Plutarch's Romane questions

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PREFACE.

On the whole, with the proper qualifications,
Plutarch's Romdne Questions may fairly be said
to be the earliest formal treatise written on
the subject of follc-lore. The problems which
Plutarch proposes for solution are mainly such
as the modern science of folk-lore undertakes
to solve ; and though Plutarch was not the
first to propound them, he was the first to
make a collection and selection of them and
give them a place of their own in literature.
On the other hand, though Plutarch's questions
are in the spirit of modern scientific inquiry,
his answers — or rather the answers which he
sets forth, for they are not always or usually
his own — are conceived in a difi'erent strain.
They are all built on the assumption that the
customs which they are intended to explain
were consciously and deliberately instituted by
men who possessed at least as much culture

vi PREFA CE.

and wisdom as Plutarch himself, or the other
philosophers who busied themselves with this
branch of antiquities. This assumption, how-
ever, that the primitive Italians or the pro-
ethnic Aryans shared the same (erroneous)
scientific and philosophical views as the savants
of Plutarch's day, is an unverified and impro-
bable hypothesis. The Aryans were in the
Stone Age, and had advanced only to such
rudimentary agriculture as is possible for a
nomad people. If, therefore, Ave are to explain
their customs, Ave must keep within the narrow
circle which bounds the thought and imagina-
tion of other peoples in the same stage of
development. Plutarch, hoAvever, in effect asks
himself, "If I had instituted these customs,
Avhat Avould my motives have been ? " and in
reply to his OAvn question he shows Avhat very
learned reasons might have moved him ; and
also, quite unconsciously, what very amiable
feelings would in reality have governed him ;
for, if he ascribes to the authors of these
customs the learning of all the many books
Avhicli he had read, he also credits them Avith
a kindliness of character which belonged to
himself alone. Thus, to go no further than

PREFACE. vii

the first of the Romane Questions, viz., What
is the reafon that new-ivedded toives are hidden
to touch fire and loater? Plutarch first gives
four high philosophical reasons, which he may
have borrowed, but concludes with one which
we may be sure is his own : " Or laft of all
[is it] becaufe man and wife ought not to
forfake and abandon one another, but to take
part of all fortunes ; though they had no other
good in the world common between them, but
fire and water only 1 "

That this, like the rest of Plutarch's reasons,
is fanciful, may not be denied, but would not
be worth mentioning, were it not that here
we have, implicit, the reason why no modern
translation could ever vie with Philemon
Holland's version of the Romane Questions. It
is not merely because Philemon's antiquated
English harmonises with Plutarch's antiquated
speculation, and by that harmony disposes the
reader's mind favourably towards it ; but in
Philemon's day, England, like the other coun-
tries of Western Europe, was discovering that
all that is worth knowing is in Greek. The
universal respect felt for Greek in those days,
even by schoolmasters (Holland was himself

viii PREFA CE.

Head-master of Coventry Free School), is still
apparent to those who read this translation.
But things are now so changed that the English
language of to-day cannot provide a seemly
garb for Plutarch's ancient reasonings. To say
in modern English that " five is the odd number
most connected with marriage," is to expose
the Pythagorean doctrine of numbers to modern
ridicule. But when Philemon says, "Xow
among al odde numbers it seemeth that Cinque
is most nuptial," even the irreverent modern
cannot fail to feel that Cinque was an emi-
nently respectable character, whose views were
strictly honourable and a bright example to
other odde numbers. Again, Philemon's in-
sertion of the words " it seemeth " makes for
reverence. The insertion is not apologetic ;
nor does it intimate that the translator hesitates
to subscribe to so strange a statement. Rather,
it summons the reader to give closer attention
to the words which are about to follow — words
of wasdom such as is to be found nowhere else
but only in the fountain of all knowledge, Greek.
Insertions and amplifications are indeed charac-
teristic of Philemon as a translator. But, though
his style is florid, it is lucid ; his amplifications

PREFACE, ix

make the meaning clearer to the English reader,
and, as a rule, only state explicitly what is really
implied in the original. Sometimes (e.g., towards
the end of R. Q. 6) he does enlarge on the text
beyond all measure ; sometimes, again, defective
scholarship leads him to ascribe things to Plu-
tarch which Plutarch never said (e.g., in R. Q. ^,
ravra. r^oTTov rtvu rolg 'EXXjjwxoT's 'soixbv does not
mean " this may feeme in fome fort to have
beene derived from the Greeks ") ; and some-
times he is mistaken as to the meaning of a
word (e.g., hoxog in R. Q. 5). On the other
hand, where the text is corrupt, he sees and
says what the meaning really is; and Hearne's
verdict that Holland had "an admirable knack
in translating books " does not go beyond the
mark. Indeed, it does not do justice to Phile-
mon, for it hardly prepares us to learn that, in
the infancy of the study of Greek in England,
Philemon threw off, among other trifles, trans-
lations of all the MoTcilia of Plutarch, the whole
of Livy, the enormous Natural History of Pliny,
Suetonius, Ammianus Marcellinus, the Cyropoedia
of Xenophon, and Camden's Britannia. Southey
is more just to the assiduous labours of a life of
study carried to the age of eighty-five, when he

X PREFA CB.

calls Philemon "the best of the Hollands."
But the most discerning criticism of Holland,
as " translator generall in his age " (Fuller), is
contained in Owen's epigram on Holland's trans-
lation of the Natural History, that he was both
plenior and -planior than Plinius.

To judge from the Romane Questions, Phile-
mon must have used as his text the edition of
1560-70, Venet., for he evidently avails him-
self of Xylander's emendations of the Aldine
editio princeps, 1509-19. One cannot, how-
ever, be quite certain on this point, for the title-
page of Holland's translation of the Moralia
runs : " The PhUosophie, commonly called the
Morals, written by the learned philosopher
Plutarch of Chaeronea, translated out of Greek
into English, and conferred with Latin and
French." Now the Latin translation must
have been Xylander's; and the only edition
of the text used by Holland may have been
that of H. Stephens, \vith which Xylander's
Latin translation and notes were published.
The French with which Philemon conferred
was of course that of Jacques Amyot, who had
already translated Plutarch's Lives in 1559,
and followed up that translation with one of

PREFACE. xi

the Moralia in 1574. Philemon's translation
of the Morals appeared in 1603 ("revised and
corrected" in 1657).

The Morals in general and the Romane Ques-
tions in particular have received little attention
from commentators. The only notes I have
succeeded in getting hold of, besides those of
Xylander and Reiske (complete edition of Plu-
tarch, Lips., 1774-82), are some by Boxhorn (in
the fifth volume of the Thesaurus of Grsevius,
1696), -which includes one sensible remark
(quoted p. xxxii. below), and those by Wytten-
bach (Oxford, 1821), which, if I had looked
at them before instead of after writing my
Introduction, would have provided me with a
good many classical references that, as it is, I
have had to put together myself.

INTRODUCTION.

I. The Subject of the "Romane Questions"
AND OP THIS Introduction.

The "fashions and customes of Rome," which
prompted Phitarch's questions, are directly or
indirectly associated with the worship of the
gods, while the solutions which he suggests
contain occasionally myths. It is not, however,
all Roman gods, cults, and myths that are dis-
cussed by Plutarch : he limits himself, on the
whole, to those which are purely Roman, or
rather purely Italian. This limitation is not
accidental, and it is significant. It does not
indeed appear that Plutarch designed to confine
himself thus : the fact seems rather to be that,
long before his time, the Romans had borrowed
the myths, the ritual, and the gods of Greece,
and that Plutarch, as a Greek, found nothing
strange or unintelligible in the resemblances

xiv INTRODUCTION.

which tliG Roman ritual of his day bore to the
religion of his native land. It was the points
of difference which caught his attention.

And here we must note a further limitation
of the subject of the Romane Questions and of
this Introduction. Surprise and inquiry are
excited not by the familiar, but by the unusual ;
so Plutarch's attention was arrested not by
customs which, though purely Italian, were
universal in Italy, e.g., the practice of covering
the head during worship, but by fashions for
which he could find no analogy or parallel
in the stage of religion with which alone he
was acquainted. In such isolated customs, out
of harmony with their surroundings, modern
science sees " survivals " from an earlier stage
of culture ; and it is as survivals that they will
be treated in this Introduction. Now, the stage
of religion with which Plutarch was familiar,
and in which he could find no analogies for
those " fashions and customes," was polytheism ;
and if those practices are survivals, they must
be survivals from a stage of religion earlier than
polytheism.

Here, however, a difficulty meets us. If the
teaching of the Solar Mythologists be true, the

INTRODUCTION. xv

Aryans, having a mythology, were already poly-
theists : much more, therefore, must the Italians
have been polytheists from the beginning. I
am sorry to say that I cannot meet this diffi-
culty : I can only frankly warn the reader that
it exists. But in an Introduction which pro-
fesses to confine itself to myths and cults
which are purely Italian, it is impossible to
discuss Solar Mythology, for the simple reason
that there is no such thing in existence as an
Italian solar myth, or indeed Nature-myth of
any kind. The only story which is seriously
claimed as a JSTature-myth is that of Hercules and
Cacus. Cacus, a monster or giant, stole some
cows from Hercules, and hid them in his cave.
Hercules discovered them, according to some
accounts, by the aid of Caca, the sister of Cacus,
according to other accounts, by the lowing which
the cows in the cave set up when Hercules
went by with the rest of his oxen. Hercules
forced his way into the cave, and, in spite of the
fire and flames which Cacus spat at him, killed
the monster with his club. Then Hercules, in
commemoration of the discovery of his cattle,
erected an altar to Jupiter the Discoverer (Jupiter
Inventor). Now a similar story, it would appear,

xvi INTRODUCTION.

is to be found in the Vedas. Vritra, a three-
headed snake, steals cows from Indra, who dis-
covers them in a cave hy their lowing, and kills
Yritra with a club. And the Vaidic story must
be a ISTature-myth, because the Vedas expressly
explain that the cows are clouds, the lowing is
thunder, the club is the lightning, and Indra, on
this occasion, the blue sky. But why is the
interpretation given by the Vaidic philosophers
to be accepted without examination, when we
reject the teaching of the Stoics, who interpreted
Khea as matter, and Zeus, Posidon, and Hades
as fire, water, and air respectively, in accord-
ance with the Stoic philosophy of the universe?
I submit it as a possibility, worth consideration
at least, that we have here an ordinary folk-
tale : the trick of using the bulls to make the
cows reveal their hiding-place is like the trick
in the folk-tale about the groom of Darius who
caused his master's horse to neigh and so secured
the Persian empire to Darius. The story may
have been told of some clever fellow (not neces-
sarily or probably of a god) in pro-etlmic Aryan
times, or it may have been hit on by Hindoo
and Italian story-tellers independently. Once
invented, however, it was used by each of these

INTRODUCTION. xvii

two peoples in a characteristic manner. The
learned Eoman, whose object was to explain the
origin of the customs, cults, institutions, &c., of
Eome, seized on it as the obvious explanation of
two facts which required explanation, viz., first,
how the altar to Jupiter Inventor came into
existence ; and second, why the offering made
in gratitude for the recovery of lost property,
was an ox. The learned Hindoo, on the other
hand, had the satisfaction of shoAving that even
the stories with which (alone or chiefly) the
common people were acquainted bore unsuspected
witness to the truth of the religion he taught.
But to return to our interpretation of the
" fashions and customes " of Eome as survivals
of a stage of religion earlier than polytheism.

A second difficulty remains. Distinguished
writers on the philosophy of religion hold that
polytheism is not developed out of fetichism
or animism, but is primitive and underived
from any earlier stage. The survivals, then,
which Plutarch records, could not point to the
existence of an earlier stage. Here, again, it
is not for me to handle such high themes as
the philosophy of religion. I am bound down
to the humbler task of noting the simple fact

xviii INTRODUCTION.

that, until borrowed from Hellas, polytheism
was unknown in Italy.

This is a very bare statement — so naked as
almost to amount to a literary impropriety. I
must, therefore, take three sections to clothe it.

II. Italian Gods.

That some of the great gods of Eome were
but Greek gods borrowed is universally ad-
mitted (see e.g. Mommsen's History of Rome,
i. i86 jf., or Ihne, i. 119). Even so strong a
.supporter of the theory of a Grseco-ItaUan
period as Eoscher admits unreservedly that
the mythology, worship, and the very name of
ApoUo were borrowed in early but still historic
times {Lexikon, i. 446). AATien, then, we find
I'lutarch putting the question why the temples
of ^sciilapius and Vulcan were built outside
Rome {Romane Questions, 94 and 47), we at
once surmise that these were imported gods,
whose worship was indeed sanctioned and
ordained by the Roman State but was not
admitted within the sacred circle of the pomce-
rium, reserved for the temples of indigenous
Roman gods. In the case of ^sculapius we

INTRODUCTION. xix

have historical proof that his was an imported
worship ; in consequence of a pestilence in
Rome in B.C. 293 the god was fetched from
Epidaurus, and the temple in question was
erected two years afterwards.* "We do not
happen to have any similar historical record of
the introduction of Vulcan's worsliip, but the
name of the god, be it Cretan or Etruscan, is

foreign, t

Having eliminated these and other loan-gods,
we find that the genuine ItaHan deities which
remain fall into two classes. The one class con-
sists of such abstractions as Forculus, the spirit
of doors ; Cardea, that of hinges ; Limentinus,
that of the threshold, &c., which can scarcely
be dignified by the name of gods, but are rather
spirits, and amply warrant Chantepie de la
Saussaye's remark that Roman religion was still
steeped in animism. | The other class includes

* Livy, X. 47, 7, Ep. 1 1 ; Val. Max., I. viii. 2 ; Strabo,
xii. p. 567 ; Ovid, F., i. 291 ; 3f., xv. 622 ; Oros, iii.
22 ; Lactant., Inst, 11. vii. 13 ; Arnob., vii. 44 ; Augustin,
C. B., iii. 17; Aurel. Vict., Be V. III., 25 ; Dion., v.
13 ; Pliny, N. H., 29, 16.

t Schrader, Prehistoric Antiquities of the Aryan
Peoples, p. 162.

+ Eeligionsgeschichte, ii. 203.

XX INTRODUCTION.

such gods as Janus, Jupiter, Mars, Diana, Venus,
Hercules, &c. It is necessary to note, however*
that the worship even of these gods can be
proved to have been considerably Hellenised in
historic times : * some of their ritual and all
their mythology was borrowed from Greece, as
we shall subsequently see. And when the loan-
myths and loan-cults have been removed, the
genuine Italian gods stand forth essentially and
fundamentally different from those of Greece.!
Here, too, we may note that if comparative
mythologists adhere to their principle of not
identifying the gods of different nations, unless
their names can be shown by comparative philo-
logy to be identical, they must admit that Mars
and Ares, Venus and Aphrodite, Diana and
Artemis, Juno and Hera, and all the other pairs
of deities which the ancients identified, are,
with the sole exception of Jupiter and Zeus
and of Vesta and Hestia, not of cognate but of
diverse origin. In fine, the differences between
Greek and Italian gods are fundamental and
original : the resemblances can be shown to be
due to borrowing in historic times.

* Meyer, Indogermanische My then, ii. p. 6i2.

t Marquardt, Rbmische Staatsverwaltung'^, iii. p. 2.

INTRODUCTION. xxi

There is, however, one of the great Roman
gods who was never identified with any Hellenic
deity, Janus. Now, although Janus ranks with
Jupiter and Mars in the Roman system as an
indubitable god, yet in origin and function he
is not to be distinguished from those inferior,
animistic powers to whom the title of spirit is
the highest that can be assigned. Janus is the
spirit that resides in or presides over door-
openings {ianus, ianua), just as Forculus has
to do with doors (fores), Limentinus with the
threshold (limen), and Cardea with the hinges
(cardo). He is also the " spirit of opening," *
who was to be invoked at the commencement
of every act. Plutarch's questions why he
should be represented with two heads, and why
the year should begin with the month named
after him, January (R. Q., 22 and 19), are thus
at once explained : " The double-head looking
both ways was connected with the gate that
opened both ways ;" and in January, " after the
rest of the middle of winter, the cycle of the
labours of the field began afresh." f

That the door or the threshold is the seat of

* Mommsen, History of Rome, i. 173.
+ Ibid, ; cf. Roscher, Lexikon, s.v. Ianus.

xxii INTRODUCTION.

a tutelary spirit or genius is a belief familiar
enough in folk-lore : the door must not be
banged,* nor wood chopped on the threshold,!
for fear of disturbing him. He is apt to dis-
appear, taking the luck of the house with him,
if a cat is maliciously buried under the door-
sill, I or if human hair is so buried.§ The im-
portance of the door as a possible entrance for
evil spirits, or exit for lucky ones, is manifest
in many customs, e.g., nailing a horse-shoe on
the door or sticking a knife into the door, and
in such beliefs as that when a door opens
(apparently) of itself, a spirit is entering.

Whether the Italian spirit of the doorway,
who in origin is indistinguishable from the
similar though nameless spirits to be found else-
where, was capable by his own unaided efforts
of raising himself to the rank of a god, is matter
for specidation. What is clear is that he had
not the chance : the introduction of Greek poly-
theism into Italy promoted him without exertion
on his part.

* Rochholz, Dcutscher Glaube, ii. 136.

t Wuttke, Dcutscher Volksabcrglaube^, § 57.

X Ibid., § 177, 388.

§ Ibid., § 395 ; cf. Pliny, N. U., 28, 86.

INTRODUCTION. xxiii

As, thus far, I have assumed a distinction
between "gods" and "spirits," and have also
assumed that a belief in the latter may exist
without polytheism and precede it, it will be
well here to state expHcitly the distinction.
And that I may not be suspected of drawing
the distinction so as to suit my own ends, I
shall here borrow from a standard work, Chan-
tepie de la Saussaye's ReligionsgescMchte (i. 90).
De la Saussaye notes five characteristics involved
in the conception of "gods." First, they are
related to one another as members of a family
or community, and as subject to one god, who is
either lord of all, or at any rate primus inter
pares. Second, with the growth of art, they
are represented plastically and are made in the
image of man. Third, as ethics advance, moral
benefits are associated with their worship.
Hence, in the fourth place, the gods are con-
ceived as personal, individual beings, ideally
good and beautiful. Finally, the human intellect
demands that the relations of the gods to one
another and to JS'ature should be co-ordinated
into a system, and so theogonies and cosmogonies
are invented.

Now, if these be the marks whereby gods are

xxiv INTRODUCTION.

distinguished from spirits, I submit that, before
the introduction of Greek gods and cults, the
Romans had not advanced as far as polytheism,
but were still in the purely aninustic stage.
Here again, to avoid the temptation of inter-
preting the evidence unduly in favour of the
conclusion to which it seems to me to point, I
will confine myself to quotations. Ihne {Hist,
of Rome, i. 1 1 8) says that to the Romans, before
the period of Hellenic influence, " the gods were
only mysterious spiritual beings, without human
forms, without human feelings and impulses,
without human virtues or wealmesses. . . .
Though the divine beings were conceived as
male or female, they did not join in marriage
or beget children. . . . No genuine Roman
legend tells of any race of nobles sprung from
gods." Again, "The original Roman worship
had no images of the gods or houses set apart
for them" (Mommsen, i. 183). "A simple
spear, even a rough stone, sufficed as a symbol "
(Ihne, 119). Roman religion had nothing to
do with morality : " it was designed for use in
practical life" {Ibid. 120). "The religion of
Rome had nothing of its own peculiar growth
even remotely parallel to the religion of Apollo

INTRODUCTION. xxv

investing eartlily morality with its halo of glory "
(Mommsen, 172). Mommsen's observation that
"the hero-worship of the Greeks was wholly
foreign to the Eomans " (174) is explained by
the fact that a hero is a being of human origin
raised by good deeds to the rank of a god, and
the Romans had no gods. ]Myths about the
love-adventures of the gods and theogonies were
unknown to early Rome.* An Italian cosmo-
gony has not yet been discovered, and even the
wide-spread belief in the union of Father Sky
and Mother Earth had not been evolved in
Italy.

In fine "the beings which the Romans wor-
shipped were rather numina than personal gods.""]"
Even the spirits whom we can trace back under
definite names to the purely ItaHan period, such
as Jupiter, Juno, Vesta, Mars, are not individual,
personal beings. Each of these names is the
name of a class of spirits. "Each community
of course had its own Mars, and deemed him to
be the strongest and hoKest of all " (Mommsen,
i. 175). Each household had its own Vesta.
There vrere many Jupiters, many Junos. In
England, in the same way, the name of Puck,

* MarquarJt, iii. 6. t De la Saussaye, ii. 203.

xxvi INTRODUCTION.

who is a definite individual personality in one
stage of our fairy mythology, was originally a
class-name of the spirits whom, as Burton says
in his Anatomy, " we commonly call poukes."

I will conclude this section with quotations
from two distinguished authorities on Mythology,
who would both dissent from the views which
have been advanced above, but whose words
seem to me to bear unintentional testimony in
favour of those views. E. II. Meyer, in his
Indogermanisclie Mythen (ii. 612), says, "Roman
religion seldom displays more than the elementary
rudiments, or rather let us say the last remnants
of mythology," and "whereas the cult of the
greater gods is known to us in a form greatly
affected by Hellenism, . . . the local gods
usually scarcely rise above the rank of spirits
(sich meistens Tcaum uher daemonischen Rang
erhelen)." PreUer, in his Rdmische Mythologie
(i. 48), says, " The Eomans' belief in gods would
be termed more rightly pandwmonism than pdly-
tlieism. . . . One is involuntarily reminded of
those Pelasgians of Dodona who, according to
Herodotus, assigned neither names nor epithets
to their gods, . . . Indeed, most of the names
of the oldest Roman gods have such a shifting,

INTRODUCTION. xxvii

indefinite meaning, that they can scarcely be
regarded as proper names, as the names of
persons."

III. Italian Cults.

The Italians borrowed cults as well as gods
from Greece, but "these external additions
gathered round the kernel of the Roman religion
without affecting or transforming its inmost
core" (Ihne, i. 119). The distinguishing charac-
teristic of the religion of Rome is that " it was
designed for use in practical life" (Ibid. 120),
" The god of the Italian was above all things an
instrument for helping him to the attainment of
very solid earthly objects " (Mommsen, i. 181).
In fact, the Italian god was a fetich, i.e., a
magical implement; and in this sense of the
word it is true that " the Romans saw every-
where and in aU things the agency and the
direction of the gods" (Ihne, i. 118). Every
act of life was entangled in a complicated net-
work of ritual.* Every part of the house, the
door, doorway, threshold, hinges, every process
of farming, sowing, manuring, &c., every act of
life from birth to burial, had its own particular
* Marquardt, p. 7.

xxviii INTRODUCTION.

spirit ; and the object of the Roman with refer-
ence to each particular spirit was " to manage,
and even in case of need to over-reach or to
constrain him" (Mommsen, L 177). Preller in
his Rlimische Mythologie characterises the re-
ligion of Rome as, above aU things, "a cnltus-
religion." "We may add that in Rome, as in
China, Assyria, and Babylonia, the cult was
nothing but organised magic,* the superstitious
customs, charms, and incantations familiar to
the foLk-lorist in all countries were organised by
the practical Roman and were state-established by
him. In fine, the Romans " in their gods wor-
shipped the abstract natural forces, to whose
power man is conscious that he is subject every
instant, but which he can win over and render
subservient to his purposes by scrupulously
obeying the external injunctions which the
State issues for the worship of the gods." f

A fundamental difference between the Greek
and Roman religions manifests itself in the matter
of magic. Magic was foreign to the Greeks, and
was disliked by them : when it appears in their
mythology, it is practised by foreigners — e.g.,
Medea, Circe, Hecate — and is "barbarous." In

* De la Saussaye, i. 53. t Marquardt, p. 6.

INTRODUCTION. xxix

fact, magic belongs to the animistic stage, and
is opposed to the higher tendencies of poly-
theism. The forces of Nature, conceived as
numina rather than as moral ideals, may well
be influenced by magic to the advantage of the
savage ; but to control a deity by means other
than prayer and good life is antitheistic.

Finally, it is not accidental or unmeaning that,
on the one hand, the Greeks had oracles while
the Italians had none ; and on the other hand,
that in China and Babylon (which resemble
Rome in other pertinent points) divination played
as large and as official a part as at Rome. An
oracle is the voice of a god ; whereas divination
is simply sympathetic magic inverted.*

IV. Italian Myths.

In sect. I it has been said that the Italians
had no Nature-myths. The reason why they
had none should now be clear : the Italians had
no Nature-gods. The sky-spirit, Jupiter, was
undoubtedly distinguished from the vault of
heaven by the primitive Italians, but he was not
generically difi"erent from the spirits of vegeta-
* Folk-Lore, vol. ii. p. 235.

XXX INTRODUCTION.

tion, of sowing, of manuring, &c., and he seems to
have been even of inferior dignity to the spirit of
doorways.* The earth, on the other hand, does
not seem to have been conceived of as a spirit
even, much less as a goddess ; but, if worshipped
at all, was worshipped as a fetich, t Hence, the
absence from Italy of any trace of the myth of
the origin of all living creatures from a union
between the earth and the sky.

Indeed, if by a myth we mean a tale told
about gods or heroes, there are no Italian myths, f
Myths attached to Greek loan-gods were bor-
rowed with the gods from Greece. Myths in

* Marquardt, p. 25.

t "Chez les Chinois Ti est bien et uniquement la
terre . . . qui n'a aucun personalitd, aucun aspect an-
tbropologique." — De Rialle, Mytholorjie CompaHe, i. 235.
As in Rome, so in China, though the sky advanced to
the rank of a spirit, the earth remained a fetich.

X Preller, R. M., i. i and 2, points out that Itah'an
mythology is " quite different " from the Greek ; that it
is only in " a certain sense " that there can be said to be
a Roman mythology ; that it is a very different thing
from Greek, Hindoo, Persian, Teutonic, and Scandi-
navian mythology ; that the Romans had not advanced
far in personifying and individualising their gods,
and consequently could not develop much mythology.
Finally, Italian religion was "far less widely removed"
from the primitive Aryan belief than Greek religion and
mythology were.

INTRODUCTION. xxxi

whicli Italian gods figure were borroAvecl or
invented when the Itahan gods were identified
with Greek gods. Thus the Golden Age myth,
for instance, can he referred to the time (a.u.c.
257) when Saturnus was identified with Kronos.*
And of course, all the myths in which -iEneas
appears, and the whole mythical connection
between Eome a-nd Greece or Troy, are late.f
Evander,f again, who figures in various passages
of the Romane Questions, owes his existence
wholly and solely to the attempt to connect
Rome with Greece.

If, on the other hand, under the head of
myth we include " the popular explanation of
observed facts," then early Roman history, as
Ihne says (i. 17), "is really nothing more than
a string of tales, in which an attempt is made
to explain old names, religious ceremonies and
monuments, political institutions and antiquities,
and to account for their origin." Some ex-
amples of this may be drawn from the Romane
Questions. Marriage by capture has left traces

* Livy, ii. 21 ; Dion., vi. i.

t Moinmsen, Hist, of Rome, i. 482^.

X According to Schwegler, Riim. Gcseh., i. 354-383,
Eyayopos is simply Greek for Faunus = Favinus, " the
benevolent " or "good " god. Of. Fauna = Bona Dea.

xxxii INTRODUCTION.

behind it in tlie wedding customs of many
countries, and the meaning of these survivals
is usually wholly forgotten. But the historic
consciousness of the Romans was so far alive
to the actual facts of the case that the mock
capture was explained as the commemoration
of an actual historical rape — the Rape of the
Sabines. Thus were explained the lifting of
the bride over the threshold (Q. R. 19), the use
of a javelin point to divide the bride's hair (Ibid.
87), the hymeneal crj Talassio (Ibid. 31), and
the fact that maids might not (though widows
might) marry on festival days (Hid. 105). The
first of these customs is probably a survival from
marriage by capture, and the last is indirectly
connected with it. In Rome,* as in many other
places, t the lamentations of the bride who was
actually captured survived in the formal, ex-
travagant lamentations of the bride who, in
quieter times, was more peacefully won ; and
these cries would have been of bad omen on
a day dedicated to the worship of the gods.

* "Rapi . . , similatur virgo ex greir.io matris . . .
cnm ad virum trahitur, quod videlicet ea res feliciter
Romulo cessit." — Festus, s.v. rapi.

t £-g-, among the Esthonians, Finns, Wotjaks, Mord-
wins, Vedic Hindoos, and Bohemians.

INTRODUCTION. xxxiii

Lamentation seems not to have been required
of widows. The use of an iron javelin point
is probably due to the dangers which, in the
opinion of primitive man, attend on those about
to marry, and require to be averted by the use
of iron,* from the head t especially. The origin
of the cry Talassio is beyond recovery. \

But though the chief branch of Italian folk-
tales consisted of popular explanations of ob-
served facts, we can detect traces of those other
folk-tales which from the begimiing must have
been designed simply and solely to gratify man's
inherent desire for tales of adventure and the
marvellous. Here it must suffice to point to
two of the Romane Questions. In the fourth
question we have a tale told of successful trickery
on the part of Servius Tullius, which may well

* For the use of the sword, axe, or dagger to keep off
evil spirits from a wedding, see Schroeder, Hochzeits-
brduche der Ester, 99-102.

f For the sacredness of the head especially, see the
Golden Bough, i. 1S7-193.

J The myth, as given by Plutarch, is to be found also
in Livy, i. 9 ; Serv. ad ^n., vi. 55 ; and in Varro,
quoted by Festus, p. 351. The word occurs in Martial,
i. 35. 6 and 7 ; iii. 93. 25 ; xii. 42. 4, 95. 5 (Friedlander
says nothing), and Catullus, Ixi. 134 (Robinson Ellis has
nothing to say).

xxxiv INTRODUCTION.

have formed part of some story of a Master
Thief; and in Roniane Questions 36, the nightly
visits of Fortuna through the window to her
lover, Servius Tullius, at once remind us of the
" soul-maidens " and " swan-maidens," who visit,
and eventually desert, their human lover through
the window or the keyhole* — tlie orthodox
means of entrance and exit for spirits from the
time of Homer at least.

IV. The Soul.

The customs and beliefs, the superstitious
practices and supernatural beings, of modern
European folk-lore are sometimes explained as
the wrecks and remnants of the Pagan poly-
theism which preceded Christianity. And if
the Aryan peoples were from thej]very begin-
ning polytheists; if the Hellenes and t^ the
Hindoos, the Teutons and the Scandinavians,
brought their myths and their cults with them
from the original Aryan home, then this expla-
nation seems more reasonable than that which

* Hartlej', Science of Fairy Talcs, pp. 279-281, for
examples. The tale of Servius is also told by Ovid, F., vi.
577-

INTRODUCTION. xxxv

proceeds on a mere conjecture, a pure assump-
tion that the Aryan religion was animistic ere
it was polytheistic ; for then we are obliged
to relegate Aryan animism almost to the aeon
" of chaos and eternal night," — at any rate, to
an abysm of time which is such that neither
linguistic palaeontology nor any other science

has dared

" to venture down
The dark descent and up to reascend."

But if the proposition submitted in the pre-
vious sections be sound, if in early but still
historic times Italian religion was still in a
stage anterior to polytheism, then Aryan
animism is no longer a mere assumption, and
need no longer be thrust back into pro-ethnic
times. Early Italian customs and beliefs will
not be the debris of a previous polytheism, and it
will therefore be unreasonable to explain their
counterparts in modern folk-lore as mutilated
myths or as the cult of gods degraded but wor-
shipped still.

Plutarch, in the fifth of his Romane Ques-
tions (p. 8 below), propounds an interesting
problem : Wliy are they who have beene falfly
reported dead in a ftrange^ countrey, although

xxxvi INTRODUCTION.

they returne home alive, not received nor fiiffred
to enter directly at the dores, hut forced to climhe
up to the tiles of the house, and fo to get down
from the roufe into the houfe ? This remarkable
custom continued to be practised long after
its origin and object had been forgotten ; for
Plutarch relates a tale which is obviously a
popular explanation, invented to account for
a practice the rationale of which had become
unintelligible.* Hard, however, as Plutarch's
question appears at first sight, it may by the
aid of modern folk-lore and savage custom be
explained. We have to note, in the first place,
that the mode of entry prescribed for the re-
turned traveller is not spontaneously adopted
by him ; and presumably, therefore, is not pre-
scribed in his interest : it is enforced by his
relatives, and probably for their own protection.
In the next place, though the traveller himself

* It is interesting to note that two hundred years ago
Boxhorn, in commenting on this passage of Plutarch,
laid down a fundamental proposition of the science of
folk-lore : — "Mortales cum iuquirerent in caussas rerum,
nee invenirent, pro libitu suo verisimiles sunt commenti.
Sic ut fabulffi proponerentur tanquam caussse rerum, cum
res ipsse essent caussee fabularum." See his edition of
the Roman Questions, printed in vol, v. of the Thesaurus
of Graevius (Lugd., Batavor, 1696).

introduction: xxxvii

knows, of course, that he has not returned
from that bourne from which no traveller re-
turns, his relatives have no such assurance :
it may be, indeed, that he did not die whilst
away, as they were informed or led to believe ;
but, on the other hand, he may be "the ghost
of their dear friend dead," seeking to obtain an
entrance into his old home. The reasonable
course for them to pursue, therefore, is to treat
him as though he were a ghost : if he is no
ghost, it will do him no harm; if he is, they
will have protected themselves.

Thus far our explanation is hypothetical :
to verify the hypothesis it is necessary to show
that the dead are or were as a matter of fact
treated as the Roman custom prescribes that the
soi disant living man shall be treated. That the
spirits of the dead are considered unwelcome
visitors both in modern folk-lore and by savage
man, has been insisted on most recently by
Mr. G. L. Gomme.* I will, therefore, only add

* Ethnology in Folk-Lore, pp. 120 ff. Mr. Gomme,
however, argues that the fear of dead kindred was bor-
rowed by the Aryans from the non-Aryan inhabitants
of Europe. But why may not the pro-ethnic Aryans,
as well as other savages, have had, at one stage of their
development, a fear of dead kindred ?

xxxviii INTRODUCTION.

one or two instances of the precautions taken
to prevent the return of the deceased to his
home.* The first thing is to get the soul out
of the house ; this may be effected by sweeping
out the house and by flapping dusters about,
care being taken to shake and turn upside down
all vessels, meal-boxes, &c., in which the soul
miglit take refuge. Then the coffin must be
carried foot foremost through the door ; for if
the corpse's face be turned to the house, the
ghost can return. In Siam they run the corpse
three times round the house, apparently on the
same principle as, in the game of blind-man's
buff, the blind-man is spun round in order to
make him lose his bearings. In Bohemia they
turn the coffin about cross-wise, outside the
house-door, to prevent the dead man from
coming back.

More pertinent for our present purpose are
the precautions taken to prevent the dead from
obtaining access to the house through the door.
The safest course is to carry the corpse out, not

* My authorities for the customs quoted in the next
few pages are (unless special references are given)
Wuttke, Deutsche Tollcsaherglauhe, §§ 725-756 ; Roch-
holz, Dcutscher Glaube und Branch, ii. pp. 170-173 ;
and De Kisille, Mythologic Comparde, i. p. 125.

INTRODUCTION. xxxix

through the door, for that gives the dead man
the right of way which it is sought to bar, but
through some opening which is specially made
for the purpose and can be permanently closed.
Thus the Hottentots make a breach through the
wall for the purpose. The ancient Norsemen
did the same.* The Teutons, in pre-Christian
times, dug a hole under the threshold and
pulled the corpse through with a rope. In
Christian times they only treated the bodies of
criminals and suicides in this way, though in
the thirteenth century Brother Berthhold of
Regensburg recommended it in the case of here-
tics and usurers.

Wlien circumstances make it difficult or im-
possible to construct a special exit of this kind
for the corpse, then some other means is found
to avoid carrying the corpse through the door.
The Eskimo take the body through a window ;
and a window was in 1858 used in Sonneberg
in the case of a hanged man ; while even now
in East Prussia, if several children have died
one after another, the corpse of the next to die
is conveyed through the window.

