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CJe  SJniijevsitp  o£  CMcasa 


The  Political  Philosophy  of  Modem  Shinto 
A  Study  of  the  State  Religion  of  Japan 


A  DISSERTATION 

SUBMITTED    TO    THE    FACULTY    OF    THE    GRADUATE    DIVINITY    SCHOOL   IN 

CANDIDACY   FOR   THE   DEGREE  OF   DOCTOR   OF   PHILOSOPHY 

(department  op  church  inSTORY) 


BY 

DANIEL  CLARENCE  HOLTOM 

^ II- 


A  Private  Edition 

Distributed  by 

The  University  of  Chicago  Libraries 

1922 

(From  the  Transactions  of  the  Asiatic  Society  of  Japan) 


H/, 


FROM  THE 
TRANSACTIONS  OF  THE  ASIATIC  SOCIETY  OF  JAPAN 
TOKYO,  JAPAN 
••XCMANG* 


-WOnW  OUT:  Tn  nt:  r^rpuCEO 
-ACCg$t>»ON  NUIWGCiiS  TO  DC  Wl^ttOHAVm 

prelface: 

The  discussion  in  the  following  pages  is  not  offered  as  a 
treatment  of  modern  Shinto  in  all  its  various  aspects.  The 
problems  discussed  are  particularly  those  which  arise  out.  of  the 
relationship  existing  between  the  Shinto  shrines  and  the  modern 
Japanese  state.  It  has  been  thought  advisable,  however,  to 
include  in  the  first  part  of  Chapter  I  a  brief  outline  of  Shinto 
development  prior  to  the  modern  period.  For  the  earlier 
periods  the  references  given  in' the  notes  should  be  consulted. 
The  expediency  of  separating  the  third  phase  of  Shinto  (that  of 
the  Revival  of  Pure  Shinto)  from  the  medieval  period  may 
perhaps  be  questioned,  especially  in  view  of  the  fact  that  the 
actual  political  influence  of  Shinto  under  the  Tokugawa  Sho- 
gunate  was  comparatively  slight ;  yet  it  needs  to  be  remembered 
that  the  third  phase  of  Shinto  marks  a  movement  sufficiently 
distinct  to  have  merited  the  special  consideration  of  no  less  a 
scholar  than  Sir  Ernest  Satow. 

It  is  also  recognized  that  the  term  **  philosophy"  in  the 
main  title  of  the  discussion  is  used  in  a  general   sense.     The         ^ 
usage  implies  an  official  theory  and  practice  regarding  Shinto,  ^ 

connected  and  adjusted  by  design. 

The  statement  regarding  Omoio  Kyd^\v\i\Q}i\  appears  on  page 
126  was  written  prior  to  the  abolition  of  this  sect  by  the  govern-  '  f^  . 
ment.  The  situation  which  necessitated  such  action  on  the  part 
of  the  authorities,  however,  does  not  affect  the  appropriateness 
of  the  citation  which  is  made  from  Omoio  Kyo  publications. 
Indeed,  it  has  been  suggested  that  the  chauvinistic  Mikadoism  \  ^*) 
of  Oinoto  Kyo  was  put  on  as  protective  coloring,  and,  if  so,  the 
necessity  still  remains  of  interpreting  a  political  situation  which 
makes  such  tactics  possible. 


n  PREFACE 

In  the  course  ot  the  arg^unient  it  has  bsen  found  necessary 
to  introduce  comparative  material  from  non-Japanese  fields. 
This  is  especially  true  of  those  sections  which  deal  with  the 
study  of  the  mythology  of  the  official  cult.  Attention  is  called 
to  the  fact  that  the  reason  for  the  introduction  of  such  com- 
parative material  does  not  lie  in  a  desire  to  validate  the  operation 
of  the  principle  of  acculturation.  The  purposes  of  the  argument 
are  sufficiently  satisfied  if  the  operation  of  the  principle  of 
parallelism  can  be  established. 

References  to  sources  and  authorities  are  given  in  full  in 
the  notes. 

D.  C.  Holtom. 

Tokyo,  April,   1922. 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 

Chapter  Page 

1  ^"  Historical  Introduction    I 

II  The  Shrine  Problem        4Q 

III  Japanese  Interpretations  of  Shinto  :     The 

Ethical  Definition         ...     69 

IV  Japanese  Interpretations  of  Shinto :     The 

Religious  Definition     99 

V  The  Meaning  of  A!<2;;«/    129 

VI  The   Mythology    of  the    Official    Cult: 

The  Original  Parents i8r^ 

VII  The  Cult  of  the  Sun-Goddess 224 

VIII  Government  and  National  Shrines.  Con- 

clusions              268 

Appendix  A.     Bibliography — ^Works    of    Reference    in 

European  Languages 309 

Appendix  B.     Bibliography — ^Works  of  Reference  in  the 

Japanese  Language     .«.     ..,     317 

Appendix  C.     Tables  of  Statistics  for  Shrines  and  Priests     324 


ABBREVIATIONS 

H  Z.     Hdrel  Zensho,  Complete  Collection  of  Laws   and 
,  Ordinances,  Jaj^ancse  Government. 
N.     Nlftonslioki  {Kokushi  Taikei  Rokkokis'ii),  Tokyo. 

1915. 
A.     Aston,  W.  G.,  NiJiongi,  2  Vols.,  Supplement  I  of 
Transactions    and     Proceedings    of    the    Japan 
Society,  London,  1896. 
C.     Chamberlain,    B.  H.,  Kofiki,   Transactions   of  the 
Asiatic  Society  of  Japan,  Vol.  X,  Supplement, 
1882. 
F.     Florenz,    Karl,    fapanische  Mythologie,    Ni/iongi, 
Zeitalier  der  Goiter,  Tokyo,  1901. 
T. A.S.J.     Transactions  of  the  Asiatic  Society  of  Japan. 
T.J.S.L.     Transactions  and  Proceedings  of  the  Japan  Society, 
London. 
H.K.R.E.     Hastings  Encyclopaedia  of  Religion  and  Ethics. 


NOTE 

Where  two  names  of  a  Japanese  person  are  given,  the 
name  in  italics  indicates  the  family  name.  The  general  rule, 
followed  has  been  to  print  family  names  first,  as  in  ordinary 
Japanese  usage.  (D.  C.  H.) 


THE  POLITICAL  PHILOSOPHY  OF  MODERN 
SHINTO. 

CHAPTER  I. 

Historical  Introduction. 

^  One  of  the  most  noteworthy  politico-religious  situations  of 
history  is  to  be  found  in  the  expansion  of  modern  Shintd.  In 
this  development  the  Japanese  government  has  attempted  to 
stabilize  important  political  institutions  and  at  the  same  time 
secure  a  form  of  religious  adjustment  by  isolating  Shinto  from 
recognized  religious  bodies  such  as  Buddhism  and  Christianity. 
Hereby  government  sanction  has  been  given  to  the  interpreta- 
tion that  official  Shinto  is  not  a  religion. 

/  The  Meiji  and  Taisho  eras  have  witnessed  the  enactment  of 
a  series  of  laws  and  departmental  regulations  which  may  be 
legitimately  interpreted  as  an  effort  on  the  part  of  the  Japanese 
government  to  find  a  workable  religious  policy  which,  while 
preserving  under  direct  state  control  those  Shinto  institutions 
which  are  regarded  as  contributory  to  the  unification  and 
discipline  of  popular  sentiments  of  loyalty  and  patriotism,  would 
yet  make  possible  a  fairly  satisfactory  disposition  of  the  affairs 
of  religious  organ'zations  outside  of  the  official  cult,  and  at  the 
same  time  meet  the  pressure  of  inevitable  modernizing  ten- 
dencies in  the  various  departments  of  Japanese  life  induced  by 
contacts  with  occidental  culture.  The  Japanese  state  has  had 
to  deal  not  simply  wath  probl^nit;  of  rpnHju^iitmpnt  nrining  nnt  v^{ 
the  urgency  of  assimilating  absolutely  indispensgjbjf  H^rn^nfo 
of  western  civilization  but  also,  in  the  meantime,  has  found  it 
necessiry  to  strengthen  itself  against  the  dan^rers  ot  tree-thoii^Tbt. 
socialism  and  even  anarchism.  The  interplay  of  the  forces 
tound  in  niodernism,  in  the  activity  of  non-Shint5  religious 
bodies,  and  in  the  alleged  necessity  of  unifying  the  Japanese 


2  TH^E   t>OLlTiCAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN   SHINTO 

social  mind  by  concentrating  it  on  characteristic  Japanese 
institutions  has  produced  the  modern  Shinto  situation.  This 
has  raised  difficult  problems  for  the  Japanese  state. 

The  effort  to  solve  these  problems  has  culminated  in  the 
complete  separation  of  the  control  of  the  Shinto  shrines  from 
the  oversight  of  ordinary  religious  matters.  Under  the  direc- 
tion of  this  policy  Shinto  ceremonies  have  taken  on  the  character 
of  important  affairs  of  state  systematized  under  national  law,  in 
the  ritual  of  which  even  civil  officials  may  participate.  Shinto 
priests  have  been  given  court  rank  and  treated  as  government 
officials  with  appointment  and  superintendence  regulated  by  the 
State  ;  the  support  of  Shinto  institutions  has  been  made  an 
affair  of  State  concern  and  has  been  secured  wholly  or  in  part 
out  of  government  revenues ;  great  shrines  have  been  construct- 
ed at  government  expense  ;  and  the  shrines  themselves  have 
been  interpreted  and  utilized  as  non-religious  agencies  for  the 
strengthening  of  national  morality. 

How  does  it  come  about  that  such  a  position  has  been 
adopted  by  the  Japanese  government,  and  what  is  its  j  ustification 
in  actual  historical  fact  ?,/The  attempt  to  answer  these  questions 
constitutes  the  subject  matter  of  the  following  discussion. 

A  question  immediately  arises  as  to  whc-vt  constitutes  the 
essential  nature  of  Shinto.^  As  far  as  the  term  itself  is  concern- 
ed, there  is  no  documentary  evidence  in  Japanese  records  to 
show  definitely  that  it  was  in  use  in  Japan  prior  to  the  introduc- 
tion of  Buddhism  in  552  A.D.^  The  evidence,  as  far  as  it  goes, 
indicates  that  the  word  came  into  general  use  as  a  result  of  the 
heightening  of  national  consciousness  during  the  early  period  of 
the  struggle  between  Buddhism,  as  a  foreign  faith,  and  the 


!•  %^-Mx  Shinto,  Of  Shindo,  Kami  no  Michi,  "The  Way  of  the  Gods.'' 
For  a  valuable  discussion  of  the  origin  and  meaning  of  the  term  Shinto,  consult 
Kume,  Kunitake,  Nihcn  Kodai  Shi  to  Shintfl^to  no  Kanhei  (X)R^[?it»  H  ^fC'iM'i 
^  ^;1'^ii^0^t^»  "The  Relations  of  Shinto  and  Ancient  Japanese  History," 
Tokyo,  1907),  pp.   I -1 8:  ^ 

2.     A.,  Vol.  II,  pp.  55,65. 


THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN    SHINTO  3 

native  religion  of  old  Japan.^  The  term  was  probably  borrowed 
from  Chinese  usage.  In  its  early  periods  the  indigenous  cult  ot 
Japan  appears  to  have  been  nameless.^ 

Shinto  has  been  defined  as  a  generic  name  for  ideas  and 
institutions  existing  in  Japan  prior  to  the  introduction  of  Bud- 
dhism and  Confucianism,^  and  again  as  an  expression  of  the 
primitive  instincts  of  the  Japanese  race.'*  The  modern  nation- 
alistic exposition  tries  to  find  the  basis  in  ancestor  worship/  an 
interpretation  which  Lowell  re-expresses  as  the  patriarchal 
principle  projected  remotely  into  the  past^ ;  Kato  defines  it  as  a 
system  of  patriotism  and  loyalty,  centering  in  Mikadoism,  and 
expressing  the  nationalistic  religious  enthusiasm  of  the  Japan- 
ese people.^  Inouye  finds  in  it  the  fullest  expression  of  the 
religious  spirit  of  the  Japanese  race.^  Aston  and  Kume  agree 
in  describing  Shinto  as  y^^/;^/-cult,  a  term  in  which  kami  indi- 

1.  A.,  op.  cit.  Also  id.  p.  106. 

2.  A  favorite  explanation  follows  Motoori  in  assigning  the  name  Kamu 
nagara  to  the  earliest  known  Japanese  religion.  This  iiogura  however,  is 
probably  to  be  taken  in  the  ordinary  sense  of  tiagara  in  the  Japanese  language, 
i.  e.  "  the  same  as,"  "just  as,"  Kamu  nagara  would  thus  have  simply  the  mean- 
ing of  kami  no  mama  nite,  "  Kami  as  such."     Cf.  Genkai  (g'f^),  p.  224, 

3.  Nishiknwa,  Kojiro,  Shimio  Kyoso  Den  (MJIj^^lU,  ;ti^liklB.ff  *  "An 
Account  of  the  Founders  of  Shinto,"  Tokyo,  19 14),  p.  i. 

4.  Nitobe,  Inazo,  7'he  Japanese  Nation,  p.  I2I.- 

5.  Cf.  Kcno,  Shozo,  Kokumin  Doloku  Shitcn  (fSJI^f'S^  ^l^ii^Jfe.tm> 
"  A  History  of  National  Morality,"  Tokyo,  1920),  pp.  226-228.  Dr.  Y.  Haga  has 
declared  that  original  Shinto  was  "essentially  an  ancestor  worship."  T.  J.  S.  L., 
Vol.  XV  (1916-1917),  p.  122. 

6.  Lowell,  P.,  OcctiU  Jafan^  p.  21. 

7.  Kalo,  Genchi,  Waga  Kokulai  to  Shinto  {UM'^'^>  ^ii^Wi^  ^  WM.. 
"  Our  National  Organization  and  Shinto,"  Tokyo,  I9I9  ,  p.  222.  Cf.  also  Griffis, 
W.  E ,  "  The  Religions  of  Japan,  pp.  45-48,  74-82,  88 ;  Knox,  G.  W.  The 
Development  cf  Religion  in  Japan,  p.  78. 

8.  Ijtouyey  Tetsujiro,  Kokumin  Dotoku  Gaircn  (-Ij^ii^eJ^gP,  ^Sit^. 
^Jtife*  "Outlines  of  National  Morality,"  Tokyo,  191 2),  pp.9899;  Meiji  Seitoku 
Kinen  Gakkai  Kiyo  (^?&g.#JE;t:^'t*E3^.  ^-b#,  "Transactions  of  the 
Japan  Society  in  Commemoration  of  II.  M.  The  Emperor  Meiji",  Vol.  VII, 
April,  19 1 7),  pp.  225-229. 


4  THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN   SHINTO 

cates  primarily  the  deities  of  the  ancient  Japanese  pantheon.^ 
Nitobe  further  characterizes  it  as  hylozoism  or  pan-psychism,  a 
point  of  view  wherein  kamlxs  taken  to  signify  the  ^'psyche" 
which  exhibits  itself  in  all  the  forms  and  forces  of  nature.^ 
Harada  declares  that  the  earliest  form  of  Shinto  was  nature 
worship,  to  which  was  subsequently  added  the  worship  of 
deified  men  and  that  by  virtue  of  this  latter  addition  arose  an 
inseparable  connection  with  the  national  life  and  an  intimate 
association  with  loyalty  and  patriotism.^  FJorenz  is  likewise  of 
the  opinion  that  Shinto  in  the  oldest  form,  as  made  known  to  us 
in  the  extant  records,  was  a  combinafon  of  polytheistic  nature 
worship  and  ancestor  cult/  He  further  conjectures  that  this 
was  the  old  religion  brought  in  to  the  Japanese  archipelago  by 
the  early  ancestors  of  the  race,  probably  from  an  original  home 
on  the  Asiatic  mainland. 

The  different  points  of  view  represented  in  the  above  state- 
ments of  the  essential  nature  of  Shinto  will  reappear  later  in  the 
discussion.  It  is  not  necessary  to  atttempt  their  harmonization 
here.  Nor  is  it  deemed  advisable  to  attempt  to  set  out  with  an 
a  priori  definition  of  the  nature  of  Shinto.  A  brief  character- 
ization of  official  Shinto  must  suffice  at  the  present  point.  This 
may  be  described  as  a  ceremonial  which  centers  in  the  native 


1.  Amney  Kunilake,  *•  Shinto,"  Fi/iy  Years  of  Ntw  Japan ^  Vol.  1 1,  p,  22; 
Aston,  W.  G.,  Shinto,  the  Way  of  the  Gods,  p.  44,  also  preface,  p.  10.  Aston 
says,  "Shinto,  the  old  native  religion  of  Japan,  had  no  cult  of  true  ancestors." 
Man,  1906,  No.  23. 

2.  Nitobe,  of.  cit,  p.  123. 

3.  Hatada,  Tasuku,  7he  Faith  of  Japan,  pp.  2,4.  Cf.  also  Asakawa,  The 
Eatly  Institutional  Life  of  Jafan,  pp.  31-44. 

4.  Florenz,  Karl,  "  Der  Shintoismus,"  Die  Orientalischen  Religionen,  p.  194, 
{pie  Kullur  der  Gegenwait,  Teil  I,  Abteilung  Til,  I).  See  aL«o  Revon,  M.,  "  Le 
Shinntoisme,"  J^evtie  de  Vllistoite  des  Religicns,  XIJX,  pp.  12-16;  Revon, 
"Ancestor  Worship  Japanese),"  li.  E.  R.  E.,  I,  p.  456;  Chamberlain,  Things 
Japanese  (1898  ,  p  358;  Brinkley  and  Kikuchi,  A  History  of  the  Japanese  People^ 
New  York  and  London,  19 15),  p.  64. 


THE   POLITICAL    PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN    SHINTO  5 

Japanese  shrines  {miydf  and  which  is  alleged  to  have  its 
classical  expression  in  the  oldest  Japanese  literature,  especial' y 
in  the  Kojiki^  the  Niho?igi  ^nd  the  ancient  Norito.  Funda- 
mental to  this  position  is  an  ancestral  theory  of  the  ancient 
Japanese  deities.  The  justification  of  these  statements  will  be 
found  in  the  ensuing  discussion. 

Japanese  investigators  ordinarily  divide  historical  Shinto 
into  two  m.a:n  streams  of  development.  The  orthodox  analysis 
^{vesjcfifien  suhai^  "  nature  worship/*  on  the  one  side  and 
sosen  sMaij^  "ancestor  worship,"  on  the  other.  The  basis  of 
^is  differentiation  is  a  conception  of  the  nature  of  deity  in 
Shinto  as  being  two-fold.     In  other  words,  the  idea  of  God  is 


here  looked  upon  as  Xeing  the  result  of  the  assimilative  com- 
bination of  two  psychological  elements  of  diverse  origin, 
namely,  an  element  arising  out  of  experience  with  natural 
events  or  objects  and  leading  to  the  notions  of  demons  and 
spirits  of  nature  and,  again,  an  element  coming  from  experiences 
in  human  society,  as  such,  and  leading  to  the  worship  of 
heroes  and  ancestral  spirits.  There  is  a  marked  tendency  on 
the  part  of  the  modern  directors  of  thought  in  Japan  in  re- 
ligious, educational  and  political  spheres  alike,  to  emphasize 
the  latter  element  as  the  more  characteristic  Japanese  expres- 
sion. 

Thus,  a  system  of  thought  and  practice  that  is  thoroughly 
affected  by  feelings  of  reverence  and  loyalty  toward  important 
personages  in  the  tribe  or  state  is  supposed  to  have  marked  the 
religion  of  the  ancient  Japanese  prior  to  all  contact  with  either 


I.  ^,  a  technical  term  for  a  Shinto  shrine,  from  mi,  honorific  and  jj'rt-, 
/'  house."  Anciently  the  term  was  applied  to  the  residence  of  a  member  of  the 
royal  family.  The  modern  Japanese  government  uses  as  a  designation  for 
Shinto  shrines  the  Xexm,  Jinja  [jhiska),  flji^ait  {kami  no  yasJdto^  "Shrine  of  the 
Kami").  Buddhist  edifices  are  distinguished  as  fera  (^\  while  those  of 
Christianity  and  the  non-ofiicial  Shinto  sects  are  called  kyokai  (fj^'^), 
"  churches." 

3-  m.9tmn 


6  THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN    SHINTO 

Confucian  or  Buddhist  influences.  True  Shinto  deities,  it  is 
declared,  are  ancestral,  and  although  superstitious  rites  and 
practices  are  admitted  to  exist  in  popular  Shintd,  due  partly  to 
survivals  out  of  Japanese  primitivity,  and  partly  to  the  effects 
of  syncretism  with  foreign  cults,  yet  the  fundamental  and 
cliaracteristic  emphasis  has  always  been  ancestral  and  nation- 
alistic. '  This  is  the  center  of  the  modern  Shinto  cult.  Shintd. 
thus  becomes  a  most  important  support  for  Japanese  national 
morality  in  the  present  and  as  such  vitally  related  to  modern 
Japanese  political  philosophy,  so  much  so,  that  the  latter  can 
hardly  be  understood  apart  from  its  interconnection  with  the 
Shinto  cult.  As  a  means  of  orientating  further  discussion  the 
introduction  of  an  outline  statement  of  the  historical  development 
seems  advisable. 

Four  main  periods  or  phases  of  Shinto  history  are  to  be 
distinguished.  It  is  impossible  within  the  limits  of  the  present 
discussion  to  do  more  than  to  briefly  characterize  the  first 
three ;  the  fourth  will  be  dealt  with  at  greater  length.  The 
first  period  is  bounded  on  the  farther  side  by  an  indefinite 
mythological  area  in  which  the  fixing  of  dates  is  a  precarious 
undertaking— in  spite  of  the  apparent  exactitude  with  which  the 
early  chronology  is  established  by  Japanese  state  authority — 
and  on  the  nearer  side  by  the  closing  years  of  the  sixth  century 
A.D.  This  is  the  period  of  Old  Shinto.  Although  the  source 
material  bearing  on  this  period  was  not  given  existing  literary 
form  until  after  the  process  of  assimilation  with  Buddhism  and 
Chinese  philosophy  had  already  set  in,  yet  the  mythology  and 
ritual  of  the  ancient  Japanese  religion  stand  out  with  such 
unmistakable  clearness,  that  the  main  outlines  of  Old  Shinto 
can  be  reconstructed  with  a  considerable  degree  of  exactitude. 
The  structural  basis  of  the  mythology  is  closely  similar  to 
what  is  found  almost  universally  at  appropriate  stap-es  of 
cultuxfi^  The  great  deities  are  aspects  of  naturc  interpreted  in 
terms  of  human  social  experience.  The  rituals  {norito)  are 
motivated   primarily   by   the    desires   to   safe- guard   the   food 


THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN   SHINTO  J 

supply,  to  ensure  the  success  and  permanence  of  the 
governmental  reghne,  and  to  secure  release  from  ceremonial 
impurity.^ 

The  second  period  of  Shint5  extends  for  some  eleven 
hundred  years  between  the  time  of  the  rise  of  Buddhism  and 
the  date  of  the  passing  of  the  Buddhist  and  Chinese  eclipse  of 
Shinto,  which  may  conveniently  be  fixed  at  1737  A.D.,  the 
year  in  which  Kama  Mabuchi  first  began  to  make  public  in 
Yedo  the  result  of  his  researches  into  ancient  Japanese  liter- 
ature.^ In  this  second  phase  of  its  history  Shintd  is  widely 
overshadowed  and  to  a  large  extent  absorbed  by  its  great  rival. 
Yet  this  Buddhist  ascendency  was  gained  not  without  conflict 
and  not  without  the  aid  of  priestcraft.  The  appearance  of 
Buddhism  In  Japan  in  the  middle  of  the  sixth  century  created 
issues  that  brought  Into  being  two  rival  parties  In  the  state,  a 
proOBuddhist  party  centering  In  the  Soga  family  and  a  pro- 
Shinto  party  centering  In  the  house  of  Mononobe.  Under  the 
protection  of  royal  influence  the  former  faction  steadily  gained 
In  power  and  before  the  close  of  the  century  Buddhism  had 
deeply  penetrated  the  government  itself.  Emperors  and  high 
government  officials  now  became  Buddhist ;  the  sutras  were 
expounded    under    government    direction ;    Buddhist    services 

1.  Consult  A.,  F.,  and  C.  for  source  material.  For  translations  of  iVi?;//;; 
contained  in  the  Engl  SJiiki  see  Satow,  "  Ancient  Japanese  Rituals,"  T.  A.  S.  J., 
Vols.  VII,  IX,  (1879-1 881)  and  Florenz,  id.  Vol.  XXVII,  1899.  Cf.  also 
Y\oxQ.xyi,G£Schichte  der  Japanischen  Lilteratuy  (Leipzig,  1906),  pp.  36-46.  For 
source  material  and  discussions  in  Japanese  consult  KokusJd  Taikei  {^'^-)>(;^^^ 
"  Great  System  of  National  History  "),  Vol.  I,  Nihongi ;  Vol.  II,  Shoku-Nihongi  ; 
Vol.  VII,  pp.  I-170,  Kojiki;  Vol.  XIII,  pp.  85-1190,  Engi-Shiki ;  also  Tsuda^ 
Noritake,  Shintd  Kigen  Ron  (?^ffl|j^^,  fi'^ii 451.^1^ »  "An  Essay  on  the  Origin 
of  Shinto"),  Tokyo,  1920;  Kakehi,  Katsuhiko,  Koshindo  Taigi  {%^M^  "^K^ 
^AXM^  "  The  Essentials  of  Old  Shinto  "),  Tokyo,  1912;  SaeJ^i,  Ariyoshi,  Dai 
Nihon  Shingi  Shi  (-fef^lfg,  :;i^0  >|C;TifJii£^,  -"An  Account  of  the  Deities  of 
Great  Japan,"  Tokyo,  19I3),  pp.  1-304;  Tanaka,  Yoshito,  Shinto  Hongi  (P^tf 
Mto".  aifit*^,  "The  Essentials  of  Shinto,"  Tokyo  1911),  pp.  1-48. 

2.  Cf.  Tanaka,  Tatsu,  Shindo  Kwanken  (S4»^,  W^^^.  "A  Birds 
eye  View  of  Shinto,"  Tokyo,  1915),  pp.  53-55. 


8  THE   POTITICAL   PHILOSOPHY    OF    MODERN   SHINTO 

were  conducted  in  the  palace  ;  Buddhist  afifairs  were  regulated 
by  imperial  decree  and,  finally,  Buddhism  was  propagated  by 
imperial  order  and  Buddhist  festivals  became  affairs  of  state. 
By  the  opening  years  of  the  ninth  century  the  doctrinal 
assimilation  of  Buddhism  and  Shinto  had  been  accomplished, 
so  that  now  Buddhist  rites  were  conducted  at  Shintd  shrines 
while  the  priests  prayed  to  Shinto  gods  under  Buddhist  names.^ 
The  underlying  principle  of  this  alliance  of  Shinto  and 
Buddhism  is  best  seen  in  the  so-called  Rydbu-Shintu,  "  Tvm- 
^i^^  Shinto/'  developed  to  a  very  large  extent  under  the 
influence  of  the  great  Buddhist  priest,  Kobo  Daishi  (d.  835 
A.  D.).  This  syncretism  is  not  to  be  understood  as  entirely 
the  result  of  a  popular  evolution  expressing  a  genuine  amalga- 
mation, but  also  as  a  clever  piece  of  statesmanship  on  the  part 
of  Buddhist  propagandists,  resulting  in  the  production  of  a 
theology  that  explained  the  deities  of  the  native  pantheon  as 
the  transmigration  of  the  gods  of  Mahayana  Buddhism.  The 
Sun  Goddess,  Arnaterasii-Omi-Kamit  the  central  deity  of  the 
Japanese  system,  was  equated  with  the  great  Buddha,  Vairo- 
chana^  the  center  of  the  **  world  of  thoughts  "  and  the  "  world 


I.  For  the  ancient  record  of  this  remarkable  rise  of  Buddhism  see  A  ,  II, 
pp.  66-67,  77»  90»  io*-5»  "i>  "5»  "8,  122,  123,  129,  134,  149-50,  152-4,  174-5, 
196,  236-7,  240,  254,  263,  297-8,  337,  344,  346,  357,  369,  379,  384,  3989,  408, 
416,  421.  A  census  of  623  A.  D.  reports  46  temples,  816  priests  and  569  nuns. 
(A.,  Vol.  II,  p.  154).  The  chronicle  for  the  last  day  of  the  last  monlh  of  651 
A.  D.  says  that  on  this  day  2100  priests  and  nuns  were  invited  to  the  palace  and 
made  to  read  the  Buddhist  scriptures,  (A.,  Vol.  II,  240).  By  the  year  690  A.  D. 
the  number  of  priests  in  seven  of  the  largest  templfes  totaled  3363.     (A.,  Vol.  II, 

P-  399)- 

For  discussions  of  this  period,  in  ihe  Japanese  language  written  from  the 
point  of  view  of  Shinto  history,  consult  Miura  and  Kiyohara,  Shindo  Enkakiishi 
J^on  (HjM^f.  mU^m.  nm'^^mk  "History  of  Shinto  Development," 
Tokyo,  1919),  pp.  47-392;  Miynjiy  Naoichi,  Shifigishi  Koyo  '^iifeK  — ■»  fi^^iil'^ 
5«:  "Outline  History  of  Shinto,"  Tokyo,  1919',  pp.  37182;  Saeki,  0/.  r/A  pp 
755  ff ;  Miiruyamn,  Masahiko,  Dai  Nikon  wa  Shinkoku  nari  {%}^  lEM^  :^  0  ^ 
#Jii'^®tit,  "Japan  the  Land  of  the  Gods,"  Tokyo,  191 1),  pp.  109-273;  //loujf, 
Tetsujiro,  o/>.  cii.,  pp.  1 1 1-148. 


THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN    SHINTO  9 

of  tilings  "  and  thus  a  theological  basis  was  established  upon 
which  all  the  other  deities  of  both  religions  could  be  identified 
as  emanations  of  this  central  life.^ 

Yet  in  spite  of  this  triumph  ot  Buddhism,  the  native 
religion  still  survived  at  the  great  shrines  of  Ise  and  Idzumo 
and  in  many  of  the  beliefs  and  practices  of  the  common  people. 
Again,  the  seeds  of  the  hid  plant  lay  hidden  away  undisturbed 
In  the  literature  of  ancient  Shinto  ready  to  germinate  In  proper 
season  into  a  life  that  was  to  quicken  the  whole  nation.  This 
season  of  the  quickening  of  the  old  came  in  the  next  period  of 
Shinto  development. 

Tlie  third  phase  of  Shlnt5  history  falls  In  the  period  lying 
between  the  opening  years  of  the  eighteenth  century  and  the 
Restoration  of  1868.^  This  Is  the  period  of  the  Japanese 
Renaissance.  In  It  two  outstanding  characteristics  are  mani- 
fested. In  the  first  place  one  may  note  in  the  movements  of 
the  fmes  the  beginning  of  the  development  of  modern  national 
consciousness.  Induced  by  the  break-down  of  clan  autonomy 
that  w^as  effected  through  the  rise  to  power  of  the  central 
Tokugawa  regime.  The  second  main  characteristic  of  the 
period  Is  traceable  directly  to  the  same  cause  as  the  former, 
that  is,  to  the  long  era  of  Internal  peace  resultant  upon  the 
political  stability  of  the  Tokugawa  Shogunate.  A  great  liter- 
ary revival,  to  which  the  Japanese  attach  the  name  Kogaku 
Fukko,  **  The  Revival  of  Ancient  Learning,"  now  found  a 
shelter  in  which  to  grow  and  bear  fruit.  Under  the  patronage 
of  Daimyoy  who  had  been  forced  Into  pursuits  of  peace,  a 
genuine  antiquarian  Interest  manifested  Itself ;  an  earnest  search 
after   old  manuscripts  began ;  libraries   were  founded,    and  a 

1.  Consult  Tanimoto,  Toq^eri,  Kobo  Daishi  (Kobe  1907);  Lloyd,  Arthur, 
The  Creed  of  Half  Japan  (London,  191 1),  pp.  233-258;  Reischauer,  A.  K, 
Studies  in  Japanese  Bw  dhism  (New  York,  1917),  pp.  94  ft. 

2.  Consult  Satow,  E.,  "  The  Revival  of  Pure  Shintau,"  T.  A.  S.  J.,  Vol.  III» 
Pt.  I  (187^1,  revised  1882  ,  Appendix,  pp.  1-8/  ;  Brinkley,  A  History  of  the  Japan- 
ese People,  ^p.  644-650 ;  Miura  and  Kiyohara,  op.  cit.,  pp  3  2  421 ;  Florenz, 
"  Der  Shintoismus  der  Japaner,"  Kultur  der  Gegenwatit  op.  cit.t  pp.  215  ft. 


t 


JO  THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN    SHINTO 

serious  study  of  ancient  history  had  its  birth.  Under  the  direc- 
tion of  Mitsukuni,  Prince  of  Mito,  (162 2- 1700),  the  archives  of 
Buddhist  temples  and  Shinto  shrines  were  searched,  private 
collections  were  bought  up,  and  a  great  library  of  old  manu- 
scripts was  collected  in  the  city  of  Mito.  A  group  of  Japan- 
ese and  Chinese  scholars  immediately  set  to  work  on  the 
analysis  and  correlation  of  this  material  with  the  result  that 
before  the  death  of  Mitsukuni,  the  valuable  Bai  NihonsJu, 
("  Great  History  of  Japan  ")  in  two  hundred  and  forty  books 
was  compiled  and  published,  a  work  that  has  exercised  a  form- 
ative influence  over  Japanese  historical  study  from  the  time  of 
its  appearance  right  up  to  the  present. 

The  above  mentioned  characteristics  of  the  period  fo u nd 
theirjullest  expression  in  the  revival  of  pure  Shinto.  Indeed, 
this  movement  to  be  properly  understood  must  be  studied  as  a 
nationalistic-imperialistic  revival  which  found  its  main  support 
in  an  appeal  to  the  documents  of  ancient  Shinto.  The  move- 
ment found  its  pioneer  in  Kada  Azumamaro  (1669- 1736),  and 
was  carried  through  to  its  conclusion  by  the  three  great 
scholars  Kaiiw  Mabuchi  ( 1 697-1 769  ,  i^/^/^^r/ Norinaga  (I730- 
I8oI),  and  Hirata  Atsutane  (1776- 1843).  The  source  material 
for  the  study  of  Shinto  in  this  period  is  to  be  found  mainly  in 
the  writings  of  these  four  men.^  In  this  literature  an  attempt 
is  made  to  get  below  the  foreign  accumulations  due  primarily 
to  Indian  and  Chinese  influences  and  tap  the  pure  spring  of 
Japanese  thought  and  institutions  lying  in  the  literature  of  the 
earliest  period  of  Shinto.  It  is  an  attempt  to  dissolve  the  syn- 
cretism of  the  medieval  period.  The  contents  of  the  old  litera- 
ture are  so  interpreted  as  to  furnish  the  means  of  a  nationalistic 
propaganda  and,  more  particularly,  as  ^  an  instrument  of  attack 
on  the  Tokugawa  usurption.  The  growing  consciousness  here 
relies  on  an  exege^  of  history  in  order  to  develop  the  two-fold 
thesis  0(3.  jure  divino  sovereignty  in  an  imperial  line  unbroken 


I.     Cf,  Satow,  op.  cit. 


THE   POLITICAL  PHILISOPHY  OF   MODERN  SHINTO  II 

from  divine  ages  and  a  divine  Japanese  race  which,  by  virtue  of 
the  intimacy  of  its  genealogical  connection  with  the  gods,  was  i 
braver,  more  intelligent  and  more  virtuous  than  all  the  other  y 
races  of  the  earth.     The  hold  which  this  nationalistic  interpreta-  ( 
tion  of  Shinto  has  gained  on  modern  Japanese  political  theory  J 
will  be  developed  in  a  subsequent  discussion. 

Tlie  modern  period  begins  with  the  Restoration.  The 
phase  of  development  here  open  for  survey,  presents  two  dis- 
tinct aspects,  first,  a  popular  expression  in  the  form  of  a  large 
number  of  Shinto  sects  which  are  admitted  by  all  to  be  genuine 
religious  organizations  and,  in  the  second  place,  an  official  cult, 
the  religious  nature  of  which  is  under  debate.  The  former  is 
frequently  designated  Shuha  Shinto^  ("Sect  Shinto")  as  a 
means  of  distinguishing  it  from  the  latter.  Our  interest  lies 
primarily  in  the  direction  of  investigating  the  claims  of  official 
Shinto. 

The  history  of  modern  Japan  opens  with  Shinto  established 
as  a  state  religion.  One  of  the  first  acts  of  the  new  government 
in  the  Restoration  of  1 868  was  to  abolish  the  ancient  /isha 
Bugyo'  ("Board  of  Commissioners  for  Temples  and  Shrines  ") 
which  had  supervised  government  relations  with  religious  bodies 
since  the  days  of  Tokugawa  lemitsu  (i  623-1 650).  Buddhism 
was  denied  state  recognition  and  a  large  part  of  the  ecclesiasti- 
cal properties  was  appropriated  by  the  government.^      On  the 

2.  ^%M^ 

3.  The  laws  on  which  where  based  the  efforts  to  extricate  Shinto  from  its 
entanglement  with  Buddhism  are  as  follows  : 

"  (i)  Since  the  Middle  Ages  there  have  existed  numerous  shrines  in  which 
arc  Buddhist  incarnations  along  with  Buddhist  guardian  deities  such  as  Gozu  Tenno 
(-'f.gg^^)^  shrines  in  which,  also,  Shinto  deities  are  called  by  Buddhist  names. 
All  such  shrines  must  immediately  send  in  detailed  statements  of  their  histories. 

"(2)  Shrines  which  are  utilizing  Buddhist  statues  as  shintai  must  correct 
the  usage  and  make  report."     Order  of  Council  of  Slate  (Dajokan),  K^^xW,  20, 

1X68,67.  ti,i±^^.  w<m'^Mm.\mim,.  ±^»  Tokyo,i9i2,p.  i. 

An  order  sent  out  to  all  the  superintendent  priests  of  Buddhism  in  Decem- 
ber,   1872,  attempted  rectification  of  theological  errors.      The   order    reads: 


12  THE   POLIIICAL   PHILOSOPHY    OF   MODERN   SHINTO 

other  hand  the  administration  of  Shinto  was  given  a  unique 
status  in  the  form  of  an  Office  for  Shintd  Religion  {Jingi 
Kwan)}  ranking  at  the  head  of  all  the  other  departments  of 
the  government.^  Early  in  its  career  the  administrative  offices 
of  the  entire  Japanese  government  were  reorganized  into  eight 
bureaus  {Kyoku)  so  as  to  make  room  for  a  Presidential  Board, 
and  as  a  result  the  Jingi  Kwan  disappeared.  In  the  reorgani- 
zation, however,  a  Jingi  Sho^  (Department  of  Shinto)  was  still 
included  on  a  parity  of  ratik  with  all  other  departments  of 
state/  Authority  in  the  affairs  of  the  state  religion  was  vested 
in  a  minister  for  Shinto  {Chikivanji^y  appointed  from  the  high 
nobility  and  **  possessed  of  supreme  control  in  matters  relating 
to  the  worship  of  the  Gods  and  over  the  different  orders  of  the 
priesthood."^ 

On  August  6,  1 870,  a  department  known  as  the  Mimbushd^ 
("  Department  for  the  People  ")  was  established  and  placed  in 
charge  of  shrines  and  temples,  public  works,  communications, 
mines,  litigations,  etc'  A  Shajigakari^  ("  Office  for  Shrines 
and  Temples  "j  was  included  within  the  Mimbuslw^  and  given 

"Buddhist  priests  have  hitherto  insisted  that  the  kami  jjji^)  are  Ihe  avatars  of 
the  Buddha  {hcioke,  ^)^  and  that  the  Buddha  is  the  noumenon  [hontai,  %^)  of 
the  kanii.  Although  they  teach  that  the  kami  are  to  be  reverenced,  their  vv^ay  of 
teaching  is  estranging.  Their  method  of  instructing  in  reverence  is  not  only 
insincere,  but  it  also  greatly  dishonors  the  sJiintai.  This  is  wrong.  Examine 
yourselves,  repent,  and  properly  lead  the  people."     H.  Z,,  1872,  p.  1296. 

2.  Act  of  Feb.  10,  1868.  II.  Z.,  1867-68,  II,  15-16;  T.  A.  S.  J.,  Vol.  XLII, 
Pt.  I,  p  4- 

3-     t^W^ 

4.  The  actual  change  did  not  take  place  until  Sept.  22,  1871.  The  law 
under  this  dale  says,  "  It  is  hereby  announced  thot  the  Jingikxann  is  changed  into 
the  Jinghhb.^'  H.  Z.,  1871,  Council  of  Stale  [Dajokaii)  Section,  p.  316,  Order 
No.  398. 

5.  T.  A.  S.  ].yop.  cit.,  p,  12. 

7.     II.  Z.,  1870,  pp.  261,  298-9. 
9.     II.  Z.,  1870,  p.  c68. 


THE    POLIIICAL   PHILOSOPHY    OF    MODERN    SHINTO  1 3 

control  over  religious  affairs  that  **  lay  outside  of  the  adminis- 
trat.on  of  the  Jingisho."^  This  business  related  primarily  to 
the  financial  and  statistical  affairs  of  religious  institutions.  On 
September  1 1,  1871,  the  Mimbusho  was  abolished  and  the  Office 
of  Shrines  and  Temples  was  transferred  along  with  other  affairs 
to  the  Department  of  Finance.^  The  Office  for  Shrines  and 
Temples  was  now  administered  in  connection  with  the  Bureau 
of  Registration  of  the  Department  of  Finance.^  The  explana- 
tion of  this  situation  is  to  be  found  in  the  fact  that  the  govern- 
ment at  this  time  required  the  registration  of  the  birth  of  chil- 
dren with  the  authorities  of  local  shrines."*  In. these  changes 
Buddhist  affairs  were  given  a  certain  limited  amount  of  official 
supervision  but  the  general  situation  was  not  one  in  which  an 
organization  of  the  strength  of  Buddhism  could  long  rest 
content. 

The  exclusive  position  of  Shinto  was  thus  of  but  brief 
duration.  Buddhist  aggression  once  more  manifested  itself  and 
as  a  result  on  April  21,  iSy2,  the  Department  of  Shinto^aiJ 
abolished  and  in  its  stead  appeared  a  Department  of  Religion 
{Kydbii  5//^)^  having  oversight  of  all  legally  recognized  reli- 
giouslBSjes.^  The  scope  of  business  placed  in  charge  of  the 
new  office  plainly  shows  th^t  the  government  of  the  time  was 
temporarily  committed  to  a  program  which  was  attempting  to 
support  the  institutions  of  the  state  with  an  amalgamation  of 
Buddhism  and  Shinto.  The  law  stipulated  that  the  Kydbiisho 
should  take  charge  of  the  following  affairs. 

1.  Shulyo  Voran  (^|{(^^^  "  Religious  Directory,"  Pub,  by  the  Bureau 
of  Religions,  Japanese  Department  of  Education,  Tokyo,  1916),  p.  I. 

2.  H.  Z  ,  1871,  Dajokan  Section,  p.  294,  Orders  No.  375,  376. 

3.  Shtikyd  Yorait,  op.  ciu 

4.  H.  Z.,  1870,  pp.  248  254. 

6.  Tlie  law  states,  «  It  is  announced  that  the  Jinoisho  is  hereby  abolished 
and  the  Kydbusho  is  established."  \\.  Z.,  1872,  p.  79  (April  21'.  Also,  "  Since 
the  Kydbusho  has  been  established  recently,  affairs  relating  lo  Shinlo  priests  come 
under  the  jurisdiction  of  this  office."     H.  Z,,  D  jokan  section,  p,  94  (June  5). 


14  THE    rOLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY    OF    MODERN   SHINTO 

"  I.     Matters  relating  to  the  establishment  and  abolishment 
ot  shrines  and  temples  and  also  matters  relating  to  the  deter 
mination  of  the  rank  and  grade  of  priests  of  both  Shinto  and 
Buddhism. 

"  2.  Matters  relating  to  the  new  appointment  of  priests  of 
Shint5  and  Buddhism. 

"3.  Matters  relating  to  the  licensing  of  the  publication 
of  books  on  doctrine. 

"4.  Matters  relating  to  licensing  those  who  assemble 
believers  and  explain  doctrines  and  those  who  form  religious 
associations. 

"5.  Matters  relating  to  the  judgement  of  doctrinal 
cases.  "^ 

Buddhism  was  thus  again  accorded  full  government  re- 
cognition and  given  the  same  grade  of  autonomy  as  was 
granted  Shinto.  Buddhist  and  Shinto  priests  without  distinc- 
tion were  now  officially  designated  Kyodo  SJiokiP'  ("  Teachers 
of  Religion  and  Morals").  This  office  was  established  May  31, 
1872/  and  on  September  loth  of  the  same  year  was  definitely 
extended  to  include  Shinto  priests.  The  law  reads,  "  Let  it 
be  understood  that  hereafter  priests  (Shinto)  are  to  have  the 
office  of  Kyodo  Skohi.*'"^  The  main  duties  of  the  Kyodo  Shoku 
were  comprehended  in  preaching  and  teaching  in  exposition  of 


I.  n.  Z.,  1872,  Dajokan  Section,  pp,  80-81  (April,  30).  Similar  legislation 
of  a  slightly  earlier  date  says  regarding  the  business  of  the  Kyobus/io,  "  This 
department  shall  have  control  over  all  matters  concerning  relig'ous  teaching. 
Tlie  main  items  of  business  coming  under  its  jurisdiction  are  as  follows : 

(1)  Affairs  concerning  doctrines  and  sects. 

(2)  Affairs  concerning  regulations  for  religions. 

(3)  Affairs  concerning  the  abolishing  and  establishing  of  shrines  and  temples. 

(4)  Affairs  concerning  the  rank  of  priests  of  Shinto  and  Buddhism  and  the 
grade  of  shrines  and  temples. 

(5)  Appointment  of  Shinto  priests  and  of  priests  and  nuns  of  Buddiiism." 
H.  Z.,  1872,  Dajokan  Section,  p.  448  (April,  25). 

3.  II.  Z.,  1872,  p.  93. 

4.  n.  z,,  1872,  p.  172, 


THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN   SHINTO  1 5 

certain  politico- religious  propositions  established  by  law  in  the 
form  of  "  Re^ulation.q  for  Prparhing"     These  regulations  stated  "^ 
three  articles  which  were  to  guide  religious  instruction. 

'*  Article  I.  To  embody  the  principles  of  reverence  and 
patriotism. 

"Article  II.  To  make  plain  the  Laws  of  Heaven  and  tho. 
Waxof^IIuinanU^ 

"  Article  III.  To  lead  the  people  to  resperi-  thf^  Rnip^^o]- 
and  tojbe  obedient  to  his  wjlJ." 

These  homiletical  directions  closed  with  the  statement, 
"These  three  principles  must  be  observed  always  and  care 
must  be  exercised  in  preaching  not  to  go  contrary  to  their 
purport."^ 

Preaching  places  called  Shokyoii^  ("Small  Religious  In- 
stitutes ")  were  now  established  within  the  shrines  themselves  in 
order  to  facilitate  instruction  according  to  the  "  three  principles." 
"  All  priests  and  Kyodoshoku  serving  in  either  the  large  or  small 
shrines  of  the  country  shall  understand  a  small  kyoin  to  mean  a 
preaching  place  in  front  of  a  shrine.  The  main  duty  of  the 
priests  shall  be  the  instruction  of  parishioners  in  accordance 
with  the  three  principles.  They  should  lead  the  people  to  study 
so  widely  that  there  will  be  no  one  who  is  ignorant.  Thus 
civilization  will  be  promoted  and  the  fundamental  principle  of 
the  unity  of  religion  and  the  state^  will  be  realized.*"* 

Further  evidence  showing  the  extent  to  which  Shinto  was 
now  officially  regarded  as  a  religion  with  functions  similar  to 
those  of  Buddhism  is  to  be  found  in  another  important  religious 
enactment  of  the  same  year,  legalizing  Shinto  funeral  ceremonies 
conducted  by  Shinto  priests.  The  law  declares,  "  Prior  to  this 
it  has  been  forbidden  for  Shinto  priests  to  conduct  funeral 
services,  but  hereafter  on  application  for  a  Shinto  funeral  on  the 

I.     H.  Z.,  1872,  pp.  1288-1289,  KydbiishoOtdAX,  Extra  (June,  3). 

3.  Saiseiitchi,  ^^^^fX 

4.  H.  Z.,  1872,  p.  1287,  K)dl>nshd,  Order  No.  29  (December,  24). 


1 6  THE    POLITICAL    PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN    SHINTO 

part  of  parishioners,  it  is  permitted  to  give  assistance  to  the  chief 
mourners  and  conduct  ceremonies.."^ 

Under  tlie  influence  of  this  state  policy  a  form  of  Rydbn 
Shtutb  made  a  temporary  appearance  as  a  state  religion.  Bud 
dhism  fraternized  officially  with  Shinto.  Buddhist  priests 
appea^red  in  public  clad  in  Shinto  robes.  The  Japanese  govern- 
ment, however,  very  quickly  found  that  it  was  trying  to  plow 
with  a  team  that  could  noi;  pull  together.  The  powerful 
Shin  sect  of  Buddhism  which  throughout  its  history  had 
coiisistently  disdained  to  sanction  any  rapprochment  with 
Slvint^^refuscd_njDw  to  be  d  into  any  entangling  aUiances.^ 

Accordingly,  on  May  ^^  1871^,  the  government  made  formal 
dissolution  of  partnership  with  Buddhism  after  an  experi- 
ment  that  had  lasted  just  three  year£^£dUhiriteerLdays.  The 
breach  with  Buddhism  was  never  to  be  closed ;  rather,  it  was  to 
widen  with  the  passing  years.  The  control  of  Buddhism  and 
Shinto  remained  for  the  time  being  as  before  in  the  charge  of 
the  Kydous/io,  but  all  union  was  prohibited.  Th^  law  is  very 
explicit  on  this  point, — "  To  the  superintendent  priests  of  all 
sects  of  Shinto  and  of  Buddhism.  As  stated  in. the  subjoined 
notice,  the  establishment  of  union  religious  institutes  {kyoin) 
between  the  sects  of  Shinto  and  Buddhism  is  now  prohibited. 
The  three  principles  for  preaching  shall  b^  observed  more 
carefully  ;  independent  kyoin  shall  be  established  ;  and  propa- 
ganda shall  be  carried  on  diligently. 

**  i^Subjoined  notice).  Propaganda  carried  on  through  union 
kyoin  of  Shinto  and  Buddhism  is  prohibited.  Propaganda  shall 
be  conducted  independently  hereafter.  These  orders  shall  be 
communicated  to  the  KydddshokitJ"''^ 


1.  H.  Z.,  1872,  p.  134,  Daj'okan  Order  No.  193  (August,  2). 

2.  On  the  liuddhist  situation  coi.sult  Saeki,  Ariyoihi,  Dm  Nihon  Shhigt  Shi 
(^ffj^'^^  :^H*)ii^itill»  "An  Account  of  the  Deities  of  Great  Japan," 
Tokyo,   19 1 3),  p    1296. 

3.  H.  Z.,  1875,  p.  1666,  Kybbmho  Orders  No.  4  and  14  (May,  3). 


THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY    OF    MODERN    SHINTO  1/ 

Finally,  in  fannary  T^;77.  rpW^jinim  affairs  passed  under. the 
control  of  a_new- oIKce,  n3.mdy,  the  S/m/l^^}^ht,^  or  Bureau 
of  Shrines  and  Temples  in  the  Department  of  Home  Affairs.^ 
This  new  bureau  was  to  supervise  religious  affars  until  the 
memorable  legislation  of  iQOn  whirh  5;f^par;<tf^d  thf  ^^^int^ 
shrines  altogether  from  ordinary  religious  institutions.  In  all 
these  changes  we  have  an  official  classification  of  Shinto  along 
with  other  organizations  frankly  recognized  as  religious,  a 
niatter  that  is  especially  noteworthy  in  view  of  actions  that  the 
government  was  to  take  before  the  nineteenth  century  was 
completed.  It  is  difficult  to  see  in  this  adjustment  of  the  rela- 
tions of  Shinto  and  the  state  proof  of  a  lack  of  vitality  in  Shinto 
itself.  We  can  discern  in  these  changes  and  others  that  were 
to  follow  an  attempt  on  the  part  of  the  government  to 
modernize  its  religious  policy  but  at  the  same  time  retain  the 
support  of  the  spirit  thit  was  bound  up  with  at  least  a  section 
of  Shinto  institutions.  The  period  1871-72,  in  which  the  most 
important  of  the  above  mentioned  changes  took  place,  marks 
the  beginning  of  a  new  era  in  Japanese  political  and  social 
affairs.  It  is  the  real  beginning  of  mpdern^Japan.  At  this  time 
the  government  was  rcorgan'zed,'^  the  old  feudal  clans  were 
abolished^  the  present  day  division  into  ^^n  (provinces]  vyas 
adopted,"*    a  beginning  was  made   in  organizing  the  Japanese 


2.  "  The  Kyobusho  is  hereby  abolished.  The  business  hitherto  carried  on 
in  this  office  is  now  transferred  to  the  Department  of  Home  Afiairs  {Naimu  SAo)." 
II.  Z.,  1877,  Dajokan  Section,  p.  2,  Order  No  4.  Prior  to  this,  on  Nov.  25,  1872, 
a  law  had  appeared  declaring,  "  The  Deparlment  of  Education  {Momhusho)  and 
the  Department  of  Religion  {Kyobusho,  are  hereby  amalgamated."  H.  Z.,  1872, 
p.  218.  The  Kyobusho  retained  its  existence,  however,  and  the  Shinto  situation 
was  not  affected. 

3.  T.  A.  S.  J.,  XLII,  Pt.  I,  pp.  34  ff.;  Phoenix  («  A  Monthly  Magazine 
for  China,  Japan,  and  Easte-n  Asia,"  Dondon),  Aug.,  1872,  p.  38;  id.  June. 
1873.  p    »«5- 

4.  T.  A.  S  J ,  ^/.  cit.,  pp.  32-33. 


iS  THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN   SHINTO 

army  on  European  niodsls/  the  Western  calendar  was  adopted 
(Jan.  I,  1873V  outcasts  were  admitted  to  citizenship,  raihoad, 
newspaper,  mint,  dock,  and  modern  postal  system  appeared  for 
the  first  time,  and  the  Imperial  Uni-C^ersity  was  estab'ished  in 
Tokyo.^  A.long  with  other  changes  the  religious  policy  of  the 
goverpment  was  broadened  so  as  to  make  room  for  the  more 
adequate  control  of  all  religious  bodies,  non-Shinto  as  well  as 
Shinto.  An  effect  of  this  policy  was  seen  in  the  removal  in 
1873  of  public  proscriptions  against  Christianity.'*  It  is  note- 
worthy, however,  that  Shinto  had  not  ceased  to  occupy  the 
position  of  the  cult  of  the  Imperial  Household,  nor  had  the 
position  of  Shinto  as  the  cult  of  the  state  itself  been  relinquished 
either  in  the  temporary  merging  with  Buddhism,  or  again,  in 
the  act  which  invested  the  control  of  both  religions  in  the 
Bureau  of  Shrines  and  Temples.  The  special  intimacy  ex- 
isting between  Shinto  and  the  Japanese  state  at  the  time 
is  well  shown  in  the  efforts  of  the  government  to  secure 
full  control  over  the  shrines  and  introduce  order  into  their 
ceremonial  . 

One  of  the  first  problems  that  had  confronted  the  new 
Japanese  government,  when  once  committed  to  a  policy  which 
united  the  affairs  of  the  state  with  those  of  Shinto,  was  to 
introduce  order  into  the  confusion  that  had  grown  up  in  the 
control  of  the  Shinto  shrines  during  the  long  period  of  Buddhist 
dominance  and  state  neglect.     That  the  disorder  in  the  shrine 


1.  Ph'  enix,  July,  1871,  p,  15. 

2.  Phoenix,  June,  1873,  p.  187  ;  T.  A.  S.  J  ,  Vol.  XXXVII,  pp.  1 26-127. 

3.  T.  A.  S.  J.,  Vol.  XXII,  Pt.  II,  p.  117;  Phoenix,  May,  1872,  p.  192; 
Brinkley,  Jopmt,  Its  Histoiy  Arts  and  Litefiture,  Vol.  V,  p.  88;  Lena^a, 
Toyokichi,  T/ie  Constitutional  Development  0/  Japan  (Johns  Hopkins  Univcr  ily 
Studies  in  Hist,  and  Pol.  Science,  Ninth  Series,  1891),  pp.  44  4S  ;  Chamberlain, 
Things  Japanese  (1891),  p.  221 ;  Clement,  E.  W.,  A  fJ(\^!>q)/(  of  Mjdein  Jopan, 
(Chicago,  1904),  p   110.  .^ 

4.  Cf.  Annual  Rfpo)t  of  American  Boar.i  of  Commissioneis  for  Foreign 
Missions,  1873  (Boston,  Riverside  Press),  p.  72. 


1 


THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHV   OF   MODERN   SHINTO  1 9 

world  was  great  is   well  attested   by   government   legislation 
itself.     The  most  conspicuous  single  cause  of  confusion  was  in 

^the  hereditary  nature  of  the  Shinto  priesthood,  a  condition  of  I 
things  which  had  developed  largely  during  the  medieval  period. 
Thereby  the  shrines  had  become  practically  the  private  pro- 
perty of  the  priests  w'th  the  shrine  revenues  treated  as  personal 
income.  The  center  of  the  problem  from  the  standpoint  of  the 
government  thus  lay  in  breaking  the  hereditary  priesthood  of 
Shinto  and  in  bringing  the  finances  of  the  shrines  completely 
under  government  control.  The  problem  was  solved  by  a 
noteworthy  proclamation  issued  July  i,  1 871,  in  which  appears 
a  clear  indication  of  the  confusion  that  had  fallen  upon  the 
shrines  and  also  a  plain  intimation  of  the  intention  of  the 
government  to  utilize  the  shrines  as  a  part  of  the  regulative 
machinery  of  the  state  itself.  The  document  says,  "  The  affa'rs 
of  the  shrines  are  religious  festivals  pertaining  to  the  nation  and 
are  not  to  be  controlled  by  a  single  person  or  by  a  single  family. 

/Since  the  Middle  Ages,  owing  to  the  degradation  of  right 
priiiciples,  the  offices  of  the  Shinto  priesthood  have  become 
Heredtary.  W hile  it  is  true  that  the  inheriUiaC£-Q£-SQme 
priestly  offices  has  been  handed  do^^n  from  the  Ago  rrf-  the 
Gods,  yet  for  the  most  part  priests  have  been'  merely  appointed 
temporarily.  Some  have  simply  made  this  temporary  title 
hereditary,  while  in  other  cases  the  affairs  of  the  shrines  have 
become  hereditary  owing  to  changes  in  land  inspectors  and 
district  lords.  Even  the  priestly  office  of  small  village  shrines 
has  become  hereditary.  The  incomes  of  the  shrines  have  been 
made  family  stipends  and  treated  as  private  property.  This 
widespread  practice  has  continued  so  long  that  Shinto  priests 
have  come  to  form  a  different  class  from  ordinary  people  and 
warriprs.  This  does  not  agree  u  ith  the  present  form  of  govern- 
ment which  is  the  unity  of  religious  affairs  and  the  state.  Owing 
to  the  greatness  of  the  abuse  a  reform  is  now  instituted  :  all 
priests  from  those  of  the  hereditary  priestly  office  of  the  Great 
Shrine  of  Ise  down  to  the  various  priests  of  all  the  shrines  of 


20  THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN   SHINTO 

the  country  hereafter  shall  be  carefully  selected  and  appointed. 
By  Imperial  order.  "^ 

The  law  abolishing  the  hereditary  control  of  the  priestly 
office  was  followed  by  a  similar  enactment  directed  toward  the 
separation  of  public  and  private  worship  in  Shinto.  Thus  the 
control  of  the  ceremonies  of  the  public  shrines  was  lodged  more 
firmly  in  the  hands  of  the  government  itself.  The  law  states  : 
"  Up  to  the  present  people  have  resorted  in  numbers  to  shrines 
and  temples  established  on  private  premises  and  have  worship- 
ped there.  This  practice  has  a  natural  tendency  to  take  on  a 
form  of  public  worship.  This  is  wrong.  All  such  worship  is 
forbidden  hereafter."'^ 

The  proclamation  abolishing  hereditary  priesthood  was 
acCompankd_by~-J^w. -.  i^gulations-  whixidi  cjas^^^  all  shrines 
according  to  a  fixed  grade.  In  this  readjustment  may  be  discern-' 
ed  again  the  attempt  of  the  government  to  strengthen  its  control 
by  the  introduction  of  further  order  into  the  confusion  that  had 
come  upon  the  shrines  during  the  medieval  period.  The  grades 
of  shrines  that  now  appear  are :  Kampei  Taisha,  **  Govern- 
ment Shrines  of  Major  Grade  "  ;  Kampei  Chusha,  "  Government 
Shrines  of  Middle  Grade  "  ;  Kampei  Shosha,  "  Government 
Shrines  of  Lesser  Grade " ;  Bekkaku  Kampeisha,  *'  Special 
Government  Shrines"  ;  Kokuhei  Taisha y  "  National  Shrines  of 
Major  Grade  "  ;  Kokuhei  Chusha,  "  National  Shrines  of  Middle 
Grade " ;  Kokuhei  Shosha,  "  National  Shrines  of  Lesser 
Grade  "  ;  Fusha,  "  Urban  Prefectural  Shrines  "  ;  Hansha, 
"  Daimiate  Shrines  "  ;  Kensha,  **  Prefectural  Shrines  "  ;  and 
Gosha,  "  District  Shrines."^     The  grade  ot  Hansha  disappeared 


1.  H.  Z,  1871,  p.  187,  DaJokanOrdGT  No.  234  July  i). 

2.  II.  Z.,  1876,  p.  1320,  kyobusho  Order  No.  38  (Dec.  15). 

3.  Op.  at.  In  the  existing  gradation  of  shrines  ihe  highest  rank  is  occupied 
by  the  Grand  Shrine  of  Ise  which  is  considered  to  be  oulside  of  and  above  the 
shrine  sys  em  proper,  corresponding  to  the  position  of  the  Emperor  in  the 
political  life  of  the  nation.      Next  come  the  Kanipeisha  ('g't^fli),  divided  into 


TH  •:    POLITICAL    PHILOSOPHV    OF    M    DERN    SHINTO  21 

with  the  abolition  of  the  //^m  in  1871,  otherwise  the  classifica- 
tion has  furnished  the  basis  of  shrine  gradation  right  down  to 
the  present. 

(On.  April  13,  1875,  uniform  rituals  and  ceremonials  for 
the  Shinto  shrines  were  established  by  lawy  The  publication 
of  these  new  forms  for  worship  was  accompan'ed  by  the  fol- 
lowing statement :  "  Confusion  in  the  ceremonies  of  the  shrines 
has  continued  from  the  Middle  Ages.  At  the  opening  of  the 
Restoration  the  Office  for  Shinto  {^fmgikwati)  was  established 
and  the  deterioration  of  the  ancient  ceremonies  was  with 
difficulty  remedied  and  the  revival  thereof  was  promoted.     The 

grade  of  the  shrines  of  the  ent're  country  was  established A 

fixed  form  of  ceremony  for  use   in   presenting   heihaku   and 


the  four  classes  lis'ed  above.  The  support  and  management  of  these  shrines  is 
under  the  direction  of  the  central  government.  Funds  for  offerings  are  supplied 
by  the  Imperial  Household.  Kokuluisha  (^^^),  divided  into  the  three 
classes  of  major,  middle,  and  lesser  grades,  are  ranked  on  an  equality  with  the 
Kavipeisha.  Like  the  latter  they  are  supported  by  the  central  government. 
Funds  for  offerings  are  supplied  from  the  national  treasury.  The  prefectural 
governors  participate  in  the  great  festivals.  Only  five  Kokiiheisha  have  been 
raised  to  the  major  grade  of  this  class.  Next  below  the  Kokiiheisha  come  the 
Fukensha  (//^Hjjit)-  Those  which  are  in  Tokyo-fu,  Kyoto-fu  and  Osaka-fu  are 
called  Fusha,  while  those  in  Hokkaido  and  the  prefectures  are  called  Kensha. 
Funds  for  offerings  are  supplied  from  the  prefectural  treasuries  Gosha  (^^jt), 
are  those  shrines  dedicated  to  the  tutelary  deities  of  a  locality  and  have  shrine- 
grade  next  below  the  Fuketisha.  Funds  for  offerings  are  supplied  from  the  offices 
of  cities  2Xi^gun  ("district,"  "county").  Below  the  Gosha  are  the  Sonsha  ({^jfii:, 
"Village  Shrines"),  supported  by  the  village  communities,  and,  in  addition  to 
these,  the  Afukakusha,  (^|^^}»  shrines  without  shrine-grade  but  which,  never- 
theless, are  granted  government  recognition.  Shokonsha  (^S^ijit\  ^^e  a  special 
class  of  shrines  outside  of  the  above  gradation,  in  which  are  enshrined  the  spirits 
of  those  who  have  died  in  the  military  service  of  the  state  The  Yasukuni 
Shrine  of  Tokyo,  the  greatest  of  the  Shokonsha^  is  an  exception  in  that  it  is 
classed  as  a  Governir.ent  Shrine  of  Special  Grade.  Miyao  and  Inamura  list 
one  hundred  forty  Shokonsha.  On  the  whole  subject  of  shrine  classification 
consult  these  authors  in  Jinja  Gyoselho  Kogi  (g^^  ii?}^^^»  fl^E^ifft 
^^^'  "Lectures  on  the  Administrative  Law  of  the  Shrines,"  Tokyo,  1912  , 
pp  62-105. 


22  THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY    OF    MODERN   SHINTO 

offerings^  to  the  gods  is  now  necessary.  Accordingly,  in 
obedience  to  the  Imperial  command  and  after  investigating 
ancient  usage  as  well  as  considering  the  needs  of  the  present, 
a  fixed  form  of  ceremony  has  been  determined  upon.  In  this, 
that  which  is  superfluous  has  been  eliminated  without  sacrificing 
the  true  spirit  of  antiquity."^  At  the  same  time  the  great 
Sliinto  festivals  were  likewise  fixed  by  law.  " 

\  A  further  step  toward  the  identification  of  political  interests 
with  the  affairs  of  the  shrines  appeared  in  a  regulation  affjcting 
the  ceremonies  of  Government  Shrines  {^Kampcishd)  issued 
February  15,  1873.  Prior  to  this  date  in  case  of  the  ceremonies 

1.  The  text  here  reads,  t^^i?)^^SCD"-f^,  heihaku  no  ten  hento  no  kyo, 
"  the  offering  oi  heihaku  (t^^)  and  the  presentation  of  hen'o  (^g  •"  Heihaku 
and  hemo  are  together  translated  "offerings."  Heihaku,  also  read  miteg^fa,' 
nigite^  yu,  nusa,  and  viainai,  refers  to  the  strips  of  colored  silk  cloth,  brocade, 
hemp,  or  paper  hung  before  the  kami.  Jlento  is  a  classical  name  for  a  form  of 
receptacle  in  which  general  offerings  were  presented.  In  modern  Shinto,  shinsen 
(1^1^)  is  used  to  designate  the  ordinary  offerings  placed  before  the  altars  of  the 
kami.  Such  offerings  consist  of  rice,  mochi,  sake,  fish,  birds,  fruit,  vegetables,  salt, 
water,  etc.  The  shrine  laws  speak  of  shinsen  heihaku  ryo  {f^^'^^^  ,  "  funds 
for  offerings  and  heihaktiP     Cf.  Miyao  and  Tnamura,  p.  535  ff. 

2.  11.  Z.,  1875,  p.  827.  The  Shinto  festivals  now  settled  upon  for  Govern- 
ment and  National  Shrines  were  : 

J^inen  Sai  (Jl^^^),  Festival  of  Prayer  for  the  Year's  Crops,  Feb.  17. 

Nii-name  Matsuri  or  Shinsho  Sai  (^'^^)>  Harvest  Festival  (Festival  of 
tasting  the  new  rice),  from  the  night  of  Nov.  23  to  the  morning  of  the  24. 

Rei  Sai  {^^\  Grand  local  festival. 

Genshi  Sai  (7cSn|^)>  Festival  of  Sacrifice  to  the  Origin,  Jan,  3. 

Kogetsurin  Tdzajttyo  {Komei  lenno)  K^/'^^  (^^||^ll|^=^nJ35^':^ii^), 
Distant  worship  toward  the  place  of  burial  of  Emperor  Komei. 

Kigen  Setsu  (IBTClfS).  Feb.  ir.  Festival  of  the  anniversary  of  the  accession 
of  the  first  emperor,  Jimmu  Tenno,  660  B.C. 

Unebiyama  T'ohoku  Sanryo  {Jimmu  Tenno)  Yohn,  (5iXf:^lll^4bllH^#St?C 
^^^)>  Distant  worship  toward  the  place  of  burial  of  Emperor  Jimmu. 

Ohatai  (:A;j^),  The  Great  Purification. 

Kanname  Sai  (^$^^),  Lit.  «  Gods-tastefestival "  ;  festival  of  presenta- 
tion of  first  fruits  to  the  Kamiy  Oct.  17. 

Kariden  Senza  (fgJKMi^)>  Transfer  of  a  deity  to  a  temporary  shrine. 

lionden  Senza  (3KIS3iSS>  Ttansfer  of  a  deity  to  a  permanent  slirine 
11.  Z,  1875,  p.  829. 


THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY    OF    MODERN    SHINTO  23 

of  all  government  shrines  a  representative  had  been  sent  from 
the  Board  of  Ceremonies  {Shikibii  Ryof  of  the  central  govern- 
ment; From  the  above  date  on,  the  highest  official  ot  the  local 
prefectural  government'  has  been  sent  to  participate  irTtEegreat 
f(^>fJA^ls_jifjgovo'Jim<""t  .Shrinpqrj (Thereby  the  affiirs  of"^he 
shrines  have  been  made  to  contributeniore  directIy"~to~thg"^ 
centralization  of  the  local  political  life  of  the  nation.  ^  The  law 
covering  the  matter  declares,  "Up  to  the  present  in  case  of 
the  official  festivals  of  Government  Shrines  an  officer  of  the 
Board  of  Ceremonies  has.  been  sent  to  participate  in  the  rites. 
Hereafter,  with  the  exception  of  the  Grand  Shrine  of  Ise,  the 
local  governor  shall  participate  in  the  official  ceremonies  of 
Government  Shrines."^ 

Again  by  the  year  1882  developments  in  popular  religion 
had  created  a  situation  that  necessitated  further  discriminating 
action  on  the  part  of  the  government.  Various  popular 
sects  calling  themselves  Shinto  and  incorporating  large  por- 
tions of  orthodox  tradition,  but  at  the  same  time  involving 
departures  from  the  official  cult,  were  multiplying  and  seeking 
recognition  by  the  state.  As  a  means  of  meeting  this  situation, 
in  the  year  just  mentioned,  the  government  divided  Shinto 
institutions  into  two  classes,  Jin  fa  ("  Shinto  shrines  ")  on  the 
one  hand,  and  Shinlo  Kjvkai  ("  Shinto  churches ")  on  the 
Qther.^      All  institutions  of  the  Shinto  sects  were  given  the 

1.  ^%% 

2.  H.  Z.,  1873,  p.  41,  Dnjokan  Order,  iSTo.  23  (Feb.  15), 

3.  A  law  dated  May  15,  1882,  reads  :  "  It  is  announced  that  the  following 
associations  of  Shinto  are  permitted  to  take  independent  denominationa'  names 
as  follows. 

(Former  title)  (New  title) 

Shinlo  Jingu  Ha,     WMWM.  Jingn  Kyokai,  t^%Wl.^> 

Shinto  Ta  sha  Ha,  %^^M.':kM.W^  Izmno  Taisha  Kyokai,  ^%}\Jik^^^ 

Shinto  Pmo  Ha,       WMk^M^.  Fuso  Kyokai, ^^%M. 

^ Shinto jikko Ha,  mm.'mTm.     nkk-oKyoka, K^i!(t. 

Shinto  Taisei  H  ,    %^}M,'Xj^lB.^         Honkyo  Taisei  Kyokai,  Af^W.k^^.'^y 
Shinto  Shins hu  Ha,  %^^^%i^^^^^         Shimhu  Kyikai,  JP^^Ht^  "• 


54  TH      POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY    OF    MODERN   SHINTO 

latter  title  and  were  debarred  from  using  the  former,  which 
became  exclusive  government  property.' 

Dr.  N.  Ariga,  a  jurist  of  recognized  scholarship,  has  inter- 
preted the  situation  that  lay  back  of  this  separation  of  Shinto 
institutions  into  two  classes,  in  a  manner  tliat  sheds  considerable 
light  on  the  Shinto  problem  as  it  was  taking  shape  in  the 
official  mind  at  the  time.  From  the  point  of  view  of  the 
government  the  problem  was  as  indicated  in  the  following 
statement.     "JjLA^f"  ^-^^^  ^^  ^    civilized  co^untn^there   must 

exist  freedom  of  faith If  Shinto  is  a  religion,  however,  the 

acc£ptance  or  ^'"f'.ig?!  thf^^^^'  rnngf  hf>  l^ft  to  personal  choice. 
Yetjor  a  Japanese  subject  to  refuse  to  honor  the  ancestors  of 
the  Emperor  is  disloyal^     Indeedj_j^Ja^.aiiQs^.j3Ut..QLiiis^iuty 


The  effect  of  this  enactment  was  to  change  these  bodies  from  more  or  less 
undefined  sects  (J^a)  related  with  the  official  cult  to  definite  independent  religious 
associations  Kyokai  .  A  la'.v  issued  in  March,  1885,  says,  "  All  cases  of  govern- 
ment recognition  of  religious  organizations  previously  granted  are  now  made 

invalid In  seeking  government  recognition  application  must  be  made  for  new 

enrolment  in  the  regulations  for  religious  organizations."     H.  Z,  1885,  p.  177. 

The  /ingu  Kyokai^  connected  with  the  Grand  Shrine  of  Ise,  was  dissolved  in 
1899.  Ofificially  recognized  Shinto  churches  at  present  number  thirteen,  'n 
addition  to  the  five  remaining  out  of  the  above  list,  there  are,  Shinto  Ilonkyoku 
mm.i^Wi\  ^hM'^''  ^^  mm^),  MUike  Ky-o  (tOitlft).  ^i^ogi  Ky-o  {^^\ 
Shinn  Kyo  {%^^^),  Kurozumi  Kyo  (^tt#),  Konko  Kyo  (^^#),  and 
Tenn  Ky  0  (5^3^^^),  There  are  other  Shinto  churches  which  secure  de  facto 
recognition  by  being  attached  as  sub-sects  to  recognized  bodies.  The  total 
number  of  Shinto  churches,  both  recognized  and  unrecognized,  is  difficult  to 
determine  with  accuracy.  "1  here  are  numerous  Shinto  groups  that  are  still  in  the 
condition  of  small  private  cults  and  some  that  maintain  a  secret  organization. 
All  of  these  bodies  are  distinct  from  the  official  shrines  in  internal  organization, 
government  administration  and  legal  properties. 

I.  A  notice  issued  by  the  Shaji  Kycku  on  April  17,  1888  reads  "Inas- 
much as  a  distinction  is  made  between  the  religious  associations  of  the  (Shinto) 
churches  and  the  shrines  the  attachment  of  the  title  of  '  Shrine  '  to  church 
associations  is  not  only  inappropriate  but  it  also  affects  the  incomes  of  the  shrines. 
It  should  be  known  that  this  matter  is  covered  in  Art.  6  of  Order  No  11,  issued 
by  this  office  in  1885,  and  it  thus  should  he  proper  to  infer  that  this  is  not 
permitted.  Notice  is  hereby  given  by  way  of  precaution."  Genko  Jinja  Horei 
RutsaHy  p.  34G. 


THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN   SHINTO.  2 5 

as  subject  must  honor  the  ancestors  ot  the  Emperor.  This  is 
ngt  a  matter  ot  choice.  It  is  a  duty.  Therefore  th's  cannot 
be  regarded  as  religion.  It  is  ritual.  It  is  the  ceremonial  of 
gratitude  to  ancestors.  In  this  sense  the  government  protects 
the  shrines  and  does  not  expound  doctrine.  On  the  other 
hand  since  it  is  possible  to  establish  doctrines  with  regard  to 
the  (Shinto)  deities,  it  is  necessary  to  permit  freedom  of  belief 
in  Shinto  considered  as  a  religion.  Hence  there  has  arisen 
the  necessity  of  distinguishing  between  Shinto  regarded  as  the 
functioning  of  national  ritual  and  that  Shinto  which  proclaims 
doctrines  as  a  religion."^    J)) 

In  the  same  year  we  discern  the  beginning  of  an  attempt 
to  eliminate  the  popular  religious  nature  of  the  most  important 
shrines.  A  regulation  of  the  Home  Department  promulgated 
on  January  24th  of  this  year  reads,  **  Fi^om  this  d^te„,i^^ 
right  of  Shint5  priests  to  exercise  the  function  of  teachers  of 
religion  and  morals  \Kyddd  Sliokii)  is  abolished.  Priests  shall 
not  take  charge  of  funeral  services.  Exception  :  For  the  present, 
priests  connected  with  shrines  of  prefectural  rank  or  lower  may 
do  as  before."^  The  exception  to  the  regulation  is  such  as  to 
limit  the  scope  of  the  altered  status  of  the  priesthood  to  the 
two  highest  grades  ot  shrines,  that  is,  to  the  Government  Shrines 
and  the  National  Shrines.  These  are  precisely  the  shrines, 
however,  which  because  of  their  national  character  are  of  most 
value  to  the  state  in  the  centralization  of  the  sentiments  of  the 
people.  The  office  of  Kyodo  Slioku  was  finally  abolished  for  all 
shrines  two  years  later.^      The  right  of  Shinto  priests  connected 


1.  Anga,  Nagao,  Shinto  Kokkyo  Ron  {1^^%^^,  WMX^Wilk,  "  Shinto  as 
a  State  Religion  ")  in  Tetsugaku  Zasshi  {^^i^M)  "  Philosophical  Magazine," 
Vol.  25,  No.  280  (June,  1910),  p.  702. 

2.  H.  Z.,  1882,  p.  333. 

3.  The  law  says,  "  The  office  of  kyodoshoku  is  hereafter  discontinued  in  Shint5 
and  Buddhism.  All  affairs  relating  to  the  appointment  or  dismissal  of  the 
superiors  of  temples  and  the  promotion  or  degradation  of  the  rank  of  religious 
teachers  are  entrusted  to  the  superintendent  priest  of  each  sect."  H.  Z.,  1884,  p. 
142.     The  same  law  further  provides  that  the  number  of  superintendent  priests 


26  THE   POLITICAL  -PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN    SHINTO. 

with  shrines  lower  than  those  of  government  or  national  grades 
to  conduct  funeral  services  was  not  abrogated,  however,  and  the 
practice  exists  in' the  present  with  legal  recognition. 

The  Japanese  government  itself,  in  explanation  ot  these 
changes  says,  "In  1884  the  official  appointment  of -religious 
instructors  (Kyo/dskoh/)  was  discontinued  and  the.  authority 
to  appoint  preachers  was  entrusted  to  the  Head-priests  (A'z£;«;^ 
c/id)  of  the  various  sects,  Shinto  or  Buddhist,  together  with  the 
right  of  selecting  the  resideit  priest  {Jushokii)  for  the  temples 
under  their  jurisdiction.  Further,  each  sect  was  given  the 
power  to  manage  its  own  affairs  under  the  supervision  of  the 
government,  which  now  relinquished  its  misslonarizing  function. 

