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^-' THE ire^ARY 





Plymouth Armada Heroes. 


Digitized by tine Internet Arciiive 
in 2010 with funding from 
Brigiiam Young University 



Admiral Sir John Hawkins. 

i^TATis sv^ Lviri. Anno Domi. 1591. 
Fivm an criminal Oil Painting, on f<\>ul, in llif /ictssi-ssn'ii of Chrisioj-hcr Sluarl Hawkins, Esg. 


|Ipt0tttli gtiimaila ^§^x^% 


Original Portraits, Coats of Arms, and other Illustrations, 


Wdt ^atofeins j[Hntto. 

"Nothing is to be De 

' Bold let us follow through the foamy tides, 
Where fortune better than a father guides, 
'Avaunt, Despair!' when Teucer calls to fame, 
The same your augur, and your guide the same." 

— Francis. 




"Tis opportune to look back upon old times, 
And contemplate our forefathers ; 
Great examples grow thin, 
And to be fetched from the past world." 

— Sir Thomas Browne to Thomas le Gros. 


I 888 BEING THE TERCENTENARY of the defeat of the Great Armada 
of Spain, a Narrative of the lives of some members of the Hawkins 
family of Devon, intimately connected with the Town of Plymouth 
during the sixteenth century, may be of interest to all West- Country 
men, especially as three of them. Sir John Hawkins, his elder brother, 
Captain William Hawkins, and his son, Sir Richard Hawkins, com- 
manded three ships— the Victory, the Gryfyn, and the Swallow— zx^A 
greatly distinguished themselves in the several actions against the 
Spaniards. These three famous sailors may be justly considered the 
Plymouth Armada Heroes of 1588- 

Sbix gjoljn l^atofeins. 

' O ! Famous Ancestor, I boldly claim, 
For thee and for thy deeds a foremost name. 
In that great time three hundred years ago 
When all our strength was taxed to ward the blow. 
Of haughty Philip ; thou to high command 
Wert by thy Sovereign called, and from the land 
Thy practised eye, quick glancing o'er the main. 
Descried afar the galleons of Spain : 
Then, as they proudly up the Channel sailed. 
Not for a moment blanched thy cheek or quailed 
Thy steadfast spirit, eager to pursue 
Thine ancient foe and contests past renew : 
See ! Thou art slipped and eager for the fray — 
The Victory bears exulting on their way 
Thy gallant Seamen thirsting for the fight. 
Which made them victors and thyself a Knight ; 
As Santa A?tna fell a noble prize. 
While rival squadrons looked with wondering eyes 
On Hawkins, and begrudged him not his fame, 
Or this fresh triumph added to his name." 

J. L. H. 


OR some years I have been collecting information about the deeds 
of our ancestors, but without a thought of publication, until many- 
friends suggested that I had enough matter — and much that had 
never been in print — to publish a book, which at this time 
particularly would be of public interest, and which will, I hope, repay those 
kind friends and subscribers who have been so ready with their support. 

I am desirous of expressing my special thanks to the Countess of Rosebery 
for having a photograph taken for me of the jewel and miniature of Sir John 
Hawkins in her possession ; also to the Marquis of Lothian for permission to 
have a photograph of the picture of Hawkins, Drake, and Candish ; to the 
Governors of Sir John Hawkins's Hospital at Chatham for permission to 
reproduce the illustration of the chest containing the charter of incorporation 
granted by Queen Elizabeth, together with the hatchments of coats of arms; 
to Messrs. Macmillan for the use of their plates of the Armada sailing up 
Channel ; to the Editor of the Leisure Hour and Mr. Wymper for the loan 
of the plate of the Ark Royal ; to the Rev. Bradford R. J. Hawkins for the 
photograph of the ivory bust of Sir John Hawkins ; to Mr. R. S. Hawkins 
for the photograph of the portrait of Sir Richard Hawkins ; to the Hakluyt 
Society for permission to use their engravings of Slapton ; to Mr. Clements 
Markham, C.B., F.R.S., for the loan of the block of a vessel of the Armada 
period, and kind help in many ways ; and to Mr. R. N. Worth, f.g.S., for his 
able assistance. 

viii Preface. 

I must also acknowledge the courtesy of many of the clergy of South 
Devon in allowing me to look over their Church Registers to obtain the 
necessary genealogical information. 

Besides family and private papers, and manuscripts lent me, my chief 
authorities are: The State Papers at the Record Office; Wills at Somerset 
House, at Exeter, and the Heralds' College ; the Plymouth Corporation 
Records ; all the County Histories of Devon — Westcote, Risdon, Polwhele, 
Lysons, Moore, &c. ; Worth's and Jewett's Histories of Plymouth ; Hawkins's 
and Fox's Kingsbridge ; Hasted's Kent; Histories of Rochester; Stow's 
Survey and Annals ; Camden's Britannia; the Collections of Hakluyt and 
Purchas ; Monson's Naval Tracts ; Lidiard's Naval History ; Abraham 
Darcie's Annals ; Fuller's and Prince's Worthies ; Barron's Naval Worthies; 
Pinkerton's Voyages ; Observations of Sir Richard Hawkins in his Voyage 
to the South Seas ; Payne's ElizabetJcan Seamen ; Froude's History of 
England ; Martin's and Duke Yonge's Histories of England ; Creasy's 
Battles ; Valentine's Sea Fights; Worth's Sir John Hawkins; Fox Brown's 
English Merchants, &c. 

Mary W. S. Hawkins. 

Hayford Hau,, Buckfastleigh, 

S. Devon. 


William Hawkins the Elder ... ... ... i 

The Second William Hawkins ... ... ... 8 

Sir John Hawkins ... ... ... ... 17 

The Armada ... ... ... ... ... 79 

Sir Richard Hawkins, "The Complete Seaman" ... ... ... 115 

chapter vi. 
William Hawkins the Third ... ... ... 142 

Descendants of Sir Richard Hawkins ... ... 161 

Pedigree (facing) ... ... . . ... 176 

Appendix ... ... ... ... ... 177 

" Haile then my native soile ! Thou blessed plot, 
Whose equall all the world affordeth not ! 
Show me who can ? So many cristall rils, 
Such sweet cloth'd vallies, or aspiring hills ; 
Such wood-ground, pastures, quarries, wealthy niynes, 
Such rocks in whom the diamond fairly shines, 
And if the earth can show the like again, 
Yet will she fail in her sea-ruling men. 
Time never can produce men to ore-take 
The fames of Greenvil, Davies, Gilbert, Drake, 
Or worthy Hawkins, or of thousands more. 
That by their powers made the Devonian shore 
Mock the proud Tagus ; for whose richest spoyle 
The boasted Spaniard left the Indian soyle 
Bankrupt of store, knowing it would quit cost 
By winning this though all the rest were lost." 
. — Britannia'' s Pastorals (Book ii. Song 3). 

By William Brownf,, poet, born 1590 at Tavistock. 


Sir John Hawkins ... ... ... ... ■■• ••• ••• Frontispiece 

Plymouth temt. Henry VHI. ... •■ ■•■ ••■ ' 

Autographs of William Hawkins, Sir John Hawkins, and Sir Richard Hawkins... 8 

Sir John Hawkins (bust) ... ... ... ■•• ••■ '7 

Queen Elizabeth ... ... ... ... ••• ■•■ 4° 

Lord Burleigh ... ... ... ••• ••• ••• 44 

Sir Francis Walsingham ... ... ... ■■• ■•• 48 

•Chest and Hatchments in Sir John Hawkins's Hospital, Chatham ... 57 

Miniature of Sir John Hawkins, and Jewel given by Queen Elizabeth to Sir 

John Hawkins ... ... ... •■. ■•■ •■• 7° 

Philip of Spain ... ... ..■ ■•■ ■■• ■•• 79 

'Hawkins, Drake, and Candish ... ... ... ■•• 8o 

The Ark Royal ... ... ... ■•• ■•• •■■ °4 

Howard of Effingham ... ... •-. ••■ ••• 


Sir Martin Frobisher ... .-■ ••• ■■■ ••• 

Armada First Sighted off the Lizard... 
First Engagement off Plymouth 
The Chase up Channel 
Engagement off the Isle of Wight 
Capture of the "Santa Anna" by Sir John Hawkins 
Attack of the Fireships off Calais ... 
*Sir Richard Hawkins 
Poole Priory 
Slapton Church 

Seal and Signature of Sir Richard Hawkins ... 






The Illustrations to which the asterisks are prefixed are in the Superior Edition only. 

" Plym christneth that town which bears her noble name ; 
Upon the British coast, what ships yet ever came, 
That not of Plymouth hears, where those brave navies lie 
From cannons thund'ring flote, that all the world defy; 
Which to invasive spoil, when the English list to draw, 
Have checked Hyberia's pride, and kept her still in awe. 
Oft furnishing our dames with India's rare devices. 
And lent us gold and pearl, with silks and dainty spices." 

— Drayton's PolyolHon. 


V^^ro^i^ ^^« 


Temp. Henry VIII. 

Plymouth Armada Heroes 



CBllliam i^a\DUins tl)e eiter. 

LYMOUTH in the sixteenth century was very different from the 
Plymouth of the present day. A chart, drawn in the time of King 
Henry VHL, shows that the whole town was then situated in the 
neighbourhood of Sutton Pool ; that the Castle stood near where 
the Citadel now is, the site of which was partly occupied by bulwarks ; and 
that a chain was thrown across the entrance of Sutton Pool : so that the old 
town of Sutton, or Plymouth, in appearance and size was something like 
Dartmouth now, with the houses rising one above another from the water's 
edge up the hill to St. Andrew's Church and the Castle. 

The town was incorporated by Act of Parliament of King Henry VI., 
1439-1440, "within these bounds" [there was an older corporation of some 
kind]; "namely, between the Hill called the Winnrigge and the back of 
Surpool, towards the North, unto the great ditch, and from thence to the North 
of Stoke Damerell fleet, by the shore of that fleet to Milbrooke bridge 
inclusively. From thence toward the East by the Middleditch of Houndscombe 
bridge to Thornhill Park, thence to Lipson bridge, and from thence by the sea- 
shore, continuing to the Lare and Catt of Hingston Fishtorre and East King, 
thence to the said hill of Winnrigge, as the bounds and metes there plainly 
showed." The Mayor and Commonalty were to hold the Borough of the King 
by 40^. paid yearly into the Exchequer, and to make stone towers and 


Plymouth Armada Heroes. 

fortifications about the town for defence. William Kitherige was the first 
Mayor appointed by the King, and afterwards the Mayor was to be chosen every 
year upon St. Lambert's day and sworn on Michaelmas day before 1 1 o'clock. 
The Mayor and Commonalty to make Burgesses (or Freemen) as often as they 
pleased for the government of the town. 

Plymouth was the home or birthplace, not of one distinguished sailor 
of the Hawkins family only, but of three generations in succession, of men 
who were celebrated as naval heroes for a period of one hundred years, 
extending over the reigns of Henry VHI., Edward VI., Queen Marj', Queen 
Elizabeth, and James I. 

These Hawkinses were an extraordinary race — "gentlemen," as Prince 
quaintly phrases, "of worshipful extraction for several descents," but made 
more worshipful by their deeds. " For three generations they were the master 
spirits of Plymouth in its most illustrious days ; its leading merchants, its 
bravest sailors, serving oft and well in the civic chair and in the House of 
Commons. For three generations too they were in the van of English 
seamanship ; founders of England's commerce in south and west and east ; 
stout in fight, of quenchless spirit in adventure — a family of merchants, 
statesmen, and heroes, to whom our country affords no parallel." 

Arms of Hawkins and Amadas. 

The Haivkiiis Family. 

The arms of Hawkins, as given above, were probably used from the time 
of Edward III. The castle of Manconseil was taken and garrisoned by three 
hundred men, under Rabigois of Deny, an Irishman, and Franklyn and 
Hawkins, two English esquires, in 1358. The origin of these arms is most 
likely from this expedition, the scaling ladder being represented by the saltire, 
and the fleurs-de-lis being on the standard of France, which was captured. 

The name of Hawkins is derived from the village of Hawking, in the 
Hundred of Folkstone. Osbert de Hawking, in the reign of Henry II., was an 
ancestor of Andrew Hawkins of Nash Court, near Faversham, Kent, in the 
reign of Edward HI.; which Andrew married Joan de Nash, an heiress, by 
whom the Hawkinses became possessed of Nash Court, and from whom arc 
descended the Hawkinses of Devon. 

A branch of the Hawkinses of Nash Court probably settled in Plymouth 
during the fifteenth century. John Hawkins held lands in the town under the 
Corporation before 1480, and was dead by or before 1490, when his heirs held 
them. This was before the Hawkinses were at Tavistock.* 

William Hawkins, son of John Hawkins (who had lived at Tavistock), 
and Joan, daughter of William Amadas, of Launceston, was born probably 
at Plymouth towards the end of the fifteenth century. He was an officer in the 
navy of King Henry VIII. Being one of the principal sea captains in the 
West of England, he obtained a high and just reputation for his skill and 
experience, and was held in great esteem and favour by the King. He is 
thought to be the same Hawkins who in 1 5 1 3 was master of the " Great 
Galley," one of the few Royal ships of that time. 

This William Hawkins was a man of large fortune and estates, owning 
considerable property in Plymouth, and one of the richest (if not the richest) 
men in the town. His name stands fifth on the oldest extant list of Plymouth 
freemen. He was Receiver of Plymouth in 1 524-1525 ; and in the Corporation 
books he is mentioned in 1527-1528, when he with others manned the 
bulwarks to defend the " arrogosye ageynst the ffrenchemen." 

Item received of tharrogosyef for defending their ship against the French- 
men that would have taken her, xvj'' xiv' iv*'. 

Hawkins also sold to the town a quantity of gunpowder, 196 lbs. at 
6d. a lb., and two brass guns, paid for in three annual instalments of £'&. 
The first voyage into the Southern Seas in which any Englishman was 

* The Tamily occur as holding property in Plymouth in a rent roll of 1485. 
t The argosy ; probably a large Spanish merchantman. 

PlyjJWJtih Armada Heroes. 

concerned was that of Sebastian Cabot, from Seville to the River Plate, 
in April, 1527. This expedition was set forth by Spanish merchants; but 
one Robert Thorne and his partner advanced 1,400 ducats, "principally for 
that two Englishmen, friendes of mine,* which are somewhat learned in 
cosmographie, should goe in the same ships, to bring me certain relation 
of the situation of the country, and to be expert in the nauigation of those 

The voyage was intended for the Moluccas. We have no means of 
knowing who these two " cosmographical Englishmen" were; but the first 
independent expeditions, and the first to proceed from England, to the there- 
after famous Spanish Main, sailed from Plymouth Sound, and were the 
private ventures of our Plymouth merchant, William Hawkins the elder, 
who was thus one of the earliest pioneers to Brazil in the reign of Henry 
the Eighth. 

As William Hawkins made at least three voyages (the second and third 
in 1530 and 1532 respectively), his earliest can hardly have been later than 
1528, v/hen "he armed out a tall and goodlie ship of his own of 200- tons," 
called the Paid of Plymouth; his desire being to venture further than the 
ordinary short voyages made to the various coasts of Europe at that 
time. In this ship William Hawkins made his three long and famous 
voyages to Brazil — "a thing very rare in those days, especially for our 
nation"! — touching at the coast of Guinea, where he trafficked with the 
negroes, and procured elephants' teeth and other commodities, and then 
crossing the Atlantic to Brazil to exchange his cargo for other goods, 
with which he returned to England. In Brazil he behaved himself so 
wisely with the savage people that he grew into great familiarity and 
friendship with them ; insomuch that on his second voyage, in 1530, one 
of their savage kings was contented to take ship and return with him to 
see the wonders of England ; Captain Hawkins leaving Martin Cockcram, of 
Plymouth, behind as a pledge of their king's safe return. 

They arrived safely in England, and the Brazilian chief was taken to 
Whitehall and presented to Henry VIII. On seeing him the King and Court 
were much astonished, and not, as was said, without cause; "for in his cheeks 
were holes made, and therein small bones were planted, standing an inch out 
from the said holes, which in his own country was reported for a great bravery. 
He had also another hole in his nether lip, wherein was set a precious stone 
about the bigness of a pease ; all his apparell, behaviour, and gesture were very 
* Thorne. f IIaklcyt. 

The Hawkins Family. 

strange to the beholders " — as may be imaguied ; he being the first savage 
chief, brought to England. 

" Having spent nearly a year in this country, and the King with his sight 
fully satisfied, Captain Hawkins was returning with him to Brazil ; but it 
fell out on the way that, by change of air and alteration of diet, the savage 
king died at sea, which was feared would be the cause of Martin Cockeram, 
his pledge, being put to death by the savages ; but they were persuaded of 
the honest dealing of our men with their prince, and restored the hostage to 
his friends, who with their ship freighted and furnished with the goods of 
the country, returned to England." Martin Cockeram lived at Plymouth for 
many years after this adventure. 

William Hawkins made his third voyage in 1532, and on his return 
was chosen Mayor of Plymouth, 1532-3. In which year "King Henry VHI. 
married Anne Bollen, in November, 1532; Queen Katharine being divorced 
by Parliament. Queen Elizabeth was born 7th September, 1534."* In 1535 
Hawkins lent money to the Corporation of Plymouth, receiving £i\. a year 
until the loan was returned. 

He was again Ma)-or in 1538-9, the year in which the King first established 
a Council for the West at Tavistock, and images in churches were pulled 
down. In 1539 he was elected "Burgess," or member of Parliament, with 
James Horswell. 

Thus William Hawkins was one of the oldest members of the Plymouth 
Corporation, when, in 1540, he duly accounted for the proceeds of the "Church 
juells, plate, and furniture," taken by the Corporation at the Reformation, which 
had been delivered to him when mayor, and sold, apparently in London. A 
much larger quantity of Church plate and jewels was handed to him in 1543-4, 
"tobytherw"^ for the towne gunpowder, bowys, & for arrowys." These were 
purchased in London — 10 barrels of gunpowder, 20 bows, and 30 sheaves of 

Plymouth at this time, as would appear from the practical use thus 
made of the Church property as relics of Popery, had become strongly 
Puritan. During Queen Elizabeth's reign the local Puritan feeling, moreover, 
grew by the Huguenots making the port their head-quarters, and also by 
the frequent expeditions made from Plymouth against the Spaniards. 
William Hawkins himself was thoroughly imbued with the Reforming spirit. 

In 1544, William Hawkins purchased the manor of Sutton Valletort, or 

* Plyiiwidh Corj^oralion Records, in which it the custom to enter the more remarkable events, 
local and national. 

Plymouth Armada Heroes. 

Vavvter (which remained in the Hawkins family until 1637-8), of Sir Hugh 
Pollard, for lobo marks; and his other property in Plymouth included quays 
and warehouses on Sutton Pool. Among the deeds entered in the Plymouth 
"Black Book" we find, "28"' Henry VHI., Margery Pyne and others to 
W'". Hawkins, merchant, conveyance of a tenement and garden in a certain 
venella, on the east of Kinterbury Street." In 1545, one between Peter Gryslyng 
and William Hawkyns ; while 37th Henry VHI. a deed was registered in the 
"Black Book" transferring property in Plymouth from John Talazon, of North 
Petherwin, to William Hawkins. 

In 1545-6, £/if was paid to Wm. Hawkins "for the Burgesses of the 
Parliament;" while in 1547 he was again chosen to represent the community, 
and in the following year received £1^ for his services. He must have been 
very popular in Plymouth ; for he was also elected member of Parliament 
in 1553, with Roger Budokeside (a connection of his through his mother, 
Joan Amadas). He died towards the close of the year. 

A deed dated 8 February, 1554,* states that "Henry Hawkins clerkf (in 
orders), recently of Plymouth, brother and heir of William Hawkins Merchant 
recently deceased, for a sum of money gives up land in PI}'mouth to William 
Hawkins son of Joan Trelawny." 

William Hawkins married Joan, sole daughter and heiress of Roger 
Trelawny, Esq., of Brightorre, third son of Sir John Trelawny and Blanche 
Pownde. \ 

His two sons, William and John Hawkins, the distinguished seamen 
and naval heroes, entered the service with great advantages, owing to the 
wealth and experience of their father. 

* The family of Hawkins of Cornwall also come from and bear the arms of Hawkins of Nash 
Court, Kent. The ancestor of the late Sir Christopher Hawkins, Bart, of Trewithan, settled in 
Cornwall in 1554. It is probable that he went into Cornwall from Plymouth, and was the Henry 
Hawkins mentioned above, who in this year 1554 describes himself as recently of Plymouth. 

t Edmund Tremayne's father, in 1524, presented Henry Hawkins with the living of Lamerton. 

X Over the west gate of the town of Launceston, now removed, were the arms and effigy of 
Henry V., below which was the following rhyme — 

" He llmt will do aught for mee. 
Let hym love well Sir John Tirlawnee." 

Sir John Trelawny was with the King at Agincourt in 1415, and as a reward for his bravery had the 
three oak, or laurel leaves, added to the family arms, with a pension of £,zo per annum. 

The Haiokins Family. 

Plyinoiith Ariuada Heroes. 


5EI)e ^eronti aBilliam i^aUiUins. 

APTAIN WILLIAM HAWKINS, elder brother of Sir John 

Hawkins, was admitted to the freedom of Plymouth in 1553, where 

he held a most influential position, as extracts from the Corporation 

Records show. He was regarded as Governor of Plymouth ; and 

had more to do witli the affairs of the town than any man of his time. 

In 1561 we have "Item paid to W Hawkins for money paid at Bristol for 
inrolling the Charter £\ ;" and also "paid to W Hawkins for fetching of 'the 
Ordynance from the Island to the Castle £2" 

The Hawkinses owned considerable property in the vicinity of Sutton 
Pool- and in 1558 an Act of Parliament fixed Hawkins's Quay as the sole 
legal quay for landing goods. It was afterwards the property of Sir John, 
and then of his son Sir Richard Hawkins. 

Captain William Hawkins was Mayor of Plymouth in 1 567-8, when 
the earliest code of bye-laws extant for the regulation of Sutton Pool and 
the shipping therein was passed. Also " the wache on Midsummer night 
was renewed, which had not been used XX years before that time ;" and 
the large sum (!) of 2^-. 4</. was paid for the " newe cuttinge of the Gogmagoge, the 
picture of the Giant, at the Hawe." The last vestiges of this ancient memorial 
on the Hoe disappeared in 1671, no doubt to make room for the Citadel. 

In this year (1567-8) the war in the Low Countries began; and Mary 
Queen of Scots fled into England, and was imprisoned in the Castle of 
Carlisle. * 

William Hawkins was a large shipowner, and in 156S his Plymouth cruisers 
were the terror of Spain ; and not only was he a wealthy shipowner and 

* riymoulh Corporation A'crords. 

0^ tie f»/y^' "-«.<> ^ A,^ ,r^. ^t / ft ^ 


Autographs of William Hawkins, Sir John Hawkins, and Sir Richard Hawkins 

Plymouth Armada Heroes. 

pretended to bring the information for which the town was longing, and dressed 
his tale to flatter the national pride and gratify Hawkins's friends and family. 
" Sir John had been in the enchanted garden of Aladdin, and had loaded 
himself with gold and jewels. He had taken a ship with 800,000 ducats, 
sacked a town, and taken heaps of pearls and jewels. A Spanish fleet of 
forty-four sail had passed a harbour where he was dressing his ships. On board 
this Spanish fleet a council of war had been held to consider the prudence 
of attacking him ; but the admiral had said, ' For the ships that be in harbour I 
will not deal with them, for they being monstrous ships will sink some of us 
and put us to the worst, wherefore let us depart on our voyage.' And so 
they did. ' The worst boy in those ships might be a captain for riches ;' and the 
Spaniard wished he had been one of them." 

This story might have answered its end had there been time enough 
for it to work ; but the wind which brought the fable brought the truth 
behind it. Two days later William Hawkins sent to Cecil the news of the 
real catastrophe. 

The first rumour of the disaster at San Juan de Ulloa — where the treach- 
erous Spaniards fell upon and massacred the English, in the fleet under John 
Hawkins, during peace between England and Spain — reached William Hawkins 
at Plymouth by the 3rd December, 1568, in a letter from Spain, written by 
Benedick Spinola, saying that the English fleet was totally destroyed. This 
was a declaration of the purposed treachery and intentions of Spain — there 
not being time enough for the news to have reached England from Ulloa 
at this date. 

The report was enough for William Hawkins. He at once wrote to 
Cecil, asking that enquiry might be made, and recompense taken of "King 
Philip's treasure here in these parts." However, if the Queen would not 
"meddle in the matter," he asked no more than that her subjects should 
be allowed to do so. " Then I trust we should not only have recompense 
to the uttermost, but also do as good service as is to be desired, with so 
little cost. And I hope to please God best therein, for that they are God's 

It was not until the 20th January, 1569, that there was full assurance 
of the evil tidings. That night the Judith reached Plymouth ; and that night, 
without a moment's delay, William Hawkins sent a letter to the Privy Council, 
and one to Cecil, with such hasty details as he could bring together, sending 
also his "kinsman and servant," young Francis Drake, who had returned in 
\.\iQ Judith, reporting that Hawkins and all with him were massacred by the 

The Hawkins Family. 

treacherous Spaniards, as bearer of the news. What had become of his 
brother John he knew not. " My brothers safe return is very dangerous and 
doubtfull." But he knew very well that his brother and himself had lost at 
least ;£'2ooo, and as the acting partner moved for recompense, either out 
"of those Spanyards goods here stayed," or what he thought still more 
satisfactory, by the Queen giving " me leave to work my own force against 
them." Four ships he was ready to set forth at once of his own, besides one 
already in commission. 

William Haivkins to Sir William Cecil. 

Right Honorable, — My bownden dewtye alwayes had in Remembrance it 
may please your honor to be advertisyd that this present hour there is come to 
Plymouth one of the small barkes of my brothers fleat, and for that I have 
neither wrytynge nor any thing else from him I thought it good and moste my 
dewty, to send you the capetayne of the same barke, being our kinsman called 
Fransyes Dracke for that he shall thoroughly informe your honor of the whole 
proceedyngs of these affayres to the end the Queues Ma"° may be advertisyd 
of the same, and for that it doth plainly appear of their manyfest injuries from 
time to time offered, and our losses only in this voyage two thousand pounds at 
at least, besydes my brothers absense, which unto me is more grefe than any 
other thing in this world, whom I trust, as god hathe preserved, wyll likewise 
preserve, and send well home in safety. 

In the meane tyme my humble suit unto your honor is that the Quene's 
Majeste will when time shall serve see me, her humble and obedyent subjecte, 
partly recompensed, of those Spanyards goods here stayd. 

And further if it shall please her grace to give me Leave to work my own 
selfe against them, to the end I may be the better recompensed, I shall be the 
more bownde unto her highnes which I pray god long to live, to the glory of 
god, and the comfort of her subjectes. If I may have any warrant from her 
Ma"'' or from your honor I shall be glad to set forth four ships of mine own 
presently I have already commission from the Cardanal Shatyllyon for one 
ship to serve the princes of Navare and Conndye but I may not presume 
any further without commission in these things I shall desire your honors to 
be advertisyd by my servant Francis Dracke and I shall daily pray for your 
honors estate long to endure. 

From Plymouth the xx"" of January at night 1568. 

By your honors always to command 

W' Hawkvns. 
[Endorsed] To the right honorable Sir W" Cecil.* 

* iia. Pa. Dom. (Eliz. ) 

Plymouth Armada Heroes. 

[This is No. 36, vol. 49 ; No. 37 is the same, with the following addition] 

And for that my brothers safe return is very dangerous and doubtfull, but that 
it resteth in gods hands who send him well if it be his blessed will 

By your honors always 

W" Hawkyns. 

[Endorsed] To the Right honorable and my singular good Lordes, the 
Lordes of the Privy Counsell.*' 

When William Hawkins was thus moving the Court to allow him to 
declare war on his own account, his brother — whose absence was to him "more 
grefe than any other thing in this world" — was near the English shores, 
reaching Mount's Bay with the Minion on the 25th January, 1568; where- 
upon "one of the Mount for good wyll came away immediately in poste" to 

William Hawkins to Sir William Cecil. 

Ryght Honorabell, — My bownden dewty alwayes had in Remembrance it 
may please your honor to be advertysed that I am credybly informyd of my 
brothers aryvall with the Menyon in Mounts bay in Cornwall not from hym nor 
any of his company but by one of the Mount for good wyll came immediately 
away in poste uppon the speache of one of his men who was sent a lande for 
help of men and also for cables and ankeres for that they had but one, 
and their men greatly weekened by reson he put ashore in the Indyas a 
C. [hundred] of his men for the salfe gard of the reste and also that he should 
caste overbowrde not v days before xlv men more and the rest being a lyve, 
were fain to live vij days uppon a noxe heyde [an ox head] who uppon the 
wind being esterly I sent away, for his sucker a barke with xxxiiij mariners 
store of flesh vytles two ankers iij cables and store of small warpes with other 
necessaries as I thought good. I am assured to hear from him self this night 
at the furthest and then I will certify your honor with spead agayne, and so for 
this tyme I leave to trouble your honor any further praying for the increase of 
your honors estate. From Plymouth the 27th of January 1568 

By your honors always to comande, 

W' Hawkyns. 
[Endorsed] To the right honorable Sir W"' Syssell Knt.* 

William Hawkins did not neglect local affairs for national or personal. 
The New Conduit was built by him in 1569-70, and was apparently 
associated with the Market Cross, which stood in Old Town near the 

* Sta. Pa. Dom. (Eliz.) 

The Hawkins Family. 

intersection of Treville Street. In 1578-9, while he was Mayor, "the Governor's 
House on the Barbican was builded ; " and in 1579-1580 he had also the 
charge of procuring the patent which gave Plymouth authority over St. 
Nicholas Island with its fortifications. 

Itm p"* to W" Hawkins esquyre for money laid out in pcuring the 
patent for the Ilonde, and for bis charge in the suit thereof xxij//. 

In 1580, he, together witli Thomas Edmonds, was commissioned to seal 
with the common seal the necessary documents relating to the transfer of 
that island to the Crown. 

In 1580 the King of Spain seized the kingdom of Portugal, whose king 
came into England, and lay awhile at Mount Edgcumbe. 

1 5 80- 1. The plague was so great in Plymouth that the mayor was 
chosen on Cat Down. 600 persons died; [a sign Plymouth was then 
but thinly peopled, and a small town]. 

1584-5. The Queen undertakes the protection of the Hollanders. The 
Barbican stairs built; the Queen gives a rent of ^39 loj-. lo^;'. for the 
maintenance of the Island.* 

In 1 581-2 Hawkins sailed on a voyage to tlie West Indies, taking with 
him his nephew, Sir Richard Hawkins. 

During tliis voyage they visited the Margarita pearl fishery. " In anno 
1583, in the island of Margarita, I was at the dredging of pearl oysters, 
after the manner we dredge oysters in England ; and witli my own hands 
I opened many, and took the pearls out of them, some greater, some less, 
and in good quantity."! 

When Drake, in 1585, without opposition burnt San Jago, Gates, who wrote 
the account of the voyage, says, that none of the officials or the inhabitants 
came and asked the English that aught might be spared.I " The cause of their 
unreasonable distrust (as I do take it) was the fresh remembrance of the great 
wrong they had done to old Mr. William Hawkins of Plymouth, in the voyage 
he made four or five years before, when they did both break their promise, 
and murthered many of his men." 

In 1588, the memorable year of the arrival of the Armada, William 
Hawkins was Mayor of Plymoutli, and the great local preparations to meet 

* Plymouth Corporation Records. 

+ Observations of Sir Richard Hawiins. 

X Barrow's Life of Drake. 


Plymouth Armada Heroes. 

the Spaniards were carried on under his direction. " Several great ships were 
being made ready for sea." We are also told that " Plymouth fitted out seven 
stout ships every way equal to the Queen's men of war," evidently owing largely 
to William Hawkins's experience, and chiefly owned by the Hawkinses. A 
letter written by William Hawkins from Plymouth, dated 17th February, 1587, 
gives a vivid description of the work. " The Hope and the Nonpareil are both 
graved and bottomed and the Revenge now aground. We have and do trim 
one side of every ship by night and the other by day. The ships get aground 
so strongly and are so staunch as if they were made of a whole tree. The 
doing of it is very chargeable [costly], being carried on by torchlights and 
cressets in the midst of a gale of wind, which consumes pitch, tallow, and furze 
abundantly." Captain William Hawkins commanded the Griffin, of 200 tons 
and 100 men, against the Armada. 

During his whole life William Hawkins was thus employed in good 
works for, and improvements in, the town of Plymouth, and engaged 
in the greatest enterprises set forth by the port. No Plymouth merchant 
ever held such a position of trust and honour, or used it to such good 

Arms of Hawkins and Halse. 

The Haiukins Family. 15 

William Hawkins was married twice. By his first wife he had one son, 
William, also in the navy, who was afterwards ambassador at the Court of 
the Great Mogul, and three daughters — Judith, Clare, and Grace. By his 
second wife, Mary, daughter of John Halse, of Kenedon (by his second wife, 
Joan, daughter of William Tothill), he had four sons — Richard, Francis, 
Nicholas, and William, and three daughters — Frances, Mary, and Elizabeth. 
His widow survived him and became the first wife of Sir Warwick Hele, 
of Wembury. William Hawkins's three youngest sons were baptised at St. 
Andrew's Church, Plymouth, in 1582, 1584, and 15 87. A daughter (Grace) 
was buried in 1582, and another daughter (Clare) was married there, in 15S7, 
to Robert Michell. 

There is a curious entry in St. Andrew's Church Register which is interesting, 
as another proof that William Hawkins, and not Humphrey Fownes,* was 
Mayor the Armada year. " Margarit Crumnell (servant .'') unto Mr. Hawkins, 
Mayor, was buried 5th July, 158S." 

William Hawkins died on the 7th October, 1589, and was buried at 
Deptford, Kent. 

Sir John Hawkins erected a monument to the memory of his brother 
in St. Nicholas Church, Deptford, which was in existence in Thorpe's time 
(it is now removed), with this inscription : 

" Sacrse perpetujeque memoriEe Gulielrai 
Hawkyns de Plimouth armigeri ; 
qui ver[e religionis varus cultor, 
pauperibus prfficipue naviculaiiis 
inunificiis, rerum nauticarum 
studiosissimus, longinquas instituit 
ssepe navigationes : arbiter in causis 
difficilissimis Eequissimus, fide, 
probitate, et prudentia singulari. 
Duos duxit uxores, e quarum una 4 ex 
altera 7 suscepit liberos. Johannes Hawkyns 
eques auratus, classis regire quaestor, frater 
niKstissimus posuit. Obiit spe certa resurgendi 
7 die mensis Octobris anno domini 1589." 

The following is a translation : 

" To the ever living memory of William Hawkyns of Plymouth esquire ; who was 
a worshipper of the true religion ; a munificent benefactor to poor mariners ; skilled 

* Humphrey Fownes is represented as Mayor in Lucas's picture of the game of bowls. 

1 6 Plymotith Armada Heroes. 

in navigation; oftentimes undertaking long voyages; a just arbiter in difficult cases; and a 
man of singular faith, probity, and prudence. He had two wives, four children by one, 
and seven by the other. John Hawkins, Knight, Treasurer of the Queen's Navy, his 
brother, most sorrowfully erected this. He died in the sure and certain hope of 
resurrection, on the 7th day of October, in the year of our Lord 1589." 

Tm.\\\ of SSatlltnm ?^atoftins. 

I William Hawkins of Plimouth Esq. 6*'' Oct. 1589 

My body to be buried in place & sort as my brother S'' John Hawkins Knt. 
& my wife Marie Hawkins shall think most convenient 

Concerning my said wife & the children I have now living as well by her 
as by my former wife, & all my lands I dispose of them as follows : — an annuity 
of jC^i,o to William Hawkins ray eldest son for life out of ray lands in Plimouth 
I give all my lands so charged & all my other lands whatsoever to my wife 
Marie for life, with remainder to Richard Hawkins my eldest son by the said 
Marie, & to his heirs male, with remainder respectively in tail mail to Francis 
my 2"'', Nicholas, my 3"', William my 4"^ son & my own right heirs for ever 

To Judith Whitakers one of my daughters "all that my bargayne of 
Hind well" 

To William Whitakers her eldest son, my grandchild ;^io & to every of 
her other children ^^. 

To Clare Michaell my daughter ^£'40 

[Several legacies to servants.] 

All the rest of my goods to be divided into 3 equal parts, one 3^'' part to 
be divided among all my Children by my wife Marie, another 3'''^ part to my 
wife Marie, & the remaining one to my brother Sir John Hawkins 

I constitute my wife my sole Executrix, and my brother Sir John Hawkins 
& Anthony Halse gent, my brother in law my Supervisors 

Read, signed & sealed in the presence of Edward Combes, Robert 
Peterson, W" Hales, Thos. Nun, James Finche, Ric. AVood, Ric. Hawkins, 
Ric. Collyns, Charles Fenton. 

Proved in London 20"' Oct. 15S9 by Marie the relict. S^Lciccstcr, 78.] 

SiK John Hawkins K'[ 







The HawJcins Family. 17 


AWKINS was the patriarch of the great sea-dogs of Elizabeth's 
reign. Frobisher, Drake, Gilbert, Candish, Ralegh, and others, 
who subsequently made voyages of discovery, were but boys 
when he was a man of mark (with the exception perhaps of 
Frobisher), learning to profit by the wisdom and experience of John Hawkins, 
the pioneer of English seamen across the Atlantic. 

Edmund Spenser, in his " Colin Clout 's Come Home Again," speaks of Sir 
John Hawkins as Proteus. 

" And Proteus eke with him does drive his herd 
Of stinking seals and porcpises together ; 
With hoary head and dewy-dropping beard, 
Compelling them which way he list and whether." 

Admiral Sir John Hawkins was one of the most distinguished men of 
his time : closely connected with the history of our navy, for forty-eight years 
a gallant commander at sea, and an able administrator on shore. He was the 
second son of William Hawkins the elder, by Joan Trelawny. Born at 
Plymouth in 1 532, as a youth — like the rest of his family — he made mathematics 
and navigation his study, and soon began to acquire knowledge, and to make 
good use of his skill and learning. 

Hakluyt tells us that "Master John Hawkins," previous to his first long 
voyage in 1562, had made several voyages to Spain, Portugal, and the Canary 
Islands, where he obtained information about the state of West India. 
Amongst other things he learnt that negroes were in demand at Hispaniola 
(St. Domingo), and that they could be easily procured upon the coast of 
Guinea. He resolved to make trial of this, and communicated his plan 
to his friends, the greatest traders in London — namely, Sir Lionel Ducket, 
Sir Thomas Lodge, Mr. Gonson (his father-in-law). Sir William Winter, 


i8 Plymouth Armada Heroes. 

Mr. Bronfield, and others — who were pleased with and contributed largely 
to the enterprise. Three good ships were immediately provided — the Solomon, 
of 120 tons, with Hawkins himself as "General" in command; the Szualloiv, 
of lOO tons, Captain Thomas Hampton ; and the Jonas, a bark of 40 tons, 
"wherein the master supplied the captain's room, in which small fleet 
M. Hawkins took with him not above 100 men, for fear of sickness and 
other inconveniences;" and "this little squadron was the first English fleet 
which navigated the West Indian seas. This voyage opened those seas to 
the English." 

Hawkins sailed on his first long voyage in October, 1562, and in his course 
touched first at Teneriffe, where he received friendly entertainment. Thence 
he went to Sierra Leone, where he stayed, and got possession of 300 negroes, 
with other merchandise. With this cargo he sailed "over the ocean sea" to 
St. Domingo, where he peaceably exchanged the negroes at the ports of 
Isabella, Port Plata, and Monte Christi for such a quantity of merchandise, that 
besides his own three ships, which were laden with hides, ginger, sugars, and 
some quantity of pearls, he also freighted two hulks with goods, which he sent 
to Spain, in command of Captain Hampton, to dispose of the merchandise 
at Cadiz. This cargo was confiscated, and Hawkins lost half his profits. The 
loss was estimated by him at 40,000 ducats. " Fearless of man or devil, he 
thought of going in person to Madrid, and taking Philip by the beard in 
his own den."* Also an order was sent to the West Indies, by the Spanish 
Government, that for the future no English ship should be allowed to trade 

Having dispatched the hulks for Spain, Hawkins departed from St. 
Domingo and sailed for England, where he arrived in September, 1563. 

John Hawkins is often stigmatised as the first Englishman engaged in the 
slave trade. He was not, as his first voyage to Guinea and the West Indies 
was in 1562, while nine years previously, "in 1553, John Lok was tempted to 
the African shores by the ivory and gold dust ; and he (first of Englishmen), 
discovering that the negroes were a people of beastly living, without God, law, 
religion, or commonwealth, gave some of them opportunity of a life in 
creation, and carried them off as slaves. It is noticeable that on their first 
appearance on the West Coast of Africa the English visitors were received by 
the natives with marked cordiality. The slave trade had hitherto been a 
monopoly of the Spaniards and Portuguese. It had been established in concert 
with the native chiefs, as a means of relieving the tribes of bad subjects, 

* Froude. 

The Hazukins Family. 19 

who would otherwise have been hanged. Thieves, murderers, and suchlike were 
taken down to the depots and sold to the West Indian traders."* 

" No blame attaches to the conduct of John Hawkins in undertaking a 
venture which all the world in those days looked upon as legitimate, and even 
as beneficial. It was in 15 17 that Charles V. issued royal licences for the 
importation of negroes into the West Indies, and in 155 1 a licence for 
importing 17,000 negroes was offered for sale. The measure was adopted 
from philanthropic motives, and was intended to preserve the Indians. It 
was looked upon as prudent and humane, even if it involved some suffering on 
the part of a far inferior race. The English were particularly eager to enter 
upon the slave trade; and by the treaty of Utrecht, in 1713, England at 
length obtained the 'asiento,' giving her the exclusive right to carry on 
the slave trade between Africa and the Spanish Indies for thirty years. So 
strong was the party in favour of this trade in England, that the contest for its 
abolition was continued for forty-eight years, from 1759 to 1807. It is not 
therefore John Hawkins alone who can justly be blamed for the slave trade, but 
the whole English people during 250 years, who must all divide the blame 
with him."t 

"To himself," as Mr. Worth observes, "as to all but a very few among his 
contemporaries, his deeds were not only allowable, but praiseworthy. The 
Queen and many men of name shared in the expeditions. The sea-dogs of 
those days were neither slavers nor buccaneers ; they regarded themselves 
'as the elect, to whom God had given the heathen for an inheritance.' Now 
we are content with the heathen land only ; but 

' You take my life 
\\'hen you do take the means whereby I live.' " 

Merchant of Venice, Act IV., Scene i. 

" It is interesting to note that in all the early narratives of the slave trade 
there is no intimation that it involved cruelty or any form of wrong." 

On the iSth October, 1564, Captain John Hawkins sailed from Plymouth 
on his second long voyage in command of the Queen's famous ship the 
Jcsiis of Lubek,% of 700 tons, and as "General" of the Solomon, 140 tons, 
and her two barques the Tiger of 50, and the Stvallow of 30 tons, with 
170 men. His sailing orders concluded with the quaint advice from Queen 
Elizabeth, to " serve God daily, love one another, preserve your victuals, beware 
of fire, and keepe good companie." § This expedition was on a much larger 

* Froude. t Clements Markham, IntroJiiction to Hawkins' Vovcig,-s. 

X Sta. Pa. Dom. (vol. xxxvii. No. 6i). § Hakluyt. 

Plymouth Armada Heroes. 

scale than the previous one, and was prolonged so as to become an important 
voyage of discovery. The Earls of Pembroke and Leicester were among 
the adventurers. 

John Sparke, who sailed with Hawkins, wrote a most interesting account 
of the voyage, with details respecting the various places in Africa and the 
West Indies touched at, including an account of Florida. It is the first 
narrative of a Plymouth expedition that was written and published in England 
by an eye-witness. Sparke was subsequently Mayor of Plymouth, in 1583-4 
and 1 591-2. The little fleet departed from Plymouth with a fair wind, but 
on the 2 1st October were overtaken by a severe storm which obliged them 
to put into Ferrol, where they remained a few days, then proceeding on their 
voyage. Arrived at the Isle of Palmes, Teneriffe, Canaries, at first the in- 
habitants were unwilling to make friends, but afterwards Pedro de Ponte, 
Governor of Santa Cruz, entertained Hawkins most kindly. Thence they 
sailed to the Cape Verde Islands, to Sambula, and to Bymba, where the 
assault of the town brought disaster ; for the Portuguese told Hawkins 
that this place contained great quantities of gold, and that it would yield 
one hundred slaves, which determined him to attack. Meeting with unexpected 
and considerable resistance, the English were driven to their boats, having 
procured ten negroes only, with the loss of seven of their best men, including 
Field, Captain of the Solojnon, besides twenty -seven wounded. Hawkins 
felt this loss deeply, although he in " a singular wise manner carried himself, with 
countenance very cheerful outwardly, as though he did little weigh the death 
of his men, nor yet the great hurt of the rest ; although his heart inwardly 
was broken in pieces for it." The chief blame for this misadventure was 
laid to the Portuguese, who were " not to be trusted." 

From Bymba they departed to Taggarin. Here the Swalloiv sailed up 
the river Casseroes to traffic, and they saw great towns of the negroes, and 
canoes that held sixty men apiece. "On the i8th January, at night, we 
departed from Taggarin, being bound for the West Indies," writes John 
Sparke ; but just before they sailed, " the King of Sierra Leona had made 
all the power he could, to take some of us, partly for the desire he had 
to see what kind of people we were that had spoiled his people at the 
Idols, whereof he had news before our coming, and also upon other occasions 
provoked by the Tangomangos ; but sure we were that the army was come 
down, by means that in the evening we saw such a monstrous fire, made 
by the watering place. If these men had come down in the evening, they 
had done us great displeasure, for that we were on shore filling water." 

The Haiukins Family. 

Sailing towards the West Indies they were becalmed for twenty-one 
days, at intervals having contrary winds and some tornadoes. This delay 
shortened the supply of victuals and water, and after some inconvenience they 
arrived at Dominica, where, and in the adjacent islands, "the cannibals are the 
most desperate warriors that are in the Indies by the Spaniards' report, who 
are never able to conquer them." None of the natives appeared, and departing 
thence Hawkins sailed for Santa Fe, where there was a good watering place, 
and the natives presented them with "a kind of corn called maize, in bigness 
of pease, the ear whereof is much like to a teasel, but a span in length, 
having thereon a number of grains. Also they brought down to us hens, 
potatoes, and pines," which were exchanged for beads, knives, whistles, and 
other trifles. " These potatoes be the most delicate roots that may be eaten, 
and do far exceed their parsnips or carrots." 

Potatoes* were first imported into Europe, in 1565, by Hawkins, from 
Santa Fe, in Spanish America ; planted first in Ireland by Sir Walter 
Ralegh, who had an estate there. A total ignorance of what part of the 
plant was proper food had nearly prevented any further attention to its culture ; 
for the green apples on the stem were supposed to be the eatable part ; and 
these being boiled, and found unpalatable, the idea of growing potatoes was 
abandoned. Accident discovered the real fruit, owing to the ground being 
turned over through necessity that season, when a plentiful crop was discovered 
jDiderground, which, being boiled, proved good to the taste, whereupon the 
cultivation of potatoes was continued. Some authors say that Sir John 
imported potatoes in 1563, in September, on his return from his first voyage 
to America. 

Departing from Santa Fe, they directed their course along the coast 
to the town of Burburata, where, having ended their traffic without disturbance, 
they set sail for Curagao. Here they " had traffic for hides, and found 
great refreshing both of beef, mutton, and lambs. The increase of cattle 
in this island is marvellous, which from a dozen of each sort brought thither 
by the Governor, in twenty-five years had a hundred thousand at the least. 
We departed from Curasao being not a little to the rejoicing of our Captain 
and us, that we had ended our traffic ; for notwithstanding our sweet meat 
we had sour sauce by reason of our riding so open at sea, and contrary winds 

Passing a little island called Aruba, they came to Rio de la Hauche, 
so called from the first Spanish settlers giving the natives a hatchet, to show 
* These were sweet (convolvulus) potatoes. 

Plyiiwiith Armada Heroes. 

them where water might be found. Here they landed, and met with some 
difficulty about exchanging goods, on account of the order sent from Spain 
to have no dealings with the English. On hearing of this order, "our Captain 
replied, that he was in an Armada of the Queen's Majesty of England," 
and driven by contrary winds to come into those parts, where he hoped 
to find such friendship as he should do in Spain, in that there was amity 
betwixt their princes." But seeing that " contrary to all reason they would 
withstand his traffic," Hawkins ordered a cannon to be fired to summon the 
town, and with a hundred men in armour went ashore ; whereupon the people 
came to the shore in battle array. Hawkins, " perceiving them so brag," 
discharged two guns from his boats, "which put them in no small fear 
... at every shot they fell flat to the ground, and as we approached near 
unto them they broke their array, and dispersed themselves for fear of 
the ordinance." Hawkins was putting his men in order to march forward 
and encounter the enemy, when they sent a messenger with a flag of truce 
— and a friendly traffic was agreed to. 

" In this river we saw many crocodiles of sundry bignesses, but some 
as big as a boat, with four feet, a long broad mouth, and a long tail, whose 
skin is so hard that a sword will not pierce it." Hawkins and his sailors 
disliked the alligators, or crocodiles as they called them. John Sparke 
writes, " His nature is ever, when he would have his praie, to crie and sobbe like 
a Christian bodie to provoke them to come to him, and then he snatcheth 
at them ; and thereupon came this proverbe that is applied unto women 
when they weepe Lachrymae Crocodile, the meaning whereof is that as 
the crocodile when he crieth goeth then about to deceive, so doth a woman 
most commonly when she weepeth." 

" Shakspere, who was about this time writing his ' King Henry VI ,' 
apparently borrowed from Sir John Hawkins this story, and introduced it." 

" As the mournful crocodile 
With sorrow snares relenting passengers." 

2 Hcmy VI. iii. i. 

They now departed for St. Domingo and Jamaica, and on the 20th June fell 
in with the western end of Cuba. With a north-east wind they ranged along 
the coast of Florida, at that time supposed to be an island, the captain in 
the ship's pinnace going into every creek to enquire of the Floridians where 
the French colonists dwelt. Sailing up the May river, they discovered three 
French ships, and obtained information that M. Laudonniiirc with his soldiers 

The Hazokins Family. 

were some miles higher up the river, in a fort which they had built. Here 
Hawkins found and greatly relieved the distressed Frenchmen, giving them 
provisions and other necessaries, and to help them to return home, "we spared 
them one of our barks of 50 tons." 

"The Floridians when they travel have a kind of herb dried [tobacco], 
which with a cane, and an earthen cup in the end, with fire, and the dried herbs 
put together ; do suck through the cane the smoke thereof, which smoke 
satisfieth their hunger, and herewith they live four or five days without meat 
or drink, and this all the Frenchemen used for this purpose : yet do they 
hold opinion withall, that it causeth water and phlegm to void from their 
stomachs." * 

Sir Richard Hawkins observes, in his Voyage to the South Sea, that 
"with drinking [smoking] of tobacco it is said that the Rocbitcke was burned in 
the range at Dartmouth." 

The introduction of tobacco into England is attributed to Sir John 
Hawkins, on his return from his third voyage in January, 1569, by Stow; and 
also by John Taylor, the Water Poet, in his Prosaical Postcript to the Old, 
Old, Very Old Man, &c. (4to., 1635). Another account says that Sir John 
introduced tobacco into England in 1564, which seems the more likely, as 
tobacco is mentioned in the account of this second voyage. 

The Floridians did not esteem gold or silver, being ignorant of their value. 
They wore flat pieces of gold as ornaments. " As for mines, the Frenchmen 
can hear of none, and how they come by this gold and silver they know not. 
The Frenchmen obtained pearls of them of great bigness, but they were black, 
by means of roasting them." From hence Hawkins departed, on the 28th July, 
navigating the coasts of Virginia and Newfoundland, upon his homeward 
voyage, after taking leave of the French, who were to follow with all diligence. 
Contrary winds, however, prolonged the voyage " in such manner that victuals 
scanted with us, so that we were divers in despair of ever coming home . . . 
after which with a good large wind the 20 of September we came to Padstow 
in Cornwall God be thanked, in safety, with the loss of 20 persons in all 
the voyage, and profitable to the venturers of the said voyage, as also to the 
whole Realm, in bringing home both gold, silver, pearls, and other jewels great 
store. His name be praised for ever more. Amen. The names of certain 
gentlemen that were in this voyage : M. John Hawkins ; M. John Chester, 
Sir William Chester's son ; M. Anthony Parkhurst ; M. Fitzwilliam ; M. Thomas 
Woorley ; M. Edward Lacy, with divers others." f 

• Sparke. t Hakluyt. 