Eventually it comes to be considered suffi-
* Weinhold, Altnord. Lehen, 476.

xl INTRODUCTION.

cient if a special means of egress is provided,
not for the corpse, which is not likely to
" walk," but for the spirit, which may want
to return. Thus in China, at the moment of
death, a small hole is made through the roof ;
while the custom of opening the window, to
allow the soul of the dying man to depart, is
universal in Germany and not unknown in
England.

Finally, all that is considered necessary to
bar the right of way to the dead man's spirit
is to close the house-door immediately after the
departure of the corpse, and keep it closed until
the return of the funeral party.

If the explanation which has now been given
of Plutarch's fifth question be correct, we must
ascribe to the early Italians beliefs and customs
similar to or identical with those quoted above
from modern folk-lore ; and it will not be ille-
gitimate to seek further parallels to Italian
religion from the same source. Thus, in
Rotnane Questions, 51, Plutarch inquires why
the Lares Prsestites are represented as clad in
dog-skins and as having a dog by their side.*

* The Lares are thus represented on a coin of the
geus Caesia. See Cohen, M^d, Cons., pi. viii., Ccesia.

INTRODUCTION. xli

Now, it is universally admitted that tlie Lar
Familiaris of the Eomans is the same as the
house-spirit of the Teutons, and that both are
the spirits of a deceased ancestor, the founder
of the family and its spirit guardian. In the
absence of any presumption to the contrary,
we may conclude that the Lares Praestites were
also spirits of deceased ancestors. The dog
which accompanies the Lares was explained by
the ancients as a symbolic representation of the
fidelity and watch-dog functions of the Lares.*
So, too, the priests of ancient Egypt said that
the animal forms in which their gods were
represented were merely symbolical, t But it
may safely be laid down as a law in the evolu-
tion of religion that beast-worship is primitive,
and that the theory of symbolism is but a via
media whereby more elevated conceptions of
deity are reconciled with the older and more
savage worship. Analogy, then, is all in favour
of the supposition that the Lares Praestites were
originally conceived not in human shape, but
in the form of dogs. What we require to con-
firm the analogy is evidence that the dead

* Ovid, P., V. 129-147.
t De la Saussaye, Rcligionsgeschichte, i. 281.

xlii INTRODUCTION.

— if possible, evidence that guardian spirits —
sometimes appear in the shape of a dog. As
a matter of fact, the belief that a dead man's
spirit may manifest itself in the likeness of a
black dog still survives in Germany.* As for
the guardian spirit, I would suggest that the
Maiithe dog of Peel Castle is a house-spirit;
for as the hearth was the peculiar seat of the
Lar Familiaris and of the Husing or Herdgota,
and as the English house-spirit

" Stretch'd out all the chimney's length
Basks at the fire ; "

so the Mauthe dog, " as soon as candles were
lighted, came and lay down before the fire." t
From this point of view we may consider that
the black dog, which in modern folk-lore comes
and lies down or howls before a house, in token
that one of the iamates is about to die, was
originally a spirit summoning the inmate to join
the dead. This belief, it may further be con-
jectured, has been incorporated into Hindoo
mythology, where a dog acts as the messenger
of the death-god, Yama ; and probably the Greek

* Wuttke, § 755.
t Waldron's Isle of Man, p. 103.

INTRODUCTION. xliii

dog, Cerberus, was taken up into the literary
mythology of Hellas from the same folk-belief.

Finally, we may here notice the fifty-second
of Plutarch's Questions, wherein he wonders
why a dog was sacrificed to Genita Mana, and
a prayer made to her that none born in the
house should become Manes. Genita Mana
was, as her nama plainly indicates, a spirit of
birth and of death; and the prayer was such
as might properly be offered to her. The sacri-
fice may be explained on the principle laid
down by Professor Eobertson Smith,* that an
animal sacrificed to a deity was itself originally
the deity. That one and the same spirit should
have to do with " the child from the womb and
the ghost from the tomb," points to the existence
of a belief among the Eomans similar to one
held by the Algonkins. "Algonkin women
who wished to become mothers flocked to the
side of a dying person, in the hope of receiving
and being impregnated by the passing soul." f

Let us now turn to another point in which
early Italian beliefs and modern folk-lore mutu-
ally illustrate each other. On the origin of

* Encye. Britan., art. "Sacrifice."
t Frazer, 0. B., i. 239.

xliv INTRODUCTION.

fairies various theories have been held, and
without denying that fairies are sometimes the
representatives of earlier gods, sometimes of
still earlier satyrs, fauns, nymjihs, and wild
men of the wood, we may recognise that they
are sometimes spirits of the departed. In the
first place, as the Italians called the dead "the
good," maizes, so in England and in Ireland
fairies are "the good people."* Xext, fairies
are small; and the savage conceives the soul
of man as a smaller man. It is, according to
Hurons, "a complete little model of the man
himself," like the man, but smaller, of course,
because, as the Australian blacks explain, it is
within the man's breast. t According to Kaffir
ideas, the world of manes is exactly like that
of the living, only much smaller, and the dead
are themselves but mannikins.f Again, the
Teutonic house-spirit on the one hand is admit-
tedly a deceased ancestor, and on the other is
an indubitable fairy. Further, fairies are some-
times explicitly stated in folk-tales to be de-
ceased spirits. §

* Daoine Shie or Sluayh Maith.
t Frazer, i. 122. + De Rialle, i. 190.

§ See The Secret Commomvealth by Mr. Robert Kirk,
Minister of Aberfoyle, 1691.

INTRODUCTION. xlv

Now, one of most marked differences between
the Greek and the Roman modes of worship was
that the Greeks worshipped with their heads
uncovered, the Eomans with heads covered,
velato capite. Roman antiquaries explained
the practice as due to fear lest the worshipper
should see anything of evil omen during his
prayer. But I submit that we must connect
it with the folk-belief that fairies resent being
seen by mortals. " They are fairies ; he that
speaks to them shall die." If fairies were
originally departed souls, the fear and the
danger of seeing them is at once explained.
On the other hand, the Roman custom of
worshipping velato capite dates from a time
before the introduction of polytheism, and
must therefore have been attached originally
to the worship of some beings other than gods.
It is at least plausible, therefore, to conjecture
that it was a precaution adopted in the worship
of deceased ancestors and of spirits, which,
like Genita Mana, are best explained as spirits
of the departed. The conjecture is somewhat
confirmed by the fact that the Romans veiled
their heads at the funeral of father or mother
{R. Q. 14).

xlvi INTRODUCTION.

V. Genii.

No form of religion is easily or at once rooted
out, even by a new religion. A modus vivendi
has to be found between the old faith and the
new. The animal, which was once itself wor-
shipped, is tolerated merely as the symbol of
some divine attribute. The nixies continue
to ply their old calling under the new name
of Old Nick. The sacrifices to the dead, con-
demned by the Indiculus Superstitionum, are
subsequently licensed by the Church as the
Feast of All Souls.* Hence it comes about
that what means one thing to the apostle of
the new religion is long iinderstood as some-
thing very different by the reluctant convert.
The devil of folk-lore has attributes quite diffe-
rent from those assigned to him in any scheme
of Christian theology.

If, therefore, polytheism was, as I have sug-
gested, an importation into Italy, forced by the
State on a people not yet prepared for anything
higher than animism and ancestor-worship, we
should expect to find the borrowed worsliip of
* See Saupe's edition of the Indiculus, p. 9.

INTRODUCTION. xlvii

a Greek loan-god sometimes concealing a native
Italian cult of very dissimilar nature. Instances
of the kind are forthcoming, and this section
will be devoted to some of them.

The spirits which after the death of the body-
were termed ma7ies by the Eomans, were during
its life called genii (or in the case of women
Junones). The .belief in genii was not bor-
rowed from Greece. How primitive it is may
be seen from two facts. First, it is itself the
essence of animism, for not only had every man
a genius, but every place and every thing had,
in the belief of the Romans, a soul, to which
the same name, genius, was given.* Next, the
cenius was, I submit, the " external soul," which,
as Mr. Frazer has shown, appears in the folk-
tales of every Aryan nation, and in the religions
of many savage peoples. The genius of a man
did not reside inside the man. Amongst the
Romans, as amongst the Zulus, it resided in a
serpent. As, according to the Banks Islanders,
" the life of the man is bound up with the life of
his tamanin,"t so with the Romans, the man's

* Servius on Georg., i. 302, and Prudent, c. Symm., ii.
444.

t Frazer, ii. 332.

xlviii INTRODUCTION.

licaltli depended on his genius.* When the
serpent which was tlie genius of tlie father of
the Gracclii was killed, Tiberius diedjt and, as
all Romans were liable to the same mischance,
these snakes were carefully protected from all
harm, were reared in the house and the bed-
chamber, and consequently grew so numerous,
that Pliny says, had their numbers not been
kept down by occasional conflagrations, they
would have crowded out the human inhabitants
of Rome. I

This belief in the genius, however etherealised
and spiritualised the form in which it appears
in Horace or was held by highly-educated
Romans, continued even in Imperial times
amongst all other classes as primitive as it
was tenacious. Its hold over the ordinary
Italian mind was much greater than tlie Hel-
lenised gods ever secured ; for, in order to
make them even comprehensible, the average
Italian had to suppose that these fashionable,
State-ordained gods were really worked by genii
— just as it is self-evident to the savage that,

* Preller, R. M.\ ii. 198.

+ Cic. de Div., i. 18, 36 ; Plut. Ti. Gracch., i. A similar
story is related of D. Laelius, Jul. Op. seq. 58.
+ //. N., xxix, 72.

INTRODUCTION. xlix

if a locomotive engine moves, it is because it
has horses inside. Tliis, I suggest, is the ex-
planation, in accord with the principle laid
down at the beginning of this section, which
must be given of the remarkable fact that,
beginning from B.C. 58,* and in ever-increas-
ing numbers afterwards, inscriptions are found
which ascribe a genius to Apollo, Asclepius,
Mars, Juno, Jupiter, &c.

In this case Italian animism has held its
own, not unsuccessfully, against imported poly-
theism. Our second instance, however, will
show it less successful. Wlien polytheism was
spreading from HeUas over Italy, there would
be no difficulty in adding the myths and cult
of the Greek god Zeus bodily on to the worsliip
of the Italian sky-spirit Jupiter. Nor would
the process be much harder even when the
Greek god and the Italian spirit were of totally
different origin (as e.g. Hermes and Mercury,
Kronos and Saturn), provided that some point
of resemblance, in attribute or function, could
be discovered between them. It was only one,
and the least important of Hermes' functions,
to protect traders, but it was quite enough to

* a I. L., i. 603.

1 INTRODUCTION.

lead to the identification of the Greek god with
the Italian spirit of gain {Mercurius, from merces).
The case of Heracles, however, presented more
difficulty; he was a hero, and the very con-
ception of a hero was new to the Italians,
Being new, it was, not unnaturally, misunder-
stood. The nearest parallel which Italian
rehgion offered to a being who was in a way
a man and yet was also a sort of god was the
genius, who also was in a Avay the man himself,
and yet was worshipped like a god. Heracles,
therefore, was identified with the genius, his
name was Latinised into the form Hercules
(cf. jEsculapius, from Asclepios), and the cults
of the two were amalgamated. This amalgama-
tion is the source and the explanation of some
of Plutarch's Roman Questions. Plutarch was
puzzled by the fact that on the one hand some
elements in the cult of Hercules had counter-
parts in the worship of the Greek god, while
on the other hand there were elements which
received no explanation from a comparison of
the cult of the Greek Heracles. Thus Plutarch
is surprised to find an altar common to Hercules
and to the Muses [R. Q. 59) ; but this is simply
a loan from the ritual of the Greek Heracles,

INTRODUCTION. ii

Musagetes. On the other hand, as Plutarch
informs us (R. Q. 60), there was an altar of
Hercules from which women were excluded.
This is a non-Greek element in the cult of
Hercules, with which we may safely compare
the fact, that whereas a man might swear " by
his Hercules," a woman might not. Here the
imported god has taken the place of the native
genius both in the oath and at the altar; for
the reason why the oath "me hercule" was
restricted to men is that, until Hercules and
the genius were identified, a man swore by his
genius and a woman by her Juno. Again, in
the time before Italy was invaded by the gods
of Greece, in the time when temples were as
yet unknown, the genius was worshipped and
invoked, like other spirits, in the open air ; and
even after the Italians had learned from the
Greeks that the gods were shaped in the like-
ness of men, and, like men, must have houses,
an oath was felt to be more sacred and more
binding if taken in the open air in the old
fashion, than if sworn in the new Avay under
a roof.* Eventually, however, the old custom

* We have no direct evidence of this, but we may
infer it from the analogous case of Dius Fidius : — " Qui

lii INTRODUCTION.

died out, and in Plutarch's day it was only
cliildren who were told that they must go out
of doors if they wanted to swear " by Hercules "
{E. Q. 28). Plutarch's attention was also arrested
by the custom of giving tithes to Hercules (B. Q.
18). The practice is undoubtedly purely and
characteristically Italian; but there is no evi-
dence to show whether it was ever the custom
to oifer tithes to the genius. Another point,
however, which is noted by Plutarch (R. Q. 90)
in the cult of Hercules, may be more satis-
factorily explained. When sacrifice was being
offered to Hercules, no dog was suffered to be
seene, within the purprise and precinct of the
place where the sacrifice is celebrated. Now, if
Hercules represents the genius, and if the dog
was the shape in which a departed spirit ap-
pears, then the danger lest the genius should
be tempted away by the Manes is great enough
to account for the prohibition.

per Dium Fidinm iurare vuit, prodire solet in com-
pluvium." — Xon. Marc, p. 494, quoting Varro. The
temples of Dius Fidius had a hole specially made in
the roof (" perforatum tectum," Varro, L. L. v. 66), under
which one might swear. Probably the temples of Her-
cules were similarly provided ; certainly those of Ter-
minus were (" exiguum templi tecta foramen habent," —
Ov. F. ii. 672).

INTRODUCTION. liii

This identification of Heracles with the
genius shows in a striking way how far the
Italians were from having reached the belief
in personal individual gods at the time when
Greek religion found its way into Italy, and
how artificially Greek polytheism was super-
imposed on native beliefs. There were as many
genii virorum as- there were living men, and
yet they were identified with Heracles.* To
the Italian convert, doubtless, it seemed nothing
strange that every man should have his Hercules ;
while his Greek teacher probably never fully
realised the catechumen's point of view.

The case is parallel to that of Hestia and
Vesta. Both before and after the appearance
in Italy of the anthropomorphised Hestia, every
Eoman household revered its own "hearth-
spirit;" yet this class of spirits came to be
identified with the personal individual goddess

* Reifferscheid, in the Annali delV Instituto for 1867,
p. 352 ff., identifies Hercules with the genius Jovis.
But, in the first place, this seems to me the wrong
inference from his own facts, which all have exclusively
to do with the genii virorum. Next, the genius Jovis is
not known before B.C. 58. Schwegler, before Reiffer-
scheid, noticed that in Gellius, xi. 6. i, " der romische
Hercules erscheint als identisch mit dem genius der
Manner." — R. G., i. 367 n.

liv INTRODUCTION.

from Greece. Doubtless, also, in course of time
Romans who shook off animism and became
true polytheists explained the relation between
their "hearth-spirits" and the State-goddess by
regarding the former as so many manifestations
of the latter. But it is, I submit, a mistake
on the part of modern mythologists to accept
this piece of late theology as primitive — unless,
indeed, we are also prepared to say that the
Lares were regarded as so many manifestations
of one Lar, or all the many Manes as manifesta-
tions of one dead man. The genii virorum, at
any rate, were not, ia the first instance, so many
manifestations of Hercules : on the contrary,
they existed (in Italy), to begin with, and
Heracles afforded them a collective name and a
Greek cult.

In the same way, I submit, the original
Italian Juno was no ^NTature-deity, no moon-
goddess — the name was that of a class of spirits,
like the correlative term genii virorum. There
were many Junones, as there were many fauns
in Italy, many satyrs and nymphs in Greece,
many Pucks and fairies in England. "VVTaen the
Italians learnt that Hera was the goddess under
whose protection the Greek women were, they

INTRODUCTION. Iv

naturally thought of the Juno who was the
guardian-spirit of each Italian woman, and
applied to Juno the cult and myths that be-
longed to Hera. Hence the answer to Plutarch's
question, why were the months sacred to Juno 1
{R. Q. ']']). Because they were sacred to Hera.
But there were other spirits whom Italian
women invoked besides their Junones, such as
Juga, who yoked man and wife, Matrona, Pro-
nuba, Domiduca, Unxia, Cinxia, Fluonia, Lucina,
and other departmental spirits or indigetes, whose
names appear in the Indigitamenta. These
spirits, when once Juno had become a personal
individual deity, came to be explained as special
manifestations of the goddess, who was con-
sequently called Juno Juga, Juno Matrona, &c.*

* Roscher's arguments to show that Juno is the moon
are not satisfactory. He assumes without proof that
Juno was always Lucina (whereas Lucina was an inde-
pendent spirit worshipped in woods, Lcxikon, pp. 583 and
602), that Lucina was the moon (whereas she is the spirit
that brings children to light, and is not = Luna), that
the Italians connected the moon with child-birth (which,
as Birt says, lacks proof), that the name Juno indicates
a light-giving deity (whereas, though from the root *Div,
it does not imply the giving of light any more than
deus does, which is applied to the di manes, the di indi-
yetes, dea bona, dea dia, Sec). The arguments drawn by
Roscher from works of art are untrustworthy, because

Ivi INTRODUCTION.

VI. Di Indigetes,

Before Greek gods and myths were known to
them, the Italians worshipped not only Lares,
Manes, Genii, and Junones, but also the spirits
known as Di Indigetes. These spirits were not
conceived in human or in animal form. They
had not human parts or passions. They did
not form a community. They had no common
abode. There is nothing in ItaUan religion
corresponding to the Olympus of Greek my-
thology. They did not marry or give in
marriage. Above all, what distinguishes them
both from Greek gods and from the tree-spirits,
which also were worshipped by the Itahans, is
that they were rather numina or forces than
beings. They were the forces which regulated
and controlled all human actions, psychological
and physiological, and through which all the
work of man's hands could alone be brought to
a favourable issue. Wlien, however, we come
to examine these numina, we find that the name

borrowing is specially probable in their case. Finally,
the hypothesis of a Grseco-Italian period, on which
Roscher relies to prove that Juno = Hera — the moon,
is DOW discredited.

INTRODUCTION. Ivii

of the Indiges is simply the name of the action
which he controls: the Indiges of sowing is
Saturmis; of remembering, Minerva; of suck-
ling, Eumina, and so on. It is a canon of
savage logic that he who possesses the name of
a person or thing has that person or thing in his
power ; hence the Roman's" belief that he could
control any process, psychical or physical, if
only he could put a name to it. This primitive
form of magic was organised by the Roman
State. The pontiffs were intrusted with the
duty of drawing up catalogues {indigitamenta)
of all the stages and processes of a man's life,
from his begetting and birth to his death and
burial ; and as the State was but a community
of farmers, similar catalogues were made of all
the agricultural operations by which crops are
raised. To be effectual, it was necessary that
these lists should be complete. As the Roman
could avert or remedy any evil by simply naming
the proper spirit, it was essential that his roll of
spirits should have no omissions. Then, if he
were in doubt what spirit to name, he could
make assurance doubly sure by naming all.

Let it not be imagined that this State-organised
magic, though it appear to us inconsistent with

Iviii INTRODUCTION.

civilisation, is mere matter of inference, or be-
longs purely to pre-historic times. Not only
did it survive the introduction of polytheism,
it was a firm article of Roman faith in the most
glorious days of the Republic, and until B.C. 211
or later, the belief was so living as to give birth
continually to fresh spirits, as fresh departments
of human activity were opened up.* Nor did
it cease then. It changed, but it did not die.
In the worship of such abstractions as Fortuna,
Spes, Juventas, Concordia, Pietas, Libertas,
Felicitas, Annona, &c., we have evidence that
abstract names exercised as great a hold over the
minds of Romans of the Empire as they had
over the earliest Italians.

On some indigetes Greek cults and myths were
grafted, and these numina, which were in truth
but nomina, henceforth lived as gods. Mercurius
was declared to be Hermes. JMinerva, the spirit
of memory, was seen to be Athene, the goddess
of ^visdom. Saturnus was identified with Ej-onos,

* In B.C. 361 an Aius Locutius was prndr.ced (Li v. v.
32.6, 50.6, 52. 11); in 211 aRediculusTutanus (Festus
s.v.) ; in or after 269 a spirit of silver coin, Argentinus
(August., C. D. iv. 21 and 2S) ; but no spirit was forth-
coming for gold coin, which was first struck in B.C. 217.
See further Roscher's Lexilcon, s.v. Indigitamenta.

INTRODUCTION. lix

and was henceforth worshipped in the Greek
fashion with uncovered head (R. Q. 13). Opis
was identified with Demeter, Venus with Aphro-
dite, and Libitina, the numen of funerals, was
interpreted, by a pedantic etymological confusion
with Libentina, as a bye-name of the new goddess
{R. Q. 23). The indiges Liber* was recognised
in Dionysius Eleutherios (JS, Q. 104).

In all these cases the identification proceeded
on a fancied resemblance in name or an actual
similarity of function. There seems to be only
one instance of identification based on similarity
of cult, that of the Roman Matuta and the
Greek Leucothea. According to Plutarch {R. Q.
16) maid-servants were excluded from the
temples of both, except when the Dames of
Rome, bringing in thither one alone and no more
with them, fall to cvffing and boxing her about
the eares and cheeks. Here the servant is the
scapegoat, to whom are transferred the evils
wliich may or might afflict the free women of
the community, and the beating is done for
purification. It is just conceivable that the
Greek cult may have been borrowed by the

* So called "quod marem effuso semine liberat." —
Augustin, C. D. vii. 2.

Ix INTRODUCTION.

Romans ; but the use of a scapegoat and of
beating in this way is so Avide-spread over all
the world, and so deeply seated in European
folk-lore, that it is difhcult to imagine it was
unknown to the Romans, As a matter of fact,
even in the Roman Questions, without going
further, we have indications that both practices
were known in Italy. In R. Q. 20 a myth is
given, the earlier form of which is to be found
in Macrobius (^S*, i. 12), who states that the
Bona Dea was on a day scourged with myrtles.
On the principle that customs often give rise to
myths but cannot be originated by them, we
may infer that the representative, or else the
worshippers of the Bona Dea, Avere purified by
scourging. Still less can it be doubted after
Mannhardt's exhaustive investigation {Myth.
Forsch., pp. 72 ff.), that the Luperci, described
in R. Q. 68, drove out the evil spirits of disease,
sterility, &c., by the blows from their scourges.
Again, the expulsion of evil tends in many
places to become periodic ; a day or season is
devoted annually to the driving out of all devils
and evil spirits, after wliich the com-munity is
expected to live sober and clean. The com-
munity, not unnaturally, indulges in a kind of

INTRODUCTION. Ixi

carnival immediately before this season, and
allows itself all sorts of license : slaves behave
as though they were masters, men dress iip in
women's clothes, &c. This, presumably, is the
explanation of the fact related by Plutarch
(R. Q. 55), that tipon the Ides of Januarie, the
minstrels at Rome who ■plaied upon the hautboies,
were permitted to. goe up and doivne the city
disguised in womerbs apparell. *

Though the influence of Hellenic religion
failed to transform the many other indigetes
into gods, still it affected their cult in other
ways. For one thing, it provided them now
for the first time with temples or chapels.
This innovation was doubtless found strange by
the folk to whom the fashionable ideas from
Hellas penetrated slow and late. In the case
of Carmenta it must have seemed particularly
strange. Carmenta was one of the several
indigetes whose power was manifested in the

* Finally, with regard to Matuta, the very remarkable
fact recorded in Romane Questions, 17, that people prayed
to her not for any blessings to their own children, but for
their nephews only (brothers' or sisters' children), im-
mediately suggests that we have here an indication that
the Nair type of family was once known in Italy. But
the indication, being isolated, has perhapa not much value.

/

Ixii INTRODUCTION.

various processes of gestation ; * and she was
invoked as Porrima (Prorsa or Antevorta) or
Postverta, according as the child came into the
■world head or foot foremost. From the mention
of a saxuvi Garmentce,'\ near which was the
porta Carmentalis, and near which the temple
in question was erected, we may venture to
infer that this rock was originally the local
habitation of the spirit. "Why then needed she
to have a temple built t This was a point
which, to the popular mind, required explana-
tion ; and a popular explanation was accordingly
forthcoming, which has fortunately been pre-
served to us by Plutarch. It starts from a
folk-etymology or confusion between the name
Carmenta and the word carpenta, meaning
"coaches," and may be read at length in

B. Q. 56.

There remams one other indiges who is men-
tioned in the Roniane Questions — Rumina {R.
Q. 57) the numen of suckling. As the temple

* She occurs in the following series : — Fluvionia,
Mena, Vitumnus, Sentiuus, Alernona, Nova, Decima,
Partula, Carmenta, Lucina, for which see S. August.,

C. D. vii. 3 ; Tertull., De An. 37, and Ad Nat. ii. 11.

t Liv. V. 47 ; Dion. Hal. i. 32 ; Serv. on /En. viii. 337 ;
W. Becker, Handb. d. rom. Altert., i. 137.

INTRODUCTION. Ixiii

of Carmenta was erected near the saxum Car-
mentce, so the sacellum of Eumina was built
near the jicus Ruminalis ; and as we may con-
jecture that the rock was in the nature of a
fetich, so we may infer that Eumina was a tree-
spirit. It is easy to understand why a fig-tree
was chosen as the abode of the spirit of suck-
ling ; the sap of this tree resembles milk and was
known to the Komans as lac. The fact reported
by Plutarch,* that milk, not wine, was offered
in the cult of Eumina, is quite in accord with
the principles of sympathetic magic.

The worsliip of this spirit bears every mark
of hoar antiquity, and it was worked into the
legend of the foundation of Eome by the device
of making the wolf suckle the twins under the
ficus Ruminalis.

VII. Tree and Field Cults.

Whenever two peoples come into contact with
each other for the first time, a comparison of
religions is set up ; and one of the first-fruits of
this earliest exercise of the comparative study
of religions is that identification of gods and

* Derived probably from Varro, R. R. II. xi. 5.

Ixiv INTRODUCTION.

borrowing of cults aud myths to which the term
"syncretism" is applied. The part played by
syncretism in the history of Italian religion is of
singular importance : the Italian's misty, vapor-
ous belief in abstract, impersonal spirits was
precipitated into premature polytheism by the
introduction of the anthropomorphic gods of
Greece. Fortunately, the process being prema-
ture, was, and to the end remained, incomplete ;
and we are therefore able to employ the sur-
vivals from the older form of beUef so as to
form some idea of the original Italian religion.
To the last, many spirits resisted the indivi-
dualising process, which is the essence and con-
dition of polytheism : the Lares and the Manes
not only never became gods, but none of them
was dignified by a proper name, or attained even
so much individuality as Puck or Robin Good-
fellow. Nor can such general abstract appel-
lations as Bona Dea, Dea Dia, be regarded as
personal names, i.e., as the names of definite,
individual, personal beings : they have not the
personality of Venus or Vulcan, and yet they
were the beings Avhom the people at large wor-
shipped in preference to the State-gods, Avhose
cult and myths were fashionably Hellenised.

INTRODUCTION. Ixv

Slie who, under the influence of Greek reli-
gion, became the goddess Diana, was originally a
tree-spirit, having no personal name, but known
only by an appellation as general and abstract
as that of Bona Dea. The proof that the quali-
ties and attributes of the Greek goddess Artemis
were attached by syncretism to the Italian tree-
spirit is brought to light by two of Plutarch's
penetrating questions (R. Q. 3 and 4), why harts'
horns are set up in all the temples of Diana
save that on Mount Aventine, in which are
ox-horns? and why men are excluded from one
particular temple of the same goddess ? These
differences in cult obviously point to the worship
of different goddesses under the same name ;
and, as a matter of fact, we know first that
harts were sacred to the Greek goddess, Arte-
mis, whereas the genuine Italian Diana was
the goddess of oxen ; next, we know that the
identification of Artemis and Diana was effected
by Servius Tullius.* To understand the ex-
clusion of men from the temple in the Patri-
cian Street, however, we must inquire into the
nature of the Italian Diana. With this object,

* Livy, i. 45. 3 ; Dionys., iv. 25 ; Aur. Vict., De Vir.
lU., vii. 9.

Ixvi INTRODUCTION.

we may either assume that the pro-ethnic Aryans
were polytheists, and that therefore the primi-
tive Italians also worshipped Nature-gods ; in
which case, starting from the etymology of the
word Diana (from the root div, "shine"), we
must either at once make Diana a moon-goddess,*
and thus account for the fact that she was a
goddess of child-birth, and therefore men were
excluded from her temple. But this seems im-
probal^le even to a writer in Eoscher's Lexikon
(Birt), who very properly notes (p. 1007) that
"it is doubtful whether the belief that the
moon influenced child-birth can be shown to be
Itahan." Birt, therefore, interprets the name
to mean " the bright goddess," i.e., the goddess
of bright daylight, and boldly writes it down
as a matter of course that the first attribute of
a daylight or sky goddess is her close relation
to vegetable nature, especially woods and forests.
Those who find this mortal leap beyond their
power to follow, and who prefer to argue to the
original nature of the goddess from what we
know of her cult as a matter of fact, rather than
from hypotheses as to the Nature-myths of the
primitive Aryans, will note first that her name
* As Preller does, R. M.^, i. 313.

INTRODUCTION. Ixvii

is as purely general and abstract as that of the
Dea Dia or the Bona Dea, and means simply a
bright spirit, or possibly simply a spirit. Next,
wherever Diana was worshipped in Italy, she
was originally worshipped in woods and groves,
e.g., in the forests on Mount Tifata, Mount
Algidus at Anagnia, Corne, and Aricia. Indeed,
in Aricia the place of her worship was simply
called Nemus, and the goddess herself plain
Nemorensis. In the next place, her worship is
frequently associated with that of Silvanus,*
who is plainly a wood-spirit, and who is also a
patron-spirit of domestic cattle, f From this we
may venture to class her with the "agrestes
feminae quas silvaticas vocant " of Burchard of
Worms : J she is a wood-spirit who became a
goddess because of her likeness to the Greek
Artemis. Her connection with child-birth does
not indicate that she was a moon-goddess.
Roman women in primitive times, like Swedish
women, " twined their arms about a tree to
ensure easy delivery in the pangs of child-birth ;

* e.g., a I. L. vi. 656, 658, &c.

t C. I. L., vii. 451.

+ Grimm, D. M.^, iii. 104 ; cf. Gummere, Germanic
Origins, 383. " Special influence over cattle is ascribed
to wood-spirits " [Golden Bough, i, 105).

Ixviii INTRODUCTION.

and we remember how, in our English ballads,
women, in like time of need, * set their backs
against an oak.' " * Finally, the annual wash-
ing and cleansing of the head, which Plutarch
mentions in R. Q. loo, was done on a day
sacred to Diana, probably because, on the one
hand, women felt that they were under her pro-
tection specially, while, on the other, so great
is the sanctity of the head amongst primitive
peoples,! that Avashing it is not to be under-
taken lightly : " the guardian spirit of the head
does not like to have the hair washed too often,
it might injure or incommode him." J

* Gummere, p. 387 ; cf. Bugge, Studien, p. 393^.

+ Golden Bough, 1. iSj ff.

+ Ibid., 188. The date of the rite was 13th August ;
cf. Auson., Be Fer. Rom., 6; Martial, 12, 67, 2. The
asylum for runaway slaves afforded by the temple finds
a folk-lore explanation in a folk-etymology, "^dem
Dianae dedicaverit in Aventino, cuius tutelae sint cervi,
a quo celeritate fugitivos vocent cervos " (Festus, p.
343a, 7, s.v. Serrorum dies). Birt (Roscher's ZcTiion, i.
1008) seems to take this explanation seriously ; but the
temple on the Aventine was precisely the temple in which
the goddess of cervi was not worshipped. Possibly the
right of asylum was conferred on the temple as part of
the political changes brought about by the formation of
the Latin confederacy, for this temple was the religious
centre of the Latin alliance, " Commune Latinorum
Diansc templum " Varro, L. L. v. 43). Hence, then,

INTRODUCTION. Ixix

The Romane Questions aiford another instance
in which syncretism has obscured the original
nature of an Italian field-spirit, and in which
the cult of the HeUenised deity still betrays the
primitive object of worship. In the pages of
Virgil, Mars has so completely assumed the guise
of the Greek Ares, that if we had only the
verses and the mythology of the court-poet to
instruct us, we could never even suspect that
Mars had other functions than those of a war-
god. When, however, we turn from myth to
cult, and are confronted by the ceremony of
the October horse, described in R. Q. 97, we
find, that though Mars was sung as "Lenker
der Schlachten," he was worshipped as the
spirit that makes the corn to grow. At Eome
the corn-spirit was represented as a horse, as
it still is amongst the peasants of Europe, not
only near Stuttgart, but in our own country, in
Hertfordshire and in Shropshire. The fructify-
ing power of the spirit is supposed in modern
folk-lore and in Africa, as it was at Eome, to
reside specially in the animal's tail, which there-

the folk-story that Servius Tullius, " natus servus "
(Festus, I.e.), built the temple and gave it the right of
asylum.

Ixx INTRODUCTION.

fore was preserved over the hearth of the king's
house, in order to secure a good harvest next
year. The antiquity of this custom at Rome,
and the fact that it dates from long before the
Romans knew anything of the Greek Ares,
are shown by the fight for the horse's head
waged between the inhabitants of the two wards,
the Via Sacra and the Subura, a fight which
shows that the ceremonial goes back to a time
when the Subura and Rome were separate and
independent villages.

In connection with the killing of the corn-
spirit, we may note a passage of the Romane
Questions (63) which has not yet taken its
place in modern works on the subject. Speak-
ing of the rex sacrorum, Plutarch says, " !N^eere
unto Comitium, they ufe to have a folemn
facrifice for the good eftate of the citie ; which,
fo foone as ever this king hath performed, he
taketh his legs and runnes out of the place as
faft as ever he can." N^ecessary as it was, ac-
cording to primitive notions, that the vegetation-
spirit should be, as it were, decanted into a new
vessel, when the animal in which he was for
the time residing was threatened with infir-
mity and decay, still the killing of the sacred

INTRODUCTION. Ixxi

animal was a dangerous and semi-sacrilegious act.
Hence in Greece, the man who killed the ox in
the sacrifice known as the houplionia ran away
as soon as he had felled the animal, and was
subsequently tried for murder, but was acquitted
on the ground that the axe was the real mur-
derer ; and so the axe was found guilty and
cast into the sea. The Roman regifugium is
obviously a fragment of a similar rite. The
folk-explanation treated it as a symbol com-
memorative of the expulsion of the Tarquinii.

VIII. Man-Worship.

The rules of life prescribed for the priest of
Jupiter, the Flamen Dialis, are given in part by
Plutarch (Q. R. 40, 44, 50, 109, no, in, 112,
and 113),* and are a signal instance of the
necessity of explaining Roman cults, not by
reference to the artificial mythology of the Vedas
or to the civilised myths of Greece, but to the
customs of peoples who are still steeped in ani-
mism. That a spirit may take up its abode as a
Dryad in a tree or in an animal, as in the beasts
worshipped by the ancient Egyptians, or may

* For the full list see Marquardt, 328-331.

Ixxii INTRODUCTION.

temporarily take possession of a human being,
as Apollo possessed the Pythian priestess, is
easily comprehended. But that a spirit should
permanently dwell in a man, and that the man
should exercise all the powers and receive all the
worship that belong to the spirit, would be
almost incredible were it not for the numerous
instances of such worship collected by the
erudition of Mr. Frazer.* In Japan the sun-
goddess dwelt in the Mikado ; in Lower Guinea
and among the Zapotecs of South Mexico the
sun-spirit takes human form. In Cambodia the
spirit of fire and the spirit of Avater manifest
themselves in the (human) kings of fire and
water. Rain-kings are found on the Congo,
the Upper' Nile, and among Abyssinian tribes.
The weather-spirit is worshipped in the kings
of Loango, Mombaza, Quiteva, the Banjars, and
the Muyscas. In the South Sea Islands, gene-
rally, " every god can take possession of a man
and speak through him." f

In the next place, these divine kings or priests
are all charged with a force which enables them
to control the course of Nature. Lest, therefore,
this force should be inadvertently and uninten-

* Golden Bough, i. 37 ff. t Ibid., i. 39.