I       Religion  was  thus  separated  from  politics, "  ^ 

^p  T899  and  Tgnn  the  Japanese  government  took  the  final 
steps  in  carrying  out  the  policy  of  isolating  the  political  and 
social  values  of  Shinto.  The  government  now  attempted  to 
provide  a  better  legal  basis  for  the  position  that  officialShijQto 
was  not  a  religion,  an  intej-pretation.  that  has  beeiijuaintained  in 
spite  of  all  difficulties  right  up  to  the  present.  The  atiests_ofJse 
prepared  the  way  in   1899  by  taking  the  ground  that  Shinto 

\   /was  ;nierely    a    cult  for  the    preservation    ot    yeneration    foT 


ancestors  and  the  maintenance  of  historical  continuity  in  Japanese 
|society.^^  The  Ise  authorities  made  application  to  the  govern- 
ment for  the  right  to  abandon  their  status  as  a  religious  body 
and  become  a  secular  juridical  person  {zaidan  hbjitt)  with  the 

shall  be  limited  to  one  for  each  sect  of  either  Shint5  or  Buddhism.  The  federa- 
tion of  several  sects  under  one  superintendent  priest  is  permitted. 

I.  A  General  View  of  the  Present  Religions  Situation  in  Japan,  p  2.  Pub. 
by  the  Bureau  of  Religions,  Japanese  Department  of  Education,  1920.  (Italics  in 
the  quotation  are  mine,  D.C.H.)  This  publication  is  an  excellent  example  of  the 
manner  in  which  the  division  of  all  Shinto  institutions  into  the  two  classes  of 
shrines  and  churches  facilitates  an  official  expositics  which,  while  as.suiuing  to  be 
"  a  general  view,"  Jtlmost  entirely  omits  one  of  the  most  important  elements  in  the 
entire  situation.  The  shrines  receive  only  sufficient  mention  to  confuse  (he  whole 
issue  for  one  who  is  not  previously  acquainted  wiih  religious  developments  in 
•modern  Jai)an. 

a.     CyT'  Japan  Weekly  Mail,  Sept.  9,  1899,  p.  261. 


THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN   SHINTO.  2^ 

title  Jingu  Hosaikai^  "  The  Reverence  Society  of  Jingii." 
The  request  was  granted  on  September  4,  1 899.^  Then  under 
the  new  government  regulation  of  1900  the  Bureau  of  Shrines 
and  Temples  was  abolished  and  a  Jinja  Kyoki^  (*'  Bureau  of 
Shrines  ")  and  a  Shukyo  Kyoku^  ("  Bureau  of  Religions  ")  were 
established  in  the  Department  of  Home  Affairs.  The  former 
office  was  put  in  charge  of  the  official  cult,  and  the  latter  of 
Shinto  sects,  Buddhism  and  other  religious  bodies.  A  legal 
basis  was  thus  provided  for  the  interpretation  that  the  official 
shrines  were  national  institutions  of  an  ethical  and  historical 
character,  and  places  where  all  Japanese  subjects  should  offer 
reverence.  Expenses  connected  with  upkeep  were  to  be  borne, 
wholly  or  in  part,  by  the  central,  provincial  or  local  govern- 
ments. The  ceremonies  of  official  Shinto  were  nationalized  as 
koku  rely  *'  national  rites. '"^ 

The  laws  of  1903  fixing  the  official  line  of  demarcation  that 
was  to  be  drawn  between  the  Shinto  shrines  and  religious 
institutions  as  such  appear  in  Imperial  Ordinance  {Ckokurei), 
Number  163,  April  26,  1900.  This  new  statute  embodies  the 
reorganization  of  the  Department  of  Home  Affairs  of  the 
Japanese  Government  and  details  corrections  and  additions  to  be 
made  to  certain  legislation  found  in  Imperial  Ordinance  Number 
259  of  October  22,  1898.     After  these  corrections  and  additions 


2.  "  On  September  4  of  the  presen'  year  the  establishment  of  the  Hbsaikai 
of  the  Grand  Shrine  of  Ise  was  permitted  and  at  the  same  time  the  Jingu  Kyo 
(reb'gious  association  of  the  shrine)  was  abolished."  Announcement  of  the 
Depar'ment  of  Home  Affairs,  No.  99,  Sept.  5,  1899.  Genko  finja  Horei  Kuisan 
(^ii^Tfi^Sthri^l^^j  "Classified  Collection  of  Contemporary  Laws  and  Regula- 
tions for  Shrines,")  p.  669. 

3      Wl^Wi 

4-     %W.Wi 

5 .  Government  directions  covering  reports  from  the  Grand  Shrine  of  Ise 
were  published  on  Dec  15,  19CO.  These  directions  classify  the  ceremonies  of  Ise 
under  the  heading  Kokurei  (®iB)»  "  National  Rites."  G.nko  Jinm  Hcrei  Ruisatf, 
p.  670. 


28  THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN   SHINTO. 

to  the  earlier  enactments  have  been  made,  the  laws  relating  to 
the  divided  control  of  Shinto  shrines  and  of  religion  read  as 
given  in  the  following  translations. 

"  Article  I.  The  Minister  ol  Home  Affairs  takes  charge  of 
matters  relating  to  Shinto  shrines,  local  administration,  election 
of  members  of  parliament,  police,  prisons,  public  works,  sanita- 
tion, geographical  matters,  religion,  publication,  copyright, 
chanty  and  relief.  He  is  to  superintend  the  Governor-general 
of  Formosa,  the  Superintendent-general  of  Police,  the  Governor 
of  Hokkaido,  and  the  provincial  governors. 

**  Article  IV.  Sec.  i.  The  following  seven  Bureaus  are 
established  in  the  Department  of  Home  Affairs  : 

1.  Bureau  of  Shinto  Shrines. 

2.  Bureau  of  Local  Administration. 

3.  Bureau  of  Police. 

4.  Bureau  of  Public  Works. 

5.  Bureau  of  Sanitation. 

6.  Bureau  of  Religions. 

7.  Bureau  of  Prisons. 

Sec.  2.  The  Bureau  of  Shrines  takes  charge  of  the  follow- 
ing matters : 

a.  Grand  Shrines,  Government   Shrines,  National  Shrines, 

Prefectural  Shrines,  District  Shrines,  Village  Shrines, 
Shokonsha  and  all  affairs  pertaining  to  shrines. 

b.  All  business  relating  to  Shinto  priests.^ 

"  Article  IX.  The  Bureau  of  Religions  takes  charge  of 
the  following  matters : 

a.  All  sects  of  Buddhism  and  Shinto,   Buddhist  temples, 

buildings  used  for  religious  purposes    and    also    all 

affairs  pertaining  to  religion. 


I.  The  law  here  divides  Shinto  priests  into  two  classes :  Shiitkan  (l^'g*) 
and  Shinshohi  (jjif  ^[§1^).  Both  terms  are  translated  "  priest."  The  former  refers 
to  Shinto  officials  connected  with  the  Grand  Shrine  of  Ise,  the  latter  to  those 
connected  with  ordinary  shrines. 


THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN   SHINTQ.  29 

b.  All  business  relating  to  priests  of  Buddhism  and  to 
religious  teachers."^ 

On  June  13,  191 3,  the  separation  of  official  relations  with 
the  Shinto  shrines,  on  the  one  hand,  and  religions,  on  the  other, 
was  still  further  widened  by  the  transfer  of  the  Bureau  of 
Religions  from  the  Department  of  Home  Affairs  to  the  Depart- 
ment of  Education.  Imperial  Ordinance  Number  173  of  the 
above  date  in  its  pertinent  sections  reads  : 

"  The  following  reorganization  is  effected  within  the 
Department  of  Education. 

"  Article  I.  The  Minister  of  Education  shall  take  charge 
of  matters  relating  to  education,  science  and  arts,  and  religion. 

"  Article  IV.  The  following  three  Bureaus  are  established 
within  the  Department  of  Education  : 

1.  The  Bureau  of  Special  School  Affairs. 

2.  The  Bureau  of  Common  School  Affairs. 

3.  The  Bureau  of  Religions. 

"  Article  VI.  The  Bureau  of  Religion?  takes  charge  of  the 
following  matters : 

1.  Shinto  sects,  Buddhist  sects,  Buddhist  temples,  buildings 
used  for  religious  purposes,  and  all  affairs  relating  to  religion. 

2.  Matters  concerning  the  preservation  and  protection  of 
ancient  shrines  and  temples. 

3.  Matters  concerning  Buddhist  priests  and  religious 
teachers. 

"  In  the  Bureau  of  Religions  are  established  Section  Num- 
ber I  and  Section  Number  2  which  shall  divide  the  business  be- 
tween them, 

I.  Section  Number  i  takes  charge  of  tlie  following 
matters : 

a.  Sects  of  Shintd  and  of  Buddhism,  churches,  priests, 
religious  teachei's,  and  all  matters  relating  to  religion. 

I.     H.  Z.,  1900,  Chokitrei  (Imperial  Ordiiianeey  Section,  pp.  I97-I98;  Kampo 
(Official  Gazette),  April  27,  1900. 


t 


30  THE    iPOUTICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN   SHINTO. 

b.  Business   which   does  not  come  under  the  jurisdiction 

of  Section  2. 
2.     Section  Number    2    takes    charge    of  the   following 
matters : 

a.  Affairs    concerning    Buddhist     edifices     (temples    and 

monasteries). 

b.  Affairs  concerning  the  preservation  and  protection  of 

ancient  Shinto  shrines  and  Buddhist  temples."* 
The  religious  changes  ol  1899- 1900  are  to  be  understood  in 
the  light  of  the  general  political  situation  of  the  time.  In  1898- 
99  Japan  was  in  the  midst  of  a  period  of  important  readjustments 
of  both  internal  and  foreign  relati6nships.  In  the  earlier  period 
of  1871-72,  as  already  mentioned,  the  nation  had  begun  the 
difficult  task  of  internal  reorganization  necessary  to  the  utilization 
of  domestic  resources  in  such  a  way  as  to  compel  recognition 
on  the  part  of  foreign'  pOwers^a  task  in  which,  as  Murdoch 
well  points  out  Japan  was  confronted  with  the  alternatives  of 
assimilating  occidental  civflizatiori  or  of  going  down  before  it.  ^ 
Now  in  the  latter  period,  as  proof  of  the  skill  ofher^tatesmanship 
and  the  thoroughness  of  her  mastery  of  the  technique  of  the 
West,  Japan,  after  a  successful  war  with  China,  arrived  at  com- 
pflete  self-determination  among-  the  nations  of  the  world,  an 
object  that  had  been  struggled  for  with  repeated  failure  from  the 
time  of  the  Iwakura  mission  to  Europe  and  America  in  1871.^ 
Now  with  a  series  of  agreements,  lying  between  the  date  of  the 
Treaty  of  London  of  July  16,  1894,  and  the  promulgation  of 
the  revised  treaties  of  the  summer  of  1899,  Japan  at  last  attained 
full  judicial  and  tariff  autonomy.''      During  the  period  several 

1.  H.  Z.,  1913  Chokurei  Section,  pp.  255-6. 

2.  Murdoch,  James,  History  of  Japan  (Kobe,  19  lo),  Vol.  I,  p.  23. 

3.  Japai*  Weekly  Mail,  Oct.  8,  1887,  pp.  352-3.  Official  instructions  to 
the  governors  issued  Sept.  28,  1887  contain  the  words,  "  Since  the  late  Iwakura 
was  sent  abroad  as  ambassador  in  187 1,  treaty  revision  has  always  remaineci  our 
unmovably  fixed  object."     T.  A.  S.  J.,  Vol.  XLIT,  W.  I,  p.  329. 

4.  Japan  Weekly  Mail,  July  8,  1899,  pp.  27,  36-37  ;  July  29,  pp.  107,  no; 
Aug  5,  p.  130;  Aug    12,  pp.  161-2. 


THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN   SHINTQ.  3 1 

new  ports  were  opened  for  foreign  trade,  and  by  the  beginning 
of  the  autumn  of  1 899  rights  of  free  residence  outside  of  the 
established  zones  were  open  to  all  foreigners  in  Japan.* 

y  The  Japanese  government  was  now  in  a  position  to  deal 

more  adequately  with  the  religious  situation.  In  the  Constitution 
promulgated  February  11,  1889,  Article  XXVIIl  had  been  so' 
framed  as  to  guarantee  religious  liberty  to  every  Japanese  citizen, 
provided  that  the  exercise  thereof  was  not  prejudicial  to  the 
welfare  of  the  realiW  and  not  antagonistic  to  the  duty  of  subjects.^ 
The  preservation  of  this  guarantee  was  of  course  ^eminently 
befitting  the  nation  that  was  now  just  stepping  out  into  full 
internal  autonomy.  But  exactly  at  this  point  an  important 
difficaity  presented  itsel f.  [While,  on  the  one  hand,  a  modern- 
izing tendency  in  the  government  seemed  to  demand  that  the 
state  should  not  foster  an  established  religion,  yet,  on  the  other 
hand,  the  government  was  in  no  pjsition  to  repudiate  the  mighty 
sltpport  of  Shinto,  for  just  here,  in  the  ofHcial  point  of  view  lav 
an  important  element  in  the  assimilative  strength  of  the  lapanese 
j^eo^e.  Hence  the  ofificial  separation  of  tlie  Shint5  shrine^  |i'Q""i 
acknowledged  religious  institutions  and  the  consequent  interpre- 
tation th?^  iSh'"^*^  i"^  "'^^  ^  ffpli(3-inn  The  Separation  has  madejt 
possible  for  the  Japanese  government  to  announce  that  the  ad- 
ministrative  policy  affecting;-  the  Shjr||-f>  ghrjnp?  "  in  qnit^t  indrpr^n- 
dent  of  the  policy  that  concerns  itself  with  religions."  ^ 

Thus  by  an  alleged  elimination  of  the  religious  character  of 

.  the  ofificial  shrines,  the  way  was  opened  for  them  to  function  for 
all  Japanese  subjects  as  state  institutions,  in  the  preservation  ot 
the  continuity  of  Japanese  history  and  in  the  stimulation  of 
loyalty  and  patriotism.  The  government  was  placing  itself  in  a 
position  to  repudiate  the  charge  of  fostering  a  state  religion  and  at 
the  same  time  exercise  complete  jurisdiction  over  the  shrines  and 
gain  the  suy^port  of  the  great,  stabilizing  values  which  they  were 


1.  Japan  Weekly  Mail,  June  17,  1899,  p.  592;  July  22,  1899,  p.  88. 

2.  T.  A.  S.  J.,  Vol.  XUI.  Pt.  I,  p.  138. 

3.  A  General  View  of  the  Present  Religious  Situation  in  Japan,  p.  2. 


32  THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN   SHINTO. 

regarded  as  introducing  into  Japanese  society.  The  action  of 
the  government  was  based  on  the  recognition  of  an  intimate  con- 
nection between  loyalty,  or  national  morality,  and  reverence 
offered  at  the  shrines.  As  nucleating  centers  of  the  popular 
sentiments  directed  toward  a  line  of  emperors  descended  from 
the  gods  and  toward  all  apotheosized  national  heroes,  they  were 
indispensable  in  the  conservation  and  development  of  the  Jap  m- 
cse  spirit.  Subsequent  events  have  proved  that  this  "  act  ot 
disestablishment  "  did  not  mark  a  decline  in  the  fortunes  of 
Shinto.  The  government  was  carefully  preserving  all  that  was 
of  real  value  to  the  state. 

Not  only  has  there  been  no  disestablishment  of  Shinto,  but, 
on  the  other  hand,  the  intimacy  ot  relationship  pyi<;tuig  between" 
the  Japanese  governiqgent  and  the  culf  of  the  shrines  has  increased 
steadily  since_  igoolJEvidence  in  support  of  this  statement  is 
given  below. 

In  1902  the  Japanese  government  published  detailed  regu- 
lations concerning  the  rank,  appointment,  duties  and  support  of 
the  priests  attached  to  all  government  and  national  shrines  as 
follows :  ^ 

"  Regulations  Concerning  the  Duties  of  Priests  of  Govern- 
ment Shrines  and  National  Shrines."  (Imperial  Ordinance  Num- 
ber 27,  February  10,  1902.  Revised  under  Imperial  Ordinance 
Number  174,  May,  1911). 

'*  Article  I.     The  following  grades  ot  priests  are  hereby 
established  in  Government  and  in  National  Shrines  : 
Guj'i '   (Chief  priest),  one  to  each  shrine. 
Gonguji   (Sub-chief  priest),  one   to  each  shrine.       This 
office  is  to  be  limited  to  the  Grand  Government  Shrines 
of  Atsutaand  Idzumo. 
Negi  (Priest)  one  to  each  shrine. 

Shuten  (Lower  priests).    This  office  is  limited  to  the  Grand 
Government  Shdne  of  Atsuta. 


I.     §.11,  Guji;  ^H^iJ,  Gon^uji\  Ji;£,  Negi;  ±|J,  Shuten ;  %^,  Gusho. 


THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN   SHINT5.  33 

GusJw  (Lower  priests). 

Note  :     The  number  ot  Shuten  and  Gusho  shall  be 
fixed  by  the  Minister  of  Home  Affairs. 

^'  Article  II.  The  chief  priest  shall  be  under  the  direction 
and  inspection  of  the  Minister  of  Home  Affairs  and  of  the  local 
governors.  He  shall  officiate  in  national  festivals,  direct  cere- 
monies, and  manage  general  affairs. 

"  Article  III.  The  sub-chief  priest  shall  assist  the  chief 
priest  in  ceremonies  and  in  general  affairs. 

*'  Article  IV.  The  Negi  shall  engage  in  ceremonies  and  in 
general  affairs  under  the  direction  and  inspection  of  the  chief 
priest  and  the  sub-chief  priest. 

**  Article  V.  The  Shuten  and  the  Gusho  shall  engage  in 
ceremonies  and  general  affairs  under  the  direction  of  the  higher 
priests. 

"  Article  VI.  In  case  of  failure  to  discharge  his  duties  on 
the  part  of  the  chief  priest,  the  sub-chief  priest  shall  take  his 
place  ia  such  shrines  as  have  the  office  of  sub-chief  priest ;  for 
other  shrines  the  Negi  shall  take  the  place  of  the  chief  priest. 

*'  Article  VII.  The  chiet  priests  and  sub-chief  priests  are  to 
be  accorded  the  treatment  of  Sorting  officials  and  are  to  be 
appointed  by  the  Cabinet  subject  to  the  approval  of  the  Emperor 
made  through  the  Minister  of  Home  Affairs.  Negi,  Shuten, 
and  Gusho  are  to  be  accorded  the  treatment  of  Hanniy^  officials 
and  are  to  be  appointed  by  the  prefectural  governors. 

"  Article  VIII.  Salaries  are  to  be  attached  to  the  priestly 
offices  of  Government  and  National  Shrines.  The  Minister  of 
Home  Affairs,  however,  may  treat  the  offices  of  chief  priest  and 
F,ub-chief  priest  as  honorary  posts,  and  the  prefectural  governors 
may  do  the  same  for  the  offio  s  of  Negi,  Shuten,  and  Gusho. 

"  Article  IX.     The  Minister  of  Home  Affairs  shall  fix  the 


I-     ^fl:>  ^^'^1^  of  officials  appointed  subject  to  the  approval  of  the  Emperor. 

2,  #'ij'ff:,  rank  of  officials  appointed  by  the  chiefs  of  the  various  depart- 
ments, bureaus,  or  offices  Chokunin  ^J[jft:)  rank  mentioned  below  refers  to 
direct  Imperial  appointment. 


34  THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN   SHINTO. 

regulations  regarding  the  service,  the  salaries,  and  the  travelling 
expenses  of  the  priests  of  Government  and  of  National  Shrines. 

'*  Article  X.  The  powers  exercised  by  the  Minister  of 
Home  Affairs  and  by  the  local  governors  in  these  regulations, 
in  the  case  of  the  relations  with  the  priests  of  the  Yasukiini 
Shrine,  a  government  shrine  of  special  grade,  shall  be  exercised 
by  the  Ministers  of  War  and  of  Naval  Affairs."^ 

In  July  and  August  of  1 891,  the  year  following  the  pro- 
mulgation of  the  Imperial  Rescript  on  Education,  laws  had 
appeared  dealing  with  the  duties  of  priests  divided  into  two 
general  classes,  first,  those  connected  with  shrines  of  prefectural 
grade  and  below  (laws  of  July),  and,  second,  those  attached  to 
Government  and  National  Shrines  (laws  of  August).^  These 
laws  in,  slightly  revised  :form  were  republished  in  191 3  and  made 
to  apply  to  all  priests  of  Shinto  without  exception.  The  laws 
read  as  in  the  subjoined  translation. 

"■  Order  Number  9,  Department  of  Home  Affairs,  April 

21,  1913- 

**  Article  I.  Priests  have  the  functions  ot  conducting 
national  ceremonies  in  accordance  with  national  ritual.  There- 
fore they  should  be  masters  of  national  classics,  they  should 
understand  the  national  constitution,  and  should  at  all  times 
discharge  their  duties  with  exemplary  behavior. 

"  Article  II.  The  ceremonies  (of  the  shrines)  establish  a 
standard  for  national  morality.  Accordingly  they  should  center 
in  dignified  reverence,  and  should  give  sincere  expression  to  the 
sentiment  of  gratitude  toward  ancestors  {Hohon  han  shi)^ 

*'  Article  III.  Ritual  must  be  carried  out  according  to 
regulations.  Only  under  extraordinary  circumstances  is  it 
permitted  to  change  the  order  at  will  or  to  abbreviate  the  time. 
On  the  other  hand  they  are  to  follow  the  ancient  ceremonies  and 
are  to  be  appropriate  to  the  historical  usage  of  the  local  shrine. 


1 .  Genko  Jinja  Horei  Rtihan,  pp.  1 59- 1 60. 

2,  11.  Z,  i89i,p.  206. 

3-  w^m^ 


THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN   SHINTQ.  35 

"  Article  IV.  In  case  special  festivals  take  place  notifica- 
tion must  be  given  to  the  Chief  of  the  Police  Bureau  in  whose 
jurisdiction  the  shrine  is  located,  and  in  case  of  Government  and 
National  Shrines  an  additional  notification  must  be  sent  to  the 
local  governor. 

"  Article  V.  It  is  forbidden  to  distribute  charms  to  others 
than  the  parishioners  of  the  tutelary  deities  and  to  worshippers. 
On  request,  however,  they  may  be  granted  to  others."^ 

Miyao  and  Inamura  in  their  discussion  of  shrine  law  make 
the  following  observations  on  the  relations  of  high  civil  officials 
to  the  shrines  ceremonies. 

"  I.  On  the  occasion  of  either  the  Festival  of  Prayer  for 
the  Year's  Crops  or  the  Harvest  Festival  at  both  National 
Shrines  and  Government  Shrines,  an  officer  of  the  local  gov- 
ernment visits  the  shrines  and  makes  offerings  to  the  Kami, 
and  the  chief  priest  recites  norito.  There  is  no  purificaiion 
ceremony. 

"2.  The  local  governor  attends  the  great  Festival  of  a 
Government  Shrine  and  recites  norito.  The  Purification 
Ceremony  is  performed. 

"  3.  The  vice-governor  attends  the  Great  Festival  of  a 
National  Shrine  and  participates  in  the  ceremonies.  The  High 
Priest  recites  norito.     There  is  no  ceremony  of  purification. 

"4.  In  the  ordinary  festivals  of  the  Kankokn  lieisha  in  all 
cases  the  High  Priest  recites  norito  and  there  is  no  purification 
ceremony."^ 


1.  Genko  Jinja  Horei  Ruisan,  y^.  i\2.. 

2.  Miyao  and  Inamura,  op.  cit.,  p.  508, 

An  excellent  illus' ration  of  I  he  special  relation  existing  between  the  Japanese 
government  and  the  shrines  is  to  be  found  in  regulations  regarding  the  ceremonies 
of  the  Yasukiml  Shrine  of  Tokyo.  The  Official  Gazette  {Kampo)  for  Apr.  26, 
1921,  p.  803  says,  "On  account  of  the  Special  Grand  Ceremonies  at  the  Yasu- 
^//;«  Shrine  all  military  and  naval  officials,  all  mili  ary  divisions,  and  all  students 
shall  have  a  holiday  on  the  twenty-eighth  of  this  month.  All  government 
officials  ol  Tokyo  apart  from  those  of  the  army  and  navy  shall  observe  either 
'he   twenty  eigh'.h   or   the   twenty-ninth   as   a   holiday.      By    Imperial    Order." 


36  THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY    OF    MODERN    SHINTO. 

Up  to  May  i,  1907  Shinto  priests  were  under  special  dis- 
ciplinary regulations.  From  this  date  on  they  carne  under  the 
disciplinary  regulations  of  ordinary  civil  officials  of  the  Japanese 
government.  Shinto  priests  were  hereby  more  closely  identified 
with  the  government  and  the  treatment  accorded  them  was 
distinguished  clearly  from  that  of  ordinary  religious  teachers  and 
preachers.     The  law  says  : 

'*  Concerning  the  discipline  (of  Shinto  priests)  in  accordance 
with  the  treatment  granted  civil  officials, — except  in  case  of  those 
who  are  under  special  regulations,  those  priests  who  receive  the 
treatment  of  higher  officials  shall  come  under  the  regulations 
applying  to  higher  officials  in  the  Ordinance  for  the  Discipline  of 
Civil  Officials,  while  those  priests  who  receive  the  treatment  of 
Hannin  officials  shall  come  under  the  regulations  applying  to 
Hannin  officials  in  the  same  Ordinance. 

"  Appendix  :  This  ordinance  shall  become  effective  from 
the  date  of  promulgation. 

"  This  abolishes  the  regulations  for  the  discipline  of  Shinto 
priests  and  also  Imperial  Ordinance  Number  349  of  1899."^ 

The  disciplinary  regulations  under  which  Shinto  priests  now 
come  are  as  given  below. 

*'  Ordinance  for  the  discipline  of  civil  officials  (abstract), 

''  Chapter  I.  General  Regulations. 

'*  Article  I.     With  the  exception  of  officials  who  are  ap- 

Cabinet  Notification  No.  2.  And  again,  "  On  account  of  the  Special  Grand 
Ceremonies  of  the  Yasnkuni  Shrine,  officials  of  the  Imperial  Household  residing 
in  Tokyo  shall  observe  either  the  twenty-eighth  or  the  twenty-ninth  as  a  holiday. 
By  Imperial  Order."  Imperial  Household  Department  Notification  No.  9. 
Directions  for  ceremonies  specify  attendance  by  representatives  of  the  Imperial 
Family,  ministers  of  state,  including  the  Minister  of  War  and  the  Minister  of 
the  Navy,  the  President  of  the  House  of  Peers,  the  President  of  the  House  of 
Representatives,  princes,  the  Superintendent  General  of  the  Metropolitan  Police 
the  Governor  of  Tokyo-fu,  representatives  of  the  various  grades  of  nobility,  of  the 
Department  of  War,  of  the  Department  of  the  Navy,  of  each  government  bureau, 
of  the  Imperial  Guards,  of  the  First  Division,  of  the  members  of  the  House  of 
Peers  and  of  the  House  of  Representatives. 
I.     Genko  Jinja  Jloisi  Ruisan,  p.  229. 


IHE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY    OF    MODERN    SHINTO.  37 

pointed  directly  by  the  Emperor  and  also  those  who  are  under 
special  regulations,  no  civil  officials  shall  be  disciplined  except 
under  these  regulations. 

"  Article  II.  Cases  in  which  officials  are  to  be  disciplined 
are  as  follows  : 

1.  Contravention  of  duties  of  office  or  neglect  thereof. 

2.  Actions,  whether  in  public  or  private  life,  wh'ch  com- 
promise the  dignity  or  trust  of  official  position. 

"  Article  III.     Discipline  may  take  the  following  forms  : 

1.  Dismissal  from*  office. 

2.  Reduction  of  salary. 

3.  Reprimand. 

**  Article  IV.  Those  who  are  dismissed  Irom  office  shall 
not  be  able  to  enter  government  service  again  for  two  years 
from  the  date  of  dismissal.  In  case  of  serious  offense  it  is  requir- 
ed that  court  rank  be  returned. 

"  Article  V.  The  period  of  reduction  of  salary  is  to  be  for 
not  longer  than  one  year  and  for  not  less  than  one  month.  The 
amount  of  reduction  is  to  be  at  the  rate  of  not  more  than  one 
third  of  the  monthly  salary. 

"  Article  VI.  In  case  of  officials  of  Clwkunin  rank  matters 
of  dismissal  and  reduction  of  salary  must  be  according  to  the 
decision  of  the  Disciplinary  Committee  and  must  be  submitted 
to  the  Throne  by  the  Prime  Minister  and  shall  become  effective 
subject  to  the  sanction  of  the  Emperor.  In  case  of  officials  ot 
Sonin  rank  dismissal  must  be  according  to  the  decision  of  the 
Disciplinary  Committee,  must  pass  through  the  hands  ot  the 
Prime  Minister  and  must  be  submitted  to  the  Throne  by  the 
head  of  the  office  concerned  and  shall  become  effective  subject 
to  the  sanction  of  the  Emperor. 

**  The  reduction  of  salary  of  officials  of  5i5;z/;z  rank  and  matters 
of  both  dismissal  and  reduction  of  salary  of  officials  oi  Hannin 
rank  shall  be  according  to  the  decision  ot  the  Disciplinary  Com- 
mittee and  shall  be  put  into  effect  by  the  head  of  the  office  con- 
cerned.    Reprimand  shall  be  by  the  head  of  the  office  concerned. 


3^  THE    i»of.!TICAL   t>HlLOSOPHY    OP    MODERN   SHINTO. 

"  Article  VII.  The  Disciplinary  Committee  may  not  take 
up  for  consideration  a  case  of  discipline  which  is  still  in  process 
of  litigation  in  the  criminal  courts."  ' 

The  above  regulations,  it  is  to  be  noted,  are  in  no  way 
concerned  with  ordinary  criminal  procedure.  They  are  designed 
purely  for  the  sake  of  control  and  efficiency  inside  the  govern- 
ment offices  themselves,  and  the  inclusion  of  Shinto  priests  herein 
is  an  expression  of  the  unique  status  which  the  government  would 
attach  to  these  "  ritualists."  Ordinary  religious  teachers  are 
completely  outside  of  this  classification. 

State  regulations  governing  shrine  finances  are  minute.  A 
study  of  the  sources  of  income  throws  some  light  on  relations 
between  the  shrines  and  the  government  as  well  as  on  relations 
with  the  worshipping  community.  The  official  regulations  con- 
cerning financial  reports  from  Government  and  National  Shrines 
is  fixed  in  a  form  issued  January  i6,  1908  as  Order  Number  i 
of  the  Department  of  Home  Affairs.  The  designated  sources  of 
income  are : 

"  I.        Appropriations  from  the  national  treasury. 

*'  II.      Appropriations  for  offerings  and  Heihakiiryd. 

"  III.     Income  through  the  shrine  proper. 
(i).     Income  from  offerings,  etc. 

a.  Income  from  the  sale  of  charms  and  amulets. 

b.  Voluntary  cash  offerings. 

c.  Offerings  in  kind  {sakCy  food,  etc.),  ofTerings  of 

the  first  fruits  of  rice. 

d.  Income  from  saying  01  prayers. 

e.  Contributions  lor  lighting. 

f.  Charges  for  placing  pictures  in  front  of  shrines. 

Etc.,     Etc. 
(2).     Income  from  the  shrine  precincts. 

a.  Ground  rentals. 

b.  Sale  of  withered  or  injured  trees. 

Etc.,     Etc. 
I.     I'na.,  pp.  228-9. 


THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY    OF    MODERN    SHINTO.  39 

(3).     Income  from  lands  outside  the  shrine  precincts. 

a.  Land  rentals. 

b.  House  rentals. 

c.  Sale  of  timber  and  bamboo. 

Etc.,     Etc. 
(4).     Income  from  forests  which  are  entrusted  to  the 

supervision  of  the  shrine. 
{$).     Miscellaneous  receipts  derived  from, 

a.  Interest  on  money  in  deposit. 

b.  Sale  of  unneeded  properties. 

c.  Exhibition  of  treasures. 

Etc.,     Etc. 

"  IV.     Designated  contributions."  ^ 

The  relation  of  the  Japanese  state  to  the  fiscal  items  of  the 
above  outline  is  indicated  in  the  laws  given  below. 

"  The  expenses  of  Government  and  National  Shrines  shall 
be  defrayed  from  the  national  treasury.  The  amount  of  money 
apportioned  to  each  shrine  shall  be  determined  by  the  Minister 
ot  Home  Affairs."  ^ 

For  shrines  of  lower  grade  the  regulations  are  given  in  Im- 
perial Ordinance  Number  96,  April  26,  1906,  as  follows  : 

"  Article  I.  The  expenses  of  offerings  for  shrines  {s/iinsen 
Jieiliakuryo)  may  be  met  by  the  prefectural  government  for  pre- 
fectural  shrines,  and  by  the  county  and  city  governments  for 
district  shrines.  The  shrines  which  may  receive  funds  to  defray 
the  expenses  of  offerings  shall  be  designated  by  the  prefectural 
governors." 

"  Article  II.  The  Minister  of  Home  Affairs  shall  deter- 
mine the  amount  of  money  that  shall  be  given  toward  offerings 
stated  in  Article  I. 

"  Article  III.  Regulations  concerning  offerings  for  prefect- 
ural, district  and  village  shrines  which  are  located  in  Hokkaido, 
in  Okinawa,  or  in  any  other  district  where  there  are  no  municipal 

1.  J  bid.,  pp.  431-433- 

2.  H.  Z.,  1906,  Vol.  2,  p.  61,  Nainuisho  Order  No.  24  (April  6). 


40  THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY    OF    MJDEKN    SHINTO. 

and   village  organizations   are  to  be  decided  by  the  Minister  of 
Home  Affairs."  ^ 

The  above  evidence  of  legal  enactments  showing  the  re- 
markable extent  to  which  the  nationalization  of  the  shrines 
has  been  carried  out  has  additional  corroboration  in  official 
statements  wherein  the  determination  to  utilize  the  ideas  and 
practices  associated  with  the  shrines  as  the  nexus  of  national 
unification  is  either  directly  stated  or  clearly  implied.  A  docu- 
ment found  in  the  records  of  the  Tokyo  Prefectural  Office  under 
the  date  of  October  31,  1908,  explicitly  announces  the  official 
point  of  view.  The  document  is  evidently  a  transcription  on  to 
the  prefectural  records  of  a  general  order  from  the  Central  Im- 
perial Government  and  may  be  taken  as  intended  for  all  shrines 
throughout  the  country,  of  the  grades  indicated.  It  was  directed 
to  the  Shinto  priests  themselves.  In  translation  the  order  reads : 
"  To  Government,  Prefectural,  Town,  Village,  and  Ungrad- 
ed Shrines.  Reverence  {Keis/dn)  ^  is  a  special  characteristic  of 
our  nation.  It  may  be  taken  as  a  hopeful  sign  that  people 
throughout  the  country  have  recently  begun  various  public, 
cooperative  enterprises  centering  in  the  shrines  and  also  that 
various  educational  and  moral  agencies  havj  been  organized  in 
relation  to  the  shrines.  It  is  likewise  a  matter  for  rejoicing  that 
there  are  numerous  cases  in  which  the  cooperation  and  improve- 
ment of  the  people  has  been  encouraged  and  promoted  with 
vows  before  the  gods  and  thus  aid  has  been  given  both  to  public 
morality  and  to  the  administration  of  the  people. 

As  for  the  future,  it  is  now  desired  that  the  essence  of  our 
national  life  {kokiitai)  ^  and  the  glory  of  our  national  history  be 
fexalted  by  developing  the  spirit  of  reverence  and  furthermore 
'y  that  the  shrines  be  utilized  in  promoting  the    unification  and 


te 


I.    H.  Z.,  1906,  Vol.  I,  p.  196. 

3.  [^1*,  "  national  constitution,"  "  nationn.l  life,"  "national  organization" 
— the  political  and  social  organization  expressive  of  the  characteristic  traditions 
and  psychology  of  the  people. 


THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY    OF    MODERN    SHINTO.  4 1 

administration  of  the  country.  These  matters  have  a  direct 
relation  to  the  Imperial  Edict  which  was  issued  on  the  thirteenth 
day  of  the  present  month  and  Shinto  priests  should  give  great 
attention  hereunto."  ^  / 

One  of  the  most  noteworthy  orders  relating  to  the  shrines 
is  that  affecting  public  schools.  In  1 9 1 1  Mr»  Komatsubara 
Eitar5,  Minister  of  Education  under  the  second  Katsura  cabinet, 
issued  orders  that  school  teachers  should  conduct  their  pupils  in 
a  body  to  public  shrines,  and  that  there  they  should  do  obeisance 
before  the  altars.  The  original  order  appears  to  have  taken  the 
form  of  Naikun,  or  secret  instructions,  to  the  chiefs  of  the  de- 
partments of  internal  affairs  of  the  various  prefectural  governments 
and  was  handed  on  from  these  offices  to  the  various  schools.  In 
translation  the  order  reads  : 

*'  Concerning  visitation  at  Local  Shrines  on  the  Occasion  of 
Festivals.     The  sentiment  of  reverence  {keishin)  is  correlative 


I.  Tokyo-fu  Ktinrei  (Tokyo  Urban  Prefecture  Orders),  No.- 45,  Oct.  31, 
1908.  The  Imperial  Rescript  referred  to  is  the  "  Rescript  on  Thrift  and  Dili- 
gence," otherwise  known  as  the  Boshin  Rescript. 

Upon  comparing  the  contents  of  the  rescript  with  the  above  order  to  the 
Shinto  priests,  it  would  appear  that  the  government  was  now  giving  orders  that 
the  shrines  should  be  utilized  as  agencies  for  the  correction  of  dangerous  tenden- 
cies in  thought  and  practice  that  appeared  in  the  wake  of  the  Russo-Japanese  war. 
The  main  body  of  the  rescript  says,  "  Our  country,  which  has  but  recently  emerg. 
ed  from  sanguinary  war,  calls  for  activities  in  various  branches  of  administration. 
We  desire  all  classes  of  Our  people  to  act  in  unison,  to  be  faithful  to  their  cal- 
lings, frugal  in  the  management  of  their  households,  submissive  to  the  dictates  of 
conscience  and  calls  of  duty,  frank  and  sincere  in  their  manners,  to  abide  by 
simplicity  and  avoid  ostentation,  and  to  inure  themselves  to  arduous  toil  without 
yielding  to  any  degree  of  indulgence. 

"  The  teachings  of  Our  revered  Ancestors  and  l  he  record  of  our  glorious 
history  are  clear  beyond  all  misapprehension.  By  scrupulous  observance  of  the 
precepts  thus  established,  and  by  directing  assiduous  and  unwearied  exertions,  the 
growing  prosperity  of  Our  Empire  is  assured.  In  the  face  of  the  actual  situation. 
We  hope  that,  with  the  co-operation  of  Our  loyal  subjects,  the  noble  work  of  the 
Restoration  may  be  augmented  and  the  benevolent  virtue  of  Our  Ancestors  exalted. 
Our  subjects  should  appreciate  the  high  aspiration  with  which  we  are  uniformly 
guided." .  Japan  Year  Book^  1911,  p.  496.  Cf.  Kampdy  Oct.,  14,  1908,.  p.  343. 


42  THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN    SHINTO. 

with  the  feeling  of  respect  for  ancestors  and  is  most  important  in 
establishing  the  foundations  of  national  morality.  Accordingly, 
on  the  occasion  of  the  festivals  of  the  local  shrines  of  the  districts 
where  the  schools  are  located,  th^  teachers  must  conduct  the 
children  to  the  shrines  and  give  expression  to  the  true  spirit  of 
reverence.  Also,  either  before  or  after  the  visit  to  the  shrines 
the  teachers  should  give  instruction  to  the  children  concerning 
reverence  in  order  that  they  may  be  made  to  lay  it  deeply  to 
heart.     This  is  announced  by  government  order.*'^ 

A  further  statement  containing  important  evidence  bearing  on 
the  official  estimate  of  the  political  value  of  Shinto  shrines  is 
found  in  an  address  to  the  Shintd  priests  byUDr.  Midzuno  Ren- 
taro,  who  at  the  time  of  the  publication  of  the  utterance-  in 
May  1 91 8,  was  Minister  of  State  for  Home  Affairs.  The 
address  in  part  says  :  "  The  shrines  are  the  unique  institutions 
of  our  nation.  They  are  the  essence  of  our  national  organiza- 
tion.^ They  are  inseparably  related  to  the  state.  Thus,  the 
great  shrines  inust  become  the  centers  of  our  nation,  while  the 
small  shrines  must  become  the  centers  of  the  life  of  villages  and 
hamlets.  On  these  grounds  I  have  advocated  the  doctrine  of 
the  central ity  of  the  shrines.  That  is  to  say,  the  shrines  must 
become  the  centers  of  education,  of  industry,  and  of  self-govern- 
ment ;  they  must  become  the  centers  of  activity  in  all  directions. 
/C  T^^  .  The  unique  feature  of  our  national  organization  lies 
in  the  system  of  the  shrines.  This  system  is  well  nigh  without 
parallel  in  foreign  countries  and  I  have  always  maintained  that 
the  faith  of  the  people  in  the  state  as  well  as  in  the  Imperial 
House  grows  deeper  in  proportion  as  the  system  of  the  shrines 
is  made  more  and  more   nearly  complete.     The  sentiment  of 

1.  From  the  Tbkyd-fu  Naimu  Bucho  Tsucho  {^^^^^1^%T^W3k^ 
"Notifications  of  the  Chief  of  the  Department  of  Internal- Affairs  of  the  Tokyo 
Urban  Prefecture"),  dated  Sepenilier,  191 1,  appearing  in  the  Mombusho  Kunreiy 
FureikinoBu  {S.%^M^y  )^^^Z.%y  "Regulations  of  the  Department  of 
Education,  Section  on  Prefeclural  Ordinances  "j,  Ch.  3,  Ordinary  Education. 
Primary  Schools,  p.  32  (2).     The  regulation  is  still  in  effect  (I921). 

2.  W&p:>^% 


THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN   SHINT5.  43 

patriotism  may  be  found  in  all  lands.  Also,  the  idea  of  loyalty 
exists  in  all  places.  The  sentiment  of  reverence,  however,  is  the 
distinctive  trait  of  Japan.  To  be  sure,  the  idea  of  reverence 
directed  toward  the  deities  of  religion,  taken  in  the  sens-e  of  a 
sentiment  of  religion,  probably  exists  in  all  foreign  countries  alsc> 
but  I  am  of  the  opinion  that  the  sentiment  as  directed  toward 
the  deities  of  our  Japanese  Shinto  shrines  is  probably  unique  to 
our  country.  Reverence,  patriotism  and  loyalty,  these  three, 
are  in  reality  but  one.  The  sentiments  of  loyalty  and  patriotism 
must  take  their  rise  from  reverence.^^ 

*'  Subsequent  to  the  development  of  institutions  relating  to 
the  divine  ancestors  of  the  Imperial  House  and  the  shrines,  which 
are  a  unique  feature  of  Japan,  the  idea  of  country  first  made  its 
appearance  and  the  idea  of  sovereign  was  born.  Consequently,  j 
in  order  to  inculcate  the  sentiments  of  loyalty  and  patriotism, 
first  of  all  the  idea  of  reverence  must  be  propagated.  The 
propagation  of  the  idea  of  reverence  is  a  matter  that  relates  to 
our  educational  system  also,  but  in  the  main  it  is  the  business  of 
you  Shinto  priests."^ 

Statements  such  as  those  just  given  are  not  infrequently 
accompanied  by  an  official  repudiation  of  the  religious  nature  of 
the  national  cult.  Mr.  Tsukamoto  Seiji,  writing  in  191 8  in  his 
^  capacity  as  Chief  of  the  Bureau  of  Shrines  of  the  Department  of 
Home  Affairs,  gives  a  clear-cut  statement  of  the  government 
position  in  this  matter.  At  the  same  time  Mr.  Tsukamoto 's 
discussion  furnishes  us  with  an  excellent  summary  of  the  special 
relations  existing  between  the  Shinto  shrines  and  the  Japanese 
state,  which  have  been  passed  unclear  review  in  the  laws  already 
considered.     Mr.  Tsukamoto  says  : 

*'  In  discu^  ing  the  matter  of  shrine  institutions  it  is  necessary 
first  of  all  to  state  that  the  shrines  are  not  organs  of  religion.  It 
appears  well-nigh  impossible  for  foreigners,   who  do  not  under- 

I. — Midztmo,  Rentaro,  ShinsJwku  no  Sekimn,  Jinja  ni  Kansuru  Keen 
{i^Wm.'krv.m'^(^^^-  m'±VM-^hW^  "The  Responsibilities  of  Priests," 
"  lectures  en  the  Shrines,"  Tokyo,  I918),. pp.  H-I J.  _ 


44  THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN    SHINTO. 

stand  the  organization  of  our  nation,  to  comprehend  this  point. 
This  misunderstanding  is  not  confined  to  foreigners.  Even 
among  Japanese  there  are  those  who  needlessly  confuse  the 
shrines  with  religion.  Furthermore,  the  number  of  scholars 
who  interpret  the  shrines  as  places  where  religious  ceremonials 
are  conducted,  is  not  small.  It  is  highly  regrettable  th  it  on  this 
account  the  feelings  of  the  people  are  stirred  up  from  time  to 
time  over  the  sentiment  of  reverence.  It  is  not  my  intention 
here  to  consider  the  sentiment  of  reverence  from  a  philosophical 
point  of  view  and  attempt  to  determine  whether  or  not  it 
contains  religious  ideas.  It  may  be  asseverated  without  the 
least  hesitancy,  however,  that  from  the  standpoint  of  national 
law  the  shrines  are  not  organs  of  religion.  Attestation  of 
this  fact  may  be  found  both  in  national  management  and 
in  law. 

**  In  the  first  place,  the  affairs  of  the  Shinto  shrines  were 
formerly  managed  in  connection  with  the  administration  of 
religion  by  the  Shajikyoku  (**  Bureau  of  Shrines  and  Temples  ") 
in  the  Department  ot  Home  Affairs,  In  1900  a  division  was 
made  and  the  Bureau  of  Shrines  and  the  Bureau  of  Religions 
were  established.  Subsequently,  the  Bureau  of  Religions  was 
transferred  to  the  Department  of  Education.  It  does  not 
follow,  however,  that  the  shrines  were  first  regarded  as  non- 
religious  institutions  at  the  time  of  the  consummation  of  this 
division.  They  were  regarded  as  non-religious  prior  to  this. 
Theoretically  it  would  not  be  impossible  to  administer  the  affairs 
of  religion  and  also  the  affairs  of  the  shrines,  which  are  not 
religious,  in  one  and  the  same  ofifice  which  might  be  known  as 
the  Bureiu  of  Religions.  Again,  it  is  likewise  wrong  to  argue 
that  if  the  affairs  of  the  shrines  are  administered  in  a  Bureau  of 
Religions,  the  shrines  are  consequently  religious  in  nature. 
Nevertheless  it  is  only  natural  that  there  should  be  anxiety  lest 
misunderstandings  should  only  deepen  owing  to  the  administra- 
tion in  the  Bureau  of  Religions  of  affairs  that  are  easily  confused 
with  religion.     The  solution  of  this  difficulty  was  unquestionably 


THE   POLITICAL    PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN    SHINT5.  45 

the  main  reason  why  finally  the  Bureau  of  Shrines  was  separated 
from  the  Bureau  of  Religons  and  made  independent." 

"In  the  second  place,  formerly  the  rules  and  regulations 
relating  to  the  shrines  began  with  general  principles  ot  manage- 
ment for  shrines  and  temples,  and  cases  were  numerous  in  which 
notices  and  proclamations  were  issued  in  common  for  Shinto 
shrines  and  Buddhist  temples.  It  came  to  be  recognized, 
however,  that  since  the  essential  natures  of  the  Shintd  shrines 
and  Buddhist  temples  are  greatly  different  and  since  their 
relations  to  the  nation  are  altogether  dissimilar  it  was  not  only 
wrong  but  quite  impossible  to  govern  them  with  identical  rules 
and  regulations.  On  this  account  from  some  decades  past  there 
has  been  a  gradual  separation  of  the  two,  and  now,  with  one  or 
two  exceptions,  they  are  altogether  under  independent  rules  and 
regulations.  Furthermore,  the  ceremonials  and  business  relating 
to  Shinto  shrines  as  well  as  matters  of  management  and  finance 
are  all  fixed  by  national  law.  This  is  because  the  ceremonials 
of  the  shrines  are  national  rituals  and  the  business  of  the  shrines 
is  the  business  of  the  state.  On  the  other  hand,  the  business  of 
the  various  religious  sects  of  Buddhist  temples  and  of  churches 
is  of  course  managed  according  to  the  independent  determina- 
tions of  the  several  bodies  concerned.  It  is  not  a  matter  in 
which  the  state  participates  and  is  thus  not  the  business  of  the 
nation. 

"In  the  third  place,  those  who  serve  in  the  Shinto  shrines 
are  officials  of  the  state,  although  their  rank  differs  according  to 
the  grade  of  the  shrine.  H.I.H.,  the  Lord  Custodian  of  the 
Great  Shrine  of  Ise  is  appointed  as  the  representative  of  His 
Majesty,  the  Emperor.  He  receives  the  treatment  of  an 
official  directly  appointed  by  the  Emperor  and  is  in  a  special 
class.  The  other  officers  of  the  Great  Shrine  of  Ise  are  of 
Cliokunin,  Sonin,  or  Hannin  rank.  Also  the  officials  serving  in 
Government  Shrines  and  National  Shrines  receive  the  treatment 
of  Sonin  or  Hannin  officials.  That  is  to  say,  all  have  a  relation 
to  the  state  and  all  are  officials  who  take  charge  of  state  affairs. 


46  THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN   SHINTO. 

Consequently,  procedure  as  to  their  appointment  and  dismissal  is 
exactly  the  same  as  for  general  government  officials.  In  accord- 
ance with  their  official  rank  some  are  under  ministers  of  state 
while  others  are  under  the  pretectural  governors,  but  in  spite  of 
difference,  the  appointment  and  dismissal  of  all  are  matters  of 
national  concern.  On  the  other  hand,  the  administrative  heads 
of  the  different  sects  of  Shinto  and  Buddhism  as  well  as  the 
teachers  of  other  religions  do  not  have  duties  that  pertain  to 
state  affairs  and  consequently  they  are  not  officials  of  the 
state.     .... 

**  Upon  consideration  of  the  above  three  points,  not  only  will 
it  be  apparent  that  from  the  standpoint  of  law  there  is  a 
conspicuous  difference  between  the  relationship  of  the  state  to 
the  Shinto  shrines  and  to  the  various  sects  of  religion,  but  also,  I 
believe,  there  should  be  no  room  for  doubt  that  from  the  stand- 
point of  the  organization  of  the  state  the  shrines  are  not  regarded 
as  institutions  of  religion."^ 
(  The  attempt  to  come  to  closer  terms  ^vith  these  official 
claims  must  be  postponed  to  a  later  point  in  the  investigation. 
Meanwhile,  in  partial  summation  of  the  discussion  up  to  the 
present  point  it  may  be  said,  that  the  real  reason  for  the^ govern- 
ment's isolation  of  the  control  of  official  Shinto  and  the 
consequent  "  separation  of  religion  from  politics  "  is  not  to  be 
found  in  any  a  priori  conviction  of  the  non-religious  nature  of 
the  shrine  ceremonies,  as  Mr.  Tsukamoto  would  have  us  believe, 
but  rather,  in  the  exigences  of  historical  situations  that  have 
made  it  imperative  from  the  official  point  of  view  that  the 
government  should  not  appear  before  the  world  to  be  fostering 
a  state  religion  but  at  the  same  time  should  retain  absolute 
control  over  the  Shinto  shrines.^ 

The  extent  of  the  expansion  ot  Shinto  as  a  national  cult 
during   the  Meiji   and   Taisho   eras   may  be  deduced  from  a 

I.  — Tsukamoto,  Sqi]\,  Jinja  Gyosel  ni  Kansuni  Chtti  Jiko  (^^•^,^,  %^t^ 
'    i?riPfel-BSl"  h^^%y%^^y  "  ^l^atters  to  be  Heeded  Regarding  the  Administration  of 
the  Shrines,")  Jinja  ni  Kansuru  Koen,  pp.  19-22. 


THE    1-OLITICAL    PHILOSOPHY    OF    MODIilRN    SHINTO.  47 

comparative  st  idy  of  the  annual  governnunt  reports  of  the 
statistics  for  shrines,  p2rhi[-s  even  more  concretely  than  from  an 
examination  of  the  national  laws  themselves.  Reference  to  the 
stati:>tical  tables*  will  show  that  while  the  reported  totals  for 
small  shrines  of  village  and  ungraded  classes  have  decreased 
since  1900,  the  year  in  which  the  official  control  of  the  shrines 
was  separated  from  that  of  ordinary  religions,  (from  a  maximum 
number  of  192,332  for  1900  to  111,181  for  1 920,  a  decrease  of 
81,151),  yet  tor  all  shrines  of  superior  grade  there  has  been  a 
steady  increase.  Since  1899  twelve  shrines  have  been  added  to 
the  class  of  government  shrines ;  national  shrines  have  been 
maintained  at  75  ;  while  prefectural  shrines  have  increased  by 
189,  making  a  total  increase  of  201.  During  the  forty  years 
lying  between  1880  and  1920  government  shrines  have  increased 
by  the  number  of  50,  national  shrines  by  7,  prefectural  shrines 
by  316,  a  total  increase  for  all  shrines  of  these  grades  of  373. 
This  is  an  average  of  slightly  better  than  nine  large  shrines  per 
year.  The  yearly  totals  for  district  shrines  have  maintained 
practical  uniformity  throughout  the  entire  period.  A  movement 
which,  during  the  past  four  decades  has  increased  the  reported 
number  of  large  institutions  of  highest  grade  by  a  total  of  three 
hundred  and  seventy-three  is  far  from  moribund.  Also,  the 
decrease  in  the  number  of  smaller  shrines  is  more  apparent  than 
real.  Small  way-side  shrines  are  not  included  in  the  official 
reports.  Since  1888  the  government  has  ceased  including  in 
the  statistics  the  small  ungraded  shrines  established  within  the 
precincts  of  larger  sKrines.  The  total  of  these  subordinate 
ungraded  shrines  for  1887  was  102,463.  The  apparent  decrease 
in  the  number  of  ordinary  village  and  ungraded  shrines  can  be 
explained  by  the  fact  that  in  numerous  cases  the  control  of  small 
groups  of  these  shrines  has  been  merged. 

The  statistics  for  priests  tell  the  same  story  as  do  those  for 
shrines.  The  total  number  of  priests  connected  with  district, 
village   and    ungraded  shrines   has    decreased  during  the   past 

I.     See  below,  pp.  324-5. 


48  THE    POLITICAL    PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN    SHINTO. 

twenty  years,  although  since  191 5  the  tendency  in  all  these 
classes  has  been  to  maintain  equilibrium  with  an  average  of  34 1  7 
priests  for  district  shrines,  8682  for  village  shrines  and  926  for 
ungraded  shrines.  As  over  against  this  the  number  of  priests 
connected  with  shrines  of  prefect ural  grade  and  above  increased 
from  1345  in  1880  to  1707  in  19 19,  a  total  gain  of  362. 

The  figures  given  above  support  the  proposition  that  the 
primary  interests  of  the  national  cult  lie  in  the  direction  of  the 
development  of  those  shrines  above  v'Uage  and  ungraded  classes 
which  aid  in  the  centralization  of  the  sentiments  and  activities  of 
the  people  beyond  purely  local  interests.  On  the  basis  of  the 
statistics  it  would  seem  fair  to  conclude  that  Shinto  as  a  national 
cult  has  been  steadily  and  solidly  growing  during  the  past  forty 
years  and  that  this  growth  has  been  distributed  with  a  fair 
degree  of  uniformity  over  the  entire  period. 


THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN   SHINTO.  49 

CHAPTER  II. 

The  Shrine  Problem. 

The  Japanese  government  has  recently  become  an  object  of 
considerable  criticism  because  of  its  alleged  efforts  to  strengthen 
Japanese  nationalism  and  political  solidarity  by  encouraging  a 
form  of  nationalistic  religious  worship  at  the  shrines.  Criticism 
has  come  not  only  from  Buddhist  and  Christian  sources,  as 
might  well  be  expected,  but  also  from  progressive  politicians, 
journalists  and  scholars  among  the  Japanese  people  themselves. 
The  grounds  of  this  criticism  may  be  summarized  under  three 
heads. 

/  I.  In  the  first  place,  the  Shintd  shrines  in  their  actual, 
historical  character  are  true  religious  institutions  and  have  always 
been  treated  as  such  by  the  Japanese  people. )  It  is  impossible 
to  separate  the  shrines  from  their  historical  character  by  the 
proclamation  of  new  official  regulations.  In  the  opening  years 
of  Meiji  the  Japanese  government  itself  recognized  and  concurred 
in  the  existing  popular  estimate  of  the  shrines.  The  legislation 
of  1872  which  makes  exp'icit  declaration  to  the  effect  that  the 
main  duty  of  Shintd  priests  ''shall  be  the  instruction  of  parish- 
ioners in  accordance  with  the  three  principles  "  can  be  adequately 
explained  only  on  the  ground  that  the  government  of  the  time 
classified  Shinto  as  pure  religion. 

Again,  a  judgement  based  on  the  actual  practice  of  the  vast 
majority  of  the  Japanese  people  of  all  classes  must  embody  the 
conclusion  that  the  Shinto  shrines  are  not  popularly  regarded 
simply  as  patriotic  cult  centers  where  the  memory  of  those  who 
have  contributed  meritorious  service  to  the  Japanese  state  is 
revered  and  where  emotions  of  gratitude  to  heroes  of  the  past 
and  loyalty  to  existing  institutions  are  stimulated.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  same  shrine  that  serves  as  site  for  the  official  ceremony 
is  visited  by  the  ordinary  worshipper  out  of  purely  religious 


50  THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSDPHY   OF   MODERN   SHINTO. 

motives  and  the  enshrined  spirit,  whether  regarded  as  an 
ancestor  of  the  race  or  as  one  of  the  "  gods  of  Heaven  and 
Earth  "  is  supplicated  for  prosperity  in  business,  for  health  and 
long  life,  for  offspring  in  marriage,  for  relief  in  drought,  flood 
and  famine,  for  food,  clothing  and  shelter,  as  well  as  for  the 
prosperity  of  the  state  and  success  in  war.  The  shrines  are 
thus  not  merely  inspiring  monuments  to  the  greatness  of  the  past ; 
they  are  the  sacred  places  of  Japanese  religion  where  unique 
access  is  gained  to  an  unseen  spirit-world. 

The  Japanese  government  by  licensing  the  sale  of  charms 
at  the  shrines  recognizes  and  makes  concessions  to  this  populai 
interpretation.  The  shrine  laws  declare  on  this  point :  "  Shinto 
priests  in  compliance  with  the  requests  of  the  people  may 
distribute  charms  and  sacred  images^  but  this  must  not  be  done 
out  of  cpvetousness  and  impure  motives."^ 

One  of  the  most  vigorous  criticisms  of  the  ambiguous 
religious  situation  in  which  the  Japanese  government  is  thus 
involved  has  been  published  by  the  Shin__sect  of  Japanese 
Buddhism  in  a  propaganda  pamphlet  entitled  KeisJiin  Mondai 
Chosa  Hokokii  C  Report  of  an  Investigation  of  the  Problem  of 
Reverence"),  dated  December,  1920.  In  November,  1919,  the 
Mikawa  Association  of  the  Shin  sect  drew  up  a  series  of  three 
questions  relating  to  the  Shinto  policy  of  the  government  and 
presented  it  to  the  Department  of  Home  Affairs.  The  inter- 
rogations read : 

"■  I.  According  to  our  interpretation  the  essential  nature 
of  reverence  for  deities  and  respect  for  ancestors,''  which  for 
some  years  past  have  been  propagated  among  the  people  of  the 
nation,  is  limited  to  the  sense  of  gratitude.  But  is  not  this  a 
misconception  on  our  part  ?  Is  there  some  other  meaning  to  be 
attached  thereto  ? 

2.     II.  Z.,  1891,  pp.  187,  206,  Naimusho  Knnrei  No.  12,  Art.  3,  July  6. 

4-  ^m^m^ 


THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN   SHINT5.  5 1 

"  2.  There  are  people  who  regard  the  taima^  of  the  shrines 
as  images  of  the  deities,  and  who  say  that  those  who  do  not 
receive  taima  are  unpatriotic.  In  our  sect  we  look  upon  the 
taima  as  religious  charms.^  We  base  the  interpretation  that 
receiving  them  is  a  voluntary  matter  on  Ordinance  Number  30, 
issued  by  the  Department  of  Home  Affairs  in  March  1878/'  Is 
this  an  error  on  our  part  ? 

"  3.  Home  Department.  Order  Number  7,  B,  issued  in 
January,  1882,  states,  "From  this  date  on  the  right  of  Shinto 
priests  to  exercise  the  functions  of  teachers  of  religion  and 
morals  {Kyodo  Shoku)  is  abolished.  Priests  shall  not  take  charge 
of  funeral  services.  Exception :  For  the  present  priests  connected 
with  shrines  of  prefectural  rank  or  lower  may  do  as  before." 
Since  the  promulgation  of  this  order  already  more  than  thirty 
years  have  elapsed  and  yet  priests  of  shripes  of  prefectural  grade 
and  below  conduct  funeral  services  as  in  the  earlier  period. 
What  then  is  the  purport  of  the  law  just  cited  which  distinguishes 
between  Shinto  priests  and  teachers  of  religion  and  morals  ?  "'' 

The  government  in  reply  is  reported  to  have  made  the 
significant  statement :  "  These  are  matters  on  which  instruc- 
tions cannot  be  given  in  writing.  If,  however,  you  come  to  the 
capital  we  will  make  oral  reply. "^ 

This  oral  statement  was  not  given  until  October  9,  1920. 
On  this  date  the  Chief  of  the  Bureau  of  Shrines  replied  to  a 
committee  of  the  Shin  Sect  cis  follows  : 

'' I.  If  reverence  for  the  deities  and  respect  for  ancestors 
have  in  them  harm  for  the  nation,  then  nothing  can  be'  done  ;  if, 

1.  -}^^- 

2.  If  1^,  Shimpu. 

3.  The  law  referred  to  says,  "  It  is  hereby  announced  that,  with  regard  to 
the  taima  of  the  Jingu,  from  now  on,  irrespective  of  the  relations  with  local 
officials,  the  acceptance  or  rejection  thereof  is  to  rest  entirely  with  the  choice  of 
the  people."  Department  of  Home  Affairs,  March  23,  1878.  Cf.  t^^i^^,  J^ff 
JP'i'illhii'piEi^n^frl^j  (Sugimori,  K.,  Genko  Jinja  Ilorei  Chikujo  Kogi,  "Lectures 
on  Contemporary  Shrine  I-.aw,"  Tokyo,  1910),  Appendix,  p.  102. 

4.  Keishin  Mondai  Chosa  Hokoku,  p.  3. 

5.  Md. 


52  THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN   SHINTO. 

however,  there  is  advantage  in  them,  all  people  high  and  low 
must  cooperate  in  planning  for  the  progress  of  these  sentiments. 
When  the  idea  of  reverence  for  the  deities  ot  heaven  and  earth 
is  exalted,  the  people  naturally  look  up  to  divine  virtues  and 
they  come  to  desire  to  secure  daily  progress  under  divine 
guidance.  This  is  prayer.  We  wish  that  the  idea  of  reverence 
might  advance  to  this  point.  This  is  not,  however,  to  be  forced. 
Prayer  in  the  sense  of  supplication  for  individual  profit  and 
happiness  we  neither  encourage  nor  repress.  Yet  if  Shinshu 
teaches  merely  pure  gratitude  toward  the  deities  of  heaven  and 
earth  we  have  no  objection. 

"2.  Taima  are  not  images  of  the  deities.  They  are 
media  through  which  the  people  revere  the  deities  of  the 
shrines.  This  is  their  real  meaning.  Therefore  we  desire  that 
the  people  should  receive  them. 

"  3.  Concerning  the  order  of  1882  which  permits  priests 
of  shrines  of  prefectural  grade  and  below  to  conduct  funeral 
services,  the  law  used  the  term  tobim^  ('^  for  the  present  ").  As 
a  matter  of  fact,  the  necessity  still  exists.  For  example,  in 
certain  districts  some  people  desire  Shinto  funerals  but  they  do 
not  wish  them  conducted  by  any  of  the  Shinto  sects.  It  is  by 
all  means  necessary  to  provide  for  these  people  with  services  by 
Shintd  officials  {s /tins  ho  hi). '''^ 

The  same  report  prints  a  condensed  statement  attributed  to 
the  Chief  of  the  Bureau  of  Religions  in  reply  to  the  same 
questions.  The  statement  is  dated  October  12,  1920  and  says, 
"  I  am  not  of  the  opinion  that  the  idea  of  prayer  toward  the 
deities  of  heaven  and  earth  must  be  maintained  by  all  means.  I 
do  desire  that  the  people  receive  taima,  but  I  do  not  believe  that 
they  must  be  received  without  exception.  Also  unwillingness 
to  accept  them  does  not  necessarily  imply  disrespect  to  the 
deities.'" 

I-    %^' 

2.  Keishin  Mondai  Chosa  Hokoku,  pp.  6-8 

3.  Op.  ciL,  p.  8. 


THE    POLITICAL    PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN    SHINTO.  53 

The  report  closes  with  resolutions  embodying  the  attitude 
of  the  Mikawa  Association  toward  the  issue.  The  statement 
says  : 

*'  We  should  be  grateful  for  the  great  benefits  of  the  divine 
spirits  of  Imperial  ancestors  who  founded  the  nation  and  establish- 
ed virtue  and  should  offer  them  reverence  that  is  deep  and  true, 
likewise,  weshould  be  thankful  to  all  the  other  deities  who  labored 
for  the  nation  and  who  gave  the  people  peace.  But  it  is  forbid- 
den in  this  sect  to  pray  for  one's  own  selfish  ends  and  for  benefits 
and  blessings  in  this  world.  This  is  the  teaching  of  the  Shin 
Sect  regarding  the  deities  of  heaven  and  earth.  We  repudiate 
all  such  things  as  heresy,  Shinto  churches,  and  the  deities  ot  a 
multitude  of  shrines  arbitrarily  established. 

**  Taiina  are  not  images  of  the  deities ;  they  are  religious 
charms.  The  government,  working  through  a  Department  for 
Shrines  is  now  making  general  distribution  of  these  objects.  But 
the  reception  or  refusal  thereof  are  matters  in  which  the  people 
have  freedom  of  choice.  This  was  established  in  a  proclamation 
of  the  Department  of  Home  Affairs  in  1878.  Therefore,  to  say 
that  those  who  do  not  receive  them  are  unpatriotic  is  a  gross 
libel."' 

A  further  statement  regarding  the  taima  says,  "  From  the 
standpoint  of  name,  history  and  past  method  of  distribution  it  is 
clear  that  taima  are  charms.  The  government  and  one  or  two 
scholars  persist  in  trying  to  interpret  taima  from  the  point  of 
view  of  the  psychology  of  the  recipients  but  their  attitude  cannot 
be  called  honest  in  that  they  do  not  interpret  either  the  meaning 
or  the  method  of  distribution."^ 

Another  publication  of  the  Shin  Sect,  entitled  Gyoku  Den 
Okura  Toi'onki^  (**  An  Account  of  the  Discussion  between 
Gyoku  Den  and  Okura  ")  presents  in  detail  the  reasons  why 
adherents  of  the  sect  are  forbidden  to  receive  talma.     The  most 


1.  Op.  cit.,  pp.  13-14. 

2.  op.  cit.,  p.  13. 

3-  z^m^^mmt^  m%m^mix^¥i>  m^mm^ 


$4  THE    rOLlTICAL    PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN   SHINTO. 

important  part  of  the  explanation  says,  ''  Oar  position  that  recep- 
tion of  taima  on  the  part  of  adherents  of  the  Shin  Sect  is  con- 
trary to  the  principles  of  the  sect  has  its  basis  in  the  fact  that 
there  exists  the  idea  that  \{  taima  are  placed  on  the  god-shelf  and 
worshipped  and  revered  morning  and  evening,  evil  and  misfortune 
will  be  averted  thereby.  If  the  actual,  popular  usage  of  taima 
is  investigated  it  will  be  found  that  beliefs  concerning  them  are 
such  as  these :  If  taima  are  stood  up  in  cultivated  fields  they 
will  prevent  destruction  by  insects  ;  if  pasted  up  in  cattle  sheds 
they  will  prevent  diseases  of  cattle ;  or,  if  put  up  at  garden 
entrances  they  will  drive  away  evil  spirits."*  Such  practices,  it 
is  stated,  are  a  rude  form  of  prayer  for  the  things  of  this  world 
and  thus  contradictory  to  a  fundamental  tenet  of  the  sect. 

A  remarkable  criticism  of  the  existing  situation  is  contained 
in  a  speech  in  the  Imperial  Japanese  Diet,  made  in  December, 
191 8,  by  Mr.  Tatsuguchi  Ryoshin,  a  member  of  the  Diet.  With 
regard  to  the  issue  under  consideration  the  speech  says : 

"  In  the  matter  of  the  relation  of  the  Shinto  shrines  and 
religion,  it  is  to  be  said  that  the  shrines  of  our  country  are  places 
where  the  deities  of  heaven  and  earth  are  worshipped.  These 
deities  are  the  ancestors  of  our  Imperial  Family  and  of  other 
personages  of  our  nation  and  are  by  no  means  the  same  as  the 
God  of  Christianity  or  the  Buddha  of  Buddhism.  At  shrines 
those  who  have  contributed  meritorious  service  to  the  state  are 
commemorated.  Thus  the  shrines  are  places  where  rites  are 
performed  in  memory  of  our  ancestors  and  are  by  no  means 
religious  and  are  not  to  be  regarded  as  religious  chapels. 

*'  I  wish  to  say,  however,  that  the  priests  of  prefectural  grade 
and  below  perform  funeral  ceremonies  and  preach  sermons  ;  they 
distribute  amulets  and  charms'^  and  offer  prayers.     They  function 

1.  Op.  cif.,  p.  25. 

2.  Omamori^  ofuda.  The  practice  of  distributing  these  objects  is  not  con- 
fined to  shrines  of  lower  grade  as  the  speech  would  seem  to  indicate  They  can 
be  secured  at  the  greatest  shrines  of  Shinto,  as  for  example  at  the  Grand  Shrine 
of  Ise  and  the  new  Meiji  Jingu  of  Tokyo. 


THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN    SHINTO.  55 

exactly  as  the  priests  of  Buddhism.  Thus  it  is  that  our  ancestral 
ceremonies  have  become  religious  and  the  Shinto  priests  have 
become  religious  teachers.  This  confusion  of  religion  and  the 
shrines  has  in  it  the  following  great  dangers  : 

*'  I.  That  the  dignity  of  the  shrines  be  injured  and  the 
gocd  traditions  of  our  ancestor  worship  be  destroyed. 

**  2.     That  the  shrines  finally  take  on  the  form  of  a  national  ) 
religion  and  become    the  cause   of  the    persecution   ot   other /j 
religions."^ 

(  II.  In  the  second  place,  the  ceremonials  conducted  under 
government  direction  at  the  official  shrines  are  ol  a  genuinely 
religious  nature.  ,It  is  true  that  the  government  attempts  to 
distinguish  betweef'n  suhai  or  shuhaif  ("  worship  "),  and  sukei  or 
sJiiikei^  ("  reverence  "),  maintaining  that  at  the  official  shrines 
the  latter  is  offered,  directed  toward  the  commemoration  of 
those  who  have  been  conspicuous  for  loyalty  to  ancestors,  em- 
peror and  state  in  the  past.  But  when  investigation  is  made  of 
the  rites  which  are  employed  to  express  this  reverence,  it  is  found 
that  even  officialdom  makes  use  of  religious  ceremonial.  These 
rites  are  based  on  the  ancient  ceremonies  of  the  Engi  Shiki. 
They  include  norito  (prayers),  shinsen  (food  offerings),  kaihi 
(ceremony  of  opening  the  screen  before  the  shrine),  and  harai 
(prayers  for  the  expulsion  of  evil).  It  is  impossible  to  maintain 
that  these  are  mere  forms  devoid  of  true  religious  significance.* 

The  objection  to  officially  inspired  *'  shrine  worship  "  on  the 
ground  that  it  is  a  real  religion  has  been  well  formulated  by  the 
^oman  Catholic  Church  of  Japan,  speaking  through  the  Bishop 
of  Nagasaki.  The  promulgation  says,  "The  members  of  the 
Catholic  Church,  without  hesitation;  will  join  in  paying  due 
reverence  toward  the  nation's  distinguished  men  as  a  part  ot 
patriotic  duty.     Nevertheless,  however  generous  our  frame  of 


I.     Chugai  Nippd  [t^^^ ^),  Dec.    26,  1915  (No.  4913),  p.  2. 
4.    J.  E.  Japan  Evangelist),  May,  1918,  p.  I81. 


$6  THE    POLITICAL    PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN    SHINTO. 

mind  may  be  with  regard  to  this  view  of  the  shrines  (government 
view),  we  cannot  give  our  support  to  it.  .  .  .  Shrine  wor- 
ship is  indeed  poor  in  religious  ideas  judged  from  the  inner 
worth  of  religion,  but  is  amply  furnished  with  a  wealth  of  cere- 
monialism fixed  by  law.  It  is  an  organized  form  of  reverence 
paid  to  supernatural  beings  and  must  be  regatded  as  a  religion. 
Moreover,  it  is  a  religion  forced  upon  the  people,  and  if  it  be 
different  from  Shinto,  it  may  not  inappropriately  be  called  shrine 
religion.  It  is  something  proposed  to  take  the  place  of  a  national 
religion.  .  .  .  We  regret  exceedingly  that  as  Catholics  we 
cannot  accept  the  interpretation  of  shrine  worship  given  by  the 
government,  nor  can  we  visit  the  shrines  and  engage  in  the 
services  for  the  dead  nor  can  we  ever  pay  respect  to  the  so-called 
gods."' 
^  The  Federated  Churches  of  Japan  (Protestant)  take  similar 

'  ground.     This  body,   representing  practically  all  the   Christian 

forces  of  Japan  outside  of  Roman  Catholic  and  Greek  Catholic 
constituencies,  has  taken  the  position  that  "  to  lead  people  into  a 
vague  religious  exercise  under  the  pretext  of  reverence  toward 
ancestors,  and  thus  to  mix  the  two  things,  is  not  only  irrational, 
but  results  in  harm  to  education  and  hinders  in  many  ways 
the  progress  of  the  people."^  The  Nikon  Kirisuto  Kydkai 
(Presb.),  acting  through  the  Gotemba  Conference  of  19 17 
has  likewise  separately  passed  a  resolution  to  the  effect  that 
government  ceremonies  performed  at  the  shrines  are  conducted 
in  a  true  religious  spirit  and  with  religious  rites.* 

The  position  of  the  Greek  Catholic  Church  of  Japan, 
although  not  officially  expressed,  has  been  interpreted  by  a 
representative  of  that  body  in  a  recent  publication.  In  general 
each  individual  is  allowed  to  follow  the  dictates  of  his  own 
conscience.  Worship  at  the  shrines  in  the  sense  of  honor  or 
respect  paid  to  ancestors  is  encouraged,  but  only  at  those  shrines 

'  I.     Op.  cit.,  pp,  180-182  ;  Kirisuto  Kyohoy  March  28,  1918. 

2.  J.  E.,  Nov.  1917,  p.  413. 

3.  J.  E.,  Sept.  1917,  p.  340. 


THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN   SHINT5.  $f 

dedicated  to  the  memory  of  those  closely  related  with  the 
history  of  the  country  or  the  Imperial  Family.  Christians  are 
permitted  to  pray  for  the  salvation  of  ancestors  who  were  not 
believers  and  for  the  spirits  of  those  to  whose  memory  the 
shrines  are  dedicated.  On  the  other  hand,  worship  at  the 
shrines  in  the  sense  of  prayer  for  personal  good  fortune  is  not 
permitted.' 

III.  i  In  the  third  place  the  position  of  the  government  is 
criticised  Sis  a  violation  of  the  Japanese  Constitution  itself.  It  is 
maintained  that  the  position  of  the  national  government  on 
"  shrine  worship  "  creates  a  situation  that  interferes  directly  with 
the  exercise  of  the  constitutionally  guaranteed  rights  of  freedom 
of  religious  faith.  Different  non-Shinto  religious  bodies,  within 
the  last  few  years  have  adopted  resolutions  and  otherwise  made 
public  utterances  calling  attention  to  this  situation.^ 

On  October  31,  19 17,  the  Federation  of  Japanese  Churches 
(Christian),  meeting  to  commemorate  jointly  the  quadricentennial 
of  the  outbreak  of  the  German  Reformation,  and  the  birthday  of 
the  reigning  Japanese  Emperor,  considered  the  occasion  oppor- 
tune for  the  adoption  of  resolutions  emphasizing  the  rights  of 
religious  liberty  under  the  Constitution.  The  document  drawn 
up  at  this  time  makes  a  "  distinction  between  religion,  on  the 
one  hand,  and  respect  that  may  properly  be  paid  to  ancestors 
and  to  those  historic  personages  that  have  rendered  meritorious 
services  to  their  country  on  the  other."  The  churches  strongly 
affirm  their  loyalty  to  the  state  and  the  Emperor,  and  add  that 
it  is  the  duty  of  all  loyal  men  to  encourage  a  cosmopolitan  spirit 
and  to  aid  in  eliniinating  superstition. 

Clause  Five  of  the  resolutions  then  states  the  main  griev- 
ance :  "  The  Imperial  Constitution  guarantees  freedom  of  faith, 
and  we  must  do  our  best  to  see  that  this  law  is  maintained. 
We  must  note,  however,  as  utterly  inconsistent  with  the  principle 
of  religious  liberty  the  following  matters  :  the  recent  arrange- 

I.    J.  E.,  Aug.,  1915,  pp.   342-3 }  Sii^yd  Yowa,  May,  1915. 


58  THE    POLITICAL    PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN   SHINT5. 

ments  about  shrines,  the  connection  established  between  shrines 
and  education,  many  things  that  have  occurred  in  towns, 
villages,  and  elsewhere,  and  the  common  custom  of  making 
the  observance  of  these  superstitious  customs  almost  com- 
pulsory."^ 

The  Roman  Catholic  Church  has  likewise  called  attention 
to  the  freedom  of  religious  belief  granted  in  the  Constitution 
promulgated  by  the  late  Emperor  Meiji  and  has  expressed  a 
desire  that  the  government  create  a  status  for  the  shrines  under 
which  it  may  be  possible  for  Christians  to  maintain  their  constant 
purpose  to  be  loyal  to  the  Empire  and  at  the  same  time  be 
"  faithful  to  the  most  high  God  "  without  doing  violence  to 
conscience.^ 

An  additional  Roman  Catholic  view,  translated  trom  "  Les 
Nouvelles  Religieuses "  by  the  Japan  Chronicle,  goes  even 
farther  and  expresses  no  little  anxiety  lest  the  situation  may 
eventuate  in  the  abrogation  of  even  the  existing  constitutional 
protection  of  religious  liberty.  The  article  says  regarding  the 
point  under  consideration,  **Nor  is  it  possible  to  Ibresee  whether, 
some  day,  the  religious  liberty  protected  by  the  Constitution 
may  be  limited.  The  text  of  the  Constitution  carries  the 
construction  that  this  religious  liberty  is  granted  on  condition 
that  public  peace  and  order  are  not  troubled.  Hostile  voices 
are  already  heard  in  the  Press  demanding  the  restriction  of  this 
liberty.  Others,  on  the  contrary,  have  expressed  their  apprehen- 
sions lest  the  text  of  the  Constitution  be  found  to  furnish  a 
pretext  for  thase  abuses.  Whatever  happens,  it  can  be  under- 
stood how  those  who  have  devoted  their  lives  to  making  known 
in  Japan  the  benefits  of  the  Gospel,  experience,  as  one  or  two  ot 
them  have  written,  'serious  and  legitimate  disquiet  for  the 
future  of  our  holy  religion  when  they  see  the  recrudescence  of 
Shinto  (the  cult  of  the  Imperial  Ancestors),  the  efforts,  limited 


I.    J.  E.,  Nov.,  1917,  p.  413. 
»,    J.  E.,  May,  19 18,  p.  183. 


THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN   SHINTO.  59 

but  constant,  of  the  official  world  to  make  it  the  sole  national 
cult,  and  the  gradual  advance  of  Japan  toward  Caesarism'."' 

