The political campaigns of Colorado : with complete tabulated statements of the official vote

University of California • Berkeley

CORRECTIONS.

Page 40— ninth line— for " Mr. Teller," read "Mr.
Chaffee."

Page 159 Carlile's vote for State Treasurer
should be 43,494.

Page 200- twelfth line— Waited plurality should
be 5436.

Page 280 — sixteenth line— Mclntlre's plurality
should be 17,613.

THE

Political Campaigns

OF COLORADO,

WITH COMPLETE TABULATED STATEMENTS OF
THE OFFICIAL VOTE.

BY R. G. DILX.

THE ARAPAHOE PUBLISHING CO., PUBLISHERS,

1623 CURTIS ST., DENVER.

DENVER :

JOHN DOVE, BOOK AND JOB PRINTER.
1895.

Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year A. D. l
in the office of the Librarian of Congress, Washington, D. C.
By R. (T. DILL, Denver, Colorado.

PS

PREFACE.

IT has been the intention, in compiling this lit-
tle work, while keeping1 as closel}' as possible
to the occurrences having1 an influence upon the
state campaigns, in their chronological order, to
omit all details and incidents which, while inter-
esting in themselves, were not so closely con-
nected with final results as to render them neces-
snry to a proper understanding of the work. It
will possibl}' be suggested to the reader that
while the details of the Democratic conventions
have been slighted, an undue prominence has
been given to Arapahoe county. This is in strict
accordance with the object of the work and the
method of construction adopted. As a rule the
only acts of Democratic conventions which have
had an influence upon the results of a campaign
have been their nominations. Being the minori-
ty party, no internal arrangement, party rule or
policy, or method of party government, could or-
dinarily affect the general result. Political his-
tory is made \yy the dominant party. But when
the acts of the Democratic, or of -any other party
have affected the campaign, they have been given
clue prominence, with all the necessary attention
to detail. As regards the prominence given to
Arapahoe county, it must be remembered that
Arapahoe necessarily has a preponderating in-

>

fluence on account of its large population. This
is the stor}' of the entire country — the political
influence of large cities is not onl}^ great, but is
constantly growing- in importance. The nomi-
nation of a governor of Colorado may have an
intimate connection with the election or defeat of
a Denver alderman, and whoever desires to trace
all the political influences of the state must of
necessity investigate the internal political condi-
tions of a community containing one-third of its
population.

Those who expect to find in this book a vehi-
cle for the dissemination of political scandal
will be disappointed. If facts having an impor-
tant bearing on the issues of the political cam-
paigns of Colorado arc' scandalous the facts are
given, but there is no attempt to retail the gos-
sip that always follows political careers, and
peddle out the scandals which, if the}' have any
foundation at all, should only be whispered be-
hind closed doors, or, better still, buried in obliv-
ion. This book is only what is represented in its
title a truthful story of the political campaigns
of Colorado, compiled in the main from personal
recollections and private memoranda, supple-
mented by consultations with nearly all the lead-
ing actors in the scenes described. The conclu-
sions may be erroneous; the facts cannot be
denied.

WHILE the political history of Colo-
rado properl}r commences with her ad-
mission to the Union, several circum-
stances connected with her history prior to that
time are necessary to a proper understanding- of
the situation in 1876.

It would serve no good purpose to refer in de-
tail to the causes which led to the revolt against
Grant in 1874. Governor Klbert had been re-
moved, and Mr. Chaffee, representing the best Re-
publican sentiment of the state, was furious, and
was indefatigable in his efforts to secure his re-
instatement. In this he was unsuccessful. In
many respects Grant was exceedingly tenacious
of his opinion, and refused to reappoint Klbert.
Hon. J. D. Ward, of Denver, then a member of
Congress from Chicago, a warm friend of Mr.
Chaffee, and an earnest admirer and stanch po-
litical adherent of Piesident Grant, with a num-
ber of other well known public men, acted as
mediators and effected a compromise. John L.
Routt, then an assistant postmaster general, was
suggested for governor. Chaffee was not spe-
cially intimate with Routt, but he was indifferent
as to who should be the appointee, so that Gov-
ernor McCook was removed, and therefore Routt
was appointed. The main cause of the quarrel
was the appointment of the territorial officers
from the ranks of broken down political hacks
from the eastern states. The people of Colorado,

6 RETROSPECTIVE

without regard to party affiliations, felt that east-
ern senators having political debts to pay were
using- Colorado as a hospital for crippled and
superannuated henchmen, and naturally resent-
ed the filling of federal offices with men to whom
the}^ applied the term " carpet-baggers," when
there was superior material at home — men who
had been identified with the territory from its
earliest days, and were never found wanting when
the interests of Colorado were at stake. The re-
sult of this feeling was the election of Hon T. M.
Patterson as delegate to Congress in 1874, an elec-
tion which taught the Washington authorities a
much needed lesson, and resulted in the appoint-
ment of Governor Rontt, but which, as a political
experiment, was fraught with serious possibili-
ties to the Republican part}' when the state was
admitted.

It was by no means clear that the Republicans
could carr}r Colorado in 187(3. Governor Routt,
as shown above, had been appointed as a com-
promise, but still he was a "carpet-bagger," and
there were very man}- who still resented "carpet-
bag" domination, and declined to consider the
circumstances of his appointment. But the
movement for statehood had taken possession of
all classes, and under the stimulus of this move-
ment it was resolved to so far as possible make
an effort to heal existing differences in the Re-
publican party, with a view to the possibilities
of Republican success in the first state election.

Mr. Patterson labored earnestly for the pass-
age of the enabling act, promising" his party as-

RETROSPECTIVE 7

sociates » new Democratic state, in making* which
promise he was full}7 warranted b\r the apparent
situation. Mr. Chaffee took the higher ground
with the Republican side of the House that Colo-
rado should be admitted because she was clearly
entitled to the honors of statehood. Mr. Chaffee,
vhen a delegate, had made many warm friend-
ships among his colleagues, and received valua-
ble aid now, one of his principal assistants being
Hon. J. D. Ward, to whom, as much as to any one
man outside of Messrs. Chaffee and Patterson, is
due the admission of Colorado in 1876. Of course,
when success had crowned their labors, hosts of
claimants to the honor of having secured the ad-
mission of Colorado sprang to the front in the
hope of substantial reward. But the truth is, that
to the three gentlemen named, is, in the main
due the admission of the state at that time.. Pres-
ident Grant was not readil}T impressed with the
wisdom of the movement, and besides he was
still smarting under the sting of the opposition
to the administration shown by the election of
Mr. Patterson in 1874, but his objections were
finally overruled, and the act was passed. Mr.
Patterson was for a long time subjected to the
unkind criticisms of his political friends for his
lack of political judgment in urging the passage
of the enabling act by a Democratic House.

The passage of the enabling act made the
election for members of the Eleventh Territorial
Assembly one of more than ordinary importance,
and both sides put forth earnest efforts to secure
a majority. The result was a Republican victory*

8 CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION

but by so narrow a margin that it miglit easily
have been turned into defeat. The election was
held on September 14, 1875, and resulted in the
election of a Democratic Council, as the upper
house was called, with one majorit}', and a Re-
publican majorit}' of four in the House of Rep-
resentatives. The vote was close all over the
territory, and indicated very clearly that there
\vas a fighting chance for either part}' in the
coming* contest for supremacy' in the new state.
In illustration: In Arapahoe county the average
vote was 3609; for member of the council Baxter
B. Stiles, Republican, received 1882 votes, while
Bela M. Hughes, Democrat, received 1905. The
vote for county clerk was still closer, Wilbur C.
Lothrop receiving 1815 to 1808 for Charles D. Cobb.

By proclamation of the governor the 25th day
of October was fixed for the election of members
of the constitutional convention, and the 20th
day of December for the meeting of the conven-
tion. The effect of the Republican victor}r in
September, narrow as it was, was to inspire the
Republicans, who secured a good working ma-
jorit}" of the convention, the vote on organization
standing 25 Republicans to 12 Democrats. The
average vote in Arapahoe count}- was somewhat
smaller than in September -only about 2500.

But little interest was taken in the proceedings
of the convention except in so far as the}r affect-
ed the struggle for state officers. When the Ter-
ritorial Assembly met, however, on January 3
IS 70, the Republicans were confronted by a new
and unlocked for clanger. Ry law the two houses

LAST TERRITORIAL ASSEMBLY 9

were to be called to order at noon of the first
Monda}' of January. Karl}- Mondaj- morning it
was whispered about that the Democrats had se-
cured three men who had been regarded as Re-
publicans— I. N. Peyton of Saguache, R. J. McNutt
of Rio Grande, and T. M. Trippe of San Juan. In-
vestigation proved the truth of the rumor in so
far — that the gentlemen named had declined to
attend the Republican caucus at the office of
W. B. Mills, on Larimer street, near the corner of
lOth. The Democratic caucus was held at the
American House, and inquiries at that place dis-
closed the fact that while the hold-outs had not
attended the Democratic caucus, a committee
was out in conference with them. It was felt that
the control of both houses b}^ the Democrats
would be a serious menace to Republican su-
premacy, and a committee of prominent Repub-
licans was requested to ascertain the causes, and
the probable remedy for the threatened defection.
To this committee, of which N. H. Meldrum and
Amos Steck were members, Mr. Peyton admitted
the scheme, which was to secure certain posi-
tions for himself and his friends. He demanded
the nomination for speaker, agreeing to with-
draw in favor of the caucus nominee, the elec-
tion of his brother as clerk, and several appoint-
ments and committee chairmanships. The mat-
ter was finall}^ settled by Hon. Jerome B. Chaffee,
and the combine secured practically all ihey de-
manded, a compromise being effected whereb}^
Peyton's brother was appointed assistant clerk
of the house, and at the appointed time the leg-

10 CONSTITUTION ADOPTED

islature was organized, with Adair Wilson Presi-
dent and James T. Smith Secretary of the Senate,
Alfred Butters Speaker and Joseph T. Bo}~d, of
Golden, Clerk of the House.

The proceedings of the legislature during- the
remainder of the session were devoid of special
interest, save in regard to a resolution introduced
b}r Mr. Pisko, of Arapahoe, dispensing with the
services of a chaplain, which, being adopted,
caused considerable discussion among the vari-
ous religious societies, and gave rise to the sobri-
quet of " The Pray erlesa House."

On March 16 the constitutional convention ad-
journed, having completed the work for which it
was called together, and submitted the instru-
ment to the people at an election to be held on
Julyl. The election, so far as Denver was con-
cerned, and, in fact, at nearly ever}' polling place
in the territory, was a mere formality. The act
provided that no registration should be required,
and that his presence at the poll should be the
sole qualification of the voter. With such regu-
lations it is not surprising that Denver, which
polled fewer than 4000 votes at the preceding
count}' election, and fewer than 2,100 at the elec-
tion for members of the constitutional conven-
tion, rolled up a vote of 5200 for and none against
the constitution, out of a population of about
17,000. The state gave 15,413 for, and 4039 against
the instrument.

From the moment of the ratification of the
fundamental law, aspirants for honors under the
new state government commenced maneuvering

GUBERNATORIAL CANDIDATES 11

for the advantage of position. Naturally the
chief struggle was for the gubernatorial chair.
Governor Routt, ex-Governor Klbert, Hon. George
M. Chilcott, of Pueblo, and Hon. Lafayette Head,
of Conejos, were the principal candidates for the
nomination.

There is little doubt now that Governor Klbert
was the favorite, both with the people and with
the Republican leaders. He had been removed
from office by President Grant, against the re-
monstrances of a majority of the people, which
removal was one of the causes of the revolt of
1871; he was a gentleman of fine abilities, a good
lawyer, and possessed of all of the higher quali-
fications demanded in the nominee for so high
an office. His candidacy was not in the nature
of mere self-seeking; it was dignified and honor-
able, and met with the approval of the best men
of the party, notably of Hon. Jerome B. Chaffee,
and the strong political following of \vhich he
was the acknowledged chief. Klbert was willing
but not over anxious for the honor. It was an
open secret that his father-in-law, ex-Governor
Kvans, would be gratified if he should be chosen
as one of the senators, and for that reason Gov-
ernor Klbert was ready to stand aside at an}7 time
should party harmony demand his withdrawal.

Governor Routt based his claims on the fact
that he had been governor of the territory for a
little over a year, and the allegations that he had
been one of the principal factors in the admis-
sion of Colorado, and had been chiefly instru-
mental in the healing up of the breach between

1 2 KEPU B LIC A X COX VEX Tl OX

the factions. Whatever of merit there may have
been in these claims was not allowed to suffer by
neglect, nor to lose weight in their application to
Routt's candidacy. The fact that he was a " car-
pet-bag- " appointee was against him, but he pos-
sessed an energetic persistence that was at that
time a comparatively unknown quantit}- in Colo-
rado politics. His peculiar claims were scarcely
considered at first, but they were well stuck to,
while other important interests were not neglect-
ed, and before the preliminary caucussing was
over he had convinced the delegates that though
a " carpet-bagger," he had come to Colorado to

George M. Chilcott was the second choice of
the Republican leaders. He was eminently re-
spectable, a man of more than average ability,
and had served as delegate to Congress with
credit to himself and with benefit to his constitu-
ents. But he did not want the nomination for
governor, having- fixed his aspirations upon the
United States Senate.

Mr. Head was popular in the south, and with
the Mexicans, and had a large and enthusiastic
following, but there were vital reasons which
rendered his nomination undesirable.

The Republican state committee met at Mani-
tou on July 21, with Mr. Chaffee in the chair, and
called the convention to meet at Pueblo on Au-
gust 23.

The delegates met at Pueblo with no definite
idea upon an}- of the offices, except for governor,
and upon this office there seemed to be no possi-

ROUTT NOMINATED FOR GOVERNOR 13

bility of harmon}7. It was only the good sense
of the delegates that prevented serious dissen-
sion and possible defeat. The convention met in
the morning and organized \)y the selection of
John H. Cleghorn as temporary, and Alvin Marsh
of Gilpin as permanent chairman. Two ballots for
governor were taken without result, when an ad-
journment was had until afternoon. Upon reas-
sembling in the afternoon two more ballots were
taken, still without result, \vhen an adjournment
was had until evening". During the intermission
Routt was indefatigable in pressing his claims,
both upon the delegates and upon his rivals.
Elbert was his principal antagonist, but a num-
ber of Elbert's friends and supporters were anx-
ious that he should accept the nomination for
one of the justices of the supreme court, and
aided by this sentiment Routt's persistent energy
won the day, and mainly through his own efforts
he succeeded in securing the nomination. Ear-
nest efforts had been made during the day to
force a nomination, but the convention resolutely
crushed ever}7 move in that direction, determined
that a spirit of harmony should be evoked before
the making of an}7 nominations. The four bal-
lots taken were as follows:

1st

2d

3d

4th

Head, 58

64

40

34

Elbert, 51

62

53

40

Routt, 32

1

24

29

Chilcott, 4

18

23

20

The personal appeals of Routt, the dignified
position of Elbert, and the indifference, at least,

14 DEMOCRATS NOMINATE

of Chilcott, were productive of harmony. Klbert
and Chilcott withdrew in favor of Routt, arid
Head was placated with the second place on the
ticket. When the convention assembled in the
evening it was evident that the gubernatorial
contest had been eliminated from the proceed-
ings of the convention. Routt and Head were
nominated by acclamation, Belforcl was unani-
mously chosen as the candidate for congress.
\V. M. Clark for secretary of state, and the other
places on the ticket were filled with but little
friction. The campaign was inaugurated, the
part}' was united, and a vigorous canvass was
decided upon.

On August 29 the Democrats met at Maniton
and nominated Bel a >I. Hughes for governor,
Michael Beshoar for lieutenant-governor, James
T. Smith for secretary of state, and T. M. Patter-
son for congress.

'Shortly before the election, which had been
fixed by the. constitution for October 3, the first
Tuesday in the month, it was discovered that
provision had been made for the election of a
congressman for one term only. A portion of
the 44th and all of the 45th congress were to be
provided for. A discussion arose regarding the
matter, and it was contended by some of the Re-
publican leaders that both terms could be pro-
vided for at one election under the terms of the
enabling act. This was disputed 1)}' others, and
legal opinions were given sustaining both sides
of the controversy. It was finalh^ decided that
the Republican ticket should be printed with the

CAMPAIGN INCIDENTS 15

name of Mr. Belford ns the candidate for both
the 44th and 45th congresses. Territorial Secre-
tary Taffe, however, took a different view of the
matter, and issued a call for an election for mem-
ber of the 45th congress on November 7. But lit-
tle attention was paid to this, and the campaign
\vas vigorously pressed.

Patterson and Belford took the stump and tor-
rents of eloquence echoed and re-echoed from the
cliffs and canons of the continental divide. Gov-
ernor Routt made a few speeches, in one of
which he referred to the facility with which he
could crawl through the lower rails while his op-
ponent was getting* over the fence, a remark
which caused him to be mercilessly cartooned
by the Mirror, a bright Sunday paper then pub-
lished in Denver by Stanley Fowler, and of which
John Arkins was foreman.

When the election was over it was claimed by
both parties. Nearly a week elapsed before a
sufficient number of returns had been received
to afford a basis for an intelligent estimate. The
exact figures could not be ascertained for some
time, as the count in L/as Animas county was de-
layed for several days. There is no doubt that
the Democratic managers really believed that
the}7 had carried the state, though before the re-
turns from Las Animas county were received it
was figured by the Republicans that the}' had
carried the state by from 500 to 2000 majority, an
estimate that was fully justified by the official
returns. Mr. Beshoar, Democratic candidate for
lieutenant-governor, and manager of his party's

16 REPUBLICANS vSUCC

interests in Las Aniinas couiit3", kept the wires.
warm with telegrams to chairman Butler, all of
which were faithfull;v delivered to chairman Wil-
son, of the Republican committee, through a con-
venient leak in the wire, and much amusement,
and not a little virtuous Republican indignation
was created by an alleged telegram to Mr. Butler
asking what majority was needed from Las Ani-
mas, and signed " M. Beshoar," the authenticit}'
of which was always denied by the alleged
signer.

Pending the receipt of the Las Animas returns,
and after it was a moral certainty that no figures
that were likely to be received from that count}-
could affect the result, the state was still claimed
by the Democracy, and telegrams were sent to
"Doc/' Miller, of the Omaha Herald, to 59 Libert}"
street, New York City, the private office of Mr.
Tilclen, and to the chairman of the Democratic
state central committee of Indiana, that state be-
ing regarded as one of the pivotal states, claim-
ing Colorado for the Democracy.

The official figures from Las Animas count}'
were not received until just before the meeting
of the board for the canvass of the vote for mem-
ber of congress, on October 28, which was held
in the g-overnor's office in the Tappan building4,
at the corner of 15th and Holladay streets. When
the returns were opened it was found that Las
Animas had given a majority of 602 against
Routt. The returns were in such a condition that
the propriety of considering* them vas seriously
questioned, The footings were in several in-

AX IMPORTANT QUESTION. 17

stances wrong-, were carried out on the wrong-
lines, and the entire document was such a mass
of contradictions that a special clerical force was
found necessary for the elucidation of its iii3rste-
ries. The room was filled with interested parties,
including1 representatives of each of the city pa-
pers, and the document was passed around for
inspection. It was the opinion of every one pres-
ent that the board was justified in its doubts re-
garding- the propriety of accepting the returns.
But even with so heavy a Democratic majority
the result was not changed, and the vote of Las
Animas was counted, the complete canvass show-
ing1 that Mr. Belford had received 510 majority for
the Mth, and 1020 majority for the 45th congress.

Immediately after the election the necessit}^
for an election in November for member of the
45th congress again became the subject of dis-
cussion. Secretar}r Taffe insisted that it was nec-
essar}^. Governor Routt and Mr. Chaffee were
equall3r positive that it was not. Mr. Hamill saw
the danger of allowing the election to go by de-
fault with a Democratic house of representatives
as the court of final resort, and sided with Mr.
Taffe. There was no doubt felt that the Republi-
cans could carr}" the election, but there was a
doubt in the minds of verj' mari3r of the party
leaders whether there was an}7 leg*al necessit}' for
having' an election.

During the discussion upon the question it
was charged by the Republicans that an agree-
ment had been entered into bet \veen the leaders
of the two parties that one election should settle

18 AX ALLEGED AGREEMENT

the representation in both the 44th and 4oth con-
gresses. This was always strenuous^ denied by
Mr. Patterson and Mr. Butler, though the charge
took the color of truth from the fact that the
Democratic tickets, like those of their opponents,
were printed with Mr. Patterson's name as the
candidate for each congress. Mr. Patterson, how-
ever, always denied that this was done with his
consent, alleging that being in the field, looking
after the interests of his canvass, he knew noth-
ing about the arrangements made by his com.
mittee for pi inting the tickets until after the}^ had
been made; that he had alwa}Ts contended that
the November election was necessary; that he
protested against the printing of the tickets in
that manner, and that where he had an opportu-
nit}r, which was in half a dozen of the mountain
counties, he had caused his name as a candidate
for the 45th congress to be omitted from the tick-
et. Mr. C. S. Thomas, who had charge of the
preparation and printing of the Democratic tick-
ets, alleged that he had them printed in that form
for the reason that he knew that the Republicans
were of the opinion that one election was all that
was necessary, and as he fully believed that Mr.
Patterson would be elected, he thought that the
Republicans would give up the contest, and that
the necessit}^ for the November election would
be obviated by the giving of both certificates to
the Democratic candidate.

On the other side, Chairman Wilson, of the Re-
publican committee, furnished important evi-
dence against the assertion that an agreement

"TOM PATTERSON'S ELECTION" 19

between the two parties had been entered into, by
the publication, a few days after the election, of
a congratulate^ address to the Republicans of
the state, in which he cautioned them that anoth-
er contest was to be had, and urged them to see
that the full part}' strength was polled at the
election called for November 7. The weight of
the testimony therefore, is in favor of Mr. Patter-
son's position, that no agreement was made, and
that no agreement that might have been made
would have been binding* against the plain pro-
visions of the act of congress providing for the
election of members of congress. In the exam-
ination upon Mr. Patterson's contest Mr. Chaffee
gave the strongest testimony that was brought
forward in support of the allegation that an
agreement had been made, and that was that in a
conversation with him Mr. Patterson had stated
that if he was beaten in October he would go to
work. The fact is that the Republicans made a
serious mistake, and the assertion of some extra
legal agreement was a poor excuse for an inex-
cusable political error.

The advertisement calling the election had
been running nearl}^ a month when Mr. Taffe final-
ly 3Tielcled to the arguments of the Republican
leaders, and withdrew it on October 14, on which
date Mr. Wilson issued another circular, advising
Republican voters to pa}- no attention to Mr. Pat-
terson's election.

Mr. Patterson, however, insisted that the polls
should be opened in accordance with the call of
the territorial secretary, which had been obeyed

20 SENATORIAL

1>3^ the sheriffs of the several counties, and the
vote taken, and while Republicans laughed or
sneered, went on serenely with his preparations
for what was facetiously termed "Tom Patter-
son's election." The affair was treated as a joke,
and on the day of election very few Republicans
offered their ballots. When the regular^ ap-
pointed judges of election were not present, their
places were filled from among the b3Tstanclers,
and the election proceeded with all due observ-
ance of the forms of law. The returns were
properly forwarded to the state canvassing board,
but were not received. He laughs best who
laughs last, and Mr. Patterson proved the truth
of the proverb.

During the campaign a quartette composed
of Porter Warner, Charles Y. McClure, W. W.
Knight and C. W. Sanborn, created considerable
amusement by singing a song entitled " Tommy
don't go," but Tommy did go.

The legislature met on November 6, and one of
its first duties was the canvass of the vote for
state officers, the result showing that Routt had
received a majority of 838, J. C. Shattuck, for su-
perintendent of public instruction leading the
ticket with a majority of 1831.

When the time came for the election of sena-
tors several candidates were in the field, includ-
ing ex-Governor Evans, Jerome B. Chaffee, Henry
M. Teller, Moses Hallett, W. S. Jackson, George
M. Chilcott and Wm. H. Van Giesen. Hon. S. H.
Klbert, though he had been elected a member of
the supreme bench, was also favorably consider-

SENATORIAL 21

ed. The claims of Mr. Chaffee were universally
conceded. His position as the most prominent
Republican in the state was be3Tond question,
and his labors for the admission of the state and
for the success of the Republican party fairly en-
titled him to the honor. He vas possessed of
large means for that time, and had not been spar-
ing- of his contributions to the expenses of the
campaign. The Rio Grande railroad, in 1876, end-
ed at Pueblo, with a branch to Canon City; the
Colorado Central had its terminus at Central City.
This was the extent of our mountain railroad
system. Everything- was at the highest notch,
and the necessary contributions for the legiti-
mate expenses of the campaign, if the candidates
alone had been depended upon, would have ab-
sorbed a great part of the salary roll for the two
years' term. The candidates were all compara-
tively poor men, and their assessments \vere
merely nominal. Mr. Chaffee assumed the bulk
of the expense, and was liberally seconded by
Hon. Wm. A. Hamill, and to these two men was
in great measure due the success of the Repub-
lican party. The members of the assembly knew
this, and there was no question of the election of
Mr. Chaffee. As to his colleague, it was solely a
matter of availability. Either of the candidates
would have been acceptable to the people, but
which would most contribute to the necessary
party harmony?

Mr. Teller's special fitness for the senate was
conceded, but there was considerable feeling
against him among the members of the assem-

22 CHAFFEE AND TELLER ELECTED

bly, growing out of certain political matters in
the old territorial days, together with some re-
sentment because he had not taken a more active
part in the canvass. His ejection, therefore, was
a matter of some doubt. Mr. Hamill had, b}'
force of natural ability, attained the leadership
of the upper house, of which he was a member.
He had been a trusted lieutenamt of Mr. Chaffee
during the campaign, knew that the bitterness
engendered by the campaign of 1874, in which
Teller and Chaffee had taken opposite sides,
must be softened down to insure future success,
and therefore addressed himself to the task of
healing the breach between the friends of the
two leaders, and securing the election of Mr. Tel-
ler. Mr. Hamill was vigorousljr opposed at first,
but was finally successful.

The legislature stood 19 Republicans and 7
Democrats in the senate and 31 Republicans and
18 Democrats in the house. The Republican cau~
cus was held on November 14. Mr. Chaffee was
nominated without opposition. On the informal
ballot for his colleague, Mr. Teller received 6
votes. On the first formal ballot Teller received
16 votes, on the second 16, on the third 18, on the
fourth 13, on the fifth 15, and on the sixth 16. The
caucus then adjourned to the following day. On
the 15th Teller received 23 votes on the first bal-
lot. At this juncture W. A. Hamill and A. C.
Phelps, who had been voting for Judge Hallett-
changed to Teller. Immediately afterward \V.
H. Green of Hinsdale changed his vote to Teller,
followed by W. H. Meyer of Costilla and Isaac

PATTERSON'vS CONTEST 23

Gotthelf of Sag"uache. This was a majority of
the caucus, and Teller was declared the nominee
of the Republican party. Messrs. Chaffee and
Teller received the full Republican vote, the
Democrats voting- for Thomas Macon and W. A.
H. Loveland.

The short term expired on March 4, 1877; the
long- term on March 4, 1879. When lots were
drawn Mr. Teller drew the short term, and on De-
cember 12 was elected for the full term of six
years, commencing- March 4, 1877. Mr. Teller's
career, in the senate and in the cabinet, has fully
justified the confidence then felt in his ability,
notwithstanding- the political objections to his
election which then existed.

While these events were transpiring- Mr. Pat-
terson was industriously laboring to turn his de-
feat into victor}^ He did not then occupy hand-
some rooms in one of our business palaces. He
had achieved distinction at the bar, but his quar-
ters were in dusty, illy-ventilated rooms in the
Tappan building. Here, after both certificates of
election had been given to Mr. Belford, he was at
work on his contest, the testimony being- taken
before United States Commissioner Robert H.
Buck. Notice of contest had been served upon
Judge Belford, but to the average Republican it
seemed a farce. Patterson knew better. He has
always obtained the credit of being a consum-
mate actor, but his ability is far from farcical.
He knew his grounds from the start, and the
event justified his course.

When the case came [up in congress the re-

2± MK>. PATTERSON SEATED.

suit was a matter of very serious doubt. Mr. Chaf-
fee conducted a vigorous fight for Belford, and
at one time it seemed as if he might win the con-
test. The committee was divided on the merits
of the case, regardless of the partisan phases of
the question. Three reports were submitted to
the house — a majority report favoring the seating
of Patterson, a minority report in favor of Bel-
ford, and a third declaring neither of the contest-
ants elected, and referring the matter back to the
people of Colorado. The minority report was
defeated b3' but one majority. The majority re-
port was adopted bj~ several majority, and Pat-
terson was seated.

The action of Mr. Patterson and the Demo-
cratic house of representatives was fiercely de-
nounced. It was persistently alleged that there
was an agreement — that if there was not a valid
agreement there was a tacit, mutual understand-
ing, which was ruthlessly violated, and that the
occupancy of the seat to which Mr. Belford was
elected in October was a steal, and with this
opinion most Republicans who' participated in
that election will agree tocla\r. But at this dis
tance, apart from the heat and smoke of actual
conflict, while it must be acknowledged that it
was a good enough steal for partisan purposes,
it is as well to admit the truth. Mr. Patterson's
position was legally and technicalty correct,
while the weight of testimony is against the
probability of there being any agreement. Mr.
Patterson knew that the Republicans had decided
to rest their case upon the October election, for

BELFORI) SEATED IN THE 44TH CONGRESS 25

both congresses, but did not admit that he should
do so, when under his reading- of the law the No-
vember election was a legal requirement. Kvery
Republican in the state knew that the election
had been called by the proper authorit3r and that
it was to be held, and Mr. Patterson declined to
be held responsible for the neglect of his politi-
cal enemies.

The sting" of Patterson's success was intensi-
fied by the fact that the result could have been
easily prevented had the Republicans taken into
consideration the usual practice of political
bodies in such cases. In Clear Creek county alone
did the Republicans, under the leadership of Mr.
Hamill, pay any general attention to "Tom Pat-
terson's election," and there Patterson was be-
hind in the returns.

It was alleged at the time that Mr. Patterson
had contested the seat in the 44th congress. No
particle of evidence sustains the accusation.
The opposition to the seating of Mr. Belford
arose from the Democratic policy of refusing to
recognize Colorado as a state on account of its ef-
fect upon the presidential election. Mr. Belford's
recognition carried with it the recognition of the
presidential electors. The rejection of the elec-
toral vote of Colorado necessarily carried with it
the rejection of her member of congress. After
the election Mr. Randall, then speaker, wrote to
Mr. Patterson that he would be recognized as
the delegate from Colorado, to which the repl}r
was made that Colorado was a state, and Mr. Bel-
ford had been elected to the 44th congress. There

^6 THE CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION

was a dense atmosphere of trickery, falsehood
and treacher}^ surrounding- the political contests
of 1676, and when possible the blame should rest
where it belongs. From start to finish Mr. Pat-
terson labored earnestly for the admission of the
state, even when its admission involved the loss
of a Democratic president. Mr. Belforcl was
finally admitted to his seat in the 44th congress
during the last days of the session.

CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION.

President — Joseph C. Wilson
Secretary— W. W. Coulson.

H. P. H. Bromwell, Wm. R. Kennedy,

Casimero Barela, Alvin Marsh,

George Boyles, Wm. H. Meyer,

Wm. E. Beck, S. J. Plumb,

Byron L. Carr, George E. Pease,

Wm. H. ("ashman, Robert A. Quillian,

Wm. M. Clark, L. C. Rockwell,

A. D. Cooper, Wilbur F. Stone,

Henry R. Crosby, Wm. C. Stover,

Robert Douglas, Henry C. Thatcher.

Lewis C. Ellsworth, Agapito Vigil,

Clarence P. Elder, W. W. Webster,

F. J Ebert, George G. White,

W. B. Felton, E, T. Wells,

Jesus M. Garcia, P. P. Wilcox,

Daniel Hurd, John S. Wheeler,

John S. Hough, J. W. Widderfield,

Lafayette Head, Abram Knox Yount.
Wm. H. James,

OFFICIAL VOTK, 1876.
PRESIDENTIAL ELECTORS.

The constitution provided that the presidential electors should
be elected by the legislature in 1876. Accordingly on November 3
an act was passed providing for such election on November 7. On
that date Otto Mears, Wm. L. Hadley and Herman Beckurts were
elected, receiving 50 votes to 24 for M. A Otero, J. H. Jones and
Adair Wilson, the Democratic candidates. Otto Mears was chosen
as the messenger to convey the electoral vote to Washington,
CONGRESS.

4tth Congress— J. B. Belford 13,686 T. M. Patterson 13,170

45th " - J. B. Belford 13,916 T. M. Patterson 12,849

STATE OFFICERS.

Governor-John L. Routt 14,154 Bela M. Hughes 12,316

Lt-Gov. —Lafayette Head 14,191 Michael Beshoar .... 13,093

Secy St'e-Wm. M. Clark 11,582 James T. Smith 12,843

Auditor — D. C. Crawford 14,117 Jas. F. Benedict 13,29')

Treas. — Geo. C. Corning 14,038 Thomas M. Field .... 13,310

Atty Gen— A. J.Sampson 13.729 Geo. Q. Richmond. ..13,182

Superintendent of Public Instruction

— J. C. Shattuck 14,304 J. B. Groesbeck 12,473

Regents of the University*

— F. J. Ebert 24,412 Geo. Tritch 26,128

— Wm. H. Van Giesen..,.25,108 Junius Berkley 25,918

— L. W. Dolloff 25,310 C. Valdez 26,093

JUDICIARY.

Judges of the Supreme Court

— E. T. Wells 14,437

— H. C. Thatcher 14,304

— S. H, Elbert 14,153

District Judges

1st Dist. — Wm. E. Beck 4181

21 tk —Victor A. Elliott 3748

3d " — John W. Henry. 4161

4th ' ' —Thomas M . Bowen 2659

District Attorneys

1st Dist. — E. O. Wolcott 4148

2d " —D.B.Graham ,....3791

3d " —Webster Ballinger 3355

4th " — C. W. Burris 2411

Wilbur F. Stone 13,057

E. Wakeley 12,599

Geo. W. Miller 12,959

R. S. Morrison 3632

Henry A. Clough ..... 2820

James E. Martin 3699

A. A. Bradford 1504

Platt Rogers 3643

Sam P. Rose 2901

John M. Waldron 4421

A. T. Gunnell 2057

*Each political party nominated throe candidates and the six
names were pi ace Jon both tickets.

FIRST GENERAL ASSEMBLY.

KEN ATE.

President pro tew.— Wm. W. Webster.

Secretary— Geo. T. Clark.

1st Dist.— Silas B. A. Haynes 9th Dist. -Eugene Gaussoin

. 2d —Norman H. Meldrum 10th "

3d 1% —James P. Maxwell llth "

— F. O. Saunders 12th '4

4th " —Lewis C. Rockwell 13th "

5th " — Wm. W. Webster Uth "

6th " — Wm. A. Hamill 15th "

—Albert Johnson 16th "

7th " — A. H. De France 17th"

8th " —Lewis C. Ellsworth

—Alfred Butters 18th "

—Joseph E. Bates 19th "

—Hiram P. Hennet 20th "

—Edwin C. Randall
—James F. Gardner
— James Moynahan
-J. B. Hall
—James Clclland
-Isaac W. Hill
— Wm. B. Hamilton
— Casimero Barela
—Daniel L. Taylor
-Wm. H. Meyer
—Juan F. Chacon
— Henry Henson

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

Speaker— Webster D. Anthony. Clerk— W. B. Felton.

Arapahoe — Wm. H. Pierce
— W. D. Anthony
— Adolph Schhmer
-Alfred C. Phelps
— John Me Broom
—Geo. C. Griffin
— John C. Mayer

Boulder —Isaac Canfield

—George X. Young
— Daniel Ransom
—A. A. Smith

Clear Creek — T. F. Simmons
— T. Jeff Watts
—George A. Patten
—P. E. Morehouse

Gilpin — A. C. Marshman

— H. Jacob Kruse
—Henry Wr. Lake

Las Animas— Urbano Chacon
-David F. Wilkins
— M. Laragoite

El Paso —Joseph C. Helm
— C. W. Kittredge

Fremont — Chas, R. Seiber
—Richard Irwin

Huerfano —Jose R. Esquibel
—Jose T. Chavez

Jefferson —Geo. Rand

—Martin V. Luther

Pueblo —James N. Carlile
— G. Langford

Weld —David F. Raney

— Abner Leonard
— R. M. McMurray
— Meliton Alberts

Bent

Costilla

Conejos &

Costilla

Conejos

Douglas

Elbert

Grand

Hinsdale

Larimer

La Plata

Lake

Park

— D. Archuleta
-A. M. Vigil
— Geo. A. Lord
—A. D. Wilson
—John H. Stokes
— W. H. Green
— N. C. Alford
— John Moss
— W. J. McDermitli
— Zeba Surles
Rio Grande — Alva Adams
Summit — Geo. W. Wilson
Saguache —Isaac Gotthelf
San Juan — C. H. Mclntire

THE }7ear of our Lord eighteen hun-
1 Q /Q dred and seventy-eight was by no means
hopeful for either party. In 1877 the
Republicans of Arapahoe county, by an unusu-
ally vigorous campaign for an off 3rear, succeed-
ed in consolidating the party in that count}r, and
for the first time in its histor}r, making a clean
sweep, the office of coroner alone being lost, ow-
ing to the indifference of the nominee, J. J. T. Ball,
and the efforts of his competitor. The election
of treasurer was the ke}^ to the situation, and for
that office the Democrats had selected their
strongest man — J. M. Strickler, who was defeated
by John L. Dailey. Elsewhere in the state politi-
cal honors were not unevenl}^ divided, and it was
generally acknowledged that the political status
of Colorado had not been definitely ascertained.

At the general election in 1877, Wilbur F. Stone
was elected justice of the supreme court, to fill
the vacancy created by the resignation of Judge
Wells. Both parties united in his support, it be-
ing at that time thought best to eliminate parti-
sanship from this office if possible. Judge Stone
received 22,047 votes to 295 scattering. At the
same election the question of woman's suffrage
was submitted to the people and rejected by a
vote of 14,053 to 6612.

The Democrats looked forward to the cam-
paign of 1878 with confidence, while, if the Re-
publicans were determined, they were somewhat

30 REPUBLICANS DISCOURAGED

distrustful of their abilit}^ to overcome the odds
against them. The part}' south of the divide had
expected one of the senators to be taken from
that section, and were not only disappointed but
inclined to threaten vengeance. The Democrats
entered into the canvass with their strongest
men — Loveland and Patterson— backed b}r the
Union Pacific and an unlimited barrel. The
Democratic congressional committee regarded
Colorado as a hopeful field and gave efficient aid
to the Democratic campaign, while the Republi-
can congressional committee seemed to agree
with the conclusions of its opponent regarding
Colorado, and being unable to see the result in
this state through the spectacles of hope, was
lukewarm, if not absolute!}* indifferent, contribut-
ing not a cent to the expenses of the campaign.
Mr. Loveland, the sole Democratic aspirant for
gubernatorial honors, was at that time one of the
most prominent men in the state. From a long
and bitter fight with the Union Pacific Railroad
Company he had emerged on top, had consolida-
ted the Colorado Central with that compan3r, had
been chosen a director of the Union Pacific and
\vas regarded as the coming railwa}- magnate of
Colorado. To add to the difficulties of the Re-
publican situation, Senator Chaffee, whose re-
election to the senate was confidently expected,
was deeplj" involved in mining enterprises, and
was in poor health — suffering from the first ap-
proaches of the terrible disease which eight
years later caused his death — and on June 7 the
publication of the following letter announced his

CHAFFEE'vS WITHDRAWAL 31

withdrawal from the harassments inseparable
from active political life.

NEW YORK, May 30, 1878.
Hon IV. H. Pierce, Chairman Republican State Coin

mittee :

SIR: I desire to make known to the Republi-
cans of the state, through }rou, that I cannot be
a candidate for re-election to the United States
Senate. My health will not permit me to take any
active part in the ensuing canvass of the state,
and I have concluded that the time long- sought
for by me for retiring from politics has arrived.
I now gladly avail myself of the opportunity of
making public this decision. I am sensibly im-
pressed with the uniform kindness and generosi-
ty of my friends and party in times past. I have
always been generously sustained by the people
of the territory and state, for which I shall al-
ways be grateful beyond the po ver of words to
express. It is better to leave my record to the
public, but I hope I may be pardoned in saying
that my aim has alwa}^s been for the public good
I beg of my friends to believe that I have not come
to this conclusion hastily. It has long been my
wish to retire from political life, and I would
have done so upon the admission of the state in-
to the Union, except that the political situation
at that time seemed to demand the utmost exer-
tion of all true patriots. Hoping the Republican
party may continue successful in the state and
country, I am, very truly

Your Obedient Servant,

JEROME B. CHAFFEE.

32 REPUBLICANS FEEL BLUE,

The effect of this letter upon the party cart
hardly be realized at this time. There did not
seem to be a man in the part}r who could take the
place of Mr. Chaffee. Without money or appa-
rent resources, the retirement of its acknowledg-
ed leader seemed to be fatal to the success of the
part}-. It became the fashion later on for a cer-
class of politicians to refer to Mr. Chaffee as a
"boss," but surely no more emphatic denial of
that charge is necessary than the above letter.
There was not the slightest taint of bossism in
Mr. Chaffee'ri political character. His leadership
was due entirety to the fact that he consulted
freely with members of the party, and spared
neither time nor money in carrying out the wish-
es of the majority, very often against his own
judgment. The seeds of the dissensions which
have frequently since torn the Republican party
in Colorado were sown in 1878, but, as will be
shown farther on, and can be proved by docu-
ments still extant, Mr. Chaffee was in no way re-
sponsible. Much of the trouble was occasioned
by some of his warmrbut indiscreet friends, who
refused to accept his letter as final and denounced
measures afterward taken, in accordance with his
own wishes, and to insure the success of the par-
ty, as treachery to him,

Mr. Wilson, chairman of the Republican state
committee in 1876, had resigned upon receiving
the appointment of collector of internal revenue,
and Mr. W. H. Pierce had been chosen to succeed
him. Mr. Bj^ers, proprietor of the News, had sold
his paper to K. G. Cooper and W. B. Vickers, and

TABOR PREDICTS VICTORY 33

it was an open secret that the Democrats were
in negotiation for that paper. The Tribune had
been the organ of the u carpet-baggers " in
1874, and though Henr}^ C. Brown, earl}' in 1876,
had sold the paper to Herman Beckurts, who
was striving earnestly to put his paper in line
with the majorit}^ of his party, it was felt that the
loss of the i\ews would be a serious detriment to
the party. But nothing could be done, and short-
ly before the meeting of the Republican state con-
vention the paper was sold to Mr. Loveland, and
James T. Smith was installed as editor.

No worse condition of affairs could be imag-
ined, and the meeting of the Republican state
committee was anxiousl}' looked forward to as
likel}7 to afford a solution of the difficulties. The
committee met on June 12. The chairman had
requested the members to come prepared to give
as nearly as possible the political condition of
their respective counties. As each member gave
his report, and the reasons for his opinion, the
first ray of light broke. Mr. Tabor made his first
entry into state politics at this meeting, and en-
thusiasticalty promised Lake county to the Re-
publicans. A summing up of the situation
showed that while it was grave it was \yy no
means hopeless, and when the committee ad-
journed, after appointing August 7 as the date
for holding the convention, it was with the feel-
ing that the united efforts of the Republican par-
\y would result in victor}^.

During the summer of 1878 Leadville came in-
to vigorous being, and became an important fac-

LOOKING FOR CAXDIDATEvS

tor in the politics of the state. The necessity for
absolute party unity to insure success led to the
discussion of candidates long- prior to the meet-
ing- of the convention. The southern portion of
the state still claimed the right to name one of
the senators, and since the enormous increase of
population in Lake count}' was more persistent
than ever in its demands. But it presented no
one capable of filling the place vacated by Sena-
tor Chaffee. For governor, however, a name came
from the south which, though comparatively un-
known, rapidly grew into public favor. Frederick
\V. Pitkin had been but a short time in the state.
After a brief sojourn in Colorado Springs he had
become interested in mining1 enterprises in Ouray
and had removed to that town, where he had many
firm friends. A refined, honorable gentleman,
a good lawyer, and a stanch Republican, to meet
him was to become impressed with his good
qualities, and it is therefoie not surprising that
before the meeting of the convention it was gen-
erally conceded that if Pitkin could secure the
support of the southern delegates he would be-
come the nominee.

For Senator, Mr. X. P. Hill was spoken of. Mr.
Hill was a chemist of fine reputation, had been a
professor in an eastern college, and had estab-
lished the smelting works at Hlackhawk several
3'ears before. He had become wealthy, was an
earnest Republican, and his candidacy was re-
garded with favor by all except a few of the
warm friends of Mr. Chaffee, who could not bring
themselves to bear with equanimity the unquali-

HILL *AOK THE SENATE 35

fied withdrawal from political life of their be-
loved chief.

For congressional honors Mr. Bel ford's nomi-
nation was conceded. By a large majority of the
Republican part}^ it was thought that he had
been unj natty deprived of his seat in the 45th
congress, and that he was therefore entitled to a
renomination. As a speaker he was at that time
almost without a rival in the state, and to add
to his chances, Mr. Patterson, who was to be
his competitor, had, during- the discussion of the
financial question in congress, shown a decided
leaning toward the greenback theories of finance,
which weakened him very materialty with the
people of Colorado.

In June 1878 K. O. Wolcott was practising law
in Georgetown. His office was in a little cottage
opposite the Barker House. Wolcott and Win.
A. Hamill \vere very intimate, socialty and po-
litically, and sustained cordial business relations
with each other. On the arrival in Georgetown
of the Denver Times of June 7, containing the let-
ter of Senator Chaffee, heretofore quoted, General
Mamill immediatety called at Wolcott's office
and suggested that Professor Hill would make an
available candidate for the succession. H. R>
Wolcott was then associated in business with
Professor Hill, and E. O. Wolcott immediately
went to Blackhawk to consult his brother. The
result of his mission was that shortly afterward
Professor Hill visited General Hamill at George-
town. During this conference the situation was
"thoroughly discussed, and after a careful and

36 BOTH PAKTJES NOMINATE

critical canvass of Mr. Hill's chances throughout
the state. Professor Hill ag-reecl that if Hamill
would take the chairmanship of the state com-
mittee he would become a candidate for the Unit-
ed States Senate.

The state convention of the Democrats was
held at Manitou on Jul}- 18, that party being- so
confident of success that it departed from its
usual custom of waiting for the Republican
nominations in order to profit by the errors of its
antagonists. Mr. Lovelantl for governor and Mr.
Patterson for congress \vere nominated b}^ accla-
mation. Nelson Ilallock.of Lake countjT, receiv-
ing the nomination for state treasurer as an in-
ducement for the Leadville vote.

On the meeting of the Republican convention
on August 7, public opinion had become so tho-
roughly crystallized that there was no contest
for the gubernatorial and congressional nomina-
tions, and IMtkin and Helford were chosen by ac-
clamation. H. A. AY. Tabor was nominated for
lieutenant-governor as a representative of Lake
county, which at that time polled not less than
one-third of the entire vote of the state, it being-
hoped that he could carr}T that count}'. In ac-
cordance with the plan arranged between Hill
and Hamill in the conference at Georgetown, the
latter was selected as the chairman of the state
committee.

In the same line Kd Wolcott received the nom-
ination for the state senate in Clear Creek, and
his brother Henr}^ the senatorial nomination in
Gilpin county, running against Dennis Sullivan,

A QUADRILATERAL CONFERENCE 37

then very strong- in Gil pin county.

The campaign thus inaugurated was one of
the fiercest ever contested in Colorado, and was
productive of more vituperation, billingsgate and
g'eneral nastiness than has ever been crowded in-
to a single campaign since.

Prior to the election, having partially recov-
ered from his recent illness, Senator Chaffee re-
turned from the east, his presence giving rise to
the rumor that he was desirous of retracting his
letter of withdrawal from politics. As such a
determination would seriously complicate the
relations between General Hamill and Mr. Hill,
the chairman invited Senators Chaffee and Teller
and Professor Hill to meet him for the purpose
of discussing the senatorial situation. The con-
ference was held in a private room at Walhalla,
corner 16th and Curtis streets. At that meeting-
General Hamill put the question squarely to the
two senators: "Are you gentlemen thoroughly
satisfied with Professor Hill as a senator "from
Colorado?" Both senators replied in the afrirm-
tive, and it was formally agreed upon by the four
gentlemen that nothing should be allowed to in-
terfere with the election of Professor Hill in the
event of Republican success.