INTRODUCTION. Ixxiii

tioually discharged, with results disastrous to
the recipient of the shock or to the universe at
large, the divine priest or king must be insulated.
And this insulation is effected by taboos : every
action is taboo to him which might bring him
into dangerous contact with others.*

When, therefore, we learn that the Flamen
Dialis was subject to a very large number of
taboos, all of which find analogies, while some
find their exact counterparts, in the taboos laid
on the divine priests and kings previously
mentioned ; and when we further discover that
PreUer,t on totally different grounds, considered
the Flamen to have been " the living counter-
part " of Jupiter, it seems not unreasonable to
regard the Flamen Dialis as the human embodi-
ment of the sky-spirit.

The Flamen, according to Plutarch (R. Q.
40), was forbidden to anoint his body in the
open air, i.e. sub Jove; and of the Mikado we
are told, "Much less will they suffer that he
should expose his sacred person to the open
air.":}: The Flamen was forbidden to touch

* Golden Bough, ch. ii. t Rom. Mythol.^, i. 201.

X Ksempfer, History of Japan, quoted by Mr. Frazer,
i. no.

Ixxiv INTRODUCTION.

meal or raw meat, i.e., meal or meat which
might be consumed by others ; so, too, the
vessels used by the Mikado were "generally
broke, for fear they should come into the hands
of laymen; for they believe religiously that if
any layman should presume to eat his food out
of these sacred dishes, it would swell and inflame
his mouth and throat." *

For the many other taboos imposed on the
Flam en, I must refer to Mr. Frazer's great work.t
I will here only mention one, which is not
explicitly explained in the Golden Bough. If
the Flamen's wife died, he had to resign (Q. R.
50). Now, it is obvious from this that a
widowed Flamen was somehow dangerous or
in danger, and that the danger was one which
re-marriage would not avert. I submit, there-
fore, that a widowed Flamen was considered in
danger of sudden death, and that this danger (a
danger to the community, which might thus
lose the sky-spirit) consisted in the probability
that the soid of the departed wife might tempt

* Ksempfer, History of Japan, quoted by Mr. Fraser,
i. no.

t With Q. E., Ill, cf. Golden Bough, i. 207; with
Q. R., 112, cf. G, B., i. 1S3 ; and generally see i. 117.

INTRODUCTION. Ixxv

away the soul of the living Flamen. In Burmah,
proper precautions are taken to prevent a baby's
soul from following that of its dead mother, or
the soul of a bereaved husband or wife from
rejoining the lost one, or to prevent the soul of
a dead child " from luring away the soul of its
playmate to the spirit-land."* But accidents
will happen, and. it is so important for an
agricultural community to have the sky-spirit
under direct control, that the Eomans were
doubtless well advised in running -no risks, and
in transferring the spirit into another Flamen.

IX. Taboos.

In fairy tales it is not surprising that the
hero should be forbidden to see his wife on
certain days, or whilst she is wasliing, or at
night, and that he should be required to take
precautions lest he should take her unawares
in one of the forbidden moments, t But it is
surprising to find that the prosaic Roman
punctiliously observed fairy etiquette in these

* G. B., i. 130.

t For instances see Hartland, Science of Fairy Tales,
pp. 272-274.

Ixxvi INTRODUCTION.

matters, and habitually behaved like an in-
habitant of fairy -land. See B. Q. g and 65.
It is also surprising to discover that in Italy,
where, owing to "the vigorous development of
the marital authority, regardless of the natural
rights of persons as such," the wife's " moral sub-
jection became transformed into legal slavery," *
the wife was " exempted from the tasks of corn-
grinding and cooking," because, according to
Mommsen, those tasks were menial.t The
exemption is mentioned by Plutarch in R. Q.
85 ; but we must take leave to question Mom-
msen's explanation. The exemption is not an
exemption, but a prohibition : it is identical
with the taboo laid on the Flamen Dialis
{R. Q. 109), and has the same object. Doubt-
less if a Roman ate food touched by a woman,
"it would swell and inflame his mouth or
throat," or have some disastrous effect. For
that even indirect contact with women at certain
periods, e.g. child-birth, &c., is highly dangerous,
is a belief found amongst the Australian blacks
and the Eskimo, the Indians of North America,
and the Kafirs of South Africa. An Australian
blackfellow, having been brought accidentally
* Momms., R. II., i. 25. f Ibid., i. 60.

INTRODUCTION. Ixxvii

into this dangerous contact, died of terror within
a fortnight.* It is not strange, therefore, that
the Romans, returning home after absence,
if their wives were at Jwme, ufed to fend a
mejfenger unto them before, for to give ivarning
and advertifement of their comming. And we
can understand that the primitive pubhc for
whom the fairy tales in question were com-
posed found the incident of the violated taboo
as thrUling and as full of "actuality" as a
modern reader finds the latest sensational novel.
The belief that a mother and her new-born
babe are peculiarly at the mercy of malevolent
spirits is world-wide. In the fairy tales of
Christian Europe the period of danger is termi-

* G. B., 1. 170. I may point out that in some parts
of Europe these taboos still survive. For six weeks after
delivery, the young mother is forbidden to enter a strange
house, or go shopping, or draw water from a well, or
walk over a sowed field (Grimm, D. M.*, iii. pp. 435,
464, Nos. 35, 844, 845). The Esthonians also regard a
new-born child as tabooed, and indirect contact with it
as dangerous {Ibid., p. 488, No. 28). Eor the death -
dealing qualities of women, ef. Burchard von Worms,
Samlung der Decrete, Coin, 1548, p. 201a (quoted by
Grimm, iii. 410). Amongst the Eskimo, as amongst the
Germans, the young mother is forbidden to leave the
house for six weeks (Reclus, Primitive Folk, 36) ; she is
also tabooed by the Badagas of the Neilgherrie Hills
(Ibid., 192).

9

Ixxviii INTRODUCTION.

nated by baptism, until Avhich time various pre-
cautions, such as burning a light in the chamber,
must be observed.* In ancient Italy the danger
ended Avhen the child received its name, which,
as Plutarch {R. Q. 103) informs us, was on the
ninth day after birth in the case of boys, on the
eighth in the case of girls. Until that day a
candle was to be kept lighted, and the spirit
Candelif era was to be invoked. On that day the
child was purified (which indicates an original
taboo), and received the bulla, mentioned by
Plutarch (R. Q. 102), to preserve him hence-
forth from evil spirits and the evil eye.
Whether the bulla derived its virtue from the
substances which were enclosed in it, as in a
box, or from its moon shape, is uncertain. If
the latter be the true explanation, we may
compare the fact recorded by Plutarch (R. Q.
76), that thofe wJio are defcended of the moft
noble and auncient houfes of Rome carried little
moones upon their shoes. The daughters of Sion
also wore as amulets "round tires Uke the
moon" (Isaiah, iii. 18). The moon-spirit sends
disease or takes possession of the person who is
"lunatick" or "moon-struck." But the spirit
• Hartlaud, S. of F. T., p. 93^. for instances.

INTRODUCTION. Ixxix

may be deluded, and will enter any moon-
shaped object which the person attacked is
wearing. The Chaldseans diverted the spirit
of disease from the sick man by providing an
image in the likeness of the spirit to attract
the plague.*

X. — Sympathetic Magic.

The traveller who has little or no acquaintance
with the language of the land in which he is,
resorts naturally to the language of gesture, and
mimics the thing Avhich he wishes to have done.
Primitive man communicates his wishes to
I^ature in exactly the same way : if he wishes
to have game caught in the trap which he sets,
he first pretends to fall into it himself. He has
not learnt to " interrogate " Nature in her own
language by means of experiment and crucial
instances, but he has a presentiment of the

* "Make of it au image in his likeness (i.e., of
Namtar, the plague) ; apply (the image) to the living
flesh of his body {i.e., of the sick man). May the
malevolent Namtar who possesses him pass into the
image" (Lenormant, Chaldcean Magic, p. 51). The
Buddhists of Ceylon cure disease in exactly the same
way (J. Roberts, Oritntal Illustrations of Scripture,
p. 171).

Ixxx INTRODUCTION.

method of Concomitant Variations and of the
Substitution of Similars. If a thing is itself
beyond his reach, he substitutes its counterpart,
its image or its name, or something related to
it or connected with it, in confidence that any
changes he may work in the one -will be accom-
panied by concomitant variations in the other.
Hence the reluctance shown by many savages to
allow their likenesses to be taken or their names
to be known, as with the name or the likeness
the man himself would pass into the power of
the stranger.* So the Romans, as Plutarch in-
forms us (R. Q. 6i), kept the name of their
tutelar god secret, for the same reason, as
Plutarch acutely observes, as other nations kept
the images of their gods chained ; f and for the

* Cf. C. F. Gordon Gumming, Two Happy Years in
Ceylon, i. p. 278, " The astrologer is called in to preside
at baby's ' rice feast,' when some grains of rice are
first placed in its mouth. He selects for the little one
a name which is compounded from the name of the
ruling planet of that moment. This name he tells only
to the father, who whispers it low in baby's ear — no one
else must know it, and, like the Chinese ' infantile name,'
this ' rice name ' is never used lest sorcerers should hear
it and be able to work malignant spells."

t For instances see Folk Lore, iii. 137. The Romans
themselves fettei^ed the image of Saturnus (Macrob., i. S. 5 ;
Stat. Silv., i. 6. 4 ; Arnob., iv. 24 ; Minuc. Fel., c. 22. 5).

INTRODUCTION. Ixxxi

same reason, we may add, as the Romans forbade
the living counterpart of the sky-spirit to leave
the city, viz., lest he should pass out of their
control.

In the same spirit, the Romans would not
allow a table to be completely stripped of food
(R. Q. 64) or a light to be extinguished (75) :
the action might produce permanent effects.
The same feelmg prevailed or prevails with
regard to the table in Chemnitz, though it is
regarded as a sign of death if a light goes out of
its own accord.*

The practice of allowing the spoils taken from
an enemy to rust — a practice which Plutarch (37)
cannot comprehend — was doubtless a piece of
sympathetic magic : as the armour rusted, the
enemy's power of armed resistance would
diminish.

Another interesting instance of sympathetic
magic lurks in B. Q. 32. The images which,
as Plutarch says, were thrown into the river,
represented a spirit of vegetation or a corn-
spirit; and the object of plunging them into
the river was thereby to secure that the crops

* Chemnitser JRockenphilosopJiie, 16 and 325 (Grimm,
D. M.\ iii. 435 and 445).

Ixxxii INTRODUCTION.

should he correspondingly drenched with rain.*
This rite also illustrates the origin of a concep-
tion which has its roots in sympathetic magic
and yet exerts considerable influence in the civi-
lised world — the conception of "legal fictions."
The images, undoubtedly, were substitutes for
human beings who were (as representing the
corn-spirit) drowned in the Tiber. Human
sacrifice, though exceptional, was not unknown
at Rome in historic times, as appears from B. Q.
83 ; and the substitution of animals or of in-
animate objects for human beings is not peculiar
to Rome, but is tlie usual means by which the
transition from the more to the less barbarous

* The classical references are : Festus, p. 143 and
385 ; Dionys., i. 38 ; Ov., F., i. 56, iii. 791, v. 62 /. ;
Varro, L. L., vii. 44; Paul. Diac, p. 15; Lact., I. i.
21. 6; Maciob., i. 5. 10, and 11. 47 ; Prudent. C. Sym-
mach., ii. 295 ; Cicero pro Roscio Avi., 35. 100 ; Catull.,
xvii. 8. 23; Non. Marc, p. 3586.; Liv. i. 21, iv. 12.
The modern literature : first and foremost and final,
ilannhardt, Wold- und Feldkulte, p. 265 ff,, whose ex-
planation is adopted in Roscher's Lexihon ; further,
Preller, Rom. M.^, ii. 135^. ; Marquardt, 190^. ; Grimm,
D. M., 733, n. 4. The meaning of the word Argci has
received no satisfactory explanation yet. The number
of the images is accounted for by the fact that each of
the twenty-four quarters of ancient Rome required rain
for its crops.

INTRODUCTION. Ixxxiii

custom is effected. But the Romans, who were
practical and logical to the extreme, who reduced
magic to a system whereby they regulated their
daily life, consistently enough also utilised sym-
pathetic magic as a legal instrument. For it
would be a great mistake to infer from the
ridicule poured by Cicero (Pro Murena, xii. 62)
on the fictions of Roman law, that those sym-
bolisms were puerile mummeries designed to
benefit the legal profession at the expense of
its clients. The clod of earth which was
brought into court was no mere symbol, but
gave to those who held it exactly the same
control over the estate from which it came, as
the image of a god gives to its possessor, or as
the hair or clothing of a person who is to be
bewitched gives to the worker of the spell.

A form of sympathetic magic which is prac-
tised by agricultural peoples all over the world
is a " sacred marriage," whereby two spirits or
their images, or their living representatives, are
united, in order that their union may be sym-
pathetically followed by fertility in flock and
field. The ceremony of the " sacred marriage "
frequently survives when its purpose has been
forgotten, and then a popular explanation is

Ixxxiv INTRODUCTION.

invented for and by the folk. The myth of
Acca Larentia, given by Plutarch, R. Q. 35,
seems to me a piece of folk-lore of this kind.
To begin with, it is not uncommon to find in
Greek and Asiatic cults, for instance,* a woman
shut up with a god in his temple. And the
result of this union is an increase in the agricul-
tural wealth or fertility of the community. The
same result appears in the "rationalised" ex-
planation of the "sacred marriage" of Acca
Larentia and Hercules, given by Plutarch,
Further, an exactly similar tale is told of
Hercules and Flora,! whose name shows that
she is a spirit of flowering and blossoming
vegetation, whilst her cult points to a realistic
sacred marriage in which she took part. J
Again, Acca Larentia and Flora were evidently
felt to be spirits of the same class as the Dea
Dia, for sacrifices were ofiered to them as part

* See Khein. Museum, 1867, p. 129.

t Macrob., i. 10, 1 1 /. ; Gell., N. A., vii. (vi.) 7 ; Plut.,
Rom., 4. 5 ; Lactant., i. 20. 5.

+ " Exuuntiir etiain vestibus populo flagitante mere-
trices, quEe tunc {i.e., at the Floralia) mimarum fungun-
tur officio" (Lact. I.e.). Cf. Val. Max., 2. 10. 8; Senec,
Ep., 97- 7; Mart., i pncf.; Ov., F., iv. 946, v. 183;
Tertull., De SjpecL, 17; Min. Felix, 25. S; Augustiu,
C. D., ii. 27.

INTRODUCTION. Ixxxv

of the worship of the Dea Dia; and the Dea
Dia was a corn-spirit, as is plainly shown by
the Acta Arvalium Fratrum* At the same
time, though Acca Larentia, Flora, and the Dea
Dia were all spirits of the same class, it is clear
that they were distinguished from each other,
for the Arval Brothers sacrificed to each of them
separately and under distinct names. Finally,
whether Acca Larentia had originally anything
to do with the Lares seems doubtful,! and in
spite of the fact that, in later times at any rate,
she was called "the mother of the Lares," one
cannot build much on the etymology which
makes " Acca " mean " mother." J Certain it
is, however, that the Arval Brothers, in wor-
shipping the Dea Dia, began their famous and

* The Arval Brothers wore a harvest-crown, vittis
spiceis coronati, C. I. L., vi. 2104'' 16. They preserved
a sheaf of corn (corn-baby, mother, &c.) from the pre-
vious year's harvest ; this is the frugcs aridas of 0. J. L.,
I.e. 6. They consecrated the old corn, the green corn
of the new year, and a loaf, fruges aridas et virides
contigerunt et panes laureates, I.e. ; and they sacrament-
ally " ate the god," fruges libatas.

t Mommsen, Die echte und die falsche Acca Larentia,

3 A. 3-

+ Jordan, Krit. Beitr., 75, compares Italian atta,

" mother " and Greek aKKtb ?

Ixxxvi INTRODUCTION.

very ancient song Avith an invocation of the
Lares.* It is plain, therefore, that there was
from pre-historic times a tendency to associate
the worship of the kindly Lares with that of
spirits of the class to which the Dea Dia and
Acca Larentia belonged. But the feast of the
Larentalia (or Larentinalia), to which Plutarch
alludes in B. Q. 34, was evidently a piece of
ancestor-worship, and may therefore have been
part of the worship of the Lares from the
beginning. Lf this really be so, Acca Larentia
will be a soul promoted to the rank of a spirit
of vegetation.

The theory of sympathetic magic may per-
haps afford the solution of Plutarch's problem
(97), Avhy they tliat would live chaste were
forbidden to eat pulse. Plutarch suggests that
as far as beans are concerned the reason may
be that the Pythagoreans abominated them.
This "symbol" of the Pythagoreans is well-
known. Milton was inspired by it to put the

case —

" If all the world
Should in a fit of temp'rance feed on pulse,"

and, according to I^eanthes, quoted by lam-
* "E nos Lases iuvate" = Age nos, Lare.", iuTate.

INTRODUCTION. Ixxxvii

blichus in his life of Pythagoras, the prohibition
extended even to treading down the growing
bean ; for, he informs us, Pythagoras inculcated
the virtue of chastity so successfully that when
ten of his disciples, being attacked, might have
escaped by crossing a bean-field, they died to a
man rather than tread down the beans : and
when another disciple, who was shortly after-
wards captured and brought before Dionysius,
was bidden by that tyrant to explain the strange
conduct of his fellows, he replied, " They suffered
themselves to be put to death rather than tread
beans under foot ; and I will rather tread beans
under foot than reveal the reason."

This is sufficiently mysterious ; and the
Pythagorean symbol can scarcely be said to
explain the Italian prohibition. But though
Plutarch has committed the error of defining
ignotum per ignotius, he has nevertheless been
led by a sound instinct, in comparing the two
things together. Mr. Frazer (in Folk-Lore, i.
145 /".) has abundantly shown that many of the
symbols of Pythagoras are but maxims of folk-
lore which have gathered round the name of
that mysterious philosopher. It would be
nothing strange, then, if a piece of Italian folk-

Ixxxviii INTRODUCTION.

lore should be fathered on Pythagoras, for Magna
Graecia was the home of Pythagoreanism.

Now the folk has at all times been fond of
discovermg resemblances between plants and
other objects, as the common names of flowers,
&c., sufficiently show. Further, according to
popular notions, these resemblances do not exist
for nothing : between the plant and the object
it resembles there exists an occidt but potent
relation. The " Doctrine of Signatures " was a
quasi-scientific organisation of this branch of
folk-lore. " Turmeric has a brilliant yeUow
colour, which indicates that it has the power of
curing jaundice; for the same reason, poppies
must reheve diseases of the head," to take a
couple of instances from the Pharmacologia of
Dr. Paris (p. 43). The ancient Romans who
substituted an offering of poppy-heads for a
sacrifice of human beings were not practising
a childish cheat on the gods : on all sound
principles of folk-lore they were offering a per-
fectly valid equivalent.

When then we find Porphyry, in his life of
Pythagoras (§ 43), saying that Pythagoras bade
his followers " abstain from beans as from
human flesh," we may reasonably infer that

INTRODUCTION. Ixxxix

beans were regarded, in the folk-lore of the

day, as resembling some part of the human

body, and as having a mysterious affinity with

it. This conjecture receives some support from

the fact that, whereas Porphyry explains all

the other " symbols " as allegorical statements

of various moral and civic duties, he explains

this by a piece of folk-lore of the same kind

as the modern popular belief that a hair kept

in water will turn into an eel. The exact part

of the body to which beans were supposed to

bear a resemblance may be difficult at this

distance of time to determine. The passage in

Porphyry gives some hints.*

A more interesting fact is that, according to
Herodotus, ii. 37, the Egyptians had the same
aversion to eating beans, and that Egyptian
priests might not even look at a bean, so unclean

* The classical references on this subject of beans
are : Diog. Laerfc., viii. 24 and 34 (quoting Aristotle,
•fjroi OTL alooioLS elcrlv o/xoioi.), Gellius, N. A.,iv. II ; Cic,
de Div., i. 30, ii. 58 ; Pliny N. IT., xviii. 12 ; Didymus
in Geopon., ii. 58 ; Sext. Emp., Pyrrh. Hyp., iii. 224 ;
Iambi., Vit. Pyth., 109 and Protrcpt. cxtr. Symh., 37 ;
Anon. (e.Photio), Vit. Pyth., 7 ; Pseudo-Orig., Philos. ii. ;
ApoUon. Dyso., Mirab. Hist, c. 46 ; Eudocia, p. 368 ;
Suidas, s. v. Su/^/S. Uvday. ; Eustatb., N., p. 948.

xc INTRODUCTION.

was it considered. From this passage it is
usually inferred that Pythagoras obtained this
piece of his doctrine from the Egyptians ; and
Y. D. Link (Die Uricelf, 225) sought to sup-
port the inference by the suggestion that the
prohibition originally had reference to the sacred
Egyptian bean, and was subsequently extended
to the common bean (faha vulgaris). Pursuing
this line of thought, we are at once struck by the
fact that the sacred Egyptian bean (nelumbium
speciosum) is a lotus ; and the lotus, both as a
plant and as a symbol,* carries our thoughts to
India. We thus seem to see a piece of folk-lore
migrating, along with the plant to wliich it was
attached, from India to Egypt, from Egypt to
Europe.

But Avhcn did this interesting migration take
place ? The prohibition was known pretty early
in Sicily, for it makes its appearance in the
fragments of Empedocles, who was born at
Agrigentum, B.C. 490. We can, however, trace
it back much earher in Italy. There it dates
from pre-historic times, for it was one of the
taboos laid upon the flamen Dialis. And the

* For its meaning as a symbol, see Westropp, Primitive
Symbolism, p. 28.

INTRODUCTION. xci

idea that beans were human flesh is implied in
the part which they played in the funeral
ceremonies of the primitive Italians. That part
is remarkably interesting. Plutarch tells us
that "the folemne fuppers and bankets at
funerals for the dead were uftiaUy ferved with
pulfe above all other viands." This is a strange
contrast to the aversion shown otherwise for
eating beans, and it cries aloud for explanation.
Mr. E. S. Hartland, in Folk Lore, III. ii., has
put forward the theory that the practice of sin-
eating is the transformed survival of a savage
custom of eating deceased kinsmen. Even those
who dissent from his conclusion wiU not be able
to deny that the custom does exist among
savages, and that the object of cannibalism is to
secure to the eater the courage, cunning, strength,
&c., of the person eaten ; nor will it be denied
that on the first movement from savagery a
tendency would manifest itself to substitute for
the corpse anything which, according to the
canons of savage logic, might be regarded as an
equivalent substitute. The Italians, regarding
beans as human flesh, might, we may conjecture,
substitute beans ; as the Bavarian peasant substi-
tutes Leiclien-nudeln. Before, however, we can

xcii INTRODUCTION.

regard this as anything more than a guess, we
want proof that the Italians did really look upon
the beans which they ate at funeral feasts as
representative of the deceased. That proof is
forthcoming, I submit, in the belief mentioned
by Pliny (N. H., xviii. 30. 2) that "the spirit
of the deceased Avas in the bean " {mortuorum
animcB sint in ea, i.e., in the faha). And inas-
much as the law forbade them that would be
chaste to eat pulse, it seems probable that the
object of eating beans at funeral banquets was
to convey the propagating powers of the deceased
to his kinsmen.

If then the superstition about the bean was
borrowed by the Italians, it must have been
borrowed in primitive times ; and we must think
that the belief reached the Itahans at the same
time as the cultivation of the bean itself spread
from its original (unknown) home. But, if we
may trust comparative philology, the bean was
probably known to the European Aryans before
they divided into separate peoples, such as
Slavs, Italians, &c. And thus we can catch
glimpses of this piece of folk-lore on its travels
in pro-ethnic times. But this, I confess, I find
it rather hard to beHeve. Of course, if there

INTRODUCTION. xciii

were channels of communication by which the
plant itself could travel in that "time long
past," then by those same channels the super-
stition might be conveyed. But on the other
hand, if one people could see a resemblance
between the bean and some part of the human
body, so might another. We do not imagine
that because some of the taboos laid on the
Mikado were the same as some laid on the
flamen Dialis, they were therefore borrowed.
Why, then, should we resort to the hypothesis
of borrowing to account for the fact the flamen
of pre-historic times was forbidden, exactly in
the same way as the priests of ancient Egypt, to
see or name a bean?

Folk-lorists will naturally inquire whether
any traces of the concejDtions and customs we
have been examining can be found in fairy-tales.

I may therefore conclude by pointing out that
in a Lithuanian tale, published and translated
into German in the Litauische VolksUeder und
Mdrchen of A. Leskien and K. Brugman (p. 202
and p. 471), the bean has the same "signature"
as it had in ancient Italy. Another story in the
same collection (pp. 363-371 and 490-494)
should also be noticed here : a maiden is given

xciv INTRODUCTION.

tlie lieart of ca dead man to eat, and two hours
afterwards she bore a son, who could speak and
run the moment he was born.

XI. Aryan Marriage.

In the Romane Questions * Phatarch has pre-
served for us various marriage customs, which
raise the whole question, not perhaps of human
marriage, but certainly of Aryan marriage. Has
monandry always been the prevaUing form
among the Aryan-speaking peoples ? Among
those peoples has the family, as far as we can
see or guess, from the beginning been patriarchal
and agnatic ?

As a starting-point for the discussion of this
question, two propositions may be laid down as
broadly true. The first is, that at some period
or other, all Aryans have been in the habit of
obtaining their wives (or some of their wives)
by capture and by purchase. This fact may
ultimately imply scarcity of native women,
female infanticide, polyandry, and kinship
through the female Hue ; or it may prove to
be perfectly compatible with a patriarchal and

* Pi. Q., I, 2, 6, 7, 8, 29, 30, 31, 65, 86, 87, 105, loS.

INTRODUCTION. xcv

agnatic system. But it is a fact, and a fact of
the first importance for this discussion. The
second proposition that may safely be made
is, that in historical times at least, the patri-
archal form of family has always been the
prevailing form amongst Aryan nations. The
exceptions may be real, or they may be due to
faulty observation ; they may be of the highest
importance, as being the sole indications of a
prior and very different form of family life, or
they may be merely local, transient departures
from the normal patriarchal form, and so be
insignificant or deceptive ; but in any case, they
are relatively so few as to leave it a practically
true statement to say that the patriarchal family
has been normal among the Aryans in historic
times.

The evidence of the existence of marriage
by capture is furnished by folk-lore. It is not
necessary, nor is this the place to review that
evidence ; but the survivals of this form of
marriage which are recorded in the Romane
Questions must be mentioned. The Romans,
Plutarch says {R. Q., 29), " icould not permit
the new ivedded hride to paffe of herfelf over the
door-fill or threfhold, tvhenjlie is brought home to

xcvi INTRODUCTION.

her hufhand^s houfe, hit they that accompanie her
muft lift her up between them from the ground,
and fo convey her in." * That the Romans
themselves were dimly conscious of the real
origin of this custom is implied in the first
solution suggested by Plutarch, viz., that the
ceremony was "in remembrance of those first
wives whom they ravished perforce from the
Sabines ; " and Rossbach, in his great work on
Roman marriage,t sees in the custom a sur-
vival from times when the bride, captured by
force, was conveyed against her will into the
house (or den) of her captor. Parallels to the
Roman custom are to be found elsewhere.
Among the modern Greeks the bride is lifted
over the threshold, as it would be most unlucky
if she touched it in crossing. J It is the most
important wedding-guest among the Servians, §
the bride's nearest relation in Lorraine, || who
carries her in his arms from the waggon into her
new home. Among the North Frisians the

* The custom is also testified to by Serv. on Virg.,
Ed., viii. 29; Isid., Orig., ix. 8; Plaut., CWs., IV. iv.
I ; Catull, Ixi. 159 ; Lucan, Phars., ii. 358.

t Uchcr die romische Ehc, p. 360.

+ Reinsberg-Diiringsfeld, Uochzeilshuch, p. 57.

§ Ibid., 84. il Ihid., 251.

INTRODUCTION. xcvii

" bride-lifter " (bridlefstr) is a regular wedding-
official.* The ceremony seems to have been
known to the ancient Hindoos also.t The
Finnish-XJgrians, whether they borrowed or
lent, or independently developed the custom,
uniformly practise it. J It is further note-
worthy that the Finnish-XJgrians agree with
the Romans, the Hindoos, and the Russians in
this, viz., that the bride is not only carried over
the threshold by some of the bridal party (not
by the bridegroom) but is then caused by them
"to sit upon a fliece of wooll." § The meaning
and object of this strange proceeding were quite
unknown to the Romans, who practised it in
Plutarch's time, as they are to the Finnish-
Ugrians and Russians who still observe the
custom. Rossbach rightly compares the ancient
Roman custom of making the flamen and flami-
nica, when married per farreationem, sit upon the
fleece of the sheep that was slaughtered during
the wedding ceremonies ; || he then refers to the

* Weinliold, Die deutschen Frauenr, i. 410.
t Haas ia Weber's Ind. Stud., v. 324, 359, 373.
+ V. Schroeder, Hoclizeitsbrduclie der Esten, pp. 88 ff.
% Plutarch, R. Q., 31. Cf. Festus, "In pelle lanata
nova nupta considere solet."
li Serv. ad ^n., iv. 374.

xcviii INTRODUCTION.

Roman practice of sitting for a short time after
prayer in silent meditation, and this he thinks
explains the custom in question. Eut surely it
leaves unexplained just that which requires ex-
planation. Granted, that the Eomans showed
more reverence than, say the Scots whom Dr.
Boyd can remember; still, are we to imagine
tliem so rapt into " the mind's internal heaven "
that they could sit down in the grease and the
gore of a freshly-slaughtered sheep's fell, " nor
heed nor see what things these be " ? Wiiy did
they not sit down somewhere else ?

A possible answer to tliis question may be
foiuid in the following considerations. Many
savages consider themselves peculiarly liable
on their wedding-day to the attacks of evil
spirits. The Hindoos and the Finnish-Ugrians
unanimously regard the seating of the bride on
the fleece as the right time for exorcising evil
spirits and purifying the bride: the Hindoos
recite an incantation, the Esthonians clash
daggers over her head, for iron is generally
dreaded by spirits. It is, therefore, an easy
inference that the fleece itself had purificatory
powers; and, as a matter of fact, we find that
the Greeks, at any rate, regarded a sheepskin

INTRODUCTION. xcix

in this light, for in the preliminary ceremonies
of the Eleusinia was a purificatory rite which
was known as the Zeus-fleece.* In the collec-
tion of the Hotel Lambert f is a red-figured
vase bearing a representation of this rite, in
which the person purified is represented as
crouching on the fleece.

In days when marriage by capture was real,
and not merely symbolical, it was higlily im-
portant that a strange woman should, immedi-
ately on entering the house, be, so to speak,
spiritually disinfected, lest she should introduce
unwelcome spirits into her new home ; or, in the
intimate relations wliich were to subsist between
her and her captor, J should bring him into the
power of strange and hostile gods. Hence the
close adhesion of the ceremony of the fleece,

* Atos Ki^diov, Suidas, s.v,

t De Witte, Descr. des Antiq, de I'Hdtel Lambert, p.
68, pi. 22 (reproduced in Daremberg et Saglio, Diet., s.v.,
and in Duruy, Hist, des Grecs, i. 786). The right inter-
pretation of this scene was first given by Lenormant,
Contemporary Review, 1880, p. 137.

X The Roman, at this crisis of his personal history,
placed himself under the protection of a series of Di
Indigetes, e.g., Subigus, Prema, Pertunda (S. August.,
C. D., vi. 9).

c INTRODUCTION.

long after its meaning was forgotten, to that of
lifting the bride over the threshold.

But it was necessary not merely to detach
the strange woman from her own gods, she
must also be introduced to the gods of her
new home. This introduction survived in the
Roman custom, whereby neio wedded wives are
bidden to totich fire and water (E. Q. i).*
That this custom goes back to the time when
wives were captured is indicated by the words
" are bidden : " the force which was at first
necessarily used survives in this gentle com-
pulsion. Parallels to this custom are forth-
coming: the Hindoo bride, according to the
Kau^ilfasiitra (77. 16), was led thrice round
the hearth in the bridegroom's house. Exactly
the same ceremony not only was practised by
the ancient Teutons, but is still observed in
some places in North Germany and in West-
phalia, f Tlie Esthonians and Wotjaks still
honour the custom. | The first thing a Servian

* The Latin phrase is "Aqua et igni accipi." The
custom is testified to by Dion. Hal., ii. 30 ; Varro, L. L.,
V. 61 ; Serv. ad Jin., iv. 167 ; Ov., P., iv. 787 ; Test.
8.V. ScaBv., Diij., 24. I. 66 ; Stat., SUv. I. ii. 3; Val. Fl.,
Argon., viii. 244.

t Weinhold, L 375 and 408. J Schroeder, 128/.

INTRODUCTION. ci

bride has to do on entering her new home is to
mend the fire,* and in ancient Greece she was
taken at once to the hearth. It need hardly
be said that the hearth is the abode of the
house-spirit and the centre of the family wor-
ship. At Eome, we find from Festus,t the
bride was also sprinkled with water. In Sar-
dinia,! her mother-in-law empties a glass of
water over her. Amongst the ancient Hindoos §
this was the bridegroom's duty ; with the
Servians it is the function of the DJewer. \\
That this sprinkling was originally an intro-
duction of the strange woman to the local water-
spirit seems indicated by the fact that amongst
the Servians the sprinkhng is performed at
the well, in the Unterkrain at the burn,^ in
Albania ** at the village-spring, while in modern
Greece the bride casts ofiTerings into the spring, tf
The conventionally extravagant lamentation
which was required of the Roman bride J J is

* Reinsb.-Diiringsfeld, 84.

f "Aqua aspergebatur nova nupta," s.v. Facem in
nuptiis.

Z Reinsb.-Diiringsfeld, 59. § Haas, 358.

I) Reinsb.-Diiringsfeld, 73. 1 Ibid., 92.

** Ibid., 63. +t Ibid., 59.

Xt Cat., Ixi, 81-86, no, 119 ; Claud., Fescenn., 106 ; De
Rapt. Pros., ii. 335.

cii INTRODUCTION.

regarded by Rossbach (p. 329) as a survival
of marriage by capture, and may be paralleled
amongst many Aryan nations : with the Hindoos
it was part of the officially prescribed pro-
gramme ; * ill the Oberpfalz it is obligatory ;
in Bohemia and in Russia it is required by
public opinion.!

The evidence of folk-lore (so far as it is called
for by the Romane Questions) that the Aryans
obtained wives by capturing the women of other
households or family groups than their own, has
now been stated. It does not suffice to show
that an Aryan was forbidden to marry a woman
of his own household ; but a wider survey of
early Aryan wedding-customs woidd bring out
this important fact, that however other parts
of the ceremony vary, there is one which is
always present, and which may be regarded as
essential — that is the domum deductio, the bring-
ing-ho7ne of the bride; and from this fact we
may fairly draw the conclusion that normally,
and — so strong is custom — probably uniformly,
the bride and the bridegroom belonged to dif-
ferent households, and that the bride came to
live in the home of the bridegroom.

* Haas, 327. t Schrceder, 87.

INTRODUCTION. ciii

Marriage by purchase does not happen to be
mentioned in the Romane Questions, nor is it
necessary to prove what is universally admitted.
All that need be remarked here is that purchase
was not necessarily preceded by a state of things
in which capture prevailed ; frequently it may
have been a peaceable remedy for the grievances
caused by capture, but quite as often it may
have been practised side by side with capture
from the begiiming. Further, the purchase,
like the capture, of wives implies that husband
and wife belonged to different households ; and
purchase indicates that the wife thus bought
was the property of the husband, or at least
that she was subject to him.