The  Nihon  Kirisuto  Kyokai  declares — "  When  the  Govern- 
ment authorities  encourage  this  worship  at  the  shrines,  yea,  and 
even  almost  compel  school  children  to  take  part  in  the  same,  it  is 
clear  that  they  are  violating  the  Constitution  of  the  Empire  as 
well  as  infringing  upon  the  freedom  of  faith  guaranteed  by  the 
Constitution."' 

Buddhist  organizations  have  taken  similar  action.  The 
issue  between  Buddhism  and  Shinto  reached  a  stcige  of  special 
acuteness  at  the  time  of  the  coronation  of  the  reigning  emperor 
in  191 5.  There  is  evidence  on  hand  to  show  that  at  this  time 
government  officials  in  various  places  were  attempting  to 
strengthen  Shinto  as  a  support  for  nationalism  by  utilizing 
opportunities  that  arose  in  connection  with  the  coronation 
ceremonies  at  Kyoto.  The  translations  given  below  from  the 
Japanese  Buddhist  press  of  the  time  will  serve  to  show  the 
nature  of  the  difficulties  that  appeared  as  well  as  the  reaction 
that  manifested  itself  in  a  large  section  of  Buddhism. 

The  Chugai  Nippo  under  the  date  of  November  30,  191 5, 
prints  the  following  :  "  A  statement  of  a  conference  of  the  Shin 
Sect  regarding  interference  with  religion  on  the  part  of  the 
governor  of  Kagawa  Prefecture — 

"  Governor  Wakabayashi,  acting  *  through  the  Chief  of  the 
local  Department  of  Home  Affairs,  recently  summoned  the 
heads  of  all  cities,  towns  and  villages  and  gave  instructions  that 
at  the  time  of  the  coronation  the  people  of  the  entire  province 
without  regard  to  religious  affiliations  should  erect  kadomatsu 
(ceremonial  pine  trees)  at  the  gates,  place  kamidana  (god 
shelves)  in  the  houses,  stretch  shimenawa  (sacred  ropes)  under 

1.  The  National  Cult  in  Japan^  «A  Roman  Catholic  Study  of  Its  Opposi- 
tion to  Evangelization,  p.  8,  (Japan  Chronicle,  Kobe,  Japan,  1918).  For  a  Japanese 
answer  to  this  criticism  see  Japan  Weekly  Chronicle,  Dec.  26,  1918,  p.  895,  "  The 
National  Cult  in  Japan." 

2.  J.  E.,"  Sept.  I9I7»  p.  340»  Resolutions  of  the  Gotemba  Conference  of 
1917-  >-  -. 


6o  THE    POLITICAL    PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN   SHINTO. 

the  eaves,  that  they  should  purify  their  houses  and  that  all  the 
people  should  go  in  groups  to  designated  shrines  of  cities,  towns 
and  villages  and  perform  distant  worship  [toward  Kyoto]. 

*'  In  certain  villages  the  coercion  was  added  that  failure  to 
obey  this  command  was  punishable  with  a  fine  and  the  charge 
was  made  that  any  offender  was  unpatriotic. 

"  As  a  result  the  heads  of  respective  towns  and  villages 
enforced  the  order  on  the  people  and,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  a  local 
policeman  visited  the  Rev.  Tachibana  Jokai  at  his  re.sidence 
within  the  court  of  the  K5sei  Temple  and  obliged  him  to  hang 
shimenawa  at  the  temple  gates,  to  stand  kadomatsu  at  the 
entrance,  forced  him  to  purify  the  temple  just  like  a  common 
house,  ^and  commanded  him  to  make  public  attendance  at  a 
shri^iiMejf^  ordinary  person  and  perform  distant  worship."^ 

Und^/ me  date  of  December  ii,  1915,  the  same  publication 
says,  *\  In  Yamagata  Prefecture,  just  as  in  Kagawa  Prefecture  on 
the  occasion  of  the  coronation,  all  people  were  forced  to  put  up 
kamidana,  hang  shimenawa,  and  erect  kadomatsu.  Owing  to 
such  extraordinary  interference  the  opposition  of  the  people  has 
been  aroused  and  there  is  ^  movement  to  secure  the  resignation 
of  the  governor  and  heads  of  towns  and  villages.  In  this 
province  all  the  sects  of  Buddhism,  including  the  Jodo,  East 
Hongwanji,  West  Hongwanji,  Soto,  and  Rinzai  sects  have 
united  and  are  taking  up  with  the  local  governor  the  matter  of 
this  unlawful  interference."^  Similar  situations  in  Hiroshima, 
Shimane,  Ishikawa  and  other  prefectures  called  forth  further 
criticisms  from  Buddhist  sources.'^ 

Even  prior  to  the  appearance  of  the  issue  over  the  corona- 
tion ceremonies,  namely,  in  March,  191 5,  twelve  delegates, 
representing  fifty-six  sects  of  Japanese  Buddhism  had  waited  on 
the  Minister  of  Education  and  demanded  consistency    in   the 


1.  ChTigai  Nippd^  Nov,  30,  I915  (No.  4890),  p.  3. 

2.  Op.  cit.y  Dec.  II,  1915  (No.  4900),  p.  3. 

3.  Op.  cit.y  Jan.  5,  1916  (No.  4916),  p.  3  ;  Kei  Sei,  Feb.,  1916  j  J.  E.,  March, 
I9l6,p.  117. 


THE    POLITICAL    PHILOSOPHY    OF    MODERN    SHINT5.  6 1 

government's  Shinto  policy.  Their  statement  reads,  "  Although 
Shinto  is  independent  of  and  separate  from  religion,  yet  religious 
services  are  conducted  by  Shinto  priests  at  their  shrines.  In 
order  to  safeguard  religious  freedom  the  prohibition  of  the 
unwarrantable  practices  of  conducting  religious  services  through 
Shinto  priests  is  deemed  urgent."^ 

Again,  on  December  loth  of  the  same  year,  sixty-four 
delegates  representing  fifty-six  sects,  met  in  the  West  Hongwanji 
Temple  at  Kyoto,  adopted  a  set  of  six  resolutions  and  appointed 
a  committee  to  carry  them  into  effect.  The  first  resolution  is 
important  as  expressing  united  loyalty  to  the  central  institution 
of  the  Japanese  state.  The  reading  is,  **  First :  The  various 
Buddhist  sects  shall  unite  in  purpose  and  activity  for  the  revival 
and  dissemination  of  religion  and  for  adding  new  emphasis  to  the 
duties  of  propagandism,  with  a  view  to  a  better  promotion  of  the 
fortunes  of  the  Imperial  House." 

The  second,  third,  and  fourth  resolutions  bear  further  on  a 
program  of  Buddhist  federation  ;  the  last  two  are  directed  toward 
the  solution  of  the  religious  issue  with  the  authorities.  "  Fifth  : 
To  keep  clear  the  distinction  between  the  shrine  ofific'als  {Shin- 
shohi)  and  Shintoism  as  a  religion  {S/iindo  Shukyo)  there  shall  be 
put  forth  efforts  to  prevent  these  two  from  being  identified. 
Sixth :  There  being  recently  a  very  unsatisfactory  attitude  toward 
Buddhism  manifested  by  the  authorities,  these  conditions  shall 
be  made  public  and  an  effort  shall  be  put  forth  to  induce  the 
government  to  remove  the  unsatisfactory  conditions."^ 

A  frank  exposition  of  the  constitutional  aspects  of  the 
problem  as  well  as  of  the  difificulties  confronted  by  the  Japanese 
government  as  it  attempts  to  maintain  simultaneously  a  national 
cult  in  Shinto  and  a  guarantee  of  general  religious  freedom  in  the 
Constitution,  is  stated  in  the  publication  of  the  Mikawa  Association 
of  the  Shin  Sect  already  noted.     In  its  introduction  to  the  dis- 

1.  Cf.  Missioi:  News  (Organ  of  Am.  Board  Mission,  Kobe,  Japan),  June, 
1916,  p,  184. 

2.  Tokyo^Asahi  Shimbtin^  Dec.  il,  1915  ;  J.  E.,  Jan.,  1916,  pp.  30-31. 


62  THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN   SHINTO. 

cussion  of  the  shrine  problem  this  document  remarks,  "  Whoever 
is  born  in  this  country,  even  if  he  knows  but  little  gratitude, 
must  revere  the  deities  of  heaven  and  eaith  and  respect  his  ances- 
tors. But  reverence  for  deities  and  respect  for  ancestors  are  not 
things  to  be  used  for  certain  ulterior  objects.  They  are,  in  and 
of  themselves,  precious  principles  for  the  nation.  Accordingly, 
they  must  always  be  treated  with  care  and  seriousness.  If, 
however,  the  essential  nature  of  reverence  for  ancestors  is  for- 
gotten and  under  cover  of  the  beautiful  name  thereof,  it  is  thrust 
forward  arbitrarily,  not  only  is  the  divine  will  misunderstood, 
but  also  the  certain  result  is  that  the  freedom  of  religious  faith 
guaranteed  under  the  Imperial  Constitution  is  endangered,  various 
other  religions  are  antagonized  and  the  sprit  of  the  people  is 
thrown  into  confusion.  If  one  considers  the  plans  of  the  govern- 
ment during  the  fifty  years  since  the  Restoration  and  especially 
during  the  past  ten  years  he  will  come  to  know  that  this  is  not 
simply  groundless  apprehension."^ 

The  statement  further  says,  "  It  is  very  much  to  be  doubted 
whither  the  authorities  themselves  possess  a  firm  faith  in  the 
shrines  and  the  deities.  Yet  the  government  cannot  go  on  being 
blind  to  the  increasing  confusion  in  popular  ideas.  But  as  gov- 
ernment officials  it  is  not  possible  to  consider  entrusting  Bud- 
dhism with  the  sjreat  responsibility  of  unifying  the  popular  mind, 
and  likewise  it  is  impossible  for  them  to  depend  on  Christianity. 
Therefore,  from  the  government  standpoint,  the  unification  of 
the  popular  mind  cannot  be  accomplished  otherwise  than  by 
hoisting  up  the  shrines.  Thus  the  official  advocacy  of  reverence 
for  deities  is  entirely  policical  policy.  In  order  to  carry  out  this 
policy  the  government  would  like  to  regard  the  shrines  as  places 
of  religious  worship.  Otherwise,  the  sentiment  of  reverence  for 
deities  cannot  be  implanted  strongly  in  the  hearts  ot  the  people. 
But  if  this  were  done  it  would  immediately  contradict  the  freedom 
of  religious  faith  guaranteed  in  the  Constitution.  Therefore,  the 
government  asserts  that  the  shrines  are  not  religious.  Thus  the 
I.    Keishin  Mondai  Chosa  Ilo/ioku,  p.  I. 


THE    POLITICAL    FHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN   SHINTO.  63 

government  is  constantly  standing  in  the  presence  of  a  self-con- 
tradiction. The  reason  why  the  government  authorities  are 
never  able  to  give  a  clear  and  unequivocal  solution  to  this  pro- 
blem is  just  here.  In  particular,  the  fact  that  the  official  attitude 
toward  Christianity  is  not  clear  has  its  basis  altogether  in  this 
matter.'"  .„^^ 

A  criticism  of  similar  import  from  the  Japanese  secular  press  \    yf /^ 
says,   "The   worship  at  the  shrines  where   great  men  of  the 
country  are  deified  is  clearly  a  manifestation  of  religious  senti- 
ment, and  so  all  the  rites  and  forms  in  the  Shinto  shrines  are 
unquestionably  religious  in  character.     The  Japanese  authorities, 
however,  have  been  averse  to  recognizing  this  axiom  and  con- 
sequently refuse  to  call  a  spade  a  spade.     It  is  a  great  mistake, 
on  the  part  of  the  government  to  regard  as  not  religion  what 
possesses  all  the  essential  attributes  of  a  religion.     Yet  it  desires 
to  give  a  religious  benefit  to  the  people  by  the  observance  of     ) 
religious  forms. "^  ~^^ 

In  this  connection  special  notice  should  be  made  of  the 
Fukuin  ShimpOy  a  Christian  magazine  which  has  consistently  and 
fearlessly  criticized  the  government  position  on  shrine  worship. 
One  of  the  most  refreshingly  direct  criticisms  that  has  yet  ap- 
peared was  published  by  this  journal  at  the  time  of  the  dedication 
of  the  Meiji  Shrine.     The  writer  says  : 

*^  Shrine  worship  which  government  authorities  are  now 
encouraging  and  at  times  even  forcing  is  a  matter  that  is  accom- 
pained  by  numerous  questions  both  from  the  standpoint  of  faith 
and  of  ideas.  At  times  one  feels  as  though  truth  were  being  set  at 
naught  and  justice  were  being  trampled  under  foot.     .     .     . 

"  The  government  authorities  announce  that  the  shrines  are 
not  religious,  and  then  as  the  superlative  proof  thereof  they 
point  to  the  government  organization  which  separates  the  Bureau 
of  Shrines  from  the  Bureau  of  Religions.     To  this  kind  of  an 

1.  Op.  cit.y  pp.  5-6. 

2.  Yorodzu  Shimbnn.    Trans,  in  Japan  Weekly  Chronicle,  May   25,  I916, 
p.  836.    ■ 


64  THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN    SHINTO. 

apology  I  can  never  give  my  assent.  The  determination  of 
whether  or  not  the  shrines  are  religious  is  not  a  matter  that  lies 
within  the  province  of  government  offices.  It  is  purely  a  pro- 
blem of  knowledge  and  is  to  be  determined  by  application  of 
scientific  method  to  the  study  of  religion.  .  .  .  Considered 
from  this  standpoint  the  definition  handed  down  by  the  govern- 
ment has  no   value  whatever From  the  point  of 

view  of  the  science  of  religion  it  is  doubly  clear  that,  in  origin 
and  tradition,  in  form  of  ceremony  and  in  spirit  of  worship,  the 
shrines  are  religious.  In  this  there  is  not  room  for  the  injection 
of  a  particle  of  doubt.  Accordingly,  if  the  government  forces 
shrine  worship  on  us  by  order,  it  overrides  the  rights  which 
are  guaranteed  us  in  the  Constitution. 

"  Among  the  Japanese  of  today  are  deists,  pantheists,  and 
materialists.  There  are  both  those  who  affirm  and  those  who 
deny  the  existence  of  God,  There  are  those  who  believe  in  the 
immortality  of  the  soul  and  those  who  do  not  so  believe.  There 
are  great  differences  according  to  variation  in  individual  ideas. 
Especially  in  Japan,  pantheists  who  have  come  under  the  influ- 
ence of  Indian  thought  and  materialists  who  have  come  under 
the  influence  of  modern  science  are  numerous.  According  to 
the  teachings  of  pantheism  all  change  is  like  the  waves  on  the 
sea.  When  the  waves  calm  down  all  becomes  water  again.  All 
things  finally  return  to  the  Absolute  and  individual  existence  is 
annihilated.  The  human  soul  after  death  is  immersed  in  the 
Absolute  and  not  a  shadow  or  sign  of  it  is  left. 

•'  Again,  it  is  impossible  for  a  materialist  to  admit  the 
existence  of  the  soul.  Consequently,  for  a  pantheist  or  a  mater- 
ialist to  kneel  before  ancestors,  to  offer  norito,  and  pray  at  the 
shrines  becomes  altogether  meaningless.  To  what  extent  there 
are  those  who  out  of  a  desire  to  preserve  public  harmony 
practice  opportunism  with  indifference,  I  cannot  say,  but  if  they 
value  the  truth  and  are  loyal  to  the  principles  in  which  they 
believe,  it  ought  to  be  impossible  for  pantheists  and  materialists 
to  worship  at  the  shrines.     .     ,     ,     For  the  state  to  be  blind  to 


THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN    SHINTO.  65 

the  existence  of  philosophy  and  science  and  to  force  a  kind  of 
faith  and  a  set  of  ideas  on  the  people  is  to  disregard  human  life 
and  spirit,  and  is  folly 

"  I  am  not  one  who  feels  that  shrine  worship  must  be  op- 
posed by  all  means.  Religious  faith  is  free.  Those  who  find 
satisfaction  in  the  ceremonies  of  the  shrines  should  therewith 
make  sincere  expression  of  ancestor  worship.  But  for  the  state 
to  force  this  on  those  who  cannot  find  satisfaction  in  the  cere- 
monies of  the  shrines  is  certainly  illegal  and  is  persecution. 
Where  there  is  no  freedom  hypocrisy  flourishes.  I  feel  that  the 
forcing  of  this  additional  falsehood  upon  the  Japanese  nation 
which  is  already  suffering  from  great  hypocrisy  is  a  matter  that 
ought  to  be  fully  considered."^ 

The  case  against  the  government  has  been  well  summarized 
by  Mr.  Ojima  Saneharu,  the  most  representative  of  the  Christian 
students  of  Shinto.  An  abridgment  of  his  exposition  includes 
the  following  points. 

1.  The  norito  issued  in  19 14  by  the  Japanese  Department 
of  Home  Affairs  for  the  use  of  Shinto  priests  contain  prayers  for 
abundant  harvests,  health  and  victory.  In  view  of  the  special 
position  of  the  official  cult,  this  cannot  be  harmonized  with  the 
guarantee  of  religious  liberty  contained  in  the  Constitution. 

2.  The  government  declares  that  at  the  shrines  are  wor- 
shipped the  ancestors  of  the  Imperial  Family  and  those  who  in 
past  have  won  merit  in  the  service  of  the  state.  If  among  the 
ancestors  of  the  Imperial  Family  are  included  such  personages 
as  Ainaterasu-0-Mi-Kaini,  Ama-no-Mi-Naka-Nushi-no-Kami^ 
Taka-Mi-Musiibi-no-Kami  and  Kami-Musuln-no-Kami,  then  offi- 
cial Shintd  is  a  religion  and  the  shrines  become  religious 
institutions. 

3.  It  is  illogical  and  inconsistent  for  the  government  to 
say  that  the  shrines  are  not  religious  and  at  the  same  time  permit 

I.  /hif|^^5f;^,  Pfil-^l"  ;5)|i^.  {Onot/mra,  Rinzo,  Jinja  ni  tai  sum 
Gigi,  "  Doubts  Regaiding  the  Shrines "),  Fukuin  Shimpo,  Nov.  25,  1920,  pp. 
576-577- 


66  THE    POLITICAL    PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN    SHINTO. 

priests  of  prefectural,  district  and  village  shrines  to  conduct 
funeral  services. 

4.  The  fact  that  the  government  does  not  manage  the 
Shintd  shrines  through  the  Bureau  of  Religions  is  explicable  as  a 
kind  of  official  sophistry,  for  the  shrines  are  genuine  religious 
institutions.* 

(  In  spite  of  such  criticism  the  government  has  persisted  in 
maintaining  its  position  that  the  shrines  are  not  religious  institu- 
tions. A  recent  statement  of  the  Home  Department  says, 
"  Whatever  ideas  or  beliefs  the  people  may  have,  the  govern- 
ment does  not  look  upon  the  shrines  as  being  religious  in  nature. 
However  desirable  it  m^y  be  for  the  people  to  return  to  the 
former  ideas  and  interpretations  regarding  the  shrines,  at  the 
present  time  the  government  has  no  thought  of  doing  anything 
to  bring  this  about.  The  government  simply  encourages  respect 
for  the  shrines  and  believes  that  shrines  may  be  reverenced  and 
supported  by  those  who  have  faith  in  any  religion  without 
conflict  or  inconvenience.  Whatever  opinion  may  be  held  as  to 
what  should  be  done  regarding  the  religious  attitude  toward  the 
shrines,  the  government  will  maintain  a  neutral  position  on  the 
ground  that  religious  belief  should  be  free."" 

The  latest  phase  of  the  development  of  official  Shinto  is  in 
connection  with  educational  ^oblems  that  have  been  forced  into 
prominence  as  a  rigsult  of  the  _Great  War.  During  the  war  the 
Japanese  government  appointed  a  special  commission  on  educa- 
tion to  consider,  among  other  things,  matters  relating  to  the 
unification  of  the  thought  of  the  people.  It  is  worthy  of  note 
that  forty-two  members  of  the  Imperial  Diet  were  on  this 
commission.  The  reports  were  made  public  in  the  months  of 
January  and  February,  1919. 


1.  Cf.  (9/7//;^,  Saneharu,  Tettei  sezaru  Jinja  Ron  (J^J^^tfo.  fiS'^tl$*5 
^^iJ^I'^,  "  Unconvincing -Arguments  regarding  Shrints,"  5///;/////,  Vol,  17,  No.  5, 
May,  1916),  pp.  75-80. 

2.  T.  E.,  Apr.  1916,  pp.  154-5 ;  Fiikuin  ShimJ'd,  Apr.  1916.  Statemeni  of 
the  Bureau  of  Shrines. 


THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN   SHINTO.  6/ 

The  Commission  alleges  that  unsound  social  conditions  have 
been  developing  mpidly  in  Japan  of  late  and  assigns  as  cause  an 
excessive  and  indiscriminate  introduction  into  Japan  of  occidental 
ideas  and  institutions  subsequent  to  the  Restoration.  The 
report  says,  ^'  The  situation  is  very  giave  and  calls  for  serious 
consideration  ;  "  and,  again,  '^  Such  systems,  organizations  and 
social  conditions  as  are  found  to  be  inconsistent  with  and  contra- 
dictory to  the  fundamental  principles  of  our  national  education  . 
must  be  reformed  and  readjusted,  and  for  that  purpose  joint 
efforts  of  those  in  positions  of  authority  and  those  in  private  are 
indispensable."^  -'^^TN 

Along  with  this  harmonious  cooperation  of  government  and'  | 
people,  the  Commission  urges  the  carrying  out  of  a  reconstruc- 
tion program  along  the  lines  of  traditional  Japanese  institutions. 
The  foundations  must  be  the  old  characteristic  culture  of  Japan 
{Nihon  no  koyu  no  biinkd).  The  report  thus  emphasizes  the 
necessity  of  the  continued  worship  of  national  deities  and 
advocates  "  the  preservation  of  the  dignity  and  solemnity  of  the 
shrines,  commensurate  with  their  sacred  associations,  and  the 
universal  education  of  the  people  to  the  true  meaning  of  religious 
ceremonies  and  also  to  elevating  the  status  of  the  Shinto 
priesthood.'*^ 

The  issue,  however,  still  remains  open.  Up  to  the  present, 
it  has  proved  impossible  to  find  consistency  in  the  official  inter- 
pretation of  the  shrines.  As  an  indication  of  the  ambiguity  of 
the  government  attitude,  we  may  quote  from  the  report  of  a 
"Special  Committee  on  Shrines"  of  the  National  Christian 
Educational  Association  of  Japan  as  given  July  lo,  1920.  The 
report  states,  "  Your  committee  made  two  calls  on  the  Bureau 
of  Shrines  of  the  Japanese  Government  and  presented  our  point 
of  view  and  our  hopes  respecting  both  shrine  worship  and 
pilgrimages  to  shrines.     The  only  answer  we  received  was  that 

1.  J.  E.,  Apr.  1919,  pp.   136-7;  Japan   7imes  and  Mail,  Feb.    11,   21,  22, 
I919. 

2.  J.  E.,  op.  cit.  p.  137. 


fi8  THE    POLITICAL    PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN   SHINTO. 

the  government  must  give  the  matter  further  consideration. 
We  greatly  regret  that  we  have  not  yet  been  able  to  attain  our 
point.  Our  demand  briefly  stated  is,  that  the  government  shall 
adopt  adequate  measures  for  making  public  proclamation  to  the 
effect  that  the  meaning  of  shrine  visitation  is  limited  to  an 
expression  of  honest  respect  and  is  not  to  be  understood  as 
religious  worship."^ 

The  legal  difficulty,  however,  has  a  fundamental  aspect.  It 
relates  to  the  underlying  philosophy  upon  which  has  been  reared 
the  structure  of  Japanese  communal  ancestmlism.  Is  the  state 
itself,  consciously  or  unconsciously,  committed  to  a  politico- 
religious  theory  that  makes  impossible  at  present  the  genuine 
secularization  of  the  shrines?  Are  the  great  ancestral  kami 
nothing  more  than  mere  men  who  have  labored  and  passed  off 
the  stage  of  human  affairs  and  the  memory  of  whose  greatness  is 
revered  at  the  shrines  ?  Or  are  they  regarded  as  actual  spirits 
of  a  superhuman  world,  able  to  aid  suppliant  human  beings  and 
ever  watching  over  the  destinies  of  Japan  ?  In  attempting  to 
arrive  at  defensible  answers  to  these  questions  we  may  turn  first 
to  some  typical  solutions  that  have  been  offered  by  Japanese 
investigators,  themselves. 

i^  i#^IS:Wlimtmi^rp]|g,#ii*:^,  p.  12.    Tokyo,  1920.  ' 


THE    POLITICAL    PHILOSOPHY    OF    MODERN   SHINTO.  69 


CHAPTER  III. 

Japanese  Interpretations  of  Shint5  : 
The  Ethical  Definition. 

Solutions  of  the  shrine  problem  presented  by  contemporary 
J  apanese  Shintoists  resolve  themselves  into  two  general  classes  of 
interpretation,  (i)  the  nationalistic-ethical  and  (2)  the  nation- 
alistic-religious. 

Both  forms  of  interpretation  are  equally  penetrated  by  a  point 
of  view  which  Japanese  Shintoists  attempt  to  expound  as  the 
mark  of  the  fundamental  social  mind  of  their  race,  namely,  .a 
group  consciousness  or  social  and  political  loyalty  which  is 
represented  to  be  of  such  strength  as  to  dominate  and  very 
frequently  to  eliminate  individualism.^  The  solidarity  of  the 
primitive  "  we-group  "  has  made  its  way  up  through  the  clan  spirit 
of  feudalism  into  the  modern  state  ;  the  particularism  of  the  old  1  ^-^ 
feudal  order  has  been  drawn  together  about  a  national  emotional  ' 
center  in  the  Imperial  House  "  of  unbroken  line  throughout  all 
time  as  Heaven  and  Earth  eternal."  Under  the  stimulus  of 
modern  conflicts  with  external  forces  this  social  mind  hats  become 
extraordinarily  self-conscious  and  is  manifesting  itself  in  the  form 
of  a  nationalism  which,  as  set  forth  by  a  large  group  of  Japanese 
apologists,  is  supposedly  supported  by  a  patriotism  which  is 
unique  in  human  history. 

This  situation  in  modern  Japanese  social  psychology  has  been^ 
indicated  in  the  above  terminology   by  the  application  of  the 
term    "  nationalistic "    to    both   forms  of  the   interpretation  of 
Shinto.     The  difference  between  the  two  lies   largely  in   the      % 

I.'  Cy.  Uehara,  G.  E.,  The  PoUlical  Development  of  Japan,  p.  19;  Kato, 
Naoshi,  "  Eastern  Ideals  and  the  Japanese  Spirit,"  T.  J.  S.  L.,  VoL  XIII  (1914-15), 
Pt  I,  p.  142  ;  Haga,  Yaeichi,  Kokuminsei  Juvon  (>^^^— ,  iiH14+f^>  "  Ten 
lectures  on  National  Traits,"  Tokyo,  1914,  12th  ed.),  p.  4  ff . ;  Tanaka,  Yoshito, 
Shiudo  Hongi  (EEmJg.t^,  ffiiTJs;^,  ''Essentials  of  5/«;i/^,"  Tokyo,  1911),  pp. 
137.140. 


U^ 


70  THE    POLITICAL    PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN    SHINTO. 

nature  of  the  fundamental  philosophical  explanation  of  the  basis 
of  Shinto.  The  first  n^imed  attempts  to  develop  a  Shinto 
pantheon  out  of  the  heroes  of  Japanese  political  history,  while 
leaving  the  ultimate  nature  of  these  "  deities "  largely  unex- 
plained. The  second,  while  likewise  stressing  political  values, 
definitely  ties  up  communal  ancestralism  with  pantheism  or  with 
idealistic  monism.  We  may  consider  the  two  forms  in  the 
\^  above  mentioned  order. 

The  formulation  which  Japanese  exponents  attempt  in  the 
nationalistic-ethical  interpretation  follows  along  the  lines  laid 
down  in  the  eighteenth  and  early  nineteenth  centuries  by  Kada 
Azumaro,  Kamo  Mabuchi,  Motoori  Noringa  and  Hirata 
Atsutane.  .-It  concurs  with  the  official  announcement  that  Shinto 
is  not  a  religion,  at  least  in  the  ordinary  sense,  and  builds  largely 
on  the  proposition  that  Shinto  deities  are  human  beings.  Not 
only  so,  it  further  attempts  to  carry  this  thesis  right  back 
through  the  earliest  Japanese  mythology. 

The  point  of  view  here  indicated  is  applied  in  two  directions  : 
(a)  as  the  interpretation  of  existing  political  institutions  and  the 
support  thereof,  and  (b)  as  a  means  of  facilitating  a  harmonization 
of  this  supposedly  non-religious  form  of  Shinto  with  thought  and 
practice  looked  upon  as  truly  religious.  Behind  the  former 
application  lies  the  interest  of  a  host  of  statesmen,  politicians, 
soldiers,  educationalists  and  Shintd  officials  ;  behind  the  latter, 
the  interest  of  many  of  the  genuine  religious  leaders  of  the  nation. 

We  turn  first  to  the  consideration  of  the  political  application 
of  the  nationalistic-ethical  interpretation. 

There  is  hardly  a  subject  in  modern  Japan  that  has  received, 
at  the  hands  of  both  governmental  and  educational  authorities, 
the  attention  that  has  been  accorded  so-called  Kokumin  Dotoku} 


'•  [SKiMitii-  For  bibliographies  of  Japanese  literature  on  this  subject  cf. 
Inotiyt^To.K'-XiixxQ,  Kokuinin  DotokuGairon  {^\-±M^M^  ^WA'^Mtm^  "  Out- 
lines of  National  Morality"),  Appendix,  pp.  103-117;  Kono,  Shozo,  Kokumin 
Z?5/<7y^«  6"/4/«>«  (fDJIf^H,  iai^it^^liSl>  "A  History  of  National  Morality"), 
pp.  256-8. 


X 


iHE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN    SHINTO.  y'l 

— '^  national  morality."  It  is  the  fundamental  motive  of  Japanese 
education.'  In  the  form  of  apologetic  here  under  discussion,  / 
Shinto  becomes  practically  identical  with  Kokumin  Dotokiu 
That  is  to  say,  Shinto  is  now  interpreted  ns  either  the  system  of 
national  morality  itself  or  as  the  unique  spirit  which  prodnre^  thg- 
system.  It  is  a  social  and  political  ethic  emerging  from  the 
peculiarities  of  Japanese  psychology  and  history.  It  is  identified 
with  Japanese,  development  from    the  hppinninrr  f^n^  ''"^  i-^p-at-rl^r^ 


as  vitally   necessary  to   the  maintenance  of  the  Tapanese  state. 
If  k  ndq^jttedlv  applied  as  a  means  of  stabilising  existing-  [apanese 
institutions  in  the  presence    of  distintegrating  and  suppressing  ' 
tendencies  supposedly  threatening  Japan  through  the  incoming  of   ! 
Occidental  civilization.     It  lays  out  a  program  of  Shinto  educa- 
tion in  which  the  primary  motive  is  the  development  of  reverence 
for  the  past,  respect  for  authority  and  loyalty  to  existing  institu-  - 
tions  of  the  state.     It  inculcates  ideas  of  the  unique  sanctity  and 
moral    authority    of  Imperial    Rescripts,   together  with  special 
regard  for  the  "  peculiar  dignity  and  superiority  of  the  Imperial 
House  of  Japan  "^  and  the  assurance  that  "  th^  i;ig^^ional  idgal  of_ 
Japan  is  unsurpassed  and  imprepnahle."^     In  such  a  way  the 
protection   afforded    Japanese    institutions   by   the    Tokugawa 
seclusion  policy  which  was  disrupted  by  the  arrival  of  the  "  black 
ships"  of  Perry  in   1853,  is  now  secured  by  a  psychological 
and    educational    program    that    attempts    to  strengthen    the 
inner  spirit  rather  than  to  put  a  wall  of   seclusion  about  the 
land.' 

Modern  Japanese  exposition  of  the  elements  of  "  national    y 
morality  "  comes  back,  sooner  or  later,  to  the  ethical  teaching  oi  ^    T 
the  Imperial  Rescript  on  Education,  promulgated  in  1890.    The 
Japanese  government  and  a  large  number  of  individual  writers 
on   the  subject  are   agreed    that    the    Rescript    on   Education 


1.  Cf.  Inouye,  op.  cit.y  pp.  2-3. 

2.  Cf.  Motoori,  "  Shinto  Education,"  Japan  Magazine^  May,  1917,  p.  4I. 

3.  Ibid.,  p.  42. 

4.  Cf.  Inpuye,  op.  cit.  pp.  84-100. 


72  THE    FOIJtlCAL    PHILOSOPHY    OF    MODERN    SHINTO. 

must    be    taken    as   setting   forth    the   basis   of   contemporary 
Japanese  ethics,  both  public  and  private.     The  official  English 
translation  of  this  Rescript  is  here  given  for  purposes  of  re- 
ference. 
''Know  Ye,  Our  Subjects  : 

'*  Our  Imperial  Ancestors  have  founded  Our  Empire  on  a 
basis  broad  and  everlasting,  and  have  deeply  and  firmly  im- 
planted virtue  ;  Our  subjects  ever  united  in  loyalty  and  filial 
piety  have  from  generation  to  generation  illustrated  the  beauty 
thereof.  This  is  the  glory  of  the  fundamental  character  of  Our 
Empire,  and  herein  also  lies  the  source  of  Our  education.  Ye, 
Our  subjects,  be  filial  to  your  parents,  affectionate  to  your 
brothers  and  sisters  ;  as  husbands  and  wives  be  harmonious, 
as  friends  true  ;  bear  yourselves  in  modesty  and  modera- 
tion ;  extend  your  benevolence  to  all ;  pursue  learning  and 
cultivate  arts,  and  thereby  develop  intellectual  faculties  and 
perfect  moral  powers ;  furthermore,  advance  public  good 
and  promote  common  interests ;  always  respect  the  Con- 
stitution and  observe  the  laws ;  should  emergency  arise,  offer 
yourselves  courageously  to  the  State ;  and  thus  guard  and 
maintain  the  prosperity  of  Our  Imperial  Throne  coeval  with 
heaven  and  earth.  So  shall  ye  be  not  only  Our  good  and  faith- 
ful subjects  but  render  illustrious  the  best  traditions  of  your 
forefathers. 

*'  The  Way  here  set  forth  is  indeed  the  teaching  bequeath- 
ed by  Our  Imperial  Ancestors,  to  be  observed  alike  by  Their 
Descendants  and  the  subjects,  infallible  for  all  ages  and  true  in 
all  places.  It  is  Our  wish  to  lay  it  to  heart  in  all  reverence,  in 
common  with  you.  Our  subjects,  that  we  may  all  attain  to  the 
same  virtue. 

"  The  30th  day  of  the  loth  month  of  the  23rd  year  of  Meiji. 
[The  30th  of  October,  1890].  (Imperial  Sign  Manual,  Imperial 
Seal)."^ 

I.     For  the  history  of  this  translation  consult  Kikuchi^'D^\xoV.\x, Jcpatiese 
Edtuation  (London,  1909),  pp.  1-3.     An  ofiicial  edition  of  the  original  Japanese 


tHE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN   SHINTO.  73 

On  the  day  following  the  promulgation  of  this  Rescript  the 
Minister  of  Education,  Mr.  Yoshikawa  Akimasa,  issued  instruc- 
tions which  indicated  plainly  the  use  which  the  government 
intended  to  make  of  the  document.  A  translation  of  the  order 
follows. 

''  His  Imperial  Majesty,  deeply  anxious  concerning  the 
education  of  His  subjects,  has  graciously  handed  down  an  Im- 
perial Rescript.  I,  Akimasa,  the  present  incumbent  of  the  office 
of  Minister  of  Education,  am  entrusted  with  a  great  responsi- 
bility. Reflecting  on  the  matter  night  and  day,  I  am  fearful  lest 
I  make  a  mistake.  I  have  received  the  Imperial  Rescript  with 
reverence  and,  deeply  moved,  have  made  copies  thereof  and 
am  distributing  them  to  the  schools  of  the  entire  country. 
Those  who  are  engaged  in  education,  always  obedient  to  the 
Imperial  will,  must  not  neglect  the  duties  of  culture  and  disci- 
pline, and  especially  on  the  days  of  school  ceremonies  or  on  some 
date  determined  according  to  convenience,  the  pupils  must  be 
assembled  and  the  Imperial  Rescript  on  Education  must  be 
read  before  them.  Furthermore,  the  meaning  must  be  carefully 
explained  to  the  pupils  and  they  must  be  instructed  to  obey  it 
at  all  times."* 

text  may  be  found  in  almost  any  one  of  the  numerous  text-books  on  ethics  pub- 
lished by  the  Japanese  Department  of  Education,  as  for  example,  Jinjo  Shogaku 
Shushimho  (5^/>^1^  J'#,  "  Text-book  of  Ethics  for  Primary  Schools  "),  Vol. 
VI,  Preface. 

I.  Mombtisho  Kunrei^Ippanhono  Bu{-^^%%^^,  ~^^tk^J%i  "Instruc- 
tions of  the  Department  of  Education,  Section  on  General  Regulations  "),  p.  I, 
Oct.  31,  1890. 

In  1912  Mr.  Yoshikawa  made  public  a  statement  on  the  actual  origin  of  the 
Imperial  Rescript  on  Education  which  makes  interesting  reading,  especially  in 
view  of  the  fact  that  the  above  order  would  naturally  lead  the  reader  to  infer  that 
the  composition  of  the  rescript  is  referable  in  toto  solely  to  the  Emperor  Meiji 
Mr  Yoshikawa's  explanation,  as  given  below,  shows  that  the  rescript  had  its  origin 
in  an  effort  to  apply  a  corrective  to  certain  dangerous  tendencies  appearing  in 
Japanese  life  in  the  eighties  of  the  last  century  owing  to  the  rapid  and  indiscriminate 
"  westernization  "  that  had  been  going  on,  and  furthermore,  that,  as  a  matter  of 
fact,  the  opinion  of  experts  consulted  in  the  compilation  of  the  rescript  was  far 


74  THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY    OF   MODERN   SHINTO. 

Along  with  this  statement  on  the  part  of  the  Minister  of 
Education  there  appeared  a  covering  order  from  the  Depart- 
ment of  Education,  indicating  the  same  intention  of  utilizing  the 
new  rescript  as  the  basis  of  public  instruction  in  ethics.  The 
order  reads,  "  Concerning  the  Imperial  Rescript  on  Education 
and  the  Instruction  of  the  Minister  of  Education,  to  the  Hokkaido 
Government,  the  Urban  Prefectures,  and  the  other  Prefectures. 

from  being  unanimous  as  to  the  expediency  of  this  attempt  to  build  national 
character  on  a  modified  Confucian  basis.  The  statement  says,  "  At  the  time  of 
the  Restoration  the  late  Emperor  decla.ed  it  would  be  the  guiding  principle  of 
his  government  to  introduce  western  civilization  into  the  country  and  to  establish 
New  Japan  upon  that  civilization.  Consequently  every  institution  in  Japan  was 
westernized  and  the  atmosphere  of  the  "  new  civilization  "  was  felt  in  almost  every 
stratum  of  society.  Indeed  the  process  of  westernization  was  carried  to  extremes. 
Thus  those  who  advocated  the  virtues  of  righteousness,  loyalty  and  filial  duty 
brought  down  on  themselves  the  cynical  laughter  of  the  men  who  professed  as 
their  first  principle  the  westernization  of  Japan  every  way,  and  who  declared  that 
the  champions  of  the  old  fashioned  virtues  were  ignorant  of  the  changed  social 
condition  of  the  Empire. 

"  But  if  any  tendency  is  carried  too  far,  inevitably  there  comes  a  reaction. 
The  excessive  westernization  of  Japan  very  naturally  aroused  strong  opposition 
among  conservative  people,  especially  scholars  of  the  Japanese  and  Chinese  clas- 
sics, who  thought  it  dangerous  for  the  moral  standard  of  this  Empire  to  see  this 
process  carried  even  into  the  moral  teachings  of  the  people.  Thus  a  hot  contro- 
versy followed  between  scholars,  publicists  and  teachers  who  were  divided  into 
many  schools.  The  question  was  so  keenly  agitated  that  it  was  taken  up  at  a 
meeting  of  Governors  at  the  Home  Office  in  1890.  At  that  time  Prince  Yama- 
gata  was  Minister  of  Home  Affairs,  and  I  was  the  Vice -Minister  of  the  same  depart- 
ment and  personally  witnessed  the  heated  debate  at  the  Governors'  conference. 
It  was,  however,  agreed  in  the  end  among  the  Home  Office  authorities  that  as  the 
question  concerned  the  people's  thought,  it  must  be  dealt  with  rather  by  the  educa- 
tional authorities  than  by  the  Home  Office  officials. 

''  His  Majesty  at  once  instructed  the  Minister  of  Education,  Viscount  Eno- 
moto,  to  frame  some  principles  for  education.  Viscount  Enomoto,  however,  resign- 
ed for  some  reason  before  he  had  completed  the  task  and  I  succeeded  him  and 
had  to  complete  the  work,  I  consulted  the  late  Viscount  Ki  Inouye,  then  Director 
of  the  Legislation  Bureau,  on  the  matter,  and  the  draft  was  finally  drawn  up. 
While,  however,  the  draft  was  under  compilation,  we  frequently  approached  the 
Emperor,  and  asked  his  gracious  advice  upon  the  moral  princii)les  which  were  to 
be  embodied  in  the  new  moral  standard  of  the  nation. 

"As  people  know,  the  Imperial  Rescript  on  Education  was  based  on  the  four 


THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN   SHINTO.  75 

The  Minister  ot  Education  has  issued  instructions  relative  to  the 
Imperial  Rescript  on  Education,  graciously  promulgated  recently 
by  His  Imperial  Majesty,  and  copies  will  be  distributed  to  all 
schools,  whether  public  or  private,  within  the  jurisdiction  of 
the  department.  Thus  the  Imperial  Will  will  be  fully  carried 
out.'" 

An  order  appearing  in  the  regulations  of  Tokyo  Prefecture 
at  practically  the  same  time  as  the  above,  states  in  so  many  words 
that  the  new  Rescript  was  to  constitute  the  foundation  of  Japan- 
ese education.     The  statement  says  :     '*  Recently,  the  Imperial 

virtues  :  benevolence,  righteousness,  loyalty  and  filial  piety.  The  making  of  these 
four  virtues  the  foundation  of  the  national  education  w^as,  however,  strongly  criti- 
cized at  that  time,  and  some  scholars  even  declared  that  these  virtues  were  imported 
from  China  and  ought  never  to  be  established  as  the  standard  of  the  nation's 
morality.  Others  again  said  .that,  should  such  old  fashioned  virtues  be  encouraged 
among  the  people,  it  would  mean  the  revival  of  the  old  form  of  virtue  typified  by 
private  revenge,  etc.  But  I  strongly  upheld  the  teaching  of  those  four  principal 
virtues,  saying  that  the  essence  of  man's  morality  is  one  and  the  same  irrespective 
of  place  or  time,  although  it  might  take  different  forms  according  to  different  cir- 
cumstances, and  that  therefore  the  aforesaid  four  virtues  could  well  be  made .  the 
moral  standard  of  the  Japanese  people. 

"  The  Imperial  Rescript  was  issued  in  its  original  form,  and,  in  spite  of  the 
criticism  and  opposition  before  its  promulgation,  which  caused  much  fear  about 
its  future,  the  Rescript,  once  issued,  soon  came  to  be  the  light  of  the  people  in 
their  moral  teaching  and  is  now  firmly  established  as  the  standard  of  the  nation's 
morality."  Japan  Advertiser,  Aug.  6,  1912,  Trans,  from  Kokumin  Shimbun, 
Aug.  5,  1912. 

In  estimating  the  importance  to  be  attached  to  the  criticism  that  the  virtues 
stated  in  the  rescript  "  were  imported  from  China  "  comparison  should  be  made 
with  the  cardinal  virtues  of  Confucianism,  namely,  benevolence  or  humanity, 
righteousness,  wisdom,  propriety,  and  faith.  Compare  also  the  well-known 
virtues  of  Platonism,  i.e.  wisdom,  courage,  temperance,  and  righteousness  or 
justice.  The  relations  of  ruler  and  subject,  of  parent  and  child,  of  husband  and 
wife,  of  brothers  and  sisters,  and  of  friends  with  which  the  rescript  concerns  itself 
merely  repeat  the  gorin,  or  five  human  relationships^  of  Confucian  ethics. 

I.     Mombiisho  Ktmrei.,  Iptanho  no  Bii,  order  No.  8,  Oct.  31,  1890.     Note 

also,  "  The  portraits  of  the  Emperor  and  Empress   and  the  copy  of  the  Imperial 

Rescript  on  Education,  which  have  been  bestowed  on  each  school  within  the 

.  jurisdiction  of  the  department,  should  be  placed  most  reverently  in   a  designated 

place  within  the  school."     J/<7W^«j>^o  .A^/im,  No.  4,  Nov.  17,  1891. 


76  THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN  SHINTO. 

Rescript  on  Education  was  graciously  conferred  and  instruction 
was  also  given  out  by  the  Minister  of  Education.  The  Rescript 
constitutes  the  great  foundation  of  the  education  of  our  country/ 
Communication  is  hereby  made  to  all  public  and  private  schools 
that  all  who  engage  in  education  must  obey  the  Imperial  com- 
mand and  must  be  assiduous  not  to  mistake  the  aim  of  education 
in  the  future."^ 

Further  evidence  showing  the  extraordinary  importance 
which  the  Japanese  government  attaches  to  the  Imperial  Rescript 
on  Education  as  an  instrument  of  nationalistic  moral  training 
may  be  seen  in  the  Japanese  educational  program  directed  toward 
the  assimilation  of  Korea.  An  official  statement  on  the  subject 
says  :  "  As  one  of  the  vital  aims  of  the  new  educational  system 
is  to  develop  in  the  younger  generations  of  Koreans  such  moral 
character  as  will  make  them  loyal  subjects  of  Imperial  Japan, 
not  only  is  the  general  idea  of  the  fundamental  principles  set  forth 
in  the  Imperial  Rescript  on  Education  pretty  well  understood  by 
most  of  the  present-day  students,  but  the  new  national  anthem  is 
quickly  becoming  their  favorite  song 

**  As  alluded  to  in  the  last  Annual  Report,  when  the  new 
educational  system  in  the  Peninsula  was  formed,  the  Imperial 
Rescript  on  Education,  issued  for  Japan  twenty-one  years  ago, 
was  graciously  granted  to  the  Governor-General,  and  the  Im- 
perial Will,  desiring  the  extension  of  the  fundamental  principles 
of  the  national  education  to  the  Peninsula,  was  thus  clearly 
manifested,  also  that  Koreans  and  Japanese  were  alike  regarded 
as  His  Majesty's  loyal  subjects.  Receiving  this  Imperial  Re- 
script with  reverence,  the  Governor-General  decided  to  distribute 
copies  of  it  among  the  Government  Schools  and  other  Public 
Schools.  On  January  4th,  191 2,  the  Governor-General  issued 
an  instruction  to  the  Provincial  Governments  and  Government 
Schools  with  regard  to  the   Imperial   Rescript  on    Education. 

>•     *?|?&W  ^  :^*-  ^/-  also  Kikuchi,  op.  cit.,  pp.  3,  102-3. 
2.     Mombushb  Kunrei,  Order  No.   27,    Tokyo-fu  Kunrei  ("  Inslruclions  for 
Tokyo  Prefecture  "),  Nov.,  1890. 


THE    POLITICAL    PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN    SHINTO.  J'J 

During  the  year  under  review,  Government  and  Public  Schools 
receiving  copies  of  the  Imperial  Rescript  numbered  473."* 

I  The  Imperial  Rescript  on  Education  has  come  to  be  re- 
garded as  a  sort  of  condensed  sacred  Scripture  of  the  official 
cult,  especially  by  advocates  of  the  nationalistic-ethical  school  of 
Shinto.     The  position  of  this  school  is  well  set   forth   in   the 

I.  Annual  Report  on  Reforms  and  Progress  in  Chosen  {^Kored)  1912-I3,  pp. 
207-8.  (Compiled  by  the  Government-General  of  Chosen,  Seoul,  Dec.  I9I4)' 
Mr.  Sekiya  Tasaburo,  formerly  Director  of  the  Education  Bureau  of  the  Korean 
Government,  a  man  who  has  been  characterized  as  largely  responsible  for  the 
Japanese  educational  policy  in  Korea,  has  declared,  "  The  fundamental  purpose 
and  policy  of  the  government  in  its  educational  work  in  Korea  is  none  other  than 
that  which  it  has  before  its  mind  constantly  in  Japan,  namely,  upon  the  basis  of 
the  Imperial  Rescript  on  Education,  to  train  the  pupils  into  a  loyal  and  virtuous 
people."  J.  E.,  Nov.  1913,  p.  481. 

Under  the  circumstances  it  is,  perhaps,  hardly  to  be  expected  that  Japanese 
criticism  of  the  Imperial  Rescript  on  Education  should  manifest  any  special 
courage  or  originality.  Ordmary  Japanese  attempts  at  evaluation  hasten  to  make 
avowal  of  the  superlative  all-sufficiency  of  the  rescript  as  an  instrument  of  moral 
education.  It  is  "  perfect  in  spirit  and  in  form,  especially  in  fostering  the  spirit  of 
loyalty  and  patriotism."  {Cf.  Kato,  N.,  "The  Educational  System  of  Japan," 
T.  J.  S.  L.,  Vol.  XVI,  p.  142).  It  is  a  most  clear  statement  of  the  essence  of 
Japanese  national  life,  an  authoritative  expression  of  the  virtues  of  the  individual, 
the  home  and  the  nation,  an  exhaustive  exhibition  of  the  good  and  the  beautiful. 
(Cf.  Ebina,  Danjo,  in  Shinjin,  Dec.  27,  1910).  Dr.  Uesugi  Shinkichi  says,  "  The 
Imperial  Rescript  on  Education  supplies  the  bones  of  Japanese  morality  and  the 
foundation  of  the  spirit  of  the  nation.  It  transcends  all  criticism."  (®il^j4^ 
^1^,  Kokutai  Kempo  oyohi  Kensei,  "  The  National  Organization,  the  Constitution 
and  Constitutional  Government,"  Tokyo,  19 16,  p.  82).  Prof.  Tanaka  Yoshito, 
says,  "  The  Imperial  Rescript  on  Education  is  the  august  teaching  of  the  gods 
(Imperial  Ancestors)."  {Shinto  Hongi,  p.  152).  The  same  author,  writing  in 
I918  and  commenting  on  the  "  Great  Way  "  set  forth  in  the  rescript  says,  "  Un- 
like what  Confucius  says  in  the  Analects,  or  what  Gautama  says  in  the  Sutras,  or 
what  Christ  teaches  in  the  Bible,  the  Emperor  Meiji  did  not  merely  express  his 
own  august  opinion  (in  the  Rescript),  but,  indeed,  he  set  forth  in  epitome  the 
teaching  bequeathed  by  the  Imperial  Ancestors,  who  are  worshipped  as  gods  in 
the  shrines  which  our  people  have  established."  {W^WM.W^^Wi%^  Kokumin 
Dotokii  y^?7^  A^/,  "  Lectures  on  the  Essentials  of  Na  ional  Morality,"  Tokyo, 
1918,  p.  145).  These  latter  statements  are  especially  worthy  of  consideration  in 
view  of  what  Mr.  Yoshikaw^  has  said  concerning  the  actual  origin  of  the  rescript. 

An  occasional  criticism,  while  maintaining  the  flawlessness  of  the  rescript 


\ 


yS  THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY    OF    MODERN   SHINTO. 

writings  of  Tanaka  Yoshitd,  recently  appointed  lecturer  on 
Shinto  in  the  Tokyo  Imperial  University.^ 

From  the  point  of  view  of  Tanaka's  discussion  a  full  and 
sufficient  indication  of  the  practical  norm  of  Japanese  social  and 
political  obligations  is  to  be  found  in  the  Imperial  Rescript  on 
Education.  "The  Imperial  Rescript  on  Education  gives  the 
essential  elements  of  Shinto.  That  is  to  say,  it  expresses  the  last 
testaments  of  our  Imperial  Ancestors,  which  must  be  kept  by 
our  people."^  The  origins  of  the  moral  propositions  of  this 
rescript  are  to  be  found  in  the  indigenous  development  of  the 
Japanese  race.  In  conformity  with  this  position  Tanaka  expounds 
Shinto  as  the  unique  historical  deposit  of  Japanese  racial  psycho- 
logy. In  spite  of  the  fact  that  various  religious  cults  and  moral 
codes  have  existed  in  Japan  from  ancient  times  right  down  to 
the  present,  Shinto  alone  expresses  the  true  spirit  of  the  Japanese 
people.  The  essential  meaning  of  Shinto  is  thus  to  be  determined 
by  reference  to  the  qualities  of  this  spirit.  The  heart  of  the  cult 
is  not  religion  at  all  in  the  ordinary  sense  ;^  it  is  Yamato  Dama- 
shii,  the  peculiar  psychological  endowment  of  the  race.     The 

itself,  attaclcs  the  ethical  instruction  that  is  based  thereon  as  formal  and  fruitless. 
i^Cf.  Kato,  op.  cii. ;  Ebina,  oj).  cit).  Here  and  there  a  Japanese  critic  appears 
with  the  courage  of  his  convictions.  The  editors  of  the  Japan  Year  Book  have 
declared,  "  The  Rescript,  with  all  respect  to  its  august  origin,  primarily  aims  to 
produce  patriotic  and  law-abiding  citizens  and  is  equally  deficient  in  inspiring  and 
leavening  power,"  (The  Japan  Year  Book,  1911,  p.  260;.  Dr.  N.  Ariga  eluci- 
dates the  historical  background  of  the  rescript  thus :  "  When  the  Constitution 
was  granted  in  1889,  it  was  feared  by  some  that  the  development  of  the  idea  of 
<  the  rights  of  the  people  '  would  destroy  the  idea  of  loyalty  and  patriotism,  and 
the  famous  Rescript  on  Education  was  the  result,  which  looked  at  humanity 
entirely  from  the  standpoint  of  intellect,  and  excluded  all  element  of  faith  and 
mystery."     (J.  E.  July,  1908,  p.  259,  trans,  hy  Japan  Chronicle). 

I.  Prof.  Tanaka  is  the  most  prolific  of  the  modern  Japanese  Shintoists» 
For  a  list  of  his  most  important  writings  consult  Appendix  B 

2      Shinto  Hongi,  p.  156.  Cf.  also  i'jid.,  pp.  147,  1 5 2-8, 

3.  Tanaka  does  not  attempt  to  deny  the  existence  of  religious  elements  in 
Shinto.  {Cf  Kokninin  Dotoku  ydryo  Kogi,  pp.  162-3).  ^^^  ^^^*  ^^  regards 
Shinto  as  something  more  fundamental  than  mere  religion,  is  to  be  seen  in  his 
insistence  that  Shinto  is  a  Great  Way  that  underlies  morality,  politics,  education 
and  religion  alike.     {Shinto  Hongi,  pp.   28,   113,   115,  162  ff.).     His  emphasis 


THE    POLITICAL    PHILOSOPHY    OF    MODERN    SHINXS.  /Q 

question  is  immediately  raised,  what  are  the  fundamental  psycho- 
logical characteristics  of  the  Japanese  people  ?  According  to 
Tanaka,  these  are  three  in  number  : 

(i).  An  intellectual  nature  capacitating  for  orderliness  and 
unification  {Chitsujo  teki  toitsu  teki  shiso), 

(2).  A  vivacious  and  practical  (lit.  ''  this- worldly  ")  emo- 
tional nature  {liaikatsu  teki  gensei  teki  kanjo). 

(3).  A  disposition  toward  development  and  expansion 
{Hatten  teki  bocho  teki  seikaku)} 

The  unique  importance  attached  to  this  three-fold  pyscho- 
logical  endowment  in  Japanese  historical  development  is  seen  in 
Tanaka's  statement :  "■  This  spirit  has  afforded  the  foundation 
from  which  Shintd  has  had  its  rise."^  The  manifestation  of 
this  spirit  in  the  actual  life  of  Japan  constitutes  Shinto.  These 
psychological  characteristics  in  the  uniqueness  of  their  combina- 
tion are  explained  as  the  particular  possessions  of  the  Japanese. 
"  To  be  sure,"  Tanaka  adm'ts,  *'  we  must  recognize  the  fact  that 
such  intellectual  qualities  as  orderliness  and  the  capacity  for 
unification  have  been  conspicuous  among  the  Chinese.  In  the 
case  of  this  people  however,  even  early  in  the  ancient  period  of 
their  history,  this  spirit  collapsed  well  nigh  to  the  foundations 
owing  to  changes  in  the  reigning  dynasties.  Also  a  sprightly 
emotional  nature,  in  which  the  things  of  the  present  world  were 
especially  emphasized,  is  to  be  noted  as  having  obtained  among 
the  Greeks.  We  must  likewise  admit  that  a  capacity  for  deve- 
lopment and  expansion  was  preeminent  among  the  Romans. 
These  nations,   however,   possessed   these  virtues  singly.     With 

throughout  is  fundamentally  ethical  and  political.  Shinto,  even  as  a  religion, 
relates  primarily  to  the  politico-religious  affairs  of  Japanese  society.  \Cf.%^'^ 
W^fn^.  '5Az«^^  Tetstigaku  Seigl,  "  The  Essential  Meaning  of  Shinto  Philoso- 
phy," Tokyo,  1918,  p.  210").  He  declares  emphatically  that  if  the  content  of 
religion  is  limited  to  the  special  character.stics  manifested  by  Buddhism  and 
Christianity  then  Shinto  is  not  religion.     {Op.  cit ,  p.  205). 

1.  Shinto  Hongi,  p.  32.     See  also  /jC^^^^^^,  Motoori  Norinaga  no 
Telsugaku,  "The  Philosophy  of  Motoori  Norinaga,"  p.  57. 

2.  Shintd  Hongi,  p.  34. 


80  THE    POLITICAL    PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN   SHINTO 

the  succeeding  decline  of  their  national  destinies,  they  became 
extinguished  and  disappeared.  Our  race  alone,  having  ever 
been  superior  to  the  misfortune  of  ruin,  has  preserved  this  intel- 
lectual nature,  this  emotional  quality,  and  this  capacity  (for 
'  expansion)  in  a  special  way  and  consequently  has  developed.  In 
fine,  this  mentality  (s/iiso),  this  emotional  nature  {kanjo),  this 
character  {scikakii),  taken  together  as  one,  constitute  the  in- 
herent spiritual  quality  of  our  race."^ 
V  /  This   Yamato  DamashiiyOV  national  spirit  nf  J-apgn,  i?  r>r> 

^  recent  and  f-ri^n«<^"t-  nrViinvnmnwf^  It  1^  marked  Japanese 
psychology  from  most  ancient  times,  and  thus,  deeply  embedded 
itl  the"  spiritual  depths  of  the  race,  its  unchanp;infy  perpft"^»?-->" 
throuf^hout  the  future  is  guaranteed.  The  divine  ancestors  have 
embodied  the  very  essence  of  this  spirit  and  have  revealed  its 
virtues.  Particularly  is  this  true  of  the  sacred  empf  ro^°  ^^'^^ 
may  properly  be  regarded  as  the  incarnations  of  th<"  t^"^  Japan^^^cpi' 
spirit.  "  Furthermore  " — to  quote — "  the  deeds  and  examples 
of  all  of  our  emperors  from  ancient  times"  down  to  the  present, 
have  exerted  a  mighty  influence  on  our  people  and  have  become 
the  norm  ot  national  action  in  politico,  |n  ^  fpliginn  nnH  in  n^Wxon^ 
thus  completely  regulating  the  activities  and  utterances  of  the 
nation.  Thus,  doth  the  basis  and  t/^e  norm  for  tJ^^  artiijitip^  nf 
the  Japanese  race  have  their  origin  in  the  deeds  of  our  sacred 
ancestors.     This  is  Shinto.''- 

"  The  most  revered  of  all  the  kami  are  those  of  the  successive 
generations  of  the  Imperial  Line,  beginning  with  the  Divine 
Ancestress,  Ama-terasu-o-mi-kami,  The  matters  that  have  been 
disclosed  by  these  successive  generations  of /C'^w/,  beginning  with 
Ama-ierasu-o-mi-kami,  constitute  the  principal  part  of  Shinto.""^ 

"  This  Shinto,  already  in  the  ancient  period,  exercised  an 
important  influence,  in  harmony  with  the  intellectual,  emotional, 
and  practical  necessities  of  the  time.     Thus,  as  revealed  in  every- 

1.  Motoori  Norinaga  no  Tetsugaku,  p.  57. 

2.  Ibid ,  pp.  57-58. 

3.  Shinto  Ilongi,  p.  145. 


THE    POLITICAL    PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN   SHINT5.  8 1 

day  affairs  prior  to  the  introduction  of  Confucianism,  which  has 
exercised  such  a  great  influence  on  the  moral  life  of  our  people, 
Shinto  constituted  our  national  ethical  system.  Also,'  prior  to 
the  introduction  of  Buddhism  which  has  exerted  such  power  in 
the  religious  world  of  Japan,  Shinto  was  the  religion  that  gave 
calmness  and  tranquility  to  our  people.  Furthermore,  in  the  r^ 
Imperial  Rescript  of  the  third  day  of  the  first  month  of  the  third 
year  of  Meiji,  it  is  written,  *  The  Heavenly  Deities  and  Sacred 
Ancestors  ascended  the  Imperial  Throne  and  founded  the  Im- 
perial Line.  Sacred  Emperors  reigned  in  succession,  continuing 
and  extending  the  lineage.  Religion  and  government  were  *^ 
un separated  and  the  people  were  all  united  in  a  single  heart. 
Above,  government  and  education  were  excellent,  and  belo^/, 
manners  and  customs  were  beautiful.'  /  According  to  this, 
from  most  ancient  time  on,  government^  and  religion  have 
been  one,  and  prior  to  the  introduction  of  Chinese  political  philo- 
sophy, Shint5  was  the  way  of  political  jtffairs.  In  addition 
Shinto  had  its  influence  on  every  aspect  of  the  practical  life  of 
our  people.  Thus  it  is,  that  in  just  such  manner  as  we  Japanese 
have  received  our  bodies,  even  to  our  hair  and  our  skin,  from 
our  divine  ancestoi^h;^nr|f"d  down  nnrnrrnpteH   from_father  to 


son,  so  also,  thefundamental  things  of  Shinto  are  eternal,  handed 
down  from  generation  to  generation."^ 
^  On  the  basis  of  his  analysis  of  the  Japanese  spirit  Tanaka  is 
led  to  affirm  a  fundamental  difference  between  the  Japanese  ancl 
other  races.  ^In  the  matter  of  basic  conceptinnq  there  i^  a. 
difference  between  the  pe^pji"  ^^  '^'^*'  nnHin  nm-T  f-ii<.-iLMn.iin.i'  2  ^ 
This  fundamental  difference  manifests  itself  primarily  in  the  atti- 
J^ude  toward  the  state.  In  the  foreign  point  of  view  the  state  is 
ultimately  subordinated  to  individualism.^  The  Japanese  spirit 
on  the  other  hand,  characteristically  eypre<;<;ec;  ifgplf  in  the  r.om- 
plete  abandonment  of  individualism  to  the  support  of  a  state  lifet, 

1.  Alotoori  Norinaga  no  Tetsugaku,  pp.  58-60. 

2.  Shinto  Ilongi,  p.  140. 

3.  IbuL,  p.  139. 


J 


82  THE    POLITICAL    PHILOSOPHY    OF    MODERN   SHLNTO. 

y\  organized  around  the  principle  of  imperinl  sovereignty.  This 
tact  has  given  extraordinary  stability  to  Japanese  political  iustitu- 
tions./  There  has  been  going  on  in  the  past  a  fierce  struggle  for 
existence  among  the  nations  of  the  earth.  It  is  to  be  noted  that 
not  one  of  the  great  European  nations  of  the  remote  past  has 
survived  into  the  present/  Japan  alone  of  the  modern  nations 
of  the  world  has  an  unbroken  existence  extending  back  to  the 
dawn  of  history.  How  does  it  happen  that  throughout  a  history 
of  three  thousand  years  Japan  has  never  lost  territory  to  foreign 
aggression  and  has  preserved  intact  the  integrity  of  her  empire  ? 
The  author  answers,  "  In  solution  of  this  problem  I  maintain  frat 
this  in  a  word  is  due  to  the  fact  of  the  existence  from  ancient 
times  of  the  unique  Great  Way  of  our  nation/^^  The  historical 
result  is  that  the  Japanese  Empire  '^  possesses  a  national  organiza- 
.  tion  {kokutai)  without  parallel  in  the  world. "^ 

The  military  value  of  this  apologetic  is  not  lost  sight  of  by 

/  Prof.  Tanaka.  He  attempt^;  fo  maintain  thnf  Wxe-  milLt:a4y  suc- 
cesses of  Japan  can  only  ht^  filly  explained  by  reference  to  the 
fundamental  qualities  of  this  uniquejapaoca^-spkit^  He  admits 
that  in  external,  physical  characteristics  the  Japanese  must  be 
classified  along  with  other  human  beings.  The  significant  differ- 
ences, however,  are  in  the  spiritual  realm.  ''  If  Japanese  and 
foreigners  are  the  same,  how  does  it  happen  that  in  the  two  great 
wars  of  recent  times,  namely  in  the  Sino-Japanese  and  the  Russo- 
Japanese  wars,  countries  great  in  population,  wide  in  area,  rich 
in  wealth,  superior  in  military  equipment,  and  great  in  number 
of  soldiers — how  does  it  happen  that  such  a  China  and  such  a 
Russia  went  down  before  a  Japan,  limited  in  population,  small 
in  area,  deficient  in  soldiers  (from  a  numerical  standpoint)  and 
lacking  in  wealth  ?  "  The  author's  answer  is,  "  The  result  is  due 
to  the  fact  that  over  and  above  these  matters  of  military  equip- 


1.  Ibid.,  pp.,  Il8  ff. 

2.  Ibid.,  p.  121. 

3.  y^/V/.,  p.  112. 

4.  Ibid ,  pp.  146  ff. 


THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHV   OF   MODERN   SHINTO.  83 

ment,  numbers  of  soldiers,  population,  and  area,  there  exists  a 
unique  and  special  something  with  which  these  things  cannot  be 
compared.  That  is  to  say,  in  as  much  as  there  prevails  among 
the  people  of  our  nation  our  characteristic  Great  Way,  in  a 
word,  because  there  exists  a  Great  Way  unmatched  in  all  the 
world,  this  result  has  come  forth.  In  the  face  of  this,  the  strong- 
est country  in  the  world  must  shrink  back."^  "--- 
Shinto  is  thus  in  its  last  analysis  simply  the  historical  mani- 
festation  of  the  unique  Japanese  Spirit.  Shinto  as. the  Great 
Way  of  Yamato  Damashii  underlies  Japanese  religion,  ethics 
politics,  and  education.  As  already  pointed  out,  this  interpreta" 
tion  harmonizes  easily  with  the  official  declaration  that  Shinto  is 
not  a  religion,  although  Prof.  Tanaka,  himself,  would  go  much 
farther  than  the  government  in  admitting  genuine  religious  efe- 

I.  Ibid.,  pp.  148-9.  Written  before  the  World- War.  Dr.  G.  Kato,  writing 
subsequent  to  the  World  War,  has  presented  Yamato  Damashii  as  having  at  its  heart 
the  unique  patriotism  of  the  Japanese.  ( Waga  Kokutai  to  Shinto,  p.  221).  Waller 
Dening  wrote  in  1910,  "  The  language  used  by  certain  Japanese  writers  claims  for 
them  the  possession  of  certain  mysterious  hidden  merits  not  found  in  other  nations. 
Their  regard  for  the  Emperor,  for  instance,  is  representedas  far  superior  to  the  feeling 
which  Knglishmen  have  for  their  King.  Baron  Kikuchi,  Dr.  Kato  [Hiroyuki],  even 
Mr.  Sawayanagi,  and  many  other  writers  use  language  that  is  capable  of  no  other 
vnterprelation.  Baron  Kikuchi  tells  Englishmen  and  Americans  they  have  not  the 
eyes  to  see  this.  It  is  one  of  those  mysteries  that  only  Japanese  can  understand. 
On  their  regard  for  the  Emperor  is  based  all  that  is  best  in  Japanese  human  nature, 
according  to  Di».  Kikuchi,  He  and  many  others  assume  that  their  attitude  lo  the 
throne  places  Japanese  high  above  all  nations  and  that  the  patriotism  displayed 
by  the  Japanese  has  its  sources  in  the  respect  they  feel  for  the  Emperor.  It  may 
be  so,  but  it  would  certainly  be  true  (o  say  that  equally  ardent  patriotism  is  to  be 
seen  in  numerous  other  countries  whose  constitution  is  radically  different  from 
that  of  Japan."  (Art.  "Reason  and  Sentiment  in  this  Country,"  y^?/^?^^  Mail. 
See  Japan  Evangelist,  1910,  p.  254).  The  same-writer  says,  "It  has  been  a  self- 
imposed  duty  of  mine  to  study  the  ethical  and  religious  thought  and  to  analyze 
the  moral  character  of  the  Japanese  for  three  decades,  and  the  conclusion  I  have 
reached  is,  that  while  in  fine  moral  qualities  the  best  Japanese  are  not  behind  the 
best  Occidentals,  neither  are  they  ahead  of  them.  Equality  is  all  the  most 
thoughtful  and  best  informed  Japanese  claim,  not  superiority.  If  Japan  has  evolved 
ethical  and  religious  thought  that  is  quite  new  to  the  Western  world,  where  in 
the  whole  range  of  Japanese  literature  is  it  to  be  found  ?  "     {Op.  cit,,  p.  253). 


•y 


L 


84  THE    POLITICAL   THILOSOPHY    OF    MODERN    SHINTO. 

ments  in  Shintd.  The  success  which  has  met  the  widespread 
propagation  of  this  interpretation  may  be  seen  in  the  common 
experience  of  finding  it  repeated  constantly  as  the  typical  school- 
boy interpretation  of  Shinto, — i.e.  the  essence  of  Shinto  is  in 
Yainato  Damashii\  its  creed  is  in  the  Imperial  Rescript  on 
Education. 

It  is  not  possible  within  the  limits  of  the  present  discussion 
to  enter  upon  the  detailed  study  of  Japanese  racial  psychology 
which  would  be  involved  in  the  proper  investigation  of  Yamato 
Damashii,  the  Soul  of  Japan.^  Present  consideration  must  be 
limited  to  representative  statements  by  Japanese  apologists  who 
are  avowedly  speaking  from  the  point  of  view  of  the  exposition 
of  Shinto. 

In  the  exposition  given  by  Mr.  Kono  Shoz5,  one  of  the 
professors  of  the  Koku  Gakuin  Dai  Gakii,  the  Shint5  College  in 
Tokyo,  and  at  the  same  time  one  of  the  most  I'ecent  writers  on 
the  subject,  Shinto  is  likewise  expounded  as  a  n?^'^"^^<^t^^-?^^''^^^ 
system  wherein  Japanese  racial  psychology  finds  its  most  char- 
acteristic  expression.  Although  Prof.  Kono's  discussion  involves 
the  recognition  of  religious  elements  in  Shinto,  it  is  nevertheless 
predominantly  ethical.  Shinto  is  defined  as  *'  the  moral  system 
of  the  Japanese  people  whTch  has  developed  "on  a  foundation  of 
the  ideaof  reverence  from  a  center  in  the  Great  Deity.  Ama- 
terasii-o-ml-kamL^'^      Further   definition  says,    "  Shinto   is   that 

practical,    nationalistic,    or    better^    imppnalfc^Hr     |yinro1i>y     xvrTn^VV, 

has  for  its  central  life  the  spirit  of  ginf«"ri<-3^  nnH  w'hiVVi  fmr^i 
ancient  times  has  been  the  constant  spiritual  pnwpj-  and  ^ynnmir 
of  the  Vamato  rare."^ 

The  first  mentioned  Japanese  rhararWigftV  f^y^^  ,if>.Pihintn 


1.  See  La  Vieuville,  G.,  Essai  de  Psychologie  Jafonaise,  La  Race  des  D'letix, 
Paris,  1938;  Dening,  Walter,  "Mental  Characteristics  of  the  Japanese,"  T.  A.  S. 
J.,  Vol.  19,  Pt.  I  ;  Gulick-,  S.  L.,  The  Evolution  0/  the  Japanese,  Social  and  Psy^h'c, 
New  York,  1903  ;  Murdoch,  James,  A  History  of  JafaUy  Vol.  i,  pp.  5-16. 

2.  Koknmin  Dotokti  Shiron,  p.  220. 

3.  Ibid ,  p.  228. 


THE    POLITICAL    PHILOSOPHY    OF    MODERN    SHINTO.  85 

is  reverence  for  the  Imperial  Family,  regarding  which  the  author 
says,  ''  The  sentiment  of  reverence  for  an  Imperial  Line  unbroken 
from  time  immemorial,  vvhereby  ruler  and  subjects  are  made  one 
and  by  means  of  which  the  national  lite  is  protected,  rnpt^tlrmrfc" 
the  life  of  Shinto  and  is  the  source  of  the  happiness  of  the 
Japanese  nation."'  Other  characteristics  are  listed  as.  a  strong 
and  ardent  love  of  country,  ancestor  worship,  hero  worship,  faith 
in  the  grace  of  Heaven  and  the  aid  of  the  gods,  an  emphasis  on  the 
activities  of  the  present  world,  a  regard  for  cleanliness  (including 
the  idea  of  religious  purification),  and  an  emphasis  on  etiquette.'^ 

The  writings  and  public  addresses  of  Marquis  Dkuma  may 
be  taken  as  a  semi-official  exposition  of  the  views  of  this  school 
of  Shinto.  In  his  treatment  the  special  characteristics  of  the 
Jai)anese  race  are  regarded  as  always  tending  toward  the  creation 
and  maintenance  of  a  certain  form  of  political  and  social  life, 
namely,  a  hierarchy  in  which  the  members  of  the  ruling  classes  fj-'*''^ 
as  well  as  public  benefactors  of  various  grades  are  regarded  as 
"  deity."  These  deities,  however,  are  not  to  be  considered  as 
akin  to  the  superhuman  gods  of  ordinary  religions.  On  the 
contrary,  the  kami  (**  deities  ")  of  the  Shinto  cult  are  true', 
Japanese  ancestors,  particularly  those  ancestors  connected  with  ; 
the  governmental  regime.  This  characterization  is  applied  even 
to  the  supposedly  mythological  sections  of  early  Japanese  tradi- 
tion. Thus,  -the  genealogy  of  the  most  ancient  kami  appearing 
in  the  Kojiki  and  the  Nihongi  must  be  taken  as  affording  lists  of 
the  names  of  actual  ancestral  rulers  of  old  Japan.^ 

The  extent  to  which  Okuma  is  willing  to  go  in  utilizing 
Japanese  mythology  in  developing  his  theory  of  the  state  may  be 
gathered  from  the  following  quotation.  "  The  former  [the 
Kojiki]  in  its  description  of  the  first /^^w/ opens  thus  :  'The 
kami  who,  in  the  beginning  of  heaven  and  earth,  created  them- 
selves in  the  High   Heavenly   Plain  {Taka?jia-ga-IIara),    were 

1.  Il>id.,  p.  229. 

2.  Ibid.,  pp.  228-234. 

3.  C/.,  Okuma,  Fi/ly  Ygars  of  New  Japan^  Vol.  i,  pp.  I-io,  19-20. 


86  THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN   SHINTO. 

three,  Ame-no-mi-naka-nushi-no-kami,  Taka-mi-musubi-no-kamif 
and  Kami-miisubi-no'kami'  The  sentence  might  by  some  be 
given  a  religious  interpretation,  namely,  that  the  deity  Ame-no- 
mi-7iaka-nushi  (meaning  '  master  of  the  center  of  heaven  ')  was 
the  ruler  of  the  universe,  and  the  deities  Musiibi  (supposed  by 
some  to  mean  ^  to  produce  ')  were  the  creators,  but  in  fact  these 
kami  were  entirely  different  from  the  superhuman  gods  of  religion. 
The  three  laid  the  foundations  of  the  Great  Eight  Islands,  or  the 
Japanese  Archipelago,  and  their  children  intermarried  and  pros- 
pered. The  descendants  of  the  first  named,  who  were  charged 
to  govern  the  newly  created  country,  were  the  lineal  descend- 
ants of  the  kamif  or  according  to  the  strict  meaning  .of  the 
:  ideographs,  the  '  sons  of  the  celestial  kami.^  The  other  two 
j  Musiibi  are  sometimes  called  the  ini~oya-no-kami,  or  ancestral 
1  kami  and  represent  the  maternal  side  of  the  family  of  the  kami, 
(Their  descendants  increased  to  the  number  of  yao-yorozu-no- 
kauii  (literally  '  eighty  myriad  kami,'  but  really  '  multitudinous 
kami  ')  who  '  assembled  in  divine  discussions, '  Thus  was  begun 
a  system  of  government  by  a  council  of  elders  before  the  throne. 
The  families  of  the  Shin-betsu,  that  is,  branches  of  the  kami — 
the  Fujiwara  for  instance,  which  during  many  centuries  were  the 
most  powerful  of  the  mobility — were  for  the  most  part  descend- 
ants of  these  kami.  Hence  it  follows  that  the  Japanese  concep- 
tion of  the  deities — %  that  term  be  properly  applicable — does 
not,  as  is  the  case  with  the  supreme  beings  of  religions  in  general, 
involve  the  idea  of  obedience  imposed  by  external  authority,  for 
instead  of  rites  of  sacrifice  and  prayer,  whereby  the  devotees  of 
other  cults  invoke  blessings  for  themselves,  the  Japanese  offer  to 
their  ancestors  in  thanksgiving  the  first  fruits  of  the  harvest,  the 
members  of  each  family  assembling  in  their  invisible  presence 
and  joyfully  commemorating  their  own  callings  in  life."^ 

It  is  to  be  anticipated  then  that  Okuma  will  not  support  a 
strictly  religious    interpretation   of  the   shrines.       In  an   article 
written  by  him  for  the  Meiji  Jinja  Shiryo,  "  Guide  to  the   Meiji 
I.    Op.  cU.,  pp.  3, 4. 


THK   POLITICAL    PHILOSOPHY   OP    MODERN    SHINTO.  S/ 

Shrines/'^,  be  argues  that  the  chief  value  of  the  shrines  lies  in  the 
fact  that  they  are  an  institution  coterminous  with  Japanese  his- 
torical development  itself  and  as  such  expressive  of  the  deepest 
and  most  characteristic  sentiments  of  the  Japanese  race.  The 
proper  spiritual  attitude  of  the  devotee  at  the  Shinto  shrines  is 
not  that  of  religious  worship  in  the  ordinary  sense  ;  it  is,  on  the 
other  hand,  kelshin,  namely,  reverence.  ^Thus  Okuma  is  led  to 
oppose  the  traditional  or  religious  usage  of  the  shrines  in  the 
following  words,  "  To  attempt  by  means  of  prayers  to  drive 
away  sickness  or  to  pray  for  prosperity  and  happiness,  is  mere 
superstition  and  is  a  violation  of  the  nature  ot  reverence.  ReV' 
erence  is  not  a  kind  of  religious  faith  {Keishin  to  wa  hitotsii  no 
sJiukyb'jo  no  shinko  de  nakii).  Buddhists  and  Christians  alike,  in 
as  much  as  they  are  Japanese,  ought  to  conform  to  this  and, 
indeed,  the  matter  is  of  such  a  nature  that  they  can  conform."^ 

After  passing  in  brief  review,  the  manner  in  which  this 
spirit  of  reverence  expresses  itself  in  Japanese  society,  Okuma 
summarizes  thus:  ''The  Japanese  idea  of  reverence  is  in  this 
wise  an  exceedingly  simple  matter.  To  advance  and  extend  the 
ideas  of  loyalty  and  pllal  pietv  toward  Emperor  and  parents,  to 
manifest  a  spirit  of  thanksgiving  toward  the  spirits  of  the  great 
men  of  the  nation,  both  the  ancestors  of  the  CQrnm^n  people  iind 
those  of  the  Imperial  Family,  and  for  all  time  to  look  up  to  their 
high  virtues — keishin  is  nothing  other  than  this.  Such  being 
the  case,  keishin  includes  the  ideas  of  loyalty  and  filial  piety. "^ 

Miyao  and  Inamura,  in  their  valuable  study  of  the  shrines^ 
likewise  affirm  emphatically  that  the  shrines  are  not  religious 
institutions.  A  single  quotation  will  suffice  to  indicate  the  point 
of  view  of  these  authors.  "  There  are  scholars  who  interpret 
the  shrines  as  places  of  religious  worship.  There  are  also  those 
who  argue  that  since  the  shrines  are  historical  survivals  relating 

I-  ^^IrSliPifilSl^j  (3  Vols.,  Tokyo,  1915),  Vol.  i,  Introduction. 

