
on the war, and desiring to set the tax, he said, AVar cannot
be put on a certain allowance. As soon as ever he saw a
dart shot out of an engine brought from Sicily, he cried
out. Good God ! true valor is gone for ever. When the
Greeks refused to obey him or to stand to those conditions
which he had made with Antigonus and Craterus the
Macedonians, but would be free, alleging that the
Spartans would prove more rigorous lords than the Ma-
cedonians, he said : A sheep always uses the same Λ^oice,
but a man various and many, till he hath perfected his
designs.
Of Astycratidas.
Astycratidas, after Agis the king Λvas beaten by Anti-
gonus at Megalopolis, Avas asked. What will you Spartans
do ? Avill you serve the Macedonians "? He replied. Why
so, can Antipater hinder us from dying in the defence
of Sparta?
406 LACONIC APOPHTHEGMS.
Of Bias.
Bias being surprised by an ambush that Iphicrates the
Athenian general had laid, and his soldiers demanding
what must be done, he replied," You must pro\'ide for your
own safety, and I must fight manfully and die.
Of Br as Idas.
Brasidas catching a mouse amongst some dry figs, the
mouse bit him ; upon which he let her go, and said to his
com|)anions, There is nothing so little but it may preserve
itself, if it dares resist the invaders. In a battle, being
shot through the shield into the bodv, he drew the dart
out and with it killed the enemy. And one asking how
his wound came, he replied. By the treachery of my shield.
As he was leading forth his army, he wrote to the Ephors,
I will accomplish what I wish in this war, or I will die for
it. Being killed as he fought to free the Greeks in Thrace,
the ambassadors that were sent to Sparta to condole his
loss made a visit to his mother Argileonis. And the first
question she asked Avas, whether Brasidas died bravely.
And the Thracians extolUng him and saying there was no
such man in the world ; You mistake, sir, said she, it is
true, Brasidas was a good man, but Sparta can show many
Avho are better.
Of Damonidas.
Damonidas, when the master of the festival set him in
the lowest place in the choral dance, said, AVell, sir, you
have found a way to make this place, which was infamous
before, noble and honorable.
Of Damis.
Damis to some letters that were sent to him by Alexan-
der, intimating that he should vote Alexander a God,
LACONIC APOPHTHEGMS. 407
returned this answer : We are content that Alexander (if
he will) be called a God.
Of Damindas.
Damindas, Avhen Philip invaded Peloponnesus, and one
said that the Spartans would suffer great mischiefs unless
they accepted his proposals, said, Thou woman-man, what
misery can we suffer that despise death ?
Of DercylUdas.
Dercyllidas, being sent ambassador to Pyrrhus, — who
was then Avith his army on the borders of Sparta, and re-
quired them either to receive their king Cleonymus, or
he would make them know they were no better than
other men, — replied. If he is a God, we do not fear him,
for we have committed no fault ; if a man, we are as good
as he.
Of Demaratus.
Demaratus, — when Orontes talked very roughly to him,
and one said, Demaratus, Orontes uses you very roughly, —
replied, I have no reason to be angry, for those that speak
to please do the mischief, not those that talk out of malice.
To one enquiring why they disgrace those that lose their
shields in a battle and not those that lose their head-pieces
or breastplates, he answered, Because these serve for their
private safety only, but their shield for the common de-
fence and strength of the Λνΐιοΐβ army. Hearing one play
upon the harp, he said. The man seems to play the fool
^velL In a certain assembly, when he was asked whether
he held his tongue because he was a fool or for want of
words, he replied, A fool cannot hold his tongue. When
one asked him why being king he fled Sparta, he answered.
Because the laws rule there. A Persian having by many
presents enticed the boy that he loved from him, and say-
4U5S LACONIC APOPHTHEGMS.
ing, Spartan, I have caught your love ; No, faith, he an-
swered, but you have bought him. One having revolted
from the king of Persia, and by Demaratus's persuasion
returning again to his obedience, and the king design-
ing his death, Demaratus said : It is dishonorable, Ο king,
whilst he was an enemy not to be able to punish him for
his revolt, and to kill him now he is a friend. To a para-
site of the king that often jeered him about his exile he
said : Sir, I will not fight you, for you have lost your
post in life.*
Of Emprepes.
Emprepes, one of the Ephors. cut out two of the nine
strings of Phrynis the musician's harp with a hatchet, say-
ing, Do not abuse music.
Of Epaenetus.
Epaenetus said that liars were the cause of all villanies
and injustice in the Avorld.
Of Euboidas.
Euboidas, hearing some commend another man's wife,
disliked it and said, Strangers who are not of the house
should never speak of the manner of any woman.
Of Eudamidas the Son of ArcJiidamus.
Eudamidas, the son of Archidamus and brother of Agis,
seeing Xenocrates, now groΛvn old, philosophizing in the
Academy with some of his acquaintance, asked what old
man that was. And it being answered, He is a wise man,
and one of those that seek after virtue ; he replied, When
will he use it, if he is seeking of it now ? Another time,
when he heard a philosopher discoursing that none but a
* Following Wyttenbach's emendation for " I have lost my post." (G.)
LACONIC APOrHTIIEGMS. 409
learned man could be a good general, he said, Indeed the
discourse is admirable, but he that makes it is of no credit
in this matter, for he hath never heard a trumpet sound.
Just as Xenocrates had iinislied his discourse, Eudamidas
came into his school, and when one of his companions said.
As soon as we came he ended ; So he ought, he replied, if
he had spoken all that was needful on the subject. And
the other saying, Yet it were a pleasant thing to hear him,
he replied. If we visited one that had supped already,
should we desire him to sit down again '? AVhen one asked
him why, when all the citizens voted a war Λvith the
Macedonians, he appeared for peace, he answered. Because
I have no mind to convince them of their mistake. And
when another encouraged them to this war, mentioning
their various victories over the Persians, he said. Sir, you
appear not to see that this would be as absurd as to set
upon fifty wolves because you have beaten a thousand
sheep. A musician playing very Avell, some asked him
what manner of man he was in his opinion, and he an-
swered, A great seducer in a small matter. Hearing one
commending Athens, he said. Who could have reason to
praise that city Avhich no man ever loved because he had
been made better in it ? An Argive saying that the Spar-
tans being taken from their own customs grew worse by
travel, he replied. But you, when you come into Sparta, do
not return worse, but much better. When Alexander
ordered by public proclamation in the Olympic games,
that all exiles whatever, except the Thebans, had free
liberty to return to their own country, Eudamidas said :
This is a woful proclamation to you Thebans, but yet hon-
orable ; for of all the Grecians Alexander fears only you.
Being asked why before a battle they sacrificed to the
Muses, he replied. That our brave actions may be worthily
recorded.
410 LACONIC APOPHTHEGMS.
Of Eurycratidas the Son of Anaxandridas.
Eurycratidas the son of Anaxandridas, when one asked
him why the Ephor sat every day to determine canses
abont contracts, rephed. That Λνβ may learn to keep our
word even with our enemies.
Of Zeuxidamus.
Zeuxidamus, when one asked him Avhy they did not set
down all their laws concerning bravery and courage in
writing and let the young men read them, answered. Be-
cause they should be accustomed to mind valiant actions,
rather than books and writings. An Aetolian saying that
war was better than peace for those that would be brave
men. No, faith, said he, but death is better than life.
Of Herondas.
Herondas, when one at Athens was condemned for idle-
ness, being informed of it desired one to show him the
man that had been convicted of so gentlemanly an oifence.
Of Thearidas.
Thearidas Λvhetting his sword, being asked. Is it sharp,
Thearidas "J replied, Yes, sharper than a slander.
Of Themisteas.
Themisteas the prophet foretold to King Leonidas his
own and his soldiers' destruction at Thermopylae, and be-
ing commanded by Leonidas to return to Sparta, under
pretence of informing the state how affairs stood, but really
that he might not perish with the rest, he refused, saying,
I was sent as a soldier, not as a courier to carry news.
Of Theopompiis.
Theopompus, when one asked him how a monarch may be
safe, replied, If he will give his friends just freedom to speak
LACONIC APOPHTHEGMS. 411
the truth, and to the best of his power not allow his sub-
jects to be oppressed. To a guest of his that said, In my
own country I am called a lover of the Spartans, he replied.
It would be more honorable for you to be called a lover of
your citizens than a lover of the Spartans. An ambassa-
dor from EUs saying that his city sent him because he was
the only man amongst them that admired and followed the
Spartan way of living, Theopompus asked. And pray, sir,
which Avay is best, yours or the other citizens ? And the
ambassador replying. Mine ; he subjoined. How then can
that city stand, in which amongst so many inhabitants
there is but one good man? When one said that Sparta
was preserved because the kings knew how to govern ; No,
he replied, but because the citizens know how to be gov-
erned. The Pylians voting him greater honors, he wrote to
them thus. Moderate honors time augments, but it defaces
the immoderate.
Of Thorycion.
Thorycion on his return from Delphi, seeing Philip's
army possessed of the narrow passage at the Isthmus, said,
Peloponnesus hath very bad porters in you Corinthians.
Of TJiectamenes.
Thectamenes, when the Ephors condemned him to die,
w^ent away smiling ; and one of the company asked him
whether he despised the judicial proceedings of Sparta.
No, said he, but I am glad that I am ordered to pay a fine
which I can pay out of my own stock, without being be-
holden to any man or taking up money upon interest.
Of Hippodamus.
Hippodamus, Avhen Agis was joined in command with
Archidamus, being sent with Agis to Sparta to look after
affairs there, said. But shall I not die a more glorious death
412 LACONIC APOPHTHEGMS.
fighting valiantly in defence of Sparta? He was above
fourscore years of age, yet he jDut on his armor, fought on
the right hand of the king, and died bravely.
Of Hippocratidas.
Hippocratidas, when the governor of Caria sent him
word that he had a Spartan in his hands who concealed a
conspiracy that he was privy to, and asked how he should
deal with him, returned this answer : If you have done
him any great kindness, kill him ; if not, banish him as a
base fellow, too mean-sphited to be good. A youth Λvhom
his lover followed meeting him and blushing at the en-
counter, he said : You should keep such company that,
whoever sees you, you will ha\e no reason to change color.
Of Callicratidas.
Callicratidas the admiral, Λvhen some of Lysander's
friends desired him to permit them to kill one of the enemy,
and offered fifty talents for the favor, though he wanted
money extremely to buy provision for his soldiers, refused ;
and when Oleander urged him, and said. Sir, I would have
taken the money if I were you, he replied. So would I,
were I Oleander. When he came to Sardis to Cyrus the
Younger, who Avas then an ally of the Lacedaemonians,
about a sum of money to equip his navy, on the first day
he ordered his officers to tell Oyrus that he desired audi-
ence ; but being told that he was drinking, ΛVell, said he,
I shall stay till he hath done. But understanding that he
could not be admitted that day, he presently left the court,
and thereupon was thought a rude and uncivil fellow. On
the next day, when he received the same answer and could
not be admitted, he said, 1 must not be so eager for money
as to do any thing unbecoming Sparta. And presently he
retarned to Ephesus, cursing those who had first endured
the insolence of the barbarians, and had taught them to
LACONIC APOPHTHEGMS. 413
rely upon their Avealth and abuse others ; and he swore to
his companions that as soon as ever he came to Sparta, ho
would do all that lay in his power to reconcile the Greek
states, that they might be more dreadful to the barbarians,
and not forced to seek assistance from them to ruin one
another. Being asked what manner of men the lonians
were, he replied, Bad freemen, but good shwes. AVhen
Cyrus sent his soldiers their pay, and some particular pres-
ents to himself, he received the pay, but sent back the
presents, saying that there was no need of any private
friendship between them, for the common league with the
Lacedaemonians included him. Designing to engage near
Arginusae, when Hermon the pilot said, It is advisable to
tack about, for the Athenians exceed us in number ; he ex-
claimed : AVhat then ! it is base and dishonorable to Sparta
to fly, but to stand to it and die or conquer is brave and
noble. As he was sacrificing before the battle, when he
heard the priest presaging that the army Avould conquer
but the captain fall, undauntedly he said : Sparta doth not
depend on one man ; my country will receive no great loss
by my death, but a considerable one by my yielding to the
enemy. And ordering Oleander to succeed as admiral, he
readily engaged, and died in the battle.
Of Cleombrotus the Son of Pausanias.
Cleombrotus, the son of Pausanias, when a friend of his
contended with his father which was the best man, said,
Sir, my father must be better than you, till you get a son
as well as he.
Of Cleomenes the Son of Anaxandridas.
Cleomenes, the son of Anaxandridas, was Avont to say
that Homer was the poet of the Lacedaemonians, Hesiod
of the Helots ; for one taught the art of war, and the other
husbandry. Having made a truce for seven days with the
414 LACONIC APOPHTHEGMS.
Argives, he watched his opportunity the third night, and
perceiving them secure and neghgent by reason of the
truce, he fell upon them whilst they Avere asleep, killed
some, and took others prisoners. Upon this being up-
braided for breach of articles, he said that his oath did not
extend to night as well as day, and to hurt a man's enemies
any way, both before God and man, was much better than
to be just. It happened that he missed taking Argos, in
hopes of which he broke his oath ; for the women taking
the old arms out of the temples defended the city. And
afterwards running stark mad, he seized a knife, and ripped
himself up from the very ankles to the vital parts, and thus
died grinning and laughing. The priest advising him not
to march to Argos, — for he would be forced to a dishon-
orable retreat, — when he came near the city and saw the
gates shut and the women upon the walls, he said : AVhat,
sir priests, will this be a dishonorable retreat, when, the
men being all lost, the women have shut the gates ? When
some of the Argives railed at him as an impious and for-
sworn wretch, he said, Well, it is in your power to rail at
me, and in mine to mischief you. The Samian ambassa-
dors urging him to make war on the tyrant Polycrates, and
making long harangues on that account, he said : The be-
ginning of your speech I don't remember, and therefore I
cannot understand the middle, and the last I don't like, A
pirate spoiUng the country, and when he was taken saying,
I had no provision for my soldiers, and therefore Avent to
those who had store and would not give it willingly, to force
it from them ; Cleomenes said. True villainy goes the
shortest way to work. A base fellow railing at him, he
said, Well, I think thou railest at everybody, that being
employed to defend ourselves, we may have no time to
speak of thy baseness.
One of the citizens saying that a good king should be
always mild and gracious, True, said he, as long as he doth
LACONIC APOPHTHEGMS. 415
not make himself contemptible. Being tormented with a
long disease, he consulted the priests and expiators, to
Avhom he formerly gave no credit ; and Avhen a friend of
his wondered at the action, AVhy dost thou wonder, said he,
for I am not the same man I was then ; and since I am not
the same, I do not approve the same things. A Sophist
discoursing of courage, he laughed exceedingly ; and the
Sophist saying. Why do you laugh, Cleomenes, when you
hear one treat of courage, especially since you are a king?
Because, sir, said he, if a swallow should discourse of it, I
should laugh ; but if an eagle, I should hearken atten-
tively.
AVhen the Argives boasted that they would retrieve then'
defeat by a new battle, he said, I wonder if the addition of
two syllables * has made you braver than you were before.
AVhen one railed at him, and said, Thou art luxurious,
Cleomenes ; Well, he replied, that is better than to be
unjust ; but thou art covetous, although thou art master of
abundance of superfluities. A friend willing to recom-
mend a musician to him, besides other large commendations,
said he was the best musician in all Greece. Cleomenes,
pointing to one that stood by, said, Faith, sir, that fellow is
my best cook. Maeander the Samian tyrant, flying to Sparta
upon the invasion of the Persian, discovering what treasure
he had brought, and offering Cleomenes as much as he
would lia\'e, Cleomenes refused, and beside took care that
he should not give any of the citizens a farthing ; but going
to the Ephors, told them that it would be good for Sparta
to send that Samian guest of his out of Peloponnesus, lest
he should persuade any of the Lacedaemonians to be a
knave. And they taking his advice ordered Maeander to
be gone that very day. One asking why, since they had
beaten the Argives so often, they did not totally destroy
them, he replied. That we may have some to exercise our
* That is, changing μάχεσθαι (to fifjht) into ΰναμύχεσθαι [to retrieve a άφαί). (G.)
416 LACONIC APOPHTHEGMS.
youth. One demanding why the Spartans did not dedicate
the spoils of their enemies to the Gods, Because, said he,
they are taken from cowards ; and such things as are
betrayed to us by the cowardice of the possessors are fit
neither for our youth to see, nor to be dedicated to the
Gods.
Of Cleomenes the Son of Cleomhrotus.
Cleomenes, the son of Cleomhrotus, to one that presented
him some game-cocks, and said. Sir, these Avill die before
they run, returned : Pray let me have some of that breed
Λvhich will kill these, for certainly they are the better of
the two.
Of Lahotus.
Labotus said to one that made a long discourse : Why
such great preambles to so small a matter ? A speech
should be no bigger than the subject.
Of Leotycliidas.
Leotycliidas the First, when one said he was very incon-
stant, replied. My inconstancy proceeds from the variety of
times, and not as yours from innate baseness. And to an-
other asking him what was the best way to secure his pres-
ent happiness, he answered. Not to trust all to Fortune.
And to another enquiring what free-born boys should prin-
cipally learn, That, said he, which will profit them Avhen
they are grown men. And to another asking why the
Spartans drink little, he replied. That we may consult con-
cerning others, and not others concerning us.
Of LeotycMdas the Son of Arista.
Leotychidas the son of Aristo, Avhen one told him that
Demaratus's sons spake ill of him, replied, Faith, no •
wonder, for not one of them can speak well. A serpent
LACONIC APOPHTHEGMS. 417
twisting about the key of his inmost door, and the priests
dedaring it a prodigy ; I cannot think it so, said he, but it
had been one if the key had twisted round the serpent.
To PhiUp, a priest of Orpheus's mysteries, in extreme pov-
erty, saying that those whom he initiated were very happy
after death, he said, Why then, you sot, don't you die
quickly, and bewail your poverty and misery no more ?
Of Leo the Son of Eucratidas.
Leo the son of Eucratidas, being asked in what city a
man might live with the greatest safety, replied, In that
where the inhabitants have neither too much nor too little ;
where justice is strong and injustice weak. Seeing the
racers in the Olympian games very solicitous at starting to
get some advantage of one another, he said. How much
more careful are these racers to be counted swift than just !
To one discoursing of some profitable matters out of due
season he said, Sir, you do a very good thing at a very bad
time.
Of Leonidas the Son of Anaxandridas.
Leonidas, the son of Anaxandridas and brother to Cleo-
menes, when one said to him, Abating that you are king,
you are no better than we, replied, But unless I had been
better than vou, I had not been kins'. His wife Gorgo,
Avhen he went forth to Thermopylae to fight the Persian,
asked him what command he left Λvith her ; and he replied,
Marry brave men, and bear them brave children. The
Ephors saying, You lead but few to Thermopylae ; They
are many, said he, considering on what design we go. And
Avhen they again asked him Avhether he had any other en-
terprise in his thought, he replied, I pretend to go to hinder
the barbarians' passage, but really to die fighting for the
Greeks. When he was at Thermopylae, he said to his
soldiers : They report the enemy is at hand, and we lose
VOL. I. 27
418 LACONIC APOPHTHEGMS.
time ; for we must either beat the barbarian or die our-
selves. And to another saying, ΛVhat, the flights of the
Persian arrows will darken the very sun, he said. Therefore
it will be pleasant for us to fight in the shade. And an-
other saying, AVhat, Leonidas, do you come to fight so great
a number with so few 1 — he returned : If you esteem num-
ber, all Greece is not able to match a small part of that
army ; if courage, this number is sufficient. And to an-
other discoursing after the same manner he said, I have
enough, since they are to be killed. When Xerxes wrote
to him thus, Sir, you may forbear to fight against the Gods,
but may follow my interest and be lord of all Greece, he
answered : If you understood wherein consisted the happi-
ness of life, you would not covet other men's ; but know
that I Avould rather die for the liberty of Greece than be a
monarch over my countrymen. And Xerxes writing to him
again thus, Send me thy arms, he returned. Come and take
them. AVhen he resolved to fall upon the enemy, and his
captains of the war told him he must stay till the forces of
the allies had joined him, he said : Do you think all those
that intend to fight are not here already] Or do you not
understand that those only fight who fear and reverence
their kings ] And he ordered his soldiers so to dine, as if
they were to sup in another world. x\nd being asked why
the bravest men prefer an honorable death before an inglo-
rious life, he replied. Because they believe one is the gift
of Nature, Avhile the other is peculiarly their own. Being
desirous to save the striplings that were with him, and
knowing very Λνοΐΐ that if he dealt openly with them none
would accept his kindness, he gave each of them pri\'ately
letters to carry to the Ephors. He desired likewise to save
three of those that were grown men ; but they having some
notice of his design refused the letters. And one of them
said, I came, sir, to be a soldier, and not a courier ; and
the second, I shall be a better man if here than if away ;
LACONIC APOPHTHEGMS. 419
and the third, I will not be behind these, but the first in
the fight.
■ Of Lochagus.
Lochagns the fiither of Polyaenides and Siron, when
one told him one of his sons was dead, said, I knew lon^
ago that he must die.
ο
Of Lycurgus the Lawgiver.
Lycurgus the lawgiver, designing to reclaim his citizens
from their former luxury and bring them to a more sober
course of life and make them brave men (for they were
then loose and delicate), bred up two whelps of the same
litter ; one he kept at home, bred him tenderly, and fed
him well ; but the other he taught to hunt, and used him
to the chase. Both these dogs he brought out into the
public assembly, and setting down some scraps of meat and
letting go a hare at the same time, each of the dogs ran
greedily to what they had been accustomed. And the
hunter catching the hare, Lycurgus said : See, countrymen,
how these two, though of the same litter, by my breeding
them are become very diff'erent ; and that custom and exer-
cise conduces more than Nature to make things brave and
excellent. Some say that he did not bring out two wheljDS
of the same kind, but one a house dog and the other a
hunter ; the former of which (though the baser kind) he
had accustomed to the woods, and the other (though more
noble) kept lazily at home ; and when in public, each of
them pursuing his usual delight, he had given a clear evi-
dence that education is of considerable force in raising bad
or good inclinations, he said : Therefore, countrymen, our
honorable extraction, that idol of the crowd, though from
Hercules himself, profits us little, unless we learn and ex-
ercise all our life in such famous exploits as made him
accounted the most noble and the most glorious in the
world.