Let us now turn to the evidence sho-ndng that
the family was patriarchal and agnatic. The
evidence is furnished by the comparative study
of law, especially the law regulating the order
in which the relatives of a dead man shall
succeed to his property. The order of suc-
cession prescribed by the earliest legal codes is
strikingly similar among all the Aryan peoples ;
first, the deceased's male descendants to the
third generation (his sons, grandsons, and great-
grandsons) ; next, the male descendants of the

civ INTRODUCTION.

deceased's father to the third generation (i.e.,
the deceased's brothers, nephews, and grand-
nephews) ; then the male descendants of the
deceased's grandfather to the third generation
(i.e., his uncles, cousins, and their children);
and finally, the male descendants of his great-
grandfather to the third generation (i.e., his
great-uncles, his first cousins once removed, and
his second cousins once removed). Beyond
these degrees, kin was not counted; and if no
heir were forthcoming witliin them, the pro-
perty went, amongst the Hindoos, to tliose of
the same name as the deceased; amongst the
Romans, to the members of liis gens; in Crete,
to the village community. What is the origin
of this unanimous and well-marked distinction
between the jS'ear and the Remote Kin ? Why
were the ancliisteis, "the nearest relations," as
the Greeks technically named them, so sharply
distinguished from the others ?

To begin with, it is clear that the distinction,
being common to all the Aryans, was not deve-
loped subsequently to their dispersion, but is pre-
historic— indeed, pro-etlmic. Hence it follows
that the distinction was not the work of any
legislator or of any individual ; it coidd not

INTRODUCTION. cv

have been a law enacted by a lawgiver and
enforced by the State under pains and penalties,
for the simple reason that the Aryans, previous
to their dispersion, were not organised into a
State, and had no government to issue or exe-
cute laws. But before Law, Custom was, and
" Kin and Custom go together and imply each
other, as do Law and State. Law is the enact-
ment of the State — Custom is the habit of the
Kin. And as Custom precedes Law, so the
State is preceded by kin or sib associations.
The earliest form of the State is modelled on
that of the sib associations out of which it is
developed, and the first laws promulgated by
the State are but the old customs committed
to writing." *

In what pro- ethnic Aryan custom, then, are
we to seek the origin of the clear and deep-cut
line between the IvTear and the Remote Kin ?
The answer is furnished by what is known
among the Slavonians as the house commu-
nity, and to Anglo-Indian lawyers as " the joint
undivided family." As it exists now in India,
the joint undivided family consists, or may

* F. B. Jevons, Kin and Custom, in the "Journal of
Philology,"xvi. pp. 87/.

cvi INTRODUCTION.

consist, of the sons, grandsons, and great-grand-
sons of a man (deceased), who, on the death of
their common ancestor, do not separate, but
continue to live on the undivided estate and
worship their deceased ancestor as their house-
spirit. The family, as defined by the Judicial
Committee of the Privy Council,* is " joint in
food, worsliip, and estate."

Now, the relatives whom the earliest Aryan
codes, the laws of the Twelve Tables, the laws
of Solon, of ]\Ienu, the Gortyn Code, &c.,
specify as a man's heirs-at-law are in every case
precisely those relatives who belonged, or might
at some time have belonged, to the same joint
undivided family as the deceased. It is worth
while to note that at different times a man
might belong to four different joint imdivided
families : he might be born into a family which
still united in worship]iing the spirit of liis
great-grandfather : and thus his cousins, his first
cousins once removed, and his second cousins
once removed, would dwell in the same house-
hold with him. His grandfather might then
die and become a house-spirit : in that event,
his grand-uncle (and descendants) would have

* Moore, Indian Appeals, ii. 75.

INTRODUCTION. cvii

to set up a family of his own, for they only can
belong to a joint undivided family who are
descended from a common house-father, l^ow,
my grand-uncle, being the brother of my grand-
father, is not descended from my grandfather,
therefore cannot worship his spirit, therefore
cannot belong to the joint undivided family
which worships my grandfather's spirit. On
the other hand, the family, of which my (de-
ceased) grandfather is the house-spirit, includes
my grandfather's descendants to the third genera-
tion, i.e., includes not only my cousins, but also
their sons. This (cousins' sons) is the limit of
the second joint undivided family to which it is
possible for a man to belong. Thirdly, when my
father becomes a house-spirit, and is worshipped
by his children's children, I dwell in the same
household as my nephews and grand-nephews.
Finally, when I am gathered to my fathers, I
dwell, in the spirit, with my sons, grandsons,
and great-grandsons.

Here we obviously have the key to the order
of succession prescribed by the earliest Aryan
codes : my own descendants (if any) are called
first, because they constitute the joint un-
divided family, with which, at the time of

cviii INTRODUCTION.

dying, I am presumably dwelling. My father's
descendants come next, because that was the
family I had previously belonged to ; and on the
same principle my grandfather's descendants,
and then those of my great-grandfather were
called.

So long as the joint undivided family was
a living institution, so long there was no need
(as there was no thought) of specifying who a
man's heirs were, and so long a man could be iu
no doubt as to who his Near Kin were — they
were those who had been brought up in the
same family as himself. It was only when this
unwieldy form of family came to be disintegrated
by the advance of civilisation that it became
necessary to specify the order of succession, and
to determine who were a man's Near Kin ; and,
as we have seen, the earliest laws on this subject
are but the old customs reduced to writing.

Two facts of importance in the history of
Aryan marriage have now been shown. The
first, inferred from the domum dedudio and
from the existence of marriage by capture and
by purchase, is that amongst the undispersed
Aryans a man customarily abstained from marry-
ing a woman belonging to his own family group.

INTRODUCTION. cix

The second is that the family groups in which
the Aryans lived, if not originally, certainly for
some time before their dispersion, Avere joint
undivided families. The Aryan was averse to
marrying women of his I^ear Kin : the difficult
question now arises, whether he was equally
averse to marrying into his Remote Kin ? The
"prohibited degrees" of historic times do not
help us much in answering this question. The
Athenians had lost the Aryan aversion to
marriages within the near kin : they married
their cousins, and even half-sisters. There
is no evidence to show that the Romans ever
abstained from marrying their Remote Kin.
Rossbach maintains that the prohibition ex-
tended only to first cousins; Klenze, Walter,
Burchardy, Gottling, and Gerlach make it go as
far as the extreme limit of the !Near Kin, i.e., to
second cousins once removed — no writer on
Roman law or marriage supports a wider prohi-
bition ; and the jus osculi * (which, by the way,
was accorded by men to men as well as by
women to men) extended only to the near kin.
The Hindoos, again, were averse to marriage
between any persons of the same name.

* For which see R. Q. 6.

ex INTRODUCTION.

Does the Hindoo system come down from
pro-etlmic times, or is it a development peculiar
among Aryan nations to the Hindoos? Many
savages have a much wider circle of prohibited
degrees than civilised peoples possess, and
amongst civilised peoples themselves the number
of prohibited degrees has even in historic times
diminished. "We thus seem to get a sort of law
of diminishing degrees, which would point to
the Hindoo system as that which was kno-\vn
to the pro- ethnic Aryans. But though some
savages have more proliibited degrees than
civilised men have, other savages have few or
none. The downward movement, therefore,
from the maximum to the minimum number
of prohibited degrees which is observable in
historic times must have been preceded in pre-
historic ages by an upward movement from the
minimum to the maximum ; and, as far as the
evidence at present goes, though the upward
movement may, in pro-ethnic times, have pro-
ceeded as far as the Remote Kin, it may equally
well only have reached to the limits of the Xear
Kin ; while, after the Aryan dispersion, the
movement may have continued upwards amongst
the Hindoos, dowTi wards amongst the Athenians,

INTRODUCTION. cxi

and, for a long time, have ceased to move in any
direction amongst the conservative Romans.

A more important point to notice is that, if
we believe the Hindoo system to date from pro-
ethnic times, we must also assume that the
Hindoo system of naming is pro-ethnic, i.e., we
must assume th-at each Aryan had two names,
one distinguishing him personally from other
people, the other indicating what kin he be-
longed to ; and in this event, the Jfear and the
Eemote Kin must, in pro-ethnic times, have
had a common name. There is, however, very
httle evidence to show that this was the case :
gentile names are found among the Hindoos and
the Romans alone of Aryan peoples. It is, of
course, possible that, before the dispersion, the
Aryans had gentile names, and that, after the
dispersion, all the Aryans, with the exception of
the Romans and the Hindoos, lost them entirely.
On the other hand, if there was a time when
gentile names had not yet been invented, if
they have had a history and growth, we must
consider it as at least possible that gentile names
had not been evolved at the time of the dis-
persion, and were only developed subsequently
by the Romans and Hindoos.

cxii INTRODUCTION.

"VVliether the undispersed Aryans had gentile
names, and at the same time an aversion to
marriages between persons of the same name, is
a question on which it were vain to pronounce
confidently. "VVe may more safely consider
both these equally possible alternatives, together
■with the consequences which flow from each.
Let us assume that marriage was, amongst the
Aryans as amongst the Hindoos, prohibited
between persons of the same gentile name : is
there anything in the social organisation pre-
supposed by this prohibition incompatible with
the patriarchal system? According to Mr. D.
M'Lennan there is: not only are there "numerous
societies of which the patriarchal theory does
not even attempt to give any account," but "in
the societies upon contemplation of which it
was formed, a most serious difficulty for it is
presented by the tribes, which consist of several
clans, each clan considered separate in blood
from all the others. The patriarchal theory,
of course, involves that the clans are all of
the same blood." * Mr. M'Lennan's difficulty
seems to be this : where inheritance (of family
name, property, sacra, &c.) is confined to the
* In Chambers's Eneyclopcedia, s. v. " Family."

INTRODUCTION. cxii

male line, the descendants of a common ancestor
must all have the same family or gentile name ;
persons having dififerent names cannot be de-
scended from the same ancestor — that is to say,
different gentes or clans cannot have a common
origin. A tribe, therefore, which consists of
several clans cannot consist of descendants of a
common ancestor. Yet, these clans believe they
have an ancestor, however remote, in common.
If their belief is incorrect (if the gentes have
not a common origin), how did the error arise ?
If, on the other hand, the different gentes of the
same tribe have a common origin, how came
they to have different names ?

The source of this difficulty plainly is the
assixmption that the original ancestor of the
tribe had a family name, which was inherited
by all his descendants. It is impossible to dis-
prove or to prove this assumption. We may,
however, note that the Teutons (according to
Dr. Taylor *) rejoiced in only one name a-piece.
An Athenian added to his own name his father's.
And — to set assumption against assumption —
we may conjecture that as patronymics are
formed from personal names, so gentile names
* In Chambers's EncylopcEdia, s.v. " Names,"

cxiv INTRODUCTION.

-were developed out of patronymics. At tirst,
a man's sons bore nothinGj in their names to
indicate from what father they were sprung.
In course of time the sons of Anchises were
knoAvn as Anchisiadse ; and as long as the
family group consisted only of parents and
children, this system of nomenclature would
suffice. It might even continue into times
when the family group included three genera-
tions : lulus, as well as his father, .^neas,
might be an Anchisiades. And here we may
note that if all the members of a joint un-
divided family bore the surname Anchisiades,
an aversion to marriage in the near kin would
forbid the marriage of any two Anchisiadse.
When, however, owing to natural growth, the
joint undivided family of Anchises becomes
so large that it is necessary for his younger
(married) sons to go out into the world and
start joint undivided families of their ovm,
leaving JEne&s and his children in possession of
the old home, it is obvious that persons who
once had belonged to the same joint undivided
family, and therefore had possessed the same
family name, and had been prohibited to inter-
marry, would now belong to different families.

INTRODUCTION. cxv

and (being named after the respective house-
fathers of the newly formed families) would
have different patronymics, and would be allowed
to marry persons whom previously they were
forbidden to wed. In these circumstances an
extension both of prohibited degrees and of the
family name might very naturally be the ulti-
mate result. lulus, who for years had wor-
shipped Anchises as house-spirit, and had con-
sequently been an Anchisiades, might, when
^Eneas became his house-spirit, come to be
known as an ^nseades, but on the other hand
the old patronymic might stick to him and to
his children for ever. In the same way, the
aversion to marrying women who belonged to
the same joint undivided family might cease
when they ceased to belong to the same family,
but it might continue. Hence a continual ten-
dency to extend the family name, and to enlarge
the number of prohibited degrees.

The transition from the system of naming by
patronymics to that of gentile names would not
be made in a day or in a generation, and during
the transition the usage would fluctuate : the
descendants of ^neas might choose to be known
as iEnaeadse rather than as the sons of Ancliises,

cxvi INTRODUCTION.

while the children of Eneas' brothers might
retain the name of Anchisiadse, because their
fathers were less distinguished than their grand-
father. The period of this fluctuation in usage
may be assumed to have been long enough to
allow of the requisite diversity of gentile names,
while the fact that the number of gentes is
always fixed, however far back they can be
historically traced, shows that the fluctuation at
last hardened into unyielding custom.

It was pointed out in the last paragraph but
one that second cousins once removed (the great-
grandchildren of a common house-father) might
at one time belong to the same joint undivided
family, and subsequently to different families,
and that they might wish to continue, after
their separation, to consider each other as
relatives. Language afforded them no means of
indicating their relationship, for there was no
word in the original Aryan language for "cousin,"
much less for "second cousin." And before
patronymics had been stereotyped into gentile
names, it might seem that the Aryan system of
naming at that time afforded no means of binding
these relatives together either. But a certain
Athenian custom may perhaps be taken, both

INTRODUCTION. cxvii

as evidence of the existence of the desire in
question, and as an indication of the means
taken for gratifying it. At Athens it was the
custom to name a child after its grandfather;
and if we assume this practice to have obtained
in Aryan times, we have here a ready means for
indicating the fact that second cousins are re-
lated without the aid of a gentile name ; for if I
and my first cousin are both named after our
common grandfather, then our children (who
are second cousins once removed) will have the
same patronymic, and therefore will be related,
and thence again prohibited to marry. This
may be illustrated by an imaginary pedigree,
which will also serve to show how — when once
patronymics, such as "John's son," became stereo-
typed into true family or gentile names, such as
" Jolinson " — all the gentes of a tribe might be
descended from a common ancestor. Thus : —

cxvm

INTRODUCTION.

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INTRODUCTION. cxix

We may now sum up. The oldest form of
family organisation historically traceable amongst
the Aryans is that of the joint undivided
family. The pro-ethnic Aryans were probably
averse to marriages between members of the
same joint undivided family. They may also
have been averse to marriages between second
cousins once removed, even when those second
cousins had ceased to dwell in the same joint
household. If so, then, as language afforded
no term even for " cousins," the memory of the
relationship may have been kept up in one of
three ways. As the members of a genos at
Athens had no common family name, and as
they were notoriously related, not by blood, but
merely by the possession of a joint-worship, so
amongst the Aryans a joint-worship may have
served as the mark of kinship (as it does among
the Hindoos still). Or the remote kin may have
been enabled to claim kindred by means of a
patronymic system, which survived at Athens.
Or, third, gentile names may have been devel-
oped out of patronymics even in pro-ethnic
times, in which case marriage would be pro-
hibited, as amongst the Hindoos, between all
persons of the same family name.

cxx INTRODUCTION.

But there is nothing in this patriarchal
organisation of the family and of the tribe
which compels us to assume that it was evolved
out of some earlier non-patriarchal form of
family. The warrant for such an assumption,
if to be found, must be sought elsewhere. Let
us seek. Analogy will not help us. The patri-
archal system may, elsewhere in the world, have
been evolved out of the matriarchate ; but, as
the late Mr. M'Lennan warned us, we may not
assume that marriage has everywhere had the
same history. The widest survey of the various
forms of human marriage (Westermarck's) that
has yet been made warrants no presumption in
favour of the priority of the matriarchate. If
the matriarchate was a pro- ethnic Aryan insti-
tution, it is on Aryan ground that traces of it
must be discovered. Such traces are said to
be discernible.

There are traces amongst some Aryan peoples
of the levirate. The levirate is said to indi-
cate polyandry, and polyandry to presuppose the
matriarchate. This is a perfectly legitimate line
of argument, but before resorting to polyandry
for an explanation of the Aryan levirate, it
is worth while to inquire whether there is

INTRODUCTION. cxxi

anything in known Aryan customs capable of
supplying an explanation. According to Aryan
custom, the estate of a man who leaves no son
passes to the next of kin, i.e., his brother, or it
may be a more distant relative. If the deceased
leaves no son, but a daughter, then according to
Athenian law, according to the Gortyn Code, and
probably also according to Aryan custom, the
next of kin (whether brother or not) must not
only take the estate, but also marry the heiress,
if any (whether wife or daughter of the de-
ceased). According to the Gortyn Code, if the
next of kin is married, he must put away his
wife ; if the heiress is already married, she must
leave her husband. Now, if the obligation to
raise up seed to the deceased extended only to
his brothers, the Tibetan form of polyandry
wotdd afford an explanation which, whether
correct or not, would, at any rate, account for
all the facts. But inasmuch as the obligation
is binding on all the near kin, and extends
to the daughter as well as the wife of the
deceased, it cannot be explained by the hypo-
thesis of the Tibetan form of polyandry or
any other form short of incest in every degree
possible, not only amongst the members of the

cxxii INTRODUCTION.

same joint undivided family, but also with
the Avomen who have married out of that family
into some other. In truth, so far from mutter-
reclit being the source of the Aryan custom, that
custom bears on its face the marks of the rudest
and most savage application of the agnatic
theory. The provisions of the Gortyn Code
which require that the next of kin shall marry
the heiress, even if the marriage necessitate
divorce on both sides, show that the mother
was held absolutely incapable of transmitting
rights — only a kinsman could do that. A
devotion to the principle of agnation so strong
as to over-ride the innate Aryan aversion to
endogamous marriages, so strong even in the
days of civilised Athens as to afford the Orestes
of yEschylus with the defence that the mother
whom he had killed was not of his blood, cannot
be explained as a survival from times when kin-
ship was counted exclusively through the female
line. The savage practice must have its roots
in some equally crude and savage theory. What
the Aryan theory was we can hardlj'- hope to
discover, but we may conjecture that it was at
least as barbarous as that which leads savages
to eat their dead kinsmen, and European peas-

INTRODUCTION. cxxiii

ants to eat corpse -cakes, in the belief that
thereby "the virtues and advantages of the
departed . . . and the living strength of the
deceased passed over . . . into the kinsman
who consumed them, and so Avere retained within
the kindred " (Mr. E. S. Hartland in Folk lore,
III. ii. 149). The Leichen-nudeln of the Bavarian
peasant, or the beans of the primitive Italian
funeral feasts, would, when eaten, qualify the
next of kin to wed the heiress and to raise up
seed to the dead kinsman.

Before leaving the subject of the levirate we
may note that the joint undivided family
survived in historic times at Athens and in
Sparta, and that m both places brothers lived
on the joint-estate as well after the death as
during the life of their father. In Sparta, if
one only of the brothers had a son, that son
was naturally heir to the joint-estate, and was
considered the son of aU. Amongst the Hindoos,
too, Vasishtha says (xvii. 10), " If amongst many
brothers who are begotten by one father, one
have a son, they all have ojffspring through that
son " (c/. Vishnu, xv. 42).* Now, a casual

* This custom also crops out in fairy tales. See Mr. J.
Jacob's Indian Fairy Tales, p. 28.

cxxiv INTRODUCTION.

observer, ignorant of the nature and constitu-
tion of the joint undivided family, might
thus easily draw the mistaken inference that the
wife of one brother was common to them all ;
and this may be the origin of Caesar's statement
with regard to the polyandry of the ancient
Britons, and of Polybius' with regard to the
Spartans. Or, again, it is possible that the joint
undivided family may in these instances have
given rise to this form of polyandry. It is
thus not safe to infer that where polyandry is,
the matriarchate must previously have been.

There remains the argument from totems.
Unfortunately their very existence in Europe
is questioned, and this is not the place to dis-
cuss the question. It is safer not to meddle in
European totems at present. Their appearance
in Greek mythology, however, may fittingly here
be made the subject of a brief allusion. The
value, to the anthropologist, of ancient Roman
customs and beliefs is that they show us the
Italians at a much lower stage of civilisation
than that in which the Vedas show us the
Hindoos or the Homeric poems the Greeks.
They show us an Aryan people having no
mythology, and they warrant the inference that

INTRODUCTION. cxxv

myths were unknown to the pro-ethnic Aryans.
The Greek myths about the amours of Zeus in
animal form cannot go back, therefore, to Aryan
times. They may be the peculiar invention of
the early Greeks, or it may be that the families
which claimed to be descended from animals
were pre-Hellenic, and that, when they joined
the immigrating Greeks, they learnt the worship
of Zeus, and were aided in their conversion by
identifying Zeus with their animal ancestor.

Against the instances of polyandry and the
survivals of totemism, which may or may not
show that the matriarchate was known to Aryan
peoples, we may fairly set the evidence of com-
parative philology. The original Aryan language
possessed terms for grandfather, father, son, and
grandson ; and these are just the direct ascend-
ants and descendants who could compose a joint
undivided family. There was a word for the
paternal uncle, whom the children brought up
in such a family would know ; there is none for
the maternal uncle, with whom they would not
dweU. There were special designations for
husband's father, husband's motlier, husband's
brother, husband's sister, and even for husband's
brothers' wives — ^just the words which would

cxxvi INTRODUCTION.

be required if tlie wife left her o-wn family to
dwell in that of her husband. There were none
for wife's father, mother, &c., which would be
required if the husband became a member of his
wife's family. And this— which is inconsistent
with the matriarchal system — is in accord with
the evidence aiforded by wedding customs, viz.,
that the wife left father and mother, and was
brought, by the domum deducUo, to her husband's
home.

Still, it would be as unjustifiable to say that
the matriarchate could never have established
itself on Aryan ground, as it is to say that the
agnatic family must have been developed oiit
of the system of "maternal rights" and "female
descent." The list of proliibited degrees varies
among early Aryan peoples from the minimum
possible for a ciAalised people (as at Athens) to
the maximum possible even for savages (as
amongst the Hindoos). There may have been a
similar variation in the organisation of the family.
Xor can we say with confidence that the pro-
ethnic Aryans were more uniform than their
descendants. The different languages evolved
out of the common Aryan tongue existed as
dialects from the beginning, and in the begin-

INTRODUCTION. cxxvii

ning there may have been differences in social
organisation. But whereas we can certainly
trace the joint undivided family and the
principle of agnation as far back as modem
science enables us to trace the Aryans at all,
the evidence for the existence of the matriarchate
at any time amongst any Aryan people is inferior
both in amount and in value.

XII. Conclusion.'

After writing a hundred pages as though one
knew something, it is a relief to confess one's
ignorance. So I shall do myself the pleasure
of concluding with a list of Eomane Questions
which are too hard for me. Wliy they kept
the temple of the goddejfe Eorta open alwaies
I own to me is a mystery yet. I cannot even
conjecture ivhat is the reafon that Quintus
Metellus forbad to obferve aufpices after the
moneth Sextilis, nor why theij thought Anifpices
ought to have their lanterns and lampes alwaies
open, nor why obfserve they the vultures moft
of any other fowles in taking of pre/ages.
Wliite, as a mourning colour, which is pre-
scribed in R. Q. 26, may be paralleled in

cxxviii INTRODUCTION.

the customs of Gambreion, in Asia Minor,
and in Argos, but the explanation is beyond
me. The origin of the proverb Sardi venules,
and of the interesting custom associated with
it (R. Q. 53), can scarcely be said to be ex-
plained either by Festus (p. 322) or by Cicero
(VII. Fani., 24). Nor do I know why boys
were named on the ninth, whereas girls were
named on the eighth day of birth. And why
did the Romans of old time invariably, when
they went out to supper, take with them tlieir
young fonnes, even when they xoere hut in their
very infancie and childhood ?

ROMANE QVESTIONS,

THAT IS TO SAY,

AN ENOUIRIE INTO THE

CAUSES OF MANIE FASHIONS
AND CUSTOMES OF ROME.

A Treatifejitfor them who are converfant
in the reading

of Romane hiftories and antiquities^ giving

a light

to many places otherwife olfcure and hard

to be underftood.

ROMANE QVESTIONS.

What is the reafon that new wedded wives are
lidden to touch fire and water ?

S it becaufe that amonsr the elements
and principles, whereof are com-
pofed naturall bodies, the one of
thefe twaine, to wit, fire is the
male, and water the female, of which, that infu-
feth the beginning of motion, and this afFoordeth
the propertie of the fubjeft and matter ?

2. Or rather, for that, as the fire purgeth,
and water wafheth ; fo a wife ought to continue
pure, chaflie and cleane all her life.

3. Or is it in this regard, that as fire without
humidity, yeeldeth no nouriiliment, but is dryj
and moifture without heat is idle, fruitleffe and

barren j

4 ROM AN E QUESTIONS.

barren ; even fo the male is feeble, and the
female likewife, when they be apart and fevered
a funder : but the conjun6tion of two maried
folke yeeldeth unto both, their cohabitation and
perfection of living together.

4. Or laft of all, becaufe man and wife ought
not to forfake and abandon one another, but to
take part of all fortunes 3 though they had no
other good in the world common betweene them,
but fire and water onely.

2.

How is it, that they ufe to light at weddings ^five
torches, and neither more nor lejfe, which
they call JVax-lights.

1. Whether is it as Varro faith, becaufe the
Praetours or generals of armies ufe three, and
the Aediles two : therefore it is not meet that
they fliould have more than the Praetours and
Aediles together : confidering that new maried
folke goe unto the Aediles to light their fire ?

2. Or, becaufe having ufe of many numbers,
the odde number feemed unto them as in all
other refpefts better, and more perfect than the

even :

ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 5

even : io it was fitter and more agreeable for
manage : for the even number implieth a kinde
of difcord and divifion, in refped of the equall
parts in it, meet for fiding, quarrell, and con-
tention : whereas the odde number cannot be
divided fo juft and equally, but there will re-
maine fomewhat flill in common for to be
parted. Now among al odde numbers, it
feemeth that Cinque is moft nuptial, & beft
befeeming mariage ; for that Trey is the firft
odde number, & Deuz the firft even ; of which
twaine, five is compounded, as of the male and
the female.

3. Or is it rather, becaufe light is a figne of
being and of life : and a woman may beare at
the moft five children at one burden ; and fo
they ufed to cary five tapers or waxe candels ?

4. Or laftly, for that they thought, that thofe
who were maried had need of five gods and
goddeffes : namely, Jupiter * genial, Jujio genial,
Venus, Suade, and above all Diana ; whom (laft
named) women in their labour and travell of
childe-birth, are wont to call upon for helpe.

* Or, nuptiall.

3.

ROM AN E QUESTIONS.

WhaL is the caufe that there being many Temples
of Diana in Rome, into thai onely which
Jlandeth in the Patrician Jlreet, men enter
not.

I. Is it not becaufe of a tale which is told in
this maner : In old time a certeine woman being
come thither for to adore and worfhip this god-
defle, chaunced there to bee abufed and fuffer
violence in her honor : and he who forced her,
was tome in pieces by hounds : upon which
accident, ever after, a certeine fuperftitious feare
poffeffed mens heads, that they would not pre-
fume to goe into the faid temple.

IFJierefore is it, that in other temples of Diana

men are woont ordinarily to Jet up and

faften Harts homes ; onely in that which is

upon mount Aventinej the homes of oxen

and other leefes are to lefeen.

May it not be, that this is refpe6tive to the
remembrance of an ancient occurrent that fome-

tirae

ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 7

time befell ? For reported it is that long lince
in the Sabines countrey, one Antion Coratius
had a cow, which grew to be exceeding faire and
woonderfull bigge withall above any other : and
a certeine wizard or foothfaier came unto him
and faid : How.predeftined it was that the citie
which facrificed that cow unto Diana in the
mount Aventine, fliould become moft puiffant
and rule all Italy : This Coratius therefore
came to Rome of a deliberate purpofe to facrifice
the faid cow accordingly : but a certaine hous-
hold fervant that he had, gave notice fecretly
unto king Servius TuUius of this predi6tion
delivered by the abovefaid foothfaier : whereupon
Servius acquainted the prieft of Diana, Cornelius,
with the matter : and therefore when Antion
Coratius prefented himfelfe for to performe his
facrifice, Cornelius advertifed him, firft to goe
downe into the river, there to wafh j for that the
cuftome and maner of thofe that facrificed was lb
to doe : now whiles Antion was gone to walh
himfelfe in the river, Servius fteps into his place,
prevented his returne, facrificed the cow unto
the goddefle, and nailed up the homes when he

had

8 ROMAN E QUESTIONS.

had fo done, within her temple. Jula thus
relateth this hiftorie, and Varro likewife, faving
that Varro expreflely fetteth not downe the
name of Antion, neither doth he write that
it was Coryielius the prieft, but the fexton onely
of the church that thus beguiled the Sabine.

5-

IFIiy are they who have beene fa[fly reported
dead in a Jtrange countrey, although they
returnc home alive, not received nor fuf-
fred to enter direSlly at the dores, but forced
to dim be up to the tiles of the houfe, and fo
to get downe froJH the roufe into the houfe ?

Varro rendreth a reafon heereof, which I
take to be altogether fabulous : for hee writeth,
that during the Silician warre, there was a great
battell fought upon the fea, and immediately upon
it, there ranne a rumour of many that they were
dead in tliis fight ; who notwithltanding, they
returned home fafe, died all within a little while
after : howbeit, one there was among the reft,
who when he would have entred into his owne
houfe, found the dore of the owne accord faft

Ihut

ROMANS QUESTIONS. 9

fhut up againft him ; and for all the forcible
meanes that was made to open the fame, yet it
would not prevaile : whereupon this man taking
up his lodging without, juft before his dore, as
he flept in the night, had a vifion which adver-
tifed and taught him how he lliould from the
roofe of the houfe let himfelfe downe by a
rope, and fo get in : now when he had fo
done, he became fortunate ever after, all the
reft of his life ; and hee lived to be a very aged
man : and heereof arofe the forefaid cuftome,
which alwaies afterwards was kept and obferved.
But haply this fafhion may feeme in fome
fort to have beene derived from the Greeks : for
in Greece they thought not thofe pure and
cleane who had beene caried foorth for dead to
be enterred ; or whofe fepulchre and funerals
were folemnized or prepared : neither were fuch
allowed to frequent the company of others, nor
fuffred to come neere unto their facrifices. And
there goeth a report of a certaine man named
Arijlinus, one of thofe who had beene poffefTed
with this fuperftition, how he fent unto the
oracle of Apollo at Delphos, for to make fup-

plication

lo ROMANS QUESTIONS.

plication and praicr unto the god, for to bee
delivered out of tlfis perplexed anxietie that
troubled him by occafion of the laid cuftome or
law then in force : and that the prophetelfe
Pythia returned this anfwer :

Looks whalfoever women doe

in childbed newly laid,
Unto their babes, which they brought foorth,

the verie fame 1 fay
See that be done to thee againe :

and after that be fur e.
Unto the bleffed gods with hands

tofacrifice, moft pure.

Which oracle thus delivered, Ariftinus having
well pondered and confidered, committed hiin-
felfe as an infant new borne unto women for to
be vvallied, to be wrapped in fwadling clothes,
and to be fuckled with the breft-head : after
which, all fucli others, whom we call Hyftero-
potmous, that is to fay, thofe whofe graves were
made, as if they had beene dead, did the fem-
blable. Howbeit, fome doe fay, that before
Ariftinus was borne, thefe ceremonies were
obferved about thofe Hiftropotmi, and that this

was

ROM AN E QUESTIONS. il

was a right auncient cuftome kept in the fem-
blable cafe : and therefore no marvell it is, that
the Romans alfo thought, that fuch as were fup-
pofed to have beene once buried, and raunged
with the dead in another world, ought not to
enter in at the fame porch, out of which they
goe, when they purpofe to facrifice unto the
gods, or at which they reenter when they re-
turne from facrifice : but would have them from
above to defcend through the tiles of the roufe
into the clofe houfe, with the aire open over their
heads : for all their purifications ordinarily they
performed without the houfe abroad in the aire.

IFhy doe women kijfe the lips of their kinsfolks ?

Is it as mofl. men thinke, for that women
being forbidden to drinke wine, the manner was
brought up : That whenfoever they met their
kinsfolke, they fliould kiffe their lips, to the end
they might not be unknowen, but convifted if
they had drunke wine ? or rather for another
reafon, which Ariftotle the philofopher hath

alledged ?

12 ROMANE QUESTIONS.

alledged ? for as touching that occafion, which
is lb famous and commonly voiced in every
mans mouth, yea, and reported of divers and
fundrie places j it was no doubt the hardy
attempt executed by the dames of Troie, and
that upon the coafts of Italy ; for when the men
upon their arrivall were landed 5 the women in
the meanewhile fet fire upon their fliips, for
very defire that they had to fee an end once,
one way or other of their long voiage, & to be
delivered fro their tedious travel at fea : but
fearing the fury of their men, when they fliould
returne, they went forth to meet their kinsfolke
and friends upon the way, and welcomed them
with amiable embracing & fweet kifles of their
lips: by which means having appeafed their
angrie mood, and recovered their favours, they
continued ever after, the cuftome of kind greet-
ing and loving falutation in this manner.

Or was not this a priviledge granted unto
women for their greater honour and credit ;
namely, to be knowen and feen for to have
many of their race and kinred, and thofe of
good worth and reputation ?

Or

ROMAN E QUESTIONS. 13

Or becauie it was not lawfull to efpoule
women of their blood and kinred, therefore
permitted they were to entertaine them kindly
and familiarly with a kiffe, fo they proceeded no
farther 3 infomuch as this was the onely marke
and token left of their confanguinitie. For
before time, they might not marrie women of
their owne blood 3 no more than in thefe dales
their aunts by the mothers fide, or their fifters :
and long it was ere men were permitted to
contract marriage with their coufin germains 3
and that upon fuch an occafion as this. There
was a certaine man of poore efl:ate and fmall
living, howbeit otherwife of good and honeft
cariage, and of all others that managed the pub-
like affairs of State moft popular and gracious
with the commons : who was fuppofed to keepe
as his efpoufed wife a kinfwoman of his and
coufin germain, an inheritreffe j by whom he had
great wealth, and became verie rich : for which
he was accufed judicially before the people 3
but upon a fpeciall favour that they bare unto
him, they would not enquire into the caufe in
queftion 3 but not onely fuppreffed his bill of

enditement.

14 ROMANE QUESTIONS.

enditement, and let her go as quit of all crime,
but alfo even they, enafted a ftatute ; by vertue
whereof, lawful! it was for all men from that
time forward to marrie, as far as to their coufin
germains, but in any higher or neerer degree of
confanguinitie, they were exprefly forbidden.

Wherefore is it not lawfull either for the hufhand
to receive a gift of his wife, or for the wife
of her liufhand.

May it not be, for that, as Solon ordained that
the donations and bequefts, made by thofe that
die fhall ftand good, unlefle they be fuch as a
man hath granted upon neceflitie, or by the
inducement and flatterie of his wife : in which
provifc, he excepted neceflitie, as forcing and
confl:raining the will ; and likewife pleafure, as
deceiving the judgement; even fo have men
fufpefted the mutuall gifts pafling between the
huiband and the wife, and thought them to be
of the fame nature.

Or was it not thought, that giving of prefents

was

ROMANE QUESTIONS. 15

was of all other the leaft & worfi: figne of amity
and goodwill (for even ftrangers and fuch as
beare no love at all ufe in that fort to be giving)
and in that regard they would banifli out of
marriage fuch kind of pleating and curring
favour; to the end that the mutuall love and
affeftion between the parties Ihould be free and
without refpect of falarie and gaine^ even for
it felfe and nothing elfe in the world.

Or becaufe women commonly admit and en-
tertaine ftraungers, as corrupted by receiving of
prefents and gifts at their hands, it was thought
to Hand more with honour and reputation, that
wives fliould love their owne hufliands, though
they gave them nothing by way of gift.

Or rather, for that it was meet and requifit,
that the goods of the hulband fhould be common
to the wife, and to the wife likewife of the
hufband : for the partie who receiveth a thing
in gift, doth learne to repute that which was not
given, to be none of his owne, but belonging to
another: fo that man and wife in giving never
fo little one to another, defpoil and defraud
themfelves of all that is befide.