2.  Op.  ciL,  p.  2. 

3.  Il>id.,  p.  7. 

4.  Jinja  Gyoseiho  Kogi,  Tokyo,  1911. 


88  THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN   SHINTO. 

to  ancestral  ism,  if  ancestralism  is  to  be  classified  as  a  form  of 
religion,  it  consequently  becomes  impossible  to  place  the  shrines 
outside  of  religion.  Whether  or  not  they  are  religious  when 
regarded  from  a  philosophical  position  is  beside  the  question. 
Here,  in  a  word,  let  it  be  said,  that  under  existing  laws  of  the 
state  the  shrines  are  by  no  means  religious  institutions."*  .... 
"  Again,  they  [the  shrines]  are  not  places  where  religious  activi- 
ties are  carried  on.  They  must  be  classified  as  altogether  outside 
of  religion.'"" 

Dr.  Haga  Yaeichi,  one  of  the  most  representative  of  the 
modern  Japanese  nationalists,  repeats  the  same  argument  with 
even  greater  emphasis  in  Kokiunin  Set  JuroUj  ''  Ten  Lectures  on 
National  Characteristics."^  The  form  of  Shinto  that  expresses 
itself  in  the  shrines  is  declared  to  be  '*  a  matter  altogether  distinct 
from  religion  !'  "It  has  no  relation  whatever  to  the  problem  of 
the  freedom  of  religious  faith."'*  The  author  compares  the 
shrines  with  the  memorial  statues  found  in  Europe  and  America 
and  maintains  that  the  related  sentiments  are  the  same  in  both 
cases.  In  comparison  with  statues  he  remarks,  "  The  shrines  of 
our  country  are,  after  all,  the  same  thing.  Foreigners  erect 
statues,  we  celebrate  at  the  shrines,  this  is  the  only  difference. 
It  is  inconsistent  to  say  that,  while  one  may  pay  respect  before 
bronze  statues  he  may  not  visit  and  pay  reverence  at  the  shrines. 
No  one  can  reasonably  say  that  while  it  is  fitting  to  pay 
respect  at  the  graves  of  relatives  and  friends,  it  is,  on  the  other 
hand,  beneath  one's  dignity  or  a  violation  of  one's  faith  to  visit 
and  pay  homage  at  the  shrines  of  illustrious  men.  The  difficulty 
arises  from  a  misunderstanding  of  the  word  kami  and  a  confusion 
with  religion.  In  our  National  Constitution  religious  freedom  is 
liberally  permitted.  Subjects  of  the  state,  without  regard  to 
religious  connections,  are  permitted  to  do  homage  at  the  Ances- 

1.  C?/«V.,p.  53. 

2.  Ibid.^  P-  57* 

3-     f^KHi^fml,  Tokyo,  I914. 
4      O^.  cit.,  p.  40. 


THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY    OF    MODERN    SHINt5,  89 

tral  Sanctuary  -  of  the  Imperial  Palace,  and  in  case  of  death  on 
behalf  of  the  public  weal  are  collectively  commemorated  at  the 
Yasiikuni  Shrine.  This  is  proof  that  the  shrines  are  not  related 
to  religion."^ 

We  have  next  to  consider  the  religious  application  of  the 
nationalistic- ethical  interpretation,  hi  the  eyes  of  certain  Japan- 
ese writers,  especially  those  interested  in  the  development  of 
genuine  religious  education,  one  of  the  great  practical  values  of 
the  purely  ethical  interpretation  of  Shinto,  when  consistently 
applied,  is  that  it  is  calculated  to  eliminate  all  fundamental  diffi- 
culties lying  between  actual  religion  and  the  fostering  of  national 
morality  through  the  medium  of  Shinto  ceremonials. 

We  may  first  note  in  this  connection  the  exposition  of  Dr. 
Hiroike  Senkuro  who  writes  from  the  standpoint  of  an  adherent  of 
the  Shinto  sects  and  in  particular  of  Tenri  Kyo.  This  author 
in  his  book  Jinja  Sukei  to  Shukyo,  "  Shrine  Reverence  and 
Religion,""  gives  the  weight  of  his  support  to  the  interpretation 
that,  from  the  standpoint  of  national  law  the  official  Shinto  shrines 
are  not  religious  institutions.  His  entire  discussion  is  based  on 
the  idea  of  a  two-fold  function  in  the  shrines,  themselves,  namely, 
that  arising  out  of  what  may  be  called  a  popular  character  which 
is  admitted  to  be  genuinely  religious,  and  that  relating  to  an 
official  character  which  is  ethical  and  nationalistic.  These  two 
functions  may  be  discharged  at  one  and  the  same  shrine  and 
even  in  one  and  the  same  ceremony  without  conflict  or  inconsis- 
tency. The  basis  of  Dr.  Hiroike's  distinction,  however,  may 
hardly  be  said  to  lodge  in  a  thorough-^oing  examination  of 
either  the  nature  of  religion  or  of  the  actual  ceremonials  of  the 
shrines.  His  conclusions  rest  on  an  acceptance  of  legal  enact- 
ments as  final.  In  particular  he  interprets  the  religious  laws  of 
1882  and  of  1900  to  mean  that,  under  existing  Japanese  law,  the 
shrines  are  not  religious  institutions.^ 

1.  Ibid.,  pp.  45-46. 

2.  P«i:^§JC>.^|5:,  Tokyo,  1915. 

3.  Ibid.t  p.  42  flf. 


90  THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY    OF    MODEI^   SHINTO. 

Hiroike  thus  explains  the  official  position  to  mean  that  the 
shrines  are  cult  centers  where  reverence  and  gratitude  toward 
ihe  great  leaders  of  Japanese  history  are  expressed  and  stimulat- 
ed. They  are  not  properly  places  where  private  supplication  is 
offered  to  the  spiritual  world.^ 

He  admits  that  there  are  certain  ceremonials  conducted  at 
the  shrines  which  because  of  their  historical  origins  may,  from  a 
certain  standpoint,  be  interpreted  as  having  mingled  in  them  the 
meaning  of  prayer,  and  also  grants  that  individuals  may  approach 
the  shrines  impelled  by  the  idea  of  supplicating  spiritual  powers 
for  various  temporal  benefits.  "  The  mere  matter  of  prayer  for 
the  future,  however,  and,  again,  the  practice  of  distributing 
charms  have  no  relation  whatever  with  so-called  religion  from 
the  standpoint  of  national  law."^  At  the  same  time  Hiroike 
admits  that  if  one  regards  the  matter  from  an  academic  or  idea- 
listic position,  or  perhaps  from  a  sociological  point  of  view,  there 
is  no  objection  to  saying  that  the  activities  of  the  official  shrines 
are  based  on  religious  notions  and  that  the  rituals  bear  a  religious 
meaning.  Yet,  on  the  other  hand,  whatever  be  the  nature  of 
the  supplications  with  which  the  individual  approaches  the  shrine, 
there  is  no  reason  why,  from  the  standpoint  of  law,  the  shrines 
should  be  regarded  as  religious  institutions.  National  law  has 
never  interfered  with  the  belief  of  the  people  in  ordinary  cases. 
The  implication  which  the  author  here  makes  is,  that  for  the 
state  to  attempt  a  reformation  in  individual  beliefs  and  practices 
connected  with  the  shrines  would  be  tantamount  to  an  abridg- 
ment of  the  religious  freedom  guaranteed  under  the  Japanese 
Constitution. 

Furthermore,  he  argues,  in  case  either  individuals  or  groups 
of  individuals  make  entreaties  at  the  shrines  for  such  particular 
benefits  as  good  crops  or  large  hauls  of  fish,  there  is  nothing  in 
conflict  with  national  law  if  priests  in  charge  conform  to  the 
meaning  of  such  prayers  and,   by  making  use  of  proper  ritual, 

1.  Ibid.^  pp.  47-8. 

2.  Ibid.,  p.  50. 


92  THE   POLITICAL 'PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN   SHINTO. 

From  the  standpoint  of  national  morality  it  would  be  necessary 
to  pronounce  him  a  person  with  serious  defects  of  character.'" 

A  modem  Christian  apologist,  Tanaka  Tatsu,  has  attempted 
an  exposition  of  Shinto  from  this  same  standpoint.^  The  prin- 
ciple undedying  his  harmonization  may  be  formulated  thus  : 
The  conception  of  deity  in  true  religion  and  the  idea  of  kami  as 
found  in  pure  Shinto  are  of  such  radically  diverse  natures  as  to 
render  any  conflict  between  Shinto  and  real  religion  impossible. 

Tanaka  attempts,  in  the  first  place,  to  establish  the  proposi- 
tion, ''  The  Way  of  the  Gods  {SJiindo)  is  equivalent  to  the  Way 
of  Men  "  {Jindo),  This  statement,  although  resembling  that 
advanced  by  various  modern  students  of  religion,  to  the  effect 
that  there  is  nothing  in  the  god-world  that  is  not  first  in  the 
man-world,  is  nevertheless,  from  the  standpoint  of  our  Japanese 
author,  different,  since  he  recognizes  the  existence  of  religious 
values  not  included  in  Shinto,  as  he  understands  it.  Tanaka 
thus  develops  the  further  proposition  that  in  pure  Shinto  the 
so-called  deities  are  nothing  more  than  human  beings.  In  other 
words  tl^e  essential  nature  of  Shinto  is  to  be  found  in  a  system 
of  human  ethics,  centered  in  the  Japanese  state.^ 

In  support  of  his  position,  Tanaka  makes  no  attempt  to  sift 
the  ancient  Japanese  literature  bearing  on  his  discussion,  nor  is 
he  willing  to  admit  that  the  actual  religious  life  of  the  Japanese 
people,  as  expressed  in  the  various  Shinto  sects  of  the  present, 
affords  any  criterion  for  the  determination  of  the  true  nature  of 
Shinto.  On  the  other  hand,  he  settles  the  matter  by  an  appeal 
to  the  authority  of  certain  recognized  Japanese  scholars,  namely 
Kada  Azumamaro,  Arai  Hakuseki,  Kamo  Mabuchi,  Motoori 
Norinaga,  Watarae  Nobuyoshi,  Tanaka  Yoshito,  and  Inonye 
Tetsujiro.  By  a  proper  selection  of  this  scholastic  evidence 
Tanaka  is  enabled  to  conclude  that  both  ancient  and  modern 


1.  Ibid.,  p.  54. 

2.  Tanaka,  Tatsu,  Shinto  Kanken  (igtHJ^,   W^^fi*  "A  Birds-eye  View 
of  Shinto  "),  Tokyo,  I915. 

3.  Op.  cit.,  pp.  1-7. 


THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN    SHINTO.  93 

scholars  are  one  in  maintaining  that  the  deities  of  Shinto  are 
human  beings. 

"  It  is  here,  I  believe,"  says  Tanaka,  *'  that  the  point  of 
reconciliation  between  Shintd  and  Christianity  is  to  be  found, 
and  for  the  following  reason.  In  the  case  of  both  Shinto  and 
Christianity  we  have  come  to  employ  the  same  term  for  deity, 
namely  kami.  Although  the  sound  is  identical  in  each  case,  as 
a  matter  of  fact,  there  is  a  fundamental  difference.  Both  Hirata 
and  he  Teijo  have  repeatedly  complained  that  it  has  been  the 
source  of  much  confusion  to  have  applied  the  Chinese  ideogram 
for  deity^  to  the  Japansse  word  kami.  In  the  same  way,  I 
consider  it  regrettable  that  either  the  Chinese  form  or  the  Japan- 
ese term  kami  has  been  used  to  express  the  Christian  conception 
of  Jehovah."' 

It  is  important  to  take  note  of  the  ethical  qualities  which 
Tanaka  emphasizes  as  fundamental  in  Shinto.  Following  in  the 
lead  of  Tanaka  Yoshito  and  Inouye  Tetsujir5  he  reduces  Shinto 
ethics  to  the  operation  of  three  primary  virtues,  wisdom,  benevo- 
lence and  valor.^  These  are  regarded  as  having  been  particu- 
larly prominent  in  the  Japanese  race  from  most  ancient  times 
right  down  to  the  present.  Through  the  influence  of  foreign 
cults,  however,  notably  Confucianism,  and  Buddhism,  this  pure 
Shinto  indigenous  to  Japan  has  been  modified  and  corrupted. 
It  is  not  dif^cult  to  see  in  this  a  reaffirmation  of  the  arguments 
of  the  Shinto  revivalists  of  the  eighteenth  and  early  nineteenth 
centuries. 

Tanaka  concludes  that  if  the  syncretistic  elements  introduced 
through  contact  with  foreign  religions  and  also  the  impurities 
that  have  survived  out  of  primitivity— both  Japanese  and  foreign 
— could  be  eliminated  from  modern  Shinto,  then  as  a  conse- 
quence popular  Shinto  with  its  supernaturalism  and  superstition 

1.  p. 

2.  Tanaka,  Op.  cit.,  p.  7. 

3.  ^,  <::,  M>  Tanaka,    Op.   ciL,  p.  80;  Cf.  Inouye,  Tetsujiro,  in    Ton  no 
Hikarif  Vol.  V,  No.  7 ;  Vol.  10,  No.  8;  also  Koktimin  Doloktt  Gabon,  p.  138. 


94  TEE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN   SHINTO. 

would  probably  die.  This  he  believes  would  be  greatly  to  the 
advantage  of  pure  Shinto.  What  would  be  lett  would  be  an 
expression  of  the  Japanese  spirit  which  would  find  the  objects  of 
ceremonial  and  devotion  altogether  within  the  human  realm,  that 
is,  within  the  field  of  Japanese  society.  "  I  have  no  objection/' 
Tanaka  adds,  ''  to  defining  Shinto  as  that  spiritual  activity  which 
expresses  itself  in  development  with  Japan  as  center  [after  Inouye 
Tetsujiro].  In  this  sense  Shinto  cannot  be  taken  as  a  religion. 
If  Shinto  is  not  a  religion,  then  the  popular  perplexity  with 
regard  to  Shinto  is  solved  and  followers  of  other  cults  can  be- 
lieve in  their  religions  in  peace.  The  main  motive  of  the  govern- 
ment in  actually  dividing  Shinto  into  two  parts  and  attaching 
one  part  to  the  Bureau  of  Shrines  and  the  other  to  the  Bureau  of 
Religions  is  probably  to  be  found  here."^ 

That  the  interpretation  which  Tanaka  makes  is  strongly 
influenced  by  Japanese  nationalism  and  yet,  at  the  same  time,  is 
religious  in  its  fundamental  interest,  is  apparent  without  further 
elaboration. 

Dr.  Takagi  Jintaro,  who  until  his  recent  death  was  one  of 
the  leaders  of  the  Christian  movement  in  Japan,  found  oppor- 
tunity on  the  occasion  of  the  dedication  of  the  Meiji  Shrine  in 
the  autumn  of  1920  to  write,  "  The  relation  of  the  Shinto  shrines 
to  religion  is  a  matter  in  which  even  among  scholars  there  is  not 
unanimity  of  opinion.  The  government,  however,  has  com- 
pletely separated  the  shrines  from  religion.  The  government,  by 
maKing  a  distinction  between  Shrine  Shinto  {Jinja  Shinto)  and 
Religious  Shinto  {Sliukyo  Shinto)  has  made  it  plain  that  the 
shrines  are  not  religious  institutions."  Dr.  Takagi  calls  attention 
to  the  shrine  laws  of  1900  and  1913  which  put  Christianity, 
Buddhism,  and  Shinto  sects  under  the  control  of  the  Bureau  of 
Religions  in  the  Department  of  Education  while  placing  the 
shrines  in  charge  of  the  Bureau  of  Shrines  in  the  Department  of 
Home  Affairs  and  on  the  basis  of  this  legal  distinction   says. 


57,     Tanaka,  Op,  cit.,  pp.  81-2. 


THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY    OF   MODERN    SHINTO.  g$ 

**  Thus  it  is  that  the  shrines  are  altogether  outside  of  religion. 
To  be  sure,  it  cannot  be  said  that  at  present  there  is  a  complete 
elimination  of  religious  elements  in  the  shrines.  Such  practices 
as  the  distribution  of  charms  and  the  making  of  vows  to  the 
gods  still  exist.  On  the  part  of  multitudes  of  people  the  shrines 
are  worshipped  as  the  objects  of  religious  faith.  This  gives  basis 
to  the  arguments  that  the  shrines  are  religious.  But  In  as  much 
as  the  government  classifies  them  as  not  religious  and  is  laboring 
to  separate  them  from  religion,  there  is  no  necessity  that  we 
should  insist  that  they  are  religious.  We  also  should  put  forth 
efforts  to  separate  the  shrines  as  far  as  possible  from  all  religious 
elements."  The  majority  of  the  shrines,  according  to  Dr. 
Takagi's  view,  are  dedicated  to  ancestral  ^ami,  that  is,  to 
emperors,  national  heroes,  and  those  who  have  won  merit  in  the 
service  of  the  state.  '*  The  shrines  have  their  origin  in  the  idea 
of  reverence  for  ancestors  and  are  not  expressive  of  the  religious 
sgititr"  This  interpretation  agrees  with  that  of  Tanaka  Tatsu  in 
the  view  that  the  great  kaini  of  Shinto  are  men.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  God  of  Christianity  is  the  Great  Spirit  of  Life  who 
created  the  worlds  and  who  providentially  directs  human  history. 
He  cannot  be  made  the  property  of  a  single  race  or  nation.  If 
the  kami  commemorated  at  the  shrines  were  of  such  a  nature  as 
to  entitle  them  to  occupy  the  position  of  the  God  of  Christianity, 
then  Christians  would  of  course  be  unable  to  worship  them,  but 
this  is  not  the  case.  Since  the  kami  of  the  shrines  are  the 
ancestors  of  the  Imperial  Family  and  the  spirits  of  Japanese 
heroes,  their  nature  differs  altogether  from  that  of  the  God  of 
Christianity.  Dr.  Takagi  concludes  :  "  Thus  it  is  that  our  feel- 
ing in  venerating  these  (the  ancestral  kami)  and  our  feeling  in 
case  of  worshiping  the  One  God  are  inherently  different.  For 
this  reason  shrine  reverence  is  not  a  thing  tliat  cannot  be 
harmonized  with  Christian  faith." 

The  same  writer  speaks  of  the  newly  dedicated  Meiji  shrine 
as  a  kinen  dittsu,  "  a  memorial  institution."  He  compares  the 
shrines  with  the  commemorative  statues  and  buildings  of  Europe 


g6  THE  POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHT   OF   MODERN   SHINTO. 

and  America.  The  real  meaning  of  the  shrines  is  not  essentially 
different  from  that  of  Westminster  Abbey  and  the  Pantheon. 
**  To  be  sure,"  he  says,  "  the  shrines  of  our  country  differ  in 
form  from  these  ;nemorial  institutions,  but  in  inner  meaning  they 
are  similarly  related  to  commemoration  and  gratitude."* 

Edma  Danjo  and  Kozaki  Hiromichi  may  be  taken  as  further 
representatives  of  this  same  Christian-Shintd  school.  Dr.  Ebina 
has  long  advoca*^ed  that  the  Christian  forces  of  Japan  should 
build  on  the  official  determination  that  the  national  shrines  are 
merely  for  the  promotion  of  national  morality  and  in  no  sense 
religious.  He  significantly  says,  "  Unless  we  Christians  hold  fast 
to  that  distinction  we  are  bound  to  have  trouble."^  This  same 
writer  finds  it  regrettable,  however,  that  there  still  lingers  about 
the  shrines  the  odor  of  an  old  religion  and  fears  the  results  of 
possible  compromise  with  lingering  religious  ideas  and  practices. 

Dr.  Kozaki  likewise  finds  any  difficulties  between  Chris- 
tianity and  official  Shinto  precluded  by  the  government  declara- 
tion of  1882  making  the  shrines  of  no  connection  with  religious 
Shinto.  ''  The  shrines,"  he  says,  ^^  are  institutions  where  those 
who  have  won  merit  in  the  service  of  the  state  are  commemorat- 
ed and  they  are  altogether  without  relation  to  religion."^  He 
declares  that  they  are  '^  klnen-Jii  no  gotoki  inono,'^  objects  com- 
parable with  monuments."'* 

It  would  seem  fair  to  state  that  these  Christian  writers  are 
either  consciously  or  unconsciously  interpreting  the  situation  in 
such  a  way  as  to  gain  standing  room  for  Christianity.  In  secur- 
ing  this   form  of  Christian-Shinto   apologetic  the   government 


1.  Takagi,  Jintaro,  Jwja  to  Shukyo  ni  tsuitc  (^;4^ii:HK,  M%,  h  ^DC- 
5>ji;r',  "  Concerning  Shrines  and  Religion  "  ,  Kyokai  Jiho  ("  The  Christian  Times," 
•    Methodist),  Nov.  12,  1920,  No.  1524, 

2.  Ebina,  Danjo,  "  Stumbling  Blocks  in  the  Way  of  Japanese  Inquirers 
and  How  to  Remove  Them,"  Jafan  Evangelist,  Feb.j  1915,  (entire  article,  pp. 
78-81),  p.  80. 

3.  Kozoki,  Hiromichi,  Kokka  io  Skukyo  (/J>il|'j[Aii»  W^  b  ^"^^  "  I^eli- 
gion  and  the  Nation  "),  Tokyo,  1913,  p.  83. 

4.  Op.  cit,  p.  265. 


THE    POLITICAL    PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN    SHINTO.  g*J 

policy  has  attained  some  success,  at  least  as  far  as  certain  indivi- 
duals are  concerned/  Thg^ shrines  here  function  as  the  means 
of  **  centtal izjng  the-tho ught-€>f-tbe  peopled/,  and  at  the  sanie  trme 
religious  satisfactions  are  secured  elsewhere.  It  is  very  much  to 
be  doubted,  however,  if  the  solution  is  thus  easy,  trusting  as  it 
does  in  the  finality  of  legal  definition  and  resting  on  the  assump- 
tions that  the  great  deities  of  official  Shinto  are  merely  historical 
ancestors  and  that  the  Japanese  idea  of  kami  is  fundamentally 
different  from  ordinary  supernaturalism.  Private  opinion  in  the 
Christian  church  is  far  from  agreeing  unanimously  with  the  solu- 
tions offered  by  such  men  as  Tanaka,  Takagi  and  Kozaki.  The 
resolutions  of  Christian  groups  as  such  have  already  been  stated. 
The  Christian-Shinto  solution  is  willing  to  go  even  farther 
than  the  government  in  advocating  a  radical  reformation  in 
** reverence  for  the  shrines,"  whereby  they  may  be  made  an 
even  stronger  support  for  Japanese  national  morality.  The  pro- 
gram advocated  involves  two  primary  measures. 

I.  The  interpretation  that  official  Shinto  is  not  a  religion  is,  likewise,  being 
given  wide -spread  circulation  outside  of  Japan.  For  example,  De  Forest,  writing 
in  1905,  says  "  Japan  now  has  no  state  religion."  Government  subsi'dy  is  given 
the  shrines,  "  not  because  of  their  religious  character,  but  because  they  are  historic 
monuments  worthy  of  being  maintained  as  silent  teachers  of  the  past."  (De 
Forest,  Religions  of  Mission  Fields,-^.  \\).  Alfred  Stead  is  of  the  opinion  tha^ 
the  completeness  with  which  Japan  has  succeeded  in  separating  church  and  state 
constitutes  a  model  for  the  western  world.  He  says,  "  Not  only  is  there  no  State 
Church,  but  from  the  national  standpoint  there  is  an  absolute  equality  where  the 

various  religions  are  concerned To  sum  up,  then,  the  Western 

World  may  learn  from  Japan  the  dangers  of  a  State  Church,  the  elimination  of 
politics  from  religion,  tolerance,  and  a  desire  to  seek  out  and  help  on  the  best  in 
all  creeds."  (See  T.  J.  S.  L.,  Vol.  VII,  1905-6,  Ft.  II,  p.  194).  'Y\vt  Japan 
Gazette  year-book  says,  "  It  is  noteworthy  that  in  Japan  religion,  except  in  general 
practice,  has  no  connection  with  politics."  {The  ^  Japan  Gazette^  Japan  VearBooky 
19I3-14,  p.  285).  Mr.  N.  Kato,  writing  for  the  Japan  Society  of  London,  re- 
marks, "  As  to  the  religious  teaching  in  the  school,  I  do  not  know  how  the  Gov- 
ernment could  see  the  way  through  to  its  introduction,  as  there  is  no  State  Religion 
in  Japan."  (T.  J.  S.  L.,  Vol.  XVI,  I917-18,  p.  142).  Hamilton  Wright  Mabie 
wrote  in  I914,  "  Shinto  is  no  longer  a  religion  ;  it  is  a  profound  national  sentiment. 
It  never  was  a  religion  properly  speaking ;  but  nature  worship  was  combined  with 
it  to  satisfy  the  cravings  of  primitive  worshipers."     {Japan  To-day  and  To-morrow, 


9^  THE   rOLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY  OF   MODERN   SHINTO. 

In  the  first  place,  it  urges  the  eradication  of  certain  incon- 
gruous institutions  at  present  connected  with  "  reverence  for  the 
shrines/'  e.g.  prostitute  quarters  in  the  environs  of  the  shrines,  as 
at  Ise,  Kasama,  Tsukuba  and  elsewhere,  also  circuses,  theatricals 
and  moving  picture  shows  established  on  shrine  grounds  at  the 
time  of  important  festivals. 

The  second  part  of  the  program  is  more  serious.  It  urges 
a  government  educational  policy  so  completely  carried  out  as  to 
separate  absolutely  the  shrines  from  all  religion.  Children  in 
the  public  schools  rather  than  being  taken  to  visit  the  shrines, 
should  be  frankly  taught  that  the  *^  gods  "  of  the  shrines  are 
mere  men  and  not  the  proper  objects  of  religious  worship.  Such 
a  vigorous  educational  policy  would  necessitate  the  abandonment 
of  all  superstitions  at  present  connected  with  the  shrines,  as  for 
example,  the  beliefs  that  a  deity  or  a  group  of  deities  actually 
inhabit  the  shrines,  that  deities  can  be  moved  about  from  shrine 
to  shrine,  or  that  sacrifice  and  ritual  are  efficacious  in  establishing 
favorable  relations  with  the  kami} 

Wq  may  turn  next  to  the  consideration  of  the  nationalistic- 
religious  interpretation  of  Shinto,  in  which  modern  Shintoists  are 
deliberately  attempting  to  appraise  the  shrines  as  religious  in- 
stitutions. 

p.  27).  Mr.  K.  Watanabe,  speaking  before  the  Second  International  Congress  of 
the  History  of  Religions  said  of  Shinto,  "  Seine  moralischen  Vorschriften  uben 
noch  einen  tiefen  Einflus  auf  das  sittliche  Leben  aus.  Allein  er  ist  keine 
Religion  mehr,   sondern   nur    noch   ein   Zeremoniell    bei    festlichen   nationalen 

Anlassen Diese  Tempel  sind  bloss  Verehrungsdenkmaler  fiir  die 

bedeutenden  Manner,  die  Japan  grosse  Dienste  geleistet  haben.  Die  Priester 
sind  nur  Verwaltungsbeamte  dieser  Tempel."  (  Actes  du  Deuxieme  Congt-es  Inter- 
national (THistoire  des  Religions,  Bale,  1904,  pp.  103-4).  See  also  Brinkley, 
Japan,  Described  and  Illustrated  by  the  Japanese,  Vol.  II,  p.  203 ;  Griffis,  W.  E., 
7 he  Mikado,  Institution  aiid  Person,  p.  33. 

I." "  See  J.  E.,  1914  (Aug.),  pp.  341  ff. ;  Shinjin,  July,  1914. 

A 


THE    POLITICAL    PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN    SHINTO.  99 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Japanese  Interpretations  of  Shinto: 
The  Religious  Definition. 

The  most  elaborate  attempts  that  have  yet  been  made  by 
any  modern  Japanese  writers  to  set  forth  Shinto  as  a  religion  are 
undoubtedly  those  recently  undertaken  by  Dr.  Kakehi  Katsu- 
hiko^  of  the  Law  Department  of  the  Imperial  University  of 
Tokyo  and  independently  by  Dr.  Kato  Genchi,^  lecturer  on 
religion  in  the  same  institution  and  professor  in  the  Military 
College  of  Tokyo. 

In  the  treatment,  accorded  the  subject  by  Dr.  Kakehi  an 
effort ^,nmdeJ:cL.expand  Shinto  into  a  great,  all-inctusive  world- 
rpligjnn^  f>mKrar}ppr  \yif:Viin  itself  Buddhism,  Confuciauism,  Jbe 
thirteea^Sbiato^-sectO)  ChriGtianity,  Taoicm,  -^aad-MobatTimedaiiT. 
jgm»  ^«  ,Sb'"<'^j''  g?yg  T^T^^^hs  "  jg  the  faith  at  the  basis  of  all 
religions."     "  It  is_the  religion^  of  religions."^ 

A  perusal  of  Kakehi's  discussion  soon  reveals  the  fact, 
however,  that  deeply  interested  as  he  apparently  is  in  religion, 
he  is  still  more  interested  in  politics.  The  world-wide  expansion 
of  Shintd  which  he  contemplates  is  not  the  application  of  a 
generous  religious  syncretism  ;  it  involves,  on  the  other  hand, 
at  its  very  center,  an  extension  of  the  Japanese  political  system 
in  which  special  importance  is  attached  to  the  inculcation  of 
respect  for  the  jure  divino  claims  of  Japanese  sovereignty  to- 


1.  Kakehi,  Katsuhiko,  Koshindo  Taigi  i%'^J^,  "^WM'k^y  "  The  Essen- 
tials of  Old  Shinto  "),  Tokyo,  1912  ;  Zoht  Koshindd  Taigi  (WLtiW^%^y  "  The 
Essentials  of  Old  Shinto,  Coutiiiuod"),  2  Vols.,  Tokyo,  1914,  1915. 

2.  Kato,  Genchi,  Waga  Kokutai  to  Shintd,  (ftU^lSi?,  Uet3^'^i|i;Wii' 
"Our  National  Organization  and  Shinto  "),  Tokyo,  1919. 

3.  Zoku  Koshindd  Taigi,  Vol.  IT,  p.  836. 

4.  Ibid 

5.  Ibid 


ICXD  THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN   SHINTO. 

gether  with  reverence  for  the  imperial  line  as  descended  from 
the  gods.  Claims  so  extraordinary,  coming  as  they  do  from 
such  a  source,  require  further  definition. 

In  Kakehi's  theology,  the  basis  of  all  life  is  the  Uchu  no 
Dai  Seimei,  "  The  Great  Life  of  the  Universe."  "  The  deep 
and  mighty  consciousness  existing  within  us  is  god  (kamiy^ 
"  God  is  the  unchanging  foundation  (of  all  things).  If  we  accept 
his  existence,  we  can  explain  the  universe  ;  if  we  deny  it  we  can 
explain  nothing.'"^  Thus,  the  idea  of  God  is  found  necessary  to  a 
rational  explanation  of  the  world  ;  yet  God  is  to  be  known  and 
met  with  not  simply  through  the  operation  of  intelligence  but 
also  through  human  emotional  and  volitional  experiences.  This 
divine  force  is  omnipresent,  dwelling  in  all  people  and  things  and 
expressing  itself  in  human  life  and  activity.^ 

All  this  is  ordinary  enough  as  far  as  the  theology  is  con- 
cerned. Kakehi  here  stands  on  ground  well  worn  by  the  feet 
of  other  men.  This  is,  however,  but  the  beginning.  Kakehi's 
interest  lies  in  the  direction  of  equating  this  monistic  theology 
with  the  contents  of  a  portion  of  the  most  ancient  Japanese 
mythology,  thereby  making  possible  the  transition  from  the 
modern  situation  to  old  Shinto.  This  transition  is  accomplished 
by  declaring  that  the  first  deity  mentioned  in  the  Koji/d,  namely, 
Ame-no-ini-7iaka-mishi-no-kami  ("  The  Deity  August  Lord  of  the 
Center  of  Heaven  ")  is  identical  with  the  Great  Life  of  the 
Universe."*  Thus,  at  the  very  beginning  of  Japanese  history,  the 
great  spirit  which  Kakehi  makes  central  in  his  modern  world 
view  was  known,  named  and  worshipped  by  the  Japanese  people. 

Kakehi  forthwith  proceeds  to  take  up  the  discussion  of  the 
system  of  the  kami  {kami-gami  no  keito),  that  is,  their  relation- 
ships and  functions,  and  develops  more  specifically  the  nature 


1.  ]bid..  Vol.  I,  p.  470. 

2.  7/^/</.,  p.  471. 

3.  /^/,/.,  \>\).  469-472. 

4.  Jbid.,  pp.  474  ff. 


THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN    SHINTO.  lOI 

of  Ai)ie-no-ini-naka-nushl-no-kaim}       We  may  note  the    main 
points. 

r.  Thjs  deity  exists  both  in  and  above  the  pp^piriral  uni- 
verse^ He  is  both  immanent  and  transcendent.  He  surrounds 
the  visible  world  and  partakes  of  its  nature  just  as  an  outer> 
enveloping  circle  or  sphere  includes  but  transcends  a  smaller 
concentric  one.''  Thus  dwelling  above  the  phenomenal  universe 
of  human  experience,  he  is  yet  a  most  intimate  and  inseparable 
part  thereof.  He  possesses  the  attributes  of  ddji-dosho^  "  same- 
time-same-place,"  yet,  although  existing  in  all  times  and  in  all 
places,  he  is  nevertheless  superior  to  temporal  and  spatial 
limitations.  • 

2.  The  designation,  naka  (''  center  "  or  *'  middle'")  in  the 
title  of  this  deity,  is  not  to  be  taken  as  indicating  localization  in  a 
central  place  in  heaven  (Ama),  thought  of  as  part  of  the  existing 
universe.  Centrality  is  referable  to  him  not  in  a  physical  spatial 
sense,  but  in  the  sense  that  all  depends  on  him.^ 

3.  He  is  both  sosetsu  and  hisosetsu^  that  is,  with  reference 
to  the  phenomenal  world,  he  is  both  creator  and  the  thing 
created.  In  the  work  of  creation  he  exhibits  both  an  active  and 
a  passive  function.  '*  Life,"  says  the  author,  "  is  not  simply  a 
force  that  creates,  but  is  likewise  something  that  is  created."' 
From  this  standpoint  Kakehi  criticises  the  traditional  Christian 
idea  of  God  as  incomplete,  since  God  is  therein  presented  merely 
as  creator  and  not  as  also  created  object. 

4.  He  is  fushd-fiiJiielsH'fiizd-fuhen,^  "  without  beginning, 
without  end,  without  increase,  without  decrease."  He  is  the 
unaltering  basis  and   background  of   flux   in  the   phenomenal 


I. 

Ibid. 

2. 

Ibid.,  pp.  476-8. 

3- 

After  Hegel. 

4- 

1^1  B$  Ud'v     Cf.  Zoku  Koshindb  Taigi,  Vol.  I,  p.  480. 

5' 

Ibid.,  pp.  479-80. 

6. 

WimMmm-  c/.  ^/.  av.,  p.  483. 

7- 

Ibid. 

8. 

^&,^mK-^^'^-  cf.op.cit. 

?.:  '■ 


102  THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN    SHINTO. 

world,  transcending  all  change.  Kakehi  admits  that  at  this 
point  his  terminology  is  borrowed  from  Buddhism.  One  can 
press  his  indebtedness  even  farther.  He  borrows  from  l^uddhism 
not  only  his  words  but  his  ideas  also. 

This  general  philosophical  background  is  thoroughly  essen- 
tial to  Kakehi's  entire  politico-religious  construction.  In  other 
words,  the  idea  of  a  static  absolute  is  vital  to  his  system  in  order 
that  he  may  secure  an  absolute  guarantee  for  the  finality  of 
certain  institutions  of  state  in  which  he  is  interested.  It  is 
altogether  appropriate  and  expected,  then,  that  the  closing 
words  of  his  entire  lengthy  discussion  should  be  an  appendix 
th^  chief  burden  of  which  is  the  fixed  nature  of  ultimate  reality, 
"  Reality  .is  a  static  thing  i^fudo)  that  expresses  itself  by  means 
of  motion ;  and,  again,  it  is  dynamic  force  expressing  a  static 
reality."^ 

This  Absolute  has  its  unique  and  full  revelation  in  the 
Japanese  race.  The  expression  of  the  Great  Life  of  the  Universe 
found  in  early  Japanese  history  is  ancient  Shinto.  That  is  to 
say,  early  Shintd  involved  a  conception  of  the  existence  of  a 
great,  all-inclusive  spirit,  manifested  in  the  life  of  each  individual 
human  being.  What  is  found  in  the  old  religion,  we  are  told, 
*'  is  not  a  philosophy,  is  not  a  theory  ;  it  is  the  spirit  itself ;  nay, 
it  is  the  Great  Life  itself."^  This  gives  Kakehi  a  basis  for  declar- 
ing that  Shinto  is  so  great,  so  comprehensive  as  to  include  all 
religions.  Buddha,  Confucius,  Lao  Tse,  and  Jesus  Christ  were 
all  missionaries  of  Shinto.®  In  such  a  way  as  this,  although 
Christianity  is  regarded  as  imperfect,  it  is  not  opposed  as  antago- 
nistic to  the  Japanese  national  constitution  (kokutai).  Christian 
missionaries  and  "  people  at  large  "  are  accused  of  holding  the 
opinion  that  such  antagonism  exists,  but  Kakehi  declares  that  it 
is  an  idea  that  cannot  persist.  On  the  other  hand,  he  says, 
*'  It  is  by  all  means  necessary  to  appreciate  the  essence  of  the 


1.  Op.  cit.y  Vol.  II,  Appendix,  following  p.  Ili8. 

2.  Ibid.y  Vol.  I,  p.  463. 

3.  iJtrf;,  pp.  464.5. 


THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN   SHINTO.  IO3 

spirit  of  Jesus,  himself,  and  to  save  and  develop  this  by  means 
of  the  Great  Spirit  of  Shinto."' 

Kakehi  finds  support  for  his  claims  concerning  the  com- 
prehensiveness of  Shinto  in  the  fact  that  it  constituted  the 
foundation  of  the  entire  cultural  life  of  ancient  times.^  In  the 
functioning  of  old  Shinto,  political  and  religious  spheres  were  not 
distinguished.  The  Great  Spirit  of  Shinto  embraced  and  con- 
trolled all  human  activities.  "  This/'  we  are  told,  "  constitutes 
the  uniqueness  and  nobility  of  the  Japanese  national  consti- 
tution."^ 

The  fallacy  in  Kakehi's  position  at  this  particular  point  is 
immediately  evident  to  any  one  at  all  familiar  with  the  outlines 
of  primitive  religion.  Thai  which  ^^^^^  selects  as  a  unique 
factor  is  in  reality  the  very  point  at  which  ancient  Shinto  clearly 
indicates  the  extent  to  which  it  is  to  be  equated,  in  general  type, 
with  primitive  religion  everywhere.  That  which  here  is  the 
"  nobility  "  of  earliest  Japanese  culture,  is  likewise  "  nobility  " 
in  other  fields.  nt^^J2^Jhp^^;^t<^t,^t^(^h^Q  mr^rkg  of  primitivitv  is 
undifferentiation  in  the^_£oliti^^l  ^"d  rf>1igir>n<;  life  of  the  group. 
All  activities,  law,  ethics,  politics  and  religion  were  mingled  in  a 
general  mass  and  a  religious  interest  penetrated  all/ 

Criticism  of  Dr.  Kakehi's  identification  of  Uchu-no-Dai- 
Seimei  and  Aine-no-jnl-naka-nushi-no-kaml  can  best  be  conducted 
by  an  examination  of  the  source  material  on  which  the  conclu- 
sions are  supposed  to  rest.  This  material  is  to  be  found  at  the 
very  beginning  of  the  mythological  section  of  the  Kojiki.  The 
portion  of  the  text  under  consideration,  as  translated  by  Cham- 
berlain, reads : 

**  The  names  of  the  deities  that  were  born  in  the  Plain  of 
High  Heaven  when  the  Heaven  and    Earth  began  were  the 


1.  Ibid.,  Vol.  II,  p.  553. 

2.  Jbid ,  Vol.  I,  pp.  466-9. 

3.  Ibui.,  p.  467. 

4.  Cf.  Irving  King,  The  Development  cf  Religion  (New  York,   1910),  pp. 


89-91. 

/ 


IU4  THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHV   OF   MODERM   SHINTO. 

Deity  Master-of-the-August-Center-of-Heaven,  next  the  High- 
August-Prod  ucing-Wondrous-Deity,  next  the  Divine-Producing- 
Wondro US-Deity.  These  three  deities  were  all  deities  born 
alone,  and  hid  their  persons."^ 

All  this  is  remarkable  enough.  Others  besides  Kakehi 
have  found  in  it  occasion  for  maintaining  that  traces  of  primitive 
monotheism,  expressed  in  a  trinitarian  formula,  can  be  discerned 
in  the  most  ancient  Japanese  records.^  At  first  glance  the  old 
mythology  may  appear  to  confirm  the  contention  of  Kakehi. 
But  when  we  remember  that  the  passage  given  above  is  all 
that  the  Kojiki  has  to  say  about  Ame-no-mi-naka-nushi-no-kamii 
we  perceive  immediately  how  frail  is  the  foundation  upon  which 
he  has  constructed  his  theology.  While  it  is  true  that  both  the 
second  and  the  third  deities  of  this  triad  reappear  later  in  the 
mythology,  the  very  one  selected  by  him  for  his  great  equation, 
after  this  bare  mention,  vanishes  completely  from  the  Kojiki, 
The  Nihongiy  except  for  one  variant,  omits  this  deity  altoge- 
ther. Not  only  so,  but  the  Rituals  give  no  indication  whatever 
of  this  deity  having  occupied  even  a  humble  place  in  the  cere- 
monial of  old  Japan.  While  it  is  true  that  modern  popular 
usage  has  given  this  god  a  place  among  the  deities  of  the 
shrines,^  yet  we  must  conclude  that  the  exaggerated  importance 
eissigned  him  by  Dr.  Kakehi  rests  on  a  subjective  and  unhistori- 
cal  use  ot  the  sources.     Idealistic  monism,  centering  in  Ame-nc- 

1.  Cf.  C,  p.  15.  The  Japanese  titles  of  these  deities,  given  in  the  order  of 
the  text,  are  Ame-no-tni-naka-niishi-no-kami,  Taka-mi-ffncsu7n-no-kar?ii  and  Kami- 
vntsubi-no-  kam  i. 

2.  Cf.  Kaidy  Genchi,  "  Ame-no-minaka-nushi-no-katni^^  T,  A.  S.  J.,  Vol. 
XXXVI,  Ft.  I,  pp.  141-162.  Kalo  attempts  to  show  that  the  study  of  this  deity, 
in  the  light  of  the  modern  science  of  religion,  reveals  (races  of  primitive  mono- 
theism. The  extent  to  which  he  makes  use  of  the  argument  from  silence,  as  well 
as  the  argument  that  the  study  of  comparative  religion  favors  his  hypothesis, 
necessitates  the  acceptance  of  his  conclusions  only  with  radical  qualifications. 

3.  Cf.  OJima,  Saneharu,  7eiiei  sezam  Jinja  Ron  (M,^l^?6»  fiS^l&ti^'-S 
fi'l'fli:  iin!)  "  Unconvincing  Arguments  Regarding  Slirines  "),  Shinjin,  Vol.  17,  1916 
(May),  pp.  77-78. 


THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY    OF    MODERN    SHINTO.  IO5' 

]jii-naka-iiusJii-no-kamiy  is  not  in  the  original  record.    Kakehi  gets 
it  from  modern  philosophy,  not  from  the  KojiJd. 

In  his  scheme  Kakehi  thoroughly  provides,  however,  for 
tlie  worship  at  local  shrines  of  this  "  Great  Life  of  the  Universe," 
thus  included  in  the  ancient  Shinto  pantheon.  This  he  accom- 
plishes by  arbitrarily  introducing  into  the  Original  trinity  the 
great  sun-goddess,  Ama-tcrasud-mi-kami}  The  two  "  produc- 
ing "  deities,  Taka-ini-iimsubi-no-kaini  and  Kanii-musubi-no-kaini 
are  declared  to  be  but  one  in  essence — a  two-fold  expres- 
sion of  but  one  *'  producing  god,"  musubi-no-kauii?'  Then  we 
are  told  that  Ama-terasu-chmi-kaim  is  identical  with  Mi-musubi- 
no-kaini!'  The  trinity  is  now  complete.  What  we  may  term 
the  first  person  thereof  is  Aine-no-mi-naka-nuslii-no-kaiiiiy  which, 
in  Kakehi's  scheme,  means  simply  another  name  for  the  Great 
Life  of  the  Universe,  Uchu-no~Dai-Sciinei.  The  second  person 
is  Mi-musubi-no-kami,  a  title  that  is  used  *'  when  we  consider 
deity  from  the  standpoint  of  competency  to  function  in  activity.'* 
The  third  person  is  Aiua-terasn-o-mi-kami^  *'  The  Heaven-Shin- 
ing-Great-August-Deity." This  last  named  ka/;u,  Kakehi  de- 
clares, is  the  visible  historical  incarnation  of  the  second.  Thus  by 
virtue  of  the  equation  inside  the  trinity,  that  exists  between  Ame- 
no-mi-naka-nusld-no-kami  and  Mi-musubi-no-kamiy  the  cult  activi- 
ties that  center  in  the  sun-goddess,  **  Ama-terasu-d-mi-kann,  are 
carried  over  to  the  invisible  Great  Spirit  of  the  Universe.  ^'  If 
one  wishes  to  worship  Amc-no-ini-nakanushi-no-kami  one  must 
worship  Aina-terasn-d-mi-kauii,  and  by  worshipping  the  latter 
we  worship  the  former."^  Kakehi  even  inserts  in  this  connec- 
tion a  parenlhetical  reference  to  a  tradition  that  formerly  there 
existed  a  belief  that  Ame-no-mi-naka-misJii-no-kaml  was  enshrined 
in  the  great  Gegu,  or  Outer   Shrine   at    Ise.       This   is   mere 


1.  7.okti  Koshindb  Taigi,  Vol.  I,  pp.  489  fF. 

2.  Jbid.,  pp.  487-8. 

3  Ibid,,  p.  489. 

4  J  bid.,  p   487. 
5.  Ibid  f  p.  490. 


I06  THE   POUTICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN   SHINTO. 

supposition.  The  central  deity  of  the  ceremonial  and  belief 
at  Gegu  is  Toyo-uke-bime-no-kami,  the  ancient  Japanese  food 
goddess.* 

It  is  to  be  granted  that  Japanese  mythology  in  places 
closely  relates  the  activities  of  Ama-terasu-o-mi-kami  and  Taka- 
im-musiili-no-kamu  It  is  impossible  to  do  justice  to  the  ancient 
records,  however,  and  fail  to  see  that  these  two  kami,  although 
frequently  represented  as  acting  in  concert  are  not  philosophized 
and  presented  as  though  one  were  the  incarnation  of  the  other. 
One  does  not  dwell  as  an  unseen  deity  "  above  "  and  the  other 
down  below  as  the  earthly  embodiment  thereof.  Both  live  in 
Takama-ga-Hara  ("  Heaven ")  and,  although  functioning  as 
partners  in  various  activities,  they  are  no  more  closely  related 
than  certain  other  deities  in  the  extensive  Japanese  pantheon,  e.g. 
Izanagi  and  Izanami.  The  best  corrective  to  be  applied  to 
Kakehi's  reasoning  here,  is  the  simple  statement  of  the  Kojikl  that 
Ama-terasu-o-mi-kami  was  born  from  the  left  eye  of  Izanagi^ 
"  The-Male-Who-Invites,"  as  he  purified  himself  in  a  river  on 
the  island  of  Tsukushi.^  This  is  undoubtedly  the  original 
mythology. 
J  Dr.  Kakehi's  entire  theological  construction  leads  up  to  an 

interpretation  of  the  person  of  the  Japanese  Emperor.**  The 
Emperors  of  Japan,  reaching  in  one  long,  unbroken  line  back  to 
the  very  beginning  of  life  as  expressed  in  the  Japanese  race* 
constitute  the  temporal  extension  of  Ama-terasu-b-mi-kami, 
This  deity  was  the  great  ancestress  of  the  Japanese  sovereigns. 
She  willed  to  send  her  grandson,  Ninigi-no-mikoto,  into  the 
**  Central  Land  of  Reed  Plains  "  [Japan]  to  dwell  therein  and 
rule  over  it."*  In  such  a  way  imperial  rights  of  dominion  over 
the  Japanese  islands  rest  on  the  unalterable  command  of  deity. 
Behind  the  sovereign  rights  of  the  Japanese  imperial  line,  lies  an 

1.  Cf.  T.  A.  S  J.,  Vol.  II,  pp  99-121. 

2.  C,  p.  42. 

3.  Z.oku  Koshindo  Taig\  Vol.  I,  pp.  499-501,  Vol.  II,  pp    1 1 12  ff. 

4.  C/".  C,  pp.  106-111. 


THE    I'OLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY    OF    MODERN    SHINTO.  IO7 

explicit  revelation  of  the  will  of  the  Absolute  made  through  the 
command  q>{  Auia-terasu-o-jui-kajni,  All  the  Japanese  Emperors, 
from  Jimmu  Tenno  right  down  to  the  reigning  sovereign  main- 
tain an  actual  flesh  and  blood  connection  with  this  great  deity. 
They  continue  her  attributes  ;  they  express  the  original  intent 
of  god.  The  Emperor  is  thus  connected  in  an  unbroken 
genealogical  line  not  with  Aina-terasud-mi-kanii,  merely,  but 
with  the  Great  Life  of  the  Universe,  itself.^ 

The  Emperor  of  Japan  thus  becomes  the  personal  continua-  y 
tion  in  time  of  conceptions  and  instituti6na  that  were  bei^ygtt  in 
h^^i&a  {Takaj?ia-ga-Hara).^  Kakehi  says,  "His  person  [the 
Emperor's]  constitutes  the  central  point  at  which  these  things 
are  realized  here  below.  Therefore,  the  Em[)eror  is  go^  r^y^al- 
edjixxnaft^  JieJsJdaoik^lLDjdty  {Aki-tsu-mi-kamif  .  .  .  . 
Above  all  things  else,  we  mubt  so  serve  as  to  increase  the  divine 

radiance  of_ fhe^^&Tpergou- l^ver  worsh'pping    His   excessive 

light,  we  must  determine  to  extend  and  exalt  the  divine  essence 
which  we,  ourselves,  possess.  This  is  not  merely  a  hope, 
but  already  in  the  present  we  are  realizing  it  in  spite  of  all 
difficulties."' 

Again  he  says,  "  The  Emperors  of  our  country  are  persons 
pr[vnjij;ied  with  qnnlihVn  without  parallel  in  the  world  ;  they^  are 
both  the  centers  of  (religioug)  faith  and  of  temporal  power. ' '* 
The  following  also  should  be  noted.  "All  the  fine  relations 
existing  between  the  Emperor,  who  is  Manifest  Deity,  and  the 
beneficent  personages  of  heaven,  all  the  mutual  relations  of  men 
from  morality,  politics,  and  law,  to  manners  and  customs — 
whatever  they  may  be,  great  or  small — all  are  manifestations  of 
the  life  of  deity.  But  these  things  have  no  existence  if  separated 
from  an  effort   which  causes  the  light  of  the  Emperor  to  shine 


Zo^u  Koshindo  Taigi,  Vol.        pp.  489  ff. 
Ibid.,  Vol,  II,  p.  1 1 14. 

Zoku  Koshindo  Taigi,  Vol.  II,  pp.  1 1 14-1 1 15. 
Ibid.,  Vol.  I,  p.  500. 


I08  THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN   SHINTO. 

more  and  more  and  which  while  revering  that  august  light, 
constantly  glorifies  it."* 

Finally — "  The  center  of  this  phenomenal  world  is  the 
Mikado's  Land''  [^Mi-kimi,  i.e.  Japan].  From  this  center  we 
raust-expaad  this-GTeat-Sprrit  thro ughontthe  world. "^  Kakehi 
declares  with  enthusiasm,  ''  There  are  voices  which  cry,  *  Great 
Japan  is  the  Land  of  the  Gods.'  Nor  is  this  to  be  wondered  at. 
It  is  a  true  statement  of  fact.  It  is  a  matter  of  course.  The 
expansion  of  Great  Japan  throughout  the  world  and  the  elevation 
of  the  entire  world  into  the  Land  of  the  Gods  is  the  urgent 
business  of  the  present  and,  again,  it  is  our  eternal  and  unchang- 
ing object."* 

The  method  of  this  expansion  Kakehi  does  not  altogether 
make  plain.  His  emphasis  on  the  fundamental  importance  of 
faith  and  a  disposition  of  sincerity  would  lead  one  to  expect  that 
the  extension  throughout  the  world  is  to  be  accomplished  by 
the  joint  appeal  of  high  ideals  and  consistent  thinking.  In  this 
connection  Professor  Kakehi  has  attempted  to  forecast  the  future 
of  Shinto  by  measuring  4t  alongside  of  the  characteristics  that 
must  be  possessed  by  the  true  religion  of  the  future.'^  He  says 
that  the  religion  of  the  future  must  be  purged  ot  all  superstitions 
and  useless  forms.  It  must  be  of  such  a  nature  as  to  furnish  the 
foundation  of  all  social  life.  It  must  possess  elasticity,  that  is 
to  say,  the  essential  matters  in  both  ceremony  and  doctrine  must 
be  presented  in  such  forms  as  to  be  readily  intelligible  to  all  men 
everywhere  and  yet  there  must  be  such  profundity  and  bound- 
lessness as  to  introduce  harmony  and  peace  into  the  confusion 
of  human  thought  and  practice.  Similarly,  it  must  be  of  such 
comprehensiveness  as  to  make  room  for  all  the  important  faiths  of 
man.  Kakehi's  idea  of  Shinto  as  constituting  an  original  Japanese 

I.     Ibid  f  Vol.  II,  Appendix,  following  p.  1118. 

2.  mm 

3.  Zokti  Koshindo  Taigi,  Vol.  II,  p.  1 1 14. 

4.  Koshindo  Taigi,  p.  237. 

5.  Zoku  JCoshindo  Taigi,  Vol.  II,  pp.  845-853. 


THE    lOLITICAL    PHILOSOPHY    OF    MODERN    SHINTO.  IO9 

expression  of  idealistic  monism  makes  it  possible  for  him  to 
declare  that  Shinto  meets  these  conditions  of  a  world  religion  for 
the  future.  Kakehi  admits  that  popular  Shinto  needs  to  get  rid 
of  certain  nonessential  superstitions  and  useless  forms,  but  this 
process  of  expurgation  does  n**t  involve  essentials.  He  feels 
that  the  capacity  of  Shinto  to  become  the  foundation  of  all  social 
life  is  evidenced  by  the  directive  function  which  it  exercised  in 
the  total  life  of  old  Japan.  Its  elasticity  and  comprehensiveness 
are  witnessed  by  the  fact  that  the  great  religious  teachers  of  the 
world  have  simply  expressed  the  essentials  of  Shinto,  as  also  by 
the  fact  that  in  actual  Japanese  history  the  fate  of  Confucianism 
and  Buddhism  has  been  that  they  have  been  gradually  transfused 
by  the  Japanese  spirit,  Shintoized,  as  it  were.  The  same  thing 
must  be  expected  regarding  the  future  of  Christianity  in  Japan. 
Kakehi  feels  that  Japan  furnishes  the  center  from  which  the 
development  of  the  religion  of  the  future  must  work  itself  out 
under  the  formative  influence  of  Shintd,  for  here  in  Japan  all  the 
great  religions  of  the  world  are  meeting  as  nowhere  else  on 
earth  and  are  inevitably  tending  toward  some  sort  of  mutual 
adjustment.  Kakehi's  observations  present  material  worthy  of 
most  serious  reflection.  Yet  if  this  were  all  that  is  involved  in 
his  teaching,  the  future  of  his  system,  in  spite  of  its  Japanese 
complexion,  would  simply  be  that  of  idealistic  monism.  But, 
like  Hegel,  Kakehi  writes  with  one  eye  on  the  Absolute  and 
the  other  on  the  imperial  institutions  of  the  Fatherland.  The 
extent  to  which  Kakehi  goes  in  merging  his  religious  program 
with  the  Japanese  political  system,  jiiakes  the  future  of  Shinto 
identical,  not  with  that  of  idealism,  but  with  Japanese  imperialism. 
Nationalism  is  here  built  into  a  religious  cult  that  seeks  to  find  its 
sanctions  in  the  unalterable  nature  of  the  Absolute.  Further,  the 
feeling  of  obligation  to  extend  the  system  throughout  the  world 
takes  on  the  form  of  an  intense  religious  fervor.  The  extension  of 
such  a  system  among  intelligent  men  can  only  be  accomplished 
by  the  establishing  of  external  control  over  human  thought  and 
action.     This  necessarily  involves  the  use  of  the  military  arm  of 


no  THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN   SHINTQ. 

government.  That  Kakehi's  politico-religious  structure  rests  to 
no  small  extent  on  a  military  basis  is  to  be  seen  in  his  theory  of 
the  relation  of  soldiers  and  Emperor.  In  a  word,  the  former  is 
a  function  of  the  latter.  "  Military  men  discharge  their  functions 
through  the  power  of  the  Emperor  ....  and  in  truth,  are 
an  extension  of  the  existence  of  the  Emperor."^  In  view  of 
Kakehi's  theory  of  sovereignty  this  seems  to  be  open  to  but  one 
interpretation,  namely,  that  what  the  military  arm  of  the  govern- 
ment does  under  imperial  control  has  back  of  it  the  sanction  of 
an  absolute  divine  initiative. 

Throughout  his  discussion  Kakehi's  object  seems  to  be 
twofold : 

( I ).     To  strengthen  the  Japanese  national  spirit  by  supplying 
I  a  religious  foundation  for  a  confidence  of  superiority  as  a  chosen 
people. 

(2).  To  utilize  the  popular  belief  in  Shint5  as  the  basis  of  a 
political  apology  for  Tcnno  Shiiken  Setsu  ("  Theory  of  Imperial 
Sovereignty  ")  with  a  world-wide  application.  By  interpreting 
the  Japanese  Imperial  power  as  the  temporal  extension  of  the 
Absolute,  the  former  is  invested  with  aspects  of  inviolability  and 
eternity  that  guarantee  unchanging  perpetuity  in  human  history. 

Dr.  Kato's  presentation  of  the  philosophical  or  theo- 
logical basis  of  the  Japanese  state,  while  less  elaborate 
than  that  of  Dr.  Kakehi,  is  on  the  other  hand,  much  more 
systematic  and  objective.'^  The  effort  is  made  to  support  the 
discussion  with  a  wealth  of  citations  from  Japanese  sources 
together  with  abundant  references  to  contemporary  literature. 
On  the  whole  the  treatment  may  be  taken  sis  the  most  authorita- 
tive exposition  of  the  religious  nature  of  modern  official  Shinto 
that  has  yet  appeared.     The  author  attempts  to  build  up  his 

1.  Ibhi.y  Vol.  I,  p.  670;  cf.  also  ibid.^  pp.  670-674. 

2.  A  valuable  study  of  Dr.  Kato's  exposition  of  modern  Shinto  will  be 
found  in  Pieters,  Albertus,  "  Emperor  Worship  in  Japan,"  International  Review  of 
Missions,  1920  (July),  pp.  340-356.  Reprinted  in  the  Japan  Advertiser^  Apr.  14, 
15,  16,  1921. 


THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY    OF   MODERN    SHINTO.  Ill 

thesis  in  a  progressive,  orderly  fashion  with  the  use  of  the 
materials  furnished  by  the  study  of  Comparative  Religion. 
His  important  points  are  summarized  below. 
/  Jap^anese  national  life  (kokntai)  has  developed  mainly  under 
th^^^fl'^^"^^  *^^  a  theory  and  practice  which  regards  theEmperor 
as  a  Divine  Being,  ihis  conception  is  indeed  the  foundation  of 
Japanese  national  organization.  / 

Japanese    historical    documents    consistently    classify    the 
Emperor  as   divine.      "  The   position    occupied   by   Ter^  and 
Jotei^  among  the  Chinese  or  by  Jehovah  among  the  Jews  has 
been  held  in  Japan  from   ancient  times    by    the    Emperor.'"  • 
"  From  ancient  times  the  Emperor  has  been  called  by  such      / 
titles  as  Aki  tsu  kami*    (Manifest   Deity),    Ara  hito    kami^   j/ 
(Incarnate  Deity),  and  ^r<^  ;«//^^/;//^    (Incarnate  Deity.)'"    Thi^     j 
attribution  to  the  Emperor  of  a  position  of  association  on  equal     j 
terms  with  deity  is  likewise  indicated  by  such  titles  as  Shison^     \ 
Shujo^  and  Kami  go  ichi  niri^^  as  applied  to  the  Emperor,  all  of 
which,  according  to   Dr.   Kat5's  exposition,  may  be  taken  as      | 
essentially  the  same  as  the  titles  ''Most  High"  and  "Lord"      | 
applied- to  Jehovah."  ^ 

The  strength  of  this  idea  is  seen  in  its  effect  on  the  develop-   j 
ment  of  Buddhism.     *'  A   world  religion   such   as   Buddhism, 
when  it  has  once  entered  Japan,  under  the  influence  of  our 
national  life,  becomes  a  Japanese  Buddhism  with  its  center  in 
the  Imperial  House."^^ 


I. 

■^' 

2. 

±^. 

3- 

Kato,  Waga  Kokutai  to  Shinto, 

p.  4. 

Cf. 

also  ibid.. 

pp. 

I3> 

28 

29» 

66. 

4. 

mnm- 

5- 

^^Km- 

6. 

im%^' 

7- 

M-^aga  Koktitni  to  Shinto,  p.  4. 

8. 

31Jt- 

9- 

±h- 

10 

JLf3ip-A- 

II 

Waga  Kokutai  to  Shinto,  p.  6. 

12. 

Ididf  p.  12. 

^ 


112  THE    POLITICAL    PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN   SHINTO. 

J  This  unique    divine  position  of  the  Japanese   Emperor  is 

further  seen,  for  example,  in  the  difference  that  exists  between 
foreign  coronation  ceremonies  and  the  ceremonies  accompanying 
the  accession  to  the  throne  of  a  Japanese  Emperor.  Whereas 
in  the  former  case  the  king  receives  his  crown  from  a  priest  who 
is  the  representative  of  God,  in  the  latter  the  Japanese  Emperor 
is  his  own  representative,  announcing  his  own  succession  directly 
to  the  spirits  of  the  Imperial  Ancestors  with  whom  he  appears  as 
an  equal.^      Again,   ''  Whereas  in  .^lliordgOjCO^  ruler 

salutes  the  flag,  in  the  case  of  Japan  the  flag^_salutes  the 
Empero.r.n^"""'"''*^  '      ""^       "      "^ 

Added  to  this  belief  in  the  divinity  of  the  Emperor,  the 
author  points  out  another  important  factor  in  the  elements  of 

/Japanese  national  life,  i.e.  the  position  of  the  Empexai;  as  the 
V  I  racial  head  of  his  people.     The  Emperor  is  head  not  merely  in 

^  the  sense  of  ruler  or  leader,  he  is  buch  by  actual  blood  connec- 
tion.* By  virtue,  then,  of  this  institution  of  a  single  line  of 
Divine  Emperors  unchanging  from  time  immemorial,  wherein 
the  Japanese  nation  finds  its  racial  head,  there  is  imparted  to  the 
Japanese  national  constitution  a  unique _^<-^bility  in  thp  r\iHc;t  of 
all   the  changes   of  history   and  at  the  same  time  a   peerless 

character  among  the^poj'^'i^al  f^nH  mrmi^-gy^lPMHi  r^f  ih^  wnrlH,^ 

Kato  next  takes  up  the  matter  of  lo^^al|x— cega«ied  as 
religiousJaJ.thi^  ^  The  Japanese  attitude  of  consciousness  directed 
toward  the  Divine  Emperor  is  expressed  in  the  term  chuko^ 
"  loyalty."  Is  it  religious  or  is  it  not  ?  Dr.  Kato's  discussion 
results  in  an  equation  of  loyalty  with  religious  faith.  The  latter 
is  defined  as  that  altitude  of  consciousness  which  is  found  in 

1.  Ibid.y  pp.  24-25. 

2.  Ib'ui.^  p.  25. 

3  The  basis  of  this  assertion  may  hz  seen  in  the  claim  made  by  Japanese 
historians  that  out  of  abf)ut  6300  Japanese  cognomens  some  4900  can  be  (raced 
back  to  connections  with  the  Imperial  Line,  Cf.  Yaviagata,  Aritcmio,  "  ICmpcror 
Meiji,"  T/ie  far  East,  Vol.  20,  No.  4,  Nov.  13,  I920,  p.  103. 

4.  Waga  Kokutai  to  Shinto^  pp.  28-64. 

5.  Ibid.,  pp.  66-90. 


THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN   SHINTO.  II 3 

absolute  trust  {zettai  teki  shinrai)}  Evidence  is  adduced  to 
show  that  loyalty  to  the  Emperor  on  the  part  of  Japanese 
subjects  is  of  such  intensity  as  to  warrant  identification  with  this 
absolute  self  surrender.  "  The  attitude  of  consciousness  existing 
in  our  loyalty  and  that  found  in  religious  faith  are  identical."^ 
In  view  of  the  nature  of  the  object  of  this  devotion  it  follows 
that  the  central  institution  of  the  Japanese  state  as  found  in  the 
Divine  Imperial  Line  is  suppoited  by  an  intense  religious  feeling. 
This  is  the  center  of  Shinto.  "  ^hinto  is  not  simply  ethical 
consciousness  as  related  to  secular  affairs ;  its  fundamental 
principle  subjectively  stated,  is  that  it  maintains  in  loyalty  an 
attitude  of  consciousness  which  rivals  that  ot  religious  taith. 
This  is  Tenno  kyo^  (Mikadoism),  the  characteristic  product  o^/  .^ 
our  national  spirit,  which  worships  the  Emperor  as  divine.  For  this 
reason  Shinto  is  in  truth  nothing  other  than  a  national  religion.'"* 
It  is  a  religion  of  loyalty. 

The  discussion  now  logically  turns  to  the  detailed  considera- 
tion of  the  nature  of  Shintd  thus  defined  as  Emperor  worship. 
As  a  preliminary  to  this  discussion  the  author  takes  up  the 
study  of  the  nature  of  religion  itself.^  "  Rdigion,"  he  says,  "is 
a  practical  mood  of  a  man's  mind  toward  the  divine, "'^  which 
he  further  explains  to  mean  that  ''  religion  is  a  practical  means 
whereby  ^^^  f^pt^rc  m<-r>  -^A^uX  r^l^tJT'nship  with  some  object  or 
objects  refyarded  a^  divinf^.  Such  objects  of  religious  faith  may  be 
either  naturalistic  {shizen  tekt)  or  ethical  {rinri  teki).  In  either 
case  the  religious  object  is  regarded  as  higher  than  the  man 
himself.      The   human,    mental   attitude    toward   the   religious 

1.  Ibid.,  p.  72. 

2.  Ibid.,  p.  80. 

3-  5^^ISl-  The  term  is  to  be  found  in  neither  the  Nikon  Hakkwa  Dai 
Jiten  (Encyclopedia  Japonica,  Tokyo,  1908-19)  nor  the  most  extensive  of  the 
modern  Japanese  dictionaries,  namely  tlie  Dai  Nihon  Kokugo  Jiten  by  Uyeda 
and  Matsui  (Tokyo,  1915-19). 

4.  Waga  Kokutai  to  Shintd,  pp.  80-8 1. 

5.  Ibid.,  pp.  91-122. 

6.  Ibid.,  p.  120. 


114  THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN     SHINT5. 

object  may  be  termed  faith  or  belief.  This  is  a  state  of  con- 
sciousness signifying  either  unconditional  trust  or,  in  its  last  phase, 
absolute  freedom,  and  is  not  theoretically  abstract  but  is  practi- 
cally concrete."^ 

All  religions  divide  into  two  great  classes,  (i)  theocratic 
religion  and  (2)  theanthropic  religion.  The  former  emphasizes 
the  divine  element  and  the  separation  of  the  human  from  the 
divine,  the  latter  emphasizes  the  human  element  and  the  merging 
of  the  human  with  the  divine.  The  former  is  deo-centric,  the 
latter  is  homo-centric*  Examples  of  the  former  are  found  in 
Christianity,  Buddhism  and  Mohammedanism.  Other  religions, 
s  including  Shinto,  are  homo-centric,  that  is,  gods  and  men  possess 
identical  attributes. 

"  The  Japanese  conception  of  deity  is  to  be  completely 
identified  with  the  theanthropic  system.  If  finds  deities 
among  men  and  in  nature.  Men  are  kami ;  nature  is  kauii 
{Hito  wa  sunawachl  kami,  shizen  zva  siinawachi  ktimi  tarn 
mono  nari)y^  As  for  the  meaning  of  kami,  Dr.  Kat5  declares 
that  the  term  has  the  primary  significance  of  such  English  words 
as  "  upper,"  ''  above,"  "  higher  "  or  "  superior."* 
\  Modern  official  Shintd  is  thus  not  merely  a  system  of  ethics 

divorced  from  religion  ;  its  basis  is  religious.  In  this  connection 
the  author  remarks :  "  To  be  sure,  in  our  country,  acts  of 
loyalty  toward  the  Emperor  as  the  head  ot  our  collective  family 
system  partake  of  a  moral  nature,  so  that  it  is  hardly  necessary 
to  say  that  one  aspect  of  loyalty  permits  of  an  ethical  explana- 
tion. But  in  as  much  as  the  Emperor,  who  constitutes  the 
object  which  imparts  life  to  this  loyalty  considered  as  morality, 
is  equipped  conjointly  with  divine  and  human  natures,  it  follows 
that  that  which  from  an  external  point  of  view  is  regarded  as  an 
ethical  element,  when  considered  in  its  deeper  aspects,  becomes 

1.  Ibid.,  p.  119. 

2.  Ibid.,  pp.  122-124. 

3.  Ibid.,  p.  133. 

4.  Ibid. 


THE    POLITICAL    PHILOSOPHY    OF    MODERN    SHINTO.  II 5 

transfused  with  the  white  heat  of  religious  faith.  Indeed,  the 
loyalty  of  the  Japanese  has  been  so  conspicuously  transformed 
into  faith  and  religion  as  to  lead  foreign  scholars  to  go  as  far  as 
to  say  that  loyalty  constitutes  the  religion  of  the  Japanese  people. 
As  has  already  been  explicitly  set  forth,  the  Emperor  is  Incar- 
nate Deity  {Aki-tsu-kami)  and  occupies  in  Japanese  faith  the 
position  which  Jehovah  occupied  in  Judaism.  It  has  also  been 
made  clear  that  the  spirit  of  loyalty  which  impels  our  goodly 
subjects,  is  nothing  other  than  the  heart  of  faith  which  controlled 
the  chosen  Hebrew  people."^ 

**  Therefore,  from  the  Japanese  standpoint,  that  attitude  of 
consciousness  which  stimulates  loyalty  to  the  Emperor,  regarded 
as  man,  when  he  is  regarded  as  Deity,  immediately  becomes 
filled  with  the  content  of  an  enthusiastic  religious  faith  which 
offers  body  and  spirit  as  a  holy  sacrifice.  Wherefore,  if  one 
regards  this  merely  from  the  standpoint  of  morality,  it  may  be 
designated  the  unique  patriotism  of  the  Japanese.  This  is  the 
secular  aspect  of  Shinto.  It  must  not  be  forgotten,  however, 
that  Shinto  possesses  fundamental  aspects  as  well  as  external, 
that  it  is  a  national  religion  which  worships  the  Emperor  as 
divine."^ 

The  author  thus  advances  to  a  position  from  which  he  can 
pronounce  on  the  essential  nature  of  Shinto.  **  The  pith  and 
essence  of  Shinto  is  the  nnic]ii<^  pafrin1;ism  of  the  Japanese  together 
with  national  morality,  transfused  with  religious  feeling. ''^^  Or 
again.  ^^  the  life  or  essence  of  Shinto  is  the  unique  Tapanese 
patriotism  touched  by  the  nationalistic  religious  enthusiasm  of 

Japanese  people From  ancient  times  on  this  hai5 

been  called  Yllmato  Damashii^  the  Soul  of  Japan.  It  may  also 
appropriately  be  termed  Mikadoism  or  the  nationalistic  adoration 
of  the  Emperor.  The  psychological  attitude  of  the  Japanese  as 
directed  toward  the  Emperor  is  neither  mere  respect  nor  simple 


1.  Ibid.,  pp.  219-220. 

2.  Ibid.,  pp.  221-222. 

3.  Ibid.,  p.  222. 


/: 


Il6  THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN   SHINTO. 

obeisance ;  it  is  reverence  and  adoration,  that  is  to  say,  it  is 
worship  (suhai).  This  is  the  ultimate  truth  of  Shintd.  Shinto 
is  not  merely  moral  consciousness.  It  must  never  be  forgotten 
that  it  includes  the  white  heat  of  a  fervent  religious  devotion, 
namely,  Mikadoism,  the  nationalistic  adoration  of  the  Emperor.'" 

Dr.  Kato's  treatment  in  a  word  amounts  to  an  exposition 
of  the  Japanese  state  as  a  theocracy  in  which  a  divine  being 
manifested  in  human  form  exercises  the  prerogatives  of  ultimate 
control.  Shinto  is  the  cult  of  religious  loyalty  to  the  divine 
imperial  line  and  the  sacred  Japanese  institutions  which  it  cen- 
tralizes. 

The  author  takes  up  the  matter  of  the  position  of  the  official 
shrines  in  the  thought  world  of  Japan.  Are  the  shrines  merely 
cult  centers  where  the  moral  sentiments  of  the  Japanese  people 
are  crystalized  ?  Are  they  merely  social  and  historical  institu- 
tions vvhe  re  the  great  and  virtuous  of  the  past  are  honored  and 
remembered  ?  Such  a  point  of  view  is  emphatically  denied  by 
Dr.  Kat5.  For,  when  we  consider  the  historical  origin  of  the 
shrines  and  their  function  in  Japanese  society,  we  find  (to  quote) 
that,  "  they  are  sacred  spots  where  deity  is  supplicated  and 
where  prayers  for  the  future  are  offered."^  The  great  spring 
and  harvest  festivals,  for  example,  cannot  possibly  be  legiti- 
mately construed  as  mere  secular  ceremonials.  Those  connected 
with  the  planting  of  crops  presuppose  the  existence  of  superna" 
tural  power  to  which  appeal  is  made  for  good  harvests,  those  in 
the  autumn  {Niiname  Matsuri)  contain  the  primary  elements  of 
thanksgiving  to  the  kaini  for  blessings  received.  Hence  **  we 
cannot  pass  over  the  fact  that  these  ceremonials  are  accompanied 

by  a  faith  in  the  divine  aid  of  a  great  spiritual  power 

llie  shrines  cannot  be  limited  as  being  merely  edifices  where 
past  heroes  are  commemorated  in  an  ethical  sense.  The  affairs 
of  the  festivals  are  pure  religion.     To  regard  these  as  other  than 


1.  Ibid.,  pp.  222-223. 

2.  Ibid.,  p.  235. 


THE  POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN    SHINTO.  II7 

religious  is  indeed  a  biased  interpretation  and  must  be  pronounced 
an  extreme  misrepresentation  of  the  shrines."^ 

Dr.  Kat5  finds  in  Shinto,  elements  so  thoroughly  satisfactory 
to  religious  feeling  as  to  entitle  it  to  favorable  consideration 
along  with  Christianity  and  Buddhism.  In  Shintd  we  may 
discern  a  deep  faith  in  a  higher  spiritual  and  ethical  world,  the 
idea  of  the  incarnation  of  the  divine  in  the  human,^  the  institu- 
tions of  prayer,''  priests  and  priestesses,''  ceremonies  and  worship 
and  authority  that  ultimately  resides  in  the  state  itself.  In  intel- 
lectual and  ethical  content  it  takes  high  rank  among  the  religions 
of  the  world,  due  primarily  to  the  great  organizing  principle  of 
Divine,  Imperial  Sovereignty,^  Buddhism  emphasizes  [mercy, 
Christianity  love,  Confucianism  humanity ;  Shinto  teaches 
honesty  and  sincerity.^  On  the  basis,  then,  of  close  resem- 
blance in  fundamental  aspects  between  the  great  religions  that  at 
present  occupy  the  field  in  Japan,  Dr.  Kato  anticipates  ultimate 
reconciliation.'^ 

This  recognition  of  the  ideal  of  final  human  reconciliation 
on  the  basis  of  universal  brotherhood  will  be  welcomed  by  all 
who  are  interested  in  the  permanent  good  of  man.  Again,  it 
must  be  frankly  admitted  that  Dr.  Kato's  discussion  raises  diffi- 
cult problems  tor  advocates  of  the  absoluteness  of  any  single 
religion  resting  on  the  claims  of  an  exclusive  supernaturalism. 
His  exposition  seems  to  recognize  clearly  the  fact  that  all  religions, 
Christianity,  Buddhism,  and  Shinto  alike,  are  to  be  tested  by 
their  fundamental  value  in  the  social  life  in  which  they  develop, 
^hinto,  like  other  religions,  is  born  of  a  human  need.  In  this 
sense  we  can  agree  with  Dr.  Kato  in  finding  in  Shinto  not  simply 
nationalistic  local  elements,  but  universal  elements  as  well.  Grant- 

I     Ibid.,  pp.  235-7. 

2.  Ibid ,  pp.  257  ff. 

3.  Ibid.,  pp,  196  ff. 

4.  Ibid.,  pp.  201  ff. 

5.  Ibid.,  pp,  248-252.  '--u- 

6.  Ibid.,  p.  ?54. 

7.  Ibid.,  pp   262-3. 


IlB  THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OP    MODERN   SHINT5. 

ing  all  this,  however,  it  is  necessary  to  add  certain  reservations 
concerning  Dr.  Kato's  exposition. 

In  the  first  place,  on  what  basis  is  a  valid  distinction  to  be 
created  between  certain  members  of  Japanese  society  regarded 
as  sacred  and  the  great  majority  made  up  of  the  common  and 
profane  ?  Is  it  to  be  an  ethical  distinction  ?  It  so,  postulations 
of  divinity  are  to  be  vindicated  on  the  grounds  of  character  and 
genuine  contribution  to  human  welfare.  Or,  is  it  to  be  meta. 
physical  deity,  appearing  as  a  superhuman,  miraculous  inset  in 
human  history  ?  In  spite  of  pantheistic  presuppositions  it  would 
appear  that  Dr.  Kato's  theory  of  emperor  worship  would  de- 
mand an  affirmative  answer  here.  Yet,  it  is  difficult  to  see  how 
this  position  is  to  be  reconciled  with  his  exposition  of  the  con- 
sanguinity existing  between  the  Japanese  people  and  the  imperial 
line  which  is  the  racial  head.  The  connection  would  seem  to 
logically  demand  the  extinction  of  the  difference  between  the 
worshippers  and  the  worshipped,  and  what  we  would  have  left 
would  be  a  divine  Japanese  race  worshipping  itself. 