420 LACONIC APOPHTHEGMS.
When lie made a division of the land, giving each man
an equal portion, it is reported that some while after, in
his return from a journey, as he past through the country
in harvest time and saw the cocks of wheat all equal and
lying promiscuously, he was extremely pleased, and with a
smile said to his companions, All Sparta looks like the pos-
session of many loving brothers who have hitely divided
their estate. Having discharged every man from his debts,
he endeavored likewise to divide all movables equally
amongst all, that he might have no inequality in his com-
monwealth. But seeing that the rich men would hardly
endure this open and apparent spoil, he cried down all
gokl and silver coin, and ordered nothing but iron to be
current ; and rated every man's estate and defined how
much it was worth upon exchange for that money. By
this means all injustice was banished Sparta ; for none
Λvould steal, none take bribes, none cheat or rob any man
of that which he could not conceal, which none would
enΛ7, which could not be used without discovery, or carried
into other countries with advantage. Besides, this contriv-
ance freed them from all superfluous arts ; for no merchant,
Sophist, fortune-teller, or mountebank would live amongst
them ; no carver, no contriver ever troubled Sparta ; be-
cause he cried down all money that w^as advantageous to
them, and perrhitted none but this iron coin, each piece
of which was an Aegina pound in Aveight, and less than a
penny in value.* Designing farther to check all luxury
and greediness after wealth, he instituted public meals,
where all the citizens Λvere obliged to eat. And when
some of his friends demanded what he designed by this
institution and Avliy he divided the citizens, when in arms,
into small companies, he replied: That they may more
* According to Plutarch, the Spartan iron coin weighed an Aeginetan niina
(about Ih lbs. avoir.), and was of the value of four chalci (or 3i farthings, about U
cents). (G.j
LACONIC APOPHTHEGMS. 42 i
easily hear the word of command ; and if there are any
designs against the state, the conspiracy may join but
few ; and besides, that there may be an equahty in the
provision, and that neither in meat nor drink, seats, tables,
or any furniture, the rich may be better provided than the
poor. When he had by this contrivance made wealth less
desirable, it being unfit both for use and show, he said to
his familiars, What a brave thing is it, my friends, by our
actions to make Plutus appear (as he is indeed) blind !
He took care that none should sup at home and afterwards,
>vhen they were full of other victuals, come to the public
entertainments ; for all the rest reproached him that did
not feed with them as a glutton and of too delicate a pal-
ate for the public provision ; and when he was discovered,
he was severely punished. And therefore Agis the king,
when after a long absence he returned from the camp (the
Athenians were beaten in the expedition), Avilling to sup
at home with his wife once, sent a servant for his allow-
ance ; the officers refused, and the next day the Ephors
fined him for the fault.
The wealthy citizens being offended at these constitu-
tions made a mutiny against him, abused, threw stones,
and designed to kill him. Thus pursued, he ran through
the market-place towards the temple of Minerva of the
Brazen House, and reached it before any of the others ;
only Alcander pursuing close struck him as he turned
about, and beat out one eye. Afterward the commonwealth
delivered up this Alcander to his mercy ; but he neither
inflicted any punishment nor gave him an ill word, but
kindly entertained him at his own house, and brought him
to be his friend, an admirer of his course of life, and very
well affected to all his laws. Yet he built a monument of
this sad disaster in the temple of Minerva, naming it Op-
tiletis, — for the Dorians in that country call eyes opt'doi.
Being asked why he used no written laws, he replied, Be-
422 LACONIC APOPHTHEGMS.
cause those that are well instructed are able to suit matters
to the present occasion. And another time, when some
enquired why he had ordained that the timber which
roofed the houses should be Λvrought with the axe only,
and the doors with no other instrument but the saw, he
answered : That my citizens might be moderate in every
tiling which they bring into their houses, and possess noth-
ing which others so much prize and value. And hence
it is reported that King Leotychides the First, supping with
a friend and seeing the roof curiously arched and richly
wrought, asked him whether in that country the trees grew
square. And some demanding Avhy he forbade them to
war often with the same nation, he replied, Lest being
often forced to stand on their defence, they should get ex-
perience and be masters of our art. And therefore it was a
great fault in Agesilaus, that by his frequent incursions
into Boeotia he made the Thebans a match for the Lace-
daemonians. And another asking why he exercised the
virgins' bodies with racing, wrestling, throwing the bar, and
the like, he answered : That the first rooting of the children
being strong and firm, their growth might be proportion-
able ; and that the women might have strength to bear and
more easily undergo the pains of travail, or, if necessity
should require, be able to fight for themselves, their coun-
try, and their children. Some being displeased that the
virgins Avent about naked at certain solemnities, and de-
manding the reason of that custom, he replied : That using
the same exercises with men, they might equal them in
strength and health of body and in courage and bravery
of mind, and be above that mean opinion which the vulgar
had of them. And hence goes the story of Gorgo, wife
of Leonidas, that Λνΐιοη a stranger, a friend of hers, said,
You Spartan women alone rule men, she replied, Good
reason, for we alone bear men. By ordering that no bache-
lor should be admitted a spectator of these naked solemnities
LACONIC APOPHTHEGMS. 423
and fixing some other disgrace on them, he made them all ea-
ger to be married and get children ; besides, he deprived them
of that honor and observance which the young men Avere
bound to pay their elders. And upon that account none
can blame what was said to Dercyllidas, though a brave
captain ; for as he approached, one of the young men
refused to rise up and give him place, saying, You have
not begotten any to give place to me.
When one asked him why he allowed no dowry to be
given with a maid, he answered, that none might be slighted
for their poverty or courted for their wealth, but that every
one, considering the manners of the maid, might choose
for the sake of virtue. And for the same reason he for-
bade all painting of the face and curiousness in dress and
ornament. To one that asked him why he made a law
that before such an age neither sex should marry, he an-
swered, that the children might be lusty, being born of
persons of full age. And to one Avondering why he would
not suffer the husband to lie all night with his wife, but
commanded them to be most of the day and all the night
with tlieir fellows, and creep to their wives cautiously and
by stealth, he said : I do it that they may be strong in
body, having never been satiated and surfeited with pleas-
ure ; that they may be always fresh in love, and their chil-
dren more strong and lusty. He forbade all perfumes, as
nothing but good oil corrupted, and the dyer's art, as a
flatterer and enticer of the sensis ; and he ejected all skilled
in ornament and dressing, as those who by their lewd de-
vices corrupt the true arts of decency and living well. x\t
that time the women Avere so chaste and such strangers to
that lightness to Avhich they were afterwards addicted, that
adultery was incredible ; and there goes a saying of Ge-
radatas, one of the ancient Spartans, who being asked by
a stranger what punishment the Spartans appointed for
adulterers (for Lycurgus mentioned none), he said. Sir, we
424 LACONIC APOPHTHEGMS.
have no adulterers amongst us. And he replymg, But sup-
pose there should be ? Geradatas made the same reply ;
For how (said he) could there be an adulterer in Sparta,
where wealth, delicacy, and all ornaments are disesteemed,
and modesty, neatness, and obedience to the governors only
are in request] A\^hen one desired him to establish a de-
mocracy in Sparta, he said. Pray, sir, do you first set up that
form in your own family. And to another demanding why
he ordered sucli mean sacrifices he answered, That Λνο may
always be able to honor the Gods. He permitted the citi-
zens those exercises only in which the hand is not stretched
out ; and one demanding his reason, he replied, That none
in any labor may be accustomed to be weary. And an-
other enquiring why he ordered that in a Avar the camp
should be often changed, he answered, That we may damage
our enemies the more. Another demanding why he for-
bade to storm a castle, he said. Lest my brave men should
be killed by a woman, a boy, or some man of as mean
courage.
When the Thebans asked his advice about the sacrifices
and lamentation which they instituted in honor of Leuco-
thea. he gave them this : If you think her a Goddess, do
not lament ; if a woman, do not sacrifice to her as a God-
dess. To some of the citizens enquiring, How shall we
avoid the invasions of enemies, he replied, If you are
poor, and one covets no more than another. And to others
demanding why he did not wall his city he said. That city
is not unwalled Avhich is encompassed with men and not
brick. The Spartans are curious in their hair, and tell us
that Lycurgus said, It makes the handsome more amiable,
and the ugly more terrible. He ordered that in a war they
should pursue the routed enemy so far as to secure the
victory, and then retreat, saying, it was unbecoming the
Grecian bravery to butcher those that fled ; and beside,
it was useful, for their enemies, knowing that they spared
LACONIC APOPHTHEGMS. 425
all that yielded and cut in pieces the opposers, would
easily conclude that it was safer to fly than to stand stoutly
to it and resist. AVhen one asked him why he charged his
soldiers not to meddle with the spoil of their slain enemies,
he replied, Lest while they are eager on their prey they
neglect their fighting, but also that they may keep their
order and their poverty together.
Of Lysander.
Lysander, Avhen Dionysius sent him two gowns, and bade
him choose which he would to carry to his daughter, said,
She can choose best ; and so took both away with him.
This Lysander being a very crafty fellow, frequently using
subtle tricks and notable deceits, placing all justice and
honesty in profit and advantage, would confess that truth
indeed was better than a lie, but the worth and dignity of
either was to be defined by their usefulness to our affairs.
And to some that were bitter upon him for these deceitful
practices, as unworthy of Hercules's family, and owing his
success to little mean tricks and not plain force and open
dealing, he answered with a smile, AVlien the lion's skin
cannot prevail, a little of the fox's must be used. x\nd to
others that upbraided him for breaking his oaths made at
Miletus he said. Boys must be cheated with cockal-bones,
and men with oaths. Having surprised the Athenians by
an ambush near the Goat Rivers and routed them, and after-
Avards by famine forced the city to surrender, he wrote to
the Ephors, Athens is taken. When the Argives Avere iu
a debate with the Lacedaemonians about their confines and
seemed to have the better reasons on their side, drawing his
sword, he said. He that hath this is the best pleader about
confines. Leading his army through Boeotia, and finding
til at state wavering and not fixed on either party, he sent to
know whether he should march through their country with
his spears up or down. At an assembly of the states oi
426 LACONIC APOPHTHEGMS. :
Greece, when a Megarian talked saucily to him, he said, Sir,
your words Avant a city. The Corinthians revolting, and lie
approaching to the walls that he saAV the Spartans not eager
to storm, while at the same time hares were skipping over
the trenches of the town ; Are not you ashamed (said he)
to be afraid of those enemies whose slothfulness suffers
even hares to sleep upon their walls? At Samothrace, as
he was consulting the oracle, the priests ordered him to
confess the greatest crime he had been guilty of in his
whole life. AVhat, said he, is this your own, or the God's
command ? And the priests replying, The God's ; said he,
Do you withdraw, and I will tell them, if they make any
such demand. A Persian asking him what polity he liked,
That, he replied, which assigns stout men and cowards suit-
able rewards. To one that said, Sir, I always commend
you and speak in your behalf, — Well, said he, I have two
oxen in the field, and though neither says one word, I know
very Avell which is the laborious and which the lazy. To
one that railed at him he said, Speak, sir, let us have it all
fast, if thou canst empty thy soul of those wicked thoughts
which thou seemest full of. Some time after his death,
there happening a difference between the Spartans and
their allies, Agesilaus went to Lysander's house to inspect
some papers that lay in his custody relating to that matter ;
and there found an oration composed for Lysander con-
cerning the government, setting forth that it was expedient
to set aside the families of the Europrotidae and Agidae, to
admit all to an equal claim, and choose their king out of
the Λvorthiest men, that the crown might be the reward not
of those that shared in the blood of Hercules, but of those
who were like him for virtue and courage, that virtue that
exalted him into a God. This oration Agesilaus was re-
solved to publish, to show the Spartans how much they
were mistaken in Lysander and to discredit his friends ;
hut they say, Cratidas the president of the Ephors fearing
LACONIC APOPHTHEGMS 427
this oration, if published, would prevail upon the people,
advised Agesilaus to be quiet, telling him that he should
not dig up Lysander, but rather bury that oration with him,
being so cunningly contrived, so powerful to persuade.
Those that courted his daughters, and when at his death
he appeared to be poor forsook them, the Ephors fined,
because whilst they thought him rich they caressed him,
but scorned him when by his poverty they knew him to be
just and honest.
Of Namertes.
Namertes being on an embassy, when one of that country
told him he was a happy man in having so many friends,
asked him if he knew any certain Avay to try whether a
man had many friends or not ; and the other being earnest
to be told, Namertes replied. Adversity.
Of Nicander.
Nicander, when one told him that the Argives spake
very ill of him, said, Well, they suffer for speaking ill of
good men. And to one that enquired why they wore long
hair and long beards, he answered, Because man's natural
ornaments are the handsomest and the cheapest. An Athe-
nian saying, Nicander, you Spartans are extremely idle ;
You say true, he answered, but we do not busy ourselves
like you in every trifle.
Of Panthoidas.
When Panthoidas was ambassador in Asia and some
showed him a strong fortification. Faith, said he, it is a
fine cloister for women. In the Academy, when the phil-
osophers had made a great many and excellent discourses,
and asked Panthoidas how he liked them ; Indeed, said he,
I think them very good, but of no profit at all, since you
yourselves do not use them.
428 LACONIC APOPHTHEGMS.
Of Pausanias the Son of Cleombrotus.
Pausanias the son of Cleombrotus, Avhen the Delians
pleaded theh* title to the island against the Athenians, and
iirsed that accordins; to their law no women were ever
brought to bed or any carcass buried in the isle, said.
How then can that be your country, in which not one of
you was born or shall ever lie 1 The exiles urging him to
march against the Athenians, and saying that, when he
was proclaimed victor in the Olympic games, these alone
hissed ; How, says he, since they hissed whilst we did them
good, what do you think they will do when abused] When
one asked him why they made Tyrtaeus the poet a citizen,
he ansΛvered, That no foreigner should be our captain. A
man of a weak and puny body advising to fight the enemy
both by sea and land ; Pray, sir, says he, will you strip and
show what a man you are who advise to engage I When
some amongst the spoils of the barbarians admired the
richness of their clothes ; It had been better, he said, that
they had been men of Avortli themselves than that they
should possess things of worth. After the victory over
the Medes at Plataea, he commanded his officers to set
before him the Persian banquet that was already dressed ;
w^hich appearing very sumptuous, By heaven, quoth he,
the Persian is an abominable glutton, who, when he hath
such delicacies at home, comes to eat our barley-cakes.
Of Pausanias the Son of Plistoanax.
Pausanias the son of Plistoanax replied to one that
asked him why it was not lawful for the Spartans to abro-
gate any of their old laws. Because men ought to be sub-
ject to laws, and not the laws to men. When banished
and at Tegea, he commended the Lacedaemonians. One
said to him, Why then did you not stay at Sparta? And
he returned, Physicians are conversant not amongst the
LACONIC APOPHTHEGMS. 429
healthy, but the diseased. To one askhig him how they
should conquer the Thracians, he replied, If we make the
best man our captain. A physician, after he had felt his
pulse and considered his constitution, saying, He ails noth-
ing ; It is because, sir, he replied, I use none of your
physic. AVhen one of his friends blamed him for giving
a physician an ill character, since he had no experience of
his skill nor received any injury from him ; No, faith, said
he, for had I tried him, I had not lived to give this charac-
ter. And when the physician said. Sir, you are an old man ;
That happens, he replied, because you were never my doc-
tor. And he was used to say, that he was the best physi-
cian, who did not let his patients rot above ground, but
quickly buried them.
Of Paedaretus.
Paedaretus, when one told him the enemies Avere numei-
ous, said. Therefore we shall get the greater reputation, for
we shall kill the more. Seeing a man soft by nature and
a coward commended by the citizens for his lenity and good
disposition, he said, We shoidd not praise men that are like
women, nor women that are like men, unless some extrem-
ity forceth a woman to stand upon her guard. When he
was not chosen into the three hundred (the chief order in
the city), he went aAvay laughing and very jocund ; and the
Epliors calling him back and asking why he laughed. Why,
said he, I congratulate the happiness of the city, that en-
joys three hundred citizens better than myself.
Of Plisiarchns.
Plistarchus the son of Leonidas, to one asking him why
they did not take their names from the first kings, replied,
Because the former were rather captains than kings, but
the later otherwise. A certain advocate using a thousand
little jests in his pleading ; Sir, said he, you do not con-
430 LACONIC• APOPHTHEGMS.
sider that, as those that often wrestle are wrestlers at last,
so you by often exciting laughter will become ridiculous
yourself. AVhen one told him that an notorious railer
spoke well of him ; I'll lay my life, said he, somebody hatli
told him I am dead, for he can speak well of no man
living.
Of Plistoanax.
Plistoanax the son of Pausanias, when an Athenian
orator called the Lacedaemonians unlearned fellows, said,
'Tis true, for we alone of all the Greeks have not learned
any ill from you.
Of PoJydorus.
Polydorus the son of Alcamenes, when one often threat-
ened his enemies, said to him, Do not you perceive, sir,
that you waste a great part of your revenge 1 As he
marched his army against Messene, a friend asked him if
he would fight against his brothers ] No, said he, but I
put in for an estate to which none, as yet, hath any good
title. The Argives after the fight of the three hundred
being totally routed in a set battle, the allies urged him not
to let the opportunity slip, but storm and take the city of
the enemy; for it would be very easy, now all the men
were destroyed and none but women left. He replied : I
love to vanquish my enemies when I fight on equal terms ;
nor do I think it just in him who was commissioned to
contest about the confines of the two states, to desire to be
master of the city ; for I came only to recover our own
territories and not to seize theirs. Being asked once
why the Spartans ventured so bravely in battle ; Because,
said he, we have learned to reverence and not fear our
leaders.
LACONIC APOPHTHEGMS. 431
Of PoJycratidas.
Polycratidas being joined Ayith others in an embassy to
the Heutenants of the king, being asked whether they came
as private or pubhc persons, returned, If we obtain our
demands, as pubhc ; if not, as private.
Of Phoehidas.
Phoebidas, just before the battle at Leuctra, when some
said, This day will show who is a brave man, replied, 'Tis
a fine day indeed that can show a brave man alive.
Of Soos.
It is reported of Soos that, when his army was shut up
by the Clitorians in a disadvantageous strait and wanted
water, he agreed to restore all the places he had taken,
if all his men should drink of the neighboring fountain.
Now the enemy had secured the spring and guarded it.
These articles being sworn to, he convened his soldiers,
and promised to give him the kingdom who would forbear
drinking ; but none accepting it, he went to the water,
sprinkled himself, and so departed, whilst the enemies
looked on ; and he therefore refused to restore the places,
because he himself had not drunk.
Of Telecrus.
Telecrus, to one reporting that his father spake ill of
him, replied. He would not speak so unless he had reason
for it. When his brother said, The citizens have not that
kindness for me they have for you, but use me more coarse-
ly, though born of the same parents, he replied. You do
not know how to bear an injury, and I do. Being asked
what was the reason of that custom among the Spartans
for the younger to rise up in reverence to the elder, Be-
cause, said he, by this behavior towards those to whom
4-52 LACONIC APOPHTHEGMS.
they have no relation, they may learn to reverence their
parents more. To one enquiring what wealth he had, he
returned, No more than enough.
Of Charillus,
Charillus being asked why Lycurgus made so few laws ;
Because, he replied, those Λvhose words are few need but
few laws. Another enquiring why their virgins appear in
public unveiled, and their wives veiled ; Because, said he,
virgins ought to find husbands, married women keep those
they have. To a slave saucily opposing him he said, I
would kill thee if I were not angry. And being asked
what polity he thought best ; That, said he, in Avhich most
of the citizens without any disturbance contend about vir-
tue. And to a friend enquiring Avhy amongst them all the
images of the Gods were armed he replied, That those
reproaches we cast upon men for their cowardice may not
reflect upon the Gods, and that our youth may not suppli-
cate the Deities unarmed.
THE REMARKABLE SPEECHES OF SOME OBSCURE
MEN AMONGST THE SPARTANS.
When the Samian ambassadors had made a long har-
angue, the Spartans answered, ΛΥο have forgot the first
part, and so cannot understand the last. To the Thebans
violently contesting with them about something they replied,
Your spirit should be less, or your forces greater. A Lace-
daemonian being asked why he kept his beard so long ;
That seeing my gray hairs, he replied, I may do nothing
LACONIC APOPHTHEGMS. 433
but what becomes them. One commending the best war-
riors, a Spartan that overheard said, At Troy. Another,
hearing that some forced their guests to drink after supper,
said, What ! not to eat too ? Pindar in his poems having
called Athens the prop of Greece, a Spartan said, Greece
would soon fall if it leaned on such a prop. AVhen one,
seeing the Athenians pictured killing the Spartans, said,
The Athenians are stout fellows ; Yes, subjoined a Spartan,
in a picture. To one that was very attentive to a scandal-
ous accusation a Spartan said, Pray, sir, be not prodigal of
your ears against me. And to one under correction that
cried out, I offend against my will, another said, Therefore
suffer against thy will. One seeing some journeying in a
chariot said, God forbid that I should sit where I cannot
rise up to reverence my elders. Some Chian travellers
vomiting after supper in the consistory, and dunging in the
very seats of the Ephors, first they made strict inquiry
whether the offenders were citizens or not ; but finding they
were Chians, they publicly proclaimed that they gave the
Chians leave to be filthy and uncivil.
When one saw a merchant sell hard almonds at double
the price that others Λvere usually sold at, he said, Are
stones scarce ] Another pulling a nightingale, and finding
but a very small body, said. Thou art voice and nothing
else. Another Spartan, seeing Diogenes the Cynic in very
cold Λveather embrace a brazen statue, asked whether he
was not very cold ; and he replying, No, he rejoined, What
great matter then is it that you do ] A Metapontine, being
jeered by a Spartan for cowardice, replied. Nay, sir, we are
masters of some of the territories of other states ; Then, said
the Spartan, you are not only cowards but unjust. A travel-
ler at Sparta, standing long upon one leg, said to a Lacedae-
monian, I do not believe you can do as much ; True, said
he, but every goose can. To one valuing himself upon
his skill in oratory a Spartan said, By heaven, there never
VOL. I. 28
434 LACONIC APOPHTHEGMS.
was and never can be any art without truth. An Argive
saying, AVe have the tombs of many Spartans amongst us ;
a Spartan replied, But we cannot show the grave of one
Argive ; meaning that they had often invaded Argos, but
the Argives never Sparta. A Spartan that Avas taken cap-
tive and to be sold, — Avhen the crier said. Here's a Spartan
to be sold, — stopped his mouth, saying. Cry a captive. One
of the soldiers of Lysimachus, being asked by him whether
he was a true Spartan or one of the Helot slaves, replied,
Do you imagine a Lacedaemonian would serve you for a
groat a day ? The Tliebans, having beaten the Lacedae-
monians at Leuctra, marched to the river Eurotas itself,
where one of them boasting said, Where are the Spartans
now? To whom a captive replied. They are not at hand,
sir, for if they had been, you had not come so far. The
Athenians, having surrendered their own city to the Spar-
tans, requested that they might be permitted to enjoy Samos
only ; upon which the Spartans said. When you are not at
your own disposal, would you be lords of others ? Ana
hence came that proverb. He that is not master of himself
begs Samos.