24 Plymouth Arviada Heroes. 

Whereas the Quene's Ma''' did of late at the petition and desier of the right 
honorable The Erie of Pembrock and the Erie of Leyceter graunte vnto their 
honors her Ma"" shipp called the Jesus with ordinance tackle and apparell, 
beinge in sorte able and meete to serve a voyage to the Costes of Affrica and 
America, which shipp with her ordinance tackle and apparell was praysed by 
ffowre indifferent persons to be worth ij'"xij'' xvi-. \]d. [^2012 15^. 2^/.] for the 
answeringe wherof to the quenes Ma'''= the said Erles did become bounde to 
her Highnes either to redeliver the said shipp the Jesus at Gillingham before 
the feast of Christmas next comynge with her ordnance tackle and apparell in 
as good and ample manner as the same was at the tyme of the recevinge, or 
els to paie unto her Highnes the foresaid ^2012 15J. 2d. at that daie. And 
nowe forasmuche as we do understand that the said shipp the ycsus is returned 
into this realme in savetie from the viadge aforesaid pretended, and presentlie 
remayneth in the west countrie in a harborowgh called Padstowe, from whence 
she cannot be convenyently browght abowt to Gillingham before the springe of 
the next yere, and that the said Lordes are contented to allowe unto her Ma"° 
as well for the wearing of the said shipp her ordinance tackle and apparell As 
also for the chardges which may be sustayned for the bringinge abowt of the 
said shipp to the harborowgh of Gillingham the some of v= '' [^^500] readie 
monney to be paid into her Highnes office of the Admyraltie to Benyamyn 
Gonson her graces Treasorer whiche some of ;^5oo we her Highnes officers 
whose names are underwritten do thinke the same sufficyent for the repayringe 
and furnyshinge of the ordinance tackle and apparell with the said shipp in as 
ample manner as the same was delivered to the said Erles. Written the xxiij'" 
of October 1565. 

W. Wynter. Willm. Holstock. 

Benjamin Gonson. G.(?) Wvnter.* 

Hawkins is the name of a county of Tennessee, U.S. (area 750 square 
miles), commemorating the discoveries of Hawkins during this voyage. 

In the account of " The Arrival and Courtesy of M. Hazvkins to the 
Distressed Frenchmen in Florida, recorded both in French and English in 
the history of Laudonierre, written by himself, and published in Paris 1586," 
M. Laudonierre speaks of Hawkins's great kindness to the French, "wherein 
doubtless he hath won the reputation of a good and charitable man, deserving 
to be esteemed as much of us all as if he had saved our lives." 

These voyages obtained for Hawkins a great reputation as a seaman, 
and also gained for him, to a large extent, tlie confidence of Queen Eh'zabeth 
and the Government. 

Hawkins thought it prudent to make light of his victory over the King of 
Spain. "I have always," he said in a letter to Queen Elizabeth, "been a help 

• Sta. Fa. Dom. (Eliz.) 

The Haiokins Family. 25 

to all Spaniards and Portugals that have come in my way, without any form or 
prejudice offered by me to any of them, although many times in this tract they 
have been under my power."* "I met him in the palace," wrote the Spanish 
Ambassador in London to King Philip, in November, " and invited him to dine 
with me. He gave me a full account of his voyage, keeping back only the 
way in which he had contrived to trade at our ports. He assured me, on the 
contrary, that he had given the greatest satisfaction to all the Spaniards with 
whom he had had dealings, and had received full permission from the governors 
of the towns where he had been. The vast profit made by the voyage had 
excited other merchants to undertake similar expeditions. Hawkins himself is 
going out again next May, and the thing needs immediate attention. I might 
tell the Queen that, by his own confession, he had traded in ports prohibited by 
your Majesty, and require her to punish him, but I must request your Majesty 
to give me full and clear instructions what to do."t 

"Accidents delayed the equipment of Hawkins's fleet until October. 
Meanwhile the remonstrances of Philip had their effect ; and just as Hawkins 
was on the point of starting, a letter arrived at Plymouth from Cecil, forbidding 
him in the Queen's name to traffic at places privileged by the King of Spain, 
and requiring from him a bond in ^500 to this effect before his vessels 
started. Hawkins executed the bond 31 Oct., 1566, and dispatched the ships, 
himself remaining at home." Of this expedition no detailed record exists, 
but in all probability it was a successful voyage, and paved the way for his 
third famous expedition. 

In the early part of the year 1567 Hawkins sailed to the relief of the 
French Protestants. On returning from France, while awaiting the Queen's 
orders with the fleet at Plymouth, an amusing incident happened, of which 
Sir Richard Hawkins writes an account. " I being of tender years, there came 
a fleet of Spaniards of above 50 sail, bound for Flanders, to fetch the Queen, 
Donna Anna de Austria, last wife to Philip H. of Spain, which entered betwixt 
the island and the main without vayling their top-sayles, or taking in of their 
flags : which my father. Sir John Hawkins (admirall of a fleet of her majesties 
ships, then riding in Cattwater), perceiving, commanded his gunner to shoot 
at the flag of the admiral, that they might thereby see their error : which, 
notwithstanding, they persevered arrogantly to keep displayed ; whereupon the 
gunner at the next shot lact the admiral through and through, whereby the 
Spaniards finding that the matter began to grow to earnest, took in their flags 
and top-sayles, and so ran to an anchor. The general presently sent his 

* Cambridge MS. t Simancas MS. 


26 Plymouth Armada Heroes. 

boat, with a principal personage to expostulate the cause and reason of that 
proceeding ; but my father would not permit him to come into his ship, nor to 
hear his message ; but by another gentleman commanded him to return, and to 
tell his general, that in as much as in the Queen's port and chamber, he had 
neglected to do the acknowledgment and reverence which all owe unto her 
majestic (especially her ships being present), and comming with so great a 
navie, he could not but give suspicion by such proceeding of malicious 
intention, and therefore required him, that within twelve hours he should 
depart the port, upon pain to be held as a common enemy, and to proceed 
against him with force. Which answer the general understanding, presently 
in the same boat came to the Jesus of Lubek, and craved licence to speak 
with my father, which at first was denied him, but upon the second intreaty 
was admitted to enter the ship, and to parley." The Spaniard then demanded 
if there was war between England and Spain, and was answered " that his 
arrogant manner of proceeding, usurping the queen his mistresses right, as 
much as in him lay, had given sufficient cause for breach of the peace, and that 
he [Hawkins] purposed presently to give notice thereof to the queen and her 
council, and in the mean time, that he might depart. The Spanish admiral 
replied that he knew not any offence he had committed, and that he would 
be glad to know wherein he had misbehaved himself. My father seeing he 
pretended to escape by ignorance, began to put him in mind of the custom 
of Spain, and France, and many other ports, and that he could by no means be 
ignorant of that which was common right to all princes in their kingdoms ; 
demanding if an English fleet should come into any port of Spain (the kings 
majesties ships being present), if the English should carry their flags in the 
top, whether the Spanish would not shoot them down and if they persevered, if 
they would not beat them out of their port. The Spanish general confessed 
his fault, pleaded ignorance not malice, and submitted himself to the penalty 
my father [Hawkins] would impose ; but intreated that their princes (through 
them) might not come to have any jar. My father a while (as though offended), 
made himself hard to be intreated, but in the end, all was shut up by his 
acknowledgement, and the ancient amity renewed, by feasting each other 
aboard and ashore. The self-same fleet, at their return from Flanders, meeting 
with her majesties ships in the Channel, though sent to accompany the 
aforesaid queen, was constrained during the time they were with the English, 
to vayle their flags, and to acknowledge that which all must do that pass 
through the English seas." 

Immediately before his third voyage, efforts being made to restrain his 

The Hawkins Family. 27 

actions, Hawkins protested that it would be the ruin of himself and others 
if his expedition was prevented, and addressed the following letter to his 
sleeping partner, the Queen : 

yohn Hawkins to the Queen. 

My Soveraigne good Lady and Mystres, — Your Highnes may be advertised 
that this daye being the xvj* of September the Portyngales who should have 
dyrected us this pretended enterpryse have fledd and as I have certayne under- 
standing taken passadge into France, havinge no cawse for that they had of me 
better entertaynement then appertayned to suche mean persons, and an army 
prepared sufficient to doe any resonable enterpryse, but it appeared that they 
could by no meanes performe their lardge promises, and so having gleaned a 
piece of money to our merchantes are fledd to deceive some other. And 
although this enterpryse cannot take effecte (which I think God hath provided 
for the best) I do ascertayne your highnes that I have provision sufficient and 
an able army to defend our chardge and to bring home (with gods help) fortye 
thowsand markes gaynes without the offence of the lest of any of your highnes 
alyes or friends It shall be no dishonor unto your highnes that your owne 
servante and subjecte shall in suche an extremitie convert such an enterpryse 
and turn it both to your highnes honor and to the benefit of your whole realme 
which I will not enterpryse withowt your highnes consent, but am ready to do 
what service by your Ma'"^ shall be commaunded yet to shew your highnes 
the truth I should be undone if your Ma"' should staye the voyadge wherunto 
I hope your highnes will have some regard. The voyadge I pretend is to lade 
negroes in Genoya [Guinea] and sell them in the west Indyes in troke [truck] 
of golde perrels and Esmeraldes wherof I dowte not but to bring home great 
abondance to the contentation of your highnes and to the releife of a nomber 
of worthy servitures reddy nowe for this pretended voyadge which otherwise 
would shortly be dryven to great misery and reddy to commit any folly. Thus 
having advertysed your highnes the state of this matter do most humbly praye 
your highnes to signifye your pleasure by this bearer which I shall most willingly 
accomphsh. From Plymouth the xvj* daye of September 1567. 

Your highnes most humble servante 

John Hawkins. 
To the quenes most excellent Ma"".* 

This third voyage of Sir John Hawkins, of which he wrote a brief 
account, was made in the years 1567 and 1568. He sailed from Plymouth 
on the 2nd October, 1567, with a fleet of six ships — the Jesus of Lubek, 

* Sta. Pa. Djin. (Eliz.) 

28 Plymo7ith Armada Hei'oes. 

the Minion, the William and John, the Judith,* the Angel, and the Siv allow. 
The Jesus and the Minion were "the Queen's Maiesties," the other four 
ships were Hawkins's private venture. -f The fleet were caught in a severe 
storm a few days after they had departed, in which they lost all their large 
boats, and the ships were separated, but met again at the Canary Islands, 
and sailed for Cape Verde Islands, arriving i8th November. Here they 
landed one hundred and fifty men to procure some negroes, but succeeded in 
obtaining very few, and those with great loss to the Englishmen from 
poisoned arrows ; " and although in the beginning they seemed to be but 
small hurtes," says Hawkins, "yet there hardly escaped any that had blood 
drawen of them, but died in a strange sort, with their mouths shut, some 
ten days before he died, and after their wounds were whole, where I myself 
had one of the greatest wounds, yet, thanks be to God, escaped." 

From thence they sailed to the coast of Guinea, searching the rivers 
from Rio Grande to Sierra Leone till the 12th January, without getting 
more than 150 negroes, when the lateness of the season, and the 
sickness of their men, obliged them to leave. Not having sufficient 
cargo for the West Indies, they thought to go to the coast of Myne to 
obtain some gold for their wares; but meanwhile a negro arrived, sent from 
his king, "oppressed by other kings his neighbours," desiring aid from 
Hawkins against these other tribes, with a promise that the negroes obtained 
during the war should be at the pleasure of the English. Whereupon 
120 men were sent, who on the isth January assaulted a town of 
the negro ally's enemies, in which there were 8000 inhabitants ; " but 
it was so well defended, that our men prevailed not, but lost six men, 
and forty hurt, so that our men sent forthwith to me for more help : . . . 
I went myself, and with the help of the king on our side, assaulted the 
town both by land and sea, and very hardly with fire (their houses being 
covered with dry palm leaves) obtained the town, and i^ut the inhabitants 
to flight, where we took 250 persons, and by our friend the king of our 
side, there were taken 600 prisoners, whereof we hoped to have our choice ; 
but the negro (in which nation is seldom or never found truth) meant nothing 
less ; for that night he removed his camp, and prisoners, so that we were 
fain to content us with those few which we had gotten ourselves." Having 

* A bark of 50 tons, commanded by young Francis Drake. "lie was Ijoni in 1545 son of one 
Edmund Drake sailor being the eldest of 12 brethren and was brought up at the expense and under the 
care of his kinsman Sir John Hawkins. At iS he was purser of a ship trading to Guinea, at 20 made a 
voyage to Guinea and at 22 sailed with Hawkins." — So Sxow's Annals, p. S07. 

t Hisl. Cen. (lib. xix. cap. S). 

The Haiokins Family. 29 

obtained between 400 and 500 negroes they set sail for the West Indies, 
where they experienced some difficulty in exchanging them for mer- 
chandise, owing to the order from Spain forbidding dealings with the 
English ; but notwithstanding this order they had a reasonable trade, and 
courteous entertainment. 

From the Isle of Margarita to Cartagena, without anything greatly 
worth the noting, saving "at Capo de la Vela, in a town called Rio de la 
Hauche, from whence came all the pearls," where the Governor would not 
agree to any trade, or let them take in water; he had "fortified his town 
with divers bulwarks in all places where it might be entered," and so thought 
"by famine to have enforced us to have put a land our negroes." 

Seeing this, Hawkins with 200 men broke in upon their bulwarks, and 
entered and took the town, "with the loss of two men only, and no hurt 
done to the Spaniards, because after their volley of shott discharged they 
all fled." Thus having possession of the town, and the Spaniards desiring 
the negroes, by the friendship of the Governor they obtained a secret trade, 
the Spaniards coming by night, and buying 200 negroes. At Cartagena 
the Governor would not traffic ; so, without losing more time, the trade being 
so nearly finished, they departed 24th July, hoping to escape the time of 
their storms called "Furicanos." Towards the coast of Florida they were 
overtaken by a dreadful storm which lasted four days, and "so beat the 
Jcsiis that we cut down all her higher buildings." Ker rudder was also 
shaken, and having sprung a big leak she was on the point of being 
abandoned, they finding no haven because of the shallowness of the coast ; 
thus being in "great despair, and taken with a new storm which continued 
other three dayes, we were enforced to take for our haven the port which serveth 
the city of Mexico, called St. John de Ulloa. In seeking of which port 
we took in our way three ships which carried passengers to the number 
of 100, which passengers we hoped would be the means of our obtaining 
victuals for our money, and a quiet place to repair our fleet. Shortly after, 
1 6th September, we entered the port of Ulloa, and in our entry, the Spaniards 
thinking us to be the fleet of Spain, the chief officers of the country came 
aboard us, which being deceived of their expectation were greatly dismayed ; 
but immediately when they saw our demand was nothing but victuals, were 

" I found also in the same port twelve ships which had in them by 
the report, 200,000 li. in gold and silver, all which, being in my possession, 
with the King's Island, as also the passengers before in my way thitherwards 

30 Plymouth Armada Heroes. 

stayed, I set at liberty, without the taking from them the weight of a grote : 
only because I would not be delayed of my dispatch, I stayed two men of 
estimation, and sent post immediately to Mexico, 200 miles from us, to the 
Presidents and Council there, showing them of our arrivall there by the 
force of weather, and the necessity of the repair of our ships and victuals, 
which wants wee required as friends to King Philip to be furnished of 
for our money." Also stating that the Presidents and Council should give 
orders that on the arrival of the Spanish fleet, which was daily expected, 
there might be no cause of quarrel. 

This message being dispatched the day of the arrival of the English 
fleet, the next morning, the i6th, they "saw open of the Haven thirteen 
great ships." Understanding them to be the Spanish fleet, Hawkins im- 
mediately sent to advertise the "General of the fleet" of his being there, 
giving him to understand that before he would allow the Spanish fleet 
to enter the port, conditions must pass between them for the maintenance 
of peace, and the safety of the English fleet of six ships. " Now it is 
to be understood that this Port is a little Island of stones not three foot 
above the water in the highest place, and but a bow shot of length any 
way. This Island standeth from the mainland two bow shots or more, also 
that there is not in all this coast any other place for ships to arrive in 
safety, because the north wind hath there such violence that unless the ships 
be very safely moored with their anchors fastened upon the Island, there 
is no remedy for these north winds but death : also the place of the Haven 
was so little, that of necessity the ships must ride one aboard the other, 
so that we could not give place to them, nor they to us : and here I began 
to bewail that which after followed, for now said I, I am in two dangers, 
and forced to receive the one of them. That was, either I must have kept 
out the fleet from entering the Port, that which with God's help I was very 
well able to do, or else suffer them to enter in with their accustomed treason, 
which they never fail to execute, where they may have opportunity, or 
circumvent it by any means : if I had kept them out [Sir John says], 
there had been present shipwarke [shipwreck] of all the fleet which 
amounted in value to six millions, which was in value of our money 
1, 800,000 li. which I considered I was not able to answer, fearing the 
Queens Maiesties indignation in so weighty a matter . . . therefore as 
choosing the least mischief I proceeded to conditions." The first messen- 
ger now returned from the Spanish fleet reporting the arrival of a Viceroy 
" who sent us word that we should send our conditions, with many fair 

The Hatvkiiis Family. 3 1 

words; how passing the coast of the Indies he had understood of our 
honest behaviour . . . . " 

Hawkins's requests were acceded to; namely, that he required victuals for 
his money ; that on either side there might be twelve gentlemen hostages ; and 
that the island, for their better safety, might be in the possession of the 
English, with the ordnance thereon (eleven pieces of brass), during the stay 
of the English ; also that no Spaniard might land on the island with any kind 
of weapon. 

" These conditions at the first, he somewhat mislikcd, chiefly the gard 
of the Island to be in our own keeping, which if they had had, we had 
soon known our fate : for with the first north wind they had cut our cables 
and our ships had gone ashore : but in the end he concluded to our request, 
bringing the twelve hostages to ten, with a writing from the Vice Roy signed 
with his hand and sealed with his seal, of all the conditions concluded." A 
trumpet was then blown, with a command that the peace was not to be 
violated upon pain of death; "further that the two generals of the fleets 
should meet and give faith each to the other for the performance of the 
promises which was so done 

" Thus at the end of three days all was concluded, and the Spanish 
fleet entered the port, saluting one another as the manner of the sea doth 

The English fleet had entered the port on Thursday. On Friday they 
saw the Spanish fleet, which on Monday (at night) also entered the port. Two 
days were taken up in "placing the English ships by themselves, and the 
Spanish ships by themselves, the captains of each part and inferior men of 
their parts promising great amity of all sides;" but the treacherous Spaniards 
"had furnished themselves with a supply of men to the number of 1000, and 
meant the next Thursday, being the 23 of Sep', at dinner time, to set upon us 
on all sides." On the Thursday morning some appearance of treason was 
shown, "as shifting of weapons from ship to ship, planting and bending of 
ordnance from the ship to the Island where our men warded, passing to and fro 
of companies of men more than required for their necessary business, and 
many other ill likelihoods which caused us to have a vehement suspicion, and 
therewithal sent to the Vice Roy to inquire what was meant by it, who sent 
immediately straight commandment to unplant all things suspicious, and also 
sent word that he in the faith of a Vice Roy would be our defence from all 
villanies. Yet we being not satisfied with this answer because we suspected a 
great number of men to be hid in a great ship of 900 tons which was moored 

32 Plymouth Armada Heroes. 

next unto the Minion, sent again to the Vice Roy, Robert Barret, the master of 
the Jesus" who spoke Spanish, and required to be satisfied. 

The Viceroy, seeing that the treason must now be discovered, kept the 
master, blew a trumpet, " and on all sides set upon us ; our men which warded 
ashore being stricken with sudden fear, gave place, fled, and sought to recover 
succour of the ships. The Spaniards being before provided for the purpose 
landed in all places in multitudes from their ships, which they might easily do 
without boats and slew all our men ashore without mercy." A few of them 
escaped aboard the jfcsiis. The great ship with 300 men hid in her, immediately 
fell aboard the Minion, but the English suspecting their design half an hour 
previously, in that short time, "the Minion was made ready to avoid and so 
leesing her hed fastes, and hayling away by the stern fasts she was gotten out : 
thus with God's help she defended the violence of the first brunt of these 300 
men. The Minion being past out they came aboard the Jesus, which also with 
very much ado and the loss of many of our men were defended and kept out. 
Two other ships assaulted the Jesus, so that she escaped hardly." After the 
Jesus and the Minion had got two ship's lengths from the Spanish fleet, the 
fight began hotly on all sides. Within an hour the " Admiral " of the Spaniards 
was supposed to be sunk, their " Vice Admiral " burned, and another principal 
ship supposed to be sunk, " so that the ships were little to annoy us. But all the 
ordinance on the Island was in the Spaniards hands which did us so great 
annoyance, that it cut all the masts and yards of the Jesus that there was 
no hope to carry her away : also it sunk our smaller ships, whereupon we 
determined to place the Jesus on that side of the Minion next the battery 
to be a defence for the Minion till night, then after taking victual and other 
necessaries from the Jesus as time would allow, to leave her. When the 
Minion had been thus sheltered from the shot of the land, suddenly the 
Spaniards had had set on fire two great ships which were coming directly to us 
and having no means to avoid the fire, great fear spread among the men, some 
saying ' Let us depart with the Minion' others said ' Let us see if the wind 
will carry the fire from us.' But the Minion men who had alwaj-s their sails 
in readiness, thought to make sure work, and so without consent of the captain 
or master cut their sail, so that verily," says Hawkins, "hardly was I received 
into the Minion. Most of the men that were left alive in the Jesus made 
shift and followed in a small boat, the rest were forced to abide the mercy 
of the Spaniards ; so with the Minion only and the Judith (a small bark 
of 50 tons) we escaped, which bark the same night forsook us in our great 

The Hawkins Family. 33 

The Judith was commanded by young Francis Drake, and it does 
not say much in his favour that he forsook his admiral in distress. 
It is also remarkable that Hawkins never once mentions Drake's name 
throughout the narrative ; perhaps to shield his young kinsman from 

The Minion lay that night two bowshots from the Spanish ships, and next 
morning recovered an island a mile off, where she was overtaken by a north 
wind, and being left with only two anchors and two cables (having lost two 
anchors and three cables in the conflict) they thought to have lost the ship 
during the storm. The weather improving, the Saturday they set sail with 
a great number of men and little victuals, and with small hope of life 
wandered in an unknown sea fourteen days, till hunger forced them to seek 
land, for " rats, cats, mice, and dogs were thought very good meat — none 
escaped that might be gotten." 

On the 8th October they sighted land in the same bay of Mexico, where 
they hoped to procure victuals and repair the ship, " which was so sore beaten 
with shot from our enemies and bruised with shooting of our own ordinance 
that our weary and weak arms were scarce able to defend and keep out the 
water." But they found nothing except a dangerous place, wherein a boat 
might be landed. Some of the men, forced with hunger, desired to be set 
on land, about 94 in all, the remaining lOO desiring to go homewards. 
Having landed the men who wished to remain, the next day Hawkins, with 
fifty men, went ashore to bring off water, when a storm arose, so that for 
three days they could not return to the ship, which was in such peril that every 
hour they looked for shipwreck. However, fair weather returning, they 
departed i6th October, with prosperous weather till i6th November, on which 
day they were clear of the coast and out of the Gulf of Bahama. After this, 
nearing the cold country, together with famine, the men died continually. 
Those left were so weak that they could scarce manage the ship, the wind 
being always against their direction for England, which determined them to go 
to Galicia, in Spain, to relieve their distress. 

On the 31st December, at Ponte Vedra, near Vigo, the men with excess 
of fresh meat got miserable diseases, and a great part of them died ; and 
by access of the Spaniards the feebleness of the English became known, 
whereupon they tried to betray them ; but with all speed the English departed 
to Vigo, where some English ships helped them, and with twelve fresh men 
they sailed 20th January, 156S, and arrived in Mount's Bay, Cornwall, the 
25th of the same month. Thence Hawkins wrote the following letter: 


34 Plymouth Armada Heroes. 

'yolm Hawkins to Sir William Cecil. 

25tli January 156S 

Right Honorable 

My dewty most humbly consydered : yt may please your honor to be 
advertysed that the 25*'' day of Januarii (thanks be to God) we aryved in a 
place in Cornevvall called Mounts bay, onelie with the Minyon which is left us 
of all our flet, and because I wold not in my letters be prolyxe, after what 
manner we came to our dysgrace, I have sent your honor here inclosed some 
part of the circumstance, and althoughe not all our meseryes that hath past yet 
the greatest matters worthye of notynge, but yf I shold wryt of all our 
calamytyes I am seure a volome as great as the byble wyll scarcelie suflycej 
all which thyngs I most humblie beseeche your honour to advertyse the Queens 
Majestie and the rest of the counsell (soch as you shall thinke mette). 

Our voyage was, although very hardly, well achieved and brought to 
resonable passe, but now a great part of our treasure, merchandyze, shippinge 
and men devoured by the treason of the Spanyards. 

I have not moche or any thynge more to advertyse your honour, nore the 
rest, because all our business hath had infelycytye, mysfortune, and an unhappy 
end, and therefore wyll treble the Queens Majestie, nor the rest of my good 
lords with soch yll newes. But herewith pray your honours estate to impart 
to soch as you shall thynke mete the sequell of our busyness. 

I mynd with Gods grace to make all expedicyon to London myselfe, at 
what tyme I shall declare more of our esstate that ys here omytted. Thus 
prayinge to God for your Honours prosperous estate take my leave : from the 
Mynion the 25*'' day of Januarii 1568. 

Yours most humbly to command 

(Signed) John Hawkins. 

To the Ryght Honorable Sir W™ Cycylle Knighte, and Principall Secretarie 
to the Queen's Majestie, gyve this. 

So ends Hawkins's sorrowful narrative.* How he escaped at all is 
marvellous ; and the Spaniards must have thought that they had " Achines 
de Plimua " caught in their trap at last ! 

Hakluyt quotes a brief summary of the affair at St. Jean de Ulloa by Job 
Hartop, one of the sufferers who returned to England, December 2nd, 1590: 

" From Cartegena, by foule weather, wee were forced to seeke the port of 
Saint John de Ulloa. In our way thwart of Campecke we met with a Spaniard, 
a small ship who was bound for Santo Domingo ; he had in him a Spaniard 
called Augustine de Villa Neuva ; him we took and brought with us into the 

* Sta. Pa. Doin. (Eliz.) Vol. LI 1 1, of this colleclion is occupied witli reports of Hawkins's case. 

The Hawkins Family . 35 

port of Saint John de Ulloa. Our Generall made great account of him, and 
used him Hke a nobleman ; howbeit in the ende he was one of them that 
betrayed. When wee had mored our ships and landed, wee mounted the 
ordinance that wee found there in the Ilande, and for our safeties kept watch 
and warde. The n(;xt day after wee discovered the Spanish fleete, whereof 
Lugon, a Spanyard, was Generall : with him came a Spaniard called Don 
Martin Henriquez, whom the King of Spain sent to be his viceroy of the 
Indies. He sent a pinnesse with a flag of truce into our Generall, to knowe 
of what countrie those shippes were that rode there in the King of Spaine's 
port; who sayd they were the Queene of England's ships which came in there 
for victuals for their money; wherefore if your Generall will come in here, he 
shall give me victuals and all other necessaries, and I will goe out on the one 
side the port, and he shall come in on the other side." 

Hawkins, during the pretended friendship of the Spaniards in the port of 
Ulloa, nearly lost his life by assassination. Some of the Spanish officers were 
dining on board Hawkins's ship, when Augustine de Villa Neuva was detected 
with a dagger, " which he had privily hid in his sleeve," while sitting at table, 
and with which he intended to have killed his host, "which was espyed and pre- 
vented by one John Chamberlayne, who took the poynarde out of his sleeve. 
Our General hastily rose up and commanded him to be put prisoner in the 
steward's room."* This confirmed Hawkins's idea of the treachery of the 
Spaniards, who to the number of 300 then boarded the Minion ; "whereat our 
general with a loud and fierce voice called unto us, saying, 'God and St. George ! 
Upon these traitorous villains, and rescue the Minion ! I trust in God, the 
day shall be ours ! ' " Nearly 600 Spaniards fell in that day's unequal fight. 

And here again Hawkins had a second narrow escape ; for " when the 
Minion stood off," says Hartop, "our general courageously cheered up his 
soldiers and gunners, and called to Samuel, his page, for a cup of beer ; who 
brought it to him in a silver cup : and he drinking to all the men, willed ' the 
gunners to stand to their ordinance lustily like men.' He had no sooner set 
the cup out of his hand but a demi-culverin shot struck away the cup and a 
cooper's plane that stood by the mainmast and ran out on the other side of the 
ship ; which nothing dismayed our general, for he ceased not to encourage us, 
saying, ' Fear nothing ! For God, who hath preserved me from this shot, will 
also deliver us from these traitors and villains ! '"f 

" The disaster in the harbour of Ulloa, was made the subject of inquiry 

* IlARTOP. t //"/. Gm. (Book xix. c. l8). 

Plymouth Armada Heroes. 

in the English Admiralty Court, with a view to assess the amount of damage, 
and the depositions made are still preserved. They are those of Hawkins 
himself; of Thomas Hampton, captain of the Minion; William Clarke, 
supercargo ; John Tommes, Hawkins's servant ; Jean Turren, trumpeter in 
the Jesus; Humphry Fownes, steward of the Angel (afterwards IMayor of 
Plymouth) ; and of William Fowler, a merchant trading with Mexico, to give 
independent testimony as to prices. Drake was not called. The loss was very 
heavy. Fitting out the expedition cost ;^i6,500; and making allowance for 
the profits in the traffic antecedent to the fight, the claims put in amounted to 
about ^^29,000. 

" Incidentally we get here an indication of the wealth and style of Hawkins, 
who was very far indeed from being the rough, old, ' tarry-breeked,' sea-dog 
described by Kingsley (in Westward Ho !). His personal apparel and furniture 
were set down as worth at least ;^440, which would be little if at all short of 
£yX)0 now. And supercargo Clarke deposed that he saw Master Hawkins 
wear during the voyage 'divers suits of apparel of velvets and silks, with 
buttons of gold and pearl.' His cabin was hung with tapestry said to be worth 
;£'iOO; and his 'instruments of the sea, books, and other things' were put 
at £6or* 

The Spaniards, after this breach of treaty at Ulloa, turned a deaf ear to 
all expostulations, and vindicated the injustice of the Viceroy, or at least forbore 
to redress it. 

The fate of the 100 men landed in the Bay of Mexico was most cruel. 
Some were killed by the natives ; others were sent to the capital, where they 
suffered in the most inhuman way at the hands of the Inquisition. Robert 
Barrett, the master of the Jcsns, was burnt at the stake in Seville, which was 
the fate of several ; others were left to die of hunger in the dungeons. Three 
men only out of the lOO escaped — Miles Philips and Job Hartop, who returned 
to England, the one after sixteen years', the other after twenty-three years' 
captivity ; and David Ingram, who found his way among the savage tribes to 
Cape Breton, coming home in a French ship the next year, when he visited 
Hawkins. The narratives of these men are extant, -f and no one who reads 
them can wonder at the extreme hatred of the English against the Spaniards. 

" The Spanish treachery at San Juan de Ulloa, by which means this voyage 
ended so disastrously, resulted in the mightiest issues. Plymouth declared war 
against Spain, and no opportunity was missed of harassing the Spaniards, 
which culminated in the invasion and destruction of the Spanish Armada. 

* Wou'lH ; from the depositions. t IIakluyt, vol. iii. 

The Hawkins Family. 37 

For every English life then lost, for every pound of English treasure 
then taken, Spain paid a hundred and a thousand fold. John Hawkins led 
the way with one of the boldest acts of Machiavellian statesmanship on record. 
The plain blunt sailor set his wits against those of King Philip and all his 
Court, and bent them to his will like puppets."* 

Hawkins had great affection for his seamen, and he was extremely anxious 
about the fate of his 100 unhappy men who were put on shore in Mexico. 
" Hawkins promised," says Hartop, " if God sent him safe home, he would do 
what he could, that as many of us as lived should by some means be brought 
into England." He intended to go out again, but the news soon became 
known that most of his men were in the hands of the Inquisition, where 
entreaty was hopeless, and force also. What could be done } " Hawkins 
could not rest until they were rescued. They owed their captivity to Spanish 
treachery ; they should owe their deliverance to English pretence. With 
Burleigh's permission, and the consent of the Queen, he complained bitterly to 
the Spanish ambassador of the way in which he had been treated by Elizabeth ; 
that he was deeply penitent for his evil deeds ; that he was broken-hearted at 
the progress of heresy; that he would do his utmost to place the Queen of 
Scots upon the throne. He offered to go over to Spain with his ships and men. 
The bait took. Having thus paved the way, he applied to Philip himself, by 
sending George Fitzwilliam, one of his officers, to Spain with full powers to 
arrange matters. Philip at first could not believe such good news that the 
redoubted 'Achines,' the terror of the Spaniards, the simple occurrence of 
whose name in a dispatch made the Spanish King splatter the margin with 
exclamation-marks of horror and dismay, would turn traitor." 

Hawkins even succeeded in taking in Dr. Lingard, who mistook pretence 
for earnest, but never was there a more absurd calumny than that Hawkins 
had consented to betray his country for a bribe with Spain. Lingard quotes 
an agreement made at Madrid, loth August, 1571, between the Duke of 
Feria, on the part of Philip H., and George Fitzwilliam on the part of John 
Hawkins, by which the latter was to transfer his services to Spain, with 
sixteen of the Queen's ships fully equipped with 420 guns, in return for pardon 
for past offences, and 16,987 ducats monthly pay. This agreement is indeed 
amongst the Spanish archives. The calumny lies in Dr. Lingard's conclusion 
from it, and in his statement— "The secret was carefully kept, but did not 
elude suspicion. Hawkins was summoned, and examined by order of the 
Council. Their lordships were, or pretended to be, satisfied, and he was 

* Worth. 

Plymouth Armada Heroes. 

engaged in the Queen's service." Lingard adds that Hawkins tendered hostages 
to Spain for his fidelity. All these supplementary statements are untrue. 
The simple fact was that Hawkins was trying to deceive and entrap the 
Spaniards, with the full knowledge and approval of the English Government 
from the first. This is proved beyond doubt by Cecil's correspondence. A 
more loyal and devoted subject never lived. His whole life was one of 
zealous devotion to the service of his Queen. His Spanish intrigue was 
undertaken with the object of rescuing his unfortunate men by a resort 
to guile, as he could not do so by force. 

Fitzwilliam returned from Spain, and with Burleigh's help he had an 
interview with the Queen of Scots. He returned to Philip with credentials 
from her on Hawkins's behalf;* who wrote to Burleigh that he had no doubt 
three " commodities " would follow : " First. The practices of their enemies 
will be daily more and more discovered. Second. There will be credit gotten 
hither for a good sum of money. Third. The same money, as the time 
shall bring forth cause, shall be employed to their own detriment ; and what 
ships there shall be appointed (as they shall suppose to serve their turn) may 
do some notable exploit to their great damage." 

The King of Spain was thoroughly taken in. To show his good faith 
in the proposals made he set the remaining imprisoned sailors free, and gave 
ten dollars to each man ; granted Hawkins a full pardon, and made him a 
grandee of Spain. Hawkins sent a copy of the pardon to Burleigh — "large 
enough ! with very great titles and honours from the King : from which 
may God deliver me ! " and alluding to the Spaniards, he adds, " Their practices 
be very mischievous, and they be never idle ; but God, I hope, will confound 
them 1 and turn these devices upon their own necks." f 

The plot, wrote Hawkins to Burleigh, was, "that my power should join 
with the Duke of Alva's power, which he doth secretly provide in Flanders, 
as well as with the power which cometh with the Duke of Medina out of 
Spain, and so altogether to invade this realm and set up the Queen of Scots." 

This scheme of 1571 was identical with that which was in 15SS attempted 
with the Armada. 

The next move made by Hawkins was to ask Philip for two months' pay 
for i6oo men, to man the fleet of sixteen ships with which he was to join him. 
" The Spanish Ambassador paid Hawkins ; and the money was at once laid out 
in works of defence ! There was no immediate danger ; the Spanish plans had 
been unravelled, and England saved, by the statecraft of a Plymouth sailor." 

• Sta. Pa. (Scot.), vol. vi. t Sta. Pa. Dom. (Eliz.) 

The Hawkins Family. 39 

For some years John Hawkins appears to have made no long voyages — 
though still occasionally serving afloat — and resided in Plymouth. In 1571 
and 1572 he was twice elected to represent the town in Parliament. 

While the Duke of Feria, and other Spanish grandees, were assuring 
Hawkins of their friendship, Elizabeth was urged through Walsingham by 
Count Ludovici, to license Hawkins to serve him " underhand " against the 
Spanish power in Flanders. It was said that no Spaniard could land there 
while Hawkins kept the seas. No English sailor at this time bore so famous 
a name. In 1572 we find the Dutch Admiral, de la Marck, complaining that 
Hawkins, either Sir John or his brother William, had done some damage to 
one of his captains. 

The great occupation of Plymouth seamen, however, was to defend the 
Protestant cause, and their own interests, together with those of the nation, by 
attacking any of the Catholic powers, such as the Spaniards or Portuguese. 
The Huguenots were under the protection of the English, and in 1573 Charles 
IX., in a letter to La Motte Fenelon, dated 23rd February, complained that 
M. Haquin (Hawkins) had joined with certain of his rebels near the Isle of 
Wight, with twelve or thirteen ships, with which they carried munitions and 
stores from England to Rochelle, and had taken several French ships. Two 
years later a St. Malo ship was captured by a vessel belonging to the Hawkinses, 
called the Castle of Comfort. 

"The accursed doctrine of the Inquisition, that no faith was to be kept 
with heretics, proved a dangerous doctrine for Spain when the heretics were 
such men as Hawkins, Candish, and Drake."* 

Sir Thomas Smith to Lord Burleigh. 

My VERY GOOD Lord, — • .... I shewed also her Majestie Hawkyns 

letter Her Majestie willed me further to tell you, that Conte Mont- 

gomerie and Vidame were here with her Highnes, and wold that her Majestie 
should send Hawkyns or some other, by some colour with some munition of 
powder to Rochelle as driven thither by tempest or contrary winds. But she 
saith, she cannot tell how to do it, especially being already spoken to by the 
French ambassador not to aid. Her Majestie praies you to think of it, and 

devise how it may be done, for she thynks it necessary Thus I commit 

your Honor to Almighty God. From Hampton Court the S*'' of January, 1572,!- 

by English account. 

Your Lordships alwais at commandement, 

T. Smith. I 

* Justin Winsor's Hist, of America. t The dates of the quoted documents are Old Style. 
X Sta. Pa. Dom. (Eliz.) 

40 PlymotitJi Armada, Heroes. 

In 1573 Sir John Hawkins was very nearly being murdered, as he was 
going to Court, by an assassin who mistook him for Sir Christopher Hatton. 
The man who made the attempt was one Peter Burchet, of the Inner Temple, 
a fanatical Puritan, who, as Hatton was a Papist, thought there was merit in 
putting to death a man to whom his party had an implacable hatred. Hawkins, 
after receiving one dangerous wound (probably from behind), managed to 
defend himself, and seized the would-be murderer. This is referred to in the 
following letter : 

Sir Thomas Smith to Lord Burleigh. 

My very good Lord, — I moved the Quenes Majestic yesternight, as 
sone as I came to the Courte, touching the advertisement of the Vidame. 
Her Majestic thynketh, that neither it is possible nor likely for the French to 
attempt anything now, they are so well occupied otherwise, and it were so 
unprofitable for theraself now to provoke displeasure of their neighbors. I 
perceive her Highnes is multum sccura; yet she lykcth well the sending away 
of the man into France, and not much mislyketh the sending of some bark or 
pynness to discover. Her Majestic taketh heavily the hurting of Hawkyns* 
and sent her own Surgeons to hym and Mr. Gorges to visite and comforte hym. 
It will sone appeare whether he can escape or no. Neither her Majestic, nor 
allmost any one here can thynke otherwyse, but that there is some conspiracie 
for that murder, and that Burchet is not indeede mad. It is said here that 
divers tymes, within this fortnight, both by wordes and writings, Mr. Haddon 
hath bene admonished to take hede to hymself ; for his life was laidc in waite 
for. Mr. Garret told me that he hath bene with one or two gendemen that 
came out of the west countrey to London with Burchet, who declareth that he 
had many phantasticall speeches and doings whereby they migJit perceive that 
he was not well in his witts all the whole journey hitherwards. 

.... Thus I commit your Lordship to Allmighty God, the 15"^ of 
October, 1573. 

Your Lordships at commandement, 

T. Smith.! 

The Queen and her ministers now availed themselves of Hawkins's skill 
and experience to employ him in the service of the public, by appointing him 
Treasurer of the Navy, a post in those days not only of great honour, but also 
of considerable trust. 

* The Queen, it seems, was so enraged, tliat she would have had Burchet executed immediately by 
martial law, but the Earl of Essex showed her that it was contrary to the laws of the country. When 
Burchet was committed to the Tower, he killed his keeper with a billet that lay in his prison, lie 
was hanged. 

t Sta. ra. Dom. (Eliz.) 

The Founder of our Colonial Empire. 

The Hawkins Family. 41 

"In 1573 Hawkins succeeded his father-in-law (Benjamin Gonson) as 
Treasurer of the Navy, and commenced a useful but very anxious and laborious 

administrative career on shore. But he still occasionally served afloat 

Besides the Treasurership of the Navy, Hawkins was also Treasurer of 
the Queen's Majesty's Marine Causes ; and in the same year he succeeded 
Mr. Holstock as Comptroller of the Navy. He was a keen reformer of 
Dockyard abuses, and Sir William Monson says that he introduced more 
useful inventions and better regulations into the navy than any of his 

Declaration of the accorapte of John Hawkins Esq. Treasurer of the Marine 
causes thereunto appointed with Benjamin Gonson Esq. since lately deceased 
by Letters Patent dated iS"" Nov. 20 Eliz. [1577], to have & occupy the said 
office of Treasurer to Benjamin Gonson & John Hawkins for their natural life, 
with all fees wages & allowances thereunto belonging ; also an annuity of 
100 marks sterling, and for two clerks under them %d. sterling by the day, 
together with the allowance of 6j-. 8;/. for every day that the s"" Ben Gonson & 
J. Hawkins shall travail & by occupied either by sea or land, only for such 
business as shall be needful to be dispatched concerning the same office, and 
;^8 sterling by the year for their boatehier. The said Benjamin and John 
shall have full allowance for all and every such sums of money as they shall 
disburse about the said Marine causes, they having the hands of 2 or 3 of the 
officers of the same Marine causes subscribed to the books of account or 
reckoning, the shewing of such books to be a sufficient warrant to all and 
every Auditor. Further the said Benjamin Gonson & John Hawkins to have 
the costs & charges of their clerks when & as often as they shall send them for 
the payment or receipt of any money for the said Marine causes. By the 
death of Benjamin Gonson the said office has wholly fallen upon John 

[Then fohows the account of John Hawkins for one year from ist Jan. 
20 Eliz. to 31st Dec. 21 Eliz.] 

"Sir John Hawkins recommended forming accommodation at the Isle of 
Wight, Weymouth, Dartmouth, Plymouth, and Falmouth, to save ships the time 
and expense of coming round to the river and the Downs." % 

Stow tells us that Hawkins was the inventor of the cunning stratagem 
of boarding nettings early in the Queen's reign, which he introduced into the 
fleet to protect ships in action. Also that he was the author of chain-pumps 
for ships, which were of excellent use. Besides these he brought in many 

* Hawkins' Voyiagis. t Audit Oflke. Declared Accounts. Bale 16S4. Roll 13. 

% Hasted's Kmt. 


42 PlymoiitJi Armada Heroes. 

inventions from time to time, and was indefatigable in labouring to bring all 
things as near as might be to perfection. 

He was thus chosen by Queen Elizabeth as the " fittest person in all her 
dominions to manage her naval affairs," and never had she a more faithful, 
devoted servant. " Endowed with huge capacity for work, Hawkins toiled 
terribly in the discharge of his manifold official duties. All that is now carried 
out by the executive department of the Admiralty fell upon his shoulders. 
His office was no mere matter of accountancy. It involved the whole 
management and maintenance of the fleet. He had to estimate the cost of 
all expeditions, to keep the stores, to build the ships, to provide and pay the 
crews, to report on harbour works. Every disbursement was made through 
him, and he had to render the strictest account of each item of expenditure. 
The office demanded the exercise of all his sea-craft, required the possession 
of distinguished abilities as a financier, and proved an incessant drain on all 
his energies. Driven nearly to his wits' end by the parsimony of Elizabeth, 
perpetually harassed by rivals whose pilferings he stopped, or whose useless 
offices he abolished, and who in return insinuated that he was turning the 
public money to private account ; he did for England then what no other man 
had equal technical skill, energy, and dogged perseverance to perform."* Faith- 
ful in the least, as well as in the greatest, when the moment of trial came " he 
sent her ships to sea in such a condition that they had no match in the world." 
The royal vessels that sailed out of Plymouth Sound to beat the Armada 
were perfectly equipped to the minutest detail, though Hawkins bitterly felt 
the straits to which he had been put. 

As time went on the need of weakening the strength of Spain became 
apparent. The English expeditions kept the Spaniards in check, but stronger 
measures were required for the safety of England. In November, 1577, the 
Queen received a remarkable letter, in which the writer declared his readiness 
to deal a blow, to be the means of putting an end to the naval power of 
Spain, Portugal, and France. The proposal was to clear out of England's 
way some 25,000 sailors belonging to the Catholic powers by attacking the 
Newfoundland fisheries, the great nursery of European sailors, "the best [ships] 
to be brought away, the rest to be burned." Who the writer was is unknown ; 
the signature has been erased. Froude hesitates to assign what he considers its 
guilt to anyone, but doubtfully hints at the possibility that it may have been 
Drake. Less cautious authorities have been positive it was Hawkins. "But 
the letter is unlike anything Drake or Hawkins ever wrote, and I," says 

* Worth. 

The Hawkins Family. 43 

Mr. Worth, "feel little doubt that it came from the pen of Ralegh's half- 
brother, Sir Humphry Gilbert, famous through all time as he who went 
down to his death with the brave words, ' Heaven is as near by water 
as by land.' " 

In 15S1 Hawkins had a severe illness,* but he had recovered in 1583, when 
he was busily investigating reductions of naval expenses, in which he met with 
great opposition. The officers at Chatham during fifteen months " took 
hardness and courage to oppose themselves against him," yet he saved there 
a sum of over .^3200, while adding to the efficiency of the navy. " His 
correspondence with Sir Julius Czesar, the Judge of the Admiralty, shows that 
he paid close attention to all branches of naval expenditure, detecting and 
putting a stop to many abuses. This good service naturally made him enemies. 
Mr. Borowe who was ousted made a book against him." And in 1583 there 
were articles drawn up "against the injuste mind and deceitful dealings of 
John Hawkins." Among those whom he found out conniving at abuses were 
Sir William Winter and the Master Shipwright Baker, who of course became 
his bitter enemies ; and he had a controversy with " Peter Pett, the 
shipwright," touching his accounts. Winter wrote : ' When he was hurte in 
the Strande, and made his will, he was not able to give ;^500. All that he 
is now worth hath been drawne by deceipte from her Majesty.' These 
calumnies received no credit, and Hawkins never lost the confidence of his 
Government." Among his other duties he was Surveyor of the Queen's Lands 
in Kent.i" 

* yohn Hawkins to Mr. Bolland. 

I have received your letter of the ig**" of this present, together with a letter inclosed from 
Sir F' Dralce of the 14"' of the same. I would be glad my ability and state were such that I might 
be an adventurer in this journey ; but I assure you I had so great a burden layd upon me in this 
last preparation, that with all the means that I can make I am hardly able to overcome the debt I 
owe her Majestic and keep my credit. It is well known to you, M' Bolland, to whom I did at large 
declare my losses and burdens, besides the shipping and other dead provisions which lay upon my hands. 
My sickness doth continually abide with me, and every second day I have a fit ; if I look [a?] < 
in the air but one hour, I can hardly recover it in' six days with good order, so as I am heartily sorry that 
I cannot attend upon my very good Lord [Leicester], whom I am desirous to satisfy according to my 
ability, if I had strength, for I am more like to provide for my grave than encumber me with worldly 

There cannot lack neither adventurers nor anything that is good, to the furtherance of so good an 
attempt, which enterprise I have had always a very good liking unto for the farther benefiting of our 
country, which God, I hope, will send to a good and prosperous end, and so I heartily take my leave. 

From Chatliam, the 20"' Ocf 15S1 

Your assured and loving friend 

John IIawkyns, 

t Hasted's Kent. 

44 Ply moid h Armada Heroes. 

jfohn Hmvkyns to Lord Burleigh. 

My bounden duty in right humble manner remembered unto your good 
Lordship. I have briefly considered upon a substantial course and the material 
reasons that by mine own experience, I know (with God's assistance) will 
strongly annoy and offend the King of Spain, the mortal enemy of our religion 
and the present government of the realm of England. 

And surely my very good Lord, if I should only consider and look for 
mine own life, my quietness and commodity, then truly mine own nature and 
disposition doth prefer peace before all things. But when I consider whereunto 
we are born, not for ourselves but for the defence of the church of God, our 
prince, and our country, I do then think how this most happy government 
might with good providence, prevent the conspiracies of our enemies. 

I do nothing at all doubt of our ability in wealth, for that I am persuaded 
that the substance of this realm is trebled in value since her Majesty's reign. 
God be glorified for it ! 

Neither do I think there wanteth provisions carefully provided, of shipping, 
ordinance, powder, armour, and munition, so as our people were exercised by 
some means in the course of wars. 

For I read when Mahomet the Turk took that famous city of Con- 
stantinople, digging by the foundations and bottoms of the houses, he found 
such infinite treasure, as the said Mahomet condemning their wretchedness, 
wondered how this city could have been overcome, or taken, if they had 
in time provided men of war and furniture for their defence, as they were very 
well able ; so I say there wanteth no ability in us, if we be not taken 
unprovided, and upon a sudden. 

And this is th' only cause that hath moved me to say my mind frankly in 
this matter, and to set down these notes enclosed, praying th' Almighty God, 
which directeth the hearts of all governours, either to the good or benefit of 
the people for their relief and deliverance, or else doth alter and hinder their 
understanding to the punishment and ruin of the people for their sins and 
offences. Humbly beseeching your good Lordship to bear with my presumption 
in dealing with matters so high, and to judge of them by your great wisdom 
and experience how they may in your Lordship's judgment be worthy of the 
consideration, humbly taking my leave. 

From Deptford the 20"' July 1584 

Your honourable Lordship's ever assuredly bounden 

John Hawkvns. 

The enclosure alluded to is as follows : 

The best means how to annoy the King of Spain, in my opinion, without 
charge to her Majesty, which also shall bring great profit to her Highness and 
subjects, is as followeth. First, if it shall be thought meet that the King of 

OB. . 1598. 

The Hawkins Family. 45 

Portugal may in his right make war with the King of Spain, then he would be 
the best means to be the head of the faction. 

There would be obtained from the said King of Portugal an authority to 
some person that should always give leave to such as upon their own charge 
would serve and annoy the King of Spain as they might both by sea and land, 
and of their booties, to pay unto the King of Portugal, five or ten of the 

There would be also some person authorized by her Majesty to take notes 
of such as do serve the said King of Portugal, and to that party with her 
Majestie's consent to give them leave and allowance to retire, victual, and sell 
in some port of the West Countrye, for which liberty they should pay unto 
their Majesty five or ten of the hundred. 

None should have leave to serve the said King of Portugal, but they 
should put in surety to offend no person, but such as the said King had war 
with, but should be bound to break no bulk but in the port allowed, where 
would be commissioners appointed to restore those goods as are belonging to 
friends in amity with the King of Portugal, and to allow the rest to the taker. 

There would be martial law for such as committed piracy, for there can be 
none excuse, but all idle seamen may be employed. 