During the closing hours of the Republican
convention a message had been received from
Mr. Patterson challenging Belford to a joint de-
bate upon the issues between the two parties, the
canvass of the state to be made jointly. The
challenge was promptly accepted, the two candi-
dates made the tour of the state together, and an

38 REPUBLICANS EXPECT DEFEAT

enthusiasm was created which penetrated the
most insignificant hamlet in Colorado.

As the campaign progressed the hopes of the
Republicans became slighter. Chaffee himself,
all through the campaign, contended that the
Democracy would carry the state. It became the
habit of a number of prominent Republicans to
come every night to Walhalla and figure that
Hamill would lose the state by from seven to
eight hundred.

Amid all these dismal forebodings Hamill
alone maintained a cheerful faith in the result.
A thorough canvass had been made of the entire
state, and from the reports received the chair-
man was reasonably positive that the Republi-
cans would carry the state by from 1300 to 2000
majority.

The Democrats Were correspondingly jubi-
lant. From ever}' standpoint their victor}^ seemed
assured, and their efforts were redoubled to win
the state by such a majority as would put the
state squafel}r into the lines of the Democracy,
They had plent}* of money, and were backed by
unlimited drafts upon the transportation facili-
ties of the Union Pacific railroad. There could
hardly be found a Democrat of the slightest
prominence in his party counsels who was not
provided with Union Pacific passes. The charge
was made during the campaign that Professor
Hill had introduced the barrel argument into the
canvass, but whatever efforts were made in that
direction on the Republican side were liberally
discounted by their opponents. The fact is that

REPUBLICANS WIN 39

the total amount of the contributions to the fund
of the state commit tea amounted to but $50 D, of
which Senator Hill gave $2)00. Senator Chaffee
contributed a small amount, and the candidates
according- to their ability. After Senator Hill
was elected he took up an overdraft of the com-
mittee in the first National Bank, and during- the
canvass he contributed to the Republican com-
mittees of several of the counties of the state.
Whatever else was necessary came from the pri-
vate funds of the chairman, and the total amount
of the contributions was much less than ha3
since been expended in a single primary election
in Arapahoe county.

Toward the close of the campaign the Demo-
crats appeared to be in high feather. They felt
that they had the pole in the race, and freely of-
fered bets that the}r would elect the state ticket
and a majority of the legislature. During the
last week of the canvass, however, Messrs. Ham-
ill and Chaffee posted a standing offer to bet
from one thousand to twenty thousand dollars
that the entire Republican state ticket would be
elected, and also a Republican majority of the
legislature. Democratic confidence was not suf-
ficiently strong to inspire them with the courage
to accept this offer.

The event justified the confidence of Mr. Ham-
ill, and was a glowing tribute to the effectiveness
of his work. On election day the sun went down
on a decisive Republican victory — a victory
which at once and effectually settled the question
of partisan supremacy in Colorado. No Demo-

40 SENATORIAL

crat has since had the hardihood to claim Colo-
rado as a Democratic state. Pitkin received 2773
plurality, Belford 2291, and out of the 02 members
of the legislature elected 46 were Republicans, 14
Democrats, 1 Greenbacker, and 1 Independent.

Before the meeting of the legislature there
was considerable talk about Mr. Chaffee in con-
nection with the senatorship, but not one word
authorized by Mr. Teller himself. He was in
Washington and repeatedly wrote and stated
verbally to his friends that he was out of politics,
that his health was too precarious "to permit him
to again enter into active political life, and that
nothing would induce him to enter as a candi-
date for his own succession. It seemed to be un-
derstood, however, that if it should prove for the
interest of the part}-, and it became apparent that
he alone could be elected, he would consent, and
on this slender foundation a few of his friends in
Denver kept him in the race, regardless of his
own and Mr. Teller's consent to Hill's candidacy,
regardless of his expressed wishes, regardless of
his failing health.

During the prelim inar}^ skirmish for the sen-
atorship some sharp passages occurred between
Messrs. Chaffee and Teller on the one side, and
Mr. Hill on the other. These were the direct re-
sult of indiscreet and heated utterances by some
of Mr. Chaffee's friends, and in no way affected
the fact that Chaffee had voluntarily retired from
the canvass, and that Hill was in it by the con-
sent of both senators. Prior to the caucus a few
of Mr, Chaffee's friends held a meeting in which

OPPOSITITIOX TO HILL 41

they endeavored to formulate a plan for forcing-
Mr. Chaffee into the field as an active candidate,
an effort which met with decided failure. These
efforts, mainl3r directed against the candidacy of
Professor Hill, finally provoked that gentleman
into the publication of the following- private let-
ter from Senator Chaffee:

SARATOGA, ]uly 8, 1878.
Hon. N. P. Hill:

MY DEAR SIR: Yours of the second is received.
I hope j^ou will be a candidate for the senate, al-
though I cannot promise you any help individu-
ally, as I shall not be on the ground during- the
contest.

I don't think there is any doubt of the success
of the Republican legislative ticket. We have
five majority to start with, and had a two-thirds
majority before. There will doubtless be several
candidates from the south, and the}^ will quite
likely eat each other up as the}7 did before, so
that I think your chances would be good. So far
as I am concerned I do not intend to interfere, or
take any active part in politics hereafter, sick or
well. It was not my health altogether, which in-
duced me to retire from politics. 1 never took
any pleasure or satisfaction in the business, and
have long wished to g*et out, and now is a good
time, and I have a good excuse. I have been a
slave long enough, and now I propose to use
what little time I have left for myself. I never
appreciated the honor or fame of position like
some people.

The United States senate is a high position,

4'2 CHAFFEE TO HILL

l)ut I would not accept it for life if offered. I
would be ver3r greatly pleased to see you in that
place for personal reasons, and for public reasons.
Penver ought to have a friend there just now,
while these railroad changes are going- on. I
shall be in Colorado, I think, in about a month,
but, perhaps, shall go to California very soon
after. I am well, with the exception of some
inflammation of the bladder, which is being
overcome gradu; lly, but I shall not take any
active part in the coming campaign. I think
a great* mam- of my friends would be 3'ours
if you are a candidate, probably a large ma-
jority of them. F do not know of anybody in
the north that would stand in your way. I duly
appreciate your friendship to me in days gone
by, and my nature is not to return evil for good.

Hoping you may succeed in whatever 3^011 un-
dertake, I am

Very Trul \- Yours,

J. B. CHAFFEE.

The publication of this letter anno3red Sena-
tor Chaff ee exceeding^;, and led to his making-
certain statements in regard to Senator Hill
which were productive of much hard feeling be-
tween the two gentlemen, and proved to be the
entering wedge which caused much of the dis-
sensions of the future.

When the legislature assembled it was found
that Chilcott, Elbert, Bo wen, Jackson, Routt and
Bromwell were all in the race, encouraged b3r the
opportune offered by Chaffee's retirement. Mr
e haffee's name was used in the caucus, notwith-

MR. HILL NOMINATED. 4i$

standing his withdrawal, as shown }>y the two
letters published, and without any positive au-
thorit}^ from -any one authorized to represent him.
He had not only decided to retire from politics,
but had so stated to most of the nine Republican
hold-over senators, in some instances requesting
them to vote for Hill. Had this not been the case
several of those who voted for Hill would have
undoubtedly voted for Chaffee. Mr. Chaffee
might have been elected had he so desired, but
he did not want an election and asked no one to
support him.

Upon the opening- of the session Mr. Hill
opened headquarters at Charpiot's, and Governor
Routt at the Grand Central— now the Markham —
hotel. A great deal of talk was indulged in, most
of it by the newspapers, and a series of spic}' in-
terviews, real or pretended, which appeared in
the News from the pen of M. J. Gavisk, then city
editor of that paper, and afterward Governor
Pitkin's private secretar}^ kept public curiosity
excited, and formed a basis for lively guessing
among the" outsiders. But the fierce struggle
predicted existed mainly in the imagination of
the \vriter, and of a few members of assembly.
Mr. Hill was assured of election from the first
day of the session. The several candidates had
their friends, but none had the following- of Mr.
Hill, and he was the second choice of too many,
and there were too many candidates to occasion
either a very long or a ver}^ fierce struggle. Of
the 53 votes in the Republican caucus which met
at Walhalla on Januar\- 9, Mr. Hill received 21 on

44 HILL ELECTED

the first, 25 on the second, 25 on the third, 26 on
the fourth, and 32 on the 5th ballot.

Mr. Hill was elected to the senate on the loth,
receiving- 53 votes to 19 for Mr. Lovelandthe Demo-
cratic candidate. It is seventeen years since that
election, and time has healed many of the ani-
mosities then excited. It will now be conceded
that Mr. Hill went into the Senate with the best
wishes of a majority of the Republican part}T.
It is time that the misunderstanding's that have
so long existed relative to his candidacy should
be removed.

OFFICIAL VOTE, 1878.
CONGRESS

46th Congress -J. B. Belford 14,294 T. M. Patterson 12,003

STATE OFFICERS.

Governor— F. W. Pitkin 14,303 W. A. H. Loveland... 11,535

Lt-Gov. -H. A. W. Tabor 13,891 Thomas M. Field .... 11,968

Secy St'e-N. H. Meidrum 14,165 John S. Wheeler 11,734

Treas. — N. S. Culver 14,141 Nelson Hallock 11,843

Auditor — E K. Stimson 14,240 J. H. Harrison. 11,752

Atty Gen-C.W.Wright.... 14,461 Caldwell Yeaman.... 11,571

Superintendent of Public Instruction

— J. C. Shattuck 13,972 O. J. Goldrick 11,894

Regents of the University*

—Horace M. Hale 28,330 Junius Berkley 25,462

SECOND GENERAL ASSEMBLY.

SENATE.

President pro tern.— James P. Maxwell.

Secretary-W. W. Orrick.

1st Dist. — Silas B. A. Haynes 9th Dist. — Eugene Gaussoin

2d "

— L. R, Rhodes

10th "

— Joseph C. Helm

3d "

—James P. Maxwell

llth "

— James F. Gardner

— Henry Neikirk

12th "

— Assyria Hall

4th "

— H. R. Wolcott

13th "

-J. B. Hall

5th "

— Wm. W. Webster

14th "

—Thomas C. Parrish

6th "

— Albert Johnson

15th "

—Isaac W. Hill

— E. O. Wolcott

16th "

— Clemente Trujillo

7th "

—A. H. De France

17th "

— Casimero Barela

8th "

— Lewis C. Ellsworth

—James M. John

— Alfred Butters

18th "

—Juan A. Baca

— M. A. Rogers

19th "

— Juan F. Chacon

—Frank Church

20th "

—Fred C. Peck

HOUSE OP REPRESENTATIVES.

Speaker— Rienzi Streeter. Clerk— W. B. Felton.
Arapahoe — H. P. H. Bromwell Gilpin —Richard Harvey

—Robert S. Roe
— W. D. Todd
— R. A. South worth
— B. K. Kimberly
— Herman E. Luthe
-C. C. Gird

— Jas. McD. Livesay
—William J. Lewis

Grand &

Routt — James H. Crawford

Gunnison &

Lake — Jos. Hutchinson

*Each party nominated one candidate for regent, whose name
was printed on both tickets.

SECOND GENERAL ASSEMBLE

Bent
Boulder

Costilla
Conejos &
Costilla
Clear Creek

Conejos
Ouster &
Fremont

Douglas

Elbert

ElPaso

—Frank Bingham
— \Vm. Mann
— Rienzi Streeter
-William Scott
-J. G. Evans
—Ramon Trujillo

-Joseph Hoffman
-William Spruance
— M. O. Coddington
-Thomas J. Cantlon
-Henry Slockett
-Juan B. Lovato

-Wm. McLaughlin
-Jas. A. McCandless
-M. D. Moorehead
-Henry Gebhard
-Ivory Phillips
—Robert Douglas

Hinsdale —A. T. Gunnell
Huerfano — Yincente Maez

— Ramon M Y Yaldez
Jefferson — J. G. Pease

—Joseph Mann
La Plata — D. L. Sheets
Larimer — Lucas Brandt
Las Animas— Julius H. Clark

— J. B. Martinez

— Benito Cordova
Park — Judson T. Flower
Pueblo — Geo. M. Chilcott

— J. J. Thomas
Rio Grande— Chas. H. Toll
Saguache — Isaac Gotthelf
San Juan &

Ouray — J. H. P. Voorhieh
Summit — W. R. Bartlett
Wold — J. L. Brush

— Lorin C. Mead

THE campaign of 1880 opened with the
RePublican party assured of the first
place in the affections of the people of
Colorado. The administration of Governor Pit-
kin had been, if not absolutely faultless, of so
high a standard that it had strengthened the par-
ty immeasurably. Pitkin's weakness was his
gentle disposition— a failing which so frequently
exposes those in high places to the machinations
of the crafty and the bulging of the demagogue,
more intent upon personal aggrandisement than
upon the welfare of the people vhom he wishes
to serve — and yet this very weakness endeared
him, not-onl3^to the people, but even to those
who had most reason to complain of his cautious-
ness and apparent lack of decision. No chief ex-
ecutive of the state has. ever had so large a cote-
rie of devoted personal friends. Even those who
most unsparingly condemned what they termed
his lack of force in dealing \vith the perplexing
questions which arose during his administration,
were his stanchest adherents because they real-
ized that he was honest, safe, and reliable. Thir-
teen years have elapsed since his retirement
from office, and today there are few if any who
will not accord him the merit of sincerity and
faithfulness to the trust imposed upon him, and
of having so conducted the affairs of state as to
consolidate the Republican party and secure for

48 A PRESIDENTIAL CONTEST

it all the fruits of victory to which it was entitled.

Governor Pitkin was a candidate for renomi-
nation, and did not conceal his ambition to rep-
resent Colorado in the United States senate. The
mineral discoveries in Lake county and the west-
ern part of the state had more than doubled the
population of the state. Denver had trebled in
size during* the decade, and began to assume that
political preponderance which it has since main-
tained, and which its internal dissensions have
caused it to uniformly throw away. The increase
of population had infused a ray of hope into
Democratic ambition, upon the presumption that
a majority of the newcomers was of that politi-
cal faith. It was a presidential year, and it was
evident that a more than ordinarily spirited
struggle for delegates to the Republican national
convention would take place. Governor Routt,
whose ambition was to fill a cabinet position,
headed the friends of General Grant, while Gene-
ral Hainill sought to carr}7 the state for Blaine.
Routt, by his fortunate strike in the great Morn-
ing Star mine at Leadville, had become one of
the wealthy men of the state, and threw himself
into the canvass for Grant with all the ardor of
an old friend and a possible cabinet minister,
while Hainill used the prestige afforded him by
the brilliant campaign of 1878 with such energy
that until the convention met there was no pos.si-
bilit}7- of forecasting the event.

The convention for the selection of delegates
to the Republican national convention met in
Denver, at Walhalla, corner of Kith and Curtis

GRANT WlNvS THE DELEGATES 49

streets, on Ma}^ 25, with a decided majority for
Grant, but with a minorit}^ so vigorous, aggi es-
sive and warlike that only the earnest devotion
to his party and the cool head of its leader pre-
vented ninet}" or more delegates from seceding
from the convention, organizing a convention of
their own, and sending a contesting delegation
to Chicago. The convention was tossed to and
fro on the waves of personal preference, and a
serious split in the part}7- was imminent. 'A cau-
cus of the delegates favorable to Grant was held,
and to this caucus General Ha mill and a few of
his friends demanded and we^e refused admis-
sion. The}- retired breathing vengeance, and
when the convention reassembled it seemed al-
most impossible to prevent the threatened break.
A committee on resolutions was appointed, of
which Routt and Hamill were members, and the
convention awaited the issue with anxious ex-
pectanc}^. Meantime a delegate from Lake, ap-
prehensive of the danger to the part}', had pre-
pared a resolution according his full meed of
praise to the " Plumed Knight," and just as the
committee was about to retire thrust it into the
hands of Governor Routt. When the resolution
was read in the committee Hamill announced
that if the convention should adopt it the friends
of Blaine would remain in the convention and
abide by the result. The resolution was adopted
and the most serious split that had as yet threat-
ened the Republican part}^ of Colorado was
averted. Grant delegates were elected, and the
convention adjourned animated by the single

50 THE LEADVIIXE STRIKE.

purpose of the success of the Republican party.
On the day following the convention news was
received from Leadville of an alleged outbreak
which bade fair to seriously complicate the po-
litical situation in Colorado. It has never been
determined what was the primary cause of the
great Leadville strike of 1880, but in the light of
later events it is now sea reel}' doubted that it was
organized rather by certain mine managers than
by the'ininers themselves, and for the purpose of
covering up the povert}' of some of the mines
until the principal stockholders could unload.
The truth will probabl3r never be known. The
strike, starting from a trivial dispute, spread
over the entire district with unexampled rapidity,
and in a day or two no fewer than five thousand
miners and their friends were organized, wrll
armed, under the leadership of a cool, determined,
and withal a conservative man named Michael
Moone3\ Some shaft houses were burned, and
numerous threats against the property of the
mine owners were made. The restraining influ-
ence of Moone}T, however, averted a general out-
break, though for several days the danger of riot
and bloodshed was imminent, owing to the indis-
creet threats and actions of hot headed men on
both sides of the controvers}\ The miners called
out every miner working in California mining
district; meetings were held at which turbulent
characters uttered sentiments which gave the
business men and property owners just reason
to fear that violence was intended, and on all
sides apprehensions of an open insurrection

THE STRIKE BECOMES SERIOUS 51

were felt. As a result of this alarm a counter
organization was effected, and a committee of
public safet3T, composed of the leading- business
men of the city, was formed. Business was al-
most entirely suspended, the committee of pub-
lic safet}T held daily and nightly sessions, and a
proposition to form a vigilance committee for
the purpose of hanging the leaders of the so-
called riot— which, looked at now, over the inter-
vening fifteen years, existed only in the fears of
the business communit}^ excited by interested
parties— was only defeated by the decided stand
taken by W. H. James, Edward Ecldy, the editor
of the Leadville Hera'd, and several others.
Arms were procured, militar3r companies org'an-
ized, and the governor was petitioned to place
the district under martial law. On Saturday,
June 12, the announcement was made that a
demonstration would be made by the miners,
and the committee of public safety, with more
zeal than discretion, decided to attempt to awe
the strikers b}r a counter demonstration and a i
imposing show of strength. The miners' parade
over, the committee's column was formed, and
amid the jeers of the miners, who thronged the
sidewalks, paraded the streets. As the column
broke up, an indiscreet act, regretted b}T none
more heartily than the gentleman responsible
for its commission, very nearly precipitated a
conflict. A shot was fired at the offender, the
partially disintegrated column rallied to the
scene of the disturbance, and for a few minutes
matters looked decidedly warlike. The offender

MAKTIAL LAW DECLARED

was promptl}T, and somewhat roughly arrested
and lodged in jail, but the excitement was intense,
and the fears then felt were justifiable. An ex-
citing- meeting- of the committee of safety was
held in the evening, at which a resolution was
adopted directing- the secretary to send a tele-
gram to the governor insisting upon the imme-
diate declaration of martial law. A telegram,
couched In respectful language, and signed by
the 11,") member* of the committee, was filed in
the telegraph office, but certain members of the
committee, not satisfied with the language em-
ployed, substituted the following:
" To Governor l-\ IT. fit kin :

" If you do not declare martial law in Leaclville
at once you are no governor of ours."

There was no shadow of excuse for such bru-
tality toward such a gentleman as Governor Pit-
kin. He, being a lawyer who had passed through
the scenes of the rebellion, knew that the invoca-
tion of martial law in time of profound peace
was a dangerous remedy for the gravest of civil
disorders, and the only possible excuse for so
gross a breach of courtesy was the prevailing
excitement. The governor immediately called a
council of his most trusted advisers, and contra-
ry to his own better judgment and that of sever-
al members of the military board, issued his pro-
clamation declaring martial law.

Its effect was instantaneous. Printed on Sun-
day morning and passed out to the throng on
the streets, the excitement was quelled in a mo-
ment. The civil authorities were not interfered

MARTIAL LAW THE ISSUE 53

with in any respect, the militai^ acting merely as
police, and under the command of Major General
D. J. Cook and \V. H. James, who had been com-
missioned a brigadier g-eneral for the occasion,
matters gradually resumed their normal condi-
tion. But Governor Pitkin was extremely fortu-
nate. His instructions were carefully prepared
with a view to the prevention of the loss of life
but had a single life been lost through this prac-
tical setting aside of the civil power, which we
know now was entirel}r unwarranted by the occa-
sion, the personal consequences to the governor
would have been of the gravest character, while
there are the best of reasons for the belief that
the state would have been lost to the Republi-
cans, perhaps never to have been regained. As it
was the incident was an element of strength to
the governor, showing in the most favorable light
his conservative methods of dealing \vith the
most critical situations, though in the campaign
which followed it required the most earnest
efforts to carry the state against the arraignment
of Mr. Patterson during the campaign, whose
construction of the law as affecting1 partisan pol-
itics was sustained \)y the history of English ju-
risprudence, and in complete accordance with
the spirit of Magna Charta.

In the declaration of martial law by Governor
Pitkin Mr. Patterson saw his hope of achieving
the success of his party. He was then the ac-
knowledged leader of the Democrac}7, though his
methods, and his bold assumption of the reins of
part}^ government had already antagonized

54 DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION

of his political associates and laid the founda-
tion for those dissensions which have resulted in
his retirement from the Democratic organization.
Mr. Patterson saw that 03- assailing- Governor
Pitkin on these grounds he might force the nom-
ination by the Republicans of another and weak-
er candidate, or, if the Republican convention
saw fit to sustain the governor, the supposed un-
popular^ of the measure might at least cause
the defeat of the head of the ticket. Consequent-
ly, mainl3T through the efforts of Patterson and
the Denver News, the martial law episode became
the keynote of the campaign. The Republican
press of the state naturally defended the head of
the part}r and demanded his renomination in vin-
dication of his acts. The general sentiment of
the part}' was in the same line, and long before
the meeting of the convention it was evident that
Pitkin would be the nominee for governor.

The Democratic convention, which met at
Leadville on August 18, was more than usuall}^
storni3r. A respectable minorit3r, composed of
the best elements of the part3^, and including
such well-known and respected leaders as Hugh
Butler, Alfred Sa3Tre, J. Y. Marshall and others,
was not onl3T opposed to the plans of Mr. Patter-
son on principle, but were beginning to be tired
of being required to sneeze whenever Mr. Patter-
son took snuff, and when the platform was report-
ed containing a plank drawn up by Patterson
himself, and declaring the establishment of mar-
tial law in Lake count3r to have been " a danger-
ous usurpation of authorit}-, and a clear and

A STORMY DEBATE 55

open violation of the constitution," a vigorous
opposition at once developed. The debate con-
tinued during the greater portion of a day, and
was marked on the side of the minority by the
most consummate skill, ability and patriotism.
The position of the opponents of the resolution
was that the end justified the means; that no
harm, but, on the contrary, much good, had re-
sulted; that the peace of the commonwealth had
been threatened; that prompt and effective mea-
sures were imperatively necessary, and inasmuch
as the result of the measure was the immediate
restoration of peace and order, the Democratic
party would only belittle itself by the adoption
of the resolution. But Mr. Patterson, as usual,
talked to the jury; his torrents of invective, his
liberal appeals to political prejudice, and his apt
quotations of history to sustain his position,
which the cooler judgment of today recognizes
to have been correct, carried the day. The resolu-
tion was adopted by the decisive vote of 225 to 90.

But when the nomination for congress was
offered him he declined the honor, either fearing
another contest with Judge Belford or not caring
to submit his own chances to the test forced into
the campaign by himself. John S. Hough, of
Hinsdale was nominated for governor, and R. S.
Morrison, of Clear Creek, for congress.

In the Republican convention, which met in
Leadville on August 26, the Lake county affair
was hardly considered. The convention prompt-
ly vindicated the governor by a renomination by
acclamation. The main struggle of the conven-

56 A CONGRESSIONAL CONTEST

tion was over the nomination for congress. Three
gentlemen had made the canvass for the nomina-
tion-Judge Belford, W.S. Decker, and C.I.Thom-
son, now a member of the Court of Appeals. The
three candidates were about equal in strength,
and the principal interest in 111 is contest was in
the fact that a determined effort \vas making by
Senator Hill, General Hamill, K. O. and H. R.
\Volcott, and others, to compass the defeat of Mr.
Belford, During the preceding two years an un-
fortunate difference had arisen between the two
United States senators. Mr. Belford had gener-
ally sided with Mr. Teller in the controversies
that had arisen between that gentleman and his
colleague. Mr. Teller was a member of the con-
vention and presented Belford's name, and the op-
portunity seemed favorable for Senator Hill to
administer a defeat to his colleague and at the
same time punish Belford for his disregard of
Mr. HilTs interests in the matter of appointments
and in congressional affairs. With (Jeneral Ham-
ill and the two Wolcotts a combination was
formed that was not to be despised, and when, on
the eve of the convention, it was announced in
the lobbies of the Clarendon that Ed Wolcott was
to be sprung upon the convention as a dark horse
for the congressional nomination, the announce-
ment became the sensation of the hour. The
struggle at Leadville was the first of the series
of contests between the two senators which sub-
sequently split the party into factions, and on
two occasions caused serious disaster. Mr. Hill
was extremel}: active in the effort to secure votes

A CONGRESSIONAL DARK HORSE 57

for Wolcott, and made personal appeals to dele-
gates, while his associates, before the meeting- of
the convention, had succeeded in securing*
pledges from over one hundred delegates in cer-
tain contingencies. On the evening before the
convention, however, a consultation between the
friends of the three candidates resulted in the
selection of Colonel G. G. Symes, afterward mem-
ber of congress, to endeavor to put a stop to the
raid. In a conversation in the crowded lobb}r of
the hotel, Symes public^ denounced the candi-
dacy of Mr. Wolcott, after the three gentlemen
named had made their preliminary canvass
openly, as indecent, and contrary to party usages,
and threatened, in the event of Mr. Wolcott being-
brought before the convention, to denounce his
candidac}^ on the floor of that body. Whether
this threat was effective or not, Mr. Wolcott's
name was not mentioned.

The position of Lake county in this contest
has never been properl}^ understood. The friends
of Mr. Thomson were all friends of Belford,
and while they were all in earnest for Thomson,
it was never intended that he should be used
merely as a club to beat Belford. If Thomson
could not be nominated, it was thorough^ un-
derstood that the Thomson delegates should go
to Belford, and to this Mr. Thomson himself as-
sented. The opportunit}r came on the second
formal ballot. About one-half the roll of coun-
ties had been called, when it became evident that
the result of holding Mr. Thomson's votes would
be the defeat of Belford, and after a hurried con-

BELFORD REXOMIXATKD

sultation the remaining Thomson counties cast
their votes for Belford. Summit county led off
with 11 votes, and it became immediate^' appa-
rent that Belford would be nominated, Lake coun-
ty clinch ing- the matter by changing1 her vote from
H5 for Thomson to 31 for Belford and 4 for Decker.

The canvass was exceedingly warm, the mar-
tial law issue being- the principal topic of dis-
cussion, but lacked much of the personal bitter-
ness which had characterized that of two 3'ears
before. Pitkin was elected by 2918 pluralit}7, Bel-
ford by 2613 plurality, and the Republicans elect-
ed 46 out of the 62 members of the assembly,
the Republican majority on joint ballot being
37.

Soon after the election the differences between
the senators, which had been smothered during
the campaign, broke out in open warfare. It was
charged by the friends of Teller and Belford that
Senator Hill and Kd Wolcott had not cordially
supported the ticket, and that rnone}- had been
used in Gilpin county for the purpose of causing
Mr. Belford to run behind his ticket at his own
home. These charges were indignant^ denied,
but the denials were not accepted, mutual crimi-
nations followed, and through the hot-headed in-
discretions of partisans on each side the breach
was widened, and the wa}r paved for the bolt of
1882.

The martial law question did not die with the
election. Somebody was responsible for the ex-
penses. Mr. Patterson had advised his friends
to see to it that Lake county paid not one cent.

PAYING THE MARTIAL LAW BILLS 59

The advice was unnecessar}^, as public sentiment
was strongly in favor of the payment of the bill
by the state. When the legislature met, however,
it was found that there was a covert opposition
to the payment of these expenses in the Repub-
lican ranks. This opposition was entirely direct-
ed against Governor Pitkin, and as Senator Wol-
cott of Clear Creek was its leader Senator Hill
was charged with having- inspired the Repub-
lican objections A bill introduced by Senator
Weston, of Lake for the payment of these ex-
penses was championed by Senator Jacobson, of
Arapahoe, and as it was clearly a party measure,
and its defeat would only result in loss to those
who had furnished the supplies, the opposition
dwindled down to the pettiest dimensions, and
the bill finally passed on February 9, only a few
days before the close of the session.

George B. Robinson was elected lieutenant-
governor, but was accidentally killed at his own
mine near Kokomo, on November 27. Conse-
quently, as the lieutenant-governor had failed to
qualify, Mr. Tabor claimed and retained the office
for the ensuing two years.

OFFICIAL VOTE, 1880.

PRESIDENTIAL ELECTORS.

Wm.A. Hamill 27,450 S. S. Wallace 24,647

A. C, Hunt 27,361 John S. Wheeler 54.635

E. T. Wells... 27,299 Nathaniel Nathan 24,566

CONGRESS.

47th Congress— J. B. Belford 27,'H'9 R. S. Morrison 24,476

STATE OFFICERS.

Governor— F. W. Pitkin 28,46") John S. Hough 23.547

Lt-Gov. — Geo. B. Robinson 27,521 W. C. Stover 24,238

Secy St'e-N.H. Meldrum 27,263 C. O. Unfug 24,506

Treas. — W. C. Saunders 27,587 And. Y. Hull 24,440

Auditor —Jos A. Davis 27,448 R. C. Bre 24,47")

Atty Gen-C. II.Toll 27,338 J. C. Stallcup 24,549

Superintendent of Public Instruction

—L.S.Cornell 27,o03 J. J. Crook 24,436

Regents of the University*

— J. ( \ Shattuck 50,352 Max Herman 54,604

— James Rice 45 925 (Vacancy.)

JUDICIARY.
Judge of the Supreme Court (Election held in 1879.)

—Win. Beck, 16,920 Geo. Q. Richmond. .12,702

District Judges

1st Diet. — C. C. Carpenter! 6214 Joseph Mann 4721

4th " — Jos. C. Helm} 10,733 N. H. Love 10,634

District Attorneys (Election held in 1879.)

1st Dist. —Harper M. Orahood 4146 F. M. Brown 2906

2d " —D.B.Graham 4122 J. W. Norvell 1888

3d " —James E. Martin 2262 R. A. Quillian.. 3757

4th " -C. W. Burris 5801 A. T. Gunnell 4601

THIRD GENERAL ASSEMBLY.

SENATE.

President pro tem.—H. R. Wolcott. Secretary— Wm. M.Clark.
1st Dist.— James M. Freeman 4th " — H. R. Wolcott
2d " -L. R. Rhodes 5th " -H. H. Eddy

3d " —Henry Neikirk 6th " — E. O. Wolcott

— Rienzi Streeter — H. S. Kearney

*Each party nominated one candidate for regent, whose name
was printed on both tickets.

fTo fill vacancy caused by resignation of Wm. E. Beck.
JTo fill vacancy caused by resignation of T. M. Bowen.

THIRD GENERAL ASSEMBLY

61

7th " — A. H. De France 13th1

8th " — M. A. Rogers 14th '

—Frank Church 15th '

— J. S. Stanger 16th '

— -E. P. Jacobson 17th '

9th Dist.— Frank T. Cochrane

10th " — C. E. Stubbs 18th •

llth " — L. W. Wells 19th '

12th " —Assyria Hall 20th '

-A S. Weston
—Thomas C. Parrish
— Aldridge Corder
— Clemente Trujillo
— James M. John
— Casimero Barela
— Juan A. Baca
—John A. Gale
—Fred C. Peck

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

Speaker— W. H. Doe
Arapahoe — Wm. H. Birchard
—Jos. W. Bowles
— M. B. Carpenter
— Geo. S. Oatman
—Herman F. Lauter
—John T. Gunnell
— Julius A. Myers
Bent —John W. Prowers

Boulder — O. F. A. Green
— L. H. Dickson
—Samuel M. Breath
— Wm. O. Wise
Clear Creek— Wm. H. Doe
— C. P. Bryan
— John A Coulter
— Samuel A. King
— Jesus M. Valdez
—Antonio A. Salazar

Conejos
Costilla
Conejos &
Costilla
Custer &
Fremont

Douglas
Elbert
El Paso

— Jose A. Garcia

— Jas. A. McCandless
— J. J. Rowen
—George Engl
— Henry Gebhard
— M. A. Foster
— C. W. Barker

Clerk— R. M. Stevenson
Gilpin — Abram Lyon

—John B. Ballard

—John Bunney
Grand &

Routt —Albert H. Smart
Gunnison Chaffee &
Lake — E. D. Baker
Hinsdale — Preston Nutter
Huerfano— Juan B. Cruz

—A. J. Martinez
Jefferson — John A. Hoagland

—Henry Lee

La Plata — T. J. McClure
Larimer — Thomas Johnson
Las Animas— M. Beshoar

— J. B. Martinez

—Jose R. Aguilar
Park —A. Bergh
Pueblo —James B. Orman

— James B. Cox
Rio Grande— S. W. Homer
Saguache— F. J. Hartman
San Juan &

Ouray —A. W. Hudson
Summit —James W. Swisher
Weld — J. L. Brush

— Andrew Lumry

THE campaign of 1882 reall}- com-
J_Oo2 menced with the Leadville municipal

election in April of that j-ear. In 1881
Dr. D. H. Dougan had been elected mayor of
Leadville, after a hard struggle, by the narrow
majority of 75. Renominated the following- year,
he was re-elected by the unexpected majority of
750. This result was in a large measure due to
the personal efforts of Krnest L. Campbell, and
in a conference of the part}7 leaders, held in the
Herald office, Mr. I. W. Chatfield urged the naming
of Mr. Campbell as Leadville's candidate for gov-
ernor at the convention. As Leadville had not re-
ceived the recognition on the state ticket to which
it was thought to be entitled, the suggestion met
with favor, and the name of Mr. Campbell was
brought out in the Herald and met with a favora-
ble reception from the press of the state. His
candidacy, however, was not received enthusias-
tically by the friends of Mayor Dougan, who
were inclined to attribute the result of the elec-
tion solely to the popularity of the candidate,
-and to favor him as Leadville's candidate for the
gubernatorial nomination.

It is difficult to fairly represent Mr. Campbell,
as very soon after his defeat circumstances arose
which afforded those who opposed his election
an apparent justification for their course, but it
is due to him to say that he was undoubtedly the

CAMPBELL A CANDIDATE 63

choice of the Republicans of Lake county; that,
at the time of his nomination, no good reason
could be given against his being- a candidate,
and that he had certainly earned his prefer-
ment by the most ardent and successful efforts
in behalf of the Republican party. There are al-
so good reasons for the belief that had he re-
ceived that cordial support to which he was en-
titled by a nomination the fairness of which has
never been questioned, and cannot be successful-
ly disputed, the circumstances referred to would
never have arisen. The charges made during the
campaign that he had assisted in defeating the
Republican county ticket in Lake county, the
previous year, and that he was a Democrat when
he first came to the state, were absolutely untrue.
Ernest L. Campbell was an attorney, a brother-
in-law of T. M. Patterson, and a member of the
firm of Patterson, Thomas & Campbell, practicing
in the Leadville office of the firm. Later he be-
came engaged in banking in Leadville. He had
been a resident of Colorado since 1872, and had
always- been an earnest worker in the ranks of
the Republican party, with the possible excep-
tion of the occasions when Mr. Patterson was a
candidate for congress, when, in all probability,
he voted for his brother-in-law. During the four
years that he had been in Leadville, however, he
had uniformly acted with the Republican party,
and had been of great assistance to the party, es-
pecially in the municipal campaign of 1882.
Those who knew him in Denver twenty or more
years ago will acknowledge the truth of these

(U THE SENATORIAL BREACH

statements. Anything- to the contra^ was never
mentioned until after he became a candidate for
governor.

During1 the session of congress the breach be-
tween Senators Teller and Hill had constantly
widened. P. P. Wilcox, United States Marshal
for Colorado, was a warm adherent of Mr. Teller,
who ardentU^ desired his reappointment, but, as
was charged at the time, mainl}^ through the
efforts of Senator Hill, Mr. Wilcox failed to re-
ceive the appointment, and Senator Teller retali-
ated by making a strong effort to secure the re-
moval of Herman Silver, then superintendent of
the Denver mint, and a prominent member of the
Hill faction. These differences were transmitted
to the adherents of both gentlemen, in Colorado,
and the suggestion of Campbell for governor,
coming, as it did, from the friends of Mr. Teller,
aroused the most bitter antagonism on the part
of the Hill following, all over the state. Another,
and perhaps the most important matter of all,
intensified the unseeing contest. About the
middle of March it was reported that Senator
Teller had been requested by President Arthur
to accept the portfolio of the Interior Depart-
ment. The report was received with enthusiasm
by the Teller faction, with indignation by the
friends of Senator Hill, and with ridicule by the
Democrats. The Republican editorially charged
Senator Teller with having maneuvered to secure
the appointment, and that one of the conditions
was to make a place for ex-senator Chaffee, who,
in the event of Teller's appointment, would be

TELLER FOR THE CABINET 05

appointed senator by Governor Pitkin. The ed-
itorial was telegraphed in full to Washing-ton,
and the charge was indignantly denied b}^ both
Teller and Chaffee. Governor Pitkin also denied
it, and informed inquirers at his office that while
he had not given the matter -any consideration,
he had not the remotest intention of appointing
Senator Chaffee. Senator Teller's friends at Den-
ver at once charged that the editorial was inspir-
ed by Senator Hill, some going so far as to say
that it had been written by him and telegraphed
to the Republican. The Washington correspond-
ent of the News treated the rumor as an absurdity,
asserting that it was extremely improbable that
President Arthur would displace Kirkwood, the
war governor of Iowa, a state giving 50,000 Re-
publican majorit}^, in order to appoint a new Sen-
ator from a state casting but 50,000 votes, that
it was a scheme, concocted entirel37 by Mr. Teller,
in the hope of regaining the prestige as a leader
lost b}^ the defeat of Wilcox for marshal, and that
his efforts in this direction were hopeless. The
controversy arising from this report greatly in-
creased the bitterness between the friends of the
two senators, and Senator Hill was accused of
endeavoring to prevent the appointment of Mr.
Teller, and thus deprive Colorado of the honor
of a place in the cabinet.

The facts are that it was known that the presi-
dent had decided upon the change, and Mr. Chaf-
fee had been mentioned in connection with the
appointment. Mr. Teller was earnestly endeavor-
ing to secure the appointment for Chaffee, and

(n> TELLEK APPOINTED TO THE CABINET

upon calling- on the president for the purpose of
urging- Mr. Chaffee's selection was told that Mr.
Chaffee could not be considered in connection
with the place, but that he (Teller) could have it
if he would accept it. To this Mr. Teller replied
that he could not accept the appointment with-
out first consulting- Mr. Chaffee, and an under-
standing was had that nothing should be clone
pending advices from Chaffee. The latter was
then in Florida, and in response to a request
from Mr. Teller, came to Washington. Upon
learning the situation he at once urged Mr. Tel-
ler to accept the appointment, and went to the
president to assure him that the selection of Mr.
Teller would be eminentl}' satisfactoi;y to himself.
The offer was repeated, and Mr. Teller asked a
little time to consider the matter, and consult his
friends in Colorado. While the controvers}7 over
the affair was in progress in the newspapers of
Denver, Mr. Teller's personal friends were in pos-
session of the facts, and with scarcely an excep-
tion urged him to accept the position. It was re-
garded as an honor to the state which he could
not afford to decline, the utmost confidence being
felt that Governor Pitkin would appoint as his
successor in the senate a man who would prop-
erly represent the state and the Republican par-
ty. Accordingl}- Mr. Teller accepted the tender
and on April 6 his name was sent to the senate.
When the appointment of Senator Teller was
first mentioned T. M. Bowen, Geo. M. Chilcott,
John L. Routt and H. A. W. Tabor were applcants
for the succession. Gov. Pitkin's known aspira-

CHILCOTT SUCCEEDS TELLER 67

tions made it an awkward situation for him.
The i\ews prompt^ charged that he would not
appoint a man from south of the divide, as that
would interfere with his own chances of election
in 1883. Then came the rumor that Bowen had
retired from the contest, which Bowen denied in
his usual emphatic manner, announcing- that he
was in the field to stay. Mr. Tabor was zealous
and aggressive in his own behalf, and left no
stone unturned to secure the appointment. He
was the ownei of a block of stock in the I,eadville
Herald, and demanded the support of that paper.
The remainder of the stock was held by parties
who were opposed to him, and the paper refused
to accede to his demands. The result was that
the Herald stock was .unloaded upon Mr. Tabor at
a round premium, and he enjoyed a brief and
costly season of newspaper management. The
News charged Governor Pitkin with the assertion
that under no circumstances would he appoint
Tabor. Those who knew Governor Pitkin gave
no credit to the charge. The governor was ani-
mated b3^ the most honorable motives. While he
knew that whatever appointment he might make
would be likely to create antagonisms that might
endanger his own chances of election, he knew
that the southern portion of the state was justl}1-
entitled to consideration, and would not subordi-
nate what he felt to be his duty to his ambition
Mr. Teller's resignation reached Denver on April
10, and on the 12th George M. Chilcott, of Pueblo
was appointed.

Soon afterward it was announced that H. R.

68 WOIvCOTT ANNOUNCED FOR GOVERNOR

Wolcott would be a candidate for the nomination
for governor before the Republican State conven-
tion. Up to this time Campbell's candidacy had
been merely tentative, and while received with
more or less fa vor, had made no decided progress.
The controversy between the friends of Senator
Hill and Sec ret a rj7 Teller, however, had reached
such a point that it was felt that some candidate
should be selected for the nomination of the Re-
publican party as especialty representing- Teller
inasmuch as Wolcott was considered as peculiar-
ly the candidate of Senator Hill. Since the sale
of the Leadville Herald to Mr. Tabor the Denver
Times had been generally recognized as devoted
to Mr. Teller's interests, and when that paper, in
a brief paragraph, endorsed Mr. Campbell, Mr.
Teller's friends all over the state, recognizing the
necessity of having some one candidate upon
whom to rally as against Mr. Wolcott, and desir-
ous of securing the support of the Leadville del-
egation, which was assured for Campbell, very
general^ settled upon Campbell.

There was no objection to Mr. Wolcott, person-
ally. He was then considered a sterling Repub-
lican; who deserved well of his party, and under
other circumstances there is little doubt that he
would have received the nomination. Less ag-
gressive than his brother, he had created fewer
antagonisms, and among the most earnest sup-
porters of Mr. Campbell there were many who
sincerely regretted that the contest had assumed -
such a shape that they could not vote for Wolcott.
The contest was purely the outgrowth of the

THE FIGHT AGAINST HILL 69

bitterness needles 3l}r engendered through per-
sonal ambitions — a condition almost inseparable
from active politics— and which had been en-
hanced b}^ the aggressiveness of the 3^ounger
Wolcott. Neither Mr. Chaff ee nor Mr. Teller was
opposed to Wolcott on personal grounds. They
objected to his candidacy at that time for the sole
reason that he was the representative of Senator
Hill, and the senatorial question was involved in
the gubernatorial contest. Mr. Chaffee replied
to the request of General Hamill for the with-
drawal of his opposition to Wolcott, that if Wol-
cott would wait until after the senatorial ques-
tion was disposed of he would cheerfully sup-
port him for governor, but he absolutely refused
his consent to the nomination of Wolcott, with
the certainty that in the event of his election the
entire strength of the state administration would
be used to secure the re-election of Hill to the
senate. The opposition of Chaffee and Teller to
Hill's re-election was at the bottom of the whole
controversy and led to the formation of a combi-
nation between those gentlemen of which Camp-
bell's nomination was merely a necessary inci-
dent. The actual contest was between Chaf-
fee and Teller on one side, and Hill -on the other,
with the senatorial succession as the prize. Sup-
porting Senator Hill were General Hamill and
Ed. Wolcott. The management of the campaign
for the nomination of Henrj^ Wolcott for govern-
or was in the hands of General Hamill, and it
was due to his well-laid plans that the Chaffee-
Teller combination was defeated in Arapahoe

70 THE PRELIMINARY CAXVASS

count}'. In his support of \Volcott Senator Hill
was looking- after his own interests, and aside
from this and it is doubtful if he was more par-
ticularly active in laying1 the foundations for
Wolcott's nomination than would be* natural
from a desire for the success of a trusted busi-
ness associate.

From early in the spring the Wolcott forces
were active in the laying- of plans for the cap-
ture of Arapahoe count}'. Kcl. Wolcott, young-,
brilliant, aggressive and daring', excited the ad-
miration of the younger members of the Repub-
lican parfy, and surrounded himself with a cote-
rie of the brightest young men of Denver. The
older men were largely with Mr. Teller. The
Wolcott forces sneered at the old-fashioned meth-
ods of their antagonists, and applied to them the
sobriquet of "Windmills," which became one of
the recognized catchwords of the canvass.

The date fixed for the Arapahoe primaries was
September 7, and on that date both sides were
thoroughly organized. Never before had money
been so openly and unblushirigly used to carry
the primaries. In this respect neither side had
the advantage, except, perhaps, as to the size of
the " barrel." But the Wolcott men were the best
disciplined, and when the polls were opened
every one of the six polling places were in their
possession. In the second, third, fourth and
sixth wards they held the line to the close, and
whatever may be thought of their methods, it is
a tribute to their thoroughness that Judge Steck,
who had been a resident of the fourth ward for

THE ARAPAHOE PRIMARIEvS 71

twenty years, had no opportunity to cast his bal-
lot for delegates. In the fifth ward a line of men
seated on benches, and provided with Wolcott
tickets, were on hand long- before the polls were
opened. Regardless of cost, more than three-
fourths of those tickets were purchased and the
other tickets substituted. The result was seen
when the ballots were counted. The Chaffee
ticket was carried beyond the hope of a success-
ful contest. In the first ward the struggle was
exceedingly bitter and violent, and at the close
both sides claimed the ward. On a count the vic-
tory was given to the Chaffee ticket by a small
majority. The Wolcott men at once disputed the
count, and spent an hour or more in wrangling.
As it was necessary that this ward should be car-
ried for Wolcott, a sham fight was inaugurated
and in the melee the ballot box was overturned
and the ballots scattered on the floor. It was
charged by the Chaffee men that one of the
other side, who was shoved over the table, had
his hands full of ballots and dropped them in
the heap on the floor. At all events, on a recount
the Wolcott ticket had a majorit}7, though one of
the judges refused to sign the certificate.

At the meeting of the county convention a few
days afterward, Ed Wolcott was the dominating
spirit. He held the party machinery in his
hands, and was careful to lose no advantage that
he had gained, being ably assisted by M. Spang-
ler, then sheriff of Arapahoe county. The first
ward contested, but the contest was smothered
in the credentials committee, and the Wolcott

72 THE AKAPAHOE CONTEST.

delegates were seated. A movement was made
toward a bolt, but it was not met with favor, and
the convention selected a Wolcott delegation to
the state convention, and adjourned till after the
meeting- of that body. The case of the first ward
was carefully prepared by the Cliaffee party,
and as the test vote in the count}7 convention had
been forty to thirty-one, it was claimed that had
the eleven Chaffee delegates from the first ward
been admitted the convention would have select-
ed a ChafTee delegation to the State convention.
This document, with the accompanying affida-
vits, was submitted to the credentials committee
on the assembling of the stale convention.