When the Lacedaemonians had taken a town by storm,
the Ephors said. The exercise of our youth is lost, for now
they will have none to contend with them. The Persian
offering to raze a city that had frequent quarrels and skir-
mishes with the Spartans, they desired him to forbear and
not take away the whetstone of their youth. They ap-
pointed no masters to instruct their boys in wrestling, that
they might contend not in sleights of art and little tricks,
but in strength and courage ; and therefore Lysander,
being asked by what means Charon was too hard for him,
replied. By sleights and cunning. When Philip, having
entered their territories, sent to know whether he should
come as an enemy or a friend, the Spartans returned,
Neither. Hearing that the ambassador they had sent to
LACONIC APOPHTHEGMS. 435
Antigonus the son of Demetrius had called him king, they
fined him, though he had obtained of him in a time of
scarcity a bushel of wheat for every person in the city. A
vicious person giving excellent good counsel, they received
it, but took it from him and attributed it to another, a man
regular and of a good life. AVlien some brothers differed,
they fined the father for neglecting his sons and suffering
them to be at strife. They fined likewise a musician that
came amongst them, for playing the harp with his fingers.
Two boys fighting, one wounded the other mortally with a
hook. x\nd when his acquaintance, just as he was dying,
vowed to revenge his death and have the blood of him that
killed him ; By no means, saith he, it is unjust, for I had
done the same thing if I had been stout and more speedy
in my stroke. Another boy, at the time when freemen's
sons are allowed to steal what they can and it is a disgrace
to be discovered, when some of his companions had stolen .
a young fox and delivered it to him, and the owners came
to search, hid it under his gown ; and though the angry
little beast bit through his side to his very guts, he en-
dured it quietly, that he might not be discovered. AA^hen
the searchers were gone and the boys saw what had hap-
pened, they chid him roundly, saying, It had been better to
produce the fox, than thus to conceal him by losing your
own life ; No, no ! he replied, it is much better to die in
torments, than to let niy softness betray me and suffer a
life that had been scandalous. Some meeting certain
Spartans upon the road said. Sirs, you have good luck, for
the robbers are just gone. Faith, they replied, they have
good luck that tliey did not meet with us. A Lacedae-
monian, being asked what he knew, answered. To be free.
A Spartan boy, being taken by x\ntigonus and sold, obeyed
his master readily in every thing that he thought not below
a freeman to do ; but when he was commanded to bring a
chamber-pot, unable to contain he said, I will not serve;
436 LACONIC APOPHTHEGMS.
but his master pressing him, he ran to the top of the
house, and saying, You shall find what you have bought,
threw himself down headlong and died. Another being to
be sold, when the chapman asked him, ΛΥΙΚ thou be tow-
ardly if 1 buy thee ? Yes, he returned, and if you do not
buy me. Another captive, when the crier said. Here's a
slave to be sold, cried out. You villain, why not a captive ?
A Spartan, Avho had a iiy engraven on his shield no bigger
than Nature hath made that creature, Avhen some jeered
him as if he did it on purpose that he might not be taken
notice of, replied : It is that I may be known ; for I ad-
vance so near my enemies that they can well perceive my
impress, as little as it is. Another, when at an entertain-
ment a harp was brought in, said, It is not the custom of
the Spartans to play the fool. A Spartan being asked
whether the way to Sparta was safe or not, replied : That
is according as you go down thither ; for lions that ap-
proach rue their coming, and hares Λνβ hunt in their very
coverts. A Spartan wrestling, when he could not make
his adversary that had got the upper hand of him loose his
hold, and was unable to avoid the fall, bit him by the arm ;
and the other saying. Spartan, thou bitest like a woman ;
No, said he, but like a lion. A lame man, marching out
to war and being laughed at, said, There is ]io need of
those that can run away, but of those that can stand to it
and defend their post. Another being shot through said
with his last breath : It doth not trouble me that I die, but
that I should be killed by a woman before I had performed
some notable exploit. One coming into an inn and giving
the host a piece of meat to make ready for him, — when
the host demanded some cheese and oil besides, — What !
says the Spartan, if I had cheese should I Avant meat?
When one called Lampis of Aegina happy, because he
seemed a rich man, having many ships of his own at sea,
a Spartan said, I do not like that happiness that hangs by
LACONIC APOPHTHEGMS. 437
a cord. One telling a Spartan that he lied, the Spartan
returned : True, for we are free ; but others, unless they
speak truth, will suffer for it. Wlien one had undertaken
to make a carcass stand upright, and tried every way to no
purpose ; Faith, said he, there wants something• within.
Tynnichus bore his son Thrasybulus's death very patiently,
and there is this epigram made upon him : —
Stout Tlirasybulus on his shield was brouglit
From bloody fields, where lie had bravely fought j
The Argives beat, and as he stoutly prest,
Seven spears, and Deatli attending, pierced his breast.
The father took the corpse, and as he bled,
He laid it on the funeral pile, and said :
Be cowards mourned, I'll spend no tear nor groan,
Whilst thus I burn a Spartan and my son.
The keeper of the bath allowing more water than ordinary
to Alcibiades the Athenian, a Spartan said, AVliat ! is he
more foul, that he wants more than others 1 Philip mak-
ing an inroad upon Sparta, and, all the Spartans expecting
to be cut oif, he said to one of them. Now what will you
Spartans do ^ And he replied : What, but to die bravely ^
for only we of all the Greeks have learned to be free and
not endure a yoke. When Agis was beaten and Antipater
demanded fifty boys for hostages, Eteocles, one of the then
Ephors, answered : Boys we will not give, lest swerving
from the customs of their country they prove slothful and
untoward, and so incapable of the privilege of citizens ;
but of women and old men you shall have twice as many.
And when upon refusal he threatened some sharp afflic-
tions, he returned : If you lay upon us somewhat worse
than death, we shall die the more readily. An old man
in the Olympic games being desirous to see the sport, and
unprovided of a seat, went about from place to place, was
IcUighed and jeered at, but none offered him the civility :
but when he came to the Spartans' quarter, all the boys
and some of the men rose from their seats, and made him
room. At this, all the Greeks clapped and praised their
438 . LACONIC APOPHTHEGMS.
behavior ; upon which the good old man shaking his hoary
hairs, with tears in his eyes, said : Good God ! how well
all the Greeks know what is good, and yet only the Lace-
daemonians practise it ! And some say the same thing was
done at Athens. For at the great solemnity of the Athe-
nians, the Panathenaic festival, the Attics abused an old
man, calling him as if they designed to make room for
him, and when he came putting him off again ; and when
after this manner he had passed through almost all, he
came to that quarter where the Spartan spectators sat, and
all of them presently rose up and gave him place ; the
Λνΐιοΐο multitude, extremely taken with this action, clapped
and shouted ; upon which one of the Spartans said : By
Heaven, these Athenians know what should be done, but
are not much for doing it. A beggar asking an alms of a
Lacedaemonian, he said : AVell, should I give thee any
thing, thou wilt be the greater beggar, for he that first gave
thee money made thee idle, and is the cause of this base
and dishonorable way of living. Another Spartan, seeing
a fellow gathering charity for the Gods' sake, said, I will
never regard those as Gods that are poorer than myself.
Another, having taken one in adultery with an ugly whore,
cried out. Poor man. how great was thy necessity ! Another,
hearing an orator very lofty and swelling in his speech,
said, Faith, this is a brave man, how excellently he rolls
his tongue about nothing ! A stranger being at Sparta, and
observing how much the young men reverenced the old,
said, At Sparta alone it is desirable to be old. A Lacedae-
monian, being asked what manner of poet Tyrtaeus was,
replied. Excellent to Avhet the courage of our youth.
Another that had very sore eyes listed himself a soldier ;
Avhen some said to him. Poor man, whither in that con-
dition, and what wilt thou do in a fight ] He returned, If
Τ can do nothing else, 1 shall blunt the enemies' sword.
Buris and Spertis, two Lacedaemonians, going voluntarily
LACONIC APOPHTHEGMS. 439
to Xerxes the Persian to suffer that punishment which the
oracle had adjudged due to Sparta for killing those amhas-
sadors the King had sent, as soon as they came desired
Xerxes to put them to death as he pleased, that they
might make satisfaction for the Spartans. But he, sur-
prised at this gallantry, forgave the men and desired their
service in his court ; to Λvhich they replied, How can we
stay here, and leave our country, our laws, and those men
for whom we came so far to die ? Indarnes the general
pressing them to make peace, and promising them equal
honors with the King's greatest favorites, they returned. Sir,
you seem to be ignorant of the value of liberty, which no
man in his wits would change for the Persian empire. A
Spartan in a journey, when a friend of his had purposely
avoided him the day before, and the next day, having ob-
tained very rich furniture, splendidly received him, trampled
on his tapestry saying. This Λvas the cause why I had not
so much as a mat to sleep upon last night. Another com-
ing to Athens, and seeing the x\thenians crying salt-fish and
dainties to sell up and down the streets, others gathering
taxes, keeping stews, and busied about a thousand such
dishonest trades, and looking on nothing as base and unbe-
coming ; after his return, when his acquaintance enquired
how things Avere at Athens, he replied, All well ; inti-
mating by this irony that all things there were esteemed
good and commendable, and nothing base. Another, being
questioned about something, denied it ; and the enquirer
rejoining, Thou liest, he replied: And art not thou a fool
to ask me what you know yourself very well ? Some
Lacedaemonians being sent ambassadors to the tyrant
Lygdamis, pretending sickness he deferred their audience
a long time. They said to one of his officers. Pray, sir,
assure him that we did not come to Avrcstle but to treat
with him. A priest initiating a Spartan in holy mysteries
asked him what was the greatest wickedness he was ever
440 LACONIC APOPHTHEGMS.
guilty of. And he replying, The Gods know very well,
and the priest pressing him the more and saying he must
needs discover, the Spartan asked, To Avhom ? to thee or
the God ] And the priest saying. To the God, he rejoined,
Tlien do you withdraw. Another at night passnig by a
tomb and imagining he saw a ghost, made towards it with
his spear, and striking it through cried out. Whither dost
thou fly, poor twice dead ghost] Another having vowed
to throw himself headlong from the Leucadian rock, when
he came to the top and saw the vast precipice, he Avent
doAvn again ; upon which being jeered by an acquaintance,
he said, I did not imagine that one vow needed another
that was greater. Another in a battle had his sword lifted
up to kill his enemy, but the retreat being sounded, he did
not let the blow fall ; and when one asked him why, when
his enemy was at his mercy, he did not use the advantage.
Because, said he, it is better to obey my leader than kill
my enemy. One saying to a Spartan that Avas worsted in
the Olympic games, Spartan, thy adversary was the better
man ; No, he replied, but the better tripper.
OF HEARING.
The Introduction.
1. I HAVE sent, Nicander, the reflections of some spare
hours concernmg Hearing, digested into the following short
essay, that being out of the hands of governors and come
to man's estate, you may know how to pay a proper atten-
tion to those who Avould advise you. For that libertinism
which some wild young fellows, for want of more happy
education, mistake for liberty, subjects them to harder
tyrants than their late tutors and masters, even to their
own vicious inclinations, which, as it Avere, break loose
upon them. And as Herodotus observes of women, that,
they put off modesty with their shift,* so some young men
lay aside with the badges of minority all the sense of
shame or fear, and divested of the garment of modesty
which sat so well upon them are covered with insolence.
But you, who have often heard that to follow God and to
obey reason are all one, cannot but believe that men of best
sense in passing from minority to manhood do not throw
off the government, but simply change their governor. In
the room of some mercenary pedant, they receive that
divine guide and governor of human life, reason, under
whose subjection alone men are properly said to live in
freedom. For they only live at their own Avill who have
learned to will as they ought ; and that freedom of will
which appears in unconstrained appetites and unreasonable
actions is mean and narrow, and accompanied with much
repentance.
* Herod. I. 8.
442 OF HEARING.
2. For as newly naturalized citizens who were entire
strangers and aliens are apt to disrelish many administra-
tions of the government ; while those who have previously
lived in the country, bred up under the constitution and
acquainted with it, act without difficulty in their several
stations, well satisfied with their condition ; in like man-
ner, a man should for a long time have been bred up
in philosophy, and accustomed from his earliest years to
receive his lessons and instruction mingled with philoso-
phic reason, that so he may come at last as a kind and
familiar friend to philosophy, which alone can array young
men in the perfect manly robes and ornaments of reason.
Therefore, I believe, some directions concerning hearing
will not be ill received by you.
Remarks about Hearing in general.
Of this Theophrastus affirms, that it is the most sensitive
of all the senses. For the several objects of sight, tasting,
and feeling do not excite in us so great disturbances and
alterations as the sudden and frightful noises which assault
us only at the ears. Yet in reality this sense is more
rational than sensitive. For there are many organs and
other parts of the body Avhich serve as avenues and inlets
to the soul to give admission to vice ; there is but one
passage of virtue into young minds, and that is by the ears,
provided they be preserved all along free from the corrup-
tions of flattery and untainted with lewd discourses. For
tliis reason Xenocrates was of opinion that children ought
to have a defence fitted to their ears rather than fencers or
prize-players, because the ears only of the latter suffered
by the blows, but the morals of the former Λvere hurt and
maimed by words. Not that, he thereby recommended
deafness, or forbade that they should be suffered to hear at
all ; but he advised only that debauchery might be kept
out, till better principles, like so many guardians appointed
OF HEARING. 443
by philosophy, had taken charge of that part which is so
liable to be drawn aside and corrupted by discourse. And
Bias of old, being ordered by Amasis to send him the best
and withal the worst part of the sacrifice, sent the tongue ;
because the greatest benefits and disadvantages are derived
to us thereby. Thus again many diverting themselves with
children touch their ears, bidding them return the like
again ; by which they seem to intimate to them that such
best deserve their love and esteem whose obligations enter
at the ears. This is evident, that he that has lain fallow
all his days, without tasting instruction, will not only prove
barren and unfruitful of virtue, but very inclinable to vice ;
for an uncultivated mind, like untilled ground, will soon be
overrun Avith weeds. For if that violent propensity of the
mind to pleasure, and jealousy of all that carries any show
of pain, — which proceed not from external causes or re-
ceived prejudices, but are the natural springs of evil affec-
tions and infinite diseases of the mind, — are suff"ered to
take their course, and not restrained, or diverted some other
way by wholesome instructions, there can be no beast so
savage that it may not be called tame and civilized in
respect of such a man.
More General Rules about Hearing.
3. Since then it appears that hearing is of so great use
and no less danger to young men, I think it a very com-
mendable thing for such a one to reflect continually with
himself, and consult often with others, how he may hear
Λvith benefit. And in this particular we may observe many
to have been mistaken, that they practise speaking befoie
they have been used enough to hearing. Speaking they
think will require some study and attention, but hearing
cannot be a tiling of any difficulty. Those indeed who
play the game of tennis learn at the same time how to
throw and how to catch the ball ; but in the exercise of
444 OF HEARING.
the tongue, we ought to practise how to talk well before
we pretend to return, as conception and retention of the
foetus precede childbirth. When fowls let fall wind-
eggs, it is usually said that they are the rudiments of im-
perfect fruits which will never quicken and have life ; and
when young men either hear not at all or retain not whiit
they hear, their discourse comes from them altogether as
useless and full of wind,
And vain and unregarded turns to air.
In filling one vessel from another, they take care to in-
cline and turn it so that nothing be spilled, and that it may
be really filling and not emptying ; but they think it not
worth the heeding to regulate their attention and apply
themselves with advantage to a speaker, that nothing of
importance may fall beside or escape them. Yet, what is
beyond comparison ridiculous, if they happen upon any
one who has a knack at describing an entertainment or a
show, or can relate his dream well, or give an handsome
account of a quarrel between himself and another, such a
one they hear with the greatest attention, they court him
to proceed, and importune him for every circumstance.
Whereas, let another call them about him for any thing
useful, to exhort to what is decent or reprehend what is
irregular, or to make up a quarrel, they have not temper
enough to away with it, but they fight with all their might
to put him down by argument, if they are able, or if not,
they haste away to more agreeable fopperies ; as if their
ears, like faulty earthen vessels, might be filled with any
thing but what is useful or valuable. But as jockeys take
great care in breeding horses to bring them to rein right
and endure the bit, so such as have the care of educating
children should breed them to endure hearing, by allowing
them to speak little and hear much. And Si)intharus,
speaking in commendation of Epaminondas, says he scarce
OF HEARING. 445
ever met λυιΛ any man who kneAV more and spoke less.
Some again make the observation, that Nature has given
eA'ery man two ears and but one tongue, as a secret intima-
tion that he ought to speak less than he hears.
Directions concerning Attention.
4. Well then, silence is at all times a singular ornament
of a youth, but especially if he does not interrupt the
speaker nor carp and except at every thing he says, but
patiently expects the conclusion, though his discourse be
none of the best ; and when he has done, if he does not
presently come over him Avith an objection, but (as
Aeschines directs) allows time to add, if he please, to
Avhat has been said, or to alter, or retract. Whereas such
as turn too suddenly upon a speaker neither hear nor are
heard themselves, but senselessly chatter to one another,
and sin against the laws and rules of decorum. But he
that brings along with him a modest and unwearied atten-
tion has this advantage, that whateΛ'er is beneficial in the
discourse he makes his own, and he more readily discovers
Avhat is false or impertinent, appearing all the while a
friend to truth rather than to squabbling or rashness.
Therefore it Avas not ill said, that such as design to infuse
goodness into the minds of youth must first exclude thence
pride and self-conceit more carefully than we squeeze air
out of bladders Λvhich we wish to fill with something use-
ful ; because, Λνΐύΐο they are puffed up with arrogance,
there is no room to admit any thing else.
5. Thus again, envy and detraction and prejudice are in
no case good, but always a great impediment to Λvhat is so ;
yet nowhere worse than Λvhen they are made the bosom-
friends and counsellors of a hearer, because they represent
the best things to him as unpleasant and impertinent, and
men in such circumstances are pleased Avith any thing
rather than what deserves their applause. Yet he that
446 OF HEARING.
grieves at the Avealtli, glory, or beauty of any is but sim-
ply envious, for he repines only at the good of others ; but
he that is ill-natured to a good speaker is an enemy to his
own happiness. For discourse to an hearer, like light to
the eve, is a great benefit, if he will make the best use of
it. Envy in all other instances carries this pretence with
it, that it is to be referred to the depraved and ungovern-
able affections of the mind, but that which is conceived
against a speaker arises from an unjust presumption and
vain-glorious affectation of praise.
In such a case, the man has not leisure to attend to what
he hears ; his soul is in continual hurry and disturbance, at
one time examining her own habits and endowments, if any
way inferior to the speaker ; anon, watching the behavior
and inclination of others, if inclined to praise or admire
his discourse ; disordered at the praise and enraged at
the company, if he meet with any encouragement. She
easily lets slip and willingly forgets what has been said,
because the remembrance is a pain and vexation to her ;
she hears what is to come with a great deal of uneasiness
and concern, and is never so desirous that the speaker
should hasten to an end, as when he discourses best. After
all is over, she considers not what was said, but has respect
only to the common A^ogue and disposition of the audience ;•
she avoids and flies like one distracted such as seem to be
pleased, and herds among the censorious and perverse. If
she finds nothing to pervert, then she puts forward other
speakers, who (as she asserts) have spoken better and with
greater force of argument on the same subject. Thus, by
abusing and corrupting Avhat was said, she defeats the use
and effect of it on herself.
6. He therefore Λνΐιο comes to hear must for the time
come to a kind of truce and accommodation Avith vain-
glorv. and preserve the same evenness and cheerfulness of
humor he would bring Avith him if he were invited to a
OF HEARING. 447
festival entertainment or the first-fruits' sacrifice, applaud-
ing the orators power when he speaks to the purpose
and where he fails receiving kindly his readiness to com-
municate what he knows and to persuade others by what
wrought upon himself. Where he comes off Avith success
he must not impute it to chance or peradventure, but at-
tribute all to study and diligence and art, not only admiring
but studiously emulating the like ; where he has done
amiss, he must pry curiously into the causes and origin of
the mistake. For Avhat Xenophon says of discreet house
keepers, that they make an advantage of their enemies as
well as their friends, is in some sort true of vigilant and at-
tentive hearers, who reap no less benefit from an ill than a
good orator. For the meanness and poverty of a thought,
the emptiness and flatness of an expression, the unseason-
ableness of a figure, and the impertinence of falling into a
foolish ecstasy of joy or commendation, and the like, are
better discovered by a by-stander than by the speaker him-
self. Therefore his oversight or indiscretion must be brought
home to ourselves, that we may examine if nothing of the
same kind has skulked tliere and imposed on us all the
while. For there is nothing in the world more easy than
to discover the faults of others ; but it is done to no effect
if we do not make it useful to ourselves in correcting and
avoiding the like failures. AVhen therefore you animad-
fert upon other men's miscarriages, forget not to put that
question of Plato to yourself. Am not I such another ? ΛΥο
must trace out our own way of Avriting in the discourses of
other men, as in another's eyes we see the reflection of our
own ; that we may learn not to be too free in censuring
others, and may use more circumspection ourselves in
speaking. To this design the following method of com-
parison may be very instrumental ; if upon our return
from hearing Λνο take what seemed to us not well or suf-
ficiently handled, and attempt it afresh ourselves, endeav•
448 OF HEARING.
oring to fill out one part or correct another, to vary this or
model that into a new form from the very beginning. And
thus Plato examined the oration of Lysias. For it is a
thing of no great difficulty to raise objections against an-
other man's oration, — nay, it is a very easy matter, — but
to produce a better in its place is a work extremely
troublesome ; as the Spartan, Λνΐιο was told Philip had
demolished the city Olynthus, made this reply, But he
cannot raise such another. When then it appears, upon
handling the same topic, that we do not much excel those
who undertook it before, this will abate much of our cen-
sorious humor, and our pride and self-conceit will be ex-
posed and checked by such comparisons.