If these conditions be allowed, and that men may enjoy that which they 
lawfully take in this service, the best owners and merchant adventurers in the 
river will put in foot, and attempt great things. 

The gentlemen and owners in the west parts will enter deeply into this 

The Flushingers will also be a great party in this matter. 

The Protestants of France will be a great company to help this attempt. 

The Portuguese in the Islands, in Brazil, and in Guinea, for the most part 
will continually revolt. 

The fishings of Spain and Portugal, which is their greatest relief, will be 
utterly impeded and destroyed. 

The islands will be sacked, their forts defaced, and their brass ordinance 
brought away. 

Our own people, as gunners (whereof we have few) would be made expert, 
and grow in number, our idle men would grow to be good men of war both by 
land and sea. 

The coast of Spain and Portugal in all places would be so annoyed, as to 
keep continual armies there would be no possibility ; for that of my knowledge 
it is trouble more tedious and chargeable to prepare shipping and men in those 
parts than it is with us. 

The voyage offered by Sir Francis Drake might best be made lawful to go 
under that licence also, which would be secret till the time draw near of their 

All this before rehearsed shall not by any means draw the King of Spain 
to oflfer a war, for that this party will not only consist of Englishmen, but rather 

46 Plymouth Armada Heroes. 

of the French, Flemings, Scotts, and such hke, so as King Phillip shall be 
forced by great entreaty to make her Majestie a mean to withdraw the forces 
of her subjects and the aid of her Highness' ports, for otherwise there will be 
such scarcity in Spain, and his coast so annoyed, as Spain never endured so 
great smart. The reason is that the greatest traffics of all Phillip's dominions 
must pass to and fro by the seas, which will hardly escape intercepting.* 

In 15S4 Hawkins held a consultation with Peter Pett with regard to 
improving Dover Harbour. In 1585 he submitted books to Lord Burleigh 
with lists of her Majesty's ships, their tonnage, and estimates for outfit, at the 
same time sending in a statement of the management of the Navy from 1568 
to 1579, with his scheme for its future government by commissioners. 

Hawkins was the British sailors' first friend ; for by his advice their 
pay was raised, in 1585, from 6s. 8d. a month to ioj., holding that this would 
bring the service better and more capable men, so that fewer would do the 
same work. " Such as could make shift for themselves, and keep themselves 
clean without vermin." As well as raising the quality of the men he improved 
the ships. The finest vessels in the English fleet against the Armada were 
built with Hawkins's improvements ; he lowered the sterns and forecastles, 
made the keels longer, and the lines finer and sharper, thus anticipating 
the main principles of improvement which have been continued down to 
the present time. 

His health at this time was very bad, but ill or well he never gave up 
his work. In January, 1586, he had a fit every other day. Vast sums of 
money passed through his hands, his jealous enemies asserting that he was 
enriching himself; but such malicious reports were treated with the contempt 
they merited. 

Writing to Burleigh, November 13th, 1587, Hawkins speaks of the im- 
provements during his ofiice through money spared from the ordinary warrant 
— " the refitting of sail, cordage, bolts, hulks, pullies, forges, warfs, storehouses, 
an much more," ending with 

For myne owne parte I have lived in a very mean estate since I came to 
be an officer [Treasurer], neither have I vainly or superfluously consumed Her 
Majestie's treasure, or myne owne substance, but ever been diligently and care- 
fully occupied to prepare for the danger to come, and whatsoever hath been or 
is maliciously spoken of me, I doubt not but your Lordshipes wisdome is such 
that ye may discern and judge of my fidelity, of which Her Matie and your 
Lordships have had long trial, and hereafter I will speak litde in mine own 

* S/a. Pa. Dom. (Eliz.) 

The Hawkins family. 47 

John Hawkins to Sir F. WalsingJiam. 
My duetie luimblie remembred unto your honour, havinge of longe tyme seen 
the malycious practises of the Papists combined generally throughout Christen- 
dome to alter the government of this Realme and to bring it to Papisterie, and 
consequently to servitude, povertie and slaverye, I have had a good will from 
time to time to doe and set forward something as I could have credit to impeach 
their purpose, but it hath prevailed little, for that there was never any substantiall 
ground laid to be followed effectually and therefore it hath taken bad effect and 
bred great charge, and we still in worse case, and less assurance of quietnes. 

I doe therefore now utter my mind particularly to your Honour howe I 
doe conceave some good to be done at last ; I do see we are desirous to have 
peace, as it becometh good Christians, which is best for all men and I wish it 
might any way be brought to that passe, but in my poor Judgment the right 
way is not taken 

Therefore in my mind our profit and best assurance ys to seek our Peace 
by a determyned and resolute Warre, which no double would be both less 
charge, more assurance of safetye, and would best discern our friends from our 
foes, both abroad and at home, and satisfy the people best generallie throughout 
the whole Reahrie. 

In the continuance of this Warre, I wish it to be ordered in this sorte, 
That first we have as little to doe in forrayne Countries, as may be, but of 
meere necessitie, for that breedeth great charge and no profit at all. 

Nexte that there be always Six principal good shipps of her Ma''" upon 
the Coast of Spain, victualled for some months & accompanied with some six 
small vessels, which shall haunt the Coast of Spain and the Islands, And be a 
sufficient company to distress any thing that goeth throughe that seas. And 
when these must return, there would be other six shipps likewise accompanyed, 
to keepe the place. So should the seas be never unfurnished, But as one 
company at the four monethes ende doth return, the other company should be 
always in the place 

For these 6 ships we shall not break the strength of our Navie, for we 
shall leave a sufficient company always at home, to front any violence that can 
be any way offered unto us. I do herewith send a note how the shipps may be 
fitted, and what they are, and what will be left at home. In open and lawfull 
warrs God will help us, for we defend the chief cause, our religion, Gods own 
cause, for if we would leave our profession and turn to serve Baal (as god 
forbid, and rather to die a thousand deaths) we might have peace but not 
with God 

From aborde the Bonavcnture the first of Feb. 1587. 

Your Honours humbly to command 

John Hawkyns. 

[Endorsed] To the right honorable Sir Francis Walsingham Knt.* 
* Sta. Pa. Dom. (Eliz. ) 

48 Plymouth Armada Heroes. 

The Treasurer had a house for his office at Deptford; but Hawkins 
resided in the parish of St. Dunstan's in the East, and also at his house in 
Plymouth. In December, 1587, Sir William Wynter and William Holstock 
reported that Hawkins's duties had been satisfactorily performed. 

Masses of State papers remain to bear testimony of his labour, industry, 
and zeal in carrying out this dry detail business. Still he never lost his love of 
adventure, and often longed for the sea to escape from the vexations of his 
land service. Hence his offer in November, 1587, to undertake, with seventeen 
ships and pinnaces (the real germ of the Armada fleet), to oppose the landing 
of any foreign power on any part of the West coast. 

But he had other work to do on land. With keen foresight he scented 
the struggle from afar. Hence we find him writing that it was impossible 
things could remain as they were. "The only way to gain a solid peace 
was by a determined and resolute war." When the intention of Spain to 
invade England became manifest, a Council, consisting of Lord Charles 
Howard, Hawkins, Drake, and Frobisher, got the English fleet in readiness to 
meet its formidable adversary. Hawkins was appointed Vice-Admiral, hoisting 
his flag on board the Victory, and received the highest reward, a mark of the 
highest distinction in those days, the honour of knighthood, during the action 
on the 26th of July! * 

The following despatch from Sir John, detailing the circumstances of the 
defeat of the Armada, shows the practical business side of his character to the 
life : 

To tlie Hon'-'' M" Sec Walsiiigham 
July 31-1588 
My bounden duty humbly remembered unto your good Lordship I have not 
busied myself to write often to your Lordship in this great Cause for that my 
Lord Admiral doth continually advertise the manner of all things that doth 
pass, so do others that understand the state of all things as well as myself. We 
met with this fleet somewhat to the westward of Plymouth upon Sunday in the 
morning being the 21"' July where we had some small fight with them in the 
afternoon. By the coming aboard one of the other of the Spainards a great 
ship a Biscane, spent her formast & bowsprit which was lost by the fleet in the 
Sea and so taken up by Sir Francis Drake the next morning. 

The same Sunday there was by a fyer chancing by a barrel of powder a 
great Biscane spoiled and abandoned which my lord took up and sent away. 

The Tuesday following athwart of Portland we had a sharp & long fight 

* For the account of the defeat of the Armada and the part of Ilawkhis therein, see Chapter IV. 

0£. .1590. 

The Haivkin^ Faivily. 49 

with them, wherein we spent a great part of our powder & shot, so as it was 
not thought good to deal with them any more till that was releived 

The Thursday following by the occasion of the scattering of one of the 
great ships from the fleet which we hoped to have cut off, there grew a hot fray 
where in some store of powder was spent & after that little done till we came 
near to Calais where the fleet of Spain anchored & our fleet by them, and 
because they should not be in peace there to refresh their water or to have 
conference with those of the Duke of Parmas party, my lord admiral with 
firing of shipes determined to remove them as he did and put them to the seas 
in which broil the chief galliasse spoiled hir rother [rudder] and so rowed 
ashore near the town of Calais where she was possessed of our men but so 
aground as she could not be brought away 

That morning being Monday 29 July we followed the Spaniards and all 
that day had with them a long and great fight wherein there was great valor 
shown generally of our company in that Battile. There was spent very much 
of our powder & shot and so the wind began to grow westerly a fresh gale and 
the Spaniards put them selves somewhat to the northward where we follow & 
keep company with them, in this fight there was some hurt done among the 
Spaniards. A great ship of the galleons of Portugal spoiled her rother and so 
the fleet left her in the sea. I doubt not but all these things are written more 
at large to your Lordship (then I can do but this is the substance and material 
matter that hath passed) 

Our ships God be thanked have received little hurt and are of great force 
to accompany them and of such advantage that with some continuance at the 
seas and sufficiently provided of shot and powder we shall be able with Gods 
favour to weary them out of the sea and confound them. 

Yet as I gather certainly there are amongst them so forcible and invincible 
ships which consist of those that follow viz 9 galleons of Portugal of Soo Tons 
apiece saving 2 of them are but 400 Tons apiece 20 great Venetians and 
argosies of the seas within the Straight of 800 apiece one ship of the Duke of 
Florence of 800 Tons 20 great Biskanes of 500 or 600 tons 4 galliasses where 
of one is in France There are 30 hulks and 30 other small ships whereof 
little account is to be made. At their departing from Lisbon being the 19*^ 
May by our account they were victualled for 6 months, they stayed in the 
Groyne 28 days and there refreshed their water, at their coming from Lisbon 
they were taken with a flawe and 14 hulks or thereabouts came near Ushante 
and so returned with contrary winds to the Groyne and there met, and else 
there was none other company upon our coast before the whole fleet arrived 
and in their coming now a little flaw took them 50 leagues from the coast of 
Spain where one great ship was severed from them and 4 gallies which hitherto 
have not recovered their company 

At their departing from Lisbon the soldiers were 20,000 the mariners and 
others Sooo so that in all they were 28000 men. Their commission was to 


50 Plymouth Armada Heroes. 

confer with the Prince of Parma (as I learned) and then to proceed to the 
service that should be there concluded. And so the Duke to return into Spain 
with these ships and mariners, the soldiers and their furniture being left behind. 
Now this fleet is here and very forcible and must be waited upon with all our 
force which is little enough, there would be an infinite quantity of powder & 
shot provided and continually sent aboard without the which great hazard may 
grow to our country for this is the greatest and strongest combination to my 
understanding that ever was gathered in Christendom, therefore I wish it of all 
hands to be mightily and diligently looked unto and cared for. 

The men have been long unpaid and need relief I pray your Lordship 
that the money that should have gone to Plymouth may now be sent to Dover. 

August now cometh in, and this cost [coast] will spend ground tackle, cordage 
canvas and victual, all which would be sent to Dover in good plenty, with these 
things and Gods blessing our kingdom may be preserved which being neglected 
great hazard may come. I write to your Lordship briefly and plainly, your 
wisdom and experience is great, But this is a matter far passing all that hath 
been seen in our time or long before. 

And so praying to God for a happy deliverance from the malicious and 
dangerous practice of our enemies I humbly take my leave from the sea aboard 
the Victory y" last of July 1588. 

The Spaniards take their course for Scotland My Lord doth follow them. 
I doubt not with Gods favor but we shall impeach their landing, there must be 
order for victual and many powder and shot to be sent after us. 

Your Lordships humbly to command 

John Hawkins 

This is copy of the letter I send to my Lord Treasurer whereby I shall not 
need to write to your honour help us with furniture and with Gods favour we 
shall confound their devyse. 

Your Honours ever bounden 

John PIawkins 
I pray your honour bear with this for it is done in haste and bad weather.* 

But the defeat of the Armada was child's play for Hawkins in comparison 
with the subsequent rendering of his accounts, which he was called upon to do. 
For years the whole burden of the navy had lain upon his shoulders ; and when 
the money of the State had failed, he had freely spent his own. The Queen 
insisted that every item should be vouched ; Hawkins, more careful of results 
than book-keeping, held himself a ruined man. Howard defended him from 
the unjust aspersions of his enemies; but Burleigh wrote him so severely, that 
in reply Hawkins says, " I pray God I may end this account to her Majesty's 

* Sta. Pa. Dom. (Eliz.) 

The Hawkins Family. 5^ 

and your Lordship's liking, and avoid mine own undoing, and I trust God will 
so provide for me as I shall never meddle with such intricate matters more." 

The following correspondence from the State Papers will show better than 
any mere description the nature of the work Sir John had to do, and the 
difficulties he had to overcome : 

Sir yohn Haivkins to Lord Howard of Effingham. 

The Queenes Shippes. The Gallion Leicester 

The White Scare The Gallyon Dudley 

The Victorye The Tcigar of Plymouth 

The Nonperely The Barque Bonner 

The Hope The Samaritane of Dartmouth 

The Swiftsure The Delight 

The Foresight The Eliz. Bonaventure 

The ALoone The Diamonde of Dartmouth 

The White Lyon The Mynyon of Plymouth , 

The Disdaine The Jacol} of Lyme 

The Barque Ha7vkins 

The Shippes of London. The Chaunce of Plymouth 

rr'u i\r The ^ohn of Barstable 

The Mynyon -^ 

rri /^ ,j T The Acteon 

The Golden Lyon 

The Tho: Bonavent ^he Barque Flcminge 

The Hercules 
The Redde Lyonn 
The Royall Defence 
The B. Btirre 

The Sallomon of Alborow 
The Pellicane of Lee 
The Katherine 
The Ratte 

My verie good Lord, — This Thursdaie beinge the viij* of August we came 
into Harwiche with these shippes that are above noted. We are in hande to 
have out the Ordenance and BaUast of the Hope and so to grounde her. With 
the nexte faire wynde we mynde with those shippes that are here to foUow your 
Lordshippe into the Downes, or where we maye heare of your Lordshippe, and 
to bring all the victuallers with us. 

There are three of the wholes here alreddye with Beere and bread and the 
rest being seven more, have order to come hither. We will relyeve such as be 
in necessitie, and bringe awaie the rest with us. 

The Beare hath a leake which is thought to be verie lowe, yet my Lord 
will follow your Lordship. 

The Elizabeth yonas and the Tryitmphe drave the last stormie night being 
Mondaye, since which time we have not heard of them. But this faire weather 
I hope your Lordshippe shall heare of them at the Forelande. As I wrote this 
letter more of the Victuallers are come. There is xiiij daies victuall in them 

52 Ply 111071 th Armada Heroes. 

for the shippes under your Lordshippes charge as I learne. And so praying to 
God to sende us shortly to meete with your Lordshippe I humbly take my 
leave from Harwich the 8"' of August 1588. 

Your honorable Lordshippes most bounden 

John Hawkyns 

This is the coppy of the letter sent to my Lord Admyrall which I send to yor 
Honour, that ye may see in what state we are & what we pretend, the wynd 
is now bad for us to ply to my Lord but we will lose no tyme. 

Your Honours most bounden 

John Hawkyns.* 

Sir J^ohn Hawkins and Lord Howard to Lord Burleigh. 

Right honorable myne especyall good Lord this day my Lord Admyrall called 
S"^ William Wynter and me aboard his Lordships ship and shewed unto us 
your Lordships letter of the 24th of August wherby your Lordship required 
to bee advertised what numbers of maryners and soldiers there were in the 
ships that are here with my Lord. Since I came down the weather hath been 
such as our fleet hath been divided part in Dover rood and part at Margate & 
goorend and never could come either of us to other and those at the Margate 
can hardly row ashore or gett aboard when they were ashore. 

S'" Francis Drake and I discharged & sent away many of the westerne & 
coast ships before my Lord came down which upon some news that S'' Edward 
Norys brought, my Lord was somewhat displeased & misliked it. 

I am not able to send your Lordship a better particular of the numbers 
that are & were in her Majesties certain pay then that which I sent from 
Plymouth wherein was demaunded about xix thousand pounds to bring the pay 
to the 28 of July wherein there was no condoctes demanded for that no 
discharge was then thought of, neither was there any ships of the coast spoken 
of, or voluntary ships but those of S' Richard Graynfylds & those taken into 
service by Sir Francis Drake then, over & above his warrant yet by order from 
the counsell as S'' Richard Graynfyld & he hath to shew. 

Your Lordship may think that by death, by discharging of sick men & 
such like, that there may be spared somethinge in the generall pay, first those 
that die their friends require their pay in place of those which are discharged 
sike & insufficient which indeed are many there are fresh men taken, which 
breedeth a far greater Charge by mean of their condoct in discharge, which 
exceedeth the wages of those which were lastly taken in, & more lost by that 
then saved. We do pay by the poll & by a Check book wherby if anything be 
spared, it is to her Majesties benefit only. The ships that I have paid of those 

* Sta. Pa. Dom. (Eliz.) 

The Haiukins Family. 53 

which were under S'' Francis Drakes Charge, I find full furnished with men & 
many above their numbers. Those ships that are- under my Lord Seemour, 
Sir W'" Wynter doth assure my Lord they have their full numbers besyde there 
were sent aboard 500 soldiers by Sir John Norys and others which stood them 
in little stede for that they were imperfect men. but they kept them not above 
viij days. The weather continueth so extreme & the tides run so swift that we 
cannot get any victuals aboard but with trouble & difficulty we go from ship to 
ship, but as weather will serve & time to gather better notes your Lordship 
shall be more particularly informed of all things. 

And so I humbly take my leave from the Arke Rawky in Dover roode 
the 26*'' of August 1588. 

Your good Lordship humbly to command 

John Hawkyns. 

\Appcnded to the same letter\ 

My good Lord this is as much as is possible for M"' Hawkyns to do at this 
time. There is here in our ship many Lieutenants and Corporals which of 
necessity we were and are driven to have. Your Lordship knoweth well how 
services be far from what they were, and assure your Lordship of necessity it 
must be so. God knoweth how they shall be paid except her Majesty have 
some consideration on them. The matter it is not great in respect of the 
service I think 500" with the help of my own purse will do it, but howsoever it 
fall out I must see them paid and will for I do not like to end with this service, 
and therefore I must be solved here after. My good Lord look but what the 
officers had with Sir Francis Drake having been 4 of her Majesty's ships I do 
not desire half so much for all this great fleet. 

My good Lord it grieveth me much to hear of my Lord Chamberlains 
sickness. The Almighty God help him. The Queens Majesty and the Realm 
should have as great a loss as of any one man that I do know. God send the 
next news to be of his Amendment. God send you health my good Lord. 

Your Lordships most assured to Command 


Sir John Hawkins to Lord Burleigh. 

My honorable good Lord, — I am sorry I do live so long to receive so sharp 
a letter from your Lordship considering how carefully I take care to do all for 

the best & to cease charge 

It shall hereafter be none offence to your Lordship that I do so much 
alone, for with Gods favour I will & must leave all. I pray God I may end 
this accompt to her Majesties & your Lordships Hking & avoid myne own 

* Sta. Pa. Dom. (Eliz.) 

54 Plyniotiih Armada Heroes. 

undoing, & I trust you will so provide for me as I shall never meddle with 
such intricate matters more, for they be importyble for any man to please & 
overcome it ; if I had any enemy I wolde wish hym no more harme then the 
course of my troublesome and painfull liffe; but hereunto, & to Gods good 
providence we are born. 

I have shewed your Lordships letter to my Lord Admiral & Sir William 
Wynter who can best judge of my care & painfull travail & the desire I have to 
cease the charge. 

Since we came to Harwyche the Margett & Dover our men have much 
fallen sick whereby many are discharged which we have not greatly desired to 
increase because we always hoped of a generall discharge, yet some mariners 
we have procured to divers of the ships to redress them. And so I leave in 
haste to trouble your Lordship. From Dover the 28 of August 1588. 

Your Honorable Lordships humbly to command 

John Hawkvns.* 

Sir j^ohn Hawkins to Secretary Wahingham. 

My Lord Treasurer I understand hath not been pleased for that I 

could not send his Lordship the certain number of such men as were in her 
Majestys pay. The truth is, the weather was such & so cruel as I cold not 
ferry from ship to ship a long time & the fleet was dispersed some at Dover, 
some at Margate & some to seek out the great Spaniard upon the coast of 
France, but now the v"" of September all the fleet met in the Downs & 
presently within two hours I sent my Lord a perfect note which was near about 
4300 men that remained in pay. 

I would to God I were delivered of the delyng for money & then I doubt 
not but I should as well deserve & continue my Lords good liking as any man 
of my sort, but now I know I shall never please his Lordship two months 
together for which I am very sorry, for I am sure no man living hath taken 
more pain, nor been more careful to obtain & continue his Lordships good 
liking & favour toward him then I have been. 

My pain & mysery in this service is infinite, every man would have his 
turn served though very unreasonable yet if it be refused then adieu friendship. 
I yield to many things more than there is whereof, and yet it will not satisfy 
many. God I trust will deliver me of it ere it be long for there is no other help. 

I devise to ease charge & shorten what I can for which I am in a general 
misliking but my Lord Treasurer thinketh I do little but I assure your Honour 
I am seldom idelle. 

I marvel we doubt the Spaniards, surely there can be no cause & we put 
our ships in great peril for they are unfitted of many things & unmeet for 

* Sta. P,i. Dom. (Eliz.) 

The Hawkins Family. 

sen-ice till they pass a new furnishing both of men grownding & reforming of 
a world of provisions as it will be felt when we shall set forth again. The 
discourse which I wrote your honour in December last must take effect & so 
her Majesties charge shall cease, the coast of Spain & all his traffiques 
impeached & afflicted, & our people set awork, contented & satisfied in 
conscience & there is no other way to avoid the misery that daily groweth 
among our people, & so being over " fattygatyd " with a number of troubles I 
humbly take my leave from the Downes aboard the Victory the 5"" of Sept. 1588. 

Your Honours ever assured tt bounden 

John Hawk\-n"s.* 

So anxious and troublesome a time had Sir John, in paying off the fleet 
after the defeat of the Armada, owing to the frequent engaging and discharging 
of the men by the Queen's orders in the spring of 1588 ! So many changes too 
added greatly to the expense, independently of the large amount of money 
required to fit out the fleet for the extraordinary' sea ser\-ice during that year. 
In December, 1588, at Hawkins's request, Edward Fenton, his brother-in-law, 
who commanded the Mary Rose against the Armada, was appointed his 
deputy for a year, to enable him to finish his great and intricate accounts.* 
Hawkins set to his task with accustomed energy ; and by the following 
September the accounts for eleven years — some had been previously sent in — 
were made up complete to December, 15S8, and he was able to "clear himself 
with credit. The office was not one of profit ; although an unscrupulous man 
might have made a fortune. Hawkins did not find in his time any fees or 
vails worth 20s. besides his ordinary fee and diet which he consumed in 
attending his office." Instead of profit his post was a great loss. 

According to the original accounts. Sir John Hawkins, while Treasurer of 
the Navy, had paid out of his own pocket for thirteen years up to 1590 the 
sum of £o^l<) 5^. 4^/. This sum in the present day represents about .£^50,000. 
So he prayed to be delivered from this "continual thraldom," but in vain. 
" Elizabeth knew when she had a good ser\'ant, though she did not know how 
to treat him." His work increased. The yearly payment in 1590 for keeping 
and repairing vessels in harbour was advanced to ;fS973 I2.y. 10/., now equal 
to ^50,000. 

In 158S, after the defeat of the Armada, Sir John Hawkins and Sir Francis 
Drake instituted that useful fund long known as the " Chest at Chatham," for 
seamen and shipwrights voluntarily to set apart every month a portion of their 
pay, for the perpetual relief of such as were maimed or wounded in the service 

* Sta. Fa. Dmi. (Eliz. ) 

56 Plymouth Armada Heroes. 

of the Crown. Probably the distress of the men after the fight of 1588 
suggested the idea. This fund is now removed to and incorporated with 
Greenwich Hospital, of which it was the forerunner. 

" In this Hundred of Blackheath, moreover, which contains two royal 
dockyards intimately associated with their names, and that noble institution 
Greenwich Hospital, both Hawkins and Drake deserve especial mention, since 
they were the first to make provision for disabled seamen."* 

But it is not in this instance alone that seafaring men employed in the 
Queen's service have reason to gratefully commemorate the good deeds of 
Sir John Hawkins; for, not satisfied with having promoted the excellent 
scheme of the "Chest at Chatham," this noble and public-spirited officer 
founded and endowed during his lifetime, entirely at his own cost, a hospital at 
Chatham for poor decayed mariners and shipwrights. From an old inscription 
cut in the wall, the building was finished in 1592. And on the 27th of August, 
1594, Queen Elizabeth, at the request of Sir John, granted a charter (which is 
in fine preservation, and still kept in the chest belonging to this charity) of 
incorporation, by the name of "the governors of the hospital of Sir John 
Hawkins, Knight, in Chatham. The society were always to consist of twenty-six 
governors, recited as follows in the charter : The Archbishop of Canterbury ; 
the Bishop of Rochester ; the Lord High Admiral ; the Lord Warden of the 
Cinque Ports ; the Dean of Rochester ; the Treasurer, Comptroller, Surveyor, 
and Clerk of the Accounts of the Navy ; six principal Masters of Mariners ; 
two principal Shipwrights; the Master and Wardens of Trinity House, for 
the time being, and their successors," &c. f 

" It reflects a lasting honour on the character of this worthy Knight, 
that he in his lifetime, and while he was blessed with health and vigour, to have 
enjoyed his fortune, conveyed to this house of charity the lands and tithes 
which he intended for the poor inhabitants of it." During his life Sir John had 
the sole power of appointing the poor men who were received into his hospital. 
After his death the right devolved upon the governors. Twelve pensioners 
were settled in the hospital, and a weekly stipend of two shillings was to 
be paid to each poor seaman ; and no person was eligible who, while in the 
service of the Royal Navy, had not been maimed, disabled, or brought to 
poverty. In 1722 this hospital was put in thorough repair, by order of the 
governors, and the original inscriptions were continued. On the outer side, 
over the gate, " The poor you shall always have with you : to whom y*^ may do 
good yf y^ wyl ;" and on the inner side, "Because there shall be ever some poor 

* IIasted's Kent. t Ilis'oyy of Rochester. 

Chest asd Hatchments in SrR John Hawkinses Hospital, Chatham. 

TJie Hawkins Family. 


in the land, therefore I command thee, saying, Thou shall open thyne hand 
unto thy brother that is needy and poor in the land." * 

" It is evident that the founder by fixing in a conspicuous part of the walls 
these admonitions to charity, intended to awaken in the minds of passengers 
sentiments of pity and compassion, and to excite those of his own profession, 
at least, who had been successful in the world, to enlarge and improve upon 
a plan calculated for the support, in the decline of life, of a body of men 
useful to the community', and to whose laborious and perilous assistance they 
were chiefly indebted for the wealth they had acquired. But if this was the 
expectation and laudable aim of Sir John Hawkins, they have been in a great 
measure ineffectual. For though, since the establishing of this institution, 
very ample — nay, noble — fortunes have been made by naval officers in the 
service of the Crown, the name of Robert Davis is almost the only one who 
stands recorded as a benefactor, and it was by the direction of Dame Elizabeth 
Narborough (aftersvards Shovel), whom he appointed his sole executrix." t 

Sir John, after settling his accounts with regard to the nav}' in 1590, requiring 
a relief from his arduous office work, suggested an expedition to Cadiz and the 
South Seas, "the sea calling him, and feeling there was good work to be done."t 
As usual he was vexed by delays, but towards the end of the summer of 1590 
the fleet of fourteen ships, commanded by himself in the Mary Rose and Sir M. 
Frobisher in the Rezxtige, set sail, with orders to do all possible mischief on the 
coast of Spain. § In September Hawkins was Admiral at Flores, waiting for the 

• Twelve pensioners are still living in Sir John Hawkins's Hospital at Chatham, but during this 
century the old gate has disappeared. In the Council Room, over the fireplace, is a portrait in oils of the 
founder, also two hatchments, one with the arms of Sir John Hawkins, and the other with the arms of 
Trelawny impaling Arg. on a chev. sable three cross crosslets of the first, likewise a huge oak chest with three 
locks, in which the charter is kept. On the lid of the chest are the arms of Sir John Hawkins. 

t History of RochesUr. 

X 1590. May 2. AVestminster. Commission of Queen Elizabeth to Sir John Hawkins, authorising 
turn to press and take up men for her service to the furnishing of such ships as are committed to his charge, 
viz. the Alary Rose, Hope, Nonpareil, Rainbow, Swij'tsure, and Foresight, in any place upon the coasts of 
England and Ireland any mariners, soldiers, &c. Provided that Sir John, and those who accompany him 
in the voj-age, shall not willingly attempt anything that may give just cause of offence to such princes as 
are in good amity and league with England. — SeconJ Report of the Historical Manuscripts Commission. 
Duke of Northumberland's MSS. 

§ Sir John Hawkins and Sir Martin Forbusher, their vo)-age to the Coast of Spain and Islands 
Anno 1590. 

The Revenge . 
The Mary Rose 
The Uon 
The Bonaventure 
The Rainbow. 

Sir Martin Fobisher 
Sir John Hawkins 
Sir Edward Yorke 
Captain Fenner 
Sir George Beeston 

The Hope . 
The Craiu . 
The Quittance 
The Foresight . 
The Smiftsure . 

Moxson's Nazal Tracts. 

Captain Bostock 

Captain [Richard] Hawkins 

Captain Bumell 

58 Plymouth Armada Heroes. 

Spanish fleet. Says Sir Richard, in his Voyage to the South Seas, " In the fleet 
of her Majesty, under the charge of my father Sir John Hawkins anno 1590, 
upon the coast of Spain the Vice-Admiral [Frobisher?] being ahead one 
morning, where his place was to be astern, lost us the taking of eight men of 
war laden with ammunition, victuals, and provisions, for the supply of the 
soldiers in Brittany [the Spaniards sent assistance of troops and stores to 
the Due de Mercceur in Brittany, in his war against Hen. IV., which was not 
concluded until 1598], and although they were 7 or 8 leagues from the shore, 
when our Vice-Admiral began to fight with them, yet for that the rest of our 
fleet were some 4, some 5 leagues, and some more distant from them, when 
we began to give chase, the Spaniards recovered into the harbour of Mungia 
[14 miles N. of Cape Finisterre] before our Admiral [Sir John Hawkins] 
could come up to give direction ; yet well beaten, with loss of above 200 men, 
as they themselves confessed to me after. And doubtless, if the wind had 
not over-blown and that to follow them I was forced to shut all my lower 
ports, the ship I undertook [chased] doubtless had never endured to come 
to the port ; but being double fli-boats, and all of good sail they bare for 
their lives, and we did what we could to follow and fetch them up,"* and to 
intercept the Spanish fleet. 

"But the Plate fleet was warned in time, and remained in the Indies. 
None of the enemy's ships appeared, and the expedition came back without 
any results." 

The English in this year were seven months without taking a ship, as the 
Spaniards did not come out of port, but the English fleet succeeded in stopping 
trade with Spain. Not taking the eight men of war on their way to Brittany 
was no fault of Sir John, who, however, had to bear the blame. For 
when he returned and reminded Elizabeth that " Paul doth plant, AppoUo 
doth water, but God giveth the increase," "God's death!" exclaimed the 
Queen, "this fool went out a soldier and is come home a divine."t 

Sir 'yohn Hawkins to Lord Burleigh. 
My most honorable good Lord, 

.... I ame many wayes burdenyd & brought behinde hande and 
especyally by the overthrow of this Jorney which I had with great care & cost 
brought to passe, hopinge as your Lordship dyd see an orderly & a sparyng 
begynnyng so yf yt had pleased God that yt shold have procyded ther shold 
have byne sene with Gods favour a rare example of governeraent, wherin matter 
of great moment might have byne performyd, but saying yt ys thus I can but 
saye, the wyll of god be done. 
* This proves that Sir Richard Hawkins was in this expedition of 1590. t -SVa. Pa. Dom. (Ehz.) 

The Hawkins Family. 59 

I ame many wayes to be an humble sewter to your good Lordship to looke 
favourably to me, ells I shall be utterly cast downe, for many thynges are now 
owt of my handes wherein I have streched my abyllytye & many of my fryndes, 
& especially this late Jorney intendyd. 

The remayne of the warrant of the 27 of March 1588 . 2147 10 o 
the consideracon for my ship the r^^/;/(?;/t-^ . . 714 o o 

my porcyon with S' francys Drake which her Ma"'^' 

promysed me long syns beynge . . . 7000 o o 

all which I thought shold have byne small matters in comparyson of that which 
God wold have blessyd me with yf I had procyded, but now beynge owt of 
hope that ever I shall performe any royall thynge, I do put on a meane mynde, 
& humbly pray your Lordship to be good lord to me, to whome onely I wylbe 
beholdynge, & wyll be dysposed of and all that I have by your Lordship & 
ever thankfull. 

From London the first of Marche 1589. 

Your Lordships ever bownden 

John Hawkyns. 

[Endorsed] To the Ry* Honorable my synguler good Lord the Lord 
High tresorer of Ingland.* 

We subsequently find : 

Sir yohn Hmvkins to Lord Burleigh. 
My bownden dewty Humbly remembryd unto your good Lordship. We aryvyd 
by Dover with fowre of her Ma*''"'' good shipes and the Daynty in good saffety 
god be thankyd the viii"* day of Desember, & mynd to plye into chattham with 
all spede possyble 

The pryse at Dartmouthe ys dyschargyd there and a perfytt inventory sent 
unto your Lordship of all that was fownd in her by the costomer or collectour 
M"^ Blaccoller to which inventory bothe he and I have subscrybed, & lest the 
same may not come so soone to your Lordships hands by land as now by me I 
have sent your Lordship a coppy of it word for word. 

I have delyveryd the cochenyle to those your Lordship and the rest of the 
Lordes wrot for even at my beyng under sayle I gave order for it. 

The ryalls of platt & the matters of worthe I have here with me in the 
Mary rose which I wyll bryng to your Lordship, so have I other things wherin 
your Lordship shall see I have demynyshed nothing. 

From the Mary rose nere Dover the 8*'' of Des. 1590. 

Your Honorable Lordships ever bounden 

John Hawkyns. 

[Endorsed] To the Ry' Honorable my synguler good Lord The Lord 
Heigh Tresorer of Ingland.* 

* Sla. Pa. Dam. (Eliz.) 

6o Plymouth Armada Heroes. 

The character of the disputes that arose in the division of the spoil is 
indicated by the annexed curious official report : 

Most worshippful Sir, having traveled about your affaires conserning the 
goods of yours brought into Plimouth by Sir John Hawkins and Sir Martin 
Frobisher Knights at my coming to Plimouth aforesaid your factors and I 
fownde in sundrye vi'arehowses by ther markes the said goodes mentioned in 
scedules geven us. And by virtue of letters from the right honourable the 
Lords and others of her Majesties Privie Councell your factors receyved them 
and transported them according to your direcdons, saving fortie bagges of 
Cochinille and one smale barrell delivered me by waight by Humferye Founes 
in this manner, viz. x bagges and a smale barrell in his owne keeping, as 
allotted out for his share, and so he commanded from one Phillipps Goddard 
and M'" Hawkins as their share also x bagges a piece more, All which 
commodities after the possession for my discharge being goodes of great 
vallewe called some honest persons to viewe them And fownd the said 
goodes to be mingled with grimy (?) graynes and coldust &c. And after roade 
to the Commissioners viz. Sir John Gilbert Knt. &c. to shew them how the 
forenamed persons together with M^ Richard Hawkins had misused (?) the 
said goodes in manner as is aforesaid 

Uppon the 26* of October past Sir John Hawkins being sent unto by the 
said commissioners, and a coppie of Her Ma''" warrant, desiering him to be a 
meane that his kinsman Richard Hawkins might restore the rest of the said 
goodes, which he refused to do, but wrote his warrant unto the Mayor of 
Plimouth to take the same goodes again from us 

Sir John sent to the number of 50 or threescore mariners, with a man or 
twoe of his own well weaponed the xxix"" of October and with great violence 

took the same goodes from us 

Car. Atkinson.* 

There was still sharper controversy when the Madre de Dios was captured, 
in 1592, after a hot engagement. This great caracke, or seven-decked ship, of 
165 feet from stem to stern, manned by 600 men, was the largest prize that had 
ever been brought to England. The Queen, who had contributed little 
towards the expenses of the enterprise, nevertheless engrossed the largest share 
of the profits, which were estimated by Ralegh and Sir John Hawkins, who 
had joined him in this expedition, at ;^500,ooo. The officers and sailors, how- 
ever, had previously secured for themselves the jewels and other valuable 
effects, and thus obtained considerable booty. This vessel was brought into 
the port of Dartmouth. Ralegh's share of the profits is said to have ex- 
ceeded ;^30,ooo ; but he complains that he had back less than his own. 

* Sta. Pa. Dom. (Eliz.) 

The Hawkins Family. 6i 

We find under date, October 28th, 1594: 

Grant to Sir John Hawkins, Sir John Hart, Hen. Colthurst, John Moore, 
and other merchants of London, of a prohibition for two years against the 
bringing in of pepper, with proviso that they sell the pepper which they have 
bought of the Queen at not more than y. the pound.* 

Sir John Hawkins's career was now drawing to a close. His health became 
affected from the strain of a continuance of service afloat, combined with the 
performance of responsible and laborious duties on shore. Hence he writes, in 
January, 1594, begging again to be released from his labours. He had grown 
grey in the service of his country, and now required the much-needed rest. 
" His second wife, Margaret Vaughan, was weak, and could not be removed. 
His brother William had died and been honoured by a monument in Deptford 
Church. There was to be no other rest for him." 

As his life had been heroic so was his death. In 1593 his only child, 
Richard Hawkins, had sailed on his adventurous voyage to the South Sea. 
Then came the news that his son was a prisoner in the hands of the Spaniards ; 
and his brave father determined to put to sea once inore, broken-hearted as he 
was, to attempt the rescue of his son, hoping that during the enterprise an 
opportunity might offer to procure his freedom. 

An expedition to sail to the West Indies was planned by Hawkins, who 
as usual directed all the preparations himself. Sir Thomas Gorges reported, 
from Plymouth to Cecil, of this his last service, " Sir John Hawkins is an 
excellent man in all these things ; he sees all things done orderly." 

The fleet was under the command of Sir John Hawkins and Sir Francis 
Drake. The Queen was to bear a share of the expenses, and to have a third 
of the profits. Hawkins was to victual the fleet at his own cost. "As a matter 
of fact the chief outlay fell upon Sir John," who expended £id,,66i i8j. 6d., 
and Drake ;^ 12,842 gs. \od. If required the Queen would have found ;^20,ooo; 
but Hawkins and Drake paid ;^IS04 8j. ^d. above their proportion. 

Carew notes : On the 23rd July, 1595, four Spanish galleys arrived off the 
Cornish coast near Penzance, where they landed, and set the town on fire. A 
messenger was sent by post to Sir Francis Drake, and Sir John Hawkins, then 
at Plymouth with a fleet bound for the Indies, &c. 

The following letter will be read with interest : 

Sir F. Drake and Sir y. Hawkins to Lord Burleigh. 
Our duty in most humble manner remembered, it may please your Lordship, 
we have answered her Majestys letter we hope to her Highness contentment, 
whom we would not willingly displease. 

* Sta. Pa. Dom. (Eliz.) 

62 Plymouth Armada Heroes. 

We humbly thank your Lordship for your manifold favours which we have 
always found never variable, but with all favour, love, and constancy, for which 
we can never be sufficiently thankful, but with our prayers to God long to bless 
your good Lordship with honour and wealth. 

We think it be true, that some small men of war be taken upon the coast 
of Spain, but they are of very small moment ; they be for the most part such 
small carvels as was before this taken from the Spaniards. Some small number 
of our men are yet in Spain, which is the only loss, but as we learn, there be 
not above one hundred left in Spain of them, but many returned already into 
England. And so looking daily for a good wind, we humbly take our leave. 
From Plymouth the iS"^ of August, 1595. 

Your Lordships ever most bounden, 

Fra. Drake, 
John Hawkins.* 

Their force consisted of 27 ships and 2500 men. Of all the expeditions 
against the Spaniards there was none that promised so much success, and 
which ended with less. 

This fleet of six royal ships, the Bonavcnhire, Garland, Defiance, Hope, 
Foresight, and Adventure, with twenty-one other vessels, was detained by 
reports of a Spanish invasion, which proved without foundation. The 
ships sailed from Cawsand Bay on the 29th April, 1595, to execute their 
plan of burning Nombre de Dios, marching to Panama, and there seizing 
the treasure which had arrived from Peru. The first mishap that occurred 
was to the Hope. She struck on the Eddystone, but was got off again. A 
few days before they sailed, the Queen sent to say that the Plate fleet had 
arrived in Spain, with the exception of one galleon, which had lost a mast 
and was obliged to return to Porto Rico, and advised their taking this vessel. 
When they were at sea the " generals " in a very short time differed. Hawkins 
was for executing the Queen's command ; but Drake, instead of seconding 
the wise judgment of his kinsman and early patron, succeeded in persuading 
him to make an attack on the Canaries. But the attempt of reducing these 
islands proved as dishonourable as it was unsuccessful, and they set sail 
for Dominica, where they spent too much time in refreshing the crews and 
building pinnaces, remaining at Guadaloupe until the 4th November ; thus 
giving the Spaniards so much insight into their design that, having heard of 
the departure and force of the English squadron, they dispatched five stout 
frigates to bring away the galleon from Porto Rico. 

* Sta. Pa. Dom. (Eliz ) 

The HazL'kins Fa^nily. 63 

Sir John Hawkins having left St. Dominica, the same day the Francis, of 
thirty-five tons, and the sternmost of his ships, fell in with the five Spanish 
ships despatched to observe the English, and to convoy the Plate fleet from 
Porto Rico. The Spaniards, by putting the master and mariners of the Frajicis 
to the torture, obliged them to confess all they knew with regard to the 
expedition. This loss so deeply affected Sir John Hawkins that, on hearing 
the news, the consequence of which he had foreseen, and knowing that their 
whole scheme must be discovered, he was thrown into a fit of sickness, of 
which (or rather of a broken heart) he died, on the 21st November, 1595, the 
very day the fleet anchored before Porto Rico. Hawkins's death had a great 
effect upon those whom he commanded, because what he predicted had come 
only too true. This was so mortifying to Drake, he being greatly to blame, 
that he too fell ill, and died a few weeks later. 

" His younger colleague and pupil soon afterwards followed him, and 
shared the same watery grave."* 

Anticipating the arrival of the English fleet, the Spaniards had sunk a 
great ship to prevent the English entering the haven, where there were five 
Spanish vessels well armed for defence. Directly the English came to an 
anchor, they played their great guns upon them, doing much damage. Sir 
Nicholas Clifford and Brute Brown were mortally wounded. Baskerville, 
however, with twenty-five boats, ventured within the Roads, burning and 
doing much harm to their ships, and the fight was obstinately contested on 
both sides. 

The English then proceeded to Nombrc de Dios, whence Sir Thomas 
Baskerville, with 750 soldiers, began the march to Panama; but was repulsed, 
and returned, after they had gone halfway to the South Seas, with his half- 
starved and harassed men. 

After the death of Sir Francis Drake, before the fleet reached Porto 
Bello, the command devolved upon Baskerville ; and he, with the advice of 
the other officers, set sail for England, and, after a severe fight with a Spanish 
fleet off Cuba, arrived home in May, 1 596, with very little booty, which was but 
a poor recompense to the nation for the loss of the two greatest sea officers then 
in Europe; and was much regretted and remembered for many years as a 
public calamity. 

Sir John Hawkins was graceful in his youth, and of a grave and reverend 
aspect as he advanced in years. " Every inch a sailor," with a thorough 
understanding of maritime aft'airs ; a skilled mathematician, and a shrewd 

64 Plymouth Armada Heroes. 

tactician, with a keen insight into the characters of men ; of an almost 
boundless capacity for work; an able and upright administrator, who for 
forty-eight years was employed in the active service of his country. He was a 
man of undaunted personal courage, and never-failing presence of mind, which 
enabled him frequently to deliver himself and others out of the most imminent 
dangers. He formed his plans judiciously, and executed the orders he received 
with the utmost punctuality. Submissive to his superiors, and courteous to 
inferiors ; extremely affable to his seamen, and remarkably beloved by them : 
" merciful," says Maynard, " and apt to forgive, and faithful to his word ; " 
placing the sufferings of his men far before his own private disasters. " Not 
only the ablest seaman of his day, but the best shipwright that England had 
ever seen ; often entering upon what in modern eyes are questionable ways, but 
never false to his own conscience and the moral standard of his time; 'a very 
wise, vigilant, and true-hearted man,' as Stow speaks of him in his Chronicle — 
Sir John Hawkins, of all the Elizabethan galaxy, seems to me most nearly 
to approach the typical Englishman. The very solidity of his virtues, the 
very greatness of his deeds, have caused them to be inadequately esteemed."* 

He was not without failings, and these were exaggerated by such people 
as found it easy to censure a man whom it would have been difficult to 

An anonymous letter, of doubtful authenticity,'!- quoted by Prince, dis- 
paraging Hawkins, bears the marks of bias, and was in all probability written 
by one of the men Hawkins detected in abuses, and who thus owed him a 
grudge, and wrote the letter in retaliation. 

In spite of objections, it is made evident from facts that Sir John Hawkins 
was one of the principal supports of the English navy, in a reign when its glory 
was very conspicuous, in consequence of which he received many testimonies 
of honour, favour, and reward. His merit was not only understood by the 
Queen and her ministers, but by the country also, since Sir John was so 
popular, that he was twice elected member of Parliament for Plymouth, and a 
third time for some other borough. 

He was a pious man, as appears from his recorded sayings and letters, 
and from his having erected and endowed during his lifetime the hospital at 

* Worth. 

t The writer has carefully omitted his name. It has been statcil, but on unreliable authority, that 
SirWm. Monson wrote this letter. This is incorrect, as SirWm. Monson speaks in the highest terms 
of Hawkins. 

The Haivkins Family. 65 

That he was a man of education, and able to handle the pen to good 
purpose, is proved by his narrative of the voyage to San Juan de Ulloa, and 
many letters still extant. 

His contemporary, John Davis, in his World's Hydrographical Description, 
says, "The first Englishman that gave any attempt on the coasts of West 
India, was Sir John Hawkins, Knight : who there and in that attempt, as in 
many others sithens, did and hath proved himself to be a man of excellent 
capacity, great government, and perfect resolution. For before he attempted 
the same it was a matter doubtful and reported the extremest limit of danger 
to sail upon those coasts. . . . How then may Sir John Hawkins be esteemed, 
who being a man of good account in his country, of wealth and great 
employment, did notwithstanding for the good of his country, to procure trade, 
give that notable and resolute attempt." 

Admiral Sir John Hawkins was married twice. About 1558 he married 
Katherine, daughter of Benjamin Gonson, Esq., of Sebright Hall, Great Badow, 
near Chelmsford, by Ursula, daughter of Anthony Hussey, Judge of the 
Admiralty. Benjamin Gonson, and his father William Gonson before him, 
were Treasurers of the Navy in the reigns of Henry VHI., Edward VI., Mary, 
and Elizabeth. In 1573 Benjamin Gonson resigned in favour of his son-in-law, 
John Hawkins, who held the office of Treasurer of the Navy until his death, in 
1595 — a period of twenty-two years. Sir John's first wife, Katherine Gonson, 
was the mother of Sir Richard Hawkins, his only child. She died in 1591, and 
was buried in St. Nicholas Church, Deptford. Katherine's sister, Tomasine 
Gonson, married first Captain Edward Fenton, Squire of the body to Queen 
Elizabeth, and commander of the Mary Rose against the Armada. He died in 
1603, and a monument commemorates his memory in St. Nicholas Church, 
Deptford. His widow married, secondly, Christopher Browne, Esq., of Sayes 
Court, Deptford. 

Sir John Hawkins's second wife was Margaret, daughter of Charles 
Vaughan, Esq., of Hergest, by Elizabeth, daughter of Sir James Baskerville, 
of Eardisley Castle, Co. Hereford. Lady Hawkins was bedchamber woman 
to Queen Elizabeth. Lady Hawkins is mentioned, in 1594, aS attending the 
funeral, as " chefe morner," of her aunt. Lady Katherine Gates, widow of Sir 
Henry Gates ; and again in the Carew MSS., 1601-1603. She survived her 
husband twenty-six years, and died in 1621.* 

His skill and success had given him such a reputation, that by way of 
augmentation to his arms (Sable, a golden lion walking over the waves), 
* Sir John Hawkins's two wives were allied to Roger Boyle, Earl of Cork. 

66 Plymouth Armada Heroes. 

Mr. Harvey, then Clarencieux King-at-Arms, granted to John Hawkins, by 
patent, for his crest, on his return from his voyage of 1564, a demi-IMoor 
proper bound captive, with annulets on his arms and in his ears, for his victory 
over the Moors. 

" 2°'' augmentation for John Hawkins exploits at Rio de la Hauche, and 
in honour of his great action at Ulloa, and to preserve the memory of his other 
noble achievements, M' Cooke then Clarencieux added to his arms — on a canton 
or an escallop between two palmer's staves sable. This patent is [in 1779] still 
in existance." 

The terms of the first grant of augmentation are worthy of note. Sir 
John is described as "gentleman," and as the second son of William Hawkins, 
of Plymouth, and Joan his wife, daughter of "Edmund" Trelawny, of Cornwall, 
who was son of John Hawkins, of Lawnstone, Cornwall, esquire, by Joane his 
wife, daughter and heir of William Amidas, of Lawnstone aforesaid. There is 
no record of the original grant of arms, which according to the augmentation 
were borne by his immediate ancestors. 

In 1616 the Corporation of Plymouth placed the arms of Sir John 
Hawkins, and those of Sir John Hele, in the Guildhall windows, at a cost 
of 33^, 6d.y protecting them the next year with a "small grate of wire" costing 
13^. 10^. In the new Guildhall windows Sir John is represented, but his arms 
have been omitted. 

Sir John Hawkins's grave lies far away in the depths of the Western 
Ocean; but a handsome monument erected to his memory on the north side 
of the chancel of St, Dunstan's-in-the-East, which was his place of worship 
during many years, gave his age as "six times ten and three."* This would 
make his birth in 1532; the date usually given is 1520, but on no authority. 
This cenotaph was destroyed in the great fire of London in 1666. The present 
church was built by Sir Christopher Wren ; and the tomb has disappeared. 
The monument bore the following inscription : 

Johannes Hawkins, Eques Auratis, clariss. Reginje Marinarum causarum 
Thesaurarius. Qui cum xliii annos muniis bellicis et longis periculosisque ■ 
navigationibus, detegendis novis regionibus, ad Patriae utililatem, et suam ipsius 
gloriam, slrenuam et egregiam operam navasset, in expeditione, cui Generalis 
praefuit ad Indiam occidentalem dum in anchoris ad portum S. Joannis in 
insula Beriquena staret, placide in Domino ad ccelestem patriam emigravit, 
12 die Novembris anno salutis 1595. In cujus memoriam ob virtutem et res 
gestas Domina Margareta Hawkins, Uxor miestissima, hoc monumentum cum 
lachrymis posuit. 

* The same date is given on Sir John's original portrait, in the possession of C. Stuart Hawkins, Esq. 

The Hawkins Family. 


Arms of Sir John Hawkins, 

Impaling Conson a'ld Vmighan. 


Plymouth Armada Heroes. 