8.

1 6 ROM AN E QUESTIONS.

8.

IFhat might le the caufe that they were forbidden
to receive any gift either of * Sonne in law,
or t Father in law ?

Ok Sonne in law, for feare left the gift might
be thought by the meanes of the Father to pafle
about the returne unto the wife : and of the
Father in law, becaufe it was fuppofed meet and
juft, that he who gave not, Ihould not likewife
receive ought. +

Uliat fliould le the reafon that the Romans when
they returned from fovie voyage out of a
farre and forraine countrey, or onely from
their ferme into the citie ; if their wives
were at home, ufed to fend a meffenger unto
them before, for to give warning and adver-
tifement of their comining ?

Either it was becaufe this is a token of one
that beleeveth and is verily perfwaded that his

* Daughters hufband, t ^Yives father.

+ This may feeme to have fome reference to the former
quefiion.

wife

ROMAN E QUESTIONS. 17

wife intendeth no lewdnefTe, nor is otherwife
bufied than well : whereas to come upon her at
unwares and on a fodain, is a kind of forlaying
and furprize. Or for that they make hafte to
fend them good newes of their comming, as
being affured that they have a longing defire, and
doe expeft fuch tidings.

Or rather becaufe themfelves would be glad to
heare from them fome good newes, to wit,
whether they fliall find them in good health
when they come, and attending afFedionately
and with great devotion, their returne.

Or elfe becaufe women ordinarily, when their
biufbands be away and from home, have many
petie bufinelfes and houfe afiaires : and other
whiles there fall out fome little jarres and quar-
rels within doores with their fervants, men or
maidens : to the end therefore all fuch troubles
and inconveniences might be overblowen, and
that they might give unto their hufbands a
loving and amiable welcome home, they have
intelligence given unto them before hand of their
arrivall and approch.

10.

iS ROMANE QUESTIONS.

10.

IPliat is the caufe that when they adore and
worJJnp the gods, they cover their heads : hut
conlrariivije when they meet with any hon-
ourable or worjliipfull perfons, if their heads
Itaplic were then covered with their cover,
they difcover the fame, and are bare headed.

For it feemeth that this fafliion maketh the
former doubt and braanch of the queftion more
difficult to be aflbiled : and if that which is
reported of Aeneas be true; namely, that as
Diomedes paffed along by him whiles he facri-
liced, he covered his head, and fo performed his
facrifice 3 there is good reafon and confequence,
that if men be covered before their enemies,
they ihould be bare when they encounter either
their friends, or men of woorth and honour :
for this maner of being covered before the gods,
is not properly refpeftive unto them, but occa-
lioned by accident, and hath, fince that example
oi Aeneas, beene obferved and continued.

But if we muft fay fomewhat elfe befide,
conlider whether it be not fufficient to enquire

onely

ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 19

onely of this point ; namely, why they cover
their heads when they worlliip the gods, feeing
the otiaer confequently dependeth heereupon :
for they ftand bare before men of dignitie and
authoritie, not to doe them any more honor
thereby, but contrariwife to diminilTi their envie,
for feare they might be thought to require as
much reverence and the fame honor as is ex-
hibited to the gods, or fuffer themfelves, and
take pleafure to bee obferved and reverenced
equally with them : as for the gods they adored
them after this fort ; either by way of lowlinefle
and humbling themfelves before their majeftie,
in- covering and hiding their heads 5 or rather
becaufe they feared left as they made their
praiers, there fhould come unto their hearing,
from without, any finifter voice or inaufpicate
and ominous olTe : and to prevent fuch an objeft
they drew their hood over their eares : And how
true it is that they had a carefuU eie and regard
to meet with all fuch accidents, it may appeere
by this, that when they went to any oracle for
to be refolved by anfwer from thence upon a
^fcrupulous doubt, they caufed a great noife to

be

20 ROM AN E QUESTIONS.

be made all about them, with ringing of pannes
or brafen bafons.

Or it may well be, (as Caftor faith, comparing
in concordance the Romane faihions with the
rites of the Pythagoreans) for that the Daemon
or good angell within us, hath need of the gods
helpe without, and maketh fupplication with
covering the head, giving thus much covertly to
underfland thereby, that the foule is likewife
covered and hidden by the bodie.

II.

Why facrifice they unto Saturne bare-headed.

Is it becaufe Aeneas firft brought up this
fafliion of covering the head at facrifice ; and
the facrifice to Saturnus is much more auncient
than his time ?

Or, for that they ufed to be covered unto the
celeftiall gods : but as for Saturne he is reputed
a Subterranean or terreftriall god ?

Or, in this refpeft, that there is nothing hidden,
covered, or Ihadowed in Trueth ? For among
the Romans, Saturne was held to be the father
of Veritie.

12.

ROMANE QUESTIONS. 21

12.

IFhy doe they repute Saturne the father of
Trueth.

Is it for that (as Ibme Philofophers deeme)
they are of opinionthat * Saturne is t Time ? and
Time you know well findeth out and revealeth
the Truth.

Or, becaufe as the Poets fable, men lived
under Saturnes reigne in the golden age : and if
the life of man was then moft juft and righteous,
it followeth confequently that there was much
trueth in the world.

IVhat is the reafon that they facri/iced likewife
unto the god whom they tearined Honor,
iv'ith hare head ? now a man may interpret
Honor to be as much as Glory and Reputa-
tion.

It is haply becaufe Honor and glory is a thing
evident, notorious, and expofed to the know-

* Kpivos. t Xp6vos.

ledge

22 ROMAN E QUESTIONS.

ledge of the whole world : and by the fame
reafon that they veile bonet before men of wor-
Ihip, dignitie, and honor, they adore alfo the
deitie that beareth the name of Honor, with the
head bare.

14.

lf'7iat may be the caiife, that fonnes cary their
Fathers and Mothers foorth to be enterred,
u-ith their heads hooded and covered : but
daughters bare headed, with their haires
detrejfed and hanging downe looje.

Is it for that Fathers ought to be honored as
gods by their male children, but lamented and
bewailed as dead men by their daughters, and
therefore the law having given and graunted unto
either fex that which is proper, hath of both
together made that M'hich is befeemino- and
convenient.

Or, it is in this regard, that unto forrow and
heavinefs, that is beft befeemintr which is extra-
ordinarie and unufuall : now more ordinarie it is
with women to go abroad with their heads

veiled

ROMANE QUESTIONS. 23

veiled and covered : and likewife with men, to
be difcovered and bare headed. For even among
the Greeks when there is befallen unto them any
publike calamitie, the manner and cuftome is,
that the women ihould cut of the hayres of their
head, and the men weare them long ; for that
otherwife it is ufuall that men Ihould poll their
heads, and women keepe their haire long. And
to prove that fonnes were wont to be covered ;
in fuch a cafe, and for the faid caufe, a man may
alledge that which Farro hath written ; namely,
that in the folemnitie of funerals, and about the
tombs of their fathers, they carry themfelves
with as much reverence and devotion as in the
temples of the gods : in fuch fort, as when they
have burnt the corps in the funeral fire, fo foone
as ever they meet with a bone, they pronounce,
that he who is dead, is now become a god. On
the contrary fide, women were no wife per-
mitted to vaile and cover their heads. And we
find upon record, that the firft man who put
away and divorced his wife was Spurius Carhilius,
becaufe flie bare him no children ; the fecond,
Sulpitius Gallus, for that he faw her to caft a

robe

24 ROM AN E QUESTIONS.

robe over her head : and the thh-d Puhlius
Sempronius, for ftanding to behold the folemnitie
of the funerall games.

15-

How it commeth to paffc, that conjldcring the
Romans ejleemed Terminus a god, and there-
fore in honour of him celebrated a feafl
called thereupon Terminalia, yet they never
killed any leaf in facrifice vnto him ?

It is becaufe Romulus did appoint no bonds
and Umits of his countrey, to the end that he
might lawfully fet out and take in where pleafed
him, and repufe all that land his owne fo far as,
(according to that faying of the Lacedaemonian)
his fpeare or javelin would reach ? But Numa
PompUius a juft man and politick withall, one
who knew well how to govern, and that by the
rule of Philofophie, caufed his territorie to be
confined betweene him and his neighbour nations,
and called thofe frontier bonds by the name of
Terminus as the fuperintendent, over-feer and
keeper of peace and amitie between neighbours j

and

ROMANE QUESTIONS. 25

and therefore he fuppofed, that this Terminus
ouo-ht to be prelerved pure and cleane from all
blood, and impoliute with any nourder.

16.

What is the reafon that it is not laufull for any
maidfervants to enter into the temple of the
goddejje * Leucothea ? a?id the Dames of
Home, bringing in thither one alone and no
more with them, fall to cuffing and boxing
her about the eares and cheeks.

As for the wench that is thus buffeted, it is a
fufficient ligne and argument, that fuch as ihe,
are not permitted to come thither : now for all
others they keepe them out in regard of a
certaine poeticall fable reported in this wife:
that ladie Ino being in times paft jealous of her
hufband, and fufpe6ting him with a maid fer-
vant of hers, fell mad, and was enraged againft
her owne lonne : this fervant the Greeks fay,
was an Aetolian borne, and had to name Anti-
phera: and therefore it is that heere among us

* Or Matuta,

in

26 ROMAN E QUESTIONS.

in the citie of Chceronea, before the temple or
chappell of Matuta, the fexton taking a whip in
his hand crieth with a loud voice : No man
fervant or maid fervant be fo bardie as to come
in heere ; no Aetolian hee or fhee prefume to
enter into this place.

17-

(Vhat is the caufe that to this goddr[Jl',folke pray
not for any hlt^ings to their owne children,
hut for their nephews onely, to wit, their
brothers or fifters children ?

May it not be that Ino being a ladic that
loved her fitter wonderous well, in fo much as
fhe fuckled at her owne breaft a fonne of hers :
but was infortunate in her owne children ?

Or rather, becaufe the faid cuftome is other-
wife very good and civill, inducing and moving
folks hearts to carie love and afieftion to their
kinreds.

i8.

ROMAN E QUESTIONS. 27

18.

For what caufe, were many rich men wont to con-
fecrate and give unto Hercules the Difme or
tenth of all their goods ?

Why may it not be upon this occafion, that
Hercules himfelfe being upon a time at * Rome,
facrifice the tenth cow of all the drove which he
had taken from Gerion ?

Or for that he freed and delivered the Romans
from the tax and tribute of the Difmes which
they were wont to pay out of their goods unto
the Tufkans.

Or in cafe this may not go current for an
authenticall hillorie, and worthie of credit ; what
and if we fay that unto Hercules as to fome
great bellie god, and one who loved good cheere,
they offered and facrificed plenteoufly and in
great liberalitie ?

Or rather, for that by this meanes they would
take downe and diminifh a little, their exceffive
riches which ordinarily is an eie-fore and odious

* By Frolepsis, meaning the place where afterwards
Rome ftood.

unto

28 ROM AN E QUESTIONS.

unto the citizens of a popular ftate, as if they
meant to abate and bring low (as it were) that
plethoricall plight and corpulency of the bodie,
which being growen to the height is daungerous :
fuppofing by fuch cutting off, and abridging of
fuperfluities, to do honour and fervice moft
pleafing unto Hercules, as who joied highly in
frugalitie : for that in his life time he flood
contented with a little, and regarded no deli-
cacie or excefle whatfoever.

19.

Why hegin the Romans their yeere at the moneth
Januarie ?

For in old time the moneth of March was
reckoned lirft, as a man may coUeft by many
other conjectures, and by this fpecially, that the
fift moneth in order after March was called
Quintilis, and the fixt moneth Sextilis, and all
the reft confequently one after another until you
come to the laft, which they named December,
becaufe it was the tenth in number after March :
which giveth occafion unto fome for to thinke

&

ROMANE QUESTIONS. 29

& fay, that the Romans (in thofe dales) deter-
mined and accomplilhed their compleat yeere,
not in twelve moneths but in ten : namely, by
addinsr unto everie one of thofe ten moneths
certain dales over and above thlrtie. Others
write, that December indeed was the tenth
moneth after March 5 but Januarie was the
eleventh, and Februarie the twelfth : in which
moneth they ufed certaine expiatorle and pur-
gatorie facrifices, yea, and offered oblations unto
the dead (as it were) to make an end of the
yere. Howbeit afterwards they tranfpofed this
order, and ranged Januarie in the firft place, for
that upon the firft day thereof, which they call
the Calends of Januarie ; the firft Confuls that
ever bare rule in Rome were enftalled, imme-
diatly upon the depofition and expulfion of the
kings out of the citie. But there feemeth to be
more probability & likelihood of truth in their
fpeech, who fay, that Romulus being a martiall
prince, and one that loved warre and feats of
armes, as being reputed the fonne of Mars, fet
before all other moneths, that which caried the
name of his father: howbeit Numa who fuc-

ceeded

30 ROM AN E QUESTIONS.

ceeded next after hira, being a man of peace,
and wlio endevored to withdraw the hearts and
minds of his fubje6ts and citizens from warre to
agriculture, gave the prerogative of the firft place
unto Januarie, and honoured jfanus moft, as one
who had beene more given to politick govern-
ment, and to the hulbandrie of ground, than to
the exercife of warre and armes.

Confider moreover, whether Numa chofe not
this moneth for to begin the yeere withall, as
beft forting with nature in regard of us ; for other-
wife in general], there is no one thing of all thofe
that by nature turne about circularly, that can
be faid firft or laft, but according to the feverall
inftitutions and ordinances of men, fome begin
the time at this point, others at that. And
verely they that make the Winter folltice or
hibernall Tropick the beginning of their yeere,
do the beft of all others : for that the Sunne
ceafing then to pafte farther, beginnetli to returne
and take his way againe toward us : for it feem-
eth, that both according to the courfe of nature,
and alfo in regard of us, this feafon is moft
befitting to begin the yeere : for that it in-

creafeth

ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 31

creaieth unto us the time of daie lights and
diminifheth the darknefle of night, and caufeth
that noble ftarre or planet to approch neerer and
come toward us, the lord governour and ruler
of all fubftance tranlitorie and fluxible matter
whatfoever.

20.

JF/iy do women when they drejfe j/p and adorne
the chappelL or Jlirine of their feminine
goddefje, whom they call Bona, never bring
home for that purpofe any branches of Myrtle
tree : and yet otherwife have a delight to
employ all forts of leaves and flowers ?

May it not be, for that, as fome fabulous
writers tell the tale, there was one * Flavius a
foothfaier had a wife, who ufed fecretely to
drinke wine, and when flie was furprifed and
taken in the manner by her hufband, Ihe was
well beaten by him with myrtle rods : and for
that caufe they bring thither no boughs of
myrtle : marry they offer libations unto this
goddeffe of wine, but forfooth they call it Milke.

Or is it not for this caufe, that thofe who are
* Or Phaulius.

to

32 ROMAN E QUESTIONS.

to celebrate the ceremonies of this divine ll-r-
vice, ought to be pure and cleane from all
pollutions, but efpecially from that of Fenus or
lechery ? For not onely they put out of the
roome where the fervice is performed unto
the faid goddeffe Bo?ia, all men, but alfo what-
foever is befides of mafculine fex ; which is
the reafon that they lb deteft the myrtle tree,
as being confecrated unto Venus, infomuch as it
fliould feeme they called in old time that Fenus,
Myrtea, which now goeth under the name, of
Murcia.

21.

IVTiat is the reafon that the Latines doe fo much
honour and reverence the Woodpecker, and
forheare altogether to do that bird any
harme ?

Is it for that Picus was reported in old time
by the enchantments and forceries of his wife,
to have changed his owne nature, and to be
metamorphozed into a Woodpecker 3 under
which forme he gave out oracles, and delivered
anfweres unto thofe who propounded unto him
any demaunds ?

Or

ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 33

Or rather, becaufe this feemeth a meere fable,
and incredible tale : there is another ftorie re-
ported, which carieth more probabilitie with it,
and foundeth neerer unto trueth. That when
Romulus and Remus were call foorth and ex-
pofed to death ; not onely a female woolfe gave
them her teats to fucke, but alfo a certeine
Woodpecker flew unto them, and brought them
food in her bill, and fo fedde them : and there-
fore haply it is, that ordinarily in thefe daies wee
may fee, as Nigidius hath well obferved ; what
places foever at the foot of an hill covered and
{hadowed with oakes or other trees a Wood-
pecker haunteth, thither cuftomably you fliall
have a woolfe to repaire.

Or peradventure, feeing their maner is to con-
fecrate unto every god one kinde of birde or
other, they reputed this Woodpecker facred unto
Mars, becaufe it is a couragious and hardy bird,
having a bill fo ftrong, that he is able to over-
throw an oke therewith, after he hath jobbed
and pecked into it as farre as to the very marrow
and heart thereof.

22.

34 ROM AN E QUESTIONS.

22.

How is it that they imagine Janus to have had two
faces, in which maner they ufe loth to paint
and alfo to cajt him in mold.

Is it for that he being a Graecian borne, came
from Perrhoelia, as we finde written in hiftories j
and pafling forward into Italy, dwelt in that coun-
trey among the Barbarous people, who there lived,
whofe language and maner of life he changed ?

Or rather becaufe he taught and perfwaded
them to live together after a civill and honefl
fort, in hufbandry and tilling the ground j
whereas before time their manners were rude,
and their fafliions favage without law or juftice
altogether.

23-

What is the caitfe that they ufe to fell at Rome
all things perteining to the furniture of
Funerals, within the temple of the goddefje
hihitim, fuppn/ing her to be Venus.

This may feeme to be one of the fage and
philofophicall inventions of king Numa, to the
end that men fliould learne not to abhorre fuch

things.

ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 35

things, nor to flie from them, as if they did
pollute and defile them ?

Or elfe this reafon may be rendred, that it
ferveth for a good record and memoriall, to put
us in minde, that whatfoever had a beginning by
generation, fhall likewife come to an end by
death ; as if one and the fame goddefle were
fuperintendent and governefle of nativitie and
death : for even in the city of Delphos there is a
pretie image of Venus, furnamed Epitymhia;
that is to fay fepulchrall : before which they ufe
to raife and call foorth the ghofts of fuch as are
departed, for to receive the libaments and facred
liquors powred foorth unto them.

24.

Why have the Romans in every moneth three
beginnings as it were, to wit, certeine princi-
pall and prejixed or preordeined * daies, and
regard not the fame interval! or J pace of
daies hetweene ?

Is it becaufe as Jula writeth in his chronicles,
that the chiefe magiftrates were wont upon the
* That is to fay, Kalends, N'ones, & Ides.

firft

36 ROM AN E QUESTIONS.

firft day of the moneth to call and fummon the
people ; whereupon it tooke the name of Cal-
ends: and then to denounce unto them that the
Nones (hould be the fift day after ; and as for the
Ides they held it to be an holy and facred day ?

Or for that they meafuring and determining
the time according to the differences of the
moone, they obferved in her every moneth three
principall changes and diverfities : the firft, when
fhe is altogether hidden, namely during her con-
junftion with the funne ; the fecond when fhe
is fomewhat remooved from the beames of the
funne, & beginneth to fliew herfelfe croifTant in
the evening toward the Weft whereas the funne
fetteth ; the third, when flie is at the full : now
that occultation and hiding of hers in the firft
place, they named Calends, for that in their
tongue whatfoever is fecret & hidden, they fay
it is \_Chini'] and to hide or keepe clofe, they
exprefle by this word [Ce/are;] and the firft
day of the moones illumination, which wee
heere in Greece tearme Noumenia, that is to
fay, the new-moone, they called by a moft juft
name Notkb, for that which is new and yoong,

they

ROMANS QUESTIONS. 37

they tearme Novum, in manner as wee doe ►soi'.
As for the Ides, they tooke their name of this
word J^is, that fignifieth beautiej for that the
moone being then at the full, is in the very
perfe6tion of her beautie : or haply they derived
this denomination of Dios, as attributing it to
Jupiter : but in this we are not to fearch out
exa6tly the juft number of daies, nor upon a
fmall default to llander and condemne this
maner of reckoning, feeing that even at this
day, when the fcience of Aftrologie is growen
to fo great an increment, the inequalitie of the
motion, and courfe of the moone furpafleth all
experience of Mathematicians, and cannot be
reduced to any certeine rule of reafon.

IFhat is the caufe that they repute the morrowes
after Calends, Nones, and Ides, difajterous
or difmall daies, either for to fet forward
upon any journey or voiage, or to march
with an army into the f eld ?

Is it becaufe as many thinke, and as Titus
Livius hath recorded in his ftorie ; the Tribunes

militarie.

38 ROM AN E QUESTIONS.

militarie, at what time as they had confular and
foveraigne authoritie, went into the field with
the Romane armie the morrow after the Ides of
the moneth Quintilis, which was the fame that
July now is, and were difcomfited in a battell
by the Gaules, neere unto the river Allia : and
cofequently upon that overthrow, loll: the very
city it felfe of Rome : by which occafion the
morrow after the Ides, being held and reputed
for a finifter and unluckie day; fuperftition
entring into mens heads, proceeded farther (as
{he loveth alwaies fo to doe) and brought in the
cuftome for to hold the morrow after the Nones,
yea, and the morrow after the Calends, as un-
fortunate, and to be as religioufly obferved in
femblable cafes.

But againft this there may be oppofed many
objedions: for firft and formoft, they loft that
battell upon another day, and calling xtAIIienJis,
by the name of the river Allia, where it was
ftrucken, they have it in abomination for that
caufe. Againe, whereas there be many dales
reputed difmal and unfortunate, they doe not
obfcrve fo precifely and with fo religious feare,

other

ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 39

other dales of like denomination in every moneth,
but ech day apart onely in that moneth wherein
fuch and fuch a difafter, hapned : and that the
infortunitie of one day fliould draw a fuperftitious
feare limply upon all the morrowes after Calends,
Nones, and Ides, carieth no congruitie at all, nor
apparence of reafon.

Conlider moreover and fee, whether, as of
moneths they ufed to confecrate the firft to the
gods celeftiall ; the fecond to the terreftriall, or
infernall, wherein they performe certeine ex-
piatorie ceremonies and facrifices of purification,
and prefenting offrings and fervices to the dead :
fo of the daies in the moneth, thofe which are
chiefe and principall, as hath beene faid, they
would not have to be kept as facred and feftivall
holidaies ; but fuch as follow after, as being
dedicated unto the fpirits, called Dcemons, and
thofe that are departed ; they alfo have efteemed
cofequently as unhappy, &: altogether unmeet
either for to execute or to take in hand any
bufinelfe : for the Greeks adoring and ferving
the gods upon their new moones and firft daies of
the moneth, have attributed the fecond daies

unto

40 ROM AN E QUESTIONS.

unto the demi-gods and Dcsmons : like as at
their feafts alfo they drinke the fecond cup unto
their demi-gods, and demi-goddelTes. In fumme,
Time is a kinde of number, and the beginning of
number is (I wot not what,) fome divine thing,
for it is Unitie : and that which commeth next
after it is Deuz or two, cleane oppofite unto the
faid beginning, and is the firft of all even num-
bers : as for the even number it is defe6tive,
unperfeft, and indefinit, whereas contrariwife,
the uneven or odde number it felfe is finite, com-
plet, and abfolute : and for this caufe like as the
Nones fucceed the Calends five daies after j fo
the Ides follow the Nones nine daies after them ;
for the uneven and odde numbers doe determine
thofe beginnings, or principall daies 3 but thofe
which prefently enfue after the faid principall
daies being even, are neither ranged in any order,
nor have power and puilTance : and therefore
men doe not enterprife any great worke, nor fet
foorth voiage or journey upon fuch daies : and
heereto wee may to good purpofe annex that
pretie fpeech of Themijlocles : For when the
morrow (quoth he) upon a time quarrelled with

the

I

ROMANE QUESTIONS. 41

the feftivall day which went next before it, lay-
ing, that herfelfe was bufied and tooke a great
deale of pains, preparing & providing with much
travel thofe. goods which the feaft enjoied at her
eafe, with all repofe, reft, and leifure : the
Feftivall day made this anfwer : Thou faidft true
indeed ; but if I were not, where wouldft thou
be ? This tale Tliemijlocles devifed, and deliv-
ered unto the Athenian captaines, who came
after him ; giving them thereby to underftand,
that neither they nor any a6ts of theirs would
ever have beene feene, unlefle hee before them
had faved the citie of Athens. Forafmuch then,
as every enterprife and voiage of importance hath
need of provifion, and fome preparatives 5 and
for that the Romans in old time upon their
feftivall dales, difpenfed nothing, nor took care
for any provifion ; being wholy given and de-
voted at fuch times to the fervice & worftiip of
God, doing that, and nothing elfe; like as even
yet at this day, when the priefts begin to facri-
fice, they pronounce with a loud voice before all
the companie there aflembled Hoc age, that is
to fay, Minde this, and doe no other thing :

verie

42 ROM AN E QUESTIONS.

verie like it is, and ftandeth to great reafon, that
they ufed not to put themfelves upon the way
for any long voiage, nor tooke in hand any great
affaire or bufineffe prefently after a feftivall day,
but kept within houfe all the morrow after, to
thinke upon their occafions, and to provide all
things necefTarie for journey or exploit : or we
may conjedure, that as at this very day the
Romans after they have adored the gods, and
made their praiers unto them within their
temples, are woont to ftay there a time, and fit
them downe ; even fo they thought it not reafon-
able to cafl their great affaires fo, as that they
fhould immediately follow upon any of their
feflivall dales ; but they allowed fome refpit and
time betweene, as knowing full well, that bufi-
nefles carie with them alwaies many troubles
and hinderances, beyond the opinion, expefta-
tion, and will of thofe who take them in
hand.

26.

ROMANE QUESTIONS. 43

26.

What is the caufe that women at Rome, when
they moitrne for the dead, put on white roles,
and likewife weare white cawles, coifes and
kerchiefs vpoji their heads.

May it not be that for to oppofe themfelves
againft hell and the darkeneffe thereof, they
conforme their raiment and attire to that colour
which is cleere and bright ?

Or doe they it not rather for this : that like
as they clad and burie the dead corps in white
clothes, they fuppofe, that thofe who are next
of kin, and come neereft about them, oueht
alio to weare their liverie ? Now the bodie
they doe in this wife decke, becaufe they can-
not adorne the foule fo ; and it they are willing
to accompanie as lightfome, pure and net, as
being now at the lall delivered and let free,
and which hath performed a great a variable
combat.

Or rather, we may guefle thus much thereby :
that in fuch cafes, that which is moll fimple and
leaft coftly, is beft befeemingj whereas clothes

of

44 ROM AN E QUESTIONS.

of any other colour died, do commonly bewray
either fuperfluitie or curiofitie : for we may fay
even afwell of blacke, as of purple : Thefe robes
are deceitfuU : thefe colours alfo are counterfeit.
And as touching that which is of it felfe blacke,
if it have not that tinfture by diers art, furely it
is fo coloured by nature, as being mixed and
compounded with obfcuritie : and therefore there
is no colour els but white, which is pure, un-
mixt, and not llained and fullied with any
tin6lure, and that which is inimitable j in which
regard, more meet and agreeable unto thofe
who are interred, conlidering that the dead
is now become finiple, pure, excempt from all
mixtion, and in very trueth, nothing els but
delivered from the bodie, as a liaine and
infe6tion hardly fcowred out and rid away.
Semblably, in the citie of Jrgos, whenfoever
they mourned, the maner was to weare white
garments, waihed (as Socrates faid) in faire
and cleere water.

27.

ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 45

27.

fFhat is the reafon that they ejleeme all the walks
of the citiefacred and inviolable, but not the
gates.

Is it (as Varro faith) becaufe we ought to
thinke the walles holie, to the end that we may
fight valiantly, and die generoufly in the defence
of them ? for it feemeth that this was the caufe,
why Romulus killed his owne brother Remus,
for that he prefumed to leape over an holy and
inviolable place : whereas contrariwife, it was
not poffible to confecrate and hallow the gates,
thorow which there muft needs be tranfported
many things neceffary, and namely, the bodies
of the dead. And therefore, they who begin to
found a citie, environ and compalTe firft with a
plough all that pourprife and precinft wherein
they meant to build, drawing the faid plough
with an oxe and a cow coupled together in one
yoke : afterwards, when they have traced out
all the faid place where the walles Ihould ftand,
they meafure out as much ground as will ferve

for

46 ROMAN E QUESTIOXS,

for the gates, but take out the plough-fhare, and
lb pafle over that fpace with the bare plough, as
if they meant thereby, that all the furrow which
they call up and eared, fhould be facred and
inviolable.

28.

IVhal is the reafon, that when their children are
to fweare ly Hercules, they will not let
them do it within doores, but caufe them to
go forth of the houfe, and take their oath
abroad?

Is it becaufe (as fome would have it) that
they thinke Hercules is not delighted with
keeping clofe within houfe and fitting idely,
but taketh pleafure to live abroad and lie
without ?

Or rather, for that of all the gods, Hercules
is not (as one would fay) home-bred, but a
ftranger, come amongfl them from afarre ? For
even fo they would not fweare by Bacchus,
under the roofe of the houfe, but went forth to
do it} becaufe he alfo is but a ftranger among
the gods.

Or

ROM AN B QUESTIONS. 47

Or haply, this is no more but a word in game
and Iport, given unto children : and befides (to
fay a trueth) it may be a meanes to withholde
and reftraine them from fwearing fo readily
and rallily, as Phavorinus fiith : for this device
caufeth a certeine premeditate preparation, and
giveth them (whiles they goe out of the houfe)
leafure and time to conlider better of the matter.
And a man may conjefture alfo with Phavo-
rinus, and fay with him : That this fafhion was
not common to other gods, but proper to Her-
cules : for that we finde it written, that he was
fo religious, fo refpeftive and precife in his oath,
that in all his life time he never fware but once,
and that was onely to Phileus the fonne of
Aui^ias. And therefore, the prophetiiTe at
Delphos, named Pythia, anfwered thus upon a
time to the Lacedaemonians :

When all thefe oaths you once forf end,
Yourjiate {he fare) Jliall dayly mend.

29.

48 ROMANE QUESTIONS.

29.

irhat Oiould be the rcafon, that they would not
permit the new wedded bride to paffe of her-
felfc over the doore-Jill or threjhold, whenjlie
is brought hoine to her hi{/band's hoiife, but
they that accomparue her, mujl lift her up
betweene them, from the ground, and fo con-
vey her in.

Is it in remembrance of thofe firft wives
whom they ravifhed perforce from the Sabines,
who entred not into their houfes of themfelves
with their good will, but were carried in by
them, in this maner ?

Or is it perhaps, becaufe they would be
thouo-ht to goe againft their willes into that
place where they were to lofe their maiden-
head ?

Or haply it may be, that a wedded wife
ouo-ht not to goe foorth of her doores, and
abandon her houfe, but perforce, like as (he
went firft into it by force. For in our countrey
of Bceotia, the maner is, to burne before the
doore where a new married wife is to dwell, the
axel tree of that chariot or coatch in which (he

rode

ROMAN E QUESTIONS. 49

rode when flie was brought to her hulbands houfe.
By which ceremonie, thus much flie is given to
underfland, that will flie nill flie, there flie mufl:
now tarrie, confldering that it which brought her
thither, is now gone quite and confumed.

30.

Wherefore do (hey at Rome, whe?i they bring a
new efpoufed bride home to the houfe of her
hnJband, force her to fay thefe words vnto
her fpoufe : Where you are Cajus, I will be
Caja ?

Is it to teftifie by thefe words, that flie en-
treth immediately to communicate with him in
all goods, and to be a governefle and com-
maunder in the houfe as well as he ? for it
implieth as much, as if flie fliould fay ; where
you are lord and mailer, I will be lady and
miftres. Now thefe names they ufed as being
common, and fuch as came firft to hand, and
for no other reafon elfe : like as the Civill
lawiers ufe ordinarily thefe names, Cajus, Seius,
Lucius, and Titius : the Philofophers in their
fchooles, Dion and Theon.

Or

50 ROMANE QUESTIONS.

Or peradventure it is in regard of Caia
Ccecilia a beautiful! and vertuous lady, who in
times paft, efpoufed one of the fonnes of king
Tarquinius : of which dame there is yet to be
feene even at this day one image of brafle,
within the temple of the god Sanciiis : and
there likewife in old time, her flippers, her
diftaffe and fpindels laid up for to bee feene :
the one to fignifie that Ihe kept the houfe well,
and went not ordinarily abroad ; the other to
fhew how llie bufied herfelfe at home.

3^-

How coviineth it, that they ufe to chaunt ordin-
arily at IFeddings, this word jo much
divulged, Talaffio ?

Is it not of Talajia, the Greeke word, which
fignifieth yarne : for the bafket wherein women
ufe to put in their roUes of carded wooll, they
name Talofos in Greeke, and Calathiis in Latine ?
Certes they that lead the bride home, caufe her
to fit upon a fliece of wooll, then bringeth Ihe
foorth a diftaffe and a fpindle, and with wooll all

to

ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 51

to hangeth and decketh the dore of her hulbands
houfe.

Or rather, if it be true which hiftorians report :
There was fometime a certeine yoong gentle-
man, very vahant and aftive in feats of armes,
and otherwife of excellent parts and tingular wel
conditioned, whofe name was Talajius : and
when they ravifhed and caried away the daugh-
ters of the Sabines who were come to Rome, for
to behold the folemnitie of their feftivall games
and plaies : certaine meane perfons, fuch yet as
belonged to the traine & retinue of Talajius
aforefaid, had chofen foorth & were carying
away, one damofel above the reft moft beautiful
of vifage, and for their fafety and fecuritie as they
pafled along the ftre'ets, cried out aloud Talajio,
Talajio, that is to fay, for Talajius, for Talajius ;
to the end that no man fhould be fo hardy as to
approch nere unto them, nor attempt to have
away the maiden from them, giving it out, that
they caried her for to be the wife of Talajius ;
and others meeting them upon the way, joined
with them in company for the honour of Tala-
jius, and as they followed after, highly praifed

their

52 ROMANB QUESTIONS.

their good choice which they had made, praying
the gods to give both him and her joy of their
marriage, and contentment to their hearts defire.
Now for that this marriage prooved happy and
blefled, they were woont ever after in their
wedding fongs to rechant and refound this name,
Talajius, hke as the maner is among the Greeks
to fing in fuch carrols, Hymenaus,

32.

IFJiat is the reafon that in the moneth of May,
they ufe at Rovie to cajt over their woodden
bridge into the river, certainc images of men,
which they call Argeos ?

Is it in memoriallof the Barbarians who fome-
times inhabited thefe parts, and did fo by the
Greeks, murdering them in that maner as many
of them as they could take ? But Hercules who
was highly efteemed among them for his vertue,
abolifhed this cruell fafhion of killing of ftrangers,
and taught them this cuflome to counterfet their
auncient fuperftitions, and to fling thefe images
in ftead of them : now in old time our anceftors

ufed

ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 53

ufed to name all Greeks of what countrey foever
they were, Argeos : unleffe haply a onan would
fay, that the Arcadians reputing the Argives to
be their enemies, for that they were their neigh-
bour borderers, fuch as fled with Evander out of
Arcadia, and came to inhabit thefe quarters,
reteined ftill the old hatred and ranckor, which
time out of minde had taken root, and beene
fetled in their hearts againft the faid Argives.

33-

What is the cai/fe that the Romans in old time

never went foorth out of their houfes to

fupper, hut they caried with them their

yoong fonnes, even when they were but in

their very infancie and childhood.

Was not this for the very fame reafon that
Lycurgus inftituted and ordeined, that yoong
children fliould ordinarily be brought into their
halles where they ufed to eat in publicke, called
Phiditia, to the end that they might be inured
and acquainted betimes, not to ufe the pleafures
of eating and drinking immoderately, as brutilh

and

54 ROMANS QUESTIONS.

and ravenous bealb arc wont to doe : confiderinc^
that they had their elders to overfee them, yea,
and to controll their demeanour: and in this
regard haply alfo, that their fathers themfelves
Ihould in their carriage be more Ibber, honeft,
and frugall, in the prefence of their children:
for looke where old folke are fhameleffe,
there it can not chufe but (as Plato faith) chil-
dren and youth will be moft gracelefle and
impudent.