Caution about Admiration.
7. To contempt is opposed admiration, which indeed
argues a more candid and better disposition ; but even in
this case no small care is to be observed, and perhaps even
greater. For although such as are contemptuous and self-
conceited receive but little good from what they hear, yet
the good-natured and such as are given to admire every
thins: take a great deal of harm. And Heraclitus was not
mistaken when he said that a fool was put in a flutter at
every thing he heard. We ought indeed to use all the
candor imaginable in praising the speaker, yet withal as
great caution in yielding our assent to Avhat he says ; to
look upon his expression and action with a favorable con-
struction, but to inspect the usefulness and truth of his
doctrine with the nicest and most critical judgment ; that
speakers may cease to be malicious, and that what they say
may do no mischief. For many false and dangerous prin-
ciples steal upon us through the authority of the speaker
and our own credulity. The Spartan Ephors, approving
the judgment of one of an ill conversation, ordered it to
be communicated to the people by a person of better life
OF HEARING. 419
and reputation ; thereby wisely and politicly using them to
give more deference to the morals than to the words of such
as pretend to advise them. But now in philosophy the
reputation of the speaker must be pulled off, and his words
examined naked and Λvithout a mask ; for in hearing as in
war there are many false alarms. The hoary head of the
speaker or his gesture, his magisterial look or his assuming-
pride, and above all the noise and clapping of the auditory,
bear great sway with a raw and inexperienced hearer, who
is easily carried away Avith the tide. The very expression,
if sweet and full and representing things with some pomp
and greatness, has a secret power to impose upon us. For,
as many lapses in such as sing to an instrument escape the
hearers, so luxuriancy and pomp of style dazzle the hearer
so that he cannot see clearly the argument in hand. And
Melanthius, as it is said, being asked his opinion concern-
ing a tragedy of Diogenes, made answer that the words
intercepted his sight of it. But most Sophists in their
declamations and speeches not only make use of words to
veil and muffle their design ; but with affected tone and
softness of voice they draw aside and bewitch their follow-
ers, for the empty pleasure Avhich they create reaping a
more empty glory. So that the saying of Dionysius is very
applicable to them, Λνΐιο, being one day extremely pleased
with an harper that played excellently well before him,
promised the fellow a great reward, yet afterwards would
give him nothing, pretending he had kept his word ; For,
said he, as long as you pleased me by your playing, so long
were you pleased by hope of the reward. And such also
is the reward this kind of harano^ues brins: to the authors.
The hearers adaiire as long as they are pleased and tickled,
'but the satisfaction on one hand and glory on the other
conclude with the oration ; and the hearers lose their time
idly, and the speakers their whole life.
29
450 OF HEARING.
How to separate the useful Part of a Discourse.
8. No, we must separate the trash and trumpery of an
oration, that we may come at the more fruitful and useful
part ; not imitating those women Avho busy themselves in
gathering nosegays and making garlands, but the more
useful industry of bees. The former indeed plat and weave
together the sweetest and gayest flowers, and their skill is
mighty pretty ; but it lasts for one day only, and even then
is of little or no use ; whereas the bees, passing by the
beds of violets and roses and hyacinth, fix on the prickly
and biting thyme, and settle upon this " intent on the yel-
low honey," * and taking thence Avhat they need for their
work, they fly home laden. In like manner, a well-mean-
ing sincere hearer oughl to pass by the flowers of an oration,
leaving the gaudy show and theatrical part to entertain
dronish Sophists ; and, diving into the very mind of the
speaker and the sense of his speech, he must draw thence
what is necessary for his own service ; remembering Avithal
that he is not come to the theatre or music-meeting, but is
present at the schools and auditories of philosophy, to learn
to rectify his way of life by what he liears. In order there-
unto, he ought to inspect diligently and try faithfully the
state and temper of his mind after hearing, if any of his
afl"ections are more moderate, if any afflictions grow lighter,
if his constancy and greatness of spirit are confirmed, if he
feels any divine emotions or inward workings of virtue and
goodness upon his soul. For it becomes us but ill, when
we rise from the barber's chair, to be so long in consulting
the mirror, or to stroke our heads and examine so curiously
the style in which our hair is trimmed and dressed, and
then, at our return from hearing in the schools, to think it
needless to look into ourselves, or examine whether our own
mind has discharged any turbulent or unprofitable afi"ec-
* Simonides, Frag. No. 47. "
OF HEARING. 451
tions and is grown more sedate and serene. For, as Ariston
was wont to say, The bath and a discourse are of no use
unless they are purgative.
9. Let then a young man be pleased and entertained
with a discourse ; but let him not make his pleasure the
only end of hearing, nor think he may come from the school
of a philosopher singing and sportive ; nor let him call for
perfumes and essences when he has need of a poultice and
fomentations. But let him learn to be thankful to him
that purges aAvay the darkness and stupidity of his mind,
though (as we clear beehives by smoking) with an offen-
sive or unpalatable discourse. For though it lies upon a
speaker to take some care that his expression be pleasing
and plausible, yet a hearer ought not ίο make that the
first thing he looks after. Afterward, indeed, when he has
satisfied his appetite with the substance and has taken
breath, he may be allowed the curiosity of examining the
style and expression, whether it has any thing delicate or
extraordinary ; as men quench their thirst before they have
time to admire the embossing of the bowl. But now such
a one as is not intent on the subject-matter, but demands
merely that the style shall be plain and pure Attic, is tiuich
of his foolish humor who refuses an antidote unless it be
mixed in Attic porcelain, or who Λνϋΐ not put on a coat in
the winter because the cloth is not made of Attic wool ; but
who can yet sit still, doing nothing and stirring not, under
such a thin and threadbare cloak as an oration of Lysias.
That extreme dearth of judgment and good sense, and that
abundance of subtilty and sophistry which is crept into the
schools, is all owing to these corruptions of the young-
sters ; Λνΐιο, observing neither the lives nor public conver-
sation of philosophers, mind nothing but words and jingle,
and express themselves extravagantly upon what they
think well said, without ever understanding or enquiring if
it be useful and necessary, or needless and vain.
452 OF HEARING.
Of asking Questions.
lU. After this, it will be convenient to lay down some
directions touching asking of questions. For it is true, he
that comes to a great collation must eat what is set before
him, not rudely calling for what is not to be had nor finding
fi\ult with the provision. But he that is invited to partake
of a discourse, if it be with that proviso, must hear with
silence ; for such disagreeable hearers as occasion digres-
sions by asking impertinent questions and starting foolish
doubts are an hindrance both to the speaker and the dis-
course, without benefiting themselves. But when the
speaker encourages them to propose their objections, he
must take care that the question be of some consequence
The suitors in Homer scorned and derided Ulysses. —
To no brave prize aspired the worthless swain,
'Twas but for scraps he asked, and asked in vain, *
because they thought it required a great and heroic soul no
less to ask than to bestow great gifts. But there is much
better reason to slight and laugh at such a hearer as can
please himself in asking little trifling questions. Thus
some young fellows, to proclaim their smattering in logic
and mathematics, upon all occasions enquire about the di-
visibility of the infinite, or about motion through a diagonal
or upon the sides. But we may answer them with Philotimus,
who, being asked by a consumptive phthisical person for a
remedy against a whitlow, and perceiving the condition he
was in by his color and his shortness of breath, replied,
Sir, you have no reason to be apprehensive of that. So
we must tell them. You have no reason, young gentlemen,
to trouble yourselves about these questions ; but how to
shake off your conceit and arrogance, to have done with
your intrigues and fopperies, and to settle immediately
upon a modest and well-governed course of life, is the
question for you.
* Odyss. XVII. 222.
OF HEARING. 453
11. Great regard is to be had also to the genius and
talent of a speaker, that we may enquire about such things
as are in his way, and not take him out of his knowledge ;
as if one should propose physical or mathematical queries
to a moral philosophy reader, or apply himself to one who
prides himself on his knowledge of physics to give his
opinion on conditional propositions or to resolve a fallacy
in logic. For, as he that goes about to cleave wood with a
key or to unlock a door with an axe does not so much mis-
employ those instruments as deprive himself of the proper
use of them, so such as are not content with Avhat a speaker
offers them, but call for such things as he is a stranger to,
not only are disappointed, but incur the suspicion of malirf»
and ill-nature.
12. Be cautious also how you ask questions yourself, or
ask too often ; for that betrays somewhat of conceit and
ostentation. But to wait civilly while another proposes his
scruples argues a studious spirit and willingness that others
should be informed, unless some sudden perturbation of
mind require to be repressed or some distemper to be
assuaged. For perhaps, as Heraclitus says, it is an ill
thing to conceal even a man's ignorance ; it must be
laid open, that the remedy may be applied. So also if
anger or superstition or a violent quarrel with your domes-
tics or the mad passion of love, —
AVliich (loth tlie very lieart-strings move,
That ne'er were stirred before, —
excite any commotion in your mind, you are not, for fear
of being galled by reproof, to fly to such as are treating of
other arguments ; but you must frequent those places
where your particular case is stating, and after lecture
address yourself privately to the speaker for better informa-
tion and fuller satisfaction therein. On the contrary, men
commonly flatter themselves, and admire the philosopher
so long as he discourses of indifferent things ; but if he
454 OF HEARING.
come home to themselves and deal freely with them about
thek real interests, this they think is beyond all enduring,
or at best a needless piece of supererogation. For they
naturally think that they ought to hear philosophy in tlie
schools, like actors on the stage, Avhile in matters out of
the school they believe them to be no better men tlian
themselves ; and, to confess the truth, they have but reason
to think so of many Sophists, who, having once left th(i
desk and laid aside their books, in the serious concerns of
human life are utterly insignificant and even more ignorant
than the vulgar. But they do not know that even the aus-
terity or raillery of real philosophers, their very nod or
look, their smile or frown, and especially their admonitions
directed to particular persons, are of weighty importance
to such as can brook or attend to them.
Directions concerning Praising.
13. As for commendation, some caution and mean is to
be observed in it ; because to be either deficient or exces-
sive in that particular shows a base spirit. He is but a
morose and rigid hearer whom no part of an oration can
work upon or move, one who is full of a secret presumptu-
ous opinion of himself, and of an inbred conceit that he
could do better things himself; one who dares not alter his
countenance as occasion requires, or let fixll the least Λvord
to testify his good wishes, but with silence and affected
gravity hunts after the reputation of a sagacious and pro-
found person, and thinks that all the praise is lost to him-
self which he bestows on others, as if it were money. For
many wrest that sentence of Pythagoras, who used to say
that he had learned by philosophy to admire nothing ; but
these men think that to admire nobody and to honor no-
body consists in despising everybody, and they aim at seem-
ing grave by being contemptuous. Philosophy indeed re-
moves that foolish admiration and surprise which proceeds
OF HEARING. 455
from doubt or ignorance, by laying open to us the causes
of things, but endeavors not to destroy all good-nature and
humanity. And those who are truly good take it for their
greatest honor and commendation to be just in paying
honor and commendation where it is due to others ; and
for a man to adorn another is a most glorious ornament,
proceeding from a generous abundance of glory and honor
in himself; while those who are niggardly in praising
others only betray how poor and bare they are of praises
at home.
Not to he too prone to commend.
Yet to use no consideration at all, but to stand up ana
make a clamor at every word or syllable, is to offend in the
other extreme. Such fluttering felloΛvs for the most part
oblige not the speakers themselves, and are always a plague
and common grievance to the hearers, exciting them many
times against their inclination, and forcing them for very
shame to join in the tumult. In the end, he that raised
the disturbance receives no benefit by the discourse, but
goes away Avith the character of a scoffer or flatterer or
novice, A judge, it is true, ought to hear and determine
without favor or ill-will, regarding only what is just and
equitable ; but in philosophical proceedings the case is
altered, where neither law nor oaths tie us up from being
favorable to the speaker. And the ancients in their tem-
ples were wont to place the statue of Mercury among tlie
Graces, intimating that orators ought to find a propitious
and good-natured audience. For they thought it passed all
belief, that any man could prove so much a blockhead or
come so Λvide of the purpose, that, though he should make
no remarks of his own and quote none of others worthy
taking notice of, or though the argument and design of his
discourse might not be commendable, yet at least the order
and disposition or the style should not deserve some
applause ; —
45 ΰ OF HEAKING.
As oft amirlst the furze and thorny brakes
The tender violets more securely peep.
For if some have undertaken successfully to speak in
commendation of vomiting or a fever, and have even made
an encomium on a porridge-pot not without some accept-
ance, certainly a discourse from one that has the least pre
tence to philosophy cannot but afford some opportunity,
though it be a slight one, for commendation to a well-
disposed auditory. Plato says that all who are in their
bloom in some way excite the amorous man; — the fair are
the children of the Gods, the black are manly, the hook-
nosed have a look of majesty, the flat-nose gives a graceful
air, even the sallow complexion is complimented for look-
ing like honey ; in spite of all their defects, he cherishes
and loves them all * Thus love, like ivy, must needs find
something or other to lay hold on. But much more will a stu-
dious hearer and scholar be sure to find some not unworthy
reason for praising every speaker. For Plato in an ora-
tion of Lysias, disliking the invention and utterly condemn-
ing the disposition as confused, yet praised the style and
elocution, because every word was Λvrought off cleverly
and cleanly turned. Thus a man may see cause enough
to disapprove the argument of Archilochus, the verse of
Parmenides, the poΛ^erty of Phocylides, the eternal talk of
Euripides, and inequality of style in Sophocles ; and among
the orators, one has no manner, another is not moving, a
third has nothing of ornament ; yet every one has his
peculiar power of moving and exciting, for which he is
praised. Some again do not require of us to testify our
acceptance by the voice ; a pleasing eye or cheerful look,
or a behavior without any thing of pain or uneasiness, is
all that they desire. For the following favors are nowa-
days bestowed of course upon every oration, though the
speaker may speak to no purpose at all, — sitting modestly
* Plato, Republic, V. p. Hi D.
OF HEAEING. 457
without lolling from one side to the other, looking earnestly
on the speaker, in the posture of an attentive listener, and
with a countenance which betrays not only no contempt or ill-
Avill but not even a mind otherwise employed. For as the
beauty and excellence of every thing consists in the con-
currence of many different accidents, which contribute to
the symmetry and harmony of the whole, so that, if but
one inconsiderable part be away or absurdly added, de
formity immediately follows ; in like manner, not only a
supercilious look or forbidding mien or roving eyes or
Avaving the body to and fro or indecent crossing of the
legs, but even a nod, a whisper to another, a scornful
smile, a sleepy yawn, hanging of the head, or the like,
are all likewise great indecorums and to be avoided with
particular care.
14. Yet some there are who can assign a speaker his
part, and think no duty incumbent on themselves all the
while ; who Avill have him prepare and premeditate what
he has to deliver, and yet throw themselves into an
auditory without any preparation or consideration, as if
they were invited to a feast, to revel and take their pleas-
ures at another's cost. Yet it is known that even a guest
has some things required of him to make him suitable and
agreeable, and certainly a hearer has much more ; because
he ought to be a sharer in the discourse and an assistant
to the speaker. Neither will it become him to be severe
at all turns upon every slight miscarriage or perpetually
putting the speaker's elocution and action to the test,
while he himself is guilty of grosser enormities in hear-
ing, without danger or control. But as at tennis he
that takes the ball turns and winds his body according to
the motion of the server, so a kind of proportion is to be
observed between the speaker and the hearer, if both will
discharge their several duties.
458 OF HEARING.
Care to he observed in Praising Persons of all Qualities.
15. Neither ought we to use any expressions of praise
indifferently. For it is an ill thing Avhich Epicurus relates,
that, upon reading any epistles from his friends, those about
him broke out into tumultuous applauses ; and such as
daily introduce ηεΛν forms into our auditories, as Divinely
said ' Superhuman ! Inimitable ! (as if those used by
Plato, Socrates, and Hyperides, ΛΥβΙΙ ! Wisely ! Truly
said ! were not sufficiently expressive), exceed the bounds of
decency and modesty, nay indeed, do but affront the
speaker, as though he were fond of such extravagant
praises. Nor are they less odious and troublesome who
confirm approbation with impertinent oaths, as if they were
giving their testimony for a speaker in a court of judica-
ture. And so likcAvise is it with such as observe not to
give just deference to the quality of persons, Avho to a
philosopher are apt to cry out, Smartly said ! or to a rever-
end gentleman. Wittily ! Floridly ! applying to philosophy
such trifles as are proper to scholastic exercises and decla-
mations, and giving meretricious applause to a sober dis-
course, — as if a man should compliment the conqueror
in the Olympic games with a garland of lilies or roses, in-
stead of laurel or wild olive. Euripides the poet one day
at a rehearsal instructing the chorus in a part that was set
to a serious air, one of the company unexpectedly fell out
a laughing ; Sir, said he, unless you were very stupid and
insensible, you could not lau'^h while I sing in the grave
mixolvdian mood. In like manner a master of philosophy
and politics may put a stop to the unseasonable levity and
pertness of a youngster, by telling him, You seem to be a
madman and unacquainted with all manner of civility,
otherwise you would not hum over your tunes or practise
your new steps while I am discoursing of Gods, or the laws,
or the supreme magistrate. For consider seriously what a
OF HEARING. 459
verv scandalous thing it is that, while a philosopher is in
his discourse, the passengers in the street, from the clamor
and hooting of the hearers, should have reason to make it
a question whether some piper or harper or morris-dancer
were got in among them.
Of hearing Admonitions and Reproofs.
16. Admonitions and reprimands ought to be taken
neither altogether insensibly nor yet sheepishly. For such
as carry off a disgrace from a philosopher carelessly and
without due concern, so as to grin at his reprehensions or
scoffingly to praise him for them, as sharping parasites
applaud the scurrilous reflection of their cullies, — such, I
say, are shameless and insolent, and betray only their in-
vincible impudence, which is no good or true argument of
courage. Yet to bear handsomely without passion an in-
nocent jest in raillery is not unbecoming the breeding of
a gentleman, but a good accomplishment and altogether
Avorthy of a Spartan. But when an exhortation to amend-
ment of manners, like a bitter potion, is made up of harsh
and unpleasant Avords, in such a case for a youth — in-
stead of hearing submissively and running into a sweat or
being seized with dizziness, when the mind is on fire with
shame and confusion — to remain unmoved or sneer or
dissemble his concernment is the certain sign of a dissolute
and ill-bred man, one whose soul, like callous flesh, being
hardened with a course of debauchery, Avill receive no scar
or impression. Some young men indeed there are of a
contrary disposition, who having undergone one rebuke fly
off without ever looking back, turn renegades, and quite
desert philosophy. These being naturally very modest have
a good disposition toward an healthful habit of mind, but
vitiate it by too much tenderness and effeminacy, which
disables them for bearing a reproof or manfully submitting
to a correction, and run after more pleasing harangues,
460 OF HEARING.
wherewith some flatterers and Sophists soothe and bewitch
them, without any benefit or advantage. For as he that
flies from the surgeon after incision, and will not suffer the
ligature to be applied, endures that part of his skill only
Avhich is painful, rejecting what would give him ease ; so
such a one as being lanced and scarified by a sharp ora-
tion has not patience till the wound be skinned over, goes
away from philosophy tortured and harassed, without that
benefit he might receive thereby. For not only Telephus's
wound was cured by rusty filings of the spear (as Euripides
has it), but Avhatever pain philosophy may occasion to a
meek disposition will be cured and removed by the same
discourse that gave the wound. He therefore that is repre-
hended must endure awhile and away with some pain, not
presently be discouraged or out of heart. Let him behave
himself as though he were to be initiated into the mysteries
of philosophy, still hoping, after the lustrations and more
tiOublesome ceremonies are undergone, he shall enjoy some
considerable effect of his present troubles and incouA^n-
iences. Or suppose he be wrongfully chidden, it is but
handsome to expect the conclusion ; after that he may
make his defence, and desire that such freedom and Λdo-
lence may be reserved to repress some other misdemeanor
which really deserves it.
The Difficulties in Philosophy vincible.
17. But besides this, — as in grammar, music, and the
exercises of activity, there are many things which to young
beginners appear troublesome, laborious, and obscure,
Avhich yet a fuller knowledge, like acquaintance among
men, makes more agreeable, ready, and feasible, — in like
manner, though philosophy in its first terms and notions
may seem uncouth and strange, yet a man must not be so
far discouraged at the first elements as to throw it up
altogether, but he must bid at all and ply his business
OF HEARING. 461
hard and patiently expect that acquaintance which Avill
make all easy and pleasant ; and that will not be long in
coming, bringing great light into things and exciting ardent
affections to virtue ; without which to endure to live, after
one has through his own effeminacy fallen from philosophy,
is an argument of a mean spirit and servile disposition. I
must confess there is some difficulty in the things them-
selves which is not easily conquered by raw and unexperi-
enced beginners ; yet the greatest part of the difficulty they
bring upon themselves by their own ignorance and inad-
vertency, fidling into the same error from two contrary
causes. For some, out of a foolish bashfulness and desire
to be easy to the speaker, are loath to be inquisitive or have
the thing made plain to them, and so they nod their assent
to every thing that is said, as if they fully comprelicnded it.
And others out of unseasonable vain-glory, and vying with
their fellows that they may vaunt their readiness of wit
and quickness of apprehension, pretend to understand
things before they do, and never understand them at all.
Now the consequence in both cases is tins ; the modest go
away in a great deal of anxiety and doubt, and are forced in
the end, Λνΐίΐι greater disgrace, to interrupt the speaker to be
informed again ; and the vain-glorious are troubled to keep
close and conceal the ignorance they carry about them.
18. Therefore all such sheepishness and self-conceit
being set aside, let us learn to lay up in our minds what-
ever is usefully said, enduring to be laughed at by such as
set up for wits and railers. This course took Cleanthes
and Xenocrates, who being somewhat slower than their
fellows did not therefore give over hearing or despond ;
but prevented the jests of others, by comparing themselves
to narrow-mouthed vessels and to copper plates ; because,
though they received learning with some difficulty, yet they
retained it surely. For he that will be a good man must
not only, as Phocylides says, —
462 OF HEARING.
Expect much fraud, and many a time be caught, —
but be laughed at and disgraced, and endure many scurrilous
and virulent reflections ; he must also encounter ignorance
and wrestle with it with all the strength of his mind, and
subdue it too.