Stow, in his Survey of London, tells us that his widow hung a " fair table ' 
by the tomb, " fastened in the wall, with these verses in English : " 

Dame Margaret, 

A widow well affected 

This monument 

Of memory erected, 


Unto the viewer's sight 

The life and death 

Of Sir John Hawkins, Knight ; 

One fearing God 

And loyal to his Queen, 

True to the State 

By trial ever seen. 

Kind to his wives, 

Both gentlewomen born. 

Whose counterfeits 

With grace this work adorn. 

Dame Katherine, 

The first, of rare report. 

Dame Margaret 

The last, of Court consort. 

Attendant on 

The chamber and the bed 

Of England's Queen 

Elizabeth, our head 

Next unto Christ, 

Of whom all princes hold 

Their scepters, states. 

And diadems of gold. 

Free to their friends 

On either side his kin 

Careful to keep 

The credit he was in. 

Unto the seamen 


As testifieth 

Chatham Hospital. 

The poor of Plymouth 

And of Deptford Town 

Have had, now have, 

And shall have, many a crown. 

Proceeding from 

His liberality 

By way of great 

And gracious legacy. 

This parish of 

St. Dunstan standing east 

(Wherein he dwelt 

Full thirty years at least) 

Hath of the springs 

Of his good will a part. 

Derived from 

The fountain of his heart. 

All which bequests. 

With many moe unsaid, 

Dame Margaret 

Hath bountifully paid. 

Deep of conceit. 

In speaking grave and wise, 

Endighting swift 

And pregnant to devise. 

In conference 

Revealing haughty skill 

In all affairs. 

Having a worthie's will ; 

On sea and land. 

Spending his course and time. 

By steps of years 

As he to age did climb. 

God hath his soul. 

The sea his body keeps. 

Where (for a while) 

As Jonas now he sleeps ; 

Till he which said 

To Lazarus, Come forth. 

Awakes this Knight, 

And gives to him his worth. 

In Christian faith 

And faithful penitence. 

In quickening hope 

And constant patience. 

He running ran 

A faithful pilgrim's race, 

God giving him 

The guidance of His Grace, 

Ending his life 

With his experience 

By deep decree 

Of God's high providence. 

His years to six times 

Ten and three amounting. 

The ninth the seventh 

Climacterick by counting 

The Hawkins Family. 


Dame Katherine, 

His first religious wife, 

Saw years thrice ten 

And two of mortal life, 

Leaving the world the sixth, 

The seventh ascending. 

Thus he and she 

Alike their compass ending. 

Asunder both 

By death and flesh alone, 

Together both in soul, 

Two making one. 

Among the saints above. 

From troubles free, 

Where two in one shall meet 

And make up three. 

The Christian Knight 

And his good ladies twain. 
Flesh, soul, and spirit 
United once again ; 
Beholding Christ, 
Who comfortably saith, 
Come, mine elect. 
Receive the crown of faith. 

Give God, saith Christ, 
Give Caesar lawfull right. 
Owe no man, saith St. Paul, 
ne mine, ne mite 
Save love, which made 
this chaste memoriall, 

Subscribed with 
Truths testimoniall. 

An epitaph on Sir John Hawkins and Sir Francis Drake was written by 
Richard Barnfield, in an address " To the Gentlemen Readers " preceding The 
Encomium of Lady Peciinia ; or. The Praise of Money (1598). He writes: 
" The bravest Voyages in the World have been made for gold : for it Men have 
venterd (by sea) to the furthest parts of the earth: In the pursute whereof, 
England's Nestor and Neptune [Hawkins and Drake] lost their lives. Upon 
the Deathes of the which two, of the first I write this : 

" The waters were his Winding Sheete, the Sea 
was made his Toombe ; 
Yet for his fame the Ocean Sea, was not 
Sufficient roome. 
Of the latter this : 

" England his hart ; his Corps the waters have, 
And that which raysd his fame, became his grave." 

The frontispiece represents an original portrait on panel of Admiral Sir 
John Hawkins. On the left side are the arms, and on the right, "yEtatis SV/E 
LVIII Anno Doiiii 1591." This portrait is now in the possession of Christopher 
Stuart Hawkins, Esq., whose father, Admiral Abraham Mills Hawkins, about 
1850, obtained the picture from Richard King, Esq., of Bigadon, into whose 
hands it came after having been sold with the "old lumber" referred to on 
page 70, on the death of Mrs. William Creed (relict of William Creed, a 
descendant of Admiral Sir John Hawkins), who was the grandmother of 
Admiral Abraham Mills Hawkins, as well as of John Luscombe, Esq., late 
of Coombe Royal, near Kingsbridge. 

70 Plymouth Armada Heroes. 

The accompanying illustration represents a miniature of Sir John Hawkins, 
and the jewel given to him by Queen Elizabeth, after the defeat of the Armada, 
together with a lock of her Majesty's hair.* 

The miniature is in an ivory case, and beautifully preserved, with a blue 
background. These relics were given to Sir Henry Scale, Bart., by Miss Mary 
Southcote about 1845. A few years later Baron E. Rothschild came into 
Dartmouth in his yacht, and purchased the miniature and pendant from Sir 
Henry, and they are now in the possession of his daughter, the Countess of 

The following extract is taken from a letter : 

The miniature is a very good resemblance of Sir John Hawkins, painted by 
Peter Oliver, considered the first English artist in Queen Eliz""^ day. Sir 
John Hawkins was one of the admirals of Queen Eliz"'^ fleet which took and 
dispersed the Spanish Armada in the year 15S8, for which service the Queen 
presented him with the accompanying jewel, and which at that time was 
suspended by a handsome gold chain. The whole coming into the possession 
of two sisters,t they agreed to a division — the younger, Mary, taking the picture 
and jewel, the elder, Harriet, keeping the chain, all trace of which is now lost, 
but John Luscombe, Esq', of Coombe Royal near Kingsbridge, Devon, says 
he well remembers to have seen amongst some old lumber of his grandmother's, 
jyjrs ^v™ Creed, a portrait of Sir John Hawkins wearing this jewel and the 
chain round his neck. After his grandmother's death the old lumber was sold, 
and with it this portrait. 

Nearly 50 years since I remember to have heard my Father say that he 
had been offered ^£^500 for this relic but which he had refused ! 

Mary Southcote. J 

The Marquis of Lothian has in his possession a picture of Hawkins, 
Drake, and Candish. " It is ascribed to Mytens, and it has been at Newbattle 
for about 250 years at least." § The portrait of Hawkins in this picture is a 
facsimile of the one that belongs to Mr. C. Stuart Hawkins. 

* This lock of Queen Elizabeth's hair was carefully preserved and given to Henry Southcote, who 
changed his name to Aston, second son of John Henry Southcote, by his second wife Priscilla Aston. 
He unfortunately lost the hair a few years since. 

+ Daughters of John Henry Southcote, ob. 1820 aged 73, of Buckland-tout-Saints, which he sold 
to the Clarkes in 1793, and of the manor of Stokefleming, High Sheriff of Devon. 

X Mary Southcote, ob. 1849, daughter of John Henry Southcote, by his first wife Margaret 
Luttrell. This heirloom came to John Henry Southcote through his mother Joan Creed, and to the 
Creeds from Judith, daughter of Thomas Hawkins, Esq., of Stokefleming, who married Peter Creed. 

§ Letter from the Marquis of Lothian. 

J ^A&^'2My» ,,^-£U>>Z*t^^£A^ ^4'tt^Uty^ ^'Zl'^Uyi.^i^l^ /l^t^n^a^^/g^ ^yi^^ 

The Hawkins Family. 71 

In the Council-room of Sir John Hawkins's Hospital at Chatham is a 
portrait in oils of the founder, apparently taken at a younger period of his life. 

The basso-relievo ivory bust of Sir John Hawkins is in the possession 
of the Rev. Bradford R. J. Hawkins, of Crowfield Parsonage, Needham, 
Suffolk, who believes the bust came from Dr. Deane, Archdeacon of Rochester 
and Rector of Lambeth, through Bishop Bradford, whose niece William 
Hawkins, of Westminster, married. The said William Hawkins was great 
grandfather of the Rev. Bradford R. J. Hawkins, the present owner of the 

aSill of matfjcrine Ha&g l^atofetns. 

Be it known to all men by these presents that whereas I Sir John Hawkins Knt. 
am possessed of one house with one garden & appurtenances thereunto belonging 
in Deptford And whereas I am also possessed of certain other lands in Dept- 
ford aforesaid within \_sic\ Katherine my wellbeloved wife is in the remainder 
to dispose to her & her heirs knowe ye that I the said Sir John Hawkins in 
consideration of my great good will borne to my wife aforesaid and in con- 
sideration of the great care & travels she hath alwaies borne towards the 
increasing & maintenance of my estate have licensed and do by these hcence 
and give libertie to the said Katherine my wife to make her last will & testament 
and therein to dispose & give & bequeath at her good pleasure and liking to 
anie person or persons & their heirs not only the possession & reversion of the 
said lands but also of my goodes moveable to the value of five hundreth pounds 
sterling which dispositions gifts & bequests by her to be made for the things & 
value abovesaid I promise by theis presents for me my heirs & executors to 
allowe ratifie & performe. In witnes whereof I have set to theis presents my 
hande & scale the xxv*'' day of May in the xxxij"' yeare of the raigne of our 
Soveraigne Ladie Ehzabeth. John Hawkins. Sealed & delivered in the 
presence of me Lawrence Huse. 

I Katherine Hawkins wife of Sir John Hawkins Knt. do request my husband 
that he will be contented my corps may be buried in the parish Church of St. 
Dunstans in the Easte. 

I bequeath the large bason & ewer of silver & gilt which was my late 
fathers to my brother Benjamin Gonson & to his heirs after the decease of my 
husband. And for default of issue to such one of my sisters or sisters children 
as shalbe thought most fit & convenient by mine Executors to take the use of 
the said bason & ewer. 

To my said brothers wife my best border of pearls & gold. To my sister 
Marie Hawkins my other border of gold & pearle To Judith Hawkins wife of 
Richard Hawkins my ring with the table diamante which S"^ Nicholas Parker 

72 Plymouth Armada Heroes. 

gave me. To my sister Peterson my great Spanische piece of golde of the 
value of about fifty ducats, and to Ursula Peterson her daughter ;^5o. 

To my sister Bennet Wallinger the face cloth & cushion cloth which she 
hath in use of mine and to Katherine \\'allinger her daughter & my goddaughter 
^50. And to Thomas Wallinger her son j[^2^ To Marie Wallinger her 
daughter ^25 

To my sister Anne Fleminge 32 pieces of \os. in gold of the mill stamp 

To my sister Thomasine Fenton my pair of bracelets of gold pearle & 
" Agathies " and my ringe with the seale. 

To my cousin Katherine Jordan 10 pieces of gold of 205-. the piece 

To my cousin Marie Robinson one piece of gold of 30^. 

To my cousin Margaret Huse ais Roe one piece of gold of ■^os. 

To my cousin Anne Netmaker wife of my cousin Robert Netmaker 40j-. 
And to Ursula Netmaker her daughter ;^3. 

To my cousin Margaret Laurence wife of Simon Laurence one piece of 
gold of 4 ducats 

To the wife of my cousin Michael Gonson 40^-. And to her son 
Benjamin his wife 40^-. 

Legacies to friends. 

To M'' Edward Combes in consideration of his great travels in our affairs 
one "portague" 

To my godson James Wood six angels. 

Numerous legacies to friends. 

To the poor of St. Dunstan's parish ^5, and to the poor of Deptford £^^ 

I ordain my good sisters Ursula Peterson & Thomasine Fenton my 
Executors and my Uncle Huse to be Overseer of this my will 

Signed & sealed by me Katherine Hawkins the xxij"' day of June 1591. 

On the xxiij"' of June Dame Katherine Hawkins declared this to be her 
last will in the presence of Abraham Fleminge " preaching minister " of Dept- 
ford, Richard Chapman & William Currey. 

After the delivery of the will Dame Katherine gave by word of mouth 
various other legacies to several people [here specified at length] 

Proved i5"^ Oct. 1591 at Rochester. {Rochester JVi7/s.] 

maw of Ssit gjoljn l^afafems. 

Sir John Hawkins of London Knt. 

I bequeath ^50 among the poor householders of Plimouth, ;^so to the 
poor householders of the parish of St. Dunstan's in the East London where I 
dwell, and ;^So to the poor householders of Deptford where I dwell 

The Hawkins Family. 73 

The sum of ;^20oo jointure of my wife Lady Margaret to be first satisfied 
by my executors, also ^1000 wliich I bequeath to her in augmentation of her 
jointure & in recompense of her dower. I give to her so much of my plate as 
shall amount to the value of ;^2oo to be chosen at her pleasure, also so much 
of my household stuff out of my house in Mincing Lane & other my houses in 
Deptford as shall amount to ^300, also all such jewels as heretofore I bestowed 
upon her. 

I give and bequeath to my dread Sovereign Ladie the Queen's most 
excellent Maiestie that now is (to be delivered by my said wife) as a testimony 
of my true zeal and Loyalty a Jewell of the value of 200 marks 

To my very good Lord William Lord Burghlie High Treasurer of England 
the sum of ;^ioo 

To my very good Lord Charles Lord Howard of Effingham High Adaiiral 
of England my best diamond worth ^100 or so much money in gold 

To Sir John Fortescue Knt. Chancellor of the Exchequer ^50 

To my very good Cousin Sir Francis Drake Knt. my best Jewell which is a 
Cross of " Emorodes " 

To Sir Henry Palmer Knt. a diamond worth ^20 

To John Heale ;^5o, to be one of the Overseers of this my will. 

To Benjamin Gunston my brother-in-law my best bason & ewer of silver 
& gilt, or in lieu of it ^50 

To Edward Fenton Esq. & to Thomasine his wife my brother & sister in 
law ^^50 which she doth owe me. 

To Robert Peterson & Ursula his wife my brother k sister in law ^/^ 20 

[A lost list of legacies to servants and friends.] 

100 marks each to every of the sons (now living) of my late brother W™ 
Hawkins Esq by Mary his 2"^' wife, also ^50 to each of the daughters of my 
said brother by both his wives 

To my servant Roger Langforde an annuity of ^20 during such term as 
he shall be employed going through my accounts with her Majestic which 
accounts I willed him to follow by the direction of my wife and of my son 
Richard Hawkins. 

Whereas I have assured all my lands, tenements & hereditaments within 
the Realme of England to Sir Henry Palmer Knt. Thomas Hughs of Gray's 
Inn Esq. Hughe Vaughan of the parish of St. Giles without Creplegate London, 
and Richard Reynell of the Middle Temple Esq. I therefore will & devise them 
to assure unto my wife my house in London wherein I now dwell for the term 
of her life, the remainder thereof to my son Richard Hawkins & his heirs 
male; for lack of such issue to my wife the Lady Margaret Hawkins & her 
heirs for ever. In like manner I do devise that the said Sir Henry Palmer and 
his " Cobargainzees " & their heirs shall assure to my said son the moiety of the 
house with the appurtenances & of the garden, stable, cellars, the pallace, the 


74 PlymotUh Armada Heroes. 

wharf, and forge house upon the said wharf in Plymouth that he now occupieth, 
to hold to him & his heirs lawfully begotten, the remainder thereof in tail to the 
heirs of my said brother William Hawkins by Mary his second wife, with 
remainder in tail to the heirs of my said brother by his first wife; with re- 
mainder to my own right heirs for ever. 

In like manner Sir Henry Palmer & his Cobargainzees shall assure to the 
eldest son of my late brother by the said Marie the moiety of the dwelling 
house with the appurtenances in Plymouth wherein Warwick Heale Esq. & the 
said Marie now or latelie dwelt, and the moiety of the garden, the tower house 
to it, the shop, the " bruehouse," backehouse, the sellers upon the wharfe before 
the house, the moietie of the Crane, And my parte of the gardeine and Orcharde 
in the Howe lane, And my moitie of the stable : to have & to hold to him & 
his heirs, with remainder in tail to the next heir male of my said brother by the 
said Marie, for default of such heir, the remainder in tail to my son Richard 
Hawkins, with remainder to the next heir of my said brother, with remainder 
to my own right heirs for ever. 

All the rest of my lands in Plymouth I bequeath to my son Richard 
Hawkins & his heirs males, with divers remainders, upon condition that my son 
within one year next after my death doe graunt & assure ten pounds rent charge 
yearly out of it to the Mayor & " Cominaltie " of Plymouth, or the Corporation 
of Plymouth if they may lawfully take it, if not, to the Overseers of this my 
last will & to their heirs, to the use & to be paid to the poor for the time being 
in the Almeshouses there for ever. 

I will that my feoffees do go through with the erection of my hospital at 
Chatham & provision of living for the same according to such directions as I 
shall give them if during mine own life I do not perform & "parficte" that 

I give & bequeath unto the children of my late brother William Hawkins 
a full fifth part of all such adventure and portion of mine as shall return to my 
use profit & benefit from the Seas, in mine and Sir Frauncis Drackes viage, and 
the like fifth part of mine adventure & portion which I have at the seas with my 
said son Richard Hawkins in the ship called the Daintie, and in the rest of his 
shipps. And the like fifth part of all mine adventure which I have at seas with 
Sir Walter Rawleighe Knt. in his ship called the Jiowhucke or Makcontcnt, the 
same fifth parts to be equally divided amongst all the children of my said 
brother by both his wives and delivered to them within convenient time after 
the return of every of the said adventures. And I do referr it to the further 
discretion of my well beloved wife to enlarge the said portions & to bestow 
more on the said children as God shall bless the returns of the said adventures 
which I hope she will liberally do if the same adventures by the death of my 
said son do happen to come wholly to her. 

To every child which William Hawkins the eldest son of my said brother 
shall have living at the time of my decease ^loo. 

The Hazu/dns Family. 75 

I will that my Executors do bestow ^50 on a " Turabe " over me & the 
said Lady Katherine my first wife (if I do it not myself). 

The residue of all my lands, tenements, leases & mortgages I give to my 
Executors, & all my leases, goods & chattels whatsoever I give to my wife & my 
son Richard Hawkins " whome I doe jointlie ordaine & make my Executors." 

To Judith Hawkins the wife & to Judith Hawkins the daughter of the said 
Ric. Hawkins the sum of ^1500 to be paid to Thomas Heale Esq. of Fleete 
in Devonshire, to be employed by him to the best benefit of them both. 

I constitute Lawrence Hussey Dr. of Civil Law, John Heale Serjeant-at- 
Law, & Hugh Vaughan to be Overseers of this my will. 

In witness whereof I have set my hand & seal the 3'''' day of March, 37 
Eliz. [1594]. Sealed & delivered in the presence of Richard Colthurst, John 
Wanler, Ed: Fawkner, Walther Wood, Edvva: Lawrance, John Hawkins. 

\^Codicil aiutcxcd\ Whereas by my will I have ordained my wife & my son 
my Executors, forasmuch as the said Richard Hawkins is supposed to be taken 
& detained prisoner in the Indies, therefore my mind & will is if the said 
Richard shall not return into this Realme of England within the space of three 
years to commence & immediately ensue after the xx"' day of December next 
coming after the date of my said will. That then and thenceforth the said Dame 
Margaret shall be my whole & sole " Exequutrix " & that then the executorship 
& all legacies of any of my goods &c. by the said will given to the said Richard 
shall cease & be void, saving only then the sum of ^3000 I will my said 
Executrix shall pay for & towards his redemption and ransome " if therewith 
only, or otherwith together with other supply or means he may be redeemed & 
not otherwise." 

I give to the two eldest sons of the right honorable the Lord Charles 
Hooward Lord High Admiral of England the debt which his Lordship oweth 
me being near ;^7oo 

I bequeath a further sum of ^^50 each to the poor of Plymouth, St. 
Dunstans, and Deptford 

To Judith & Cleere daughters of my said late brother ^200 each over & 
above the legacies formerly bequeathed to them. 

I bequeath to William Cecil son of Sir Robert Cecil ^^500. 

All the legacies before given to my servants to be doubled. 

Codicil dated 16'" of June 1595, 37 Eliz. 

Proved in London aS"" day of April 1596 by Lady Margaret Hawkins the 

76 Plymouth Armada Heroes. 

WdW of Bamc JWnvcjnrct f^atolu'ns. 

23 April 1619 I Dame Margaret Hawkins of London, widow. My body to 
be buried in the middle Chancel of St. Dunstans in the East in London near 
the monument there erected for my late beloved husband Sir John Hawkins Knt. 

Funeral Charges not to exceed ;^7oo 

My meaning is not to have any mourning given to any of my kindred or 
friends unto whom by this my last will there is any legacy bequeathed save only 
to my brothers, sisters Executors & such as shall be my household servants at 
the time of my decease. 

I bequeath the sum of ^^Soo for the purchasing of Lands or Tenements 
of the yearly value of ^40 towards the maintenance of a learned preaching 
divine to keep a free school in Keinton in Herefordshire & of a learned & 
discreet Usher under him for the instructing of youths & children in literature 
& good education, & the said Schoolmaster shall upon every Wednesday 
morning or some other convenient day in the week preach a Sermon in Keinton 
parish Church for the instruction of the parishioners. The lands aforesaid not 
to be purchased for 4 years, & in the meantime any profit arising therefrom to 
be used for the building of a convenient free School near Keinton Church. 
^30 out of the said ^^40 to be paid to the Schoolmaster and ^10 to the 
Usher After the death of my Executors the nomination of the said School- 
master & Usher to be by 5 several voices or the more part of them viz. The 
Owner of Hergest Court in Keinton, 2 voices ; The Owner of the Manor of 
West Hergest afs Overhergest in Keinton, i voice ; The Bishop of the diocese 
wherein Keinton is, i voice ; and the Lord or Owner of Earsley in Co. Hereford 
for the time being, i voice 

To the poor of the parish of Keinton where I was born £,^0. 

To the poor of Amelly in Co. Hereford where I was nursed;^ 10. 

To the poor of the parish of Debtford where I have dwelt £,\o. 

To the poor of the parish of Woodford in Essex where I have lived ;^io. 
To the poor of the parish of St. Dunstans in the East in London where I do 
dwell & have lived for a long time ^50. To the poor of the parish of Chigwell 
in Essex where I also dwell jQ^o. 

I give my dwelling house in Mincing Lane London to my brother Charles 
Vaughan for life, after his decease to his daughters Margaret & Elizabeth & to 
their heirs for ever. All the writings of the said house to be delivered by my 
Executors to my said brother & his daughters 

I devise all my other 6 messuages situate in Mincing Lane ; my lease of 
the Cranemead & Broomfield in Deptford or elsewhere in Kent & Surrey, and 
my lease or term of the messuages, tenements & stables on or near the Tower 

The Hazvkins Family. 77 

Hill Co. Middx unto my Executors to be by them sold for the performance of 
this my will 

If my nephew Stephen Price of Gray's Inn Esq. shall pay to my Exec, 
within 6 months after my decease the sum of ;^6oo towards the performan of 
my will that then the said Stephen his heirs & assigns shall have my house 
called the Dolphin in Tower Street & the Rectory & parsonage of North 
Shobery in Essex, if he do not pay the said sum, then the premises to go to my 
Executors to be sold towards the performance of my will, they to pay to my 
said nephew ;^3oo 

To Mary Davies widow a yearly rent charge of ;^io issuing out of my 
lands etc. in St. Pancras & St. Andrew's Holborn. 

All my household stuff in both my houses (excepting my plate Jewells 
apparel etc, cattle, fuel, coachs & furniture, implements of husbandry etc.) to 
be sold by my Executors to the uttermost worth by the help of my sister 
EUzabeth Pemberton my nephew John Vaughan of Hergest and my newphew 
Charles Price, & the money that shall be made thereof I give as follows : — To 
my said sister Eliz. Pemberton one 2^^ part & to my two nephews aforesaid one 
■g^^ part each. 

To my niece Maud Leonard my best pair of Spanish borders enamelled 
black and trimmed with pearl, the upper border containing nineteen pieces & 
the nether border containing twenty seven pieces 

To my niece the Lady St. John a pair of borders enamelled green, blue & 
red trimmed with pearle the upper border containing 23 pieces, the nether 
border 29 pieces 

To my niece Mary Wilkinson my diamond ring which my niece Trevor 
did upon her death bed give me. 

To James Vaughan eldest son of my nephew John Vaughan of Hergest 
all my furniture of my red chamber at Luxborowe 

To my honorable Lady the Countess of Leicester wife to the Earle of 
Leicester my pointed Diamond ring which the Countess of Warwick gave me. 

To my honorable Lady Mary Wroth a " guilded boule " of the price of ^^{^zo. 

To my goddaughter Margaret Hawkins daughter of Sir Richard Hawkins 
Knt. one Carcanett enamitled black & blue containing 11 pieces with 66 pearls 
having a " Tortis " pendant set with a blue sapphire 

To my goddaughter Margaret Ireland 2 Carcanetts of gold, the one 
weighing "two ounces & half lacke pennie waight" containing 23 pieces, set 
with pearls with a Jewell pendant of 5 Diamonds, the other containing n 
buttons being " Massy Spanish worke " enamelled & set with pearls with a 
Jewell pendant having in it 3 diamonds, 3 rubies and one very fair pearl. 

To my loving friend S'' William Killigrewe Knt. a guilded bowl of the 
price of ;^2o, and to the Lady Killigrew his wife my Persian carpet. 

Legacies to friends. 

78 Pfyjiioutk Armada Heroes. 

Legacies in money : — To my niece Anne Vaughan wife of John Vauglian 
;^ioo. To my godson James Vaughan eldest son of above ^^400 

[Mention made of late brother Walter Vaughan.] 

To my nephew Thomas Vaughan ;;^ioo, to my nephew Richard Wood 
;^io. To my niece Ann AVood ;£'ioo, to my goddaughter Margaret Wood 
;^ioo, to my godson Baynham Vaughan ;^2oo, to my brother Ric. Llellin ^10, 
to my sister Sibell Llellin ^roo, to my niece Maud Leonard ^200, to my 
niece Ann Scandrett ^100; to my niece Margaret Stephens ;^ioo. To every 
of the 6 sons of my sister Sibell ;£\oa; to my nephew Francis Eades £10, to 
my goddaughter Margaret Edes ;^ioo; to my sister EUinor Price ;^ioo, and 
legacies to her children (specially named) 

[A long list of legacies to cousins, friends, servants, etc.] 

I constitute my worthy friends S"" Michael Stanhope Knt (to whom I leave 
;;^ioo), my kinsman Sir John Vaughan Knt (^^loo), my nephew Thomas 
Trevor Esq. (^^loo) & my servant Anthony Lewes my executors. 

Signed & sealed by me Margaret Hawkins in the presence of Barnard 
Hide, Robt. Bateman, W" Bateman, Robt. Sunderland & Ric. Davis. 

Proved in London on the 4"' of Jan. 1620, by Anthony Lewes. \^Dah; 3.] 

The Hawkins Family. 79 


Cl)e afrmaUa. 

OUR master would not give himself the airs he does were it not 
that his dominions are surrounded by a herring-pond," said 
Charles V. to an English ambassador in the reign of Henry VHI. 
But the herring-pond did not deter his son Philip H. of Spain 
from attacking Queen Elizabeth and the English nation, whom he hated. 
Accordingly, in the thirtieth year of her reign, he sent his " Invincible Armada" 
to overthrow England, which, contrary to his expectations, experienced a total 
defeat, with the result of transferring the sovereignty of the seas from Spain -^ 
to England. 

On Queen Elizabeth's accession to the throne, in 1558, England had no*^ 
colonies ; and the Queen observing the great advantages gained by the 
Spaniards and Portuguese in the discovery of a New World, whence they 
imported all their wealth, for several years encouraged her subjects in their 
navigating expeditions to hitherto unknown regions. These explorations 
greatly excited the jealousy of the Spaniards, and caused an antagonistic 
feeling between the rival nations, who never missed an opportunity of seizing 
and plundering each other's merchantmen. Philip determined to solve these 
difficulties by the conquest of England, which he intended to make a province '^ 
of Spain. 

To retard Philip's preparations, by compelling him to protect his colonics ^ 
in America, in 1586, Captain Thomas Candish, or Cavendish, carried the terror 
of the English arms into the South Seas, and distressed the Spanish trade 
in America, where he was a severe scourge to the Spaniards. By the Queen's 
command he sailed from Plymouth on the 21st July, 1586, with three ships 
only — the Desire, of 120 tons; the Content, of 60 tons; and the Hugh Gallant, 
of 40 tons; 123 men in all. They arrived off the coast of America, named 
Port Desire after Candish's ship, passed through the Straits of Magellan, and 

So Plymouth Armada Heroes. 

entered the South Sea. Here they navigated along the coasts of Chili, Peru, 
and New Spain, or Mexico ; burnt or sunk nineteen ships ; surprised two rich 
ships at Pisco ; then plundered and burnt the town of Payta, where they took 
great spoil ; thence made an attempt on the Island of Puna, where they sunk a 
large ship and took crowns, besides rich furniture and treasure, after 
which they fought the Spaniards. Continuing to burn and destroy, they came 
to San lago, where they took the Santa Anna, the "admiral" of all the South 
Seas, of 700 tons burden, after a resistance of six hours. With her they took 
also £22,000, and great quantities of rich stuffs, besides other things of value. 
After setting the Spanish ships on fire, they returned by the Philippine Islands, 
China, and Cape of Good Hope ; discovered the Island of St. Helena, and 
arrived in England 19th November, 1587, having circumnavigated the globe. 
Of the three ships the Desire alone returned, Candish, for want of hands, 
having early been obliged to sink his 40-ton bark ; while the Content was lost 
after putting ashore the crew of the Spanish admiral's ship, before setting her 
on fire at Puerto Seguro. Candish then expected the Content would follow 
later, but she was never again heard of. 

Meantime news came of the intended Spanish invasion, which had been 
so long expected, from a Venetian priest, Walsingham's spy at Rome, who 
bribed a gentleman of the Pope's bedchamber to take the keys out of His 
Holiness's pocket when asleep, open his cabinet, and send Walsingham a copy 
of the King of Spain's original letter to the Pope, acquainting him with the 
true design of his great preparations, and asking his blessing upon it. 

On receipt of this letter Walsingham advised the Council to send Sir 
Francis Drake with a strong squadron, accompanied by a flotilla of large 
London merchant ships, to Spain, with orders to burn and destroy the Spanish 
vessels, and to do all the mischief possible to hinder Philip's preparations.^ 
Drake accordingly sailed in April, 1587, and on the way learned that the 
Spaniards had vast quantities of stores at Cadiz. "^^n arriving there, without 
opposition, he burnt and destroyed 100 of their ships.-^He then sailed to 
St. Vincent, where he did considerable damage ; and thence to' the mouth of 
the Tagus, where lay the grand Armada, or fleet of men-of-war, under the 
Marquis of Santa Cruz. 

Drake plundered and burnt the merchant ships that he fell in with along 
the coast, but was unable to provoke the Spanish admiral to give him battle; <^ 
so leaving him he went in search of the San Philip, a rich ship expected from 
the East Indies, which he took. This prize contained a valuable cargo, with 
which he returned to England. 

The Hawkins Family. 

Thus the damage done to the Spaniards by Candish and Drake, together ^ 
with the fact that Walsingham got all the Spanish bills protested at Genoa, 
that were to supply Philip with money to carry on his preparations, obliged the 
King of Spain to put off the contemplated invasion of England until thei^ 
following year. 

We now come to the memorable year 158S (the thirtieth of Queen 
Elizabeth's reign), which by Regiomontanus, the celebrated astrologer at 
Konigsberg, was foretold about one hundred years before to be a year of y 
wonder, and by the German astrologers to be the climacterical year of the ^ 
world. Rumours of war were now daily increasing, and were not, as before, a 
series of variable reports, but an assured certainty. 

The Pope, aided by religious and devout Spaniards, and some English ^ 
fugitives, had long and diligently exhorted the Spaniards to invade and 
conquer England, and by the extirpation of heresy to establish the Roman 
Catholic religion. 

The King of Spain thought he might justly claim the crown of England t^, 
for these reasons : Firstly, upon the slender title of being descended from a 
daughter of John of Gaunt, fourth son of Edward III. Secondly, upon the 
conveyance and will of Mary Queen of Scots, who had given up her right to 
him as the only means of restoring Popery in England, because he agreed with 
the Church of Rome that a heretic is unworthy and incapable of reigning. 
Thirdly, because Pope Sextus V. had made over England to Philip, who was 
authorized at the same time by the Pope's bull to absolve the Queen's subjects 
from their oath of allegiance. Thus fortified with papal vows and prayers, 
the King of Spain projected the conquest of England. Of these intrigues 
and preparations Elizabeth was meanwhile thoroughly informed. 

Although Candish, on the western coast of America, and Drake on the 
coast of Spain, had done King Philip great damage in the preceding year, yet 
so vast and universal a preparation as the latter was making against England/ 
was not easily overthrown. For three years Philip had been employed in 
preparations, and at length had got together the fleet, called by the arrogant 
name of the "Invincible" Armada, on which the treasures of the Indian 
mines had for these three years been spent. In the six squadrons there were 
sixty-five large ships, the smallest of 700 tons ; seven were over 1000 tons ; 1 
and La Regazona, an Italian, was of 1300. They were "built high like' ) 
castles," their upper decks musket-proof, their main timbers "four and five 
feet thick." Next the galleons were four galleases — gigantic galleys, carrying 
fifty guns each, 450 soldiers and sailors, and rowed by 300 galley slaves. 


82 Plymouth Armada Heroes. 

Besides these there were four large galleys, fifty-six armed merchant vessels (the 
best in Spain), and twenty caravals, or pinnaces, attached to the larger ships. 
"Thus the Armada consisted of 129 vessels, seven of them larger than 
the Triumph, and the smallest of the sixty-five galleons of larger tonnage 
than the finest ship in the English navy, except the five which had last 
been added to it." 

The fleet was manned and armed by 21,855 soldiers, 8766 mariners, 2088 
galley slaves chained; it had 3165 pieces of brass and iron ordnance, with 
great store of ammunition, weapons of war, and instruments of torture, besides 
100 monks and Jesuits under Cardinal Allen, an Englishman. Twelve ships 
were named after the apostles, and the daily expenditui'e was 32,000 ducats 
(the value of a ducat being nine shillings and sixpence). 

The fleet was commanded by the nobles of Spain. The Marquis of 
Santa Cruz died while the Armada was being fitted out, and his place as 
Commander-in-Chief was taken by the Duke of Medina Sidonia, with Martin 
Recalde, an experienced sea officer and most skilful navigator, next in com- 
mand. The Duke was merely selected on account of his exalted position, 
because there were so many volunteers of rank who would not serve under an 
inferior. Among the other commanders were Pedro de Valdez, General of the 
squadron of Andalusia, who had commanded the Spanish fleet on the coast of 
Holland, and knew the English Channel well ; Miquel de Oquendo, who com- 
manded the Guipuscoa squadron ; Hugo de Mon§ada, chief in command of the 
galleases. Diego de Pimentel, and Alonzo de Leyva, commanded the 
land forces. 

This fleet was got together in Portugal, at Naples, and in Sicily, and 
to terrify their enemies the Spaniards published an account of it in Spanish, 
Latin, French, and Dutch. The Spanish book soon came into the hands of 
the Lord Treasurer Burleigh. 

For some years, however, this Spanish invasion had been expected, and 
now that it was on its way Elizabeth did the best she could to meet her foe. 

The English navy consisted of only thirty-eight vessels carrying the 
Queen's flag, for economy being the order even of that day, the naval expenses 
had been cut down. But in 1573 Elizabeth had "placed at the head of her 
naval administration the fittest person in her dominions to manage it — Sir ' 
John Hawkins* — who with scrupulous fidelity threw his mind and fortune into 
his charge. When the moment of trial came, Hawkins sent the Queen's ships 
to sea in such condition — hull, rigging, spars, and running rope — that they had 

• To make the narrative complete a few of the details of Sir John's services are here reprinted. 

The Haii>kins Family. 83 

no match in the world either for speed, safety, or endurance."* Three years 
before the seamen's pay had been raised by Hawkins from six and eight- 
pence a month to ten shillings, but this increase cost the crown nothing, as a 
smaller crew, better paid, did superior service. In 1583 five new ships, larger 
than any afloat, had been added to the navy; the Ark Royal and the Victo)y, 
each of 800 tons, the Bear and the Elizabeth Jonas of 900, and the Triumpli of 
1000. The four last had not been commissioned before 1588 ; and had been 
constructed upon a new principle introduced by Hawkins. The high sterns 
and forecastles were lowered, the keels lengthened, and the lines made finer 
and sharper. Some found fault with these improvements, and foretold the 
usual disasters; so much so that the Queen shrank from experiments, and 

Ship of Armada Period. 

they were kept safe at their moorings in the Medway, until they were required * 
to meet the Armada, when they did more service than any other ships in the 
fleet. Hawkins also fitted the vessels with nettings for the repulsion of attack 
by boarders. 

The chief towns sent as many ships as they were able.' Howard had two 
ships of his own, and Hawkins four or five. Then there were the volunteers, 
who fitted out ships and joined the fleet. But it was on the Queen's ships 
that the brunt of the battle would have to fall, to face the most powerful - 
fleet in existence. Hawkins was directed to put the whole navy, as rapidly 
as possible, in condition for sea. On the 21st December, 1587, the Lord High 
Admiral of England (at this time Lord Charles Howard of Effingham) received 
orders " to take the ships into the Channel to defend the realm against the • 

* Froude. 

84 Plymouth Armada Heroes. 

Spaniards." But in January, 1588, it was announced that the fleet would 
be required for six weeks only, as the Queen hoped that a peace would be 
established before that time had elapsed.^ 

Rumour coming from Spain that the Armada was dissolving, Elizabeth ' 
dismissed half the crews which had been collected and engaged at such 
expense. " Never," said Howard, " since England was England was there such 
a stratagem and mark to deceive us withal as this treaty." " We are wasting 
money," wrote Hawkins in February, 1588, "wasting strength, dishonouring 
and discrediting ourselves, by our uncertain dallying." 

Lord Howard to Lord Burleigh. 

My verie good Lord, — Uppon Tuesdaie beinge in the Downes the winde 
came to the Easte that we were fain to put over to Blacknes. This dale beinge 
the laste of this presente being up alongste the coaste towardes Calles I met 
S' Henry Palmer whoe had wafted over the Commissioners and afterwardes 

went to Flushinge 

I protest before god and as my soul shall answer for it that I think there 
were never in any place in the world worthier shippes than theise are for so 
many. And as few as we are if the King of Spain's forces be not hunderethes ^ 
we will make good sport with them. And I praie your Lordship tell her Ma""= 
from me that her money was well geven for the Arkc Rawlye, for I think her 
the odd ship in the worlde for all conditions, and truely I think there can no 
great ship make me change and go out of her. We can see no sail great nor 
small but how far soever they be off, we fetch them and speak with them. 
And so I bid your Lordship most heartily farewell. From aboard her Ma"" 
good ship the Arke the laste of Februarie 1587. 

Your Lordship's most assured to command, 

C. Howard. 
[Endorsed] Ultimo Feb. 1587. L. Admiral to my L. 
To the right honorable my verie good Lord, the Lord Treasurer of Englande.* 

A fortnight later the ships were commanded again to Men had to be 
collected where they could be found, and bounties and allowances were made 
necessary, which doubled the cost of keeping them in commission. The 
next difficulty to contend with was the cutting down the expense of the 
seamen's diet, stopping their meat, and setting them to defend their country on 
fish, dried peas, and oil. Still hoping for peace, the ships were kept close in 
harbour by a short supply of rations, served for a month at a time, and no 
stores ; and the ships at Plymouth were often without food for days. Howard 

» Sta. Fa. Dom. (Eliz.) 

The Haivkins Family. 85 

wrote to Burleigh that " such a thing was never heard of since there were ships 
in England, as no victuals in store." '^ 

The four largest ships — -the TriiimpJi, Victory, Elizabeth Jonas, and the 
Bear — were for weeks left behind for want of hands to man them. ^^ Keeping 
Chatham Church," as Howard remarked. Upon further intelligence of the- 
readiness of the Spaniards to put to sea, and that the Armada was really 
on the point of sailing, the Queen and her Council, however, ordered these ships 
to be commissioned, and then did the utmost in the short time left to prepare. 
Supplies were given out to last until the middle of June ; and leaving the 
squadron under Seymour to guard the narrow seas, Howard and Hawkins with 
the royal fleet departed for Plymouth, where they were joined by Drake 
in the Revenge, a Queen's ship, together with the volunteer squadron of 
thirty-three sail. 

Lord Henry Seymour (second son of the late Protector Somerset), with 
Sir William Winter, was ordered with his fleet of forty English and Dutch 
ships, under command of Justin of Nassau, Admiral of Zealand, to lie off the 
coast of Flanders, to prevent the intended junction of the forces under the 
Dukes of Parma and Guise, with the Armada. For the Duke, by orders 
received from Spain, had built ships and many flat-bottomed boats, each of-^ 
the latter big enough to carry thirty horses, with bridges fitted to them. 
He hired mariners from the east of Germany ; prepared pikes, sharpened and 
armed with iron hooks on the sides (some may be seen at the present day 
in the Tower) ; and had also 20,000 barrels, and an infinite number of wicker 
baskets and faggots. In the seaports of Flanders lay his army of 103 
companies of foot and 4000 horse, making together 30,000 men, and among 
them 700 English fugitives, under Stanley and the outlawed rebel the Earl 
of Westmoreland; besides 12,000 men brought by the Duke of Guise to the 
coast of Normandy, intended for an attack on the West of England, under 
cover and protection of the Armada. 

The English fleet was under the command of Charles Lord Howard of^ 
Effingham, Lord High Admiral of England, who, although not an experienced 
naval officer, having been only once previously at sea, exhibited on trial great 
courage, resolution, and bravery, with an affability of manner which endeared 
him to the sailors, and also a provident sense of his inexperience, which 
rendered him docile to the counsels of those excellent sea officers by whom he 
had the good fortune to be surrounded. "John Hawkins, one of the ablest 
and most experienced seamen of the age, was chiefly relied upon for the 
conduct of the main fleet, in which he acted as Vice-Admiral." 

86 Plynwiith Armada Heroes. 

"The commander-in-chief, indeed, Lord Howard of Effingham, though a 
nobleman of high character, was of no professional experience as a seaman, 
but his vice-admirals, Hawkins, Drake, and Frobisher, were the most skilful 
and enterprising sailors in Europe. A.D. 1588."* 

Howard, it has been observed, was not only in the entire confidence of his 
Sovereign, but a man of singular ability and honourable zeal, courageous, wary, 
provident, industrious, and active, and held in great esteem and authority 
by the seamen of the royal navy, " who by his prudent policy and government 
of our English navy, in 15SS patiently withstood the instigations of many 
courageous and noble captains, who would have persuaded him to have laid 
them aboard ; but well he foresaw that the enemy had an army aboard, he 
none; that they exceeded him in number of shipping, and those greater in 
bulke, stronger built, and higher moulded, so that they who with such 
advantage fought from above, might easily distress all opposition below ; 
the slaughter, peradventure, proving more fatal than the victory profitable : 
by being overthrown, he might have hazarded the kingdom ; whereas by 
the conquest, at most, he could have boasted of nothing but glory and an 
enemy defeated. But by sufferance, he always advantaged himself of wind 
and tide ; which was the freedom of our country, and security of our navy, 
with the destruction of theirs, which in the eye of the ignorant, who judge all 
things by the external appearance, seemed invincible ; but truly considered, was 
much inferior to ours in all things of substance, as the event proved ; for we 
sunk, spoiled, and took of them many, and they diminished of ours but 
one small pinnace, nor any man of name, save only Cap' Cocke, who died with 
honour amidst his company.f The greatest damage that, as I remember," 
continues Sir Richard Hawkins, " they caused to any of our fleet, was to the 
Swallow of her Majesty, which I had in that action under my charge, with an 
arrow of fire shot into her beak-head, which we saw not, because of the sail, till 
it had burned a hole in the nose as big as a man's head ; the arrow falling out, 
and driving alongst by the ship's side, made us doubt of it, which after we 

Next to Howard in command of the Queen's ships was Admiral Sir John 
Hawkins, a Plymouth man. Treasurer of the Navy, of the Queen's Majesty's 
Marine Causes, and Comptroller of the Navy, "the rough veteran of many 
a daring voyage on the African and American seas, and of many a desperate 

* CnARi.Es Duke Yongf, Hisl. Eng. 

t Obsa-valions of Sir Richard Hmakiiis. Also, Ralegh's Histmy of the Worhi, book v. chap. i. 

sec. VI. 

l^axtez S^owavb, garC of 'glofftitgBam. 

The Hawkins Family. 87 

battle"* — "the most distinguished sea officer of Queen Bess."f Hawkins hoisted 
his flag on board the Victory. He was the senior officer in the fleet, and was 
at the beginning of the fight with Howard, who, as he had not much sea service, 
chiefly relied on his judgment and experience. Afterwards, when the fleet 
was divided into squadrons, Hawkins had the command of one of them. No | 
English sailor bore so famous a name as Hawkins, under whom many com- 
manders in the fleet had served as boys. He was the kinsman and patron of 
Drake, whom he first took to sea with him on his third voyage, in 1567. 
Hawkins was then an admiral, and about twelve years older than Drake, but 
he was twenty-five years his senior in the Queen's service. J Young Drake had 
much to thank his patron for, as he gained great advantages under so able an 
instructor, the terror of the Spaniards and Portuguese — "Achines de Plimua," 
as the Spaniards called him, and the Portuguese "Johannes de Canes." 

" It is not necessary to repeat here what has been so often told, the active 
part taken by Hawkins on that memorable occasion. He was appointed Vice- 
Admiral, commanded one of the four divisions, and was distinguished by 
the honour of Knighthood. § His great troubles, as treasurer, only began after 
the dispersion of that fleet." || 

There was no one to whom " England in her hour of peril owed more, 1/ 
than to her Plymouth hero Sir John Hawkins." H He alone had the whole 
control, responsibility, and anxiety of the outfit of every ship — not only being 
at the head of the dockyards, but employed as the collector of the ships' 
companies. Right well was that work done. " The royal fleet was Hawkins's i^ 
work, and in preparing it he stood at the head of the naval power of the 
kingdom. He had also as large a share in the danger and honour of the fight 
as any man in the fleet." 

On the 23rd May Howard ordered the whole fleet of near ninety sail to be 
victualled and made ready to put to sea with all expedition. He then cruised 
between Ushant and Scilly, to wait the coming of the enemy. 

On shore preparations were also made. ^The militia in each county was '^ 
armed ; the seaports fortified, and covered with 20,000 landsmen ; and orders 
were given, in case of the enemy landing, to lay the country waste round about, 
so that they might find no food. 

* Creasy, Decisive Battles. t Barrow. 

J Vide page 25, where Hawkins is Admiral of a Royal Fleet in 1567. Drake's first command was 
in the same year, when he sailed with Hawkins as a volunteer, as Captain of the yndith, a bark of 50 tons. 
§ Harl. MSS. Knights dubbed in the tyme of Queen Elizabeth, John Hawkins 15SS. 
II Barrow's Naval Worthies. T Worth. 

88 Plymotitli Armada Hci'oes. 

There was a second army of 22,000 foot and looo horse, under command 
of the Earl of Leicester, at Tilbury, where the Queen reviewed her troops, and 
animated the soldiers by a speech. 

The third army, of 34,000 foot and 2000 horse, under command of Lord 
Hudson, was destined to guard the Queen's person. 

These preparations occupied the people, and freed them from the appre- 
hensions of the danger they were in. They grumbled at no expense, and all 
were pleased with the thoughts of contributing, as best they were able, towards 
/the defence of their country, their religion, their liberties, and their Queen. 

These great preparations on both sides for war did not prevent overtures " 
for a peace from the Duke of Parma — whether it was only to divert and 
deceive Elizabeth, so that she and her country might be the more easily 
surprised, or that Parma was persuaded that he would be unsuccessful in the 
Netherlands till he could deprive them of the powerful help of England. 
Parma, at any rate, had obtained power from the King of Spain to treat, while u 
his master prepared with his whole strength for the invasion of England. 

But Elizabeth was too watchful and jealous of her enemies to be so easily - 
deceived by pretensions of amity ; and though she thought it politic not 
absolutely to reject his offers, and informed the Duke that she was well-disposed 
to an accommodation, yet she determined to arm herself at all events, *and to 
discuss peace sword in hand — managing the negociations so dexterously, that 
they were spun out in fruitless debates till she was thoroughly prepared to 
receive the enemy, and Philip was obliged to pull off the mask, and confess his 
insincerity, when his great fleet was ready for sea. 

In February, 1588, the Earl of Derby, William Brook, Lord Cobham, 
James Crofts, Valentine Dale, and James Rogers had been sent into Flanders 
as commissioners to treat, but these conferences broke off abruptly in March. 

Before the Armada left the Tagus the Duke of Medina Sidonia, com- 
mander-in-chief, issued his orders, in the first article of which there is a clear 
declaration " that before all things it was to be understood by all the officers 
and others, from the highest to the lowest, that the principal foundation and 
cause moving the King's Majesty to make and continue this journey or 
expedition had been and was to serve God, and to deliver a great many good 
people, oppressed and kept in subjection to sectaries and heretics, from eternal 
sorrow, and to restore them to the unity of His Church." After such a 
declaration, what could be expected from these Spanish missionaries, whose 
arguments were the ensigns of death and destruction .' The bigoted adven- [/ 
turers, thus spirited with a notion of doing God service, as well as of enriching 


Sir Martin Frobisher. 

The Hawkins Family. 89 

themselves by the spoil of the English nation, had already conquered in their 
vain imagination, "^nd so, assured of a recompense whether they lived or died 
in so religious and advantageous a cause, they weighed and proceeded from 
the Tagus on the i8th May, and bent their course first for the Groyne. 

Before they had been long at sea they were scattered by a violent storm 
off Cape Finisterre. Two of the galleys were run into a port of France by 
the stratagem of David Gwynn, an English slave, assisted by some of the 
Moorish slaves ; and fourteen of their ships were drifted on to the Chops of 
the Channel, between Ushant and Scilly. Then, before they were met by the 
English fleet, a northerly wind conveyed them back to the Groyne (Corunna), 
where and in the neighbouring ports they and the rest of the fleet reassembled 
after the storm, in a disabled condition, to take in their soldiers and warlike 

This mishap proved disastrous to the Spaniards,'but was nearly attended 
with fatal consequences to the English, by creating a report all over Europe, 
and a belief in the English Council, that the whole Spanish fleet had been 
destroyed. Walsingham, by order from the Ministry, in the Queen's name 
ordered four of the best ships to be sent back into port, supposing that the 
Spaniards could not repair their damages and proceed till the next year. But 
the Lord High Admiral not being so credulous, and still fearing the worst, 
would not agree, and retained the vessels; alleging how dangerous it was to 
place themselves off guard in a matter of such importance, when they had no 
better authority than hearsay, adding that he would rather keep the ships out 
at his own charge than expose the nation to so great a hazard. 

On the 7th of June there was food for eighteen days only in the English 
fleet, and Devon could not furnish supplies : if the Spaniards had come at 
the end of that time the English must have gone into action starving. 

On the 23rd of June the victuallers arrived at Plymouth, ten days late, 
bringing provisions for one month only, with orders that no more would be 
sent. This supply was distributed to last for six weeks. Four rations were 
served out to every six men; they did not c;>mplain, but many died from 
the effects of the poisonous beer served out. Howard ordered arrowroot and 
wine for the sick, for which he was afterwards called to account, when he paid 
the cost out of his own pocket. 

On the 3rd of July Howard wrote to the Queen : "For the love of Jesus 
Christ, madam, awake and see the villainous treasons round about you, against 
your Majesty and the realm." * 

* Sta. Pa. Dom. (Eliz.) 



90 Plyinotith Armada Heroes. 

Lord Howard to Sir F. Wahingham. 

I HAVE divided myself into three parts and yet we lie within sight of another A 

so as if any of us do discover the Spanish Fleet we give notice thereof 
presently, the one to the other, and thereupon repair and assemble together. 
I myself do lie in the middle of the Channel with the largest force. Sir 
Francis Drake has 20 ships and 4 or 5 pinnaces which lie towards Ushant and 
M' Hawkins with as many more lies out towards Scilly. This are wc fain to 
do, else with this wind, they might pass by and we never the wiser 

From on board Her Majestys good ship Arke the 6* of July 1588. 
Your assured loving friend 

C. Howard 

To the Right Honourable Sir Francis Walsingham K' Principal Secty 
to Her Majesty. 