34-

ir/iat might the reafon he, that whereas all ather
Romans made their offrings, ceremonies, and
facrifices for the dead, in the moneth of
February .- Decimus Brutus as Cicero faith,
was wont to doe the fame in the moneth of
December: now this Brutus was he who
firft invaded the countrey of Portugall, and
with an armie paffed over the river of Lethe,
that is to fay, oblivion.

May it not be, that as the moft part of men ufed
not to performe any fuch fervices for the dead,
but toward the end of the moneth, and a little

before

ROMANE QUESTIONS. 55

before the Ihutting in of the evenings even fo
it feemeth to carie good reafon, to honour the
dead at the end of the yeere ; and you wot well
that December was the laft moneth of all the
yeere.

Or rather, it is becaufe this was an honour
exhibited to the deities terreftriall : and it
feemeth that the proper feafon to reverence
and worlhip thefe earthly gods, is when the
fruits of the earth be fully gathered and
laid up.

Or haply, for that the hulband men began at
this time to breake up their grounds againft
their feedneffe : it was meet and requifite to
have in remembrance thofe gods which are
under the ground.

Or haply, becaufe this moneth is dedicate and
confecrated by the Romans to Saturne ; for they
counted Saturne one of the gods beneath, and
none of them above : and withall, conlider-
ing the greateft and mofl folemne feaft, which
they call Saturnalia, is holden in this moneth,
at what time as they feeme to have their
moll: frequent meeting, and make beft cheere,

he

56 ROMANS QUESTIONS.

he thought it meet and reafonable that the
dead alio lliould enjoy Ibme little portion
thereof.

Or it may be faid, that it is altogether untrue
that Decimus Brutus alone facrificed for the
dead in this moneth : for certeine it is that there
was a certeine divine fervice performed to Acca
Larentia, and folemne efFufions and libaments of
wine and milke were powred upon her fepulchre
in the moneth of December.

3S-

IF/iy honoured the Romans this Acca Larentia Jo
highly, conjidering JJie was no letter than a
Jiruvipet or courtifan ?

For you rauft thinke, that the hiftories make
mention of another Acca Larentia, the nurfe of
Romulus, unto whom they do honour in the
moneth of Aprill. As for this courtizan La-
rentia, flie was (as men fay) furnamed Fabula,
and came to be fo famous and renowmed by
fuch an occaiion as this. A certeine fexton of
Hercules his temple, having little els to doe, and

living

ROM AN E QUESTIONS. S7

living at eafe (as commonly fuch fellowes doe)
ufed for the moft part to fpend all the day in
playing at dice and with cokall bones : and one
day above the reft, it fortuned, that meeting
with none of his mates and play-fellowes who
were woont to beare him company at fuch
ofames, and not knowing what to do nor how
to palTe the time away, he thought with him-
felfe to challenge the god whofe fervant he was,
to play at dice with him, upon thefe conditions :
That if himfelfe woon the game, Hercules
Ihould be a meanes for him of fome good lucke
and happy fortune ; but in cafe he loft the
game, he ftiould provide for Hercules a good
fupper, and withall, a pretie wench and a faire,
to be his bedfellow : thefe conditions being
agreed upon and fet downe, he caft the dice,
one chance for himfelfe, and another for the
god ; but his hap was to be the lofer : where-
upon minding to ftand unto his challenge, and
to accomplifh that which he had promifed, he
prepared a rich fupper for Hercules his god, and
withall, fent for this Acca Larentia, a profefled
courtifan and common harlot, whom he feafted

alfo

58 ROMANE QUESTIONS.

alio with him, and after fupper beftowed her in
a bed within the very temple, fhut the doores
faft upon, and fo went his way. Now the tale
goes forfooth, that in the night, Hercules com-
panied with her, not after the raaner of men,
but charged her, that the next morning betimes
{he fhould go into the market-place, and looke
what man fhe firft met withall, him flie fhould
enterteine in all kindnefle, and make her friend
efpecially. Then Larentia gat up betimes in the
morning accordingly, and chanced to encounter
a certeine rich man and a ftale bacheler, who
was now paft his middle age, and his name was
Taruntius ; with him flie became fo familiarly
acquainted, that fo long as he lived, flie had the
command of his whole houfe ; and at his death,
was by his laft will and teftament inftituted
inheritrefle of all that he had. This Larentia
likewife afterward departed this life, and left
all her riches unto the citie of Rome ; where-
upon this honour abovefaid was done unto
her.

36.

ROMAN E QUESTIONS. 59

36.

IFhat is the caufe, that they name one gate of
the citie Feneftra, which is as much to fay,
as window ; neere unto which adjoineth the
bed-chamber of Fortune ?

Is it for that king Servius a moil fortunate
princCj was thought & named to lie with Fortune,
who was woont to come unto him by the win-
dow ? or is this but a devifed tale? But in
trueth, after that king Tarquinius Prifcus was
deceafed, his wife Tanaquillis being a wife
ladie, and endued with a roiall mind, putting
forth her head, and bending forward her bodie
out of her chamber window, made a fpeech
unto the people, perfwading them to ele6l
Servius for their king. And this is the reafon
that afterwards the place reteined this name,
Fenejira. '

37-

6o ROM AN E QUESTIONS.

37-

What is the reafon, that of all thofe things which
be dedicated and confecrated to the gods, the
cuftome is at Rome, that onely the fpoiles
of eneinies conquered in the warres, are
negleSied and fuffercd to run to decay in
proceffe of time : neither is there any rever-
ence done unto them, nor repaired be they
at any time, when they wax aide ?

Whether is it, becaufe they (fuppoling their
glory to fade and paffe away together with thefe
firfl: fpoiles) feeke ev^ermore new meaiies to
winne fome frefh marks and monuments of
their vertue, and to leave them fame behinde
them.

Or rather, for that feeing time doth wafte and
confume thefe figns and tokens of the enmity
which they had with their enemies, it were an
odious thing for them, and very invidious, if they
iliould refrelli and renew the remembrance there-
of: for even thofe among the Greeks, who firft
ere6ted their trophes or pillars of braffe and ftone,
were not commended for fo doing.

38.

ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 6i

38.

JVhat is the reafon that Quintus Metellus the
high priefl, and reputed lejides a wife man
and a politike, forlad to oljerve aufpices, or
to take pre/ages by flight of birds, after the
moneth Sextilis, now called Augufl.

Is it for that^ as we are woont to attend upon
luch obfervatlons about noone or in the begin-
ning of the day, at the entrance alfo and toward
the middle of the moneth : but we take heed
and beware of the daies dechnation, as inaufpi-
cate and unmeet for fuch purpofes ; even fo
Metellus fuppofed, that the time after eight
moneths was (as it were) the evening of the
yeere, and the latter end of it, declining now
and wearing toward an end.

Or haply, becaufe we are to make ufe of thefe
birds, and to obferve their flight for prefage,
whiles they are entire, perfeft and nothing de-
feftive, fuch as they are before Summer time.
But about Autumne fome of them moult, grow
to be fickly and weake ; others are over young
and too fmall ; and fome againe appeare not at

all.

62 ROMANE QUESTIONS.

all, but like paffengers are gone at fuch a time
into another countrey.

39-

JF/iat is the caufe, that it was not lawfull for
them who were not preft foldiors ly oth and
enrolled, although upon fame other occajions
they converfed in the campe, to ftrike or
wound an enemie P And verely Cato him-
felfe the elder of that name Jignijied thus
much in a letter mij/iue which he wrote unto
his fonne : wherein heftraitly charged him,
that if he had accomplijlied the full time of
his fervice, and that his captain had given
him his conge and difcharge, he Jliould im-
mediately returne : or in cafe he had leifer
ftay ftill in the campe, that hefJiould ohtaine
of his captaine permijjlon and licence to hurt
and kill his enemie.

Is it becaufe there is nothing elle but neceflitie
alone, doeth warrantize the killing of a man :
and he who unlawfully and without expreffe
commaundement of a fuperiour (unconftrained)
doth it, is a meere homicide and manflaier. And
therefore Cyrus commended Chryfantas, for that

being

ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 63

being upon the verie point of killing his enemie,
as having lifted up his cemiter for to give him a
deadly wound, prefently upon the found of the
retreat by the trumpet, let the man go, and
would not fmite him, as if he had beene for-
bidden fo to do.

Or may it not be, for that he who prefenteth
himfelfe to fight with his enemie, in cafe he
fhrink, and make not good his ground, ought
not to go away cleere withal, but to be held
faulty and to fufter puniihment : for he doth
nothing fo good fervice that hath either killed
or wounded an enemie, as harme and domage,
who reculeth backe or flieth away : now he
who is difcharged from warfare, and hath leave
to depart, is no more obliged and bound to
militarie lawes : but he that hath demaunded
permiffion to do that fervice which fworne and
enrolled fouldiers performe, putteth himfelfe
againe under the fubjeftion of the law and his
owne captaine.

40.

64 ROM AN E QUESTIONS.

40.

How is it, that the prieft of Jupiter, is not per-
mitted to annoint himfelfe abroad in the open
aire ?

Is it for that in old time it was not held
honeft and lawful! for children to do off their
clothes before their fathers ; nor the fonne in
law in the prefence of his wives father ; neither
ufed they the ftouph or bath together : now is
Jupiter reputed the priefts or Flamines father :
and that which is done in the open aire, feemeth
efpecially to be in the verie eie and fight of
Jupiter ?

Or rather, like as it was thought a great
linne and exceeding irreverence, for a man to
turne himfelfe out of his apparrell naked, in any
church, chappell, or religious and facred place j
even fo they carried a great refpedt unto the
aire and open iTvie, as being full of gods, demi-
gods, and faints. And this is the verie caufe,
why we doe many of our neceflarie bufineffes
within doores, enclofed and covered with the
roofe of our houfes, and fo remooved from the

eies

ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 65

eies as it were of the deitie. Moreover, fome
things there be that by Jaw are commaunded
and enjoined unto the prieft onely ; and others
againe unto all men, by the prieft : as for ex-
ample, heere with us in Baeotia ; to be crowned
with chaplets of flowers upon the head ; to let
the haire grow long; to weare a fword, and
not to fet foot within the limits of Pliocis, per-
taine all to the otfice and dutie of the captaine
generall and chiefe ruler : but to taft of no new
fruits before the Autumnall Aequinox be paft;
nor to cut and prune a vine but before the
Aequinox of the Spring, be intimated and de-
clared unto all by the faid ruler or captaine
generall : for thofe be the verie feafons to do
both the one & the other. In like cafe, it
fhould feeme in my judgement that among the
Romans it properly belonged to the prieft ; not
to mount on horfeback; not to be above three
nights out of the citie ; not to put off" his cap,
whereupon he was called in the Roman lan-
guage, Flamen. But there be many other
offices and duties, notified and declared unto
all men by the prieft, among which this is one,

not

66 ROMANE QUESTIONS.

not to be enhuiled or anointed abroad in the
open aire : For this manner of anointing drie
without the bath, the Romans mightily fufpefted
and were afraid of: and even at this day they
are of opinion, that there was no fuch caufe in
the world that brought the Greeks under the
yoke of fervitude and bondage, and made them
fo tender and eiFeminate, as their halles and
publike places where their yong men wreftled
& exercifed their bodies naked: as being the
meanes that brought into their cities, much
loffe of time, engendred idleneffe, bred lazie
flouth, and miniflred occafion & opportunity of
lewdneffe and vilany ; as namely, to make love
unto faire boies, and to fpoile and marre the
bodies of young men with fleeping, with walk-
ing at a certeine meafare, with ftirring accord-
ing to motions, keeping artificial! compafle, and
with obferving rules of exquilit diet. Through
which falhions, they fee not, how (ere they be
aware) they be fallen from exercifes of amies,
and have cleane forgotten all militarie difcipline :
loving rather to be held and efteemed good
wreftlers, fine dauncers, conceited pleafants, and

faire

ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 67

faire minions, than hardie footmen, or valiant
men of armes. And verely it is an hard matter
to avoid and decline thefe inconveniences, for
them that ufe to difcover their bodies naked
before all the world in the broad aire : but thofe
vi'ho annoint themfelves clofely within doores,
and looke to their bodies at home are neither
faulty nor offenfive.

41-

What is the reqfon that the auncient coine and

mony in old time, caried the Jtampe of one

Jide of lanus with two faces : and on the

other Jide, the prow or the poope of a boat

engraved therein.

Was it not as many men do fay, for to
honour the memorie of Saturne, who pafled into
Italy by water in fuch a veffel ? But a man
may fay thus much as well of many others : for
Janus, Evander, and Aeneas, came thither like-
wife by fea ; and therefore a man may perad-
venture gefle with better reafon ; that whereas
fome things ferve as goodly ornaments for cities,
others as neceffarie implements : among thofe

which

68 ROM AN E QUESTIONS.

which are decent and feemely ornaments, the
principall is good government and difcipline, and
among fuch as be neceffary, is reckoned, plentie
and abundance of viduals : now for that Janus
inftituted good government, in ordeining hol-
fome lawes, and reducing their manner of lite
to civilitie, which before was rude and brutifh,
and for that the river being navigable, furniflied
them with ftore of all neceffary commodities,
whereby fome were brought thither by fea,
others from the land ; the coine caried for the
marke of a law-giver, the head with two faces,
like as we have already faid, becaufe of that
change of life which he brought in ; and of the
river, a ferrie boate or barge : and yet there was
another kinde of money currant among them,
which had the figure portraied upon it, of a
beefe, of a Iheepe, and of a fwine ; for that their
riches they raifed efpecially from fuch cattle, and
all their wealth and fubftance coniifled in them.
And heereupon it commeth, that many of their
auncient names, were OviUj, Buiulci and Porcij,
that is to fay, Sheepe- reeves, and Neat-herds, and
Swineherds according as Fenejtella doth report.

42.

ROMANE QUESTIONS. 69

IVhat is the caufe that they make the temple of
Saturne, tlie chamber of the citie, for to
keepe therein the publicke treafure of gold
and filver : as alfo their arches, for the
cujlodie of all their writings, rolles, con-
traSis and evidences whatfoever.

Is it by occafion of that opinion lb commonly
received, and the fpeech fo univerlally currant
in every mans mouth, that during the raigne
of Saturne, there was no avarice nor injuftice
in the world ; but loialtie, truth, faith, and
righteoufnefle caried the whole fway among
men.

Or for that he was the god who found out
fruits, brought in agriculture, and taught hulban-
dry firftj for the hooke or fickle in his hand
lignifieth fo much, and not as Antimachiis wrote,
following therein and beleeving Hefodus :

Rough Saturne with his hairy fkinne,

agaifijl all law and right,
Of Aemonsf onne, fir Ouranus,

or Cceius fo7netime hight,

Thofe

70 ROMANS QUESTIONS.

Thofe privy members which him gat,

u'ith hooke a-Jlant off-cut.
And then anon in fathers place

of reign e, himfelfe did put.

Now the abundance of the fruits which the
earth yeeldeth, and the vent or difpofition of
them, is the very mother that bringeth foorth
plentie of monie : and therefore it is that this
fame god they make the author and mainteiner
of their feUcitie : in teftimonie whereof, thofe
alTemblies which are holden every ninth day in
the comon place of the city, called Kundince,
that is to fay, Faires or markets, they efteeme
confecrated to Saturne : for the ftore & foifon of
fruits is that which openeth the trade & com-
erce of buying and felling. Or, becaufe thefe
reafons feeme to be very antique 3 what and if
we fay that the firft man who made (of Saturns
temple at Rome) the treafurie or chamber of the
citie was Valerius PopUcola, after that the kings
were driven out of Rome, and it feemeth to ftand
to good reafon that he made choife thereof,
becaufe he thought it a fafe and fecure place,
eminent and confpicuous in all mens eies,

and

ROMANS QUESTIONS. 71

and by confequence hard to be furprifed and
forced.

43.

What is the caufe that thofe who come as ein-
lajfadours to Rome, from any parts what-
foever, go Jirjl ifito the temple of Saturne,
and there before the QiieJIors or Treafurers
of the citie, enter their names in their
regijiers.

Is it for that Satiirne himfelfe was a ftranger
in Italy, and therefore all ftrangers are welcome
unto him ?

Or may not this qiieftion be folved by the
reading of hiftories ? for in old time thefe
Queftors or publick Treafurers, were wont to
fend unto embaffadors certeine prefents, which
were called Lautia : and if it fortuned that fuch
embaifadors were ficke, they tooke the charge
of them for their cure ; and if they chanced to
to die, they enterred them likewife at the cities
charges. But now in refpedt of the great refort
of embaffadors from out of all countries, they
have cut off this expenfe : howbeit the auncient

cuflome

72 ROMAN E QUESTIONS.

cuftome yet remaineth, namely, to prefent them-
felves to the faid officers of the treal'ure, and to
be regiftred in their booke.

44-

Why is it not lawfullfor Jupitersprze/? to
fweare ?

Is it becaufe an oth miniftered unto free
borne men, is as it were the racke and torture
tendred unto them ? for certeine it is, that the
foule as well as the bodie of the prieft, ought to
continue free, and not be forced by any torture
whatfoever.

Or, for that it is not meet to diftruft or dis-
credit him in fmall matters, who is beleeved in
great and divine things?

Or rather becaufe every oth ended with the
deteftation and malediftion of perjurie : and
confidering that all maledictions be odious and
abominable ; therefore it is not thought good
that any other priefts whatfoever, fhould curfe
or pronounce any maledidion : and in this re-

fpea

ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 73

ipeQ. was the prieflreffe of Minerva in Athens
highly commended, for that fhe would never
curfe Alcihiades, notwithftanding the people
commanded her fo to doe : For I am (quoth
flie) ordeined a prieflreffe to pray for men, and
not to curfe them.

Or lafl of all, was it becaufe the perill of
perjurie would reach in common to the whole
common wealth, if a wicked, godleffe and for-
fworne perfon, fhould have the charge and fuper-
intendance of the praiers, vowes, and facrifices
made in the behalfe of the citie.

45-

What is the reqfon that upon the fejlivall day in
the honour of Venus, which folemnitie they
call Veneralia, they ufe to powre foorth a
great quantitie of wine out of the temple of
Venus,

Is it as fome fay upon this occafion, that
Mezentius fometime captaine generall of the
Tufcans, fent certeine embaffadors unto Aeneas,
with commifTion to offer peace unto him, upon

this

74 ROMANE QUESTIONS.

this condition, that he might receive all the
wine of that * yeeres vintage. But when Aeneas
refufed fo to doe, Mezentius (for to encourage
his fouldiers the Tufkans to fight manfully) pro-
mifed to beftow wine upon them when he had
woon the field : but Aeneas underflanding of
this promife of his, confecrated and dedicated
all the faid wine unto the gods : and in trueth,
when he had obteined the vi6torie, all the wine
of that yeere, when it was gotten and gathered
together, he powred forth before the temple of
Venus.

Or, what if one Ihould fay, that this doth
fymbolize thus much : That men ought to be
fober upon fefl;ivall dales, and not to celebrate
fuch folemnities with drunkennefle ; as if the
gods take more pleafure to fee them llied wine
upon the ground, than to powre overmuch
thereof downe their throats ?

* iirireLov 6ivov, or, a certeine quantitie of wine yeerely,
as fome interpret it.

46.

ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 75

46.

IVhat is the caufe that in ancient time they kept
the temple of the goddejje Horta, open
alwaies.

Whether was it (as Antiftius Laheo hath
left in writing) for that, feeing Hortari in the
Latine tongue fignifieth to incite and exhort,
they thought that the goddeffe called Horta,
which flirreth and provoketh men unto the
enterprife and execution of good exploits, ought
to be evermore in aftion, not to make delaies,
nor to be fliut up and locked within dores, ne
yet to fit ftill and do nothing ?

Or rather, becaufe as they name her now a
dales Hora, with the former fyllable long, who
is a certeine induftrious, vigilant and bufie god-
defle, carefull in many things : therefore being
as fhe is, fo circumfpeft and fo watchfull, they
thought flie Ihould be never idle, nor rechlefle
of mens affaires.

Or els, this name Hora (as many others be-
fides) is a meere Greeke word, and fignifieth a
deitie or divine power, that hath an eie to over-

looke.

76 ROM AN E QUESTIONS.

looke, to view and control! all things; and
therefore fince flie never fleepeth, nor laieth her
eies together, but is alwaies broad awake, there-
fore her church or chapel was alwaies ftanding
open.

But if it be fo as Laleo faith, that this word
Hora is rightly derived of the Greeke verba
ooiMav or 'jraooo^av, which lignifieth to incite or
provoke ; confider better, whether this word
Orator alfo, that is to fay, one who ftirrith up,
exhorteth, encourageth, and advifeth the people,
as a prompt and ready counfeller, be not derived
likewife in the fame fort, and not of cica or
si^'/g, that is to fay, praier and fupplication, as
fome would have it.

47-

Wherefore founded Romulus the temple of
Vulcane without the citie q/'Rome ?

Is it for the jealoulie (which as fables do
report) Fulcane had of Mars, becaufe of his wife
Venus : and fo Romulus being reputed the fonne
of Mars, would not vouchfafe him to inhabit and

dwell

ROMANE QUESTIONS. 77

dwell in the fame citie with him ? or is this a
meere foolerie and lenfeleffe conceit ?

But this temple was built at the firft, to be a
chamber and parlour of privie counfell for him
and Tatius who reigned with him ; to the end
that meeting and fitting there in confultation
together with the Senatours, in a place remote
from all troubles and hinderances, they might
deliberate as touching the affaires of State with
eafe and quietnefle.

Or rather, becaufe Rome from the very firft
foundation was fubjeft to fire by cafualtie, hee
thouo-ht good to honour this god of fire in fome
fort, but yet to place him without the walles of
the citie.

48.

IFhat is the reafon, that upon their fejlivall day
called Confualia, they adorned with garlands
of flowers as well their ajjes as horfes, and
gave them rejl and repofefor the time ?

Is it for that this folemnitie was holden in the
honour of Neptune furnamed Equeflris, that is to

fay,

7S ROM AN E QUESTIONS.

fay, the horfeman ? and the afle hath his part of
this joyfull feaft, for the horfes fake ?

Or, becaufe that after navigation and trans-
porting of commodities by fea was now found
out and fhewed to the world, there grew by
that meanes (in fome fort) better relt and more
eafe to poore labouring beafts of draught and
carriage.

49-

How commeth it to pajfe, that thofe whojioodfor
any office and magiftracie , were woont ly an
old cujiome (as Cato hath written) to pre-
fent themf elves unto the people in a fingle
role or loofe gowne, without any coat at all
under it ?

Was it for feare left they fliould carrie under
their robes any money in their bofomes, for to
corrupt, bribe, and buy (as it were) the voices
and fuffrages of the people ?

Or was it becaufe they deemed men woorthy
to beare pubhcke office and to governe, not by
their birth and parentage, by their wealth and
riches, ne yet by their ftiew and outward reputa-
tion.

ROMANS QUESTIONS. 79

tion, but by their wounds and fcarres to be feene
upon their bodies. To the end therefore, that
fuch fcarres might be better expofed to their
fight whom they met or talked withall, they
went in this maner downe to the place of elec-
tion, without inward coats in their plaine
gownes.

Or haply, becaufe they would feeme by this
nuditie and nakednefle of theirs, in humilitie to
debafe themfelves, the fooner thereby to curry
favor, and win the good grace of the commons,
even as well as by taking them by the right
hand, by fuppliant craving, and by humble
fubmiffion on their very knees.

5°'

What is the caiife that the Flamen or prieji nj
Jupiter, when his wife was once dead, ufed
to give up his Priejlhood or Sacerdotall
dignitie, according as Ateius hath recorded
in his hijtorie.

Was it for that he who once had wedded
a wife, and afterwards buried her, was more

infortunate.

So ROM AN E QUESTIONS.

infortunate, than he who never had any? for the
houfe of him who hath maried a wife, is entire
and perfeft, but his houfe who once had one,
and now hath none, is not onely unperfeft, but
alfo maimed and lame ?

Or might it not bee that the priefts wife was
confecrated alfo to divine fervice together with
her hufbandj for many rites and ceremonies
there were, which he alone could not performe,
if his wife were not prefent : and to efpoufe a
new wife immediately upon the deceafe of the
other, were not peradventure poflible, nor other-
wife would well ftand with decent and civill
honefty : wherupon neither in times paft was it
lawful for him, nor at this day as it {hould feem,
is he permitted to put away his wife : and yet in
our age Domitian at the requeft of one, gave
licence fo to doe : at this diflblution and breach
of wedlocke, other priefts were prefent and afTis-
tant, where there pafled among them many
ftrange, hideous, horrible, and monftrous cere-
monies.

But haply a man would lefle wonder at this,
if ever he knew and underftood before, that

when

ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 8 1

when one of the Cenfors died, the other of
neceffity muft likewife quit & refigne up his
office. Howbeit, when Livius Drufus was de-
parted this life, his companion in office Aemylius
Scaurus, would not give over and renounce his
place, untill fuch time as certeine Tribunes of
the people, for his contumacie commanded, that
he fliould be had away to prifon.

6'-

What was the reafon that the idols Lares, which
otheru'ife properly be called Praeftites, had
the images of a dogge ftanding hard ly them,
and the Lares themjelves were portraied
clad in dogges Jhinnes ?

Is it becaufe this word Prcejlites fignifieth as
much as uooiGTursg, that is to fay, Prefidents, or
ftanding before as keepers : and verily fuch Pre-
fidents ought to be good houfe-keepers, and
terrible unto all ftrangers, like as a dogge is ;
but gentle and loving to thofe of the houfe.

Or rather, that which fome of the Romans
write is true, like as Chryjippus alfo the philo-

fopher

82 ROM AN E QUESTIONS.

Ibpher is of opinion ; namely, that there be
certeine evill fpirits which goe about walking
up and downe in the world ; and thefe be the
butchers and tormentors that the gods imploy
to punilh unjull and wicked men : and even fo
thefe Lares are held to be maligne fpirits, & no
better than divels, fpying into mens lives, and
prying into their families ; which is the caufe
that they now be arraied in fuch flvinnes, and a
dogge they have fitting hard by them, whereby
thus much in efted is given to underftand, that
quicke fented they are, and of great power both
to hunt out, and alfo to challice leud perfons.

52.

irhat is the cai/fe that the Romaris facr'ifice a
dogge unto the goddejje called Genita-Mana,
and zt'ithall make one praier unto her, that
none borne in the houfe might ever come to
good ?

Is it for that this Genita-Mana is counted a
Dccmon or goddelfe that hath the procuration
and charge both of the generation and alfo of the

birth

ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 83

birth of things corruptible ? for furely the word
impUeth as much, as a certeine fluxion and gene-
ration, or rather a generation fluent or fluxible :
and like as the Greeks facrificed unto Prnferpina,
a dog, fo do the -Romans unto that Genita, tor
thofe who are borne in the houfe. Socrates alfo
faith, that the Argives facrificed a dogge unto
Ilithya, for the more eafie and fafe deliverance
of child-birth. Furthermore, as touching that
Praier, that nothing borne within the houfe might
ever proove good, it is not haply meant of any
perfons, man or woman, but of dogges rather
which were whelped there ; which ought to be,
not kinde and gentle, but curll: and terrible.

Or peradventure, for that they * that die
(after an elegant maner of fpeech) be named
Good or quiet : under thefe words they covertly
pray, that none borne in the houfe might die.
And this need not to feeme a ftrange kinde of
fpeech; for Arijlotle writeth, that in a certeine
treatie of peace betweene the Arcadians &
Lacedemonians, this article was comprifed in
the capitulations : That they fliould make none

* XPV'^TO^^'

of

84 ROM AN E QUESTIONS.

*of the Tegeates, Good, for the aid they fent,
or favour that they bare unto the Lacedaemo-
nians ; by which was meant, that they Ihould
put none of them to death.

53-

What is the reafon, that in a folemne proceffion
exhibited at the Capitoline plaies, they pro-
dame (even at this day) ly the voice of an
herald, port-fale of the Sardians ? and before
all this folemnitie and pompe, there is by
waye of mockerie and to make a laughing
ftocke, an olde man led in a fliew, with a
Jewell or brooch pendant about his necke,
fuch as noble mens children are woont to
weare, and which they call Bulla ?

Is it for that the Veientians^ who in times
pari being a puiffant State in Tufcane, made
warre a long time with Romulus : whofe citie
being the laft that he woonne by force, he made
fale of many prifoners and captives, together
with their king, mocking him for his ftupiditie
and groffe follie. Now for that the Tufcans in

* IxiqMva yj)ri<XTbv.

ancient

ROMAN E QUESTIONS. 85

ancient time were defcended from the Lydians,
and the capitall citie of Lydia is Sardis, there-
fore they proclamed the fale of the Veientian
prifoners under the name of the Sardians 5 and
even to this day in fcorne and mockerie, they
reteine ftill the fame cuftome.

54-

Whence came it, that they call the Jhamhles or
lutcherie at Rome where Jiejh is to lefolde,
Macellum ?

Is it for that this word Macellum, by cor-
ruption of language is derived of 'Mdynooi, that in
the Greek tonge fignifieth a cooke ? Hke as many
other words by ufage and cuftome are come to
be received ; for the letter C. hath great atfinitie
with G. in the Romane tongue : and long it
was ere they had the ufe of G. which letter
Spurius Carbiilius lirft invented. Moreover,
they that maffle and ftammer in their fpeech,
pronounce ordinarily L. iuftead of R.

Or this queftion may be refolved better by the
knowledge of the Romane hiftorie : for we reade

therein.

86 ROMAN E QUESTIONS.

therein, that there was fometime a violent perfon
and a notorious thieie at Rome, named Maceilug,
who alter he had committed many outrages and
robberies, was with much ado in the end taken
and punillied : and of his goods which were for-
feit to the State, there was built a publike
fliambles or market place to fell flelli-meats in,
which of his name was called Macellum.

55'

Why upon the Ides of Januarie, the viinftrels at
Rome who plaied upon the hautboies, were
permitted to goe up and downe the city dis-
guijed in womens apparelL ?

Arose this fafliion upon that occafion which
is reported ? namely, that king Numa had
granted unto them many immunities and honor-
able priviledges in his time, for the great de-
votion that hee had in the fervice of the gods ?
and for that afterwards, the Tribunes militarie
who governed the citie in Confular authority,
tooke the fame from them, they went their way
difcontented, and departed quite from the citie

of

ROMANE QUESTIONS. 87

of Rome : but foone after, the people had a
mifle of them, and belides, the priefts made it a
matter of confcience, for that in all the facrifices
thorowout the citie, there was no found of flute
or hautboies. Now when they would not re-
turne againe (being fent for) but made their
abode in the citie Tilur ; there was a certeine
afranchifed bondllave who fecretly undertooke
unto the magiftrates, to finde fome meanes for to
fetch them home. So he caufed a fumptuous
feaft to be made, as if he meant to celebrate
fome folemne facriiice, and invited to it the
pipers and plaiers of the hautboies aforefaid :
and at this feafi: he tooke order there fliould be
divers women alfo ; and all night long there was
nothing but piping, playing, linging and dancing :
but all of a fudden this mafter of the feaft caufed
a rumor to be raifed, that his lord and mafter
was come to take him in the maner 3 whereupon
making femblant that he was much troubled and
affrighted, he perfwaded the minftrels to mount
with all fpeed into clofe coatches, covered all
over with fkinnes, and fo to be carried to Tibur.
But this was a deceitfuU pra6tife of hisj for he

caufed

88 ROM AN E QUESTIONS.

cauled the coatches to be turned about another
way, and unawares to them ; who partly for the
darkenefle of the night, and in part becaufe they
were drowlie and the wine in their heads, tooke
no heed of the way, he brought all to Rojne
betimes in the morning by the breake of day
difguifed as they were, many of them in light
coloured gownes like women, which (for that
they had over-watched and over-drunke them-
felves) they had put on, and knew nor therof.
Then being (by the magiftrates) overcome with
faire words, and reconciled againe to the citie,
they held ever after this cuftome every yeere
upon fuch a day : To go up and downe the citie
thus fooliihly difguifed.

56.

IFhat is the reafon, that it is commonly received,

that certein matrons of the city at the Jirjt

founded and luilt the temple of Carmenta,

and to this day honour it highly with great

reverence ?

For it is faid, that upon a time the Senat had
forbidden the dames and wives of the city to

ride

ROMANE QUESTIONS. 89

ride in coatches : whereupon they tooke fuch a
llomacke and were fo defpighteous, that to be
revenged of their hufbands, they confpired alto-
gether not to conceive or be with child by them,
nor to bring them any more babes : and in this
minde they perfifted ftill, untill their hulbands
began to bethinke them felves better of the
matter, and let them have their will to ride in
their coatches againe as before time : and then
they began to breede and beare children a frefh :
and thofe who fooneft conceived and bare moft
and with greatefl eafe, founded then the temple
of Carmenta. And as I fuppofe this Carmenta
was the mother of Evander, who came with him
into Italy ; whofe right name indeed was Themis,
or as fome fay Nicojlrata : now for that fhe
rendred propheticall anfweres and oracles in
verfe, the Latins furnamed her Carmenta : for
verfes in their tongue they call Carmina. Others
are of opinion, that Carmenta was one of the
Deflinies, which is the caufe that fuch matrons
and mothers facrifice unto her. And the Ety-
mologic of this name Carmenta, is as much as
Carens mente, that is to fay, befide her right wits

or

90 ROM AN E QUESTIONS.

or beftraught, by reafon that her fenfes were fo
raviflied and tranfported : fo that her verfes gave
her not the name Carmenta, but contrariwife,
her verfes were called Carmina of her, becaufe
when file was thus ravifhed and caried befide
herfelfe, fhe chanted certeine oracles and pro-
phefies in verfe.

57-

What is the caufe that the women who facrifice
unto the goddeffe Rumina, doe powre and
cajl Jtore of milke upon their facrifice, hut
no wine at all do they bring thither for to he
drunke ?

Is it, for that the Latins in their tongue
call a pap, Ruma ? And well it may fo be,
for that the wilde figge tree neere unto which
the file wolfe gave fucke with her teats unto
Romulus, was in tliat refped: called Ficus Rum-
inalis. Like as therefore we name in our
Greeke lansuatje thofe milch nourfes that fuckle
yoong infants at their brefts, Thelona, being a
word derived of Thele, which fignifieth a pap ;

even

ROMANE QUESTIONS. 91

even fo this goddeffe Rumina, which is as much
to fay, as Nurfe, and one that taketh the care
and charge of nourifhing and rearing up of
infants, admitteth not in her facrifices any wine 5
for that it is hurtfull to the nouriture of Httle
babes and fuckhngs.

58.

What is the reafon that of the Romane Senatours,
fame are called Jimply, Patres ; others with
an addition, Patres confcripti ?

Is it for that they tirft, who were inflituted
and ordeined by Romulus, were named Patres
^ Patritii, that is to fay. Gentlemen or Nobly
borne, fuch as we in Greece, tearme Eupat-
rides ?

Or rather they were fo called, becaufe they
could avouch and fliew their fathers ; but fuch
as were adjoined afterwards by way of fupply,
and enrolled out of the Commoners houfes, were
Patres confcripti, thereupon ?

S9-

92 ROM AN E QUESTIONS.

59-

IVherefore was there one altar common to
Hercules and the Mufes ?

May it not be, that for Hercules taught
Evander the letters, accorduig as Juba writeth ?
Certes, in thofe daies it was accounted an hon-
hourable office for men to teach their kinfefolke
and friends to fpell letters, and to reade. For
a long time after it, and but of late daics it
was, that they began to teach for hire and for
money : and the firft that ever was knowen to
keepe a publicke fchoole for reading, was one
named Spurius Carlilius, the freed fervant of
that Carlilius who firft put away his wife.

60.

What is the reafon, that there leing two altars
dedicated unto Hercules, women are not par-
takers of the greater, nor tajt one whit of
that which is offered or facrificed thereupon ?