The state convention met in Denver, at the
Tabor Opera House, on September 14. On the
gathering of the clans, two or three days before
the appointed time, it was soon demonstrated
that Wolcott had not the shadow of a chance ex-
cept as the second choice of some of the delega-
tions, for while he had something over a hundred
votes that he could deliver in any direction, and
for an}- purpose, there were too many obstacles
in the way of successful trading. Some trades
were offered, however, which would have result-
ed in Wolcott's nomination, but were rejected by
the Wolcott party on grounds which, in a politi-
cal contest of this character should have had no
weight Most of his efforts were therefore direct-
ed toward securing votes as second choice. There
were three other candidates in the field for the
gubernatorial nomination — N. H. Meldrum, of
Larimer, J. M. Maxwell, of Boulder, and B. H

THE STATE CONVENTION <3

Katon, of Weld, and the vote of the convention
was divided practicall}7 as follows: Wolcott 106,
Campbell 90, Meldrum 60, Maxwell 30, Katon 17,
and a few scattering-. It was argued by the Wol-
cott leaders that their man alone could hold his
strength to the finish, and that the correct polic}^
would be to wear out the convention, in the
meantime making- ever}' effort to secure votes for
second choice. Most of the other candidates rep-
resented the "Windmill" interest. Meldrum was
ready to throw his following to Campbell at any
time that it would effect a nomination, but Katon
and Maxwell refused to be parties to such a com-
bination. Maxwell was offered the nomination
for congress, but his friends refused it, deter-
mined that he should secure the gubernatorial
nomination or nothing*. Mr. Chaffee worked
hard to secure a combination that would defeat
Wolcott but failed, and at 12 o'clock on the night
before the meeting of the convention, gave up
the contest, convinced that if the convention as-
sembled in its then condition Wolcott could not
possibly be defeated. In the meantime the Wol-
cott emissaries had not been idle. It was known
before midnight that more than half the Le:ul-
ville delegation would vote for Wolcott, for sec-
ond choice, with a possibility that some would
do so at first; that several of Meldrum's delegates
had been approached with substantial offers, and
that it was only a question of the time when the
break should come; that Wolcott was in the best
possible situation to snatch victory from the
jaws of defeat. But after Mr. Chaffee had aban-

7-t A COMBINE EFFECTED

doned the apparently hopeless contest five gen-
tlemen met in a room in the St. James hotel - T.
M. Bowen, Otto Mears, N. H. Meldrum J. D. Ward,
and K. L. Campbell. The situation was fill 13- dis-
cussed, and it was found that if Meldrum should
throw his vote to Campbell the latter would lack
but six or seven votes of a nomination. It was
known that Fremont county would deliver its
vote in return for the warden ship of the peniten-
tiary, and that it would be cast for any candidate
whom that vote was sufficient to nominate. With
this understanding- the part3r separated. Mr.
Chaffee was advised of the arrangement, and be-
fore the convention assembled the next morning-
it was reported that Meldrum had withdrawn
ironi the race.

When the convention was called to order it was
seen that it was dominated b3T the "Windmill"
faction, but the Wolcott forces were compact,
alert and enthusiastic, and went into the coven-
tion with a confident determination which in-
spired those of the opposition not behind the
scenes with a wholesome fear of the result. Gov-
ernor Routt, as chairman of the state committee,
called the convention to order, and C. W. Tank-
ers^7, the *' Windmill " candidate for chairman,
was elected by the decisive vote of 211 to 106.

But this did not settle the fight b3^ an}^ means,
for while Willard Teller, who had secured a
proxy from Saguache count3r, T. M. Bowen, J. D.
Ward, and other prominent " Windmill " leaders,
set the pace for their followers, Ed Wolcott, Ham-
ill, John McNeele3^, and a strong backing of less-

A BRILLIANT CONTEST i.)

er lights were equally in evidence, and by their
sharp retorts, brilliant speeches, and clever
handling- of a hopeless fight, made one of the
most interesting- conventions ever held in Colo-
rado,

Bowen narrowly escaped missing- the opening-
session. The conductor of the train refused to
hold it a few minutes at Del Norte for the Rio
Grande county delegation. A hand car was
seized, and relieving each other at the levers, the
delegates followed along two or three miles be-
hind the flying1 train until they caught a locomo-
tive at a siding, which they pressed into service,
overtaking the train at Alamosa.

The committee on credentials submitted the
Arapahoe contest to the convention without re-
commendation, and Willard Teller moved the ad-
mission of the contestants. A stormy discussion
ensued, during which Kd Wolcott created con-
siderable amusement b}r referring to Mr. Teller
as "the gentleman from Saguache," but the con-
vention decided, by a vote of 220 to 91, not to go
behind the proceedings of the county conven-
tion, and the Wolcott delegates retained their
seats.

The first ballot showed that the combination
of the previous night was a success. It resulted
—Wolcott 106, Campbell 149, Maxwell 32, Katon 19,
John J. Henry 5. Campbell lacked 7 of a majori-
ty. On the second ballot one vote from Bent
county went from Wolcott to Campbell. There
were no further changes until Fremont was
reached, when its seven votes were transferred

76 CAMPBELL NOMINATED

to Campbell, insuring- his nomination. Other
slight changes followed, and at the close the vote
stood— Wolcott 305, Campbell 169, Maxwell 20,
Katon 15, Henry 2. For congress, Belford receiv-
ed 223 votes to 88 for all others, and the other
places 011 the ticket were filled on the same lines.
As Wolcott's defeat was attributed in great mea-
sure to ex-Senator ChafTee, Hamill considered him
the proper person for chairman of the com-
mittee, and accordingly nominated him for that
position.

The convention had hardly adjourned before
rumors of a bolt for which there was no shadow
of an excuse, became prevalent. The conven-
tion was absolutely fair, and against Wolcott
from the start. Mr. Wolcott's friends hadnoth
ing- to complain of, and remained in the con-
vention to the close. The}- were accorded every
courtes}-, and Mr. Sparnick, in putting Wolcott
in nomination had promised the united support
of the Wolcott interest to the nominee of the con-
vention, whoever he might be. This pledge was
openly violated, and within a week it w^as appa-
rent that Mr. Hill and the Wolcotts were perfect-
ing- an organization for the defeat of Campbell.
It was seriously charged that he was a Democrat,
and should he be elected the administration of
the state would be in the hands of his brother-in-
law, T. M. Patterson. The absurdity of this claim
is apparent toda}7, but in the then heated condi-
tion of both factions it passed current and was
doubtless effective in causing the loss of
votes that Campbell should have received.

WOLCOTTS ORGANIZE A BOLT 77

It was expected by some, at the time, that Sen-
ator Hill would repudiate the scheme of the VVol-
cott following-. A number of his warmest friends
and political supporters urged him repeatedly to
announce himself as earnestly supporting- the
ticket, but he remained silent to his own political
detriment. At a conference of the leaders of the
Wolcott party, at which Senator Hill was present,
General Hamill was urged to join the bolt and
flatly refused. He used his best endeavors to
persuade his associates to forego their intentions
without success, and declaring- his determination
to support the entire ticket with all the energy he
possessed he denounced the scheme in the most
emphatic language, and left the conference to g-o
at once to Mr. Chaffee and inform him of the plot,
and at the same time extend him the most impor-
tant financial and personal assistance, until the
end of the campaign he was Mr. Chaffee's most
trusted lieutenant. Subsequently he at one time
very nearly persuaded Ed. Wolcott to give the
ticket his earnest support, but the opposing in-
fluences were too strong.

The Democratic convention met in Denver on
September 21. The name of J. B. Grant had been
put forward for the gubernatorial nomination,
and was received with so much enthusiasm that
he was nominated by acclamation. S. S. Wallace
of Las Animas county was nominated for con-
gress.

The Republican supported the ticket in a half-
hearted way, the Tribune openly supported Grant
and the Times fought vigorously for the whole

78 THE CAMPAIGN

ticket. The necessit}7 for a morning- Republican
paper that was above the suspicion of treacher}',
or association with those who were endeavoring1
to defeat the head of the ticket, soon became ap-
parent, and Mr. Hamill established a campaign
paper called the Refiublicin-Jnirnal, under the ed-
itorial management of Mr. John Carson, then
chief of the Washing-ton bureau of the New York
Times. The paper was pri.ited in the establish-
ment of the Denver Times and did good service
during the campaign, Mr. Hamill bearing the en-
tire expense of the enterprise.

Mr^Chaffee opened headquarters on Larimer
street, diagonally across from the Cheesman
block. D. C. Oswald, chairman of the Arapahoe
county committee occupied a room in connection
with the state committee rooms, and it was rep-
resented to Mr. Chaffee that Mr. Oswald was
merely a spy for the bolters, and would report
every act of the committee to them, but Mr. Chaf-
fee treated the suggestion lightly, stating that
the county convention had chosen Oswald; that
the relations of the two committees were neces-
sarily close, and that, as chairman of the state
committee he could not refuse to recognize the
duly accredited agent of the Arapahoe county
Republicans. Oswald protested that he was act-
ing with perfect fairness, but he was suspected,
and his influence with the supporters of the tick-
et counted for little.

But with all this treachery it is not probable
that Campbell would have been defeated had it
not been for the crowning act of this campaign

THE BOGUS TICKET 79

on the part of the bolters. The printing- of the
tickets for Arapahoe county was left to Oswald,
but for the majority of the other counties of the
state the tickets were provided by the state com-
mittee. Fearing- treachery, Mr. Chaffee caused a
design to be engraved wjhich was printed in a
tint on the face of the ticket, the names of the
candidates being printed over the tint. This
work was done at the Times office, and during the
process of printing, the press was watched b}^ a
representative of the state committee. Every
spoiled sheet was burned as it came from the
press; the sheets were counted before and after-
printing, and the cutting was closely watched.
As soon as the tickets were completed the plates
were taken from the press and handed to George
T. Clark, who locked them up in a safe where the
original engraving was already deposited. It is
absolutely certain that not a ticket left the Times
office that was not delivered to the state commit-
tee, and the tickets were not sent to the several
counties until there was barel}r time for them to
reach their destination in time for the election.
In spite of all these precautions however, the tint
engraving was counterfeited and the state flood-
ed with bogus Republican tickets bearing the
names of J. B. Grant for Governor, and S. S. Wal-
lace for congress. There is no doubt that these
bogus tickets were mainly instrumental in caus-
ing the defeat of Campbell. The trick was as
shrewd as it was unprincipled, and the perpetra-
tors received all the credit to which they were
entitled. They were certainly successful.

80 CAMPBELL DEFEATED

The bolt, so strongly backed, and so unscru-
pulously inaugurated and sustained, resulted in
the defeat of Campbell b}r 2735 majority. Bel-
ford's pluralit3r of 2313 in 1833 was pulled down
to 1767, and Judge Helm, who was also opposed
by the bolters, was elected to the supreme bench
over the late Vincent D. Markham, by but 567 ma-
jority.

In Arapahoe count}7, where the bolters had
the most thorough organization, Campbell and
Belford were both defeated, while the only in-
stance of retaliation was in the case of John P.
Kinneavy, nominated for representative, who was
defeated by Vandenburg. The rest of the ticket
in Arapahoe county was elected by majorities
ranging from a few votes to two hundred.

When the legislature assembled it was found
that the Republican majority of 37 on joint bal-
lot, of two }rears before, had been cut down to 25.

The senatorial campaign was as warm as that
of the state, though conducted on somewhat dif-
ferent lines. Mr. Patterson was the nominee of
the Democrats for the long tenn, and J. B. Orman
of Pueblo for the short term. The Republicans
were several weeks in coming to a decision.
Bowen, Pitkin, Tabor, Hamill, Routt and Hallett
were all in the field for the long term. Had Pit-
kin appointed either Bowen or Routt to fill the
vacancy occasioned by the appointment of Teller
to the cabinet he would have stood some chance
of election. But Tabor and Bowen joined forces
for his defeat, leaving their own chances to be
decided later. For the short term Weston, of

HOWKX KLKCTKl) SKXATOK 81

Lake, George M. Chilcott, and Clarence P. Klder
were candidates. The Republican caucus con-
tinued twent3r-tvvo cla3's, but from the first it was
apparent that the outcome la}' between Hamill
and Bowen. Neither Tabor nor Pitkin gained
materially, while Routt and Hallett received but
a few votes each. The result was that near the end
of the session T. M. Bowen was nominated for
the long and H. A. W. Tabor for the short term
of about thirty days. Both were elected by a
strict party vote.

OFFICIAL VOTE, 1882.

CONGRESS.

47th ( 'ongress — J. 15. Belford 30,847 S Wallace 29,080

STATE OFFICERS.

...28,620 James B. Grant....

..31,493 J. W. Prowers

..32,418 F. C. Johnson

. 31,045 Dennis Sullivan. . . .

. . 3 1 ,790 Ansel Watson

. . 32,.'41 B. F. Montgomery .

Governor— E. L. Campbell...
Lt-Gov. — Wm. H. Meyer. .
Secy Sr,'e— Melvin Edwards
Treas. — Fred Walsen ....

Auditor — J. C Abbott

Atty Gen— D. F. Urmy

Superintendent of Public Instruction

— J. C. Shattuck 32,410 F. M. Brown. . .

Regents of the University

— James Rice 32.427 .J. A. Van An ken

— L. S. Cornell 32,001

JUDICIARY.
Judge of the Supreme Court

.31,355
.28,442
.27,807
.28,930
.28,624
,.2*,054

.27,920
.27,921

— Joseph C. Helm
Dit-trict Judges
1st Dist. — C. C. Carpenter

. .30,335
...4513

V. D. Markham....
II. B. Morse.

. 29,81 U
3831

2d " —Victor A. Elliott, ....
;5k " — T. T. Player
4th " — P. J. Coston

.. 1:;.>M
...2929
. . 3020

No opposition
Caldwell Yeaman..
Win. Harrison

. . . 39f 5
3280

f>th* " —J. B. Bissell
5th «• —J. B. Bissell

. ..4(«»2
. ..3814

Jas. V. Marshall...
L. M. Goddard

.. .4673

5<I7.~,

6th* " — C. D. Bradle ..
6th " — C. D. Hayt
7t.h* " — 0. W. B arris
7th " — (•;, \y. Burris

. ..359.'

...:HU
...3754
..3896

Adair Wilson
J. T.Cox
Thomas (.1. Brown.
M. B. Gerry.

...2836
...2»-*7
...2W2

435(1

District Attorneys
1st Dist.f— J • McD. Livesay
1st " —J. McD. Livesay — ,.
2d '• —Herman E. Luthe —
:id " -E. J. Maxwell
4th:£ 4k — C C Holbrook.

. . H57
...6293
...7175
...3W5
3379

No opposition.
No opposition.
James A. Dawson. .
C. J. Hart
M J Bartley

...6716
...3104
'^73

4th " — Chas. A. Wilkin

. ..374>*

Scattering

...2422

:?N"ew districts created by the Third General Assembly. Elec-
tion held at the general election in 1881. Officers held until gene-
ral election in 1882.

fTo till vacancy caused by resignation of II. M. Orahood. Elec-
tion held in 1881. To hold till general election in 1882 .

JTo fill vacancy caused by resignation of C. W. Burris. Elec-
tion held in 1881. To hold till general election of 1X82.

OFFICIAL V ( >T K 1 SX'_J C( )XT 1 XUE1> 83

District Attorneys- -Con tinned

">th* " — John W. Jenkins 4444 T. L. Clark 429.")

.~>th " — Wm. Kellogg 5217 J. M . Downing 4570

6th* " — C D. Ha.vt 3610 B. F. Montgomery .... 277N

«th " — M. S. Adams 4022 R. K. Hagan 27 W

7r.li* " -Frank C. Goudy 3988 H. O. Montague ..... 1401

7tli " - C. W. Rood 4161 R. A. French 40 'W

FOURTH GENERAL ASSEMBLY.

SENATE.

President pro teni.— Rienzi Streoter. Secretary — Reuben Berry.

1st Dist.

— Jamos M. Freeman

llth ik

— C. C. Parsons

2d "

— H. E. Tedmoii

-C. L. Hall

3d "

— Rienzi Streeter

—A. S. Weston

4th "

— Jos. W. Bostwick

12th "

— H. H. Eddy

5th ki

— II. S. Kearney

13th "

— Jas. R. Robinson

<>th li

— J. S. Stanger

14th "

—James Moynahan

— M. W. Howard

15th "

-J. H. Stead

—Frank Tilford

16th 4k

— Aldridge ('order

— C. P. Elderf

17th "

—A. J. Rising

7th 4i

—A. H. De France

18th -

— Casimero Barela

8th "

— Irving Howbert

19th "

—A. A. Salazar

9th Dist

. -L. W Wells

20th "

—John A. Gale

10th "

— Frank T. Cochrane

21st "

James P. Galloway

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

Speaker— E. W. Davis Clerk— R. M. Stevenson

Arapahoe — A. E. Pierce Gilpin —John Angnin
— S. H. Ballard — J, W. Drips

— L. A. Curtice Grand &

—Edward Pisko Routt —John LaFevre

— J. W Shackleford Gunnison &

-Geo. T. Clark Pitkin — J, E. Mclntyre

—James H. Kirk Hinsdaie — D. S. Hoffman

— Geo. C. Sample Huerfano— Tomas Rivera

Bent — H. S. Holly Jefferson —Henry Lee

Boulder — C. A. Clarke -W. Perrin

*New districts created by the Third General Assembly. Elec-
tion held at the general election in 1881. Officers held until the
general election in 1882.

^Elected to fill the vacancy caused by the death of E. P. Ja-
cobson.

S4

FOURTH GKXEKAI, ASSEMBLY

< Hear ( 'rofj

Conejos
Chaffee
Costilla
Custer

Douglas
Elbert
El Paso

Fremont

Ouray <fc
Dolores

-W. H. H. Walker
— O. F. A. Greene
k— F. F. Osbiston
—Samuel A. King
—A. D. Archuleta
— W. H. Jones
— Richard Darling
— B. F. Baldwin
— E. J. Haskell
— J. H. Craig
— M. R. Chapman
-C.D. Ford
-J. H. Kerr
— B. F. Rockafellow

— J. R. Letcher

Lake — S. R. Blonger
—P. W. Breene
— M. J. Costello
— E. W. Davis
La Plata— M. J. McCloskey
Larimer — A. S. Benson
Las Animas — V. Abeyta
— E. B. Sopris
Park —A. Bergh
Pueblo —James B. Orman

—A. Royal

Rio Grande — T. M. Bowen
Saguache— Otto Mean*
San Juan— T. M. Tripp«
Summit — B. H. Butcher
Weld -R.J.VanValkenburg

IN many respects the preliminar}^ cam-

1884: Pai^n of 1884: was the turnin^ point in
the history of the Republican party of
Colorado. During- the preceding- four years the
party had been torn with the internal dissensions
resulting- from the differences between Senators
Teller and Hill, which had reached a point at
which there were grave reasons for the fear that
the prevailing- lack of harmony would result in
turning the state over to the Democracy. The
adherents of both senators were so earnest in
their so-called loyalty to each that in many in-
stances they considered the success of their re-
spective chiefs as of more importance than the
success of the party. This feeling permeated
every grade of political life to such an extent
that a candidate for the nomination for constable
was supported or politically damned according
to his predilections in favor of one side or the
other. It was difficult in some cases to deter-
mine which side was best for the well-being- of
the party, so far as minor nominations were con-
cerned, and frequently g-ood men were opposed
for no other reason than that they had been mem-
bers of one of the factions. The defeat of Camp-
bell, two years before, notwithstanding the fact
that circumstances which subsequently arose
were pointed to as affording a justification for
that defeat, had left an exceedingly bitter feeling

86

among* Mr. Teller's friends, and had stimulated
them to the most earnest efforts to secure the su-
premacy of their faction if such a thing* was pos-
sible. With this end in view careful preparations
had been made for the opening- of the campaign.
It was felt that if, with the senatorial contest of
1885 pending, the Teller faction was defeated, it
would definitely end Mr. Teller's pre-eminence in
the politics of the state, and therefore everything
was staked on the issue of this campaign. Thin
feeling, a corresponding feeling on the part of
the other side of the controversy, and the conse-
quent activity on both sides, simply intensified
the bitterness between the factions, and long be-
fore the state convention both parties were
worked up to a white heat.

On the part of Mr. Hill's friends there was no
attempt to disguise the factional character of the
contest. Mr. Hill's term in the senate expired on
March 4, 1885, and he desired a re-election, conse-
quently the preliminary canvass was made with
the avowed purpose of returning Senator Hill.

As in 1882, Arapahoe count}' was the key of
the situation, and was the scene of strenuous ef-
forts on the part of both factions. In 1883 George
H. Graham had been elected sheriff of the county
against the vigorous and determined opposition
of the Hill wing of the party. The campaign was
one of great bitterness, as the friends of Senator
Hill had been entirel}' ignored in the selection of
candidates, and mutual criminations and recrim-
inations had been indulged to such an extent
that although ever}' candidate on the ticket was

THE CONTKvST IN AKAPAHOK 87

elected by fair majorities, Mr. Graham canning
all except six of the county precincts, the result
\ras not accepted as final, and the Blill faction
went into the contest with a vigorous and deter-
mined organization.

The primaries were held on August 21, and the
county convention on the 23d. Governor Routt
had supported Wolcott in 1882, but this year, in-
spired by the hope of the succession to the sena-
torial mantle, was a vigorous opponent of Sena-
tor Hill, and threw himself into the canvass with
an ardor that excelled all his previous efforts in
Colorado politics. Mr. Tabor also, with the pos-
sibilit}^ of the nomination for governor before
him. was a strong supporter of the Teller faction,
and was an important factor in the Arapahoe
county contest. These expectations were entire-
ly reasonable. Mr. Teller had for some time been
seriously considering the advisability of retiring
from political life, and had recently announced
his definite purpose to withdraw from politics
at the close of the administration. During the
preceding eight years he had enjoyed a distinc-
tion rarely accorded to public men in so brief a
period, and could well afford to retire to private
life and the practise of his profession, in which
his political career would be a great advantage.
In such an event, there was every reason to an-
ticipate the election of Governor Routt, in view
of his eminent services to the Teller side, should
that side prove successful. Mr. Tabor also had
every reason to expect the solid support of the
Teller men of the convention in his aspirations

88 THE A RAP A HOE CONVENTION

toward the gubernatorial nomination. As a con-
sequence of these arrangements the contest in
Arapahoe count}' was between Routt and Hill.
When the results of the primaries were known it
was claimed by the Hill side that they had 79
delegates and Routt 68, while nine from the coun-
try precincts were in doubt. On the other hand
It was claimed by the Routt faction that it had
been defrauded in the second ward; that the
Routt men had really carried the ward by 5 or 6
majority; that on a recount the ward had been
given to Hill fraudulently, and that there were
also good grounds for a contest in the first ward.
The questions involved were therefore subjects
for the consideration of the credentials commit-
tee, and of course the temporar}r organization of
the count}* convention became a matter of para-
mount importance. The machinery of the party
was in the hands of the Hill faction, with C. O-
Xiegenfiiris as chairman of the county committee,
and the Routt men argued that they could not
hope for justice in the preliminary organization,
and that the only wa\- to secure a fair hearing
was to capture the organization of the convention.
At a caucus of the Routt delegates held at the
court house on the evening previous to the meet-
ing of the convention, Hon. Amos Steck was cho-
sen as chairman of the convention, and another
caucus called to meet at Lincoln hall, the place
appointed for the meeting of the convention, at
an early hour on the following morning. When
the delegates assembled in the morning it was
announced that Judge Steck had declined the

THE CONVENTION SPLITS 89

chairmanship, and Mr. Louis Dugal promptly
moved the selection of Mr. Joseph Williams. Mr.
Williams had been one of the Hill managers in
1882, but had condemned the bolt of that year, and
now occupied a similar position with the Routt
interest. At the hour appointed for the meeting
of the convention the Routt men were all present,
and the chairman of the county committee not
having arrived the convention was called to or-
der by Arthur Kellogg, secretary of the commit-
tee, the call for the convention read, and the con-
vention organized by the selection of Mr. Wil-
liams as chairman. Soon afterward Mr. Ziegen-
fuss arrived and found the convention organized
against him. He protested that the hour had not
arrived, that the Routt men had occupied the
hall all night; and that the organization effected
was illegal, but he soon perceived the hopeless-
ness of his case, the Routt delegates insisting
that it was past the hour. The question seemed
to be entirely one of time, with no allowance for
a difference in watches. Mr. Ziegenfuss, after
some farther parle}7, announced that he would
call the convention to order in another place, and
withdrew, thus putting himself and his friends
in the position of bolters. It is useless to den}
that the organization at Lincoln hall was a piece
of political sharp practice. It is equally certain
that by meeting at the place mentioned in the
call the Routt men gained, and by organizing
there retained, an important technical advantage.
Kach convention nominated a full county ticket;
and selected its own delegates to the state con-

00 THB 8TATE CONVENTION

vention, the Hill men basing- their claims to rec-
ognition on the grounds that they were kept out
of Lincoln hall b}^ force; that the Routt men had
organized before the time fixed b}- the call, and
that the usages of the party had been departed
from in the organization before the delegates had
been legalljr called to order by the chairman of
the county committee, the only legalty constitut-
ed authority for the performance of that dutj^.

The Lincoln hall delegates claimed that they
were on hand at the time and place appointed,
and that if the other side was not there it could
blame no one but the delinquents. Kach conven-
tion claimed to have a majority of the delegates
duly elected.

The interval before the meeting of the state
convention was occupied by both parties in the
making of mutual charges and counter charges,
denials and explanations. In the course of the
controversy Mr. Ziegenfuss wrote a letter in
which he stated that the matter would be decided
by the state convention, and that he and the fac-
tion he represented would cheerfully acquiesce
in that decision.

The state convention met at Colorado Springs
on September 10, and from the first it was evident
that the battle between the contending factions
would be decisive. The hotels were thronged
several days before the convention, the Routt men
establishing headquarters at the Antlers, while
the Hill forces were directed from the Antlers
Annex.

The key of the convention was the credentials

THE ARAL* A HOE CONTEST 91

Committee, as beside the Arapahoe contest, there
was a contest of a similar character in El Paso
and one or two smaller counties. The selection
of General Hamill as temporary chairman of the
convention was considered a victory for the Routt
forces, though the peculiar questions involved
in the contest rendered it a matter of serious
doubt as to the result of the hearing* of the con-
tests before the committee. J. L. Hodges was ap-
pointed chairman of the committee.

The contest before the committee was the most
earnest and exciting- ever held in the state. Kach
side was represented by able counsel, W. B. Fel-
ker representing- the Routt, and Frank C. Goudy
the Hill claimants. Witnesses were examined,
precedents cited, and arg-uments heard, and the
committee was in almost continuous session
from early in the afternoon until 3 a. m. of the
llth. Pending the hearing of the contesting
delegations the convention took a recess, the del-
egates occupying the time in the usual trades
for state officers, etc.

Upon the assembling- of the convention on
the morning of the llth, two reports were sub-
mitted. The ground had been g-one over thor-
oughly by both sides, but the arg-uments were so
far from convincing that while the majority re-
port, signed b}" eight members, favored the seat-
ing- of the Routt delegates, the minority report,
signed by five members, was fully as strongly in
favor of the Plill deleg-ation. After a sharp dis-
cussion the majority report was adopted by a
vote of 191 to 98.

92 ROUTT MEN WIN.

While the result of this contest was in some
sense a blow to Senator Hill's aspirations toward
a return to the senate, it was by no means deci-
sive. The real question at issue in the conven-
tion was not so much whether or not Mr. Hill
should return to the senate, as which of the
contending delegations from Arapahoe count}"
possessed the technical right to seats in the con-
vention under the usages of the party. The pre-
cedent established in 1882, when a similar ques-
tion involving the legality of an Arapahoe coun-
ty convention, was presented to the State con-
vention, and that body declined to go behind
the returns of a county convention, had consid-
erable influence in the disposition of the present
case, while the organization of the Lincoln hall
convention was decided on the ground that at
the time of his leaving the place which he had
himself appointed for the meeting of the conven-
tion, no such act had been committed as to justi-
fy Chairman Ziegenfuss in setting up the claim
of fraud. And bej^ond both of these questions
was the undeniable fact that the convention was
against Senator Hill, though there were doubt-
less many delegates who voted for the majority
report on purely technical grounds who would
have been very glad to see Mr. Hill return to the
senate. In fact, throughout this unfortunate
controversy there was little, if any criticism of
Mr. Hill's acts as a senator. It was conceded by
such of his opponents as were not blinded by
prejudice that he was attentive to the interests
of Colorado and to the wishes of his conatitu

THE OBJECTIONS TO HILL 93

ents. No one questioned his ability, or that he
was animated by the sing-le purpose to do right
by the state and the people of Colorado. His
standing in Washington was of the highest, his
personal character was beyond question, and
there was no good reason why two such men as
Hill and Teller should not have continued to
represent Colorado in the senate as long as they
chose to do so. It was Hill the politician and
not Hill the Senator who was so severely criti-
cised by so many of the Republicans of Colora-
do. Senator Hill now doubtless recognizes the
fact, which was then patent to many, that, like
many men in high political position, he was sur-
rounded by a class of men whose only interest
in his success was the outgrowth of the purest
selfishness. As one of them said at the time,
they were " in it for what there was in it." The
system of rewards and punishments is a neces-
sary adjunct of political warfare, but fealty to
the party, rather than to the personality of an
official, is imperative. Senator Hill's connection
with politics, prior to his election as senator, had
been merely occasional, and in the main confined
to his localit}', and while he had been always lib-
eral in the support of the party ticket, he had not
been so prominent as to become familiar with the
devious wa}rs of the political hold-up, and when,
after the defeat of Wolcott in the convention of
1882, he listened to the advice of others, and per-
mitted a bolt when a word from him would have
prevented it, he made the most serious political
mistake of his life. A large number of his

94 A HOT FIGHT FOR GOVERNOR

friends who were governed by principle ranged
themselves against him, and the leeches desert-
ed him as soon as it was found that they had no
more to expect from that quarter.

The contests in El Paso and other counties
were decided on pnicticall}- the same grounds,
and the convention settled clown to the business
of the hour. It will have been seen that the
question of the senatorial succession seemed to
dominate all others at Colorado Springs, and still
the convention could only settle that so far as
the selection of delegates was controlled by the
same parties who had nominated members of the
legislature. It was, even after the defeat of the
Hill delegation from Arapahoe, conceded that
Mr. Hill would have at least an even chance in
the legislature. But the report of the credentials
committee set aside the senatorial question for
the time being, and on taking up the nomination
of the state ticket it was found that the nomina-
tion of candidates had, in the absorbing ques-
tions of the contests, been in the main left to the
candidates themselves. None of the aspirants
for state offices was so especially representative
of either Hill, Teller orRoutt that his nomination
depended in an}r sense upon the result of the
Arapahoe contest. Consequent!}^ the fight for
honors was a free for all with no favors, and there
has never been a convention in Colorado in which
there were so many opportunities for trading.

For governor, Tabor, Eaton, of Weld, Moyna-
han, of Park, and W. H. Meyer, of Costilla, were
in the field. For congress, Decker, Town send.

EATON NOMINATED 95

Symes and Jackson Orr, then of San Juan, but
recentty Populist candidate for mayor of Denver,
were candidates. The gubernatorial contest was
fought out in the convention, and was sharply
pressed by all the aspirants. There was no fa-
vorite, and no man upon whom the convention
could unite as the best for the place. A strong-
effort was made to deliver the convention to Ta-
bor as per agreement, and the Arapahoe delega-
tion supported him loyally, but his nomination
was an impossibility, and an attempt to deliver
his strength to Moynahan was equally unsuc-
cessful. The Hill following supported Meyer,
and this fact alone prevented him from drawing-
any appreciable strength from the Routt side.
Eaton therefore fell heir to the nomination after
his competitors had been killed off — the result of
dogged persistence on the part of his supporters.
Following are the ballots in their order:

Tabor Meyer Eaton Moynahan

First

104

107 .

92 ..

65

Second

108 ....

110 .

94 ..

57

Third

107 ....

106 .

100 ..

54

Fourth

105

93 .

115 ..

50

Fifth

104

106 .

109 ..

50

Sixth

104 ....

107 .

109 ..

13

Seventh

110

.... 106 .

107 ..

46

Eighth

116

..... 109 .,

103 ..

40

Ninth

123

120 ..

93 ..

32

Tenth

114

120 .

108 ..

27

Eleventh

105 .....

.... 113 .

119 ..

31

Twelfth

102 .....

Ill .

132 ..

23

Thirteenth...

107

107 .

136 ..

23

Fourteenth.,

45

102 ,

117 ..

104

Fifteenth

145

104 .

102 ..

18

Sixteenth

102

106 ..

139 ..

21

Seventeenth.

127

..... 113 .

20 ..

109

Eighteenth..

75 ....,

85 .,

200 ••

9

96 SYMES FOR CONGRESS

The congressional contest was equally inter-
esting-, and it was speedily demonstrated that the
fight lay between Symes and Town send. The
battle was fought mainly in the corridors and
rooms of the Antlers. Townsend was the favor-
ite at first, and odds were freely offered that he
would win. Of a handsome figure, pleasant in
manner, and hail fellow, well met, he smiled his
way into the affections of the delegates, until at
one time he had very nearly captured the majori-
ty, having actually received pledges sufficient to
insure his nomination. Judge Symes, however,
by a lucky coup, secured the solid Lake count}'
delegation, and was nominated on the first ballot-

The campaign was devoid of any special in-
terest outside of Arapahoe county. Judge Symes
made his canvass accompanied by K. K. Stimson
and Fred Skiff, giving the News an opportunity
for the indulgence of the pleasantry of naming
the trio the '* S. S. S. combination."

In Arapahoe count}', so far as the count}T tick-
et was concerned, the convention settled nothing.
The letter of Chairman Ziegenfuss, promising
acquiescence in the decision of the State conven-
tion was entirely ignored. The two county tick-
ets remained in the field, while both sides joined
in a heated discussion, in which a great deal was
said to very little purpose, and the merits of the
controversy so completely covered with vituper-
ation and abuse that the case was considered
hopeless until disinterested Republicans on both
sides took up the matter, and through their ef-
forts a plan was arranged, whereby the settle-

COMPROMISE IN ARAPAHOE 97

merit of the affair was placed in the hands of a
committee of four from each side, with full pow-
er to effect a compromise. The Routt side was
represented by H. P. Bennet, W. C. Lolhrop, I. E-
Barnum and W. B. Mills, and the Hill side by W.
J. Barker, John C. Montgomery, Robert Morris
and C. S. Morey. The resignations of both chair-
men and the candidates on both tickets were
placed in the hands of this committee, which was
authorized to make up a full ticket, and on Octo-
ber a final settlement was effected, and an agree-
ment entered into whereby Alfred Butters was
made chairman of the county committee while
the places on the ticket were divided fairly be-
tween the two factions.

The Democratic convention met in Denver on
September 24, and nominated Alva Adams for
governor, Andrew Wilson for lieutenant-govern-
or and C. S. Thomas for congress.

The effect of the dissensions was vei\y serious-
ly felt in Arapahoe countj^, for while in the state
Blaine received nearly 9300 plurality, Symes 0726
plurality, and Eaton 3132 plurality, in Arapahoe
county, polling about onerthird the vote of the
state, Blaine received but 1426, Symes but 998, and
Eaton but 177 plurality.

Upon the meeting of the legislature it was
found that the Republicans had 18 senators and
35 representatives — a majority of 3) on joint bal-
lot. In all probability, had a secret ballot been
taken soon after the opening of the session Mr.
Hill would have polled a strong vote in the cau-
cus. A number of members had promised him

98 SENATORIAL CONTEST

that they would vote for him if the}' were given
an opportunity to do so in secret, alleging that
they were afraid to do so openly on account of
threats that had been made by certain important
interests. It was also alleged that a large sum
of money had been deposited in one of the Den-
ver banks to be used for the purpose of insuring
the defeat of Senator Hill. Whatever influence
these rumors may have had upon the action of
members is of course problematical, but the pop-
ularit}' of Mr. Teller was beyond question, and
as the contest was regarded as peculiarly his,
and he was represented by a large and enthusias-
tic following, devoted to his interests, it very
soon became apparent that he controlled the situ-
ation.

An earnest effort was made to elect Governor
Routt in accordance with the understanding pre-
viously had. Mr. Teller earnest^ desired to re-
tire to private life and was urgent in behalf of
Routt. The latter had been of the greatest assist-
ance, both to the Teller interest, and to the party
during the campaign, and was fairty entitled to
consideration at the hands of the party, but ev-
ery effort to secure his nomination in caucus
failed. A great deal of anxiety was felt on the
part of Mr. Teller's friends, as there were serious
reasons for the belief that as ag-ainst any other
man than Teller himself, Hill would be success-
ful, and it was not until several days had elapsed
that the Teller interest was able to secure a suffi-
cient number of votes to insure success. But
nothing- could be done toward the election of

HILL MEN BOLT 99

Routt, and Mr. Teller, who was in Washington,
was sent for, and soon afterward came to Denver.

On January 18 a caucus attended by the 53 Re-
publicans was held, and after considerable dis-
cussion a motion was made that the voting for
candidates should be by secret ballot. This mo-
tion was opposed by the Teller interest, and the
proposition was defeated by two votes, Immedi-
ately after the announcement of the result of this
vote 15 of the adherents of Mr. Hill left the cau-
cus.

At once the most exciting rumors became
prevalent. It was alleged that Mr. Hill had made
a coalition with the Democrats; that in the event
of their electing him he would act with the Dem-
crats in the senate, and thus turn that body over
to the Democracy, there being but one Republi-
can majority in the senate at that time; that if
this were found impracticable, the Democrats
and Hill men should unite and elect Judge Hal-
lett, in which event the president was to be in-
duced to let the appointment of a successor to
Hallett remain in abeyance until the accession
of Cleveland; and that, if neither of these prop-
ositions was acceptable a Democrat should be
elected. Theie are too many absurdities in these
alleged propositions to entitle them to serious
consideration. It is extremely unlikely that Sen-
ator Hill ever considered it possible that he
would be able to secure a sufficient number of
Democratic votes to insure his own election; that
he could carry through so complicated a propo-
sition as the election of Judge Hallett, with the

100 TELLER ELECTED

contingent appointment of a Democratic j udge
or that he could turn over his personal following-
to the Democrats, with the certainty of such
action on their part being- followed by political'
ostracism. These rumors, therefore, may be set
down as the offspring- of diseased imaginations,
unduly heated by the excitements of the canvass.

As soon as it became apparent that Mr. Teller
alone could defeat Mr. Hill strenuous efforts were
made to induce Mr. Teller to accept. It was with
the greatest reluctance that he acceded to what
appeared to be a political necessity. He not only
desired to return to private life, but he was under
obligations to assist Governor Routt which he
was anxious to fulfill. It was only when he waa
afforded the most convincing proofs of the im-
possibilitj'- of electing Routt, and Routt himself
admitted the hopelessness of his own case, that
Mr. Teller consented to have his name go before
the caucus. The effort to nominate Routt was
honestly and earnestly made, and it failed be-
ceuse there was never a time during the session
when there was a possibility of Routt's election.
Had neither Teller nor Hill been in the field, it is
possible that Governor Routt might have grati-
fied his aspirations, but he could not have beaten
Senator Hill even in an assembly so strongly op-
posed to Hill a-s the fifth.

Whatever may have been the truth reg-arding
Mr. Hill's alleged negotiations with the Demo-
crats, another caucus was held on January 20, at
which Mr. Teller received 35 votes, Mr. Hill 17,
and Mr. Tabor 1. • When the joint session assem-

SOME TALL LYING 101

bled on the 21st Mr. Hill formally withdrew from
the contest and Mr. Teller was elected, receiving
50 votes to 20 for Dennis Sullivan, 3 for Hallett
and one for Hill.

The event seemed to justify the claims of Mr4
Teller's friends that the legislature was for him
from the beginning, but there was so much false-
hood and double dealing in this canvass that
there is no reason for doubting the assertion of
Mr. Hill's friends that he had a sufficient num-
ber of personal pledges to insure him a majority
of fourteen. It is certain that members who had
been nominated and elected as Teller men gave
Mr. Hill reason to believe that they would vote
for him in the final outcome. It is equally cer-
tain that Senator Hill has no special reason for
rejoicing over the loyalty of many of his pre
tended friends.

OFFICIAL VOTE, 1884.

PRESIDENTIAL ELECTORS.

F. F. Osbiston 86,284 Casimero Barela

B, F. Crowell 36,257 James B. Grant

Frank C, Goudy 36,290 Joseph Doyle

•CONGRESS.

49th Congress-G. G. Symes 35,446 C. S. Thomas

STATE OFFICERS.

Governor— B. H. Eaton 33,845 Alva Adams

Lt-Gov. — P. W. Breene 33,756 A.D.Wilson

Secy St'e— Melvin Edwards 36,554 C. O. Unfug

Treas. — G. R. Swallow ... 36,496 T. J. Maloney

Auditor — H. A. Spruance 36,228 Ansel Getrous . .

Atty Gen— T. H. Thomas 35,839 H. B. Morse

Superintendent of Public Instruction

— L. Cornell 36,339 T. R. Palmer . . .

Regents of the University

— R, W. Woodbury 36,152 Geo. W. Rust

— Clintnn M. Tyler 36.451 Wm. W. Cooley .

— J.C. Shattuck* 36,150 J. M. Hamrick*..

FIFTH GENERAL ASSEMBLY.

SENATE.

,.27,722

. 27,588
. 27.569

. . . 28,720

...30,71:'.
. . . 30,006
...27,254
...27,890
.. .27,7:?:',
...27,148

...28,854

28,004
. 27,976
..27,02*

President pro tern. James Moynahan. Secretary— Geo. T. ("lark.

1st Dis

jt. — James M. Freeman

llth Di

st.— C.'C. Parsons

2d "

— H.E. Tedmon

-C. L. Hall

3d "

— O. F. A. Green

—John T. Elkins

4th "

—Jos. W. Bostwick

12th "

-H. H. Eddy

5th "

— Thomas Cornish

13th "

— Jas, R. Robinson

•>th %i

— M. W. Howard

14th "

—James Moynahan

—Frank Tilford

15th "

-J. H. Stead

—A. W. Waters

16th "

—Geo. M Chilcott

— M. B. Carpenter

17th "

— A. J. Rising

7th "

—Henry Lee

18th -

— Cas'mero Barela

8th "

— Irving Howbert

19th "

—A. A. Salazar

9th "

-L.1W7. Wells

20th "

— A. D. Archuleta

10th "

-G. M. Woodworth

21st "

—James P. Galloway

*To fill a vacancy caused by the resignation of J. C. Shattuck,

FIFTH GENERAL ASSEMBLY

103

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

Speaker— T. B. Stuart
Arapahoe —John K. Ashley
—John S. Dormer
— H. V. A. Ferguson
— R. Gilmore
— Geo. F. Hodge
— Geo. H. Kohn
— T. B. Stuart
— Henry Suess
Bent — J. C. Jones

Boulder — L. H. Dickson
— D. H. Pike
— H. Prince

Chaff ee -J. G. Kelly
Clear Creek— G. A. Patton

— R. F. Shaw

Conejos — J. W. Hughes
Costilla —Louis Cohn
Custer — Oney Carstarphen

—Frank Hunter
Delta, Gunnison, Mesa,
Montrose and Pitkin

-J. W. Bucklin
Dolores, Our2y and San Miguel

— Lafe Pence
Douglas — G. C. Pratt
Eagle, Garfield and Summit
— J. Ben Lewis

Clerk— R. M. Stevenson
Elbert — M. R. Chapman
El Paso — C. W. Barker

—John Campbell
Fremont — C. D. Bradley
Gilpin — John Clark

-S. V, Newell
Grand &

Routt —P. T. Hinman
Hinsdale — E. I. Stirman
Huerfano— R. A. Quillian
Jefferson — J. C. Davidson

— C. P, Evans
Lake — Fraak Bulkley

-H. H. DeMary

— W. E. Hugo

—Nat Rollins
La Plata— John A. Porter
Larimer — W. H. McCormiok
Las Animas— Pedro Chacon

— E. B. Sopris
Park —A. Bergh
Pueblo — L. T. Taylor

— K. Wildeboor
Rio Grande— J. J. Ewing, Jr.
Saguache— S. F. Rathvon
San Juan— Barney O'Driscoll
Weld — Wm. McFie

THK preliminary canvass of the cain-
lOOO Pa^n °^ 1*^ was characterized by an
unwonted harmon}-, presenting-, in this
respect, so marked a contrast to the two cam-
paigns preceding that many of the workers and
heelers who had thrived upon the turmoil and
the dissensions in the party were at somewhat
of a loss to know where to place themselves.
The factional lines of the past, if they had not
entirely disappeared, were so illy defined that
some of these gentlemen were surprised to find
that they were working elbow to elbow with men
whom only two years previously the}' had been
engaged in most industriously abusing.

As a result, the Arapahoe county primaries
and convention presented such a dead level of
harmony as to be almost uninteresting. In
man}- of the wards but one delegate ticket was
in the field, while where there were two or more
the voters very generally elected one by an over-
whelming majority, showing that this year there
was very little S}'mpathy with "kickers/'

It was not denied, however, that the main
question turned upon the nomination for govern-
or. Wm. H. Meyer, of Costilla, F. D. Wight, of
Las Animas, James Mo3Tnahan, of Park, B. H.
Eaton, of Weld, and Hosea Townsend, of Custer,
were in the field. Mr. Meyer was backed by Kd.
Wolcott, Senator Hill, and their friends, m ostly

HARMONY PREVAILS 105

from what was formerly known as the Hill fac-
tion. Mr. Teller was strongly opposed to Meyer,
and was supposed to favor Moynahan, though a
number of Tellers friends supported Wight.
Eaton, came into the convention backed by the
power of the state administration.

The Arapahoe primaries were held on August
26, and the convention two days later. The ut-
most harmony prevailed, and when the 72 dele-
gates to the state convention were selected it was
difficult to determine which of the gubernatorial
candidates were in the lead. The Me}-er men
claimed a majority of the county delegates — a
claim which seemed to be justified by the final
event.

When the state convention assembled in Den-
ver, on September 28, a ripple of interest was cre-
ated by the promise of a contest for the chair-
manship of the convention between Senator Tel-
ler and ex-Senator Tabor. A delegation of prom-
inent members of the party waited upon Mr. Ta-
bor and requested him to accept the chairman-
ship, while another delegation, equally promi-
nent had preferred a like request to Senator Tel-
ler. Neither side would yield, but what at first
promised to be a serious contest was finally
averted b}^ an agreement that Mr. Teller should
be the temporary and Mr. Tabor the permanent
chairman.

Two contests, in Gunnison and Pitkin counties
were decided only after the credentials committee
had been in session during the entire day, and
therefore nothing was done in convention until

106 THE STATE CONVENTION

the 29th. The time was not lost, however, being
fully occupied in canvassing- for the several can-
didates. It soon became evident that while Mr.
Me}Ter had ver}- nearly a majoritj', he could not
possibly be nominated without assistance from
some of the other candidates. His nomination
was peculiarly the fig-lit of Kd. Wolcott. That
gentleman had then begun to indulge the dream
of a seat in the United States senate which has
since become a reality. It was imperatively nec-
essar}r, as he thought, to his aspirations, that tin-
con vention should stand by him, and he was
therefore indefatigable in his efforts toward the
nomination of his candidate. His success was
extremely doubtful, however, had it not been for
the antagonism to Governor Eaton that had been
aroused in different directions. Eaton had suc-
ceeded in souring- very many of his former sup-
porters, and besides, there were several of the
leaders who had knives ready for him which
the}' were at no pains to conceal. As Meyer crept
slowly up to his limit the excitement grew in-
tense, and the most extravagant propositions
we're made to the leaders who controlled the sit-
uation.

On the informal ballot Me}rer received 137,
\V ight 81, Moynahan 97, Eaton 90, and Townsend 5.

With the first formal ballot was seen the effect
of Mr. Wolcott's strong card of playing- for his
man as second choice. Meyer ran up to 170, while
Wight fell to 78, Moynahan to 86, Eaton to 71, and
Townsend received 6.

Me3'er-still lacked 37 votes of a nomination,

A DEAL FOR MEYER 107

and Wolcott could only see his way clear to per-
haps a dozen more votes. It seemed at this time
that Meyer's nomination was impossible, but on
the other hand much of the opposition to Meyer
was still more strongly opposed to Katon, and
about this time a rumor was circulated that a
deal had been made by which the Me}^er forces
were to be turned over to Eaton as soon as it
should be demonstrated that Meyer could not be
nominated. Under the stimulus of this report
on the next ballot Meyer ran up to 196 votes — lack-
ing- 11 of a nomination, Wight receiving 66, M.oy-
nahan 83, Katon 62, and Tovvnsend 5.