Howard also dispatched light vessels to spy along the coast of England, ^ 
France, and Spain ; and being assured that no enemy was to be found at sea, 
resolved, by advice of his council, to take advantage of the next northerly 
wind, in order either to complete the destruction of the enemy's fleet, should 
it be already partially disabled, or otherwise to obtain a certain account of its 
condition. This Howard executed on the 8th of July; upon the loth he hadt^ 
arrived within forty leagues of the Spanish coast, where, getting good intelli- , 
gence that the enemy's fleet had not sustained the damage reported in England, 
and the wind shifting to the south, he, in compliance with his chief commission 
to guard the English coasts, immediately returned to the Channel, lest the , / 
same wind should give the enemy the advantage of getting there before him, ^ 
and arrived at Plymouth with his whole fleet on the 12th of July. That 
the Lord High Admiral's judgment was wise appears from the arrival of 
the Spanish Armada off the Lizard on the 19th of the month, having been 
hastened to sea by the intelligence of an English fisherman, who, being taken 
and carried into the Groyne, said that the English, upon a report that the 
Spaniards were disabled from pursuing their design that year, had called home 
their fleet, and discharged the sailors that manned it ; which determined them 
to deviate from their instructions, and to attempt, as a thing most feasible, 
to surprise, burn, or destroy all our ships in harbour unawares. 

While the English fleet were at Plymouth waiting for the Armada, the 
weather became very stormy, and a severe south-westerly gale set in. Plymouth 
roadstead, undefended by a breakwater, was a dangerous anchorage, and to 
put to sea more dangerous still. Howard with the great ships took his chance, 
and lay rolling in the Sound, "dancing lustily as the gallantest dancer at Court;" 



The Haivkins Family. 91 

the smaller ships went for shelter into Cattewater. The wind and rain con- 
tinued, and the " oldest fisherman could not remember such a summer season." 
" One satisfaction only Lord Howard found, and that a good one. '^Hawkins, 
at least, had done his share of the work right excellently. The English ships 
were ' in royal and perfect state, feeling the seas no more than if they had 
been riding at Chatham.' Through the whole fleet not a spar was sprung, 
not a rope parted, timbers and cordage remained staunch and sound within and 
without. The Triumph and her four large consorts were grounded again and 
again ' to tallow and to wash.' They suffered nothing from the strain, and 
they were dry to the keel as Arabian sand." 

Lord Howard to Sir F. Walsingham. 

Sir, — I have heard that there is in London some hard speeches against ^ 

M' Hawkins because the Hope came in to mend a leak which she had. 
Sir I think there were never so many of the Princes ships so long abroad 
and in such seas with such weather as these have had with so few leaks, and 
the greatest fault of the Hope came with ill grounding before our coming hither, 
and yet it is nothing to be spoken of, it was such a leak that I would have 
gone with it to Venice, but may they not be greatly ashamed, that sundry times 
have so disabled her Majestys ships which are the only ships in the world. . . . 
From riymouth the 17'" day of July 1588 

Your very loving and assured friend 

C. Howard. 

To the Right Honourable &c. Sir Francis Walsingham K' Principal 
Secty to Her Majesty.* 

On the 1 2th July the Armada, all repairs completed, had again assembled, 
and with a fair wind set sail from the Bay of Ferrol ; but before it had proceeded 
far, it was overtaken by another storm, which so scattered the great Spanish 
fleet, that it could hardly collect again until it came within sight of England, 
on the 19th. This same day Captain Fleming, in his little pinnace, quickly 
sailed into Plymouth and informed the Admiral that the Armada had been 
sighted off the Lizard. 

At this moment most of the commanders and officers were ashore, tradition \y 

avers, but with no definite authority, playing at bowls on the Hoe. There was 
an instant bustle, and a calling for the ships' companies ; although it is said that - 
Drake insisted that the match should be played out, "as there was plenty of 
time both to finish the game and beat the Spaniards after." 

* Sta. Pa. Doin. (Eliz.) 



92 Plymouth Armada Heroes. 

Howard was somewhat chagrined by the certain intelligence of the 
arrival of the enemy's fleet, because the wind being at south, and sometimes 
shifting to south-west, almost blocked the English fleet up in the Sound 
and Cattewater. But "the Lord High Admiral, with great difficulty, diligence, 
industry, and goodwill, encouraged the seamen to labour, not only by his 
presence, but by setting his hand to their work among them ; got most of his 
ships warped out into the open by next morning early, the 20th;" and there 
waited the approach of the enemy, whose fleet the English soon discovered 
to the west as far as Fowey, in the form of a half moon, the horns of which 
stretched out about seven or eight miles asunder, standing slowly under full 
sail up the Channel. The ships for size appeared like so many floating castles, 
under which the ocean seemed to groan. 

Howard, considering it would be more advantageous to gain the wind of -/ 
them, and so attack them in the rear, let them pass by. 

That morning the Spaniards had captured a fishing-boat, from which they / 
learnt that the English fleet was at Plymouth, and Medina Sidonia called a ^ 
council of war, to consider whether they should go in, and fall upon it while 
at anchor. Philip's orders, however, were peremptory, that they should turn / 
neither right nor left, but make straight for Margate Roads, and effect a'^ 
junction with Parma. Had Medina's decision been otherwise, he would not, 
however, have seized the English ships ; for before the Spaniards sighted the 
Lizard they had themselves been seen, and on the night of the 19th the beacons 
along the coast had told England that the Armada had come. Messengers / 
galloped all over the country, and everywhere people armed and flocked to" 
their posts. 

It is said (but without foundation, for he had no chance of admiring it) 
that, when the Armada sailed past Plymouth harbour, the Duke of Medina 
Sidonia was so taken with the beauty of Mount Edgcumbe, that he declared 
that when England was conquered he intended to take it as his share of 
the spoil. 

Next morning, Sunday, the 21st July, the English ships, about one hundred 
in all, being to windward of the Spaniards, two leagues west of the Eddystone, ' 
the Lord Admiral ordered his pinnace, the Defiance* to advance, and declare^ 
war against the Spaniards by the discharge of all her guns. This he im- 
mediately seconded himself in the Aj-k Royal, attacking the Spanish ship 
commanded by De Leyva, which, on account of her bulk and station, he 

* Anollier account says tlie Disiiniii, Captain Jonas Eiadlniry. 

The Hawkins Family. 93 

mistook for the Admiral, engaging her furiously, till she was rescued by- 
several of her consorts. At the same time Hawkins, Drake, and Frobisher 
engaged the enemy's sternmost ships under Recalde, and threw them / 
into such confusion as obliged Medina Sidonia to recall his scattered y 
vessels, and to crowd all sail to continue on his course in order to join Parma, "^ 
whonfi he expected off Calais, not knowing that he was blockaded in his 
ports by the English fleet under Seymour, and by the Dutch under Justin 
of Nassau. Nor could he do otherwise, because the wind stood fair for the 
English, whose light, active ships attacked, retired, and again attacked the-' 
Spaniards, on every side with incredible celerity. After two hours' running 
fight, Howard, however, thought good to retire, as forty of his ships had not 
yet come out of the haven. 

On the same day a fast boat was sent on with letters to Lord Henry 
Seymour, reporting progress so far, and bidding him prepare In the Downs. 
Also an express was sent to London begging for an instant supply of 
ammunition. ' 

The following night the Santa Catalina, a Spanish ship, being very much 
battered in this conflict, was received into the midst of the fleet to be repaired, 
and a huge Calabrian ship of Oquendo's, in which was the Treasurer to the 
Fleet, was set on fire with gunpowder by her Flemish gunner, in revenge for 
insults. The deck was blown off, and 200 seamen and soldiers were sent into 
the air; but the ship being strongly built, survived the shock. The fire was 
quenched by other ships sent for the purpose — amongst them the Capitana, a 
great galleon of 1200 tons, commanded by Pedro de Valdez, which, falling foul 
of the Santa Catalina, carried away her foremast. The night being dark and 
stormy, she could not keep station with the Spanish fleet ; so she was forsaken,j^ 
and captured by the Lord High Admiral. In this galleon were 450 men 
and S 5,000 ducats in gold, part of which Howard took to pay the seamen / 
their wages. Howard did not delay his pursuit of the Armada to secure his-^ , 
prize. De Valdez was taken prisoner. He was a great loss to the Spaniards, ■/ 
as he was the only officer of high rank in their fleet who was well acquainted 
with the Channel. The capture of this great ship was the cause of some 
dispute. First, Howard was charged with peculation, because, in need of 
money, he took gold for the men. Secondly, Drake, who took possession of 
the Capitana, conveyed her to Dartmouth; and Frobisher said, "He [Drake] 
thinketh to cozen us out of our share of the 15,000 ducats; but we will have 
our share, or I will make him spend the best blood in his body, for he hath 
done enough of those cozening tricks." 

94 Plymouth Armada Haves. 

What Frobisher and others thought of this affair is set forth in the 
following report, still among the State Papers:* 

A NOTE of certaine speeches spoken by Sir Martyn Frobysher at Harwiche 
in the presence of dyvers persons as followeth 

The Lord Sheffilde 
Sir John Hawkins with 
others whose names I 
cannot recite. 

The x*!" daye of August ijSS I arryved at Harwich and delyvered the 
letter sent by the Lord Admiral unto the Lord Shefyld whome I found in his 
bed in the howse of Mr. Kynge. 

Firste after I had delivered my Lords letter the Lord Sheffilde bade me 
departe and so I did according to his commandment. Then immediatlye he 
sent for me again at which tyme of my retorne I found there S'' John Hawkins 
S'' Martyn Frobysher with dyvers others whoe demanded of me in what safetye 
the Shipps were in and whether they were all at Margate or not. 

Then S'' Martin Frobysher began some speaches as concernynge the service 
done in this action who uttered these speaches followinge, saying S"" Francis 
Drake reporteth that no man hath done any good service but he, but he shall 
well understand that others hath done as good service as he and better to. He 
came bragging up at the first indeed and gave them his prowe and his broadsyde 
and then kept his Lowfe and was glad that he was gone again lyke a cowardly 
knave or traytor I rest doubtfull but the one I will swear. 

Further saith he he hath done good service indeed for he took Don Pedro 
for after he had seen her in the evening that she had spent her masts then like 
a coward he kept by her all night because he would have the spoil he thinketh 
to cossen us of our shares of xv thowsande duckattes but vit will have our 
shares or I will make him spend the best blood in hys bellye for he hath had 
enough of those cossenyng cheates alreadye. 

He hath saith he used certain speeches of me which I will make him eat 
again or I will make him spend the best blood in his bellye. 

Further more he said he reporteth that no man hath done so good service 
as he but he lyeth in his teeth for there are others that hath done as good as he 
and better to. 

Then he demanded of me if we did not see Don Pedro over night or no 
unto the which I answered no, then he told me that I lied for she was seen to 
all the fleet unto the which I answered I would lay my head that not any one 
man in the ship did see her until it was morning that we were within 2 or 3 
Cables length of her where unto he answered I marye saith he you were within 
2 or 3 cables length for you were no further off all night, but lay a hull by her 
where unto I answered no, for we bare a good sail all night off and on. 
* Sta. Pa. Dom. (Eliz.) Vol. 214, No. 63. 

The Haivkins Family. 95 

Then he asked me to what end we stood off from the fleet all night whom 
I answered that we had escryed three or four hulkes and to that end we 
wrought so not knowing what they were. Then said he Sir Francis was 
appointed to bear a light all that night, which light we looked for but there was 
no light to be seen, and in the morning when we should have dealt with them 
there was not above five or six near unto the Admiral, by reason we saw not 
his light. 

After this and many more speech which I am not able to remember the 

Lord Sheffeilde demanded of me what I was unto the which I answered, I 

had been in the Action with Sir Francis, in the Revenge this seven or eight 

months, then he demanded of me what art thou a soldier, no & like your 

Honour I answered, I am a mariner, then said he I have no more to say unto 

you, you may depart. „ 

' By me M.^thew Starke. 

All this written on the other side I do confess to be true as it was spoken 
by Sir Martyn Frobisher and doe acknowledge it in the presence of these 
parties whose names are here under written. 

Captain Piatt, Captain Vaughan, Mr. Gray Master of the Arke, John Gray 
M'' of the Rcvendgc, Captain Spindloe. 

Moreover he said that Sir Francis was the cause of all these troubles, and 
in this Action he showed him self the most Cowarde. 

By me Mathew Starke. 

Medina Sidonia, seeing that Oquendo's ship was much damaged by the U 
fire, and unfit for service, sent boats to save the unhurt men ; but the wounded 
they had no means of removing, so they were left in the ship, which the 
Spaniards set adrift. She was picked up early next morning by the English. > 
Sir John Hawkins and Lord Thomas Howard went in a cock-boat of the 
Victory, and boarded her. They found everything in a miserable state from 
the effects of the explosion ; and the smell of the burnt dead bodies was over- 
powering. Perceiving that there was no force on board, they returned to the 
Admiral, who ordered a small bark to convey the wreck to Weymouth. 

During the night of the 21st the enemy lay about fourteen miles off the Start, 
and next morning they were as far ahead and to leeward as the Berry, pursued 
by the Lord High Admiral with only the Bear and the Mary Rose, who kept 
within culverin shot all through the night ; whilst his fleet was so far astern, 
that in the morning the nearest could scarce be seen half-mast high, and very 
many were out of sight. This mishap was occasioned by Sir Francis Drake's 
neglect to show lights for their direction, as he had been ordered the day 
before in a council of war, held to settle the best method of pursuing, distressing, 

96 PlyviouiJi, Armada Heroes. 

and fighting the enemy. Drake fell into this mistake by giving chase to 
five German merchant ships, which he had mistaken for tlie Spaniards. Thus 
the whole fleet was obliged to lay-to all that night, having no signals for their 
guidance ; neither could he nor the rest of the English ships come near the 
Lord High Admiral until the following evening, 22nd July. 

"The principall Galleon of Siuill (wherein Don Pedro de Valdez, and 
other noble men were embarqued) falling foule of another ship, had her fore- 
mast broken, and by that meanes was not able to keepe way with the Spanish 
Fleete, neither would the said Fleete stay to succour it, but left the distressed 
Galeon behinde. The Lord Admirall of England, when hee saw this ship 
of Valdez, and thought she had beene voide of marriners, and souldiers, taking 
with him as many ships as he could, passed by it, that hee might not loose 
sight of the Spanish Fleete that night. For Sir Francis Drake (who was 
notwithstanding appointed to beare out his Lanterne that night) was giving 
of chase unto five great Hulkes which had separated themselves from the 
Spanish Fleete : but finding them to be Easterlings, hee dismissed them. The 
Lord Admirall all that night following the Spanish Lanterne instead of 
the English, found himself in the morning to be in the middle of his enemies 
Fleete, but when he perceived it, he clevly conuered himself out of that great 

The Duke of Medina Sidonia thus finding himself unmolested, used this, 
advantage to spend the next day in the formation and ordering of his fleet. 
He commanded De Leyva to bring the first and last squadrons together, 
assigning each ship her station in battle, as agreed on in Spain ; and dispatched 
Ensign Glich as messenger to hurry the movements of Parma, and to inform 
him of the near approach of the Armada. 

The night of the 22nd July was very calm, and the enemy's four galleases, 
separating from the main body, gave suspicion of a design on some of the 
smaller ships, which were still astern of the English fleet ; but their courage 
failing they did nothing. However, on the 23rd July, off Portland, by daybreak 
the Spaniards tacked with the wind at north or north-east, and bore down 
upon the English, who also tacked and stood to the west or north-west. After 
several attempts to gain the weather -gage, the Spaniards at length came 
to another engagement, which resulted with some disorder and variety of 
success. In one place the English with undaunted courage rescued some 
ships of London, which were surrounded by the Spaniards, who with no 
less bravery rescued their Admiral Recalde from the hands of the English. 
• PuRCHAs, also Camden. 

The Hawkins Family. 97 

The guns on each side rattled pretty smartly ; but the round shot from the high 
Spanish ships, heeled over by the breeze, passed over the heads of the English 
without doing much harm. Only Captain William Cocke, in a small bark of 
his own, was killed, fighting bravely in the midst of the enemy. " Being a 
cock of the Game indeed, unus homo nobis pereiindo restitidt rem."* Besides, our 
ships being so much smaller and easier to handle, and also better sailed, 
attacked and retreated, delivered their broadsides, and sheered off just as they - 
pleased ; while the heavier Spanish ships, as slow as their masters, lay like 
so many butts for the English, at which they could not well miss their aim. 
This determined the Lord High Admiral not to grapple with or to board ships 
which were so superior to his in bulk, number, and hands ; the Spaniards 
having an army on board, which the English had not ; but rather to advance 
within musket-shot and batter the hulks of those monstrous galleons. The 
fight on the 23rd was continued from morning till night with great bravery, 
Howard being always in the hottest of the engagement, during which he took 
a great Venetian ship and several smaller ones. The thundering of the 
ordnance, it is said, was so great that the volleys of small shot, though 
incredible in number, were hardly seen or noticed. 

On the 24th neither side seemed disposed to renew the struggle. '^ The 
Spaniards wanted to gain time, in order to be joined by Parma. - The English 
were deficient in powder and ball j-^as Sir Walter Ralegh afterwards observed 
in his Essay — " Many of our great guns stood but as cyphers and scarecrows." 
Howard sent some ships to the shore to bring a supply of ammunition. No 
risk might be ventured, and the English lay now about six miles from the 
Armada, waiting till their magazines were refilled. Medina Sidonia, supposing 
them to be afraid, sent De Mongada with the galleases to engage them, and 
there was some skirmishing between the galleases and our ships, without 
any advantage to either side. 

Howard, on receiving a fresh supply of powder and ball, divided his 
fleet into four squadrons, under himself, Hawkins, Drake, and Frobisher, and 
appointed pinnaces to attack the enemy in the dead of night on every side, ^ 
which might have proved fatal to the Spaniards, but that, a calm following, his 
plan of attack could not be carried out."- 

On the night of the 24th Sir George Carey, who had run out from behind 
the Isle of Wight in a pinnace to see what was going on, found himself, at five 
in the morning, " in the midst of round shot, flying as thick as musket-balls in 
a skirmish on land." 

* Fuller's Worthies. 

98 Plymouth Armada Heroes. 

This same calm proved the cause of the sharpest engagement on that day, , 
July 25th, in sight of the Isle of Wight, for it prevented the Santa Anna, a 
great Portuguese galleon, from keeping up with the rest of the Armada. 
Sir John Hawkins contrived to lay the Victory alongside the Santa Anna, 
which he engaged in a single combat, and a smart engagement ensued, during • , 
which the rival fleets looked on — the Spaniards sure of their comrades' victory ; 
for had not the storms and the difficulty of navigating the strange waters of 
the Channel alone prevented their conquering so weak a foe — the English 
proudly watching the daring of their champion. After a severe fight the 
English sailors boarded the Portuguese, and her brave captain yielded his 
sword to Hawkins. Down came the flag of Spain, and the British flag was ; 
hoisted in its place amidst a shout of triumph. The Spanish admiral seeing 
that Hawkins was victorious, ordered three of his largest galleases, under 
command of De Leyva and Diego Telles Enriques, to fall upon the Victory, 
and they were immediately taken to the spot, and poured in a broadside on 
the apparently-doomed Englishman. Then the Lord High Admiral in the 
Ark Royal came to the rescue of his brave officer, Hawkins, with Lord 
Thomas Howard in the Golden Lion, being towed to the galleases with their 
long-boats, and giving the Spaniards a warm reception. 

After a most unequal fight, the Spanish ships being so much larger, 
and their men far outnumbering the English, they eventually drove off the ' 
galleases, and the Portuguese galleon was thus lost to Spain. One of the 
galleases had her lantern shot off, another lost her beak-head, and the third 
was terribly battered. 

In the meantime Sir Martin Frobisher in the Triumph, to the north of the 
Spanish Fleet, was so far to leeward that, becoming apprehensive some of the 
enemy might weather her, she towed off with the help of several boats, and so 
recovered the wind. The Bear (Lord Edmund Sheffield) and Elizabeth Jonas 
(Sir Robert Southwell) perceiving her in distress, bore down to her rescue, 
and by their boldness put themselves in like peril, but made their party good 
till they had recovered the wind. With this action the battle of the 25th July, j/ 
which was the sharpest of the series of engagements against the " Invincible " 
Armada, ended. 

The next day the Lord High Admiral, in consideration of their bravery, 
valour, and fortitude, conferred the honour of knighthood (then prized so 
highly because so jealously bestowed) upon Admiral John Hawkins, on board 
his own ship the Victory, Admiral Martin Frobisher of the Triumph, Lord 
Thomas Howard of the Golden Lion, Lord Sheffield (the Lord High Admiral's 



The Hawkins Family. 99 

nephew) of the Bear, and the commanders of the Mary Rose and the 

It is a remarkable fact that these were almost the only officers who received 
the honour of knighthood during the many engagements against the Armada. 
Even lords were knighted in those days, it being considered a mark of the 
greatest distinction, as while a man might be born in the peerage, his knight- 
hood could only come of the highest personal merit. 

No decisive engagement followed this glorious fight ; for it was determined 
at a council of war, and Howard with his usual prudence waited — as the 
English were Short of powder and ball — to put off a general engagement until 
the Armada had reached the straits of Dover. 

The Spanish Admiral, however, sent another messenger to hasten the 
junction with Parma, -^and to ask him to send some great shot for the use 
of the Armada, which continued the course up Channel, with the wind at 
south-west by south, closely pursued by the English. 

This so animated the people on shore that many of the nobility and 
gentry hired ships, and in great numbers sailed to join the Lord High Admiral — 
as a whole country side on shore falls in at a fox hunt (or as Wotton described 
it, it was like "a morris dance upon the waters") — to share in the honour of 
the certain destruction of the " Invincible " foe. Amongst them were the 
Earls of Oxford, Northumberland, and Cumberland, Sir Thomas and Sir 
Robert Cecil, Sir Henry Brooke, Sir Charles Blunt, Sir Walter Ralegh, Sir 
William Hatton, Sir Robert Cary, Sir Ambrose Willoughby, Sir Thomas 
Gerrard, Sir Arthur Gorges, with other men of note ; and this squadron proved 
of considerable service. 

On the 27th July the Spanish fleet, lest they should be forced by the 
current into the Northern Ocean, anchored before Calais ; and " that same 
night the few Flemish pilots slipped overboard in the darkness, stole the 
cock-boats, set their shirts for sails, and made for Flushing, leaving the Duke 
of Medina Sidonia dependent on the imperfect knowledge of the Spanish ship- 
masters, and their still more imperfect charts." - 

On the 2Sth Lord Henry Seymour and Sir William Winter joined the 
English fleet with their squadron, and forty London privateers were reported 
to be in the Thames ; but ships and men were useless without food. Seymour 
" was victualled but for one day's full meat." Howard, with great economy, 
but for five scanty dinners and one breakfast. Provisions and powder had not 
arrived. " Burleigh tried to borrow money in the city, but with the appearance 

* Hakluvt. 


Plymouth Armada Heroes. 

of the Spaniards his credit there had sunk, and the prudent merchants had 
drawn their purse strings till the cloud had dispersed." 

The English fleet anchored as near the Armada as convenient, being now -' 
increased to 140 sail of stout ships and good sailors ; though the main stress 
of the several engagements was borne by no more than fifteen or sixteen ships, 
upon whom fell the chief weight and burden of the war. This situation showed 
that the Spanish expedition had come to its crisis; the Spaniards, convinced 
of danger, again sent to the Duke of Parma, with an urgent request to send 
forty fly-boats to their assistance, and to speedily forward his army. These 
messengers got ashore, but judged rightly that it was not in the Duke's power 
to join them with his army while Nassau blocked the harbours (and prevented 
Parma's fleet sailing). 

On this day, while both fleets were then riding at anchor, Queen Elizabeth ' 
ordered the Lord High Admiral to single out eight ships (two of which 
belonged to Sir Richard Hawkins), and to cover them with pitch, lining them 
well with brimstone, and combustible matter, and also loading their cannon 
with destructive missiles, and to send them before the wind with a fair tide, 
about midnight, under the command of Captains Young and Prowse, into the 
midst of the Armada. This order was carried out, and the fire-ships arriving 
at safe distance, they lit the trains, and retired. The approach and great blaze 
of these ships on fire was no sooner discovered, than it threw the whole 
Armada into the utmost consternation. Many of the Spaniards had been at 
the siege of Antwerp, and seen the destructive machines used there ; so, 
suspecting that these vessels were full of suchlike engines, in a panic they cut 
their cables, and put to sea in the greatest haste and confusion. Spanish 
authorities themselves admit that their Admiral, upon the approach of the fire- 
ships, gave the signal for weighing anchor, to avoid that danger; but add that 
he also ordered each ship, after the danger was over, to take up her former 
station. The Spanish Admiral, in the San Martin, returned, and fired a 
signal-gun for the rest to do the same, to which little attention was paid. 
Many tried to make their rendezvous off Gravelines, and some were so 
dispersed to sea, or among the shoals on the Flemish coast, that they could 
not even hear the signal. Wherever the English could sight them, they 
pursued and plied them so warmly with shot, that some were sunk, others ran 
ashore, and all were much damaged. 

One of the galleases, having lost her rudder, was cast upon the sands 
before Calais, and was picked up next day, the 29th, by Sir Amias Preston, 
Sir Thomas Gerrard, and Harvey, with 100 men, in a long-boat — but not 

The Hawkins Family. 

without a sharp and doubtful dispute, in which De Mongada, her captain, being 
struck with two musket-balls at the same moment, which pierced both his 
eyes, fell dead. Sir Amias, having overpowered the crew, either drove them 
overboard, or put them to the sword, releasing 300 galley-slaves, and taking 
50,000 gold ducats. This ship was called the "Admiral," or chief gallcas, and 
was claimed by, and left as a wreck to, the Governor of Calais. 

While this was going on. Sir Francis Drake in the Revenge, accompanied by 
Captain Thomas Fenner in the Noiipairil, with the rest of that squadron, set 
upon the Spanish fleet, giving them a hot charge. 

Then Sir John Hawkins in the Victory, with Captain Edward Fenton in 
the Mary Rose, Captain George Beeston in the Dreadnought, and Captain 
Richard Hawkins in the Stvallozv, and the rest of that squadron, put themselves 
forward, and broke through the midst of the Spanish fleet, where there began a 
vehement conflict continuing all the morning, and wherein every captain did 
very honourable service — Edward Fenton, Richard Hawkins, George Ryman, 
and Robert Crosse signally distinguishing themselves. 

The Spanish ships that kept at sea, early next morning (31st July), 
retreated through the Straits of Dover ; but the wind springing up with hard 
gales at north-west, forced them towards the coast of Zealand (the Sa?i Philip 
and the San Matthew had been taken at Flushing). The English, knowing 
that if this wind continued it would distribute the Spanish ships amongst the 
sands and shallows of that coast, discontinued the chase. 

Sir John Hawkins, writing from on board the Victory on this day, says, 
" Our ships, God be thanked, have received little hurt ; " and complains that 
"the men have been long unpaid, and need relief."* 

But to return to the Armada. The wind had changed to the south-west- 
by-west, and this (by hauling their wind) carried them away from the treacherous 
shoals ; but still the Spaniards were in the greatest distress. Without pilots ;' 
their best officers gone ; De Valdez and Toledo prisoners ; Pimentel left on the 
coast of Flanders ; Mongada shot ; while Diego Florez, the Castilian Admiral, 
had lost heart. The Duke of Medina Sidonia now asked Oquendo, " What are 
we to do .'' We are lost ! What are we to do .■" " " Let Diego Florez talk of 
being lost," replied Oquendo. " Let your Excellency bid me order up the 

That evening the Dons held a council of war, to consider what was to be 
done with the remains of the Armada ; and it was resolved that, as they were in 
want of necessaries, especially of cannon-ball, and as their ships were miserably 

* Vide letter, pages 49, 50. 

Plymouth Armada Heroes. 

torn and shattered, a great number of their soldiers slain, their provisions short, 
and water spent, many of their men sick and wounded — further, that there were , 
no hopes of Parma coming out to join them — they had no course left but to 
return to Spain by the north of the British Isles. Pursuant to this resolution, 
having thrown their horses and mules overboard, to save water and to lighten 
their ships, they made all the sail they could, followed by the Lord High 
Admiral till he saw them clear of the P'irth of Forth, where, had they anchored,"' 
he had taken measures to destroy them entirely. But the Spaniards kept on 
their course round by the Orkneys, the Western Islands, and Ireland, amongst 
which they suffered great losses from their ignorance of the coasts and tlie 
accidents of the weather and heavy seas. Several ships were stranded on the 
coast of Scotland ;* their men, to the number of 700, getting ashore, were by 
consent of Elizabeth delivered by James I. to Parma. Other ships were 
wrecked on the Irish coast, but the Lord Deputy, Sir William Fitzwilliam, 
either put their crews to the sword, or had them executed, lest they should join 
with his own rebellious people. 

" When I was at Sligo," wrote Sir Geoffry Fenton, " I numbered on one 
strand, of less than five miles length, iioo dead bodies of men which the sea 
had driven upon the shore. The country people told me the like was in other 
places, though not to the like number." 

The English fleet was now short of supplies. From Dunbar an express 
had been sent to London, to beg that food and ammunition might be sent 
to Margate for the fleet. " Hunger, however, was an enemy that would not fly. 
Storm or no storm, unless Howard could recover the Thames, his case would 
be as bad as Sidonia's; and he beat back in the face of the gale, Hawkins's 
spars and cordage standing proof against all trials. Off the Norfolk coast 
the wind became so furious that the fleet was scattered. Howard, with the 
largest of the ships, reached Margate. Others were driven into Harwich, and 
rejoined him when the weather moderated."! 

On the 9th August food arrived. The month's victuals served out on the 
23rd June had been made to last seven weeks, and the three days' rations with 
which the fleet had left the Forth had lasted for eight days. The crews were - 
starving. The excitement of the war was over, and the men were ill and 
dispirited ; scanty food and the bad beer provided brought sickness, and 

• At the time of the Spanish Armada the King of Scots wittily told Sir Henry Sidney, Ambassador 
in Scotland, " That hee expected no courtesie from the King of Spaine, but that favour which Polyphemus 
promised Ulysses ; namely, that when he had devoured the others, he should be his last morsdl." 

t Froude. 

The Haivkius Family. 

boatloads of sailors were carried ashore, and were laid down to die in the 
streets, there being no place in the town to receive them. The officers did 
their best, and some were taken to barns and outhouses. " It would grieve 
any man's heart," said Howard, in his letter to Burleigh, August 20th, " to see 
men who had served so valiantly die so miserably." And again, in a letter from 
Howard to the Council, dated 22nd August, he refers to the great sickness 
among the men. Of "present necessity there must be sent down for the 
payment of them unto the 25th of August, whereof I leave Sir John Hawkins 
to certify the Lord Treasurer in more particulars from himself" * 

They sickened one day and died the next. - In the battle before Gravelines 
not sixty in all had been killed ; before a month was out there was hardly a 
ship which had enough men to weigh the anchors. The disorder was traced 
to the poisonous beer. But this was still served out. The sick wanted fresh 
food, but were dieted with salt beef and fish as usual. The men's wages were 
still unpaid, so that they were unabb to provide necessaries for themselves, and 
Sir John Hawkins had to remind the Government that the pay of those who 
died was still due to their relatives. 

" Your Lordship may think that by death, discharging of sick, etc., some- 
thing may be spared in the general pay. Those that die their friends require 
their pay. For those which are discharged, we take up fresh men, which breeds 
a far greater charge," writes Hawkins to Burleigh, August 26th. f 

How the men were got the following entry shows : 

1588 19 Sep' Item to John Fysher for caryinge a letter to my Lord 
Sheffield and Sir John Hawkins at Harwich touching the pressing of certain 
marryners for her Majesty's ship royall called the Whight Beare xx"". 

The greatest service ever done by an English fleet had been thus successfully 
accomplished by men whose wages had not been paid from the time of their 
engagement, with their clothes in rags, and falling off their backs. " It were 
marvellous good a thousand pounds' worth of hose, doublets, shoes, shirts, 
and such like were sent down with all expedition, else in a very short time 
I look to see most of the mariners go naked," wrote Howard to Burleigh, on the 
20th August. And so ill-found were they in the necessaries of war that they had 
eked out their ammunition by what they could take in action from the enemy 
himself " In the desire for victory they had not stayed for the spoil of any of 
the ships that they lamed." There was no prize money coming as reward. 
Their own country was the prize for which they had fought and conquered. • 

* Sla. Pa. Dom. (Eliz.) t F/* letter, page 52. 

104 Plymouth Armada Heroes. 

They had earned, if ever Englishmen had earned anjnvhere, the highest honour 
and recompense the Government could bestow. 

When the accounts were made up, Howard was obliged to defend himself 
against a charge of peculation brought against him for taking the 3000 pistoles 
out of the Capitana, to defray the expenses of the fleet. On the 27th August 
he wrote to Walsingham, " I did take them as I told you I would : for, by Jesus, 
I had not £l left in the world, and have not anything that could get money in 
London- — my plate was gone before. But I will repay it within ten days after 
my coming home. I pray you let her Majesty know so ; and by the Lord God 
of Heaven, I had not one crown more, and had it not been of mere necessity, 
I would not have touched one ; but if I had not some to have bestowed upon 
some poor, miserable man, I should have wished myself out of the world." * 

The worst meanness was yet to come. A surcharge appeared in the accounts 
of ;^620 for " extraordinary kinds of victual, wine, etc., distributed among 
the ships at Plymouth for the relief of the sick and wounded men." Howard 
begged the Queen to pass this charge; but a further sum for the same purpose 
Howard struck out of his account-book, adding, "I will myself make satisfaction 
as well as I may, so that her Majesty shall not be charged withal." 

Howard perhaps, as a nobleman whose father had received large 
benefactions from the Crown, and to whom afterwards Elizabeth was 
moderately liberal, might have been expected to contribute at a time of 
need. The same excuse will not cover the treatment of Sir John Hawkins, 
who owed nothing to any crowned head. Hawkins, as we have seen, had not 
only been at the head of the dockyards, but had collected the ships' companies, 
and settled their wages. No English vessels ever sailed out of port in better 
condition ; no English sailors ever did their duty better. But Elizabeth had _ 
changed her mind so often in the spring — engaging seamen and then dismissing 
them, and then engaging others — that between charges and discharges the 
accounts had naturally grown intricate. Hawkins worked hard to clear them, 
and spent his own fortune freely to make the figures satisfactory. But the 
Queen, who had been the cause of the confusion, insisted on an exactness 
of statement which it was diiificult, if not impossible, to give ; and Hawkins in 
a petition, in which he described himself as a ruined man, sued for a year's 
respite to disentangle the disorder. 

In spite of Queen Elizabeth's careful economy in her affairs, the country's 
debts had greatly increased during the time of the Spanish invasion. To meet 
these and other charges it was necessary to raise money independently of the 
taxes. Howard was lamenting that the Queen had starved the seamen, 

* Sla. Pa. Dom. (Eliz.) 

The Hawkins Family. 105 

and Hawkins wrote that ;f 19,000 in arrears were actually due to the men. 
Lord Treasurer Burleigh was quite unable to send iJ'Sooo, the amount im- 
mediately required. To meet the immediate want of money, the Queen ;_ 
borrowed, by way of loan, of 2416 of her subjects, as set forth in a printed 
list, dated 1589, out of the thirty-six counties in England, a sum approaching 
£'ji),ooo, a very great amount in those days, especially after the country had 
been put to so great an expense in preparations against the Armada. Letters 
were sent by the Queen to Sir Francis Walsingham, Keeper of the Privy Seal, 
and by him forwarded to the lieutenants of the various shires, to require the 
raising of the loan. 

On looking over this list, which has been reprinted by Mr. Noble, it seems 
strange that very few if any of the chief commanders against the Armada 
appear to have contributed, except Admiral Sir John Hawkins, who gave 
£\<x>, and his brother Captain William Hawkins £2<^. 

The remains of the "invincible" fleet at last arrived on the coast of 
Spain in a most deplorable condition. Several of the ships, unable to repair 
the damages received in battle, had foundered at sea ; many others were 
wrecked ; and as most of the people in them perished, those who lived to return 
home were laden with shame and dishonour. The Duke of Medina himself 
was forbid the Court. He had brought back only 53, or at most 60 shattered 
vessels, out of the 132 he had started with, and this so enraged Philip that he 
would hardly have escaped with his life except for his wife's influence at 
Court. Some say that Philip received the news of the ill-success of his fleet 
with heroic patience, and thanked God that it was no greater; that he 
coolly said "that he had sent his fleet to fight against the English, and not 
against the winds." This story probably originated with the accounts given by 
the dispirited Spaniards on their return of the valour of the English, and the 
tempests of these seas. 

But Anthony Coppley, an English fugitive in Spain at that time, declares 
that when the news was brought, Philip being at mass, as soon as it was over 
swore "that he would waste and consume his Crown, even to the value of a 
candlestick (pointing to one on the altar) ; but either he would utterly ruin 
Her Majesty and England, or else himself and all Spain should become tributary 
to her." He ordered Flores de Valdez, who had persuaded the Duke to break 
the King's instructions, to be seized, and he was carried to the Castle of Saint 
Andrea and never again heard of. Recalde and Oquendo died within a 
few days after their arrival ; De Leyva, after being three times wrecked, had 
been drowned off the coast of Ireland. 


io6 Plymouth Armada Heroes. 

Howard, on the contrary, having chased the Spaniards from the English 
coasts, bent his sails and steered homeward, arriving safe in the Downs 
with his whole fleet, to join in the acclamations and thanksgivings of the 
whole nation for so great a deliverance, with the loss of one small ship and 
lOO men ; though the loss of the Spanish nobility and gentry on board the 
Armada was so great that there was scarcely a family in Spain but was in 
mourning, and Philip was obliged by proclamation to shorten the usual time. 

In the several fights during July and August between the two navies 
in the Channel, the Spaniards lost 15 great ships and 4791 men ; in September, 
on the coast of Ireland, 17 ships and 5394 men. Stow tells us that in all they 
lost 81 ships and upwards of 13,500 men. 

On the 1 2th August victory was declared. The Queen commanded public 
prayer and thanksgiving to be made in all the churches of England ; and on 
the 24th November, 1588, went herself in triumph from Somerset House, 
through Temple Bar, to St. Paul's to return thanks to God ; listened to 
the sermon, and caused the Spanish colours taken in the war to be set up 
there and shown to the people. 


TO St. Paul's Church. 1588. No. 24. 

Messengers of the Chamber, ) c- ^ . a u a 

„ , ^, , . i Servants to Ambassadors, 

uentlemen Harbmgers ) 

Gentlemen, ) „ , , .;„ „ 

„ . ' \ Her Ma*'" Servants. 

Esquires ) 


Sewers of the Chamber. 

Gentlemen Huishers. 

The six Clerks of y'^ Chancery. 

Clerkes of Starr Chamber. 

Clerkes of the Signet. 

Clerkes of the Privie Seale. 

Clerkes of the Councell. 

Chaplains haveing dignityes as Deanes &c. 

Masters of the Chancery. 

Aldermen of London. 

Kn'' Batchelors. 

Kn*^ Officers of the Admiralty. 

The Judge of the Admiralty. 

The Dean of the Arches. 

The Solliciter and .\ttorney Generall. 

The Hawkins Family. 


Serjeants at the Law. 

The Queens Serjeants. 

Barons of the Exchequer. 

A Pursuy Judges of the Comon pleas. A Pursuy 

of Amies. Judges of the King's Bench. of Amies. 

The L'' Cheif Baron and the Lord Cheif Justice of the Common Pleas. 

The Master of the Rolls and the L"* Cheif Justice of the Kings Bench. 

The Queens Doctors of Physicke. 

The Master of the Tents, and the Master of the Revels. 

The Leivtenant of the Ordnance. 

The Leiv' of the Tower. 

The Master of the Armorie. 

Kn*'' that had been Anlb''^ 

Kn*^ that had been Deputyes of Ireland. 

The Master of the Great Wardrobe. 

A Pursuy of Armes. The Masters of the Jewell House. A Pursuy of Amies. 

Esquires for the Body, and Gentlemen of the Privie Chamber. 


The Queens Cloake and Hatt borne by a Kn' or an Esq"^. 

Barons younger sons. 

Kn'» of the Bath. 

Lancaster. Kn'^ Banneretts. Yorke. 

Viscounts younger sons. 

Barons eldest sonnes. 

Earles younger sonnes. 

Viscounts eldest sonnes. 

Secretaryes of her Ma'^. 

Knights of the Privy Councell. 

Somerset. Kn*^ of the Garter. 

Principall Secretary. 


Comptroller and Treasurer of the Household. 

Barons of the Parliament. 

Chester. Bishopps. 

The Ld Chamberlaine of the House, | ^^ ^^^^^^_ 

The Ld Admirall of England i ^ 

Marquesses younger sonns. 

Earles Eldest sons. 


Dukes younger sonnes. 

Marquesses eldest sonnes. . 

Norroy King of Armes. 

Dukes Eldest sonnes. 



Plymouth Armada Heroes. 



Clarencieux K. of Armes. 

The Almoner. The Master of y" Requests. 

The Lord Higli Treasurer of England. 

The Arch Bishopp of Yorke. 

The Lord Chancellor of England. 

The Arch Bishopp of Canterbury. 

The French Ambassador. 

Garter King The Mayor of A Gent Huisher 

of Armes. London. of y'' Privy Chamber. 

Lord Great Chamberlaine of England. 

Earle Marshall of England. 

<L) 3 

Pi ■^ g 

£3 cf 

o w 

Sword borne by the Lord Marquesse. 

The Queens Ma''"" in her Chariot. 

Her Highnesse traine borne by the Marchioness of Winchester. 

The Palfry of Honno' led by the Master of the Horse. 

The Cheif Lady of Honno"^. 

All other Ladyes of Hono^ 

The Captain of the Guard. 

Yeomen of the Guard. 

K O 

Eliz. time. 158$ 

S' W™ Segar's Marshalling of a Proceeding in state in Queen 

The Haivkins Family. 109 

An annual Thanksgiving Service for the Victory against the Spanish 
Armada was endowed by Mr. Chapman, ob. 1616. In 1877 it was held at 
St. Mary le Bow. 

The Lord High Admiral Charles Lord Howard of Effingham was 
rewarded with a considerable pension. Admiral John Hawkins, Lord 
Thomas Howard, Admiral Frobisher, and a very few others received the 
honour of knighthood. For the rest, their rewards consisted more in words 
than in deeds. The Queen highly praised her brave sea captains as men 
born for the preservation of their country, and that they took as reward for 
their services. The wounded, maimed, and poor sailors were recompensed 
with pensions. 

Never was collapse more complete. Not a Spaniard set foot on English 
soil but as a prisoner. One English ship only, of small size, became the prize 
of the invaders. Parma did not venture to embark a man. The King of 
Scots, standing firm to his alliance with Elizabeth, afforded not the slightest 
succour to the Spanish ships driven upon the Scottish coasts. The Lord 
Deputy in Ireland caused the shipwrecked Spaniards to be killed, fearing a 
rebellion of the Irish if the Spaniards joined them. 

And so the miserable remnant of the Invincible Armada returned to 

Several medals were struck in memory of this glorious victory, some in 
honour of the Queen, on which were engraved fire-ships among a confused 
fleet, and the inscription, " Une Femme a conduiet ceste action " (" A woman 
conducted this action "), because it was said that the idea of sending the 
fire-ships into the midst of the Armada was the Queen's thought.* '- 

Other medals had a fleet graven under full sail and hastening away, with 
the inscription, " II est venu, il a vu, il a fuy " (" Hee came, Hee saw, 
Hee fledde "). 

The Zealanders, whose very existence depended upon the success of the 
English, also coined medals in honour of the victory, one representing the 
Spanish fleet in great confusion, with this motto, "Impius fugit, nemine 
sequente" ("The wicked fled, no one pursuing"). And, again, another memorial 
had the motto, "Efflavit Deus et dissipantur" ("God blew, and they were 

Among the most interesting relics of the Armada fight were the tapestries, 
reproduced in the accompanying engravings; made to the order of the Lord 

* Martin's Hist. Eng. 

Plyniojith Armada Heroes. 

High Admiral, from the designs of Henry Corneh'us de Vroom, born at 
Haarlem, 1566, marine painter, as recorded in the following note: 

The Great Earl of Nottingham Lord High Admiral of England whose 
defeat of y" Spanish Armada had established y^ Crowne of his mistress, being 
desirous of preserving the detail of that illustrious event, had bespoken a suit 
of tapestry describing the particulars of each day's engagement ; Francis 
Spiering, an eminent maker of tapestry, took y= work, and engaged Vroom to 
draw the designs. 

Abstract of King James' Revenue (p. 15), at the end of Fulk. Greville's 
Lord Brooke Totitte brought to light: 

To the Earl of Nottingham for the Hangings of the Story of the Fight in 
1588, containing 708 Flemish Ells at 10' 6' the ell, in all 1628'. 

The hangings adorned the House of Lords, and were engraved by John 
Pine in 1739. They were burnt, with partial exceptions, in the fire in the 
Houses of Parliament, in 1834. 

A Declaration of the Proceedings of the Two Fleets.* 

1588 July 19. — Upon Friday by the 19'" of the present month part of the 
Spanish navy, to the number of 50 sail, was discovered about the Isles of 
Scilly hoving in the wind as it seemed, to attend the rest of the fleet, and 
the next day, 

20 (Saturday) at 3 of the clock in the afternoon the Lord Admiral got 
forth with our navy out of Plymouth then with some difficulty the wind being 
at S.W., notwithstanding through the great travail used by our men, they not 
only cleared the harbour but also the next day being 

21. — Sunday, about 9 of the day in the morning recovered the wind 
of the whole fleet, which being thoroughly descried was found to consist 
of 120 sail great and small. At the same instant the Lord Admiral gave them 
fight within the view of Plymouth from which the Mayor [William Hawkins] 
with others sent them continually supplies of men till they were past their 
coast. This fight continued till one of the clock the same day, wherein the 
enemy was made to bear room with some of his ships to stop their leaks. The 
same day by accident of fire happening in one of their great ships, there 
were blown up with powder about 120 men, the rest being compelled to leave 
her, and so she was by the Lord Admiral sent into the west part of England. 

• Sta. Pa. Dom. (Eliz.) Vol. 214, 42 I. 

The Haiukins Faiiiily. 

2 2. — Upon Monday the 22, one of the chief galleons wherein was 
Dom Pedro de Valdez with 450 men, was taken by reason of his mast that 
was spent with the breaking of his boare spitt, so as he presendy yielded 
with sundry gentlemen of good quality. 

23. — On Tuesday the 23 the Lord Admiral chased the enemy who had 
then gotten some advantage of the wind and thereupon seemed more desirous 
to abide our force. Then fell in fight with them over against St. Albans 
about 5 of the clock in the morning the wind being at N.E., and so continued 
with great force on both sides till late in the evening, when the wind coming 
again to the S.W. and somewhat large they began to go roomewardes. 

24. — The same night, and all Wednesday, the Lord Admiral kept 
very near unto the Spanish fleet and upon Thursday the 25"' over against 
Dunnose part of the Isle of Wight the Lord Admiral espying Captain Frobisher 
with a few other ships to be in a sharp fight with the enemy and fearing they 
should be distressed did with 5 of his best ships beare up towards the admiral 
of the Spanish fleet, and so breaking into the heart of them began a very sharp 
fight by which 2 or 3 score one of the other until they had cleared Captain 
Frobisher and made them give peace. 

26 {Friday). — The next day being the 26 the Lord Admiral onely con- 
tinued his pursuit of the enemy having still encreased his provisions and 
keeping the wind of them. 

27.— Upon Saturday the 27 about 8 of the clock at night the 
Lord Henry Seymour Admiral in the Narrow Seas joined with the Lord 
Howard in Whitsand Bay over against the cliffe of Callice, and anchored 
together and the Spanish fleet rode also at anchor to leeward of the Lord 
Admiral and nearer to Callice road. 

28 {Sunday). — The 28 the Lord Admiral prepared seven ships with pitch, 
tar and other necessaries for the burning of some of the enemy's fleet and at 
II of the clock at night the wind and tide serving put the stratagem in 
execution the event whereof was done. Upon Monday the 29 early in the 
morning the Admiral of the enemy's Galleasses riding next to our fleet let slip 
her anchor and cable to avoid the fires, and driving athwart another Galleass, 
her cable took hold of the other rudder, and broke it clean away, so that with 
her oars she was fayn to get into Callace Road for relief, all the rest of the 
Spanish fleet either cut or let slip their anchors and cables, set sail and put to 
the sea, being chased from that Road. 

Afterwards the Lord Admiral sent the Lieutenant of his own ship with a 
hundred of his principal men in a long boat to recover the Galleass so distressed 
near Callace, who after some sharp fight with the loss of some men was 
possessed of her, and having slain a great number of the enemies, and namely 
their Captain General of the four Galleases, called D. Hugo de Montcaldo, 
son to the Viceroy of Valencia, with divers gentlemen of good reckoning 
carried prisoners to the English fleet. In this pursuit of the fireworks by our 

Plymouth Armada Heroes. 

force the Lord Howard in fight spoiled a great number of them sank three and 
drove four or five on the shore so as at that time it was assured that they had 
lost at the least sixteen of their best ships. The same day after the fight the 
Lord Howard followed the enemy in chase, tlie wind continuing at the West 
and South West who bearing room northwards directly towards the Isles of 
Scotland were by his Lordship followed near land until they brought themselves 
within the height of 55°. 

30"' {Tuesday). — The 30"^ one of the enemy's great ships was espied to be 
in great distress by the Captain of H.M. Ship called the Hope, who being in 
speech of yielding unto the said Captain before they could agree on certain 
conditions soncke presently before their eyes. 

31 {Wednesday). — It is also advertized that the 31" two of their great 
ships being in the like distress and grievously torn in the fight aforesaid, and 
since taken by certain Hollanders and brought into Flushing. The principal 
person of the greatest of them is called Dom Piedmontello being also one of 
the Maestridel Campo. 

The following is a statement of the English fleet against the Armada in 1588. 

Men-of-war belonging to her Majesty . . . . 17 

Other ships hired by the Queen . . . . 12 

Tenders and store-ships or pinnaces . . . . 6 

Furnished by City of London, being double the number demanded 

by the Queen, well manned, ammunitioned; and provisioned 16 
Tenders and store-ships or pinnaces . . . . 4 

Furnished by City of Bristol, large and strong . • • 3 

Tender or pinnace . . . . . 

From Barnstaple, merchant ships converted into frigates 
From Exeter, ships . .... 

A stout pinnace . . ... 

From Plymouth, stout ships every way equal to the Queen's men 

of-war . . . . . 

A fly boat ..... 

Under Lord Henry Seymour in the Narrow Seas, of the Queen': 

ships and vessels in her service . . . . 16 

Ships fitted out at the expense of the nobility, gentry, and commons 

of England . . . ... 41 

One pinnace of the Lord High Admiral's, the Defiance 
Another of Lord Sheffield . . . . 

By Merchant Adventurers, prime and well fiirnished 

Sir W"" Winter's pinnace . . . . 

Total . . .143 ships 

The Hawkins Family. 


Tonnage. Name. 

800 The Ark Royal 

800 Victory 

600 Elizabeth Bonavaituri 



The Triumph . 






Elisabeth youas 



Mary A'ose 

• 250 



■ 250 


Golden Lion . 

. 250 




• 250 


Bamge . 

• 250 



■ 250 



• 250 


Di-eail nought . 






Siv allow 




. 180 





Gaily Bonavolia 

■ 250 

Admirals and Captains. 

Carrying the flag of Charles, Lord Howard 

of Effingham, Lord High Admiral of 

Admiral Sir John Hawkins (born in 1532), 

Treasurer and Comptroller of the Navy, 

the senior officer in the fleet. Captain 

R. Barker. 
Vice-Admiral Sir Martin Frobisher. 
Lord Edmund Sheffield. [The Bear was 

the Lord High Admiral's ship before 

the Ark Royal!\ 
Sir Robert Southwell. 
Capt, Edward Fenton (Sir John Hawkins's 

Thomas Fenner. 

Lord Thomas Howard (born in 1561; 

eldest son of the fourth Duke of Norfolk). 