Is it, becaufe as the report goes Carmenta
came not foone enough to be affiftant unto the
facrifice : no more did the family of the Pinarij,

whereupon

ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 93

whereupon they tooke that name ? for in regard
that they came tardie, admitted they were not
to the feaft with others who made good cheere ;
and therefore got the name Pinarij, as if one
would fay, pined or famiflied ?

Or rather it may allude unto the tale that
goeth of the fhirt empoifoned with the blood of
Neffus the Centaure, which ladie Deianira gave
unto Hercules.

61.

How commeth it to pajfe, that it is exprejly forlid-
den at Rome, either to name or to demaund
ought as touching the Tutelar god, who hath
in particular recommendation and patronage ,
the fafetie and prefervation of the citie of
Rome : norfo much as to enquire whether the

faid deitie he male or female ? And verely this
prohibition proceedeth from a fuperjiitious

feare that they have ; for that they fay that
Valerius Soranus died an ill death, becaufe
he prefumed to utter and pulliflifo much.

Is it in regard of a certaine reafon that fome
latin hiftorians do alledge 3 namely, that there
be certaine evocations and enchantings of the

gods

94 ROMANE QUESTIONS.

gods by fpels and charmes, through the power
whereof they are of opinion, that they might be
able to call forth and draw away the Tutelar gods
of their enemies, and to caufe them to come and
dwell with them : and therefore the Romans be
afraid left they may do as much for them ? For,
like as in times paft the Tyrians, as we find upon
record, when their citie was befieged, enchained
the images of their gods to their flirines, for
feare they would abandon their citie and be gone ;
and as others demanded pledges and fureties that
they Ihould come againe to their place, whenfo-
ever they fent them to any bath to be walhed, or
let them go to any expiation to be clenfed ; even
fo the Romans thought, that to be altogether un-
knowen and not once named, was the beft meanes,
and fureft way to keepe with their Tutelar god.
Or rather, as Homer verie Well wrote :

The earth to men all,

is common great and/mall :

That thereby men lliould worlliip all the gods,
and honour the earth; feeing llie is common to
them all : even lb the ancient Romans have con-
cealed

ROMANS QUESTIONS. 95

cealed and fiippreffe the god or angell which hath
the particular gard of their citie, to the end that
their citizens Ihould adore, not him alone but all
others likewife.

62.

What is the caufe that among thofe priejls whom
they name,FxciSi\es,Jignifying as much as in
greeke ei^rivovoloi, that is to fay, Officers going
letweentn make treatie of peace; or s-7ro]/do<f)CBoi,
that is to fay, Agents for truce and leagues,
he whom they call Pater Patratus is efieemed
the chief eft ? Now Pater Patratus is he, whofe
father is yet living, who hath children of his
owne : and in truth this chief e FcBcial or Her-
ault hath fill at this day a certain preroga-
tive, iff fpecial credit above the reji. For the
emperours thenifelves, and generall captains,
if they have any perfons about them who in
regard of the prime of youth, or of their beau-
tifull bodies had need of afaithfuU, diligent,
and trufie guard, commit them ordinarily into
the hands offuch as thefe,forfcfe cuftodie.

Is it not, for that thefe Patres Patrati, for
reverent feare of their fathers of one fide, and
for modell Ihames to fcandalize or offend their

children

96 ROMAN E QUESTIONS.

children on the other fide, are enforced to be
wife and difcreet ?

Or may it not be, in regard of that caufe
which their verie denomination doth minifter and
declare: for this word Patratus fignifieth as
much as compleat, entire and accomplilhed, as if
he were one more perfe6l and abfolute every way
than the reft, as being fo happie, as to have his
owne father living, and be a father alfo himfelfe.

Or is it not, for that the man who hath the fuper-
intendence of treaties of peace, and of othes, ought
to fee as Homer faith, u/mu cto&Vw xcci sirlau, that is
to fay, before and behind. And in all reafon
fuch an one is he like to be, who hath a child for
whom, and a father with whom he may confult.

What is the reafon, that the officer at Rome
called Rex facrorum, that is to fay, the king
offacrifices, is debarred both from exercifing
any magiftracie, and alfo to make a fpeech
unto the people in publike place ?

Is it for that in old time, the kings themfelves
in perfon performed the moft part of facred rites,

and

ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 97

and thofe that were greater, yea and together
with the priefts offered facrifices ; but by reafon
that they grew infolent, proud, and arrogant, fo
as they became intollerable, moft of the Greeke
nations, deprived them of this authoritie, and
left unto them the preheminence onely to offer
pubhke facrifice unto the gods : but the Romans
having cleane chafed and expelled their kings,
eftabliflied in their ftead another under officer
whom they called King, unto whom they
granted the overlight and charge of facrifices
onely, but permitted him not to exercife or
execute any office of State, nor to intermedle
in publick affaires ; to the end it ffiould be
knowen to the whole world, that they would not
fuffer any perfon to raigne at Rome, but onely
over the ceremonies of facrifices, nor endure the
verie name of Roialtie, but in refpect of the
gods. And to this purpofe upon the verie
common place neere unto Comitium ; they ufe to
have a folemn facrifice for the good efl:ate of the
citie 5 which fo foone as ever this king hath
performed, he taketh his legs and runnes out of
the place, as fafl: as ever he can.

64.

98 ROM AN E QUESTIONS.

64.

IVhy fuffer not they the table to be taken cleane
away, and voided quite, but will havefonie-
what alwaies remaining upon it ?

Give they not heereby covertly to under-
ftand, that wee ought of that which is prefent
to referve evermore fomething for the time to
come, and on this day to remember the mor-
row.

Or thought they it not a point of civill
honefty and elegance, to repreffe and keepe
downe their appetite when they have before
them enough Hill to content and fatisfie it to
the full J for lelle will they defire that which
they have not, when they accuftome themfelves
to abfleine from that which they have.

Or is not this a cuftome of courtefie and
humanitie to their domefticall fervants, who are
not fo well pleafed to take their vi6luals limply,
as to partake the fame, fuppofing that by this
meanes in fome fort they doe participate with
their mailers at the table.

Or rather is it not, becaufe we ought to fuffer

no

ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 99

no facred thing to be emptie ; and the boord
you wot well is held facred.

65-

What is the reafon that the Bridegrome commeth
the Jirjl time to lie with his new wedded
Iride, not with any light but in the darke ?

Is it becaufe he is yet abaflied, as taking her
to be a ftranger and not his owne^ before he
hath companied carnally with her ?

Or for that he would then acquaint himfelfe,
to come even unto his owne efpoufed wife with
iliamefacednefle and modeftie ?

Or rather, like as Solon in his Statutes or-
deined, that the new married wife fhould eat
of a quince before fhe enter into the bride bed-
chamber, to the end that this firft encounter
and embracing, fhould not be odious or unplea-
fant to her hufband ? even fo the Romane law-
giver would hide in the obfcuritie of darkeneffe,
the deformities and imperfedions in the perfon
of the bride, if there were any.

Or haply this was inftituted to fliew how

finful

loo ROM AN E QUESTIONS.

linfull and damnable all unlawfull companie of
man and woman together is, feeing that which
is lawful! and allowed^, is not without fome
blemifli and note of fliame.

66.

JVhy is one of the races where horfes ufe to
runne, called the Cirque or Flaminius.

Is it for that in old time an ancient Romane
named Flaminius gave unto the citie, a certeine
piece of ground, they emploied the rent and
revenues thereof in runnings of horfes, and
chariots : and for that there was a furpluflage
remaining of the laid lands, they bellowed the
fame in paving that high way or caufey, called
Via Flamijiia, that is to fay, Flaminia lireet ?

67.

Why are the Sergeants or officers U'ho carie the
hutches of rods before the magijirates of
Rome, called Li6lores.

Is it becaufc thefc were they who bound
malefadlors, and who followed after Romulus,

as

ROMAN E QUESTIONS. loi

as his guard, with cords and leather thongs
about them in their bofomes ? And verily the
common people of Roj77e when they would fay to
binde or tie faft, ufe the word AUigare, and fuch
as fpeake more pure and proper Latin, Ligare.

Or is it, for that now the letter Cis interjefted
within this word, which before time was Litores,
as one would fay ^.uTovoyot, that is to fay, officers
of publike charge ; for no man there is in a
maner, ignorant, that even at this day in many
cities of Greece, the common-wealth or publicke
ftate is written in their lawes by the name of

68.

Wherefore doe the Luperci at Rome facr'iflce a
Dogge ? Now thefe Luperci are certeine
perfons who upon a fejlivall day called
Lupercalia, runne through the citie all naked,
fave that they have aprons onely before their
privy parts, carying leather whippes in their
hands, wherewith they flappe and fcourge
whomfoever they meet in thejlreets.

Is all this ceremoniall adion of theirs a
purification of the citie ? whereupon they call

the

102 ROM AN E QUESTIONS.

the moneth wherein this is done Felruarius,
yea, and the very day it felfe Felraten, like as
the maner of fquitching with a leather fcourge
Felruare, which verbe fignifieth as much as to
purge or purifie ?

And verily the Greeks, in maner all^ were
wont in times pall, and fo they continue even
at this day, in all their expiations, to kill a
dogge for facrifice. Unto Hecate alfo they bring
foorth among other expiatorie oblations, cer-
teine little dogges or whelpes : fuch alfo as
have neede of clenling and purifying, they
wipe and fcoure all over with whelpes skinnes,
which maner of purification they tearme Peris-
cylacifjnos.

Or rather is it for that Lupus fignifieth a
woolfe, & Lupercalia, or Lyccea, is the feafi; of
wolves : now a dogge naturally, being an
enemie to woolvcs, therefore at fuch feafts they
facrificed a dogge.

Or peradventure, becaufe dogges barke and
bay at thefe Luperci, troubling and difquicting
them as they runne up and downe the city in
maner aforefaid.

Or

ROMANE QUESTIONS. 103

Or elfe laft of all, for that this feaft and facri-
fice is folemnized in the honor of god Pan ; who
as you wot well is pleafed well enough with a
dogge, in regard of his flocks of goates.

6g.

What is the caufe that in auncient time, at the
feaft called Septimontium, they olferved
precifely not to life any coaches drawen with
feeds, no more than thofe doe at this day,
who are olfervant of old inftitutiotis and doe
not defpife them. Now this Septimontium
is a fefivall fol enmity, celahrated in memo-
riall of a feventh mountaine, that was ad-
joined and taken into the pourprife of Rome
citie, ichich by this meanes came to have
feven hilles enclofed within the precinSi
thereof?

Whether was it as fome Romans doe
imagine, for that the city was not as yet con-
jun£t and compofed of all her parts ? Or if
this may feeme an impertinent conjecture, and
nothing to the purpofe : may it not be in this
refped, that they thought they had atchieved, a

great

104 ROM AN E QUESTIONS.

great piece of worke, when they had thus
amplified and enlarged the compafle of the
citie, thinking that now it needed not to pro-
ceed any further in greatnelfe and capacitie :
in confideration whereof, they repofed them-
felves, and caufed likewife their labouring beafts
of draught and cariage to reft, whofe helpe
they had ufed in finifliing of the faid enclo-
fure, willing that they alfo Ihould enjoy in
common with them, the benefit of that folemne
feaft.i

Or elfe we may fuppofe by this, how defirous
they were that their citizens fliould folemnize
and honour with their perfonall prefence all
feafts of the citie, but efpecially that which was
ordeined and inftituted for the peopling and
augmenting thereof: for which caufe they were
not permitted upon the day of the dedication,
and feftival memorial of it, to put any horfes in
geeres or harnefle for to draw; for that they
were not at fuch a time to ride forth of the
citie.

ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 105

J-Fhy call they thofe who are deprehended or taken
in theft, pilferie or fuch like fervile tres-
pajfes, Furciferos^ as one would fay, Fork
bearers.

Is not this alfo an evident argument of the
great diligence and carefull regard that was in
their ancients ? For when the maifter of the
family had furprifed one of his fervants or flaves,
committing a lewd and wicked pranck, he com-
maunded him to take up and carrie upon his
necke betweene his fhoulders a forked piece of
wood, fuch as they ufe to put under the fpire of
a chariot or waine, and fo to go withall in the
open view of the world throughout the ftreet,
yea and the parifh where he dwelt, to the end
that every man from thence forth fliould take
heed of him. This piece of wood we in Greeke
call dTrjPiyfia, and the Romanes in the Latin
tongue Furca, that is to fay, a forked prop or
fupporter : and therefore he that is forced to
carie fuch an one, is by reproch termed Fur-
cifer.

io6 ROMAN E QUESTIONS.

Wherefore ufe the Romans to tie a wifp of hey
unto the homes of hine, and other heefes,
that are woont to boak and he curfl with
their heads, that ly the meanes thereof
folke might take heed of them, and looke
better to themfelves when they come in their
way ?

Is it not for that beefes, horfes, affes, yea and
men become fierce, infolent, and dangerous, if
they be highly kept and pampered to the full ?
according as Sophocles faid :

Like as the colt or jade doth winfe and kick.
In cafe he find his provender to prick :
Evenfo do'Jl thou : for to, thy paunch is full
Thy cheeks be puft, like tofome greedie gull.

And thereupon the Romans gave out, that
Marcus Cra^ffus caried hey on his home : for
howfoever they would feeme to let the and
carpe at others, who dealt in the affaires of
State, and government, yet beware they would
how they commerfed with him as being a

daunsrerous

ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 107

daungerous man, and one who caried a reveng-
ing mind to as many as medled with him.
Howbeit it was faid afterwards againe on the
other fide, that Ccefar had plucked the hey from
Crafflis his home : for he was the firft man
that oppofed himfelfe, and made head againft
him in the management of the State, and in
one word fet not a ftraw by him.

72-

What was the caufe that they thought thofe priejh
who obferved hird-flight,fuch as in old time
they called Arufpices, and now a daies
Augures, ought to have their lanterns and
lamps alwaies open, and not to put any lid
or cover over them ?

May it not be, that hke as the old Pytha-
gorean Philofophers by fmall matters fignified
and implied things of great confequence, as
namely, when they forbad their difciples to fit
upon the meafure Chaenix 5 and to ftirre fire,
or rake the hearth with a fwordj euen fo the
ancient Romans ufed many aenigmes, that is to

fay.

lo8 ROM AN E QUESTIONS.

fay, outward fignes and figures betokening fome
hidden and fecret myfteries ; efpecially with
their priefts in holy and facred things, like as
this is of the lampe or lanterne, which fymbo-
lizeth in fome fort the bodie that containeth our
foule. For the foule within refembleth the
light, and it behooveth that the intelligent and
reafonable part thereof fhould be aiwaies open,
evermore intentive and feeing, and at no time
enclofed and fluit up, nor blowen upon by
wind. For looke when the winds be aloft,
fowles in their flight keepe no certaintie, neither
can they yeeld alfured prefages, by reafon of
their variable and wandering inftabilitie : and
therefore by this ceremoniall cuftome they teach
thofe who do divine and fortell by the flight of
birds, not to go forth for to take their aufpices
and obfervations wlien the wind is up, but
when the aire is fl:ill, and fo calme, that
a man may carie a lanterne open and un-
covered.

ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 109

73-

IFhy zvere thefe Soiithfaiers or Augures for-
lidden to go abroad, for to ohferve the flight
of birds, in cafe they had any fore or ulcer
upon their bodies ?

Was not this alfo a fignificant token to put
them in minde, that they ought not to deale in
the divine fervice of the gods, nor meddle with
holy and facred things if there were any fecret
matter that gnawed their minds, or fo long as
any private ulcer or paflion fetled in their hearts :
but to be void of fadnelTe and griefe, to be found
and lincere, and not diftrafted by any trouble
whatfoever ?

Or, becaufe it ftandeth to good reafon ; that
if it be not lawful! nor allowable for them to
offer unto the gods for an oafl: or facrifice any
beaft that is fcabbed, or hath a fore upon it, nor
to take prefage by the flight of fuch birds as are
maungie, they ought more ftriftly and precifely
to looke into their owne perfons in this behalfe,
and not to prefume for to obferve celeftiall prog-
noftications and fignes from the gods, unlelfe

they

no ROMANE QUESTIONS.

they be themfelves pure and holy, undefiled,
and not*defe6tive in their owne felves : for furely
an ulcer feemeth to be in maner of a mutilation
and pollution of the bodie.

74-

JFhj/ did king Servius Tullus found and huild
a temple of little Fortune which they called
in Latine Brevis fortunae, that is to fay, of
Short fortune ?

Was it not thinke you in refpedt of his owne
felfe, who being at the firft of a fmall and bafe
condition, as being borne of a captive woman,
by the favour of Fortune grew to fo great an
eftate that he was king of Rome 9

Or for that this change in him Iheweth rather
the might and greatneffe, than the debilitie and
fmallneffe of Fortune. We are to fay, that this
king Servius deified Fortune, & attributed unto
her more divine power than any other, as having
entituled and impofed her name almofl: upon
eveiy a6tion : for not onely he ereded temples
unto Fortune, by the name of Puiffant, of

Diverting

ROMANE QUESTIONS. iir

Diverting ill lucke, of Sweet, Favourable to the
firft borne and mafculine ; but alio there is one
temple befides, of private or proper Fortune ;
another of Fortune returned j a third of confi-
dent Fortune and hoping well ; and a fourth
of Fortune the virgine. And what fliould a man
reckon up other furnames of hers, feeing there
is a temple dedicated (forfooth) to glewing For-
tune, whom they called Vifcata ; as if we were
given thereby to underftand, that we are caught
by her afarre off, and even tied (as it were) with
bird-lime to bufinefie and affaires.

But confider this moreover, that he having
knowen by experience what great power flie
hath in humane things, how little foever llie
feeme to be, and how often a fmall matter in
hapning or not hapning hath given occafion to
fome, either to miffe of great exploits, or to
atcheive as great enterprifes, whether in this
refpeft, he built not a temple to little Fortune,
teaching men thereby to be alwaies ftudious,
carefuU and diligent, and not to defpife any
occurrences how fmall foever they be.

75-

112 ROMANE QUESTIONS.

75-

IFhat is the caufe that they never putfoorth the
light of a lampe, liit fuffered it to goe out of
the oivne accord ?

Was it not (thinke you) uppon a certeine
reverent devotion that they bare unto that fire,
as being either coufen germaine, or brother unto
that inextinguible and immortall fire.

Or rather, was it not for fome other fecret
advertifment, to teach us not to violate or kill
any thing whatfoever that hath life, if it hurt
not us firll ; as if fire were a living creature : for
need it hath of nourifliment and moveth of
it felfe : and if a man doe fquench it, Inrely it
uttereth a kinde of voice and fcricke, as if a man
killed it.

Or certeinly this fafliion and cuftome received
fo ufually, Iheweth us that we ought not to marre
or fpoile, eitlier fire or water or any other thing
neceffarie, after we our felves have done with it,
and have had fufficient ufe thereof, but to fuffer
it to ferve other mens turnes who have need,
after that we ourfelves have no imploiment for it.

^6,

ROMANS QUESTIONS. 113

76.

How commeth it to pajfe that thofe who are
defended of the moji noble and auncient
houfes of Rome, caried little moones upon
their flioes.

Is this (as Caflor faith) a figne of the habita-
tion which is reported to be within the bodie of
the moone ?

Or for that after death, our fpirits and ghofts
fliall have the moone under them ?

Or rather, becaufe this was a marke or badge
proper unto thofe who were reputed moft an-
cient, as were the Arcadians defcended from
Evander, who upon this occafion were called
Profeleni, as one would fay, borne before the
moone ?

Or, becaufe this cuflome as many others,
admoniflieth thofe who are lifted up too high,
and take fo great pride in themfelves, of the
incertitude and inftabilitie of this life, and of
humane affaires, even by the example of the
moone,

TFho at thefirfi doth new and yoong appeere,
Where as leforeflie made nofliew at all ;

And

H

114 ROM AN E QUESTIONS.

Andfo her light increafcth faire and cleere,
Until/ her face be round and full withall :
But then anon file doth begin to fall,
And backward wane from all this beautie gay.
Until! againeflie vanifli cleane away.

Or was not this an holfome leffon and in-
ftruftion of obedience, to teach and advife men
to obey their fuperiors, & not to thinke much
for to be under others : but like as the moone is
wiUing to give eare (as it were) and apply her
felfe to her better, content to be ranged in a
fecond place, and as Parmenides faith.

Having aneie and due regard

Alwaies the bright Sun beames toward;

even fo they ought to reft in a fecond degree, to
follow after, and be under the condud and
direftion of another, who fitteth in the firft place,
and of his power, authority and honor, in fome
meafure to enjoy a part.

77'

ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 115

77-

l^Tiy think they the yeeres dedicated to Jupiter,
and the moneths to Juno ?

May it not be for that of Gods invifible and
who are no otherwife feene but by the eies of
our underftanding : thofe that reigne as princes
be yupiter and yuno ; but of the vilible, the
Sun and Moone ? Now the Sun is he who
caufeth the yeere, and the Moone maketh the
moneth. Neither are we to thinke, that thefe
be onely and fimply the figures and images of
them : but beleeve we muft, that the materiall
Sun which we behold, is yupiter, and this
materiall Moone, yuno. And the reafon why
they call her yuno, (which word is as much to
fay as yoong or new) is in regarde of the courfe
of the Moone : and otherwhiles they furname
her alfo yuno-Lucina, that is to fayj light or
Ihining : being of opinion that fhe helpeth
women in travell of child-birth, like as the
Moone doth, according to thefe verfes :

By Jtarres that turnefull round in Azurjkie :
By Moone who helps child-births right fpeedily.

For

Ii6 ROMANE QUESTIONS.

For it feemeth that women at the full of the
moone be moft eafily delivered of childbirth.

78.

TPhat is the caufe that in oVferving Hrd-flight ,
that which is prefented on the * left hand is
reputed lucky and profperous ?

Is not this altogether untrue, and are not

many men in an errour by ignorance of the

equivocation of the word Sinijtrum, & their

maner of Dialeft ; for that which we in Greeke

call ag/flTeflOfj that is to fay, on the auke or left

hand, they fay in Latin, Sinijtrum ; and that

which fignifieth to permit, or let be, they expreffe

by the verbe Sinere, and when they will a man to

let a thing alone, they fay unto him. Sine ;

whereupon it may feeme that this word Sinis-

trum is derived. That prefaging bird then,

which permitteth and fuffreth an adtion to be

done, being as it were Sinifterion ; the vulgar

fort fuppofe (though not aright) to be Sinijtrum,

that is to fay, on the left hand, and fo they

tear me it.

* ipiffTepbs, siniftra.

Or

ROMANE QUESTIONS. 117

Or may it not be rather as Dionyjius faith,
for that when Afcanius the fonne of Aeneas
wanne a field againft Mezeritius as the two
armies ftood arranged one affronting the other
in battel ray, it thundred on his left hand j and
becaufe thereupon he obtained the vi6tory, they
deemed even then, that this thunder was a
token prefaging good, and for that caufe ob-
ferved it, ever after fo to fall out. Others
thinke that this prefage and foretoken of good
lucke hapned unto Aeneas : and verily at the
battell of Leucires, the Thebanes began to
breake the ranks of their enemies, and to dif-
comfit them with the left wing of their battel,
and thereby in the end atchieved a brave vi6torie ;
whereupon ever after in all their conflifts, they
gave preference and the honour of leading and
giving the firft charge, to the left wing.

Or rather, is it not as yuba writeth, becaufe
that when we looke toward the funne rifinsr,
the North fide is on our left hand, and fome
will fay, that the North is the right fide and
upper part of the whole world.

But confider I pray you, whether the left

hand

Ii8 ROMANE QUESTIONS.

hand being the weaker of the twahie, the pre-
fages comming on that fide, doe not fortifie and
fupport the defeft of pniflance which it hath,
and fo make it as it were even and equall to
the other ?

Or rather confidering that earthly and mortall
things they fuppofing to be oppofite unto thofe
that be heavenly and immortall, did not imagine
confequently, that whatfoever was on the left
in regard of us, the gods fent from their right
fide.

79-

IVJierefore was it lawfull at Rome, when a nolle
perfonage who fometime had entred trium-
phant into the city, was dead, and his corps
burnt (as the maner was) in a funerall

fire, to take up the reliques of his bones, to
carie the fame into the city, and there to

flrew them, according as Pyrrho the Ly-
parean hath lift in writing.

Was not this to honour the memorie of the
dead ? for the like honourable priviledge they
had graunted unto other valiant warriors and
brave captaines ; namely, that not onely them-

felves

ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 119

felves, but alfo their pofteritie defcending line-
ally from them, might be enterred in their
common market place of the city, as for ex-
ample unto Valerius and Fahricius : and it is
faid, that for to continue this prerogative in
force, when any of their pofteritie afterwards
were departed this life, and their bodies brought
into the market place accordingly, the maner
was, to put a burning torch under them, and
doe no more but prefently to take it away
againe ; by which ceremonie, they reteined ftill
the due honour without envie, and confirmed
it onely to be lawfull if they would take the
benefit thereof,

80.

IFliat is the caufe that when they feajied at the
common charges, any general! captaine who
made his entrie into the citie with triumph,
they never admitted the Confuls to thefeaji ;
hut that which more is, fent unto them
before-hand rnejfengers of purpofe, requefling
them not to come unto the fupper ?

Was it for that they thought it meet and con-
venient to yeeld unto the triumpher, both the

higheft

I20 ROM AN E QUESTIONS.

higheft place to fit in, and the mod coftly cup to
drinke out of, as alfo the honour to be attended
upon with a traine home to his houfe after
fupper? which prerogatives no other might
enjoy but the Confuls onely, if they had beene
prefent in the place.

8i.

J^hj/ is it that the Tribune of the commons onely,
weareth no emirodered purple role, conjider-
ing that all other magijtrates bejides doe
weare the fame.

Is it not, for that they (to fpeak properly) are
no magiftrates ? for in truth they have no uftiers
or vergers to carie before them the knitches
of rods, which are the enfignes of magiftraciej
neither lit they in the chaire of eftate called
Sella curulis, to determine caufes judicially, or
give audience unto the people ; nor enter into
the adminiftration of their office at the begin-
ning of the yeere, as all other magiftrates doe :
neither are they put downe and depofed after
the eleftion of a Di6tatour : but whereas the
full power and authoritie of all other magiftrates

of

ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 121

of State, he transferreth from them upon him-
felfe : the Tribunes onely of the people con-
tinue ftill, and furceafe not to execute their
fun6tion, as having another place and degree by
themfelves in the common-weale : and like as
fome oratours and lawiers doe hold, that excep-
tion in law is no aftion, confidering it doth
cleane contrary to aftion ; for that aftion in-
tendeth, commenfeth, and beginneth a proceffe
or fute; but exception or inhibition, diflblveth,
undooeth, and aboliflieth the fame : femblably,
they thinke alfo, that the Tribunate was an
empeachment, inhibition, and rellraint of a
magiftracie, rather than a magiftracie it felfe :
for all the authority and power of the Tribune,
lay in oppofing himfelfe, and croffing the juris-
di6tion of other magiftrates, and in diminiiliing
or repreffing their exceffive and licentious power.
Or haply all thefe reafons and fuch like, are
but words, and deviled imaginations to main-
teine difcourfe : but to fay a trueth, this Tribune-
fhip having taken originally the firft beginning
from the common people, is great and mighty in
regard that it is popular j and that the Tribunes

themfelves

122 ROMANS QUESTIONS.

themfelves are not proud nor highly conceited of
themfelves above others, but equall in apparell,
in port, fare, and maner of life, to any other
citizens of the common fort : for the dignity
of pompe and outward fhew, apperteineth to a
Confull or a Praetour : as for the Tribune of the
people, he ought to be humble and lowly, and
as M. Curio was woont to fay j ready to put
his hand under every mans foot ; not to carie a
loftie, grave, and ftately countenance, nor to bee
hard of acceffe, nor ftrange to be fpoken with,
or dealt withall by the multitude ; but howfo-
ever he behave himfelfe to others, he ought
to the fimple and common people, above the
reft, for to be affable, gentle, and traftable : and
heereupon the maner is, that the dore of his
houfe fhould never be kept {hut, but ftand open
both day and night, as a fafe harbour, fure
haven, and place of refuge, for all thofe who
are diftreired and in need : and verilie the more
fubmiffe that he is in outward appeerance, the
more groweth hee and encreafeth in puiflance ;
for they repute him as a ftrong hold for common
recourfe and retrait, unto al comers, no lefle than

an

ROMANE QUESTIONS. 123

an altar or priviledged fanftuary. Moreover, as
touching the honour that he holdeth by his
place, they count him holy, facred, and invio-
lable, infomuch as if he doe but goe foorth
of his houfe abroad into the citie, and walke in
the ftreet,* the maner was of all, to clenfe and
fan6lifie the body, as if it were fteined and
polluted.

82.

What is the reafon that before the Prcetors,
generall Captaines and head Magijirates,
there he caried hundets of roddes, together
with hatchets or axes faftned unto the7n ?

Is it to fignifie, that the anger of the magi-
ftrate ought not to be prompt to execution, nor
loofe and at libertie ?

Or, becaufe that to undoe and unbinde the
faid bundels, yeeldeth fome time and fpace for
choler to coole, and ire to alTwage, which is the
caufe otherwhiles that they change their mindes,
and doe not proceed to puniiliment ?

Now forafmuch as among the faults that men

* I fufpect this place to be corrupt in the originall.

commit.

124 ROMANE QUESTIONS.

commit, fome are curable, others remedilefle :
the roddes are to reforme thofe who may be
amended ; but the hatchets to cut them off who
are incorrigible.

83-

IFhat is the caufe that the Romanes having
intelligence given vnto them, that the Bleton-
e/ians, a barbarous nation, had Jacrificed
unto their gods, a man ; fent fur the magis-
trates peremptorily, as intending to punijli
them : but after they once underftood, that
they had fo done according to an ancient
law of their countrey, they let them go
againe without any hurt done unto them ;
charging them onely, that from thence foorth
they fliould not obey fuch a law; and yet
they themf elves, not many yeeres btfore, had
can fed for to be buried quiche in the place,
called the Beajt Market, two men and two
women, that is to fay, two Greekes, and
two Gallo-Greekes or Galatians ? For this
feemeth to be verie abfurd, that they them-
felves Jliould do thofe things, which they
reprooved in others as damnable.

May it not be that they judged it an exe-
crable fuperltition, to facrifice a man or woman

unto

ROMAN E QUESTIONS. 125

unto the gods, marie unto divels they held it
neceffarie ?

Or was it not for that they thought thofe
people, who did it by a law or cuftome,
offended highly : but they themfelves were
direfted thereto by expreffe commaundement
out of the bookes of Sil-ylla. For reported it
is, that one of their votaries or Veftall nunnes
named Helbia, riding on horfe-backe, was fmitten
by a thunderbolt or blaft of lightning; and that
the horfe was found lying along all bare bellied,
and her felfe likewife naked, with her fmocke
and petticote turned up above her privie parts,
as if fhe had done it of purpofe : her Ihooes, her
rings, her coife and head attire call here and
there apart from other things, and withall lill-
ing the toong out of her head. This ftrange
occurrent, the foothfayers out of their learning
interpreted to fignifie, that fome great fliame
did betide the facred virgins, that Ihould be
divulged and notorioufly knowen ; yea, and that
the fame infamie fhould reach alfo as far, as
unto fome of the degree of gentlemen or knights
of Rome. Upon this there was a fervant belong-
ing

126 ROM AN E QUESTIONS.

ing unto a certeine Barbarian horfeman, who
detefted three Veftal virgins to have at one time
forfeited their honor, & been naught of their
bodies, to wit, Aemilia, Licinia, & Martia ; and
that they had companied too familiarly with
men a long time; and one of their names was
Eutetius, a Barbarian knight, and mafter to the
faid enformer. So thefe veftall Votaries were
punifhed after they had beene convi6led by
order of law, and found guiltie : but after that
this feemed a fearfull and horrible accident:
ordeined it was by the Senate, that the priefts
fhould perufe over the bookes of Silyllaes pro-
phefies, wherein were found (by report) thofe
very oracles which denounced and foretold this
ftrange occurrent, and that it portended fome
great loffe and calamitie unto the common-
wealth : for the avoiding and diverting whereof,
they gave commaundement to abandon unto
(I wot not what) maligne and divelilh ftrange
fplrits, two Greekes, and two Galatians like-
wife 3 and fo by burying them quicke in that
verie place, to procure propitiation at Gods
hands.

84.

ROMANE QUESTIONS. 127

84.

IHiy began they their day at viidnight ?

Was it not, for that all policie at the firft
had the beginning of militarie difcipline ? and
in war, and all expeditions the moft part of
woorthy exploits are enterprifed ordinarily in
the night before the day appeare ?

Or becaufe the execution of delTeignes, how-
foever it begin at the funne riling j yet the
preparation thereto is made before day-light :
for there had need to be fome preparatives,
before a worke be taken in hand 3 and not at
the verie time of execution, according as Myfon
(by report) anfwered unto Chilo, one of the
feven fages, when as in the winter time he was
making of a van.

Or haply, for that like as we fee, that many
men at noone make an end of their bufineffe of
great importance, and of State affaires 5 even fo,
they fuppofed that they were to begin the fame
at mid-night. For better proofe whereof a
man may frame an argument hereupon, that
the Roman chiefe ruler never made league, nor

concluded

128 ROMAN E QUESTIONS.

concluded any capitulations and covenants of
peace after mid-day.

Or rather this may be, becaufe it is not pofTi-
ble to fet downe determinately, the beginning
and end of the day, by the rifing and fetting of
the funne : for if we do as the vulgar fort, who
diftinguifh day and night by the fight and view
of eie, taking the day then to begin when
the funne arifeth ; and the night likewife to
begin when the funne is gone downe, and
hidden under our horizon, we fhall never have
the jufl: Aequinox, that is to fay, the day and
night equall : for even that verie night which we
fliall efteeme moft equall to the day, will proove
fliorter than the day, by as much as the body or
biggeneffe of the funne containeth. Againe, if
we doe as the Mathematicians, who to remedie
this abfurditie and inconvenience, fet downe the
confines and limits of daj^ and night, at the verie
inftant point when the funne feemeth to touch
the circle of the horizon with his center; this
were to overthrow all evidence: for fall out it
will, that while there is a great part of the
funnes light yet under the earth (although the

funne

ROM A KB QUESTIONS. 129

lunne do Ihine upon us) we will not confeffe
that it is day, but fay, that it is night ftill.
Seeing then it is fo hard a matter to make the
beginning of day and night, at the riling or
going downe of the funne, for the abfurdities
abovefaid, it remaineth that of necellitie we
take the beginning of the day to be, when the
funne is in the mids of the heaven above head,
or under our feet, that is to fay, either noon-tide
or mid-night. But of twaine, better it is to
begin when he is in the middle point under us,
which is juft midnight, for that he returneth
then toward us into the Eaftj whereas contrari-
wife after mid-day he goeth from us Weftward.

What was the caufe that in times pajl they would
not fujfer their wives, either to grinde come,
or to lay their hands to drejfe meat in the
kitchin ?

Was it in memoriall of that accord and
league which they made with the Sabines ? for
after that they had ravifhed & carried away their

daughters.

I30 ROMANE QUESTIONS.

daughters, there arofe Iharpe warres bctwceiie
them : but peace enfued thereupon hi the end ;
in the capitulations whereof, this one article was
exprefly fet downe, that the Roman hulband
might not force his wife, either to turne the
querne for to grinde corne, nor to exercife any
point of cookerie.

86.

Why did not the Romans marie in the moneth
of May?

Is it for that it commeth betweene Aprill and
June? whereof the one is confecrated unto
Venus, and the other to Juno, who are both
of them the goddeffes which have the care and
charge of wedding and marriages, and therefore
thinke it good either to go fomewhat before, or
elfe to ftay a while after.

Or it may be that in this moneth they cele-
brate the greateft expiatorie facrifice of all others
in the yeere ? for even at this day they fling
from otf the bridge into the river, the images
and pourtraitures of men, whereas in old time

they

ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 131

they threw downe men themfelves alive ? And
this is the reafon of the cuftome now a daies, that
the prieftreffe of ^uno named Flamina, fliould be
alwaies fad and heavie, as it were a mourner, and
never walli nor dreffe and trim her felfe.