At this juncture, B. Clark Wheeler, of Aspen,
attempted to put in play one of his peculiar po-
litical tricks. Rising in his place he announced
that Pitkin desired to change her vote. This an-
nouncement created great excitement, as Pitkin
county had just the number of votes necessar3r
for Me3^er's nomination. But while Wheeler was
ambitious to be regarded as the custodian of the
Pitkin county vote, his associates declined to
concede the claim. The}7 walked all over him,
and without making his announcement Wheeler
sat down.

An adjournment was had till afternoon, and
during the recess a last effort was made for Mey-
er. There was just one source from which assist-
ance might be obtained. The Larimer county
delegation was opposed to Me}rer, but it preferred
him to Katon. N. H. Mel drum was chairman of
the delegation, and to him Wolcott made an ear-
nest appeal. He stated frankly that the nomitia-

108 MEYER NOMINATED

tion of >ieyer was necessary for the success of
his political plans, and offered to send for Me3Ter
and secure from him any pledge that might be
necessar}7 to secure the support of the Larimer
delegation, at the same time stating- that the
Me3~er men would nominate Eaton if they should
be compelled to leave their own man. Meldrum
was equally frank, and stated that as between
Katon and Meyer, inasmuch as it was evident
that his own man — Moynahan -could not be nom-
inated, he would go to Meyer. It was finally ar-
ranged that certain Arapahoe county votes,
which could be reached, should go to Meyer, and
then, if the vote of Larimer county should be
sufficient to nominate it should be changed to
Meyer. This programme was carried out. At
the close of the next ballot the vote stood: Meyer
204, Wight 65, Moynahan 73, Eaton 48 and Maxwell
15. Meldrum immediately announced a change
of 9 votes from Moynahan to Meyer, and the lat-
ter was nominated. Taking the estimate of Mr.
Wolcott himself, it was the result of this conven-
tion that made it possible for him to occup}^ a
seat in the United States senate.

Meldrum, though not a candidate for the posi-
tion, was nominated for lieutenant-governor, by
acclamation, and Judge Symes was re-nominated
for congress without opposition.

The Democratic convention met on October 0,
and closed up its business in a single day, Alva
Adams being nominated for governor, and My-
ron W. Reed, then at the heighth of his popular-
ity, for Congress.

OPPOSITION TO MEYER 109

The campaign was not ten days old before it
became apparent that Me}7er could be elected
only by the most strenuous efforts, and that the
personal popularity of Reed, a popularity that
was accentuated by every device that suggested
itself to the Democratic leaders, bade fair to wipe
out the handsome majority of Judge Symes in
1884. The party seemed to be apathetic beyond
all reason. Kx-Senator Tabor was chairman of
the state committee, and never was there more
earnest or thorough work put into a campaign
under more discouraging circumstances. It
seemed impossible to create any enthusiasm for
Meyer, \vhile Adams, personally popular, young,
magnetic, eloquent, and having an extensive
business connection all over the southern part of
the state, was breaking down the Republican
fences in every direction. It was alleged on the
part of the old-time Republicans that in the ter-
ritorial clays Mr. Mej^er, when a member of the
legislature, had aided in the election of Judge
Miller, a Democrat, for speaker of the house.
This bit of old-time history is interesting as il-
lustrating some of the political methods of those
ancient days. Mr. Meyer did vote for Judge Mil-
ler against Judge Elbert, who was the Republi-
can candidate, as did other Republican members
from the southern part of the state, whom it was
supposed Meyer controlled, and it was charged
at the time and subsequently that the considera-
tion was of a financial character. The true story,
which is now published for the first time, is as
follows:

110 A POLITICAL REMINISCENCE

Judge Miller was a candidate for the Demo-
cratic nomination for congress, and desired the
speakership as a stepping-stone to his ambition.
The deal was made with the Republican mem-
bers who voted for him for the speakership, and
with another party, still living in Denver, that in
the event of his receiving the Democratic nomi-
nation for congress they should give him their
support, which was expected to result in their
carrying the San Luis park and Arapahoe count\T,
in consideration of which support the Republi-
cans involved in the scheme should have, the
naming of all the federal appointees in the terri-
tory. It is possible that Judge Miller deluded
himself with the idea that a Republican adminis-
tration, with Mr. Chaffee very much in evidence,
and possessing the complete confidence of the
heads of departments, would permit the selec-
tion of the federal appointees from a list of Re-
publican applicants, by a Democratic delegate,
who could not offer the poor return of a vote in
congress, but whether he did or not he seemed to
have the faculty of making his Republican allies
believe it so thoroughly that they entered into an
arrangement which, years afterward, was to rise
up to plague one of the parties. But candidates
propose and conventions dispose. The judge
was shrewd enough to help in securing the nom-
ination of Judge Bradford, whom he regarded as
the easiest man to beat, but when his own con-
vention met, he lacked three votes of a nomina-
tion, the other candidates combined against him,
and the result was the nomination of Judge Bel-

MEYER DEFEATED 111

den, who was easily beaten by Bradford. So that
all that came out of this scheme, so impossible
of complete fulfillment, was the development of
one element of opposition to Meyer for his share
in the transaction.

Another complaint against Me}rer was that he
had been lukewarm in his support of Campbell
in 1882, and, if he did not actually consent to the
bolt, did not object to it very strongly. And then
he lost votes from the fact that in the convention
his support came ver}^ generally from the old
Hill faction, \vhile those who opposed him were
mostl}r friends of Mr. Teller, and there was a
deep-seated desire for revenge for the bolt of 1882.
It must be acknowledged that none of these were
good reasons for the defeat of a candidate as
fairly nominated as Meyer, but when it is desired
to accomplish any political purpose, no matter
how disreputable, reasons can always be found,
and the fact was that whether for a good or bad
reason, the Republicans of Colorado did not want
Meyer for governor.

When the returns came in it was found that
Arapahoe gave Meyer but 200 plurality, while
Reed carried the county by 500, and Meldrum,
who led the Republican ticket, received a plural-
ity of 1160, the Democrats electing three repre-
sentatives and one senator on the county legisla-
tive ticket.

Adams was elected by 2418 pluralit}^ while
Symes's plurality of more than 6000 in 1884 was
reduced to 803. Meldrum, for lieutenant-govern-
or, received a plurality of 2980. An analysis of

112 A CLOSE LEGISLATURE

the vote shows that about 4000 Republicans voted
for Adams, that nearl}- 3000 voted for Reed, and
that a large number did not vote at all.

The Sixth General Assembl3r ver}- nearU- fell
into the hands of the Democrats, the senate
standing- 18 Republicans and 8 Democrats and
the house 25 Republicans and 24 Democrats, a
loss of 20 majorit3r on joint ballot since the
election of 1884.

OFFICIAL VOTE,
CONGRESS.

oOth Congress— G. G. Symes ....... 27,732 M yron W. Rood

STATE OFFICERS.

26,929

Governor — Win. H, Meyer

.26,816

Alva Adams*

.29,234

Lt-Gov. — N. H. Meldrum

.29,103

H. B. Gillespie

.26,123

Secy St'e — James Rice

. 29,997

Jere Mahonoy

.25,246

Treas. — P. W. Breene

.28,311

Jas. F. Benedict... .

. 26.618

Auditor — D. P. Kingsloy

.29,491

( 'asimero Barela . . .

. 25,700

Atty Gen— Alvin Marsh

. 30,160

E. I. Stirman..

.25,190

Superintendent of Public Instruction

— L. S. Cornell

,30,813

A. B. Copeland

. 3,455

Regents of the University

— Wolfe Londoner

.2«,14&

Fred Lockwood

.26,600

— E. J. Temple

.29,882

Erank P. Bertschy.

.22,547

— Daniel E. Newcomb*.

. 29,459

O. A. McFarland*..

..23,014

JUDICIARY.

Judge of the Supreme Courtf

— Samuel H Elbert

. 31,703

Wilbur F. Stone. . . .

.26,1587

District Attorneys!

1st Dist. — S. S. Downer

...4588

Isaac N. Smith

...3361

2d .'• —Isaac N. Stevens

...6728

L. R. Rhodes

...7174

3d " — J. C. Elwell

6022

Geo. Q. Richmond.

4339

4th " — Chas. S. Libby

. . . 3214

Wm. O'Brien

...2523

5th k4 — Wm Kellogg

4751

Geo R Elder

3986

6th " --Geo. T. Sumner

. .3271

O. P. Arthur

. . . 2614

7th " — Ilerschell M. Hogg...

. ..2607

Scattering

. .. 404

S IXTH GENERAL ASSEMBLY.

SENATE.

President pro tern. Geo. M. Chilcott. Secretary— Sylvester Nichols.

1st Dist.— James M. Freeman
2d " — E. A. Ballard
3d " — O. F. A. Green
4th " — S. V. C. Newell
5th " — Thomas Cornish

6th "

7th "

—A. W. Waters
— M. B. Carpenter
— John H. Poole
— C. T. Harkison
—Henry Lee

*To fill vacancy caused by the death of Clinton M. Tyler,
t Election held in 1885 for regular term.

114

SIXTH GKXKRAL ASSEMBLY

8th Diet.— John Campbell 14th "

ytli " -L. W. Wells 15th "

10th" — G. M.Woodworth 16th"

11th " — C. J. Christian 17th "

—Samuel Adams 18th ••

— T. B. Ryan* 19th "

12th " — H. H. Eddy 20th "

13th " —John Kinkaid 21st "

—James A. McCandless
-Chas. H. Abbott
— Geo. M Chilcott
— E. T. Beckwith
— Casimero Barela
— Juan De Montez
— A. D. Archuleta
— Adair Wilson

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

Speaker— T. B. Stuart
Arapahoo — T. H. Stuart

—John G. HotTor
-J. L. Russell

— F. J. V. Skiff
—Geo. Davis

— Wm (T. WluM-l.-r
— (\ A. Eppich

— F. Q. Stuart
Archuleta and Conejos

— Wm. Adams
Bent — J. N. Beatty

Boulder — J. N. Turrell

— T. R. Owen

-John H. Wolls
Chaffee —Geo. M. Bowcn
Clear ("reek— Robt. B. Griswold

— R. S. Morrison
Costilla — N. W. Durkor
Custer —Jesse White

—Thomas Edwards
Delta, Gunnison, Mesa,
Montrose and Pitkin

—Samuel Wade
Dolopes, Ouray and San Miguel

— J. T. Donnellan
Douglas — F. H. Allison
Saguache — Leopold Mayer

Clerk— M. R. Moore
Eagle, Garfield and Summit

— Melvin Edwards
Elbert — Dewey C. Bailey
El Paso — Wm. E. Meek

—Chas. E. Noble
Fremont —Hop Newkirk
Gilpin —James R. Hicks

— H. C\ Balsinger
Grand <fe

Routt —James H. (-rawford
Hinsdale — Wm. Rowan
Huerfano— P. W. Sweeney
Jefferson — C. P. Evans

— J. A. Van Gorden
Lake — J. A. Dean

— J. H. Stotesbury

— J. F. Hoover

— Owen Prentiss
La Plata— WTm. G. Winters
Larimer — R. W. Orvis
Las Animas — Jose B. Cordova

— Ramon Aguilar
Park —Geo. E. Pease
Pueblo — F. H. Sutherland

-J. R. Garber
Rio Grande— J. H. Shaw
San Juan— John R. Curry
Weld -F. W. Hammitt

*To till vacancy caused by the death of John T. Elkins.

LIKE the campaign of 1884, that of 1888
depended somewhat upon the contest
for the United States senatorship. Mr
\Volcott was openly in the field for senatorial
honors. In 1887 the campaign for county offices
in Arapahoe hinged to some extent upon this is-
sue, and it was understood that Mr. Weber, can-
didate for sheriffjwas, if not runningHn the inter-
est of Mr. Wolcott, at least very strongty dis-
posed to favor the pretensions of that gentleman
to the succession to Senator Bo wen. Mr. Wol-
cott conducted his campaign in the most skilful
manner possible. His aim was to control the
party machine^, and in this he was entirety suc-
cessful, cutting loose from his old associations
with Senator Hill, and forming new alliances
with the leaders of the Teller faction. This was
riot easy of accomplishment, however. Though
Mr. Teller had been successful four 3^ears before,
the feeling against the old Hill faction among
his friends was still intense, and there were many
who ver}^ unwillingly consented to support Mr.
Wolcott for the senate, and others who positively
refused to further the aspirations of a man who
had so recentty been one of the most vigorous
opponents of Senator Teller.

Naturally, the friends of Mr. Hill, who were
still strong and active, notwithstanding their de-
feat, could not regard with equanimity what

HO UOLCOTT'S SENATORIAL CAMPAIGN

the>r regarded as the desertion of a former all}',
though why they should oppose Wolcott when
Hill was not a candidate is difficult of explana-
tion except upon the presumptions that it was
because he did not directly represent Hill, and
that they resented the independence of the tal-
ented Wolcott in presuming- to aspire to the toga.
But Wolcott had builded wisely. The attachment
of the young men who had supplied the enthusi-
asm of the campaigns of 1882 and 1884 was more
for Wolcott than for Hill, and when the break
came it was found that the large majority of the
Hill faction was earnest in the support of Wol-
cott, regardless of the attitude of Mr. Hill, which
they freely denounced as entirely and selfishly
unreasonable.

But the Hill party did not concede Wolcott's
right to the place till he had won it. He was op-
posed by the Republican from the beginning, and
as the time approached for the meeting of the
state convention the antagonism of that paper
became exceedingly bitter. The elements of the
opposition however, were neither strong nor unit-
ed. The few disgruntled Teller men and the per-
sonal friends of Hill neither could nor would co-
alesce, and Wolcott carried the day.

The Arapahoe county primaries were held on
August 30, and the convention two days later.
Notwithstanding the earnest efforts made to de-
feat the Wolcott delegates upon the plea of
"gang" and " ring" rule, it was plain that it was
a Wolcott convention. Wolcott had made the
fight openly. It was perfectly understood that

WOLCOTT WINS IN ARAPAHOE 117

he was endeavoring- to secure control of the con-
vention; his opponents had been outspoken in
their denunciation of his objects;n one of his
friends denied that a seat in the United States
senate was the object of his ambition; none of
his enemies failed to do everything1 in their pow-
er to compass his defeat, and yet he was success-
ful. The inference cannot be avoided that he was
the choice of the Republican party, and whatever
may have been the opinions of his opponents as
to his personality, his ability or his fitness for
the position, the fact cannot be disputed that he
challenged the worst efforts of his political ene-
mies, and defeated them in a contest that was
conducted in the most open manner, and man-
aged with an aggressiveness that called forth
the admiration of his most inveterate foes. If
political results are to be taken as an expression
of the popular will, no candidate for public posi-
tion in this state was ever more heartily endorsed
than was Senator Wolcottin the preliminary can-
vass of 1888.

It was the tacit understanding that in his ef-
forts to secure legislative candidates favorable
to his aspirations, Wolcott should take no part
whatever in the several contests for state officers.
Indeed he could hardly afford to enter into entan-
glements that might affect his own campaig-n,
and therefore, on the part of the aspirants for
places on the state ticket it was conceded that
he should be permitted without molestation to
secure the legislative nominees if he could. This
understanding was, as a rule, faithfully carried

118 STATE CONVENTION FOR \VOLCOTT

out, but, as a natural result, the selection of dele-
gates to count}' conventions who would nomin-
ate Wolcott candidates for the legislature carried
with it the selection of Wolcott delegates to the
state convention. As a consequence, when the
State convention met on September 4, it was dis-
covered that full}* three-fout ths of the 550 dele-
gates regarded Wolcott as the leader of the party
and looked to him for inspiration in choosing
candidates for state offices. In fact his success-
ful campaign for the senate had so overshadowed
all other interests that the delegates were indis-
posed to take any steps that might possibly affect
the action of the legislature.

The canvass for the gubernatorial nomination
had been exceptional!}' warm, and on the part of
Mr. Cooper, at least, had been conducted with a
system scarcely second to that of Wolcott for the
senatorship. Wilbur C. .Lothrop was the man-
ager for Cooper, and brought to the work an ex-
perience and energy that very largely contributed
to the success of his man.

Four others contested the nomination with
Cooper— Rev. D. A. Moore, pastor of Trinity M. K.
church, of Denver, an earnest Republican, and a
candidate whose motives were far above the mere
gratification of a selfish ambition; Norman H.
Meldrum, whose services to the party had been
always cheerfully rendered, even when involving-
personal sacrifice, and always valuable; Wolfe
Londoner, who had been active in the councils
of the party from the foundation of Colorado as
a territory, and H. A. W. Tabor, whose contribir

THE vSTATE CONVENTION 119

tions of time and money had only been measured
by the necessities of the occasion. Never were
candidates for this high honor more deserving
of recognition. In intellectual ability Dr. Moore
easily stood at the head, but in earnest devotion
to the interests of the party they were on a par.

When the convention met it was evident that
a choice would be difficult to make. Cooper's
friends were active and omnipresent, but at first
the delegates did not take kindly to his candida-
cy. While always an earnest Republican, he had
not been particularly active in politics, and had
never attained any degree of prominence as a
leader in his count}-, while to a large number of
delegates he was absolutely unknown. It was
industriously circulated, however, that Mr. Teller
favored his nomination, while, \vith equal energy
it was alleged that he had secured a number of
outside counties, the representatives from which
would take pleasure in "knifing" Wolcott in the
event of the defeat of their candidate. The truth
of this latter statement is problematical; at all
events it had no effect upon the delegates. It
was apparent that in an open fight the result
would be difficult of determination, and it was
therefore decided to adjourn for consultation af-
ter an informal ballot for governor. For con-
gress Hosea Townsend was the only candidate
in the field, and his nomination was made by ac-
clamation.

The informal ballot for governor resulted: Ta-
bor, 169, Moore, 119, Cooper, 114, Meldrum, 82, and
Londoner, 68. The convention then adjourned to

120 AN APPEAL TO WOLCOTT

the following- day, and the delegates put in their
time in figuring out the possibilities. From the
best information attainable toward evening-, it
seemed that Mel drum and Londoner were the only
candidates that stood a chance of gaining, while
none who had been so far named stood within
reach of the goal. The fear that the senatorial
situation might be compromised should a bitter
contest develop, influenced many of the delegates
to appeal to Wolcott to use his undoubted influ-
ence in the convention to solve the problem.
On the other hand, there was a strong and vigor-
ous protest on the part of a very large following,
'to whom Wolcott would be compelled to look for
support in the legislature, against his interfering
in any manner with the work of the state conven-
tion. These protests came as a rule from the
personal friends of Mr. Teller, and they claimed
consideration from Wolcott upon the well-known
fact that any objections on the part of Senator
Teller would be fatal to Wolcott's aspirations to-
ward the United States senate. But Wolcott was
inclined to interfere in behalf of Cooper, and
urged that he had a right to a gubernatorial can-
didate friendly to him, and that he could make
Cooper his friend. It was urged upon him that
none of the gubernatorial candidates were par-
ticularly friendly to him, and that it would be to
his interest to keep his hands out of the conven-
tion. This was strictly true. All of the candi-
dates, during the factional stuggles of a few
years before, had been identified with the Teller
faction, and had little cause to regard Wolcott

WOLCOTT FAVORS COOPER 121

with favor. Meldrum in particular had been one
of Wolcott's most vigorous opponents, and was
one of the principal factors in the defeat of Hen-
ry Wolcott in the convention of 1882. It is possi-
ble that this fact had some influence upon Wol-
cott, for, had not Cooper been nominated Mel-
drum stood the best chance of becoming- the
nominee, and when it was proposed to Wolcott
that if he interfered at all he should do so in the
interest of Meldrum, who could be relied upon to
carry out an}^ agreement entered into, the sug-
gestion was declined with considerable warmth.
The true story of this transaction, which re-
sulted in the nomination of Cooper, and includes
one of the most extraordinar}^ political bargains
ever made in Colorado, is as follows: A short
time before the convention it came to the knowl-
edge of Mr. Wolcott that some of Cooper's friends
had made the assertion that in the event of Coop-
er's nomination he would contribute twenty thou-
sand dollars to the campaign fund. Wolcott ap-
peared to take the assertion seriousl}% and as he
had a vital interest in the result of the campaign,
considered the great help that so handsome a
contribution to the campaign fund would be to
his aspirations, and therefore when his friend
General Dodge came to him on the part of Coop-
er, he was more than read3T to listen with favor.
The entire deal was made during the day and
evening following the adjournment after the in-
formal ballot. A committee was appointed upon
the part of Wolcott to wait upon the representa-
tives of Cooper to make terms, and concluded

12'J A REMARKABLE COMPACT

the following- remarkable compact: It was agreed
on the part of Cooper that he would contribute
liberally to the campaign fund; that, if elected,
he would make all of his state appointments be-
fore the election of United States senator; that
all state appointees should be named by Wolcott;
and that, in the event of a difference between
Cooper and Wolcott regarding- the matter of ap-
pointments, General Dodge was to act as umpire
with absolute power of settlement. In other
words, Cooper was graciously permitted to fur-
nish a large share of the sinews of war, to ap-
point state officers, provided they were named by
Wolcott, and to assist Wolcott to an election as
United States senator, made possible by Cooper's
financial aid, while Wolcott should enjoy all the
fruits of victor}r save only the acting governor-
ship of the state. The proposition implied so
much distrust of Cooper that is wonderful that
it was made; having been made it is more won-
derful that it was accepted; having been accepted
it would have been most wonderful had it been
faithfully carried out. But it was not carried out.
There is little doubt now that had it not been
for this agreement and the active participation of
Wolcott, Meldrum would have been nominated,
for he had strong support in all the different ele-
ments of the convention, and when it became
known that Wolcott had fully determined to
throw his influence for Cooper, the protests
ag-ainst such action were more vigorous than ev-
er, as it was felt b}7 Meldrum's friends that it was
destruction to the hopes of their man. But pro-

THE DEAL CARRIED OUT 123

tests availed nothing*. The compact was made
and carried out so far as it could be in the state
convention. After the adjournment of the con-
vention there was scarcel3r an item of the agree-
ment that was observed.

Wolcott could have nominated Cooper on the
first formal ballot had he been so disposed, but it
was thought best to let him grow gradually, so
long as there was no danger of a boom for Tabor.
According!}^ there were five ballots before the
nomination was made. On the last ballot there
was no effort made to conceal the fact that it was
Wolcott's wish, and that alone, that influenced
most of the delegates. It had been tacitl3r agreed
that Wolcott should go to the senate, and as a
natural consequence it was a Wolcott convention,
but there was no enthusiasm about Cooper. The
convention simply conceded his nomination be-
cause it was asked by Wolcott as a necessity of
the senatorial campaign, and it was understood
that Mr. Teller was satisfied with the selection of
Wolcott as United States senator. In fact,
throughout this campaign, while Mr. Teller did
nothing whatever to influence the action of the
convention or of the legislature, it was plain that
notwithstanding Wolcott's position of leadership
Mr. Teller's influence, had it been exercised,
would have been paramount.

The first formal ballot resulted: Tabor, 18(5,
Moore, 131, Cooper, 122, Meldrum, 74, and London-
er, 34. It was perfectly evident that Tabor had
reached high water mark, and he practical^ left
the race at this ballot. After the vote was an-

124 COOPER NOMINATED

nounced an arrangement was made between the
friends of Moore and Cooper, to the effect that if
either should lead the vote the other should
throw his vote, as far as possible, for the leading
candidate, and thus make a nomination.

The second ballot resulted: Tabor, 175, Cooper,
1,V>, Moore, 108, Meldrum, 81, and Londoner, 28.

The third ballot resulted: Cooper, 199, Tabor,
173, Moore, 86, Meldrum. 63, and Londoner, 27.

The Cooper men here made a demand upon
the Moore forces for the carrying- out of their
compact, and were refused, Moore's friends think-
ing that Cooper had reached his limit, and that
when he finally broke a large share of his follow-
ing would go to Moore and cause him to forge
into the lead. The opponents of Cooper were
strong enough to secure an adjournment until
afternoon, and it seemed as if Cooper was beaten.
During the recess, however, a few votes \vere
gained, and when the fourth ballot was taken on
reassembling, Cooper went up to 214, while Tabor
had 167, Moore 90, Meldrum 60, and Londoner 17.
Jud Brush had been working strenuously for
West as State Treasurer, and had offered to com-
bine with Cooper without effect, and when it was
found that the thirty-two votes of Weld and
Washington would be required to nominate
Cooper, the votes of those counties were expected
with considerable anxiety. Contrar}^ to general
expectation, both counties went for Cooper, and
one of the most interesting gubernatorial con-
tests in the history of the state, and one which,
on the part of the successful candidate, was

A HANDSOME VICTORY 125

managed with consummate skill, was at an end.
The details have been given at considerable
length because they have been made the cause of
much recrimination between some of the con-
tending forces.

The Democratic state convention met on Sep-
tember 11, and nominated Thomas M. Patterson
for governor and Thomas Macon for Congress.

In the campaign which followed there was lit-
tle of interest. The usual amount of eloquence
was expended, and Mr. Londoner, who had been
made chairman of the Republican state commit-
tee, perfected his organization with as much care
as if he had been the leader of a forlorn hope.
Mr. Cleveland's administration, however, had dis-
gusted a large number of the Democrats of Col-
orado, the Democratic candidate for governor
was objectionable to a strong element in his own
part}7, and the handsome Townsend had smiled
his way into the hearts of the people. All of
these causes made the canvass an easy one, and
Londoner's splendid organization did the rest.
Little surprise was expressed when it was found
that Harrison had received 13,205 plurality, Town-
send 12,895 plurality, and Cooper 9,293 plurality.

The Republicans were equally successful in
the legislature, which stood in the senate, 20 Re-
publicans and 6 Democrats, and in the house 43
Republicans and 6 Democrats — a majorit}^ of 51
on joint ballot.

Senator Bowen came home from Washington,
an avowed candidate for the senatorial succes-

126 SENATORIAL

sion, but could effect nothing against the splen-
did organization of the Wolcott forces.

But while there was no doubt that the efforts
of Mr. Wolcott in his own behalf had been chief-
ly instrumental in the election of so large a Re-
publican majorit}7 in the legislature, it was at
first by no means certain that Wolcott could be
elected. It had been generally understood that
Senator Teller was not opposed to Wolcott as bin
colleague, and as a result the legislature was
strongly for Wolcott. On the first or second clay
of the session a sufficient number of names had
been attached to a written pledge to insure his
nomination in caucus. But Wolcott was by no
means easy regarding the matter. He knew, as
did every one else, that notwithstanding these
written pledges, any objection on the part of Mr
Teller would have made his election an impossi-
bility, and he was not at all satisfied with the sit-
uation. Ver3T many of these pledges had been
given upon the distinct understanding that Mr.
Teller was actively interested in Wolcott's suc-
cess, and it was important that the fact should
square with this understanding. Mr. Teller took
the ground that of the three candidates for the
senatorship, Wolcott, Tabor and Bowen, Wolcott,
was the best for the interests of the state, and
that opinion was very generally shared by the
members of the legislature. The support of
Wolcott was rather in the nature of passive ac-
quiescence in the necessities of the situation
than of active partisanship, and it was with great
reluctance that man}' of Teller's friends signed

WOLCOTT ELECTED 127

the pledge referred to. And General Hamill was
no unimportant factor in the situation. Mr. Tel-
ler was under repeated obligations to Hamill,
and Wolcott was extremely anxious that Hamill
should exert his influence with Teller toward in-
ducing- the latter to make a decided expression
in hie (Wolcott's) favor. Hamill had indorsed
Wolcott's candidacy, and readily undertook to see
Teller in response to an appeal from Wolcott.
He did so, and there made an earnest effort for
Wolcott, setting himself entirely aside, and trans-
ferring whatever claims he may have had upon
Mr. Teller's consideration to Wolcott, to whose
support he was pledged. Had this interview re-
sulted differently — had General Hamill been a
candidate for the senate, there are strong proba-
bilities that the story of the senatorial campaign
of 1889 would have been differently written. In
the caucus Wolcott received all but 15 or 16 votes
and was duly elected. It is but just to sa}^ that
he has been a disappointment to his political en-
mies, and among those who most earnestly op-
posed his candidacy there are few at this time who
do not accord him the credit of having ably rep-
resented the state. In the fight for silver he was
always in the front rank, while his acknowledged
ability has given him high rank in the senate.

This assembly was the famous " Seventh," the
alleged corruption of which has been the occa-
sion of numerous philippics, and a vast amount
of rhodomontade on the part of certain politi-
cians and 'newspapers desirous of manufactur-
ing public sentiment for the furtherance of

128 THE SEVENTH GENERAL ASSEMBLY

special personal or political ends. The truth is*
that the Seventh General AssenibU* cannot be
excused for the reckless extravagance of its man-
agement of the affairs of the state, but that it
was a band of thieves, as has been charged, is far
from true. With a majority of 51, the temptation
to reward constituents at trie-expense of the state
was greater than man}^ of the members could
withstand. If A succeeded in securing a clerk-
ship for a faithful follower, B was entitled to
equal consideration, and if no clerkship was left
it was the easiest thing in the world to make one*
and as C and D had certain aspirations on behalf
of their friends, they were readil}^ induced to vote
for B's measure, and so it went, with the doors
thrown open to useless expenditure, and with
pressure from outsiders whose maintenance is
principally derived from their alleged influence
in political conventions, until the sum total was
somewhat appalling.

The real reasons of the extravagance of the
Seventh General Assembly were carelessness and
the cupidity of the parties furnishing supplies
for the state. During the fifth general assembly
Melvin Edwards, then secretary of state, had been
investigated by a legislative committee, and nar-
rowlj- escaped a severe scoring. The disclosures
of this committee were such that Senator Car-
penter devised a sj-stem of blanks for requisi-
tions for supplies, all of which were charged to
the individual members, which proved an impor-
tant check upon the extravagance or reckless-
ness of members. The same system prevailed

SEVENTH ASSEMBLY INCIDEX'TS 1£)

during- the sixth general assembly, which was
one of the most economical in the history of the
state, but \vas discarded by the seventh, and the
absence of an}' check or individual responsibility
on the part of the members, together with the
ordering- of supplies by clerks and other irre-
sponsible parties, resulted in a profusion and
waste by the members, and a reckless petty dis-
honesty by the employes that fully justified very
man}- of the charges made. Notwithstanding
this disgraceful waste, recklessness, and, in some
individual cases, dishonest}7*, the laws made by
the seventh are among the best on our statute
books, and in point of ability this assembly
ranked at least as high as any of its predecessors.

The seventh general assembly has enoug'h to
answer for, but its members were saints in com-
parison with some who now join in the hue and
cry against them.

Immediately after the inauguration of Gov-
ernor Cooper war broke out. In the governor's
message was a recommendation for an arbitra-
tion law for the settlement of disputes between
capital and labor. Inasmuch as the supreme
court had, two years previously, in response to a
request from the legislature, decided that a com-
pulsory arbitration law would be unconstitution-
al, this was regarded by many of the members
as mere buncombe, and with some other items in
the message, was rather sharply criticised. Sen-
ator Carpenter was one of the most outspoken of
the legislative critics, and was reported in the
Republican as using strong and decidedly uncom-

IrK) SEVENTH ASSEMBLY INCIDENTS

plimentar}' language regarding the governor.
The senate resented the charge by excluding the
offending reporter from the privileges of the
floor of the senate chamber, and appointed a
committee of investigation, which found the re-
port of the paper to have been unwarranted by
the facts and exonerated Carpenter, but in the
discussion of the incident it became painfully
apparent that the chief executive and the mem-
bers of the assembly were not in the most hearty
accord.

Karly in the session two incidents occurred
which are worthy of record as illustrations of the
good-natured recklessness of the legislature. A
member who had no place for a constituent
whom he was particularly anxious to reward for
past services, introduced a resolution appointing
him engineer of the senate. As the senate was
not even in possession of a safety valve, to re-
strain the bottled up energy of its members un-
til the bursting point was reached, it had as much
use for an engineer as for a Greek professor. The
papers ridiculed it, but the senate adopted the
resolution, and the state was saddled with anoth-
er salary.

Senator Montez was provided with an inter-
preter at a salary of four dollars per day, but
this liberal compensation failed to satisfy the
longings of this descendant of the Montezumas,
and therefore Montez made an effort to add to the
arduous duties of his constituent those of a com-
mittee clerkship. But there were some, even in
the seventh, who objected to this piling up of

S E V KXT 1 1 ASS K M H L V I XC r I >KXTS 1 3 1

individual salaries, and during* the debate on the
merits of this rather extraordinar}' proposition,
the interested senator, while indulging1 in a tor-
rent of what was supposed to be the purest Cas-
tilian eloquence, momentarily forgot himself and
dropped into unmistakable, though somewhat
broken English, o-reatl\r to the surprise of most
of his hearers.

The seventh general assembl3T and its acts had
much to do with the subsequent political cam-
paigns of the state.

OFFICIAL VOTE, 1888.
PRESIDENTIAL' ELECTORS.

David H. Moore

James P, Galloway..
F. F. Osbiston,

..... 7)0.772 J. M. 8. Egan

..... 50,774 Chas. T. Hughes

. ..... 50,753 Lonny Horn

CONGRESS.

S7,549
37,567

i— Hosea Townsend... 50,620 Th<

i Macon 37.725

STATE

Governor — Job A. Cooper

Lt-Gov. — Wm. G. Smith

Secy St'e— James Rice

Treas. — W. H. Brisbane

Auditor — Louis Schwanbeck.

Atty Gen— S. W. Jones

Superintendent of Public Inst

—Fred Dick

Hcgents of the University

— Chas. R.Dudley....

— S. H. Giffen....

OFFICERS.

...49,490 T. M. Patterson.

...50,584 J. A. Porter .,

...51,023 W. R. Earhart..

...49,652 F. Rohrer

...50,979 S. W.Keene

...50,746 J. M. Abbott

ruction

..51,127 John L. Howe. ..

..50,784 Chas. Ambrook..
50,706 F.A.Chavez...

..39,197
..87,888

. .37,710
..38,507
..37,414
..37,647

. .37,272

..37,653

..37,813

JUDICIARY.

Judge of the Supreme Court

—Chas. D. Hayt
— Victor A. Elliott*.

...50,737

.51,790

M. B.Gerry
A. J. Rising

..38,760
37 610

District Judges
1st Dist. — C. S. Becker

.... 3C64

A. H. DeFrance.

2508

'Mr lk — W S Decker

5036

Sam P Rose

3045

:M " — W. S. Decker
— G. W.Allen
3d " J C El well

. . .11.1515
. ..11,411

7:*85

S. E. Browne
\V. W. Cover
J C Gunter

,...8270
...8282
8117

4th " —John Campbell
5th " — John M. Maxwell...
«th " — Geo. T. Sumner
7th " Alex Gullett

....5065
... 3751
4610
3257

Wm. Harrison
L. M. Goddard
R. A. Quillian
John C Bell

...4178
...3845
...3897
3648

sthi " — T M. Robinson

. ..riiir,

A. P. Rittenhouse.

3867

Hth " S S Downer

6776

C. A.- Bennett.

4501

9th; " —Porter Plumb
9th " J L Hodges

... .1265
. 2359

Thos. A. Rucker. . . .
Thos. A. Rucker.

...2785
3157

*To fill vacancy caused by the resignation of Samuel H. El-
bert.

tAdditional Judge provided for in Second Judicial district by
the Sixth General Assemble. Elected at general election of 1887.

tNew districts, created by the Sixth General Assembly. Elect-
ed at general election in 1887.

OFFICIAL VOTE 1888— CONTINUED

133

District Attorneys

1st Dist.*-E. W. Hurlbut

1st
2d
3d
4th
5thf
oth
6th '
7th '
SthJ '
8th '
9tl4 '
9th '

-Wm. A. Dier

— Isaac N. Stevens

— W. W. Dunbar

— B. F. Garrison

— T. A. Dickson..!

— T. A. Dickson

— Chas. A. Johnson

--Herschell M. Hogg...

— S. S. Downer

—James E. Garrigues.,.

—Ed L. Taylor..

— J. E. Rockwell

...2921 Scattering 7

. . .3196 W. C. Fullerton 2215

. 11,496 L. R. Rhodes 8145

...7818 J. H. Maupin 7644

...5425 Geo. L. Horine 3714

. . . 3328 P. O'Farrell 3237

. . . 4112 P. O'Farrell 3463

...4281 R. McCloskey 4075

...3947 W.S.Wallace 2869

. . . 5716 F. J. Annis 3482

. . . 6820 James Donivan 4137

. 1992 B. H. Butcher 1958

..2812 R.L. Weaver 2671

SEVENTH GENERAL ASSEMBLY.

SENATE.

President pro tern. M. B. Carpenter. Secretary — W. B. Felton.

1st Dist. — James W. McCreery

llth Dist,— C. J. Christian

2d "

— E. A. Ballard

—Samuel Adams

3d "

-R. H. Whitely, Jr.

—John Y. Oliver

4th "

— S. V. C. Newell

12th

44 — Wm. Gelder

5th "

— R. B. Weiser

13th

" -JohnKinkaid

6th "

—John H. Poole

14th

44 —Jas. A. McCandless

— M. B. Carpenter

15th

" —Chas. H. Abbott

— C. T. Harkinson

16th

44 —Fred Betts

— F. T. Cochrane

17th

44 — E. T. Beckwith

7th "

-R. C. Wells

18th

•' — Casimero Barela

8th "

-C. E. Nobleg

19th

44 — Juan De Montez

9th "

— Jas F. Gardner

20th

44 -Wm. H.Adams

10th "

— D. C. Bailey

21st

44 — Adair Wilson

*To fill vacancy caused by resignation of S. S. Downer. Elect-
ed at general election of 1887.

fTo fill vacaney caused by resignation of Wm. Kellogg. Elect-
ed at general election of 1887.

JNew districts created by the Sixth General Assembly. Elec-
tion held at general election of 1887.

§To fill vacancy caused by the resignation of John Campbell.

134

SEVENTH GENERAL

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

Speaker— H. H. Eddy.

Arapahoe — D. J. Brophy
— F. A. Metcalf
—E. M. Cranston
— Thos. H. Mitchell
—P. Feldhauser
—Thos. A. Wilson
— S. H, Hastings
-C. J. Harris;

Archuleta and Conejos
-C.Yaldez

Bent — James Swift

Boulder — S. S. Merry
— S. Budd
— H. Prince

Chaffee — Chas. S. Libby

Clear Creek— Robt. B. Griswold
—Samuel A. King

Costilla — M. A. Sanchez

Custer — O. E. Sperry
— Wm. Kettle

Delta, Gunnison, Mesa,
Montrose and Pitkin

-I. W. Chatfield

Dolores, Ouray and San Miguel
— A. G. Dunbar

Douglas —P. W. O'Brien
Eagle, Garfield and Summit

— C. A* Bartholomew

Clerk— R. M. Stevenson,
Elbert — E. P. Clark
El Paso — H. H. Grafton

— C. D. Ford

Fremont — W. J. Phillips
Gilpin — James R. Hicks

-E. W.Hurlbut
Grand <fe

Routt — H, H. Eddy
Hinsdale — H. E. Armitage
Huerfano— M. A. Vigil
Jefferson —John J. Clark

-C. M. Kellogg
Lako — Jos. Purcell

— Geo. P. Copeland

-F. M. Myrick

-S. F. Parish
La Plata — Jno. G. Price
Larimer — J. M. Davidson
Las Animas— R. L. Wootton

—A. Hughes
Logan, Washington and Weld

—Geo. C. Reed

Park —Webster Ballinger
Pueblo — L. F. Carlile

— Wm. B. Ebbert
Rio Grande— J. H. Shaw
Saguache — J. D. Baldwin
San Juan — H. G. Heffron

SIX YEARS is an unusually long time
Io90 for the Prevalence of political harmony
in the historj^ of Colorado. Since the
general election of 1884 there had been but a
trifling- display of factional feeling- — not enough
to cause any serious disturbance of the internal
arrangements of either of the two leading par-
ties. But this long period of peace had been
productive of considerable feeling between the
different sections of the Republican party, and
a favorable opportunity was all that was needed
to cause the smouldering embers of factionalism
to break into a furious blaze. Old wounds had
reopened, and new ones had been inflicted, and
very early in 1890 it was evident that the prelimi-
nary campaign would be one of great bitterness.

That the Republican party of Colorado has
maintained a vigorous personality despite the
several attacks upon its organization since the
spring of 1889, is proof sufficient of its intense
vitality and the vigor of its principles, whether
those principles are right or wrong. Had the
most determined enemies of that party been de-
sirous of doing that which should inflict upon it
the most serious injury they could have done no
worse than has ^been done by its professed
friends.

In order to arrive at a proper understanding
of the situation at the opening of the campaign

136 A STORM BKKWIXti

of 1890, it is necessary to briefly glance at the
condition of affairs in Arapahoe count}^ during
the preceding 3^ear.

The success of Wolfe Londoner, as chairman
of the state committee during the campaign of
1888 resulted in his nomination forma^-or of Den-
ver in the spring of 1889. His candidacy was not
received with enthusiasm by a large fraction of
the party, which regarded it as a reward for ser-
vices rendered in the election of Wolcott to the
.senate. Whether this sentiment was warranted
or not it had its effect, and sufficient opposition
developed to narrow the margin of victory to
such dimensions as to afford reasonable grounds
for contest, of which the Democrac3' were not
slow in taking advantage, and though the law's
delays permitted him to retain his seat up to
within a few days of the expiration of his term,
the cloud upon his title greatly impaired his use-
fulness in the administration of the affairs of the
city. While Londoner's administration was wor-
thy of praise, and he received the compliment
subsequently of being the best maj'or in the his-
tory of Denver, he was unable to control the acts
of the minor city officials, concerning whom
a deep distrust existed — a distrust which was af-
terwards amply justified in the courts. The situ-
ation therefore offered a fa vorable opportunity for
the indulgence of that bitterness in the struggles
between the outs and the ins for which Arapahoe
countjr had of late years been distinguished.

Added to this was the more serious fact that
immediately after the adjournment of the sev-

CAUSES OE THE BREAK 137

enth general assembly members and officers of
that bod}' had been charged, not only with crim-
inal extravagance in the administration of the
affairs of the state, but with thievery, briber}'
and corruption. It was alleged that the property
of the state had been stolen by the members and
hangers-on about the legislature; that the terms
of contracts for furnishing supplies had been
deliberately and criminally violated; that war-
rants had been illegally issued for alleged ser-
vices never rendered, and for supplies never re-
ceived, and that offices had been needlessly mul-
tiplied for the benefit of heelers. Unfortunately,
many of these charges were afterward made
good in the courts, but at the time the}' were first
made, the sole purpose was the laying of a
foundation for an attempt to wrest the party con-
trol from the hands of those who seemed to have
secured it.

Weak nominations by the Republicans of
Arapahoe county for county offices in the fall of
1883 assisted very materially the plans of the
outs. During the summer of that year the city
council of Denver had excited an intense feeling
by granting saloon licenses in the residence por-
tions of the city. This feeling extended to every
residence ward, and a most determined effort to
nominate for sheriff, Walter Conway, then presi-
dent of the board of aldermen, was met by fierce
resistance. When the convention met, it being
evident that Conway had a majority of the dele-
gates, earnest protests against his nomination
\vere made by leading* Republicans from all parts

138 . REPUBLICANS DEFEATED

of the city, who knew that Conway could not re-
ceive the support of the better element of the
part}-. The majority knew what it was there for,
however, and merel}^ laughed, nominating- Con-
way with scarcel}' an effort. The result was what
might have been anticipated, had any regard
been paid to the manifest trend of public opinion.
Conway was beaten by Barton by 2066 plurality;
.Lipscomb, for county judge, whose personal, le-
gal, and moral qualifications were beyond ques-
tion, was a relative of John A. Deweese, who was
wrongfully charged with having compassed the
nomination of Conway, and was defeated by
Judge Miller by 4006 plurality; John L. Fetzer,
nominee for county assessor, with nothing spe-
cially against him, was defeated by Brinker by
nearly 4000 plurality; Rogers, for coroner, was
defeated by Walley by 1129 plurality; Rising, the
Democratic candidate for district judge, defeated
T. B. Stuart by about 2000 plurality, and Joseph
H. Smith, Republican nominee for county clerk,
received but about 1000 pluralit}-. During the en-
tire campaign the Republican gave its support to
the Citizens' ticket, which was successful in elect-
ing the officers named.

Of course such an overturning of the part}r
organization could not fail to have an influence
on the following campaign, and when, in the
summer of 1890, the time drew near for making
preparations for the fall campaign, it was appa-
rent that there would be a sharp and bitter con-
test for the mastery between the contending fac-
tions, with no certainty of the result.

kovv ix THE COUNTY COMMITTEE. 139

When the Republican count}' committee of
Arapahoe county met on September 4, for the
purpose of fixing- a date for the county conven-
tion, and for the appointment of judges of the
primaries, it was found that the faction afterward
known as the "Gang Smashers," led'by W. G. Kv-
ans, C. F. Meek, R. K. Foote, Samuel Lesem and
others, had 31 votes, while the so-called ''Gang,"
led by Joseph H. Smith, Geo. Graham, Henry
Brady, W. H. Smith and W. H. Griffith, were rep-
resented by 44 votes. It was charged by the Re-
publican that the majority of the committee had
prepared a slate, which it proposed to put
through at all hazards, consisting of Routt for
governor and Jack Fessler for state treasurer,
while Henry Brad}" was to be rewarded with chief
of the Denver police force, and W. H. Smith was
to be satisfied with the wardenship of the peni-
tentiary. While there is no doubt that Routt was
a full-fledged candidate for the gubernatorial
nomination, the charge of the Republican brought
Mr. Fessler's candidacy into a prominence which
it had not theretofore enjoyed, and was undoubt-
edly of considerable influence in securing his
nomination through the antagonism which had
been developed against itself.

The contest in the committee was over the ap-
pointment of the primary judges. It was con-
tended by Mr. Kvans and his friends that they
should be appointed in each voting place by the
member of the committee for that precinct, while
Messrs. Smith, Graham and their following in-
sisted that the}' should be appointed by the

UO ARAPAHOE PRIMARIES

whole committee. This, it was charged by the
minority, was for the purpose of securing- a cut-
and-driecl convention. The debate was protract-
ed and warm, but the majority ruled, and the
committee appointed the judges.

The fact is that the matter of the appointment
of the judges was simply the preliminary skir-
mish between the two factions for the advantage
of position. Had the demands of the minority
been conceded the minority members would, if
possible have appointed judges whose precincts
would return a majorit3r of the delegates to the
convention, and this struggle over the appoint-
ment of judges, imp^ing, as it did, that the judge
of a primar}- might be necessary to the success of
his faction, and thus suggesting possible fraud,
was creditable to neither side.

The primaries were held on September 13, and
in most of the wards of the city were character-
ized by the most bare-faced fraud and corruption,
by no means confined to one faction. The end,
not the means, was the only object of considera-
tion. Each side was determined to carry its point
by any methods at command, and while the
" Gang Smashers" charged the " Gang" with cor-
ruption and fraud, it is a notorious fact that
many of the worst heelers in the city, who had
fattened upon the spoils resulting from their pe-
culiar methods, and had devoted themselves to
the politics of the gutter as a business for years,
were the chosen instruments of the "Gang
Smashers/' and were shouting for purit}^ in the
politics which they had assisted in, and were

MODEL DENVER PRIMARIES 141

even then engaged in doing- their very best to-
ward corrupting-. Honors were about even;
there were as good citizens on one side as anoth-
er; one side was as worthy of recognition as the
other; neither side was inspired by any higher
motive than the natural desire to be on top, and
both sides showed during the campaign that
they were perfectly willing to sacrifice the party
for the purpose of beating the other fellows.

In the first ward it was claimed by the " Gang
Smashers" that the admission of fraudulent
votes had alone caused the defeat of their ticket,
and the defeated delegates contested.

In the second ward the judges appointed by
the committee refused to admit parties claiming
to have authority to remain in the polling place
as watchers. The doors of the polling place
were broken down with a heavy timber, and the
watchers entered, whereupon the judges took
their departure, and opened another polling
place across the street, in a saloon, while at the
appointed place new judges were elected, and
two delegations were elected to the county con-
vention.