Neither on the other hand must the faults be passed by
which some troublesome people commit out of mere
laziness and negligence ; such men as will not bestow any
pains in considering themselves, but asking often the same
questions are a perpetual vexation to the speaker ; like
callow birds always gaping at the bill of the old one,
and still reaching after what has been prepared and
worked over by others. Another sort there are, who,
affecting the reputation of quickness and attention, con-
found the speaker with their pragmatical curiosity and
jargon, always haling in something unnecessary and re-
quiring demonstrations of things foreign to the business
in hand.
Thus a short way is long and tedious made,
as Sophocles * says, and that not only to themselves, but
others also. For by taking off" the speaker with vain and
unnecessary questions they retard the progress of instruc-
tion, like travellers in the road, by impertinent halts and
stops. Hieronymus compares these men to lazy and
greedy curs, which within doors bite and tear the skins of
wild animals and lie tugging at their shaggy hair, but in
the field dare not fasten upon beasts themselves.
A Concluding Exhortation. #
Yet one exhortation let me leave with these people, that
having received the general heads of things they would
supply the rest by their own industry, making their
memory a guide to their invention ; and that, looking on
the discourse of others only as a kind of first principle or
* Antigone, 232.
OF HEARING. 463
seed, they Avould take care to cherish and mcrease it. For
the mind requires not like an earthen vessel to be filled
up ; convenient fuel and aliment only will inflame it with
a desire of knowledge and ardent love of truth. Now, as
it would be Λνϊίΐι a man Λνΐιο, going to his neighbor's to
borrow Are and finding there a great and bright fire,
should sit down to warm himself and forget to go home ;
so is it with the one who comes to another to learn, if he
does not think himself obliged to kindle his own fire with-
in and inflame his own mind, but continues sitting by his
master as if he were enchanted, delighted by hearing.
Such a one, although he may get the name of a philo-
sopher, as we get a bright color by sitting by the fire,
Avill never clear away the mould and rust of his mind, and
dispel the darkness of his understanding by the help of
philosophy. In fine, if there is any other precept con-
cerning hearing, it is briefly this, to be careful in observing
the last exhortation, — that is, to join the exercise of our
invention to our hearing ; that so, while we lay down the
rule that hearing well is the first step to living well, we
may not content ourselves with a superficial commonplace
knowledge, but endeavor after such a philosophical habit
as shall be deeply imprinted on the mind.
OF LARGE ACQUAINTANCE ; OR, AN ESSAY TO PROVE
THE FOLLY OF SEEKING MANY FRIENDS.
1. Menon the Thessalian, a person who had no mean
opinion of his own parts, who thought himself well accom-
plished in all the arts of discourse and to have reached (as
Empedocles words it) the highest pitch of wisdom, was
asked by Socrates, What is virtue? And he answered
readily enough, and as impertinently, that there is one
virtue belonging to childhood, another to old age ; that
there are distinct virtues in men and women, magistrates
and private persons, masters and servants. Excellently
well ! repUed Socrates in raillery, when you were asked
about one virtue, you haΛ^e raised, as it were, a whole
swarm ; conjecturing, not without reason, that the man
therefore named many because he knew the nature of
none. And may not we ourselves expect and deserve as
justly to be scoffed and rallied, who having not yet con-
tracted one firm friendship seem nevertheless exceeding
cautious of too many ? It is almost the same thing as if
one maimed and blind should appear solicitous lest like
Briareus he may chance to be furnished with a hundred
hands, and become all over eyes like Argus. However,
we cannot but extol the sense of that young man in Me-
nander the poet, who said that he counted every man
wonderfully honest and happy who had found even the
shadow of a friend.
OF THE FOLLY OF SEEKING MANY FRIENDS. 465
2. But all the difficulty lies in finding him ; and the
chiefest reason is that, instead of one choice true friend,
nothing under a multitude will content us ; like Avomen of
the town who admit the embraces of all gallants that
come, at the gay appearance of the last which comes Ave
neglect and slight the former, and so are unable to hold
them. Or rather, like the foster-child of Hypsipyle, who
" in a green meadow sat cropping the flowers one after
another, snatching each prize with delighted heart, in-
satiable in his childish joy," * — so we of riper years, from
an inbred affection of novelty and disdain of things already
possessed, take up presently with the first promising aspect
of every fresh and new-blooming friend, and lay all at
once the foundations of several acquaintances ; but we
leave each unfinished, and Avhen we have scarce fixed on
one, our love immediately palls there, while Ave passion-
ately pursue some other.
AVherefore, in this affair, — to begin at the beginning
(at the domestic altar, as the saying is), — let us ask the
opinion and counsel of our forefathers, and consider what
report the records of antiquity make concerning true
friends. They are, we find, ahvays reckoned in pairs; as
Theseus and Pirithous, Achilles and Patroclus, Orestes
and Pylades, Phintias and Damon, Epaminondas and
Pelopidas. Friendship (so to speak) is a creature sociable,
but affects not a herd or a flock ; and that we usually
esteem a friend another self, and call him ήαΐρος (companion)
as much as to say ίτεοης (the other one), is a convincing
argument that the number two is the adequate and com-
plete measure of friendship. And in truth, a great
* Etc τον λειμώνα καθίσας
ίόρεπεν έτερον έφ' έτέρφ
αίρόμενος άγρευμα ανθέων
^ ήόομένα ψνχα,
το VT/mov άπλΐ/στον έχων.
From the Hypsipyle of Euripides.
VOL. I. SO
466 OF THE FOLLY OF SEEKING MANY FRIENDS.
niiraber of friends or servants is not to be purchased at an
easy rate. That which procures love and friendship in the
world is a sweet and obliging temper of mind, a lively
readiness in doing good offices, together with a constant
habit of virtue ; than w^hich qualifications nothing is more
rarely found in nature. Therefore to love and to be be-
loved much can have no place in a multitude ; but the
most eager affection, if divided among numerous objects,
like a river divided into several channels, must needs flow
at length very weak and languid. Upon this score, those
animals love their young most which generate but one ;
and Homer, describing a beloΛ^ed child, calls it the only-
begotten and born in old age, — that is, at such a time
when the parents neither have nor hope for another.*
3. Yet I do not assert we ought to confine ourselves to
one only friend ; but among the rest, there should be one
eminently so, like a well-beloved and only son, not casually
picked up at a tavern or eating-house or in a tennis-court,
nor at a game of hazard, nor at an accidental meeting in
the wrestling-place or the market, — as is too common nowa-
days,— but one chosen upon long and mature deliberation,
with whom (according to that celebrated proverb) we have
eaten a bushel of salt.
The palaces of noble men and princes appear guarded
Λvith splendid retinues of diligent obsequious servants, and
every room is crowded with a throng of visitors, who
caress the great man with all the endearing gestures and
expressions that wit and breeding can invent ; and it may
be thought, I confess, at first sight, that such are very for-
tunate in having so many cordial, real friends at their com-
mand ; whereas it is all bare pageantry and show. Change
the scene, and you may observe a far greater number of
flies as industriously busy in their kitchens ; and as these
would vanish, were the dishes empty and clean, so neither
* II. IX. 482.
OF THE FOLLY OF SEEKING MANY FRIENDS. 467
would that other sort of insect pay any farther respect,
were nothing to be got by it.
There are chiefly these requisites to a true friendship :
virtue, as a thing lovely and desirable ; famiharity, as pleas-
ant ; and advantage, as necessary. For we must first choose
a friend upon a right judgment made of his excellent
qualities ; having chosen him, we must perceive a pleasure
in his conversation, and upon occasion he must be useful
to us in our concerns. All Λvhich (especially judgment in
our choice, the main point of all) are inconsistent with a
numerous acquaintance.
And first of all (to draw a parallel in other matters), if
there is no small time required to select a great many per-
sons together Λνΐιο can dance and sing in exact time to the
same tune, manage oars with a like strength and vigor, be
fit stewards of our estates or tutors of our children, cer-
tainly we must acknowledge it much more difhcult to meet
with a considerable number of friends, ready to enter with
us the trial of all manner of fortune, of whom every one
will
Of his good fortune yield thy part to thee.
And hear like part of thy calamity.
Even a ship at sea runs not the risk of so many storms,
nor are any castles, forts, and havens secured Avith walls,
ramparts, and dams against the apprehension of so many
dangers, as are the misfortunes against Avliich a constant
approved friendship mutually undertakes to afford a de-
fence and refuge. Whoever without due trial put them-
selves upon us for friends Ave examine as bad money ; and
the cheat being discovered, we are glad if of their own
accord they Avithdraw ; or if they persist, at least we wish
Λvith great impatience fairly to get rid of them.* Yet we
must own it is a hard and troublesome task to cast off a dis-
agreeable acquaintance ; for as unwholesome meats which
* Sophocles, Frag. 778.
468 OF THE FOLLY OF SEEKING MANY FRIENDS.
nauseate the stomach can neither be retained without haz-
ard of health, nor yet ejected sincere as they were taken,
but wholly disguised and defiled Avith other humors ; so a
mistaken false friend must either be still entertained, and
remain a mere vexation to us as well as uneasy to himself,
or else by a kind of convulsion be thrown up like bile,
leaving behind the continual torment of private grudgings
and hatred.
4. Therefore it highly concerns ns not to be too rash in
fastening on the next that may accidentally offer, nor pres-
ently to affect every one that pretends to be fond of our
friendship. Let the search rather begin on our own part,
and our choice fix on those who approve themselves really
Λvorthy of our respect. What is cheap and with ease ob-
tained is below our notice ; and we trample under foot
bushes and brambles that readily catch hold of us, while
we diligently clear our way to the vine and olive ; so it is
always best not to admit to our familiarity persons who
officiously stick and twist themselves about us, but we
ought rather of our own accord to court the friendship of
those who are worthy of our regard, and who prove ad-
vantageous to ourselves.
5. Therefore, as Zeuxis replied to some who blamed the
slowness of his pencil, — that he therefore spent a long
time in painting, because he designed his work should last
for a long eternity, — so he that would secure a lasting
friendship and acquaintance must first deliberately judge
and thoroughly try its worth, before he settles it. Suppose
then it is hard to make a right judgment in choosing many
friends together, it may still be asked whether we may not
maintain a familiarity with many persons, or whether that
too is impossible. Now familiarity and converse are the
genuine products and enjoyments of true friendship, and
the highest pleasure the best friends aim at is continual
intercourse and the daily frequenting one another's com-
pany.
OF THE FOLLY OF SEEKING MANY FRIENDS. -iGD
No more sliall meet Achilles and his iriend ;
No more our thoughts to those we loved make known,
Or quit the dearest, to converse alone.*
And, as Menelaus says of Ulysses : —
There with commutual zeal we both had strove
In acts of dear benevolence and love, —
Brothers in peace, not rivals in command, —
And death alone dissolved the friendly band.t
Now much acquaintance has a clear contrary effect ; and
Avhcreas single friendship by kind discourses and good
offices cements, unites, and condenses as it were two par
ties, —
As when the fig-tree's juice curdles and binds white niilk, }
as Empedocles says ; this on the other hand unties, rends, and
breaks the bond, distracts our inclinations with too much
variety ; and the agreeable just mixture of affection, the
very cement of true friends, is wholly lost in so loose and
confused a conversation. Hence at once arises great ine-
quality Λvith respect to the services of friendship, and a
foolish diffidence in the performance of them. For multi-
plicity of friends renders those very parts of friendship
vain and useless Avhence advantage was most expected ;
neither can we hope it should be otherwise, if we consider
how " one man is acted upon by his nature and another by
his cares and anxieties." Nature hath not bestowed the
same inclinations on all, nor are we all born to the same
fortune ; and the occasions of our actions, like the wind,
may often favor one of our acquaintance Avhile they stand
cross to another.
6. However, suppose by great chance all should agree
to crave assistance in the same affair, whether at a consult,
exercise of a public trust in the government, canvassini^
for preferment, entertaining guests, or the like ; yet it is
exceeding hard to satisfy all. But now if they are engaged
in diverse concerns at the very same moment of time, and
* II. XXIII. 77. t See Odyss. IV. 178. J See II. V. 902.
470 OF THE FOLLY OF SEEKING MANY FRIENDS.
every one should make his particuhir request to you, one
to take a voyage with him, another to assist in pleading his
cause, a third to prosecute a criminal, a fourth to help in
managing his trade, another to celebrate his wedding, and
another to attend a funeral, —
And tlie whole city's filled with incense smoke,
And songs of triumph mixt with groans resound; *
I say, in this case, it is utterly impossible to answer the
requests of all, to gratify none is absurd, and to serve only
one and disoblige the rest is a thing grievous and intoler-
ably rude ; — " for no one, when he loves a friend, will bear
to be neglected." f If indeed you could persuade that
inadvertency was the cause of the omission, you might
more easily hope a pardon ; and to plead forgetfulness is a
sort of excuse which perhaps might pass without much
angering your friend ; but to allege " I could not be advo-
cate in your cause, being of counsel for another," or " I
could not visit you in a fever, because 1 was invited to a
feast elsewhere," while it is thus confessed that we neglect
one friend to pay our respects to another, is so far from
extenuating the offence, that it highly aggravates it, and
adds all the jealousies of rivalry.
But commonly men overlook these and such like incon-
veniences of a numerous acquaintance, and take only a
prospect of its advantages, not in the least reflecting that
Λvhoever employs many assistants in his affairs must in
gratitude repay his service to as many when they need it ;
and as Briareus, who with his hundred hands Avas daily
obliged for his bare subsistence to feed fifty stomachs, could
thrive no better than ourselves, who supply a single one
Avith two hands, so a man of many friends cannot boast any
other privilege but that of being a slave to many, and of
sharing in all the business, cares, and disquiet that may
befall them. Nor can Euripides help him by advising that
* Sophocles, Oed. Tjr. 4. t From Menander.
OF THE FOLLY OF SEEKING MANY FKIENDS. 471
Best suited to the state
Of mortal life are mutual friendsliips formed
With moderation, such as take not root
Deep in the soul, affections tliat witli ease
May be relaxed, or closer bound at will,*
that is, we may pull in and let out our friendships like a sail,
as the wind happens to blow. Let us rather, good Eurip-
ides, turn this saying of yours to enmity ; for heats and ani-
mosities ought to be moderate, and never reach the inmost
recesses of the soul ; hatred, anger, complaints, and jealousies
may with good reason be readily appeased and forgotten.
Therefore it is far more advisable, as Pythagoras directs,
"not to shake hands with too many," — that is, not to make
many friends, — nor to affect that popular kind of easiness
Avhich courts and embraces every acquaintance that occurs,
but carries with it on the reverse a thousand mischiefs ;
among which (as was before hinted) to bear part of the
same cares, to be affectdd with the same sorrows, and to be
embroiled in the same enterprises and dangers with any
great number of friends will be a sort of life hardly toler-
able even to the most ingenuous and generous tempers.
What Chilon the wise man remarked to one wlio said he
had no enemies, namely, " Thou seemest rather to have no
friends," has a great deal of truth ; for enmities always
keep pace and are interwoven with friendships.
7. And it is impossible any should be friends that resent
not mutually the affronts and injuries offered unto either,
and that do not hate alike and in common. They also who
are enemies to yourself will presently suspect and hate
your friend ; nay, your other friends too will often envy,
calumniate, and undermine him. Wherefore what the
oracle foretold Timesias concerning his planting a colony,
that an hive of bees should be changed into a nest of Avasps,
may not impertinently be applied to those who seek after
a hive of friends, but light before they knoAV it upon a
wasps-nest of enemies.
* Eurip. Hippol. 253.
472 OF THE FOLLY OF SEEKING MANY FKIENDS.
Besides, we should do well to consider that the kindest
aifections of friends seldom compensate for the misfortunes
that befall us from the malice of enemies. It is well known
how Alexander treated the familiars of Philotas and Par-
menio ; Dionysius, those of Dion ; Nero, those of Plautus ;
and Tiberius, those of Sejanus ; all shared the same hard
fate of being racked and tortured to death. For as the
gold and riches Creon's daughter was adorned with could
not secure the good old father from being consumed in her
flames, endeavoring too officiously to rescue her ; so not a
few partake of the calamities and ruin of their friends,
before they have reaped the least advantage from their pros-
perity ; a misfortune to which philosophers and the best-
natured men are the most liable. This was the case of
Theseus, who for the sake of his dear Pirithous shared his
punishment, and was bound with him in the same eternal
chains.* Thus in the plague of Athens, says Tlmcydides,f
the most generous and virtuous citizens, while without
regard to their oavu safety they visited their sick, frequently
perished with their friends.
8. Such accidents as these ought to admonish us not to
be too prodigal of our virtue, nor inconsiderately to prosti-
tute our perfections to the enjoyment of every little thing
that pretends to be our humble admirer ; rather let us re-
serve them for the worthy, for those who can love and share
another's joys and sorrows like ourselves. And truly, this
alone renders it most unlikely that many men should remain
friends, that real friendship has always its origin from like-
ness. For, we may observe, even brute and inanimate
beings affect their like, very readily mixing and uniting
with those of their own nature ; while with great reluctance
and u kind of indignation they shrink from and avoid what-
eΛ'er differs from themselves, and force can scarce oblige
them to the loathed embraces. By what motive then can
* Eurip. Pirith. Frag. 598. t Thucyd. II. 51.
OF THE FOLLY OF SEEKING MANY FRIENDS. 473
we imagine any league of amity can be kept inviolable
amidst a multitude, where manners admit of so much vari-
ety, where desires and humors will be perpetually jarring,
where the several courses of life must needs be almost as
unlike as constitutions and faces'? A musical concord con-
sists of contrary sounds, and a due composition of flat and
sharp notes makes a delightful tune ; but as for friendship,
that is a sort of harmony all of a piece, and admits not the
least inequality, unlikeness, or discords of parts, but here
all discourses, opinions, inclinations, and designs serve one
common interest, as if several bodies were acted and in-
formed by the same soul.
• 9. Now is there any person living of that industrious,
pliant, and universal humor, who can take the pains exactly
to imitate all shapes, and will not ratlier deride the advice
of Theognis * as absurd and impossible, namely, to learn
the craft of the polypus, which puts on the hue of every
stone it sticks to '? However, the changes of this fish are
only superficial, and the colors are produced in the skin,
Avhich by its closeness or its laxity receives various impres-
sions from neighboring objects ; whereas the resemblance
betwixt friends must be far more than skin-deep, must be
substantial, such as may be traced in every action of their
lives, in all their affections, dispositions, Avords and pur-
poses, even to their most retired thoughts. To follow the
advice of Theognis Avould be a task worthy of a Proteus,
who was neither very fortunate nor very honest, but could
by enchantment transform himself in an instant from one
shape to another. Even so, he that entertains many friends
must be learned and bookish among the learned, go into
the arena with Λvrestlers, drudge cheerfully after a pack of
hounds with gentlemen that love hunting, drink Avith de-
bauchees, and sue for office with politicians ; in fine, he
must have no proper principles of actions and humors of
* Theognis, vs. 215.
474 OF THE FOLLY OF SEEKING MAN Γ FRIENDS.
his own, but those of the present company he converses
with. Thus, as the first matter of the philosophers is
originally without shape or color, yet being the subject of
all natural changes takes by its own inherent forces the
forms of fire, water, air, and solid earth ; so a person that
affects a numerous friendship must possess a mind full of
folds and windings, subject to many passions, inconstant as
water, and easy to be transformed into an infinite variety
of shapes. But real friendship requires a sedate, stable,
and unalterable temper ; so that it is a rare thing and next
a miracle to find a constant and sure friend.
THE FIRST ORATION OF PLUTARCH CONCERNINGr
THE FORTUNE OR VIRTUE OF ALEXANDER
THE GREAT.
1. This is the oration of Fortune, asserting and challeng-
ing Alexander to be her masterpiece, and hers alone. In
contradiction to which it behooves us to say something on
the behalf of philosophy, or rather in the defence of Alexan-
der himself, who cannot choose but spurn away the very
thought of having received his empire as a gift at the
hands of Fortune, knowing that it was so dearly bought
with the price of his lost blood and many wounds, and
that in gaining it,
Full many a bloody day
In toilsome fight he spent,
And many a wakeful night
In battle's management ; *
and all this in opposition to armies almost irresistible, num-
berless nations, rivers before impassable, and rocks impen-
etrable ; choosing, hoAvever, for his chiefest guides and
counsellors prudence, endurance, fortitude, and steadiness
of mind.
2. And now, methinks, I hear him speaking thus to For-
tune, when she signalizes herself Avith his successes : —
Envy not my virtue, nor go about to detract from my
honor. Darius was a fabric of thy own rearing, who of a ser-
vant and the king's courier was by thee advanced to be mon-
arch of all Persia. The same was Sardanapalus, Λνΐιο from
a comber of purple Λνοοΐ was raised by thee to wear the
* II. IX. 325.
476 OF THE FORTUNE OR VIRTUE
royal diadem. But I,• subduing as I marched, from Arbela
forced my passage even to Susa itself. Cilicia opened me
a broad way into Egypt ; and the Granicus, o'er which I
passed Avithout resistance, trampling under foot the slain
carcasses of Mithridates and Spithridates, opened. the way
into Cilicia. Pamper up thyself, and boast thy kings that
never felt a wound nor ever saw a finger bleed ; for they
were fortunate, it is true, — thy Ochi and thy Artaxerxes,
— Λνΐιο were no sooner born but they w^ere by thee estab-
lished in the throne of Cyrus. But my body carries many
marks of Fortune's unkindness, who rather fought against
me as an enemy than assisted me as her friend. First,
among the Illyrians I was wounded in the head with a
stone, and received a blow in the neck Avith an iron mace.
Then, near the Granicus my head was a second time gashed
with a barbarian scimitar ; at Issus I was run through the
thiah with a sword ; at Gaza I was shot in the ankle with
a dart ; and not long after, falling heavy from my saddle, I
forced my shoulder out of joint. Among the Maracadartae
my shinbone was split with an arrow. The wounds I re-
ceived in India and my strenuous acts of daring courage
will declare the rest. Then among the Assacani I Avas
shot through the shoulder with another arrow. Encoun-
tering the Gandridae, my thigh was wounded ; and one of
the Mallotes drew his bow with that force, that the well-
directed arrow made way through my iron armor to lodge
itself in my breast ; besides the blow in my neck, when
the scaling-ladders brake that were set to the walls, and
Fortune left me alone, to gratify with the fall of so great
a person not a renowned or illustrious enemy, but ignoble
and worthless barbarians. So that had not Ptolemy cov-
ered me with his shield, and Limnaeus, after he had
received a thousand wounds directed at my body, fallen
dead before me ; or if the Macedonians, breathing nothing
but courage and their prince's rescue, had not opened a
OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT. 477
timely breach, that barbarous and nameless village might
have proved Alexander's tomb.