George Clifford, Earl of Cumberland (born 

1558). \Bonaventure, built in 1560, ran 

on a sandbank in 15SS, but got off 

without hurt] 
Robert Cross. 
Sir Francis Drake, Vice-Admiral of a 

squadron of volunteers. 
Lord Henry Seymour, in command of the 

squadron in the Narrow Seas. 
Sir William Winter, also in the Narrow Seas. 
Sir George Beston. 
Sir Henry Palmer. 
Richard Hawkins (only son of Sir John ; 

afterwards Sir Richard Hawkins). 
Edward Fenner. 
Christopher Baber, gent. 
William Bourough, Esq. 

* In addition to this list were the Volunteer Squadrons. 



Plyinoziih Armada Heroes. 

Tonnage. Name. 

240 Aid 

200 Bull 

200 Tiger 

150 Tranoitntain 

120 George . 

120 Scout 

100 Achates . 

70 Charles . 

60 Moon 

50 Advice . 

50 ^/j-,? 

50 Marty ne 

40 ^V^w 

30 O'^w/ . 


Men. Captains. 

120 William Fenner, gent. 

100 Jeremy Turner, gent. 

100 John Bostocke, gent. 

70 Luke Ward, gent. 

30 Richard Hodges. 

70 Henry Ashley, Esq. 

60 Gregory Riggs, gent. 

40 John Roberts, gent. 

40 Alexander Clifford. 

35 John Harris. 

35 Ambrose Ward. 

35 Walter Goare. 

24 Richard Buckley. 

20 John Sherrife. 

36 Thomas Scott. 

(from the original in the possession of R. S. HAWKINS, ESQ.. WELLINGTON. NEW ZEALAND 

The Haivkins Family. 



g)ir EirijarU IDaVoUins, " Clje Complete gteaman." 

IdMIRAL sir RICHARD HAWKINS was the only child of 

Sir John Hawkins, the great admiral. His mother was Sir John's 

first wife, Katherine, daughter of Benjamin Gonson, Treasurer 

of the Navy from 1549 to 1573. 

Richard Hawkins was born at Plymouth about 1560. From a boy he 

became his father's constant companion, and was brought up to a sea-life, 

under great advantages, with his father and uncle, both renowned seamen, 

and then owning thirty sail of good ships. 

In 1582 he made his first long voyage to the West Indies, with his uncle, 
William Hawkins, in which he showed the boldness and sagacity of a good 
officer. The following incident during the voyage is given by Sir Richard 
Hawkins in his Observations: "In the year 1582 in a voyage under the 
charge of my uncle W" Hawkins of Plymouth Esquire: in the Indies, 
at the Western end of the Island of San Juan de Porto Rico: one of the 
ships called the bark Bonner, being somewhat leake, the captain complained 
that she was not able to endure to England ; whereupon a counsel was 
called and his reasons heard and allowed." It was determined to take 
everything out of the ship, and to burn or sink her, to which Richard 
Hawkins said nothing ("it being my part to learn rather than to advise"*); 
but seeing the fatal sentence given, and suspecting the captain of making 
the matter worse than it was, so as to get into another ship which sailed 
better, he dissuaded his uncle privately; but not prevailing, he went further, 
and offered to take the ship home himself, "leaving the Vice-admiral 
which I had under my charge and to make her Vice-admiral." The 
captain, hearing this, felt his reputation at stake, and said he would not 

• From the original edition of Sir Richard Hawkins's Obsei-ualions, 1622. 

ii6 PlynioritJi Armada Heroes. 

leave his ship ; and she returned safe to England, and made many a good 
voyage for nine years after. Thus he saved the vessel from destruction, and 
was esteemed for his wisdom ; and from that time he was constantly 
employed at sea. 

These Observations of Sir Richard were dedicated to Prince, afterwards 
King, Charles, in the following form : 

To the 
most illustrious and most excellent 

Prince Charles, Prince of Wales, 

Duke of Cornnoall, Earle of Chester, etc. 

Amongst other neglects prejudicial! to this state, I have observed, that many 
the worthy and heroyque acts of our nation, have been buried and forgotten : 
the actors themselves being desirous to shunne emulation in publishing them, 
and those which overlived them, fearefuU to adde, or to diminish from the 
actors worth, judgement, and valour, have forborne to write them; by which 
succeeding ages have been deprived of the fruits which might have been 
gathered out of their experience, had they beene committed to record. To 
avoid this neglect, and for the good of my countr)', I have thought it my duty 
to publish the observations of my South Sea voyage ; and for that unto your 
highnesse, your heires, and successors, it is most likely to be advantagious 
(having brought on me nothing but losse and misery), I am bold to use your 
name, a protection unto it, and to offer it with all humblenes and duty to your 
highnesse approbation, which if it purchase, I have attained my desire, which 
shall ever ayme to performe dutie. 

Your Highnesse humble 

And devoted Servant 

Richard Hawkins. 

In 1585 Richard Hawkins sailed, with Drake and Frobisher, in command 
of the Duck. The fleet consisted of twenty-five ships, with 2300 soldiers and 
sailor?, of whom 750 died, chiefly of disease, during the voyage. They took 
San lago, San Domingo, Carthagena, and San Augustine in Florida. 

He was admitted to the freedom of Plymouth in 1589-90 as " Ricus 
Hawkins gen'osus," when "he contributed towards the fund raised to reimburse 
Drake for bringing in the water." The previous year he provided the Cor- 
poration with a silver cup, value £11, for presentation to Sir Walter Ralegh, 
Lord Warden of the Stannaries, also " four demi culverins and three sakers " 
for the defence of the town. 

Richard Hawkins commanded the Sii'aUozv—\.\\t ship that Howard offered. 

The HazvJcins Faniify. 117 

to sail to Rio Janeiro in the wildest storm that could blow— against the Armada, 
and' he is mentioned as greatly distinguishing himself during the many- 
engagements which ended in the total destruction of that great fleet. The 
Sivallotv received more damage than any of the Queen's ships during the fight, 
in which she suffered severely.* 

In 1590 Sir John Hawkins obtained the grant of a commission for his 
son Richard, to attempt, with a ship, bark, and pinnace, an expedition against 
Philip II. of Spain. This commission assigned to Richard Hawkins and 
his patrons whatever they should take ; reserving one-fifth of the treasure, 
jewels, and pearls, to the Queen. The voyage was intended to be made by 
way of the Straits of Magellan and the South Sea, the object being to discover 
and survey unknown lands, and to report upon their inhabitants, governments, 
and produce ; returning by way of Japan, China, and the East Indies. 

"For this purpose," says Sir Richard Hawkins, "in the end of 1588, 
returning from the journey against the Spanish Armado, I caused a ship to be 
builded in the river of Thames, betwixt 300 and 400 tons, which was finished 
in that perfection as could be required ; for she was pleasing to the eye, 
profitable for stowage, good of sail, and well conditioned. 

" The day of her launching being appointed, the Lady Hawkins (my 
step-mother) named her the Repentance ; and although many times I 
expostulated with her, to declare the reason for giving her that uncouth 
name, I could never have any satisfaction, than that repentance was the 

safest ship we could sail in to purchase the haven of Heaven The 

Repentance being put in perfection, and riding at Detford, the queen's majesty 
passing by her, to her palace at Greenwich, commanded her bargemen to 
row round about her, and viewing her from post to stem, disliked nothing 
but her name, and said she would christen her anew, and that henceforth 
she should be called the Dainty ; which name she brooked well, having taken 
(for her Majesty) a great Byscen, of 500 tons, under the conduct of Sir Martin 
Furbisher; a caracke bound for the East Indies, under my father's charge, and 
the principal cause of taking the great caracke, the Madre de Dios, brought 
to Dartmouth by Sir John Borrough, and the Earl of Cumberland's ships, 
anno 1592, with others of moment in other voyages. To us she never brought 
but loss, trouble, and care. Therefore my father resolved to sell her, though 
with some loss, which he imparted with me : and for that I had ever a 
particular love unto her, and a desire she should continue ours, I offered to 
ease him of the charge and care of her, and to take her with all her furniture 

* Vlie Chapter IV. 

ii8 Plymouth Armada Heroes. 

at the price he had before taken her of me ; with resolution to put in 
execution the voyage for which she was first builded ; although it lay six 
months and more in suspense, partly upon the pretended voyage to Nombre 
de Dios and Panama, which then was fresh a foot ; and partly upon the caracke 
at Dartmouth, in which I was employed as a commissioner; but this business 
being ended, and the other pretence waxing cold, the i^' March I resolved 
and began to go forward with the journey, so often talked of, and so much 

"And having made an estimate of the charge of victuals, munition, and 
necessaries for the said ship : consorting another [vessel] of lOO tons, which 
I waited for daily from the Straits of Gibraltar, with a pinnace of 60 tons, all 
mine own : and for a competent number of men for them, and dispatched 
order to my servant at Plymouth, to put in a readiness my pinnace. And with 
the diligence I used, and my father's furtherance, at the end of one month I 
was ready to set sail for Plymouth, to join with the rest of my ships and 
provisions. But the expecting of the coming of the Lord High Admiral, Sir 
Robert Cecil, principal secretary to her majesty, and Sir Walter Rawley, with 
others, to honour my ship and me with their presence and farewell, detained 
me some days, and the rain and intemperate weather deprived me of the 
favour, which I was in hope to have received at their hands. 

" Having taken my unhappy last leave of my father Sir John Hawkins, I 
tooke my barge, and rowed down the river, and coming to Barking, we might 
see my ship at an anchor in the midst of the channel, where ships are not wont 
to moor themselves. And coming aboard her, one and another began to 
recount the peril they had past of loss of ship and goods ; for the wind being 
at N.W. when they set sail, and vered out southerly, it forced them for the 
doubling of a point to bring their tack aboard ; and luffing up, the wind 
freshing suddenly the ship began to make a little heel ; and for that she was 
very deep loaden, and her ports open, the water began to enter in at them, 
which nobody having regard unto, thinking themselves safe in the river ; at 
length when it was seen and the sheet flown, she could hardly be brought 
upright. But with the diligence of the company she was freed of that 

Richard Hawkins now set sail, and arrived at Plymouth on the 26tli 
April. The vessel he expected from Gibraltar not arriving, he resolved 
to take a smaller ship of his own instead, called the Hazvke, only for a 
victualler, meaning to take out the men and victuals, and to cast her off either 
on the coast of Brazil or in the Straits of Magellan. 

The Hawkins Fainily. 1 1 9 

Towards the end of May all was in readiness to depart ; but a westerly- 
gale came on, during which the Dainty lost her mainmast, which also prevented 
Hugh Cornish, the master, bringing her into the Cattewater. 

" Coming to my house to shift me " (wet to the skin, says Sir Richard), 
" I had not well changed my clothes when a servant of mine enters almost out 
of breath with news, that the pinnace was beating upon the rocks, which though 
I knew to be remediless, I put myself in place where I might see her, and in a 
little time after she sunk downright. These losses and mischances troubled 
and grieved, but nothing daunted me ; Si fortiina me toriiicnta ; Espcrauca 
vie contcnta: of hard beginnings, many times come prosperous and happy 
events. And although a well-willing friend wisely foretold me them to be 
presages of future bad success, and so disuaded me what lay in him with 
effectual reasons, yet the hazard of my credit, and danger of disreputation, 
to take in hand that which I should not prosecute, was more powerful to cause 
me to go forwards, than his grave good counsel to make me desist. And so 
the storm ceasing, I began to get in the Dainty, to mast her anew, and to 
recover the Fancy my pinnace, which with the help and furtherance of my 
wife's father, who supplied all my wants, together with my credit (which I 
thank God was unspotted), in ten days put all in his former state, or better. 
And so once again, began to take my leave of my friends, and of my dearest 
friend, my second self, whose unfeigned tears had wrought me into irresolution, 
and sent some other in my room : so remembering that many had their eyes 
set upon me, I shut the door to all impediments, and mine ear to all contrary 
counsel, and gave place to voluntary banishment from all that I loved and 
esteemed in this life, with hope thereby better to serve my God, my prince and 
country, than to increase my talent any way. 

"I set sail the 12th June, 1593, in the afternoon; and all put in order, 
I looft near the shore to give my farewell to all the inhabitants of the towne, 
whereof the most part were gathered together upon the Hoe, to show their 
grateful correspondency to the love and zeal which I, my father, and pre- 
decessors have ever borne to that place as to our natural and mother town. 
And first with my noise of trumpets, after with my waytes and other music, 
and lastly with the artillery of my ships, I made the best signification I 
could of a kind farewell. This they answered with the waytes of the towne, 
and the ordinance on the shore, and with shouting of voices ; which, with the 
fair evening and silence of the night, were heard a great distance off." 

They touched at Madeira, the Canary Isles, and Cape de Verdes ; and 
approaching the equinoctial line the men " began to fall sick of a disease 

Plymouth Armada Heroes. 

which seamen are wont to call the scurvy," of which several of them died, 
which together with contrary winds made them seek the shore, and towards 
the end of October they sighted land — the port of Victoria on the coast 
of Brazil. Richard Hawkins now sent a letter to the Governor, saying that he 
was bound for the East Indies to traffic, and had been forced into port by 
contrary winds, and that if he were willing they would exchange commodities. 
The captain of the Dainty was sent with the letter; but he not returning, 
Hawkins entered the harbour, when the captain returned. They anchored 
"right against the village," sending a boat for the Governor's answer, who 
replied that he was sorry that he could not agree to so reasonable a request 
on account of the war between Spain and England, having received express 
orders from his King not to suffer any trade with the English, at the same 
time requiring them to depart within three days, which he gave them on 
account of their courtesy. 

"With this answer we resolved to depart; but the wind suffered us 
not all that night, nor the next day. In which time I lived in great 
perplexity, for that I knew our own weakness and what they might doe unto 
us if that they had known so much. For any man that putteth himself into 
the enemies port, had need of Argus eyes, and the wind in a bagge, especially 
when the enemie is strong, and the tydes of any force. . . . For with either 
ebb or flood those who are on the shore may thrust upon him their inventions 
of fire, and with swimming or other devices may cut his cables. . . . 

" In S. John de Ulloa, in Mexico, when the Spaniards dishonoured their 
nation with that foul act of perjury and breach of faith given to my father, 
Sir John Hawkins (notorious to the whole world), the Spaniards fired two 
great ships with intention to burn my father's admiral, which he prevented 
by towing them with his boats another way." 

The next night the wind changing they set sail, and having refreshed 
themselves at the island of Santa Anna, the men began to recover from their 
sickness ; but it having lessened their number, it was determined to take 
out the victuals of the Haivkc and to burn her. Here after a short chase 
they succeeded in taking a prize ; but she had nothing of value in her, 
as she had been on the great shoals of Abrolhos, and obliged to throw 
everything overboard. Directing their course for the Straits of Magellan, 
they took a Portuguese ship of lOO tons bound for Angola. They took 
out of this prize a quantity of meal and some sugar, and gave the crew 
their ship and their liberty, and after disarming them all, allowed them 
to depart. Then continuing on their voyage in the height of the Plate river, 

The Hawkins Family. 

some fifty leagues off the coast they were overtaken by a storm which 
lasted two days. 

"In the first day," says Sir Richard, "about the going down of the 
sun, Robert Tharlton, master of the Fancy, bare up before the wind without 
giving us any token or sign that she was in distress. We seeing her to 
so continue her course bare up after her, and the night coming on we 
carried our hght ; but she never answered us, for they kept their course 
directly for England, which was the overthrow of the voyage. As well for 
that we had no pinnace to go before us to discover any danger, to seek 
out roads and anchoring, to help our watering and refreshing, as also for 
the victuals, necessaries, and men which they carried away with them, which 
though they were not many, yet with their help in our fight we had taken 
the vice-admiral the first time she boarded with us, as shall be hereafter 
manifested. For once we cleared her deck, and had we been able to have 
spared but a dozen men, doubtless we had done with her what we would, 
for she had no close-fights (barricades). Moreover, if she had been with 
me I had not been discovered upon the coast of Peru. But I was worthy 
to be deceived that trusted my ship in the hands of an hypocrite, and a 
man which had left his general before in like occasion and in the self-same 
place; for being with Master Thomas Candish, master of a small ship in 
the voyage wherein he died, this captain being aboard the admiral, in the 
night forsook his fleet, his general, and captain, and returned home." 

Richard Hawkins and his men at the time believed that the Fancy had 
been lost during the storm, "for we never suspected that anything could 
make them forsake us ; so we much lamented them." However, Robert 
Tharlton sailed for England, " making spoil of the prize he took in the 
way homewards, as also of that which was in the ship, putting it into a 
port fit for his purpose." 

The 2nd February, 1594, they sighted land.* "All this coast, so far as 
we discovered, lyeth next of any thing E. by N. and W. by S." 

"The land, for that it was discovered in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, 
my sovereign lady and mistress, and a maiden Queen, and at my cost and 
adventure, in a perpetual memory of her chastity and remembrance of my 
endeavours I gave it the name of Hawkins' maiden-land." 

With a fair wind they directed their course for the Straits, passed 
Elizabeth Island, and in Blanches Bay they took in provisions and repaired 
the ship. After which, continuing their course "some four leagues to the 

* The Falkland Islands. 

Plymouth Armada Heroes. 

westwards of Cape Froward, we found a goodly bay, which we named 
English Bay, where anchored we presently went ashore." 

Soon after this the Dainty struck on a rock, but was got off after 
much labour, throwing into the sea what came to hand to lighten her, 
which proved fruitless until "that the flood came, and then we carried her 
off with great joy and comfort, when finding the current favourable with 
us, we stood over to English Bay, and fetching it, anchored there, having 
been some three hours upon the rock." Returning to Blanches Bay cold 
weather set in, with bitter winds, rain, and sleet, which made some of the 
men desire to return to Brazil ; but no attention was paid to them, and 
Hawkins employed their spare time in gathering fruit and the bark of 
a tree called winter's bark, also in collecting pearls out of mussels. 

Setting sail they cleared Cape Desire, and on the 19th April anchored 
under the island of Mocha. 

Coasting Chili, in the port of Valparaiso they seized four ships laden 
with provisions and timber. The owners wished to redeem their ships at 
a reasonable price, which was agreed to. Sir Richard reserving the largest 
to give his men satisfaction. They also seized another vessel, in which 
they found some quantity of gold ; and kept her pilot and part owner, 
Alonzo Perezbueno, to pilot them along the coast, till out of pity — he 
having a wife and children — he was set ashore betwixt Santa and Truxilla, 
Hawkins also gave them the ship. During the ransom of the ships, for about a 
week Hawkins and Hugh Cornish, the master, took little rest on account 
of the weakness of their numbers, having but seventy men and boys with 
five ships to guard, everyone moored separately, and fearing treachery. The 
Governor of Chili was there, and confessed afterwards to Hawkins that 
he lay in ambush with three hundred horse and foot to see if at any time 
they landed or neglected their watch. 

From Valparaiso they sailed to Coquimbo, and off Arica took a small 
prize, and sighted and chased a large vessel, but as she sailed fast were 
unable to take her. Having examined their prizes, and finding nothing 
but fish in them, Hawkins returned the larger ship to the Spaniards, 
keeping the smaller one to make her their pinnace. But near Quilca this 
ship which they had brought from Valparaiso having sprung a leak they 
agreed to fire her, which was done accordingly; and continuing their course 
along the coast they anchored abreast of Chilca. 

By sea and land the people of Chili had now given advice to De 
Mendogo, Marquis of Cancte, Viceroy of Peru, resident in Lima, of the 

The Hawkins Family. 123 

English being on the coast. He at once put six ships in vvarhke order 
with nearly 2000 men, and despatched them to seek and fight with Richard 
Hawkins, under the conduct of his wife's brother, De Castro, who departing 
from Callao turned to windward in sight of shore, whence they had daily 
intelligence of where the Dainty had last been discovered. 

The day after Hawkins had sailed from Chilca they sighted each other 
near Caiiete, he being some two leagues to windward of the Spanish 
squadron, with little or no wind. The Dainty was now put in the best order 
possible to fight and to defend herself "About 9 o'clock," Sir Richard 
tells us, " the breeze began to blow, and we to stand off to sea, the Spaniards 
cheek by jole with us, ever getting to the windwards. The wind freshening, 
caused a chopping sea, which snapped the mainmast of the admiral of the 
Spaniards asunder, and so began to lay astern, and with him two other ships. 
The vice-admiral split her main-sail, being come within shot of us, and 
the rear-admiral cracked her main-yard in the midst, being ahead of us ; 
and one of the armado, which was to windward, durst not assault us. . . . 
After much debating it was concluded that we [the English ship] should 
bear up before the wind, and seek to escape ; and at break of day we were 
clear of all our enemies, and so shaped our course along the coast, for the 
Bay of Atacames, there to trim our pinnace, receive wood and water, and 
so depart upon our voyage with all possible speed." The Spaniards returned 
to Lima, and going ashore were "so mocked and scorned by the women, 
as scarce anyone by day would show his face. This wrought such effects 
in the hearts of the disgraced, as they vowed either to recover their reputation 
lost, or to follow us to England ; and so with expedition the Viceroy com- 
manded two ships and one pinnace to be put in order ; and they were 
again despatched, and ranged the coasts in search of us." The English, 
who in sight of Cerro Mongon had taken and fired a ship laden with 
provisions, after setting the company ashore, proceeded to the Solomon Isles, 
and so continued on the voyage. Sighting a ship, which the captain and 
company wished to chase, Hawkins ordered the pinnace to do so, in which 
she was unsuccessful, and returned with the loss of her mainmast. So they 
put into the Bay of San Mateo to repair damages, resolving next morning 
to set sail, and to leave the coasts of Peru and Quito. 

The next day, however, while weighing anchor, the Spanish squadron 
of eight ships, manned by 1300 men, commanded by Don Beltran de Castro, 
was descried coming round the Cape. Hawkins with great difficulty dissuaded 
his men from attacking the Spaniards before the Dainty, manned by only 75 men, 

124 Plymouth Armada Heroes. 

was prepared to fight, but "to give them better satisfaction, I condescended 
that our captain, with a competent number of men, should with our pinnace 
go to discover them. In all these divisions and opinions, our Master Hugh 
Cornish, who was a most sufficient man for government and valour, and well 
saw the errors of the multitude, used his office as became him ; and so did 
all those of best understanding. 

" In short space our pinnace discovered what they were and casting about 
to return unto us, the vice-admiral began with her chace to salute her, and 
so continued chasing and gunning at her. My company seeing this, now began 
to change humour; and I then to encourage and persuade them to perform 
their promises and vaunts of valour. And that we might have sea-room to 
fight, we presently weighed anchor, and stood off to sea with all our sails, in 
hope to get the weather gage of our enemies. But the wind scanting with us 
and larging with them, we were forced to leeward. And the Admiral came 
upon us : which being within musket shot, we hailed with our trumpets, our 
waytes, and after with our artillery ; which they answered with artillery two for 
one. For they had double the ordinance we had, and almost ten men for one." 
In spite of overwhelming numbers this "worthy son of a worthy sire" 
fought a most gallant action for three days and nights. " Immediately 
they came shoring aboard of us, upon our lee quarter, contrary to our 
expectations, and the custom of men of war. And doubtless, had our gunner 
been the man he was reputed to be, she had received great hurt by that 
manner of boarding. But contrary to all expectation, our stern pieces were 
unprimed, and so were all those which we had to leeward, save half one in the 
quarter, which discharged, wrought that effect in our enemies, as that they had 
five or six foot water in hold, before they suspected it. 

" Hereby all men are to take warning by me, not to trust any man in 
such extremities, when he himself may see it done. This was my oversight, 
this my overthrow. For my part, I with the rest of my officers, occupied 
ourselves in clearing our decks, lacing our nettings, making of bulwarks, arming 
our tops, fitting our wast-cloaths, tallowing our pikes, slinging yards, doubling 
sheets and tacks, placing and ordering our people, and procuring that they 
should be well fitted and provided of all things ; leaving the artillery, to the 
gunners dispose and order, with the rest of his mates ; which, as I said was 
part of our perdition. And coming now to put in execution the sinking of the 
ship, as he promised, he seemed a man without life or soul. So the admiral 
coming close to us, I myself, and the master of our ship, were forced to play 
the gunners. The instruments of fire wherein he made me to spend immensely. 

The Hawkins Family. 125 

before our going to sea, now appeared not — some of our company had him in 
suspicion to be more friend to the Spaniards than to us ; for that he had served 
some years in the Tercera as gunner, and that he did all this on purpose. Few 
of our pieces were clear, when we came to use them, and some had the shot 
first put in, and after the powder. Besides after our surrender, it was laid to his 
charge, that he should say, he had a brother that served the king in the Peru, 
and that he thought he was in the armado ; and how he would not for all the 
world that he should be slain. Whether this was true or no, I know not, but I 
am sure all in general gave him an ill report. 

"The entertainment we gave unto our enemies, being otherwise than was 
expected, they fell off, and urged ahead, having broken in pieces all our 
gallery ; and presently they cast about upon us, and being able to keep us 
company, with their fighting sails, lay a weather of us, ordinarily within 
musket shot; playing continually with them and their great artillery; which 
we endured and answered as we could. 

" Our pinnace engaged herself so far, as that before she could come unto 
us, the vice-admiral had like to cut her off, and coming to lay us aboard, and 
to enter her men, the vice-admiral boarded with her : so that some of our 
company entered our ship over her bow-sprit, as they themselves reported. 
We were not a little comforted with the sight of our people in safety within 
our ship; for in all we were but 75 men and boys, and our enemies 1300, little 
more or less, and those the choice of Peru." 

In the chief of the Spanish ships was an English gunner, who, to gain 
grace with his employers and preferment, offered to sink the Dainty with the 
first shot he made. This man, as the Spaniards afterwards related, while 
traversing a piece in the bow to make his shot, before he could fire, had his 
head carried away with the first or second shot from the English, which also 
killed two or three other men by his side. 

The fight continued so hot on both sides, that the artillery and muskets 
never ceased playing. 

"The Spaniards towards evening determined for the third time to lay us 
aboard. Their plan vk^as that the admiral should bring himself upon our 
weather bow, and so fall aboard of us, upon our broadside : and that the 
vice-admiral should lay his admiral aboard upon his weather quarter, and 
so enter his men into her ; that from her they might enter us. 

" The captain of the vice-admiral being more hardy than considerate, to 
get the price and chief honour, waited not the time to put in execution the 
direction given, but came aboard to windwards upon our broadside. For 

126 Plyni02ith Armada Heroes. 

although she was long .... what with our muskets, and fireworks we cleared 
her decks in a moment, so that scarce any person appeared. And doubtless 
if we had entered but a dozen men, we might have taken her ; but our men 
being few, and the principal of them slain or hurt, we durst not adventure the 
separation of those which remained : and so held that for the best and soundest 
resolution, to keep our forces together in defence of our own. 

" The vice-admiral (who had lost 36 men) in distress called to his admiral 
for succour; who laid him aboard, and entered 100 men, and so cleared 
themselves of us. And the admiral also received some loss, which wrought 
in them a new resolution, only with their artillery to batter us; and so with 
time to force us to surrender or to sink us ; and placing themselves within 
a musket shot of our weather quarter, and sometimes on our broadside, lay 
continually beating upon us without intermission. 

" In these boardings and skirmishes, divers of our men were slain, and 
many hurt, and myself amongst them received six wounds : one of them in 
the neck, very perilous ; another through the arm, perishing the bone, and 
cutting the sinews close by the armpit ; the rest not so dangerous. The master 
of our ship had one of his eyes, his nose, and half his face shot away. Master 
Henry Courton was slain. On these two I relied for the prosecution of our 
voyage, if God, by sickness, or otherwise, should take me away. 

"The Spaniards with their great ordnance lay continually playing upon 
us, now and then parleyed and invited us to surrender ' a buena querra! The 
captain of our ship now came to me, and began to relate how many were hurt 
and slain, and scarce any men appeared to oppose themselves for defence, if 
the enemy should board with us again ; and how the admiral offered us life 
and liberty, and to send us into our own country — saying that if I thought so 
meet, he and the rest were of opinion that we should put out a flag of truce, 
and make some good composition. The great loss of blood had weakened me 
much. The torment of my wounds newly received, made me faint, and I 
laboured for life, within short space expecting I should give up the ghost. But 
this parley pierced through my heart, words failed me, yet grief and rage 
ministered force, and caused me to break forth into this reprehension following. 

'"Whence is this madness.'' Is the cause you fight for unjust.' Will 
you exchange your liberty for thraldom ? Is not an honourable death to be 
preferred before a miserable and slavish life .' Hold they not this maxim : that 
nulla fides est servanda cum Iiercticis ? Have you forgotten their faith violated 
with my father, in S. Juan de Uloa, the conditions and capitulations being 
firmed by the viceroy and twelve hostages, all principal personages, given for 

The Hawkins Family. 127 

the more security of either party to the other ? Can you forget their promise 
broken with John Vibao and company in Florida, having conditioned to give 
them shipping and victuals, to carry them into their country; immediately 
after they had delivered their weapons and arms, had they not their throats 
cut ? How they dealt with John Oxenham and his company, in this sea, 
yielded upon composition ; and how after a long imprisonment and many 
miseries, being carried from Panama to Lima, and there hanged with all his 
company, as pirates, by the justice ? If these motives be not sufficient, then 
I present before your eyes your wives and children, your noble and sweet 
country, your gracious sovereign ; all of which account yourselves for ever 
deprived, if this proposition should be put in execution. And you captain, 
make proof of your constancy and valour.' 

" Whereunto he made answer. ' My good general, what I have done, hath 
not proceeded from faintness of heart, for besides our reputation I know the 
Spaniard too well, and the manner of his proceedings in discharge of promises : 
but only to give satisfaction to the rest of the company. And here I vow to 
fight it out, till life or limbs fail me.' I replied : ' This is that beseemeth you ; 
and this will gain you, with God and man, a just reward.' " 

Richard Hawkins also exhorted the men, as true Englishmen, to sell their 
lives dearly, that Spain may ever record it with sadness and grief; they answering 
that they would continue in their duty and obedience to the last breath. In 
this spirit the fight was continued all that night, the following day and night, 
and the third day ; the enemy never leaving, and continually beating upon 
them with his great and small shot, except at daybreak, to breathe, and to 
repair what was amiss, and also to consult what they should do. During which 
time too the English repaired, and set things in order for the day, otherwise 
the ship must have sunk, having many shot under water, and the pumps shot 
to pieces. Not any man of either part took rest or sleep, and little sustenance 
besides bread and wine. 

" In the second day's fight, the vice-admiral coming upon our quarter 
William Blanch made a shot at her which carried away her mainmast, and was 
succoured by the admiral. AH the second, and the third day our captain and 
company sustained the fight, notwithstanding the disadvantage wherewith they 
fought; the enemy being ever to windward, their shot much damnifying us, 
and ours little hurting them. 

"The third day, the 22"'^ of June 1594, our sails torn, our masts all 
perished, our pumps rent and shot to pieces, and our ship with fourteen shot 
under water, and seven or eight foot of water in hold ; many of our men slain, 

128 Plymouth Armada Heroes. 

with most of them that remained sore hurt ; the enemy still offering us life and 
liberty; all were of opinion that our best course was to surrender ourselves 
before our ship sunk ; and sent Thomas Saunders, a servant of mine, to signify 
unto me the state of our ship. So I also gave my consent, that the captain 
might capitulate, and called unto one Juan Gomes, our prisoner, to go to Don 
Beltran de Castro from me, to tell him that if he would give us his word and 
oath, with some pledge for confirmation, to receive us a buena querra, and to 
give us our lives, and liberty to return to our own country, we would surrender ; 
otherwise that we would die fighting. 

" The Spanish Admiral made answer that he received us a biicna querra, 
and swore by God Almighty, to send us as speedily as he could into our own 
country. In confirmation whereof, he took off his glove, and sent it to me as a 
pledge. With this message Juan Gomes returned, and the Spaniards entered 
and took possession of our ship, crying, ' Buena querra, buena querra ! oy par 
mi, mania7ia par ti!" 

Richard Hawkins was received with the greatest courtesy, "even with 
tears in his eyes," by Don Beltran, who accommodated him in his own 
cabin, where he " sought to cure and comfort me the best he could ; and 
truly as I found by trial a man worthy of any charge." 

" While the ships were together, the mainmast of the Dainty fell by the 
board, which the people, seeking for spoils and pillage neglected, and she grew 
so deep with water that she hardly escaped sinking, but after much labour they 
succeeded in saving her." All the wounded Englishmen, nearly forty in 
numbei", were taken care of, and none of them died, although some of them 
had ten or twelve wounds. The English surgeons also cured the wounded 
Spaniards, being more numerous, as the Spanish surgeons were unskilful. 

Hawkins, who could not speak Spanish, had to use an interpreter, "or 
the Latin or French, with a little smattering I had of the Portugal." 

Arrived at Panama, the success of the Spaniards was received with great 
joy, with bonfires and illuminations, and guns firing. 

Don Beltran showed Hawkins a letter from the King, directed to the 
viceroy, giving a full account of his intended voyage, saying, " Hereby may 
you discern whether the King my master have friends in England, and good 
and speedy advice of all that passeth." Don Beltran then thought it convenient 
that letters should be dispatched to England, and Hawkins being unable to 
write, by his servant wrote letters to his father. Sir John Hawkins, acquainting 
him with what had happened. 

And here Sir Richard ends his narrative with, "What succeeded to me, 

The Hazvkins Family. 129 

and to the rest during our imprisonment, with the rarities, and particulars of 
the Peru and Terra Firme, my voyage to Spain, and the success, with the time 
I spent in prison in the Peru, in the Tercera, in Sevill, and in Madrid, with the 
accidents which befel me in them, I leave for a second part of this discourse, if God 
give me life and convenient place and rest, necessary for so tedious and trouble- 
some a work : desiring God, that is Almighty, to give his blessing to this and the 
rest of my intentions : then shall my desires be accomplished, and I shall account 
myself most happy. To whom be all glory, and thanks, from all eternity." 

There is also a Spanish account of the naval action between Richard 
Hawkins and Don Beltran de Castro, translated from the Life of the Marquis 
of Canete, Viceroy of Peru, by Dr. Suarez de Figueroa, in which he says that 
the fisherman brought the news of the whereabouts of Sir Richard in the 
Dainty, from whom he had taken a supply of fish, and then given him his 
liberty ; and that during the action " the vessels came alongside each other, 
and were so close that the gallant Hawkins himself seized the royal standard 
of Spain by means of a bowline knot which he threw over it. But the attempt 
failed, as Diego de Avila, Juan Manrique, De Reinalte, Velasquez, and others 
came to the rescue, and defended it valorously. * The Englishman paid for 
his audacity by two wounds, one in the neck and the other in the arm, both 

received from gunshots The prize was a ship of 400 tons, most beautiful 

in all her parts. She carried for arms [those of Hawkins] on the stern a 
negress with gilt ornaments. Filipon repaired her that night, lest she should 
go to the bottom, as she was badly damaged, for this purpose heaving her to. 
Ricardo was sent on board the Capitaiia with others of highest rank." 

These accounts agree on all material points. Hawkins wrote from memory 
many years later ; while De Figueroa, although not present at the scenes he 
describes, had the official documents of the Viceroy of Peru at his disposal. 

The Marquis of Cafiete at once sent a report to the Spanish King, who 
replied as follows : 

Philip II. of Spain to the Marquis of Cakde. 

I have felt much satisfaction on receiving the news of the success which 
de Castro obtained over the English general Ricardo who entered that sea by 

the strait of Magellan As regards the punishment of the general and 

others who were captured in the said ship, you inform me that they have been 
claimed by the Inquisition, but that as you had no instructions from me as to 
their disposal, you have put off compliance with the requisition of the Holy 
Office, and the delivery of the said general to the "auto." You understand 
that he is a person of quality. In this matter I desire that justice may be done 
conformably to the quality of the persons. From Madrid 17 Dec. 1595. 


Plymouth Armada Heroes. 

Doubtless it was in consequence of this letter that Richard Hawkins 
finally escaped the Inquisition. With the other prisoners, he was taken to 
Payta, and thence to Lima, receiving at the hands of the Marquis of Canete, 
the Viceroy of Peru, the greatest kindness and consideration ; and his servant, 
Saunders, says that "he was beloved for his valour by all brave men in those 
parts, and received by the best of the countr}-, and carried by them to a princely 
house all richly hanged, the which he had to himself" 

But within a few days of his arrival at Lima Hawkins was claimed by 
the Inquisition, which caused him much anxiety. The Viceroy, on the ground 
of having no instructions, did not fully comply with the request ; but Richard 
Hawkins was taken to the " Holy House " by a Father, to remain until orders 
arrived from the King of Spain. Don Beltran de Castro's honour was thus 
compromised, as he had promised liberty before the English surrendered. 

There are some interesting letters, of which Purchas gives extracts, one 
written by " Master John Ellis, one of the Captains with Sir Richard Hawkins, 
concerning the Strait of Magellan, and certain places on the coast and inland 
of Peru." Ellis went from Lima across the Andes to Guamanga and Cuzco, 
and was the first Englishman who ever visited tlie ancient capital of tlie Yncas, 
which he says was as " big as Bristol, having a castle on a hill with stones of 
20 tons weight strangely joined together without mortar." 

The other two letters were written by T. Saunders, Hawkins's servant, 
addressed to Sir John Hawkins from the prison of San Lucar. He mentions 
Master Lucas, whom the Holy Office sent to the galleys at Nombre de Dios, 
where he died. 

Richard Hawkins was sent to Spain in 1597. The galleon in which he sailed 
touched at Terceira, in the Azores, where she was chased by a fleet in command 
of the Earl of Essex, and several Spaniards killed and wounded by the English 
shot ; but the galleon escaped, and arrived at Seville, where Sir Richard was 
thrown into prison, and dishonourably detained in captivity, De Castro pro- 
testing in vain. 

In May, 1598, a letter to Cecil reported Richard Hawkins in the castle 
at San Lucar as a hostage for Spaniards in England,* and a second letter 
from Lisbon reported that he escaped out of the Castle of Seville in 
September, 1598, but was taken, thrust into a dungeon, and great store of 
irons put upon him. The next year he was enabled to send word to 
England by Deacon, his servant, who was passed over by De Marsenal 
from San Jean de Luz, and got on board an English ship in the port of 

The Hazvlcins' Family. 131 

Conquet, August, 1599. In April, 1600, Richard Cook, another messenger, 
again brought news home of the prisoner. 

There are extant some most pathetic and touching letters written by- 
Hawkins from his prison to Queen Elizabeth, and also to the English 
Ambassador at Paris, asking for compassion in the name of his father's 
services, who sacrificed his life for his Queen. That he himself had spent 
fifteen years in her service without pay or recompense, knowing that she 
had infinite charges while he had a good estate ; and that he was in danger 
of perpetual imprisonment unless her powerful hand was reached out, ex- 
pressing deep concern for the welfare of his wife and child who were 
living at Plymouth, and conveying to the Queen and her Council all that 
he could glean of the intentions of Spain towards England. At the hazard 
of his life, in this way, if in no other, he was determined to serve his 

In his letter to Sir Henry Nevill, the English Ambassador at Paris, 
he tells him "that he is the unfortunate son of Sir John Hawkins; that 
he fought for three days and nights, and was wounded in six places; that 
most of his men were killed and wounded, and that he surrendered when 
the ship was ready to sink. The Spanish general sent his glove as a pledge 
to give life and liberty, but he had been detained lest he should return and 
molest the Spaniards. Most of his people had been freed long ago." He 
entreated the Ambassador to intercede with the Queen for him. " I and 
my father," he concluded, "ever since we could bear arms, spent time and 
substance in her service." 

There is a story told of how Richard Hawkins captivated the heart of a 
Spanish lady during his imprisonment, and how the circumstance of the 
lady's attachment and of his fidelity to his wife gave occasion to the well- 
known ballad of " The Spanish Lady's Love " in Percy's Reliques — 

Would you know a Spanish lady, 
How she wooed an Englishman ? 

The ballad is said to have been written by Hawkins, and it is also stated that 
the gold chain presented to him by the lady was carefully handed down as an 
heirloom in the family, and was lately in the possession of Mrs. Ilbert Prideaux.* 
At last, after almost ten years' captivity, he was set free — his ransom being 
;£'i 2,000, a great sum in those days, .^'jooo of which had been left in his father's 
will for that purpose — and he returned to England in January, 1603. The 
credit of his release is due to the Count of Miranda, who declared that if a 

* Lysons' Devon. 

Plymouth Armada Heroes. 

prisoner was detained whose liberty had been promised, no future agreement 
could ever be made, because faith in Spanish honour would be destroyed. 

" It was a sad home-coming. The brave old father gone, the estates of 
both ruined, and long years of the prime of life utterly wasted." 

But in reward for his valour Richard Hawkins was knighted by King 
James I., and made Vice-Admiral of Devon and a Privy Counsellor.* 

Sir Richard Hmvkins to the Lords of the Council Commissioners for the peace. 

1604 June 20. 

RiGHTE honorable my singular good Lordes, my dewtie most humblie re- 
membred. The services of my deceased ffather, and my selfe to this Crovvne 
are well knowen unto your honors, and our greate losses, hazardes, and expences, 
for which I never received anye paie or recompence neither would I sue for any 
yf I were able to live as my forefathers of my owne. But necessitie con- 
strayning me I am bolde to appeale to yor Lordshippes in this occasion to 
crave a favor which I dare sale will stande with the honour of his Majestic, of 
this Kingdome, and yor Lordshippes, and the Kinge of Spayne in equitie and 
conscience cannot denie to be juste, and is that in the Capitulacion with Spaine 
the Spaniards male yelde some recompence for the wronges done to me and my 
ffather in peace, in warre, and in this intermission of warre. In tyme of peace, 
by treacherie in Saint John de Luce the Kinge of Spaines vizroye, and Captayne 
generall tooke from my fifither above one hundred thousande poundes havinge 
given twelve gentlemen pledges of either parte, and was after borne in hande 
by the Kinge for the space of tenne yeres that he would make him restitution. 
In the tyme of the warr takinge me prisoner uppon composicion and the 
Kinges generalls word given to free me and all my corapanie presentlie, beinge 
helde prejudicial! for the Kinges service to accomplish with me, I was detayned 
almost tenne yeres a prisoner to the consuminge of all that I had, and losse of 
the greatest parte of my ffathers estate, which coulde not be so little domaige 
to me as thirtie thousande poundes. Since the comminge of th'embassador 
into Englande, I was a partener with Sir Thomas Midleton and others in a 
voyage into the west Indies in a shipp and a pynnas which went for trade, and 
beinge admitted to trade with the securitie of two pledges sent by the 
Lieutenant generall of the Island of Santo Domingo sendinge our pynnas to 
the porte with fifteene hundred poundes worth of goodes (our people beinge 
busie in their trade suddenlie were murthered) by those which came to buye 
and sell with them, and our pynnas and goodes surprised, which was cause of 
above three thousande poundes losse unto us, for that our voyage was cleane 
overthrowen. I desire not to drawe by suite ante thinge from my dreade 

• Knights Bachelors made by King James — Richard Hawkins July 23 1603, at Whitehall. 
Hail. A/SS. 

The Hazukins family. 133 

sovereign, but my humble peticion to your Lordshipps is that you would be 
pleased to mediate with his Majestie : that either a clause of satisfaccion from 
the Kinge of Spayne unto me maie be inserted in the Articles of peace, or that 
I maie not be concluded by them but lefte free to seeke my remedie, accordinge 
as the lawe of god and natyons alloweth. And I shalbe ever bounde to praie 
almightie god to preserve your Lordshipps ever for himselfe and Englands good. 

Your Lordshipps ever most humbly bounden 

Richard Hawkyns 
From Plimouth the 20"* 
of June 1604. 

Sir Richard took a warm interest in corporate affairs, and the estimation 
in which he was held in Plymouth is shown by the fact that he was chosen 
Mayor at the first opportunity after his return (1603-4). "Sir Richard came 
home but the year before from the South Seas, where he had been a prisoner 
by the Spaniards eight or nine years." The following year (1604) he was 
elected senior representative of the town in Parliament, with Sir James Bagge. 
Subsequently we find him and Sir James Bagge mulcted in 3J. 4^. each for 
being late at mayor-choosing, coming "tarde on St. Lambert's daye." 

In 1604 one Walter Matthews was Mayor of Plymouth, and an amusing 
incident is reported to have taken place ; for " this Matthews was servant 
unto Sir Richard, as was his wife unto the Lady Hawkins, who disdaining 
to sit below one that had been her maid endeavoured to keep the upper 
hand which the other attempting, the Lady struck her a box on the ear. 
It made a great disturbance at the time, but at length it was composed, and 
Sir Richard gave the town a house somewhere in Market Street for satisfaction." 

Sir Richard purchased the house and manor of Poole and Slapton from 
the Amerideths. It is situated between Dartmouth and the Start Point. The 
residence, surrounded with many fine trees, was about three-quarters of a mile 
from the church ; but the ruins of the old mansion were pulled down about 
1880, and the site is now occupied by a modern farm-house. 

No doubt Sir Richard found Slapton a convenient centre for the discharge 
of his duties as Vice-Admiral of Devon, in the exercise of which he was, 
however, constantly at his house in Plymouth, where most of his children 
were born. In March, 1605, we find him sequestering a Spanish prize, which 
was driven into Salcombe Bay. In June, 1608, he had some correspondence 
with the Earl of Nottingham respecting some pirates, also discussing a question 
of Admiralty jurisdiction ; and in the following September mention is made of 
his active prosecution of pirates. 


Plymouth Armada Heroes. 

Poole Priory. 

In March, 1614, there was a project for a new voyage of discovery, to send 
a ship to the Solomon Islands, and that Sir Richard Hawkins should have the 
command, as he was held to be of "courage, art, and knowledge," to attempt 
such enterprise. In a letter written by him he refers to a discovery he formerly 
made, and to his desire to undertake another voyage to the Straits in person ; 
and offers to adventure ;^20,ooo for a voyage to the South Sea. This idea 
was not carried out, but it serves to show that Sir Richard was still as keen as 
ever for discovery. 

In July, 1620, he was put in command of the Vanguard, as Vice-Admiral 
of twenty ships under Admiral Sir Robert Mansell, to suppress Algerine 
pirates; and in October a special commission was issued to Hawkins to be 
Admiral in case of Mansell's death. But in 1622 (April 17th) the Lord 
Chamberlain wrote to Sir Dudley Carlton that "Sir Robert Mansell and his 
crew are ill -paid, and Sir Richard Hawkins, the Vice- Admiral, has died of 
vexation." " He was seized with a fit, when actually in the chamber of the 
Privy Council on business connected with his command." Westcote, in his 
Viezv of Devon, noting this lamentable occurrence, says very justly of this 
officer and his father, "that if Fortune had been as propitious to them both, 
as they were eminent for virtue, valour, and knowledge, they might have vied 
with the heroes of any age." 

The Haivkiiis Family. 


Arms of Sir Richard Hawkins. 
Ivipalhtg Hele. 


Plynioiith Armada Heroes. 

Sir Richard Hawkins was the sixth captain who sailed round the world, 
and for his skill he obtained the name of the " Complete Seaman." He was 
the author of an interesting account of his voyage into the South Sea (already 
largely quoted), which was being published at the time of his sudden death, in 
1622, by John Haggard; it was afterwards reprinted in " Purchas," and again, 
from the original, by the Hakluyt Society. Sir Richard intended writing an 
account of his long imprisonment, and of Peru, Tierra Firme, Terceira, and 
Spain, had he lived, as a second part of his Observations. " Death prevented 
the accomplishment of this intention, and the loss of the promised second part 
is a serious and irreparable loss to history. For we possess no account of Peru 
during that period written by an observant foreigner." 

Slapton Church. 

Lady Judith survived her husband, dying on 30th May, 1629; and was 
buried in Slapton Church. On a slatc-stone slab over the vault, near the screen, 

The Hawkins Family. 


on the floor by the Poole pew, to the right of the altar, is the following in- 
scription : 

gv ^ 

The rest is obliterated. 

Village tradition still tells of how Lady Judith Hawkins walked from the 
old house of Poole to church — a distance of nearly a mile — on a red velvet 
carpet, which a servant unrolled before her. 

There is only one portrait of Sir Richard Hawkins known to be in existence. 
It was formerly in the possession of the Lords North, at Kirtling in Cambridge- 
shire ; and on the dismantling of the house, in 1S02, it was sold. In 1S24 it 
came into the hands of Mr. Bryant, whose brother sold it, in 1866, to R. S. 
Hawkins, Esq., of 18, Norham Gardens, Oxford, but at present living in New 
Zealand, whither he removed the picture. It is a portrait on panel, kitcat size, of 
a man in armour, with small head, dark brown hair and yellowish beard, 
and the hand resting on a helmet. The face bears a strong resemblance to 
that of the ivory basso-relievo bust of Sir John Hawkins. Above the shoulder 
of the figure are reeds, a rock, and waves, and the following motto : " Undis 
ariiiido vires reparat ccedensqiie fovcntur fnnditiis at riipes en seopidosa ruit." 


Plymouth Armada Heroes. 



(TT*— o^^ 253 i^o^ r 

Signature and Seal of Sin Richard Hawkins. 

The Hawkins Family. 139 

aaill of Sfeit Micliarlf l^atofeins. 

In the name of God Amen the 16"' day of April 1622 in the twentieth 
yeare of the raigne of our Sovraigne Lord James by the Grace of God Kinge 
of England Fraunce and Ireland Defender of the Faith and of Scotland the 
fyve and fyftith I Sir Richard Hawkins of Slapton in the Countye of Devon 
Knight beinge sicke and weake in bodye but of pfect mynde and memory 
blessed be God therefore doe hereby make ordayne and declare this to be 
my last Will and Testament in manner and forme followinge. First and 
principalle I commend my soule unto Almightie God my Maker Redeemer 
and Sanctifier hoping and beleeving assuredly that through the only merritts 
death and resurrection of Jesus Christ I shall obtayne full and free remission 
and pardon of all my sinnes and be made ptaker of eternall life and happiness 
in the kingdome of heaven with God's elect for ever. And I comitt my body 
to the earthe from whence it came and after my bodye buried my will and 
minde is that all suche debts as I shall owe to any p'son or p'sons at the tyme 
of my decease be first well and trulie satisfied 

And touching the orderinge and disposinge of all such lands grounds 
tenements goods and chattells as it hathe pleased Almightie God to blesse mee 
with in this life I give and bequeathe the same in manner and forme following 
Item I give unto Judith my well beloved wife (for and duringe the terme of her 
natural life) all that my Mannor or Lordshipp of Poole in the Parishe of 
Slapton in the County of Devon with all mills lands grounds messuages cottages 
tenements and hereditaments with their and every of their appurtennes to the 
said Mannor or Lordshipp of Poole now belonging or in any wise app'teyninge 
And likewise I give and bequeath unto the said Judith my wife (for and duringe 
the tearme of her naturall life) all other my lands and tenements cottages and 
hereditaments with the appertenfies situate lyeinge and being in or about 
Plymouth in the Countye of Devon Neverthelesse and uppon this condition 
followeinge that she shall yearelye duringe soe longe tyme as my sonne John 
Hawkins shall remaine and dwell with his said mother allowe and paie unto my 
said Sonne twentie pounds per annum of lawful! money of England And if it 
shall happen that he shall hereafter be minded to lyve from her and betake 
himself to some other place of aboade or otherwise to travaile or to betake 
himself to lyve either at the Innes of Courte or at the universities of Oxford or 
Cambridge then to paie unto my said sonne John and his assignes during all 
sucli time as hee shall live from her as aforesaid the yearlie some of fortie 
pounds of lawfull money of England at fower of the most usual feests or termes 
in the yeare by even and equall por'cons Item I give and bequeath ymediatlie 
from and after the decease of my said wife Judith all the said Mannor howse 

140 Plymouth Armada Heroes. 

or Lordship called Poole with all mills lands grounds messuages cottages tene- 
ments and hereditaments with theire and every of theire appurten'ces in the Parish 
of Slapton and all other my said lands tenements cottages and hereditaments 
with th'app'tences lyeinge and being in or about Plymouth in the County of 
Devon aforesaid with the reverc'on and rever'cons thereof unto my said sonne 
John Hawkins with all and singular my goods chattells utensils and household 
stuffe whatsoever Provided always that. my said wife may have and enjoy use 
occupie and possesse the same goods and chattells during her life without any 
interup'con or lett of my said sonne John or of any others by his pcurement 
Item I give and bequeathe to my sonne Richard Hawkins and to his heires for 
ever all that messuage or tenement with th'app'tences called Pryvitt scituate 
lyeinge and beinge in Alverstoke in the Countye of South* with all lands and 
grounds thereunto belonginge or in any wise apperteyninge 

Item I give and bequeathe to Margaret Hawkins my daughter (over and 
above a hundred pounds legacie given her by her grandmother and a Jewell 
of twentye pound value) the some of one hundred pounds of lawfull money 
of England Item I give and bequeathe to my daughter Joane Hawkins one 
hundred and twenty pounds and to my youngest daughter Mary the like some 
of one hundred and twentye pounds All which said three severall legacies of 
somes of money by me given unto my said three daughters as afforesaide I will 
shal be paid them at sixteene yeares of age or daye of marriage which shall first 
happen and to be receaved and had out of my owne entertaynmt due to me 
from the King's Ma'tie for my last service and imployment don by me at 
Argeire And if any of my said daughters shall happen to decease or dep'te 
this transitorie lyfe before they shall happen to come or attayne to their severall 
ages of sixteene yeares or daye of marriage as aforesaid then I will that the 
parte and porc'on of any of them so dyeinge or deceasinge as aforesaide shall 
remayne and come unto the others surviving and overlyving p'te and p'te alike 
by even and equall por'cons also for the further advancement and encrease of 
my said daughters porcons as aforesaide I doe equallie give to amongst my said 
daughters the some of one hundred and fiftie pounds due to me by Sir Henry 
Thynn Knight to be paid them when and so soone as my Executrix hereafter 
named shall happen to recover and receave the same And I make and 
ordayne the said Judith my lovinge wife sole and only Executrix of this my 
last Will and Testament and I renounce and revoke all former Wills by me 
formerly made In witness whereof I the said Sir Richard Hawkins have here- 
unto sett my hand and scale the said sixteenth day of ApriU 1622 in the 
twentieth yeare of the raigne of our said Soveraigne Lord King James over 
England France and Ireland Richard Hawkins Sealed and delyvcred in 
the presence of us Thos Button Jo Gifford Josias Shute and Robert Holyland S' 

Proved June 13*' 1622, by Dame Judith Hawkins. 