The  main  difficulty  does  not  lie  here,  however.  It  lies  in 
the  fact  that  the  very  center  of  Dr.  Kato's  Shinto  theology, 
exactly  as  in  the  case  of  Dr.  Kakehi's  exposition,  is  nationalistic 
political  philosophy.  Dr.  Kato's  words  are  unmistakable  in 
this  matter.  Comparing  the  fortunes  of  Christianity  and  Bud- 
dhism with  the  prospects  of  Shintd,  he  says  :  "  Neither  JesUs 
nor  Buddha  complied  with  the  political  hopes  for  an  ideal  king 
existing  in  their  respective  lands,  but  turned  away  from  the  lower 
world  to  the  world  of  spiritual  things.  The  conditions  of  Japan,  of 
India,  and  of  Judea,  however,  differ  with  each  country.  Japan 
is  preeminent  above  all  nations  and  possesses  a  firm  national 
foundation.  Unlike  the  Jews  her  people  are  not  citizens  of  a 
ruined  land  nor  again  is  she  possessed  like  India  of  an  unstable 
royal  house  that  is  subject  to  rise  and  decline.  She  is  the 
recipient  of  a  single  Imperial  Line  that  has  existed  unchanged 
from  time  immemorial,  towering  aloft  like  mountains  and  stars, 
and   which  shall  not  change  forever.     In  truth  the  appearance 


THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY    OF    MODERN    SHINTO.  I  tQ 

of  the  ideal  royal  Messiah  for  whom  the  Jews  earnestly 
hoped  so  long  but  who  never  actually  appeared,  or  again, 
the  revelation  of  Cakravarti  Rajah,  the  ideal  prince  of  India, 
may  be  seen  in  the  Orient  in  the  likeness  of  the  Japanese 
Emperor  of  immemorial  line."^  In  his  preface  Dr.  Kato  says, 
"  Just  as  our  country  possesses  in  the  towering  peak  of  Mt.  Fuji 
a  natural  beauty  unsurpassed  in  all  the  world,  .so  also  this  Orient 
land  of  virtuous  men,  with  its  historical  record  stretching  across 
three  thousand  boundless  years,  with  its  Imperial  House  above 
reaching  in  unbroken  lineage  back  to  immemorial  ages,  with  its 
subjects  below  looking  up  to  this  Line  as  it  towers  beyond 
mountains  and .  stars,  with  its  heroes  and  remarkable  men,"  a 
country,  indeed,  not  unworthy  the  name,  /  The  Land  of  the 
Gods ' — this  land  has  produced  a  national  organization  that  is 
peerless  in  the  earth.  "^ 

The  book  which  contains  these  statements  was  published 
on  February  25,  19 19,  almost  simultaneously  with  the  report  of 
the  special  commission  on  education  which  declared,  *'  the 
situation  is  very  grave  and  calls  for  serious  consideration." 
Whether  there  may  be  a  connection  or  not,  it  is  to  be  said 
that  the  exposition  of  these  doctrines  of  a  political  Messiah  in  a 
divinely  descended  prince  of  age  long  dynasty,  of  a  national 
organization  without  a  rival  in  all  the  world,  of  an  histon" 
cal  record  reaching  back  *'  three  thousand  years,"  and  of  a 
loyalty  that  is  unique  in  human  history,  while  well  adapted  to 
foster  unlimited  xontentment  with  the  status  quo  in  Japanese 
political  life  is,  also,  so  formulated  as  to  raise  difficult  problems 
in  the  relations  of  official  Shinto.  In  so  far  as  Japanese  political 
life,  as  centralized  in  this  form  of  Shintd,  may  attempt  both  to 
strengthen  itself  within  Japan  and  to  propagate  itself  in  the  world* 
we  may  anticipate  the  appearance  of  serious  questions  arising  in 
connection  with  the  religious  and  political  self-determination  0* 
various  groups  of  peoples.     The  study  of  comparative  religious 

1.  Ibid.,  p-  251. 

2.  Ibid,^  Preface  p.  a. 


120  THfe   rOLlTlCAL   PHILOSOPHY   OP   MODERN   SHINTO. 

and  political  history  should  warn  the  Shintoists  here.  It  was 
exactly  its  refusal  to  adjust  its  nationalism  to  universal  human 
needs  that  broke  Judaism. 

Again,  it  is  to  be  pointed  out  that  the  position  of  the 
Emperor  in  the  Japanese  state  as  well  as  in  religion  has  varied 
with  the  changing  fortunes  of  Japanese  political  history. 
Japanese  history  when  scientifically  studied,  clearly  teaches  this 
fact.^  Dr.  Kato's  exposition  reflects  the  interests  of  the  revival 
of  imperial  institutions  that  began  with  the  Restoration  in  1868. 
The  best  index  of  the  actual  hold  of  emperor  worship  on 
historical  Shinto  is  to  be  seen  in  the  number  of  institutions  which 
the  sentiment  of  emperor  worship  has  called  into  existence.  Mr. 
Tsuda  Noritake,  writing  in  1920,  says  on  the  point,  "  Emperors 
who  have  been  worshipped  as  deities  after  death  are  exceedingly 
few.  The  grand  total  of  Shintd  shrines  in  our  country  today 
amounts  to  110,000.  Out  of  this  great  number  shrines  where 
past  Emperors  are  worshipped  total  less  than  ten."^  Shrines 
at  which  the  living  Japanese  Emperor  is  worshipped  cannot  be 
located  in  modern  Shinto.  In  consideration  of  such  evidence  it 
would  appear  that  Dr.  Kato's  exposition  of  the  centrality  of 
emperor  worship  in  Shintd  is  more  idealistic  and  pedagogical 
than  actual.  On  the  other  hand,  it  is  not  to  be  denied  that 
Japanese  emperors  have  been  regarded  as  living  kaniL  The  basis 
of  this  belief  will  be  considered  in  a  later  discussion. 

Although  Kakehi  and  Kat5  go  beyond  most  other  Japanese 
interpreters  in  the  philosophical  elaboration  which  they  extend 
to  Shinto,  they  are  far  from  standing  alone  in  their  religious 
interpretation  of  the  Imperial  House.  They  represent  a  con- 
temporary school  of  Shinto  which  must  be  taken  into  serious 
consideration  in  any  effort  to  understand  either  recent  Japanese 
religious  history  or  the  modern  political  situation. 

1.  Cf.  Murdoch,  James,  A  History  of  Japan,  Vol.  I,  pp.  107-8,  118- 121, 
184-6,  280,  296-366,  401,  442-50,  455-9,  540,  562-588;  Vol.   II,  pp.  17,360-61, 

372-7- 

2.  Isuda,   Noritake,    Shintd  Kigen  Ron     (J^fflgij^,    »*ig;Sig||&,    "An 
Essay  ou  the  Origins  of  Shinto,"  Tokyo,  1920;,  p.  247. 


,' 


THE    rOLlTlCAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN  SHINTO.  121 

V 

ltd  Hirobumi,  writing  in  his  Commentaries  on  the  Constitu- 
tion in  1889,  said,  '*  The  Sacred  Throne  was  established  at  the  \ 
time  when  the  heavens  and  the  earth  became  separated.  The 
Emperor  is  Heaven  descended,  divine  and  sacred ;  He  is 
preeminent  above  all  His  subjects.  He  must  be  reverenced  and 
is  inviolable.  He  has  indeed  to  pay  due  respect  to  the  law,  but 
the  law  has  no  power  to  hold  him  accountable  to  it.  Not  only 
shall  there  be  no  irreverence  for  the  Emperor's  person,  but  also 
He  shall  not  be  made  a  topic  of  derogatory  comment  nor  one  of 
discussion.'" 

Dr.  Katb  Hiroyuki,  apprehensive  of  a  divided  loyalty 
induced  by  the  extension  of  Christian  teaching  in  Japan,  wrote 
in  1907,  "  Christianity  can  never  be  assimilated  to  the  national 
organization  {kokutai)  of  Japan.  Assimilation  to  the  national 
organization  of  Japan  would  mean  the  complete  destruction  of 
the  fundamental  nature  of  Christianity.  This  being  the  nature 
of  Christianity,  it  is  impossible  to  say  that  Christianity  is  not  a 
danger  to  the  Japanese  national  organization.  The  patriarchal 
government  of  Japan  is  peerless  among  all  the  nations  of  the 
earth  and  accordingly  it  is  not  proper  that  she  should  revere  a 
sovereign  apart  from  the  Emperor  and  the  Imperial  Ancestors. 
The  national  organization  absolutely  forbids  that  we  should  have 
above  the  sovereign  *  the  One  True  God  '.'"' 

Kume  says  concerning  the  Emperor,  "  He  is  regarded  as  a 

1.  ltd,  Hirobumi,  Commentaries  (Eng.  trans.),  Tokyo,  1889,  p.  6. 

2.  Kato,  Hiroyuki,  Waga  Kokutai  to  Kirisuto  Kyo  {%%^jkt.,  #Slt  ^  %^ 
^,  "Our  National  Constitution  and  Christianity,"  Tokyo,  1907),  p.  56.  With 
Dr.  Kato's  statement  may  be  compared  an  editorial  from  the  Keisei  of  Feb.  i, 
191 5,  which  says,  "  Even  Christian  believers,  granted  that  they  are  Japanese,  must 
understand  why  our  national  institution  of  loyalty  to  the  Imperial  House  and  the 
custom  of  ancestor  worship  are  not  to  be  regarded  or  disregarded  as  convenience 
may  dictate Under  the  religious  freedom,  granted  by  our  Constitu- 
tion, any  religious  faiths  are,  or  course,  permissable,  but  they  must  not  be  in 
opposition  to  our  national  institutions ;  and  on  that  account  European  Christianity 
must  be  revised  so  that  it  can  co-exist  with  these  institutions  and  harmonize  with 
our  national  character.  .  .  .  Therefore  if  even  in  the  least  degree  it  is  desired 
that  Christianity  shall  strike  down  its  roots,  influence  the  national  mind,  and  thus 


y 


ry 


1 22  THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN   SHINTO. 

living  kami,  loved  and  revered  by  the  nation  above  all  things 
on  earth,  and  himself  loving  and  protecting  the  nation,  who  are 
deemed  sons  of  Kami  nagara  and  are  entrusted  to  his  care  by 

the  kami Thus,  Shinto  (doctrine  of  the  kami)  is 

kundo  (doctrine  of  the  Emperor)  for  Shintoism  is  Mikadoism  ; 
*  the  kamVs  will  is  the  Emperor's  will '  is  a  maxim  inscribed  on 
the  heart  of  every  Japanese.  Herein  one  may  see  the  fountain- 
head  of  our  patriotic  spirit,  whose  marvelous  activity  has  served 
to  raise  Japan  in  these  fifty  years  to  the  level  of  the  first-rate 
Powers  of  the  world."* 

In  line  with  this  same  idea  of  Shintd,  a  recent  Cabinet 
official  has  declared,  *'  The  protection  and  advancement  of  the 
country  is  in  the  care  of  the  ancestral  spirits  and  their  power 
resides  in  the  Emperor.     The  use  of  that  power  is  the  work  of 

the  Imperial   throne The  central  idea   of  the 

Japanese  state  is  the  belief  that  the  spirits  of  the  Imperial  ancestors 
continue  to  rule  through  their  living  representatives,  and  from 
this  belief  springs  the  singular  national  spirit  of  the  Japanese 
people."'^ 

lyenaga  has  likewise  interpreted  the  substance  of  the  Shinto 
pf  the  Restoration  period  as  capable  of  being  expressed  in  the 
proposition  that  the  Emperor,  as  the  lineal  descendant  of  the 
^gods,  must  be  revered  and  worshipped  as  deity.'* 

More  recently  Uyehara  has  given  expression  to  this  theory 

of  the  Emperor  in  terms  that  suggest  Kakehi's  idea  of  a  unique 

Japanese  revelation  of  the  Absolute.     "  He  ["the  Emperor]  is  to 

the  Japanese  mind  the  Supreme  Being  in  the  Cosmos  of  Japan, 

/las  God  is  in  the  universe  of  the  pantheistic  philosopher.     From 

v/  ftiim  everything  emanates,  in  him  everything  subsists 


prosper,  it  is  necessary  that  plans  should  be  made  to  reconcile  it  with  our  great 
national  principles  and  customs.  If  to  do  this  it  be  necessary  to  throw  over  the 
doctrine  of  a  most  high  God,  throw  it  over."     J.  E.  1915  (April),  pp   181-2. 

1.  Kume,  Kunitake,  "  Shinto,"  Fifty  Years  of  New  Japan,  Vol.  II,  p.  30. 

2.  Japan  Advertiser,  Nov.  3,  I916. 

3.  The  Constitutional  Development  of  Japan,:^.  2/^, 


/ 


THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOF'HY    OF   MODERN    SHINTO  I25 

He  is  supreme^ in  all  temporal  affairs  of  the  State  as  well  as  in  all 
spiritual  matters."^ 

Dr.  Hiroike  Senkuro  cites  with  approval  the  phrase ,  Aki 
tsu  mi  kami  tarn  rybhelka  no  seitoku,  **  the  holy  virtue  of  their 
Majesties,  the  Emperor  and  Empress,  the  Manifest  Deities."^ 
Dr.  Haga  in  explanation  of  his  idea  of  the  relation  between 
Japanese  Emperors  and  subjects  that  has  continued  from  the 
beginning  of  Japanese  history  to  the  present  says,  '*  Kami, 
Deity  or  God.  used  in  the  sense  of  the  *  above '  is  with 
its  honorific  prefix  ^  O,'  even  now  applied  for  the  Mikado  — 
hence  the  identification  of  God  and  Emperor."^  Mr.  Mochiziiki 
Kotaro,  writing  of  the  Emperor  Meiji  Tenno  in  19 13  said,  *'  Not 
a  single  Japanese  is  there  who  does  not  regard  and  obey  every 
utterance  of  His  late  Majesty  as  divine  revelation.""* 

Thesfe  examples  could  be  extended.  They  reach  their 
climax  in  the  representations  made  by  Dr.  Uesugi  Shinkichi  of 
the  Law  Department  .of  the  Tokyo  Imperial  University,  who 
says,  *'  Subjects  have  no  mind  apart  from  the  will  of  the  Em- 
peror. Their  individual  selves  are  merged  with  the  Emperor. 
If  they  act  according  to  the  mind  of  the  Emperor  they  can 
realize  their  true  nature  and  they  can  attain  the  moral  ideal. 
This  is  the  fundamental  relationship  existing  between  the  Japan- 
ese people  and  their  Emperor  who  is  the  descendant  and  exten- 
sion of  the  Great  Deity  \_Ama-terasu-d-mi-kamt\.  The  organizing 
will  resides  inherently  in  the  Emperor  and  apart  from  the  Imperial 
mind  there  exists  no  organizing  will. "^ 


1.  The  Political  Development  of  Japan,  p.  23.  Cf.  also  ibid.,  pp.  19,  21. 

2.  Jinja  Sukei  to  Shukyo  (J^^T^AgP,  %r^^%.Z%Wi^  «  Shrine  Rever- 
ence and  Religion  "),  p.  3. 

3.  Haga,  Yaeichi,  "The  Spirit  of  Japan,"  T.  J.  S.  L.,  Vol.  XV  (1916-17) 
p.  123. 

4.  Mochizuki,  KotarS,  The  Late  Emperor  of  Japan  as  a  World  Monarchy 
Tokyo,  1913,  Preface,  p.  II. 

5.  \Jestigi,^\i\nV\c\\\,  Kokutai  Seikxva  no  Ifatsuyo  {±Jf^\^^,  ^^%^^  t 
^^,  "  The  Exaltation  of  the  Essence  of  the  National  Constitution,"  Tokyo, 
1919),  p.  5<^'     In  evaluating  Dr.  Uesugi's  claims  it  needs  to  be  remembered  that 


124  THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF  MODERN   SHINTO 

All  of  these  statements,  as  in  the  cases  of  the  interpretations 
made  by  Dr.  G.  Kato  and  by  Dr.  Kakehi,  reflect  dynastic 
interests  that  have  come  into  special  prominence  since  the  Resto- 
ration. The  political  value  of  the  centralizing  influence,  during 
the  period  of  rapid  change  since  the  beginning  of  the  Meiji  Era, 
of  the  idea  of  an  unchanging  and  sacred  imperial  line,  is  well 
recognized  by  Japanese  politicians  and  scholars.^  Indeed,  it  is 
difficult  to  avoid  the  impression  that  such  political  interest  is 
largely  the  determining  factor  in  giving  form  to  the  interpretation 
which  makes  emperor  worship  the  center  of  modern  Shinto.  It 
is  easy  to  pass  from  this  to  the  position  that  the  chiet  object  of 
Shinto  ceremonials  should  be  the  development  of  sentiments 
directed  toward  the  maintenance  of  the  imperial  throne.  This  is 
precisely  the  line  of  argument  taken  by  Dr.  Ariga  Nagao  in  his 
discussion  oi  Shinto  Kokkyo  Ron,  "  Shinto  as  a  State  Religion." 
Dr.  Ariga  attempts  to  show  that  the  cult  of  the  Shinto  shrines  is 
nothing  other  than  a  state  religion.^     He  recognizes  great  defici- 

under  the  existing  organization  of  the  Japanese  government  this  Imperial  mind  is 
always  mediated  to  the  people  by  the  various  bureaus  and  departments  of  the 
government,  and  that  motives  and  methods  of  the  intervening  mediation  are 
exactly  where  investigation  would  have  to  be  made  in  order  to  establish  the 
content  of  the  original  organizing  will. 

1.  Cf.  Frt'/wfl'^^/Vrt,  Yoshitaro,  "The  Influence  of  Shinto  and  Buddhism  in 
Japan,"  T.  J.  S.  L.,  Vol.  IV  (1897-8),  Pt.  IV,  p.  257. 

2.  In  summary  of  this  point  Dr.  Ariga  says,  "  I  can  by  no  means  agree 
with  the  proposition  that  the  festivals  [of  the  Shinto  shrines]  are  not  religious 
Failure  to  recognize  that  they  are  religious  amounts  to  a  disregard  of  reason.  .  . 
.  .  Shinto  is  to  be  looked  ujx)n  as  a  religion  and  there  is  justification  for  saying 
that  up  to  the  present  the  state  has  simply  extended  protection  to  a  sect  of  Shinto 
which  lias  not  emphasized  doctrine."  ["  Shinto  Kokkyo  I^on,"  Tefsngaku  Zass/ti, 
I910  (June),  pp.  709-715]  Prof.  /«<7«ir  Tetsujiro  has  likewise  said,  "  There  are  two 
opinions :  that  Shinto  is  a  religion,  and  that  it  is  not  a  religion  If  we  speak  from 
the  standpoint  of  religious  science,  of  course  it  is  a  variety  of  religion.  Furthermore, 
there  are  points  in  Shinto  that  lie  very  much  at  the  founda:ion  of  Japanese 

national  morality However,  elemen  ary   it  may  apjiear  as  a  religion, 

yet  from  the  point  of  view  of  its  relaiions  with  the  national  constitution  {koknlai) 
and  with  national  morality  there  is  no  occasion  for  taking  a  destructive  a'li  ude 
toward  Shinto."     {Kokurnin  Diitoku  Gairon^  p.  322).     The  i,aiue  au  hor  has  made 


THE   POLITICAL  PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN   SHINTO  12$ 

encies  in  official  Shinto  as  a  religion,  but  feels  that  these  defects 
can  be  made  good  by  importations  of  ethical  pabulum  from 
Confucianism/  Then  regarding  the  matter  before  us,  he  re- 
marks, "  The  fundamental  principle  of  Shinto  ceremonials  consists 
in  the  preservation  of  the  Japanese  Imperial  Throne,  eternal  as 
Heaven  and  Earth.  This  is  their  most  important  character. 
The  carrying  out  of  the  will  of  the  Imperial  Ancestors  is  the 
greatest  principle  of  Shinto.  But  it  goes  without  saying  that  in 
order  to  make  the  Imperial  Throne  eternal  the  Japanese  state 
itself  must  be  eternal.  But  in  order  to  make  the  state  eternal 
the  Japanese  people  must  develop  continuously."^ 

The  extreme  point  of  view  which  would  seek  either  to  effect 
or  to  accompany  this  continuous  development  of  the  Japanese 
people  by  the  expansion  of  Shinto  as  a  world  religion  is  not  con- 
fined to  Professor  Kakehi.  Professor  Tanaka  Yoshito  has  said 
regarding  the  Great  Way  of  Shinto,  "  To  proclaim  the  Great 
Way  of  our  empire  throughout  the  world-r-this  is  our  principal 
task,  this  is  the  sacred  calling  of  the  Japanese  race."^  A  recent 
editorial  in  Kami  Kaze,  a  Shinto  magazine  says,  "  Shinto  is  a 

great   religion  that    includes    all    others For 

example,  Shinto  may  be  compared  with  a  tree  while  all  other 
religions  are  fertilizers.  Thus  Shinto,  by  absorbing  and  assimi- 
lating various  fertilizers,  as  the  result  of  a  process  of  inclusion 
and  selection,  must  increase  and  expand  itself.  ....  A 
religion  like  Christianity,  however,  which  neglects  both  the 
family  system  and  nationalism  is  not  a  fertilizer.     On  the  other 


public  declaration  in  favor  of  encouraging  visitation  at  the  shrines  on  the  part  of 
school  children  as  a  mean  of  developing  patriotism.  \Cf.  Meiji  Seitoku  Kitten 
Gakkai  Kiyd^  Vol.  VII  (April,  1917),  pp  225-229;  also  J.  E.  1916,  pp  156,  377; 
ibid.  1918,  p.  182. 

1.  "Confucianism,"  says  Dr.  Ariga,  "is  well  adapted  to  the  Japanese 
national  constitution  [kokittai).  It  is  also  suited  to  present  day  conditions  of 
living  and  affords  a  satisfactory  solution  of  the  relations  of  individuals  and  the 
Absolute."     (Ariga,  op.  cit  y  p.  721), 

2.  Op.  cit. 

3.  lanakoy  Yoshito,  Shinto  Iloiigi,  p.  l6l. 


126  THE    POLITICAL    PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN   SHINT5 

hand  it  is  a  great  evil.     If  the  usages  of  the  existing  family  system  . 
should  become  extinct  in  Japan  and  we  should  come  to  pure 
individualism,  or  if,  again,  we  should  abandon  nationalism  and 
become   altogether   humanitarian,   the    results    would   be   dis- 
astrous."^    Another  contemporary  Shinto  publication,  Miizu,  with 
each  issue  prints  the  motto  :     '*  Dai  Nilion  Sekai  Kyo,'^  Great 
Japan  World-teaching.""^     Onioto  Kyo,  which  has  achieved  no 
small  popularity  in  Japanese   military    circles,   teaches,  ^*  The 
people  and   Gods  who  are  centralized  in  the  doctrine  of  A'^^i?- 
Omoto  are  only  working  to  accomplish  this  greatest  and  loftiest 
task  of  unifying  the  world  under  the  sway  of  the  Emperor  of 
Japan.     .     .     .     .     .     We    are    only   aiming   at   making   the 

Emj^eror  of  Japan  rule  and  govern  the  whole  world,  as  he  is  the 
only  ruler  in  the  world  who  retains  the  spiritual  mission  inherited 
rom  the  remotest  ancestors  in  the  Divine  World. "^  Dr.  Uesugi 
Shinkichi,  writing  after  the  close  of  the  World  War,  with  post 
belLmn  reconstruction  issues  in  mind,  says,!"  It  is  now  most  clear 
that  th(^  ^snlvMtinn  of  the  entire  hnninn  rn  rr  ir  tb^  mJHr'^"  ^^  our 
empire.  Nations  are  now  in  a  condition  of  disorder.  There  are 
classes  within  the  nations,  each  class  struggling  for  its  own 
interests  and'^eacITthlnking'Tiii;  utlier  an  irreCotielkble  enemy. 
/\  RaHicalism-ls '  spread Ifig^^bf^^a^t: — Thg-poisbn  of  the  disease 
penetrates  flesh  and  bones  anS  threatensfto  overthrow  tlip  c^|-nf^ 
llieidea  of  reliance  upon  the  state  isconspir.^ioimly  wpnWpn«^r1. 
The  heart  of  man  has  lost  its  power  to  cooperate.  Individuals  do 
as  they  please^acting  dissolutely  without  restriction./  Tlie  capital- "" 
istic  classes  ot^  England  and  America,  flushed  with  the  victory 
of  the  Great  War,  have  become  arrogant  and  domineering 
throughout  the  world  and  are  giving  rein  to  unbounded  greed. ) 
Behold  the   world  is  full  of  the  struggle  between  capital  and 

1.  Kami  Kaze  (ii^^),  Tokyo,  July,  i,  1921,  p.  4. 

2.  Pub,  No.  45,  Sakuragi  Clio,  Uyeno,  Shilaya,  Tokyo. 

3.  I'aisho  Nichi-Nkhi  Shii/i/uin,  Osaka,  Dec  21,  1920.  For  a  statement  by 
a  Japanese  critic  of  certain  chauvinistic  aspects  of  Onioio  Kyo  and  a  related  ten- 
dency toward  popularity  in  military  circles,  see  M.  Honda,  Omoto-kyo:  What 
it  is  and  Why  it  Spread,"  yrt/<7»  Adxxrtiser^  Tokyo,  Jan.  27,  192 1,  p.  4. 


THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN   SHINTO  12/ 

labor.  They  are  fallen  into  the  pit.  The  hell  of  fighting  and 
bloodshed  has  appeared  on  earth. 

'*  WJien  we  observe  such  conditions,  there  is  not  one  of  our 
people  who  does  not  believe  that,  if  they  only  had  our  Emperor 
as  theirs,  they  would  not  come  to  such  extremity.  .... 
Our  j[)eople,  through  the  benevolent  virtue  of  "the  RmperorSj 
have  attained  a  national  constitution  that  is  without  parajlel  in 

the  world. Now,  if  all  the  human  race  should 

come  to  look  up  to  the  virtue  of  our  KTr'p<^<'<^^  '^^'^  chnniH  rnmf> 
to  live  under  that  influence,  then  there  would  be  light  for  the 
future  of  humanit^L—  Thus  the  world  can  be  saved  from  destruc- 
tion, j^rhusjife  can  be  lived  within  the  realms  of  goodness  and 
beauty.     Of  a  truth,  great  is  the  mission  of  our  nation."^ 

In  considering  the  religious  definition  of  official  Shinto  we 
have  had  before  us  a  form  of  statement  which,  simultaneously 
with  an  insistence  on  the  importance  of  the  shrine  ceremonies, 
makes  emphatic  declaration  of  the  religious  nature  of  the  national 
cult.  The  solutions  ot  the  related  religious  problems  propose 
either  reconciliation  between  Shint5  and  other  religions  or  ab- 
sorption of  other  religions  by  Shinto.  The  centrality  of  political 
considerations  in  the  solutions,  however,  carries  the  .problem  N'^ 
outside  of  purely  religious  matters  and  presents  factors  which,  in 
the  extreme  form  advocated  by  such  expositors  as  Kakehi  and 
Uesugi,  constitute  a  contradiction  of  the  prijriciples  of  J^nterna- 
tionalism. 

The  study  as  thus  far  conducted  points  to  the  necessity 
of  investigating  more  precisely  the  nature  of  the  supernaturalism 
that  is  involved  in  official  Shinto.  The  questions  to  be  taken  up 
for  examination  in  the  ensuing  pages  include  an  iittempt  to  test 
the  claim  that  Shinto  is  not  a  religion  as  based  on  the  assignment 
of  a  strictly  nationalistic  and  historical,  human  character  to  the 
kami.  Can  the  claims  for  the  uniqueness  of  this  euhemeristic 
conception  of  deity  in  Shinto  be  maintained  ?     The  matter  may 


I.      Uesugi,  Sliinkichi,  Kokutai  Selkwa  no  Hatsi^yo,  pp.  205-6. 


X28  THE   POLITICAL   l»HIIOSOPHY   OF   MODERN   SHINT3 

be  tested  (i)  by  an  examination  of  the  primary  meaning  of /^^rwi 
in  Shinto  and  a  comparison  with  the  reh'gious  philosophy  of  other 
peoples,  (2)  by  an  investigation  of  the  historicity  of  the  great 
kami  that  head  the  genealogical  lists  ot  modern  official  Shinto, 
and  (3)  by  an  effort  to  determine  whether  the  cult  life  of  official 
Shintc  is  such  as  to  identify  it  with  real  religion. 


THE   POLITICAL  PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN   SEINTO.  1 29 

CHAPTER  V. 

The  Meaning  of  Kami. 

An  argument  based  on  the  uniqueness  of  the  idea  of  kami 
is  advanced  by  certain  modern  Shintoists  as  a  support  for  the 
proposition  that  the  official  cult  does  not  partake  of  the  super- 
naturalism  of  ordinary  religion.  Dr.  Y.  Haga  represents  a  wide 
group  when  he  says  that  the  difficulties  of  the  shrine  issue  have 
their  origin  in  a  misunderstanding  of  the  word  kami  and  a 
confusion  with  religion/  Official  Shinto  frequently  falls  back 
on  the  a<^<=:prfrnn  i-Viaf  \\\e-  hnnii  arp  rriprely  f^upcrior  human  bejngs 
who  have  contributed  meritoriously  to  the  progress  of  the  Japanese 
state.^     It  is  necessary  to  investigate  these  claims  more  exactly. " 

W^h  rpo-ard  to  the  word  kami,  it  is  probably  safe  to  sayjhat 
there  is  no  other  term  in  the  original  Japanese  language  with 
such  a  rich  and  multiform  content.  Nor  is  there  another  term 
with  respect  to  which  translators,  both  Japanese  and  foreign, 
have  encountered  greater  obstacles.  The  variation  in  concepts 
covered  by  the  form  is  so  great — ranging  as  it  does  from  hair 
on  the  human  head  to  emperor  and  deity — that  at  first  sight  one 
naturally  inclines  toward  the  conclusion  that  we  are  dealing  with 
totally  disconnected  ideas,  perhaps  originally  expressed  by  differ- 
ent sounds,  which  have,  in  the  process  of  time,  become  assimilat- 
ed to  one  and  the  same  phonetic  form,  or  else  that  the  explanation 

1.  See  above,  p.  85,  also  pp.  88,  93,  95. 

2.  Note,  for  example,  the  statement  which  one  of  the  provincial  governors  is 
reported  to  have  givtn  out  to  a  certain  representative  of  Christianity,  "  Although 
the  word  kami  continues  to  be  used  in  the  national  cult,  it  has  in  no  way  the 
meaning  of  a  supetnaiural  being,  which  you  give  to  it.  It  connotes  only  illustrious 
men,  benefactors  of  their  country.  Consequently  all  Japanese,  no  matter  what 
their  religion,  can  pay  them  honour  without  doing  violence  to  their  conscience." 
The  National  Cult  in  Japan  (A  Roman  Catholic  Slu^y  of  its  Opposition  to  Evan- 
gelization), p.  7. 


I30  THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN   SHINTO. 

is  to  be  found  in  primitive  undifferentiation,  in  accordance  with 
which  the  ancient  Japanese,  out  of  a  poverty  of  linguistic  elements 
and  a  lack  of  capacity  for  making  logical  distinctions,  came  to 
cover  a  variety  of  experiences  with  an  identical  verbal  form/ 
Our  conclusions  in  the  matter,  however,  must  rest  on  an  in- 
vestigation of  the  actual  historical  usage  of  the  term  kami  itself. 

The  attempts  of  Japanese  scholars  to  arrive  at  the  under- 
lying ideas  connected  with  the  term  kauii,  have  followed  very 
largely  along  philological  lines.  The  original  content  is  made 
to  depend  on  an  etymological  analysis  into  supposedly  primary 
elements.  This  form  of  investigation,  while  manifestly  pre- 
carious in  method,  has  served  to  indicate  the  fact  that,  in 
spite  of  the  assurance  with  which  certain  controversialists, 
official  and  otherwise,  have  insisted  on  a  non-religious  content 
for  the  term,  nevertheless,  the  opinions  of  Japanese  scholars, 
themselves,  have  been  far  from  unanimous  regarding  the 
fundamental  meaning. 

In  the  ensuing  discussion  the  attempt  is  trade,  in  the  first 
place,  to  pass  in  review  some  of  the  more  noteworthy  explana- 
tions that  have  been  attached  to  kami  by  Japanese  scholars  and, 
in  the  second  place,  to  examine  the  actual  historical  usage  of  the 
term  and,  finally,  to  suggest  a  hypothesis  wherewith  the  existing 
diversity  of  content  may  be  accounted  for  and  harmonized. 

We  turn  first,  then,  to  matters  of  etymology.  Neglecting  a 
few  palpably  forced  and  impossible  explanations  such  as  those 
that  derive  kami  from  a  mispronunciation  of  yomi  or  yomo, 
"  lower  world,"^  from  kamu,  "  to  brew,"  from  kamu,  "  to 
chew,"'  from  kabiy  ''  mould  "'*  (a  marvelous  thing  leading  to  the 
idea  of  the  supernatural  involved  in  the  conception  of  deity), 
etc.,  we  find  three  main  types  of  explanation:     (i)  Interpreta- 

1.  So  Buckley,  "  Shinto  Pantheon,"  New  World,  Dec.  1906,  p.  i. 

2.  Cf.  Proceedings  of  the  17th  Session  of  the  Comparative  Religion  Society 
of  Tokyo  {Hikaku  Shukyo  Gakkai),  Japan  Weekly  Mail,  April  8,  1899,  p,  350. 

3.  Cf.  Miyao  and  Inamura,  op.  cit.,  p.  167. 

4.  View   of   lakahashi  Goro,   in   Shinto   Shinron   ("  New  Discusssion  of 
Shinto  "j,  cited  in  Griffis,  The  Reli^ons  of  Japan,  p.  381,  note  21. 


THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN   SHINTO.  I3I 

tions  that  emphasize  a  primitive  meaning  of  purity.  (2)  Those 
which  m  ike  the  fundamental  idea  one  of  superiority,  either  in 
position  or  degree.  (3)  Those  which  go  back  to  forms  involving 
ideas  of  mystery,  strangeness,  incomprehensibility,  the 'supernat- 
ural, the  superhuman,  or  the  "  superordinary."  We  may  take 
up  the  study  in  the  order  just  indicated. 

I.  Derivations  from  forms  meaning  "  pure  "  or  *'  bright." 
(i)  Kami  is  derived  from  kamiiganii^  by  the  elision  ot  the 
two  middle  syllables.  This  form,  rendered  into  modern  Japanese 
and  interpreted  in  accordance  with  the  sense  of  the  ideographs 
employed  in  writing  it,  gives  terashite  miru  or  shoran,  ''  shining- 
see."  The  reference  is  to  the  viewing  of  an  object  or  objects  on 
the  part  of  deity.  The  term  thus  has  something  of  the  meaning 
of  the  phrase,  ''  to  behold  from  glory."  This  etymology  is 
advanced  by  Lnibe  Masamichi.  It  is  claimed  by  him,  without 
foundation,  to  be  the  most  ancient  Japanese  explanation  of  the 
term,  kami,  based  upon  oral  traditions  dating  from  the  earliest 
period  of  Japanese  history.  The  etymology  is  taken  by  Imibe 
to  indicate  an  ancient  attempt  at  expressing  a  conception  of  the 
purity  of  the  divine  nature.  *'  The  divine  mind,"  he  says,  "  like 
a  clear  mirror  reflects  all  things  of  nature,  operating  with  impartial 
justice  and  tolerating  not  a  single  spot  of  uncleanness.  That 
which  in  heaven  is  Kami,  in  nature  is  Spirit  and  in  man  is 
Sincerity.  If  the  spirit  of  nature  and  the  heart  of  man  are  pure 
and  clear  {seimei),  then  they  are  kami.^''^  As  the  sun  in 
heaven  lights  up  the  world,  so  divine  intelligence  permeates  all 
things  in  human  society  and  in  nature. 

In  criticism  it  may  be  briefly  said  that  while  this  interpreta- 
tion indicates  the  thoroughgoing  nature  of  the  Shinto  emphasis 
on  ceremonial  cleanness,  it  has  no  support  in  scientific  philology. 


I. 

2.  Imibe,  ^Iz&zxtMix,  Shindai  Kuketsu  (.gii^JEifi,  JPf'f^Pfi,  "Oral  Tradi- 
tions of  the  Age  of  the  Gods  ").  Cited  in  M.  Maruyama,  Dai  Nihon  wa  Shinkoku 
Nari,  p.  31 ;  also  in  Inamura,  op.  cit,  pp.  159-160.  Imibe  flourished  in  the 
Muromachi  period.     The  facts  of  his  life  have  not  been  transmitted. 


^ 


132  THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN    SHINTO. 

It  is  an  attempt  to  read  back  a  developed  moral  philosophy, 
containing  Buddhistic  impressions  into  the  ancient  situation. 

(2)   f^jr^ii   ^'ff   de^'V^'^    ^rr,r^^ hn.^nmi.^   ''  mjrror,"    by   the 

elision  of  the  middle  fa.  The  connection  with  deity  is,  in  this 
case,  supposed  to  arise  from  a  metaphorical  usage,  and,  as  In 
the  preceding  explanation,  is  taken  as  a  primitive  attempt  to 
express  a  conception  of  the  purity  of  the  divine  nature.  God  is 
kagamiy  a  clear  mirror,  spotless  and  without  a  cloud  defiling 
his  purity. 

Yamazaki  Ansai  (i  619-1682)  who  sponsors  this  form  of 
etymology,  says  with  reference  to  the  origin  of  the  term,  "  The 
heart  of  Kami  is  pure  like  a  clear  mirror  without  a  single  trace 
of  dimness,  therefore,  as  a  figurative  expression  of  this  idea,  the 
use  of  the  word  kagami  arose.  Later  the  middle  ga  was  drop- 
ped, giving  the  form  kami.*'^ 

It  is  probable  that  the  etymology  here  given  was  suggested 
by  the  prominence  of  the  mirror  as  a  sacred  object  in  the  Shinto 
cult.  The  explanation  of  the  connection  of  the  mirror  with  the 
shrines,  which  is  frequently  given  by  the  Japanese  literati  is  that 
it  is  emblematic  of  purity.^  On  the  other  hand,  it  seems  tolera- 
bly certain  that  the  mirror  became  attached  to  religious  cere- 
monial in  old  Japan,  not  because  it  symbolized  purity  or 
cleanness,  not  even  ceremonial  cleanness,  but  because  it  was 
employed  as  part  of  the  magical  paraphernalia  of  the  archaic 
cult.^ 


1.  1^. 

2.  Cf,  Maruyama,  op.  cii.',  also,  Miyao  and  Inamura,  oj).  cii.,  p.  160. 
Keichu  (d.  1701),  Watarae  Nobuyoshi  (d.  1 7 14),  Yoshikawa  Koretaru  (d.  1694) 
and  other  scholars  of  the  Suika  school  of  Shinto  [a  combination  of  Shinto  and 
Confucianism,  organized  by  Yamazaki  Ansai]  support  this  same  view. 

3.  Cf,  Japan  Weekly  Mail,  op.  cit. 

4.  When  the  mirror  first  appears  in  Japanese  literature  it  is  evidently  as 
part  of  a  magical  technique  for  removing  an  obscuration  of  the  sun.  Cf.  C,  pp. 
54-59.  Maruyama  is  of  the  opinion  that  ancient  Japanese  ceremonial  treatment  of 
the  mirror  had  its  origin  in  a  belief  that  the  sun  goddess  lived  therein  as  a  shadow 
spirit.     Cf»  Maruyama,  op.  cit.f  p.  37. 


THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN   SHINTO.  1 33 

(3)  Another  view  similar  to  that  just  stated,  while  deriving 
karni  from  the  same  form,  kagami,  attempts  to  carry  the 
etymology  back  to  a  usage  that  obtained  prior  to  the  know- 
ledge of  the  mirror  in  Japanese  society  and  takes  the  original 
meaning  of  kascami  to  be  the  same  as  kagayaite-mieru,  "  to 
appear  bright "  or  **  to  appear  brilliant/^  Thus  Tanigawa 
Kotosuga  (d.  1776),  who  advocates  this  interpretation  says, 
"  Before  the  mirror  was  known  the  sun  and  moon  were  called 
Ame-no-kagami-no-mikoto  (^  Bright- Appearing- August-Thing-of- 
Heaven  ')."  This  notion  of  brightness,  together  with  the  derived 
idea  of  purity,  was  then  carried  over  into  religion,  and  kagaml 
in  the  abbreviated  form  of  kami  was  made  to  serve  as  the 
expression  of  this  ancient  idea  of  the  inner  nature  of  deity.^ 

The  etymology  here  again  is  fanciful.  It  has  no  support  in 
Japanese  philology.  It  reflects  the  influence  of  highly  developed 
and  comparatively  modern  ideas  of  purity. 

(4)  An  additional  derivation  while  going  back  to  the  same 
form  kagami  assigns  a  primary  meaning  "to  look  at,"  "  to 
judge,''  *' to  decide.'^'  We  have,  for  example,  in  the  modern 
Japanese  language  the  word  kangamiru  used  in  the  senses: 
to  observe  carefully,  to  profit  by  experience,  to  take  warning, 
to  judge,  to  determine,  to  consider.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  how- 
ever, this  kangamiru,  from  which  kangarni  or  kagaml  in  the 
sense  of  "  to  judge  "  or  "  to  decide  "  is  supposed  to  be  derived, 
has  no  verifiable  connection  with  kagami,  "  mirror"  but,  on 
the  other  hand,  evidently  comes  from  kangaeru  ("  to  think," 
"  to  consider  ")  and  mini  ('*  to  see,"  ''  to  observe ").  Note 
the  modern  vernacular  kangaete  mimasho,  "  I  will  consider  the 
matter." 

(5)  Closely  related  to  this  kagami  etymology  is  an  attempt, 

1.  Tanigawa,  Kotosuga,  Wakun  no  Shiori  {^)\\^^,  ^^l^^^,  "  Guide  to 
Japanese  Interpretations  of  Chinese  "),  Vol.  I,  p.  538.  Ed.  by  Inotiye  Yorikuni 
(*-h^@)  and  Kosugi  Ovaor^  (/>^ia$5),  Tokyo,  1898. 

2.  Cf.  Harada,  Art.  «  God  (Japanese  idea  of) ",  H.  E.  R.E.,  Vol.  6,  p. 
294. 


134  THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY  OF   MODERN   SHINTO. 

which  also  appears  to  have  originated  with  Tanigawa,  to  find 
the  archaic  form  of  karni  in  akami^  which  is  taken  to  be  equi- 
valent to  the  torm  akiraka  ni  iniru,  *'  to  see  clearly  "  [akiraka 
ni,  "  clearly,"  "  brightly,"  "  intelligibly  "  ''  plainly,"  "  manifest- 
ly," and  mlru,  *'  to  see."  Cf.  akami,  *'  a  reddish  tinge,"  aka^ 
**red,"  and  ;;//,  "viewing,"  ''seeing,"  "beholding"].^  The 
usage  is  supposed  to  reflect  a  primitive  insight  into  the  nature  of 
the  divine  intelligence.  On  the  face  of  it,  however,  the  ety- 
mology is  perhaps  even  more  forced  than  those  that  precede. 
It  takes  it  for  granted  that  the  philosophical  interpretation  existed 
in  the  primitive  religion. 

2.  Derivations  based  on  a  reference  to  usage  in  which  the 
idea  of  ^'  superiority."  is  primary. 

(i)  The  thesis  here  becomes,  Kainiwa  kaminari^  ''  Kami 
means  above."  The  interpretation  makes  use  of  the  fact  that  in 
the  modern  Japanese  language  kami  may  denote  either  the  idea 
of  deity  or  that  of  ordinary  superiority  in  spatial  position  or  in 
social  rank.  Since  the  time  of  the  great  revival  of  pure  Shinto, 
beginning  with  Arai,  this  has  been  the  most  orthodox  statement 
of  the  origin  of  the  term  under  consideration,  i.e.,  the  diversified 
meanings  of  kami  can  all  be  carried  back  to  this  same  form  with 
the  primary  significance  of  superiority.  This  has  the  support  of 
such  scholars  as  Arai  Hakuseki,  Kamo  Mabuchi,  he  Teijo, 
Kaid  Genchi,  Harada,  and  numerous  others. 

Arai,  who  enjoys  the  reputation  of  having  been  the  first 
noteworthy  euhemerist  of  Japanese  history,  says  in  the  Toga^ 
*' In  ancient  times  what  was  called  /^^;«/  was  man.  In  the 
Nihongiy  divine  ancestors  and  sacred  personages  {shinsei  shinjin) 
are  described  as  kami.  In  the  colloquial  speech  of  our  country 
this  word  is  used  to  designate  things  that  are  venerated  {sonsho),^ 
For  example,  rulers  and  high  government  officials  are  all  called 

1.  Written  ^g^. 

2.  Cf.  Maruyama,  op.  c'lt,  p.  32. 

3-   ?ii*lt-li"^j:'(J- 

4- 


THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN   SHINTO.  1$$ 

kami.  Or  to  take  a  more  commonplace  example,  the  hair  of 
the  head  is  also  kami.  We  also  designate  things  that  are  high 
up  [in  space]  by  the  use  of  this  same  word  kami.  So  also,  do 
we  indicate  our  attitude  of  reverence  toward  those  among  men 
who  are  holy  by  the  expression  kami.  In  this  connection  we 
also  use  the  forms  Ok  ami  and  Oiuikanii'^^ 

Although  later  students  of  the  subject  have  been  divided  in 
the  extent  to  which  they  have  participated  in  Arai's  euhemeristic 
tendencies,  yet  the  far-reaching  influence  that  his  views  have 
exerted  upon  native  and  foreign  scholars  alike  is  seen  in  the 
dominant  position  which  his  idea  of /^^;w,  as  meaning  fundamen- 
tally, "  superior,"  maintains  in  modern  Japanese  philology. 
Harada,  for  example,  says,  "  The  generally  accepted  derivation, 
however,  is  that  to  be  traced  in  modified  meanings  of  the  same 
word  kami,  signifying  that  which  is  *  above  '  or  '  superior,'  in 
contrast  to  shimo,  signifying  that  which  is  '  below  '  or  '  inferior/ 
The  upper  part  of  the  body  is  kami,  while  the  lower  part  is 
shimo.  A  man  of  superior  rank  is  kami,  while  an  inferior  is 
shimo.  Heaven  is  kami,  earth  is  shimo.  So  general  is  the  term 
that  it  lends  itself  readily  as  an  appellation  of  that  which  is  looked 
upon  with  fear  or  respect,  as  above  man  in  power  or  superior  in 
any  attribute."^  Dr.  G.  Kato  has  given  his  support  to  a  similar 
view.^  he  Teij5  has  written  in  his  Miscellany,  "  The  meaning 
of  kami  is  '  above.'  Because  a  thing  is  venerable  it  is  regarded 
as  above  and  called  kajni.'^^  KafnoyidhucYii  says,  "  Kami  means 
'  above.'  In  a  later  age  people  came  to^distinguish  between  kami 
and  '  above,'  and,  because  they  paid  attention  to  the  ideograms 
only,  they  forgot  the  original  meaning  and  came  to  think  that, 
since  the  ideograms  differed,  the  meanings  differed  also."^ 

1.  Aral  Hakuseki,    Zenshu  (^^QH^^>   "Complete  Works   of   Aral 
Hakuseki  "),  Vol.  IV, p,  75.     Ed.  by  Ichijima  Kenkichi  (rUElt^),  Tokyo>  1906. 

2.  Harada,  op.  cit.     See  also  The  Faith  of  Japan,  pp.  26-7. 

3.  See  above,  p.  114. 

4.  Zr^,  Teijo,  Teijo  Zakki  (^jt^^fE,  "Miscellany  of  Teijo).     Cf.  Miyao 
and  InaiTiura^  p.  162. 

5.  For  reference  see  Miyao  and  Inamura,  op.  cit.,  p.  162.     For  the  inter- 


136  THE   POLITICAL    PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN   SHINTO. 

With  regard  to  the  evidence  for  this  interpretation  it  must 
be  admitted  that  it  appears  to  have  considerable  support  in  both 
ancient  and  contemporary  usage.  ThatJthejfl[Dxd..ia;^i,  4a -cer- 
tain connections,  carries  the  idea  of  superiority  or  height  in  social 
and  political  spheres  or  in  spatial  position  is  too  apparent  to 
admit  of  contradiction.  It  is  to  be  noted,  however,  that  the 
formulation  of  this  interpretation  into  the  statement,  Kami  wa 
kami  de  am  ('*  Kami  means  above  "),  whether  understood  in 
the  religious  sense  as  expressive  of  the  idea  that  supreme  height 
of  character  as  well  as  a  dwelling  place  in  a  world  above  belongs 
to  deity  and  that  in  consequence  the  god  is  preeminently  worthy 
of  worship,  or,  as  expressive  of  a  socio-political  point  of  view, 
which,  while  repudiating  the  former  religious  interpretation, 
accepts  kami  (*^  deity  ")  in  the  sense  of  important  human  beings 
who  by  virtue  of  their  being  kami  ("  above  ")  ought  to  be 
respected,  honored  and  obeyed  by  the  ordinary  shimo  jimo,  is 
in  either  case,  in  such  terms  as  to  make  it  possible  to  tie  up  the 
alleged  ancient  usage  very  closely  with  modern  theology  on  the 
one  hand  and  modern  political  philosophy  on  the  other.  Thus, 
etymology  is  made  to  give  the  sanction  of  cintiquity  to  modern 
institutions.  This  sanction  is  even  more  directly  secured  on  the 
political  side  by  a  slightly  variant  explanation  which  finds  the 
primitive  form  of  kajni  in  the  archaic  expression,  kivd,  signifying 
"  lord,"  "  ruler,"  or  "  sovereign."^ 

The  important  question  that  here  opens  up  is  not  whether, 
upon  examination  of  the  actual  usages  of  the  term,  cases  can  be 

pretations  advanced  by  modern  European  and  American  scholars  the  reader 
should  consult  in  this  connection,  Satow,  ''  The  Revival  of  Pure  Shintau,"  T.  A. 
S.  J.,  Vol,  III,  Appendix,  p.  43,  note  27 ;  Chamberlain,  B.  H.,  Kojiki,  Introduc- 
tion, pp.  XXIII-XXIV;  Aston,  W.  G.,  Shinto,  the  Way  0/ the  Gods,  pp.  y -8; 
Florenz,  Karl,  "  Der  Shintoismus,"  Die  Orlentalischen  Religionen,  Die  Ktiltur 
der  Gegenwaj't,  Teil  I,  Abteilung  III,  I,  p.  195  ;  Revon,  M.,  "  Le  Shinntoisme," 
J^evue  de  nHlstoire  des  Religions,  Vol.  XLIX,  p.  28;  Griffis,  W.  E.,  The 
Religions  of  Japan,  p.  30;  Knox,  Geo.  W.,  The  Development  of  Religion  in  Jafan, 
p.  30;  Buckley,  Edmund,  "The  Shinto  Pantheon,"  New  World,  Dec.  1896,  p.  i. 
I.     Cf.  Japan  Weekly  Mail,  Apr.  8,  1899,  p.  350. 


THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN   SHINTO.  1 57 

found  in  which  kami  must  be  interpreted  in  the  sense  of  "  supe- 
rior "  or  "  above."  This  much  is  granted.  We  need  to  consider, 
however,  the  further  question  as  to  whether  or  not  this  view- 
does  full  justice  to  the  original  and  characteristic  religious  con- 
ceptions and  practices  of  the  Japanese  people.  The  possibility 
exists  that  kami  interpreted  as  meaning  '^  above "  indicates 
merely  a  derived  and  not  an  original  usage,  and  that  it  is  to  be 
fully  understood  only  in  relationship  with  a  more  comprehensive 
point  of  view.  Material  bearing  on  the  solution  of  this  problem 
will  be  developed  later  in  the  discussion. 

(2)  In  a  closely  related  form  of  etymology  this  idea  of 
superiority  Is  elaborated  Into  the  conception  of  an  invisible,  per- 
fect or  transcendent  god.  The  explanation  here  attempts  to  find 
the  primary  element  of  the  original  usage  in  kakiireru,  ''  to  be 
hidden,"     The  three  following  derivations  are  to  be  noted. 

a.  The  original  of  kami  is  found  in  kakurimi^  ''  hidden 
person,"  '  hidden  body  "  (  kakureru,  "  to  be  hidden,"  and  miy 
"  body,"  "  self,"  "  person  ").  Saiid  Hikomaru  (d.  1854),  who 
espouses  this  view,  says,  "  Because  Kami  is  unseen  by  the  eyes  of 
man.  He  Is  kakuri-mi.  This  is  abbreviated  to  kami,'*  In 
further  explanation  Salto  says,  "  In  the  beginning  of  heaven  and 
earth  the  Gods  of  Heaven  came  Into  existence  of  themselves  and 
hid  their  persons.  They  were  without  parents  and  appeared 
spontaneously.  They  were  unseen  even  by  the  other  gods* 
When  the  world  of  man  came  Into  being,  although  the  gods 
appeared  therein,  they  were  unseen  by  human  eyes  and  thus 
were  called  kajni  {hakuri-mi,  '  hidden  persons  ')."^ 

b.  A  variation  of  the  above  derivation,  while  going  back 
to  the  same  form,  kakuri-mi,  takes  mi  in  the  sense  of  "  spirit,"^  - 
hence  ''  hidden  spirit  "  rather  than  "  hidden  body."* 

I.  m^-    • 

2.  For  reference  see  Miyao  and  Inamura,    op.  cit. 

3.  ^,  read  variously,  tama,  tatnashii,  kushi,  kami,  kushibi. 

4.  Advanced  by  Haiia  Tomonori  (d.   1873).     Cf.  Miyao  and  Inamura,  op,, 
cit.,^,  167. 


138  THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODEKxN   SHINTO. 

c.  Similarly  we  have  a  derivation  from  kakiiri  or  kakure, 
"  hidden,"  "  invisible/'  or  *'  intangible  "  and  mi-tsurii,  "  to  be 
full  of."  In  their  combination  the  terms  are  supposed  to 
express  the  ideas  of  completeness  and  transcendence.  The 
explanation  is  that  in  the  ancient  religious  situation  that  gave 
rise  to  the  word  kami  there  existed  a  conception  of  an  Absolute 
who  was  regarded  as  existing  in  the  supernatural  world  in  his 
true  and  complete  form  but  who,  as  one  who  was  ^'  full  of 
intangibleness,"  could  not  be  seen  from  the  phenomenal  world/ 

3.  In  the  third  general  group  of  derivations  we  have  as 
already  stated,  a  reference  of  the  origin  of  kajm  to  forms  that 
have  a  primary  meaning  of  ^*  strange,"  "  mysterious,"  "  fearful," 
"  hidden,"  *'  supernatural,"  "  that  which  is  beyond  the  power  of 
the  mind  to  grasp,"  etc.  It  may  be  taken  as  significant  that  the 
list  of  Japanese  scholars  who  may  be  classified  here  includes 
some  of  the  greatest  names  in  the  history  of  the  interpretation 
of  Shinto.  We  may  note  the  following  derivations  and  inter- 
pretations. 

(i)  Ka?ni  is  derived  from  kashikomi^^  *' fear,"  ''awe," 
"  reverence." 

In  the  opinion  oi  Arakida  Hisaoi  (d.  1804),  who  advocates 
this  etymology,  kami  was  employed  by  the  ancient  Japanese  as 
a  means  of  expressing  emotional  reactions  in  the  presence  of 
whatever  was  regarded  as  possessing  conspicuous  virtue  or 
whatever  was  felt  to  be  fearful  and  awesome.  Arakida  says, 
*'  There  are  various  explanations  of  the  word  kami,  but  none  of 
them  correct.  Kami  has  the  primary  meaning  of  awe-inspiring 
or  dreadful.  Susa-no^vo-no-mikoto  said  to  the  great  serpent, 
*  You  are  a  fearful  kami  {Najtji  osoru  beki  kami  nari).''  In  the 
Kimmei  chronicle  both  the  tiger  and  the  wolf  are  called  awesome 
kami  {kashikoki  kami).  The  sixteenth  book  of  the  Manyoshu 
speaks  of  *  the  tiger  of  China  who  is  called  kamL  There  is  also 
a  pillow  word  which  mentions  the  wolf  in  the  phrase,   '  the  field 

1.  Cf.  Miyao  and  Inamura,  op.  cit.,  pp.  167-8. 

2.  ^. 


THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN   SHINTO.  1 39 

of  the  true  kami  of  the  great  mouth.'  It  is  by  conclusions 
drawn  from  such  usage  that  the  meaning  of  kami  is  to  be 
determined."^ 

(2)  The  interpretation  advanced  by  Hirata  is  even  more 
suggestive  than  the  above.  Hirata  says,  ^'  Regarding  the  mean- 
ing of  kami :  At  the  beginning  of  the  Chronicles  of  the  Age  of 
the  Gods  {Niho?tgi)  it  stands  written,  '  In  ancient  times  Heaven 
and  Earth  were  not  yet  separated  and  the  In  and  the  Yo^  were 
as  yet  undivided.  All  was  turbid  and  of  chaotic  mass  like 
an  Qgg,  and  kabi  was  contained  therein.'  Kami  is  the  same  as 
this  kabi.  The  ka  of  kabi  has  the  significance  of  '  that  '^  and  is 
a  demonstrative  serving  to  point  out  an  object.  Bi  is  a  word 
that  indicates  something  which  is  mysterious  {reimyo)}  The 
forms  kabiy  kami,  kabu  and  kamu  are  all  the  same.  .  .  .  The 
kabi  which  was  included  in  original  matter  was  the  cause  of 
matter  taking  on  form.  .  .  .  Kabi  was  the  source  of  all 
things  that  appeared  in  the  world  and,  in  as  much  as  it  was 
very  mysterious,  afterwards  everything  that  had  mystery  in  it 
came  to  be  designated  by  this  word.  Now  kabi  and  kami  are 
the  samey  In  as  much  as  the  idea  is  that  of  a  thing  that  is  mys- 
terious .4nd  strange,  not  only  the  kabi  which  performed  the 
work  of  creation,  but  also  everything  in  the  world  possessing 
marvelous  and  strange  virtue  was  called  kabi.  Later  this  was 
written  kami.  Then  it  followed  that  among  ordinary  human 
beings  any  superior  person  was  called  kami.  Also,  in  the  natural 
world  anything  that  was  preeminent  was  generally  called  kami,^^^ 

(3)  Motoori's  interpretation  similarly  emphasizes  aspects  of 


1.  C/.  Miyao  and  Inamura,  op^  cit.^  p.  165. 

2.  The  male  and  female,  or  active  and  passive,  principles  of  Chinese 
philosophy. 

3     ^,  kano. 

4-     Wik^i  wonderful,  miraculous,  mysterious,  supernatural. 

5.  Hirata  Atsutane,  Koshiden{^^%'^,-^'^%),^\i  I.  Hirata  Atsutaiu 
Zenshu  (•^g;i5l|l:^S>  "The  Complete  Works  of  Hira<a  Atsutane,"  ed.  by 
Muromatsu  Iwao,  Tokyo,  1915),  Vol.  VII,  pp.  6-9. 

Hirata  further  says,  "  In  a  far  later  time  [i.e.  subsequent  to  the  golden  age  of 


I40  TEE    POLITICAL   PHIL033PHY   OF    MODERN   SHINTO. 

primitive  supernaturalism.  His  statement  may  be  taken  as  the 
most  thorough  that  has  yet  been  advanced  by  any  Japanese 
scholar.  He  says,  "'I  do  not  yet  understand  the  meaning  of 
the  term  kami.  Speaking  in  general,  however,  it  may  be  said 
that  kaini  signifies  in  the  first  place,  the  deities  of  heaven  and  of 
earth  that  appear  in  the  ancient  records  and  also  the  spirits 
(initauia)  of  the  shrines  where  they  are  worshipped.  It  is 
hardly  necessary  to  say  that  it  includes  human  beings ;  also 
such  objects  as  birds,  beasts,  trees,  plants,  seas,   mountains,   and 

pure  Yamato  civilization]  Chinese  ideograms  were  imported  and  the  word  kanii  was 
fitted  on  to  the  Chinese  character  {shin  fi^).  Although  we  may  think  that  these 
correspond  exactly,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  only  about  seventy  or  eighty  per  cent  is  a 
fit  while  twenty  or  thirty  per  cent  is  not."  \Hirata,  Atsutane,  Koad  Taii  ("  Prin- 
ciples of  Old  Shinto  "),  in  Hirata  Atsutane  Kden  Shu  ("  Collected  Lectures  of 
Hirata  Atsutane  "),  ed.  by  Muromatsu  Iwao  (Tokyo,  1913),  p.  33].  The  same 
opinion  has  been  advanced  by  other  Japanese  scholars.  Hirata's  position,  however, 
IS  as  much  influenced  by  his  prejudice  against  Chinese  civilization  as  it  is  by  his 
scholarship.  As  Hirata  points  out,  it  is  hardly  to  be  expected  that  the  Chinese 
and  Japanese  forms  should  coincide  exactly  in  meaning.  Yet,  that  the  original 
content  of  jfif  is  closely  similar  to  the  fundamental  idea  of  >^^wz  may  be  seen  by 
an  analysis  of  fif  into  its  primitive  elements. 

The  two  important  elements  to  observe  in  the  analysis  of  jpf  are  the  radical^ 
and  \h<t  phonetic  ox  primitive  ^.  The  latter  symbol  is  undoubtedly  the  older  form 
since  it  appears  independently  in  ancient  Chinese  writings  with  the  meaning 
"  deity."  Chalfant,  who  has  made  careful  study  of  the  primitive  forms  of  modem 
Chinese  ideographs,  finds  the  original  of  ^  in  an  ancient  sign  for  lightning,  pro- 
bably /  or  h  >  a  pictorial  representation  of  a  lightning  flash.  In  the  course  of  its 
evolution  the  symbol  manifests  the  following  different  forms,  p  y  ^  f  /h  >  §  f  ^  t 
%»%y ^\b,  ^K  ^1^  and  finally  ^.  [Chalfant,  Frank,  H.  jEarly  Chinese  Writing, 
in  « Memoirs  of  the  Carnegie  Museum,"  Vol.  IV.,  No.  i.  (Sept.,  1906),  Plate 
XXVI,  No.  352]. 

The  other  element  ^  appears  in  modern  dictionaries  as  the  one  hundred 
thirteenth  radical,  serving  as  a  classifier  for  symbols  relating  to  religious  matters. 
The  most  common  modern  Japanese  readings  of  ^  are  shimeshi  (n.)  meaning  "  that 
which  is  indicated  "  or  "  that  which  is  pointed  out,"  and  shimesu  (v.),  "  to  in- 
dicate," "  to  point  out,"  or  "  to  reveal."  The  original  idea  is  evidently  revelation 
by  divination.  Shuo  Wen  ;n  the  "  Etymological  Dictionary  of  the  Han  Dynasty," 
published  about  120  A.D.,  explains  the   sign   as  indicating    "that  which  comes 

from  Heaven  as  revealing  fortune  or  misfortune  to  men.  From  ZL  and  |'  ,  sun, 
moon,  and  stars  descending.     Pertains  to  astrological  scrutiny  into  divine  affairs." 


THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN   SHINTO.  I4I 

SO  forth.  In  ancient  usage,  anything  whatsoever  which  was 
outside  of  the  ordinary/  which  possessed  superior  virtue,  or 
which  was  awe-inspiring  was  called  kami.  Eminence  here  does 
not  refer  merely  to  the  superiority  of  nobility,  goodness  or  meri- 
torious deeds,  but  evil  or  mysterious  things,  if  they  are  extraordi- 
nary and  dreadful,  are  called  kami.  It  is  needless  to  say  that 
among  human  beings  who  are  kaini  the  successive  generations 
of  august  emperors  are  all  included.  The  fact  that  emperors 
are  also  called  '  distant  kami '  {totsu  kami)y  is  because,  from  the 
standpoint  of  common  people,  they  are  far  separated,  worthy 
of  reverence  and  majestic.  In  a  lesser  degree,  we  find  human 
beings,  in  the  present  as  well  as  in  ancient  times,  who  are  kami. 
Although  these  may  not  be  accepted  throughout  the  whole 
country,  yet  in  each  province,  each  village  and  each  family 
there  are  human  beings  who  are  kami,  each  one  in  accordance 
with  his  proper  position.  The  kami  of  the  Divine  Age  were 
for  the  most  part  human  beings  of  that  °  time  and,  because  the 
people  of  that  age  were  all  kami,  it  is  called  the  '  Age  of  the 
Gods'  {Ka7niyo),  Furthermore,  among  things  which  are  not 
human,  the  thunder  is  always  called  naru  kami  or  kami  nari 
('  mounding  kami').  Such  things  as  dragons,  the  echo  {kodamd)^ 
and  foxes,  in  as  much  as  they  are  conspicuous,  wonderful 
and  awe-inspiring,  are  also  kami.  In  popular  usage  the  echo 
is  said  to  be  the  tengu^  which  in  Chinese  writings  is  referred 

(Quoted  in  Chalfant,  op.  cit.,  Plate  XXVI,  note).  Chalfant  says,  "  The  horizontal 
lines  may  be  the  sign  for  *  above,'  or  a  special  sign  for  Heaven.  The  vertical 
lines  depict  the  descending  influences."     (C/.  cit^. 

Thus,  the  Chinese  ideogram  for  "  deity  "  can  be  carried  back  to  two  elements, 
one  growing  out  of  early  human  experiences  with  the  lightning  flash,  the  other  out 
of  ideas  of  an  "  overhead  "force  that  was  manipulated  through  magic  and  divination. 

2.  Written  by  Motoori,  jg}^,  "  tree  spirit " ;  from  ko  [ki),  "  tree,"  and 
dama  {tamd),  "  spirit."  In  the  modern  Japanese  language  kodama  ("  tree  spirit ") 
is  still  used  as  colloquial  for  echo. 

3.  5^|f^,  a  long-nosed,  red-faced,  winged  goblin,  supposed  to  inhabit  moun- 
tains and  forests.  He  is  thus  associated  with  those  wild  spots  wherein  vague 
sounds  and  echoes  would  stimulate  feelings  of  awe  and  mystery. 


142  THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN   SHINTO. 

to  as  a  mountain  goblin/  The  tengii  mentioned  by  the  Nihongi 
in  the  book  treating  of  Emperor  Jomei  is  quite  different.^ 
The  Genji  Monogatari  speaks  of  tengn  and  also  of  kodaina 
and  it  might  seem  as  though  tengu  were  different  from  kodama. 
In  as  much  as  the  people  of  that  time  used  tcngii  and  kodama 
interchangeably,  however,  the  usage  of  the  Genji  Monogatari  is 
not  to  be  taken  as  especially  significant.  As  a  matter  of  fact 
they  are  one  and  the  same  thing.  That  which  is  called  kodama 
(echo)  in  the  present,  in  ancient  times  was  called  mountain-man 
i^yama-biko)!'  These  matters  are  of  no  importance  here  but  are 
advanced  merely  as  an  explanation  of  the  echo.  In  the  Nihongi 
and  the  Manyoshu  the  tiger  and  the  wolf  are  also  spoken  of  as 
kami.  Again  there  are  the  cases  in  which  peaches  were  given 
the  name  Okainu-dzn  mino-mikoio  ("  August-Thing-Great- 
/iL^;;///-Fruit ")  and  a  necklace  of  jewels  was  called  AIi~kiira- 
tana-no-kami  (*'  August-Storehouse-Shelf- A'^;;//  ").  There  are 
also  examples  in  which  rocks,  stumps  of  trees  and  leaves  of 
plants  spoke  audibly.  These  were  all  kami.  There  are  also 
numerous  examples  in  which  seas  and  mountains  are  called 
kami.  This  does  not  have  reference  to  the  spirit  of  the 
mountain  or  the  sea,  but  kami  is  here  used  directly  of 
the  particular  mountain  or  sea.  This  is  because  they 
are  exceedingly  awe-inspiring  (kashikoki  mono  nam  yue 
nari). 

"  Thus  there  are  various  kinds  of  ka?ni.     Some  are  worthy 
of  honor,  some  are  vile,  some  are  strong,  some  are  weak,  some 


1.  |gjg,  chi-mi,  a  monster  living  in  wooded  mountains.  In  Chinese  folk- 
lore |g  indicates  a  mountain  hobgoblin  represented  as  having  the  face  of  a  man 
and  the  body  of  a  beast.  J@|  signifies  a  forest  ogre,  likewise  having  the  face  of  a 
man  and  the  four  legs  of  an  animal. 

2.  The  tengu  in  this  case  was  evidently  a  shooting  star  which  the  wisdom 
of  the  time  explained  as  the  appearance  of  the  Fox  of  Heaven.  Cf.  A.,  II,  p. 
a68  (637  A.D.,  2nd  month,  23rd  day) ;  N.  p.  483. 

3-  iJjigf,  from  ^rtwfl-,  "  mountain  "  and /«/'i>,  "  an  extraordinary  man,"  '«a 
man,"  «  a  male." 


THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN    SHINTO.  1 43 

are  good,  some  are  evil ;  and  their  hearts  and  acts  vary  accord- 
ingly."\ 

(4).  Maruyama  favours  a  derivation  from  kagemi^  "  sha- 
dow body  *'  {/cage,  shadow  "  and  ;;//,  **  body  "  or  "  person  "), 
We  may  gather  from  his  discussion  the  following  points.^ 

a.  Use  is  made  of  the  ancient  Shint5  idea  that  the  mirror 
{kagami)  was  the  dwelling-place  of  a  spirit,  i.e.,  the  mirror  was 
a  kage-fniy  ka  and  ke  (ge)  often  being  used  interchangeably  in 
the  old  Japanese  language.  The  elision  of  the  middle  syllable 
gives  /caml.  In  accordance  with  this  theory,  the  most  ancient 
Japanese  word  for  spirit  was  kagemi  "  shadow-body."  In  this 
usage  Maruyama  thinks  that  we  can  discern  the  attempt  of 
primitive  man  to  indicate  his  experiences  with  the  vague 
shadows  which  haunted  the  world  about  him,  which  appeared 
to  him  in  dreams,  and  which  were  mysteriously  reflected  in 
mirrors. 

b.  Maruyama  then  says,  "  Thus  the  original  usage  oi  kami 
was  in  connection  with  whatever  ordinary  people  could  not  easily 
comprehend,  whether  in  concrete  object,  in  dignity,  in  virtue, 
in  ability,  in  learning,  or  in  shrewdness."^  /^^/;^/-objects  were 
thus  felt  as  *'  above "  in  the  sense  that  they  transcended  that 
which  was  well  known  or  well  within  control. 

c.  Accordingly,  by  a  process  of  natural  development  out 
of  this  original  feeling  of  mysterious  *'  overheadness  "  the  word 
came  to  indicate  distinction  of  grade  or  position  in  things  and 
in  human  society,  as  may  be  seen  in  the  usages  of  kajjti  with 

1.  Motoori,  Norinaga,  Kojiki  Den,  Vol.  Ill,  Motooii  Norinaga  Zetishu 
(?|C^©E^lfe  "Complete  Works  of  Motoori  Norinaga"),  Vol.  I,  pp.  150-152. 
Ed.  by  Motoori  Hoei  (?ls;/5^^;I),  Tokyo,  1901.  Hirata  has  reproduced  this  pas- 
sage on  kami,  with  certain  modifications,  in  his  Kodo  Tail  ("  Principles  of  Old 
Shinto  ").  Cf.  Hirata  Atsutane  Keen  Shu  (Ed.  by  I.  Muromatsu,  Tokyo,  1913), 
Vol.  I,  pp.  31  ff.  Satow  has  given  an  English  version  of  Hirata's  rendering  in 
T.  A.  S.  J.  Vol.  Ill,  pp.  42-43. 

2.  ^^' 

3.  Maruyami,^  op.  cit.,  pp.  36-38. 

4.  3id.,^.  31. 


144  THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN   SHINTO. 

the  meanings  of  "  governor  *'  or  *'  feudal  lord,"  "  hair  on  the 
human  scalp,"  and  ^'  above  "  or  "  superior." 

(5)  Miura  Sempo,  one  of  the  most  astute  of  recent  Shinto 
scholars,  similarly  advances  the  view  that  the  term  kami,  in 
its  earliest  and  most  characteristic  usage,  is  associated  with  ideas 
and  feelings  that  arise  in  the  presence  of  anything  reigen  teki 
("  mysterious,"  *'  ghostly  ")  or  fukashigi  teki  ("  marvelous," 
"  strange  ").^  He  rejects  the  hypothesis  that  kami  in  its  original 
sense  expresses  simply  the  idea  of  a  supreme  or  transcendent 
being,  although  he  is  willing  to  accept  this  as  a  derived  meaning. 
He  distinguishes  two  main  steps  in  the  process  whereby  the 
word  has  come  to  take  on  its  characteristic  content. 

a.  "  The  first  matter  of  importance  to  note  concerning 
kami  is  its  content  of  mystery  and  wonder.  Kami  means  not 
simply  that  which  is  superior  as  compared  with  human  beings 
and  with  things,  but  it  denotes  that  which  in  intelligence,  virtue, 
or  power  is  marvelous  and  mysterious.  The  fact  that]in  ancient 
times  mountains,  rivers,  and  seas  were  commonly  worshipped 
as  kami  is  not  simply  because  they  were  looked  upon  as  superior 
in  height,  size,  depth,  or  breadth,  but  because  these  things  were 
beyond  the  power  of  the  mind  to  grasp  and  thus  mysterious. 
We  can  explain  in  the  same  manner  the  fact  that  serpents,  tigers, 
and  wolves  were  also  kamiy'^ 

b.  Then  with  true  pyschological  insight  Miura  adds,  ''  In 
as  much,  however,  as  the  mysterious  and  the  marvelous  are  set 
over  against  that  which  is  not  mysterious  and  not  marvelous,  it 
goes  without  saying  that  an  idea  of  superiority  is  involved.  Thus, 
kami  means,  in  the  first  place,  that  which  is  marvelous  and 
mysterious  and,  in  the  second  place,  it  seems  to  me  to  express 
the  idea  of  superior  being. "^ 


1.  Miura  Sempo  and  Tanaka  Jigohei,  Shindai  no  Shiso  (jnJ^^I^^^IP* 
ffi  4»  /6S^^^>  ff  i^;2:®,'®,  "  The  Ideas  of  the  Age  of  the  Gods,"  Tokyo,  191 2),  p. 
127. 

2.  Op.  cit. 

3.  Ibid.f  p.  128.  . 


THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN   SHINTO.  1 45 

Miura  further  advances  the  hypothesis  that  Japanese  words 
beginning  with  syllables  of  the  ka-series  [i.e.,  beginning  with  the 
elements  ka,  ki,  ku,  ke  or  ko\  exhibit  a  tendency  toward  bearing 
a  content  that  is  colored  by  the  ideas  of  strangeness  and  mys- 
tery.^ -He  makes  no  attempt  to  elaborate  the  theory,  however, 
beyond  suggesting  a  few  words  that  illustrate  the  point  in  ques- 
tion.'^ Thus,  although  his  theory  is  undeveloped,  his  study  as 
far  as  it  goes,  favors  an  etymology  that  refers  the  first  syllable 
of  kami  to  an  original  usage  in  which  ka  expresses  primitive 
reactions  in  the  presence  of  various  baffling,  uncontrolled,  terrify- 
ing, or  mysterious  experiences  that  throw  the  human  mind  into 
attitudes  ^f  unusual  awareness  and  caution. 

With  regard  to  the  ;«2-syllable  Miura  advances  the  tenta- 
tive hypothesis  that  this  element  is  to  be  taken  in  the  same  sense 
as  w/  (*' body,"  "person")  or  mi  ("fruit,"  "substance,"  or 
"  matter  ").  Mi  thus  must  be  understood  in  the  sense  of  sub- 
stantiality or  form.  As  terms  analogous  to  kami  in  construction, 
he  suggests  omi  (lit.  "  big  body,"  "  big  person  "  ;  in  the  archaic 
regime  the  term  was  probably  applied  to  subordinate  chiefs  who 
were  personally  attached  to  the  great  chief  or  sumera-mikoto)^ 
tami  (lit.  "  rice-field  person,"  used  even  in  the  modern  vernacular 
to  indicate  the  common  people),  he-mi  or  ^^-^^  ("  serpent  "), 
nezu-mi  ("  rat  "),  shira~mi  ("  louse  "),  no-mi  ("  flea  "),  etc.^ 
Under  this  analysis,  kami  would  mean,  "  possessed  of  mysterious 
or  marvelous  substance."  Th--  underlying  idea  which  Miura 
arrives  at  is  thus  identical  with  that  reached  by  Hirata. 

1.  Ibid.,  p.  127. 

2.  Such  terms  as  kakusu,  "  to  conceal,"  kakureru,  "  to  hide,"  "  to  disappear 
from  sight,"  ka^^  "  a  shadow,"  "  a  phantom,"  kagayaku,  "  to  shine,"  ki,  "  spirit,'* 
kuma,  "  a  dark  spot,"  kushibi^  "  strange,"  "  supernatural."  Hatta  Tomonori  has 
advanced  a  similar  view  and  suggests  a  comparison  of  kami  with  such  forms  as 
kasuka,  "  dim,"  *'  vague,"  kakuri,  "  isolation,"  "  hidden,"  kaze,  "  wind,"  kasumi, 
"  haze,"  "  mist."  On  this  basis  he  proposes  that  kavii  is  possibly  a  combination  of 
ka  with  the  primary  meaning  of  "  vagueness  "  or  "  indistinctness  "  and  mi,  from 
mi-isutu,  "  to  be  full  of,"  hence  "  full  of  vagueness."    Cf.  Maruyama,  op.  cit,  p.  34. 

3.  Miura,  op.  cit.y  p.  129. 


146  THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN    SHJNTO. 

(6)  Tanaka  Yoshito,  although  attempting  something  of  a 
compromise  view,  finds  the  idea  of  mystery  entering  into  kami 
as  one  of  its  important  elements.  At  the  same  time  he  charac- 
teristically seeks  to  preserve  unique  aspects  in  favor  of  the  super- 
iority of  the  Japanese  conception.  "  If  we  summarize  briefly 
the  content  of  kami'^  he  says,  **  we  may  say  that  it  includes 
the  ideas  of  aboveness  and  of  mystery  also  those  of  superiority 
and  glorious  presence  {shorin  or  kagamiy'ii)}  My  opinion 
is  that  any  object  that  possesses  these  peculiarities  and  attributes 
is  kami.  Today  among  actual  living  people  there  are  those 
who  are  kami  and  who  may  be  called  arabito  garni  (incarnate 
kami).  Among  our  ancestors  of  the  past  those  who  jfbssessed 
one,  two,  or  all  of  these  attributes  just  named  are  kami.  Ac- 
cordingly, this  is  not  the  abstract  deity  found  in  occidental 
monotheism.  That  is,  it  is  not  arbitrarily  produced  by  poets, 
philosophers  and  religionists.  The  Japanese  kami  is  equipped 
with  human  personality.  The  foreign  idea  of  deity  differs 
greatly."^ 

(7)  Professor  Miyaji  Naoichi^   declares  that  the  fundamental 
/    meaning  of  kami  is  *'  possessing  superhuman  power."     He  says, 

**  Regarding  the  meaning  of  kami :  Our  Japanese  race  which 
has  possessed  an  extremely  stable  faith  from  the  time  of  the 
beginning  of  the  establishment  of  the  state,  has  designated  the 
objects  of  daily  worship  by  the  general  term  kami.  Even  if  we 
express  the  idea  with  the  ideograms  shin  (deity)  or  shingi 
(deities  of  heaven  and  earth)  yet  the  various  meanings  of /^^w/ 
are  not  by  any  means  unified  thereby.  Furthermore,  the  idea 
of  kami  has  undergone  great  changes  in  passing  through  the  ages. 
I  intend  to  speak  of  what  is  lodged  in  the  characteristic  thought 
of  our  people. 

1.  Ri^g^.  Tanaka's  meaning  is  not  altogelher  clear  here.  The  ideograms 
ean  be  read  tenxshite  nozomu^  "  shining,  to  look  upon."  Cf.  the  view  of  Imibe 
given  above. 