3. Take the whole expedition together, and what was it
but a patient endurance of cold winters and parching
droughts ; depths of rivers, rocks inaccessible to the
winged fowl, amazing sights of strange wild beasts, sav-
age diet, and lastly revolts and treasons of far-controlling
potentates. As to Avhat before the expedition befell me, it
is Avell knoAvn that all Greece lay gasping and panting
under the fatal effects of the Philippic wars. But then
the Thebans, raising themselves upon their feet again
after so desperate a fall, shook from their arms the dust
of Chaeronea ; with them also joined the Athenians, reach-
ing forth their helping hands. The treacherous Macedo-
nians, studying nothing but revenge, cast their eyes upon the
sons of Aeropus ; the Illyrians brake out into an open war ;
and the Scythians hung in equal balance, seeing their neigh-
bors meditating new revolutions ; while Persian gold, lib-
erally scattered among the popular leaders of every city,
put all Peloponnesus into motion.
King Philip's treasuries were at that time empty, and
besides he was in debt, as Onesicritus relates, two hundred
talents. In the midst of so much pressing want and such
menacing troubles, a youth but new past the age of child-
hood durst aspire to the concμlest of Babylon and Susa, or
rather project in his thoughts supreme dominion over all
mankind ; and all this, trusting only to the strength of
thirty thousand foot and four thousand horse. For so
many there were, by the account which Aristobulus gives ;
by the relation of King Ptolemy, there were five thousand
horse ; from both which Anaximenes varying musters up
the foot to three and forty thousand, and the horse to five
thousand five hundred. Now the glorious and magnificent
sum which Fortune had raised up to supply the necessities
of so great an expedition was no more than seventy talents,
478 OF THE FORTUNE OR VIRTUE
according to Aristobulus ; or, as Duris records it, only
thirty days' provision.
4. You will say therefore that Alexander Avas too rash
and daringly mconsiderate, Avith such a slender support to
rush upon so vast an opposition. By no means : for who
was ever better fitted than he for splendid enterprises, with
all the choicest and most excelling precepts of magnanim-
ity, consideration, wisdom, and virtuous fortitude, with
which a philosophical education largely supplied him for
his expedition"? So that we may properly affirm that he
invaded Persia with greater assistance from Aristotle than
from his father Philip. As for those Λvho write how
Alexander was wont to say that the Iliad and Odyssey
had always followed him in his wars, in honor to Homer I
believe them. Nevertheless, if any one affirm that the
Iliad and Odyssey were admitted of his train merely as the
recreation of his wearied thoughts or pastime of his lei-
sure hours, but that philosophical learning, and commenta-
ries concerning contempt of fear, fortitude, temperance,
and nobleness of spirit, were the real cabinet provision
which he carried along for his personal use, we contemn
their assertion. For he was not a person that ever wrote
concerning arguments or syllogisms ; none of those who
observed walks in the Lyceum, or held disputes in the
Academy ; for they Λνΐιο thus circumscribe philosophy be-
lieve it to consist in discoursing, not in action. And yet
we find that neither Pythagoras nor Socrates, Arcesilaus
nor Carneades, was ever celebrated for his writings, though
they were the most approved and esteemed among all the
philosophers. Yet no such busy wars as these employed
their time in civilizing wild and barbarous kings, in build-
ing Grecian cities among rude and unpolished nations, nor
in settling government and peace among people that lived
without humanity or control of law. They only lived at
ease, and surrendered the business and trouble of writing
OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT. 4T9
to the more contentious Sophists. \Vhence then came it
to pass that they Avere belicA^ed to be philosophers 1 It was
either from their sayings, from the lives they led, or from
the precepts which they taught. Upon these grounds let
us take a prospect of Alexander, and we shall soon find
him, by what he said, by \vhat he acted, and by the lessons
he taught, to be a great philosopher.
5. And first, if you please, consider that which seems the
farthest distant of all from the common received opinion,
and compare the disciples of x\lexander with the pupils of
Plato and Socrates. The latter instructed persons ingen-
uous, such as speak the same speech, well understanding
(if nothing else) the Grecian language. But there were
many with whom their precepts did not prevail ; for men
like Critias, Alcibiades, and Cleitophon shook off their
doctrine like a bridle, and followed the conduct of their
own inclinations.
On the other side, take a view of Alexander's discipline,
and you shall see how he taught the Ilyrcanians the con-
veniency of Avedlock, introduced husbandry among the
Arachosians, persuaded the Sogdians to preserve and cher-
ish — not to kill — their aged parents ; the Persians to
reverence and honor — not to marry — their mothers.
Most admirable philosophy ! Avhich induced the Indians
to worship the Grecian Deities, and wrought upon the
Scythians to bury their deceased friends, not to feed upon
their carcasses. \Ve admire the power of Carneades's elo-
quence, for forcing the Carthaginian Clitomachus, called
Asdrubal before, to embrace the Grecian customs. No less
we wonder at the prevailing reason of Zeno, by whom the
Babylonian Diogenes was charmed into the love of philoso-
phy. Yet no sooner had Alexander subdued Asia, than
Homer became an author in high esteem, and the Persian,
Susian, and Gedrosian youth sang the tragedies of Eurip-
ides and Sophocles. Among the Athenians, Socrates, intro•
480 OE THE FORTUNE OR VIRTUE
ducing foreign Deities, was condemned to death at the
prosecution of his accusers. But Alexander engaged both
Bactria and Caucasus to Avorship the Grecian Gods, which
they had never knoAvn before. Lastly, Plato, though he pro-
posed but one single form of a commonwealth, could never
persuade any people to make use of it, by reason of the aus-
terity of his government. But Alexander, building above
seventy cities among the barbarous nations, and as it were
sowing the Grecian customs and constitutions all over Asia,
quite Aveaned them from their former wild and savage
manner of living. The laws of Plato here and there a
single person may peradventure study, but myriads of
people have made and still make use of Alexander's. And
they whom Alexander vanquished were more greatly
blessed than the}' Λνΐιο fled his conquests. For these had
none to deliver them from their ancient state of misery ;
the others the victor compelled to better fortune. True
therefore was that expression of Themistocles, when he
was a fugitive from his native country, and the king enter-
tained him Avith sumptuous presents, assigning him three
stipendiary cities to supply his table, one with bread, a
second with wine, a third with all manner of costly viands ;
Ah ! young men, said he, had we not been undone, we had
surely been undone. It may, however, be more justly
averred of those whom xllexander subdued, had they not
been vanquished, they had never been civilized. Egypt
had not vaunted her Alexandria, nor Mesopotamia her
Seleucia ; Sogdiana had not gloried in her Propthasia, nor
the Indians boasted their Bucephalia, nor Caucasus its
neighboring Grecian city ; by the founding of all which bar-
barism was extinguished and custom changed the worse
into better.
If then philosophers assume to themselves their highest
applause for cultivating the most fierce and rugged con-
ditions of men, certainly Alexander is to be acknowledged
OF ALEXANDER THE GEEAT. 481
the chiefest of philosophers, who changed the wild and
brutish customs of so many various nations, reducing them
to order and government.
6. It is true indeed that the so much admired common-
Avealth of Zeno, first author of the Stoic sect, aims singly
at this, that neither in cities nor in towns we should live
under laAvs distinct one from another, but that we should
look upon all men in general to be our fellow-countrymen
and citizens, observing one manner of living and one kind
of order, like a flock feeding together with equal right in
one common pasture. This Zeno Avrote, fancying to him-
self, as in a' dream, a certain scheme of civil order, and the
image of a philosophical commonwealth. But Alexander
made good his words by his deeds ; for he did not, as
Aristotle advised him, rule the Grecians like a moderate
prince and insult over the barbarians like an absolute ty-
rant ; nor did he take particular care of the first as his
friends and domestics, and scorn the latter as mere brutes
and vegetables ; which Avould have filled his empire with
fugitive incendiaries and perfidious tumults. But believing
himself sent from Heaven as the common moderator and
arbiter of all nations, and subduing those by force whom
he could not associate to himself by fair offers, he labored
thus, that he might bring all regions, far and near, under
the same dominion. And then, as in a festival goblet,
mixing lives, manners, customs, wedlock, all together, he
ordained that every one should take the whole habitable
world for his country, of which his camp and army should
be the chief metropolis and garrison ; that his friends and
kindred should be the good and virtuous, and that the
vicious only should be accounted foreigners. ISJ^or would
he that Greeks and barbarians should be distinguished
by long garments, targets, scimitars, or turbans ; but that
the Grecians should be known by their virtue and courage,
and the barbarians by their vices and their cowardice ; and
VOL. I. 31
482 OF THE FORTUNE OR VIRTUE
that their habit, their diet, their marriage and custom of
converse, should be everywhere the same, engaged and
blended together by the ties of blood and pledges of
offspring.
7. Therefore it was that Demaratus the Corinthian, an
acquaintance and friend of Philip, when he beheld Alex-
ander in Susa, bursting into tears of more than ordinary
joy, bewailed the deceased Greeks, who, as he said, had
been bereaved of the greatest blessing on earth, for that
they had not seen Alexander sitting upon the throne of
Darius. Though most assuredly, for my part, I do not
envy the beholders this show, Avhich Avas only a thing of
chance and a happiness of more ordinary kings. But I
would gladly have been a spectator of those majestic and
sacred nuptials, when, after he had betrothed together a
hundred Persian brides and a hundred Macedonian and
Greek bridegrooms, he placed them all at one common
table witliin the compass of one pavilion embroidered with
gold, as being all of the same family ; and then, crowned
with a nuptial garland, and being himself the first to sing
an epithalamium in honor of the conjunction between two
of the greatest and most potent nations in the Avorld, of
only one the bridegroom, of all the brideman, father, and
mo'derator, he caused the several couples to be severally
married. Had I but beheld this sight, ecstasied with pleas-
ure I should have then cried out : " Barbarous and stupid
Xerxes, how vain was all thy toil to cover the Hellespont
with a floating bridge ! Thus rather wise and prudent
princes join Asia to Europe. They join and fasten nations
together not with boards or planks, or surging brigandines,
not with inanimate and insensible bonds, but by the ties of
legitimate love, chaste nuptials, and the infallible gage of
progeny."
8. But then, when he considered the Eastern garments,
Alexander preferred the Persian before the Median habit,
OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT. 483
though much the meaner and more frugal garb. There-
fore rejecting the gaudy and scenical ornament of barba-
rian galhintry, such as were the tiara and candys, together
with the upper breeches, according to the report of Eratos-
thenes, he ordered a mixture of the Macedonian and Per-
sian modes to be observed in all the garments which he
wore. As a philosopher, he contented himself with medi-
ocrity ; but as the common chieftain of both and as a mild
and affable prince, he was willing to gain the affection of
the vanquished by the esteem Avhich he showed to the
mode of the country ; that so they might continue the
more steadfast and loyal to the jSIacedonians, not hating
them as their enemies, but loving them as their princes
and rulers. This behavior was contrary to that of persons
insipid and puffed up Avith prosperity, who wedded to their
own humors admire the single colored robe but cannot en-
dure the tunic bordered with purple, or else are well pleased
Avith the latter and hate the former, like young children, in
love Λvith the mode in which, as another nurse, their coun-
try's custom first a])parelled them. And yet we see that
they who hunt wild beasts clothe themselves with their
hairy skins ; and fowlers make use of feathered jerkins ;
nor are others less Avary how they show themselves to
Avild bulls in scarlet or to elephants in Avhite ; for those
creatures are provoked and enraged at the sight of these
colors. If then this potent monarch, designing to reclaim
and civilize stubborn and warlike nations, took the same
course to soften and allay their inbred fury which others
take with wild beasts, and at length brought them to be
tame and tractable by making use of their familiar habits
and by submitting to their customary course of life, thereby
removing animosity from their breasts and sour looks from
their countenances, shall we blame his management ; or
rather must we not admire the wisdom of him who by so
slight a change of apparel ruled all Asia, subduing their
484 OF THE FOKTUNE OR VIRTUE
bodies with his arms and vanquishing their minds with his
habit ? It is a strange thing ; we applaud Socratic Aris-
tippus, because, being sometimes dad in a poor threadbare
cloak, sometimes in a ^Milesian robe, he kept a decency in
both ; but they censure Alexander, because he gave som,e
respect to the garb and mode of those whom he had van-
quished, as Λνβΐΐ as to that of his native country ; not
considering that he was laying the foundation of vast
achievements. It was not his design to ransack Asia like
a robber, or to despoil and ruin it, as the prey and rapine
of unexpected good fortune, as afterwards Hannibal pil-
laged Italy, and before him the Treres ravaged Ionia and
the Scythians harassed Media, — but to subdue all the
kinodoms of the earth under one form of government, and
to make one nation of all mankind. So that if the same
Deity which hither sent the soul of Alexander had not too
soon recalled it, one law had overlooked all the world, and
one form of justice had been as it were the common light
of one universal government ; while now that part of the
earth which Alexander never saw remains without a sun.
9. Thus, in the first place, the very scope and aim of
Alexander's expedition speaks him a philosopher, as one
that sought not to gain for himself luxurious splendor or
riches, but to establish concord, peace, and mutual commu-
nity among all men.
Next, let us consider his sayings, seeing that the souls of
other kings and potentates betray their conditions and in-
clinations by their expressions. Antigonus the x'Vged, hav-
ing heard a certain poet sing before him a short treatise
concerning justice, said. Thou art a fool to mention justice
to me, when thou seest me thundering down the cities be-
longing to other people about their ears. Dionysius the
Tyrant was wont to say that children were to be cheated
with dice, but men with oaths. Upon the monument of
Sardanapalus this inscription is to be seen : —
OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT. 485
All I did eat and drink, and all that lust
To me vouchsafed, I have ; all else is gone.
What now can a man say of these apophthegms, but
that the first denotes injustice and immoderate desire of
sovereignty ; the next impiety ; and the third sensuality ?
But as for the sayings of Alexander, set aside his diadem,
his claimed descent from Amnion, and the nobility of his
Macedonian extraction, and you would believe them to
have been the sayings of Socrates, Plato, or Pythagoras.
For we omit the swelling hyperboles of flattery which
poets have inscribed under his images and statues, study-
ing rather to extol the power of Alexander than his mod-
eration and temperance ; as, for example, —
The statue seems to look to Jove and say,
Take thou Olympus ; me let Earth obey !
and that other, —
This is Alexander the son of Jove.
But these, as I said, were only the flashes of poetic adu-
lation magnifying his good success. Let us therefore come
to such sentences as were really uttered by Alexander him-
self, beginning first with the early blossoms of his childhood.
It is well known that for swiftness in running he ex-
ceeded all that were of his years ; for Avhich reason some
of his most familiar play-fellows would have persuaded
him to show himself at the Olympic games. He asked
them whether there were any kings to contend with him.
And when they replied that there were none, he said, The
contest then is unequal, for I can conquer only private men,
while they may con(|uer a king.
His father. King Philip, being run through the thigh in
a battle against the Triballi, and, though he escaped the
danger, being not a little troubled at the deformity of his
limping; Be of good cheer, father, said he, and show
yourself in public, that you may be reminded of your
bravery at every step.
486 OF THE FORTUNE OR VIRTUE
Are not these the products of a mind truly philosophi-
cal, which by an inspired inclination to what is noble
already contemns the disfigurings of the body ] Nor can
Ave otherwise believe but that he himself gloried in his own
wounds, which every time he beheld them called to his
remembrance the conquered nation and the victory, what
cities he had taken, what kings had surrendered them-
selves ; never striving to conceal or cover those indelible
characters and scars of honor, which he always carried
about him as the engraven testimonies of his virtue and
fortitude.
10. Then again, if any dispute arose or judgment were
to be given upon any of Homer's verses, either in the
schools or at meals, this that follows he always preferred
above the rest, —
Both a good king, and far renowned in war ; *
believing that the praise which another by precedency of
time had anticipated was to be a law also to himself,
and saying that Homer in the same verse had extolled the
fortitude of Agamemnon and prophesied of Alexander's.
Crossing therefore the Hellespont, he viewed the city of
Troy, revolving in his mind the heroic acts of antiquity.
At this time one of the chief citizens proffering to him
Paris's harp, if he pleased to accept it ; I need it not, said
he, for I have that with which Achilles pleased himself
already,
When he the mighty deeds of heroes sung,
Whose fame so loudly o'er the world has rung ; t
but as for Paris, his soft and effeminate harmony Avas de-
voted only to the pleasures of amorous courtship. Now it
is part of a true philosopher's soul to love wisdom and
chiefly to admire wise men ; and this was Alexander's
praise beyond all other princes. His high esteem for his
* II. III. 179. t II. IX. 189.
OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT. 487
master Aristotle we have already mentioned. No less honor
did he give to Anaxarchus the musician, whom he favored
as ont of his choicest friends. To Pyrrhon the Elean, the
first thne he saw him, he gave a thousand crowns in gold.
To Xenocrates, the companion of Plato, he sent an honor-
ary present of fifty talents. Lastly, it is recorded by sev-
eral that he made Onesicratus, the disciple of Diogenes the
Cynic, chief of his pilots. But when he came to discourse
\ΛΊΐ1ι Diogenes himself at Corinth, he was struck in such a
manner Avith wonder and astonishment at the course of
life and sententious learning of the person, that frequently
calling him to mind he was wont to say. Were I not Alex-
ander, I Λvould be Diogenes. That is, I would have de-
voted myself to the study of words, had I not been a
philosopher in deeds. He did not say. Were I not a king,
I would be Diogenes ; nor, Were I not opulent, an Arge-
ades. For he did not prefer fortune before wisdom, nor
the purple robe or regal diadem before the beggar's wallet
and threadbare mantle ; but he said. Were I not Alex-
ander, I would be Diogenes. That is, —
" Had I not designed to intermix barbarians and Greeks
and to civilize the earth as I marched forward, and had I
not proposed to search the limits of sea and land, and so,
extending Macedon to the land-bounding ocean, to haA^e
sown Greece in every region all along and to have diffused
justice and peace over all nations, I would not have sat
yawning upon the throne of slothful and voluptuous power,
but would have labored to imitate the fruofalitv of Dio-
genes. But now pardon us, Diogenes. We follow the
example of Hercules, we emulate Perseus, and tread in
the footsteps of Bacchus, our divine ancestor and founder
of our race ; once more we purpose to settle the victorious
( jreeks in India, and once more to put those savage moun-
taineers beyond Caucasus in mind of their ancient Bac-
chanalian revels. There, by report, live certain people
488 OF THE FORTUNE OR VIRTUE
professing a rigid and austere philosophy, and more frugal
than Diogenes, as going ahogetlier naked ; pious men,
governed hy their own constitutions and devoted wholly to
God. They have no occasion for scrip or wallet, for tuey
never lay up provision, having always fresh and new gath-
ered from the earth. The rivers afford them drink, and
at night they rest upon the grass and the leaves that fall
from the trees. By our means shall they know Diogenes,
and Diogenes them. But it behooves us also, as it were,
to make a new coin, and to stamp a new face of Grecian
civility upon the barbarian metal."
11. Tell me now; can such generous acts of Alexander
as these be thought to speak the spontaneous favors of For-
tune, only an impetuous torrent of success and strength of
hand 1 Do they not rather demonstrate much of fortitude
and justice, much of mildness and temperance, in one who
managed all things Avith decorum and consideration, Avith a
sober and intelligent judgment ^ Not that I (believe me)
go about to distinguish between the several acts of Alex-
ander, and to ascribe this to fortitude, that to humanity,
another to temperance ; but I take every act to be an act
of all the virtues mixed together. This is conformable to
that Stoic sentence, '' What a wise man does he does by
the impulse of all the virtues together ; only one particular
virtue seems to head every action, and calling the rest to her
assistance drives on to the end proposed." Therefore we
may behold in xllexander a warlike humanity, a meek for-
titude, a liberality poised with good husbandry, anger easily
appeased, chaste amours, a busy relaxation of mind, and
labor not wanting recreation. Who ever like him mixed
festivals with combats, revels and jollity with expeditions,
nuptials and bacchanals Avith sieges and difficult attempts ?
To those that offended against the law who more severe ?
To the unfortunate who more pitiful ? To those that made
resistance who more terrible? To suppliants who more
OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT. 489
merciful ? This gives me an occasion to insert here the
saying of Porus. For he being brought a captive before
Alexander, and by him being asked how he ex[)ected to be
treated, E,oyally, said he, Ο Alexander. And being further
asked whether he desired no more, he replied, Nothing ; for
all things are comprehended in that word " royally." And
for my part, I know not how to give a greater applause to
the actions of Alexander, than by adding the word " philo-
sophically," for in that word all other things are included.
Being ravished with the beauty of Roxana, the daughter
of Oxyarthes, dancing among the captive ladies, he never
assailed her with, injurious lust, but married her philosophi-
cally. Beholding Darius stuck to the heart with several
arrows, he did not presently sacrifice to the Gods or sing
triumphal songs to celebrate the end of so long a war, but
unclasping his own cloak from his shoulders he threw it
over the dead corpse philosophically, as it were to cover
the shame of royal calamity. Another time, as he was
perusing a private letter sent him by his mother, he ob-
served Hephaestion, who was sitting by him, to read it
along with him, little understanding what he did. For
which unwary act Alexander forbore to reprove him ; only
clapping his signet to his mouth, he thus kindly admon-
ished him that his lips were then sealed up to silence by
the friendly confidence which he reposed in him, — all
this philosophically. And indeed if these were not acts
done philosophically, where shall we find them?
12. Let us compare with his some few acts of those who
are by all allowed to be philosophers. Socrates yielded to
the lustful embraces of Alcibiades. xllexander, when Phi-
loxenus, governor of the sea-coasts, wrote to him concern-
ing an Ionian lad that had not his equal for youthful
beauty, and desired to know whether he should be sent to
him or not, returned him this nipping answer : Vilest of
men, when wast thou ever privy to any desires of mine,
490 OF THE FORTUNE OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT.
that thou shouldst think to flatter me with such abhorred
allurements ? AVe admire the abstinency of Xenocrates
for refusing the gift of fifty talents which Alexander sent
him ; but do we take no notice of the munificence of the
giver ? Or is the bountiful person not to be thought as
much a contemner of money as he that refuses it ] Xeno-
crates needed not riches, by reason of his philosophy ; but
Alexander wanted wealth, by reason of the same philoso-
phy, that he might be more liberal to such persons. . . .