The Hazvkins Family. 141 

a®tll of Hn&n gjuUitlj |l^atoftins. 

May 27. 1629. 

In the name of God Amen. I Judith Hawkins sicke of body but sound and 
perfect of mynde and memorie, doe ordaine and make this my last will and 
testament in manner and forme followinge. ffirst my Soule which is heavenly 
redeemed through the sufferings of Christ I commend into the hands of God. 
ffor my bodie which is dust and ashes I commend to Christian buriall. Item 
I give unto my daughter Joane my two leases of Plimouth after two yeares, 
after my decease and in the meane while ten poundes a yeare for her main- 
tenance, for the land (whereas my son John is at sea) if it please God he doe 
not returne home with life, it is my will that it should remaine unto my sonne 
Richard. Item I give unto my daughter Mary one hundred poundes to be 
paid her on her marriage daie, and ten poundes a yeare for her maintenance in 
the meane while. Item I give unto my daughter Margarett one gold ring. 
Item I give unto my son Richard one gold ringe. Item I give unto my brother 
Lewes Heale twentie shillinges. Item I give unto M'' John Cowte Iwentie 
shillinges. Item I give to the poor of Slopton [Slapton] ten shillinges to bee 
distributed at the discretion of M"' Cowte, and some one or two of the Overseers 
of the poor of the same parish of Slopton. ffor all the rest of my goods not 
given and bequeathed I give unto my sonne John whom I doe make my sole 
Executor. Provided allwaies that if my son John refuse to bee my Executor 
it shalbe lawfuU for my brother Lewes Heale and my brother Nicholas Heale 
and my brother Nicholas Gilbert, whom I doe appoint my Overseers to sell 
any or all my goods and Chattells for payment of my debts and legacies, and 
then what remaines I doe give unto my two daughters Joane and Mary. In 
witnes whereof I have hereunto sett my hand the daie and yeare first written. 
JuDETH Hawkins in the presence of Joh. Cowt. Sign William Bastard. 

Proved at London 5"' day of February 1629 by John Hawkins. {14 Scroope.\ 

142 Plymouth Armada Heroes. 


ailtUtam l£)aloktns tlje Ci)iiD. 

HE third William Hawkins laid the foundation of our Indian 

He was the eldest son of William Hawkins, the elder brother 
of Sir John, by his first wife, and therefore first cousin and con- 
temporary of Admiral Sir Richard Hawkins. 

He was born at Plymouth about 1565, and educated to a sea life. After 
making some voyages to the Straits of Magellan and the West Indies in 1582, 
on July 2 1st he sailed with Fenton (who had married Tomasine, sister of 
Katherine Gonson, Sir John Hawkins's first wife) as Lieutenant-General of 
his fleet. During this voyage Hawkins and Fenton did not agree, and there 
were frequent disputes between them. 

The following extracts are taken from the journal * of William Hawkins 
during this voyage, 1582: 

" 1 6th May we departed from . . . 

"The 2 June we departed out of . . . into which port we came by means 
of a contrary . . . (wind T) there the General . . . (Fenton .') would have left 
behind him Mr. T . . . Blackoller Pilot with Capt. Drake, William . . . 
(Hawkins.') and the bark Francis; saying that he had. better ma . . . 
(mariners i") with inboard that any of those, and that if needs were . . . put 
in with Falmouth for as good as they." 

" Because," says William Hawkins, " I left Kyrkman ... me for quarelling 
I had not from that tyme till my coming . . . any good countenance." 

* This manuscript is in the British Museum, and is much damaged by fire. Captain William 
Hawkins, jun., left three journals : I. Journal of the voyage under Captain Fenton, 15S2 (MS., Otho, 
E. viii.). II. Journal in \\\s. Hector, in the third E.I.C. voyage, 1606 (MS., Egerton, 2100). III. Relation 
of occurrences during his residence in India, 160S (Purchas). 

The Hawkins Family. 14;; 

It seems evident that Fcnton wanted at an early period to abandon 
the voyage and that most of the officers protested against it. 

Letter from John Walker to the Earl of Leicester. 


.... All the men in the whole fleet, (God be praised !) are in health, only 
in the Calys 8 or 9 are sick of a fever, but all like to recover. I doubt not 
but you have heard of the great inconvenience which was Hke to have 
happened at Plymouth, by reason that the generall upon .... set sail, and 
left ]\P Captayne Hawkyns and divers there on shore, and would not stay 
for them, but by the persuasion of Captain Warde and some one or two others, 
he cast about, after we had sailed five leagues, and met them at the Land's 
End in the Francis, which matter was like to have bred great mischief, but 
that we appeased it in the beginning. But now there is among us as great 
concord and friendly amity as may be among any people, and all things 
go well with us, and no doubt but God will bless us, for our people are 
wonderfully reformed, both in rule of hfe and religion towards God. In the 
Edzvard we have daily morning and evening prayers, besides other special 
prayers at other times of the day .... 

The 14'" June 1582, in latitude 35 deg. 

Your hon: Lordship's humble servant and chaplain 

John Walker. 

"The i6th June we had sight of the Canaries and the 20th July we 
fell in with the coast of Guinea and on loth August anchored off Sierra Leone." 
Mr. Walker now told William Hawkins that the officers were disputing as 
to continuing the voyage as first intended, but to make another voyage of 
their own devising which should be more profitable. After this controversy 
it was decided to return to Cape de Verde to fetch some wine, which, says 
William Hawkins, " was only a device to pick and steal." 

The bark Francis was wrecked in the river Plate, and the crew were saved 
and kept among the savages for more than a year. 

The two remaining ships — the Calys and the Leicester — -entered the port 
of St. Vincent in Brazil, where on the 24th January, 1583, they fought an 
action with a Spanish fleet of three ships and 670 men, which had been 
sent to surprise and take the English vessels. The fight "continued very- 
extreme till noon next day. Their vice-admiral we did sink : there were 
of our men slain in both ships six or eight and more than 20 hurt. They 
had of theirs slain above 100 men and many wounded." 

144 Plymouth Armada Heroes. 

The English then made the best of their way home, and the Leicester 
arrived at Kingsale on the 14th June, 1583.* 

William Hawkins is next mentioned in 1607, and in the meantime 
he appears to have been in the Levant and to have learnt Turkish, for he 
could converse in that language. 

The following narrative of his residence at the Court of the Great Mogul 
puts one in mind of the stories told in the Arabian Nights. The wonders 
and wealth of the Great Mogul ; his extreme kindness to Hawkins ; how 
the envy of his enemies, jealous of their king's favours showered upon 
an Englishman, gradually worked upon the mind of the Mogul, until the 
emperor listened to their false reports, and was persuaded by them to work 
the overthrow of Hawkins's project. 

On the 1 6th April, 1607, William Hawkins sailed with a fair wind from 
Plymouth, bound for the East Indies, as Captain of the Hector, accompanied 
by Captain Keeling with the Dragon, as Admiral. Hawkins kept a journal 
of this voyage. 

On the 30th April they sighted the Canary Islands, and continued their 
course for Sierra Leone, where they anchored. From thence directing their 
course to S.S.W., on October 2Sth they were nearing a colder climate, and 
the men complaining, a pack of clothes was opened and served out. In 
the morning of 12th December they put into and anchored in Saldania Bay, 
where they found Captain Middleton's name, who had been there a few months 
previously, graven upon a stone. Again setting sail on the iSth February, 
they next anchored in the bay of St. Augustin, Madagascar, and here took 
in victuals and water. Afterwards proceeding on their voyage, they touched 
at Socatora, and arrived at Daman, where on the " 28th August I embarked 
myself," says William Hawkins, "for Surat in our pinnace." Captain Keeling 
had kept company with Hawkins until 24th June to the road of Delisa 
in Socatora, whence he departed in the Dragon. Hawkins had built his 
pinnace at Socatora, and received a duplicate from the General of the 
Commission under the Great Seal. 

Arrived at the Bar of Surat, being the 24th August, 1608, William 
Hawkins sent Francis Buck, merchant, to make known to the Governor that 
the King of England had sent Hawkins as his ambassador to his King, with 
his letter and present. The Governor replied, that he and what the country 

• " Written by me W'" Hawkins this vi . . . . 15S3 whicli do not desire of myself to be justi .... 
do willingly reserve myself to the report of the Companies of the Gallion, and of the other two ships." 

The Hawkins Family. 145 

afforded were at Hawkins's command, and that he should be very welcome if 
he would vouchsafe to come on shore. 

" I went accompanied with my merchants, in the best manner I could, 
befitting for the honour of my King and country. At my coming on shore, 
after their barbarous manner I was kindly received, and multitudes of people 
following me, all desirous to see a new-come people, much nominated, but 
never came in their parts. Near the Governor's house, word was brought me 
that he was not well, so I went to the Chief Customer, the only man that 
seafaring causes belonged unto. After many compliments I told him that my 
coming was to establish and settle a Factory in Surat, and that I had a letter 
for his King from His Majesty of England, tending to the same purpose, who 
is desirous to have league and amity with his King ; that his subjects might 
freely go and come, sell and buy, as the custom of all nations is : and that my 
ship was laden with the commodities of our land, which by intelligence of 
former travellers, were vendible for these parts. His answer was that he would 
dispatch a Foot-man for Cambaya, unto his master ; for he could do nothing 
without his order. So taking my leave I departed. 

" In the morning I went to the Governor, and after a Present given him, 
he entertained me with great outward show of kindness ; also promising to 
dispatch a messenger to Cambaya, and would write in my behalf In the 
meantime appointed me to lodge in a Merchant's House, being at that time my 
Tronch-man, the Capt. of that ship which S"^ Edward Michelborne took. 

" It was twenty days before the answer came, by reason of the great waters 
and rains that men could not pass. The messengers brought answer from 
Mocreb-chan, with licence to land my goods, and buy and sell : but for a future 
trade, and setting of a Factory, he could not do it without the King's 
commandment, which he thought would be effected, if I would take the 
pains of two months travel, to deliver my King's letter. And further he wrote 
unto his Chief Customer, that all I brought should be kept in the Custom 
House till his brother, Abder Rachim, came, to choose such goods as were 
fitting for the King. The goods being landed, and kept in the Customer's 
power, till the coming of the great man, my ship not being able long to stay, 
I thought it convenient to send for three chests of money, and with that to buy- 
commodities that were vendible at Priaman and Bantam, which the Guzerats 
carry yearly thither, making great benefit thereof. I began to buy against the 
will of the merchants, who grumbled and complained of the leave granted mc. 
The great man came and gave me licence to ship it ... . making what haste 
I could, and this done I called Master Marton, and all the company, willing 


146 PlyniotUh Armada Heroes. 

them to receive him as their commander. This done, and seeing them embark, 
I bade them farewell. 

" The next day, I met some ten or twelve of our men very much frightened, 
telling me the heaviest news, as I thought that ever came unto me, of the 
taking of the Barks by a Portugal frigate or two ; and all goods and men 
taken, only they escaped. I demanded in what manner, and whether they did 
not fight, their answer was ' no,' M' Marton would not suffer them, for that the 
Portugals were our friends. I presently sent a letter unto the Cap' Maior, that 
he release my men and goods, for that we were Englishmen, and that our 
Kings had peace and amity together, etc. At the receipt of my letter the 
proud rascal braued so much most vilely abusing his Majesty, terming him 
a King of Fishermen, and of an Island of no import, and a fig for his 
Commission, scorning to send me any answer. 

" It was my chance next day, to meet a captain of the Portugal frigates 
who was sent by Cap' Maior to say that the Governor should send me as 
prisoner unto him, for that we were Hollanders. I took occasion to speak with 
him of the abuses offered to the King of England and his subjects, 'and so tell 
your Captain, that he is a base villain and a traitor to his King in abusing the 
King of England and that I will maintain it with my sword, if he dare come 
ashore.' The Mores [Moors i"] perceiving I was moved, caused the Portugal 
to depart ; who soon after came and promised me that he would procure the 
liberty of my men and goods. I entertained him kindly, but before he departed 
the Town, my men and goods were sent for Goa. 

" The great man came on the 3'''^ Oct. and two days after, the ship set sail ; 
I remaining with W"' Finch merchant who was sick, and not able to stir abroad, 
and two servants, a cook and my boy. These were the company I had to 
defend ourselves from so many enemies lurking to destroy us : aiming at me 
for the stopping of my passage to the Great Mogol. After the departure 
of the ship I understood that my goods and men were betrayed unto the 
Portugal by the Jesuit Peniero and Mocreb-chan (the great man's brother) 
for it was a plot laid to protract time till the Frigates came, and then to 
dispatch me. 

" So long as my ship was at the Bar I was flattered but after her departure 
I was so misused that it was insufferable. Invironed with enemies, who daily 
did plot to murder me and cosen me out of my goods. First by Mocreb-chan, 
taking what he pleased, and leaving what he pleased, giving me such price as 
his own barbarous conscience afforded, although for three months feeding me 
with fair promises. All this time W™ Finch was extreme sick, and I could not 

The Hawkins Family. 147 

peep out of doors for fear of the Portuguese who in troups lay kirking to 
murder me. 

" The first plot laid was ; I was invited by Hogio Nazam to the freighting 
of his ship when three gallant fellows came to the tent where I was, and forty 
Portuguese scattered themselves along the sea shore, ready to give an assault 
when the word was given. The three gallants, well armed, demanded for the 
English captain. I rose and told them that I was the man, and perceiving an 
alteration in them, laid my hand on my weapon ; as did also the Captain Mogul 
and his followers ; and if the Portuguese had not been the swifter both they 
and their shattered crew (in returning to their frigate) had come short home. 

"Another time they came to assault me in my house with a Friar to 
animate and give the soldiers resolution. But I was always wary, having a 
strong house with good doors. The Portuguese were always coming armed 
into the city to murder me, which was not the custom for them to come armed 
as they now did, and the Governor sent them word that if they came armed 
again, it was at their own peril. At the coming of Mocreb-chan, with a Jesuit 
named Padre Pineiro, I went to visit him and for a time had many outward 
shows of him. After his dissembling was past he told me he would not pay 
for my goods but would return them. I entreated leave to go to Agra to the 
King, telling him that W" Finch would remain, to receive either money or 
wares. After license received, he gave me a letter to the King promising forty 
horsemen to go with me which he did not accomplish. Then the Father put it 
into his head that it was not good to let me pass for I would complain of him 
to the King. And they plotted with my Trenchman and Coachman, to poison 
or murder me, if one should fail, the other to do it. 

" Now finding W™ Finch in good health I left the trade of merchandise in 
his power : giving him order, what he should do in my absence. So I began to 
take up soldiers to conduct me, being denied of Mocreb-chan. For my better 
safety, I went to one of Chanchanna his captains, to let me have forty or fifty 
Horsemen to conduct me to Chanchanna, being then Viceroy of Decan, 
Resident in Bramport, who did to all in his power that I demanded, giving me 
valiant Horsemen Patans, a people much feared in those parts : for if I had 
not done it, I had been overthrown. For the Portuguese of Daman had agreed 
with a friend, a Raga who was absolute lord of a Province called Cruly, to stay 
my passage with 200 Horsemen. But I went so well provided that they durst 
not incounter us. That time I escaped. 

" Then at Dayta, another Province, my Coachman being drunk, discovered 
the treason that he was hired to murder me : he being overheard by some of 

Plymouth Armada Heroes. 

my soldiers, who came and told me how it should be done in the morning 
following when we began our travel. Upon which notice I called and examined 
the Coachman before the Captain of the Horsemen ; who could not deny, but 
he would never confess who hired him, although he was very much beaten, 
cursing his fortune that he could not effect it : so I sent him prisoner to the 
Governor of Surat. But afterwards by my Broker or Trenchman, I understood 
that both he and the Coachman were hired by Mocreb.-chan, by the Jesuit 
Father Peniero, the one to poison, and the other to murder me : but the Trench- 
man received nothing till he had done the deed, which he never meant to do, 
for in that kind he was always true to me : thus God preserved me. 

"This was five days after my departure from Surat which was on the 
i^' Feb. 1 60S. Some two days beyond Dayta, the Patans left me, to be 
conducted by another Patan captain, Governor of that lordship, by whom I 
was most kindly entertained. His name was Sherchan. Being some time a 
prisoner of the Portuguese, he was glad to do me any service, for that I was of 
the nation of their enemies ; going in person two days journey with me till he 
had freed me from the dangerous places ; at which time he met with a troup of 
Outlaws, and took four alive, and slew and hurt eight : the rest escaped. He 
wrote a letter for me to have his house at Bramport, which was a great 
courtesy, the Town being full of soldiers : for then began the Wars of the 
Decans. The 18'^ of Feb. I came in safety to Bramport, and the next day I 
went to Court to visit Chanchanna, then the Viceroy of Decan, with a present, 
who kindly took it, and made me a great Feast : giving me his most kind letter 
to the King. This done he embraced me, and so we parted. We spoke 

After remaining a few days to exchange his money, and wait for a 
caravan, Hawkins took some fresh soldiers, and continued his journey to Agra, 
"where after much labour, toil, and many dangers, I arrived in safety on the 
16*'' April, 1609. Seeking for a house in a very seci'et manner, notice was given 
to the King, the Emperor Jehdngi'r, that I was come, but not to be found. He 
presently charged both Horsemen and Footmen not to leave before I was 
found, commanding his Knight Marshall to accompany me with great state to 
the Court, as an Ambassador of a King : which he did with a great train, 
making such extraordinary haste that I admired much : for I could scarce 
obtain time to apparel myself in my best attire. In fine I was brought before 
the King, with a slight present, having nothing but cloth, and that not 
esteemed ; what I had for the King, Mocreb-chan took from me, wherewith I 
acquainted his Majesty. After salutation, with a most kind and smiling 

Tlie Hawkins Family. 145 

countenance, he bade me most heartily welcome. Having His Majesty's [King 
James I.] letter in my hand he called me to come near, stretching down his 
hand from the Seat Royal, where he sat in great majesty to be seen of the 
people. Receiving very kindly the letter and viewing a pretty while, both the 
seal and manner of making it up, he called for an old Jesuit to read it. In the 
mean space he spake unto me, in the kindest manner, demanding the contents 
of the letter, which I told him. Upon which presently promising me by God, 
that all the King had written he would grant. The Jesuit likewise told him 
the effect of the letter, but saying it was basely penned. My answer was, ' If 
it please your Majesty these people are our enemies : how can this letter be ill 
written when my King demandeth favour.'' He said it was true. Perceiving 
that I had the Turkish tongue, which he well understood, he commanded me to 
follow him into his Presence Chamber, desiring to have further conference with 
me. The first thing he said was that he understood that Mocreb-chan had not 
dealt well with me, bidding me be of good cheer for he would remedy all. It 
seems that his enemies had acquainted the King with his proceedings, for he 
hath spies upon every nobleman. I answered, that all would go well on my 
side, so long as his Majesty protected me. Upon which he sent a post for 
Surat with his command to Mocreb-chan to deal well with the English. I sent 
my letter to W™ Finch. According to command I had daily conference with 
the King. Both night and day, his delight was very much to talk with me of 
the affairs of England and other Countries, also of the West Indies. 

"Many weeks passed, and I now in great favour, to the grief of mine 
enemies, I demanded the King for his Commission with Capitulations for 
the establishing of our Factory to be in my power. His answer was whether 
I would remain with him, I replied till shipping came ; then my desire was 
to go home, with the answer of his Majesty's letter." 

The King answered that he meant Hawkins to stay longer, while an 
Ambassador was sent to England. That his remaining would be beneficial 
to the English nation ; and if Hawkins remained he would grant articles 
for his factory to his heart's desire. Thus daily enticing him that he would 
serve his own King, and that he, the Emperor, would allow him ;£^3200 a year 
with increase till he came to 1000 horse. 

"So my first should be 400 Horse. For the nobility of India have their 
titles by the number of their Horses from 40 to 12,000, which pay belongeth 
to Princes. I trusting his promise, and seeing that it was beneficial to my 
nation and to myself, and that after six years your Worships would send 
another man to my place : further perceiving great injuries offered us, as the 

150 Plymouth Armada Heroes. 

King is so far from the Ports, I did not think it amiss to yield to his request. 
Then because my name was hard for his pronunciation, he called me English 
Chan [Inglis Khan], in Persia the title for a Duke." 

Hawkins being in the highest favour, "the Jesuits and Portuguese slept 
not," but by all means sought his overthrow. Also the chief Mahometans 
were envious of a Christian being near the King. " The Jesuit Peneiro, being 
with Mocreb-chan, and other Jesuits, did little regard their masses and church 
matters, for studying how to overthrow my affairs." They sent presents to 
Mocreb-chan, who advertised the King that suffering the English in his 
land would be the loss of his seaports, as Surat, Cambaga, etc.; in any case 
not to entertain Hawkins, for his ancient friends the Portuguese murmured 
at it, and that he was only laying a great stratagem. 

The King replied that he had but one Englishman in his Court, and him 
they need not fear. At this answer the Portuguese were like "mad dogs." 
So I told the King what dangers I had passed, and the present danger I was 
in — my boy Steven Gravoner instantly departing this world, my man 
Nicholas Ufflet extreme sick, myself beginning to fall down too. 

" The King called the Jesuits and told them that if I died they should all 
rue for it. This past the King was very earnest with me to take a white 
maiden out of his Palace, who would give her all things necessary, with slaves, 
and he would promise me that she should turn Christian : and by this means 
my meats and drinks should be looked into by them, and I should live without 
fear. I refused if she was a Moor, but if so be there could be a Christian 
found, I would accept it. At which my speech, I little thought a Christian 
daughter could be found. So the King called to mind one Mubarique Sha, 
his daughter, who was a Christian Armenian, and of the race of the most 
ancient Christians, who was a Captain, and in great favour with Ekbar 
Padasha, this King's father. This Captain died suddenly and without will, 
with a mass of money, all robbed by his kindred ; leaving the child only 
a few jewels. I seeing she was of so honest a descent, having passed my 
word, could not withstand my fortunes. Therefore I took her, and for want 
of a Minister, before Christian Witnesses, I married her : the priest was my 
man Nicholas which I thought had been lawful, till I met with a Preacher 
that came with Sir Henry Middleton, and he showing me the error, I was 
new married again : for ever after I lived content and without fear, she being 
willing to go where I went, and live as I lived. 

"After these matters ended, news came that the pinnace Asccntion was 
cast away near Surat, upon which I told the King, having his licence and 

TJie Hawkins Family. 151 

commission for the settling of our trade ; which he was willing to do, limiting 
me a time to return. But the chief Vizier Abdal Hassan, told the King 
that my going would be the occasion of war and thus harm might happen 
to a great man who was sent for Goa to buy toys for the King. Upon 
which the King's pleasure was that I should stay, and sent his Commission 
to my chief factor at Surat, William Finch. Now the news came that the 
Ascention was cast away, and her men saved, but they were not supposed 
to come into Surat. I told the King, who was much discontented with 
Mocreb-chan my enemy : and gave me commandment for their good usage 
and for the saving of the goods if possible ; to the great joy of W" Finch 
and the rest at Surat. 

"And now these great favours with the King, being continually in his 
sight, serving him day and night : it went against the hearts of the Mahometans 
mine enemies to see that a Christian should be so great and near their King, 
the more because he had promised to make his brother's children Christians. 
In all this time I could not get my debts of Mocreb-chan, till at length he was 
sent for up to the King, to answer for many faults and tyrannical injustice to 
all people in those parts who petitioned the King for justice. 

" To make his peace Mocreb-chan sent many presents to the King's sons, 
and nobles, who laboured in his behalf, but the King sent to attach all his 
goods, which were in that abundance, the King was two months viewing them, 
what he thought fitting he kept, and the rest delivered again to Mocreb-chan. 
Among the things were the presents that he took from me. Now being in this 
disgrace his friends at length got him clear, but that he pay every man his 
right, and that no more complaints be made of him if he loved his life. So he 
paid every one his due ; but he put me off, delaying time till his departure, 
which was shortly after. For the King had restored him his place again. 

" I was forced to demand justice of the King but for all the King's 
command he did as he listed, and do what I could he cut me off 12,500 
mahmudis (a gold coin of Gujrat). For the greatest man in the Kingdom was 
his friend and many others, murmuring to the King, of the English being in his 
Country for we were at Nabion, that if once we set foot, we should take his 
Country. The King called me to make answer. I replied that I would answer 
it with my life that we were not so base a nation as these mine enemies 

" There were favourites nearest the King whom I daily visited and kept in 
with, who spoke in my behalf : and the King on my side commanded that no 
more wrongs be offered me. I entreated the head Vizier that he would see 

152 Plymouth Armada Heroes. 

that I did not receive so great a loss, who answered me in a threatening 
manner ; that if I opened my mouth any more, he would make me pay 
100,000 mahmudis, which the King had lost in his Customes, by entertaining 
me, and no man durst adventure by reason of the Portuguese. So I was 
forced to hold my tongue, for I knew this money was swallowed by both these 
dogs. Now Mocreb-chan, being ready to depart, coming to take his leave in 
public ; three of the principal merchants of Surat were sent for (and come to 
the Court about affairs wherein the King or his Vizier had employed them) to 
be present when Mocreb-chan was taking leave, this being a plot laid by 
himself, the Portuguese, and the Vizier. For some six days before, a letter 
came to the King from the Portuguese viceroy, with a present of many rare 
things. The letter saying how highly the King of Portugal took in ill part the 
entertaining of the English, etc.: and withal how that a merchant had arrived 
with a fair Ballace Ruby weighing 350 Ratis, of which stone the pattern was 
sent. Mocreb-chan together with Padre Pineiro saying that this and many 
other things he hoped to obtain of the Portuguese, so that the English were 
disannulled ; also that it would redound to great loss if they were allowed to 
come into his Majesty's country. He called the merchants, who affirmed, that 
they were like to be all undone because of the English, nor hereafter any toy 
could come into the country, as the Portuguese were so strong at sea, and would 
not suffer them to go in and out of their ports. These speeches now and 
formerly, lucre of the stone, and promises by the Fathers of rare things, were 
the causes the King overthrew my affairs, giving Mocreb-chan his command 
to the viceroy to that effect that he would never suffer the English to come any 
more into his ports. 

" I now saw that it booted me not to meddle upon a sudden, my enemies 
were so many, although they had eaten of me many presents. When I saw 
my time I petitioned unto the King, who granted my request, and commanded 
that it was his pleasure that the English should come into his ports. So 
this time I was again afloat. Of this alteration, at that instant the Jesuit 
had notice, for nothing passes in the Mogul's Court in secret, but it is written, 
and writers appointed by turns. So the Jesuit sent the most speedy messenger 
with his letter to Mocreb-chan and Padre Pineiro. At receipt of which they 
agreed not to go on to Goa till I was overthrown again. Mocreb-chan writing 
to the King and Vizier how that it stood not with the King's honour to 
send him, if he performed not what he promised the Portuguese. Again the 
King went from his word, esteeming a few toys which the father promised 
more than his honour. Now I went to Hogio Tolian, the second man in the 

The Hawkins Family. 153 

kingdom, who very kindly went unto the King but without success. Thus 
was I dallied withall by mine enemies, that all the time I served in Court, 
I could not get a living that would yield anything ; all that I received, 
was not fully .£^300, a great part whereof was spent upon charges of men 
sent to the Lordships. When I made petition unto the King he turned 
me over to Abdall Hassan ; who not only denied my living, but also gave 
order that I was not to enter within the red rails; a place of honour where 
all my time I was placed near unto the King, in which place there were but 
five men in the Kingdom before me. Now perceiving my affairs overthrown 
I determined with the counsel of those who were to be trusted, either to be 
well in or well out. 

" Upon this I had my petition made ready, which made known unto 
the King how Abdall Hassan had dealt with me having himself taken what 
his Majesty gave me, how that my charges were so heavy (being desired 
by his Majesty to stay in his Court) that I besought his Majesty that he 
would establish me as formerly, or give me leave to depart. His answer 
was, to give me leave, commanding his safe conduct to be made me, to pass 
freely without molestation through his kingdom. As the custom is, I came 
to do my obeisance, and to take my leave, intreating an answer to my King's 
letter. Abdall Hassan coming from the King, utterly denied me : saying it 
was not the custom of so great a Monarch, to write unto a petty Prince. 
I answered that the King knew more of the mightiness of the King of 
England, than to be a petty Governor. Well, this was mine answer, together 
with my leave taken. I went to my house, to get all my goods, using all 
speed to clear myself out of the country, staying only for Nicholas Ufflet, 
to come from Lahore. William Finch determined to return overland for 
England, being past all hope of embarking at Surat : which course I also 
would have taken but that for some causes I could not travel through Turkey, 
and especially with a woman. So I was forced to curry favour with the 
Jesuits to get me a safe conduct from the Viceroy, to go to Goa, Portugal, 
and thence to England. But my wife's kindred when they saw that I was 
to carry her away, suspecting they would never see her again I was forced 
to yield that my wife go no further than Goa, where they could visit her, and 
if at any time I went away, that I leave her that portion that is the custom, 
to which to prevent mischief I consented. But knowing that if my wife 
would go with me, all would be of no effect, I got the Jesuits to send for 
two safe passes. This and much more the Fathers would have done to get 
me out of the country. In the meantime news came of the return of Mocreb- 


154 Plymouth Armada Heroes. 

chaii with many things for the King, but not the Ballace Ruby, and besides 
he had not his full content of the Portuguese as he expected. And at this 
time the Vizier, my enemy, was thrust out of his place and sent to the 
wars of Decan. Ghiyas was made chief Vizier and his daughter married 
the King [the celebrated Nur Jehan.] The Vizier's son and myself were 
great friends, so that this alteration, and being sure of the ships comming, 
I sent for jewels fitting for the new Queen, and also for the Vizier and 
his son. 

" Now after they had my gifts they began on all sides to solicit my cause ; 
at which time news came to Agra that three English ships were at Surat. 
Upon which news the Vizier asked me what I had for his Majesty, and I 
showed him a ruby ring, who bade me go with him, and that the King was 
already won. So once more coming before his Greatness, my petition read he 
granted me the establishment of our Factory and English trade for Surat. 
But now what followed .' A great man, nearest favourite of the king, and the 
dearest friend that Mocreb-chan and Abdall Hassan had, interfered, and my 
business was again overthrown. But for myself if I would remain in his 
service he would command that what he had allowed me should be given 
me to my content. Which I declined, unless the English might come unto 
his ports according to promise, and as for my particular maintenance, my 
King would not see me want. Again desiring answer of my King's letter, 
he consulted with his Viziers, and sent me denial. 

"So I took my leave and departed from Agra 2. Nov' 1611. Being of a 
thousand thoughts what course to take; for I still had a doubt of being 
poisoned by the Portuguese for lucre of my goods, and by reason of the war it 
was dangerous to travel through Decan unto Masulipatan ; by land, by reason 
of the Turks, I could not go ; and stay I would not amongst these faithless 
Infidels. I arrived at Cambaya 30* Dec 161 1, where I had certain news of the 
English ships at Surat, and departing from there iS"' Jan I came unto the 
ships the 26"' of the month where I was most kindly received by Sir Henry 
Middleton. He departed and arrived at DabuU the 16"^ Feb. in the Red Sea 
we found three English ships commanded by Cap* John Saris." 

On the 8th December, 1612, they arrived at Bantam, where Hawkins left 
Sir Henry Middleton, who was not returning to England, and went home in 
the Thomas with Captain Saris, arriving at Saldanha Bay on 21st April, 1613. 
Here the report of Hawkins to the Company abruptly ends ; for he died on the 
passage home, and was buried in Ireland.* 

* Calendar of State Papers, Colonial (East India), l6oS-l6l6. 

The Hazokms Family. 155 

His young wife, left alone amongst strangers, did not at once return to her 
own people at Agra. Possessed of one diamond worth ;f 2000, and others to 
the value of ^4000, in the following year she became the wife of Gabriel 
Towerson,* who had been in the voyage of Captain Saris, and brought home 
the Hector. In 1617 Captain and Mrs. Towerson went out to India again, and 
visited Agra, where the lady remained with her relations. Towerson went 
home, and in 1620 was appointed Principal Factor at the Moluccas, where he 
was the chief victim in the massacre of Amboyna. 

A Brief Discourse of the Strength, Wealth, and Government, 


"As Christian Princes use their degrees by titles, they have their titles 
by their number of horses, except favoured by the King and honoured with the 
title of Chan. There are 12,000 Horsemen. Dukes 9,000, Marquises 5,000, 
Earls 3,000, etc. etc. The yearly income of his Crown Land is fifty Cror of 
Rupias, every Cror is a hundred Leckes, and every Leek is a hundred thousand 
Rupia;. The compass of his country is two year's travel with Carravan. His 
Empire is divided into five great Kingdoms and there are five especial castles. 
The chief city is Delhi where he is established King. His treasure is an 
immense amount of gold and silver in coin. 825 lbs weight of rough diamonds 
great and small, but none less than 2i carats. Of Ballace rubies 2,000, pieces 
of pearl of all sorts 600 lbs, rubies of all sorts lOO lbs, of emeralds 250 lbs, 
of Eshime, which comes from Cathaya 100 lbs. Of stones of Emen, a red 
stone 5,000 pieces. Of other sorts as coral, topasses, etc. there is an infinite 
number. Of the jewels wrought in gold. Of swords of Almaine blades, with 
hilts and scabbards set with stones of the richest sort 2,200. Of Saddle Drums 
used for Hawking 500 ; brooches for their heads, wherein their feathers be put 
2,000. Saddles of gold and silver set with stones 1,000. Of Teukes 25 ; a 
great lance which instead of colours, are carried, when the King goeth to the 
wars. Of Quilasoles — state umbrellas — for to shadow him 20. None in his 
Empire dareth have any of these carried for his shadow but himself Five 
chairs of state; three of silver, and two of gold: of others 100 of silver and 
gold. Of rich glasses 200; vases for wine very rich set with jewels 100; 

• The Company presented Mrs. Hawkins with a purse of 200 Jacobuses, as a token of their love, 
upon a general release being given by her. 

156 Plymouth Armada Heroes. 

500 drinking cups but 50 very rich, made of one piece of Ballace ruby, and 
other stones. Of chains of Pearl and precious stones, rings with jewels an 
infinite number which only the keeper knoweth. Of all sorts of Plate of silver 
wrought 100,000 lbs. of wrought gold plate 50,000 lbs. weight. 

"There are 12,000 horses, whereof 4,000 are Persian, 6,000 Turkish, and 
2,000 of Kismire. Of elephants there are 12,000, camels 2,000, oxen for carts 
and other service 10,000, mules 1,000. Of deer for sport 3,000, of dogs for 
hunting 400. Tame lions 100. Of buffaloes 500. All sorts of hawkes 4,000. 
Pigeons for sport of flying 10,000, and 4,000 singing birds. 

" Of armour of all sorts, at an hour's warning, in readiness to arm 
25,000 men. 

"His daily expense for his own person, feeding his cattle, apparel, victuals, 
and house amount to 50,000 Rupias a day. The daily expenses for his 
women is 30,000 rupias. All this written concerning his treasure, expenses, 
and monthly pay is at his Court or Castle of Agra ; and all his Castles have 
their several treasure, especially Lahore, which was not mentioned above. 
The custom of this Mogul Emperor is to take possession of his Noblemens' 
Treasure when they die, and to bestow on his children what he pleaseth ; but 
commonly he dealeth well with them. Also his custom is, that all his treasures 
and things are divided into 360 parts so that he daily seeth a certain number ; 
for what is brought to him to-day is not seen again, till that day twelvemonth. 
He hath 300 Elephants Royal which he rideth ; when they are brought before 
him they come with great iollitie [jollity] with 30 or 40 men before them with 
small Stremers. These elephants eat 10 rupias every day in sugar, butter, grain, 
and sugar canes : they are tame, and so well managed, that I saw with mine 
eyes, when the King commanded one of his young sons (a child of seven years 
of age) to go to the Elephant to be taken up by his snout : who did so, 
delivering him to his keeper that commanded him with his hook : and having 
done this to the King's son, he afterwards did the like to many other children. 
When he rideth on Progress of Hunting the compass of his tents is as 
large as London and more for of all sorts of people that follow the camp, 
are 200,000 for he is provided as for a city. This King is thought to be 
the greatest Emperor of the East. As for elephants of his own, and those 
of his nobles there are 40,000, of which one half are trained for war ; they 
are of all beasts the most understanding ; and many strange things are done 
by them. He hath also infinite numbers of Dromedaries, which come with 
great speed to give assault to any city, which the King uses to unexpectedly 
surprise his enemies. Myself at the time I was one of his Courtiers have 

The Haiokins Family. 157 

seen many cruel deeds done by him. Five times a week, his Elephants 
fight before him, during which many men are killed ; but if a man be badly 
hurt that man is cast into the river, the King commanding it, saying : dispatch 
him, for as long as he liveth he will curse me. Again he delighteth to see 
men torn in pieces by Elephants. In my time he put his Secretary to death 
only upon suspicion, with his sword giving him a deadly wound. Likewise 
it happened to a nobleman and a great friend of mine, that a fair China 
dish which cost 90 rupias was broken by a mischance being packed amongst 
other things on a camel, which fell and broke the whole parcel. The nobleman 
knowing how dearly the King loved this dish sent a trusty servant overland 
to China to seek for another. Two years after the King remembered 
the dish but the messenger had not come back. Now when the King 
heard that the dish was broken, he was in a great rage, commanding 
the nobleman to be brought before him and almost beaten to death. After 
two months, he was reasonably recovered ; when he was commanded 
to depart the Court and go to China in search of a such like dish. In 
my time a Pattan, a man of good stature, proudly demanded 1000 rupias 
a day for his services of one of the king's sons. The Prince asked him 
the reason of so great a demand : he replied make trial of me with all sorts 
of weapons, and if I do not perform as much, let me die for it. At night 
the King's custom being to drink the Prince seeing his father merry told 
him of this man and he was brought before him. Now while he was sent for, 
a wild lion was brought in, a very great one, and strongly chained. The Pattan 
came in, and the King asked what valour was in him that he should demand so 
much wages. He asked the King to make trial. That I will, said the King, go 
wrestle with this lion. The Patton answered that it was a wild beast and to go 
upon him without weapon, would be no trial of his manhood. The King again 
commanded him to wrestle with the lion which he did for some time : and then 
the lion got the poor man between his claws, and tore his body and the one 
half of his face, so that this valiant man was killed. The King not contented 
sent for ten of his horsemen being that night on the watch : who one after 
another, were to buffet with the lion ; all were badly wounded, and it cost three 
of them their lives. The King continued in this vein, for whose pleasure many 
men were killed and hurt. Also he cannot abide that any man should have 
any precious stone of value, for it is death if he know it, not to have the 
refusal thereof. Every day he weareth a diamond of great price, also a chain 
of pearls, another of Emeralds, and ballace rubies : and another jewel in his 
turban, he does not wear the same again for a year : all his things are divided 


Plymouth Armada Hei'oes. 

into proportions for every day of the year. It is not to be wondered that he is 
so rich in jewels, gold, and silver when he hath heaped together the treasure 
and jewels of so many Kings as his forefathers have conquered. Again all the 
money and jewels of his nobles when they die come unto him. India is rich in 
silver, for all nations bring coin, and carry away commodities : the coin is buried 
in India, and every 20 years it is thought comes into the King's power. All 
the lands are at his disposing, who giveth and taketh at his pleasure. 

" The manner of the praying of the Great Mogul is first, in the morning 
about break of day he is at his Beades which are of precious stones, at the 
upper end of the Jet is a picture of our Lady and Christ. 

"The custom of the Indians is to burn their dead and at their burning 
many of their wives will and voluntarily burn alive with them because they 
will content themselves to live no longer than their husbands." 

Judith, eldest daughter of Captain William Hawkins, of Plymouth, by his first 
wife, married Henry Whitacre, of VVestbury, co. Wilts, and had issue William 
and others. "Judith Whitaker widowe . . . tennte . . . etc. of the heirs and 
assignes of William Hawkins Esq. deceased." So named in the indenture of 
composition of the Plymouth Water Act, July 5th, 34th year of Elizabeth (1592). 

Arms of Whitacre, Impaling Hawkins. 

The Haz<.'kiiis Family. 


Clare, second daughter of William Hawkins by his first wife, married 
Robert Michell, July 3rd, 1587, at St. Andrew's, Plymouth. 

Arms of Risdon, Impaling Hawkins. 

Mary, third surviving daughter and co-heir of William Hawkins by iiis 
second wife, married (at Modbury, in 1601) Thomas Risdon, of Sandwell, near 
Totnes, a learned Bencher of the Inner Temple in Elizabeth's reign. He is the 
Thomas Risdon mentioned in the Plymouth Receivers' Accounts (1637-8) as 
handing over to the Corporation "such writings as concerned Vauters Fee 
lately bought by the Town of M"^ John Hawkyns" — John Hawkins being Sir 
Richard Hawkins's eldest son, then living at Poole, in Slapton. 

Thomas Risdon died at the advanced age of 100 years, in 1641 (?), without 
children, leaving his estates, which were very considerable, to his nephew, 
Francis Risdon, of Bableigh. 

Thomas Risdon, of Sandwell, was a younger son of Thomas Risdon, of 

Bableigh, near Bideford, by Wilmot, daughter of Gifford, of Halsbury. 

The Risdons lived at Bableigh temp. Edward HI., and were descended from the 
Risdons of Risdon, in Gloucestershire. 


Plymouth Armada Heroes. 

Arms of Newton, Impaling Hawkins. 

Frances, fourth daughter and co-heir of William Hawkins by his second 
wife, married (about 1608) John Newton, of Crabaton, in Deptford, Devon (age 
36 in 1620). He was son of William Newton, of Somerset (died at Crabaton 
1618), and Grace, daughter of Philip Sture, of Bradley, North Huish. 

William Newton, son and heir of John and Frances, was aged 11 in 1620; 
and had six sisters : Maria, aged 10 ; Grace, 9 ; Francisca, 8 ; Judith, 7 ; 
Philippa, 6 ; Elizabeth, 5. The last-named married Walter Fursland ; and 
Elizabeth Fursland, their daughter, in 1660 married Francis Calmady, fourth 
son and heir of Sir Shilston Calmady. Anna, her sister, died unmarried. 

The Hawkins Family. 



Descentiants of §>ir JatcbarH lit)alDliin£!. 

UDITH, eldest daughter of Admiral Sir Richard Hawkins, was 
baptized at Deptford, November 7th, 1592 — before her father was 
a prisoner in Spain — and was eleven years older than the five other 
children. She married Tristram Sture,of Marridge House, Ugborough. 

Arms of Sture, Impaling Hawkins. 

John, eldest son of Admiral Sir Richard Hawkins, was baptized March i6th, 
1604, at St. Andrew's, Plymouth. In 1627, the year his mother died, he was 
at sea ; at her death he inherited the manor of Poole, in Slapton, with the 



Plymouth Armada Heroes. 

Plymouth estates. In 1637-8 he appears to have parted with his Plymouth 
property ; for in the Receiver's Accounts for that year we find : 

Itm for a present given M' Risdon [Thomas Risdon, of Sandvvell, who 
had married Mary Hawkins, his father's first cousin] to procure out of his 
hands such writings as concerned Vauter's Fee lately bought by the Town of 
]\r John Hawkyns and a man and two horses two journeys to fetch the said 
writings v" iiij^. 
John Hawkins resided at Poole until he sold it, or the manor went, to the 

Luttrells. They sold the estates to Mr. Nicholas Paige, the daughter of 

whose son, William Paige, married Mr. Bastard. 



Arms of Hawkins, Impaling Richards. 
John Hawkins, of Slapton, married Hester Richards, of Dartmouth, in 
1636, by whom he had — 

Judith, baptized June 27th, 1639. 

Hester „ 1640; ob. 1644. 

Richard „ January, 1641. 

John „ September 2 1st, 1643; ob. 1670. 

William „ November 6th, 1644. 

Hester „ November 19th, 1647. 
All baptized at Slapton as the children of John Hawkins, Esq., and Mrs. Hester 
his wife. Their other children were Robert, Mary, Thomas, and Nicholas. 

The Hawkins Family. 


Hester, the wife of John Hawkhis, was buried at Slapton, July 23rd, 1660. 

Richard, born in 1641, married Tomasine, daughter and heiress of John 
Sloley, Esq., of Fremington ; ob. 16S0, and left his property to Dorothy, 
daughter of his brother Nicholas. 

John, born in 1643, died and was buried at Slapton, May 12th, 1670. 
He appears to have lived in his father's house. Administration granted. 
May I2th, 1671, to his sister Hester. The inventory of his things in his 
room was rather over £\oo; clothes, /'20. 

Robert married Jane .... and lived at Bideford ; ob. 1680. In his will 
he names his wife Jane, his brothers Thomas and Nicholas, and his sister Mary. 

Thomas Hawkins married Sarah, daughter of John Crocker, vicar of 
Stokefleming; ob. at Stokefleming, 1695. In his will he left everything to his 
daughter Judith,* who, in 1702, married Peter Creed. 

The old Church Register at Stokefleming is very imperfect. 

Arms of Hawkins, Impaling Crocker. 

Nicholas married, at Fremington, Ann Manning, by whom he had an 
only daughter, Dorothy. 

* The grandmother of Mary Creed, who married Richard Hawkins. (See page 170.) 


Plymouth Armada Heroes. 

John Hawkins the father, the eldest son of Sir Richard, died at Stoke- 
fleming, near Slapton, where he lived after he sold the estate of Poole ; but he 
was buried at Slapton. Administration granted, December 20th, 1678, to 
his daughter Hester. The inventory is lost. 

Richard, the second son of Admiral Sir Richard Hawkins, according to 
his father's will, inherited Pryvitt, in Alverstoke, Southampton ; but lived at 

Slapton. He married Elizabeth by whom he had : 

Elizabeth, baptized October i8th, 1635. 
Nicholas „ March 31st, 1639. 

Jeremiah „ June 12th, 1642. 

All baptized at Slapton as the children of Richard Hawkins and Elizabeth 
his wife. 

Elizabeth, the wife of Richard Hawkins, was buried at Slapton, January 
27th, 1666. 

Richard Hawkins was buried at Slapton, November 22nd, 1667. 

Robert Hawkins was buried at Slapton, March 8th, 1644. 

Joane Hawkins was buried at Slapton, April ist, 169S. 

The old Register at Slapton is much worm-eaten, and many pages are 

Arms of Hawkins, Impaling . . ■ ■ 

Nicholas, the eldest son of Richard Hawkins, left Slapton, and went to live 
at Kingsbridge, a few miles distant. He married and had a son John. 

The Hawkins Family. 


Arms of Hawkins, Impaling .... 

The Kingsbridge Registers are very imperfect, and much cut out in places. 

John, the eldest son of Nicholas Hawkins, lived at Kingsbridge. He was a 
Captain of the Militia, and died in 1700. There were many stories told of his 
quarrelling with Justice Beare about King James and King William. 

Justice Beare lived at Bearscombe, Buckland-tout-Saints ; he was the local 
Church champion of the day. "In 1684 a justice called John Beare keeps 
Friends out of their House." On the weathercock of Kingsbridge Church is 
" I. Beare." 

John Hawkins married Elizabeth Lane,* by whom he had : 

* William Lane, B.D., Rector of Aveton Gifford and Ringmore, was educated at Oxford, and 
possessed the living of Ringmore before he obtained that of Aveton Gifford, to which he was admitted 
about the beginning of the Rebellion, and was unable to settle in it or remove his goods from Ringmore 
when Plymouth declared for the Parliament. At which time the garrison " came out with their boats and 
plundered those parts and took oflf the most valuable goods in the house and took [so says Mr. Lane's son] 
two of my brethren Richard and John to Awmar. They imprisoned them in Plymouth some time, where 
they suffered greatly. All which time my father was active with Sir — Champernoun and other gentlemen 
for raising succours for His Majesty. Then did the champions vaunt about the country and make deligent 
enquii-y after Bishop Lane the Traytor, at which time he hid in the Church Tower 3 or 4 months. He 
was then disposes! of both livings Ringmore being given to Ford, and Aveton Gifford to Francis Barnard. 

1 66 

Plymouth Armada Heroes. 

Arms of Hawkins, Impaling Lane. 


Honour. Married William Saunders, Esq. (of Quay House, West Alvington, 
in 1707), July 22nd, 1706, at Aveton Gifford, near Kingsbridge. Issue three 
daughters. The eldest married Wheatley, and left no children ; the second 
married Grove, of Plymouth, issue a son, Thomas Grove, R.N., ob. 1822; the 

third daughter married Fountain, of London, issue a daughter, who 

married Rev. Charles Ed. de Coctlogon. 

His ' temporal estate ' at Aveton was also sequestered except a ' sett of mills ' where Mrs. Lane with 5 
children took up their abode. The eldest son Richard went to New England and Mr. Lane to France 
where he remained till he could ' buy his peace.' Afterwards Mr. Lane returned from France and 
removed with the second son John, third son William and daughter Elizabeth to a place in Torbay 
called ' Hope's Nose ' where he employed himself in drawing Lyme Stones." That did not succeed ; so 
he returned to his mills, and found the water supply cut off by Barnard, and his family in a miserable 
condition. He then determined to lay his case before " Cromwell's Council board," so in his sixty-third 
year walked to London, " It being discovered and proved, he had orders to dispossess Barnard and 
named another person (one John Martin) for Aveton Gifford." On his way home he caught cold, and 
died at the King's Head, in High Street, Exon, and "lieth interred under the Chancel Table in 
Alphington Cliurch." 

" Mr. Lane is certainly the first instance in all English History of a Bachelor of Divinity who was 
forced to turn miller and dig in a quarry for a livelihood." — Walker's Sufferings of tlu Clergy. 

The Hawkins Family. 


Richard Hawkins, of Kingsbridge, eldest son of John Hawkins, married 
Dorcas KnowHng at Aveton Gififord, July 22nd, 1706, by whom he had : 
John, baptized November 9th, 170S. Of Norton. 
Richard „ June 9th, 17 10; t?^. October, 17 12. 
Mary „ March 3rd, 1712 ; married, in 1755, Barton Land, Esq., 

of Hayne. 
Elizabeth. Married, in 1736, Thomas Cornish,* of West Prawle, 

Richard „ April 14th, 17 17. Of Kingsbridge. 
Knowling „ February 7th, 1719; married, in 1749, Mary Hammings. 

Arms of Hawkins, Impaling Knowling. 