2.  Tanaka,  Y..  Shinto  Hongi,  p.  131. 

3.  I^clurer  on  Shinto  his;ory  in  the  Imperial  University  of  Tokyo. 


THE    POLITICAL    PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN   SHINTO.  1 47 

"  It  is  not  easy  to  determine  the  etymology  of  ka?m.  If, 
however,  we  consider  the  actual  usage  of  th2  term,  it  may  be 
said  that  the  most  fitting  interpretation  assigns  a  general  meaning 
of  '  possessing  superhuman  power.'  This  was  noted  long  ago 
by  earlier  writers.  Consequently,  the  scope  of  the  term  is  ex- 
ceedingly broad  and  extends  into  various  diversifications.  Thus 
kanii  may  be  superior  or  the  opposite  ;  they  may  be  righteous 
or  evil.     Such  ideas  are  not  by  any  means  limited  to  past  ages."* 

The  foregoing  inventory  of  Japanese  opinions  contains  some 
etymologies  and  interpretations  that  are  fanciful  and  impossible  ; 
others  are  remarkably  suggestive  and  expressive  of  genuine  psy- 
chological insight.  Whether  fanciful  or  sound  they  may  at  least 
serve  to  indicate  that  the  offhand  dogmatism  which  denies  the 
existence  of  superhuman  or  supernatural  elements  in  the  meaning 
of  kami  is  not  supported  by  the  authority  of  Japanese  scholars 
who  have  made  the  actual  religious  life  of  the  people  an  object 
of  careful  investigation.  As  the  next  step  in  our  study  it  is 
necessary  to  attempt  to  gather  together  the  different  meanings  of 
kami,  giving  as  far  as  possible  examples  of  the  actual,  historical 
usage. 

The  various  meanings  of  kami  may  be  listed  as  follows  : 

I.  That  which  is  strange,  fearful,  T-ry^tfrinuiii  ■^-■ri'-'»r.]n,.„^ 
uncontrolled,  or  beyond  human  compreh:^nsion  {Jiakaru  bekara- 
zaru  koto) ;  extraordinary  exppripnrpc;  fVi^f  pr^dnrp  nnnminl' 
emotions  such  as  the  frenzy  of  religious  dances,  or  outstanding 
objects  that  throw  the  attention  into  special  activity,  such  as  tall 
trees,  high  jngguntains,  thunder  and  lightning  ;  implements  of 
magic  such  as  sacred  mirrors  and  jewels  ;  uncanny  animals  such 
as  foxes,  tigers  and  wolves. 

In  the  Nikon  SJioki  two  moi:?ntain  wolves  are  called  kashi- 
koki  kami,  *'  fearful  deities.'"^      The  Manybshu  speaks  of  Okiichi 


1.  Miyaji,  Naoichi,    SJiingi  Shi  Koy'o    ('^j^jg;— ,  W^^M%    "Outline 
History  of  the  Deities  of  Heaven  and  Earth,"  Tokyo,  I9i9\  pp-  4-5' 

2.  N  ,  p.  367  ;  A.,  II,  p.  36.  , 


148  THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN   SHINTO. 

no  inagami,  '*  Great-Mouthed-True-A'<3:;;//,"^  which,  as  Arakida 
suggests,  may  be  identified  as  a  reference  to  the  wolf,  fearful 
because  of  his  big  mouth.  The  FiidoJd  says,  "  In  Asuka  there 
is  an  okanii  (wolf)  who  has  eaten  many  people;  the  people  of 
the  country  in  fear  call  it  Great-Mouthed-A'^?;;//."^  The  modern 
Japanese  colloquial  for  wolf  is  still  okami.  The  Nikon  Shoki 
similarly  speaks  of  the  tiger  as  kashikoki  kami,  "  fearful  deity."' 
The  Manyosliu  mentions  the  tora  to  iu  kaini,  '*  the  kainl  called 
tiger.*"*  The  extraordinary  appearance  of  white  animals  led  to  their 
being  accorded  special  ceremonial  treatment.  The  appearance  of 
a  white  deer  was  a  supernatural  portent.^  White  sparrows, 
white  pheasants,  white  crows,  white  swallows,  white  falcons, 
white  owls,  white  moths,  and  white  foxes  were  all  good  omens.® 
The  fox  images  found  at  the  Inari  shrines  of  modern  Japan  are 
generally  white.  White  snakes  are  still  the  objects  of  supersti- 
tious regard. 

The  *^  Eight  Great  Kami  of  Idzushi  "  spoken  of  in  the 
Kojiki  are  two  strings  of  beads,  *'  a  wave-shaking  scarf,"  ''  a 
wind-cutting  scarf "  [i.e.  **  a  scarf  to  raise  the  waves  and  a 
scarf  to  still  the  waves,  a  scarf  to  raise  the  wind  and  a  scarf  to 
still  the  wind  "]/  '*  a  mirror  of  the  effing  "  and  "  a  mirror  of 
the  shore. "^  The  necklace  of  jewels  which  Izanagi  bestowed 
on  the  Sun  Goddess  was  called  Mikura-tana-no-kami,  **  August- 
Store-house-Shelf-A'i^:;;//.'"'      The     sword    which    subdued    the 


1.  Manyoshu,'^  742,  No.  1 636,  Ed.  by  Watanabe  Daisaburo  and  Watanabe 
Fumio,  Tokyo,  1877. 

2.  Cited  in  G.  Kato,  Waga  Kokiitai  to  Shinto^  p.  139. 

3.  N.,p.387. 

4.  ManycshUf  op.  cit.,  p.  786,  No.  3885. 

5.  A.,  1,  p.  297. 

6.  A.,  pp.  124,  174,  236-7,  239,  252,  286,  322,  326,  352,  410.  See  also 
De  Wisser,  M.  W.,  'I he  Fox  and  the  Badger  in  Japanese  Folklore^  T.  A.  S.  J., 
Vol   XXXVI,  Pt.  Ill,  pp.  13,  29,  30. 

7.  Cj.  C,  p.  261,  note  17. 

8.  Ibid.,  p.  261. 

9.  Ibid.,  p.  43. 


THE    FOLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN   SHINTO.  I49 

savage  deities  of  Kumanu  was  called  Sazhi-futsii-no-kami, 
"  Thrust-Broad- AT^/;//."* 

Izanagi's  marvelous  sword  was  called  Itsu-no-^vo-ha-bari-no- 
kami,  "  Majestic-Point-Blade-Extended-A'<^////."^  The  peaches 
with  which  he  held  back  the  eight  thunder->^«w/  and  the  five 
hundred  warriors  of  Hell  were  called  O-kamU'dzu-mi-no-mikoto, 
"  Wonderful-Thing- Great-Divine  Fruit. "'"^  The  rock  with  which 
he  blocked  up  the  Pass  of  Hell  was  called  Michi-gaeshi-no-d-kami, 
"  Grcst-Ka/fiiofthe  Road-Turning-Back.'"*  The  staff  with 
which  the  same  hero  drove  back  the  thunders  ^N^sF^mado-no-^af;ii,^ 

Kami  nariy  '''  sounding  kami,^^  may  mean  either  thunder  or 
lightning  (thunderbolt).  The  thunder  god  is  Ika-dziichi-no- 
kami,  "  Terrible  Hammer- A'rt:;///,"^  or  Take-mika-dzuchi-no-kaini 
"  Brave- Awful- Hammer- A'ifz/w.'"  The  Manydshu  indicates  the 
popular  beliefs  that  lie  back  of  the  usage  when  it  says  that  it  is 
fearful  to  see  the  kami  who  flashes  near  the  clouds  and  roars.^ 

Karnii,  which  appears  to  be  an  older  form  of  kami,  has  a 
similar  usage.  The  frenzy  exhibited  by  Uzume-no-mikoto  in  her 
dance  before  the  Sun  Goddess  is  called  kamu-gakariy  **  kamu- 
possession."*"*  In  the  Manydshu  the  words  of  the  Shinto 
priest,  which  caused  the  safe  passage  of  the  boats  in  the  bay  of 
Sumi,  are  called  z^rt:;;/// ^(?/^,  "  kamu  words."'"  The  wind  that 
_ 1 . ™ 

1.  Ibid,  p.  135- 

2.  Ibid.,  pp  34,  100. 

3.  Ibid;  p.  37  ;  also  A.,  I,  p.  30. 

4.  C,p.  38. 

5.  A.,  I,  p.  30. 

6.  A.,  I,  p.  29.     See  also  T.  A.  S.  J.,  Vol.  VII,  Pt.  IV,  pp.  414-15. 

7.  A.,  I,  p.  115. 

8.  For  reference  see  Kato,  op.  cit,  p.  131.     . 

9.  Cf.   Shibugawa,   Genji,    Santai  Kojiki  {^)\\-^%,   H||l5r-^!ll,    "Tri- 
partite Kojiki,"  Tokyo,  1916),  p.  44. 

10.  Sui7ii  no  e  ni 

Itsuku  haftiri  ga 
Kamti  goto  to  ; 

Yuku  (0  mo  hi  to  mo 
Fune  2UO  hay  a  ke  7nu.— Manydshu,  op.  cit..  No.  4243. 


150  THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    ^lODERN    SHINTO. 

blows  from  the  sacred  shrine  of  Watarahi  is  kainu  kaze,  ''  kamu 
wind."*  The  conclave  of  the  deities  oi  heaven  is  kamu  Iiakari, 
"  kamu  consultation."^  A  kai?iu-toko  is  a  sacred  place  for 
worshipping  the  kami,  Kamu-gaki  signifies  the  sacred  fence  or 
inclosure  about  a  shrine.  Kamu-kai  is  sacred  rice  presented  to 
the  kami.  In  the  ancient  records  certain  sacred  persons  are 
called  kamu,  as  Kamii-Yamato-ihare-biko,  *'  Sacred- Yam ato-I- 
hare-Prince/'  the  first  Emperor  according  to  tradition.  KamUy 
both  in  form  and  meaning,  strongly  suggests  the  Polynesian  term 
tabu.  The  sacred  chiefs  of  Polynesia  who  can  trace  their  pedi- 
grees back  to  the  gods  are  arii  tabu,  **  chiefs  sacred."  A  temple 
is  zvaki  tabu,  *'  place  sacred."  Kamu  here  has  a  ceremonial 
and  not  an  ethical  significance  ;  that  is,  the  ka??iu  object  is  sacred 
because  it  is  taboo. 

2.  Spirits  and  Hf^ihVg  nf  n^tnrf^  In  this  sense  kami  is 
used  of  the  spirits  and  deities  of  earth,  sun,  moon,  stars,  storm, 
thunder,  lightning,  earthquake,  fire,  wind,  rain,  volcanoes, 
mountains,  rocks,  seas,  rivers,  river  mouths,  waves,  wells,  trees, 
grasses,  herbs,  growth,  vegetation,  harvest,  etc.^ 

3.  The  spirits  of  ancestors,  especially  great  ancestors,  i.e. 
emperors,  national  heroes,  wise  men  and  saints.  The  great  kami 
of  the  mythological  period,  such  as  Ama-terasu-o-mi-kami,  ha-- 
nagi,  Izanami,  and  Susa-no-ivo-notmikotOy  are  officially  recog- 

The  meaning  of  the  poem  appears  to  be,  "  By  the  kamu  words  of  the  conse- 
crated priest,  the  ships  in  the  bay  of  Siimi,  whether  they  go  or  whether  they 
come,  they  pass  in  safety." 

1 .  Watarahi  no 

Itsuki  no  Miya  yu, 
Kamu  kaze  ni 

Ibuki  madowashi. 
:  Ama  gtimo  wo  ; 

Hi  no  me  mo  m'.ezu.—Manydshuy  op.  cii.,  p.  704,  No.  199.  Tlie 
sense  fnay  bt  rendered  :  "  By  the  kamu  breeze  that  blows  from  the  sacred  shrine 
of  Watarahi  [Ise]  the  clouds  are  scattered   about ;  the  eye  of  heaven  is  unseen." 

2.  Manvoshu,  op.  ci(.,  p.  703,  No.   167. 

3.  Cf.  A.,  I,  pp.  1-63;  C,  pp.  1-34,  39-43,  45-49;  Aston,  Shinto  the  Way 
of  the  Gods,  y^.  1 21-176. 


THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN    SHINTO.  I5I 

nized  in  this  sense.  The  orthodox  interpretation  attempts  to 
make  out  that  the  pers9nages  just  named  are  Japanese  culture 
heroes.  Japanese  history  abounds  in  records  of  famous  human 
beings  who  at  death  were  apotheosized  and  made  the  objects  of 
general  worship.  Incuye  Tetsujiro  says,  *'  All  famous  human 
beings  become  kami.  This  is  true  of  Kwanko  \Sugawa  Michi- 
zane],  Nanko  \Kiisunoki  Masashige],  Kitabatake  Chikafusa,  Nltta 
Yoshisada,  A^^w^  Nagatoshi,  Ninomiya  Sontoku,  Yosliida  Shoin, 
and  others."^ 

4,  Superior  human  beings  in  actual  human  society,  i.e. 
high  government  officials  such  as  heads  oi  departments  and 
bureaus  (ancient  usage),  feudal  lords  of  the  old  regfme,  governors, 
emperors. 

Among  the  names  of  the  Daimyo,  who  at  the  time  of  the 
Restoration,  "  begged  to  be  allowed  to  restore  their  fiefs  to  the 
Sovereign  "  are  abundant  examples  of  the  use  of  kami  as~a  state 
title,  e.g.  Shiinazu  Awaji  no  Kami,  Matsudaira  Deiua  no  Kami, 
Hisamatsu  Iki  no  Kami,  Nagai  Hizen  no  Kami,  and  numerous 
others.^  The  Shokii  NiJwngi  under  the  date  of  698  A.D.  (24th 
day,  seventh  month)  speaks  of  the  governor  of  the  province  of 
Ise  as  Kami!"  ,  The  "  Chief  oi  the  Administration  of  the  Ise 
Shrines  "  was  called  Saigii  no  Kaiiu.^ 

A  poem  in  the  Manyoshu,  dated  the  first  year  of  Reiki 
(715  A.D.)  spaaks  of  the  ruler  as  Sumerogi  no  Kami,  "  Sov- 
ereign Kami."'^  A  passage  in  the  Slioku  Nihongi  reads,  "  The 
manifest  god,  descendant  of  the  Goddess  ot  High  Heaven,  he 
who  now  rules  over  the  country  of  the  eight  great  islands,   His 


1.  Cited  in  Tanaka,  T.,  Shindo  J^ivanken,^.  6. 

2.  Cf.  Phoenix,  Nov.  1870,  pp.  63-4.  Kami  in  this  sense  is  generally 
written  ^,  "  a  lord,"  "  a  governor." 

3.  T.  J.  S.  L.,  Vol.  XV  (1916-17),  p.  156. 

4.  Ibid.,  p.  182.  The  Saigu  of  Ise  was  a  virgin  princess  of  the  Blood  en- 
gaged in  the  service  of  Ama-ierasu-d-mi-kaini.  The  period  ol  service  ended  only 
with  the  death  of  the  Saif!ti  or  with  the  death  or  abdication  of  the  emperor. 

5.  Manyoshu,  op.  cit.,  p,  706,  No.  230. 


15.2  THE    POLITICAL    PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN   SHINT5. 

Majesty  Yamato  Neko  no  Mikoto^^  The  Nihongi  similarly 
speaks  of  **  The  God  Incarnate,  the  Emperor  Yamato  Neko,  who 
rules  the  world. "^  Important  personages  in  the  social  and  poli- 
tical life  here  become  living  kami  and  the  usage  in  this  sense 
implies  attitudes  of  respect,  reverence  and  caution  on  the  part 
of  the  shimo — all  below  the  kami.  On  the  other  hand, 
there  is  no  evidence  that  such  kami  ever  during  actual  life- 
time became  the  centers  of  organized  cult  and  received  worship 
at  the  shrines. 

e;.  The  f^overnment  itself,  colloquial  usage.  Kami  no  on 
sata  Is  *'  a  government  order.""^ 

6.  Above  in  q^n^fi  ;  nnprrini  in  liii  ili^>n  ^  Hito  no  kami 
ni  tatsu  is  '*  to  stand  above  others."  Hashigami  {hashi-kami) 
is  "  above  the  bridge."  Kawakami  is  used  to  indicate  the  upper 
waters  of  a  stream  in  contradistinction  with  kawa-shimOy  the 
lower.  The  blind  masseur  as  he  walks  the  streets  in  the  evening 
still  calls  out,  '*  Amma,  kami  shimo  sambyaku  ;;/^;2,  massage, 
from  head  {kami)  to  foot  {shimo)  three  hundred  mon.^*  Further 
usages  in  this  same  sense  are  :  one  superior  in  age,  a  master, 
the  first  part  of  a  thing,  the  upper  part  of  a  town,  of  the  body, 
or  of  clothing,  the  first  section  of  a  Japanese  poem,  the  direction 
ot  the  imperial  palace  or  the  capital,  the  first  fifteen  days  of  a 
month  or  the  first  ten  days  of  a  month.  Okami-san  is  a  term  of 
respect  for  the  wife  of  another  in  lower  class  usage. 

7.  In  a  temporal  sense,  "  t||e  upper  times.'*  i.e.  antiquity 
(rare). 

8.  The  hair  on  the  human  scalp.^ 

9.  Paper.* 


1.  Trans,  by  J.  Carey  Hall,  T.  J.  S.  L.,  Vol.  XV  (1916-17),  p.  152. 

2.  A.,  II,  p.  210. 

3.  Cf.     Inouye,     Juklchi,      Comprehensive     Jafanese-En^ish      Dictionary 
(Tokyo,  1921),  p.  1063.     Kami  in  this  sense  is  written   Y.. 

4.  Written  _t..     So  also  for  meaning  number  7  given  above. 

5.  Written  §|. 

6.  Written  ii^. 


THE    POLITICAL   PHILCSDPHY   OF   MODERN   SHINTO.  1 53 

lo.     neity  ]* God.; "The  God  of  Heaven,"  {Ama  tsu 

Kaini)\  the  Christian  God;  "The  Lord  of  High  Heaven " 
{Tenjo  no  Shusai,  Jotei,  Tentei,  Ten).  These  usages  represent 
to  a  considerable  extent  the  results  of  syncretism  with  Indian, 
Chinese,  and  Occidental  thought. 

In  considering  the  above  diversity  of  usage  the  question 
naturally  arises  as  to  whether  there  is  not  some  possibility  of 
arriving  at  a  point  of  view  which  gives  a  unified  perspective  to 
ideas  connected  with  the  word  kami.  Revon  who  has  made 
a  most  persistent  attempt  to  unify  the  usage,  after  mention- 
ing the  difficulty  that  Japanese  scholars  have  had  in  coming 
together  on  any  plausible  etymology,  finally  concludes  that  the 
only  possible  explanation  is  that  which  rests  on  the  general  sense 
of  kami  in  the  Japanese  language  which  should  be  translated 
simply  by  the  word  superieiir.  Working  from  this  point  of 
view  he  finds  a  unity  of  such  scope  as  to  include  even  the  mean- 
ing "  paper  "  which  is  superior  because  of  its  special  importance 
in  the  life  of  the  Japanese  people,  particularly  as  the  **  precious 
preserver  of  tradition."^ 

Is  this  all  that  can  be  said,  however,  of  an  expression  that  is 

1.  Written  |^.  Under  kami  thus  written  the  Dai  Nikon  Kokugo  Jiten 
(Vol.  I,  A-ki,  pp.  938-9)  classifies  the  following  meanings : 

( I )     Those  personages  who  lived  in  Japan  prior  to  Jimmu  Tenno. 
-    (2)     A  sacred  influence  which  is  regarded  as  dwelling  in  the  unknown, 
which  knows  that  which  is  unknown  to  man,  which  works  in  all  things  and 
which  brings  happiness  and  misfortune  on  mankind. 

(3      A  term  of  respect  for  the  Emperor. 

(4)  Spirits  of  human  beings  enshrined  in  ih&  Jinja  after  death. 

(5)  The  God  of  Christianity,  the  creator  and  governor  of  the  universe. 

(6)  A  term  used  to  designate  all  fearful  things  {Subeie  osoroshiki  mono 
no  sho). 

(7)  Things  that  are  beyond  human  comprehension. 

(8)  Thunder. 

[(9)     A  jester,  a  buffoon,  a  drum  beater  who  entertained  at  public  houses 
in  former  times  (rare)]. 

2.  Revon.  M.,  "  Le  Shintoisme,"  Hevue  de  IJHistoire  des  Religions,  Vol. 
XLIX,  p.  28. 


154  THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN   SHINTQ. 

used  to  cover  man's  experiences  with  deities,  ghosts,  spirits  of 
ancestors,  and  extraordinary  members  of  human  society — all  those, 
who  in  the  words  of  Maruyama,  "excel  indignity,  in  ability, 
in  virtue,  in  learning,  or  in  shrewdness  " — a  word  that  is  applied 
not  only  to  that  which  is  above  but  als  ^  to  magical  charms,  to 
foxes,  wolves  and  tigers,  to  trees,  stumps,  echoes,  rocks,  moun- 
tains and  seas,  to  dragons  and  goblins,  to  thunder  and  lightning 
— to  ''  all  things  whatsoever  in  the  world  which  possess  marvel- 
ous and  strange  virtue  "  ?^ 

In  attempting  to  answer  this  question,  one  is  immediately 
reminded  of  that  considerable  list  of  similar  religious  terms  in 
other  languages  which  the  researches  of  modern  investigators  of 
primitive  culture  have  brought  to  light — such  terms  as  Mana  of 
the  Melanesians,  Tabu  of  the  Polynesians,  Kaniui  of  the  Ainu, 
Kramat  of  th.^  Malays,  Tondi  of  the  Bataks  of  Sumatra,  Andria- 
manitra  of  the  natives  of  Madagascar,  Orenda  of  the  Iroquois, 
Wakanda  of  the  Sioux,  Manitou  of  the  Algonquins,  Ngai  or 
Engai  of  the  Masai,  Mulungu  of  the  Yao  tribe  of  thcr  Bantu 
peoples,  Oiidali  of  the  Pigmies,  Inkosi  of  the  Zulus,  TiLo  of  the 
Baronga,  Hasina  of  Malagasy,  Attia  of  the  Maori,  Kalou  of 
the  Fijians,  AningquiltJia  of  the  Australian  Arunta,  the  old 
Norse  hamingja  and  the  makt  of  Swedish  folklore. 

Modern  students  of  the  elementary  forms  of  the  religious 
life  have  made  use  of  the  term  Mana  as  a  convenient  name  for 
expressing  the  uniformity  of  emotional  reaction  and  resultant 
classification  and  interpretation  of  experience  which  these  various 
words  connote  in  the  philosophy  of  primitive  man.^  The  hypo- 
thesis is  here  advanced  that  the  Japanese  term  Kami  belongs  to 
the  Mana  type  of  religious  classification.  Kami  is  essentially  the 
same  in  meaning  as  Mana.  In  supporting  this  statement  it  is 
necessary  to  indicate  more  fully  the  most  important  elements  in 
the  meanings  of  the  terms  just  listed. 


1.  Hirata.     See  above  p.  139. 

2.  Cf.   Marelt,   R.  R.,   "  The  •Conception   of  Mana,"    Transactions  of  the 
Ihini  International  Congress  for  the  History  of  Religions,  Vol.  I,  pp.  46-57. 


THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN    SHINTO.  1 55 

Maria,  in  the  religious  philosophy  of  the  Melanesians,^  may 
be  defined  as  a  marvellous  wonder-working  force  manifested  in 
any  object  or  being  that  exhibits  unusual  power  or  superiority. 
Codririgton  says,  ''  There  is  a  belief  in  a  force  altogether  distinct 
from  physical  and  in  a  way  supernatural  ....  This  inana 
is  not  fixed  in  anything,  and  can  be  conveyed  in  almost  anything." 
Also,  while  ''  it  essentially  belongs  to  personal  beings  to  origi- 
nate it/'  it  may  nevertheless  appear  in  such  humble  objects  as 
water,  stones,  or  bones.  In  more  specific  illustration  of  ideas 
related  with  the  term  he  says,  "  If  a  man  has  been  successful  in 
fighting,  it  has  not  been  his  natural  strength  of  arm,  quickness  of 
eye,  or  readiness  of  resource  that  has  won  success  ;  he  has  cer- 
tainly got  the  mana  of  a  spirit  or  of  some  deceased  warrior  to 
empower  him,  conveyed  in  an  amulet  of  a  stone  round  his  neck, 
or  a  tuft  of  leaves  in  his  belt,  in  a  tooth  hung  upon  a  finger  of 
his  bow  hand,  or  in  the  form  of  words  with  which  he  brings 
supernatural  assistance  to  his  side.  If  a  man's  pigs  multi- 
ply, and  his  gardens  are  productive,  it  is  not  because  he  is  in- 
dustrious and  looks  after  his  property,  but  because  of  the  stones 
full  of  mana  for  pigs  and  yams  that  he  possesses.  Of  course  a 
yam  naturally  grows  when  planted,  that  is  well  known,  but  it 
will  not  grow  very  large  unless  mana  comes  into  play  ;  a  canoe 
will  not  be  swift  unless  mana  be  brought  to  bear  upon  it,  a 
net  will  not  catch  many  fish,  nor  an  arrow  inflict  a  mortal 
wound. "^ 

Marett  summarizing  from  Tregear  indicates  the  usage  of 
mana  in  the  wider  Polynesian  field.  Mana  is  applied,  in  Maori, 
"to  a  wooden  sword  that  has  done  deeds  so  wonderful  as  to 
possess  a  sanctity  and  power  of  its  own  ;  in  Samoan,  to  a  parent 
who  brings  a  curse  on  a  disobedient  child  ;  in  Hawaiian,  to  the 
gods,  or  to  a  man  who  by  his  death  gives  efficacy  to  an  idol ;  in 
Tongan,  to  whoever  performs  miracles,  or  bewitches ;  in   Man- 


1.  Cf,  Codriuglon,  R.  H.,  Melanesians  (Oxford  189I),  p.  118,  note 

2.  Id:d.,  p.  120.. 


I  $6  THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY    OF    MODERN    SHINTO. 

garevan,  to  a  magic  staff  given  to  a  man  by  his  grandfather,  or, 
again,  to  divination  in  general."^  The  term  is  also  applied  to  a 
tribal  chief,  a  healer  of  sickness,  a  successful  pleader,  or  the 
winner  of  a  race.  The  psychological  basis  of  the  j/mna  idea 
may  be  said  to  lie  in  a  naive  interpretation  of  emotional  reactions 
originating  in  experiences  lying  outside  the  regions  of  ordinary 
control.^ 

Tadii  in  its  original,  local  usage  among  the  Polynesians 
is  to  be  understood  as  a  form  of  the  //mua-ide^.  Behind  the 
ideas  of  separation  from  ordinary  usage  and  appropriation  to 
special  persons  and  things,  is  the  more  fundamental  notion  of 
sacredness.  The  psychological  origin  of  this  feeling  of  sacred- 
ness  expressed  in  ta/?u  is  undoubtedly  to  be  found  in  an  emotional 
expansion  or  "  thrill  "  in  the  presence  of  anything  that  thrusts 
itself  on  the  attention  in  a  sudden  or  extraordinary  manner.^ 

The  exceedingly  diversified  content  of  the  Ainu  term  kainui 

1.  Tregear,  E.,  Maori- Polynesian  Comparative  Dictionary,  (Wellington, 
N.Z.,  1891),  s.v.  mana.     C/.  Marett,  op.  cit^  p.  49. 

2.  For  literature  on  mana,  in  addition  to  Codrington,  Marett,  and  Tregear 
as  given  above,  see  also  Durkheim,  Emile,  The  Elementary  Forms  of  the  Reli- 
giaus  Life  (Eng.  trans,  by  Joseph  Ward  Swain  from  Les  formes  elementaires  de  la 
vie  religieuse,  Paris,  I9I2\  pp.  61,  62,  188-239;  Marett,  R.  R.,  art.  "Mana," 
H.E.R.E.,  Vol.  VIII,  375  ff. ;  Ames,  Edward  Scribner,  The  Psychology  of  Reli- 
gious  Experience,  pp.  95-115;  Soderblom,  N.,  "  Holiness  "  (General  and  Primi- 
tive) in  H.E.R.E.,  Vol.  VI,  pp.  731-32 ;  Hubert  and  Mauss,  "  Theorie  Generale  de 
la  Magie  "  in  DAnnee  Sociologique,  VII  (1904);  Marett,  R.R.,  "  Pre- Animistic 
Religions,"  in  Folklore,  XI  (1900),  pp.  162-182;  Lovejoy,  Arthur  O.,  "The 
Fundamental  Concept  of  the  Primitive  Philosophy,"  Mottist  {^igo6),  XVI,  pp. 
357-382 ;  Kmg,  Irving,  The  Development  of  Religion,  pp.  132-164 ;  Leuba,  J.,  A 
Psychological  Study  of  Religion,  pp.  70-84,  122  ff.,  163;  Goldenweiser,  A.A., 
"  Spirit,  Mana,  and  the  Religious  Thrill,"  fottrnal  of  Philosophy,  Psychology  and 
Scientific  Methods,  (19 15),  XII,  pp.  632-640  ;  Dewey,  John,  '<  The  Interpretation 
of  the  Savage  Mind,"    Psychological  Review,  1902. 

3.  Cf.  Tregear,  E.,  Maori -Polynesian  Comparative  Dictionaiy,  s.v.  "  Tabu," 
especially  remarks  under  Hawaiian  usage ;  Ames,  Psychology  of  Religious  Ex- 
perience, p,  108  J  Thomas,  N.  W.,  Art.  «  Taboo,"  En.  B.,  Vol.  XXVI,  pp.  337  ff. ; 
Frazer,  J.  H.,  Golden  Bough,  I,  297-464;  III,  1-134,  201-236,  463-467; 
Churchill,  Wm.,  Polynesian  Wanderings,  (Washington,  1911),  pp.  263, 
264. 


THE    POLITICAL    PHILOSOPHV   OF    MODERN    SHINTQ.  15/ 

is  to  be  seen  in  the  following  list  of  usages,  *'  the  maker  of  worlds 
and  places/'  i.e.  the  chief  of  all  the  kaimii,  the  progenitor  of  the 
Ainu  race,  the  sun,  the  moon,  fire,  ordina-y  spirits  such  as  those 
of  storm,  sea,  springs,  rivers,  etc.  bears,  foxes,  moles  and  wolves 
(when  exhibiting  extraordinary  characteristics),  autumn  salmon, 
birds  of  good  or  bad  omen,  a  locality  remarkable  for  beauty 
or  a  place  where  fish  and  game  abound,  high  or  rugged 
mountains  or  mountains  where  bears  abound,  government  offi- 
cials and  persons  in  high  positions,  e.g.  the  Emperor  of  Japan, 
beautiful  flowers,  pleasant  dells,  large  trees,  a  cool  breeze  on  a 
hot  day,  large  waves  of  the  sea,  a  "  man-of-war  "  ship,  a  dog 
which  has  saved  life,  elephants,  lions,  evil  spirits,  reptiles,  violent 
contagious  disea<;es  such  as  small-pox  or  cholera/ 

The  Malay  word,  Kramat  is  similarly  applied  to  men, 
animals,  plants,  stones,  etc.  Blogden  says,  *'  When  the  word 
stands  alone  it  almost  invariably  means  a  holy  place y  the  word 
tempat  being  presumably  understood.  When  applied  to  a  per- 
son it  implies  special  sanctity  and  miraculous  power. "^  Kramat 
animals  are  generally  marked  by  some  extraordinary  or  uncanny 
characteristic,  e.g.  a  shrunken  foot,  a  stunted  tusk,   or  albinism.* 

Tondi,  as  in  use  among  the  Bataks  signifies  a  mysterious 
f^rce,  power,  or  substance  constituting  the  soul  of  man  but 
appearing  also  in  such  objects  as  houses,  boats,  iron,  animals,  and 
plants  (especially  in  rice).* 

Ellis  remarks  concerning  the  natives  of  Madagascar, 
**  Whatever  is  great,  whatever  exceeds  the  capacity  of  their 
understandings,  they  designate  by  the  one  convenient  and  com- 
prehensive appellation,  Andriamanitra.  Whatever  is  new  and 
useful  and  extraordinary  is  called  god.     Silk  is  considered  as 

1.  Cf.  T.AS.J.,  Vol.  XVI,  pp.  20-28  Concerning  the  possibility  of  the 
word  kamui  having  been  borrowed  from  Japanese  usage  as  expressed  in  kami  or 
ince  versa,  cf.  discussions  by  Batchelor  and  Chamberlain  in  T.AS.A.,  op.  cit.,  pp. 
17  ff.,  pp,  33  flF. 

2.  Cited  in  Skeat,  \< .  W.,  Malay  Magic  (London,  1900),  p.  673. 

3.  Cf.  Skeat,   op.  cit.,  pp.  71,  153,  163. 

4.  Warneck,  Joh.,  Die  Religion  der  Batak  (Leipzig,  1909),  pp.  8  fF.,  46  fF. 


I5B  THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN    SHINTO. 

god  in  the  highest  degree,  the  superlative  adjective  being  added 
to  the  noun — Andriamanitra-indrinda.  Rice,  money,  thunder 
and  lightning,  and  earthquake  are  all  called  god.  Their  ancestors 
and  a  deceased  sovereign  they  designate  in  the  same  manner. 
Tarantasy  or  book  they  call  god,  from  its  wonderful  capacity  of 
speaking  by  merely  looking  at  it.  Velvet  is  called  by  the  singu- 
lar epithet,    *  son  of  god.'  "^ 

Among  the  Iroquois  of  North  America,  Qrenda  indicates 
the  mystic  potency  found  in  any  extraordinary  object  of 
experience.^  It  is  found  in  **  the  speech  and  utterance  of  birds 
and  beasts,  the  soughing  of  the  winds,  the  voices  of  the  night,  the 
moaning  of  the  tempest,  the  rumble  and  crash  of  the  thunder, 
the  startling  roar  of  the  tornado,  the  wild  creaking  and  cracking 
oi  wind- rocked  and  frost-riven  trees,  lakes  and  livers,  and  the 
multiple  other  sounds  and  noises  in  nature."^  Orenda  may 
manifest  itself  in  the  shaman,  in  the  skillful  hunter,  in  prophets 
and  soothsayers,  in  any  man  or  animal  who  exhibits  extra- 
ordinary prowess  or  cunning,  in  storms,  charms,  amulets, 
fetishes,  or  mascots,  and  in  plants,  trees,  rocks,  mountains, 
water,  clouds,  or  sky. 

Wakanda  is  a  term  used  by  the  Sioux  in  connection  with 
objects  or  persons  regarded  as  possessing  an  unusual  creative 
power,  marvellous  in  operation.  Wakanda  was  applied  to  a 
wide  range  of  objects,  such  as  mythological  beings,  sun,  moon, 
earth,  thunder,  lightning,  stars,  storms,  winds,  certain  [)lants, 
animals  (such  as  bear,  bison,  and  beaver),  places  of  a  striking 
character,  blood,  menstrual  discharges,  fetishes,  ceremonial 
objects,  the  shaman,  etc'  Irving  King  says  of  this  term, 
"  Whatever  attracts  attention  in  any  way,  or  seems  associated 

1.  Ellis,  History  of  Madagascar^  I,  39I-2,  cited  by  Marelt,    "  rre-aniniistic 
Religion,".  FolklorCy  op.  at.,  p.  169. 

2.  Hewitt,  J.  N.  B.,  "  Orenda  and  a  Definition  of  Religion,"    American 
Anthropologisty  New  Series,  1902,  pp.  33,   45. 

3      Hewitt,   op.  cit.  p.  36. 

4.     Cf.   jSIcGee,    Fifteenth   Anntial    Report    of    the  Bureau  of  Ethnology^ 
«  Washington  (1897)  pp.  I57,  1S2  ff. 


THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN   SHINTO.  1 59 

with  any  striking  occurrence,  is  thought  to  possess  in  some  mea- 
sure this  mechanical,  impersonal  power.  The  wild  animals, 
especially  those  characterized  by  cunning,  fleetness,  and  great 
strength,  were  thought  to  owe  it  to  some  peculiarly  intimate 
contact  with  this  power.  All  human  achievement,  beyond  the 
most  commonplace,  was  not  thought  to  be  due  to  any  special 
merit  in  the  individual,  but  solely  to  his  shrewdness  or  to  his 
luck  in  making  proper  connections  with  Wakonda,^^\ 

\\\  the  philosophy  of  the  Algonquins,  Manitou  is  primarily 
a  "  mysterious  quasi-mechanical  essence,  the  active  element  in  all 
that  is  strange,  excellent,  or  powerful.'"^  In  explanation  of  the 
psychological  origin  of  the  idea,  William  Jones  has  written,  *'  To 
experience  a  thrill  is  authority  enough  for  the  existence  of  the 
substance."'  The  following  citation,  from  Roger  Williams 
indicates  the  wide  application  of  the  term.  '*  There  is  general 
custom  amongst  them  [American  Indians]  at  the  apprehension  of 
any  excellency  in  men,  women,  birds,  beasts,  fisbes,  etc.,  to   cry 

qmX.  Manittoo if  they  see  one  man  excel  others  in 

valor,  strength,  activity,  etc.,  they  cry  out  MzwzV/^f? 

and  therefore  when  they  talk  among  themselves  of  the  English 
ships  and  great  buildings,  and  especially  of  books  and  letters, 
they  will  end  thus  :     Alanittozvock.^'* 

Thomson  says  of  the  Masai,  "  Whatever  struck  them  as 
strange  and  incomprehensible,  that  they  at  once  assumed  has 
some  connection  with  ngai I  was  Ngai.     My  lamp 

1.  King,  Irving,  op.  cit,  p.  139.  See  alse  Riggs  and  Dorsey,  "  Dakota- 
English  Dictionary,"  Contrib,  N.  Anter.  Ethnol.y  VII,  p.  508 ;  Dorsey,  J.  O., 
"  Omaha  Sociology,"  Third  Annual  Report  of  the  Buteon  of  Ethnology  (Wash- 
ington, 1884),  pp.  211  ff,,  267;  Durkheim,  op.  cit.,  pp.  192,  193,  195  ff.,  199; 
Lovejoy,  op.  cit.  pp.  363-68 ;  Fletcher,  Alice,  "  On  the  Import  of  the  Totem  among 
the  Omahas,"  Proceedings  of  the  American  Association  for  the  Advatuement  of 
Science,  1897,  p.  326. 

2.  King,  op.  cit.,  p.  137. 

3.  Jones,  Wm.,  "The  Algonquin  Manitou,"  Jcu.nal  of  American  Folk- 
Lore,  Vol.  XVIII,  1905,  183;  cf.  entire  article,  pp.  183-190. 

4.  " Key  to  t he  Languages  of  America"  (1643),  Collections  of  the  Rhode 
Island  Historical  Society^  I,  quoted  in  Lovejoy,  op.  cit..,  p,  368.  / 


l6o  THE    POIJTICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN   SHINTO. 

was  Ngai^'^  The  term  is  applied  to  i"ain,  sky,  volcanoes,  sun, 
moon,  morning  and  evening  stars,  clouds  on  the  mountains 
steaming  holes,  deities,  and  spirits.^ 

Muliingu  of  the  Yao  tribe  of  the  Bantu,  is  regarded  as  the 
active  agent  in  anything  mysterious  or  beyond  the  range  of 
human  comprehension.  It  is  employed,  for  example,  in  speaking 
of  the  rainbow,  good  luck,  spirits,  or  deity.  Heatherwick  con- 
nects the  etymology  with  kuliingwa,  signifying  "  great "  or 
*'  old,"  saying,  *'  It  is  the  same  root  which  appears  in  the  Kaffir 
word  for  God,  Unkidiinkulu,  which  may  therefore  be  rendered 
as  '  The  old,  old  One,'  or  *  The  great,  great  One.'  "^ 

Among  the  Pigmy  people  of  Centml  Africa,  the  expression 
Oudah  serves  to  indicate  a  mysterious  force  or  spirit  manifested 
in  any -object  that  **  catches  the  attention  in  the  moment  of  sur- 
prise.'"*  Marett  says  of  Pigmy  philosophy  at  this  point,  '*  His 
knife  acts  normally  as  long  as  it  serves  him  to  trim  his  own 
arrow-shaft.  As  soon,  however,  as  it  slips  and  cuts  his  hand, 
there  is  ^  oudah  ^  in,  or  at  the  back  of,  the  '  cussed  '  thing. "^ 
Inkosi  of  the  Zulus  and  the  term  Tilo  among  the  Baronga  may  be 
taken  as  setting  forth  essentially  the  same  elementary  philo- 
sophy.^ 

Hasina  of  Malagasy  has  been  defined  as  an  "  indwelling  or 
supernatural  power,  which  renders  a  thing  good  and  effective  ; 
the  power  of  a  medicine  ;  the  truth  of  a  word  ;  the  efficacy  of 
amulets  and  incantations  ;  the  holiness  of  a  thing,"' 

The  Maori  applied  the  term  atiia  to  all  the  incomprehensible 

1.  Thomson,  Joseph,  Through  Masai  Land  (London,  1885),  p.  445. 

2.  Hollis,  W.  C,   The  Masai  (Oxford,  1905),  p.  XIX. 

3.  Heatherwick,  A.,  "  Some  Animistic  Beliefs  among  the  Yaas  of  British 
Central  Africa,"  Journal  of  Anthropological  Institute  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland, 
Vol.  XXXII,  p.  94 ;  cf.  entire  article  pp  89-95. 

4.  Ames,  The  Psychology  of  Religious  Experience^  p.  108. 

5.  Marett,  R.  R.,  "Is  Taboo  a  Negative  Magic  ?  ",  Anthropological  Essays, 
p.  230 ;  cited  in  Ames,  op.  cit. 

6.  Cf ^  Haddon,  Alfred  C,  Syllabus  of  Lectuns  on  Magic  and  Primitive 
Religion.     (I^ndon,  1905),  p.  6. 

7.  SSderblom,  «7/.  cit.  732. 


THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN    SHINT5.  lOI 

activities  of  nature  and  to  all  supernatural  beings  and  mysterious 
objects  of  any  sort.  "  The  strangers  that  first  came  among  them 
sending  thunder  and  lightning  by  the  discharge  of  their  fire-arms 
were  real  atiias.  A  watch,  whose  wonderful  movements  they 
did  not  understand,  was  an  atiia»^\ 

Arungquiltha  among  the  Australian  Arunta  is  applied  either 
to  a  supernatural,  evil  influence  or  to  the  object  in  which  the 
influence  is  supposed  to  reside,  such  as  bones,  pieces  of  wood, 
poisonous  animals  or  plants,  the  pointing  stick  of  the  medicine 
man,  or  the  Churinga  carried  by  the  Illapuringa  woman  (lit. 
''  the  changed,"  i.e.y  the  avenging  woman).^ 

The  ancient  Norse  associated  hamingja  with  the  mysterious 
protecting  genius  of  individuals  and  of  clans.  It  was  the  super- 
natural element  in  luck  and  fate.^  Makt  is  the  mysterious 
'  might '  or  '  power  *  of  Swedish  folk  lore.  Soderblom  says, 
''  Men  and  animals  can  be  '  might-stolen  '  {makt-stiihia),  through 
evil  influence."*  In  other  words,  we  meet  here  again  a  belief 
in  a  mysterious  force  or  supernatural  power  that  came  and  went 
in  man  and  beast,  under  conditions  that  lay  outside  of  ordinary 
control. 

The  above  list  does  not  assume  to  be  exhaustive,  yet  it  is 
deemed  sufificiently  extended  for  the  purposes  of  the  present  dis- 
cussion. The  data  just  presented  represent  material  gathered 
from  the  folk  beliefs  of  all  the  grand  divisions  of  the  human  race. 
An  investigation  of  the  usages  connected  with  the  various  terms 
that  have  been  brought  under  examination  plainly  indicates  that, 
as  far  as  diversity  of  content  is  concerned,  the  idea  oikami  presents 
no  difficulties  that  students  of  religion  have  not  already  encoun- 
tered in  other  fields  and  explained  with  a  considerable  degree  of 
scientific  consistency.     Prior  to  attempting  to  draw  conclusions 

1.  Featherman,  Social  History  of  the  Races  of  Mankind,  II,  p.  207. 

2.  Cf.  Spencer  and  Gillen,  Native  Tribes  of  Central  Australia,  p.  548. 
Durkheim  defines.  Arungquiltha  as  harmful  mana.  Elementary  Forms  of  the 
Religious  Life,  p.  197. 

3.  Soderblom,  op.  cit. 

4.  Ibid. 


1 62  THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN   SHINT5. 

in  the  matter,  however,  it  is  necessary  to  consider  Japanese 
usage  relating  to  kami  in  the  sense  of  hair  on  the  human  head. 

As  has  been  suggested  previously,  the  standard  explanation 
of  kamif  taken  in  the  sense  of  hair  on  the  human  head,  finds  in  it 
support  for  assigning  a  primary  meaning  of  '^  above  "  or  ''  super- 
ior." In  as  much  as  kami  is  employed  variously  to  indicate 
*'  deity,"  "  above,"  and  "  hair  on  the  human  head,"  it  requires 
but  little  analysis  to  isolate  a  common  element  of  superiority  in 
degree  or  position  and  assign  priority  to  this  sense.  There  are 
important  considerations,  however,  that  bear  against  this  inter- 
pretation. These  considerations  have  to  do  with  the  fact  that 
the  hair  on  the  human  scalp  is  one  of  the  principal  objects  of 
ceremonial  treatment  in  Japan  and,  in  both  ancient  and  modern 
usage,  presents  aspects  that  would  appear  to  justify  an  association 
with  primitive  supernaturalism  or  at  least  with  the  idea  of  mys- 
terious superhuman  force. 

In  considering  the  matter  of  the  ceremonial  treatment  ac- 
corded human  hair  in  Japan,  it  is  important  to  bear  in  mind  the 
s[jecial  virtue  which  commonly  attaches  to  hair  as  well  as  to  the 
nails  of  toes  and  fingers,  in  lower  culture  generally.  The  hair 
on  the  human  head  is  sacred.  It  is  the  seal  of  an  oath,  a  charm 
against  harm,  and  because  of  its  intimate,  sympathetic  connection 
with  the  living  body,  itself,  it  is  a  powerful  means  of  working 
magic  ;  it  is  an  offering  to  the  deities  or  to  the  dead  ;  it  is  an 
object  of  ceremonial  treatment  and  an  important  means  of  com- 
munion with  superhuman  powers.^  From  the  point  of  view  of 
primitive  man  hair  is  a  strange  supercorporeal  material  that 
grows  and  changes  form  mysteriously  on  the  body.  It  is  thus 
filled  with  inana.     Hence  among  the  ancient  Greeks,  as  well  as 

I  Cf  Durkheim,  Elementaiy  Forms  of  the  Religious  Life,  pp,  64,  173  ff.; 
Warr.eck,  Die  Religion  der  Batak,  pp.  9,  ff. ;  Frazer,  Golden  Bough,  I,  pp.  44,  45, 
I93»  244,  341-2,  344-5,  353-5,  524,  570;  Skeat,  Malay  Magic,  p.  45;  E.  E. 
Sikes  and  Louis  H.  Gray,  Art.  "  Hair  and  Nails,"  H.E.R.E.,  Vol.  6,  pp.  474  ff. 
This  last  mentioned  article  should  be  consulted  for  further  references  and 
li  erature. 


THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY    OF    MODERN    SHINTO.  1 63 

certain  other  races,  it  was  regarded  as  the  seat  of  life,  itself.^ 
Frazer  says,  with  Polynesian  usage  especially  in  mind,  "  The 
head  and  hair,  especially  of  a  chief  were  particularly  taboo  or 
sacred — to  touch  a  man's  head  was  a  gross  insult.  If  a  chief 
touched  his  own  head  with  his  fingers  he  had  immediately  to 
apply  them  to  his  nose  and  snuff  up  the  sanctity  which  they  had 
abstracted  from  his  head.  The  cutting  of  a  chief's  hair  was  a 
solemn  ceremony — the  several  locks  were  collected  and  buried 
in  a  sacred  place  or  hung  upon  a  tree."^  Likewise  among  the 
IBurmese  the  cutting  of  the  hair  of  a  king  was  a  solemn  and 
sacred  act.^  Similar  usage  obtained  among  the  ancient  Romans. 
Aulus  Gellius,  quoted  by  Fabius  Pictor,  says,  ''  None  but  a 
freeman  may  cut  a  flamen's  hair.     He  never  touches  or  names  a 

she-goat,  raw-flesh,  hair,  or  beans The  parings  of 

his  nails  and  the  cuttings  of  his  hair  are  covered  with  earth  at  the 
foot  of  a  fruit  tree."*  This  usage  would  seem  to  be  fairly  open 
to  the  interpretation  that  under  the  old  Roman  idea  hair  and 
nails  contained  a  mysterious  power  that  imparted  additional  life 
to  the  fruit  tree.  The  early  Hebrews  were  acquainted  with  the 
idea  that  the  hair  on  the  human  head  was  a  source  of  marvelous 
strength  which  could  be  brought  under  control  by  cutting  off 
the  hair.^  The  scalp-lock  of  the  American  Indian  was  regard- 
ed as  associating  the  owner  with  the  mysterious  and  supernatural 
power  that  controlled  his  life  and  death.  Alice  Fletcher  says, 
"  For  anyone  to  touch  lightly  this  lock  was  regarded  as  a  grave 
insult."^ 

Sikes  is  of  the  opinion  that  the  ancient  widespread  practice  of 
leaving  the  hair  uncut  during  a  journey  probably  had  its  origin 

1.  lI.E.R.E.,  op.  cii. 

2.  Art.  "  Taboo,"  En.  Brit.,  9th  ed. 

3.  H.E.R.E.,  op.  cii. 

4.  Aulus  Gellius,   X,  15,  Rome,  22,    28;    Botsford,  Source  of  Book  of 
Ancient  History,  p.  339. 

5-    Judges,  16:   17-31. 

6.     Fletcher,    Alice,   Handbook    of  American  Indians^    cited  in  H.E.R.E., 
op.  cit. 


164  THE    POLITICAL    PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN   SHINTO, 

in  a  fear  lest  a  stranger  might  come  into  possession  thereof  and 
work  magic  by  means  of  the  locks/ 

Ideas  of  lucky  and  unlucky  days  for  cutting  nails  and  hair 
are  common  in  early  culture  as  well  as  are  practices  of  caution  in 
disposing  of  the  cuttings.^  Again,  the  idea  is  frequently  met 
with  that  the  mysterious  potency  in  hair  and  nails  can  be  brought 
to  bear  in  the  healing  of  sickness^  This  notion  is  further  ex- 
tended to  that  of  a  wider  rapprochement  with  nature.  The 
Maori  believed  that  the  cutting  of  the  hair  on  the  human  head 
might  cause  a  thunderstorm.  The  Romans  seem  to  have  held 
a  similar  idea."*  Against  this  briefly  sketched  background  we 
may  make  comparison  of  Japanese  ideas  concerning  the  peculiar 
sanctity  and  mysterious  nature  of  the  hair  on  the  human  head. 

Human  hair  is  frequently  met  with  throughout  Japan,  pre- 
sented at  temples  and  shrines,  supposedly  as  an  offering  to  the 
gods  or  as  the  binding  symbol  of  a  vow.  Some  shrines  and 
temples  possess  great  ropes  of  human  hair,  braided  from  the 
offerings  of  successive  generations  ot  suppliants.  The  evidence 
is  good  that  in  ancient  Japanese  culture  hair  received  ceremonial 
treatment  and  was  regarded  as  sacred  or  taboo.  Hair  on  the 
head  was  worn  long  by  both  males  and  females,^  although  each 
sex  appears  to  have  had  a  characteristic  coiffure  even  in  very 
ancient  times^  Men  wore  their  beards  long.''  It  is  recorded 
in  the  Kojiki  that  when  Haya-siisa-no-wo-no-mikoto  was  expelled 
from  the  High  Plain  of  Heaven  for  violent  misdemeanor,  his 
hair  was  cut  off  and  his  toe  and  finger  nails  were  pulled  out.® 
Chamberlain  properly  calls  attention  to  the  cruelty  in  this  latter 


I 

H.ER.E.,  (7/.^?V. 

2. 

Ibid. 

3- 

Ibid. 

4- 

Ibid 

5- 
6. 

7- 

Cf'  C,  pp.  73-4,  45- 
C/.F.,p,  76;  C,  Intro,  pp 

q.  C,  p.  44. 

:.  XLI-XIJI. 


8.     Ibid.^  p.  59  (Sect.  XVII).     One  of  the  Nihongi  variants  says  the  hair 
on  the  head  of  Susa-nO-wo  was  pulled  out.     Cf.  A.,  I.,  45  , 


THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN   SHINT5.  1 65 

act  but  it  is  very  questionable  if,  as  he  intimates,  this  form  of 
treatment  had  its  origin  merely  in  a  desire  to  inflict  severe  pain/ 
The  removal  of  the  nails  is  to  be  taken  along  with  the  cutting  of 
the  hair.*^  The  object  aimed  at  is  identical  in  both  cases,  not  to 
inflict  suffering,  primarily,  nor,  again,  to  brand  with  disgrace, 
but  to  remove  in  an  effectual  way  a  mysterious  source  of  power, 
that  is  to  get  control  over  the  offending  deity.  The  account 
plainly  seems  to  say  that  in  this  way  an  attempt  was  made  to 
limit  Susa-no-wo  in  strength  and  sacredness.  It  is  recorded 
again  that  Amaterasu-o-mi-kami  as  part  of  her  preparation  for  a 
dangerous  meeting  with  the  same  Susa-no-wOy  unbound  her 
"  august  hair  "  and  twisted  it  again  into  *'  august  bunches."^ 
The  idea  that  the  hair  on  the  human  head  is  a  medium  of  com^ 
munication  with  supernatural  powers  still  exists  in  modern  Japan. 
Dr.  M.  Honda,  writing  of  'Dmoto-kyoy  has  said,  "The  Dmoto 
believers  claim  as  a  proof  of  the  Japanese  race  being  the  gods' 
chosen  people  for  the  moral  unification  of  entire  humanity,  that 
our  hair  has  pith  right  up  to  the  end  while  the  white-skinned 
people's  hair  is  dead  three  or  four  inches  from  its  end.  This  is 
why,  they  say,  we  Japanese  are  more  susceptible  to  spiritual 
influences  than  any  other  race,  the  hair  being  the  receiver  of 
spiritual  messages.  They  therefore  keep  their  hair  at  least  three 
inches  long,  bound  together  as  close  to  the  head  as  possible  and 
let  down  the  back  when  it  is  long  enough.'"*  The  Japanese 
wrestler,  to  whom  superior  physical  prowess  is  a  prime  necessity, 
still  wears  his  hair  long.  When  the  successful  wrestler  retires 
from  the  ring,  his  hair  is  cut  in  a  dignified  religious  ceremony.^ 
The  cuttings  of  the  hair  are  offered  to  the  kami  on  the  family 


1.  C,  Intro.,  p.  LV. 

2.  Cf.  Art.  "  Hair  and  Nails,"  H.E.R.E.,  op.  cit. 

3.  g:c,  p.45.   _ 

4.  M.   Honda,   "Omoto-kyo:  What   it    is  and   Why    it    Spread,"  Japan 
Advei-tiser,  Jan.  27,  192 1,  p.  14. 

5.  The  order  of  service  in  this  ceremony,  as  furnished  by  the  priest  of  the 
Nomi  no  Sukune  Shrine  at  Midori  Cho,  Honjo,  Tokyo  is  as  follows. 


1 66  THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY    OF    MODERN    SHINTO. 

god-shelf  or,  more  often,  presented  at  the  shrine  o{  Nomi-no-sukune , 
the  patron  god  of  wrestlers. 

The  sacredness  of  the  hair  attaches  to  those  objects  that 
come  closely  in  contact  therewith.  Especially  is  this  true  of 
combs.  Hence,  in  Polynesian  usage,  for  example,  combs,  par- 
ticularly those  of  sacred  persons,  are  taboo,  and  are  the  objects 
of  special  ceremonial  treatment.^  That  Japanese  beliefs  and 
customs  exhibit  an  attitude  of  caution  toward  combs  and  a 
special  regard  for  them  is  readily  apparent  upon  examination  of 
the'evidence.  When  Izanagi  prepared  to  enter  the  lower  world 
in  search  of  his  lamented  mate  he  is  recorded  to  have  broken 
off  a  large  end  tooth  from  the  comb  that  was  "  stuck  in  the 
august  left  bunch  "  of  his  hair  and  after  lighting  this  to  have 

"  Order  of  Service  for  the  Hair-cutting  Ceremony. 

On  an  elevated  place  in  the  room  a  sacred   enclosure  is  made  ready,  sacred 
rope  is  hung  and  a  rough  straw  mat  is  spread. 
The  Purification  Ceremony  is  performed. 

All  make  obeisance. 
The  divine  spirit  is  summoned. 

Warning  at  the  coming  of  the  kami\. 

All  make  obeisance. 
Offerings  are  presented.  ■ 
A  Shinto  priest  recites  norito. 
•     The  principal  offers  tamagushi  [a  branch  of  sakaki  with  gohei  attached]- 
The  priest  offers  tamagushi. 
Visitors  make  congratulatory  addresses. 
The  principal  expresses  his  thanks. 
Hair-cutting. 
The  principal  takes  his  place.     The  person  who  cuts  the  hair  stands  behind 

him  with  scissors  in  hand.    He  inserts  the  scissors.  An  attendant  receives 

the  hair  and  lays  it  in  a  convenient  place. 
The  principal  retires  at  his  convenience  and  adjusts  his  hair. 
Offerings  are  withdrawn. 
The  divine  spirit  is  sent  away. 

Warning.     All  make  obeisance. 
All  retire." 

I.  Cf.  Frazer,  Art.  "  Taboo,"  Er\.  Brit.,  9th  ed.  For  an  account  of  the 
use  of  combs  in  magic  see  Skeat  and  Blagden,  Pagan  Races  of  the  Malay  Penin- 
sula, Vol.  I,  pp.  148,  156,  492,  420  fT. 


THE    POLITICAL    PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN    SHINTO.  16/ 

gone  in/  Apparently  slight  details  are  important  here.  It  is 
not  by  chance,  for  example,  that  the  story  says  left  bunch.  In 
the  light  of  Japanese  custom,  this  was  the  side  of  peculiar 
potency  and  the  use  of  the  comb  is  to  be  interpreted  as  exhibit- 
ing an  old  idea  that  it  constituted  a  powerful,  protective  device 
for  Izanagi  as  he  entered  the  dangerous  confines  of  Yomi, 
Again  when  pursued  out  of  the  lower  world  by  Yomo-tsu'shiko- 
mCf  the  Ugly  Female  of  Hades,  his  defense  against  her  was  to 
make  use  of  hair  ornaments.  His  head-dress,  cast  down  in  the 
path  of  the  oncoming  Fury,  turned  instantly  to  grapes  which 
stayed  her  while  she  devoured  them.  In  like  manner  the  pieces 
of  the  comb  in  the  hair  on  the  right  side  of  his  head,  when  cast 
down  upon  the  ground,  changed  to  bamboo  sprouts  and  "  while 
she  pulled  them  up  and  ate  them,  he  fled  on."^ 

The  Nihongi  introduces  the  observations  of  the  ancient 
chronicler  to  the  effect  that  the  story  oi  Izanagi  and  his  marvelous 
combs  furnished  the  occasion  for  the  rise  of  the  cautious  attitude 
toward  combs  prevailing  "  at  the  present  da-y  "  which  made  the 
people  fearful  of  casting  such  objects  away  in  the  night-time.^ 
In  the  light  of  modern  interpretations  of  the  priority  of  ciistoms 
as  related  to  myths  that  embody  or  explain  them,  this  comment 
in  the  Nihongi  is  to  be  taken  as  additional  evidence  for  the 
existence  in  old  Yamato  culture  of  a  special  regard  for  the 
sanctity  of  hair  ornaments.  We  read,  again,  that  Susa-no-wo  as 
a  means  of  protecting  the  "  Wondrous-Inada-Princess  '*  from  the 
eight-headed  serpent  of  Koshi,  transformed  her  into  a  comb 
which  he  stuck  into  his  hair.''  According  to  primitive  ideas, 
no  finer  place  of  protection  need  be  sought  for  ;  not  because  the 
girl  was  concealed,  but  because  she  was  made  inviolable  by  the 
mighty  taboo  of  comb  and  hair  combined.  Again,  it  was  a 
Kghted  comb  that  constituted  the  protective  device  of  Hoho- 


1.  C.,p.  35. 

2.  Ibid.,  pp.  36-37. 

3.  F.,  pp.  50-51. 

4.  C,  p.  62;  F.,  p.  122. 


1 68  THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN   SHINT5. 

demi-7io-}?iikoto  vA\&ci  he  broke  the  taboo  of  the  parturition  house 
and  looked  in  on  his  wife  in  childbirth/  The  black  comb  of 
the  old  man,  Shiho-tsuchi-no-oji,  when  cast  upon  the  ground 
changed  instantly  into  *' a  multitudinous  clump  of  bamboos."^ 
When  the  Saigu,  or  royal  vestal  virgin  of  Ise,  was  about  to  be 
sent  away  on  her  prolonged  period  of  service  at  the  Great  Shrine, 
'  she  was  called  to  the  palace  and  the  emperor  thrust  a  comb  into 
her  hair  with  his  own  hands.  This  was  the  zvakare  no  kushi,  or 
"  comb  of  separation."  Thus  the  sojourn  of  the  virgin  princess 
at  Ise  was  brought  under  the  taboo  of  comb  and  hair.^  Moto- 
ori,  writing  near  the  close  of  the  eighteenth  century,  shows  that 
a  precautionary  attitude  toward  combs  existed  in  his  own  day.^ 
Messrs.  Fujioka  and  Takagi,  writing  in  the  Nikon  Hakkiva  Dai 
Jit  en  have  advanced  the  idea  that  the  ancient  practice  connected 
with  "  the  comb  of  separation  "  constitutes  a  possible  explanation 
of  why  caution  is  exercised  in  presenting  others  with  combs  in 
modern  Japan.^  The  Adzuma  Kagami  records  the  belief  that 
the  picking  up  of  a  cast  off  comb  will  result  in  the  estrangement 
of  blood  relations.^  Modern  Japanese  folk-lore  still  preserves 
the  old  notion.'  The  belief  is  probably  to  be  carried  back  to  an 
origin  in  a  practice  in  which  the  violation  of  the  taboo  of  cast  off 
hair  ornaments  induced  such  ceremonial  defilement  as  to  actually 
result  in  the  alienation  of  even  those  nearest  of  kin.  A  related 
superstition  of  modern  Japan  requires  that  if  a  cast  off  comb  is 
picked  up  some  object  of  possession  must  be  thrown  away  in 
its  stead.® 

In  summary,  then,  it  may  be  said  that  Japanese   usage  pre- 


1.  A.,  I.  p.  98. 

2.  Ibid.,  p.  96. 

3.  Nikon  Hakkwa  Dai  Jiten,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  465. 

4.  Cf.  C,  p.  42,  note  9. 

5.  Nikon  Hakkwa  Dai  Jiten,  op.  cit. 

6.  Adzuma  Kagami t  under  the   second  year  of  Kencho  (1250),  6th  mo., 
a4th  day. 

7.  Nikon  Hakkwa  Dai  Jitent  op,  cit, 

8.  Ibid. 


THE    POLITICAL    PHILOSOPHY    OF    MODERN    SHINTO.  1 69 

sents  unmistakable  evidence  of  a  precautionary  attitude  toward 
hair  and  hair  ornaments.  The  Japanese  ceremonial  regard  for 
hair  Is  to  be  interpreted  in  the  light  of  the  supernatural  associa- 
tions which  we  find  in  the  treatment  of  hair  in  other  ethnic  areas. 
In  the  light  of  the  evidence  it  does  not  seem  incorrect  to  con- 
clude that  the  hair  on  the  human  head  received  its  Japanese 
designation  kami,  not  because  of  its  superior  position  with  refer- 
ence to  the  other  parts  of  the  body,  but  because  it  was  associated 
with  the  idea  of  a  mysterious  and  superhuman  power.  If  it  be 
objected  that  it  is  only  the  hair  on  the  human  scalp,  that  is,  on 
the  topmost  part  of  the  body,  that  is  kami,  it  may  be  answered 
that  a  study  of  the  ideas  of  primitive  man  will  show  that  it  is 
exactly  the  hair  on  the  human  scalp  which  is  generally  associated 
most  directly  with  the  mysterious  workings  of  uiana.  The 
sacred  hair  of  the  American  Indian  was  the  scalpAo^} 

The  interpretation  that  kami  belongs  essentially  to  the  mana 
type  of  religious  classification  is  further  elucidated  by  certain 
other  considerations  of  an  etymological  character.  From  the 
very  nature  of  the  case  this  can  not  be  advanced  beyond 
the  stage  of  probability,  yet  as  far  as  it  goes  it  gives  support  to 
the  hypothesis  herein  set  forth.  Soderblom  has  already  called 
attention  to  the  fact  that  psychological  analysis  leads  easily  to 
the  inference  that  early  human  reactions  toward  the  extraordinary 
and  startling  objects  of  experience  probably  first  expressed 
themselves  in  an  exclamation  or  cry.^  In  view  of  this  psycho- 
logical inference  the  possibility  arises  that  in  the  first  syllabic 
element  of  the  word  kami  we  actually  have  the  Japanese  form  of 
this  primitive  human  cry.  An  extension  of  Miura's  undeveloped 
hypothesis  that  certain  Japanese  words  in  the  /^<^-series  exhibit 

1.  With  regard  to /^<i!Wi  in  the  sense  of  "paper"  it  is  possible  that  the 
only  connection  with  kami  as  interpreted  above  is  that  of  mere  phonetic  coinci- 
dence, or,  again,  it  is  possible,  as  Revon  says,  that  paper  is  kami  because  it  is 
"  superior,"  that  is  of  unusual  importance  in  the  social  life  of  the  Japanese  people. 
It  is  to  be  noted,  however,  that  the  most  widely  used  magical  devices  of  Shint5, 
namely  the  gohei,  are  made  of  paper. 

2.  Cf.  ILE.R.E.,  Vol.  6.,  p  732. 


I/O  THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY    OF    MODERN   SHINT(5. 

a  remarkable  tendency  toward  bearing  a  content  of  mystery  and 
strangeness,  yields  very  suggestive  results  at  this  point.  We 
may  note  a  fairly  inclusive  group  of  apparently  related  ka  forms 
in  the  Japanese  language. 

Ka,  an  exclamation  of  surprise.  Note  nipa,  nipa-ka,  sud- 
denly ;  ka-ba  to,  suddenly. 

Ka,  the  sign  of  interrogation  or  indefiniteness  in  Japanese 
syntax.  This  particle  added  to  a  clause  or  sentence  indicates 
that  the  idea  in  the  preceding  words  is  indefinite,  vague  or  un- 
grasped.  The  exclamatory  form  is  probably  the  original  of  this 
interrogatory  form. 

Ka,  ka-ori,  ka-za,  odor,  smell ;  ka-gu,  to  smell. 

Ka,  kajni,  hair.  Cf,  ka-pa,  ka-ha,  ka-wa,  fur,  skin,  hide. 
The  old  form  ka-pa,  fur,  seems  to  be  made  up  from  the  elements, 
ka,  hair,  and  pada,  an  ancient  term  for  surface,  especially  the 
naked  surface  of  the  body.  In  modern  Japanese  the  archaic 
form  ka  passes  into  ke, 

Ka~bu,  ka-mu,  ka-bi,  ka-mi}  deity,  sacred,  etc.  Cf.  ogamu, 
to  worship. 

Ka-bu,  the  stump  of  a  tree,  Motoori's  statement  that  in 
ancient  Japanese  religion  tree  stumps  were  regarded  as  kami  may 
be  compared  with  the  practices  of  the  early  Canaanites  which 
made  divinities  of  tree  stumps,  along  with  stone  pillars,  Asheras 
and  Massebas.  The  original  religious  associations  of  the  tree 
stump  among  the  Canaanites  were  evidently  phallic.^ 

Ka-bu,  ka-buri,  the  head.  The  association  here  is  possibly 
the  widespread  idea  of  primitive  cultui  e  that  the  head  is  partic- 
ularly sacred  or  tabu.^ 

Ka-buru,  to  receive  on  the  head  [hence,  kabuseru,  to  cover], 
to  come  under  some  influence  and  as  a  result  to  be  impelled  in  a 

1.  The  form  tabu  of  Polynesia  assumes  various  similar  phonetic  variations, 
among  them  being,  tambu,  kabu  kabu  and  kaj>u,  Cf.  Churchill,  Wm.,  Polynesian 
Wartderings,  p,  264. 

2.  Cf.  Hopkins,  E.,  W.,  The  History  of  ReHgions  (New  York,  191 8),  p. 
421. 

3.  Cf.  Art.  «  Head,"  H.E.R.E.,  Vol.  6,  pp.  532-40. 


THE    POLITICAL    PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN    SHINTQ.  I/I 

certain  direction,  to  have  a  severe  pain  in  the  intestines  or  else- 
where, to  break  out  with  a  skin  eruption.  Behind  all  these 
meanings  there  seems  to  be  the  idea  of  the  operation  of  a  hidden, 
mysterious  influence.  Given  the  idea  of  touching  to  the  head  as 
making  sacred  or  taboo,  it  is  easy  to  see  how  this  may  well  be 
the  case.  In  one  meaning  the  operation  of  hidden  influence  is 
directly  stated,  while  in  the  meanings,  "to  have  a  severe  pain  "  and 
**  to  break  out  with  a  skin  eruption,"  .it  is  possible  to  discern, 
from  the  point  of  view  of  an  ancient  diagnosis,  the  idea  of  the 
activity  of  some  mysterious  agency.  Note  also  in  this  connec- 
tion ka-bure,  a  skin-eruption,  poisonsing,  good  or  evil  influence, 
leaven. 

Ka-karuy  to  depend  on,  to  hang,  to  afflict  with,  to  be  pos- 
sessed by,  etc. 

Ka-ki,  fence,  boundary,  enclosure.     Cf,  ki,  tree. 

Ka~giru,  to  limit,  to  restrict.  Cf.  kirUy  to  sever,  to  divide,  to 
limit. 

Ka~bi,  mould,  mildew,  buds  of  plants. 

Ka-mosii,  to  brew. 

Ka-i,  rice  in  the  ear,  a  head  of  grain.  The  term  appears  in 
the  ancient  norito, 

Ka-Z2u  number  ;    kazu  kasu,  in  great  numbers. 

Ka-ji,  rudder. 

Ka-gamarii,  to  be  crooked,  bent.  . 

Ka-ga-yaku,  to  shine,  to  glitter,     Cf,  yaku,  to  burn. 

Ka-kureru  {v.  i.),  to  hide,  to  disappear,  to  die,  to  perish. 

Ka-kusu  {v.  t.),  to  hide,  to  conceal. 

Ka-kuy  to  wane  (of  the  moon),  to  be  defective,  to  be  broken, 
to  be  flawed,  to  lack.  Cf,  ku,  kuru,  to  come.  Also,  kaku^  to 
scratch,  to  write,  to  draw  a  picture. 

Ka-me^  turtle,  tortoise — used  in  ancient  Japanese  divination. 
The  method  of  divination,  which  was  perhaps  borrowed  from 
continental  usage,  was  to  heat  the  shell  of  the  tortoise  in  fire  and 
to  read  the  marks  left  by  the  scorching.  It  is  possible  that  me 
is  here  the  same  as  w^,"  eye,"  a  word  which  has  a  large  number  of 


1/2  THE    POLITICAL    PHILOSOPHY    OF    MODERN   SHINT5. 

derivative  meanings,  among  them  *'  markings,"  as  on  measuring- 
sticks,  dice,  checkerboards,  etc. 

Ka-ge,  ha-ga,  reflection,  shadow  ;  divine  influence,  power, 
or  help.  Cf.  kagami,  mirror.  The  ge  or  ga  of  kage  {kaga), 
shadow,  is  perhaps  the  same  as  ke  {ge)y  spirit,  appearance,  aspect. 
Cf,  ke-muriy  smoke  ;  ke-sif  strange. 

Ka-zey  wind.  Ze  is  possibly  the  same  as  the  archaic  term  for 
wind,  si  or  shi.  For  an  example  of  the  s-z  mutation  cf,  si,  sisiy 
sizi,  thick. 

Ka-pa,  ka-ha,  ka-wa,  river.  In  the  application  of  ka  to 
wind  and  river  we  may  find,  on  the  hypothesis  here  assumed,  an 
indication  ot  early  human  reactions  toward  the  mystery  of  moving 
air  and  water. 

Ka-suka,  ka-soka,  dim,  faint,  vague,  distant  and  indistinct. 

Ka-sumiy  haze. 

Ka-nasi,  ka-nashi,  sad,  melancholy. 

Ka-sikoy  ka-shikoshi,  awful,  dreadful,  venerable  (derived 
meaning).* 

All  this  may  be  nothing  more  than  coincidence.  Yet  if 
coincidence  is  everything  that  can  be  said  in  the  matter,  surely  it 
is  most  remarkable.  The  fact  that  we  actually  have,  in  the 
archaic  Japanese  language,  a  form  in  which  ka  appears  as  an 
exclamation  of  surprise  lends  considerable  support  to  the  conjec- 
ture that  this  original  cry  has  entered  into  the  composition  of 
numerous  other  words  that  arose  out  of  emotional  reactions  in  the 
presence  of  whatever  was  mysterious,  startling,  unassimilated  \x\ 
the  social  life,  or  regarded  as  connected  with  some  uncontrolled 
influence.  Ka  is  undoubtedly  one  of  the  primary  elements  of 
original  Japanese  speech.  It  has  the  phonetic  form  of  a  most 
primitiv^e  cry.^  It  is  not  impossible  that  it  came  over  into 
human  speech  out  of  pre-human  articulation. 

The  element  mi  in  kami  need  not  detain  us.     If  the  above 


1.  On  the  above  meanings  consult  Dai  Nikon  Kokngo  Jiten^  s.v. 

2.  Cf.  Aston,  W.G.,  "Japanese  Onomatopes  and  the  Origin  of  Language," 
Jotir.  Anth.  Inst.y  Vol.  23,  pp.  332-62. 


THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN   SHINTO.  1 73 

analysis  has  in  it  anything  more  than  mere  coincidence,  then  the 
mi  syllable  may  be  accounted  for  in  the  same  sense  as  numerous 
other  analogous  forms  in  the  Japanese  language.  It  is  possible, 
as  Miura  suggests,  that  it  signifies  substantiality  or  form.  It 
may  likewise  be  taken  in  the  sense  of  the  common  suffix  mi, 
similar  in  meaning  to  the  English  "  ness,"  denoting  quality  or 
state,  as  in  aka?ni,  **  redness,"  {aka,  *'  red  "),  omomi,  "  weight  " 
{omoi,  "  heavy  "),  etc.  In  this  sense  ka?m  would  mean  simply 
ka-nQss.  If  either  kamu  or  kabu  is  found  to  be  original  then  the 
u-i  mutation  must  be  accounted  for.  This  form  of  discussion, 
however,  cannot  be  carried  at  present  beyond  the  stage  of  con- 
jecture. Whatever  the  correct  etymology  of  ka?ni  may  be,  the 
actual  historical  usage  is  as  has  been  given  in  the  preceding 
discussion. 

We  may  turn  to  the  general  summary  of  the  argument  of 
this  chapter.  In  this  connection  it  is  to  be  said  that  unity  is  to 
be  found  in  the  different  meanings  oi  kami  ]u^  as  it  Js  found,  for 
example,  in  the  various  applications  of  inana  or  orenda,  I» 
other  words,  kami  is  fundamentally  a  term  that  distinguishes  "^ 
between  a  world  of  ceremonially  sacred  thhigs,  thought  of  as 
filled  with  mysterious  power,  and  a  world  of  common  things 
{s/iimo)  that  lie  within  the  control  of  ordinary  technique. 

Although  upon  examination  of  the  meanings  of  the  various   ^    ^ 
terms  from  the  ethnic  fields  that   have  been  just  considered,     hH'^^ 
minor  differences   can    be    distinguished,    dependent   primarily  \^ 

upon  variation  in  geographical  and  social  factors,  yet  in  their  'ftyt^ 
general  applications  all  the  forms  are  identical.  From  a  psycho- 
logical standpoint  they  are  markers  for  the  *'  super-ordinary," 
spirit  world  of  primitive  man.  Even  in  their  detailed  meanings 
there  is  remarkable  similarity.  The  ceremonial  regard  for  white 
snakes,  white  foxes,  white  birds,  etc.,  in  Shintd  is  to  be  matched 
with  the  Malayan  belief  in  which  animals  that  exhibit  albinism 
are  kramat,  that  is  connected  with  a  mysterious,  superhuman 
power.  Izanagi's  staff  which  was  kami  is  repeated  in  the  magic 
staff  of  the  Mangarevan  which  was  mana.     The  same  is  true  of 


1/4  THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN   SHINT5. 

Izanagi's  sword.  The  wonderful  sword  of  the  Maori  is  mana. 
Among  the  natives  of  Madagascar  the  book  of  the  European 
which  could  speak  when  merely  looked  at  was  "  god,"  To 
the  Masai  a  lamp  was  a  mysterious  being.  The  Ainu  called  the 
European  warships  kamuL  Among  the  Algonquins,  English 
ships  and  great  buildings  were  inanitoo.  The  Japanese  peasants 
propitiated  the  first  foreign-style  houses  that  they  saw.  All  these 
usages  originate  in  the  same  fundamental  emotional  reactions. 
That  elementary  Japanese  world  view  which  finds  kami  in  sun, 
moon,  sky,  fire,  storm,  thunder,  lightning,  earthquake,  sea, 
rivers,  springs,  water,  plants,  trees,  rocks,  mountains,  foxes, 
wolves,  badgers  and  men  is  seen,  on  actual  investigation,  to  be 
based  on  a  primitive  human  experience  which  reaches  back  in 
time  to  an  unknown  antiquity  and  which  in  geographical  exten- 
sion fairly  covers  the  earth.  The  Shintd  practice  which  makes 
kami  of  emperors,  of  ancestors  and  of  individuals  of  *'  superior 
merit,"  is  to  be  analyzed  and  accounted  for  with  exactly  the 
same  psychological  apparatus  as  is  used,  for  example,  in  explain- 
ing the  fact  that  the  living  shaman  and  the  great  chiefs  of  the 
Sioux  are  regarded  as  having  made  mysterious  connections  with 
wakanda,  or  that  in  Madagascar  ancestors  and  deceased  sov- 
ereigns are  andriamanitra. 

All  the  terms  that  have  been^examined  reflect  attitudes  and 
emotions  of  caution,  awe,  fear,  wonder,  reverence  or  expansion 
in  the  presence  of  a  great  mass  of  experiences  with  various  sorts 
of  objects  in  the  environment  in  which  man  has  found  himself. 
These  diverse  objects  are,  nevertheless,  united  in  this,  that  all,  in 
one  way  or  another,  are  extraordinary,  new,  terrifying,  or  of 
unusual  significance,  that  is  unassimilated  or  not  fully  controlled 
in  the  ordinary  life  of  the  individual  and  the  group,  and  thus  to 
be  guarded  against  with  precautionary  ceremony.  The  unique 
object  of  experience,  whether  sun,  moon,  storm,  wind,  thunder, 
lightning,  strange  tree,  aged  stump,  stone  of  odd  shape,  uncanny 
animal,  skillful  hunter,  great  chief  or  mighty  sovereign — whatever 
it  may  be — induces  an  unusual  emotional  response.      This  is  the 


THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN    SHINTO.  1/5 

"  religious  thrill."  For  the  sake  of  exactness  we  may,  perhaps 
better,  adopt  the  old  Japanese  exclamation  or  cry  and  call  it  a 
i'^-emotion  or  a  /^^-reaction.  This  ka-&n\oMon  lies  at  the  very 
basis  of  primitive  supernaturalism ;  or,  if  '^  supernaturalism " 
seems  to  imply  a  distinction  that  early  man  never  knew,  it  may 
be  said  that  this  emotional  reaction  lies  at  the  basis  of  all  primi- 
tive philosophy  of  the  supf  rordinary.  In  arriving  at  this  philo- 
sophy primitive  man  simply  makes  a  generalization  of  his  separate 
experiences.  The  i^-emotion  throws  the  attention  into  special 
activity,  a  "  watch  out  "  attitude  is  induced,  the  emotion  is  found 
to  repeat  itself  in  contact  with  a  multitude  of  diversified  objects 
which  externally  appear  to  have  no  connection  whatsoever. 
Nevertheless  the  uniformity  of  the  emotion  becomes  the  ground 
on  which  the  intelligence  posits  the  existence  of  a  corresponding 
agency  operating  as  a  uniform  cause  in  all  the  various  objects 
that  have  stimulated  the  emotion  itself.  This  is  kami  ;  it  is  mana 
or  orenda.  In  other  words  since  there  is  no  place  for  the  unique 
object  in  the  ordinary,  well-known,  everyday  world,  it  is  put 
into  a  mysterious,  '^  over- head  "  world  and  treated  with  a  special 
technique  ;  it  is  either  in  and  of  itself  kainiy  or  kami  appears  in 
it  as  a  marvel- working  force.  Precautionary  ceremonial  handling 
of  such  objects  becomes  all  important  and  these  precautionary 
activities  themselves  become  sacred  customs  and  sacred  rituals. 