How often has Alexander borne witness to this in the
midst of a thousand dangers ? It is true, we believe that
it is in the power of all men to judge rightly of things ;
for nature guides us of herself to virtue and bravery. But
herein philosophers excel all others, that they have by
education acquired a fixed and solid judgment to encounter
whatever dangers they meet with. For most men have no
such maxims to defend them as this in Homer, —
Without a sign his sword the brave man draws,
And needs no omen but his country's cause.*
And that other of Demosthenes, —
Death is the certain end of all mankind.t
But sudden apparitions of imminent danger many times
break our resolutions ; and the fancy troubled with the
imagination of approaching peril chases away true judg-
ment from her seat. For fear not only astonishes the
memory, according to the saying of Thucydides, X but it dis-
sipates all manner of consideration, sense of honor, and
resolution ; while philosophy binds and keeps them to-
gether. . . .
Note. — Tlie text is defective at tlie end, and elsewhere in the last chapter. The
sense of the clau.se just preceding the quotation from Homer is cliiefly conjectural.
A similar deficiency is found at the end of the Second Oration on Alexander,
which immediately follows. (G.)
* Ή. ΧΠ. 243. t Demosthenes on the Crown, p. 258, 20.
t Thucyd. II. 87.
THE SECOND ORATION OP PLUTARCH CONCERNING
THE FORTUNE OR VIRTUE OF ALEXANDER THE
GREAT.
1. We forgot in our yesterday's discourse to tell you, that
the age wherein Alexander iioarished had the happiness
to abound in sciences and in persons of transcending natu-
ral endowments. Yet this is not to be ascribed to Alexan-
der's but their own good fortune, which favored them with
such a judge and such a spectator of their particular ex-
cellencies as was both able rightly to discern and liberally
to reward their understood deserts. Therefore it is recorded
of Archestratus, born some ages after, an elegant poet but
buried in his own extreme poverty, that a certain person
meeting him said, Hadst thou but lived when Alexander
lived, for every verse he would have gratified thee with an
island of Cyprus or a territory fair as that of Phoenicia.
AVhich makes me of opinion that those former famous
artists and soaring geniuses may not so properly be said to
have lived in the time of Alexander as by Alexander. For
as the temperature of the season and limpid thinness of the
surrounding air produce plenty of grain and fruit ; so the
favor, the encouragement, and benignity of a prince increase
the number of aspiring geniuses, and advance perfection in
sciences. And on the other side, by the envy, covetousness,
and contentiousness of those in power, whatever soars to
the height of true bravery or invention is utterly quelled
and extinguished. Therefore it is reported of Dionysius
the Tyrant that, being pleased with the music of a certain
492 OF THE FORTUNE OR VIRTUE
player on a harp, he promised him a talent for his reward ;
but when the musician claimed his promise the next day,
Yesterday, said he, by thee delighted, while thou sangest
before me, I gave thee likewise the pleasure of thy hopes ;
and thence immediately didst thou receive the reward of
thy delightful pastime, enjoying at the same time the charm-
ing expectation of my promise. In like manner Alexander
tyrant of the Pheraeans (for it behooves us to distinguish
him by that addition, lest Ave should dishonor his namesake),
sitting to see a tragedy, was so affected with delight at the
acting, that he found himself moved to a more than ordi-
nary compassion. Upon which, leaping suddenly from his
seat, as he hastily flung out of the theatre. How poor and
mean it would look, said he, if I, that have massacred so
many of my own citizens and subjects, should be seen here
weeping at the misfortunes of Hecuba and Polyxena ! And
it was an even lav but that he had mischiefed the trae^edian
for having mollified his cruel and merciless disposition, like
iron softened by fire. Timotheus also, singing to Archelaus
who seemed too parsimonious in remuneration, frequently
upbraided him with the following sarcasm : —
Base earth-bred silver tliou admirest.
To whom Archelaus not uuAvittily reparteed, —
But tliou dost beg it.
Ateas, king of the Scythians, having taken Ismenias the
musician prisoner, commanded him to play during one of
his royal banquets. And when all the rest admired and
applauded his harmony, Ateas swore that the neighing of
ahorse was more delightful to his ears. So great a stranger
was he to the habitations of the ISIuses ; as one whose
soul lodged always in his stables, fitter however to hear
asses bray than horses neigh. Therefore, among such kings,
Avhat progress or advancement of noble sciences or esteem
for learning can be expected ? And surely no more can be
. OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT. 493
expected from such as would themselves be rivals, who
therefore persecute real artists with all the hatred and envy
imaginable. In the number of these was Dionysius before
mentioned, who condemned Philoxenus the poet to labor
in the quarries, because, being by the tyrant commanded
only to correct a tragedy by him Avritten, he struck out every
line from the beginning to the end. Nay, I must needs say
that Philip, who became a student not till his latter years,
in these things descended beneath himself. For it being
once his chance to enter into a dispute about sounds Avith a
musician whom he thought he had foiled in his art, the
person modestly and with a smile replied, May never so
great a misfortune befall thee, Ο King, as to understand
these things better than I do.
2. But Alexander, well considering of what persons and
things it became him to be the hearer and spectator, and
with whom to contend and exercise his strength, made it
his business to excel all others in the art of war, and ac-
cording to Aeschylus, to be
A mighty warrior, terrible to his foes.
For having learned this art from his ancestors, the Aea-
cidae and Hercules, he gave to other arts their due honor
and esteem without the least emulation ; embracing and
favoring Avhat was in them noble and elegant, but never
suffering himself to be carried away with the pleasure of
being a practitioner in any. In his time flourished the two
tragedians, Thessalus and Athenodorus, who contending
for the prize, the Cyprian kings supplied the charges of the
theatre, and the judges were to be the most renowned
captains of the age. But at length Athenodorus being ad-
judged the victor ; I could have wished, said Alexander,
rather to have lost a part of my kingdom than to have seen
Thessalus vanquished. Yet he neither interceded with
the judges nor anywhere disapproved or blamed the judg-
494 OF THE FORTUNE OR VIRTUE
ment ; believing it became him to be superior to all others,
only to submit to justice. To tlie comedian Lyco of Scar-
phe, who had inserted into one of his scenes certain verses
in the nature of a begging petition, he gave ten talents,
laughing heartily at the conceit. Aristonicus was in the
number of the most famous musicians of those times. This
man being slain in battle, strenuously fighting to assist and
save his friend, Alexander commanded his statue to be
made in brass and set up in the temple of Pythian Apollo,
holding his harp in one hand and his spear upright in tlie
other, not only in memory of the person, but in honor of
music itself, as exciting to fortitude and inspiring those Avho
are rightly and generously bred to it with a kind of super-
natural courage and braverv.
Even Alexander himself, when Antigenides played before
him in the Harmatian mood, was so transported and warmed
for battle by the charms of lofty airs, that leaping from his
seat all in his clattering armor he began to lay about him
and attack those who stood next him, thereby verifying to
the Spartans what was commonly sung among themselves, —
Tlie masculine touclies of tlie well-tuned lyre
Unsheathe the sword and warlike rage inspire.*
Furthermore, there were also Apelles the painter and
Lysippus the statuary both living under the reign of Alex-
ander. The first of which painted him grasping Jupiter's
thunderbolt in his hand, so artfully and in such lively colors,
that it Avas said of the two Alexanders that Philip's was
invincible, but Apelles's inimitable. Lysippus, when he
had finished the first statue of Alexander looking up with
his face to the sky (as Alexander was wont to look, with
his neck slightly bent), not improperly added to the pedestal
the following lines : —
The statue seems to look to Jove and say,
Take thou Olympus ; me let Earth obey 1
* Alcman, Frag. 27.
OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT. 495
For which Alexander gave to Lysippus the sole patent for
makmg all his statues ; because he alone expressed in brass
the vigor of his mind, and in his lineaments represented the
lustre of his virtue ; Λvhile others, who strove to imitate
the turning of his neck and softness and brightness of his
eyes, failed to observe the manliness and lion-like fierceness
of his countenance.
Among the great artists of that time Λvas Stasicrates, who
ncA^er studied elegance nor what Avas sweet and alluring to
the eye, but only bold and lofty Avorkmanship and design,
becoming the munificence of royal bounty. He attended
upon Alexander, and found fault with all the paintings,
sculptures, and cast figures that Avere made of his person,
as the works of mean and slothful artificers. " But I," said
he, " Will undertake to fix the likeness of thy body on mat-
ter incorruptible, such as has eternal foundations and a
ponderosity steadfast and immovable. For the mountain
Atlios in Thrace, where it rises largest and most conspicu-
ous, having a just symmetry of breadth and height, with
members, limbs, and distances answerable to the shape of
human body, may be so wrought and formed as to be, not
only in imagination and fancy but really, the effigy and
statue of Alexander ; with his feet reaching to the seas,
grasping in his left hand a fair and populous city, and with
his right pouring forth an ever-flowing river into the ocean
from a bowl, as a perpetual drink-ofi"ering. But as for gold,
brass, ivory, wood, stained figures, and little wax images,
toys which may be bought or stolen, I despise them all."
Wlien Alexander heard this discourse, he admired and
praised the spirit and confidence of the artist ; " But," said
he, " let Athos alone ; for it is sufiicient that it is the mon-
ument of the vanquished folly and presuming pride of one
king already. Our portraiture the snowy Caucasus, and
towering Emodon, Tanais, and the Caspian Sea shall draw.
They shall remain eternal monuments of our renown."
496 or THE FORTUNE OR VIRTUE
3. But grant that so vast an undertaking should have
been brought to perfection ; is there any person Hving, do
ye think, that would have beheved such a figure, such a
form, and so great a design, to be the spontaneous and ac-
cidental production of fantastic Nature] Certainly, not
one. What may we think of the statue representing him
grasping thunder, and that other with his spear in his
hand] Is it possible that a Colossus of a statue should
ever be made by Fortune Avithout the help of art ; nay,
though she should profusely afford all the materials im-
aginable of gold, brass, ivory, or any other substance what-
ever? Much more, is it probable that so great a personage,
and indeed the greatest of all who have ever lived, should
be the workmanship of Fortune without the assistance of
virtue ] And all this, perhaps, because she has made him
the potent master of arms, horses, money, and wealthy
cities ] — which he who knows not how to use shall rather
find to be destructive and dangerous than aids to advance
his power and magnificence, as aifording proofs of his
weakness and pusillanimity. Noble therefore was the say-
ing of Antisthenes, that we ought to wish an enemy all
things beneficial to mankind except fortitude ; for so these
blessings will belong not to their possessors but to the con-
queror. Therefore it was, they say, that J^ature provided
for the hart, one of the most timorous of creatures, such
large and branchy horns, to teach us that strength and
weapons nothing avail where conduct and courage are want-
ing. In like manner. Fortune frequently bestowing wealth
and empire upon princes simple and faint-hearted, who
blemish their dignity by misgovernment, honors and more
firmly establishes virtue, as being that which alone makes
a man most truly beautiful and majestic. For indeed, ac-
cording to Epicharmus,
'Tis the mind only sees, the mind
That hears ; the rest are deaf iind blind.
OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT. 497
For as for the senses, they seem only to have their proper
opportunities to act.
But that tiie mind alone is that which gives both as-
sistance and ornament, the mind that overcomes, that
excels, and acts the kingly part, while those other blind,
deaf, and inanimate things do but hinder, depress, and
disgrace the possessors void of virtue, is easily made mani-
fest by experience. For Semiramis, but a Avoman, set forth
great navies, raised mighty armies, built Babylon, covered
the E,ed Sea with her fleets and subdued the Ethiopians and
Arabians. On the other side, Sardanapalus possessing the
same power and dominion, though born a man, spent his
time at home combing purple wool, lying among his har-
lots in a lascivious posture upon his back, with his heels
higher than his head. After his decease, they made for
him a statue of stone, resembling a woman dancing, Avho
seemed to snap with her fingers as she held them over her
head, with this inscription, —
Eat, drink, indulge thy lust ; all other things, are nothing.
Whence it came to pass that Crates, seeing the golden
statue of Phryne the courtesan standing in the temple of
Delphi, cried out. There stands a trophy of the Grecian
luxury. But had he viewed the life or rather burial (for I
find but little difference) of Sardanapalus, would he have
imagined that statue to have been a trophy of Fortune's
indulgences ? Shall we suffer the fortune of Alexander to
be sullied by the touch of Sardanapalus, or endure that
the latter should challenge the majesty and prowess of the
former] For what did Sardanapalus enjoy through her
favor, more than other princes receive at her hands — arms,
horses, weapons, money, and guards of the body? Let
Fortune, with all these assistances, make Aridaeus famous,
if she can ; let her, if she can, advance the renown of
Ochus, Amasis, Oarses, Tigranes the Armenian, or Nico-
voL. I. 32
49H OF THE FORTUNE OR VIRTUE
medes the Bithynian. Of which last two, the one, casting
his diadem at Pompey's feet, ignominiously surrendered up
his kingdom a prey to the victor ; and as for Nicomedes,
he, after he had shaved his head and put on the cap of
liberty, acknowledged himself no more than a freed vassal
of the Roman people.
4. Rather let us therefore affirm that Fortune makes her
favorites little, poor-spirited, and pusillanimous cowards.
But it is not just to ascribe vice to misfortune, fortitude and
wisdom to prosperity. Fortune indeed was herself made
great by Alexander's reign ; for in him she appeared illus-
trious, invincible, magnanimous, merciful, and just. Inso-
much that after his decease Leosthenes likened this vast
bulk of power — wandering as in a mist, and sometimes
violently rushing one part against the other — to the giant
Cyclops, who after he had lost his eye went feeling and
groping about Avith his hands before him, not knowing
where to lay them. So strangely did that vast pile of
dominion roll and tumble about in the dark of confusion,
when shattered into anarchy by the loss of its supreme
head. Or rather, as dead bodies, when the soul takes her
flight, no longer grow together, no longer act together, but
are broken up and dissolved, and are finally dissipated ;
thus Alexander's empire, wanting his enlivening conduct,
panted, gasped, and boiled with fever, struggling with Per-
diccas, Meleager, Seleucus, and Antigonus, — as with vital'
spirits still remaining hot, and with irregular and intermit-
tent pulses, — till at length, totally corrupted and putrefied,
it produced a sort of degenerate kings and faint-hearted
princes, like so many worms. This he himself seemed to
prophesy, reproving Hephaestion for quarrelling with Cra-
terus : What power, said he, or signal achievement couldst
thou pretend to, should any one deprive thee of thy
Alexander ? The same will I be bold to say to the For-
tune of that time : Where would have been thy grandeur,
OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT. 499
Avhere thy glory, where thy vast emph'e, thy invincibihty,
should any one have bereaved thee of thy Alexander 1 —
that is, should any one have deprived thee of thy skill and
dexterity in war, thy magnificence in expense, thy modera-
tion in the midst of so much affluence, thy prowess in the
field, thy meekness to the vanquished'? Frame, if thou
canst, another piece like him, that missing all his noble
qualities shall neither be magnificently liberal nor foremost
in battle, that shall not regard nor esteem his friends, that
shall not be compassionate to his captives, that shall not
moderate his pleasures, that shall not be watchful to take
all opportunities, whom victory shall make inexorable and
prosperity insolent ; and try if thou canst make him
another Alexander. What ruler ever obtained renown by
folly and improbity 1 Separate virtue from the fortunate,
and he everywhere appears little ; — among those that
deserve his bounty, for his close-handed illiberality ; among
the laborious, for his eff"eminacy ; among the Gods, for his
superstition ; among the good, for his envious conditions ;
among men, for his cowardice ; among women, for his
inordinate lust. For as unskilful workmen, erecting small
figures upon huge pedestals, betray the slightness of their
own understandings ; so Fortune, Avhen she brings a person
of a poor and narrow soul upon the stage of weighty and
glorious actions, does but expose and disgrace him, as a
person whom the vanity of his own ill conduct has ren-
dered worthless.
5. So that true grandeur' does not consist in the posses-
sion but in the use of noble means. For new-born infants
frequently inherit their father's kingdoms and empires.
Such an one was Charillus, whom Lycurgus carried in his
swaddling-bands to the public table, and resigning his own
authority proclaimed king of Lacedaemon. Yet was not
the infant thereby tlic more famous, but he who surren-
dered to the infant his paternal right, scorning fraud and
500 OF THE FORTUNE OR VIRTUE
usurpation. But who could make Aridaeus great, whom
Meleager seated in Alexander's throne, differing from a
child only in having his sAvaddling-clothes of purple ]
Prudently done, that so in a few days it might appear how
men govern by virtue, and how by fortune. For after the
true prince who swayed the empire, he brought in a mere
player ; or rather he exposed the diadem of the habitable
world upon the brainless head of a mere mute on the
stage.
Women may bear the burden of a crown,
Wlien a renowned commander puts it on*
Yet some may say, it is possible for women and chil-
dren to confer dignity, riches, and empire upon others.
Thus the eunuch Bagoas took the diadem of Persia, and
set it upon the head of Oarses and Darius. But for a man
to take upon him the burden of a vast dominion, and so to
manage his ponderous affairs as not to suffer himself to
sink and be overwhelmed under the immense weight of
wakeful cares and incessant labor, that is the character
which signalizes a person endued with virtue, understanding,
and wisdom. All these royal qualities Alexander had,
Avhom some accuse of being given to wine. But he Avas a
really great man, who was always sober in action and
never drunk Avith the pride of his conquests and vast
poAver ; while others intoxicated with the smallest part of
his prosperity have ceased to be masters of themselves.
For, as the poet sings, —
The Λ-ainer sort, that view their heaps of gold,
Or else advanced at court high places hold,
Grow wanton with tliose unexpected showers
That Fortune on their happy greatness pours. t
Thus Clitus, having sunk' some three or four of the
Grecians galleys near the island Amorgus, called himself
Neptune and carried a trident. So Demetrius, to Avhom
* Aristophanes, Knights, 1056. t From the Erechtheus of Euripides.
OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT. 501
Fortune vouchsafed a small portion of Alexander's power,
assumed the title of Kataibates (as if descended from
heaven), to whom the several cities sent their ambassadors,
by the name of God-consulters, and his determinations
were called oracles. Lysimachus, having made himself
master of some part of the skirts of Alexander's empire,
viz., the region about Thrace, swelled to such excess of
pride and vain-glory as to break forth into this ranting ex-
pression : Now the Byzantines make their addresses to me,
because I touch heaven with my spear. At which Avords,
Pasiades of Byzantium being then present said, Let us be
gone, lest he pierce heaven with the point of his lance.
What shall we, in the next place, think of those who pre-
sumed, as imitators of Alexander, to have high thoughts
of themselves '? Clearchus, having made himself tyrant of
Heraclea, carried a sceptre like that of Jupiter's in his
hand, and named one of his sons Thunderbolt. Dionysius
the Younger called himself the son of Apollo in this in-
scription : —
The son of Doris, but from Phoebus sprung.
His father put to death above ten thousand of his sub-
jects, betrayed his brother out of envy to his enemies, and
not enduring to expect the natural death of his mother, at
that time very aged, caused her to be strangled,. writing in
one of his tragedies, —
For tyranny is the mother of injustice.
Yet after all this, he named one of his daughters \^n"tue,
another Temperance, and a third Justice. Others there
were that assumed the titles of benefactors, others of glo-
rious conquerors, others of preservers, and others usurped
the title of great and magnificent. But should we go
about to recount their promiscuous marriages like horses,
their continual herding among impudent and lawless
women, thek contaminations of boys, their drumming
502 OF THE FORTUNE OR VIRTUE
among• efFeminate eunuchs, tlieir perpetual gaming, their
piping in theatres, their nocturnal revels, and days con-
sumed in riot, it would be a task too tedious to undertake.
6. As for Alexander, he breakfasted by break of day,
always sitting ; and supped at the shutting in of the even-
iuCT ; he drank when he had sacrificed to the Gods. AVith
his friend Medius he played for diversion when he was sick
with a fever, lie also phiyed upon the road as he marched,
learning between Λν1ι11ο& to throw a dart and leap from his
chariot. He married Roxana merely for love ; but Statira,
the daughter of Darius, upon the account of state-
poHcy, for such a conjunction of both nations strengthened
his conquest. As to the other Persian women, he excelled
them in chastity and continence as far as he surpassed the
men in valor. He never desired the sight of any virgin
that was unwilling ; and those he saw, he regarded less
than if he had not seen them ; mild and affable to all
others, proud and lofty only to fair youth. As for the wife
of Darius, a woman most beautiful, he never would endure
to hear a word spoken in commendation of her features.
When she was dead, he graced her funeral with such a
regal pomp, and bewailed her death so piteously, that his
kindness cast discredit upon his chastity, and his very
courtesy incurred the obloquy of injustice. Indeed, Darius
himself had been moved w^itli suspicion at first, when he
thought of the power and the youth of the conqueror ; for
lie was one of those who thought Alexander to be only the
darling of Fortune. But when he understood the truth,
" Well," said he, "• I do not yet perceive the condition of
the Persians so deplorable, since the world can never tax
us now with imbecility or effeminacy, Avhose fate it was to
be vanquished by such a person. Therefore my prayers
shall be to the Gods for his prosperity, and that he may be
still victorious in war ; to the end that in well-doing I may
surpass Alexander. For my emulation and ambition lead
OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT. 503
mo in point of honor to show myself more cordial and
friendly than he. If then the Fates have otherwise deter-
mined as to me and mine, Ο Jupiter preserver of the
Persians, and you. Ο Deities, to whom the care of kings
belongs, hear your suppliant, and suffer none but Alex-
ander to sit upon the throne of Cyrus." This was the man-
ner in which Darius adopted Alexander, after he had called
the Gods to Avitness the act.
1. So true it is that virtue is the Adctor still. But now,
if 5 on please, let us ascribe to Fortune Arbela and Cilicia,
and those other acts of main force and violence ; say that
Fortune thundered doAvn the walls of Tyre, and that For-
tune opened the Avay into Egypt. Believe that by Fortune
Halicarnassus fell, Miletus was taken, Mazaeus left Eu-
phrates unguarded, and the Babylonian fields were strew^ed
with the carcasses of the slain. Yet was not his prudence
the gift of Fortune, nor his temperance. Neither did For
tune, as it Avere empaling his inclinations, preserve him im-
pregnable against his pleasures or invulnerable against the
assaults of his fervent desires. These Λvere the Λveapons
witli which he overthrew Darius. Fortune's advantages,
if so they may be called, were only the fury of armed men
and horses, battles, slaughters, and flights of routed adver-
saries. But the great and most undoubted Λ'ictory which
Darius lost was this, that he was forced to yield to virtue,
magnanimity, prowess, and justice, while he beheld with
admiration his conqueror, who was not to be overcome by
pleasure or by labor, nor to be matched in liberality.