In the third ward the "Smashers" were tri-
umphant.

In the fourth ward the judges were arrested
for stuffing the ballot-box, and on this fact were
based allegations of fraud sufficient to change
the result, and the seats of the "Gang" delegates
were contested by their defeated opponents.

In the fifth ward the grossest frauds were al-
leged to have been perpetrated in the interest of

I ±2 T It E U S U A L CO X i H S 1 s

the "Gang" ticket, and the defeated delegatiotl
contested.

In the sixth ward the "Gang" ticket was elect-
ed without a contest, and in the seventh the
"Smashers" won easily.

The eighth ward primary had been called to
meet at the armory on Curtis street. On the day
preceding the primary acting-Governor Smith
issued an order in which he recited that he had
received information to the effect that an arrange-
ment had been made whereby certain parties
were to take possession of the armory the night
before, and hold it during the da}-, permitting no
one to enter during the holding of tke primaries,
and receiving the ballots through a small aper-
ture, with intent to defraud the people and pre-
vent an honest election. He therefore directed
that Colonel K.J. Brooks, custodian of the armory,
should be [instructed to permit no Jone to occu-
py the armor}* until the hour of 2 o'clock p. m.,
and at that hour to throw the armor}- open to
every one who chose to enter. In accordance
with his instructions Colonel Brooks refused ad-
mittance to the crowd until the hour named in
the call, when the doors were opened. But the
regularly appointed judges were not present,
and after some time, it was announced that the
judges, upon the pretext that it was impossible
to hold a peaceable primary in the armory, on
account of the governor's order, had removed
the polling place to an obscure point on an alley
near by. The voters present, on learning this fact'
immediately selected new judges, and proceeded

A BOLT IN ARAPAHOE 143

to hold an election in the place appointed by the
committee. The result was a contesting- delega-
tion, each delegation claiming to have been le-
gally elected.

In the ninth ward, the same charge of corrup-
tion, fraud and ballot-box stuffing was made, and
a contest against the successful "Gang" ticket
was thrown into the convention.

The county convention met in the 15th street
theatre, and a scene of the most disgraceful char-
acter resulted-from the struggle for the organi-
zation of the convention. Dr. J. W. Graham was
chairman of the committee, and the absorbing
question was: which of the contesting delega-
tions from the second and eighth wards would
be permitted to vote in the preliminary organiza-
tion. The chairman finally decided to recognize
the delegation which had been elected at the ar-
mory as the eighth ward delegates, and one-half
from each of the contesting delegations from the
second ward. On this ruling John E. Leet, rep-
resenting the " Gang Smashers," was chosen tem-
porary chairman by a vote of IGS1/^ to 149% for F.
B. Hill.

Mr. Leet was no tyro in scenes of this charac-
acter. He had participated in Louisiana politics
during the stormy days of the reconstruction pe-
riod, and knew perfectly well what was required
of him. In the appointment of the credentials
committee the " Gang "was not recognized, and
when that committee reported every "Gang" del-
egate from the six contested wards of the city
was unseated. The high-handed manner in

144 TWO CONVENTIONS IN SKSSioX

which the plans of the " Smashers " was carried
out had never been equalled in the political his-
tory of the count}', but the stake played for, the
absolute control of the political situation in
Arapahoe count}', perhaps justified the means
resorted to. At onetime a riot seemed inevitable,
but wiser counsels prevailed, and the rejected
delegates left the theater and organised a bolting-
convention in Turn Hall, for the purpose of car-
rying the contest before the state convention.

Each side now having its own convention,
conducted its affairs with calm deliberation. Dr.
Graham was sent for by the Turn HalJ conven-
tion, and in a few words plainly expressed his
disapproval of the action of the Fifteenth street
body, and called the "Gang" convention to order.
Each side elected a full delegation to the state
convention. The Fifteenth street convention
nominated a full county ticket, while its rival ad-
journed to await the action of the state conven-
tion.

During this contest, which has been given in
full because of its subsequent influence upon
the campaign, an earnest effort was made by the
" Smashers" to induce the belief that the " Gang"
was organized for the defeat of Senator Teller,
who was in the field for re-election, his term ex-
piring on March 4, 3891. The Republican, in sup-
porting this assertion, was forced into the un-
wonted and anomalous attitude of a supporter of
Senator Teller, but plainly disclosed its animus
in a cartoon representing Wolcott in the act of
plunging a knife into the back of Senator Teller,

kKPl'BlvlCAN HTATK CONVENTION 145

while the fact is incontrovertible that there was
not at that time a leader of the Republican part}
of Colorado who dared oppose the re-election of
Senator Teller, and few, if any, who desired his
defeat. While the old and tried friends of Mr.
Teller were mostly with the "Gang/' and the old
Hill-Wolcott faction generally with the "Smash-
ers," it must be admitted that they were all in fa-
vor of Mr. Teller, \vho«e re-election was a conced-
ed necessity. It was not that the Republican liked
Teller more, but that it liked Wolcott less.

The state convention met on the 17th of Sep-
tember, and after the election of Alex. Gullett as
temporal-}^ chairman, and the appointment of a
committee on credentials, adjourned to the fol-
lowing- day. It was plain that the "Gang,4' so-
called, wTas in the ascendant, and a strong effort
was made to secure the recognition of the
"Gang" delegation from Arapahoe .count}'. The
credentials committee listened to both sides, and
in all probability earnestly endeavored to arrive
at a just conclusion upon the merits of the ques-
tion. The matter was discussed in all its bear-
ing's, and the session of the committee was pro-
tracted far into the night.

When the convention reassembled on the 18th,
the credentials committee was still wrestling*
with the problem, and an adjournment was taken
until 1 p. m. At that hour the committee pre-
sented its report. It recognized neither conven-
tion, but reported having gone behind the re-
turns, and finding that in the wards and pre-
cincts which had given credentials to the Koutt

11(5 ARAPAHOE DELEGATES DIVIDED

or " Gang" faction, 169 delegates had been elected,
while the other faction had elected 151 delegates.
On this basis the committee reported in favor of
seating 02 "Gang" and 55 " Smasher " delegates.

Byron L. Carr, of the committee, presented a
minorit}^ report in favor of seating the entire del-
egation presented by the Fifteenth street conven-
tion, and headed by H. A. W. Tabor. The minori-
ty report was rejected, 421 to 105, and the majori-
ty report adopted by the same vote.

The 02 "Gang1' delegates promptl}- marched
into the Convention and took their seats, but the
" Smashers" refused to go into the convention
unless the entire delegation was admitted, and
the convention went on with its business.

The contest for the nominations was some-
what tame after the exciting events in Arapahoe
county. Routt was the only candidate who had
made any special effort for the gubernatorial
nomination, and though several others were
spoken of, and some slight efforts were made to-
ward organising an opposition to his nomination,
it was soon shown that no acceptable candidate
upon whom the delegates could unite was before
the convention except Routt, and he was nomi-
nated by acclamation.

Townsend was renominated by acclamation
and Professor Dick for superintendent of public
instruction, Sam Jones, for attorne3r-general, and
J. H. Fessler for treasurer, were made the nomi-
nees of the part}*. In regard to the latter office, a
\ery decided sentiment had arisen in the state in
favor of turning the interest derived from state

ARAPAHOE CONTEST 147

funds into the treasury. The contestants for the
nomination for treasurer were required to pledge
themselves to turn over all interest derived from
the deposit of state funds, and did so promptly
and full}'. None of the pledges made were more
frank and sweeping than that of Mr. Fessler, and
it was felt that in his nomination all demands of
the people had been complied with. E. M. Ash-
ley was chosen as chairman, and N. H. Meldrum
as secretar3T of the committee.

The moment the convention adjourned the
chairman was confronted by a serious problem.
So far as the respective merits of the contending
factions were concerned, the convention had de-
cided nothing, except by implication, in giving
the "Gang "a rnajorit}- of the Arapahoe county
representation. It had officially recognized nei-
ther convention, but had left the settlement of the
Arapahoe county troubles entirely in the hands
of the chairman of the state committee. The
"Gang" claimed that by deciding that it had
elected a majority of the delegates to the county
convention, the state convention had given a
quasi recognition to the Turn Hall convention.
On the other hand, the " Smashers" insisted that
the " Gang/' by remaining in t*he convention after
its organization and participating in the selec-
tion of the committee on credentials and the sub-
sequent proceedings, had forfeited its right of
appeal, and that the chairman of the state com-
mittee, in the exercise of his dut}r in settling the
controversy, had the example of the state con-
vention to warrant his going behind the returns,

148 KNIFING THE TICKET

and passing- upon the honest}' of the primaries.
During all of this controversy there was a con-
stant effort on the part of the Republican to make
it appear that the "Gang'" leaders were in a plot
to defeat Mr. Teller, and that Mr. Wolcott was in
the conspiracy.

In the month of February preceding the state
land board had sold in the usual manner a tract
of school land near Argo to \V. C. Lothrop & Co.,
for $204.50 per acre. This sale had been fiercely
denounced by the Republican. It was alleged that
three times as much could have been realized by
the board; that it was a steal; that the proper le-
gal steps had not been taken, and that therefore
the sale was void. Messrs. Dick and Jones, nomi-
nees for superintendent of public instruction
and attorney-general respectively, were members
of the land board when the sale was made, and
for that reason their election was \ igorousl}- op-
posed by the Republican. That paper also made
repeated calls upon Mr. Fessler, candidate for
state treasurer, to make a public pledge regard-
ing the interest on state funds. Fessler made no
reply to the demand, and therefore came in for
his share of the opposition of the Republican. In
one of the cartoons bearing on this question the
heads of the ticket were represented as canning
the three candidates named, while in another
General Hamill, A. M. Stevenson and Henry Bra-
dy were represented as hanging- on a boat rowed
by the Republican candidates. Not an opportu-
nity was lost by the Republican in its fight against
Dick, Jones and Fessler, and in its attempts to

DEMOCRATIC NOMINATIONS 149

create a belief in its support of Mr. Teller, and
its charge that he was being- sacrificed by the
" Gang." It is idle to claim that these efforts
were without effect in compassing the defeat of
the candidates named. There is no question to_
day that the principal factor in the controversies
of 1890, which so nearly led to the defeat of the
Republican party, was the Denver Republican.
Whether right or wrong, its fight was effective.

While the final settlement of the factional con-
troversy in Arapahoe county was in abeyance
several matters affecting the situation occurred.

On September 24 the Democratic state conven-
tion met in Denver. A canvass of the situation
disclosed the fact that it would be difficult to
find a candidate for governor. The nomination
was offered to J. B. Grant, Alva Adams, Judge
Ballarcl, Myron Reed, and Judge Harrison, and
declined. Lafe Pence wanted it, and was impor-
tunate in his efforts to secure the nomination.
Finally Judge Yeaman was induced to accept the
nomination if made. Pence was also before the
convention, and remained until it was evident
that he would be smothered, when he withdrew,
and Judge Yeaman was nominated by acclama-
tion. Thomas O'Donnell of Arapahoe was nomi-
nated for congress. Democrats felt somewhat
hopeful regarding the three offices of state treas-
urer, attorney-general, and superintendent of
public instruction, and for those offices made
three of the best nominations ever made b}^ the
party in the state, naming James N. Carlile for
treasurer, J. H. Maupin for attorney-general, ahd

150 ARAPAHOE CASE DECIDED

N. B. Co}' for superintendent of public instruc-
tion.

On September 26 Mr. Carlile, Democratic can-
didate for treasurer, made a public, written
pledge in regard to the interest on state funds,
and this declaration afforded the opportunit}' for
the Republican to make dail}- demands upon Mr.
Fessler to do likewise.

On September 27 the Turn Hall convention re-
assembled and placed in nomination a full legis-
lative and count}7 ticket. There was no longer
an}- hope of a satisfactor}T compromise, and the
energies of both the Republican and the Times
were devoted to their efforts to show that their
respective tickets were the only simon pure,
original Jacobs, Republican nominations, while
Democrats smiled at the way in which the Re-
publicans were making things easj* for them.

On October 4, Mr. Fessler, at the earnest re-
quest of Chairman Ashley, made an unequivocal
pledge regarding the disposition of the interest
on state funds, and received the unqualified en-
dorsement of the Republican.

On October 5, Chairman Ashle}T rendered his
decision on the Arapahoe question, recognizing
the "Smashers" ticket, and announcing that be-
sides his own convictions on the situation, he
had received letters from every part of the state
urging him to adopt this course for the best in-
terests of the party.

While the Republican professed to support
Fessler, the opposition to him which had been
started by that paper still continued, and it was

"SMASHERS" TICKET ENDORSED 151

evident several days before the election that he
would be defeated.

Meanwhile the Republican, revelling- in its un-
accustomed position as the party dictator, turned
its attention to Senator Teller, and in a number
of articles demanded that he should take sides
in the Arapahoe count}^ controversy, insisted
that he should "speak out," and, as he failed to
respond with sufficient alacrity, published a car-
toon in which he was represented as being- muz-
zled by Senator Wolcott. On October 21, Mr. Tel-
in an interview published in the Republican, did
speak out, endorsing- the "Smashers" ticket, and
the last hope of the "Gang" leaders vanished.

While this contest was disgraceful on both
sides, conducted with an indecent disregard of
the best interests of the party, and was caused
solely by selfish desire for leadership, it is be-
3^ond question that the advantage of position was
with the "Smashers." Whatever of merit was
originally with the "Gang" side was thrown
away by indecision and bad generalship. The
" Smashers " knew what they wanted, knew how
to get it, and did not hesitate to take it when the
opportunit}r offered. It is no less difficult today
than it was at the time to decide which of the
two factions most nearly, represented the Repub-
lican party, and it is a matter of no importance,
for the burning fact remains that on account of
this foolish and unnecessary contest between
factions headed by leaders who did not hesitate
to sacrifice the party to their ambitions, three
state officers and six members of the legislature

152 A MIXED

suffered defeat, while the disorganization that
resulted aided materially in rendering possible
the Populist cyclone which struck the state two
years later.

The result was what might have been expect-
ed. In Arapahoe county the Republicans elected
one senator and three representatives, and the
Democrats one senator and five representatives,
Governor Routt was elected by 0408 plurality, and
Mr. Townsend by 8331 plurality. Dick, Jones and
Fessler were defeated, while in the assembly the
•")! majority of two years before was reduced to
121, there being- 10 Republicans and 10 Democrats
in the senate, and 32 Republicans and 17 Demo-
crats in the house.

On the meeting of the legislature a caucus of
the Republican members of the house was held
in which all was apparently harmonious, and
James W. Hanna was selected as the part}- candi-
date for speaker. He was elected by a full party
vote, and took his seat with the full consent of all
parties concerned. When he attempted to an-
nounce his committees, however, the legitimate
fruits of the factional quarrel in Arapahoe coun-
ty were made manifest.

James H, Brown of Arapahoe count}', was one
of the most prominent leaders of the "Smash-
ers." He had been elected by a narrow majority,
and took his seat as a Republican, participating
in the caucus and subsequent proceedings.
When the speaker had prepared his list of com-
mittees, however, Mr. Brown suddenly discovered
that the same "Gang" which he had assisted in

LEGIvSLATlYK REVOLUTION 153

smashing' at the polls in Arapahoe count}', had
reared its horrid front in the halls of the state
legislature, and that through corruption and
fraud it promised to secure the standing com-
mittees. His first move' was to object to the
adoption of the rules of the last house (the usual
custom) except as a temporary measure. On the
evening of Januar3r 9, 1891, Speaker Hanna pro-
ceeded to read the list of standing committees,
and was immediately interrupted by Mr. Brown.
The speaker refused to recognize him, and com-
pleted the reading of the list. At its conclusion
a motion to adjourn was made and declared car-
ried amid the vigorous protests of Mr. Brown's
followers. As the speaker left the chair the elec-
tion of another speaker was called for bj- Mr.
Brown, and on a call of the roll it was found that
those who sustained Mr. Brown consisted of 13
Republicans and 14 Democrats — a majority of
the house. Before the necessary arrangements
had been made for holding a session and declar-
ing the office of speaker vacant, Speaker Hanna,
accompanied by the sergeant-at-arms and a dep-
uty, entered the hall and directed the officers to
extinguish the lights. When this was attempted
a rush was made to prevent it, and blows were
struck, but the members of the regularly organ-
ized house rallied to the support of their officers
and gradually the lights were extinguished.
Senator McKinley was present, and invited the
revolutionists to occup}r the senate chamber.
But this move had been anticipated, and when
}T reached the senate chamber President Car-

154: REVOLUTIONISTS ORGANIZE

penter was present, and refused them admission.
Here another altercation and collision occurred,
hut it was finally concluded that the veto of Pres-
ident Carpenter was of more virtue than the invi-
tation of Senator McKinle3r, and the party ad-
journed to the Albany. The Republican revolu-
tionists were Brown of Arapahoe, Brown of Jeff-
erson, White, Secor, Chapman, Bell, Sanborn,
Alden, Wilmot, Richardson, Shaw, Carmichael
and Flick inger.

During1 the next few da}-s the struggle was
maintained with varying- fortunes. The revolu-
tionists took the ground that the speaker had no
right to appoint the committees without the con-
sent of the house, and the salient point of the
contest was the approval of the minutes of the
session of January 0, the revolutionists contend-
ing for the expurgation of the record giving- the
speaker's announcement of his committees, and
the adjournment on the 9th.

The contest on the 14th was of the most deter-
mined character, consisting of the most persist-
ent efforts on the part of the revolutionary faction
to secure a vote on Mr. Brown's motion to correct
the record, met by dilatory motions and filibus-
tering on the other side. Gradually the contest
narrowed down however, until both sides were
wear}- of the controversy, and it was somewhat
of a relief when a new turn was given to the
strug-gle b}r Mr. O'Mahoney, who had been chosen
speaker pro tern, by the revolutionists. He called
his party to order, and called for nominations for
speaker. Jesse White of Custer count}^ was

TWO HOUSES IN SESSION i.Y>

declared elected, and thenceforth the question
at issue was the legality of the branches into
which the house had been divided. Each house
held daily sessions, but while the original house
lacking- a quorum, could do nothing but adjourn
from da}7 to da}', the revolutionary bod}' varied
the monotony of the proceedings by the intro-
duction of bills and the discussion of public
measures.

Each of the houses surrounded itself with
guards, the original body securing the aid of the
police, while the revolutionists procured the ser-
vices of deputy sheriffs and a mob of special of-
ficers whose qualifications were of a muscular
rather than a legal character. Neither side was
particular as to the moral character of the men
employed, and to this fact is due the murder of
Captain Hawley by Harley McCoy, both men be-
ing engaged in the defense of the contending
factions. The militia had been called for by
some who anticipated a riot, and though the
troops did not actually put in an appearance, they
were under arms, and were held at the armory in
readiness for anything that might occur.

On January 16 the revolutionists issued a
manifesto to the people of the state, reciting the
incidents of the revolt and the alleged causes
leading thereto, claiming to be the legally or-
ganized house, and appealing to the people for
support. Though they had a majority of the
members public sentiment was decidedly against
their methods. Mr. Brown was the acknowledged
leader of the revolt, and in defending his posi-

156 SENATOR TELLER RE-ELECTED

tion claimed that he had been elected as a repre-
sentative of the people who desired an immedi-
ate re-form of the abuses and corruption that had
previously existed, and that his present contest
was along- the same lines and ag-ainst the corrup-
tion that had characterized the election of Speak-
er Hanna and the appointment of the committees.
Inasmuch as he had participated in the election
of the speaker, however, and had onl3r objected
to the appointment of the committees, to the gen-
eral public the action of the revolutionists
seemed to be due solely to disappointment in not
receiving the committee appointments the3r had
expected, and the Republican sarcastically ob-
served that Mr. Brown was not much of a
"Smasher'' after all, as the previous }rear, during
the Stuart libel suit against that paper, he had
been one of the principal upholders of the
"Gang."

During the time when both houses were in ses-
sion the highest number present at any session
of the regular house was 22, and as the revolu-
tionists frequently lacked a quorum it was hoped
that they would be eventually worn out. Mean-
time, Governor Routt, undetermined as to the
legality of either body claiming- recognition
had requested an opinion from the supreme
court, submitting the allegations of each side.

As the date fixed for taking a ballot for United
States senator drew near, considerable anxiet}r
was felt regarding the possible effect of the im-
broglio upon the senatorship. On January 19?
however; a Republican caucus was held, and Mr

REVOLUTIONISTS WIN 157

Teller was nominated. On the 20th the houses
ballotted separately, Mr. Teller receiving 14 votes
in the senate (two senators being absent), 19 in
the regular house and 13 in the revolutionary
house. On the 21st the senate met the house in
joint session, and Mr. Teller received 47 votes to
27 for Judge Yea man.

January 24 the supreme court rendered its de-
cision on the legislative situation, taking the
ground that as the speaker was not a state officer,
he could be at any time removed by a majority
vote of the members of the house. This decision,
sustaining the position of Mr. Brown and his fol-
lowers, while sharpty criticised by many good
lawyers, was gracefully acquiesced in by the
original house, and on the 25th Mr. Hanna yield-
ed up the gavel to Mr. White, the speaker elected
by the revolutionists.

Without touching upon the legal rights of
the revolutionists, their action is open to the
most severe criticism. The house was regularly
organized in accordance with law, and upon an al-
leged condition of affairs, in proof of which noth-
ing was brought forward except further allega-
tions, the revolutionists took a stand, and estab-
lished a dangerous precedent. They may have
been honest in making their claims, but neither
the circumstances alleged, nor the results at-
tained were of sufficient importance to justify
the revolution and its attendant expense and
bloodshed. Having an undoubted majority of
the house, if it was true, as asserted by them,
that the election of Speaker Hanna and his com-

158 WHY DID THEY DO IT?

mittee appointments were due to corrupt in*
fluences, they were in the best possible position
to promptly expose and defeat any corrupt mea-
sure. That they were not satisfied with this pow-
er, but hastil}^ and with violence overturned the
established customs of the house, upon the mere
assertion of a suspicion of corruption, affords
the strongest grounds for the opinion expressed
by manj^, that the motives of the leaders, at least,
were of an entirelj' different character from those
alleged — an opinion that the decision of the su-
preme court was entirely insufficient to change.

OFFICIAL VOTE, 1890.

CONGRESS.
52d Congress— Hosea Townsend...43,118 T. J. O'Donnell 84,736

STATE OFFICERS.

Governor— John L. Routt 41,827 Caldwell Yeaman 35,359

Lt-Gov. — W. W. Story 41,356 PI att Rogers 36,248

Secy St'e-E. J. Eaton 42,577 Wm. Forman ........ 35,084

Treas. —John H. Fessler 37,576 J . N . Carlile 34,494

Auditor — J. M. Henderson 41,503 W. F. Skelton 34,935

Atty Gen— S. W. Jones 37,675 J. H. Maupin 38,661

Superintendent of Public Instruction

—Fred. Dick 36,560 N. B. Coy 40,133

Regents of the University

— O. J. Pfeiff er 42,608 H. O. Montague, 34,914

— W. H. Cochran 42,242 C. M. Ford 35,257

JUDICIARY.
District Judges
2d Dist, — T. B. Stuart* 7,211 A. J. Rising 9291

—David B. Graham* .... 10,605 Wilbur F. Stone 4994

District Attorneys

9th Dist.— Geo. D. Johnstonf 2645 E. C. Stimson 2531

E1GHTTH GENERAL ASSEMBLY.

8ENATE.

President pro tern. M. B. Carpenter. Secretary— J. S. Lawrence.
1st Dist.- James W. McCreery 7th Dist.— R. C. Wells

2d "

—A. F. Howes

8th "

— A. A. McGovney

3d "

-R. H. Whitely, Jr.

9th "

— Jas. F. Gardner

4th "

— H. S. Balsinger

10th "

— D. C. Bailey

5th "

— R. B. Weiser

llth "

—John Y. Oliver

6th "

— F. T. Cochrane

—A. T. Gunnell

— M. B. Carpenter

— John King

— Amos Steck

12th "

— Wm. Gelder

—A. B. McKinley

13th "

-F. W, Smith

*Additional judges for the Second Judicial District provided
for by the Seventh General Assembly. Election held at the gener-
al election in 1889.

fTo fill vacancy caused by the resignation of J. E. Rockwell.

160

EIGHTH GEXERAt ASSEMBLY1

14th
lath
16th
17th

— M. S. Bailey
— J. A. Israel
—Fred Betts
—A. Walters

HOUSE OF EEPR

Speaker — Jesse White.

Arapahoe —A. P, Rittenhouse
— C. M, Campbell
— D, W. Mullin .
— WT. Van der Weyden
— Jas. PL Brown
— D. F. Carmichael
—Ralph Voorhees
—A. E. Bromley

rVrchuleta and Conejos

—Nathan Eldodt

Bent, Kiowa, Otero and Prowers
— Chas. EL Allen

Boulder —Tim O'Connor
-F. P. Secor
— C. W. Sanborn

Chaffee —A. R. Kennedy

Clear Creek— J. F. Topping
-R, T. Shaw

Costilla — S. W. Hathaway

Custer —Jesse White

—Edwin Mitchell

Douglas — E. M. Ammons

Elbert, Cheyenne Kit Carson and
Lincoln

— L. R. Tucker

El Paso — F. F. Costello
— J. E. Reynolds

Fremont — T. Thornton

Gilpin — W. H. Richards

— M. Leahy

Grand &

Routt — H. H, Eddy

18th • — Casimero Barela

19th " — B. L. Smith

20th " — Wm. H. Adams

21st " -L. N, White

lESENTATIVES.

Clerk-W. H. Edmunds.
Hinsdale — G. H. Zacharias
Huerfano— C. B, Bowman
Jefferson — H. R. Brown

— D. P. W'ilmott
Lake — R. Eaton

—John X owl and

— G. W. Dollis

— T. F. O'Mahoney
La Plata and Montezuma

— J. W. Hanna
Larimer — C. J< Chapman
Las Animas and Baca

— J. J. Hendricks

— R. L. Wootton
Logan, Morgan, Sedgwick,
Phillips, Washington, Yuma
and Weld

-H. W. Twombly
Park — H. Alden
Pitkin, Mesa, Montrose, Delta
and Gunnison

— F. M. Coombs
Pueblo — J. R. Flickinger

-Geo. R. Bell
Rio Blanco, Eagle, Garfield
and Summit

— O. M. Warner
Rio Grande— R, P. Wallace
Saguache — L. B. Schwanbeck
San Juan — Wm. Sullivan
San Miguel, Dolores and Ouray

—A. P, Adams

THK effects of the several political cata-
Io92 clysms that characterized the campaign

of 1890, and the subsequent scenes of
violence in the legislature were much more seri-
ous and far-reaching than was anticipated by
the people by whom they were provoked. It was
openly charged by the Republican that the same
parties that were responsible for the alleged mis-
doings of the seventh general assembly, for the
debauching of the primaries, and for the mis-
government of Denver, aimed to secure absolute
control of the political machine^ of the city, of
the county, and of the state. Consequently
when the Republican city convention of the
spring of 1891, with few exceptions, renominated
the officers elected two }rears before, that paper
at once and vigorously denounced the ticket
placed in the field, alleging that glaring frauds
had been committed; that saloon and other li-
censes had been granted, the mone}^ received
from which had never found its way to the city
treasury; that dog tax had been collected and
unaccounted for, and that duplicate dog tags
had been issued to cover this branch of the sys-
tem of theft inaugurated by the city administra-
tion. It was charged that officers of the city had
engaged in business for the sole purpose of fur-
nishing supplies at exorbitant figures, and that
the entire administration of Mayor Londoner

162 RETROSPECTIVE

bad been organized for the purpose of robbery,
which the mayor was powerless to prevent.
Whatever of robber}^ there may have been to jus-
tif}^ these charges, there was sufficient ground
for suspicion to arouse a strong- sentiment
among the taxpayers, and spurred by the Republi-
can, which ignored the causes which had led to
the ascendanc}r in local politics of. a class of men
capable of perpetrating these frauds, the people
took action.

The Republican city convention met on March
U'J. 1891, and nominated W. H. Milburn for mayor,
A. B. Place for city treasurer, Jos. Vick Roy for
city clerk, F. A. Williams for cit}^ attorney, J. A.
Mclntyre for city engineer, and George Raymond
for city auditor.

On the following day the Democrats nominat-
ed Platt Rogers for Mayor, James F.Adams for
city treasurer, William Ferguson for clerk, G. A.
Corbin for city attorney, John B. Hunter for city
engineer, and J. T. Smith for auditor.

Prior to these nominations, on March 1, a
mass meeting of the citizens of Denver was held
in the interest of municipal reform, and resolu-
tions were adopted urging the passage by the
legislature of a metropolitan police bill, request-
ing the governor to appoint as police commis-
sioners none but men of the highest character
and sterling integrity, and appointing a commit-
tee of fifteen to present the resolutions to the leg-
islature and governor, and to devise such other
measures for state arid municipal reform as
might be deemed expedient.

RETROSPECTIVE 163

On March 25 this, committee met, and having
agreed that neither of the tickets presented was
a fair expression of the wishes of the people, de-
cided that it came within their province to select
a ticket which would more nearly satisf}^ the de-
sire for clean government. According^ they
endorsed Platt Rogers for Ma}ror, James F. Ad-
ams for treasurer, and J. B. Hunter for engineer,
from the Democratic, Jos. Vick Roy for clerk, and
F. A. Williams for attorney, from the Republican
ticket, and substituted as the candidate for audit-
or, V. P. Hastings in preference to either Smith
or Raymond.

The Citizens' ticket was elected with the excep-
tion of auditor, for which office Mr. Smith was
the successful candidate, by pluralities averag-
ing more than 5000. M. D. Van Horn was the on-
ly supervisor elected on the Republican ticket,
and the board of aldermen stood six Democrats
to three Republicans. While the vote showed
the people of Denver to have been overwhelm-
ingly in favor of the Citizens' ticket, the result
with seven thousand voters supporting the
straight Republican ticket, was the injection of
another element of discord into the Republican
councils of the county, which was reflected upon
the following state campaign, and the creation
of dissensions at a time when it was most impor-
tant that the most absolute harmony should pre-
vail.

Subsequent events absolutely justified the ac-
tion of the citizens' committee, and therefore the
onus of a portion, at least, of the disorganization

164 SILVER COMES UP

which followed must rest upon the men who had
so administered the affairs of the city of Denver
as to disgust a very large number of stanch Re-
publicans, and dispose them to welcome the ad-
vent of a third part}7, which might do better, but
could not reasonably be expected to do worse.

It can readil}^ be imagined that on the open-
ing of the campaign of 1892 there was no little
bitterness among the Republicans of the strong-
est Republican county in the state. But what-
ever 11133' have been this feeling it was kept un-
der tolerable control, as it was realized that an
element of danger to Republican supremacy in
the state was beginning to make itself felt in the
organization of clubs of various kinds, both par-
tisan and non-partisan, but all united in the pur-
pose of securing the recognition of silver by op-
erating through political channels. On the 20th
of Ma}r, 1891, the Trans-Mississippi Congress con-
vened in Denver, and after a brilliant debate on
the financial question as affecting silver, de-
clared in favor of the coinage of the American
product I)}7 a vote of 58 to 55. Silver had gradu-
ally declined, and ever}- effort to secure favorable
legislation had failed, and now a very large num-
ber of the mines of the state had been compelled
to suspend operations, and as a result the num-
ber of men out of employment had greatly in-
creased. Naturally the cause of this continued
and increasing depression was looked for and
was not far to seek. The Democratic party had
a majority in Congress, but had refused to take
action looking to the restoration of silver, and

THE NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 165

gradually the attention of the sufferers was di-
rected to the necessity of political action on the
subject, through the national conventions.
When the calls for the conventions of the two
great parties were made the feeling on the sub-
ject had reached a point that made it necessary
for both parties to do their utmost to secure fa-
vorable action by the conventions.

The State Silver League had sent representa-
tives to both conventions, and these gentlemen
appealed to the Republicans to listen to the de-
mands of the west. Mr. Teller, who was a mem-
ber of the platform committee, worked hard to
secure recognition for silver, but the only result
was a plank which was far from satisfying the
people of this state, as, general in its terms, it
pledged the part}^ to nothing definite, and put
the Republican pai?ty of Colorado on the defen-
sive from the very outset of the campaign. On
the 10th of June, 1892, Mr. Harrison was renomi-
nated. A strong feeling against Mr. Harrison
existed in this state, on account of the unfavora-
ble action of his administration with relation to
silver, and Blaine was the favorite for the nomi-
nation, and his defeat, coupled with the unsatis-
factory silver plank, caused a feeling of disap-
pointment akin to revolt.

On June 21 the Democratic convention met in
Chicago. The Colorado delegation was loud in
its opposition, to Cleveland as the result showed,
to no purpose. The Greystone club had agreed
to attend in a body, but showed up in Chicago
with fewer than thirty delegates, whose disgust

166 A BLACK EYE FOR SILVER

when Senator McKinle3' ardentl}^ espoused the
cause of Mr. Cleveland, was openl}- expressed-
This action of Senator McKinley had the effect of
creating the impression among eastern delegates
that the class of Colorado Democrats of whom
the senator was a representative would not be
averse to the nomination of Mr. Cleveland, while
the contrast between the gentlemanl3r, dignified
attitude of McKinley, and the blatant, assertive
insolence of so man}- of the Coloradans present
was not calculated to create friends for the silver
cause. When to this was added the threats of
bolting Cleveland in which several indulged it
may be concluded that Colorado's mission to Chi-
cago was not a shining success in any particular.
Mr. Patterson was a member of the platform
committee, and made an earnest plea fora strong-
silver resolution without effect, the silver plank
being full}' as unsatisfactory as that adopted at
Minneapolis, the only positive declaration being
in favor of the repeal of the purchasing clause
of the act of 1890. Mr. Patterson presented a mi-
norit}r report, and while urging its adoption was
listened to with considerable impatience by the
convention^ which rejected his report.

The nomination of Mr. Cleveland on June 22,
was followed on the 23d by the bolt of the Den-
ver News, which declined to support the nominee.

The national convention of the People's party
met at Omaha on July 2, and adopted a straight
silver plank, nominating Weaver of Iowa for
president.

It was painful^ evident to the Republicans of

POLITICAL CHAOS IN COLORADO 167

Colorado that the condition of affairs presented
by the several national conventions, rendered the
result in this state extremely doubtful. A number
of prominent Republicans immediately declared
themselves as opposed to Mr. Harrison. The De-
mocracy were equally outspoken, while the State
Silver League industriously sought to secure
pledges for the election of presidential electors
who would decline to vote for any candidate for
president except one who would sign a free coin-
age bill, and to increase* the membership of the
league with a view of securing the balance of
power. The Denver News and its editor, Mr. Pat-
terson, earnestly sought to secure the endorse-
ment of the People's part}7 electors, and the nom-
ination of a straight Democratic state ticket, the
evident purpose being to maintain the Demo-
cratic state organization, while rebuking the na-
tional organization by throwing the electoral
vote of the state to the Omaha nominees. But the
News had raised a storm which it found it diffi-
cult to lay. The people, who felt outraged by
the action of their conventions, seemed disposed
to no half measures, and refused to be controlled.
The Democratic organization, while it saw its
strength gradually dwindling, maintained a firm
position, refusing to recognize the News as a par-
ty organ, and standing squarely upon the Chica-
go platform and for the party nominees. It was
evident therefore, that unless the delegates to the
state convention could be secured in the interest
of Mr. Patterson's policy, a permanent split in
the party would result, and both factions labored

168 POPULIST MOVEMENTS

earnestly to maintain their respective
each insisting- that it clone represented the De-
mocracy of the state.

The People's party was the most aggressive.
With everything to gain and nothing to lose, that
part}^ few in numbers at first, but loud and con-
stant in singing the praises of the Omaha plat-
form, took advantage of every move in the ranks
of its opponents, and drew to itself all of the dis-
satisfied elements of both parties. The incon-
gruities of the Omaha platform were plainly
seen, but incongruities counted for but little with
the miscellaneous lot which rallied about the
part}r standard, scenting possible spoils, which
they could not hope to secure from either of the
old parties. The Populists also had much to
hope for from the so-called silver party, which
had taken the ground that the only way to secure
the ultimate recognition of silver as a money
metal was to defeat the old parties, to which vain
appeals had been made, and to accomplish thai
purpose disregarded all enunciations of princi-
ple except the single silver plank of the Omaha
platform, inserted for the sole purpose of catch-
ing the votes of the western states.

This being the situation, the State Silver
League was called to meet in Denver on July 26,
and the Populists called their covention for the
following day.

At the meeting of the Silver convention no ac-
tion was taken other than the appointment of a
committee to confer with the People's party con-
vention, with the view of nominating an electo-

POPULIST CONVENTION 169

ral and state ticket which should be satisfactoi\y
to both conventions.

The People's party convention met on the 27th
and after organizing- appointed a committee to
confer with a similar committee on the part of
the silver league convention regarding the nom-
inations. Pending the report of this committee
an earnest effort was made b}^ the friends of Mr.
Patterson to secure an adjournment till the fol
lowing day, or at least to prevent any definite ac-
tion in the direction of nominating a state ticket.
The object of this effort was so plainly with
the purpose in view of making the convention
the instrument for carrying out Mr. Patterson's
plans that it failed. The conference committee
was therefore permitted to complete its work,
and presented a list of names that had been
agreed upon for each office, from which list the
nominees were to be selected. The silver conven-
tion, after waiting some time for the report of the
conference committee, adjourned to the follow-
ing day.

On the 28th both conventions met, and the
Populists at once proceeded to nominate a full
state ticket, with Davis H. Waite as the guberna-
torial nominee. The silver convention also met,
but, as a large majority of the delegates were al-
so delegates to the Populist convention, and were
engaged in nominating a ticket, it adjourned to
the next day.

On the 29th the Silver convention, reinforced
by the Populist delegates, took up the report of
the conference committee. This was Mr. Patter-

170 MR. PATTERvSON KNOCKED OUT

son's last opportunit}^ to prevent the nomination
of a state ticket, and visiting- the convention he
made an earnest appeal to the delegates to ad-
journ without nominating- candidates. A scene
of indescribable confusion ensued. FinalHT, after
a rambling* debate, divided between denuncia-
tions of Mr. Patterson, criticisms of the Omaha
platform, eulogies upon that document, and en-
dorsements of the candidates named by the Pop-
ulist convention, a motion was made to endorse
the Populist electors. This was prompt^ voted
down and Mr. Patterson left the hall. A motion
immediately followed to endorse the entire Pop-
ulist ticket, which was carried, and a movement
which opened like a farce, but proved to be the
commencement of a very serious political trage-
dy, was fairly launched upon the troubled sea of
politics.

While Mr. Patterson was endeavoring to guide
both the Silver and Populist conventions, anoth-
er contest, of much greater political importance
to him than the endorsement of a new part3r, was
on his hands. The straight, democracy, which
prided itself on voting the ticket without a
scratch, and on its taste for " crow," when regu-
larly served upon the parly table, was determined
to punish him for his bolt. The opportunity had
long been awaited by a large number of leading
Democrats who had winced under the domina-
tion of Mr. Patterson, whom they had themselves
assisted in advancing to his position of leader-
ship, only to see him overshadow themselves, and
that opportunity had come at last. It had been

DEMOCRATIC DISSENSIONS 171

Mr. Patterson's plan to prevent if possible the
nomination of a state ticket by the new party,
and then, upon the meeting- of the Democratic
convention, to secure a fusion with the Populists,
thereby retaining- the regular Democratic organ-
ization, and at the same time maintaining his
full fellowship with his party. In accordance
with this plan he proposed to call the Democrat-
ic convention at an early date, and the chairman
of the Democratic committee called that body
together on July 28. When the committee met,
Mr. Patterson's plans, which subsequent events*
proved to have been wise, had been partially de-
eated by the nomination of a Populist ticket, but
there was still hope of a fusion of the Democrats
and the Silver League. The committee met at 3
p. m., and from that hour until nearly midnight
held one of the most exciting sessions in the his-
tor}^ of the Colorado Democracy. The struggle
from start to finish was, on one side, to practical-
ly read Mr. Patterson out of the party, and 011
the other to invest him with its leadership, al-
though it was on the admission of proxies that
the lines were drawn. Finall}r, after all parties
were tired of the struggle, the committee was
brought down to business upon a motion to hold
the convention in Denver on September 5. An
amendment to hold the convention in Pueblo on
September 12, was carried. The committee was
controlled by the Cleveland men, and refused to
take any action that would further the plans of
Mr. Patterson. At a caucus of those favorable to
fusion August 14 had been fixed upon as the date

172 REPUBLICAN PRIMARIES

of the convention. In fixing- it for a month later
the committee dealt the last blow to an}^ hope*
that Mr. Patterson may have had in the regular
Democratic organization.

The Republican county committee of Arapa-
hoe county met on August 27 to fix dates for the
primaries and county convention, the state con-
vention having- been called to meet at Pueblo on
September 8. It had been freely predicted that
this meeting- would be characterized by a fierce
struggle between contending- factions, but con-
trary to this expectation not a ripple disturbed
the proceedings. The time for holding- the con-
vention was quickl}T agreed upon and the com-
mittee adjourned without indulging in the an-
ticipated wrangle.

It is not to be supposed, however, that the pri-
maries passed off without a struggle. The old
cries of Wolcott and anti-Wolcott were raised
for the purpose of drawing the lines, the Wolcott
faction and the " Gang" of 1890 being regarded
as identical by their opponents. Differences had
arisen between Senator Wolcott and some of his
former stanch supporters, and the contest for the
naming of delegates to the state convention was
conducted with the avowed purpose on one side
to defeat the Wolcott faction, and on the other to
prevent his opponents from controlling the dele-
gation. The open avowal was made that the
fight against Wolcott was preliminary to an ef-
fort to defeat his re-election to the United States
senate, by securing control of the political ma-
chinery of the state, and consequently the con-

AN ANTI-WOLCOTT CONVENTION 173

test was exceedingly warm, verging- on a bitter-
ness that gave promise of an open rupture.

The contest for the congressional nomination
in the first district, for the purposes of the cam-
paign, hinged somewhat upon this fight against
Senator Wolcott. If. Wolcott did not actively
support the pretensions of Mr. Stevens to this
nomination he at least seemed to consent thereto.
This, considering some things that had occurred,
was somewhat of a concession on the part of
Wolcott. It is doubtful if Senator Wolcott really
entrusted his interests in the hands of Mr. Ste-
vens, but however that may have been, Stevens
was supported by Wolcott's friends, and was, by
common consent regarded as Mr. Wolcott's
choice. Opposed to Stevens for the congression-
al nomination was Karl B. Coe. A large follow-
ing- of the party desired the nomination of Frank
C. Goudy, but Mr. Goudy declined to enter the
contest, and Coe and Stevens were left to fight it
out without interference. The primaries were in
the main well-conducted, received the approval
of a majority of the part}^, and~resulted in a vie-
to^ for the anti- Wolcott or Coe faction.

During the month of July an understanding
had been arrived at b}^ the party leaders that an
effort should be made to nominate Judge Helm
for governor. He had just been elected to a sec-
ond term on the supreme bench, but contemplat-
ed resigning for the purpose of engaging in
practise at the bar, and it was with considerable
difficulty that he was induced to make the race.
He had counted with reason upon the support of

174 A BOLT AVERTED

both senators, and at the time of the Arapahoe
county convention it was understood that he
should be supported b}^ the delegation from that
county, and that, should he become the nominee,
he should receive the active support of an united
part}T. That he did not receive the support that
he had reason to expect now seems clear, and
whatever ma3r have been the causes of the defec-
tion there are good reasons for the belief that
had it not been for treacher}^ in the Republican
party, Mr. Coe and the entire state ticket would
have carried the first congressional district. It is
certain that a much larger number of Republi-
cans voted against the state and congressional
tickets in the first district than can be accounted
for by the political upheaval which followed the
national conventions of the old parties.

When the Arapahoe county convention met
on the 5th of September, there were serious indi-
cations of the usual bolt. While the anti-Wolcott
faction, which supported the aspirations of Mr.
Coe to the congressional nomination, were clear-
ly in the majority, the margin was too close to
be counted on with certainty, and the adherents
of Mr. Stevens seemed disposed to carry their
man through with a rush, if possible. This dis-
position was summarily checked by Mr. Coe,
however, who, as chairman of the county com-
mittee, called the convention to order. The con-
test in the convention was over the exclusion of
the delegates chosen in precincts where the
watchers appointed by the committee had not
been admitted. Mr. Coe declined to recognize

COE NOMINATED FOR CONGRESvS 175

these delegates, and the Stevens faction made a
rush for the platform. Failing- in their apparent
design of capturing- the convention 03^ force, dur-
ing- the calling- of the roll on the election of a
chairman they returned to their seats, and the
ballotting proceeded, resulting in the election of
Jos. H. Smith, representing the Coe faction, by a
vote of 197, to 167 for J. C. Twombly, who had been
nominated by the Stevens men. Some members
of the defeated faction called for a bolt, and most
of that faction retired to the rear of the hall,
where conciliatory speeches made by Messrs.
Stevens and Twombly calmed down the excite-
ment, and the convention proceeded with its bus-
iness, electing a Coe delegation to the district
convention. For once an Arapahoe count}5- con-
vention concluded its work without a bolt. The
local ticket named was one that commanded the
respect of ever}^ Republican in the count}^, and
with one or two exceptions could not have been
improved. It was endorsed from top to bottom
by the Republican, and for the first time in several
years the Republican party of Arapahoe county
seemed to be thoroughly united.

The two congressional conventions met on
September 6, for the first district in Denver,
where Earl B. Coe was nominated, and for the
second in Colorado Springs, where H. H. Eddy
was the nominee. Both nominations were hear-
tily approved, by the rank and file as well as by
the leading Republican papers of the state, and
there seemed every reason for the belief that the
nominees would lead the party to a splendid vie-

176 REPUBLICAN STATE CONVENTION

tory — an expectation that only had the effect of
embittering the result.

When the Republican state convention met at
Pueblo on September 8, the extent of the possible
defection to the new party was first made mani-
fest to the Republicans of the state. It was con-
ceded that the danger of serious loss was very
great, and that there was a possibilit}' of losing
the state. The necessity for the most absolute
harmony was therefore made plain, and the re-
sult was that the proceedings of the convention
were more absolutely free from disturbing ele-
ments than any that had been previously held in
Colorado. Only one sharp struggle took place
— that for the nomination for state treasurer— and
that was entirely friendly throughout, H.K. Mul-
nix finally securing a nomination over N. S. Wai-
pole, of Pueblo. The nomination of Judge Helm
for governor was conceded before the convention
was called to order, and therefore his nomination
by acclamation came as a matter of course. He
had fairly won the honor by hard work in his
profession. He had been a member of both
houses of the general assembl}^ district attor-
ne}r, judge of the district court, and a justice of
the supreme court, and in all these positions had
been distinguished by a modest, industrious and
conscientious discharge of his duty. He had at-
tained high standing in his profession by his
own efforts, and it was felt that he would add
great strength to the ticket, and that his nomina-
tion would go very far toward counteracting any

HELM FOR GOVERNOR 177

effort to draw Republicans to the support of the
third party, headed b}^ such a man as Waite,
then entirely unknown. He had also been elected
to a second term on the supreme bench by a
handsome majority. All of these considerations
gave him so great prominence that from the
time his name was first mentioned other aspi-
rants for the honor were scarcely thought of.

The other candidates on the state ticket were
of the same character, and when the convention
adjourned it was the general opinion that there
had never been a ticket nominated in the state
more entirel)r worthy of the support of ever}-
member of the party. It was not thought possi-
ble that -any large number of Republicans could
be drawn away from so excellent a ticket to the
support of a ticket composed of men picked up
.from anywhere, absolutely unknown, and with-
out any guarantee of special fitness, respectabili-
ty, or even a knowledge of the duties which, if
elected, the}r would be called upon to perform.
No political party ever went into a campaign bet-
ter equipped for victory, and suffered a more dis-
astrous defeat.

A resolution had been introduced in the con-
vention instructing the nominees for the electo-
ral ticket, should they be elected, to vote for no
candidate for president who was not known to be
friendly to silver. Had this resolution been
adopted there is reason for the belief that there
would have been a different ending to the cam-
paign. But the resolution was considered im-
politic, and was so earnestl}- opposed by leading

178 THE DEMOCRATIC vSITUATION

members of the convention that it remained
buried in the committee.