With  such  conclusions  in  mind  it  hardly  needs  to  be  pointed 
out  that  the  kaini-y^Q.2,  of  Shinto  does  not  have  its  basis  in  an 
original  pantheistic  world  view.  Old  Shint5  is  not  pan-psychism 
or  hylozoism.'  Nor,  again,  is  the  original  idea  of  kami  an  ancient 
recognition  of  the  revelation  of  the  "  Great  Life  of  the  Universe."^ 
The  psychological  analysis  of  the  Japanese  idea  and  a  comparison 
with  the  usages  of  other  fields  leaves  absolutely  no  remainder  to 
be  accounted  for  under  such  terms  as  pantheism  or  pan-psychism. 

Modern  Shintd  still  preserves  the  ancient  philosophy  of 
kami,     Mr.  T.   Kanamori,   writing  from  the  standpoint  of  the 

1.  See  above  p.  4. 

2.  Sec  above  p.  102. 


1^6  THE    POLITICAL    PHILOSOPHY    OF    MODERN    SHINT5. 

rank  and  file  of  the  Japanese  people,  has  given  a  statement  of 
present  day  ideas  regarding  kaini  that  might  almost  serve  as  a 
definition  of  mana.  "  The  Japanese  term  kami,  in  a  word, 
indicates  anything  that  possesses  power  that  is  superior  to  the 
human.  It  is  not  limited- to  men.  Birds,  beasts  and  insects,  in 
case  they  are  regarded  as  possessing  mysterious  force  are  imme- 
diately looked  upon  as  ka?ni.  Old  foxes,  old  badgers,  big 
snakes,  centipedes,  all  are  worshipped  as  kajiti.  If  a  great  tree 
is  found  standing  out  conspicuously  in  the  forest,  it  is  said,  '  m 
that  tree  dwells  a  tree-spirit,'  and  immediately  a  sacred  rope  {shime 
nawa)  is  hung  about  it.  A  great  rock  is  worshipped  as  O-iwa-dai- 
inyo-jin  ('  Big-Rock-Great- Wonderful-God  ').  Also  there  are 
people  who  worship  the  sun,  moon  and  stars  as  kami^^ 

A  recently  published  study,  entitled  Ujigami  to  Ujiko, 
'*  Tutelary  Deities  and  their  Proteges,"  takes  up  the  account  of 
the  existing  religious  life  of  the  Japanese  people  as  it  centers  in 
the  Shinto  shrines.  Although  the  investigation  is  far  from 
systematic,  yet  it  does  present  first-class  evidence  going  to  show 
the  extent  to  which  the  old  ka?ni-ide2i  is  still  central  in  modern 
Shinto.  According  to  this  book  the  kami  worshipped  at  the 
shrines  include  the  following  :  '*  the  three  kami  of  creation  " 
who  appear  at  the  very  beginning  of  the  Kojiki,  namely  Ame-no- 
mi-naka-nushi-no-kami,  Taka-mi-jnusubi-no-kami,  and  Kami-mu- 
subi-no-kami ;  the  two  great  parents  of  the  race,  Izanagi  and 
Izanami ;  the  two  great  ancestors  of  the  Imperial  Line,  namely 
Ama-terasn-d~mi-kami  and  Susa-no-wo-no-mikoto  ;  other  ancestral 
kami,  both  of  the  Imperial  Family  and  of  the  common  people  ; 
O'kimi-nnshi-no-kamiy  "  who  governs  the  Hidden  World  "  ;  the 
moon  god  {Tsuki-yomi-no-mikoto) ;  the  great  food-goddess 
{Uke-mochi-nO'kami) ;  the  harvest  god  (^Mi-toshi-no-kami)  ;  the 
kami  of  the  five  elements,  i.e.  of  wind,  fire,  metal,  water  and 
earth ;  kami  of  the  sea,  of  grasses,  of  trees,  of  mountains,  of 
rivers,  of  river-mouths,  of  the  distribution  of  water,  of  wells,  of 

I.     Kanamoiiy  Tsurin,    Shinko  no    Summe    (^^jS^    ^%%^^^t  *' A" 
Exhorlaliou  to  Faith,"  Tokyo,  1916),  pp,  lo-ii. 


THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY    OF    MODERN    SHINTO.  I// 

kitchens  (Kamado-no-kami),  of  gateways  and  of  privies  {Kawa- 
ya-no-kami)  ;  patron  kami  of  tradesmen  such-  as  the  kami  of 
carpenters  or  the  kami  of  smiths  ;  patron  kami  of  one's  birth- 
place ;  kami  who  protect  the  coming  and  going  of  ships ;  phallic 
kami  {Saruta-hiko-no-kami,  Sahe~no-kami,  Dosojin,  etc.);  kami 
who  bring  happiness  and  intelligence  ;  kami  who  bring  misfortune 
and  evil  {inaga-kami)  ;  and  also  spirits  of  enemies  living  and 
dead,  of  foxes  and  of  badgers  who  cast  malign  influences  and 
curses  on  men.^ 

This  outline  of  the  modern  Shinto  pantheon  to  which  the 
discussion  in  Ujigami  to  Ujiko  introduces  us,  incomplete  though 
it  is,  yet  serves  to  make  plain  the  fact  that  modern  Shintd  still 
breeds  true  to  original  type.  Another  contemporary  publication 
includes  in  the  pantheon  "  the  eight  myriad  kami  of  heaven  and 
the  eight  myriad  kami  of  earth  who  have  divided  control  over 
mountains,  rivers,  grains,  grasses  and  trees, — that  is  over  all  things 
of  the  universe."^ 

A  first  hand  study  of  the  shrines  will  confirm  the  above 
statements  of  the  idea  of  kami  in  modern  Shinto.  The  most 
popular  rural  shrines  are  those  of  Inari,  a  kami  whose  exact 
origins  are  obscure  but  who,  nevertheless,  is  assigned  the  primary 
function  of  presiding  over  food  especially  over  rice.  A  census 
of  Inari  shrines,  if  it  could  be  secured,  would  furnish  valuable 
evidence  regarding  one  of  the  preponderant  religious  interests  of 
modern  Japan.  A  conservative  estimate  of  the  number  of  Inari 
shrines  must  place  the  total  well  up  in  the  thousands.  Inari,  if 
rightly  propitiated  and  appealed  to  grants  the  "  hundred  cereals," 
wealth,  general  prosperity,  and  happiness  to  man.^  His  mes- 
senger is  the  mysterious  fox.     In  numerous  cases,  however,  the 

1.  6«2«y^?,  Takeichi,  Ujigami  to  Ujiko  {^^f."^—,  J3£l'?ij3t^>  "Tutelary 
Deities  and  their  Proteges,"  Tokyo,  1920),  Appendix,  pp.  1-9. 

2.  Kanzaki,  Kazusaku,  Shinto  Honkyoku  Kiyo  (|f  iIJ§— f^,  jfif  iE?jii.^$E^» 
"A  Memoir  on  Shinto  Honkyoku,"  Tokyo,  1914),  p.  8. 

3.  Cf,  Ishikura,  Shigetsugu,  Kasama  Inari  Jinja  Engi  (H:5^M^>  .^^^ 
^fli^^^^,  "The  History  of  the  Kasama  Inari  Shrine,"  Kasama,  Ibaraki 
Province,  1 904),  pp.  5-7. 


1 78  THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN    SHINTO. 

fox  itself  is  worshipped  as  Inari.  Inari  shrines  are  a  part  of  the 
official  cult.  An  example  of  this  relationship  is  to  be  seen  in  the 
fact  that  the  chief  priest  of  the  great  Inari  Shrine  at  Kasama  in 
Ibaraki  Province  receives  the  treatment  of  a  state  official  appoint- 
ed under  the  approval  of  the  Emperor  {sonin  rank). 

The  official  definition  that  Shinto  is  not  a  religion  and  that 
the  idea  of  kami  in  the  state  cult  does  not  partake  of  the  super- 
naturalism  of  ordinary  religion  must  likewise  be  made  to  cover 
various  phallic  shrines,  as,  for  example,  the  Ebishima  Shrine 
near  Ishikoshi,  north  of  Sendai,  the  Shrine  of  the  "  Road- 
Ancestor-God  "  {Dosojin)  of  Wakayanagi,  also  near  Ishikoshi, 
shrines  to  Dosojin  at  Ichinoseki,  at  Kashima,  and  at  Aikomura 
in  Rikuzen,  the  Iwato  Shrine  of  Shikoku,  also  shrines  of  phallic 
kajni  at  Miyanoura  and  elsewhere  in  the  Inland  Sea.^  Japanese 
kami  under  more  than  eighty  different  names  have  been  identifi- 
ed as  associated  with  phallicism.^  In  the  village  of  Kiryu,  of  the 
district  of  Yamada,  in  Kozuke,  is  a  forked  tree  which  is  worship- 
ped as  the  kami  of  male  and  female  union  {danjo  engiimi  no 
kami).^  Small  way-side  shrines  are  frequently  found  near 
forked  trees.  A  plain  forked  stick  may  sometimes  be  found 
thrown  in  at  phallic  shrines  along  with  emblems  of  the 
phallus  and  kteis.  A  phallic  deity  is  sometimes  called  inata-no- 
kami  or  chimata-no-kami^  "  crotch-/'^;///  "  or  ''  ioxV-kami'^  All 
this  is  a  part  of  the  cult  of  the  shrines. 

At  certain  shrines  tooth-ache  is  cured  ;  some  specialize  in  eye 
diseases,  others  in  ear  trouble  ;  there  are  numerous  shrines  where 
the  kami  protect  against  conscription  into  the    Japanese   army. 


1.  Cf.  Chub  Bukkyo,  "  Dosojin  to  Seishokki  Suhai"  Sept.,  1921,  pp.  62-72 
(4»:^{^tit,  ilMf?  :^  ^5tI^^#»  ^^'<?  Central  Buddhism,  "  Road  Ancestor  Gods 
andPhallicism"). 

2.  Cf.  Shin  Fukyo,  **  Shukyo  to  Seiyoku^''  March  and  April,  1921  (Double 
Number,  pp.  120-121  [^/flg^,  ^^i^fel^'  ^'"^  Propagandism  (Buddhist), 
*'  Religion  and  Sex  Hunger  "J. 

3.  Ito,  Entei,  Sekai  ftidai  Shukyo  Hayawakari  (^j^®^,  ^^•\'-h'^WL 
^^)0'^*^^ »  "  '^'^  Introduction  to  the  Ten  Great  Religions  of  the  World,"  Tokyo, 
1920),  p.  787. 


THE    POLITICAL    PHILOSOPHY    OF    MODERN    SHINTO.  1/9 

The  icho  or  gingko  tree  is  a  sacred  object  at  many  modern 
shrines.  In  the  eastern  suburbs  of  the  city  of  Sendai  a  magni- 
ficent specimen  of  this  tree,  with  large  mammilliform  pro- 
tuberances, is  regarded  as  the  shrine  ot  a  kanii  who  supplies 
milk  to  nursing  mothers.  The  tree  has  before  it  the  regulation 
torii  which  marks  all  shrines  in  the  official  cult.  The  same 
thing  may  be  found  widespread  throughout  Japan.  The  ex- 
ceedingly diversified  nature  of  the  content  of  the  kaini-\6iQ.'du  of 
modern  Shinto  may  be  further  seen  in  the  fact  that  between  the 
years  1869  and  19 16  the  spirits  of  120,070  persons  who  lost 
their  lives  in  the  active  military  service  of  the  Japanese  state 
were  enshrined  in  the  Yasiikiini  Shrine  of  Tokyo.^  These  also 
are  kami  of  the  modern  official  cult. 

This  complex  religious  idea  gives  us  modern  Shinto,  which 
is  thus  neither  exclusively  ancestor  worship  nor  exclusively  nature 
worship  ;  nor,  again,  can  it  be  fully  defined  merely  as  an  amalga- 
mation of  the  two.  Shinto  is  /'rt:/;//-cult,  with  hand  understood 
in  the  sense  of  niana. 

In  the  foregoing  investigation  we  have  had  under  survey 
the  fundamental  idea  of  Shinto.  The  conception  which  the 
examination  lays  bare  is  simply  that  of  naive  philosophy  the 
world  over.  The  idea  of  kainl  is  certainly  not  unique,  in  spite 
of  what  Japanese  apologists  for  the  official  cult  like  Okuma  and 
Haga  may  say  to  the  contrary.  On  the  other  hand,  Jthe  idea  of 
an  *'  over-head  "  world,  permeated  by  a  mysterious  and  magical 
force,  is  exactly  that  of  primitive  religion  and  philosophy  every- 
where. 

The  investigation  cannot  stop  here,  however.  It  needs  to 
be  remembered  that  Japanese  officialdom  has  declared  that 
whatever  ideas  or  beliefs  the  people  themselves  may  have,  the ' 
government  does  not  look  upon  the  shrines  as  being  religious  in 
nature.  It  is  neces<^ary  to  carry  the  discussion  more  directly 
<;ver  onto  that  ground  which  the  government  itself  has  marked 

I.     Kamo,    Momoki,     Yasukimi   Jinja    Ichiran   C^'^l^iJ'   W\WMt~''^* 
*«  A  Guide  to  ihe  Yasukimi  Shrine,"  Tokyo,  1919',  p-  4. 


l8o  THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY    OF    MODERN    SHINTO. 

out  as  the  area  of  the-  true  cult  of  the  shrines.  It  is  incumbent  upon 
us,  then,  to  investigate  specifically  the  claims  made  regarding  the 
great  kami  that  head  the  imperial  genealogies  of  modern  Japan. 
In  the  ensuing  discussion  we  must  take  up  the  problem  of  the 
historicity  of  some  of  the  most  important  characters  involved  in 
the  ancestral  theory  of  modern  official  Shinto. 


THE    POLITICAL    PHILOSOPHY    OF    MODERN    SHINT5.  l8l 

CHAPTER  VI. 

The  Mythology  of  the  Official  Cult  : 
The  Original  Parents. 

Article  I  of  the  present  Constitution  of  Japan  in  the  official 
Engh'sh  translation  reads,  "  The  Empire  of  Japan  shall  be  reigned 
over  and  governed  by  a  line  of  Emperors  unbroken  for  ages 
eternal."^  Article  III,  following  declares,  "  The  Emperor  is 
sacred  and  inviolable."  We  have  here  stated  two  propositions 
that  have  become  fundamental  dogmas  in  modern  p3litical 
Shinto.  In  Article  1  is  expressed  the  dogma  of  a  single  dynasty 
unchanging  from  time  immemorial  and  closely  involved  there- 
with  the  idea  that  this  indestructible  line  must  continue  on  into  an 
unlimited  future.  In  Article  III  is  stated  the  dogma  of  the 
sacred  person  of  the  Emperor.  Prince  Ito,  who  more  than  any 
other  individual  Japanese  subject  was  responsible  for  the  contents. 
of  the  Constitution,  defines  the  close  connection  existing  between 
Articles  I  and  III  when  he  says  "The  Emperor  is  Heaven 
descended,  divine  and  sacred."''  In  other  words  a  convincing 
manifestation  of  imperial  divinity  is  to  be  found  in  the  unbroken 
genealogical  connections  with  the  Divine  Ancestors  of  the  Age 
of  the  Gods. 

Ito  in  exposition  of  Article  III  has  further  written,  "  Since 
the  time  when  the  first  Imperial  Ancestor  opened  it,  the  country 
has  not  been  free  from  occasional  checks  in  its  prosperity  nor 
from  frequent  disturbances  of  its  tranquillity  ;  but  the  splendor 

1.  For  editions  of  the  official  English  translation  of  the  Japanese  Constitu- 
tion consult  Ito,  H.,  Commentaries  ojt  the  Constitution  of  the  Empire  of  Japan 
(Tokyo  1889) ;  T.  A.  S.  J.,  Vol  XLII,  Pt.  I,  pp.  136  ff. ;  Uehara,  The  Political 
Development  of  Japan^  Appendix,  pp.  277  fF.  For  the  Japanese  text  of  the  Con- 
stitution together  with  the  original  of  Ito's  Commentaries  see  0J-]^tSX»  ^WW(k 
^^^^#^>  fij'st  ed.,  1889;  seventh  ed.,  1914. 

2.  See  above  p.  121. 


^J 


1 82  THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN   SHINT5. 

of  the  Sacred  Throne  transmitted  through  an  unbroken  line  of 
one  and  the  same  dynasty  has  always  remained  as  immutable  as 
that  of  the  heavens  and  of  the  earth.  At  the  outset,  this  Article 
states  the  great  principle  of  the  Constitution  of  the  country,  and 
declares  that  the  Empire  of  Japan  shall,  to  the  end  of  time, 
identify  itself  with  the  Imperial  dynasty  unbroken  in  lineage,  and 
that  the(i  principle  has  never  changed  in  the  past,  and  will  never 
change  in  the  future,  even  to  all  eternity.  It  is  intended  thus  to 
make  clear  forever  the  relations  that  shall  exist  between  the 
Emperor  and  His  subjects."^  The  Preamble  to  the  Imperial 
House  Law  contains  the  statement,  "  The  Imperial  Throne  of 
Japan,  enjoying  the  Grace  of  Heaven  and  evedasting  from  ages 
eternal  in  an  unbroken  line  of  succession,  has  been  transmitted  to 
us  through  successive  reigns."^  The  Preamble  to  the  Constitu- 
tution  likewise  opens  with  the  words,  "  Having,  by  virtue  of  the 
glories  of  Our  Ancestors  ascended  the  Throne  of  a  lineal  succes- 
sion unbroken  for  ages  eternal ""^ 


1.  Il5,  Commentaries f  pp.  2-3. 

2.  Ibid.,  p.  153. 

3.  Ibid ^  Intro,  p.  XI. 

The  sacred  character  of  the  Emperor  i.s  officially  supported  by  surrounding  his 
contacts  with  his  subjects  with  numerous  safeguards  and  restrictions  that  are  written 
into  the  national  laws  themselves.  In  these  various  regulations  it  is  possible  to  dis- 
cern the  influence  and  continuation  of  ancient  taboos  such  as  are  aUached  to  sacred 
persons  in  early  culture.  Regulations  regarding  the  use  of  the  imperial  name  on  the 
part  of  the  people  may  be  noted  first.  In  old  Japanese  civilization  the  name  of  a  royal 
person  was  an  imi-na,  that  is  a  tabu-name,  and  usage  thereof  was  limited  to  emperors 
and  princes  of  the  blood  [Cf.  Harada,  T.,  «  Names  (Japanese),"  H.  E.  R.  E.,  Vol. 
9,  p.  167).  Modern  Japanese  law  perpetuates  this  old  safeguard  Subjects  may 
make  use  of  the  separate  ideograms  of  the  imperial  names  in  writing'  personal  or 
family  names,  but  the  private  name  of  the  Emperor  in  its  entirety  13  still  taboo. 
The  law  of  March  28,  1873  ^^7^  relative  to  this  inatter,  "  The  usage  of  the  ideo- 
grams of  the  names  of  past  Emperors  or  of  the  name  of  the  reigning  Emperor  is 
not  forbidden  I0  the  people  from  now  on.  However,  it  is  not  permitted  to  use 
the  imperial  name  as  such."  (H.  Z.,  1873,  p.  155,  Order  of  the  Council  of  State, 
No.  118).  This  situation  in  modern  Japan  is  to  be  studied  as  a  primitive  survival 
utilized  in  the  interests  of  political  control.  To  be  understood  it  mu.st  be  com- 
pared with  the  elaborate  protections  and  prohibitions  with  which  the  secret  names 


THE    POLITICAL    PHILOSOPHY    OF    MODERN    SHINTO.  1 83 

These  ideas  thus  written  prominency  into  the  most  import- 
ant documents  of  the  Japanese  state  are  constantly  echoed  and 
reechoed  throughout  the  length  and  breadth  of  modern  Japan 
from  teacher's  desk,  from  press  and  from  speaker's  platform 

of  sacred  persons  such  as  sorcerers,  chiefs,  priests  and  kings  are  surrounded  in 
lower  culture.  The  Japanese  usage  is  to  be  examined  in  the  light  of  what  modem 
anthropology  has  to  say  concerning  widespread  practices  relating  to  name-souls 
and  the  magical  use  of  names  in  casting  spells  even  to  the  extent  of  bringing 
death  to  others  by  manipulating  their  real  names.  The  modern  Japanese  law 
which  withholds  the  private  name  of  the  Emperor  from  the  danger  and  defilement 
of  popular  usage  is  only  one  instance  of  a  similar  practice  in  other  fields.  Mate- 
rial for  comparative  study  here  is  very  extensive.  In  certain  primitive  societies 
punishment  with  death  was  visited  upon  those  subjects  who  took  the  royal  name 
as  their  own.  [For  literature  and  discussion  see  Foucart,  G.,  "  Names  (Primitive)," 
H.  E.l^.  E.,  Vol.  9,  pp.  130-6.  For  a  case  in  modern  Japan  of  suicide  arising 
out  of  social  chagrin  at  an  illegal  use  of  the  sacred  imperial  name  see  W.  M.  Mc- 
Govern,  Modern  Japan  (London,  1920),  p.  129]. 

In  royal  jourrieyings  contacts  with  the  people  are  likewise  closely  guarded.  A 
law  issued  on  March  9,  1873  covers  the  matter  of  imperial  processions  with 
the  following  regulation,  "  On  the  occasion  of  an  imperial  procession,  people 
passing  along  the  imperial  route,  at  sight  of  the  royal  ensign,  must  dis- 
mount from  horses  and  vehicles,  must  remove  coverings  such  as  umbrellas 
and  hats  and,  standing  by  the  wayside,  must  make  obeisance."  (H.  Z.,  1873, 
p.  76.  Order  of  Council  of  State,  No.  96).  The  application  of  the  law  is 
extended  so  as  to  prevent  looking  down  on  the  Emperor  from  any  superior  posi- 
tion as  from  upper  windows  or  tramcars.  With  this  Japanese  practice  is  to  be 
compared  the  widespread  idea  of  the  sacredness  of  the  head  and  the  notion  that 
the  head  must  not  come  below  any  inferior  or  contaminating  person  or  thing. 
{Cf.  "  Head,"  H.  E.  R.  E.,  Vol.  6,  pp.  532-40,  esp.  p.  532). 

The  great  detail  with  which  the  Japanese  government  controls  the  contacts 
between  the  common  people  and  the  Sovereign  may  be  seen  in  regulations  setting 
forth  the  "  Form  of  Obeisance  for  Students  on  the  Occasion  of  an  Imperial  Pro- 
cession "  [Emperor,  Empress  and  Crown  Prince] .  The  directions  cover  both 
military  and  non-military  occasions.  The  former  incidentally  reflects  the  extent 
to  which  military  training  is  a  part  ol  the  normal  Japanese  educational  system, 
especially  in  Middle  Schools.  The  regulations  read :  "  The  form  of  obeisance 
for  students  on  the  occasion  ol  an  imperial  procession  is  fixed  as  follows. 

"  I.  Military  form.  The  school  principal  and  staff  shall  take  their  places  at 
the  extreme  right  of  the  entire  corps.  Group  leaders  shall  take  their  places  to 
the  right  of  each  group.  Students  shall  have  previously  fixed  bayonets.  On  the 
appearance  of  the  vanguard  of  the  imperial  procession  the  leaders  shall  give  the 
command,  '  Attention  ! '     Students  shall  assume  an  erect  and  unmoving  attitude. 


1 84  THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN   SHINTO. 

alike.  The  establishing  of  genealogical  connections  that  are 
"  everlasting  from  ages  eternal  "  necessitates  identification  with 
various  personages  appearing  in  the  ancient  Shinto  pantheon,  a 
fact  which,  in  turn,  supplies  a  basis  on  which  a  modern  Shinto 
writer  like  Tanaka  Yoshito  can  claim  the  Japanese  Constitution 
itself  as  a  Shinto  document/ 


When  the  imperial  carriage  has  approached  to  approximately  ten  paces  from  the 
company  the  leaders  shall  command,  <  Present  Arms.'  All  shall  simultaneously 
present  arms.  When  the  imperial  procession  has  passed  to  approximately  ten 
paces  to  the  left  they  shall  take  their  former  positions. 

"  After  the  imperial  carriage  has  passed  to  the  extreme  left  of  the  corps, 
principal,  teachers  and  group  leaders  shall  take  up  their  positions  to  the  left. 

*<  2.  Non-military  form  (includes  girl  students).  The  school  principal  and 
staff  shall  lake  their  places  at  the  extreme  right  of  the  entire  body.  Group  leaders 
shall  take  their  places  to  the  right  of  each  group.  On  the  appearance  of  the 
vanguard'of  the  imperial  procession  the  command, '  Attention  ! ',  shall  be  given  and 
all  shall  remove  hats  simultaneously  and  shall  assume  an  erect  dnd  unmoving  atti- 
tude. When  the  imperial  carriage  comes  in  front  of  the  group  leader  the  com- 
mand, '  Salute,'  shall  be  given  and  all  shall  make  obeisance  (that  is,  with  eyes 
fixed  on  the  imperial  carriage  the  upper  part  oi  the  body  shall  be  bent  forward 
about  thirty  degrees).  At  the  command,  '  As  you  were  ! ',  they  shall  take  their 
former  positions. 

"  After  the  imperial  carriage  has  passed  to  the  extreme  left  of  the  body, 
principal  ttachers  and  group  leaders  shall  take  up  their  positions  to  the  left." 

(Department  of  Education.  Order  No.  i8,  August  26,  I910.  Genko  Tokyofu 
Gakurei  Ruisan,  p.  346;. 

Regulations  regarding  the  public  use  of  imperial  portraits  are  as  follows : 

"  I.  The  portraits  of  the  Emperor  and  ot  the  members  of  the  imperial 
family  whether  or  not  they  bear  the  imperial  titles  or  names  must  not  be  repro-' 
duced  except  as  imperial  portraits. 

"  2.  Imperial  portraits  must  never  be  so  made  as  to  show  carelessness  or 
disrespect. 

"  3.  The  imperial  portrait  must  not  be  hung  or  exhibited  in  a  place  of 
disrespect. 

"  4.  The  imperial  portrait  must  not  be  put  on  sale  or  distributed  at  street- 
stalls."  {Genko  Tokyofu  Gakurei  Ruisan,  pp.  1-2).  The  sale  of  the  imperial 
portrait  in  regular  shops  is  fully  permitted.  In  such  cases  the  royal  features  are 
frequently  screened  by  attaching  a  piece  of  white  paper.  The  government  regula- 
tion covering  the  care  of  the  imperial  portraits  in  public  schools  has  already  been 
given.     (See  above,  p.  75,  n.  i). 

I.     Tanaka,  Y.,  Shinto  TetsugqMu  Seigi,  p.  208. 


THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN    SHINTO.  1 85 

The  question  is  thus  raised  for  us  as  to  how  we  shall  interpret 
the  oldest  Japanese  ancestral  traditions.  The  Japanese  govern- 
ment by  declaring  that  Shinto  is  not  a  religion,  while  at  the  same 
time  attempting  to  retain  the  support  of  the  ancient  genealogical 
connections  assigned  to  important  personages  of  state,  would 
appear  to  be  logically  under  the  necessity  of  declaring  that  the 
gods  were  men.  That  the  government  has  not  made  its  position 
altogether  clear  in  this  matter  will  be  shown  later.  Whatever 
theological  presuppositions  may  be  involved  in  the  official  stand- 
point, it  is  to  be  here  noted  that  the  government  does  attempt  to 
build  on  the  proposition  that  the  great  kami  of  the  ancient 
records  are  to  be  accounted  for  completely  under  the  ancestral 
hypothesis.  The  implications  of  such  a  position  are  fully  carried 
out  in  the  instruction  administered  under  official  direction  in  the 
public  schools  of  Japan. 

In  presenting  an  example  of  the  manner  in  which  the  details 

of  this  state  pedagogy  are  worked  out  in  the  modern  Japanese 

educational  system  we  may   cite  the  recently  published   Chu 

Gaku  Nihon  Rekishi,  '^  Japanese  History  for  Middle  Schools,"  a 

text-book  which,   on  the   word   of  the  publishers,  has  a  wider 

usage  in  the  Middle  Schools  of  Tokyo  thcUi  any  other  similar 

work.     It  is  also  extensively  used  in  the  provinces.     According 

to  this  text-book,  the  relevant  portion  of  the  royal  pedigree  is  as 

follows  : 

"  Summarized  Genealogy  of  the  Imperial  Family. 
Izanagi-no-mikoto  and  Izanami-no-mikoto 

! 

1  I  I 

Ama-terasu-o-mi-kami.  Tsuki-yomi-nomikoto.  Susa-no-wo-no-mikoto. 

I  _  I 

Ame-no-oshi-ho-mimi  no-mikofo.  0-kuni-niishino-mikoto. 

I 
Ama-tsu  hiko-hiko-ho-no  ninlgi  no-mikoto. 

HikohO'ho-demi  nomikoto. 

1 
Hiko-nagisa  take  u  gaya-fuki-ahezu-no-mikoto. 

I 
Jimmu  Tenno  (First  Emperor.    Original  Japanese  name  is  Kamu-yamato- 
ihare-hiko-nomikoto).    Ascended  the  throne  660  B.C'i 

I.     Shiba,  Kuzumori,  Chu  Gaku  Nihon Rekishi {^%^y  ^W^VH^'^^V^y 


1 86  THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN   SHINT5. 

From  this  point  on  the  genealogy  continues  down  through 
the  officially  established  lineage  to  the  reigning  Emperor  who  ac- 
cordingly came  to  the  throne  as  the  one  hundred  twenty-second 
Emperor  in  the  2572nd  Year  of  the  Empire  after  the  accession 
of  Jimmu  Tenno.  The  reigning  Emperor  is  thus  the  direct 
descendant  of  Izanagi  and  Izanami,  and  of  course  of  the  Great 
A  ncest  ress,  ^ ;;/<3;- teras  u-  o-mi-ka  mi. 

Chapter  I  of  the  discussion  after  a  characteristic  introduc- 
tion takes  up  the  explanation  of  the  genealogy.     The  text  reads  : 

"  Part  I.  Ancient  History. 
"  Chapter  I.  The  Divine  Age. 

'*  Our  National  Constitution,  Our  Empire  of  Great  Japan, 
with  an  Imperial  Line  above  unbroken  from  time  immemorial 
and  with  its  subjects  below  matchless  in  loyalty  and  patriotism, 
from  ancient  times  down  to  the  present  has  never  once  received 
a  foreign  insult. 

''  Such  a  national  character  is  without  parallel  throughout 
the  world  and  is,  indeed,  a  cause  for  great  pride  on  the  part  of 
our  people. 

**  The  Begiftning  of  the  Country,  Tradition  says  that  in 
the  very  ancient  history  of  our  country  there  were  two  kamiy 
male  and  female,  called  Izanagi-no-mikoto  and  Izanami-no-miko- 
to.  These  two  created  the  Eight-Great-Island-Country  [Japan] 
and  gave  birth  to  Ama-terasu-o-mi-kami  and  to  Susa-no-wo-no- 

"Japanese  History  for  Middle  Schools,"  2  Vol.,  Tokyo,  1917),  Vol.  I,  Intro.,  p.  i. 
The  meanings  of  the  elaborate  titles  of  the  descendants  oiAma-terasud-mt-kaniidiXQ 
very  difficult  to  determine.  Following  Chamberlain's  suggestions,  however  they 
may  be  given  the  tentative  renderings  :  (i)  His  Augustness  Heavenly-Great -Great- 
Ears,  (2)  His  Augustness  Heavenly-Sun-child-Sun-child-Rice-ear-Ruddy-Plenty, 
(3)  His  Augustness  Great-Rice -ears-Lord-ears,  (4)  His  Augustness  Sun-child- 
Wave-linvit-Brave-Cormorant-Thatch-Meeling-Incompletely,  (5)  His  Augustness 
Divine-Yamato-Ihare-Sun-child.  The  repetition  of  the  elements  hi  ("  sun,"  "  fire," 
"  light,"  "  day  ";  and  ho  ("  fire  ")  in  the  titles  would  seem  to  favor  the  conjecture 
that  the  idea  of  light  is  prominent  in  the  genealogy. 


THE    POLITICAL    PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN    SHINTO.  1 87 

mikoto,  Aiiia  terasu-d-mi~kaini,  as  the  one  possessing  ths  highest 
virtue,  ruled  over  Takama-ga-hara.  Her  younger  brother, 
Susa-no-wo-no-tnikoto ,  performed  many  acts  of  violence  and,  on  ac- 
count of  causing  suffering  to  the  Great  Deity  \Ama-terasii-d-ml- 
kaini\,  he  was  finally  driven  out  and  went  down  to  Idzumo.  There 
he  subdued  the  rebels  and  secured  the  Sacred  Sword  {Mura-kumo- 
no-tsurugi,  "  Clustering-clouds-Sword  ")  which  he  presented  to 
the  Great  Deity. 

'*  The  Presentation  of  the  Country  by  0-kuni-nushi-no-mikoto. 
The  kami  known  as  0-kiini-nushi-no-mikoto  was  the  son  of  Susa- 
no-wo-no- mikoto.  He  succeeded  his  father  as  ruler  of  Idzumo 
and,  together  with  Sukuna-hiko-na-no-kami,  brought  the  country 
under  cultivation,  subdued  those  who  were  rebelious  and  taught 
the  knowledge  of  medicine.  Thus  the  influence  of  his  virtue 
spread  to  the  four  quarters  of  the  land.  When  Ania-terasii-o- 
mi-kami  was  about  to  make  her  grandson  ruler  of  this  land 
[Japan]  she  sent  as  messengers,  Futsu-nushi-m)-kaini  and  Take- 
mika-dzuchi-no-kaini  and  caused  them  to  announce  that  the 
land  should  be  given  up.  0-knni-nusJii-no- mikoto  reverently 
obeyed  the  Imperial  Edict  and  retired  to  the  palace  of  Kidzuki, 
This  kami  is  now  enshrined  in  the  Great  Shrine  ol  Idzumo. 

"  The  Descent  of  the  Imperial  Gi-andson.  Aina-terasu-d-iiii- 
kami  thereupon  gave  an  Imperial  command  to  her  grandson, 
Ninigi-no- mikoto,  saying,  '  The  Luxuriant  Reed-Plain  Land-of- 
Fresh-Rice-ears  [Japan]  is  the  land  over  which  my  descendants 
shall  reign.  Do  thou,  Imperial  Offspring,  go  and  rule  over  it 
and  the  prosperity  of  the  Imperial  Succession  of  Heaven  shall  be 
as  everlasting  as  Heaven  and  Earth.'  The  foundations  of  our 
Imperial  rule,  which  shall  not  be  moved  forever,  were  in  truth 
laid  at  this  time. 

"  The  Great  .Deity  also  conferred  upon  the  prince  {Ninigi- 
no-mikoto)  the  Eight-sided-Mirror,  the  Clustering-clouds-Sword 
and  the  Curved  Jewels  of  Yasaka  Gem.  These  are  called  the 
Three  Sacred  Treasures.  At  this  time  the  Great  Deity  said, 
*  When  you  look   into  this  mirror,  regard  it  as  looking  on  me, 


1 88  THE    POLITICAL    PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN    SHINT5. 

myself.'  From  that  time  on  the  sacred  treasures  have  been 
handed  down  by  the  successive  generations  of  Emperors.  They 
are  the  symbols  of  the  Imperial  Throne. 

"  Thereupon  Ninigl-no-mikoto ,  leading  the  kami,  descended 
upon  Hyuga  and  dwelt  in  the  palace  of  Takachiho.  Ninigi-no- 
mikoto  and  his  son,  Hiko- ho ho-de mi-no- mikotOy  and  his  grand- 
son, Ugaya-fukl-ahezii-no-mikoto — three  generations — made  their 
capitals  in  Hyuga.     The  above  is  called  the  Divine  Age."^ 

Chapter  two  is  devoted^to  the  exploits  of  the  first  traditional 
emperor.  It  opens  with  the  statement,  ''  Jimmu  Tenno  was  the 
son  of  Ugaya-fuki-ahezu-no-mikotoy^ 

Numerous  similar  cases  [might  be  cited  going  to  show  the 
great  importance  attached  to  the  inculcation  of  correct  ideas 
regarding  the  royal  succession,  in  the  modern  Japanese 
educational  system.  For  example,  the  Japanese  History  for 
Higher  Primary  Schools,"  published  by  the  Department  of 
Education,  gives  the  same  genealogy  as  above  with  the  except 
tion  that  connections  beyond  Ama-terasu-o-ini-kami  are  not 
emphasized.^ 

The  section  of  the  imperial  genealogy  as  just  presented  in 
the  quotation  from  the  "  Japanese  History  for  Middle  Schools," 
apart  from  the  formidable  character  of  the  titles  themselves,  does 
not  appear,  on  the  face  oi  it,  to  possess  any  features  essentially 
different  from  what  may  be  met  with  in  any  well  authenticated 
royal  genealogy,  say,  of  European  history.  A  Japanese  student 
thus  introduced  to  the  matter,  and  unequipped  with  a  know- 
ledge of  the  method  and  materials  of  critical  historical  study, 
must  naturally  come  to  feel  himself  in  the  presence  of  an  lii-tori- 
cal  absolute — a  principle  of  Japanese  political  life  that  **  has 
never  changed  in  the  past,  and  will  never  change  in  the  future, 
even  to  all  eternity."     It  is  not  easy,   under  the  circumstances, 


1.  Chu  Gaku  Nihon  Rekishi,  pp.  I -4. 

2.  Jbia.,  p.  4. 

3.  Koto  Shogaku  Nikon  Rekishi  i^'%f\<^  B^IC^ifc.^—,"  Japanese  His- 
tory for  Higher  Primary  Schools  "),  Vol.  i,  Appendix,  p.  14. 


THE    FOLITICAL    PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN    SHINTO.  1 89 

to  avoid  the  impression  that  the  upbuilding  in  the  minds  of 
Japanese  students  of  such  confidence  and  conviction  is  the  primary 
motive  in  the  state  pedagogy  which  insists  on  the  genealogy 
as  thus  shaped  up  under  the  official  imprimature. 

Certain  extraordinary  features  of  the  Japanese  genealogy 
need  to  be  considered.  These  matters  relate  both  to  the  nature 
of  the  great  *'  ancestors  "  that  head  the  list  and  to  the  actual 
historical  basis  on  which  the  earliest  chronology  is  calculated. 
The  former  subject  must  be  considered  at  length,  the  latter  may 
be  noted  in  passing. 

The  chronology  which  fixes  the  date  of  the  accession  oi 
Jimmu  Tenno  at  660  B.C.  is  officialized  in  modern  Japanese  law 
and  in  imperial  edict  alike.  History  text-books  for  public  schools 
reckon  time  according  to  this  **  Japanese  Era."  An  example  of 
this  may  be  found  in  a  statement  published  by  the  Department 
of  Education  in  the  ''Japanese  History  for  Higher  Primary 
'Schools,"  which,  after  describing  the  earlier  portion  of  the  achieve- 
^ments  of  Jimmu  Tenno,  says,  *'  Subsequently  the  Emperor  made 
his  palace  at  Kashiwara  in  Yamato  and  carried  out  the  first  cere- 
mony of  accession  to  the  throne.  This  took  place  2573 '  years 
before  191 3  [i.e.  660  B.C.].  This  is  the  first  year  of  the  era  of 
our  country.  The  eleventh  day  of  the  second  month  of  each 
year,  in  which  is  celebrated  the  accession  of  Jimmu  Tenno, 
corresponds  with  the  day  on  which  this  auspicious  accession 
ceremony  was  carried  out."^  The  imperial  decree  promising 
the  establishment  of  a  parliament,  promulgated  on  Oct.  12,  1881, 
opens  with  the  clause,  "  We,  sitting  on  the  Throne  which  has 
been  occupied  by  Our  dynasty  for  over  2500  years.  .  .  ."* 
This  chronology  thus  represents  official,  historical  orthodoxy  in 
.modern  Japan.  Occasional  Japanese  historians  who  have 
dared  to  criticize  it  in  accordance  with  even  the  elementary  / 
principles  of  scientific  historiography  and   in   the   Japanese  lan- 

1.  Jinj'o  Shogaku  Nihon  Rekishi  (^'^/Jn^H  ;it;M&'^-'>  "  J^P^'^^s^  ^^s- 
tory  for  Ordinary  Primary  Schools  "),  Vol.  i,  p.  5. 

2.  Cf.  T.  A.  S.  J.,  Vol.  XLII,  Pt.  I,  p.  86. 


I90  THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN    SHINT5. 

guage,  have  been  subjected  to  severe  official  discipline.^  The  gov- 
ernment itself  has  not  attempted  to  date  the  royal  genealogies 
beyond  Jimmu  Tenno  although  the  assurance  with  which  the 
descent  is  traced  from  Aina-terasu-d-ini-kaini  would  seem  to 
imply  that  more  remote  dates  can  be  supplied  if  necessary. 
There  are  certain  individual  Shintoists  of  the  present,  however, 
who  do  not  hesitate  to  enter  in  even  where  the  government 
apparently  fears  to  tread.  Dr.  G.  Kato,  Dr.  T.  Inouyeand  Prof. 
Y.  Tanaka  have  all  recently  made  written  statements  that  refer 
to  three  thousand  years  of  Japanese  history.^ 

These  claims,  both  official  and  private,  are  to  be  adjusted  in 
the  light  of  certain  obvious  historical  facts.  An  official  recogni- 
tion of  the  knowledge  of  writing  in  Japan  does  not  appear  in 
written  documents  until  405  A.D.;"^  although  individual  Japan- 
ese were  probably  acquainted  with  Chinese  ideograms  fairly  early 
in  the  Christian  era.  The  existence  of  a  knowledge  of  how  to 
make  calendars  is  first  mentioned  in  553  A.D."*  The  first  known 
Japanese  attempt  at  historical  writing,  the  Kujiki  (now  lost), 
dates  from  620  A.D.^  The  oldest  extant  historical  writing,  the 
Kojiki,  dates  from  712  A.D.^  The  Nihongi  was  completed  in 
720  A.D.'^  The  modern  Japanese  government  in  insisting  on 
a  chronology  that  dates  back  to  660  B.C.  makes  use  ot  at  leeist 
one  thousand  years  of  un verifiable  tradition.  Shintoists  who 
speak  of  an  historical  record  "stretching  across  three  thousand 
boundless  years "  have  thereby  introduced  a  period  of  oral 
tradition  that  is  of  greater  length  than  the  genuine  historical 
period  that  can  be  definitely  authenticated  on  the  evidence  of  actual 

1.  Cf.  T.  A.  S.  J.,  Vol.  XXXVII,  (i9io\  p.   257;  Chamberlain,    B.  H., 
Things  Japanese  (London,  1905,  Fifth  Revised  Edition),  p.  230,  note. 

2.  See  Kato,  Waga  Kokutai  to  Shinto,  Preface,  p.   2 ;  Inouye,  in    Yamato 
Shinibun,  Nov.  29,  1920,  p.  i ;  Tanaka,  Shinto  Hongi,  p.  I2i. 

3.  Cf.  A.,  I,  pp   XI,  XVII. 

4.  Md.,  p.  XVII. 

5.  Ibid.,  p.  XII . 

6.  Cf.  C,  Intro.,  p.  I. 

7.  C/.  A.,  I,  p.  X  ill. 


.    THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN   SHINT5.  I9I 

written  documents.  The  "  Japanese  Era  "  was  not  officially  estab- 
lished in  the  modern  situation  until  December  15,  1872.  A  law  of 
this  date  says  in  part,  ''The  accession  to  the  throne  of  Jimmu  Tenno 
has  been  settled  upon  as  the  beginning  of  the  (Japanese)  era."^  The 
.great  yearly  festival  commemorating  this  accession  was  fixed  by  law* 
at  the  same  time.^  It  was  not  until  March  7,  1 873  that  the  govern- 
ment settled  upon  a  regular  name  for  this  festival.  A  law  was  then 
issued  saying,  "  The  day  of  the  accession  to  the  throne  of  Jimmu 
Tenno  shall  be  called  Kigensetsu  ("  Year-Origin-Festival  ").•'* 

Such  simple  historical  facts  as  have  just  been  stated,  in  accord- 
ance with  which  the  validity  of  the  official  chronology  is  to  be  esti- 
mated, are  not  unknown  to  individual  Japanese  writers.''  Yet, 
however  loyal  private  opinion  maybe  to  the  principles  of  a  scientific 
methodology,  up  to  the  present  it  heis  exerted  no  perceptible  in- 
fluence on  the  official  situation.  .Governmental  expediency  and 
not  historical  science  is  in  control.  A  better  idea  of  what  is  involved 
here  may  be  secured  from  a  study  of  the  nature  of  the  early  my- 
thology which  is  thus  utilized  as  history.  We  must  turn  there- 
fore to  the  mythology  and  take  up  the  investigation  of  the  nature 
of  the  two  original  ancestors  with  which  the  "  Japanese  History 
for  Middle  Schools  "  begins  the  royal  genealogies. 

The  "  National  Reader  {Kokumin  TokuJion\  "  for  Japanese 
schools,  compiled  under  the  direction  of  Marquis   Okuma  dis- 


1.  H.  Z.,  1872,  pp.  283-4;  Order  of  the  Council  of  State,  No  342  (Dec.  15). 

2.  Order  of  the  Council  of  State,  No.  344  (Dec,  15,  1872).  The  law 
reads,  "  The  twenty-ninth  day  of  the  first  month  corresponds  with  the  day  of  the 
accession  to  the  throne  of  Jimmu  Tenno,  and  shall  be  observed  yearly  as  a  festival 
day."  A  marginal  annotation  to  this  regulation  in  the  Horei  Zensho  reads,  "  This 
was  corrected  in  1874  to  February  11  of  the  present  calendar." 

3.  H.  Z.,  1873,  P-  75  >  Order  of  the  Council  of  State,  No.  91  (March  7). 

4.  Cf.  Saito,  H.,   Geschichte  Japans  (QtrWn,   1912),  pp.  4-5;  Nitobe,    7 he 
Japanese  Nation^  pp.  53-5  ;  Asakawa,  K.,  The  Early  Institutional  Life  of  Japan,  p» 
23-25  ;  Kikuchi,  Japanese  Education,  p.  7.     Mr.  Nakayama  Taro,  speaking  before     ' 
the  Meiji  Japan  Society  in  1921  assigned  as  one  of  the  principal  causes  of  the     | 
existing  unsatisfactory  state  of  the  study  of  the  most  ancient  Japanese  records, 

a  failure  to  distinguish  between  mythology  and  history.     {MeiJi  Seitokn  Kinen 
Gakkai  KiyOy  192 1,  p.  iii). 


/ 


192  THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY    OF    MODERN   SHINTO. 

cusses  Izanagi  and  Izanagi  under  a  section  entitled  "  The  Deve- 
lopment of  the  Empire  "  and  under  a  chapter  heading  designated 
"  The  Beginning  of  the  Foundation  of  the  State."  The  text 
speaks  of  these  two  deities  as  "  The  ancestral  kami  who  in  very 
'ancient  times  produced  the  Eight  Great  Islands."^  Dr.  G. 
Kato  in  a  recent  attempt  at  the  interpretation  of  these  deities  has 
emphasized  culture  hero  elements  and  thereby  legitimatized  the 
effort  to  associate  them  with  an  ancestral  line  appearing  in  actual 
human  society.^  An  explanation  by  Prof.  S.  K5no  similarly 
gives  prominence  to  a  mythology  centering  in  hero  worship 
(eiyu  shinwa)^  Popular  beliefs  in  modern  Japan  make  Izanagi 
and  Izanami  universal  parents.  The  Shinri  sect  of  Shinto  teaches, 
'"  The  origin  of  man  was  at  the  time  of  creation.  The  form  of 
man  was  patterned  after  the  body  of  God.  The  two  kami, 
Izanagi  and  Izanami,  are  the  parents  of  the  human  race.'"*    The 

"iTaisha  Sect  teaches  that  these  two  deities  '^  First  trod  the  path 
of  spouses  and  produced  god-men,  deigning  to   lay  the  founda- 

-   tion  for  all  enterprise.     Hence  it   was  that  all  mankind  breath 

and  have  their  being They  are  the  first  parents 

of  the  human  race."^  ^he  canon  of  Shinto  Hon-Kyoku  teaches, 
**  The  two  kamiy  Izanagi  and  Izanami,  are  the  source  of  the 
construction  of  the  land  and  of  the  propagation  of  living  things."® 
In  other  sects  of  modern  Shinto  they  ^re  similarly  regarded  as 
original  parents.'      Even  such  a  scholar  as  Dr.  N.  Ariga  appar- 

I  Okuma,'&\!i\^tx\(^\3i,KokuminTokuhon{-)^^'^^,  ^J]^^7Js;,  "National 
Reader,"  Tokyo,  1915),  p.  21. 

2.  Meiji  Seitoku  Kinen  Gakkai  Kiyo,  Vol.  16  (Sept.  1921),  p.  103. 

3.  Ibici.,Y>-  104. 

4.  J^ujiia  Koyo,  Shinto  Kaku  Kyoha  no  Hyori  (^H^KI,  fifit^^^iSO^ 
Jg^,  "The  Shinto  Sects  considered  from  Within  and  Without,"  Tokyo,  1919  ,  p.  105. 

5.  T.  A.  S.  J.,  Vol.  XLI,  Pt.  IV  (1913),  p.  639. 

6.  Kanzaki,  Kazusaku,  Shinto  Honkyoku  Kiyo  (jji^iJf— f'^,  'WM.'^W(^%y 
**  A  Memoir  on  Shint5  Honkyoku,"  Tokyo,  1914),  p.  8. 

7.  Cf.  Maki,  Makijiro,  Kurozumi  Munetada  Den  (Jfi^^BP,  ^ffe^,^.^. 
*' Life  of  Kurozumi  Munetada,"  Osaka,  1907),  pp.  37  ff . ;  Mastino,  Shobei  (Ed.), 
Tenrikvo  Kyoten  Shakugi  (l^$fiE:J^f|f.  ':^^W^%^^y  "  Exposition  of  the 
Scripture  of  Tenri  Kyo,"  Osaka,  19 12),  p.  29. 


THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN    SHINT5,  1 93 

ently  endorses  the  view  that  the  world  was  created  by  Izanagi 
and  Izanami} 

The  deep  hold  which  ideas  regarding  the  primitive  creative 
activity  of  Izanagi  and  Izanami  have  on  official  genealogies  and 
on  folk-lore  alike  can  only  be  adequately  explained  by  reference 
to  social  experiences  correspondingly  deep  and  comprehensive 
passed  through  by  the  ancient  ancestors  of  the  Japanese  race. 
The  internal  criticism  of  the  literary  records  in  the  light  of 
the  findings  of  comparative  mythology  furnishes  material  that 
leaves  little  doubt  as  to  what  these  ancient,  formative  experiences 
were.  The  evidence  given  below  attempts  to  show  that  jn 
Izanagi  there  is  preserved  the  memory  of  an  ancient  Japanese 
Sky-Father  and  in  Izanami,  his  mate,  the  idea  of_an_old_Earth- 
Mother,  and  that  the  Japanese  account  of  the  activities  of  this 
original  creative  pair  has  affinities  with  similar  mythologies  the 
world  over.  Especially  striking  parallels  to  the  Japanese  my- 
thology relating  to  this  pair  are  to  be  found  in^the  Polynesian 
form  of  the  cosmogonic  myth. 

As  a  means  of  orientating  the  discussion  it  is  necessary  to 
in^'roduce  in  the  first  place  comparative  material  of  a  general 
nature  showing  the  universality  of  ideas  relating  to  the  Sky- 
Father  and  the  Earth-Mother  in  primitive  mythologies. 

Modern  ethnology — the  "  new  ethnology  " — supported  by 
the  sciences  of  psychology,  sociology,  history,  comparative 
mythology  and  comparative  religion,  is  giving  us  new  insight 
into  the  interpretation  of  the  experiences  of  primitive  man.  We 
are  learning  among  other  things  that  great  mythologies  emerge 
from  great  life  experiences,  and  that  a  great  deity  stands  for 
something  correspondingly  vital  in  the  social  life  of  man.  As 
the  material  from  the  various,  human,  cultural  groups  past  and 
present  is  made  available  for  comparative  study  it  becomes 
increasingly  apparent  how  strikingly  parallel  are  human  reactions 
under  similar  circumstances  of  external  environment.     The  great 

31,     Cf.  T.  A  S.  J.,  Vol.  XXXVII  (1910),  Intro ,  p  IX,  note. 


J 


t,94  THE   POLITICAL  PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN   SHINTO. 

myths  of  mankind  are  almost  monotonously  similar  in  their 
fundamental  aspects.  The  truth  of  this  general  observation  is 
shown  specifically  in  the  well-nigh  universal  myth  of  the  mar- 
riage of  Earth  and  Sky. 

J.  A.  MacCulloch  has  said,  **  The  expanse  of  Heaven  and 
the  broad  earth  were  early  regarded  as  personal  beings,  and  also 
as  husband  and  wife.  Earth,  from  which  so  many  living  things 
sprang,  being  thought  of  as  female.  Their  union  was  the  source 
of  all  things  in  Nature,  and,  when  the  gods  of  departments  of 
nature  were  evolved,  these  were  regarded  as  their  children. 
Generally  also  they  are  the  parents  of  gods  and  men.  In  most 
cosmogonies  Earth  is  the  fruitful  mother  impregnated  by  Heaven, 
though  in  some  cases  the  Sun  or  *'  Great  Spirit  "  is  her  husband 
and  they  are  universal  parents."^ 

H.  B.  Alexander  in  connection  with  his  exposition  of  North 
American  mythology  has  written,  ''  The  personification  of  the 
Earth,  as  the  mother  of  life  and  the  giver  of  food,  is  a  feature  of 
the  universal  mythology  of  mankind.  It  prevails  everywhere  in 
North  America,  except  among  the  Eskimo,  where  the  concep- 
tion is  replaced  by  that  of  the  under-sea-woman,  Food  Dish, 
and  on  the  North- West  Coast,  where  sea  deities  again  are  the 
important  food  givers,  and  the  underworld  woman  is  no  more 
than  a  subterranean  Titaness.  In  many  localities  the  marriage 
of  the  Sky  or  Sun  with  the  Earth  is  clearly  expressed."^ 

Foucart,  reasoning  ;from  the  universality  of  the  sky-god 
concept  at  the  base  of  practically  all  of  the  cosmogonic  mytho- 
logy of  the  world,  concludes  that  the  origin  of  the  idea  of  the 
sky-god  is  to  be  assigned  to  the  most  ancient  period  of  tiie 
history  of  religious  thought.  The  same  author  indicates  the 
following  fields  and  peoples  among  which  the  sky-god  idea  is 
found.  In  America :  among  the  Toltecs,  Mayas,  Incas,  the 
Indians  of  Brazil,  the  Indians  of  the  Andes,  the   Caribs,  in  sliort, 

1.  MacCulloch,  J.  A.,  Art.  «  Earlli,"  11.  E.  R.  E.,  Vol.  5,  p.  130. 

2.  P^&YJSxAtx,Yiz.x\\tyV>^xXy  North  American  My ihology  {The  Mythology  of 
All  Rac£s),  p.  289.     Cf.  also  ilfui.j  pp.  81,  273,  295, 


THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY    OF    MODERN    SHINTO.  1 95 

from  the  natives  of  Tierra  del  Fuego  on  the  south  to  the  Eskimo 
in  the  north.  In  Asia  :  among  the  Shamanist  Groups  of  North 
Asia,  among  the  Ainu,  the  Chinese,  and  in  "  primitive  Japanese 
Shinto "  [evidently  Ama-terasii-d-mi-kami\  The  Sky-Father 
"is  related  to  the  ancient  Pulugu  of  the  Andamans,  to  the 
Varuna  of  primitive  India,  and,  toward  the  west,  to  the  pantheons 
of  the  ancient  classical'.East."^  He  is  found  also  in  old  Chaldea, 
in  the  Semitic  and  the  proto-Ssmitic  mythologies.  In  Oceania  he 
appears  in  the  cosmologies  of  Australia,  of  Melanesia  and  Poly- 
nesia. "  Bat  nowhere  does  his  physiognomy  appear  more  dis- 
tinctly than  in  Africa — whether  in  the  pantheons  of  ancient 
Egypt  or  in  the  many  savage  religions  of  the  black  continent. 
From  the  great  Kilima  of  the  Bantu  groups  to  the  Negritian 
Mahu  we  recognize  him  as  always  the  same  under  a  hundred 
different  names.  "^ 

The  cult  of  the  Sky-Father  and  Earth-Mother  appears  in 
the  Rig  Veda.^  It  was  likewise  primary  in  the  mythology  of 
ancient  Babylon.''  Vegetation  rituals  to  which  mythologies  of 
the  Earth-Mother  were  intimately  related,  lay  back  of  the  cere- 
monies of  the  mystery  religions  of  the  Eastern  Mediterranean 
area.*^  Zeus,  the  father  ot  gods,  demi-gods  and  men,  was 
originally  a  personification  of  the  sky.^  The  priestess  of 
Dodona  in  Epirus  chanted,  "  Earth  sends  up  fruits,  so  praise  we 
Earth  the  Mother.'"  Personifications  of  the  earth  and  the  sky 
had  important  places  in  the  mythologies  of  the  ancient  Romans 
and  Teutons,  and  also  probably  of  the  ancient   Celts.^      The 

1.  Foucart,  George,  Art.    "Sky  and  Sky-gods,"    H.  E.  R.  E.,  Vol.  ii, 
p.  581. 

2.  Ibid. 

3.  Hopkins,  E.  W.,  "  The  History  of  Religions y-  p.  172. 

4.  Jeremias,  Alfred,  AUgemeine  Religions-GescJiichte  (1918),  pp.  26-30. 

5.  For  literature  and  discussion  consult  H.   E  R.  E.,  Vol.  9,  pp.  70-83; 
Farnell,  L.  R.,  Ctdts  of  Greek  States,  Vol.  III.,  pp.  289-306. 

6.  Cf.  Fox,  Wm.  Sherwood,  Greek  and  Roman  Mythology  {^Mythology  of  All 
Races),  p.  152 ;  L.  R.  Farnell,  «  Greek  Religion,"  H.  E.  R.  E.,  Vd.  6,  p.  395. 

7.  Harrison,  Jane  Ellen,  «  Mountain  Mother,"  H.  E.  R  E.,  Vol.  8,  p.  86S. 

8.  Cf.  MacCulloch,  0^.  cit.,  p.  129. 


196  THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY    OF    MODERN     SHINTO. 

primitive  Chinese  myth  of  Panku  is  to  be  understood  as  a  person- 
ification of  heaven  and  earth/  Among  the  Polynesians  the 
original  parents  from  whom  came  gods,  men,  and  the  islands,  were 
the  two  great  deities  Rangi,  the  Sky-Father,  and  his  wife,  Papa^ 
the  Earth-Mother.' 

To  this  list  we  may  add  Japan.  The  stories  of  the  labors 
of  a  Sky-Father  and  of  an  Earth-Mother  under  the  names  of 
Izaiiagi  and  Izanami  He  at  the  center  of  the  ancient  Japanese 
form  of  the  cosmogonic  myth.  In  elucidation  of  this  statement- 
we  may  first  make  comparison  with  the  Polynesian  mythology 
to  which  reference  has  just  been  made.  The  old  Maori  account 
says,  "  Men  had  but  one  pair  of  primitive  ancestors :  they 
sprang  from  the  vast  heaven  that  exists  above  us  and  from  the 
earth  which  lies  beneath  us.  According  to  the  traditions  of  our 
race,  Rangi  and  Papa,  or  Heaven  and  Earth,  were  the  source 
from  which,  in  the  beginning,  all  things  originated.  Darkness 
then  rested  upon  the  heaven  and  upon  the  earth,  and  they  still 
both  clave  together,  for  they  had  not  yet  been  rent  apart. "^ 

Rangi  the  Sky,  and  Papa,  the  Earth-Mother,  however, 
were  not  regarded  as  the  oldest  of  the  gods.  The  cosmogonic 
myth  of  the  Maori,  which  Dixon  says  is  very  old,  presents  a 
conception  of  existence  as  beginning  with  Kore .  "  Negation  " 
and  Poy  ''  Darkness."  Following  these  appears  a  series  of 
similar  abstractions  presented  in  genealogical  order  and  finally, 
twenty  generations  after  the  manifestation  of  the  initial  void,  the 
great  creative  parents  come  into  existence.  Rangi  takes  to  wife 
Papa  and  between  them  they  beget  the  gods,  and  according  to 
some  accounts,  men  and  the  islands  on  which  they  lived."* 

1.  Mo-ytr,  Chinese  Mamial,  ■^.  174.      Cited  in  Aston,  ^Vi'/^^'w^v,  Vol.  I,  p.  28. 

2.  Grey,  Sir  George,  Polynesian  Mythology  and  Ancient  Traditional  His- 
toiy  of  the  New  Zealand  Race,  as  furnished  by  their  Priests  and  Chiefs  (London, 
1855),  pp.  1-2. 

3.  Grey,  op.  cit. 

4.  Cf.  Tregear,  Maori- Polynesian  Compaj'ative  Dictionary^  pp.  391-2; 
Dixon,  Roland  Burrage,  C^^««?V  i1/v^/^^/i3^' (Boston,  1916^  p.  14;  Anderson,  J. 
C,  Alaori  Life  in  Aotea,  p.  127. 


THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN   SHINTQ.  1 9/ 

The  form  of  the  Japanese  cosmogonic  myth  is  closely 
similar.  Izanagi  and  Izanaini,  although  they  occupy  the 
primary  position  as  creative  deities,  are  not  regarded  as  the  old- 
est of  the  gods.  The  Japanese  account  as  set  forth  in  the  Kojikl 
repeats  the  form  of  the  Polynesian  record  in  that  it  attempts  to 
carry  speculation  back  to  the  very  beginning  of  the  universe. 
The  first  god  mentioned  is  Ame-no-mlnaka-nushl-no-kamiy 
"  The  Lord  of  the  Center  of  Heaven."  Following  this  kaini 
appears  a  list  of  sixteen  other  divine  beings,  arranged  for  the  most 
part  in  genealogical  sequence,  ending  with  the  great  creative  pair, 
Izanagi  and  Izanamu  These  two  give  birth  to  the  islands  of 
the  Japanese  archipelago  and  likewise  become  the  ancestors 
of  gods  and  men.^ 

In  the  Nihongi  account  the  creation  myth  opens  with  a 
picture  of  chaos  in  which  darkness  and  light  have  not  yet  been 
separated  and  in  which  Heaven  and  Earth  are  not  yet  formed. 
Out  of  this  chaos  Heaven  eventually  emerges  and  afterwards 
Earth.  The  first  definite  kami  to  appear  is  Kuni-toko-tachi-no- 
mikoto,  given  in  a  slightly  variant  account  as  Atna-no-toko- 
tachi-no-mikoto.  Seven  generations  after  this  deity,  Izanagi  and 
Izanami  appear  and  exercise  the  same  creative  functions  as  in 
the  Kojiki  record.^ 

The  introductory  sentences  of  the  Nihongi  which  have  just 
been  briefly  summarized  have  been  criticised  by  Japanese  and 
foreign  scholars  alike  as  an  attempt  to  rationalize  Japanese 
mythology  under  the  influence  of  Chinese  philosophy.^  While 
the  fact  of  Chinese  influence  on  early  Japanese  literature  must 
not  be  lost  sight  of,  yet  it  must  be  admitted  that  the  problem  of 
possible  relationships  is  much  more  complicated  than  an  exclu- 
sive reference  to  Chinese  analogies  would  seem  to  indicate. 

After  this  general  comparison  we  are  in  a  position  to  note 

1.  Cf.  C,  pp.  15-18. 

2.  Cf.  A.,  I,  pp.  1-13. 

3.  C/*.  Aston,  Shinto,  the   Way  of  the  Gods^  pp.   169- 1 70;  Meiji   Setioku 
Kinen  Gakkai  Kiyo,  Vol.  16  (Sept.,  192 1),  pp.  1 16,  I20. 


198  THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN   SHINT5 

some  of  the  more  particularized  data  concerning  Izanagi  and 
Izanami.  As  evidence  that  they  are  to  be  taken  as  Sky- Father 
and  Earth-Mother,  respectively,  we  may  further  note  : 

The  Japanese  records  agree  in  representing  Izanagi  as 
having  originally  come  down  from  out  of  Heaven.  One  of  the 
Nihongi  accounts  informs  us  that  after  his  creative  tasks  were 
finally  accomplished  he  went  back  to  Heaven  and  lived  there 
*^  in  the  smaller  palace  of  the  Sun."^  The  fact  that  Izanami  is 
also  represented  as  having  come  down  from  Heaven  may  be  said 
to  be  in  all  probability  the  result  of  an  early  effort  to  assign  an 
adequate  origin  to  the  Earth  Mother.  As  will  be  indicated  below, 
in  the  later  role  which  the  mythology  assigns  her,  she  is  com- 
pletely identified  with  the  earth. 

In  the  Kojiki  account  the  sun  and  moon  deities  sprang  from 
the  purified  eyes  of  Izanagi  as  he  washed  in  a  river  of  Tsukushi, 
the  sun-goddess. from  his  left  eye,  the  moon-god  from  his  right 
eye.^ 

Polynesian  mythology  presents  analogous  details  here,  again. 
The  mythology  of  the  Cook  Group  relates  that  the  father  of 
gods  and  men  was  Vaiea  who  took  to  wife  Papa,  the  Earth- 
Mother.  An  account  which  Gill  considers  very  ancient  repre- 
sents Vatea  as  possessed  of  two  wonderful  eyes,  *'  rarely  visible 
at  the  same  time."  "  In  general,  whilst  one,  called  by  mortals 
the  sun,  is  seen  here  in  the  upper  world,  the  other  eye,  called  by 
men  the  moon,  shines  in  Aviki  (the  spirit  world).  "^  A  Maori 
poem  speaks  of  the  moon  and  sun  as  having  been  thrown  up 
into  the  sky  ''  as  the  chief  eyes  of  Heaven.*'* 


1.  A.,  I,  p.  34.  For  "  smaller  palace  of  the  Sun  "  the  text  reads  0  ^  ^g-, 
hi  no  waka  miya  (N.  p.  23).  Anesaki  has  translated  this  "  Solar  Young  Palace  " 
{Cf.  H.  E.  R.  E.,  Vol.  8,  p.  38).  The  meaning  of  this  apparent  subordination  of 
Izanagi  to  the  Sun-goddess  will  be  taken  up  later  in  the  discussion. 

2.  Cf.  C,  p.  42. 

3.  Gill,  Wm.  Wyatt,  Myths  and  Songs  from  the  South  Pacific  (London, 
1876),  pp.  3.4. 

4.  Taylor,  R.,  Te  Ika  a  Maui  or  New  Zealand  and  its  InkaHtants  (Lon- 
don, 1870  2nd  ed.),  p.  109. 


THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF   MOT)ERN   SHINTQ.  199- 

Dixon  says,  ''  The  sun  and  moon  in  the  Maori  myth  seem 
generally  to  be  regarded  as  Rangi's  offspring  who  were  later 
placed  for  eyes  in  the  sky,  and  similar  beliefs  prevailed  in  the 
Society  GrQup  and  in  Samoa."^ 

A  myth  that  connects  the  origin  of  the  sun  and  moon  with 
the  eyes  of  Izanagi  can  mean  little  other  than  that  this  kami  is 
to  be  understood  as  a  deification  of  the  sky,  thought  of  as  pos- 
sessing two  wonderful  eyes. 

Again,  Susa-no-wo,  the  Japanese  god  of  storm  and  violence, 
represented  as  having  been  born  from  the  nostrils  of  Izanagi,^ 
The  mythology  at  this  point  can  be  consistently  interpreted  a& 
presenting  the  idea  that  the  stormy,  violent  wind  was  the  snort- 
ing breath  ot  the  Sky- Father.  The  Nihongi  says  that  the  wind~ 
god,  Shina-tsn-Jiiko-no-kami  {"  Prince-of-Long-Wind-AT^/m  ")^ 
who  drives  away  the  morning  mists  is  the  breath  of  Izanagi.^ 

Again,  the  connection  with  the  lower  world  which  the 
mythology  assigns  to  Izanami  is  such  as  to  identify  her  with 
earth-deities  of  other  fields.  The  myth  relates  that  Izanami 
while  in  the  midst  of  her  creative  activities,  through  giving  birth 
to  a  deity  of  fire,  at  length  went  away.  Izanagi  in  order  to 
meet  with  her  after  their  separation  had  to  pass  into  the  Land  of 
Night  beneath  the  earth.**  Here  Izanami  became  the  Great 
Goddess  of  the  Underworld.  The  Kojiki  says,  "  So  Izanami- 
no-mikoto  is  called  the  Great-Deity -of-Hades  {Yomo-tsu-o-kami)"^ 
In  the  Polynesian  myth  Papa,  after  her  separation  from  Rangi, 
was  so  closely  related  to  the  earth  and  the  lower  world  as  to 
constitute  in  her  own  person  the  various  divisions  of  hell.^  This 
identification  of  the  Earth-goddess  with  the  underworld  is  a  wide- 
spread characteristic  of  primitive  mythology.     This  double  nature 

1.  Dixon,  op.  cit,  p.  37.      Cf.  also  Tregear,  op,  cit.,  p.  392 ;  White  J.,. 
Ancient  History  of  the  Maori,  I,  p.  7. 

2.  g^.  C,  p.  43. 

3.  A.,  I,  p.  22. 

4.  C,  p.  34. 

5.  /^^^.,p.  38. 

6.  Tregear,  op.  cit.,  p.  315. 


^porti 


200  THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN   SHINTO. 

was  common  to  most  Earth-divinities  among  the  Greeks.  Mac- 
CuUoch  points  out  that  the  Roman  Tellus  was  likewise  associated 
with  the  underworld.^  The  same  is  probably  true  of  the  Baby- 
lonian Earth-goddess  AUatu,  "  The  Lady  of  Hell."^  .The  Earth- 
mother  of  the  Iroquois  was  the  goddess  of  both  night  and  earth.^ 
The  meaning  of  this  two-fold  character  in  the  case  of  Izanami 
will  be  dealt  with  later  in  the  discussion. 

An  additional  piece  of  evidence  pointing  toward  the  ancient 
Sky-Father  character  of  Izanagi  is  to  be  derived  from  that 
ion  of  the  account  wherein  are  introduced  the  tears  which 
Izanagi  shed  at  separation  from  his  wife.  The  Maori  myth  here 
again  presents  valuable  material  for  comparison.  The  mythology 
of  this  people  after  recounting  the  story  of  the  great  separation 
already  mentioned,  continues,  "  Up  to  this  time  the  vast  Heaven 
has  still  ever  remained  separated  from  his  spouse  the  Earth.  Yet 
their  mutual  love  still  continues — the  warm  sighs  of  her  loving 
bosom  still  ever  rise  up  to  him,  ascending  from  the  woody 
mountains  and  valleys,  and  men  call  these  mists ;  and  the  vast 
Heaven,  as  he  mourns,  through  the  long  nights  his  separation 
from  his  beloved,  drops  frequent  tears  upon  her  bosom,  and 
men  seeing  these  term  them  dew-drops  ""^ 

Although  the  meaning  of  the  separation  of  the  Japanese 
lovers  appears  to  differ  in  certain  important  respects  from  that  of 
the  above,  yet  the  Polynesian  myth  sheds  valuable  light  on  the  inci- 
dent of  the  weeping  oi Izanagi,  After  Izanami  had  retired  upon 
giving  birth  to  the  fire-god,  Izanagi  is  made  to  cry  out,  "  Oh,  my  • 
beloved  wife  !  Oh,  that  I  should  have  exchanged  you  for  a 
single  child  !  "  The  Kojiki  then  continues  :  *'  And  as  he  crept 
toward  her  pillow  and  as  he  crept  toward  her  feet,  there  was 
/  born  from  his  tears  the  deity  who  lives  at  Unewo  no  Konomoto 
I    on  Mount  Kagu.     Her  name  is  *  Weeping-Rain-Deity  '    {Naki- 

1.  MacCulloch,  pp.  cii.,  p.  131. 

2.  Ibid. 

3.  Alexander,  op.  cii.y  p.  295. 

4.  Dixon,  op.  cit.f  p.  33,  quoted  from  Grey,  Polynesian  Mythology. 


THE   POLITICAL  PHILOSOPHY  OF   MODERN  SHINTQ.  20I 

same-no-kamiox  Naki-sawame  720  ^-anif  )."lnthe  Japanese  accounts 
the  tears  oi Izanagi  are  ram-drops,  in  the  Maori  myth  the  tears  L 
of  Rangi  are  dew-drops  ;  in  both  cases  moisture  from  the  sky  is 
interpreted  as  tears  of  grief  and  longing  at  the  separation  of  the 
ancient  lovers.  The  conclusion,  that  Izanagi  is  to  be  interpreted 
as  the  great  Sky-Father,  similar  to  Rangi,  appears  to  be  support- 
ed by  this  evidence.  The  Sky-god  nature  of  Izanagi  is  further 
suggested  in  the  apparently  meaningless  statement  **  as  he  crept 
toward  her  pillow  and  as  he  crept  toward  her  feet."  What  at 
first  glance  appears  altogether  fanciful  if  not  ridiculous,  becomes 
on  further  thought  an  inevitable  part  of  the  story.  The  myth 
has  preserved  here  a  fragment  that  is  of  considerable  value  in 
determining  jubt  what  and  who  Izanagi  and  Izanami  anciently 
were.  We  only  have  to  imagine  ourselves  standing  with  primi- 
tive man  on  the^prostrate  form  of  Mother- Earth,  with  the  weep- 
ing, rainy  sky  creeping  down  toward  her  *'  pillow  "  on  the  one 
horizon  and  down  to  her  feet  on  the  other — we  have  but  to 
understand  this  to  surmise  that  Izanagi  and  Izanami  emerg- 
ed out  of  fundamental  and  universal  human  experiences  with  the 
phenomena  earth  and  sky. 

Further  data  pointing  toward  the  original  sky-god  character 
of  Izanagi  may  be  found  in  the  nature  of  the  sword  which  was 
girded  about  him  and  which  flashes  forth  here  and  there  in  the 
mythology.  The  conclusion  is  that  this  sword  was  the  lightning 
flash.  Like  Jupiter  Fulminator  and  other  sky-fathers,  Izanagi 
was  equipped  with  a  striking  weapon  which  had  its  origin  in 
ancient  experiences  with  the  thunderstorm.     The  evidence  which 

I.  Cf.  Santai  Kojiki,  p.  18;  C,  p.  31.  The  title  of  this  deity  is  written 
in  the  Kojiki  \^-{%-ii::W  and  in  the  Nihongi  H^i^icfif-  The  rendering  of  sawame 
jn  the  sense  of  same,  aim,  "  rain "  follows  a  suggested  reading  advanced  by 
Motoori  in  Kojiki  Den.  \Cf.  Dai  Nihon  Shimmei  Jisho  (:^  07!^i|fife|$^, 
"  Dictionary  of  Japanese  Gods,"  Tokyo,  191 2),  p.  231].  Yor  ame,  "rain,"  read 
same  in  compounds  see  harusame,  "  spring  rain  "  and  murasame,  "  sudden  show- 
ers." Suggestive  material  for  comparison  with  IzanagVs  tears  of  separation  will 
be  found  in  Harrison,  J.  E.,  Themis,  A  Study  of  the  Social  Origins  of  Greek 
Religion  (Cambridge,  1912),  p.  176. 


202  THE   POLITICAL    PHILOSOPHY    OF    M0D2RN    SHINTO 

the  old  Japanese  records  furnish  in  this  matter  is  fairly  conclu- 
sive. According  to  the  Kojiki,  the  name  of  IzanagVs  sword  was 
Ame-no-wo-ha-hari^  '*  Heavenly-Podnt-Blade-Extended."^  This 
sword  appears  as  one  of  the  kami  with  the  title  Itsit-no-wo-ha-bari- 
no-kami,  ^'  Majestic-Point-Blade-Extended-Deity. "^  Itsu  or  idzu 
in  the  title  of  this  deity  is  a  term  used  to  express  the  awe-inspiring 
character  or  the  effulgence  of  a  kami.  In  the  mere  matter  of 
the  names  of  IzanagVs  sword  there  seems  to  be  a  slight  amount 
of  evidence  indicating  an  original  formative  experience  in  some 
phenomenon  that  was  associated  with  the  heavens  {ama)  and 
which,  at  the  same,  time  was  majestic  or  terrible.  More  direct 
evidence  is  to  be  found  in  the  fact  that  the  Kojiki  makes  this 
sword  the  father  of  the  ancient  Japanese  thunder-god,  Take-inika- 
dzuchi-no-zvo-no-kami  (''  Terrible-Thunder-Male-Deity  ").'^  The 
myth  relates  that  when  the  matter  of  the  pacifying  of  the  tur- 
bulent land  that  later  was  to  become  the  territory  of  Japan,  was 
under  discussion  in  the  council  of  Taka-ma-ga-haray  it  was  pro- 
posed that  "  Majestic-Point-Blade-Extended-Deity "  be  sent 
down  to  accomplish  this  task.  When  consulted  in  the  matter 
this  deity  replied,  "  I  will  obey  and  will  respectfully  serve  you. 
Nevertheless  on  this  errand  ye  should  send  my  child,  the  Terri- 
ble-Thunder-Male-Deity."* The  offspring  of  IzanagVs  sword 
then  is  thunder.  The  inference  is  plain  as  to  what  the  sword 
itself  must  have  been  in  the  original  experience  of  the  makers  of 
the  myth. 

Further  evidence  pointing  to  a  connection  between  thunder 
and  IzanagVs  sword  is  to  be  found  in  the  Nihongi,     In  one 

I.  Cf.  C,  p.  34.  Votive  swords  with  blades  broad  toward  the  point  in  imita- 
tion of  the  shape  of  the  ancient  Japanese  weapon  are  frequently  found  at  Shint5 
shrines  in  the  present.  The  shape  of  these  swords  suggests  a.  remote  origin  in  the 
itone  age  first-hatchet. 

2.  Qf.CyJt.      100. 

3.  (y.  A.,  I,  p.  68,  note  3.  Mikadzuchi  is  evidently  the  same  as  ikadziuhi^ 
« thunder."     See  also  Satow,  «  Ancient  Japanese  Rituals,"  T.  A.  S.  J.,  Vol.  VH, 

4.  Cf.  C,  p.  100. 


THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN    SHINTQ  2O3 

passage  of  this  record  we  read  of  certain  deities  who  dwelt  in 
the  Rock  Cave  of  Heaven.  They  were  the  three  genera- 
tions of  kami  :  Mika-nchhaya-hi-no-kami  (*'  Terrible-Swift-Fire^ 
Deity  "),  who  was  the  son  of  Itsu-no-wo-bashirl-no-kami  (Majes- 
tic-Male-Running-Deity/*), Hi-no-hay a-hi-no-kami  (''  Swift-Fire- 
of-Fire-Deity  ''),  and  Take-mikadzuchi-no-kami  ("  Terrible-Thun- 
der-Deity ")  who  was  the  child  of  Swift-Fire-of-Fire-Deity.^ 
These  deities  lived  in  the  Rock  Cave  of  Heaven  ;  that  is  to  say, 
they  were  generally  invisible/  but  they  flashed  forth  as  swift 
fire  accompanied  by  a  thunder-child.  We  may  have .  little  hesi- 
tation in  saying  that  they  had  their  origin  in  ancient  human 
experiences  with  the  thunder  storm.  The  parentage  of  the 
thunder  god,  found  once  in  IzanagVs  sword  and  again  in  a  swift 
fire  of  heaven,  plainly  favors  the  interpretation  that  these  two  are 
one  and  the  same  and  that  the  Majestic-Point-Blade-Extended, 
worn  by  Izanagi  is  nothing  other  than  the  lightning  flash. 