John, the eldest son of Richard Hawkins and Dorcas Knowling, born 9th 
November, 1708, married first, Sarah, daughter of William Gilbert, of Long- 

• A daughter of Thomas Cornish, by Ehzabeth Hawknis his wife, married Richard Lake, Esq., of 
Scoble, South Poole, whose daughter and coheiress married Roger Ilbert Prideaux. She was the Mrs. 
Ilbert Prideaux mentioned by the Lysonses, the Devonshire historians, as having in her possession the gold 
chain given to Sir Richard Hawkins by the Spanish Lady. This gold chain, on the death of Mrs. Ilbert 
Prideaux, went to the Lightfoot family. 


Plymouth Armada Heroes. 

brook, by whom he had a son (John) and six daughters. He married, 
secondly, Elizabeth, daughter of Abraham Gilbert, of Holwell, July 23rd, 
175 1, by whom he had a son, Abraham, and a daughter, Elizabeth. John 
Hawkins lived at Norton, parish of Malborough, near Kingsbridge. He 
commenced to build the Moult in 1764, but did not live to finish it, as he 
died a few months later. The Moult was sold to S. Strode, Esq., in 1785. 

Arms of Hawkins, Impaling Gilbert. 

His eldest son, John Hawkins, married Judith Hayne, of Kingsbridge, by 
whom he had four sons, John Gilbert Hayne, born 1771 ; William, born 1772 ; 
Samuel Holditch, Captain Royal Marines ; William Gilbert ; and a daughter, 

Their eldest son, John Gilbert Hayne, married Jane Souter, by whom he 
had two sons, John Gilbert Hayne, Royal Navy ; William Gilbert ; and a 
daughter, Jane. 

Second son, Samuel Holditch, married Letitia Isabella Hayne, of London, 
Issue, a daughter, Louisa Fountain Trafalgar Hawkins. 

Third son, William Gilbert Courtenay Hawkins, married Sarah Ashe, of 
Langley, by whom he had one son, William Gilbert Courtenay, born 17th 
November, 1807; lived at Chippenham, Wilts. 

The Hawkins Family. 


Abraham, son of John Hawkins of Norton, by his second wife, married 
Harriet Hamilton, daughter of Petre, of Mawnan, Cornwall, by whom he had 
two daughters. Henrietta Hamilton Hawkins, the elder, who lived at Alston, 
unmarried, drove a four-in-hand, and had her pew painted to match her livery ! 
Miss Elliot, of Tresillian, Kingsbridge, has a doll which belonged to this old 
lady. Stephana, the second daughter, married Captain E. M. Bray. 

Abraham Hawkins, F.R.S., J.P., of Alston, near Kingsbridge, was the 
author of the History of Kingsbridge. He translated the works of Claudian, 
and helped Polwhele with his History of Devonshire. "Justice Hawkins" was 
the terror of Kingsbridge in those days. He was a Captain in the North 
Devon Militia, and a Deputy Lieutenant for Devon. 

Arms of Hawkins, Impaling Petre. 

Richard, second son of Richard Hawkins and Dorcas Knowling, lived at 
Kingsbridge, and married Elizabeth, daughter of Alexander Wills, of Kings- 
bridge, and Mary, his wife, daughter of Thomas Wyse, Esq., of Harburton, by 
whom he had two sons, Richard and John, and five daughters. 



Plymouth Armada Heroes. 

Arms of Hawkins, Impaling Wills. 

Richard, eldest son of Richard Hawkins and Elizabeth Wills, married 
Mary, daughter of William Creed, by whom he had two sons and two 
daughters. Mary Creed's grandmother was Judith Hawkins, daughter of 
Thomas Hawkins,* Esq., of Stokefleming (by his wife Sarah, daughter of 
John Crocker, rector of Stokefleming), who was a son of John Hawkins (by 
his wife Hester Richards), son of Admiral Sir Richard Hawkins. She was the 
wife of Peter Creed, who was the grandson of Francis Rous, Provost of Eton 
and Speaker of the House of Commons, and one of Oliver Cromwell's lords. 
He was Provost of Eton, and the founder of Pembroke College, Oxford. Joan 
Rous, daughter of the Provost, married the Rev. Wm. Bailey, rector of Stoke- 
fleming, in 1641, and their daughter, Joan Bailey, married Peter Creed, of 
Coombe, Stokefleming, in 1678. 

John baptized April 19th, 1782. 

Abraham Mills „ August 13th, 1784- 

Charlotte „ January ist, 1786. 

Harriet „ February nth, 1787. 

* See page 163. By this marriage the lineal descendants of the hoo only sons of Admiral Sir Richard 
Hawkins were continued in one line. 

The Hawkins Family. 


Major John Hawkins, E.C.I. Engineers, elder son of Richard Hawkins and 
Mary Creed, married Frances Schutz, daughter of Richard Vere Drury, of 
Shotover House, Oxford, by his first wife, only child of Sir George Vandeput, 
Bart., by whom he had a son, Richard George, ob. 1832, unmarried, and two 
daughters — Caroline Charlotte, married General H. Blois Turner, Royal 
Engineers ; and Stephana Mary, married Captain Conrad Owen, C.B., ist 
Lancers (Bombay). 

Charlotte, elder daughter of Richard Hawkins and Mary Creed, unmarried, 
lived at the Knowle, Kingsbridge. Her sister, Harriet, married Thomas Harris. 

Arms of Hawkins and Creed. 

Admiral Abraham Mills Hawkins, born 13th August, 17S4, of Butville, 
Kingsbridge, married, in 18 19, Mary Wise, only daughter of Christopher 


Plymouth Arinada Hemes. 

Arms of Hawkins, Impaling Savery. 

Savery, Esq., of Shilston and South Efford, by Mary, daughter of John 
Wise, Esq., of Wonwell, by whom he had two sons. He died November, 
1857, ^'^^ was buried at Dodbrook, Kingsbridge. 

" Rear- Admiral Abraham Mills Hawkins entered the Navy in March, 1798, 
and after serving as volunteer and midshipman in H.M. Ships Barjienr, Prince, 
Lancaster, Rattlesnake, and Trident, under the late Admirals Dacres, Sir Roger 
Curtis, Capt. Roger Curtis, and Admiral Rainier — on the Channel, Cadiz, Cape 
of Good Hope, and East India Stations — was, in 1804, appointed acting-Lieut, 
of H.M.S. Sheerness ; on her wreck, in 1805, of the Psyche ; and in Jan., 1806, 
first-Lieut, of H.M.S. Duncan, Capt. Lord George Stuart ; but towards the 
end of that year ill-health, contracted from a service of seven years in hot 
climates, obliged him, by invaliding, to quit the East Indies for England ; and 
it was only on his arrival that the Lords of the Admiralty were pleased to 
confirm him a Lieut, by commission dated nth June, 1S07, thus losing three 
years of acting-Lieut.'s time, the greater part of one having been served as first- 
Lieut, of a frigate. He was then appointed to H.M.S. Amiable, on the North 
Sea Station, commanded by his former Captain, Lord George Stuart, becoming 
about the end of the year her first Lieut. ; and on his Lordship's removal to 
the Horatio, in 18 10, first of that ship, and served in her till his wounds obliged 

The Ha-ivkins Fa^nily. 1 73 

him to go to the hospital for cure, in Sept., 1812; and he was promoted for 
his services to the rank of Commander on the nth Dec. of that year. During 
the period above mentioned he participated in all the services of his gallant 
Captain (and for which that officer received the Order of the Bath, on its 
extension in 1814); but was severely wounded, the following account 
showing how it occurred. In August, 18 12, he was sent by Lord George 
Stuart, with the Horatio's barge and three six-oared cutters, to attack some 
enemy's vessels at Trompsen, on the coast of Norway, and succeeded in 
boarding and bringing out all that were in that port ; viz., a schooner and 
cutter of His Danish Majesty's Navy, and a ship of 400 tons, their prize, after 
a most determined resistance. His right hand was shattered by a grape-shot 
as the boats he commanded were advancing to the attack, and he received a 
pistol-shot in his left arm when in the act of boarding the enemy's second 
vessel of war, after having carried the first, as is detailed in a letter from Lord 
George Stuart, published in the Gazette of Aug. 25th, 1812. 

"In 181 3, shortly after his promotion, he was informed at the Admiralty, 
by Admiral Domett, that he had been elected for the command of gunboats 
intended for a particular service on the North Sea Station ; but circumstances 
arising from which this expedition was not carried into effect. Lord Melville 
was pleased to appoint him to H.M. Sloop Conflict, which vessel he commanded 
on the Home Stations till she was put out of commission, in Sept., 18 15, at the 
conclusion of the war. 

" Unsuccessful in his endeavours to procure employment during the earlier 
part of the peace, he, in 18 19, accepted the appointment of Inspecting 
Commander of the Coast Guard, under a constitution from the Lords of the 
Treasury, and then considered permanent ; but on transfer of these appoint- 
ments to the Admiralty, they becoming triennial, he was superceded ; * and 
without entering upon the particulars which called forth the approbation of 
Comptrollers-General Shortland and Bowles, the following letter was addressed 
to him by the heads of department : 

" ' I cannot allow you to quit the command you have so long held, and the 
duties of which you have discharged with so much credit to yourself, without 
expressing in the strongest terms the sense I entertain of the zeal, activity, and 
ability you have uniformly shown in the performance of a very arduous and 
harassing service, and I shall feel great pleasure in representing your merits to 
the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty in any way which may tend to your 
advancement in His Majesty's Service. Dated and July, 1824. 

" ' Signed Wm. Bowles, Compt.-Geu.' 

* The present arrangement for promotions from the Coast Guard did not then exist. 

174 PlymotitJi Armada Heroes. 

"His appointment to H.M. Sloop Raleigh, in July, 1830, was given with a 

view to promotion, in consequence of his services, he has reason to know ; for 

both Lord Melville and Sir George Cockburne did him the honour to tell him 

so previous to his sailing for the Mediterranean. The opinion of the late 

Sir Henry Hotham as to the efficient state of that sloop was well known 

throughout the Fleet, of which he was Commander-in-Chief Sir Pulteney 

Malcolm, his successor, on Sir Henry's lamented sudden death, was pleased to 

express himself publickly on the Raleigh's quarter-deck in most gratifying 

terms, and did him the honour to state his intention of bringing before Sir 

James Graham the sense he entertained of his deserving promotion on his last 

inspection at Malta, and he has reason to believe that he did so. In May, 1834, 

he paid off the Raleigh, having commanded her nearly four years ; and on the 

6th Feb. following, then more than 22 years a Commander, was promoted to 

the rank of Captain, his several steps of promotion having been earned by 

service. He stands on the list of Captains within one of an officer on whom it 

(the good service pension) has been bestowed, and he further ventures to state 

that his Commander's commission is of previous date to that of 18 of the 21 

now enjoying it. 

"Dated at Kingsbridge, Devon, March loth, 1837."* 

We also read in James's Naval History : 

On August 1st (1812), as the British 38-gun frigate Horatio, "Capt. Lord 
George Stuart, was in latitude 70° 40" north, running down the coast of Norway, 
a small sail was seen from the mast-head close in with the land; and which, just 
before she disappeared among the rocks, was discovered to be an armed cutter. 
Considering it an object of some importance to attempt the destruction of the 
enemy's cruisers in this quarter, Lord George Stuart despatched the barge and 
three cutters of the Horatio, with about 80 officers and men, commanded by 
Lieut. Abraham Mills Hawkins, assisted by Lieut. Thomas James Poole 
Masters, and Lieut, of Marines George Syder, to execute the service. Lieut. 
Hawkins, gaining information on shore that the cutter had gone to a village 
on an arm of the sea, about 35 miles distant over land, detached one of 
the cutters, under master's mate James Crisp, to disperse some small-armed 
men collected on the shore, and proceeded with the remaining three boats 
for the creek in which the Danish cutter lay. On the 2nd Aug., at 8 o'clock 
in the morning, Lieut. Hawkins discovered the vessel, which was the Danish 

" Taken from the Memorandum of Capt. Abraham Mills Hawkins, submitting his name as a candidate 
for the good service pension (which he obtained). 

The Hawkins Family. 


King's Cutter No. 97, of four 6-pounders and 22 men, lying at anchor 
with the Danish King's Schooner No. 114, of six 6-pounders and 30 men, 
commanded by Lieut. Buderhorf, of the Danish Navy, the Commodore, 
and an American ship of 400 tons, their prize. On the approach of the 
British boats, the Danish vessels presented their broadsides, with springs 
on their cables, and were moored in capital defensive position. The British 
nevertheless advanced to the attack, and at 9 a.m. received the fire of the 
Danes, whom however Lieut. Hawkins and his party, assisted towards 
the end by Mr. Crisp's boat, completely subdued, after a most sanguinary 
combat. The British lost 9 killed, including Lieut. George Syder, of the 
Marines, and 16 wounded, including Assistant-Surgeon James Larans and 
one seaman mortally, Lieuts. Hawkins and Masters, the boatswain, and one 
midshipman, Thomas Fowler, severely. The loss on the Danish side was also 
very severe, amounting to 10 killed and 13 wounded, including the commanders 
of the schooner and the cutter severely, and some other officers. Both the British 
and the Danes fought in the bravest manner, and between them sustained a loss 
for which the prizes were a poor compensation. As a reward for his gallantry 
Lieut. Hawkins was made a commander in the ensuing December." 


Arms of Hawkins, Impaling Ponsford. 

176 Plymouth Armada Heroes. 

John Mills Hawkins, eldest son of Admiral Abraham Mills Hawkins, born 
July 22nd, 1821, lieutenant 52nd Light Infantry. Died, February 22nd, 1846, 
unmarried, from the effects of yellow fever. 

Christopher Stuart Hawkins, second and only surviving son, born 
September 9th, 1823. Member of Lincoln's Inn and a magistrate for 
Devon. Married, January 30th, 1857, Elizabeth Richardson, daughter of 
the late James Ponsford, of 24, Kensington Palace Gardens, and has one 
surviving son — John Servington; and three daughters — Mary Wise Savery, 
Florence Elizabeth, and Blanche Stephana. 

H^aiufttn^ at T^timtt 

176 Plymo7ith Armada Heroes. 

John Mills Hawkins, eldest son of Admiral Abraham Mills Hawkins, born 
July 22nd, 1821, lieutenant S2nd Light Infantry. Died, February 22nd, 1846, 
unmarried, from the effects of yellow fever. 

Christopher Stuart Hawkins, second and only surviving son, born 
September 9th, 1823. Member of Lincoln's Inn and a magistrate for 
Devon. Married, January 30th, 1857, Elizabeth Richardson, daughter of 
the late James Ponsford, of 24, Kensington Palace Gardens, and has one 
surviving son— John Servington; and three daughters — Mary Wise Savery, 
Florence Elizabeth, and Blanche Stephana. 

a acncaiostcal ZniyU of ti)C iTamap of l^aUjfttn^ of ©cljon. 

Arms.— Sable ; on a base wavy argent and azure, a lion passant or ; in chief, three bezants. First augmentation, granted by Queeo Elizabeth for Admiral Sir )ohn Hawkins's cxp 
between two palmers' staves of the field. Second augmentation: Crest upon his helm, a wreath argent and azure; a demi Moor proper bound and captive, with annulets on his arms 
doubled argent. Motto, "Nil Desperandum." 

AKiils OF Hawkins of Nash Court, Kent.— Argent ; on a sallirc sable five fleurs-de-lis or. 
A branch of the Hawkinses of Nash Court settled in Devon. 

William Amadas=MaTgaret, dau. of . . . Hawk 
ScrEganl-al-Arms to Henry Vlll. | (Harl. 328S, Vii. Dmn. IS64.I 

Jlolm 3l!aiof<in5, Esq. ^Joan, dau. and heiress of William Amados, Esquire, 

m or, an escallop 
r ; mantled gules 


ofTavUlock. mar. 

of Richard 

Sept. I, 1590. at 

Edgcombe, of 

S(. Stephen's, iiear 

Tavisiock, by 



Living at Tavistock. | of Launccslon. 

Captain William 1 
Lord of the manor of SiUlon Valletort; Mayor of Plymouth, 1532 
M.P. fot Plymoulh, 1553. He established English trade with the 
South Seas. Made three famous voyages to Bnuil. and brought a 
native king to see Hcnty VIII. at Whitehall. 

Joan, only child ai 
Roger' ■ ■ ■ ' 

■ John Trelawny by 

Henry Hawkins. 
. Brother of William Hawkins, 
leceased in 1554, when he signs 
;, and names William Hawkins, 

Mary, dau. of John HaIse,=C3pti 
' K " ■ ' 

'rwick 1 

illiam Hawkirvs 
Governor of Plymoutlu 
Mayor, 1^67-8. IS78;9. 

Armada, ob. Oct. 7, 1 

«. iS3a- Tre 
Comptroller of the Navy 

against the Armada. M.P. 
for Plymouth, 1571-72. 
After 4J years" service he 

•William Hawkins, R. N. = 
Sailed with Fenton in 
1582. Laid the foun- 
dation of our Indian 
Empire. Went to Agra 
in 160S as Ambassador 
at the Court of the Great 

Sampson = Judith =Henry 


bury, Wills. 

Cornwall. Bro. 
of Ambrose 
Mannalon, who 

: Bocton, and grandsc 

Robert Trelawny— Agnes, i 

Clare=Robert Micliell. Admiral Sir Richard Hawkins = Judith, dau. 
mar. at (The Complete Seaman.) Captain of the i^waZ/tw 
St. Andrew's, against the Armada. Aflei fighting a gallant 
Plymoulh, action, was taken prisoner, and dishonourably de- 
July 3, 1587. tainednineycar^jby the Spaniards; ransomed for 
j^l2,ooo. Vice-Admiial of Devon, and a Privy 
:e. Councillor. M.P. for Plymoulh, 1602-3; Mayor 
;. Andrew's, of Plymouth, 1604. Lived at Poole, in Slaplon. 
mih. ob. 1622 of a fit while attending the Privy Council. 

r than the Ugborough. 

before Sir Ricliaid 

St. Andrew 

he sold. Tl 
in 1637-8. 

ndrew's, Plymouth. 

John Hawkins 
th. At 

1 Stokefleming, bur. at 


Richards, of Dartmouth, 
M. P. mar. lie. Oct. 27, 
1636. bur. at Slapton 

Nicholas Hawkins 
b. March 31, 1639, at Slaplon, mar. . . . 
Removed from Slapton to Kingsbridge, a 

ofSiokedeming. i. 1641; 
celebrated Admiral Sir John Hawkins." (SeeRisdon's 
Union. ) Patton ofliving of Freminglon. Had manor 
of Freminglon through his wife. Will (1680) leavt 

seated with Arms of Admiral 
Sir John Hawkins. Nimes 
wife Jane, brothers Thomas 

? Mary Hawk in 

Thomas Hawkins=Si 
of Stokcfleming. ob. 
Feb.,i69S. *«»-. at Stoke- 
fleming. Left all to 
dau. Judith ; Nicholas 

I, dau. of^Charles Reynell. 
r of Stoke- 

b. Sept. 27, 1678. 
ob, Sept. 30, 1678, at Fremingtoi 

Anne Manning. 

t676. at Frem- 
inglon. ob. 
July 25, 1690. 

b. April 3, 1681. Of Coombe, Stokcileming. Son of Peter Crt 
mar. lit. Aug. 13, 167S; ob. June 5, 1728. agetl Si ; ' "- ' " 
Bailey, Rector of Stokcfleming, and Dorothy Rous, 
Speaker of House of Commons ttmp. Olivi " 


2 of FraiK 

well. Founder 

,,+ June 3d 1702, 


J. Dec. 3, 16;. 

Patron of t^e living of 

Fremingf " "'--- 

Ihc Rev. 

Freminglon. Vicar, 

Honour= William 
mar. at SaUnders, 
Avelon of Quay 

of Kingsbridge. 

ob. 1738. Will 

House,'West proved Dec. 8. 

John Hawkins^ 

Sarah, dau. of Richard. 


b. Nov. 9. 1708, 

William Gilbert, b. 1710. 

mar. Oct.. Cornish, 


at Kingsbridge. 

of Longbrook. ob. Oct., 

1736, at ofPorlle. 

Trustee of 1712. 

Kingsbridge. mouth. 


Built the Moult. 

William Dun- 



combe's will. 

oi. 17S1 

Monument at 

Boweringslcigh belonged 

lo the family of Webber, 

who changed their name to 

jilbert Umf. Queen Eli^. 

I, of Kill,/mAWill. HL 

Mary= Barton 
755 Esq.,' of 

Judith Creed. Willia 

at Kingsbridge Luscombe, 

'79^> aged 91. of Coombe 

es to his brother, Royal, 

eter Creed, Jan. Kingsbridge. 

Peter Creed^Mary. dau. 
/'. 1708. , of Daniel 
Rector of Shalh, of 
Cockington, Dunstan, 

b. Dee. 9. 1 

;e. '"' ; of^"!^: .^"; 

1719. Hemmings. 

! Dod'brook 

Hawkins=HaTriet John Hawkins- 
Hamilton, of Norton. 
■Iau, of "The immedi- 

ate descendant 

I'tire, of of Admirals 

Mawnan, Sir John and 

Sir Richard 

Lysons" /?«■«». ) 


*• »735- 

Francis Julian, 
Jan. 26. 1770, 


b. 1746. mar. 

John Browne. 

Richard Hawkins.g 
b. July 10. 1752, 
at Kingsbridge. 

b. 1753. Capl. 

Elizabeth. Dor 

Named . _, ._ 

in will of her MaryDorcas. Rev. Stephen bridge. Li 


^ev. Stephe 
Adams, of 

Richard Hawkins^FMaty Niele, 

Wilmot. ob. July 28, 

Samuel Hol- = Leti 
ditch. Cap 
in Royal Mi 
fines. Secon 





li iilberl. I 





William Gil 
bert Hawkins 
^.1785. Roya 

Hayne, of 

1 Trafalgar 

Let ilia 
b. 1774. 

John Hawkins = Frances Schuti, Mary Hickes=Rear-Admiral Abra- 
"■ '""- "' -■ ■ ' ■ r^. . Mills Hawkins, 

b. Aug. r3. 

_ Wilis. 
,, Gilbert Courtenay 

Major. H.E. 

. of Col. 
ialli 1852, 

)art., by only 
hild of Baron 
Augustus Schuti, 
if Shoiover, Oxon. 


Eli-Mbelh Anne. 

Henry Haw- of . . . 



kins, of Boutfield. 

b. 1783. 


Torrington. mar. at 

b. 1779 at Bideford. 



Charies. Richard 


Royal Navy. ob. iSil 

imilton E. M. Bray-Slephai 

,s. ofTavistock. Hawki 

i. April, Captain. 

Stephana Mary = Ll. -Col. Conrad 

ly the same William Hawkins. (Sec Sir John's will. p. 74. ) 
ese six Miss Creeds, Sarah married Rov. George Goodridge ; Catherine married Mr. ■ 
anis, of Blackawton (father of Rev. Stephen Adams who married Dorothy Hawkins), 
: marriage of Richard Hawkins and Mary Creed the descent in two lines from the iwi 

b. iSis- 

1st Regt. Bom- 

b. 1816. ob 
ob. aged 5 

Conrad. Richard 

Mary W 

John, Waiter 

Dorolhy Rous, niece 

of the Provost, and d 


John Mills Hawk 
S. July22, iSil, a. 
brook, ob. Fi 
aged 24. 

aged24. Lieut. S2nd Light fastleigh, De\ 

I James's Church. W. 

i nwall, was the wife of Rev. William Bailey. Married November 33, 1641, t 
Henry Southcote, of Buckland-tout-Sa ' .s ; another sister married his father, and secondly Colonel Hayne ; another sii 

er married 

The Haivkins Family. 177 


The following papers relating to the Hawkins family have been calendared 
by the Historical Manuscripts Commission from the collections named : 

Marquis of Salisbury. 

1580. Aug. 27. Sir John Hawkins to Burghley. 
1598. April I. Capt. R. Hawkins to the Earl of Essex. 
„ Fourteen items connected with Earl of Essex. Examination of Thomas 

Graye taken in the South Sea with Richard Hawkins. 
„ Aug. I. Richard Hawkins to Earl of Essex. 
„ Nov. 14. Richard Hawkins to Earl of Essex. 
„ „ Richard Hawkins to Earl of Essex. 

„ Mrs. Judith Hawkins (wife of R. Hawkins) to the Queen. 
„ Dec. 5. Lady Mary Hawkins to the Queen. 

„ „ Lady M. Hawkins to Earl of Essex and Earl of Nottingham. 

Richard Hawkins to Cecil. 
Richard Hawkins to the Queen. 
Richard Hawkins to the Privy Council. 
Richard Hawkins to the Queen. 
Sir R. Hawkins to Cecil. 
Sir R. Hawkins to Cecil. 
Sir R. Hawkins to Cecil. 
Sir R. Hawkins to Cecil. 

Sir Richard Hawkins to Julius Caesar, Judge of the Admiralty. 
Sir Richard Hawkins to Cecil. 
'). Sir R. Hawkins to Cecil. 
„ Oct. 3. Sir R. Hawkins to the Privy Council. 
1609. May 25. Sir R. Hawkins to Cecil. 

Marquis of Ormonde. 

1629. Dec. 4. Receipt for money from Walter, Earl of Ormonde, for use of 
Earl of Holland, by Jo. Hawkins. 


May 20. 


June 30. 


Jan. 8. 


Jan. 4. 


Feb. I. 


Mar. 22. 


June 20. 


July 6. 


Sept. 16. 


Aug. 28 ( 

178 Plymouth Armada Heroes. 

Alfred Morrison, Esq. 

15S1. July II. Sir John Hawkins to Robert Peter, Auditor of the Receipt 
of the E.xchequer, " touching a warrant for the supply of cordynge 
and canvas, w'' was taken out of her Maties storehouse at Dedeford 
the last year for extraordinary service." 

F. B. Frank, Esq. 
1604. Sir Richard Hawkins is stayed from his journey, being ready to go forth. 
[One and three-quarter pages.] 

Lord Leconfield. 
1595. A fleete to the Indies, Sir F. Drake and Sir John Hawkins Generals, 
when they ventured deeply, and dyed in the journey. [Fol. 59, p. 24.] 
„ Jan. 29. Copy of Sir John Hawkins and Sir F. Drake's Commission 
to go anywhere against the King of Spain. The names of the 
Garland, Defiance, Bonaventure, Hope, Foresight, and Adventure, 
[Brief Sheets 37 Eliz.] 

House of Lords. 

1645. Petition of John Packer and Will: Hawkins, two of the clerks of H.M.'s 

Privy Seal. 

1646. June 23. Annexed certificate signed "Will: Hawkins Sec'^ to Committee." 

W. ]\L MoLYNEux, Esq. 
15S6. Sept. 16. Letter by John Hawkinges and William Holstocke to the 
J.P.s of the Counties of Surrey, Sussex, and Kent. 

Trinity House Papers. 
1664. June I. ;^io ordered towards the repair of Sir John Hawkins's 
almshouses at Chatham. 

Extract from a letter written by Win. Hawkins, of Plymouth, to Cromwell in 1536. 

I DURST never sue to your Lordship for any help till I had first put my ship 
goods in adventure to search for the commodities of unknown countries and 
seen the return thereof in safety, as has metely well happened unto me 
albeit by four parts not so well as I suppose it should be if one of my pilots 
had not miscarried by the way. I beg to have of the King four pieces of 
brass ordnance and one last of powder on good sureties ; and also on security 
of 100/. a loan of 2,000/. for seven years towards equipping three or four ships, 
and I doubt not to do such feats of merchandise as shall be of great advantage 
to the King's custom. 

The Hawkins Family. 179 

In the MS. Collection of Earl Covvper, K.G., at Melbourne Hall, Derby- 
shire, are some interesting letters from Sir John Hawkins. 

In October, 15S8, he writes to Burleigh : 

I HUMBLY pray your lordship to be favourable to me that I may end some 
part of my life in some quietness. The matters in this office are far out of 
order and far behindhand, which I shall never overcome unless I be sequested 
from this new business. 

Again, he writes that divers payments may be secured to his wife in 

Once more, on 15th January, 1 590-1, he prays for a settlement of ;£"4,385. 
A few days later he begs that his account may be settled. " I do not desire," 
he says, "to better my estate, my brother being deceased and my wife in such 
an extreme sickness as not like to recover ; myself in years, and subject to 
sickness and infirmities. I desire not to be made rich, but that I may by your 
lordship's honourable favour have an honest reputation of my charge and 
former life, and that travail which I may hereafter take for her Majesty's 
service shall be faithful without corruption, and my poor advice wherein 
experience hath taught me shall be without spot or any covetous desire." 

Seventeen days later he writes again that he has used his credit for wages 
and victuals, and for repairing and new rigging of the Rainboiu : 

Truly my very good lord, necessity doth force me to trouble your lordship 
to do me some favour, for my poor ability is not able to bear so great a burden. 

The conclusion of this correspondence has its own pathos : 

I H.WE sent the note which your lordship willed me to make. Humbly 
desiring your good lordship to pardon mine attendance, for it hath pleased 
God to take my wife to His mercy, Godly in her life and Godly in her death. 

The final letter of the whole series is one in which Sir John asks to have 
somebody joined with him to do the work, "so that with a quiet mind he 
may leave the cares of this world and prepare for the time to come." It is 
dated 28th August, 1 594. 

i8o Plymouth Armada Heroes. 

Extract from a letter of Sir Wm. Winter to Sir John Haivkins, 
2W1 February {gth March), 1588. 

Our ships do show like gallants here, it would do a man's heart good to behold 
them. Would to God the Prince of Parma were on the seas with all his forces, 
and we in sight of them. You should hear that we would make his enterprise 
very unpleasant to him. 

Howard to Wahingham, W March, 1588. 

Let me have the four great ships and twenty hoys, with but twenty men 
apiece, and each with but two iron pieces, and her Majesty shall have a good 
account of the Spanish forces, and I will make the King wish his galleys home 
again. Few as we are, if his forces be not hundreds we will make good sport 
with them.* 

Page 17. 

Previously to the negro slaves being brought from the coast of Africa, 
Irish Redshanks, or Wild Irishmen, -who had been driven into the bogs, were 
used for the purpose of slavery. 

Page 65. 

In the possession of the Plymouth Corporation is an original Hawkins 

portrait, in oils (which hangs in the Mayor's parlour), framed, restored to its 

present size, and presented to the Corporation, by Dr. F. W. P. Jago, of 

21, Lockyer Street, Plymouth, on i6th February, 1881. This picture, although 

it bears a striking resemblance to other portraits of Admiral Sir John Hawkins, 

is more probably a portrait of his elder brother, William Hawkins, and thus 

accounts for the greater age — seventy-four years — as Sir John was sixty-three 

in the year he died, 1595. The head, face, rufT, and the following words, 

" , , . . E^ 74 An" Dni 1 596," are the only remains of the old portrait, painted 

on panel, the head of which appears to have been cut out from the original 

picture. Dr. Jago tells me, that twenty years ago, when visiting a patient, the 

wife of a dairyman, named Cotton, who is since dead, he noticed the portrait 

hanging on the wall. The vigour with which it was painted attracted him, and 

in answer to his enquiries he was told that it was some old picture that had 

been picked up in a house in Stonehouse Lane, and that if Dr. Jago liked he 

might have it. 

Page 93. 

"Hawkins and Frobisher cannonaded the Capitana at a distance,"! but 

• Sta. Pa. Dom. t Motley, Harara III. iii. 100-102 ; Bor. iii. 322, seq. 

The Hawkins Family. i8i 

Drake, disregarding the Lord High Admiral's order to show a light for the 
guidance of the English fleet, had "dowsed his glim" to chase some Flemish 
traders, mistaking them for stragglers from the enemy, and stood after possible 
plunder. Returning from this pursuit he lingered behind to make a prize of 
the Capitana. This explains Frobisher's speech against Drake. 

Page 98. 

"The 25th the English kept their division, and, as they had been directed, 
watched the motions of the enemy. Towards noon a vast galleon, too 
unwieldly for sailing well, fell behind the rest. Vice-admiral Hawkins saw 
her, and, running in between that vessel and the rest of the enemy, attacked, 
boarded, and, after a desperate resistance, took her."* 

The Spanish accounts also tell of the capture and recapture and 
subsequent fate of the "urea" Santa Anna. 

Page 136. 

There is a legend of how, when Sir Richard Hawkins returned to England 
after his long captivity, he came to Slapton. There was a great gathering of 
people in the streets, and much preparation for rejoicings. On enquiring the 
cause, he was told that his faithful Judith, supposing him dead (he had been 
ten years a prisoner) was that very day about to console herself with another 

Page 137. 

The arm in the portrait of Sir Richard Hawkins has a yellow silk scarf 
round it. The hair is dark brown ; the beard and moustache light brown ; the 
eyes bluish-grey. The reeds, rock, and waves are on the proper left. 

Page 154. 

The will of Sampson Mannaton, Esq., of Stokeclimsland, Cornwall, proved 
in 1627, names his wife, Judith ; charges his sons Pierse, Edward, and Richard 
Mannaton to be dutiful to their mother ; names his son William Whitaker, 
his son-in-law Henry Whitaker, his daughter Elizabeth Smythe, and nephew 
Ambrose Mannaton. Inventory taken by John Harris and William Whitaker, 
Esqs. This will proves that Sampson Mannaton married Judith, widow of 

* Berkley's Naval IJistoiy, book xvi. cap. cxxxiv. page 383. 


Plymouth Armada Heroes. 

Henry Whitaker and daughter of Captain William Hawkins, of Plymouth, and 
not Judith, daughter of Richard Hawkins, as stated in the Visitation of 

Page 171. 

A chevron between three swans were the arms of the Creeds of Coombe, 
Stokefleming, not those of Creed as on pages 17 1-2. 


Adkins, Dr. Joshua 
Alger, W. H., Esq. 
Alexander, Colonel 
Allen, George, Esq. 
AUin, Rev. A. . 
Appleton, Dr. . 
Archer, Miss Constance 
Arnaud, J. B., Esq. 
♦Arthur, R. F., Esq. 
Arthur, Richard W., Esq, 
Aspinwall, J., Esq. 


The Manor House, Stoke Damerel, S. Devon. 

Late Duke of Cornwall's L. I. 

Wickeridge, Ashburton. 

Holbeton, Ivybridge. 

33, Half Moon Street, W, 

Penlee, Stoke. 

135, Ebury Street, S.W. 

Wellsbourne, Compton. 

Slade, Kingsbridge. 

8, Hyde Park Square, W. 

Baker, R., Commander R.N. 

Barton, Benyon, Esq. 

Bastard, B. J. P., Esq. . 

Bate, C. Spence, Esq., F.R.S. 

Battams, G. B., Esq. 

Baxter, C. E., Lieutenant R.N. 

Beer, W., Esq. . 

Bewes, C, Esq. 

Bewes, Charles, Esq. 

Bignold, W., Lieutenant R.N. 
*Birch, W. M., Esq. 

Blachford, Lord 

Blennerhasset, Commander R.N. 

Bradshaw, P., Esq. 

Bradshavv, J. B., Esq. 
*Brendon, Mr. W. T. 
♦Broadley, A. M., Esq. 
+Brutton, Major and Mrs. Edward 

Buller, Alex., Rear-Admiral, C.B. 

Bulteel, John, Esq. 

Burnard, C. F., Esq. 

Burton, General Fowler 

Broom House, SouthmoUon. 
20, Onslow Gardens, S.W. 
Buckland, Ashburton. 
The Rock, South Brent. 
Kilworthy, Tavistock. 
24, Ryder Street, S.W. 
Buttville, Kingsbridge. 
Hillside, Plympton. 
Gravesend, Torpoint. 


Blachford, Cornwood. 


Scots Guards. 

Woodbine Villa, Mannamead. 

Cairo Cot., Beta Place, Regent's Park. 

48, Emma Place, Stonehouse. 

Erie Hall, Plympton. 


Chatsworth Lodge, Mannamead. 

2, Osborne Villas, Stoke. 

List of Subscribers. 

Caldwell, R. Townley, Esq. 
tCalmady, Miss L. 

Campbell, Sir Duncan, Bart. 

Carden, Major H. P. 

Carew, Rev. R. B. 

Carew, Miss 

Carew, Rev. Henry W. . 

Carew, A., Lieutenant R.N. 

Cary, Robert, Esq. 

Cary, Stanley, Esq. 

Caunter, Mrs. . 

Cavaye, Alex., Captain K.O.B.'S 

Chaloner, Mrs. Richard . 

Champion, Colonel P. R. 

Chichester, W. H., Esq. . 

Christian, Arthur, Lieutenant R.N. 

Clarke, H., Esq. 

Clay, Dr. 

Coddington, F. H., Commander R, 

Coham-Fleming, B., Esq. 

Colborne, Hon. and Rev. Graham 

Collier, W. P., Esq. 

Collier, Mortimer, Esq. . 

Collins, Rev. J. A. Welsh 

Collins-Splatt, W., Esq. . 

Colhns-Splatt, Hawtrey, Esq. 

Coney, Rev. T. 

Cornish-Bowden, Admiral 

Cornish-Bowden, F. J., Esq. 

Coryton, Colonel A. 

Cranford, Mr. R. 

Cumberlege, Miss E. 
tCumming, W., Captain r.m. 

Cunningham, Captain W. 

Curtis-Hayward, Colonel J. F. 



Scottish Club, W. 

Duke of Cornwall's Light Infantry. 

Bickleigh Rectory. 



Torr Abbey. 



The Citadel, Cairo. 

Sedgehill, Sealey, Wilts. 

Grenofen, Tavistock. 

Efford Manor. 
Roborough House. 

Coham, Highampton. 


Woodtown, Horrabridge. 

Foxhams, Horrabridge. 

Burrington, near Saltash. 

Brixton House. 

Brixton, Plynipton. 

Wingfield Villas, Stoke. 

Newton Abbot. 


Pentillie Castle. 


21, Princes Gate, S.W. 

County Constabulary Barracks, Exeter. 
Quedgeley, Gloucester. 

Dalgety, F., Esq. 

Daubeney, Colonel 

Davey, Sidney, Esq. 

Davies, Dayrell, Lieutenant R.N. 

Dawson, Hon. R. 

Dawson, Ralph, Esq. 

Deacon, Barrington, Esq. 
tDeane, H. PoUe.xfen, Esq. 

De Lacy, Mrs. . 

Derry, W., Esq. 
^Dockyard Library 

Drury, Charles, Captain R.N. 

Lockerly Hall, Romsey. 
The Beacon, Kingswear. 
Bochym, Helston. 

Holne Park, Ashburton. 

Wembury House. 

12, Osborne Place, Plymouth. 

Cliff Cot, Torcross. 

The Island, Waterford. 

Houndiscombe House, Plymouth. 


List of Subscribers. 


Duntze, Lady 

Exeleigh, Starcross. 

Earle, Miss Louisa A. . 
Eden, F. Morton, Major r.m. 
Elliot, Mrs. . 
Elliot, Richard, Esq. 
Elliot, J., Esq. 
Evans, Miss Jane M. 
Evans, Major H. 

13, Vicarage Gate, Kensington. 

Royal Marine Barracks. 

Tresillian, Kingsbridge. 

Tresillian, Kingsbridge. 


Eton College. 

73, Warwick Square, S.W. 

Farquhar, Sir Arthur, Admiral, k.C.b. 
Farquhar, Arthur M., Lieutenant R.N. 
FitzGeorge, Adolphus, Captain R.N. 
Fitzroy, General George 
Fleming, J., Esq. 
Fortescue, William B., Esq. 
Freake, Dowager Lady 
Freake, Lady . 

Drumnagesk, Aboyne, N.B. 

Guards' Club. 
Bigadon, Buckfastleigh. 
Octon, Torquay. 
II, Cranley Gardens, S.W. 
Warfleet, Dartmouth. 

Gatty, Alfred Scott, Esq. (York Herald) 

Glegg, E. Maxwell, Esq. 

Goodeve, Colonel H. H. 

Graham, Mrs. T. 

Gribble, W., Esq. 

Guthrie, James, Esq., and Mrs. 

Gye, H. F., Commander r.n. 

Heralds' College. 
Backford Hall, Chester. 
Wingfield House, Stoke. 
Wolston Heath, Rugby. 

12, Abchurch Lane. 

13, Ennismore Gardens, S.W. 
4, Boulevard des Italiens, Paris. 

tHallifax, A. P., Esq., and Mrs. . 

Hamilton, A. H. Kelso, Esq. 

Hamilton, Henry, Esq. 

Hamilton, G. de Courcy, Esq. 

Hannay, Mrs. . 
*Hannay, J. Lennox, Esq. 

Hannay, J. P. K., Esq. . 

Hare, Fred, Esq. 
♦Harris, Augustus, Esq. . 
*Harris, Miss C. 

Harris, T., Esq. 

Hawker, W. H., Esq. . 
♦Hawkins's (Admiral Sir John's) Hospital 
♦Hawkins, J. Servington . 

Hawkins, Mrs. C. Stuart 
tHawkins, Rev. B. R. J. . 
♦Hawkins, R. S., Esq. 

Hawkins, J. Staples, Esq. 

Hewett, Colonel H. 

Hal well, Kingsbridge. 

The Retreat, Topsham. 

Fenwick Chambers, 292, High Holborn. 

Pennsylvania Park, Exeter. 

■^■^, Porchester Terrace, W. 

Berry Pomeroy. 

Theatre Royal, Drury Lane. 

7, Leinster Square, W. 

Burleigh, Devonport. 


Hayford Hall, Buckfastleigh. 

Crowfield Parsonage, Needham, Suffolk. 
Wellington, New Zealand. 
St. Fenton's, Baldoyle, Co. Dublin. 
5, Elliot Terrace, Plymouth. 

List of Subscribers. 

Higgins, G. C, Lieutenant R.N. 

Higgins, L., Esq. 

Higgins, C, Esq. 

Hillyar, Sir Charles, Admiral, K.C.I 
tHillyar, Henry, Admiral, C.B. 

Hoare, Mrs. C. Hugh . 

Holland, P., Esq. 

Hopkins, J. O., Rear-Admiral, Comptroller ( 

Hopwood, Surgeon-Major R.A., and Mrs. 

Hornby, Mrs. . . . . 

Horndon, David, Esq. . 
tHouldsworth, Arthur, Esq. 

Hurrell, J., Esq. 

Castle Close, Bedford. 

I02, Eaton Place, S.W. 
South Brent, 
the Navy. 

1 8, Gloucester Terrace, W. 
II, Hyde Park Terrace, W. 
Pencrebar, Callington. 
Widdicombe, Kingsbridge. 
Manor House, Kingsbridge. 

Ilbert, W. Roope, Esq. 
Ilbert, A., Esq. 
Irwine, Mrs. . 

Boweringsleigh, Kingsbridge. 

67, Gloucester Place, Portman Square, W. 

Buckland Tout Saints. 

Jackson, Sydney F., Esq. 
Jago, Edward, Esq. 
Jerram, Martyn, Lieutenant R.N. . 
*Jevvers, Arthur F., f.s.a. 
Johnstone, Rev. R. . . , 

Joliffe, Hon. W. Hylton, Lieutenant R.N. 
Jones, Colin H., Lieutenant R.N. . 
Jones-Vaughan, Colonel H. T. . 

United University Club, S.W. 


Moreton Say, Market Drayton. 


Kekewich, Trehawke H., Esq. 
Kelly, Mrs. 

Kelso, B., Commander R.N. 
♦Keltic, J. Scott 
Kemball, C, Esq. 

Inner Temple, Peamore, Exeter. 
3, Windsor Villas. 

Librarian Geographical Society. 
15, Cranley Gardens, S.W. 

Keppell, Hon. Sir H., G.C.B., Admiral of the Fleet. 

Lambe, Rev. G. 
tLaughton, Professor J. K. 

Liddell, Hon. Athole C. J. 

Lidderdale, W., Esq. 

Lidderdale, F. F., Esq., and Mrs. 

Lindesay, Colonel H. R. P. 

Legge, Colonel Hon. Edward 

Llewellyn, Evan, m.p. . 

Lloyd, Captain H. 
*Longman, T. Norton, Esq. 

Lopes, Sir Massey, Bart. 
tLovett, Captain H. 

Highlands, Ivybridge. 

130, Sinclair Road, West Kensington Park, W. 

Winter Villa, Stonehouse. 

23, Cambridge Square, W. 

59, Porchester Terrace, W. 

Donmore, Cornwood. 

Holmwood Lodge, Dorking. 

Langdown, Hythe, Southampton. 

18, Thurloe Square, S.W. 


Somersetshire Light Infantry, Colchester. 

List of Sicbscribers. 


Lovell, Mrs. . 

Lowdell, Edward, Lieutenant, R.N. 

Llanerchydol, Welshpool. 

MacAndrew, J. C, Esq. 
*Macaulay, Dr. J. 
tMcGhee, Miss 

Maire, Mrs. Peter 

Mallock, Richard, Esq., M.P. 

Mansell, Mr. W. A. 

Margary, P. S., Esq. 
*Markham, Clements R., Esq., C.B 

Marlborough, Bishop of, and Mrs- 
*Martin, Mrs. . 

Matthews, G., Lieut. R.M. 

Maurice, Mr. . 

Michell, W. Pryce, Esq. 

Michelmore, Jeffery, Esq. 

Mildmay, H. Bingham, Esq. 

Mildmay, F., Esq., M.P. 

Monro, E. Hale, Esq. . 
tMorgan, Mrs. Delmar . 

Moore-Stevens, R. A., Esq. 

Morley, The Earl of 

Mortlock, Mr. J. 

Mount Edgcumbe, The Earl of 

Myers, A. B. R, Brigade-Surgeon 


Lukesland, Ivybridge. 
Editor of Leisure Hour. 

4, Bayswater Hill, W. 

Cockington Court. 

271, Oxford Street. 

6, Wingfield ViUas, Stoke. 

21, Eccleston Square, S.W. 

1 3, Vicarage Gate, Kensington. 

34, Bedford Street. 
Holwell, Tavistock. 
Bridgetown, Totnes. 
Flete, Ivybridge. 
Flete, Ivybridge. 
Ingsdon, Newton. 
15, Roland Gardens, S.W. 
Speccott, Merton. 
Oxford Street. 
Mount Edgcumbe. 
Foot Guards. 

Napier, Macvey, Lieutenant R.N. 

Orpen, Rev. E. Chatterton 
Owen, Mrs. Conrad 


40, Warwick Road, S.W. 

Page, Mr. James H. 
Page, Thomas, Esq. 

Parker, George, Rear-Admiral, and Mrs, 
Parker, John, Commander R.N. . 
Parsons, Major Charles, R.A. 
Pearce, Mr. S. 
Pethick, J., Esq. 

Phillpotts, A., Commander R.N. . 
Pitts, N., Esq. 
Pitts, Thomas, Esq. 
Ponsford, Captain H. 
Ponsford, W., Esq. 
Pooley, Rev. J. G. 
tPowning, Rev. J. 
Prance, W. H., Esq. 

George Street, Plymouth. 

12, Brookside, Cambridge. 

Delamore, Ivybridge. 

Ware Park, Herts. 


Royal Hotel, Plymouth. 

Norley House, Plymouth. 

Bronwylfa, Exmouth. 

Wympston, Modbury. 

Hoe Place House, Plymouth. 

Newland House, Svvimbridge. 

Essex House, Brondesbury. 

Stonham, Aspal. 

Dart View, Totnes. 

12, The Crescent, Plymouth. 

1 88 

List of Subscribers. 

Radcliffe, Walter, Esq. . 

Radcliffe, Mrs. 

Radcliffe, John A., Esq. 

Radcliffe, Rev. Raymond 

Reiss, Mrs. 

Revelstoke, Lord 
*Robinson, Charles N., Commander R.N. 

Rogers, Miss Katharine 

Rogers, H. Montague, Esq. 

Romanes, Captain R. J. 
*Rosebery, The Countess of 



39, Cambridge Terrace, W. 

Eton College. 

Jodrell Hall, Cheshire. 


Army and Navy Gazette, London. 

Moor Cross, Cornwood. 


King's Own Scottish Borderers. 

38, Berkeley Square, W. 

♦Sailors' Rest . 

St. Aubyn, Rev. William 
*St. Aubyn, Rev. Edmund 

St. Clair, A. F., Commander R.N. 

St. Germans, The Earl of 

Salmon, Mrs. . 

Scott, Mrs. 
*Seale, Sir Henry, Bart. . 

Seale-Hayne, C, Esq., M.P. 

Sherard, Hon. Mrs. 

Short, P., Esq. 
tShortland, P. P., Vice-Admiral 

Simpson, C, Esq. 
*Soltau, John T., Esq. . 

Soltau-Symons, G., Esq. 

Sommers, Mrs. 

Sommers, E. B., Esq. . 
♦South Devon and Cornwall Hospital 

Southey, Mrs. . 

Square, W. J., Esq. 

Square, W., Esq., F.R.G.S. 
*Stacey, Mrs. . 

Steer, Rev. H. Hornby . 

Stevens, Robert, Esq. . 

Stewart, Mrs. . 

Stirling, J. Wilfred, Captain R.A. 

Symonds, SirThomas,G.C.B.,Admiralof the Pleet 

Stoke Damerel. 
Stoke Pleming. 

Port Eliot. 

Borringdon Terrace, Plympton. 

38, Green Street, W. 

Norton, Dartmouth. 

3, Eaton Square, S.W. 

Gurrington, Ashburton. 

Bickham, Alphington. 

6, Hoe Villas, Plymouth. 

Chilworth Court, Romsey. 

Little Efford. 

Chaddlewood, Plympton. 

Mendip Lodge, Langford, R.S.O., Somerset 

Clandon, Guildford. 

Eastleigh Court, Warminster. 



33, Mount Sion, Tunbridge Wells. 

St. Stephen's, Plympton. 

Mendip Lodge, Langford, Somerset. 


Sunny Hill, Torquay. 

Tanner, P., Esq. 

Tanner, C. P., Esq. 

Tayleur, John, Esq. 

Taylor, Colonel A. 

Toll, H. L., Esq. 

Toms, Major H. 

Trafalgar, Viscount 

Trelawny, Sir William L. S., Bart 

Hawson, Buckfastleigh. 
Stowford, Ivybridge. 
Buntingsdale, Market Drayton. 
The Rosary, Ashburton. 
Cole Park, Wilts. 
Trelawne, Cornwall. 

List of Subscribers. 

Trelawny, General Jago 
Trood, Colonel R. 
Turner, General H. Blois 
Turner, Henry B. H., Esq. 
Turner, Miss Emily 
Turner, A. P., Lieutenant R.N. 
Twysden, S., Commander R.N. 

Vyvyan, Sir Vyell, Bart. 


Matford, Exeter. 

131, Harley Street, W. 

4, Calverley Terrace, Tunbridge Wells. 

Coombe Royal. 

Trewan, St. Columb. 

Wade, Mr. W. C. 
Waldy, W. T., Esq. 
Waldy, Miss G. 
*Walford, Miss Emma . 
Waring, H., Esq. (Mayor of Plymouth) 

* Warner, Rev. H. G. 
Watt, R. W., Lieutenant R.N. 
Wells, Major H. L., r.e. 
West, Mrs. Thornton . 

tWeymouth, T. Wyse, Esq. 

J. Whidborne, Esq. 
tWhite, Arthur, Esq. 
*Whitmarsh, Mr. J. 

Whipple, Dr. Connell . 

Williams, John, Esq. 

Wills, Mr. T. G. 

Wippell, P. H. Pridham, Esq. 

Wood, C. R., Commander R.N. 

Woodley, James, Esq. . 

* Worth, R. N., F.G.S. 
Wrey, R. B. S., Lieutenant R.N. 

♦Wright, Mr. W. H. K. . 
*Wymper, E., Esq. 
Wyndham, Mrs. E. 

S, Portland Square, Plymouth. 
9, Ashburn Place, S.W. 

9, Ashburn Place, S.W. 

Osborne House. 

Teheran, Persia. 

Streatham Hall, Exeter. 

Woolston, Kingsbridge. 

Gorway, Teignmouth. 

Wrangaton Manor, Ivybridge. 

Librarian, Plymouth Proprietary Library. 

St. Andrew's Lodge, Plymouth. 


St. Mildred's, Compton Gifibrd, Plymouth. 

Goldsmith, Building Temple, E.C. 

Halshanger, Ashburton. 
4, Seaton Avenue, Mutley. 

Librarian, Free Library, Plymouth. 

St. Martin's House, 29, Ludgate Hill, E.C. 

10, Hyde Park Street, W. 

Yonge, James, Esq. 




3 1197 21318 5157 

Date Due 

All library items arc subject to recall at any time. 

AUG 1 1 201 


Brighara Young University