While the Republicans were engaged in select-
ing their state ticket, the Democratic factions of
Arapahoe county were having their final strug-
gle for supremacy. The Patterson faction had
made an unsuccessful attempt to capture the
Arapahoe county convention of the People's par-
ty, which met on August 28 to nominate a county
and legislative ticket. Several Patterson men se-
cured seats in the convention, but they were en-
tirely ignored, and the convention nominated a
straight, middle-of-the-road ticket, and adopted
characteristic resolutions, cutting loose from
everything* except the Omaha platform.

The Arapahoe county Democratic primaries
were called for September 8, and long before that
date it was evident that the result would be two
delegations claiming admission to the state con-
vention. The Patterson faction controlled the
party machinery of the county, and named the
judges, selected the polling places, and generalty
managed things in such a manner as to render
morally certain the selection of delegates who
would endeavor to prevent the naming of a
Cleveland electoral ticket. C. S. Thomas, the
member of the national executive committee for
Colorado, favored fusion with 'the Populists with-
out abandoning the party organization, for the
sole purpose of taking Colorado out of the Re-
publican column. Mr. Patterson desired to so
control the state convention as to secure the en-
dorsement of the Weaver electors and at the

FUSION AND CONFUSION 179

same time effect an arrangement whereby the
state ticket might be made satisfactory to the Pop-
ulists, while it might be considered, for cam-
paign purposes, the simon pure Democratic article-
The straight Democrats denounced both schemes
as treason to the Democratic party, and insisted
upon an entirely distinct ticket, headed by Cleve-
land electors. It was charged at the time that
there was a perfect understanding between Pat-
terson and Thomas, and that the latter was only
playing1 into the former's hands in assuming his
position regarding a fusion with the Populists.
On behalf of Mr. Thomas it was alleged that he
had the authority of Mr. Harrit}7, chairman of the
Democratic national committee for the fusion.
This the straight Democrats denied, quoting Mr.
Harrity himself in support of the denial. It was
also claimed that the bolt of the News was not the
act of Mr. Patterson, but that John Arkins was
responsible therefor; that Mr. Patterson's first in-
timation of the bolt was received when he was in
consultation with the other leaders of the oppo-
sition to Cleveland regarding the terms upon
which they would give their heart}^ support to
the head of the ticket; that Mr. Thomas's position
was taken for the purpose of helping Patterson
out of a very disagreeable dilemma, the result of
the imprudence of his partner, and that all of Mr.
Patterson's efforts were with the end in view of
maintaining his position in the Democratic par-
ty. It is difficult to dissect motives amid such a
mass of contradictions, but it is doubtful if any
of these rumors were well founded. It is much

180 DEMOCRATS DIVIDE

more likely that Mr. Patterson felt that it was
necessary to show some of his political asso-
ciates who had been opposing" him for j'ears, that
he was able to control the situation despite their
opposition, and that the rank and file of the Dem-
ocratic party still regarded him as a leader of
the part}^. If this be the correct presumption
the result, at least so far as the convention and
the majority of the Democrats of Colorado were
concerned, showed that he had not overestimated
his strength.

When the polling places in Denver were open-
ed it was found that there was not a chance for
the straight Democrats. In some places the
judges were not to be found at the polls; in oth-
ers they refused to admit the watchers appointed
by the constituted authorities, and other polls
were opened. The result was that in nearly all
the districts there were two polling places, and
the polls closed with a certainty of contesting
delegations in the state convention.

Both factions held count}' conventions on the
10th, each selecting a delegationjto the state con-
vention and adjourning without nominating a
county ticket, the Cleveland faction to September
19, and the Weaverites to the 22d.

There have been some stormy scenes in Re-
publican conventions in Colorado, but nothing
to compare with that which occurred upon the
meeting of the Democratic state convention at
Pueblo on September 12. The Weaverites were
distinguished by purple and the Cleveland dele-
gates by white badges, and it was easily seen

DEMOCRATIC STATE CONVENTION 181

that the Patterson men had the best in numbers
if not in argument. When the convention was
called to order b}^ Chairman Arbuckle he pro-
ceeded to read the list of delegates as prepared
by himself. This was instantly objected to and
the row commenced. After some acrimonious
debate upon the right of the chairman to assume
this power, Mr. Arbuckle ruled that it was his
right to prepare the preliminary roll and ordered
the roll to be called. The confusion again broke
out, and Arbuckle, in doubt as to the course to
pursue, was compelled to seek advice from Pat-
terson and Thomas. But he could do little more
than listen to the contentions of the struggling
factions. C. J. Hughes, in a splendid burst of in-
dignant oratory, cautioned the chair to be care-
ful how he attempted to stifle the voice of the
Democracy of Colorado, and was followed by Mr.
Thomas with a point of order. Dozens of excit-
ed delegates were on their feet at once, fiercely
gesticulating, and vainly endeavoring* to make
themselves heard and secure recognition from
the chair. The chair seemed determined to rec-
ognize no one except Mr. Patterson or Mr. Thom-
as. Mr. Arbuckle did not read the list of dele-
gates from Arapahoe county, in which there was
a contest, but nullified this apparent fairness by
announcing that the Patterson delegates from
Arapahoe would be allowed to vote for the tem-
porary chairman. This announcement nearly
caused a free fight, but the chair stuck to his
text, and received the 90 votes of Arapahoe coun-
ty for T. J. O'Donnell. Jere Mahone}^ offered 90

182 IT AVAvS PATTERSON'S CONVENTION

votes from Arapahoe for B. F. McDaniel,of Pueb-
lo, but the vote was not received. Seven votes
from Lake county were cast for McDaniel, but
the chair decided that the Lake county delega-
tion having- adopted the unit rule, the}' could not
be received, and the Lake county vote was count-
ed in full for O'Donnel. The protests of the
Cleveland wing were unavailing. It was evident
that the majority of the convention took the cue
from Mr. Patterson, and that that gentleman in
one of the most determined faction fights in the
history of his part}', had established his claim to
the leadership of the Colorado Democracy, and
subsequent events proved the wisdom of Patter-
son's course, from a purely political standpoint,
for notwithstanding Populist claims the result of
the election places beyond dispute the fact that
the greater part of the vote for Waite was de-
rived from the Democratic party through the di-
rect, personal influence of T. M. Patterson. The
Populists had not sufficient political sense to lis-
ten to his suggestions, and some of their leaders
were afraid of his influence in their party. Had
he permitted himself to be governed by like pet-
ty motives, and given ear to the demands of the
Cleveland Democracy for the nomination of a
straight Democratic ticket, the result would have
been a Republican victor}-. But the great object
to be attained was Republican defeat, and if the
Populists were silly enough to reject his over-
tures, but one thing remained to be done — to as-
sist them to accomplish what they could never
have accomplished unaided. Mr. Patterson's

A BOLT FOLLOWS 183

consummate skill as a politician was never exhib-
ited to better advantage than in the campaign of
1892. Under Patterson's influence but one result
of the contest in the convention was possible.
The chair announced that O'Donnell had received
331 votes and McDaniel 80. The convention had
had enough for one session and adjourned till
evening.

At the night session two reports were made
from the credentials committee, the majority re-
port seating the Patterson and the minority the
straight delegation from Arapahoe county. The
Weaverites attempted to shut off all debate on
the minority report, and it was only through the
courtesy of Mr Patterson that the report was de-
bated at all. Debate was fruitless, however. The
speakers were jeered and hooted, and at the con-
clusion of a manly appeal for fair treatment, by
C. J. Hughes, the majority report was adopted by
a viva voce vote.

The Cleveland delegates at this juncture with-
drew to the side of the hall and, as the portraits
of Cleveland andStephenson were removed from
the stage, set up a roar which caused Chairman
O'Donnell to call upon the police to arrest them
if they did not leave the hall. The Cleveland
faction thereupon left the Weaverites, by this
time worked up to a frenzj7, to their own devices.

But the contest was not yet over. O'Donnell
was made permanent chairman and Arbuckle
chairman of the state committee. Mr. Patterson
presented the resolutions, and a minority of the
platform committee protested against the adop-

184 WEAVER

tion of an address to the people, provided for in
the resolutions, which endorsed the candidacy of
Weaver and Field* Without action on the resolu-
tions the Weaver electors were endorsed.

A delegate asked Mr. Thomas how he could
remain a member of the national committee and
endorse Weaver. This brought Mr. Thomas to
his feet, and after a speech in which he endea-
vored to make it appear that while he was not a
Pop4ilist, but was a supporter of Cleveland, he
could favor the endorsement of the Populist
electors and consistently retain his place on the
national committee, he moved to amend the re-
port by striking- out the names of Weaver and
Field and substituting those of the Populist
electors. The chair ruled the motion out of or-
der, and Mr. Thomas declared that if the address
was adopted in its present form there would be
another bolt. Mr. Patterson explained that Mr*
Thomas was in favor of taking the state from the
Republicans for the purpose of helping Cleve-
land, while the speaker was against Cleveland,
and would regard the election of Weaver as a
beneficent result. Mr. Thomas took an appeal
from the decision of the chair. The chair at first
refused to entertain the appeal, but after more
lurid argument, redolent of brimstone and bril-
liant with pyrotechnical oratory, the appeal was
put, and the chair sustained by a vote of 267 to 82<
Thomas was in a white heat, and when Currigan
moved that the state committee be authorized to
put a state ticket in the field, moved that it be in-
structed to nominate a straight democratic ticket'

THE WATERS PART 185

At this point Mr. Patterson, in an alleged Demo-
cratic convention, stepped entirel}7 outside of his
party, and insisted that the committee should be
authorized to select whom they chose. Mr.
Thomas thereupon declared that he had gone as
far as he proposed to, and would not support
such a ticket.

Mr. Patterson retorted that he was "sure there
would come a parting- of the waters." Delegates
all over the house arose to denounce the Curri-
gan motion and Mr. Thomas exclaimed, dram-
atically, "The parting of the waters has come."
The Currigan motion prevailed, 232 to 107, and the
convention adjourned.

.This was, in many respects, the most remarka-
ble political gathering ever held in the state. It
met as a Democratic convention and adjourned
as a Populist auxiliary. But it was cliiefl3r dis-
tinguished for the two-fold victory gained b}r Mr.
Patterson— first over the dyed-in-the-wool Demo-
crats and then over that element in the part}', led
by Mr. Thomas, which, while not averse to hav-
ing the state carried by the Populist electors as
an auxiliary aid to the national Democratic tick-
et, strenuously objected to the endorsement of
Populist candidates by a Democratic convention.
Neither Mr. Patterson nor his convention was in
a mood for splitting hairs. The state was sure to
go Populist or Republican, and the}7 proposed to
see that the Republicans did not win — and did it.

Meantime the Cleveland Democrats, who had
organized by electing Jere Mahone}^ temporary
chairman, upon leaving the hall assembled at

186 STRAIGHT DEMOCRATS NOMINATE

the Grand hotel, and soon afterward secured a hall
and completed the organization of their conven-
tion. B. F. McDaniel was elected permanent
chairman, and after discussion of the situation
an adjournment was had to the following- day.

The second district Democratic congressional
convention had been in session during the da}-,
and had endorsed the Populist nominee for con-
gress, John C. Bell.

On the morning of the 13th the Cleveland De-
mocracy took possession of the Mineral Palace,
and proceeded with dignity and deliberation, in
striking contrast with the turbulent scenes of
the da}r before, to nominate a Democratic ticket.
But little time was wasted. An electoral ticket
was named, J. H. Maupin was nominated for gov-
ernor, the remainder of the ticket was made up
of men whose devotion to the principles of the
party was beyond question, and after the adop-
tion of resolutions appropriate to the occasion
the convention adjourned, the delegates feeling
gratified at their succesful effort to preserve the
party organization.

The Populists of the first congressional dis-
trict had nominated Myron W. Reed as their can-
didate, and a strong effort was making to secure
for that gentleman the endorsement of the Dem-
ocratic party. Mr. Reed was absent, however,
and the matter was held in abeyance until his re-
turn, while his numerous personal friends in all
parties earnestly endeavored to prevent his ac-
ceptance of what they could not but feel was a
doubtful honor, even if he should be elected.

MORE DEMOCRATIC CONTESTS 187

Mr. Patterson, in the meantime was not idle.
He had turned over the bulk of the Democratic
party to thfe Populists, but that part}^, in its fool-
ish conceit, failed to properly appreciate his as-
sistance, and refused to accord him the right to
share in the deliberations of the party. Immedi-
ately after the nomination of Mr. Waite the News
had denounced the nomination, characterizing
Waite as lacking- in the "calibre and judgment
necessary for so important a position/' following
up this statement on the next day by declaring
that the nominee was not a man of "that breadth
of mind, that tolerance of spirit, that depth of
• character," required in the governor of the state.
While these criticisms were amply justified hy
subsequent events, they were resented b}^ Waite
and his followers, who were not sufficiently
skilled in the science of politics to understand
the necessity of securing so powerful an ally as
Mr. Patterson at any cost to their personal feel-
ings. With the exception of the Democratic state
convention, Mr. Patterson had not been success-
ful in his numerous political undertakings. He
had failed in securing the co-operation of the
Populist leaders, notwithstanding the fact that
he alone had made their success possible, and it
was now necessary that he should have at least
an appearance of harmony between the Populists
and the Silver Democrats, as the Patterson wing
of the Democracy was called. Though Mr. Pat-
terson was master of the situation, he could not
afford to resent the attitude of the Populists, and
every effort was made to conciliate Waite, whose

188 WAITE CONCEDES NOTHING

radical views and untutored readiness of speech
had alread}^ captured the great mass of the Pop-
ulist following-, and made a strong- impression
upon such Democrats and Republicans as had
adopted the theory that the most effective way of
protesting against the injustice to silver was to
vote the Populist ticket. Kver3rthing* possible
was done to secure some concessions from Waite
in the event of his election, in consideration of
the support of Mr. Patterson and the News, with-
out avail. Waite, with the lack of policy charac-
teristic of his administration, absolutely refused
to concede an}rthing to his Democratic allies, and
did not hesitate to expose the pending negotia-
tions as an earnest of his determination to refuse
the assistance offered. Never was a political lu-
natic more fortunate, in spite of his own lunac}-.
The negotiations continued, however, Waite still
remaining firm and un3'ielding, and the Demo-
cratic demands growing constantly smaller, un-
til finally a stage was reached where there was a
fair prospect of a common understanding.

While these sub rosa negotiations were in pro-
gress there was work of another character for
Mr. Patterson, in order to round up his victory
in the Democratic party. The straight Demo-
crats of Arapahoe county had adjourned their
convention to September 19th, and on that date
met to nominate a full county and legislative
ticket. It needed but one or two tentative efforts
in this direction to show that nothing could be
expected in that body, and the pure Democracy
nominated a ticket, which, whatever it may have

DEMOCRATIC WRANGLING 189

lacked in other respects, was thoroughly- respect-
able.

There now remained but the county conven-
tion of the Silver Democrats, elected by Mr. Pat-
terson's own followers, which, after nominating
Judge Miller for county judge, had adjourned to
September 22. Here of course Mr. Patterson had
every reason to anticipate entire success, but
while general^ in line with him the convention
in some particulars acted independently in mak-
ing- its nominations.

The state committee of the Silver Democrats
was called to meet on September 26, for the pur-
pose of naming a state ticket in accordance with
the resolution adopted at Pueblo. Negotiations
with the Populist committee had been constant
but fruitless; had resulted in nothing tangible,
and it was thought best by the leading Silver
Democrats that the Arapahoe convention should
adjourn without making* nominations until after
the meeting of the state committee, in order that
it might be used in bringing Waite to terms. It
was designed to use the count}7- convention as
a trump card to force concessions from the Pop-
ulists. But many of the members of the county
convention were not prepared to go the length of
entirely separating from the Democratic party.
Some had already repudiated the Patterson pro-
gramme and joined the straight Democrats, and
when the convention was called to order but few
were present. A motion was made by Mr. Patter-
son that the convention appoint a committee to
make nominations and adjourn. This created

190 A MIXED COUNTY TICKET

such a roar of dissent that the motion was with-
drawn. Mr. Thomas once more presented his ob-
jections to the endorsement of Weaver and Field?
which was embodied in a resolution presented,
approving the action of the Pueblo convention,
but on a viva voce vote the chair declared the
resolution adopted. But this seemed to be as far
as the delegates cared to go. The}- did not care to
entirely commit the convention to the Populist
candidates and the Omaha platform, and when
Lafe Pence placed in nomination the nominees
for the state senate on the Populist ticket, there
were strong objections. But, as the opposition
was not prepared, it was voted down. For float
senator, however, the straight Democrats were
successful in getting their man by a vote of 113
to 78. On the ticket for members of the lower
house two of the Populist nominees were swal-
lowed with some grimaces, but by this time the
straight Democrats had recovered their wind,
and Otis B. Spencer was placed in nomination as
against Andrew Chalmers, a Populist nominee.
The chairman, John D. McGilvray, who had been
a delegate to the state convention of the Silver
Democrats, but had decided to retain his hold
upon the Democratic organization, refused to
consider Chalmers' nomination, and declared
Spencer nominated. After the usual wrangle, in
which the beauties of harmon}^ were illustrated
by contrast, the chair decided to permit a vote,
and Mr. Spencer was nominated, receiving 174
votes to 39 for Chalmers. A number of delegates
here left the hall, and the subsequent proceed-

MORE OVERTURES TO WAITE 191

ings were rather uninteresting-. Several more of
the Populist candidates were endorsed apparent-
ly because there seemed to be no Democrats will-
ing- to accept a nomination. Then W. F. Kaub, a
nominee of the straight Democrats, was endorsed
and W. H. Clark and W. S. Brawley, both new men,
and the latter a colored man, were put on the tick-
et. The remainder of the ticket was made up
very g-enerally from the Populist ticket, but there
was no enthusiasm manifested, and it was plain
that to manj^ of the delegates the proceedings
were somewhat of a funereal character — as if the
convention was assisting- at the obsequies of the
Democratic party. And yet it is now plain that
had the Democratic party entered heartity into
the plans of Mr. Patterson the coalition would
have controlled the legislative as well as the ex-
ecutive department of the state government.

An effort had been made to purchase the with-
drawal of Waite from the ticket, $5000 having-
been named as the figure, but Waite was not the
man to accept a bribe of that character, and as a
last resort it was represented to him that he could
not possibly be elected without the aid of Mr.
Patterson and the News, and unless he agreed to
permit the Silver Democrats to name some of the
gubernatorial appointments, that aid would not
be forthcoming. Waite had by this time become
thoroughly imbued with a sense of his own im-
portance, and the certainty of his election, and
was disposed to arbitrarily reject all overtures
from the man who had belittled him. But his
committee thoug-ht differently, and a compact

192 THE NEWS ENDORSES WAITE

was entered into, so loose in its terms, that Waite,
after his election, found little difficult}7 in evad-
ing its provisions. The state committee of the
Silver Democrats, on the ninth ballot, selected
Waite as its candidate for governor by a vote of
23, to 12 for Maupin and 9 for Arbuckle, the mi-
norit}7 refusing to make the nomination unani-
mous. The majority was not large, but it was
enough. The other candidates on the state ticket
were endorsed by the same vote. The News at
once accepted the situation, disagreeable though
it was. Mr. Patterson had been constant in his ~
efforts to secure a change in the head of the tick-
et, and to support a man whom his paper had de-
nounced as unfit for the place was only justifia-
ble upon the ground of political necessity. But
it was necessary, and though the mortification
was great, there was nothing to do but bow to the
situation. Frequently afterward the News was
compelled to sharpl}7 criticise the governor it had
made, but there is no evidence that Waite ever
acknowledged or even understood the great sac-
rifice made by that paper in his behalf.

The campaign was now, after two months of
travail, fairly inaugurated, and was character-
ized b}r the methods which were the natural out-
come of the scenes described in the preceding-
pages. The News was the principal factor of the
Populist campaign, and to its influence more
than an}r other was due the result of that cam-
paign. Entirely devoted to Populist success, it
recognize no obligations that might possibly in-
terfere with the success of its cause. Character,

THE CAMPAIGN INAUGURATED 193

reputation, unchallenged respectability, all went
for nothing- in its appeals against the Republi-
can candidates. It seized upon the slightest
threads Upon which to hang charges against the
gentlemen who were the nominees of the Repub-
lican part}7. It denounced both the senators of
Colorado, who had been earnestl}7 at work in the
silver cause, as enemies of the white metal, and
called upon Populists to refuse to hear them. It
suggested a boycott of such business men as
refused to support the Populist ticket, as enemies
of the state from which they derived their sup-
port. It called upon its readers to prevent the
holding of Republican meetings, under the pre-
text that such gatherings were treasonable to the
best interests of the state.

The result of such advice, scattered broadcast
all over the state, coupled with the assertion by
Populist orators that the success of the Populist
ticket would be at once followed by a revival of
the industries of Colorado, better wages, and,
-which always counted with a Populist audi-
ence— the downfall of capital, can readily be im-
agined. Such reputable orators as Senators Wol-
cott and Teller, Judge Belford, Mr. Townsend,
Charles Hartzell and others— men who had been
frequently honored by the people of Colorado,
were greeted with hisses, cat-calls and hooting.
On several occasions the uproar was so great
that they could not be heard. In a number of in-
stances mobs of Populists whose better judg-
ment and sense of decorum had been clouded by
these appeals to prejudice, took possession of

194 A HOWLING CANVASS

the halls secured for Republican meetings and
fairly howled the speakers from the platforms.
Business men were plainly told that if they sup-
ported the Republican ticket they would be com-
pelled to go out of business. In the mountain
towns especiall}', a reign of terror was inaugu-
rated. Two weeks before the election it was evi-
dent to those who had assisted in the canvass of
the state that the Republican ticket could not
possibly be elected.

Two matters of considerable importance oc-
curred during the heat of the campaign. Myron
W. Reed had been tendered the nomination for
congress from the first district by both wings of
the Democracy and the Populists. After consid-
ering the matter for several weeks, Mr. Reed, on
October 1, sent a letter to Mr. Patterson for trans-
mission to the committee, declining the nomina-
tion. Mr. Patterson held the letter several days,
in the hope of securing a reconsideration of the
declination, but Mr. Reed was firm, and Lafe
Pence received the nomination of the Populists
and Silver Democrats, while the straight Demo-
crats nominated John G. Taylor.

Secretary of State Katon recognized the ticket
headed b}- Maupin forgo vernor,and refused to cer-
tify that of the Silver Democrats. On September
28 a writ was issued from Judge Rising's court,
enjoining Mr. Katon from certifying the nomina-
tions made by the Democratic convention pre-
sided over by B. F. McDaniel at Pueblo. The
matter was fought through to the supreme court,
which decided that each of the tickets nominated

AFTER THE LEGISLATURE 195

at Ptieblo should be certified as the Democratic
ticket. The result was two Democratic tickets in
the field, each with an entirely different list of
names.

As the campaign progressed the aims of the
Silver Democrats became more plainly apparent.
Not a day passed that the News did not remind
its readers that the important element in the
campaign was the legislative ticket. Day after
da}7 it urged its followers to "compromise all ex-
isting differences between Populists and Demo-
crats in legislative and senatorial districts when
there are two tickets in the field." So earnest was
the News in this matter that in Populist circles it
was charged that Waite was to be traded off for
the legislature, and several times it required the
most earnest efforts to prevent the Populists
from openly repudiating the Patterson alliance

Merchants and business men were frequent!}
called upon to contribute to the Populist cam-
paign fund, and as the contributions were not at
alf adequate to the demands, the News did not
hesitate to suggest a boycott of Republican busi-
ness men by the assertion that the voters of the
Populist part}^ would " bear in inincl all business
men who strike a blow against silver's friends,
and aid and assist silver's enemies." It also ad-
vised Populists to note down a list of the busi-
ness men who participated in the Republican
business men's rally in Denver. In making
the charge that fraud was to be resorted to in the
election, it appealed to violence by reproducing
from a San Francisco paper a cartoon represent-

196 STRAIGHT DEMOCRATS ENDORSE WEAVER

ing a gallows, as the possible result of the cam-
paign.

During the campaign efforts were constant to
secure the support of the Cleveland Democrats
for the Weaver electors. Karlj^ in October Mr.
Arbuckle and Senator McKinley went to New
York for consultation with the national Demo-
cratic committee. Both gentlemen returned the
last week in October, and it became at once ap-
parent that a decided change had taken place in
the sentiments of the Cleveland Democrats.
Leaders of the party openly advocated the with-
drawal of the electoral ticket, and the substitu-
tion of the Weaver electors. Others were in favor
of withdrawing the former, but were unalterabl}7
opposed to the substitution of the latter, insist-
ing that the Democratic part}' had no authority
to place at the head of its ticket the names of
candidates of any other party, and that such ac-
tion would in no way bind the voters of the party.
This class insisted that if the Cleveland electors
were withdrawn the electoral ticket should be left
blank. The i\lews and Mr. Patterson opposed the
substitution of the Weaver electors, and de-
nounced it as a scheme to draw votes from the
Populist state ticket. It was argued, however,
by those Democrats who favored the withdrawal,
that the object was to assist Mr. Cleveland, and
as there was no possibility of electing Weaver
the only result would be the loss of Colorado to
the Republican party, and if anything was to be
done at all, the party should go the whole length.

The Pueblo convention had nominated on the

SHARP DEMOCRATIC PASSAGES 197

electoral ticket J. N. Carlile, Ansel Watrous, J. A.
Shinn and C. O. Unfug. These gentlemen were
asked to resign, and October 29 the deal was
closed, the Cleveland electors were withdrawn,
and the Weaver electors were substituted on the
straight Democratic ticket. The deal was repu-
diated by a larg-e number of stanch Democrats.
John G. Taylor, candidate for congress from the
first district on the Democratic ticket, openly de-
nounced it in a ringing letter to Chairman McKin-
ley, in which he stated that the Democrats of Col-
orado were thereby "deprived of all semblance
of leadership in the national contest, and utterl}^
cut off from the cherished privilege of voting
openly for the Democratic candidate for the pres-
idenc}^ of the United States." He asserted: " No
device or expedient could ever be accepted by me
as a substitute for this prerogative," and there-
fore resigned from the ticket. His name was re-
tained on the ticket, however, the letter of resig-
nation having been held long enough to permit
the legal limit of withdrawal to pass.

This act fully justified the charge of the Re-
publicans that a vote for Weaver was a vote for
Cleveland, as the Democrats who advised it sus-
tained the move on this ground alone. While the
News stigmatized it as a trick, there are the best of
reasons for the belief that Populist leaders were
fully advised on ithe matter, and were satisfied, as
it rendered absolutely certain what was reasona-
bly sure before. The straight Democrats, by this
act justified the position taken by Messrs. Patter-
son and Thomas at the outset of the campaign.

198 THE END JUSTIFIED THE MEANS.

Perhaps as scandalous a feature of the cam-
paign as any of the many that were sprung, was
the effort to make it appear that Mr. Coe, Repub-
lican candidate for congress from the first dis-
trict, had been concerned in questionable trans-
actions in Omaha, prior to his removal to Denver.
The charge was given the widest possible circu-
lation, and though promptly and complete!}' re-
futed was reiterated, and doubtless had the in-
tended effect.

Just before the close of the campaign the let-
ter of Mr. Carlile, written several days previous-
ly, resigning from the Democratic electoral tick-
et, was given to the public. Mr. Carlile said: "I
am guided solely by a desire to aid the Demo-
cratic national ticket of Cleveland and Stephen-
son." That this was the policy of the Democrat-
ic national committee was clearl}r shown by the
like move in Oregon, but in this state it was com-
plicated with local considerations. There was
not a Democratic leader in the state who would
have voted for Weaver had there been the remot-
est possibility of his election, and most of them
said so, but the deal was made at so late a date
that its effect upon the Democratic vote could not
be overcome, and the Republican part}^ stood
alone, battling with the aggregation called the
Populist party, reinforced by Republicans angr}r
at the treatment of silver by their own part}7,
Democrats feeling in the same way who repudi-
ated Cleveland, the regular Democratic organiza-
tion, avowedly voting for Weaver in order to help
Cleveland, and the horde of that class of voters

THE DEMOCRATIC MISTAKE 199

whose only aim is to be on the winning side in
the hope of picking1 up some political crumbs.
Political speculations, after the event, are of
little practical value, the changes of situation
being so rapid and constant, but the result of the
campaign of 1892 might have been so much more
disastrous to the Republican party, that a few re-
flections will be pardoned. Had Mr. Patterson's
advice been heeded; had he been able to consoli-
date the opposition to the Republican party; had
he been able to secure the nomination for govern-
or of a man who commanded the respect of the
people, and whose administration was character-
ized b}^ conservatism, due regard for law, and a
desire to serve the people based upon higher
ground than the individual whim of the moment,
the probabilities are that the future of the Re-
publican party would have been exceedingly
glooni}^. The organization of the Populist party
was ephemeral in character and the Democrats,
for obvious reasons, would have had the strong-
est hold upon the giatitucle of its members when
the inevitable disintegration came. In such an
event Democratic supremacy in Colorado might
have lasted for years. But the Populists were
crazed with the display of political unrest of
which they expected to reap the fruits. They en-
tirely failed to grasp the fact that their only
hope of success lay in influences outside of their
organization, and the result was an arrogance of
presumed power which led them to reject advice,
to insist upon their own terms, and to fly in the
face of enlightened public sentiment. Their

200 REPUBLICANS DEFEATED

governor finished the work so well begun b}- the
folly of his followers, and disgusted the people
to such a degree that all the advantages of a
sweeping victory were insufficient to enable the
part}^ to retain its hold upon the state.

Arapahoe count}^ gave a majority of about
400 for the Weaver electors, but gave Republican
pluralities for the state, county and legislative
tickets, except in the cases of one senator and two
representatives.

The Weaver ticket carried the state by 14,964;
Governor Waite received 4527 plurality; Pence
carried the first congressional district by 2395
plurality; Bell carried the second congressional
district by 12,005 pluralit}7, and the legislature
stood 15 Republicans, 13 Populists, and 7 Demo"
crats in the senate, and 33 Republicans and 32
Populists and Democrats in the house.

This result was unexpected to all parties. The
Republicans had conceded the election of the
Populist ticket several days before the election,
but it was not anticipated that the pluralities
would be so large. It was believed that the drain
would be mainly from the Democratic party, but
the result showed tnat Republican defections
were much larger than had been expected, owing
to various causes, one of the principal being the
efforts made by Senators Teller and Wolcott to
prevent the sending of a Harrison delegation to
the Republican national convention. Both sena-
tors were strongly opiposed to Harrison on ac-
count of his attitude on the silver question, and
put forth strenuous efferts to secure a delegation

SOME OF THE CAUvSES 201

opposed to his renomination. In this the}r were
successful, but in carrying their point they were
led to make assertions, which, while fully war-
ranted by their experience with the administra-
tion, were used against the ticket \vith telling ef-
fect during the campaign. The utterances of
Mr, Teller were quoted daily by the Populist
press, and were printed on posters and scattered
broadcast throughout the state. The people of
Colorado were naturally extremely sensitive up-
on the silver question, and thousands of Repub-
licans were undoubtedly influenced to oppose
Mr. Harrison's election by the statements made
by the two senators when they hoped to defeat
his renomination. The Republicans who had
been told that Mr. Harrison was opposed to the
remonetization of silver could not see why they
should vote for a man' who the}1"' believed would
use his executive power to rivet the chains of
gold monometallism upon their business inter-
ests.

That the state ticket also suffered from this
cause cannot be doubted, though the main rea-
son for its defeat was the defection due to treach-
ery heretofore mentioned. It is unnecessary to
go into details, as no good results will follow,
but the fact is indisputable that the campaign of
1892 left seeds of bitterness that are not unlikely
to come up in the future to vex the responsible
parties.

The Republicans were defeated and accepted
the situation as gracefully as possible, settling-
down to the somewhat remarkable position of an

202 SOME OF THE CAUSEvS

entire administration in the hands of a party
which before the election had been considered a
proper subject for sneers and derision.

That the Denver News was the most potent fac-
tor in the election of the Populist ticket is beyond
question. Had that paper remained with the
Democratic party and supported the Cleveland
electors there is not the slightest reason for
doubting1 that the Republican ticket would have
been elected hy a decreased plurality. The Pop-
ulist party derived its strength in the main from
the two old parties; of itself it presented an un-
important figure, and while man}r Republicans
and Democrats would have voted for the Popu-
list ticket in any event, it would never have at-
tained a commanding position had not the defec-
tion of a great paper like the News added to their
strength a majority of the Democratic party. Mr.
Patterson was, in many sections of the state, par-
ticular^ in the mountain counties, exceeding^'
popular with the rank and file of his party, and
his earnest advocacy of the Populist ticket drew
thousands of Democrats awa3r from their alle-
giance. From the time that the News bolted the
Democratic nomination there was a rush to get
in which precluded the possibility of Republican
success. The Populist leaders seem never to
have appreciated the fact, but they'owe Mr. Pat-
terson and the News more than the}r are ever like-
ly to be able to pay. The difference between the
plurality given for Waite, and that given for the
Weaver electors may be fairly accounted for by
the withdrawal of the Cleveland electors in favor

NINTH GENERAL ASSEMBLY 203

of their allies upon the Weaver electoral ticket.
Upon the meeting of the legislature an effort
was made by the Populists and Democrats to con-
trol both houses. In the lower house it was an
absolute failure, the 33 Republicans standing
firml3r throughout the session. In the senate, for
several days there was a deadlock, the Democrats
refusing to combine with the Populists until an
agreement had been reached to divide the ap-
pointive offices between the 7 Democrats and the
13 Populists. During the entire session, on most
of the important offices the Democrats and Pop-
ulists voted together. The most important mea-
sure of the session was the revision of the elec-
tion laws, skilfully carried through })y the Re-
publicans.

OFFICIAL VOTE, 1892.

PRESIDENTIAL ELECTORS.

D. H. Moffat 88,620 J. C. Higley 53,584

6. H. Eaton 38,226 J. G. Berry 52,867

J. \V. Hanna 38,176 A. J. Overholt :)2,8«)

Thomas M. Bowcn 38,113 Silas Hanchett 52,677

FIFTY-THIRD CONGRESS.

1st Dist. —Earl B. Coe 17,609 Lafe Pence 20.004

2d " —II. H.Eddy 19,572 John C. Bell 31,5*7

STATE OFFICERS.

Governor— J. C. Helm 38,806 Davis H. Waito 44.242

Lt-Gov. -J. M. Downing 38,692 D, H. Nichols 4:5,M5

S,«ey Si'e— E. J. Eaton 38,819 N. O. McClees 43,565

Treas. — H. E. Mulnix t . . . . 39,0 W Albert Nance 43,385

Auditor —Harry Tarbell 38,929 F. M. Goody koontz . .43,564

AtLy Gen— C. S. Libby 38,1>0 E. Engley 41/.M3

Superintendent of Public Instruction

— C. B. Timberlako 37,608 J. F. Murray 42,685

Regents of the University

— E. J. Temple 38,355 D. M . Richards ..... 43,632

— W. E. Knapp..... 38,279 W.E.Anderson 43,452

Governor— J. H. Maupiu 8944 Atty-Gen.— H. N. Zook 8J 35

Lt-Gov. — W. M. McMechin.,8123 Sup't of Schools

Sec'y St'e— C. P. Noland 8025 — N , B. ( 'oy 961 S

Auditor — John K. Kncx 8182 Regents — H. V. Johnson. ..sjv1,

Treas. —W. B. Hamilton... 7894 —Lee Champion. ..8077

JUDICIARY.

Judge of the Supreme Court

—George W. Allen* 37,414 L. M. Goddard 52,998

— J. C.Helmf 40,417 L. M. Goddard 30,861

District Judges. General election of 1891.

2d Dist.— J. A. BentleyJ: 10,954 R. T. McNeal 697,,

— D. V. Burns...., 10,74'J S.E.Browne 670

10th" J. C. Elwell 3347 B. F. McDaniel 2411

*To fill vacancy caused by resignation of J. C. Helm.
rElected at general election of 1891.
JTo fill a vacancy.

OFFICIAL VOTE 1892— CONTINUED

205

Hth " — S. P. Dale .. . .

.2317 M. S. Bailey. .. .

. . 2602

12th'1 -C. C. Holbrook
13th " — Chas L Allen

..2660 R.H.Jones. ,,..

860 Jam AS Glvnn

..1189
862

District Attorneys. General election of 1891.
1st Dist. — Wm. A. Dier 2-821 J. A. Van Auken . . . .
2d " — R. W.Steele. 9735 T>. H. Leonard

. . 2468
..7674
..3081
..2324
. . 2978
1215

3d " _j. A. J. Valdez

. 2869 Orlando Hitt

4th " —John Cochran
5th " — Thomas Dickson
6th " --N C. Miller

...2654 E. T. Hanna
....1926 Wm. Kellog^
1534 T. J. Tarsney

7th " — Thomas J. Black

.3183 John Gray

86f>7

8th " — James E. Garrigues.. .
9th " — Geo. D. Johnstons.

. ..4281 No opposition.
2310 W. J Bartley

...1722

..2498
..2117
. 997
. 756

10th " — L. B.Gibson

..3200 Wm. P. Beck

llth" — V. G. Holliday

...2600 W. J. Schoolfield

12th " — Chas. O. Merriman
13th " — Granville Peiidleton..

.2237 J. W. Hamm
..1146 Quitman Brown

NINTH GENERAL ASSEMBLY.

SENATE.

idcnt pro tern. C. Barela. Secretary— W. R. Kennedy
llth Dist.— B. Clark Wheeler

-Pres
1st Dist.— Amos Steck

—A. B. McKinley 12th

— W. B. Felker 13th

—Chas. Hartzell 14th

— H. Armstrong 15th

-DeWitt C. Webber 16th

2d " —James F. Drake 17th

—Frank Pryor 18th

3d " — M. A. Leddy 19th

—A. A. McGovney 20th

4th " —Casimero Barela 21st

5th " — Fred Lockwood 22d

6th " —A. F. Howes 23d

7th " —David Boyd 24th

8th " — H. R. Brown 25th

9th " — J. G. Johnson 26th

10th " —A. T. Gunnell 27th

— John King

— R. Turner -
— C. C. Graham
— Geo. E. Pease
— C. Timmons
— J. A. Israel
— H. S. Balsinger
— F. W. Smith
— C. Newman
—A. Walters
-D. A. Mills
-E. W. Meriitt
-G. W. Swink
— Wm. H. Adams
— Jos. H. Painter
— B. L. Smith
-L. N. White

206

NINTH GENERAL ASSEMBLY

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

Speaker — E. M. Ammons.

Arapahoe — A. C. Anderson
— J. G. Brown
— R. VV. Bonynge
— J. S. Babeock
— W. F. Cannon
— J. P. Heisler
— R. F. Hunter
—A. E. Bromley
— J. A. Kilton
-E W. Norlin
— Chas, Roth
— H. E. Sims
— Wm. F. Hynes

Boulder — E. J. Coffman
--A. S. Baldwin
— G. H. Young

Chatfee — W. J. Dean

Clear Creek— R. Newman

Conejos — C. Garcia

('one jos and Archuleta
— D. F. How

Costilla — M. A. Sanchez

Ouster — F. F. Putnam

Dolores and Montezuma
—P. J. Lynch

Douglas — E. M. Ammons

Eagle — Geo. W. Jenks

Elbert and Lincoln

—Theodore S. Harper

El Paso — M. M. Baldwin
— J. E. Reynolds
— A. L, Humphrey

Fremont — D. Crow

Fremont and Chaffee

-Thos. S. Wells

Garfield — H. W. Hallett

Gilpin — W. J. Thomas

Grand and Summit

— C. L. Westerman

Clerk-J. R. Wallingford.
Gunnison — S. W. Gill
Hinsdale -C. H. Bent
Huerfano — R. R. Ross
Jefferson — C. W. Dake
Kiowa, Baca and Prowers

— J. C.Funderburgh
Kit Carson and Cheyenne

— T. G. Price
Lake —Hugh Dyatt

— W. T. Booth
La Plata — S. E. Herr
Larimer — A Donath
Las Animas— Bo Sweeney

— H. F. Moore
Las Animas and Bent

— R. L. Wootton
Logan, Sedgwick, and Phillips

— J. S. Carnahan
Mesa --M, V. B. Page

Montrose and Delta

— J. T. Heath

Otero — J. H. Crowley

Ouray — F. Carney

Park -J. M. Fritz

Pitkin — R. A. McKnight

Pueblo —A. W. Lennard

— W. C. Slawson

— Platt Wicks

— John R. Gordon
Rio Grande— J. M. Cochran
Routt and Rio Blanco

-J. W. Lowell
Saguache — J. L. Hurt
San Miguel— S. R. Fitzgarrald
Weld -C. C. Calkins

— E. H. Benton
Yuma, Morgan & Washington

H.W.Twombly

WHILK there was no general state elec.
tion in 1893, that year, from the adjourn-
ment of the legislature until the open-
ing- of the campaign of 1894, was so prolific of
startling political incidents, necessarily having
an important bearing upon the political situa-
tion, and the future political complexion of the
state, that this work would be incomplete with-
out such an account of these incidents as will
give the reader a proper understanding of the
condition of affairs at the close of the Populist
administration.

Governor Waite was mistrusted from the very
outset of his administration. Many of his utter-
ances during the progress of the canvass were
of such a character that grave doubts had arisen
as to his ability to administer the affairs of the
state in such a manner as to satisfy the people.
The constitution of Colorado leaves very little
to the governor save the ordinary official routine,
and yet occasions may, and frequentty do arise,
\vhen, \vithout violating his official oath, he can
make the constitution, so far as its practical ap-
plication is concerned, a thing of shreds and
patches, dependent for good upon the will of the
executive. The fear in regard to Governor Waite
was that should one of these occasions arise, his
evident leaning toward the communistic ideas of
the more radical Populists would influence him

208 WAITE STARTS FAIRLY

to the detriment of the commonwealth. No one
questioned his honest}^ or his intention to do
right. The only question was whether a man
holding- the views that he had so frequently ex^
pressed conld do right o*n those occasions when
the law, as ordinarily interpreted, ran counter to
his convictions.

During the first few months of his administra-
tion, he was, to man}', an agreeable surprise. He
seemed to proceed with caution, and his appoint-
ments were such that if the}' could not be hearti-
ly endorsed as the best that could have been
made, they were at least not susceptible of seri-
ous adverse criticism on the ground of the previ-
ous doubtful record of the appointees. Kvery-
body seemed willing to give the governor a fair
chance, and were at least inclined to hope that he
would be governed by an earnest desire for the
benefit of the whole people, rather than by the
clamors for position of the horde of hungry fol-
lowers for the first time introduced to the spoils
of political warfare.

That his course was closely watched goes
without sajnng. In his inaugural address he
made a number of recommendations which
seemed to indicate a tendency on his part to mul-
tiply offices, and a leaning toward radical chang-
es in the political system of the state, and while
what is old is not always what is best, it is certain
that conservatism is one of the leading principles
of nearly all legislative bodies, in which few
things are more closely scrutinized than attempt-
ed changes in the established order. Among-

WAITERS INAUGURAL 209

other thing's he recommended the appointment
of three railway commissioners, whose dut}' it
.should be to determine all complaints, and that
without recourse to the courts. This cut off the
aggrieved part}' from all right of appeal, and
practically made the board superior to the su-
preme court of the state. He also recommended
the creation of a land bureau, to consist of three
members, who would be called upon to perform
the arduous duties now performed by one man.
He approved of the employment of convict labor
in the construction of state enterprises, regard-
less of the fact that this ver}^ matter had been
fought against for j-ears by the labor organisa-
tions of the state. He opposed the letting of
state work by contract, and while he did not say
how it should be done, the inference is plain
that he favored the construction or conduct of
all state industrial enterprises that could not be
done by convict labor, by the employment of clay
laborers, to be paid directly by the state. This
was undoubtedly a bid for the labor vote, and
was in strict accord with the paternal govern-
mental policy* sought to be inaugurated by the
Populist part}r, and therefore should have caused
no surprise, but thoughtful men could see in
these recommendations extravagance, increased
expense to the state government, and the most
dangerous kind of demagoguei^, and viewed
with something like fear the attitude of the exec-
utive. As Governor Waite has frequently claimed
that woman suffrage is the result of the recom-

210 WAITE'S APPOINTMENTS

mendation in his inaugural message, it is, per-
haps, as well to quote his exact language:

"About eight 3rears ago a law was passed giv-
ing to the women of Colorado the right to vote at
school district elections, and inasmuch as since
that time the heavens have not fallen, and Ihe ef-
ficiency of the public schools has been greatly
improved, I recommend a law extending to the
women of Colorado the right of suffrage in all
municipal elections."

The flippant manner in \\hich the subject is
taken up, and the brief reference to a question
which was deserving of something more than a
curt introduction and dismissal, afford reason
for the belief that Governor Waite had not given
the subject special attention, was entirel}T indif-
ferent to its claims for consideration, and in-
troduced the paragraph merely as a makeweight,
probabl}" at the suggestion of a suffragist friend.
To suppose that Colorado would change its en-
tire system of elections on account of such a re-
commendation, flung into the message like a
bone to a dog, is to give very little credit to the
thoughtful intelligence of the people of the state

The appointment of the fire and police board,
and of the board of public works of the city of
Denver, were justly regarded as among the most
important to be made by the governor, and con-
sequently the most earnest efforts were made to
induce the governor to appoint only such men as
would, by a calm, judicious, non-partisan course,
best conserve the interests of the principal city
and the most important political factor of Colo-

FIRE AND POLICE BOARD 211

rado. Pressure was brought to bear upon Gov-
ernor Waite from every direction. He listened to
all who came, courteous^' received the sugges-
tions offered, but preserved a sphinx-like silence,
and declined to commit himself in any way.
Xuch was hoped for from this attitude, and his
apparent deliberation in making these appoint-
ments gave reason for the opinion that notwith-
standing his radical speeches during the can-
. vass, now that he was governor of the state he
would onl}T consider the welfare of the people
and the great responsibility attached to his office.
On Februar3r 3 he sent to the senate the names
of D. J. Martin, C. B. Stone and Geo. H. Phelps us
members of the fire and police board, and A. C.
Harris, L.H. Flanders, andT.B. Buchanan as mem-
bers of the board of public works. The appoint
ments were somewhat of a disappointment.
Nothing- could be urged against any of the gen-
tlemen personally, but it was considered that he
could have selected men much better acquainted
with the management of public affairs. Still it
was something- that the men were respectable
and conservative, and the best was hoped for
from the new boards. They were promptly con-
firmed and took their seats. The police of Den-
ver had been greatly improved during the previ-
ous two years, and it was hoped that the chief,
Mr. Farley, would be retained. The pressure up-
on the police board, however, by the throng of
anxious Populists out of employment was more
than they could withstand, and Farley was re-
moved, his successor being J. C. Veatch. This

212 DENVER MUNICIPAL AFFAIRS

was a surprise, as Veatch was a Republican. He
was an old resident of Denver, and while not fa-
miliar with the duties of a police officer, was
honest and capable, and the people of Denver
consoled themselves with the fact that it might
have been very much worse. It was given out
that the board would insist upon the conduct of
the force upon a purely non-partisan basis, and
if this was done, and the laws were property en-
forced, there was no reason for complaint.

The administration of affairs went on as
was expected, and the criticisms thereon were in
the main confined to those who had failed in the
effort to have their superlative merits recog'nized
by the receipt of political positions, until the city
election. It was then seen that the infant party ^
so unexpectedly entrusted with the conduct of
affairs, felt strong1 enough to walk alone. Upon
the assembling of the Populist city convention,
T. M. Patterson appeared as a messenger from
the Democratic convention, also in session, to
suggest a fusion of the two parties on a local
ticket. The Populists, however, feeling that they
were able to take care of themselves, did not hesi-
tate to kick awa}T the ladder by which they had
ascended to power, declined the proposition, and
nominated a full ticket, with Jackson Orr as the
candidate for mayor. The Democrats nominated
John D. McGilvray, and the Republicans M. D.
Van Horn. The election resulted in a Republi-
can victory, Van Horn receiving 7355 votes to 5990
for McGilvray, and 2397 for Orr. Again the wis-
dom of Mr. Patterson's advice had been demon-

THE FIRST BREAK 213

strated. This result definitely settled the status
of the Populist party in Denver.