True it is, that among the throngs of shields and spears,
in the midst of war-like shouts and the clashing of weapons,
Tarrias tlie son of Dinomenes, Antigenes the Pellenian,
and Philotas the son of Parmenio were invincible ; but in
respect of their inordinate debauchery, their love of women,
their insatiable covetousness, they were nothing superior
to tlie meanest of their captives. For the last of these
504 OF THE FORTUNE OR VIRTUE
vices Tarrias was particularly noted ; and when xVlexander
set the Macedonians out of debt and paid off all their
creditors, Tarrias pretended among the rest to owe a great
sum of money, and brought a suborned person to demand
the sum as due to him ; but being discovered, he would
have laid violent hands upon himself, had not Alexander
forgiven him and ordered him the money, remembering that
at the battle of Perinthus fought by Philip, being shot into
the eye with a dart, he would not suffer the head of it to
be pulled out till the field was clear of the enemy. An-
tigenes, when the sick and maimed soldiers were to be sent
back into Macedon, made suit to be registered down in the
number, pretending himself utterly disabled in the wars ;
which very much troubled Alexander, who was well ac-
quainted with his valor and knew that he wore the scars
about him of many a bloody field. But the fraud being
detected, that was concealed under some little present in-
firmity, Alexander asked him the reason of his design ; and
he answered, he did it for the love of Telesippe, that he
might accompany her to the sea, not being able to endure
a separation from her. Presently the King demanded to
whom the wench belonged, and who was to be dealt Λvith
in regard to her. To which he replied, she was free from
any tie. Well, then, said the King, let us persuade her to
stay, if promises or gifts will prevail. So ready was he
to pardon the dotages of love in others, so rigorous to him-
self. But Philotas the son of Parmenio exercised his in-
continency after a more offensive manner. Antigona was
a Pellaean virgin among the captives taken about Damas-
cus, a prisoner before to Autophradates, who took her
going by. sea into Samothrace. The beauty of this damsel
was such as kept Philotas constant to her embraces. Nay,
she had so softened and mellowed this man of steel, I know
not how, that he was not master of himself in his enjoy-
ments, but told her the very secrets of his breast; among
OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT. 505
Other things he said : \Vhat had Philip been, but for Par-
menio ? And what would Alexander now be, but for Philo-
tas ? What would become of Amnion and the dragons,
should Ave be once provoked ? These \vords Antigona prat-
tled to one of her companions, and she told them to Cra-
terus. Craterus brings Antigona privately to Alexander, who
forbore to offer her the least incivility, but by her means
piercing into Philotas's breast, he detected the whole. Yet
for seven years after he never discovered so much as the
least sign of jealousy, either in his wine or in his anger ;
nor did he ever disclose it to any friend, even to Hephaes-
tion, from Avhom he never concealed the most inward of
his counsels and designs. For it is said that once, when
Alexander had just opened a private letter from his mother
and was quietly reading it, Hephaestion looked over his
shoulder and began to read it likewise ; but Alexander
forbore to reprove him, and only took off his signet and
clapped it to Hephaestion's mouth.
8. These recitals may suffice, without being tedious, to
show that he exercised his authority according to all the
most illustrious and royal methods of government, 'i'o
which grandeur if he arrived by the assistance of Fortune,
he is to be acknowledged the greater, because he made so
glorious a use of her. So that the more any man extols
his fortune, the more he advances his vhtue, which made
him worthy of such fortune.
But now I shall return to the beginnings of his advance-
ment and the early dawnings of his power, and endeavor
to discover Avhat was there the great work of Fortune, Avhich
rendered Alexander so great by her assistance. First then,
how came it to pass that some neighing barb did not seat
him in the throne of Cyrus, free from wounds, without loss
of blood, without a toilsome expedition, as formerly it
happened to Darius Hystaspes 1 Or that some one flattered
by a woman, as Darius by Atossa, did not deliver up his
506 OF THE FORTUNE Oli VIRTUE
diadem to him, as the other did to Xerxes, so that the em-
pire of Persia came home to him, even to his own doors '?
Or Avhy did not some eunuch aid him, as Bagoas did the
son of Parysatis, who, only throwing off the habit of a
messenger, immediately put on the royal turban 1 Or why
was he not elected on a sudden and unexpectedly by lot to
the empire of the world, as at Athens the lawgivers and
rulers are wont to be chosen ? Would you know how men
come to be kings by Fortune's help ? At Argos the whole
race of the Ileraclidae happened to be extinct, to whom
the sceptre of that kingdom belonged. Upon which con-
sulting the oracle, answer was made to them that an eagle
should direct them. AVithin a iew days the eagle appeared
towering aloft, but stooping he at length lighted upon
Aegon's house ; thereupon Aegon Λva.s chosen king. An-
other time in Paphos, the king that there reigned being
an unjust and wicked tyrant, Alexander resolved to de-
throne him, and therefore sought out for another, the race
of the Kinyradae seeming to be at an end. They told him
there was one yet in being, a poor man and of no account,
who lived miserable in a certain garden. Thereupon mes-
sengers were sent, who found the poor man watering some
few small beds of pot-herbs. The miserable creature was
strangely surprised to see so many soldiers about him, but
go he must ; and so being brought before Alexander in his
rags and tatters, he caused him presently to be proclaimed
king and clad in purple ; which done, he was admitted
into the number of those who were called the king's com-
panions. The name of this person was Alynomus. Thus
Fortune creates kings suddenly, easily changing the habits
and altering the names of those that never expected or
hoped for any such thing.
9. All this Λνΐιϋο, what favors did Fortune shower upon
Alexander but what he merited, what he sweat for, what
he bled for ^. AVhat came gratis ? What without the price
OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT. 507
of great achievements and illustrious actions ? He quenched
his thirst in rivers mixed with blood ; he marched over
bridges of slain carcasses ; he grazed the fields to satisfy
his present hunger ; he dug his way to nations covered
Avith snow and cities lying under ground ; he made the
hostile sea submit to his fleets ; and, marching over the
thirsty and barren sands of the Gedrosians and Aracho-
sians, he discovered green at sea before he saw it at land.
So that if I might use the same liberty of speech for Alex-
ander to Fortune as to a man, I would thus expostulate
with her : —
'• Insulting Fortune, when and where didst thou make
an easy way for Alexander's vast performances'? What
impregnable rock was ever surrendered to him without a
bloody assault, by thy favor? AVhat city didst thou ever
deliver unguarded into his hands ? Or what unarmed bat-
talion of men ? What faint-hearted prince, Avhat negligent
captain, or sleepy sentinels did he ever surprise ? When
didst thou ever befriend him with so much as a fordable
river, a mild winter, or an easy summer? Get thee to
Antiochus the son of Seleucus, to Artaxerxes the brother
of Cyrus. Get thee to Ptolemy Philadelphus. Their fathers
proclaimed them kings in their own lifetime ; they won
battles which no mothers wept for ; they spent their days
in festivals, admiring the pomp of shows and theatres ; and
still more happy, they prolonged their reigns till scarce
their feeble hands could wield their sceptres. But if noth-
ing else, behold the body of Alexander wounded by the
enemy, mangled, battered, bruised, from the crown of his
head to the soles of his feet.
With spears, and swords, and mighty stones.*
At the battle of the Granicus his helmet was cleft to his
very scull ; at Gaza he was wounded in the shoulder with
* II. XI. 265.
508 OF THE FORTUNE OR VIRTUE
a dart. Among the Maragandi he was shot in the shin so
desperately, that the bone of his shank was broken and
started out of the skin. In Hyrcania he Λvas struck in the
neck with a stone, Avhich caused such a dimness in his eyes
that for many days he was in danger of losing his sight.
Among the Assaracans he was wounded in the heel Λvith
an Indian dart ; at which time he thus derided his flatterers
with a smiling countenance, saying. This is blood, and no
immortal ichor, —
Such stream as issues from a wounded God.*
At Issus he was run through the thigh with a sword by
Darius (as Chares relates), who encountered him hand to
hand. Alexander also himself, Avriting the truth with all
sincerity to Antipater, said, It Λvas my fortune to be
wounded with a poniard in the thigh, but no ill symptoms
attended it eitlier Λvhen it was newly done or afterwards
during the cure. Another time, among the Malli he was
w^ounded with an arrow two cubits in length, that went in
at his breast and came out at his neck, as Aristobulus re-
lates. Crossing the Tanais against the Scythians and
winning the field, he pursued the flying enemy a hundred
and fifty furlongs, though at the same time laboring Avitli a
dysentery.
10. "Well contrived, vain Fortune! to advance and
aggrandize Alexander by lancing, broaching, boring every
part of his body. Not like Minerva, — who, to save
Menelaus, directed the dart against the most impenetrable
parts of his armor, blunting the force of the weapon with
his breastplate, belt, and scarf, so that it only glanced upon
his skin, and drew forth two or three drops of blood, —
but contrariwise, thou hast exposed his principal parts
naked to mischief, driving the Avounds through the very
bones, rounding every corner of his body, besieging the
* D. V. 340.
OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT. 509
eyes, undermining the pursuing feet, stopping the torrent of
victory, and disappointing the prosecution of noble designs.
For my part, I know no prince to Avhom Fortune ever was
more unkind, though she has been envious and severe
enough to several. However, other princes she destroyed
with a swift and rapid destruction, as with a whirlwind ;
but in her hatred against Alexander she prolonged her
malice, and persisted still implacable and inexorable, as
she showed herself to Hercules. For what Typhous and
monstrous giants did she not oppose against him 1 AVhich
of Jiis enemies did she not fortify with store of arms, deep
rivers, steep mountains, and the foreign strength of massy
elephants '? Now had not Alexander been a personage of
transcending wisdom, actuated by the impulse of a more
than ordinary virtue, but had he been supported only by
Fortune, he would have trusted to her as her fovorite, and
spared himself the labor and the turmoil of ranging so
many armies and fighting so many battles, the toil of so
many sieges and pursuits, the vexations of revolting na-
tions and haughty princes not enduring the curb of for-
eign dominion, and all his tedious marches into Bactria,
Maracanda, and Sogdiana, among faithless and rebellious
nations, who were ever breaking out afresh with new Λvars,
like the Hydra putting forth a new head so soon as one
Avas cut off."
1 1 . And here I may seem to utter an absurdity, but I will
venture to speak it, as being an undoubted truth ; that it
was by Fortune that he came very near losing the reputa-
tion of being the son of Jupiter Ammon. For who but
one sprung from the Gods, Hercules excepted, would ever
have undertaken and finished those hazardous and toil-
some labors which he did? Yet what did Hercules do
but terrify lions, pursue wild boars, and scare birds ; en-
joined thereto by one evil man, that he might not have
leisure for those greater actions of punishing Antaeus and
510 OF THE FORTUNE OR VIRTUE
putting an end to the murders of Busiris. But it was vir-
tue that enjoined Alexander to undertake that godlike
labor, not covetousness of the golden burden of ten thou-
sand camels, not the possession of the Median women or
glorious ornaments of Persian luxury, not greediness 'of
the Chalybonian wine or tlie fish of Hyrcania, but that
he might reduce all mankind as it were into one family,
imder one form of government and the same custom of
intercourse and conversation. This love of virtue was
thoroughly inbred, and increased and ripened as he grew in
years ; so that once being to entertain the Persian ambassa-
dors in his father's absence, he never asked them any ques-
tions that savored of boyish imbecility, — never troubled
them to answer any questions about the golden vine, the
pendent gardens, or what habit the king wore, — but still
desired to be satisfied in the chiefest concerns of the em-
pire, what force the Persians brought into the field, and in
what part of the army the king fought ; as Ulysses asked,
Where are the magazines of arms 1 And where
The barbed steeds provided for the war Ί *
He also enquired which were the nearest roads for them
that travelled from the sea up into the country ; at all of
which the ambassadors were astonished, and said. This
youth is a great prince, but ours a rich one. ϊ^ο sooner
was Philip interred, but his resolution hurried him to
cross the sea ; and having already grasped it in his hopes
and preparations, he made all imaginable haste to set foot
in Asia. Bat Fortune opposed him, diverted him, and kept
him back, creating a thousand vexatious troubles to delay
and stop him. First, she contrived the Illyrian and
Triballic wars, exciting to hostility the neighboring bar-
barians. But they, after many dangers run and many
terrible encounters, being at length chased even as far
as Scythia beyond the river Ister, he returned back to
* II. X. 407.
OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT. 511
prosecute liis first design. But then again spiteful For-
tune stirred up the Thebans against him, and entangled
him in the Grecian war, and in the dire necessity of
defending himself against his fellow-countrymen and re-
lations with fire and sword and hideous slaughter. Which
war being brought to a dreadful end, away he presently
crossed into Asia, — as Phylarchus relates, with only thirty
days' provision ; as Aristobulus reports, with seventy tal-
ents,— having before sold and divided among his friends
his own revenues and those of his crown. Only Perdiccas
refused what he offered him, asking him at the same time
what he had left for himself. And when Alexander re-
plied. Nothing but hopes. Then, said he, we will be con-
tent with the same ; for it is not just to accept of thy
goods, but we must wait for those of Darius.
12. ΛVhat were then the hopes with which Alexander
passed into Asia 1 Not a vast power mustered out of
populous cities, nor fleets sailing through mountains ; not
whips and fetters, the instruments of barbarians' fury, to
curb and manacle the sea. But in his small army there
was surpassing desire of glory, emulation among those of
equal age, and a noble strife to excel in honor and virtue
among friends. Then, as for himself, he carried with him
all these great hopes, — piety towards the Gods, fidelity to
his friends, generous frugahty, temperance, beneficence,
contempt of death, magnanimity, humanity, decent affabil-
ity, candid integrity, constancy in counsel, quickness in
execution, love of precedence in honor, and an effectual
purpose to follow the steps of virtue. And though Homer,
in describing the beauty of Agamemnon, seems not to
have observed the rules of decorum or probability in any
of his three similitudes, —
Like thundering Jove's, his awful liead and eyes
Tlie gazing crowd with majtsty surprise ;
In every part with form celestial graced,
His breast like Neptune's, and like Mars his waist; ♦
* II. Π. 478.
512 OF THE FORTUNE Oil VIRTUE
yet as for Alexander, if his celestial parents formed and
composed him of several virtues, may we not conclude
that he had the wisdom of Cyrus, the temperance of
Agesilaus, the foresight of Themistocles, the skill of
Philip, tlie daring courage of Brasidas, the shreAvdness
and political skill of Pericles ? Certainly, if we compare
him with the most ancient heroes, he was more temperate
than Agamemnon, who preferred a captive before his law-
ful wife, though but newly wedded, while Alexander, before
he was legally married, abstained from his prisoners. He
was more magnanimous than Achilles, who accepted a
small sum of money for the redemption of Hector s dead
body, while Alexander spared no expense to adorn the
funeral of Darius. Achilles accepted gifts and bribes
from his friends, as the atonement of his wrath ; Alexan-
der, when once a victor, enriched his enemies. He was
much more pious than Diomede. who scrupled not to fight
against the Gods, while Alexander ascribed to Heaven all
his successes. Finally, he was more bewailed of his re-
lations than Ulysses, whose mother died for grief, while
the mother of Alexander's enemy, out of affection, bare
him company in his death.
13. In short, if Solon proved so wise a ruler by Fortune,
if Miltiades led his armies by Fortune, if Aristides was so
renowned for his justice by Fortune, then there is nothing
that can be called the Avork of virtue. Then is virtue
only an airy fiction, and a word that passes with some
show of glory through the life of man, but feigned and
magnified by Sophists and lawgivers. But if every one
of these whom we have mentioned was wealthy or poor,
weak or strong, deformed or beautiful, long or short lived,
by Fortune, but made himself a great captain, a great law-
giver, famous for governing kingdoms and commonwealths,
by virtue and reason ; then in God's name let us compare
Alexander with the best of them. Solon by a law made a
OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT. 513
great abatement upon the payment of the Athenians' pri-
vate debts, which he called his burden-easing law ; Alexan-
der discharged the debts of his Macedonians at his own
expense. Pericles, laying a tax upon the Greeks, expended
the money in building temples to beautify the citadel of
Atliens ; Alexander sent home ten thousand talents out
of the spoils of the barbarians, for the building of tem-
ples to the Gods all over Greece. Brasidas advanced his
fame all over Greece, by breaking through the enemy's
army lying encamped by the seaside near Methone ; but
when you read of that daring jump of Alexander's (so
astonishing to the hearers, much more to them that beheld
it) when he threw himself from the walls of the Oxydra-
fcian metropolis among the thickest of the enemy, assail-
ing him on every side with spears, darts, and swords, tell
me where you meet with such an example of matchless
prowess, or to what you can compare it but to a g'eam
of lightning violently flashing from a cloud, and impetu-
ously driven by the wind ? Such was the appearance of
Alexander, as he leaped like an apparition to the earth,
glittering in his flaming armor. The enemy, at first amazed
and struck with horror, retreated and fell back ; till seeing
him single they came on again with a redoubled force.
Now was not this a great and splendid testimony of
Fortune's kindness, to throw him into an inconsiderable
and barbarous town, and there to enclose and immure him
a prey to worthless enemies ? xind Λvhen his friends made
haste to his assistance, to break the scaling-ladders, and
to overthrow and cast them down ? Of three that got
upon the walls and flung themselves down in his defence,
endearing Fortune presently despatched one ; the other,
pierced and struck with a shower of darts, could only be
said to live. \Vithout, the Macedonians foamed and filled
the air with helpless cries, having no engines at hand. All
they could do Avas to dig down the vs^alls with their swords,
514 or THE FORTUNE OR VIRTUE
tear out the stones with their nails, and almost to rend
them out A\'ith their teeth. All this while, Alexander,
Fortune's favorite, whom she always covered with her pro-
tection, like a Λvild beast entangled in a snare, stood de-
serted and destitute of all assistance, not laboring for Susa,
Babylon, Bactria, or to vanquish the mighty Porus. For to
miscarry in great and glorious attempts is no reproach ;
but so malicious was Fortune, so kind to the barbarians,
such a hater of Alexander, that she aimed not only at his
life and body, but at bereaving him of his honor and sully-
ing his renoAvn. For Alexander's fall had never been so
much lamented had he perished near Euphrates or Hy-
daspes by the hand of Darius, or by the horses, sAvords,
and axes of the Persians fighting with all their might and
main in defence of their king, or had he tumbled from
the walls of Babylon, and all his hopes together. Thus
Pelopidas and Epaminondas fell ; whose death was to be
ascribed to their virtue, not to such a poor misfortune as
this. But what was the singular act of Fortune's favor
which we are now enquiring into ] What indeed, bvit in
the farthest nook of a barbarous country, on the farther
side of a river, within the w^alls of a miserable village, to
pen up and hide the lord and king of the world, that he
might there perish shamefully at the hands of barbarians,
who should knock him down and pelt him with whatever
came next to hand ? There tlie first blow he received with
a battle-axe cleft his helmet and entered his skull ; at the
same time another shot him with an Indian arrow in the
breast near one of his paps, the head being four fingers
broad and fi\e in length, which, together with the weight
of the shaft which projected from the wound, did not a
little torment him. But, what was worst of all, Avhile he
was thus defending himself from his enemies before him,
when he had laid a bold attempter that approached his
person sprawling upon the earth with his sword, a fellow
OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT. 515
from a mill close by came behind him, and with a great
iron pestle gave him such a bang upon the neck as de-
prived him for the present both of his senses and his sight.
However, his virtue did not yet forsake him, but supplied
him still with courage, infusing strength withal and speed
into those about him. For Ptolemy, Limnaeus, and Leon-
natus, and some others who had mounted or broken through
the wall, made to his succor, and stood about him like so
many bulwarks of his virtue ; out of mere affection and
kindness to their sovereign exposing their bodies, their
faces, and their lives in his defence. For it is not Fortune
that overrules men to run the hazard of death for brave
princes ; but the love of virtue allures them — as natural
affection charms and entices bees — to surround and guard
their chief commander.
AVhat person then, at that time beholding in security
this strange adventure, would not have confessed that he
had seen a desperate combat of Fortune against virtue,
and that the barbarians were undeservedly superior through
Fortune's help, but that the Greeks resisted beyond imagi-
nation through the force of virtue "? So that if the bar-
barians had vanquished, it had been the act of Fortune
or of some catlI genius or divine retribution ; but as the
Greeks became the victors, they owed their conquest to
their virtue, their prowess, their friendship and fidelity to
each other. For these were all the life-guard Alexander
had at that time ; Fortune having interposed a wall between
him and all his other forces, so that neither fleets nor
armies, cavalry nor infantry, could stand him in any stead.
Therefore the Macedonians routed the barbarians, and
buried those that fell under the ruins of their own town.
But "this little availed Alexander ; for he w^as carried off
with the dart sticking in his breast, having now a war in
his own bowels, while the arrow in his bosom Avas a kind
of cord, or rather nail, that was driven through his breast-
516 OF THE FORTUNE OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT.
plate and fastened it to his body. AVhen they went about
to dress him, the forked shape of the iron head would not per-
mit the surgeons to draw it forth from the root of the Avound.
being fixed in the solid parts of the breast that fortify the
heart. Nor durst they attempt to cut away the shaft that
stuck. out, fearing they should put him to an excess of
torment by the motion of the iron in the cleft of the bone,
and cause a new flux of blood not easy to be stopped. Alex-
ander, observing their hesitation and delay, endeavored
himself with a little knife to cut off the shaft close to tlie
skin ; but his hand failed him, being seized with a heavy
numbness by reason of the inflammation of the wound.
Thereupon he commanded the surgeons and those that
stood about him to try the same thing themselves and not
to be afraid, giving them all the encouragement he could.
Those that Avept he upbraided for their weakness ; others
he called deserters, that refused him their assistance in
such a time of need. At length, calling to his friends, he
said : Let no one of you fear for me ; for how shall I be-
lieve you to be contemners of death, Avhen you betray your-
selves to be afraid of mine '? *
* See footnote at the end of the First Oration on Alexander.
END OP VOL. I.
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