Or what and if we fay, it is becaufe many of
the Latine nations offered oblations unto the
dead in this moneth : and peradventure they do
fo, becaufe in this verie moneth they woriliip
Mercurie : and in truth it beareth the name of
Maja, Mercuries mother.

But may it not be rather, for that as fome do
fay, this moneth taketh that name of Majores,
that is to fay, ancients : like as June is termed
fo of yunlores, that is to fay yonkers. Now
this is certaine that youth is much meeter for to
contra6t marriage than old age : like as Euripides
faith verie well :

As for old age it Venus lids farewell,

And with oldfolke, Venus is not pleafd well.

The Romans therefore maried not in May, but
ftaied for June which immediatly followeth
after May.

87.

132 ROMANE QUESTIONS.

87.

irhat is the reafon that they divide and part the
haire of the new Irides head, with the point
of a javelin ?

Is not this a verie figne, that the tirft wives
whom the Romans efpouled, were compelled to
mariage, and conquered by force and armes.

Or are not their wives hereby given to un-
derftand, that they are efpoufed to hufbands,
martiall men and foldiers j and therefore they
fliould lay away all delicate, wanton, and coftly
imbelifliment of the bodie, and acquaint them-
felves with fimple and plaine attire ; like as
Lycurgus for the fame reafon would that the
dores, windowes, and roofes of houfes fliould
be framed with the faw and the axe onely,
without ufe of any other toole or inftrument,
intending thereby to chafe out of the com-
mon-weale all curiofitie and waftfuU fuper-
fluitie.

Or doth not this parting of the haires, give
covertly to underftand, a divifion and feparation,
as if mariage & the bond of wedlock, were not

to

ROMANE QUESTIONS. 133

to be broken but by the fword and warlike
force ?

Or may not this fignifie thus much, that they
referred the moll part of ceremonies concerning
manage unto yuno : now it is plaine that the
javelin is confecrated unto yuiio, infomuch as
moft part of her images and ftatues are por-
traied relling and leaning upon a launce or
or javelin. And for this caufe the goddeffe is
furnamed Quiritis, for they called in old time
a fpeare Quiris, upon which occafion Mars alfo
(as they fay) is named Quiris.

88.

What is the reafon that the monie emploied
upon plaies and puhlike Jliewes is called
among them, Lucar ?

May it not well be that there were many
groves about the citie confecrated unto the gods,
which they named Lucos : the revenues whereof
they beftowed upon the fetting forth of fuch
folemnities ?

89.

134 ROMAN E QUESTIONS.

89.

irhy call they Quirinalia, the Feaft offooles ?

Whether it is becaufe (as yuia writeth)
they attribute this day unto thole who knew
not their owne linage and tribe ? or unto fuch
as have not facriliced, as others have done
according to their tribes, at the feaft called
Fornacalia. Were it that they were hindred by
other affaires, or had occafion to be forth of the
citie, or were altogether ignorant, and therefore
this day was affigned for them, to performe the
faid feaft.

90.

What is the caufe, that when they facri/ice unto
Hercules, they name no other God but him,
nor Suffer a dog to be feene, within the
purprife and precinSi of the place where
the facrifice is celebrated, according as
Varro hath left in writing?

Is not this the reafon of naming no god in
their facrifice, for that they efteeme him but a

demigod ;

ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 135

demigod ; and fome there be who hold, that
whiles he lived heere upon the earth, Evander
ere6ted an altar unto him, and offered facrifice
thereupon. Now of all other beafts he could
worft abide a dog, and hated him moft : for
this creature put him to more trouble all his
life time, than any other: witneffe hereof, the
three headed dog Cerherus, and above all others,
when Oeonus the fonne of Licymnius was flaine
* by a dog, he was enforced by the Hippocoon-
tides to give the battell, in which he loft many
of his friends, and among the rell his owne
brother Iphicles.

91.

Wherefore was it not lawfull for the Patricians
or nobles of Rome to dwell upon the mount
Capitoll?

Might it not be in regard of M. Manlius,
who dwelling there attempted and plotted to
be king of Rome, and to ufurpe tyrannic 5 in
hatred and deteftation of whom, it is faid, that

* Or about a dog by the Hippocoontides.

ever

136 ROM AN E QUESTIONS.

ever after thofe of the houfe of Manlij, might
not have Marcus for their fore-name ?

Or rather was not this an old feare that the
Romans had (time out of mind) ? For albeit
Valerius Poplicola was a perfonage verie popular
and well affe6ted unto the common people ; yet
never ceafed the great and mightie men of the
citie to fufpe6t and traduce him, nor the meane
commoners and multitude to feare him, untill
fuch time as himfelfe caufed his owne houfe
to be demoliflied and pulled down, becaufe it
feemed to overlooke and commaund the com-
mon market place of the citie.

92.

IVhat is the reafon, that he whofaved the life of
a citizen in the warres, was rewarded ivith a
coronet made of oak e Iraunches?

Was it not for that in everie place and
readily, they might meet with an oake, as they
marched in their warlike expeditions.

Or rather, becaufe this maner of garland is

dedicated

ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 137

dedicated unto Jupiter and yiino, who are re-
puted protedors of cities ?

Or might not this be an ancient cuftome pro-
ceeding from the Arcadians, who have a kind of
confanguinitie with oakes, for that they report
of themfelves, that they were the firft men that
iffued out of the earth, Uke as the oake of all
other trees.

93-

Why ol'ferve they the Vultures or Geirs, mojl
of any other fowles, in taking of prefages hy
bird-fight f

Is it not becaufe at the foundation of Rome,
there appeared twelve of them unto Romulus ?
Or becaufe, this is no ordinarie bird nor familiar ;
for it is not fo eafie a matter to meete with an
airie of Vultures ; but all on a fudden they come
out of fome ftrange countrey, and therefore the
fight of them doth prognofticke and prefage
much.

Or elfe haply the Romains learned this of
Hercules, if that be true which Herodotus repor-

teth :

138 ROM AN B QUESTIONS.

teth : namely, that Hercules tooke great con-
tentment, when in the enterprife of any exploit
of his, there appeared Vultures unto him : for
that he was of opinion, that the Vulture of all
birds of prey was the jufteft : for firft and for-
moft never toucheth he ought that hath life,
neither killeth hee any living creature, like as
eagles, falcons, hauks, and other fowles do, that
prey by night, but feedeth upon dead carrions :
over and befides, he forbeareth to fet upon his
owne kind : for never was there man yet who
faw a Vulture eat the flefli of any fowle, like as
eagles and other birds of prey do, which chafe,
purfue and plucke in pieces thofe efpecially of
the fame kind, to wit, other fowle. And verily
as Aeschylus the poet writeth :

How can that bird, which bird doth eat,
Be counted cleanly, pure and neat.

And as for men, it is the moll innocent bird,
and doth leaft hurt unto them of all other : for
it dellroieth no fruit nor plant whatfoever,
neither doth it harme to any tame creature.
And if the tale be true that the Aegyptians doe

tell,

ROMAN E QUESTIONS. 139

teilj that all the kinde of thefe birds be females ;
that they conceive and be with yoong, by re-
ceiving the Eaft-wind blowing upon them, like
as fome trees by the Weftern wind, it is verie
profitable that the fignes and prognofticks
drawen from them, be more fure and certaine,
than from any others, confidering that of all,
befides their violence in treading and breeding
time j their eagerneffe in flight when they pur-
fue their prey ; their flying away from fome,
and chafing of others, muft needs caufe much
trouble and uncertaintie in their prognoftications.

94.

Why Jiands the temple o/" Aefculapius without
the citie of Rome ?

Is it becaufe they thought the abode without
the citie more holefome, than that within ? For
in this regard the Greekes ordinarily built the
temples of Aefculapius upon high ground, where-
in the aire is more pure and cleere.

Or in this refpeft, that this god Aefculapius
was fent for out of the citie Epidaurus. And

true

140 ROMANE QUESTIONS.

true it is that the Epidaurians founded his
temple ; not within the walles of their city, but
a good way from it.

Or laftly, for that the ferpent when it was
landed out of the galley in the Ifle, and then
vaniflied out of light, feemed thereby to tell
them where he would that they fliould build
the place of his abode.

IFhy doth the law forbid them that are to live
chajie, the eating of pulfef

As touching beanes, is it not in refpe6t of
thofe very reafons for which it is faid : That
the Pythagoreans counted them abominable?
And as for the richling and rich peafe, where-
of the one in Greeke is called /.a^u^o; and the
other hs^n^og, which words feeme to be de-
rived of Erehus, that fignifieth the darknefle
of hell, and of Lethe, which is as much as
oblivion, and one belides of the rivers infernall,
it carieth fome reafon that they fhould be ab-
horred therfore.

Or

ROMANE QUESTIONS. 141

Or it may be, for that the folemne fuppers
and bankets at funerals for the dead, were
ufually ferved with pulfe above all other
viands.

Or rather, for that thofe who are defirous
to be challe, and to live an holy life, ought
to keepe their bodies pure and flenderj but
fo it is that pulfe be flateous and windy,
breeding fuperfluous excrements in the body,
which had need of great purging and evacua-
tion.

Or laftly, becaufe they pricke and provoke
the flelhly luft, for that they be full of ventofi-
ties.

96.

What is the rea/on that the Romans punijh the
holy Veftall Virgins (ivho have fuffered,
their bodies to be alufcd and dejiledj hy no
other meanes, than hy interring them quiche
under the ground ?

Is this the caufe, for that the maner is to
burne the bodies of them that be dead : and to

burie

142 ROMAN E QUESTIONS.

burie (by the meanes of fire) their bodies who
have not devoutly and religioufly kept or pre-
ferved the divine fire, feemed not juft nor
reafonable ?

Or haply, becaufe they thought it was not
lawfull to kill any perlbn who had bene con-
fecrated with the moft holy and religious cere-
monies in the world ; nor to lay violent hands
upon a woman confecrated : and therefore they
devifed this invention of fufFering them to die
of their owne felves ; namely, to let them
downe into a little vaulted chamber under the
earth, where they left with them a lampe burn-
ing, and fome bread, with a little water and
raiike : and having fo done, caft earth and
covered them aloft. And yet for all this, can
they not be exempt from a fuperflitious feare
of them thus interred : for even to this day, the
priefts going over this place, performe (I wot
not what) anniverfary fervices and rites, for to
appeafe and pacific their ghofiis.

97'

ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 143

97-

IFhat is the caufe that upon the thirteenth day
of December, which in Latine they call the
Ides of December, there is exhibited a game
of chariots running for the prize, and the
horfe drawing on the right hand that win-
neth the vittorie, is facrificed and confecrated
unto Mars, and at the time thereof, there
comes one behinde, that cutteth off his taile,
which he carrieth immediatly into the temple
called Regia, and therewith imbrueth the
altar with blood: and for the head of the
faid horfe, one troupe there is comming out of
the Jireet called Via facra, a}id another from
that which they name Suburra,M'Ao encounter
and trie out byfght whofhall have it?

May not the reafon be (as fome doe alledge)
that they have an opinion, how the citie of
Troy was fometime woon by the meanes of a
woodden horfe ; and therefore in the memoriall
thereof, they thus puniflied a poore horfe ?

As men from blood of noble Troy d if c ended
And by the way with Latins iJJ'ue blended.

Or becaufe an horfe is a couragious, martiall
and warlike beaft ; and ordinarily, men ufe to

prefent

144 ROMANE QUESTIONS.

prefent unto the gods thofe facrifices which are
moft agreeable unto them, and fort beft with
them : and in that refpe6t, they facrifice that
horfe which wan the prize, unto Mars, becaufe
ftrength and viftorie are well befeeming him.

Or rather becaufe the worke of God is firme and
ftable : thofe alfo be vi6torious who keepe their
ranke and vanquilh them, who make not good
their ground but fly away. This beaft therefore
is punilhed for running fo fwift, as if celeritie were
the maintenance of cowardile : to give us thereby
covertly to underftand, that there is no hope of
fafetie for them who feeke to efcape by flight.

98.

IVhat is the reafon that thejirjl worhe which the
Ccnfurs go in hand ivith, when they Ic
en/tailed in the pqffl^ion of their magis-
tracie, is to take order upon a certaine price
for the keeping and feeding of the facred
geefe, and to caufe the painted fatues and
images of the gods to le refrefhed f

Whether is it becaufe they would begin
at the fmallefl things, and those which are of
leaft difpenfe and ditficultie ?

Or

ROMANE QUESTIONS. 145

Or in commemoration of an ancient benefit
received by the meanes of thefe creatures, in the
time of the Gaules warre : for that the geefe
were they who in the night feafon defcried the
Barbarians as the fkaled and mounted the wall
that environed the Capitol fort (where as the dogs
llept) and with their gagling raifed the watch ?

Or becaufe, the Cenfors being guardians of
the greateft affaires, and having that charge and
office which enjoyneth to be vigilant and care-
full to preferve religion j to keepe temples
and publicke edifices ; to looke into the manners
and behaviour of men in their order of life ;
they fet in the firft place the confideration and
regard of the moft watchfull creature that is :
and in fhewing what care they take of thefe
geefe, they incite and provoke by that example
their citizens, not to be negligent and retchleife
of holy things. Moreover, for refrefhing the
colour of thofe images and fiiatues, it is a necefs-
arie piece of worke ; for the lively red vermilion,
wherewith they were woont in times paft to
colour the faid images, foone fadeth and paffeth
away.

99.

K

146 ROM AN E QUESTIONS.

99.

What is the caufe that among other priejis, when
one is condemned and lanijlied, they degrade
and deprive him of his priejthood, and choofe
another in his place : onely an Augur,
though he le conviSled and condemned for
the greateji crimes in the world, yet they
never deprive in that fort fo long as he
liveth? Now thofe pricfis they call Augurs,
who olferve the flights of lirds, and fore-
fhewed things thereby.

Is it as fome do fay, becaufe they would not
have one that is no prieft, to know the fecret
myfteries of their rehgion and their facred
rites .''

Or becaufe the Augur being obliged and
bound by great oaths, never to reveale the
fecrets pertaining to religion, they would not
leeme to free and abfolve him from his oath by
degrading him, and making him a private
perfon.

Or rather, for that this word Augur, is not fo
much a name of honor and magiftracie, as of
arte and knowledge. And all one it were, as if

they

ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 147

they fhould feeme to difable a mufician for
being any more a mufician 5 or a phyfician, that
he fhould bee a phyfician no longer 5 or pro-
hibit a prophet or foothfayer, to be a prophet or
foothfayer : for even fo they, not able to deprive
him of his fufficiency, nor to take away his
(Icill, although they bereave him of his name and
title, do not fubordaine another in his place :
and by good reafon, becaufe they would keepe
the juft number of the ancient inftitution.

100.

What is the reafu?i that upon the thirteenth day
of Auguft, which now is called the Ides
of Auguft, and lefore time the Ides of
Sextilis, all fervants as well maids, as men
make holy-day and women that are wives
love then efpecially to tvafli and cleanfe
their heads ?

Might not this be a caufe, for that king
Servius upon fuch a day was borne of a captive
woman, and therefore (laves and bond-fervants on
that day have libertie to play and dilport them-
felves? And as for wafhing the head; haply

at

148 ROMANE QUESTIONS.

at the firft the wenches began fo to do in regard
of that feftivall day, and fo the cuftome paifed
alfo unto their miftreifes and other women free
borne ?

lOI.

IVhy do the Romanes adorne iheir children with
jewels pendant at their necks, which they call
Bullae?

Peradventure to honor the memorie of
thofe firft wives of theirs, whom they ravifhed :
in favour of whom they ordained many other
prerogatives for the children which they had by
them, and namely this among the reft?

Or it may be, for to grace the prowelfe of
Tarquinius? For reported it is that being but
a verie child, in a great battell which was
fought againft the Latines and Tuftanes to-
gether, hee rode into the verie throng of his
enemies, and engaged himfelfe fo farre, that
being difmounted and unhorfed ; yet notwith-
ftanding he manfully withftood thofe who hotly
charged upon him, and encouraged the Romanes
to ftand to it, in fuch fort as the enemies by them

were

ROMAN E QUESTIONS. 149

were put to plaine flight, with the loffe of 16000.
men whom they left dead in the place : and
for a reward of this vertue and valour, received
fuch a Jewell to hang about his necke, which
was given unto him by the king his father.

Or elfe, becaufe in old time it was not re-
puted a fhamfuU and villanous thing, to love
yoong boyes wantonly, for their beauty in the
flowre of their age, if they were flaves borne,
as the Comedies even at this day do teftifie :
but they forbare moft precifely, to touch any of
them who were free-borne or of gentle blood
defcended. To the end therefore man might
not pretend ignorance in fuch a cafe, as if they
knew not of what condition any boyes were,
if they mette with them naked, they caufed
them to weare this badge and marke of nobilitie
about their neckes.

Or peradventure, this might be alfo as a pre-
fervative unto them of their honor, continence
and chaftitie, as one would fay, a bridle to re-
ftraine wantonneffe and incontinencie, as being
put in mind thereby to be abafhed to play mens
parts, before they had laid off the marks and

fignes

ISO ROM AN E QUESTIONS.

fignes of childhood. For there is no apparance
or probabilitie, of that which Farro alledcreth
faying: That becaufe the Aeolians in their
Dialed do call /SovXtj, that is to fay, Counfell,
/3oXXa, therefore fuch children for a figne and
prefage of wifdome and good counfell, carried
this Jewell, which they named Bul/a.

But fee whether it might not be in regard
of the moone that they weare this device ? for
the figure of the moone when fliee is at the
full, is not round as a bal or boule, but rather
flat in maner of a lentill or refembling a difli
or plate J not onely on that fide which ap-
peareth unto us, but alfo (as Empedocles faith)
on that part which is under it.

102.

Wherefore gave they fore-names to little infants,
if they were loies upon the ninth day after
their birth, hut if they were girls, when they
were eight daies olde ?

May there not be a naturall reafon rendred
hereof, that they fliould impofe the names

fooner

ROMANB QUESTIONS. 151

fooner upon daughters than fonnes : for that
females grow apace, are quickly ripe, and come
betimes unto their perfeftion in comparifon of
males ; but as touching thofe precife dales, they
take them that immediatly follow the feventh :
for that the feventh day after children be borne
is very dangerous, as well for other occafions,
as in regard of the navill-ftring : for that in
many it will unknit and be loofe againe upon
the feventh day, and fo long as it continueth fo
refolved and open, an infant refembleth a plant
rather than any animall creature ?

Or like as the Pythagoreans were of opinion,
that of numbers the even was female and the
odde, male; for that it is generative, and is
more ftrong than the even number, becaufe it is
compound : and if a man divide thefe numbers
into unities, the even number fheweth a void
place betweene, whereas the odde, hath the
middle alwaies fulfilled with one part thereof:
even fo in this refpe6t they are of opinion,
that, the even number eight, refembleth rather
the female and the even number nine, the
male.

Or

152 ROMANE QUESTIONS.

Or rather it is becaufe of all numbers, nine
is the firft fquare comming of three, which is
an odde and perfe6t number : and eight the
firft cubick, to wit foure-fquare on every fide
like a die proceeding from two, an even number :
now a man ought to be quadrat odde (as we
fay) and fingular, yea and perfeft : and a woman
(no lefle than a die) fure and ftedfaft, a keeper
of home, and not eafily removed. Heereunto
we muft adjoyne thus much more alfo, that
eight is a number cubick, arifing from two as
the bafe and foot : and nine is a fquare quad-
rangle having three for the bafe : and therefore
it feemeth, that where women have two names,
men have three.

103.

What is the reafon, that thofe children who have
no certeine father, they were woont to tearme
Spurios ?

For we may not thinke as the Greeks holde,
and as oratours give out in their pleas, that this
word Spurius, is derived of Spora, that is to

fay.

ROMAN E QUESTIONS. 153

fay, naturall feed, for that fuch children are
begotten by the feed of many men mingled and
confounded together.

But furely this Spurius, is one of the ordinary
fore-names that the Romans take, fuch as Sextus,
Decimus, and Caius. Now thefe fore-names they
never ufe to write out at full with all their
letters, but marke them fometime with one
letter alone, as for example, Titus, Lucius, and
Marcius, with T, L, M ; or with twaine, as
Spurius and Cneus, with Sp. and Cn. or at moft
with three as Sextus & Servius, with Sex. and
Ser. Spurius then is one of their fore-names
which is noted with two letters S. and P. which
fignifieth afmuch, as Sine Patre, that is to fay,
without a father ; for S. ftandeth for Sine, that
is to fay, without ; and P. for patre, that is to
fay a father. And heereupon grew the error,
for that Sine patre, and Spurius be written both
with the fame letters fhort, Sp. And yet I will
not fticke to give you another reafon, though
it be fomewhat fabulous, and carieth a greater
abfurdity with it: forfooth they fay that the
Sabines in olde time named in their language

the

154 ROM AN E QUESTIONS.

the nature or privities of a woman, Sporios .
and thereupon afterwards as it were by way
of reproch, they called him Spurius, who had to
his mother a woman unmaried and not lawfully
efpoufed.

104.
Why is Bacchus called with them, Liber Pater ?

Is it for that he is the authour and father of
all liberty unto them who have taken their wine
well; for raofl men become audacious and are
full of bolde and franke broad fpeech, when
they be drunke or cup-fhotten ?

Or becaufe he it is that miniftred libations
firft, that is to fay, thofe etFufions and offrings of
wine that are given to the gods ?

Or rather (as Alexander faid) becaufe the
Greeks called Bacchus, Dionyfos Eleuthereus,
that is to fay, Bacchus the Deliverer : and they
might call him fo, of a city in Bceotia, named
Eleutherce.

10$.

ROMAN E QUESTIONS. 155

105.

Wherefore was it not the cujlome among the
Romans, that maidens Jliould he wedded
upon any dales of their puhliche feajls ; hut
widdowes might he remarried upon thofe
daies ?

Was it for that (as Varro faith) virgins be
* ill-apaid and heavie when they be firft wedded ;
but fuch as were wives before, t be glad and
joyfull when they marrie againe ? And upon a
feftivall holiday there fhould be nothing done
with an ill will or upon conflraint.

Or rather, becaufe it is for the credit and
honour of young damofels^ to be maried in the
view of the whole world ; but for widowes it is
a difhonour and fhame unto them, to be feene
of many for to be wedded a fecond time : for
the firfi: marriage is lovely and defireable ; the
fecond, odious and abominable : for women, if
they proceed to marrie with other men whiles
their former hufbands be living, are afhamed

* Or, feele paine : alluding haply Ad rzipturam
Hynienis.

t Or take delight and pleafure.

thereofj

1S6 ROMANS QUESTIONS.

thereof; and if they be dead, they are in mourn-
ing ftate of widowhood : and therefore they
chufe rather to be married clofely and fecretly
in all (ilence, than to be accompanied with a
long traine and folemnity, and to have much
adoe and great ftirring at their marriage. Now
it is well knowen that feftivall holidaies divert
and diftra6t the multitude divers waies, fome to
this game and paftime, others to that ; fo as they
have no leifure to go and fee weddings.

Or laft of all, becaufe it was a day of publicke
folemnitie, when they firft ravillied the Sabines
daughters : an attempt that drew upon them,
bloudy warre, and therefore they thought it
ominous and prefaging evill, to fuffer their
virgins to wed upon fuch holidaies.

1 06.

IVhy doe the Romans honour and worJJiip For-
tune, by the name of Primigenia, which a
man may interpret Firji begotten or Jirjt
borne ?

Is it for that (as fome fay) Servius being
by chance borne of a maid-fervant and a cap-
tive.

ROM AN E QUESTIONS. 157

tive, had Fortune fo favourable unto him,
that he reigned nobly and glorioufly, king
at Rome ? For moft Romans are of this
opinion.

Or rather, becaufe Fortune gave unto the
city of Rome her firft originall and beginning of
fo mightie an empire.

Or lieth not herein fome deeper caufe, which
we are to fetch out of the fecrets of Nature and
Philofophie ; namely, that Fortune is the prin-
ciple of all things, infomuch, as Nature con-
fifteth by Fortune ; namely, when to fome
things concurring cafually and by chance, there
is fome order and difpofe adjoined.

J07.

What is the reafon that the Roma?is call thofe
who aSi comedies and other theatricall plaies,
Hiftriones ?

Is it for that caufe, which as Claudius Rufus
hath left in writing ? for he reporteth that many
yeeres ago, and namely, in thofe daies when

Cajus

158 ROMAN E QUESTIONS.

Cajus Sulpitius and Licinius Stolo were Confuls,
there raigned a great peftilence at Rome, fuch a
mortalitie as comfumed all the ftage plaiers
indifferently one with another. Whereupon at
their inftant praier and requeft, there repaired
out of Tufcane to Rome, many excellent and
lingular a6tours in this kinde : among whom, he
who was of greateft reputation, and had caried
the name longeft in all theaters, for his rare
gift and dexteritie that way, was called Hifter ;
of whofe name all other afterwards were tearmed
Hljlriones.

io8.

Why efpoufed not the Romans in manage
thofe women tvlio were neere of kin unto
them f

Was it becaufe they were deiirous to amplifie
and encreafe their alliances, and acquire more
kinsfolke, by giving their daughters in mariage
to others, and by taking to wife others than
their owne kinred ?

Or for that they feared in fuch wedlock

the

ROMAN E QUESTIONS. 159

the jarres and quarrels of thofe who be
of kin, which are able to extinguifli and
abolifli even the verie lawes and rights of
nature ?

Or elfe, feeing as they did, how women by
reafon of their weaknefle and infirmitie ftand
in need of many helpers, they would not have
men to contra6t manage, nor dwell in one houfe
with thofe who were neere in blood to them, to
the end, that if the hufband fliould offer wrong
and injurie to his wife, her kinsfolke might
fuccour and aflill her.

109.

IVhy is it not lawfull for Jupiters priejl, whom
they name Flamen Dialis to handle or o?ice
touch meale or leaven.

For meale, is it not becaufe it is an un-
perfe£t and raw kind of nourilhment ? for
neither continueth it the fame that it was, to
wit, wheat, &c. nor is that yet which it fliould
be, namely bread : but hath loft that nature
which it had before of feed, and withall hath

not

i6o ROMAN E QUESTIONS.

not gotten the ufe of food and nourifliment.
And hereupon it is, that the poet calleth meale
(by a Metaphor or borrowed fpeech) Myle-
phaton, which is as much to fay, as killed and
marred by the mill in grinding : and as for
leaven, both it felfe is engendered of a certaine
corruption of meale, and alfo corrupteth (in a
maner) the whole lumpe of dough, wherein it
is mixed : for the faid dough becommeth lefle
fir me and fall than it was before, it hangeth
not together J and in one word the leaven of
the palle feemeth to be a verie putrifaftion and
rottenneffe thereof. And verely if there be
too much of the leaven put to the dough, it
maketh it fo fharpe and foure that it cannot
be eaten, and in verie truth fpoileth the meale
quite.

no.

Wherefore is the faid priejl likewife forbidden
to touch raw fiefh 'i

Is it by this cuftome to withdraw him farre

Or

from eating of raw things ?

ROM AN E QUESTIONS. i6i

Or is it for the fame caufe that he abhorreth
and detefteth meale ? for neither is it any more
a living animall, nor come yet to be meat : for
by boiling and rolling it groweth to fuch an
alteration, as changeth the verie forme thereof:
whereas raw flelh and newly killed is neither
pure and impolluted to the eie, but hideous
to fee to 3 and befides, it hath (I wot not
what) refemblance to an ougly fore or filthie
ulcer.

III.

What is the reafon that the Romans have ex-
prejly commaunded the fame prieji or
Flamen of Jupiter, not onely to touch a
dogge or a goat, but not fo much as to name
either of them ?

To fpeake of the Goat lirft, is it not for
deteflation of his exceflive lull and lecherie ;
and befides for his ranke and tilthie favour ?
or becaufe they are afraid of him, as of a difeafed
creature and fubje6t to maladies ? for furely,
there feemeth not to be a beall in the world fo

much

i62 ROMANE QUESTIONS.

much given to the falling ficknefle, as it is j nor
infefteth fo foone thofe that either eat of the
flelh or once touch it, when it is furprifed with
this evill. The caufe whereof feme fay to be
the ftreightnefle of thofe conduits and paffages
by which the fpirits go and come, which often-
times happen to be intercepted and flopped.
And this they conjefture by the fmall and
flender voice that this beaft hath ; & the better
to confirme the fame, we do fee ordinarily,
that men likewife who be fubject to this
malady, grow in the end to have fuch a voice
as in fome fort refembleth the bleating of goats.
Now, for the Dog, true it is haply that he is
not fo lecherous, nor fmelleth altogether fo
ftrongr and fo ranke as doth the Goat: and
yet fome there be who fay, that a Dog
might not be permitted to come within the
caftle of Athens, nor to enter into the Ifle
of Delos, becaufe forfooth he lineth bitches
openly in the fight of everie man, as if
bulls, boares, and ftalions had their fecret
chambers, to do their kind with females, and
did not leape and cover them in the broad field

and

ROMAN B QUESTIONS. 163

and open yard, without being abafhed at the
matter.

But ignorant they are of the true caufe in-
deed : which is, for that a Dog is by nature fell,
and quarelfome, given to arre and warre upon
a verie fmall occafion : in which refpeft men
banilh them from fanduaries, holy churches,
and priviledged places, giving thereby unto
poore affli£ted fuppliants, free acceffe unto them
for their fafe and fure refuge. And even fo
verie probable it is, that this Flanien or prieft
of Jupiter whom they would have to be as an
holy, facred, and living image for to flie unto,
fliould be acceflible and eafie to be approached
unto by humble futers, and fuch as ftand in
need of him, without any thing in the way
to empeach, to put backe, or to affright them :
which was the caufe that he had a little bed
or pallet made for him, in the verie porch
or entrie of his houfe 5 and that fervant or
flave, who could find meanes to come and fall
downe at his feet, and lay hold on his knees
was for that day freed from the whip, and
paft danger of all other punifliment : fay he

were

i64 ROM AN E QUESTIONS.

were a prifoner with irons, and bolts at his
feet that could make fhift to approch neere
unto this prieft, he was let loofe, and his gives
and fetters were throwen out of the houfe, not
at the doore, but flung over the verie roofe
thereof.

But to what purpofe ferved all this, and what
good would this have done, that he fhould
Ihew himfelfe fo gentle, fo affable, and humane,
if he had a curft dog about him to keepe his
doore, and to affright, chafe and fcarre all thofe
away who had recourfe unto him for luccour.
And yet fo it is, that our ancients reputed not a
dog to be altogether a clean creature : for firfl
and formofl: we doe not find that he is confe-
crated or dedicated unto any of the celeflial
gods ; but being fent unto terreflrial & infernall
Prqferpina into the quarrefires and croffe high
waies to make her a fupper, he feemeth to ferve
for an expiatorie facrifice to divert and turne
away fome calamitie, or to cleanfe fome filthie
ordure, rather than otherwife : to fay nothing,
that in Lacedcemon, they cut and flit dogs down
along the mids, and fo facrifice them to Mars

the

ROMANE QUESTIONS. 165

the moft bloody god of all others. And the
Romanes themfelves upon the feaft Lupercalia,
which they celebrate in the luftrall moneth of
Purification, called February, offer up a dog for
a facrifice : and therefore it is no abfurditie to
thinke, that thofe who have taken upon them to
ferve the moft foveraigne and pureft god of all
others, were not without good caufe forbidden to
have a dog with them in the houfe, nor to
be acqainted and familiar with him.

112.

For what caufe was not the fame prieji o/" Jupiter
permitted, either to touch an ivie tree, or
to paffe thorow a way covered over head
with a vine growing to a tree, andfpreading
her branches from it ?

Is not this like unto thefe precepts of Phytha-
goras : Eat not your meat from a chaire : Sit
not upon a meafure called Chceniv : Neither
ftep thou over a broome or *befoome. For

* crApou.

furely

l66 ROM AN E QUESTIONS.

furely none of the Pythagoreans feared any
of thefe things, or made fcruple to doe, as thefe
words in outward fliew, and in their litterall
fenfe do pretend : but under fuch fpeeches they
did covertly and figuratively forbid fomewhat
elfe : even fo this precept : Go not under a vine,
is to be referred unto wine, and implieth this
much 5 that it is not lawfull for the faid Prieft
to be drunke ; for fuch as over drinke them-
felves, have the wine above their heads, and
under it they are deprefled and weighed downe,
whereas men and priefts efpecially ought to
be evermore fuperiors and commanders of this
pleafure, and in no wife to be fubje6t unto it.
And thus much of the vine.

As for the ivie, is it not for that it is a plant
that beareth no fruit, nor any thing good for
mans ufe : and moreover is fo weake, as by
reafon of that feebleneire it is not able to fus-
taine it felfe, but had need of other trees
to fupport and beare it up : and belides, with
the coole fliadowe that it yeelds, and the greene
leaves alwaies to be feene, it dazeleth, and as it
were bewitcheth the eies of many that looke

upon

ROMAN E QUESTIONS. 167

upon it : for which caufes, men thought that
they ought not to nourifh or entertaine it about
an houfe, becaufe it bringeth no profit j nor
fufFer it to clafpe about any thing, confidering it
is fo hurtfull unto plants that admit it to creepe
upon them, whiles it flicketh faft in the ground :
and therefore banifhed it is from the temples and
facrifices of the celeftiall gods, and their priefts
are debarred from ufing it : neither iliall a man
ever fee in the facrifices or divine worfliip of
^uno at Athens, nor of Venus at Thebes, any
wilde ivie brought out of the woods. Mary at
the facrifices and fervices of Bacchus, which are
performed in the night and darknefle, it is
ufed.

Or may not this be a covert and figurative
prohibition, of fuch blind dances and fooleries
in the night, as thefe be, which are pra6tifed by
the priefts of Bacchus ? for thofe women which
are tranfported with thefe furious motions of
Bacchus, runne immediately upon the ivie, and
catching it in their hands, plucke it in pieces,
or elfe chew it betweene their teeth j in fo
much as they fpeake not altogether abfurdly,

who

1 68 ROM AN E QUESTIONS.

who fay, that this ivie hath in it a certaine fpirit
that ftirreth and mooveth to madneffe ; turneth
mens mindes to furie; driveth them to extaliesj
troubleth and tormenteth them ; and in one
word maketh them drunke withoute wine, and
doth great pleafure unto them, who are other-
wife difpofed and enclined of themfelves to fuch
fanaticall ravifhments of their wit and under-
ftanding.

1^3.

What is the reqfon that thefe Priejts and Flamins
of Jupiter were not allowed, either to take
upon them, or to fue for any government of
State, hut in regard that they be not capable
of fuch dignities, for honour fake and in
fome fort to make fome recompenfe for
that defeSi, they have an ufJier or verger
before them carrying a knitch of rods,
yea and a curall chaire of ejtate to fit
upon ?

Is it for the fame caufe, that as in fome cities
of Greece, the facerdotall dignitie was equivalent
to the royall majeflie of a king, fo they would

not

ROMAN E QUESTIONS. 169

not chufe for their priefts, meane perfons and
fuch as came next to hand.

Or rather, becaule Priefts having their func-
tions determinate and certaine, and the kings,
undeterminate and uncertaine, it was not pos-
lible, that when the occafions and times of both
concurred toscether at one inftant, one and the
fame perfon fliould be fufficient for both: for
it could not otherwife be, but many times when
both charges prelTed upon him and urged him
at ones, he fhould pretermit the one or the
other, and by that meanes one while offend and
fault in religion toward God, and anotherwhile
do hurt unto citizens and fubjeds.

Or elfe, confidering, that in governments
among men, they faw that there was other-
whiles no leffe neceflitie than authority j and
that he who is to rule a people (as Hippocrates
faid of a phyfician, who feeth many evill things,
yea and handleth many alfo) from the harmes of
other men, reapeth griefe and forrow of his
owne : they thought it not in policy good, that
any one Ihould facrifice unto the gods, or have
the charge and fuperintendence of facred things 3

who

I70 ROM AN E QUESTIONS.

who had been either prelent or prefident at the
judgements and condemnations to death of his
owne citizens ; yea and otherwhiles of his owne
kinsfolke and allies, like as it befell fometime to
Brutus.

THE END.

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