The echoes of the city election had hardly giv-
en place to the ordinary hum of business, before
were heard the mutterings of a coming- storm in
Populist circles. An incident occurred which
revived all the feelings of distrust regarding the
probabilities of a healthy administration of af-
fairs, and from that time till the close of Waite's
administration one event followed upon the heels
of another with such startling rapidity that the
average citizen eagerly scanned the papers in the
morning to learn what new move upon the polit-
ical chess board had been developed during the
night, by the inefficient officer at the helm of the
ship of state.

One C. A. Coryell, it was charged, had, with
the thrift born of necessity, collected money from
the gamblers of Denver, by representing himself
as the agent of the police board, conveying the
impression that the money was to be paid to the
board, and would result in giving the gambling
houses police protection. Some of the gamblers
reported these facts to the board, and the matter
was discussed to some extent, but no action was
taken, though Commissioner Martin insisted that
something should be done toward bringing Co-
ryell to punishment. Finally the board referred
the matter to the grand jury. Meantime the gov-
ernor had heard of the affair, and conceiving the
idea that it was a serious reflection upon his ad-
ministration, demanded an explanation. The ex-
planation was made but failed to satisfy his ex-

214 POLICE BOARD REMOVED

cellenc}r, who directed Messrs. Stone and Phelps
to appear before him to answer the charge of
neglect of duty. The commissioners appeared
before the governor, who enacted the role of
judge, and while it was clearl}' shown that they
were in no way responsible for the acts of Corj'ell,
and had not profited thereb}', it was developed
that since the matter had been made public the
accused had held two interviews with Chief
Veatch, which was held to be sufficient cause for
the removal of the commissioners as well as the
chief of police. Accordingly, on June 17 an or-
der for their removal was issued by the governor,
and Jackson Orr, late Populist candidate for may-
or of Denver, and A. J. Rogers, a recent importa-
tion from New Jersey, and father of Platt Rogers,
the late ma3ror of Denver, were appointed to the
vacancies.

But Stone and Phelps insisted that no vacan-
cies existed and refused to vacate, appealing their
case to the courts. Meantime the governor
learned that Rogers had not been long enough in
Colorado to hold office, and on June 22d Geo. W.
Trimble was appointed in his stead.

The city officials and police promptly recog-
nized the new board, and on June 25th Chief
Veatch was suspended. Stone and Phelps, how-
ever, still continued to hold the office and papers
of the board pending action by the courts, until
June 27, when they were ejected by force by May-
or Van Horn and the police. Subsequently the
supreme court rendered its decision to the effect
that the governor possessed the right of removal.

EXTRA SESSION TALK 215

While this little tempest in a tea-pot was occu-
pying- the attention of the governor and the Pop-
ulist fraternity, events of much more startling
importance to Colorado and the countrj^ general-
ly, were transpiring in the far east. On the 26th
of June India closed her mints to the coinage of
silver. On the 28th Ed. R. Holden, in response to
an inquirj-, wired to the east a statement that 150,-
(XX) men in Colorado would be out of employ-
ment within sixty days. On the 17th of June bar
silver was quoted at 83 cents an ounce; on June
30 it had declined to 62 cents an ounce, and on the
29th of June the leading- miners and smelters of
Colorado held a meeting at which it was resolved
to close down the mines and smelters until such
time as the silver industry could be conducted at
a profit. The entire state was in a whiil of excite-
ment, and immediatel}7 the suggestion came from
scores of people for an extra session of the legis-
lature. The Denver chamber of commerce and
the Denver real estate exchange held meetings
at which the extra session was the prevailing
topic of discussion. The governor was besieged
with deputations, some urging and others oppos-
ing an extra session for the purpose of pass-
ing a stay law. As the initial excitement cooled
down the common sense of the people began to
assert itself, and it was found that the prevailing
sentiment was very strongly against an extra
session. Accordingly, on July 2, after several
days' consideration of the matter, the governor
announced that no extra session would be called.
A mass convention of the people of the state waa

216 "BLOOD TO THE BRIDLES"

held in Denver on Jul}' 11 and 12, at which the sit-
uation was thorough!}- discussed, Governor
Waite, K. R. Holden and others giving- expression
to such revolutionary sentiments that it was
found necessar}r for leading business men of
Denver, in response to inquiries from the east to
deny that there was an}r disposition on the part
of the people of Colorado to repudiate their just
debts. Among the startling utterances of the
occasion was the assertion by the governor that
"it is better, infinitely better, that blood should
flow to the horses' bridles rather than our nation-
al liberties should be destroj^ed." The words were
uttered with no other purpose than a rhetor-
ical display, but as there was no pressing dan-
ger of a destruction of the nation's liberties, the
necessity for their utterance was lacking. They
were the conclusion of so many intemperate and
threatening remarks that they were telegraphed
far and wide as containing a threat of revolution,
and caused no end of ridicule of Colorado and
her chief executive. The remarks, of the govern-
or were endorsed by an excited meeting, one-half
of those present not having understood the drift
of the objectionable language, and for the mo-
ment Governor Waite was the hero of the hour,
not only in the estimation of his admirers, but of
himself.

On July 17 the first financial effect of the panic
was felt in Colorado, by the supension of three
savings banks. These banks had been subjected
to a run for several da}rs, on account of the unfa-
vorable news from the east, and had put in force

THE FINANCIAL CRAvSH 217

the rule requiring- sixty clays' notice of withdrawal
of deposits, but this did not give them the necessa-
ry relief and they were compelled to close their
doors. While these suspensions occasioned
grave anxiet}7, they were not seriously felt at first,
but the anxiety was gradually increased, and nat-
urally the condition was attributed to the con-
stant pressure upon silver, and when, on the fol-
lowing- day three national banks and three pri-
vate banks were forced to suspend pa)rment, eve-
ry business institution in Denver felt the press
ure, which was intensified on the 19th b}r the
closing- of three more national banks. In three
days twelve banks had closed, and the people be-
gan to think that the time for general liquidation
had arrived, a general lack of confidence pervad-
ing all classes of business life. Several business
firms of magnitude suspended, and hosts of mi-
nor establishments gave up the struggle in de-
spair.

The feeling- of dismay was accentuated by the
efforts of the administration to obtain the con-
sent of the people to the repeal of the purchas-
ing- clause of the Sherman act at the extra ses-
sion to be convened in August. When a deep-
seated impression prevails that distress will fol-
low any particular line of governmental policy
and distress comes, the result is a natural indig-
nation, and this was the feeling throughout Col-
orado, causing- a revival of the demand for an ex-
tra session to consider measures for the relief of
the people. Governor Waite, however, had other
matters of importance to attend to, in the settle-

218 AN ARMY OF UNEMPLOYED

nient of the quarrels among his followers, result-
ing from the struggles for appointment to politi-
cal positions, and quietly ignored the demands
for an extra session until he should have perfect-
ed his plans.

The panic resulted in the discharge of a large
number of men in the state, many of them with-
out means, and by the end of Jul}^ the army of
unemployed men that drifted into Denver, gave
ground for serious apprehension. A brutal mur-
der, followed by an equally brutal HTnching of
the murderer, showed the citizens of Denver the
possibilities of the continuance in the city of so
large a body of men with no hope for the future,
and unable to reach their friends in the east, and
a great camp was established under militar}'
rules, where thousands were fed and sheltered
until such time as they could be transported to
their eastern friends.

All of these scenes of distress, violence and
disorder were taken advantage of by Populist or-
ators, who saw nothing in the prevailing condi-
tion of affairs except a verification of the alleged
principles of the Omaha platform. The Populist
attorney-general of Colorado, in response to an
inquiry from Governor Waite, rendered an elabo-
rate opinion, in which he took the ground that it
was within the province of the state legislature
to enact appropriate laws for the establishment
of a statutor3r depository of silver bullion and
the issuance of certificates of deposit thereon, as-
signable by deliver}', and receivable by the state
in pa3rment of taxes, This was in direct line with

THE FIGHT FOR SILVER 219

the proposition of the Farmers' Alliance to estab-
lish government warehouses for the products of
the soil and the issuance of legal tenders there-
on, and was received with enthusiasm by the mid-
dle-of-the-road Populists.

On August 7 the extra session of congress*
convened, and one of the most gigantic strug-
gles in the history of the country, between a
small but compact and well organized body of
men, backed by the truths of histor}7 and pres-
ent experience, and led by Senator Tellsr, on the
one side, and the entire force of the administra-
tion, backed by the monopolies and money power
of the east, on the other, was inaugurated.

From day to day the debate was followed in
Colorado with the most intense interest, and
throughout that protracted contest the argu-
ments advanced were re-echoed on the plains and
mountains of Colorado and in the streets of her
cities, the Populists neglecting no point that might
have the effect of gaining recruits, and being
constantly and aggressively in evidence. It was
a foregone conclusion from the outset that the
administration would win, and this conceded fact
was made the most of by those surrounding the
administration of Governor Waite in their efforts
to consolidate and permanently fasten their par-
ty upon the people of Colorado. Populist theo-
ries of government ruled the roast at everj^ street-
corner, and all the ills of life, real and imaginary,
were attributed to the folly of the people in not
theretofore recognizing the hidden beauties of
the Omaha platform and of the Populist part}'.

220 POPUIvIST MANEUVERS

Through the efforts of some sensible Populist
leaders of Arapahoe county, a fusion was effect-
ed between their organization and the Silver
Democrats, and a county ticket nominated in ac-
cordance with the terms of the agreement. The
Populist convention also adopted a resolution
asking the governor to call an extra session of
the legislature. Governor Waite, who had been
several weeks in the east, returned soon after the
convention, but did not take kindly to the sug-
gestion for the immediate calling of the legisla-
ture. He could not see the necessity for it, and
again the agitators and calamity howlers re-
ceived a set-back at the hands of their chosen
Moses. The fact is that the local leaders per-
suaded the governor that after the county elec-
tions there would be no necessity for an extra
session; that the Populist party would then have
the machinery of Arapahoe county and a num-
ber of others throughout the state, and would
not be compelled to secure Populist ammunition
through the medium of an extra session. He
stated, however, that in the event of the repeal of
the purchasing clause of the Sherman act, with-
out the enactment of a satisfactory substitute, he
would call the legislature together.

When the Arapahoe count}' Republican con-
vention was held, trouble arose. The primaries
were orderly, well-conducted, and heartily ap-
proved by the majority of the party. But the
personnel of the ticket was distasteful to the Re-
publican, and that paper promptly repudiated the
ticket and inaugurated a movement for the nom_

SHERMAN CLAUSE REPEALED 221

ination of a citizens' ticket. This effort finally cul-
minated in the selection of a ticket which was
supposed to be more satisfactory to the people
and taxpayers, in the composition of which both
the Republican and Populist tickets were entire-
ly ignored.

The question of woman suffrage came before
the people at this election, the ninth general as-
sembl}^ having passed an act referring this mat-
ter to the people, so that this election, though
only for county officers, was one of the most im-
portant ever held in the state. The election in
Arapahoe county was sharply contested, % the
usual bitterness of family quarrels characteriz-
ing the campaign, but the Republican ticket was
elected, with five tickets in the field against it, by
pluralities of from 1200 to 4000, electing every
man on the ticket with the exception of a candi-
date for justice of the peace. Woman suffrage
was approved in the state by more than 5000 ma-
jority, and a new element in politics, from which
much good was expected, was introduced.

The purchasing clause of the Sherman law
was repealed on November 1, and this fact was
seized upon by the advocates of an extra session
of the legislature as a reminder to the governor
of his declared intention to call the legislature
together in the event of repeal. As the governor
freely admitted his intention to call the session,
protests against such action cornmencep to pour
in upon him from all parts of the state, while the
Populist leaders were constant in their efforts to
induce a speedy meeting of the legislature.

WAITE WANTS A STATE MINT

Toward the latter end of November Governor
Waite, in discussing- the proposed extra session,
and the relief measures to be suggested, gave ut-
terance to a most startling- theor}^ — that the state
possessed the right to coin mone}^; his position
being- that the refusal of congress to coin silver
conferred the right upon the states to coin it
for themselves; that the right to coin money
possessed by the general government was part
of the contract with the states, and a breach
of contract by one of the parties thereto
released the other party from its obligation.
White he was careful not to say that he would
urge the taking of such a step, he plainly' showed
his belief in the feasibility of the propo-
sition. Necessarily his suggestions on this sub-
ject provoked the most widespread comment and
afforded opportunities for ridicule that were not
missed by the eastern opponents of free coinage.
Men who had up to this time been hopeful of the
Populist administration, now freely admitted the
correctness of the position taken by Mr. Patter-
son at the time of Wake's nomination— that he
was totally unfit for the office to which he had
been elected; and it began to be seriously ques-
tioned whether there was not some way in which
he could be prevented from continually "putting
the state in a ridiculous position and injuring its
credit with his wild financial theories.

But Governor Waite, whatever he may lack in
political judgment and statesmanship, is a man
of unquestioned courage, and was not to be
frightened away from his pet scheme of an extra

THE MINERS' CONVENTION 223

session by an}^ demonstration of the absurdity of
the propositions which he proposed to submit to
the legislature. He varied his coinage program
by taking the position that the bullion could be
sent to Mexico for coinage and Mexican dollars
made a legal tender in Colorado, in face of the
constitutional provision that foreign coins can-
not be made a legal tender in the United States.
Finall3r, on November 22, the governor issued a
circular calling upon the miners of twenty of the
mining camps of the state to elect delegates to a
convention to be held at Salida on December 6, to
consider the question of an extra session.

Pending the meeting of this convention the
fact leaked out that for several weeks the govern-
or had been in correspondence with President
Diaz of the Mexican republic, in regard to the
coinage of a new coin, half Mexican, half Colo-
radan, which was to be the universal panacea for
all the financial ills from which the state was suf-
fering. The ridicule excited by this proposition
would have been overwhelming to any other man
than Waite, but, headed off in one direction, he
serenely takes another tack, and setting all sails,
resumes his chase of the bubbles of prosperity
produced from the financial vagaries of his own
mind. He next proposed, as a relief to the labor-
ing men of the state, the immediate construction
of State canal No. 1, for which he proposed to ask
for an appropriation of $1,000,000. Had this been
feasible it would have been of great benefit to
the state, but the law authorizing the construc-
tion of the canal provided that it should be paid

224: THE PENITENTIARY WAR

for in certificates of indebtedness, receivable for
water rents on^. The governor's idea was that
by issuing- these certificates in small denomina-
tions the}^ would pass current as money. The
difficulties in the governor's plan will be readily
perceived.

While the governor was waiting for his Salida
convention he was b}^ no means idle. Daniel
Bruce was his son-in-law, and, presumably for his
eminent services in that capacity, inasmuch as
he had never been heard of before, was appoint-
ed deput}T warden of the penitentiar}r. The war-
den, Frank McLister, was one of the very few ap-
pointments made by Waite that were entirel3r sat-
isfactor3r. Perhaps this was the reason that he
was distastefuly to the governor's relative who
served as his deputy, as no other valid reason
has been cited. The relationship of the deputy
to the goverhor was not considered a fact of any
very great moment b}r McLister, who performed
his duties himself, and insisted that his asso-
ciates should be equally diligent in the service
of the state. This did not please Bruce and he was
promptly discharged. The governor seemed in-
capable of understanding why a relative of his
should be discharged for neglect of duty without
the consent of the executive, and upon some tri-
fling matter connected with the management of
the prison, summoned McLister to appear before
the court of final resort established at the State
house, of which his excellency was at once the
prosecuting attorne3T, judge and jur\-. McLister
declined to obey the summons, and was prompt-

A STRATEGIC MOVE 225

ly declared to be in contempt and removed for
malfeasance in office. On December 1 an execu-
tive order was issued removing McLister and ap-
pointing- S. J. To3r as his successor. The new ap-
pointee, accompanied by son-in-law Bruce, went
to Canon Cit}% and sometime about midnight of
December 1, secured admission by strategy, and,
by exhibiting the order, obtained temporary rec-
ognition as the warden. Toward daylight the
alarm bell was rung, and Warden McLister, hur-
rying to the prison, learned of the situation for
the first time. On the following night two of the
guards who doubted the legality of this summa-
ry proceeding, quietly introduced McLister to the
prison, To}r, in his turn, \\as deposed, and taking
up his quarters at an hotel, left for Denver by the
first train. When the facts became known the
governor for the first time became aware that he
had acted without authority; that the warden
could only be removed upon the complaint of the
penitentiary commissioners, and that in follow-
ing his own impulses he had again made himself
ridiculous. The commissioners, when appealed
to, declined to file any complaint against McLis-
ter, and therefore the governor decided to remove
them. The usual charge of malfeasance in office
was preferred, and after the usual trial in the
high court in the executive chambers, in which
they clearly proved their legal author! t}' to per-
form the acts complained of, they were formally
deposed. They refused to be deposed, however,
continued to perform their duties, retained Mc-
Lister as warden, and held the fort until the ex-

226 THE SALIDA CONVENTION

piration of Waite's term, though their alleged
successors amused themselves by holding- meet-
ings, removing McLister, and reappointing Tov,
until the latter became tired of the farce and re-
signed the office of which he had never been able
to obtain possession.

Governor Waite possessed the happy faculty
of placing himself in one ridiculous position be-
fore he had succeeded in getting out of another.
He was still in the tangle of the penitentiary af-
fair when December (5, the date fixed for his great
miners' convention at Salida, arrived. The min-
ers had paid little attention to his circular, and
when he arrived at Salida with his big roll of
manuscript he was met by just eighteen men,
including those who were office-holders of his
administration. Upon this handful of delegates
he fired IMS speech, and at the close a vote on the
proposition for an extra session was taken, and
resulted in favor of the session by a majority of
two, eight of those present voting against it. The
state rung with laughter from end to end, but
the merriment was tempered by the reflection
that this governor, who was rapidly develop-
ing traits unwortli3^ of any aspirant for public
position, would, b}' calling an extra session at
the request of ten irresponsible men, cause a
waste of not less than $30,000. He was entertain-
ing, but exceedingly expensive.

By this time the majority of the people of the
state had lost confidence, not onl}T in the ability
but in the integrity of the governor. So many of
his acts belied his words; he had so frequentl}'

NO CONFIDENCE IN WAITE 227

shown that the welfare of himself, his family,
and his party, in the order named, was considered
of more importance than the welfare of the state;
he had been so urgent in devising expedients for
putting the state in a turmoil, out of which, by
tortuous logic and the distortion and suppres-
sion of facts, some advantage might be gained by
his party, that even his personal honesty was
called in question. On the evidence of the mem-
bers of his own party, and according to his own
testimony, he was surrounded by incompetence,
venality, corruption and falsehood, and it was
not understood how he could be so often deceived
on these points. It was also seen that when lie
had made up his mind to pursue a certain line of
policy, he sought, not the real sentiments of the
people, but the justification of his own course,
which he usually succeeded in securing, through
the aid of his personal following, at least to his
own satisfaction. It was remarked that in regard
to the extra session he had been urged against it
by the leading business interests of the stale, re-
gardless of partisan leanings; that a majority of
the members of the assembly were opposed to it;
that the men in active business in all sections of
the state considered it unnecessary, and }^et he
selected fewer than one-half the prominent min-
ing camps of the state, choosing onl}' those in
which he had received the largest majorities, to
create an advisory convention on the subject; and
when the camps of his own choice refused to send
delegates, and onl}r eighteen men assembled, did
not hesitate to accept the dictum of ten of these

228 DAIRYING WITH CRIMINALS

men as representing- the wishes of the people of
the state. It was not considered honest, and pub-
lic opinion was correct.

Upon his return from Salida the Governor
definitely announced his determination to call
an extra session of the legislature in compliance
with the expressed wishes of ten of the alleged
miners of the state. The suggestion that the leg-
islature would meet and immediately adjourn,
was met by the assertion that it would beat once
recalled, and would be compelled to take action
on his propositions. To guard against such a
movement, however, the governor took a new
tack. At the regular session he had, upon one
pretext or another, vetoed a number of public im-
provement bills of acknowledged merit. He pro-
posed to resubmit these measures, which he was
sure would pass, and thus com pel the legislature,
in justice to the people whom these acts would
benefit, to remain in session, apparently careless
of the-fact that such action would lay him open
to the charge of dishonesty, either in the origi-
nal veto of the bills, or in their resubmission.

While the governor was pondering over his
call for the legislature the state was overrun with
the criminal classes, posing as laboring men out
of employment. The police force of Denver hon-
estly endeavored to do their duty, the police com-
missioners, Orr and Martin, earnestly trying to
keep in check the throng of thieves and thugs
that had established headquarters in the cit}r.
All such efforts, however, were nullified by the
action of the police magistrate, who took pleas

PROTEvSTS AGAINST THE EXTRA vSESSION 229

are in discharging the crowds of known crimin-
als brought before him on the charge of vagran-
cy, upon the plea that the}7 were workingmen
without the opportunity to secure employment,
until finally the police threw up their hands in
disgust, and crime ran rampant in the streets of
the capital.

On December 21 a mass convention of the busi-
ness men of the state was held in Denver, at
which every important town was represented, for
the consideration of the proposition for an extra
session, the governor having consented to await
the issue of this convention before making his
call. The convention adopted resolutions ad-
verse to the extra session, appointed a committee
to present them to the governor, and adjourned.
When the committee waited upon the governor
on the following day, the}7 were received with
scant courtesy. Their remarks were listened
to with more or less patience, but had no effect
upon his determination. Notwithstanding the
fact that in this bod}7 of representative men
but nine votes had been cast in favor of the ex-
tra session, he informed the committee that
he knew that a majority of the people were in fa-
vor of a meeting of the legislature, and the only
concession obtained by the committee was the
gracious promise that he would sleep over it.

The business men's committee, convinced of
the injury that would result to Colorado from an
extra session, issued a call, requesting the people
of ever}7 town in the state to meet in mass con-
vention in their respective towns, and give ex-

230 EXTRA SESSION CALLED

pression to their views on the subject, but the
governor declined to await the result of this plan.
He slept over it, as he had promised, two nights,
but his slumbers were not conducive to better
judgment, and on December 25 he issued his call
to the members of the legislature, requiring
jhem to meet in special session on Wednesday,
January^ 10, to consider:

First— The coinage of money by the state.

Second — The enactment of a law prohibiting'
the execution of any contract involving pa3^ment
of money in gold coin.

Third — The calling of a constitutional conven-
tion.

Fourth — The amendment of the laws for the
Construction of State canal No. 1 so as to provide
for such construction under the supervision of
state officers, and payment therefor in certificates
of indebtedness of small denominations, receiva-
ble by the state in payment of water carriage,
and for the sale or lease of state lands,

Fifth — The amendment of the law for the con-
struction of State Canal No. 2 in like manner.

Sixth — The passage of an act for the construc-
tion of Twin Lakes reservoir.

Seventh — The repeal of all laws authorizing
the issue of municipal bonds,

Eighth — The passage of a law permitting mu-
nicipalities to pay for public improvements with
certificates of indebtedness.

Ninth — The passage of a law for the appoint-
ment of a registrar of the state treasury, whose
duty should be to keep a record of all certificates

THE WORK LAID OUT 231

of indebtedness issued by the state or by munici-
palities.

Tenth —To provide for the payment of the ex-
penses of the extra session.

Eleventh — The fixing- of the interest on judg-
ments at six per cent.

Twelfth — The creation of a new county to in-
clude the Cripple Creek region.

Thirteenth— The appointment of an additional
judge in the fourth judicial district.

Fourteenth — To amend the homestead law.

Fifteenth — The enactment of a provision
whereby, when a state warrant is issued, and
there is no money in the state treasury, said war-
rant may be exchangeable at the option of the
holder, for a certificate of indebtedness.

Sixteenth— The abolition of the contract sys-
tem of constructing public works.

Seventeenth — The enactment of a law provid-
ing that not more than one-third of the rent
charge for water for irrigating may be collected
in advance.

Eighteenth— The passage of an eight hour
law.

Nineteenth— The passage of a law against
usury.

Twentieth— The amendment of the attach-
ment laws.

Twenty-first — The enactment of a law provid-
ing that trust deeds shall operate as mortgages
only.

Twenty-second —The amendment of the chat-
tel mortgage laws.

232 THE WORK I^AID OUT

Twenty-third— The absolute prohibition of
child labor.

Twenty-fourth — The amendment of the em-
plo3Ters' liability bill.

Twenty-fifth — Prohibition of the " sweating "
system.

Twenty-sixth — The prohibition of coal trusts
and monopolies.

Twenty-seventh — Requiring1 bills of lading1
from railroad companies for all coal transported.

Twenty-eighth— The amendment of the stat-
ute on garnishment.

Twenty-ninth — The amendment of the Austra-
lian ballot law.

Thirtieth — The enactment of a law providing
for the appointment of a bank examiner by the
governor.

Thirty-first— The adoption of the initiative and
referendum.

Thirty-second — The reconsideration of the
public improvement bills vetoed by the govern-
or at the regular session.

It will be seen that a sufficient amount of
work was laid out to keep the assembly in ses-
sion six months, and yet the governor expressed
the opinion that the business of the session could
be concluded in thirty days, probably upon the
presumption that the legislature would accept
his views and enact them into laws without fur-
ther consideration.

The state auditor created something of a sen-
sation by the assertion that the expenses of the
Session Could not be paid on account of the lack

WAIT IS vSTARTS A PAPER 233

of money in the treasury, and that no warrants
therefor would be issued. But the governor
trusted to luck and the ingenuity of his friends
to get him out of this difficulty, and sailed along,
supremely indifferent to consequences, and con-
tented with himself.

Karly in the 3rear he conceived the idea that a
daily paper was a necessity, and at once devised
a scheme for an assessment upon the office hold-
ers of his administration, to provide the necessa-
ry funds. As usual, the application for positions
in the new enterprise were sufficiently numerous
to get out a Sunday edition of the New York
World. The paper was started and ran its course
in a few weeks, during which time the governor
added the work of an editor to his official duties,
and created the heart-burnings that might have
been expected from such an assemblage of vivid
intellects as thronged the offices of the state
house.

Meantime more f amity quarrels demanded the
attention of the governor. The attorney-general
was at outs with the governor's office, and im-
peachment proceedings were threatened by the
governor. The auditor maintained the inabilit}*
of the state to pay the expenses of the extra ses-
sion, and the supporters of his excellency de-
manded that the appropriations for state institu-
tions should be used for that purpose. The Den-
ver fire and police board were charged with dis-
loyalty to the party because it had endeavored to
maintain a well-organized police force, and had
neglected to make places for the hordes of appli-

234 LEGISLATURE IX SESSION

cants for positions on the force. Commissioners
Orr and Martin had absolutely refused to make
the police force a mere political machine, and
earl}T in January it was announced that the\*
were liable to be removed at any time. A suffi-
cient number of changes had already been made
in both the fire and police departments to seri-
ously impair their etricienc\T, and now it was pro-
posed to make a clean sweep, and put none but
Populists on guard, and in order to do this re-
move the only men among all the Denver ap-
pointments whose fitness for the places occupied
had not been questioned. Both gentlemen were
familiar with business and political methods,
both had a reputation for honest}T that was above
reproach. Judge Orr had served another state
acceptably in congress, while Mr. Martin's long
and successful business career in Colorado was
without a stain. Hut all this counted for nothing
as against the necessity for the creation of a ma-
chine for the manufacture of Populist votes, and
the}' were devoted to political destruction by the
governor and his immediate followers.

But the meeting of the legislature claimed the
entire attention of the governor, and for the pres-
ent the police board was permitted to remain un-
disturbed.

At a caucus of twenty-eight senators held on
Januar3T 8, twenty expressed themselves as favor-
ing an adjournment immediate!}' upon the re-
ceipt of the governor's message. On the follow-
ing day a caucus of the members of the house
was held, and it was found that forty-two favored

SEVEN DOLLARS A DAY WIXS 235

an immediate adjournment. When the assembly
convened the governor read his message, and
then, fearing the effect upon the public mind of
some of his sky-rocket}^ expressions, withdrew
the document for revision. Contrary to general
expectation, the house refused to consider an}r
proposition looking toward adjournment, and af-
ter a few days' session, during which it was found
that the funds for payment could be secured
from the treasury by means of some legislative
hocus-pocus, it became evident that the legisla-
ture was settled for a long session. On January
13 the question of immediate adjournment was
brought up and lost by a tie vote. The senate pro-
fessed to be anxious to adjourn, and announced
its intention of transacting no business other
than the routine necessary to continue in session,
but as this did not affect the expense account the
seven-clollar-a-day men in the house only smiled,
and continued the pretense of earning their per
diem. An effort on the part of the senate for a
conference committee on the adjournment ques-
tion was flatly rejected by the house, and the
senate continued to adjourn from day to da}r
while the house kept up the farce of pretending
to transact business. Finally a conference com-
mittee was appointed, but accomplished nothing
toward adjournment. The report of the commit-
tee favored legislation along certain lines, and
was adopted, and after thirteen days of wasted
time it was decided that the session should be
continued.

About the time that the legislature had dec id-

^36 THE POLICE BOARD AFFAIR

ed to continue in session, the differences between
the governor and the fire and police board came
to a crisis. Judge Orr had proved entirely un-
satisfactory to Waite, and the governor had for
some time been looking- for an opportunit3T for
his removal. Mr. Martin sustained Orr, and had
likewise been booked for removal. Commission-
er Trimble had been appointed merely to keep the
place warm for A. J. Rogers, and when that gen-
tleman had been sufficiently long in the state to
be eligible for appointment, Trimble accommo-
datingly stepped aside, and Rogers was duU' in-
stalled. From the first Rog'ers opposed the other
members of the board and worked for their re-
moval. Karly in January it was reported to the
governor that the board had appointed special
policemen for certain gambling houses. On be-
ing questioned on this point Orr and Martin ad
mitted that this had been done, for the preserva-
tion of order, but denied that it was for the pur-
pose of protecting the gamblers, Judge Orr rath-
er bluntly intimating to the governor that any
attempt to remove him and Commissioner Martin
would be resisted by force if necessai^.

Interjected in this contest with the police
board was the old penitentiar}' fight, the govern-
or, with a balky legislature, recalcitrant police
commissioners, and a host of would-be Populist
office-holders on his hands at the same time, still
finding time hanging so heavy that he was com-
pelled to find employment by renewing his efforts
to oust McLister and the penitentiary commis-
sioners, suggesting that in the event of a further

THE CITY HALL WAR 237

refusal of the warden to vacate the military
might be called upon to blow the penitentiary
about his ears. This, however, like his other ef-
forts in the same direction, ended in smoke.

The legislature adjourned on March 2, having
been in session fift3r-two days, during- which time
it passed a few amendments to existing laws, a
bill for the construction of a bridge, appropriat-
ed $10,000 for the work on state canals, and bills
appropriating the necessary sums for the ex-
penses of the session. The governor's Mexican
dollar scheme was lost in the shuffle.

The legislature out of the way, Governor Waite
found time to take up the matter of the Denver
police board, which had been held in statu quo
for several weeks. He was outspoken in his de-
termination to remove Orr and Martin, and the
commissioners were equally outspoken in their
determination to resist removal until the courts
should pass upon the questions at issue. The of-
fice of the commissioners was guarded by po-
licemen, and every move made in the executive
chamber was promptly reported to the board. It
was expected from the first that force would be
attempted, and careful preparations were made
to resist attack. For several days the situation
was strained, armed policemen keeping guard at
the city hall, and an unusual air of activity per-
vading state headquarters in the Equitable build-
ing. On March 7 the report was current that in
the event of the refusal of the commissioners to
vacate the military would be called out. On that
date the formal order was made removing Orr

238 PRELIMINARY LEGAL SKIRMISHING

and Martin and appointing- Dennis Mullins and
S. E. Barnes as their successors. The commis-
sioners announced their refusal to vacate, and
the entire city awaited the issue with interest
tinged with anxiet}', for it had been shown that
the governor was equal to any desperate under-
taking in the effort to maintain his position.
Large numbers of special deputy sheriffs had
been appointed, and the city hall was surrounded
b}r a cloud of men, all heavil}^ armed and wearing
deputy sheriff's badges. On March 8 Judge Gra-
ham issued a writ enjoining the governor and
his appointees from interfering with Orr and
Martin, and while the governor asserted that the
injunction was not worth the paper it was written
on, he nevertheless respected it for a time and
the question bade fair to be submitted to the ar-
bitrament of the courts. Meanwhile the talk of
calling out the militia continued, and it was evi-
dent that Governor Waite still contemplated this
action. The guard over the city hall was some-
what relaxed, but extra vigilance was still main-
tained, the commissioners being determined to
permit no strategic movement to oust them from
their positions. An application to modify the
writ was denied by Judge Graham, and in his de-
cision he plainly denied the right of the govern-
or to call out the militia except in accordance
with a call from the constituted civil authorities.
On the evening of March 14, immediately follow-
ing the decision of Judge Graham, the governor
decided to defy the court, and called out the mili-
tary' of Denver, directing the troops to be at the

WAR DECLARED 239

armory, prepared for active service, at noon of
the loth.

The announcement of these orders created the
most intense excitement throughout the city, and
an earnest effort was made to induce the governor
to recall his order. Waite was obstinate, howev-
er. Like most men of his mental calibre, he
regarded himself and his acts with the utmost
seriousness, and had been wrought up by the
ridicule aroused by himself. He seemed, up to
the last moment of his official career to be haunt-
ed by the fear that unless he should make a pub-
lic display of the power of the executive people
would forget that he was governor, not seeming
to realize that great forces move noiselessly,
while clatter and bang are the usual accompani-
ments of weakness and mediocrity. He now had
an opportunity to show the people of Colorado,
not only that he was governor, but that he had
sufficient character to enforce his commands.
An egoist in the most trifling affairs of life, he
could not realize the possibility of an}^ difference
with his opinions, and would not suffer so unim-
portant a circumstance as a few human lives to
stand in the way of the execution of his orders.

Shortly after noon the news spread with light-
ning-like rapidity that the troops were in motion,
and a few moments later they were at the corner
of Lawrence and Fourteenth streets. By this
time no fewer than ten thousand men surround-
ed the city hall, which number was increased
during the afternoon until the throng numbered
at least twenty thousand, filling every avenue

240 TROOPS TAKE POSITION

leading- to the city hall for several blocks. The
cit}r hall itself was guarded by three or four hun-
dred men, armed with \Vinchestersand revolvers,
and from every window in the building- were
threatening- muzzles, onl}- waiting- for the at-
tack to blaze forth upon the unprotected militia,
run into a death trap through the incompetency
and stupidity of the adjutant-general, who was
chiefly responsible for a display of force which
would have been ridiculous had it not been for
the fearful tragedy hidden beneath the muzzles
of the cannon.

Old soldiers who had looked over the situation
prior to the arrival of the troops, supposed that
they would be halted on Lawrence street, where,
in case the governor should proceed to extremi-
ties, the men could have been sheltered by the
Chamber of Commerce building, while approach-
es were inade from other directions. But this
man Tarsney seemed to imagine that the time had
arrived for him to make the reputation which he
had previously lacked. He had been in the army,
and should have known something about war,
but had forgotten, if he had ever learned, that an
important duty of an officer is the protection
of his men from unnecessary danger. The Napo-
leon guns were run down on Fourteenth street
to a point in line with the rear of the Chamber of
Commerce building, and there halted and trained
Upon the front door of the city hall, within sixty
yards of three hundred Winchesters, which could
j»ile the street with dead artillerymen before the
guns could be reloaded. And there they

WAITE BOUND TO HAVE BLOOD 241

stood, those brave young- men, all the afternoon,
awaiting- the order which should send more than
half of them into eternity, surrounded by an an-
gry mob, in which were hundreds of deputy
sheriffs, waiting to take a hand in the fray at close
quarters.

Meantime the mayor, members of the cham-
ber of commerce, leading merchants, bankers,
manufacturers, private citizens, rich and poor,
were pouring- in upon the governor with entreaties
that he should recall the troops before some acci-
dent should happen that might precipitate a con-
flict in which the loss of life \vould be fearful.
The best that could be accomplished was the
postponement of the hour of attack from time to
time, until a suggestion was made that the federal
troops be called in. The governor had by this
time become convinced that the military would
be entirely unable to cope with the city hall peo-
ple, and with a prudent regard for his own safet}*
had left the executive chamber, and taken refug-e
in his boarding house, surrounded by an armed
guard of fourteen or fifteen men. When the sug-
gestion of federal troops was made, it was eag-erl}^
accepted as a way out of a serious difficulty, and
i\ request was at once sent to General McCook.
The general had kept a watchful eye upon the
proceeding's, and within two hours five compa-
nies from Fort Logan were bivouacked in the
Gettysburg building. The governor supposed
that these troops were present to reinforce his ar-
my, and when he discovered that United States
troops could not be used to install state or muni-

2±2 FEDERAL TROOPS CALLED IX

cipal officials by force, his rage burst all bounds.
He ordered General McCook to take his troops
out of the city at once, and received a further sur-
prise upon learning- that federal troops could not
obe}T the orders even of so exalted a personage as
the governor of Colorado. The troops had been
called for to preserve order, and as long as disor-
der prevailed would remain. The mayor had re-
quested the retention of the regulars, and this
time the governor was compelled to curb his ap-
petite for blood by the bucketful.

It has been said by some that the governor
was not in earnest; that it was never his intention
to order the troops to fire. This is a mistake.
The governor was terribly in earnest. There is
no one so dangerous as a conceited man in au-
thority whose vanity has been wounded by ridi-
cule. Governor Waite had talked so much about
the regeneration of societ\r in a baptism of blood,
that he seemed to have argued himself into a be-
lief in its necessity, and his supreme vanity and
egoism apparent! 3r led him to believe that he was
the agent appointed to officiate at the baptismal
ceremonies.

Few people, even among the on-lookers, appre-
ciated the gravity of the situation. Men laughed,
and talked, and joked about war as they looked
down the brazen throats of those Napoleons, who
knew no more about war than did his excellency,
Davis H. W.aite, but despite their jeers and laugh-
ter, Denver was never in more serious peril than
on that 15th day of March, 1894, with but one cool-
headed man of experience— General E. J. Brooks

THE TROOPS RETIRE 243

— standing between a mad governor and an excit-
ed and justly indignant people.

Threats of hang-ing- the governor in the event
of an emeute and loss of life were freety made
and passed by as idle talk, but it is now kncwvn
that an organization was effected, that the rope
was secured, and the noose made, the tree select-
ed and the particular limb marked, and that in
Jess than five minutes after the report of that
gun the private guards of the governor would
have been swept aside and the sole author of the
trouble have expiated his crime with his life.

The national guard returned to the armor}7 at
half past eight p. m., just as the federal troops
had reached the union depot. General McCook
had requested the withdrawal of the state troops
and had been met with a flat refusal, but thegov
ernor, who had not 3^et relinquished his purpose,
was becoming nervous under the strain, and
seemed incapable of issuing two consecutive or-
ders on the same line. When he found that he
could not command the troops from Fort Logan
to join in an assault on the city hall he issued his
order calling out the entire militia of the state,
and on the following morning withdrew his re-
quest for federal aid and asked General McCook
to remove his troops. This the general declined
to do. He had been asked to assist in preserving
the peace, and proposed to do it. The governor
had invoked a spirit with his official abracadabra
which he found it impossible to control, and his
attitude in calling out the militia of the state had
Convinced General McCook that there was now a

244 THE CONTEST IX THE COURTS.

greater necessity than ever for the presence of
his men.

From the commencement of these scenes of
disorder inspired b}^ the governor, who was
sworn to preserve order, Orr and Martin had ex-
pressed their willingness to submit the question
at issue to the supreme court, and on March 17
the governor submitted the question to that tri-
bunal on an ex parte showing. Orr and Martin
objected to this, but an arrangement was made
whereb}^ the attorne3rs of the old board went into
court as the friends of the court. Several days
were consumed in the legal proceedings, which
had been commenced in several courts, and final-
\y, on March 25, the supreme court rendered a de-
cision in which the ground was taken that while
the governor had the right to remove the officials,
he had no right to forcibl}' induct his appointees
to office, and a refusal of the old board to retire
must be met by quo warranto proceedings in the
courts. As the main questions involved were the
governor's right of removal and his authority
for the use of troops, both sides claimed a victo-
ry. The governor announced that he would pa}r
no attention to any restraining order of the
courts. The troops were here, and he was the
commander-in-chief. What did his office amount
to if he could not do as he pleased, law or no law?
The legal proceedings in the several courts had
by this time tangled up the average layman, and
dragged their slow length along until March 28,
when the governor again startled the city by the
announcement that he was tired of civil proced-

WAITE THREATENS MARTIAL LAW 24o

ure, and unless something was speedily done he
would declare martial law on account of the ex-
istence of what he was pleased to term an insur-
rection. Both boards were in session, making-
appointments and dismissing1 officers, and the
city hall was the scene of constant disorder grow-
ing1 out of the dissensions of their respective ad-
herents.

A diversion had been created by the call of the
sheriff of El Paso count}^ for military to aid him
in the service of civil warrants in Cripple Creek,
where a miners' strike prevailed, with more or
less disorder, and on the day following the city
hall war, the first regiment had been sent to Crip-
ple Creek. As there seemed to the governor to
be no necessity for troops there, they were re-
called, and the air was again full of reports as to
the intentions of the governor. His legal advis-
ers earnestly endeavored to persuade him to fore-
go his determination to declare martial law, with
no effect, and Denver seemed to be again on the
brink of revolution. Judge G^nn, who was sit-
ting in Arapahoe county in the absence of Judge
Graham, enjoined Orr and Martin, and the injunc-
tion was disobeyed. Governor Waite ordered the
national guard to be recruited to its full strength,
with the avowed intention of declaring martial
law andfbringing a force of fifteen hundred men to
bear upon the recalcitrant commissioners. By
this time everybod}^, including the members of
the contending boards, was tired of the dispute.
The governor, still bloodthirsty, was with diffi-
culty restrained from declaring martial law, and

^ \VHITE- \VIXGE1> PEACK

fumed and fretted at the delay, and his vanishing-
prospects for gratifying- his desire for war. But
for once wise counsels prevailed, and on April 15
the supreme court issued a writ of ouster direct-
ed to Orr and Martin, which was promptly obeyed,
and the governor, in spite of himself, was com-
pelled to act under the direction of the civil au-
thorities.

Peace once more prevailed in the corridors of
the city hall, and the expectant Populists who
had been waiting for appointments on the police
force marched up in solid phalanx to claim their
reward for that faithfulness to Governor Waite
and the Omaha platform which was the sole test
of Populist efliciencj'.

The new board entered on a new tack, with the
avowed intention of crushing- out all forms of
vice, but with the best intentions in the world, it
was handicapped by the heterogenous character
of the new appointees on the police force, and thr
actions of the police magistrate, whose rulings
were an encouragement to vagtants and hoboes,
and prevented anything like genuine reform.
The police force of Denver was never so ineffi-
cient and mercilessly ridiculed as under the last
fire and police board of the Waite administra-
tion.

On Ma}T 23 the fact was made known that Sher-
iff Bowefs, of El Paso county, was enlisting spe-
cial deputies to protect the miners who were will-
ing to go to work in the Cripple Creek mines,
which had been closed on account of a strike
Bince February 1. Whatever may have been the

THE CRIPPLE CREEK WAR 247

merits of the original controvers}7, it is indisput-
able that the strike had been a serious injury to
the camp, affecting- not only the mine owners, but
every miner and business man in the district.
Several attempts had been made to start up the
mines under the protection of the sheriff, but all
efforts failed, and the strike had now reached a
point where violence was openly threatened, and
in some instances carried into effect. The action
of the governor in sending the first regiment to
the scene in response to the request of the sheriff,
and immediately recalling it, inspired the leaders
of the strikers with boldness, and cases of outrage
became more frequent. Business men of Cripple
Creek who refused assistance to the strikers were
boycotted, men looking for work were ordered
out of the camp, and in some cases severely beat-
en, arms were procured, fortifications were erect-
ed on Bull Hill, and word sent out that no mine
would be permitted to resume operations until
the demands of the strikers \vere complied with.
On the 24th of May one hundred deputies left
Denver for Cripple Creek, were joined by about
fifty more at Colorado Springs, and on the follow-
ing morning were near the town of Victor, the
headquarters of the miners' union. On that day
the Strong mine was blown up and the non-union
miners employed in the Independence mine cap-
tured. The little army of deputies was under the
command of J. C. Veatch, late chief of police of
the city of Denver, and was composed of stal-
wart men, many of whom had recently been on
the Denver police force, full}7 one-half being vet-

248 STRIKERS ATTACK THE DEPUTIES

eran soldiers who were familiar with the service
required of them. But the}' were strangers to
the locality, were landed on a bare hill near Vic-
tor, surrounded by more than twice their number
of armed strikers, and could see that the}7 were
not strong enough to hope to successfully attack
the works on the crest of Bull Hill. They learned
something- of the topography of the country
during their stay, and discovered that the ap-
proaches from the south were impracticable with
the small force at command, and without incur-
ring serious loss. Artillery was on the way from
the east, and it was deemed advisable to come in
from the north, from which direction they could
secure a commanding position which would
compel the strikers to abandon their works with-
out occasioning a heavy loss of life. According-
ly the command was taken down the line of the
Florence and Cripple Creek railroad, and halted
at Wilbur, where there was a good camping site
and defensive position. The movement was tak-
en as a sign of weakness, and at an earl}- hour
the following morning a strong force of strikers
started out to attack the deputies' camp. When
near the camp a force of fifty men was sent in ad-
vance, but being absolutely ignorant of military
movements and dispositions, almost stumbled
over the advance guard of the deputies, occupy-
ing a strong post, and waiting for their assail-
ants, whom the}' could hear approaching through
the bushes. Both sides opened fire, and one dep-
uty was killed, while the strikers lost two men
killed, several wounded, and six prisoners. No

WAITE UPHOLDS THE STRIKERS 210

further demonstration was made, and the strik-
ers retreated to their fortifications.

At the state house the action of the sheriff was
furiously denounced. Governor Waite openly
expressed his sympathy with the strikers and as-
serted that the sheriff's posse should be treated
as rioters. The attorney-general insisted that
the enlistment of deputies as a posse comitatus
outside of El Paso county was illegal, and such
a bod}^ of men'was nothing more than a lawless
mob. The governor decided to send out the
military, and then rescinded the order, but at no
time about the executive department was there
any expression of opinion in favor of upholding
the law and compelling the strikers to respect
the property of others, and to refrain from inter-
fering" with such men as were willing to work.
The governor had at first intended to send the
troops to suppress the deputies, but he learned
from some level-headed adviser that the moment
his militia resisted the service of civil process by
the sheriff he would be himself in rebellion, and
in danger of falling into the hands of the United
States government. Consequently the troops
were held until some plan could be devised for
the protection of the governor's friends who were
engaged in defying the civil authorit}^ of which
he was supposed to be the executive officer.

Some efforts were made toward settling the
differences between the strikers and mine owners^
but nothing resulted, and on May 29 the govern-
or went to Victor in person for the purpose of
patching up a peace. His efforts were fruitless,

250 NEGOTIATIONS FOR PEACE

and the only result of his visit was to convince
the strikers that they could come to no harm so
long as Waite was governor, and consequently to
render them more determined. The governor's
visit was with the avowed intention of assisting
the strikers, rather than for the purpose of en-
forcing the law, and the natural result followed.
At a conference at Colorado Springs he demand-
ed that if the strikers laid down their arms they
should he granted immunity from arrest. As a
large number of warrants were out this could
not be granted, and the governor, after a liberal
draft upon his collection of choice expletives,
left for Denver.

The sheriff's posse, pending these negotia-
tions, remained at Divide, on the Midland rail-
road, slowly increasing in numbers, and prepar-
ing to move forward for the purpose of executing
the warrants. On June 4 the governor, as the
authorized representative of the strikers, effected
a compromise with the mine owners, and for the
first time publicly admitted that an insurrection
was in progress in Cripple Creek, to quell which
he again called out the militia. While this nego-
tiation was in progress the force of deputies, now
numbering about one thousand men, were ready
to move, and on June •(> left Divide to restore
the mines to the possession of /their owners, and
to serve the warrants of the courts. The depu-
ties marched to within three: miles of the strik-
ers' camp, and there halted to await an attempt
to serve the warrants. This movement the gov-
ernor checkmated by directing General Brooks

END OF THE SECOND WAR 251

to permit no deputies to pans through his lines,
declaring that it was nothing to him if the sher-
iff could not make his arrests, thus openly taking
a position in opposition to the law.

The militia arrived at the deputies' camp on
June 7, and took up a position where they could
prevent a collision between the deputies and the
strikers. On the following day the strikers
agreed to refrain from attacking the deputies and
to surrender the men for whom warrants were
held, and the second Waite war was practically
over. During the entire controversy the govern-
or had exhibited his utter incapacit}- to cope
with the question, and had demonstrated the fact
that he was making the enforcement of the law
secondary to his plans for securing a renomina-
tion from his party. The difficulty could have
been settled in a .week by a vigorous support of
the leg-al authorities. As it was three weeks were
consumed, the law was treated with contempt b_v
his own order, and thousands of dollars were
thrown away, to say nothing of the injury result-
ing from the loss of life and property, and the
depreciation of values caused by the strike.; For
the first time in the history of the country the
governor of a state used the forces under his
command to protect the violators of the law.

It is unnecessary to recapitulate the minor in-
cidents, all tending to show the titter unfitness of
Governor Waite for his position. For more than
a year and a half there was scarcely a day in
which he was not involved in some unseeml}'
wrangle, either with his own appointees or with

252 A REPUBLICAN QUARREL

the courts. Inordinate^' puffed up by his suc-
cess, an avowed candidate for the highest offices
in the gift of the commonwealth, with an exalted
opinion of his ability to decide off-hand the most
abstruse questions connected with the science of
government, he at the same time displa}red many
of the traits of the pot-house politician, an utter
disregard of all law at variance \vith his opinions,
and a determination to organize the machinery
of the state government for his own benefit, re-
gardless of decency, of good order, and even of
human life. Enough has been shown of his ac-
tions during his term to account for the determi-
nation- of the people, as that term drew to a close,
to no longer suffer the state to be disgraced by a
man in whose mental composition the wildest va-
garies usurped the throne of reason, and whose
moral nature was warped by intense selfishness
and inordinate desire for self-advancement.

While Waite was alternate^ terrorizing and
amusing the people, the Republicans of Arapa-
hoe were, as usual, contributing their share to-
ward the prevailing political disorder. I. N. Ste-
vens had not taken his defeat for the congression-
al nomination with the equanimity that should
have been displa3red by so astute a politician,
and was regarded with considerable suspicion
by many Republicans. He had been an acknowl-
edged power in Arapahoe county for many years,
and had naturally created many antagonisms.
Scores of would-be leaders had been quietly wait-
ing for an opportunit}- to "down Stevens," and
that opportunity seemed to have arrived. Vari-

FAMILY JARS 253

ous charges were made against him, affecting- his
standing* as a Republican, and finally the opposi-
tion to him crystallized on Februar}^ 22, 1894, in
an effort to eject him from the chairmanship of
the city Republican committee of Denver. It
was charged by those opposing him that he had
been guilty of treachery to the party in the cam-
paign of 1892, and that he had not only failed to
support the count}^ ticket in 1893, but that he had
been in frequent consultation with Waite and
other Populist leaders, on political subjects, and
had, in conversations, justified the Populists, and
given cause for the belief that he was preparing
to support that party in the coming campaign.
Stevens was absent from the state at the time the
specific charges based on the above allegations
were preferred, but immediately returned, and at
the meeting of the committee called to consider
the charges, was exonerated. But it was claimed
that Stevens had packed the committee with
friendly appointees to vacancies, and the minori-
ty bolted the meeting and organized a new city
committee, with Frank C. Goudy as chairman.
This little affair was of importance only as it
served to create another breach among the Re-
publicans of the capital, and had but little influ-
ence upon the fall campaign, though the contend-
ing parties fought vigorous^, and succeeded in
injecting their differences into the preliminary
canvass Mr. Stevens announced that the bolters
from the committee would be expelled from the
party. Mr. Goudy retorted that the committee
would meet, and that a majority of the regularly

254 GOUD# COMMITTEE EXPELS STEVENS

elected committeemen would be in attendance at
a meeting called for a reorganization of the com-
mittee. He refused to recognize the committee-
men appointed by Mr. Stevens to fill vacancies,
though Mr. Stevens insisted that the authority
had been given him by the committee. The
Goudy committee held its meeting on February
28, and took testimony relative to the alleged
treachery of Mr. Stevens, in which it was shown
to the satisfaction of the committee that Stevens
had been guilt}- of conduct inconsistent with his
professions of fealt}- to the Republican part}r,
and that a well-known Populist had, in a letter,
referred to the plans of Mr. Stevens in such a
manner as to leave no doubt in the minds of the
committee that he had been engaged in negotia-
tions with the Populists. Telegrams from both
senators were read, declaring a lack of confi-
dence in Stevens, that from Senator Wolcott be-
ing so clear as to seem to disprove the assertion
that in 1892 Stevens was Wolcott's choice for rep-
resentative. The meeting resulted in the adop-
tion of a resolution declaring the position of
chairman of the city committee vacant, and elect-
ing Goud}' to fill the vacancy. The Stevens wing
of the committee met on the same evening, and
the forty-two members who had bolted were for-
mall3r deposed by resolution. Stevens declined
to consider a proposition that both chairmen re-
sign and permit the regularly elected committee-
men to elect a successor. He denounced the al-
leged senatorial telegrams as forgeries, and insist-
ed that the letter from the Populist above referred

STEVENS LEAVES THE REPUBLICANS 255

to as part of a plot for his political ruin. He
then announced that he would deliver a lecture
in which he would expose the political corrup-
tions of Denver for the past ten years.

The condition of affairs above described con-
tinued but a short time. Mr. Stevens, after a few
weeks, formall}' severed his connection with the
organization in a characteristic letter to the pa-
pers, the two wing's of the committee came to-
gether, Goudy resigned, George Graham was
elected chairman, and once more harmony pre-
vailed in the ranks of the Arapahoe Republicans.

On October 9 Mr. Stevens, in a speech delivered
in Denver, called the Republican part}7 to account
for its failure to deal honestly with the silver
question, and retired from that party until it
should change its course in this respect. It can-
not be denied that he took advanced ground and
sustained his position by liberal quotations from
the speeches of Senator Teller. Politically how-
ever, as affecting his own standing, it was an er-
ror, as it gave his enemies an opportunity for
citing his own action in proof of the charges pre-
ferred against him -a citation that was not weak-
ened by the announcement of the speaker that
he would thenceforth abjure partisan politics.

The details of this affair have been given be-
cause, in the following state campaign the matter
was given considerable prominence b}r the Pop-
ulists. Mr. Stevens was heralded as one of the
principal Republican leaders in the state, and
his defection was used in the attempt to show the
utter and hopeless demoralization of that party.

£)6 TAR AND TAKSXEY

Inasmuch as the matter was one of the lead-
ing- cards of Populist orators during the cam-
paign, it is perhaps as well to refer to the alleged
Tarsney outrage. T. J. Tarsne}' had been appoint-
ed adjutant-general of the state, and up to the
summer of 1894 had not quarreled with his com-
mander-in-chief. It was b}* his advice that the
cit}^ hall war was inaugurated, and it was by his
orders that the national guard had been so post-
ed that in the event of a conflict the}- would have
been slaughtered like sheep in a pen. Immensely
relieved b}^ his escape from the awkward and
dangerous situation in which he had been placed
by his own ignorance and foil}7, he hailed with
delight the outbreak of the Cripple Creek affair,
as affording him an opportunity for the exercise
of his peculiar talents. Ht professed to be an at-
torney, and it is but fair to admit that he had been
admitted to the bar, though the probability is
that his knowledge of the lines of defense and at-
tack in legal matters was in no way superior to
hi< knowledge of military strategy. Upon his
arrival with his army at Cripple Creek, he, with
cunning tricker3r, combined his two professions.
As adjutant-general, he protected his friends, the
strikers, from the bodily harm they had chal-
lenged. As Tarsne3* the attorney he proposed to
defend them from the legal consequences of their
unlawful acts; he of course to receive a reason-
able fee for his invaluable services. He went to
Colorado Springs, and rendered himself exceed-
ingly and unnecessarily obnoxious. As a result,
if his story is to be taken as the whole truth, he

A FEATHERY MYSTERY 257

was taken from the hotel and treated to a feath-
ered garment more close fitting- than comfortable.
As the tar was entirely removed from his person
in two or three hours, it does not appear that he
was seriousl}' damaged. The people of Colorado
Springs and of the entire state denounced the act,
but it was good Populist powder and was made
the most of during the campaign. The governor
offered a reward for the arrest of the perpetrators
and the grand jur}^ of El Paso county took up
the matter. Tarsney was summoned to testify in
the matter, and at first refused to go, but finally,
in obedience to peremptory orders from the
court, went down, and presented himself to the
astonished court, backed by an escort of the mili-
tary, who were quickl}^ sent to the right about by
an ordinary, e very-day judge, with no nonsense
in his composition. A great deal of talk was
made about the matter. Tarsney professed great
eagerness for the detection of the perpetrators,
and made one trip to Missouri, with a blare of
trumpets, had a few parties arrested, and then,
after announcing' that he had the men all spotted,
dropped the case and allowed the accused to be
discharged. The entire transaction appeared
shady, and after a few weeks the "Tarsney out-
rage" was considered more of a joke than a crime,
knowing winks accompanying its discussion. It
was certain that he did not tar and feather him-
self, but it is equally certain that there is no
probability that it will ever be known who did.

THE sto^ of the Waite administration
to^ in the preceding- pages affords am-
ple justification for the attitude of the
people of Colorado at the beginning- of the cam-
paign of 1894. The state had for 16 years been
held up to the world as an example of the results
of intelligent enterprise. In two short years,
through the foll3T, demagoguery, and intense
egotism of one man, elected by the people when
they were smarting under a sense of the injustice
done them by the two old parties, Colorado had
become the subject of ridicule throughout the
civilized world. For two years the state had been
in a turmoil, and one ridiculous quarrel had no
sooner been settled than its place was taken by
another. This quarrelsome old man had cost
the state, by his disregard of the commonest prin-
ciples governing the transactions of men with
each other, not less than $200,(XK) of direct outlay,
to say nothing of the indirect losses resulting
from his total lack of judgment, and selfish meth-
od of using the machinery of the state as a per-
sonal appanage. The people of Colorado were
tired out. They had been patient under outrages
that warranted violent measures, and they felt
that it was time to put a stop to the foolish va-
garies that had controlled the affairs of the com-
monwealth. The purpose to redeem the state
crystallized in clubs pledged to do everything

ORGANIZING FOR REDEMPTION 259

possible to prevent the election of a second Popu-
list ticket, and the "Redeemers," given the title in
derision, were earnest in their labors, which bore
ample fruit. It was felt to be necessary that ever}-
man should do his duty in this particular, and
there has never been a campaign in Colorado in
which the conservative, honest men of the state
were more thoroughly united in the effort to do
the state good service by the defeat of Populism,
and the consequent discontinuance of misrule,
disorder, and disregard of law.

The condition of affairs in the several counties
which had given heavy majorities for Waite in
1892, was somewhat remarkable. The Populists
were' arrogant, offensive, and sometimes brutal in
their treatment of Republicans. Waite was their
idol, and his anarchistic tendencies were extolled
as the very highest expression of patriotic states-
manship. His interference with the machinery
of the courts, and his attempt to execute his will
at the point of the bayonet, were regarded as en-
tirely proper, and those who dared to denounce
these usurpations of power were pronounced
"gold bugs," "bloated bond-holders," "Shylocks,"
etc., and declared to be unfit to enjo}^ the privil-
eges of American citizenship. Republicans were
bullied and threatened; the few newspapers that
dared tell the truth were abused and threatened
with mobbing, and it was announced that Repub-
lican orators would not be permitted to speak, in
the event of Waite being renominated. In the
majority of these Populist strongholds, mainl}*
in the southern and western part of the state, Re-

260 POPULIST METHODS

publicans were silent, either from motives of fear
or business prudence, as there was no hesitation
on the part of the Populists to advocate a boycott
of Republican business men. In one county at
least the member of the Republican state com-
mittee reported that it was not probable that a
delegation would attend the state convention,
and that the sentiment of the few Republicans in
his county was averse to the nomination of a
county ticket, favoring- rather a coalition through
which the Republicans might be able to secure
one or two of the county offices, but wae opposed
to an}T open fight for fear of antagonising the
Populist element which might be induced to as-
sist in the scheme. In another county the Popu-
lists were blatant in proclaiming their political
faith at the street corners, and challenging any
expression of sentiment \yy Republicans. A dis-
cussion with a Republican invariably drew a
throng of jeering, ill-natured, bullying Populists,
who endeavored to prevent any expression from
the Republican. As a rule the Democrats were
inclined to support the Populists, or kept silence.
In the first county mentioned, the Republicans
were with difficulty' induced to send a delegation
to the convention, but the3r did so and eventually
nominated a ticket, which, though defeated, car-
ried a respectable vote, thus demonstrating that
though the Republican party might be asleep it
was by no means dead, even in the darkest Kgypt
of Populism. In the second county named a few
determined Republicans took up the cudgels for
their party, forced discussion with the Populists,

REPUBLICANS REORGANIZE 261

and long* before the conventions of either party
met, had compelled them by sheer force of ar-
gument and courage, backed by an assumed in-
solence borrowed from their antagonists, to con-
fine their threats, etc., to mutterings and scowls.
Of course silver was the burden of their song1,
and men who could not explain the meaning of
the ratio did not hesitate to attempt an exposi-
tion of the entire silver question? In these coun-
ties the professional office seekers, Republicans
and Democrats alike, were found in the ranks of
the Populists, and as a rule managed the party
conventions and secured places on the ticket
when the}r could, which, fortunately for the tax-
payers, was but seldom.

It may be imagined that Hon. Irving Howbert,
when he accepted the chairmanship of the state
committee, found himself with an almost hercul-
ean task on his hands. The party all over the
state seemed to require complete reorganization,
and as he had assumed the management of the
canvass prior to the holding of the state conven-
tion, his first task was the discovery of the prob-
able strength of the part}^ in the state— whether
it had gained or lost since the campaign of 1892.
Thanks to the thorough work of the committee
in this direction, it was soon demonstrated that
the Republican party was ready for victory
with the right kind of a ticket, and to this end
the efforts of Republicans all over the state were
directed.

The Democrats were without hope. Many of
them^advocated the plan of making no state nom-

I46U WAITE RUXS THE POPULISTS

inations, and voting- the Republican ticket; others
could not accept this proposition, but urged the
nomination of a full state ticket; a few— very few
—favored fusion with the Populists. After many
consultations with the leaders all over the state,
it was finally decided that the party should main-
tain its organization, and nominate a ticket.

Of all the parties in the state the Populists
were in the most peculiar situation. Their chief
whom one enthusiastic }roung man called " that
grand old anarchist/' had set the rank and file an
example of insubordination that they were not
slow to follow. Governor Waite bent every ener-
gy to secure his own renomination. He seemed
to imagine that being the governor, the entire
machine^ of the party should be under his con-
trol, and would not tolerate any expression of
opinion contrary to his own. The county com-
mittee of Arapahoe county was supposed to be
opposed to his nomination; he scolded them
as if they were a parcel of boys. Some of the
leading Populists of the state questioned the
propriety of selecting him as the standard
bearer; his expletives were worthy of a Bill-
ingsgate fish-wife. He permitted no dissension
from his views, and the Waite followers of Arap-
ahoe count3r organized what they called the
•'Ironclads/' solid for Waite under any and all
circumstances, under which the most shameful
and unheard of robbe^ of cit}^ emplo3^es was
carried out under the guise of political assess-
ments. The struggle between the Waite and an-
ti-Waite factions was scandalous even to the Pop-

POPULIST PRIMARIES 263

ulist party, Their party primaries for Arapahoe
county were held on August 29 and developed a
fiercer, more bitter antagonism than was ever be-
fore known in the political history of the state.
Daily and nightly the two factions held meetings
for the purpose of devising ways and means for
the defeat of the other fellows. The govern-
or had the advantage. His opponents were
largely composed of soreheads, who had earned
the right to put a finger in the public pie
but had not been given the opportunity, and re-
ceived the sympathy of none, while Waite was as
thoroughly equipped as the Knight of La Man-
cha, and had been equally fortunate in his tilts
with the windmills of his party. Every office
holder was required to spend the greater part of
his time in electioneering for Waite, while the
party machinery was kept in motion and well
greased with the supplies obtained by the volun-
tary contributions of the laborers who had been
given employment through the Populist board
of public works of the city of Denver. But the
governor was by no means permitted to have a
walk-over. The opposition to his nomination in-
cluded nearly all the elements of respectability
of which the party could boast. E. H. Holden, T.
M. Patterson, J. Warner Mills and others earnestly
tried to redeem the party from what they did not
hesitate to characterize as the disgrace of Waite-
ism. The News was outspoken in its demand that
he should be shelved, and, aided by the county
committee of Arapahoe county, the opposition
seemed to have a nucleus which was far from fa-

264 ARAPAHOE POPULIST CONVENTION

vorablefor the Governor's chances. But the Gov-
ernor was invincible. At the Arapahoe county-
primaries the police and fire department, of which
he now had absolute control, worked openly for
the Waite ticket, and resorted to the most desper-
ate measures to insure success. If the stories of
the anti-Waite leaders are to be believed, the
most outrageous frauds were perpetrated. Re-
peating, ballot-box-stuffing, terrorism, and every
dishonest scheme known to the manipulators of
party primaries, was put in practice, and the
vilest scenes ever recorded in Colorado were en-
acted. When the county convention met on Sep-
tember 1 the Waite faction was in the majority,
but their antagonists were very much in sight,
and made up in vigor what they lacked in num-
bers. Several times the two factions came within
n fraction of a pitched battle. About one-third of
the delegates were women, and it is possible that
this fact had something to do with the ultimate
preservation of the peace, though on several oc-
casions it seemed almost impossible to prevent
bloodshed. The police department was again
conspicuous, and was the most aggressive of the
Waite followers. The contending factions jostled
each other, shook their fists in each others faces,
called names and generally illustrated the Oma-
ha platform until, on the second day of the con-
vention, the Waite men won, and selected a Waite
delegation to the state convention. The anti-
Waite following bolted, 149delegates seceding and
electing a contesting delegation.

While Waite was in the heat of the turmoil con-

THE LIKENS AFFAIR 263

sequent upon his efforts to secure a majority of
his state convention, an incident occurred which,
while perhaps unimportant from a political stand-
point, still further increased the disgust at the
Populist administration, and served as a text for
campaign orators. Mrs. Likens had for years,
under several different administrations, been the
matron of the Denver police station. She was
universally regarded as peculiarly fitted for this
trying- position, and had certainly done much
good to that large class of female prisoners who
were more sinned against than sinning. But Mrs.
Likens was not a Populist, and a howl arose from
the Ironclads for her removal. After suffering a
number of inclig'nities such as made her position
extremely distasteful, she was fmall3r removed.
But the ladies of Denver knew something of Mrs.
Likens and her noble work, and indignant pro-
tests were not wanting. Then it occurred to those
responsible for her removal that some better rea-
son than mere partisanship must be given for the
change. A friend of Mrs. Likens had advertised
for a position as housekeeper and directed replies
to be sent to Mrs. Likens. A letter came, ad-
dressed to the Police Matron on the envelope, and
to Mrs. Likens in person on the inside. The mat-
ter of the reply was construed by the corrupt eyes
that beheld it, as containing an improper pro-
posal, and because some man in Pueblo had writ-
ten a letter to a middle-aged lad}^ with grown
children, capable of bearing such a construction,
the letter was hawked about with all the nods and
winks and leers that are common in such cases,

2(5f) POPULIST STATE CONVENTION

as affording- proof of the immoral character of
the lad}T, and the consequent reason for her dis-
charge. But in not promptly returning- the let-
ter to the owner the party became amenable to
the postal laws, and were all arrested, including
Governor Waite, who was not ashamed to ac-
knowledge that he had read a private letter, and
though he knew that it should have been imme-
diatel}T returned to its owner, neglected to direct
this to be done. The incident caused almost uni-
versal comment, by no means favorable to those
guilty of so gross a breach of decency.

It is difficult to decide whether the Populist
convention of 1894 or the Democratic convention
of 1892, bore off the palm for disgraceful rioting
and indecent disregard for the privileges of de-
bate. The state convention met at Pueblo on Sep-
tember 4, and it was found that Waite had secur-
ed the convention beyond all question. The con-
testing delegation from Arapahoe county put in
an appearance, and insisted on having its claims
considered by the convention. The scenes that
occurred during the first day of the convention
were indescribable, and defied the skill of the
most experienced reporter. There was no sem-
blance of order. Delegates wrangled, applied
disgusting epithets to each other, tangled them-
selves up in utter defiance of all parliamentar}-
practice, howled, shook their fists and danced
like dervishes, until the hall was converted into
pandemonium, and the scene resembled nothing
so much as the witches sabbath, or the unhol}'
revels observed by Tarn O'Shanter. The Arapa-

PANDEMONIUM BROKE LOOSE 267

hoe contestants, composed in the main of men
who were capable of self control, and led 03- T.
X. Patterson, was the object of universal atten-
tion and execration. It was fiercely denovinced
by wild-ej^ed orators from all parts of the state,
and finally one enthusiastic admirer of Waite,
drunk with excitement, and bearing- a portrait of
the g-overnor, made his way through the press
and penetrated the ranks of the contestants, wav-
the portrait and yelling defiance to his opponents.
This was more than the contestants could bear.
Blows were given and returned, and in a moment
the portrait was the center of a seething* mass of
struggling men, while from all parts of the hall
the adherents of the governor rushed to the scene
intent upon the rescue of the portrait from the
hands of his enemies. The portrait escaped seri-
ous damage, however, and after a time the sem-
blance of order was restored, and the convention
proceeded in its peculiar way to the transaction
of its business. The contest was over the ap-
pointment of the committee on credentials, the
anti- Waite following- hoping- to secure some rep-
resentative on the committee, and thus pave the
way for a minority report, and a discussion of the
merits of the Arapahoe controversy on the floor
of the convention. In this however they were
unsuccessful. Their claims to representation on
the committee were entirely disregarded, the ma-
jority being- determined to have harmon}^ in their
own way, and it was with the greatest difficulty,
and onl}^ after the most strenuous exertions, that
the contestants secured a hearing before the coin-

268 THE CONTESTANTS OUSTED

mittee. The pleadings before the committee were
masterly presentations of the corruption and in-
decent disregard for law or common fairness that
had characterized the party primaries in Arapa-
hoe count}^, but availed nothing1. The committee
knew that the3^ were expected to render Waite's
nomination a certainty, and were not disposed to
permit any discussion of the merits of the propo-
sition on the floor of the convention. The com-
mittee unanimously agreed to exclude the con-
testants.

The committee's report was presented on the
following clay, and by some parliamentary ma-
euver a minority report was brought into the
convention. It was greeted with 3rells, shrieks of
derision, laughter, and roars of anger. Mr. Pat-
terson made his way to the platform, and an at-
tempt was made by the chairman to put him off.
He held his ground, however, while scores of
willing instruments of the convention's t\'ranny
tried to reach the platform and assist in dragging
the plucky advocate therefrom. Denunciation,
vituperation and abuse, all directed at the man
who, two years before, had made the election of
\Vaite possible, resounded from all parts of the
hall. The spectators took up the refrain, and for
several minutes nothing could be distinguished
bearing the slightest resemblance to articulation.
Meanwhile Mr. Patterson held his ground with a
tenacity against which the maddened throng was
powerless, frequently taking advantage of a tem-
porary lull to attempt the delivery of his re-
marks, only to be howled into silence. Finally,

DEMOCRATIC STATE CONVENTION 269

ashamed of the disgraceful refusal to listen to
argument, some delegate gained a hearing long-
enough for a motion that Mr. Patterson be per-
mitted to speak. The motion was lost, but the
chair, in pure shame, declared it carried, and Mr.
Patterson commenced to speak. In less than a
minute, however, the uproar re-commenced, and
again the convention was converted into an as-
semblage, compared with which a congregation
of howling monkeys in the forest of the Amazon
are the sweetest of singers. Mr. Patterson, with
all his well known determination, was compelled
to desist. The tactics that had been used with
such effect against Republican speakers in the
previous campaign had been used against him-
self, and he was forced to acknowledge defeat and
retire from the stage. The turbulent course of
Governor Wait's administration was fitly exem-
plified by the convention which assembled near
its close for the purpose of renominating him.
He was nominated by acclamation.

Whil£ these scenes were transpiring in Pueb-
lo, the Democrats of the state, a forlorn hope in-
deed, but determined to maintain their party or-
ganization were engaged in the effort to unite the
two factions of the party for a vigorous and ag-
gressive canvass. There was no hope of the elec-
tion of their ticket, but they could at least enter
their protest against the continuation of Waite-
ism while maintaining the organization of the
party. On September 8, both the Silver Demo-
crats and the straight Democrats, or "White
Wings " held their conventions in Denver. Each

270 SENATORIAL

convention appointed a committee of conference
on the terms of union, and the consolidation of
the party was effected with little friction. The
result was cheered to the echo by the reunited
political family, and a ticket was named with C.
S. Thomas as the candidate for governor.

The Republican campaign was conducted as
well to insure the re-election of Senator Wolcott
as to redeem the state from Populism. Even be-
fore the meeting- of the State convention the suc-
cess of the Republican state ticket was consid-
ered certain. The disgust at the manner in
which the affairs of the state had been adminis-
tered by the Populists was so general that it was
almost a foregone conclusion that with respecta-
ble candidates on the state ticket the Republicans
would win. The legislature was by no means so
certain, and it was felt to be necessa^ to make
the most strenuous exertions to prevent the Pop-
ulists from controlling the general assembly.
While there were many Republicans to whom,
for many reasons, Senator Wolcott would have
been objectionable under ordinary circum-
stances, it was considered that in the present sta-
tus of the silver question in congress, the inter-
ests of Colorado demanded the return of Wolcott,
both on account of his services to the silver
cause, and because, b}^ his election on the distinct
issue of those services, the position of Colorado
on the question of free coinage would be clearly
demonstrated to the people of the east. Conse-
quently, Republican candidates for the legisla-
ture, with few exceptions, made the canvass with

ARAPAHOE REPUBLICAN MOVEMENTS 271

the clear understanding- that if elected they
would vote for Wolcott to succeed himself. This
feeling however, was by no means so general as
to prevent any opposition to Wolcott. The anti-
Wolcott faction in Arapahoe county was still
strong and active, but Mr. Wolcott was fortunate
in the fact that it was found impossible to con-
centrate this opposition upon an acceptable man.
There is no doubt that the appreciation of Wol-
cott's brilliant work during the extra session of
congress was not without a favorable effect upon
the canvass for the state ticket.

In Arapahoe county considerable feeling was
created among the women voters by the action of
the Republican county committee in seeming to
wish to deprive them of their full rights of rep-
resentation upon the committee and in the party
convention. Chairman Howbert of the state
committee, had recommended the selection of a
woman associate for each precinct committee-
man, but for some reason there were objections
to this plan in Arapahoe county, and a heated
discussion arose in which the press sided with
the women. The stereotyped cry of "gang" was
raised, and the organization of a "business men's
league" in Denver, for the purpose of securing
control of the party convention, was followed by
a union of interests between the league and the
organization of women voters. The primaries
were held on September 6, and the consolidated
women and business men secured a majority of
the delegates, which, while not large, was suffi-
ciently well organized to give them control of the

272 REPUBLICAN STATE CONVENTION

convention. On September 8 the count}" conven-
tion met, nominated an exceptionally good ticket,
instructed the nominees for the legislature to
vote for Wolcott for United States senator, and
selected a delegation to the state convention.

When the state convention met in Denver on
September 11, it was with an air of confidence
that of itself went far toward an assurance of vie-
tor}7. There was no other sentiment than an ear-
nest desire to secure the nomination of men who
would be able to win. A strong- fight for leader-
ship in the gubernatorial race had been made in
Arapahoe count}', with W. G. Smith, formerly
lieutenant-governor, and J. C. Helm in opposition.
Each candidate had a strong following in the out-
side counties, and on the day before the conven-
tion it was difficult to determine which was the
strongest. Beside these two, A. W. Mclntire, of
Conejos, J. L. Brush, of Weld, and Irving How-
bert, of El Paso, \vere in the race, each with more
or less of a following.

It had for some time been the understanding
among many of the party leaders that a strong
effort should be made to secure the nomination
of Judge Helm, but a short time before tbe meet-
of the convention it was discovered that he was
not satisfactory to some of the most important
influences in the party, and his chief supporters
were given plainly to understand that the effort
to nominate Helm would be vigorously opposed.
This announcement was not received with cordi-
ality by Judge Helm's following, especially as
some of the parties now opposing him had only

THE GUBERNATORIAL CONTEST 273

a short time before been among his supporters.
But it was recognized at once that the defection
was sufficientl}' serious to render Helm's nomi-
nation not onl}^ problematical but absolutely im-
possible.

The opposition to Helm was generally concen-
trated upon Irving Howbert as the nominee, but
was not seconded to any great degree by How-
bert himself. There were several reasons why
Howbert would not come before the convention,
chief among which was his own disinclination.
He had been urged over and over by Republi-
cans from all parts of the state to accept the nom-
ination, and uniformly declined, it being under-
stood that beside his personal objections, he did
not wish to in any way interfere with the aspira-
tions of Judge Campbell to a nomination for the
supreme bench, both gentlemen hailing1 from El
Paso county. But firm as was Mr. Howbert in
his refusal to consider the matter of his candida-
C3T, his friends were equall}^ firm in the deter-
mination that he should be the nominee. Strong-
ly influencing this determination was the fact
that Howbert had no senatorial aspirations,
while it was feared, with some degree of reason,
that some of the other candidates might be af-
fected in that direction. There was no question
of Howbert's popularity. Had his name been
presented to the convention with his full consent
the chances are about even that he would have
been nominated by acclamation. But though
earnest efforts were made to induce him to ac-
cept the nomination, up to a late hour of the

274 THE GUBERNATORIAL CONTEST

night before the convention they were unsuc-
cessful.

W. G. Smith had every reason to expect the
support of a large part of the Arapahoe delega-
tion, and had a considerable following in the
northern counties, but like Helm he was unsatis-
factory to some of the leaders of the part}7, and
on the da}' before the convention was astonished
to learn that the larger part of his forces had de-
serted him on the eve of the final contest.

J. L. Brush had earned the nomination, and if
political conventions were in the habit of being
influenced by such considerations, was in many
respects the logical candidate, but in his off-hand,
large-hearted manner, announced that he must
not be considered in the way of anything that
might benefit the party.

A tentative effort on the part of his many
friends to create a sentiment in favor of J. M.
Maxwell was a failure.

A. W. Mclntire, early in the canvass for the
nominations, had no higher ambition than the
bench of the twelfth judicial district, but local
political interests proved a bar to his aspirations
in this direction, and at the solicitations of his
friends he became a candidate for the gubernato-
rial nomination. He was not sanguine of success,
however, and doubtless the trend of events in his
direction was as much of a surprise to himself as
to the partisans of the other candidates.

There was a strong feeling against Helm and
Smith among the southern delegates, on the
grounds that while the former had the prestige

THE GUBERNATORIAL CONTEST 275

of defeat against him, the latter was entirely un-
known in that section of the state, and it was
thought that the nominee should be a man who
could at least carry some of the southern coun-
ties, as, judging from the conditions in their own
section, they were by no means sanguine of vic-
tor}r. They vigorous^ opposed the two gentle-
men named, therefore, but had little or no influ-
ence in causing their defeat. The}7 were defeated
by other and much more potent influences than
the opposition of a handful of delegates from the
Populist strongholds.

Smith and Helm having been set aside, and
Brush having voluntarily retired, it became ap-
parent that Howbert or Mclntire would be the
nominee. The friends of Helm were not feeling
very pleasant over the defeat of their man, and
were therefore not inclined to accept Howbert at
the dictation of the interests which had forced
Helm out of the race. If the sentiment of the
convention could be concentrated upon Howbert
in sufficient strength he might have felt com-
pelled to accept as a political dut}^ and to pre-
vent such a concentration was the work cut out
for the leaders whose preferences had been dis-
regarded. The3r were successful.. Howbert could
not be induced to accept unless the convention
was practically unanimous for him, and the op-
position took good care to render that event
impossible. In this wa}^ Mclntire fell heir to the
nomination with scarcely an effort on his part.
He was the only one left upon whom the oppos-
ing factions could unite, and the condition of af-

'^/(5 McINTIKE NOMINATED.

fairs which made his nomination possible was
the result of the shrewdest work against appa-
rently overwhelming- odds that was ever done in
a Colorado Republican convention.

Helm, on finding himself defeated, was in fa-
vor of Howbert, but found no opportunity- for
corning to an understanding with him, and late
on the night before the convention, Helm and
Smith made a virtue of necessit}r and withdrew,
the Howbert interest threw up the sponge, and
when the convention met in the morning there
was nothing left for it to do but nominate Mcln-
tire by acclamation.

The other places on the ticket were filled with
but little friction, though for nearly all of the
places there were sharp contests. When the con-
vention assembled it was said a slate had been
prepared. If this was the case the close of the
proceedings left nothing of the slate but its shat-
tered fragments. With the big delegation from
Arapahoe hopelessly divided, and the result of
the gubernatorial contest rendering impossible
all previous combinations, a slate was wofully
out of place, and the result was a ticket which
was eminently representative, and in every re-
spect one that would draw the full strength of
the party.

In the congressional conventions John F. Sha-
froth was nominated in the first district and Hon.
Thomas M. Bowen in the second.

No time was lost by any part}r in the com-
mencement of active campaign work. The Popu-
lists were in the field early and late. With a cloud

THE CAMPAIGN INAUGURATED 277

of alleged orators anxious to win a footing1 in the
councils of the party, an atmosphere of discon-
tent with the prevailing condition of affairs to
aid them, and throngs of men who had nothing
to do, the3^ had an apparentl3r easy task. Their
speakers were attended by immense audiences in
every part of the state. Waite was especially fa-
vored in this respect. His progress through the
state was an ovation. Men and women flocked to
see and hear the man who had been more talked
about, more mercilessl3r criticised and more
roundly abused than any man in the country.
And he was not disappointing. He talked to the
people whose votes he asked exactly as he had
acted during his administration. He was tireless
in his denunciation of capital and fulsome in his
eulogies upon labor. He denounced the crime of
1873 as if he had been the original discoverer of
that serious political error, and wherever he
spoke he left men behind him who were certain
that nothing would ever have been done for silver
had it not been for Davis H. Waite. Such great
throngs attended the Populist meetings in the
larger cities where it was announced that Waite
would speak, that many Republicans became
alarmed, and judging from superficial appear-
ances, imagined that these great outpourings in-
dicated a more sweeping Populist triumph than
two 3rears before. But this was a year for big
meetings. So man3^ things had occurred during
the previous two 3^ears that entered into the dis-
cussions of the campaign that public curiosity
was excited as to the methods of treatment by

278 POPULIST TACTICS

the different speakers, and Mr. Thomas, whose
vote was less than 10 per cent, of the total vote of
the state, was attended by crowds but very little
smaller than those which attended the meetings
of his opponents.

In the Egypt of Populism, — the southwestern
part of the state — it had been intended to pursue
similar tactics to those of two }rears before — the
breaking up of Republican meeting's by hooting
the speakers, packing the halls, and similar
methods adopted by those who fear to hear the
truth. One or two efforts in this direction, how-
ever, convinced the projectors of such proceed-
ings that it would not do, that the time had passed
when bulging would be effective, that Republi-
cans had recovered from the dread of an unknown
force, and having measured the new party were
not disposed to sit quietl}- down and submit to
the insolence of ignorance and the arrogance of
an assunTed power. Few interruptions of politi-
cal meetings occurred, and these were so swiftly
and sternl}- rebuked by the speakers, by the au-
dience, and by the press, that the custom fell into
innocuous desuetude long before the close of the
campaign.

No political campaign of Colorado was ever
so earnestly contested. Scarcely a hamlet in the
state but was visited by one or more of the sev-
eral part}' orators, and in few did the effort to
stir up popular feeling fail. One prominent
Democrat startled the state b}^ taking the stump
for the Republican ticket, a thing before unheard
of in partisan politics, and hundreds of the rank

THE WOMEN VOTERS 279

arid file of the Democratic party openly an-
nounced their intention of voting- the Republican
ticket. There was a deep seated feeling that the
race between Waiteism and the Republican par-
ty would be a close one and that in order to pre-
vent the possibility of Populist success it was
necessary to la}T aside partisan feeling and vote
for the ticket which stood the best show of de-
feating Waite. In this estimate of Populist
strength two important factors were not consid-
ered,— the close, effective work of the state com-
mittee, and the woman vote. Chairman Howbert
insisted upon a careful, systematic canvass of
every precinct in the state, and the standing of
every man in the state was known to the local
committees and reported to state headquarters.
Several days before the election the lowest esti-
mate of the Republican plurality was 12,000, and
there was never a day from the beginning to the
close of the campaign, when there was a doubt
of the ultimate success of the Republican ticket.
The women of the state were on the side of good
government, and signalized their entrance upon
the field of politics by an earnestness, an activity
and an intelligence that was irresistible. They
were not content with the ordinary work of the
rank and file, but went from house to house and
labored with their sex to induce them to vote and
to vote right. As an instance of the thorough-
ness \vith which the work of the women was per-
formed, in one precinct in which 52 Republican
women voters were registered, but one failed to
vote, and she was ill on election day.

280 WAITJSISM DISCARDED

The Denver News occupied a peculiar position
during1 the campaign. After having given the
most substantial proof of Governor Waite's ab-
solute unfitness, and after Mr. Patterson had
made a most heroic struggle for the redemption
of the Populist part}' from Waiteism, under the
mistaken notion that the two were separable, the
News supported the Populist ticket, and appar-
ently \vith a relish.

The result of the election was a surprise to the
Populists. The>^ reallj' expected to carr}* the
state by an increased majorit}^ over that of 1892
The>^ even expected, having control of all the
machinery of the state and city of Denver, tocar-
ry Arapahoe count y. The latter gave 15,268 and
the state 19,604 plurality for Mclntire. The rest
of the Republican state ticket was elected by plu-
ralities ranging from 8,682 to 23,351; Shafroth wn^
elected to Congress from the first district by a
plurality of 13,487, Bell's majority of 12,905 in
1892 was cut down to 5,334, and the legislature
stood in the senate, 15 Republicans, 17 Populists
and 3 Democrats, and in the House 43 Republi-
cans and 22 Populists and Democrats.

It is probable that there was more sincere re-
joicing over the result of this election than over
that of any of its predecessors. The personnel
of the ticket had very little to do with this feeling.
It would have been modified, perhaps, but fully
as sincere, if Mr. Thomas had been the success-
ful candidate for governor. The victory of the
Republican party in 1894 was the awakening
from a political nightmare and all of its horrid

THE STATE REDEEMED 281

accompaniments. It was a return from political
foll3r to political common sense; a change from
political blackguardism to political decency, at
least. For a time there was great fear that the
state had been turned over to Waiteism, and
that there was no hope of anything except years
of such misrule as had been the political ruin of
Kansas, but the people were satisfied with one
experiment. It had been exceedingly costly, but
the experience was worth the outlay, and it is
hardly likely that any similar party will ever
again ride into power on a wave of popular in-
dignation resulting from the injustice done to
silver. Better almost any present misery than a
repetition of the experiment of Populism.

A slight wave of anger and possible alarm
was occasioned between the election and the in-
auguration of the governor by the foolish talk of
some of the Populist leaders to the effect that
though there seemed to be a majority against
them, it was due to their being counted out, but
that they had the last count, referring to the fact
that the official canvass of the vote was to be
made by a Populist canvassing board. Their
error was discovered in time to prevent another
exhibition of Populist folly.

When the question of United States senator
came up it was found that although in almost
ever}^ legislative district in the state it had been
openly declared that the re-election of Senator
Wolcott was the main issue of the campaig'n,
there was so strong an opposition to him among
Republican members that a sufficient number

282 A SENATORIAL FLURRY

were found willing- to join with the opposition
and elect another senator. The combine was all
arranged and would undoubted^ have been car-
ried out, had it been able to find a suitable man
willing1 to accept an election to the senate under
such circumstances. But the man could not be
found, and appearing- on the surface to have
smooth sailing-, Senator Wolcott received the cau-
cus nomination and was elected, receiving ,~j7
votes to 39 for Pence and 3 for Thomas.

OFFICIAL VOTE, 1894.

FIFTY-FOURTH CONGRESS.

1st Dist. — J. F. Shafroth 47,710 Lafe Pence 34,223

2d " — Thos. M. Bowen.,42,369 John C. Bell 47,703

STATE OFFICERS.

Governor— A. W. Mclntire 92,507 Davis H. Waite 74,894

Lt-Gov. — J. L. Brush 90,654 S. W. Harmon 72,480

Secy St'e— A. B. McGaff oy 89,172 N. O. McClees 73,528

Treas. — H. E. Mulnix 89,947 C. Barela 81,205

Auditor — C. C. Parks 89,670 S. F. Lincoln 73,087

Atty Gen— Byron L. Carr 90,262 H. T. Sales 73,006

Superintendent of Public Instruction

—Mrs. A. J. Peavey 87,765 Alice M. Catlin 72,266

Regents of the University

— C. R. Dudley 92,803 Barney O'Driscoll. ...69,452

— S. A. Giffin 89,117 L. J. Morrison 71,388

Governor— C. S. Thomas. .... .8337 Atty-Gen.— J. M. Brinson. ...8164

Lt-Gov. — F. J. Mefcton 9296 Sup't of Schools

Sec'y St'e— J. Ernest Meiere...9133 — C. C.Bradford. .10.083

Auditor —Jos. S. Swan 8448 Regents — C. R. Dudley... 92,803

Treas. — C. Barela 81,205 — F. E. Wheeler... 9545

JUDICIARY.
Judge of the Supreme Court

—John Campbell 90.843 J. Warner Mills 76,487

District Judges.

1st Dist. — C. F. Becker. ... ... 4059

2d '« —G.W.Allen 33,798

— O. E. LeFevre 32,603

— C. P. Butler 32,280

—P. L. Palmer 32,075

— F. T. Johnson 32,030

3d " — J. G. Northcutt 4452

4th " —Ira Harris 10,472

5th* " — T. A. Dickson 3013

5th ' ' —John M . Maxwell 3659

6th " — Geo. T. Sumner 2464

7th* " —No opposition

A. H. DeFrance 5121

S. L. Carpenter 19,925

A. S. Frost 18,842

Geo. C. Norris 20,888

A. J. Rising 21,839

E. J. Short 20,076

J. C. Gunter 4061

K. R. Babbitt 7355

F. W. Owers 2100

F. W. Owers 4596

J. L. Russell 2929

W. A. Gabbert 3794

*General Election of 1893, to fill vacancies.

OFFICIAL VOTE 1894— CONTINUED

District Judges continued.
7th Dist.— L. Twitchell . . .

. . 4238 W. A. Gabbert 678:?

8th "
9th "

—James E Garri^nes., . .

. . 8103 Jay H. Boughton. . . .
.3078 Tho<* A Rucker

. .8170
42 ;0

10th* "

Platt Wicks

.2657 J. H Voorhies

288°

-J. C. Elwell
— N. W. Dixon

...4910 J, H. Voorhies
...5189 J. J. Me Feeler

..5667
4424

llth "
12th "

— Hosea Townsend
— C. C. Holbrook

...4435 M. S. Bailey
. 4838 E. F. Richardson.

. . 5392
.3693

13th "

--E. E. Armour

. . 1860 James Glynn

.157*

District
1st Dist.

2d "

Attorneys.
-A. D. Bullis
-G. W. Whitford

. 3946 E. C. Mason
. 32.534 Ralph Talbot

..4974
19,727

3d "

— R. R. Ross

4510 Orlando Hitt.

3891

4th "
5th* *k

— H. M. Blackmer
—A. T. Gunnell.t

.10,472 J. M. Johnson
1882 Wm. A. Guyselman

..7415
2093

5th "
6th "

—Frank E. Purple^
— S. W. Carpenter

...3731 L. R. Thomas
1809 T. J. Tarsney

..4755

. 2709

7th "

-T Y Bradshaw

4^11 L J Henry

6321

8th "

— Geo W. Bailey

7991 A. C. Patton

8170

9th "

— Geo D Johnson

:? "59 W. B. Wiley . .

3969

10th "

—Geo. W. Collins

.5322 D.M.Campbell...

. . 4(i()»'»

llth "

C C Daws on

1755 James I Locke..

5071

12th "
13 tli "

— T. D. McDonald
— Granville Pendloton.

...4618 Chas. D. Jones
.1*145 W. W. McCollister.

. . 383S
. . 1M9

TKNTH GENERAL ASSEMBLY.

SENATE.

President pro tern. Fred Lockwood.

Secretary — A. B. Gray.

1st

Dist.— H. Armstrong

3d Dis

it.— M. A. Leddy

— W. B. Felker

— A. R. Kennedy

—Chas. Hartzell

4th 4k

— Casimero Barela

—Oscar Renter

5th "

— Fred L. Lockwood

—P. J. Sours

6th "

—Austin Blakey

-C. E. Locke

7th "

—David Boyd

2d

" — James F. Drake

>sth "

— H. R. Brown

—Jesse G. Morton

9th "

- J. G- Johnson

*General election of 1893, to fill vacancies.
fDemocratic fusion.
^Republican fusion.

X I XTH GKX E R A L A SS K MBLY

285

Senate continued

10th Dist.— James C. Evans

llth

12th

13th

14th

15th

16th

17th

18th

19th

20th Dist.— Geo. E. Pease

— B. Clark Wheeler 21st " — D. A. Mills

" — R. Turner 22d " — E. W. Merritt

" -C. C. Graham 23d " — G. W. Swink

" — J.T. McNeeley 24th " — Wm. H. Adams

" — F. E. Moody 25th " —Jos. H. Painter

" — W. M. Fulton 26th " — H. O. Balsinger

" — J. O. Campbell 27th " —John R. Gordon

" — F. Campy 28th " —Patrick Crowe
' — C. Newman

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

Speaker— A. L. Humphrey Clerk— J. R. Wallingford.

Arapahoe — L. Anfenger
— W. S. Bales
— C. W. Campbell
— Jas. H. Clarke
— Clara Cressingham
— A. L. Fribourg
— Frances S. Kloek
-W. H. Macomber
-A. F. Peck
--Wm. B. Rundie
— Alex, Stewart
— Jos. H. Stuart
— A. I. Warren

Boulder — E. Greenman
— H. M Miner
—Geo. Ranson

Chatfee — G. M. Hollenbeck

Clear Creek — Jos. Gallagher

Conejos — C. Garcia

Conejos and Archulota

— F. G. Blake

Cost ill a —A. A. Salazar

Custer —A. DeBord

Dolores and Montezuma

—Geo. J. Ashbaugh

Douglas — W. I. Whittier

Eagle —Geo. W. Jenks

Elbert and Lincoln

— Theodore S. Harper

Kl Paso — C. G. Collais

— A. L, Humphrey

—I. J. Woodworth
Fremont — D. Crow
Fremont and Chaff ee

— H. S. Tomkins
Garfield — J. H. Murfitt
Gilpin —J.R.Mitchell

Grand and Summit

— C. L. Westerman
Gunnison — J. W, Rockefeller
Hinsdale and San Juan

— Casper Malchus
Huerfano -M. A. Vi^il
Jefferson — J. M. Morris
Kiowa, Baca and Prowers

— J. C.Funderburgh
Kit Carson and Cheyenne

— W. L. Patchen
Lake — W. Morrell

— T. F. O'Mahoney
La Plata -J. W. Wallace
Larimer — R. D. Miller
Las Animas— R. H. Purington

— W. R. Sopris
Las Animas and Bent

-W. A Colt
Logan, Sedgwick, and Phillips

— J. S. Carnahan

286 TENTH GENERAL ASSEMBLY

House of Representatives continued.

Mesa — M, V. B. Page Rio Grande and Mineral

Montrose and Delta — U. W. Roe

— J. B. Hart Routt and Rio Blanco
Otero — W. N. Randall — J. W. Lowell

Ouray — C. Von Hagen Saguache — J. L. Hurst

Park — S. M. Lasell San Miguel— Jas. McWilliams

Pitkin —Fred Light Weld —B, F.Johnson

Pueblo — J. F. Allee — G. W. Twombly

— J. D. Brown Yuma, Morgan & Washington

—Carrie C. Holly —A. C. Wilkins

— X. Kearney