Evidence  for  the  conclusion  that  the  sword  of  Izanagi  is 
the  lightning  flash  can  be  made  yet  more  particular.  We  have 
only  to  consider  the  exegesis  of  the  various  deities  that  spring 
from  the  blood  that  attaches  to  the  different  parts  of  IzanagPs 
sword  when  he  slays  Kagu-tsiicki,  to  find  unexpected  confirma- 
tion of  our  interpretation.  The  pertinent  section  of  the  KojiJd 
following  the  account  of  how  Izanami  died  in  giving  birth  to 
KagiHsuchi  reads,  "  Hereupon  Izanagi-no-mlkoto  drew  the  ten- 
grasp  sword  with  which  he  was  girded  and  cut  off  the  head  of 
his  child,  Kagu-tsuchi-no-kami,  The  names  of  the  deities  that 
were  then  born  from  the  blood  that  stuck  to  the  point  of  his 
sword  and  bespattered  the  multitudinous  rock  masses  were  Iwa- 
saku-no-kami  (''  Rock-Splitting- Deity  "),  next  Ne-saku-no~karrd 

1.  Cf.  N.,  p.  50 ;  A.,  I,  p.  68. 

2.  The  conclusion  that  invisibility  of  celestial  phenomena  or  obscuration 
thereof  was  described  by  the  early  Japanese  myth-makers  as  an  entering  into  the 
Rock  Cave  of  Heaven  is  supported  by  the  account  of  how  when  Ama-ierasu-o-mi- 
kami,  the  Sun-goddess,  entered  the  "  Rock  Cave  of  Heaven  "  all  the  earth  became 
dark.  The  original  experience  in  this  case  was  evidently  the  obscuration  of  the 
sun  either  in  an  eclipse  or  by  rain  clouds; 


204  THE    POLITICAL    PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN    SHINTO. 

("  Root-Splitting-Deity  "),  and  next  Iwa-tsutsn-no-wo-no-kami 
(*^  Rock-Possessing-Male-Deity  ")/  The  names  of  the  deities 
that  were  next  born  from  the  blood  that  stuck  to  the  upper  part 
of  his  sword  and  again  bespattered  the  multitudinous  rock- 
masses  were,  Mika-no-haya-hi-nc-kami  ("  Terrible-Swift- Fire- 
Deity  ")  next  Hi-no-hay a-hi~no-kami  (" Swift- Fire-of-Fire  Deity") 
and  Take-mikadzuchi-no-wo-no-kami  (**  Brave-Thunder-Male- 
Deity  "  or  "  Brave-Terrible-Hammer-Male-Deity  ").^  .... 
The  names  of  the  deities  that  were  next  born  from  the  blood 
that  came  together  on  the  hilt  of  his  sword  and  leaked  out 
between  his  fingers  were  Kura-okami-no-kami  ('*  Dark-Rain- 
Deity  "/  and  Kiira-midzn-ha-no-kami  ("  Dark- Water-Swift- 
Deity '").'*  "  The  parallel  account  in  the  Nihongi  rounds  out  the 
number  of  deities  born  from  IzanagVs  sword  to  three  sets  of 
triplets  by  adding  to  the  list  the  name  of  Kura-yama-tsu-mi-no- 
kami  C'  Dark-Mountain-Body-Deity  ").^ 

How  then  shall  we  interpret  a  sword  that,  at  its  point  breaks 
the  rocks,  splits  the  trees  to  the  roots,  and  impregnates  the  rocks 
with  fire,^  that  appears  in  its  upper  part  as  swift  fire,  giving  birth 

1.  For  these  three  kami  see  C,  p.  32. 

2.  These  three  kami,  appearing  on  the  upper  part  of  IzanagHs  sword,  have 
already  been  noted  as  those  who  dwelt  in  the  Rock  Cave  of  Heaven. 

3.  The  title  of  this  deity  is  written  ^J5^  )^W^^  in  the  Kojiki  and[^f|jiif  in  the 
Nihongi.  Kura  (jg  is  taken  in  the  sense  of  "  dark  "  or  "  black."  This  meaning 
is  favoured  in  the  Dai  Nikon  Shimmei  Jisho  {Cf.  p.  137  under  Kura-okami-no- 
kami).  Okami  is  taken  in  the  ordinary  sense  of  the  reading  ^,  as  given  in  the 
jVi'/^wz^/,  namely  "the  god  of  rain  or  water"  (C/".  N.,  p.  14).  The  elements  of 
the  ideogram  give  the  idea  of  a  dragon  god  of  rain  ( jjg,  "  rain  "  and  f  |,  "  dragon  "). 

4-  H^?t^P  {Kojiki),  Hl^Hlf  {Nihongi).  The  Dai  Nikon  Shimmei 
Jisho,  following  Motoori,  advances  the  interpretation  that  midzu  (^^)  here 
carries  the  idea  of  "water"  and  ha  (^)  the  sense  of  sumiyaka,  "  swift."  {Cf.  Dai 
Nikon  Skimmei  Jisho,  p.  137).  The  Nihongi  definitely  states  that  a  certain 
Midzu-hano-me,  born  from  Izanami,  was  a  "  water  deity  "  (;M^).  {Cf.  N.,  p.  12). 
Thus,  on  good  authority,  Kura-midzu-ka-tw- kami  may  be  rendered  "  Dark-Water- 
Swift-Deity." 

5.  Cf  A,  I,  p.  23,  note  13. 

6.  The  Japanese  myth  of  the  deities  that  appear  at  the  point  of  Izanagi's 
sword  reflects  a  widespread  belief  that  flints,  which  contain  the  element  of  fire,  are 


THE    POLITICAL    PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN    SHINTO.  20$ 

to  thunder — a  sword  that  brings  forth  at  the  hilt  dark,  mountain- 
like masses  that  drip  water?  Plainly,  it  is  the  picture  of  a 
thunder  storm.  Kagu-tsuchi  was  killed  by  a  mighty  thunder- 
storm in  which,  when  the  sword  of  Izanagi  flashed  in  the  sky, 
swift  fire  broke  on  the  rocks  and  trees,  Mika-dzuchi  pounded 
with  his  hammer,  Kiira-okami  and  Kiira-yama-tsu-mi-no-kami 
were  seen  gathering  together  like  the  masses  of  great  black 
mountains  up  above,  and  .then,  as  the  climax  of  the  entire  scene, 
trickling  out  between  the  fingers  of  Izanagi  came  Midzii-ha — 
water  raining  down  out  of  the  black  clouds  upon  the  earth 
below.  We  stand  here  in  the  presence  of  what  is  probably  the 
oldest  picture  in  Japanese  literature.  It  is  indeed  a  picture-poem, 
certainly  one  of  the  first  ever  produced  by  the  remote  ancestors 
of  the  Japanese  race.  The  picture  placed  before  us  here  in  the 
Kojiki  contains  all  of  the  elements  of  a  terrific  thunder-storm 
and,  be  it  noted,  nothing  more.  We  conclude  then  that  the 
sword  of  Izanagi  is  the  lightning  flash. 

One  of  the  Nihongi  accounts  still  further  connects  the  death 
of  Kagii-tsuchi  with  a  thunder-storm  by  introducing  the  variant  : 
"  Izanagi-no-mikoto  drew  his  sword  and  cut  Kagii-tsuchi  into 
three  pieces.  One  of  these  became  the  Thunder-god  {Ikadziichi-no- 
kami)}  one  became  the  Great-Mountain-Body-Deity  {U-yama-tsw 
mi-no-kami)  and  one  became  the  Fierce-Rain-god  {Taka-okami)^^ 

thrown  down  by  the  thunderbolt  or  that  sacred  fire,  i.e.  the  lightning  flash,  falls 
from  heaven  and  enters  into  "  rocks,  trees  and  herbage  "  (Cf.  A.,  I,  p.  29)  from 
whence  it  may  be  extracted  by  striking  or  rubbing.  For  a  clear  statement  of  the 
meaning  of  the  death  of  Kagu  tsuchi  in  relation  to  early  ideas  of  the  origin  of  fire 
see  Revon,  "  Cosmogony  and  Cosmology  (Japanese),"  H.  E.  R.  E.,  Vol.  4,  p.  165^ 
Revon  does  not  connect  the  death  of  Kagu  tsuchi  with  the  lightning  flash  and  the 
action  of  a  Japanese  sky-father,  yet  such  a  connection  is  strongly  supported  by  the 
internal  evidence  of  the  literary  records.  For  a  statement  of  the  early  cult  of 
rocks  and  stones  in  relation  to  sacred  fire  and  the  sky-god  see  Foucart,  G.,  "  Sky 
and  Sky-Gods,"  H.  E.  R.  E.,  Vol.  11,  p.  583. 

;  I.  The  text  here  leaves  no  room  for  doubt.  It  says  plainly  |||f,  thunder- 
god.     Cf.  N.,  p.  18. 

2-     ^M  ^f'  ■^■»  ^/'  '^^^-  '^^^  Nihon  Shimmei  Jisho  (p.    189)  suggests  that 
taka  should  be  taken  in  the  sense  of  takekL  *<  fierce." 


206  THE.  POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN   SHINTQ. 

It  is  difficult  to  see  how  anything  other  than  experiences  with 
seasonal  storm  could  have  produced  this  mythology. 

Again,  when  Izanagi  flees  from  out  of  the  lower  world 
after  his  vain  effort  to  possess  his  dead  wife  once  more  his  sword 
is  again  unsheathed.  This  time  it  flashes  "  behind  him  "  as  he 
hurries  on  pursued  by  the  eight  deities  of  thunder}  The  evi- 
dence here  also  suggests  the  memory  of  seasonal  storm. 

It  was  then  a  thunder-storm  that  killed  Kagu-tsuchiy 
"  Glittering-Earth."^  He  was  a  true  child  of  Izanami — Fruitful 
Mother  Earth — and  at  the  same  time,  he  was  a  Fire  God.  He 
was  a  specialized  form  of  fire.  He  was  that  form  of  fire  which 
manifested  itself  to  the  makers  of  the  myth  in  their  experiences 
with  an  intense  summer  heat.  When  it  became  time  for  him  to 
be  born  his  mother  '*  became  feverish,"  she  ^'  was  burnt,"  she 
"  suffered  change  and  went  away."  The  old  mythology  in 
forms  that  are  about  as  plain  as  human  words  can  well  be 
made  thus  sets  forth  experiences  in  a  climate  in  which  vege- 
tation withered  and  died  away  owing  to  the  coming  of  a  season 
of  intense  heat.  It  was  a  heat  so  great  that  it  "  glittered  "  and 
"  shone  ;"  a  very  god  of  fire  was  brought  forth  from  the  womb 
of  Mother  Earth.  And  then  Kagu-tsiicki  died  in  a  mighty 
storm.  He  was  killed  by  ths  sword  of  the  Sky-Father.  Yet 
hs  did  not  altogether  die.  His  death  was  the  breaking  of  the 
drought. 

1.  Cf.  C,  pp.  36-37. 

2.  The  full  title  of  this  deity  is  tj^^^^^.^^  {Hi-no-ka^n-tsuchi-no-kamif 
^  Giittering-Earth-Deity-of-Fire  ").  Tstichi  ( Ji)  is  here  interpreted  in  the  sense  of 
the  primary  meaning  of  the  ideograph,  i.e.  "  earth."  For  similar  renderings  in 
the  cases  of  other  deities  whose  titles  contain  the  element  tsuchi  or  tsutm  cf.  Dai 
Nihon  Shimmei  Jisko,  pp.  65,  230.  Kagu  is  taken  in  the  sense  of  kagayakii,  "  to 
glitter."  Alternate  names  of  this  deity  indicate  an  original  experience  with  objects 
which  contain  heat  or  fire  and  which  also  reflect  heat  or  glitter  therewith — Hi-no- 
yagi-haya-wo-no-kami,  "  Glittering-Swift-Male-Deity-of-Fire  "  or  "  Fire-burning- 
Swift-Male-Deity-of-Fire,"  Hi-no-kagabiko-no-kamiy  "  Glittering-Sun-child-Deity- 
of-Fire  "  or  "  Shining-Prince-Deity -of- Fire  "  and  Hqviusubi-tto-kami^  "  Fire. 
Producing-Deity."  Experitnces  with  the  dry  and  healed  objects  of  summer  earth 
would  naturally  produce  such  epithets. 


THE    POLITICAL    PHILOSOPHY    OF    MODERN   SHINTO.  205r 

That  Kagu-tsuchi  did  not  altogether  die  is  seen  immedi- 
ately in  the  character  of  the  deities  that  came  from  his  divided 
body.  Kagu-tsuchi,  who,  it  must  be  remembered,  is,  in  the 
original  formative  experience,  only  an  aspect  of  the  earth,  namely, 
earth  in  a  fiery  mood,  when  slain  by  Izanagi,  gives  birth  to 
mountains.  In  this  connection  the  Kojiki  says>  **  The  name 
of  the  deity  that  was  born  from  the  head  of  Kagu  tsucJii  no 
kami  who  had  been  slain  was  the  Deity  Possessor-of-the-True- 
Pass-Mountains.  The  name  of  the  deity  that  was  next  born  from 
his  chest  was  the  Deity  Possessor-of-Descent-Mountains.  The 
name  of  the  deity  that  was  next  born  from  his  belly  was  the 
Deity  Possessor-of-the-Innermost-Mountains.  The  name  of  the 
deity  that  was  next  born  from  his  private  parts  was  the  Deity 
Possessor-of-the-Dark-Mountains.  The  name  of  the  deity  that 
was  next  born  from  his  left  hand  was  the  Deity  Possessor-of-the- 
Densely- Wooded- Mountains.  The  name  of  the  deity  that 
was  next  born  from  his  right  hand  was  the  Deity- Possessor- 
of-the-Outlying-Mountains.  The  name  of  the  deity  that  was  next 
born  from  his  left  toot  was  the  Deity  Possessor-of-the-Moorland- 
Mountains.  The  name  of  the  deity  that  was  next  bom  from  his 
right  foot  was  the  Deity  Possessor-of-the-Outer-Mountains."^ 

The  Kojiki  herein  sets  forth  a  racial  memory  that  is  true  to 
the  experiences  of  the  makers  of  the  myth.  One  who  has  lived 
through  the  dry  season  of  southern  Asia  wherein  the  heated 
earth  cracks  and  the  air  becomes  so  thick  and  heavy  with 
dust  that  in  certain  districts  the  sun  seems  to  go  down  in 
the  middle  of  the  afternoon,  knows  that  after  the  great 
storms  of  the  south-west  monsoon  have  killed  Kagu-tsuchi,  the 
air  is  washed  clear  and  the  mountains  appear  as  if  new-born 
from  the  bcdy  of  the  earth.  There  is  no  intention  of 
attempting  to  maintain  that  the  storm  that  killed  Kagu- 
tsuchi  was  the  south-west  monsoon,  yet  it  seems  fair  to 
conclude  that  somewhere  in  their  wide  journeyings  the 
ancestors  of  the  Japanese  race  passed  through  agricultural 
I.    C.,p.  33. 


208  THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY    OF    MODERN   SHINT5 

experiences  in  a  mountainous  country  that  had  a  terrific  summer 
heat  which  made  it  inevitable  that  from  the  slain  body  of  Kagu- 
tsuchi  should  emerge  mountain  deities. 

We  may  conclude,  then  that  the  episode  of  the  withdrawal 
of  Izanami  to  the  lower  world  is  based  on  the  same  human 
social  experiences  as  are  similar  episodes  relating  the  withdrawal 
of  similar  Earth-Mother  deities  in  other  fields.  These  ancient 
and  fundamental  human  experiences  are  agricultural,  emerging 
out  of  the  effect  of  seasonal  changes  on  vegetation.  In  a  cold 
climate  when  winter  comes  on,  earth's  vegetation  withers  and 
Mother-Earth  retires.  In  a  hot  climate  when  the  heat  of  sum- 
mer comes  on,  vegetation  likewise  languishes  and  withers,  and 
the  Earth-Mother  grows  feverish,  is  burnt  and  goes  away.  This 
interpretation  is  already  widely  accepted  in  fields  outside  of 
Japan.  We  may  have  little  hesitation  in  accepting  it  in  explana- 
tion of  early  Japanese  mythology.  The  search  which  Izanagi 
makes  for  Izanami  re-echoes  the  search  of  the  Egyptian  his  for 
the  body  of  Osiris^  The  original  meaning  of  the  death  of 
Attis  in  the  Phrygian  myth  of  Attis  and  Cybele  was  the  death 
of  vegetation  in  winter.^  In  the  Homeric  Hymn  to  De meter, 
the  Earth-Mother  goddess,  written  probably  in  the  seventh  cen- 
tury B.C.  the  story  is  told  of  how  Persephone,  when  gathering 
flowers  in  a  field,  was  stolen  and  carried  away  to  the  under 
world.  The  mother  saddened  and  languished  and  refused  to 
produce  grain  that  men  might  live.  The  earth  was  unfruitful. 
It  was  finally  arranged  that  the  daughter  should  spend  eight 
months  of  each  year  with  her  mother,  during  which  time  the 
earth  was  fruitful.^  The  languishing  of  the  Greek  Earth-Mother, 
Demeter,  corresponds  exactly  with  the  sickness  and  departure 
of  the  Japanese  Earth-Mother,  Izanami.  The  Babylonian  Ishtar, 
the  mother  of  gods  and  men,   was  an  ancient  Earth-Goddess. 

1.  Cf.  Miiller,  Egyptian  Myikology  {Mythology  of  All  Naces,  Vol.  XII),  pp. 
113  ff. 

2.  Cf.  IL  E.  R.  E.,  Vol.  2,  p.  21S. 

3.  Cf.  II.  E.  R.  E.,  Vol.  9,  p.  78.  * 


I 


THE    POLITICAL    PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN    SHINTO.  209 

Her  journey  to  the  lower  world  in  search  of  Tammuz   was  the 
ancient  Babylonian  interpretation  of   the  death  of   vegetation. 
Vegetation  died  and  earth's  fertility  ceased  when  Ishtdr  was  in 
.  the  lower  world. ^ 

The  idea  that  the  Japanese  myth  of  Izanagi  and  Izanami 
was  in  some  way  connected  with  seasonal  changes  in  vegetation 
is  suggested  by  the  fact  that  in  the  struggle  between  Izanagi 
and  the  forces  of  the  lower  world  various  food  items — grapes, 
bamboo-sprouts,  and  peaches — ^appear  as  important  factors  in 
assisting  his  escape  to  the  upper  world.^  Further  connectioii 
with  seasonal  change  arises  from  the  evidence  of  the  Nihongi 
that  Izanami  was  anciently  worshipped  with  a  spring  festival 
'*  by  offerings  of  flowers."^  Flower  festivals  to  the  Earth- 
Mother  are  widely  distributed  as,  for  example,  "  Among  the 
aborigines  of  India,  the  Earth-Mother  is  worshipped  mainly  in 
connection  with  agricultural  seasons.  Sacrifices  are  offered,  and 
she  is  begged  to  be  propitious,  while  she  has  often  a  special 
festival,  or,  as  among  the  Oraons,  a  spring  festival  celebrates  her 
marriage  with  Heaven."^  The  Dravidians  of  South  India  wor- 
ship a  Great  Mother.  The  customary  offering  is  flowers.^  E. 
S.  Hartland  says,  "  Every  year  when  the  5(^/-tree  is  in  blossoni 
the  Oraons  of  Bengal  celebrate  the  marriage  of  the  earth-goddess 
with  Dharme,  the  sun-god."^  Every  year  when  the  flowers  on 
Mount  Tsukuba  in  Japan  begin  to  blossom  the  peasants  of  the 
vicinity  celebrate  the  Ozagawari  ("  Great-Seat-Change  ")  of  Iza- 
namiy  that  is,  her  journey  to  her  shrine  on  the  mountain  top.  And 

1.  Regarding  the  point  of  Ishtar's  relation  to  seasonal  changes  in  vegeta- 
tion Jeremias  remarks,  "  Since  nature  dies  and  comes  to  life  again  (in  cosmical 
language  sinks  into  the  Underworld  and  then  rises  again),  she  is  the  goddess  who 
goes  with  dying  nature  into  the  Underworld  and  who  brings  up  the  new  life." 
"  Die  Religion  in  Babylonien,"  Allgemeine  Religions-Geschichte,  p.  29, 

2.  Cf.  C,  pp.  36-7. 

3.  Cf  A.,  I,  p.  21. 

4.  H  E.  R.  E.,  Vol.  5,  p.  129,  Ref,  is  to  Crooke,  Popular  Religion  and 
Folklore  of  N.  India,  Vol.  I,  p.  30  ff. 

5.  Cf.  Hopkins,  E.  W.  T/ie  History  of  Rtligions,  p.  170. 

6.  H  E  R.  E.,  Vol.  9,  p.  823. 


2IO  THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN   SHINTO. 

every  year  when  vegetation  begins  to  wither  on  the  mountain 
she  is  brought  down  again  to  the  shrine  at  the  base.  While  it 
is  true  that  Izanagi  likewise  shares  in  this  modern  Ozagarwaru 
yet  the  present-day,  popular  explanation  is  that  it  is  especially 
designed  to  protect  Izanami,  The  peasants  of  the  district  say 
in  explanation,  "  It  is  not  good  that  a  woman  should  remain  out 
on  the  mountain  in  the  wintei"."  It  is  of  special  interest  that  the 
movements  of  Izanami  at  the  Tsukuba  shrine  should  still  be 
connected  with  seasonal  changes.  The  old  mythology  of 
the  south  seems  to  have  been  adapted  to  fit  a  northern 
climate. 

The  Earth-Mother  character  of  Izanami  is  likewise  to  be 
found  in  the  nature  of  the  deities  which  spring  from  different 
parts  of  her  body  after  her  relations  as  the  wife  of  Izanagi  have 
been  severed.  These  deities  appear  as  the  independent  creation 
oi  Izanami  and  thus,  on  the  hypothesis  put  forward  in  the  pre- 
sent discussion,  ought  to  be  closely  related  to  the  earth  itself. 
From  the  vomit  of  Izanami  came  two  deities  of  metal,  from  her 
excrement  two  other  deities  who  preside  over  clay,  from  her 
urine  a  water  deity  and  also  a  god  of  growth  called  Waka-mii- 
subi-no-kami  ('*  Young  Growth  Deity  ").^  These  first  named 
deities  may  be  understood  as  originating  in  an  early  mythological 
scheme  which  regards  metal,  clay,  and  water  as  discharges  from 
the  body  of  the  Earth-Mother.  In  the  Nihongi  account  the 
**  Young  Growth  Deity  "  just  mentioned  appears  as  the  producer 
of  the  silk-worm,  the  mulberry  tree,  and  the  five  grains.^ 
*'  Growth  "  thus  transforms  '*  Earth  "  into  these  objects  useful 
t3  man.  The  Kojiki  relates  that  in  the  .body  oi  Izanami  as  she 
lay  in  the  lower  world  resided  eight  deities  of  thunder.*  We 
here  have  a  mythological  fragment  which  may  be  consistently 
interpreted  as  originating  in  primitive  experiences  with  subter- 
ranean noises.     In  Teutonic  mythology  the  thunder  god   Thor 

1.  Cf.  C,  p.  29. 

2.  Cf.  A.,  I,  p.  .21. 
3     C/.  C.,p.36. 


THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN   SHINTO.  211 

has  for  his  mother  the  great  giantess  Jordh  who  is  identified  as 
the  Earth/ 

One  of  tlie  noyito  has  preserved  the  account  of  IzanamVs 
return  to  the  upper  world  out  of  the  Land  of  Night  and  her 
creation  anew  of  certain  deities  that  break  the  drought  brought 
on  by  the  birth  of  Kagu-t$uchi.  The  evidence  seenis  practically 
conclusive  in  identifying  the  movements  of  Izanami  with  the 
complete  cycle  of  seasonal  changes  passed  through  by  the 
Earth-Mother  deities  of  other  mythologie=:.  The  norito  which 
was  formerly  used  in  the  *'  Fire-calming-ceremony  "  (Jio-shizume 
no  matsuri)  presents  this  episode  thus :  "  The  two  deities 
Izanagi  and  Izanami  became  husband  and  wife  and  begot  the 
eighty  countries  and  the  eighty  islands  and,  also,  they  begot  the 
eight  hundred  myriads  of  deities.  Finally,  when  Izanami  gave 
birth  to  Ho-miisubi-no-kami  (Fire-Producing-Deity)  her  private 
parts  were  burned  and  she  became  hidden  in  the  rocks.  '  My 
beloved  husband,  look  not  on  me  for  the  space  of  seven  nights 
and  seven  days',  she  said.  Before  the  end  of  the  seven  days,  he 
wondered  at  her  concealment  and  looked  on  her,  and  her  private 
parts  had  been  burned  in  giving  birth  to  Fire.  Then  Izanami 
said,  '  Oh,  my  beloved  husband,  thou  hast  put  me  to  shame  by 
looking  on  me  at  such  a  time  when  I  had  said,  '^  Look  not  on 
me."  So  my  beloved  husband,  thou  must  rule  the  upper  world 
and  I  will  rule  the  lower  world.'  And  she  became  hidden  in 
the  rocks.  When  she  reached  the  Even  Hill  of  Yomi  she 
thought  and  said,  '  In  the  upper  world,  ruled  over  by  my  be- 
loved husband,  I  have  given  birth  to  and  left  behind  a  child  qf 
evil  heart.  So  returning,  she  yet  again  gave  birth  to  children — 
the  Deity  of  Water,  Gourd,  River-leaves,  and  Clay-Mountain- 
Lady  {Hani-yama-hime) — ^to  these  four  kinds  of  things  she  gave 
birth.  Then  she  taught  Izanagi  saying,  '  Whenever  the  heart 
of  this  evil-hearted  child  becomes  violent  subdue  it  with  the 


I.    Cf.  H.  E.  K.  E.,  Vol.  5,  p.  129. 


212  THE    POLITICAL    PHILOSOPHY   OF    MOERDN    SHINTO. 

Deity  of  Water,   with  Gourd,   with   Clay-Mountain- Lady  and 
with  River-leaves."^ 

The  introduction  of  the  Deity  of  Water  here  as  one  of  the 
agents  in  the  subjection  of  Kagu-tsuchi  reapeats  the  idea  of  the 
coming  of  water  in  the  form  of  the  two  rain-deities,  Kura~d-kami- 
no-kami  (*'  Dark-Rain-Deity ")  and  Kiira-midzu-ha-no-kami 
("  Dark- Water-Swift-Deity  ")  who  appeared  on  the  sword  of 
the  Sky-Father  when  he  killed  his  child.^  The  gourd  is  simply 
an  ancient  receptacle  for  storing  and  carrying  water.  "  River- 
leaves,"  which  the  noriio  makes  Izanami  produce  on  her  re- 
appearance in  the  upper  world,  strongly  suggests  seasonal  change 
wherein  the  new  vegetation  first  appears  along  the  courses  of 
streams  and  rivers.  According  to  the  Nihongi,  Hani-yama- 
hime  is  an  earth-goddess.^  She  is  made  to  marry  Kagu-tsuchi, 
who  is  also  an  earth  deity,  and  the  two  beget  between  them, 
Waka-musubi-no-kami^  already  mentioned  as  the  producer  of 
the  five  grains,  the  mulberry  tree  and  the  silk-worm.  The 
Kojiki  states  that  the  child  of  this  same  Waka-musubi-no-kami 
was  the  great  Food-Goddess,  Toyo-uke-bime-no-kami^  The 
basis  of  this  mythology  is  evidently  seasonal  change,  regarded 
as  induced  by  the  return  of  the  Earth-Mother.  This  change 
brings  new  life  to  the  parched  earth  and  food  to  the  ancient 
husbandman.  That  the  underlying  experience  is  recurrent  with 
the  coming  and  going  of  seasons  is  also  suggested  by  the  state- 
ment of  the  norito  that  IzanamVs  new  children  are  to  be  made 
use  of  **  Whenever  the  heart  of  this  evil-l\earted  child  becomes 
violent." 

An  item  of  evidence  of  a  different  character  is  to   be  found 
in  the  fact  that  the  term  papa  has  survived  in  Polynesian  langu- 

1.  Okubo,  JIaisuo,  Norito  Shiki  Kogi  iMMi^^^y^y  "  Lectures  on  the 
Norito  Ceremonies,"  Osaka,  1908,  4th  ed.).  Vol.  TI,  pp.  3-4.  See  also  Aston, 
Shinto,  pp.  315-316. 

2.  See  above,  p.  204. 

3.  C/:  A.,  I,  p.  21. 

4.  Ibid. 

5.  C/.  C,  pp.  29-30. 


THE   POLITICAL  PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN  SHINTO.  213 

ages  with  the  meaning  of  "  Earth-Mother  "^  while  in  archaic 
Japanese  the  same  form,  papa^  means  "  mother  "^  (modem 
Japanese  Jiaha), 

A  most  important  argument  for  the  Sky-Father  and 
Earth-Mother  characters  of  Izanagl  and  Izanami  is  to  be  found 
in  their  primary  creative  function  with  reference  to  the  total 
mythological  scheme  of  old  Shinto.  They  are  universal  parents. 
They  gave  birth  to  the  land,  the  living  things  of  the  vegetable 
world,  and  were  the  ancestors  of  gods  and  men.  The  Nihongi 
preserves  the  record  of  their  proper  position  in  the  original  my- 
thology when  it  says,  '*  They  produced  all  manner  of  things 
whatsoever.  """^  The  Kogoshui  opens  the  account  of  the  Japanese 
cosmogonic  myth  with  the  creative  activities  of  this  pair.  They 
are  the  first  kami  introduced.  The  text  says,  **  I  have  heard 
that  at  the  creation  of  heaven  and  earth  the  two  deities  Izanagi 
and  Izanami  became  man  and  wife.  They  begot  the  Eight 
Great  Islands  and  also  mountains,  rivers,  grasses  and  trees. 
Again,  they  begot  the  sun-goddess  and  the  moon-god.""*  Thus 
it  is  that  they  occupy  in  the  ancient  Shintd  pantheon  exactly 
the  positions  of  the  Sky-F'ather  and  the  Earth-Mother  of  other 
mythologies. 

The  interpretation  of  Izanagi  and  Izanami  here  adopted 
assigns  them  an  importance  consistent  with  the  place  which 
they  occupy  in  the  Shinto  pantheon.  For  although  in  that 
portion  of  the  mythology  which  clearly  reflects  the  influence  of 
the  political  organization  of  ancient  Yamato  culture  the  Sun- 
Goddess,  Ama-terasu-o-mi-kaim,  takes  precedence  over  all  other 
deities,  yet  in  the  original  cosmogonic  myth,  itself,  the  activities 
of  Izanagi  and  Izanami  are  central.     The  probable  reasons  for 


1.  Cf.  Tregear,  op,  cit,  p.  314. 

2.  Cf.  T.  A.  S.  J.,  Vol.  16,  p.  262. 
3-    ^^^^^,^^^,  N.,  p.  13. 

4.     Saeki,  A.,  Kogoshui  Kogi  (^ffi^^,  '^B^^W^>  "  Lectures  on  the 
Kogoshui  "  Pub.  by  the  Kogaku  Shoin^  loth  ed.,  Tokyo,  I921),  p,  4. 


214  THE   POLITICAL    PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN    SHINT5. 

this  rise  of  the  cult  of  the  Sun-Goddess  and  the  subordination  of 
the  Sky-Father  and  Earth-Mother  will  be  considered  later.  Aston 
classifies  Izanagi  and  Izanami  under  the  heading  of  gods  of 
abstraction  and  regards  them  as  '^evidently  creations  of  sub- 
sequent date  to  the  Sun-Goddess  and  other  concrete  deities,  for 
whose  existence  they  were  intended  to  account."^  Izanagi  and 
his  mate  are  assigned  by  this  scholar  "  to  that  stage  of  religious 
progress  in  which  the  conception  has  been  reached  of  powerful 
sentient  beings  separate  from  external  nature."^  The  interpre- 
tation of  origin  which  Aston  is  thus  led  to  accept  is  that  they 
were  suggested  to  the  ancient  Japanese  writers  by  the  Yin  and 
the  Yang,  or  the  male  and  the  female  principles,  of  Chinese 
philosophy. 

Against  Aston's  view  can  be  advanced  the  thoroughly 
concrete  character  of  Izanagi  and  Izanami  as  indicated  by  the 
evidence  given  above.  They  are  not  abstractions  formulated  to 
give  a  theoretical  account  of  older  deities.  The  central  position 
which  these  original  parents  occupy  in  the  Japanese  mythology 
makes  it  hardly  possible  that  they  could  have  been  borrowed 
from  Chinese  philosophy  without  the  entire  cosmogonic  scheme 
having  been  likewise  taken  over.  With  all  the  obvious  Chinese 
influence  in  the  Nihongi  there  is  no  evidence  of  such  extensive 
and  early  borrowing  from  China  as  is  made  necessary  by  Aston's 
theory.  Izanagi  and  Izanami  must  be  taken  as  original  Japan- 
ese deities.  They  are  the  concrete  expression  of  primitive  ex- 
periences with  the  phenomena  of  earth  and  sky,  interpreted  in 
terms  of  a  social  life  that  is  still  so  undeveloped  as  to  be  confined 
almost  entirely  to  the  events  of  the  parent-child  group.  This 
alone  is  proof  of  a  great  antiquity. 

Similar  objections  are  to  be  advanced  against  the  interpre- 
tation which  overemphasizes  a  phallic  character  for  these  deities.' 
The  theory  here  builds  to  a  large  extent  on  etymological  con- 

1.  Shinto,  p.  169. 

2.  tbid.,  p.  170. 

.     3.    So  Buckley,  Pkallicism  in  Ja^an^  pp.  22-26. 


THE    POLITICAL    PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN   SHINTO.  21 5 

siderations.  It  follows  Motoori  in  assigning  to  the  words  Iza- 
nagi  and  Izanami  an  origin  in  izanau,  "  to  invite,"  while  gi  and 
mi  are  taken  as  equivalents  of  "  male  ''  and  "  female  "  respec- 
tively ;  hence  the  meanings,  "  Male-Who-Invites  "  and  "  Female- 
Who-Invites,"  i.e.,  invites  to  sexual  relations.^  The  naive  detail 
with  which  the  Kojiki  enters  into  a  description  of  the  first  creative 
activity  of  this  pair  lends  some  plausibility  to  the  interpretation. 
That  phallic  practices  have  been  a"  'part  of  the  worship  of 
Izanagi  and  Izanami  is  beyond  question.  Yet  phallicism  is  not 
the  key  to  their  interpretation.  On  the  other  hand,  an  isolated 
phallic  theory  does  not  do  justice  to  their  position  in  the  cosmo- 
gonic  scheme.  Phallicism,  with  an  underlying  relation  to  fertility 
rites,  has  a  world-wide  association  with  Earth-Mother  cults.^  For 
example,  Priapus,  the  Greek  phallic  deity,  was  the  son  of  Aphro- 
dite, an  original  earth-goddess.^  The  Isis  and  Osiris  cult  of 
Egypt  appears  to  have  been  associated  with  phallicism.'*  Male 
and  female  emblems  with  the  meaning  of  fertility  charms,  appear- 
ed in  the  ceremonies  of  both  the  Arrephoria  and  the  Thesmo- 
phbria.*  Among  the  Yoruba  on  the  west  coast  of  Africa  the 
Earth-Mother  is  also  a  phallic  deity.^  It  is  altogether  to  be 
expected  that  phallic  rites  should  be  associated  especially  with 
Izanami  in  her  character  as  universal  mother. 

1.  Cf.  C,  p.  1 8,  note  8.  At  the  present  stage  of  investigation,  the  attempt 
to  argue  from  the  meaning  of  these  names  to  the  functions  of  the  deities  is  pre- 
carious. Aston  prefers  to  take  isa  (Jza)  as  a  place-name ;  hence,  "  the  Male  of 
Iza"  and  "the  Female  of  Iza"  (5/^/«/5,  p.  172).  A  recent  Japanese  explanation 
attempts  to  interpret  iza  in  the  sense  of  "  beginning  "  or  "  first  "  ;  hence,  "  the 
First  Male  "  and  "  the  First  Female  "  {C/.  Meiji  Seitohi  Kinen  Gakkai  KiyOy 
Vol.  16,  p.  125).  ' 

2.  For  references  consult  art.  "  Phallism,"  H.E.R.E.,  Vol.  9. 

3.  Ibia. 

4.  Ibid. 

5.  Cf.  Harrison,  Themis  p.  266,  also  pp.  396  fF.,  451  fF.  "At  Syracuse^ 
on  the  day  of  the  Thesmophoria  cakes  of  sesame  and  honey  representing  the 
female  sex were  carried  about  and  offered  to  the  goddesses — pro- 
bably Demeter  and  Kore  "  (H  E.R.E.,  Vol.  9,  p.  818). 

6.  H.E.R.E.,  op.  cit. 


2l6  THE   POLITICAL  PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN   SHINTO. 

The  foregoing  discussion  is  offered  as  evidence  that  in 
Izanagi  is  preserved  the  memory  of  an  ancient  Japanese  Sky- 
Father  and  in  his  mate,  Izanami,  the  idea  of  a  great  Earth- 
Mother.  Izanagi  is  a  being  who  produces  the  deities  of  sun 
and  moon  from  his  eyes,  the  storm-god  from  his  nostrils,  whose 
breath  is  the  wind,  whose  tears  are  probably  rain-drops  and  who 
carries  a  sword  which  is  the  lightning  flash.  Izanamiy  his  mate, 
is  a  being  who  has  the  double  function  of  an  earth-goddess 
of  the  upper  world  and  of  the  lower  world,  whose  body  is  as- 
sociated with  the  things  that  come  from  out  the  earth  such  as 
metal,  clay,  water  and  growing  crops.  Her  death  and  depar- 
ture into  the  underworld  are  to  be  interpreted  as  an  ancient 
statement  of  the  effects  of  seasonal  change  on  vegetation. 
The  early  mythology,  in  spite  of  its  existing  fragmentary  char- 
acter, still  preserves  the  account  of  her  return  from  the 
lower  world  with  reviving  life.  Izanagi^  also,  seems  to  have 
brought  new  vegetation  with  him  out  of  the  land  of  Yomi  and 
modern  local  ceremonial  still  retains  the  influence  of  the  idea 
that  Izanami  properly  goes  up  to  the  mountain  top  with  the 
returning  life  of  spring.  Finally  the  two  are  universal  parents. 
In  all  these  points  the  correspondence  with  Sky-Fathers  and 
Earth-Mothers  of  other  peoples  is  close. 

Such  are  the  kami  in  whom  modern  Shinto  still  finds 
original  parents  for  the  Imperial  Family  and  for  the  general  popu- 
lace alike.  The  sense  in  which  they  are  to  be  taken  as  ancestors 
is  plain.  In  tracing  the  royal  line  back  to  Izanagi  and  Izanami 
the  modern  genealogists  have  been  true  to  pure  Japanese  tradi- 
tion, but  at  the  same  time  they  have  evidently  builded  better  than 
they  know.  The  line  as  thus  established  does  reach  back  to 
"  immemorial  ages."  We  have,  indeed,  the  extraordinary 
spectacle  of  a  modern  state  supporting  its  political  fabric  with  a 
genealogical  scheme  that  has  come  straight  down  out  of  a  primi- 
tivity  so  remote  as  to  bear  the  impress  of  a  mythology  that  was 
probably  formulated  as  man's  first  attempt  at  a  systematic  world- 
\    view.     The  historicity  of  the  two  great  ancestors  who  head  the 


THE  POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN   SHINTO.  21/ 

royal  genealogies  as  given  in  the  modern  *^  History  for  Middle 
Schools  "  is  to  be  estimated  exactly  as  we  estimate  the  historical 
validity  of  Sky-Father  and  Earth-Mother  myths  elsewhere.  The 
study  here  carries  us  into  the  field  of  pure  rriythology  and  not 
into  that  of  history,  as  such. 

In  assigning  the  above  value  to  Izanagi  and  Izanami  we 
need  not  be  led  astray  by  the  fact  that  the  mythology  so  fully 
anthropomorphizes  and  domesticates  them.  Izanagi  is  pictured 
in  the  myth  as  a  patriarch  who  marries  and  begets  children,  who 
wears  clothes  and  carries  a  weapon  with  which  he  takes  the  life 
of  a  child.  The  legend  of  his  final  place  of  ''  concealment  "  on 
the  Island  of  Ahaji  is  carefully  preserved.^  Izanami  is  a  woman 
who  dies  in  childbirth  and  who  is  buried  at  Arima  of  Kumano.^ 
Folk  lore  does  the  same  thing  for  similar  deities  elsewhere,  how- 
ever. Greek  tradition,  for  example,  has  likewise  preserved  the 
knowledge  of  the  places  of  birth  and  burial  of  the  Sky-god, 
Zeus.^  E.  W.  Hopkins  has  fittingly  called  attention  to  the  fact 
that  the  German  thunder-god,  Thor,  was  not  regarded  merely 
as  a  noise  in  the  sky  but  as  *^  a  heavenly  man  with  a  decent 
family  of  his  own  and  with  intimate  relations  with  his  clan  on 
earth."''  Such  socialization  of  experience  with  nature  is  indeed 
an  inevitable  part  of  the  evolution  of  human  thought. 

In  connection  with  the  early  ideas  of  the  relations  of  Heaven 
and  Earth  a  further  matter  is  to  be  noted.  Japanese  my- 
thology bears  clear  traces  of  the  influence  of  a  conception 
that,  at  one  time,  Heaven  hung  close  down  over  Earth  and 
possibly,  also,  of  the  idea  that  the  two  were  subsequently 
separated  through  the  efforts  of  the  divine  beings  who  lived 
in  between  them.  A  similar  idea  is  widespread  in  the  Oceanic 
area.     The  extent  of  the  geographical  distribution  of  a  notion 

1.  CA  A.,  L,  p.  34. 

2.  3id.y  p.  21. 

^.     Cf.  Fox,  W.  S.,   Greek  and  Roman  Mythology^  pp.    154  fif. ;  Harrison, 
<^.  cit.,  pp.  I -1 5. 

4.     Hopkins,  E.  W.,  The  History  of  Religions^  p.  8. 


21 8         THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY    OF    MCDSRN    SHINTO. 

of  the  original  close  proximity  of  Heaven  and  Earth  and 
their  final  separation,  constitutes  one  of  the  remarkable  features 
of  Oceanic  mythology,  passing,  as  it  does,  throughout  almost 
the  entire  Polynesian  and  Indonesian  areas.  The  myth  occurs  in 
India,  Borneo,  in  the  Philippines,  in  the  Celebes,  in  the  Marshall 
Islands,  in  New  Zealand  and  the  Chatham  Islands,  in  Samoa  and 
the  Union  Group.  In  the  account  from  the  New  Hebrides  the 
sky  originally  hung  so  low  as  to  be  struck  by  a  woman  as  she 
worked  with  mortar  and  pestle.  In  the  mythology  of  both  the 
Cook  Group  and  the  Society  Islands  the  sky  at  first  rested  as  far 
down  over  the  earth  as  the  leaves  of  plants  growing  on  her 
surface.^ 

The  New  Zealand  myth  of  the  separation  of  Heaven  and 
Earth  presents  noteworthy  features,  that,  in  certain  respects, 
s^em  to  shed  light  on  fragments  in  old  Japanese  mythology.  As 
summarized  by  Tregear  from  the  graphic  accounts  of  Maori 
chiefs  and  priests  compiled  by  Sir  George  Grey,  the  outlines  of 
the  story  are  as  follows.  "  Rangi  (Heaven)  and  Papa  (the 
Earth)  lay  clinging  in  a  close  embrace,  so  intertwined  that  the 
children  they  had  begotten  dwelt  in  darkness  in  their  narrow 
realm.  These  children  who  afterwards  became  the  great  gods 
of  men,  resolved  to  rend  their  parents  apart,  and,  after  taking 
long  counsel  together  essayed  the  task.  One  only,  Tawhiri- 
matea,  the  Lord  of  Winds  and  Storm,  was  grieved  at  the  deci- 
sion, and  refused  to  join  in  the  forcible  divorce  of  Rangi  and 
Papa.  Rongo-ma-Tane,  Tangaroa,  Huamia-tiketike,  and  Tu^ 
mata-uenga  all  attempted  the  '  rending  apart '  in  vain  ;  but  the 
mighty  Tane-ma-huta,  the  Lord  of  Forests,  at  length  forced 
Rangi  upwards  from  the  breast  of  his  wife,  and  let  in  the  light 
ofday."^ 

In  a  further  Maori  account,  presenting  new  details,  Tane  is 
assisted  by  Paia,  his  younger  brother.  The  story  relates  how, 
after  Raki  (Rangi)  and  Papa  had  spoken   words  of  affectionate 

1.  Dixon,  Oceanic  Mythology,  pp.  30-36,  p.  322  note  93. 

2.  Tregear,  Maori- Polynesian  Compamtive  Dictionaiy,  p.  39 1  flf. 


THE    POLITICAL    PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN    SHINTO.    *      219 

farewell,  *'  Pafa  uplifted  Raki,  and  Tane  placed  his  toko  (pole) 
«...  between  Papa  and  Ragi.  Paia  did  likewise  with  his 
toko.  .  .  .  Then  Raki  floated  upward,  and  a  shout  of 
approval  was  uttered  by  those  up  above,  who  said,  '  O  Tu  of 
the  long  face,  lift  up  the  mountain.'  Such  were  the  words 
shouted  by  the  inumerable  men  (beings)  from  above  in  approval 
of  the  acts  of  Tane  and  Paia  ;  but  that  burst  of  applause  was 
mostly  in  recognition  of  Tane's  having  disconnected  the  heaven, 
and  propped  up  its  sides,  and  made  them  stable."^ 

On  the  Japanese  side  according  to  the  Nihongi  account,  at 
the  time  in  which  the  creative  activity  of  Izanagi  and  Izanami 
was  in  operation,  Heaven  lay  close  down  over  Earth.  They 
were  so  near  together  that  it  was  possible  to  send  both  the  Sun- 
Goddess  and  Moon-God  up  into  the  sky  by  erecting  a  ladder 
between  Earth  and  Heaven — ''  At  this  time  Heaven  and  Earth 
were  still  not  far  separated,  and  therefore  they  sent  her  [the 
Sun- Goddess]  up  to  Heaven  by  the  ladder  of  Heaven.'^  Again 
an  arrow  shot  from  Earth  punctured  Heaven  and  passed  through 
into  the  midst  of  the  deities  dwelling  therein." 

The  Nihongi  opens  with  the  statement,  *'  In  ancient  times, 
Heaven  and  Earth  were  not  yet  separated."  Thereupon  follows 
the  passage  already  considered  which  relates  how  Heaven  and 
Earth  evolved  out  of  primitive  chaos,  ending  with  the  statement, 
"  Thus  Heaven  was  formed  first  and  Earth  was  established  after- 
wards." In  immediate  sequence  appears  a  passage  which  liter- 
ally reads,  "  And  Divine  Beings  existed  in  between  "  or  "  And 
Divine  Beings  lived  in  this  interior  (space)",*  a  form  of  statement 
which  makes  at  this  point  a  close  similarity  between  the  Oceanic 
and  the  Japanese  mythologies. 

The  question  naturally  arises,  is  the  similarity  any  closer  ? 
Is  there  anything  in  the  old  Japanese  records  indicating  an  idea 

1.  White,  Ancient  History  of  the  Maori,  Vol.  I,  p.  46. 

2.  A ,  I,  p.  18. 

3.  C,  I,  p.  96. 

4.  mmm^%^%'  c/.N.,p.  i. 


220      .   THE   POLITICAL    PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN   SHINTO. 

that  these  deities  dwelling  between  Heaven  and  Earth  constituted 
the  agency  whereby  the  separation  was  accomplished  ?  While 
it  is  true  that  in  the  Japanese  records  this  theme  of  separation  is 
not  expressly  elaborated,  yet  Japanese  mythology  does  state 
explicitly  that  there  was  a  time  when  Heaven  and  Earth  were 
still  close  together,  and  in  one  passage  of  the  Kojiki  there  appears 
a  statement  bearing  on  the  subject  of  separation  which  looks  like 
the  outcropping  of  an  old  mythological  bed-rock  which  was 
assumed  as  well-known  popular  belief  at  the  time  of  the 
compilation  of  the  Kojiki.  The  passage  in  question  appears 
in  the  form  of  a  note  or  commentary  in  the  original  text. 
It  comes  immediately  after  the  account  of  the  beginning  of 
Heaven  and  Earth  wherein  the  names  of  the  first  five  Heavenly 
Deities  of  the  Kojiki  are  recorded.  The  note  then  says,  ^'  The 
five  deities  in  the  above  list  are  the  deities  who  disconnected 
Heaven."^  Such  a  translation,  although  involving  a  departure 
from  the  interpretation  of  the  Japanese  commentators,  is  not  forced ; 
on  the  other  hand,  it  follows  the  plain  meaning  of  the  ideograms.^ 

It  will  be  noted  that  in  the  Maori  account  given  above  we 
likewise  have  five  deities  involved  in  the  attempt  to  raise  up 
Heaven.  It  is  not  impossible  that  the  Japanese  annotator  is 
emphasizing  a  numerical  factor,  as  if  it  were  a  well-known  idea 
that  the  number  of  deities  should  here  total  exactly  five. 

In  this  same  connection  the  similarity  between  the  Japanese 
and  Polynesian  myths  extends  to  a  further  interesting  detail.  It 
will  be  recalled  that  in  the  variant  Maori  account  given  above, 
Taney  the  great  god  who  labored  with  the  most  effect  in  the 
separation  of  Heaven  and  Earth,  ^^w^s  assisted  by  his  younger 
brother,  Paia,  and  that  the  disconnection  was  facilitated  by  the 
erection  of  poles  {toko)  between  the  bodies  of  Rangi  and  Papa, 
7<?>^^  throughout  Polynesia  has  the  meaning  of  "  pole,"  "  prop  '* 


1.  }L\%^W^mjm'    ^'ojiki,  p.  I  (Ed.  ^±MtC.  Tokyo,   1899).     Note 
I,  wakant,  "  to  separate,"  "  to  divide  " ;  wakare,  "  a  separation,"  "  a  parting." 

2.  Cf.  C,  p.  16,  n.  II. 


THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN   SHINTO.  221 

Although  Tane^  himself,  does  not  appear  to  have 
been  called  a  toko-^o^j  that  is,  a  *  prop  '-god  in  Maori  mytho- 
logy, yet  a  whole  series  of  such  deities  is  associated  with  him. 
Their  names  are  variously  given  as  Toko-jnua,  Toko-roto,  Joko- 
pa,  Tokd-7naunga,  Toko-hurunukuy  Tako-htirurangi,  loko-ruati- 
pua,  Toko-kapuka,  and  Toko-tupua?  On  the  Japanese  side  we 
have  two  toko  gods  listed  in  the  ancient  mythologies,  namely, 
Ame-7io-toko-tachi-no-kami  and  Kiini-no-toko-tachi-no-kami,  or 
*'  Heavenly-/<?/&6-standing-deity  ''  and  "  Earthly-/d7/^^standing- 
deity.  It  is  to  be  noted  that  the  former  of  these  two  kami  is 
deity  number  five  in  the  list  of  Japanese  gods  who  *'  disconnect- 
ed Heaven  " — to  adopt  the  rendering  already  suggested.  The 
evidence  would  appear  to  be  almost  complete  if  toko  could  be 
interpreted  as  an  ancient  Japanese  word  for  "  pole  "  or  *'prop." 
The  archaic  Japanese  word  for  "  pole,"  however,  is  poko  or 
hoko^  The  latter  form  has  survived  in  the  modern  language 
with  the  meaning  of  "  spear."  Further  study  may  yet  show 
that  in  the  ancient  Japanese  language  the  word  which  we  now 
call  "  hoko  "  was  pronounced  toko.  At  the  present  stage  of 
information  on  the  point,  however,  it  is  necessary  to  take 
toko  in  the  sense  of  ''eternal"  or  "eternally."  Thus  we 
have  "  Heavenly-eternally-standing  deity  "  and  "  Earthly-eternal- 
ly-standing-deity "  as  the  titles  of  these  two  Japanese  toko 
gods.     Even  thus  the  idea  of  "  eternally  standing  "  as  applied 

1.  Toko,  "  pole  "  (Maori) ;  "  canoe-pole  "  (Tonga,  Futuna) ;  "  prop  "  (Niue) ; 
«  raft-pole  "  (Mangareva) ;  ^^/^(?-^i^,  "  pole  "  (Mukuoro) ;  "  staff"  (Futuna,  Niue, 
Uvea) ;  "  stick  "  (Marquesas),      Cf.  Churchill,  Polynesian  Wanderings,  p.  420. 

2.  Tregear,  op.   cit.,  p.  528,  529. 

3.  The  sacred  pole  or  pillar  under  the  name  of  Ama-no-saka-hoko,  "  Heaven- 
ly-Hill-Pillar ''  or  "  Heavenly-Hill- Pole,"  is  found  among  the  ceremonial  objects 
of  ancient  Shinto.  The  Harima  Fudoki  relates  that  when  Jingo  Kogo  set  out  for 
the  conquest  of  Korea,  the  ship  on  v^hich  she  traveled  was  equipped  with  sacred 
pillars  called  Ama-no-saka-hoko,  set  up  forward  and  aft.  As  a  result  the  ex. 
pedition  went  in  safety  across  the  sea  and  Shiragi  was  punished.  On  return  to 
Japan  the  Jioko  were  set  up  and  worshipped  as  pole-gods.  Harima  Fudoki,  ed.  by 
Konakamura  Kiyomori,  1863.  One  of  these  pillar-gods  still  stands  at  Takachiho 
in  Hyuga. 


2.Z2  THE   POLITICAL  PHILOSCPHY  OF   MODERN  SHINTO, 

to  a  prop-god  who  must  ever  remain  in  place  lest  Heaven 
fall  back  upon  Earth  is  rot  altogether  inappropriate.  If  it 
is  legitimate  to  assume  here  a  background  of  primitive  mytho- 
logy common  to  both  the  Japanese  and  the  Polynesian  areas, 
then  certainly  the  interpretation  of  Ame-no-toko-tachi-tio-kami  as 
one  of  the  important  agents  in  the  separation  of  Heaven  and 
Earth  introduces  intelligible  content  into  the  title  of  this  particu- 
lar Japanese  deity.  Is  Ame-no-toko-tacJil-no-karni  to  be  equated 
with  the  great  Polynesian  deity  Tane  or '  with  deities  directly 
associated  with  him  ?  The  evidence  may  not  be  strong  enough 
to  bear  the  weight  of  such  a  conclusion,  yet  some  of  the  simi- 
larities appear  close.  Jane-ma-huta  was  the  Lord  of  Forests,  the 
father  of  all  things  that  inhabit  them  or  that  are  made  from  trees.^ 
He  also  appears  as  the  male  principle  of  generation.  The  Japanese 
word  for  male  is  otoko  (archaic  form,  wo-toko).  One  naturally  asks, 
is  not  the  part  which  the  mythology  assigns  Tane  in  the  separation 
of  Heaven  and  Earth  an  expression  of  the  ancient  idea  that  the 
sky  once  rested  on  the  trees  and  that  they  thus  constituted  the 
props  that  separated  Heaven  and  Plarth  ?  On  the  Japanese  side 
the  mythology  is  too  fragmentary  at  this  point  to  make  an  exact 
determination.  Yet  the  title  Toko-tachi-no-kami,  interpreted  as 
in  the  preceding  discussion,  is  not  unfitting  when  applied  to  trees 
The  Nihongi  states  that  Ame-no-toko-tachi-no-mikoto  was  created 
by  the  transformation  of  a  thing  that  appeared  between  Heaven 
and  Earth,  in  form  like  a  reed  shoot.^  The  origin  of  this  deity 
is  here  explicitly  connected  with  vegetation.  Likewise,  Kimi- 
no-toko-tcLchi-mo-kami  is  an  ancient  Japanese  god  of  growth. 

Whatever  the  correct  explanation  of  these  deities  may  he, 
it  is  especially  important  to  note  their  positions  in  the  genealogi- 
cal tables.  On  the  Japanese  side  a  Tokotachi-no-kami  heads 
the  Nihongi  genealogies  (Kuni-rio-iokc-tachi  in  Sect.  I  and  Ajna- 
no-toko-tachi  in  Sect.  III).     On  the  Polynesian  side  lane  under 


1.  Grey,  cp.  tit.f  p.  2. 

2.  Cr.A.,I,p.3. 


THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN   SHINTO.  223 

the  name  of  Kane  is  the  greatest  of  the  deities  of  Hawaii.  The 
same  god  occupies  seventh  place  in  the  royal  genealogies  of  the 
Maori  (Ngati-Maniapoto  tribe)^  and  third  place  in  the  genealo- 
gies of  the  Moriori.^ 

We  turn  next  to  the  consideration  of  certain  other  person- 
ages of  the  ancient  Shinto  pantheon  who  figure  prominently  in  the 
modern  ofificial  cult. 

1.  Tregear,  op.  cii.,  p.  667. 

2.  3id.,  p.  669. 


224  THE   POLITICAL  PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN  SHINTO. 

CHAPTER  VII. 
The  Cult  of  the  Sun-Goddess. 

The  reestablishment  in  the  modern  period  of  a  form  of 
government  which  supersedes  the  particularism  of  the  feudal 
regime  with  a  state  organization  that,  goes  back  for  many  of 
its  ideals  and  methods  to  the  Great  Reform  of  645  A.D.^  and 
which,  thereby,  attempts  to  find  its  political  and  emotional  foci 
in  the  institution  of  imperial  sovereignty,  has  been  accompanied 
by  a  corresponding  revival  of  the  ancient  cult  of  the  Sun- 
Goddess,  Ama-terasu-d-mi-karni.  She  is  officially  interpreted 
as  the  Great  Ancestor  of  the  Imperial  Line  and  as  the  original 
organizing  mind  that  gave  rise  to  the  foundation  of  the  Japa- 
nese state.  Thus  she  is  accorded  a  central  position  not  only 
in  the  ceremonial  life  of  the  Shinto  shrines,  but  also  in 
the  moral  instruction  of  the  government  schools  of  modern 
Japan. 

While  it  is  true  that  Izanagi  and  Izanami  are  recognized 
as  original  parents  of  the  race,  yet  it  is  in  the  Sun-Goddess  and 
her  Imperial  Descendants  that  modern  political  Shinto  seeks  to 
find  the  clearest  definition  of  its  interests  and  the  explanation 
of  its  origins.  Professor  Konb's  definition  of  Shintd  as  a  system 
that  has  developed  on  the  foundation  of  the  idea  of  reverence 
from  a  center  in  the  Great  Deity,  Ama-terasu-o-mi-kami^  is 
merely  a  reflection  of  the  contemporary  teaching  of  the  Japa- 
nese government.     This  fact  is  well  seen  in  the  insistence  with 

1.  Cf.  Murdoch,  James,  A  History  of  JapaUy  Vol.  I,  pp.  142-180;  Asakawa, 
K.,  The  Early  Instiiutional  Life  of  Japan,  pp.  136-333. 

2.  See  above,  p.  84.  Note  also  the  following,  "  This  Sun  Goddess,  now 
worshipped  at  the  shrine  of  Ise,  is  the  center  of  the  Shinto  system  and  the  chief 
object  of  worship,  both  as  the  life-giving  principle  of  the  world,  the  source  of 
light  and  happiness,  and  as  the  Divine  Ancestor  of  the  Imperial  Family,  which  is 
the  Grand  Patriarchal  Family  of  the  whole  nation."  Kato,  N.,  "  Eastern  Ideals 
and  the  Japanese  Spirit,"  T.  J.  S.  L.,  Vol.  XIII  (1914-15),  Pt.  I,  p.  123. 


THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN   SHINT5.  225 

which  the  government  itself  propagates  the  idea  that  Ama-  \ 
terasu-o-mi-kanii  is  an  actual  historical  ancestor  of  the  royal  / 
line.  The  acceptance  of  such  teaching  regarding  this  deity 
is  hereby  made  a  fundamental  part  of  the  development  of  the 
sentiments  of  loyalty  and  patriotism.  The  connection  thus 
established  betu^een  the  doctrines  of  divine  imperial  sovereignty 
and  of  patriotism  on  the  one  hand  and  the  cult  of  Ama-terasu- 
b-mi'kami  on  the  other  is  far  too  intimate  to  permit  us  to  believe 
that  the  government  intends  that  its  promulgations  regarding 
the  Sun-Goddess  are  to  be  taken  as  founded  on  anything 
other  than  authentic  history. 

We  may  turn  first  then  to  the  consideration  of  the  position 
which  Ama'terasiL-o-mi-kami  is  assigned  in  the  nationalistic 
moral  training  of  the  modern  Japanese  educational  system. 
Although  attention  has  already  been  called  to  the  great  impor- 
tance that  is  officially  attached  to  the  inculcation  of  correct 
ideas  regarding  the  place  of  this  deity  in  the  Imperial  genea- 
logies, yet  the  vital  relationship  which  the  matter  has  to  Japan- 
ese political  philosophy,  especially  as  it  functions  in  the  public 
schools,  necessitates  that  this  be  given  detailed  consideration. 

The  statement  translated  immediately  below  is  taken  from 
Book  I  of  a  series  of  **  Teacher's  Manuals  "  that  accompany 
the  text-books  on  Japanese  histoiy  published  by  the  Depart- 
ment of  Education.  In  these  helps  for  teachers  the  lessons  of 
the  text-books  used  by  the  children  are  taken  up  in  order  and 
detailed  official  direction  is  given  the  teachers  regarding  the 
object  and  meaning  of  each  lesson,  as  well  as  methods  of 
instruction  to  be  utilized  in  fixing  the  important  ideas  in  the 
memories  of  the  pupils.  No  better  material  exists  for  the  study 
of  the  inner  working  of  the  Japanese  official  mind  as  it  attempts 
to  carry  out  "  the  unification  of  the  thinking  of  the  people." 

In  exposition  of  the  meaning  of  a   text-book   lesson  on 
Amct-terasu-o-mi-kauiiy  the  Teacher's  Guide  in  national  history 
says,  **  Amarterasu-d-mi'kami  is  the  distant  August  Ancestor  of/ 
our  Emperor.     The  exceeding  loftiness  and  universality  of  her 


226  TEE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN    bHIMTO. 

majesty  and  virtue  are  like  the  shining  of  the  sun  in  heaven, 
which  illuminates  the  world  so  that  thereby  all  things  accom- 
plish their  growth.     All  people  alike  are  bathed  in  her  favors. 
I  The  successive  generations  of  Emperors  are   all   her  offspring, 
i  The  august  lineage  of  the  Great  Deity,  in  an  unbroken  line,  is 
j  as  everlasting  as  heaven   and  earth.      The   Grand   Imperial 
'  Shrine  {Kodai  Jingu)  of  the  city  of  Uji  Yamada  in  the  country 
of  Ise  is  the  shrine  where  this  Great  Deity  is  worshipped.    The 
shrine  sanctuary  is  simple,  yet  no  other  can  be  compared  with 
it  in  dignity. 

\  "  Our  Empire  of  Great  Japan  is  the  country  over  which, 

/  in  the  beginning,  Ama-terasu-o-ml-kami  caused  her  grandson, 
I  Ninigi-no-mikotOj  to  rule.  The  Great  Deity  determined  that 
this  country  should  be  ruled  over  eternally  by  her  descendants, 
I  saying,  *  The  prosperity  of  the  Imperial  Throne  shall  be  as 
everlasting  as  heaven  and  earth.'  The  Imperial  Dynasty,  as 
eternal  as  heaven  and  eaith,  was  herein  determined  and  the 
foundations  of  our  Empire  of  Great  Japan  which  is  peerless 
throughout  the  world,  were  as  a  matter  of  fact  established 
herewith.  Accordingly  the  successive  generations  of  Emperors 
have  all  ruled  over  the  empire  in  conformity  with  the  purport 
of  the  Divine  Edict.  They  have  spread  abroad  benevolent  gov- 
ernment and  have  not  ceased  to  plan  for  the  happiness  of  the 
people.  For  this  reason  the  Imperial  Rescript  on  Education 
makes  the  declaration,  *  Our  Imperial  Ancestors  have  founded 
Our  Empire  on  a  basis  broad  and  everlasting  and  have  deeply 
and  firmly  implanted  virtue.' 

**  When  Ninigi-no-mlkoto  was  about  to  leave  the  presence 
of  Ama-terasu-d-ml-katnl  and  come  down  into  this  country,  she 
purposely  bestowed  on  him  a  sword,  a  mirror  and  (certain) 
jewels.  These  are  called  the  Three  Sacred  .Treasures.  When 
Ama-terasu-o-mi-kami  presented  the  mirror  to  the  Prince  she 
said,  *  When  you  look  into  this  mirror,  regard  it  as  looking  on 
me,  myself  From  that  time  on  the  successive  generations  of 
Emperors  have  handed  on  the  Sacred  Treasures  and  have  made 


THE    POLITICAL   PHILGS0FH7   OF    MODERN   SHINT5.  22/ 

them  the  symbols  of  the  Imperial  Throne.  Afterwards,  out  of 
a  fear  lest  the  divine  influence  of  the  Sacred  Treasures  should 
be  defiled,  a  shrine  was  especially  built  for  them  and  they  were 
reverently  worshipped  by  the  Emperors.  Then  reproductions 
were  made  of  the  mirror  and  the  sword  and  these  (reproduc- 
tions) together  with  the  jewels  were  enshrined  in  the  Imperial 
Palace  and  the  Emperors  have  served  them  just  as  if  they  were 
in  the  presence  of  the  Great  Deity. 

"  Ninigi-no-mikotOy  in  conformity  with  the  Divine  Edict  of 
the  Great  Deity,  descended  upon  Hyuga  in  order  that  he  might 
rule  ovei  this  country,  bringing  with  him  the  Three  Sacred 
Treasures.  This  is  called  the  descent  of  the  Heavenly  Grand- 
son {Tenson  no  kdrhi).  Thereupon  three  generations  resided  in 
Hyuga, 'and  then  we  come  to  the  age  of  Emperor  Jimmu.  The 
Imperial  influence  has  spread  widely  since  the  age  of  Emperor 
Jimmu,  and  the  condition  of  the  country  has  greatly  improved. 
From  this  time  on  we  have  what  is  called  the  Age  of  Human 
Emperors,  which  is  thus  distinguished  from  the  previous 
age."* 

Directions  to  teachers  following  immediately  upon  the 
above  exposition  of  the  meaning  of  the  text,  present  the  point 
of  view  of  the  Department  of  Education  regarding  the  objects 
which  the  instruction  should  here  endeavour  to  attain.  The 
official  statement  says,  **  It  is  required  that  by  means  of  this 
lesson  the  august,  divine  influence  oi  Ama-terasii~d-iiii-kami  be 
exfoUed,  the  descent  of  our  Imperial  Family  made  clear  and 
the  source  of  our  national  organization  {kokittai),  which  is  with- 
out peer  in  all  the  world,  made  known. "^ 

The  instructions  to  teachers  further  stipulate  :  "  The 
teacher  should  carefully  explain  this  national  constitution  which 
is  peerless  in  all  the  world  and  should  deepen  in  the  children 


1.  Jinjo  Shogaku  Nihon  Rekishi,  Kyoshi  Yd  {M%/i^^^%^^,  Wi^^'^y 
■*' Japanese  History  for  Ordinary  Primary  Schools,  Teacher's  Guide,"  Tokyo, 
1912),  No.  I,  pp.  1-3. 

2.  Ibid.,  p.  4. 


228  THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOI'HY    OF    MODERN    SHINT5. 

the  id>^as  of  reverence  for  the  Imperial  Family  and  of  love  of 
country."^ 

Similar  evidence  is  abundantly  furnished  in  the  publica- 
tions of  the  Department  of  Education.  In  this,  the  matter 
before  us  for  special  attention  is  the  extent  to  which  the  modern 
Japanese  government  makes  use  of  a  mythology  centering  in 
the  Sun-Goddess  of  Shinto  as  a  means  of  furnishing  support 
for  the  existing  organization  of  the  state. 

Book  V  of  "  Text-books  of  Ethics  for  Ordinary  Primary 
Schools,"  also  published  by  the  Department  of  Education  says, 
"  In  ancient  times  AmoL-terasii-d'mi-kami  sent  down  Ninigi-no- 
inikoto  and  caused  him  to  rule  over  this  country.  The  great- 
grandchild of  this  Prince  was  the  Emperor  Jimmu.  More  than 
2570  years  have  elapsed  since  the  accession  to  the  throne  of 
this  Emperor.^  His  descendants  throughout  successive  genera- 
tions have  ascended  the  throne.  There  are  many  countries  in 
the  world,  but  there  is  no  other  which,  like  our  Empire  of 
Great  Japan,  has  over  it  a  line  of  Emperors  of  one  and  the 
same  dynasty  throughout  the  ages.  Moreover,  the  successive 
generations  of  Emperors  have  loved  Their  subjects  as  children, 
and  our  ancestors  all  revered  the  Imperial  Family  and  fulfilled 
the  principles  {michi)  of  loyalty  and  patriotism.''^  We,  who  are 
born  in  such  a  precious  country,  who  have  over  us  such 
an  august  Imperial  Family,  who,  again,  are  the  descendants 
of  subjects  who  have  bequeathed  such  beautiful  customs, 
must  become  splendid  Japanese  and  do  our  utmost  for  oui 
Empire."* 

The  official  explanation  of  the  above,  as  given  in  the 
corresponding  Teacher's  Manual,  adds  nothing  to  the  meaning 
but  seeks  to  drive  home  the  obvious  moral  by  saying  in   con- 

1.  Ibid.^  p.  5. 

2.  Published  in  I913. 

3.  As  a  means  of  checking  this  statement  consult  references  given  above 
p.  120,  n.  I. 

4.  Jinjo  Shogaku  ShTishin  Sho  (^^/hf^<|f:g',<J,  "Text-book  of  Ethics  for 
Ordinary  Primary  School^,"  Tokyo,  1913),  No  V,  pp.  1-2. 


THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN    SHINTO.  229 

elusion,  "  There  are  many  countries  in  the  world,  but  there  is 
not  a  single  other  which  like  ours  has  over  it  a  line  of  Emperors 
unbroken  for  ages  eternal.  Is  it  not  a  great  blessing  that  we 
are  born  in  such  an  exalted  country?"^  In  connection  with 
Jhis  same  lesson,  directions  for  teachers  further  say,  '*  The 
object  of  this  lesson  is  to  make  known  the  national  constitution 
{kokiiiai)  of  the  Empire  of  Great  Japan  and  (thus)  stimulate 
the  spirit  of  loyalty  and  j3atriotism."^ 

The  government  goes  still  farther  in  supervising  the  details 
of  instruction  by  providing  for  the  teacher's  use  practice  ques- 
tions based  on  the  text.  The  first  three  questions  relating  to 
the  lesson  just  examined  may  be  translated  : 

"  I.  What  did  Aina-terasu-d-mi-kami  say  when  she  sent 
down  Ninigi-no-mikoto  ? 

"2.     What  deeds  did  the  Emperor  Jimmu  perform? 

"3.  In  what  does  the  Empire  of  Griat  Japan  differ  from 
other  countries  ?  "^  . 

The  expected  answers  to  these  questions  do  not  need  to 
be  pointed  out. 

Such  fostering  of  national  morality  in  the  public  schools  is 
even  more  directly  identified  with  the  ceremonial  of  official 
Shinto  by  means  of  instruction  that  carefully  focuses  attention 
and  interest  in  the  Grand  Imperial  Shrine  of  Ise,  where  the  Sun- 
Goddess,  "  the  Ancestor  of  the  reigning  Emperor,"  is  worship- 
ped. Book  VI  of  the  **  Text-books  of  Ethics  for  Ordinary  Primary 
Schools  "  contains  a  lesson  which  says,  *'  The  Grand  Imperial 
Shrine  {liodai  Jingu)  is  the  shrine  where  the  Imperial  Ancestor, 
Aina-terasu-d-ini-karni,  is  reverently  worshipped.  It  is  located 
in  the  city  of  Uji  Yamada.  The  shrine  grounds  are  situated 
at  the  foot  of  Mount  Kamiji  on  land  which  follows  along  the 
Isuzu  River  in  a  spot  that  is  quiet  and  far-separated  from  (city) 
dust.     Among  the  people  who  enter  here  there  is    not   one 

1.  Jinjo  Shogakic  Shushin  Sho,  Kyoshi  Yd,  No.  V,  p.  2. 

2.  Ibid.y  p.  I.  ' 

3.  Ibid.,  p.  4. 


230  THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN    SH.NTO. 

i 

who,  unmindful  of  the  majesty  of  the  divine  influence,  fails  to 
assume  an  attitude  of  reverence. 

"  The  adoration  given  the  Grand  Imperial  Shrine  by  the 
Imperial  Court  is  of  an  extraordinary  nature.  Whenever  there 
is  an  affair  of  great  importance  either  in  the  Imperial  House- 
hold or  in  the  nation  the  Emperor  makes  personal  announce- 
ment thereof  at  the  Grand  Imperial  Shrine.  Each  year  at  the 
Ceremony  of  Commencing  Governmental  Transactions,  the  first 
thing  done  is  to  receive  a  report  of  the  affairs  of  the  Shrine. 
At  the  Festival  of  Prayer  for  the  Year's  Crops  {Kinen  Sal),  at 
the  Festival  of  Presentation  of  First  Fruits  {^Kannaute  Sa'i)  and 
at  the  Harvest  Festival  {Niinatne  Sai),  the  Emperor  sends  an 
Imperial  messenger  (to  the  Grand  Shrine)  and  presents  offerings 
{heihaku).  At  the  time  of  dispatching  the  Imperial  messenger 
the  Emperor  personally  views  the  offerings  and  hands  a  ritua- 
listic report  {saidun)  to  the  messenger.  Also,  the  Emperor 
does  not  withdraw  to  the  inner  palace  prior  to  the  retirement 
of  the  Imperial  messenger.^  Again,  on  the  day  of  the  Festival 
of  Presentation  of  First  Fruits  a  solemn  ceremony  of  distant 
worship  (toward  the  Grand  Shrine  of  Ise)  is  carried  out  by  the 
Emperor. 

**  In  accordance  with  a  regulation  that  the  sanctuaiy  of 
the  shrine  shall  be  reconstructed  eveiy  twenty  years,  the 
Emperor  performs  a  solemn  ceremony  of  *  Shrine-Removal-and- 
Renov^ation.'  The  Emperor  Meiji  took  a  deep  interest  in  the 
affairs  of  the  removal  of  the  shrine,  wrote  minutely  regarding 
matters  of  construction  and  i)crsonally  inspected  tlie  details. 
The  unparalleled  majesty  of  the  Grand  Imperial  Shrine  may  be 
known  from  the  fact  that  it  is  tlius  regarded  \^'ith  deep  reverence 
at  the  Royal  Court.  We  subjects  must  always  venerate  the 
Grand  Imperial  Shrine  and  take  care  to  maintain  the  Imperial 
Destiny  which  is  as  everlasting  as  heaven  and  earth."'"* 


1.  Thus  reversing  ordinary  court  procedure  and  thereby  showing  special 
respect  to  the  Sun-Goddess. 

2.  Jinjo  Shogaku  Shushin  Sho  (Tokyo,  19 13),  No.  VI,  pp.  1-3. 


THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN    SHINT5.  23 1 

The  instructions  to  teachers  inform  us  that  the  object  of 
the  above  lesson  is  to  deepen  the  sentiment  of  reverence  for 
Imperial  Ancestors  by  imparting  information  regarding  the 
greatness  of  the  veneration  with  which  the  Grand  Imperial 
Shrine  is  regarded  at  the  royal  court.^ 

The  educational  authorities  recognize  the  fact  that  this 
veneration  on  the  part  of  the  Imperial  Family  amounts  to 
worship  which  includes  prayer  to  the  Sun  Goddess  for  aid  and 
protection.  In  an  effort  to  prove  the  proposition  of  an  extra- 
ordinary position  in  the  ceremonies  of  the  royal  court  the 
Teacher's  Manual  cites  the  following  poem  written  by  the  late 
Emperor  Meiji  : 

**  Tokoshie  ni  tami  yasukare  to  inoru  7iaru, 
Waga  yo  wo  mamore,  he  no  Okami.  ^ 

The  meaning  may  be  rendered  : 

'*  I  pray  that  Thou  wilt  keep  the  people  in  peace  forever 
And  guard  my  reign,  Oh,  Thou  Great  Deity  of  Ise." 

The  text  here  furnishes  the  teacher  with  a  statement  ad- 
dressed to  the  children  which  says,  "  You  have  already  learned 
that  the  Emperor  thus  prayed  for  the  aid  of  the  divine  spirits 
of  the  Imperial  Ancestors."^ 

Book  III  in  the  same  series  of  text-books  on  ethics  pub- 
lishes a  picture  representing  the  approach  to  the  Grand  Shrine 
of  Ise  and  in  explanation  says,  "  Here  in  the  midst  of  luxuriant 
and  aged  cryptomeria  trees  is  seen  a  venerable  shrine.  This 
picture  shows  the  appearance  of  the  Grand  Imperial  Shrine  of 
Ise.  This  is  the  shrine  where  Ama-terasu-o-ml-kami,  the 
Ancestor  of  the  Emperor  is  worshipped  {mat sum).  Even  the 
Emperor  habitually  regards  it  with  care.  We  Japanese  must 
revere  this  shrine  {kono  omiya  wo  uyamawanakereba  naritna- 
seny 

1.  Jmj'd  Shogaku  SJmshin  Sho^  Kyoshi  Yd  (Tokyo,  1913),  p.  i. 

2.  Ibid.,  p.  3. 

3.  Ibid.     Cf.  also  Jinjo  Shogaku  Tokuhon,  No.  VIII  (Tokyo,  1915),  p.  7. 

4.  Jinjo  Shogaku  Shushin  Sho,  No.  Ill  (Tokyo,  19 19),  pp.  28-9. 


232  THE    POLITICAL  PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN   SHINTQ. 

The  Teacher's  Manual  again  emphasizes  the  moral  by 
saying,  "  The  object  of  this  lesson  is  to  nourish  the  spirit 
of  loyalty  and  patriotism  by  imparting  information  regard- 
ing the  Grand  Imperial  Shrine."^  The  teacher  is  further 
furnished  with  an  official  exhortation  addressed  to  the  children 
thus  :  "  In  as  much  as  Ama-terasu-d-mi-karni  is  the  Ancestor 
of  the  Emperor  she  is  the  most  venerated  deity  in  our  land  of 
Japan.  And  since  the  Grand  Imperial  Shrine  is  the  sanctuary 
where  this  Great  Deity  is  worshipped,  those  who  are  Japanese 
must  both  respect  the  Emperor  and  must  always  revere  and 
honor  this  shrine.  You  cliildren  should  also  await  a  suitable 
opportunity  for  going  to  worship  {sanpai)  at  the  Grand  Imperial 
Shrine  and  in  addition  to  gaining  an  understanding  of  the 
nobility  of  the  national  constitution  should  pray  for  the  pros- 
perity of  the  Imperial  Family  {^koshltsu  no  onsakae  wo  inori 
tateuiatsuru  beki  nari)!'^ 

Further  directions  to  teachers  say,  "  In  connection  with 
this  lesson  instruction  should  be  given  in  the  matter  of  rever- 
ence for  shrines."^ 

The  ideal  of  a  pilgrimage  to  Ise  is  again  held  before  the 
children  in  a  passage  to  be  found  in  one  of  the  ordinary  school 
readers,  which  says,  **  The  veneration  which  successive  gene- 
rations of  Emperors  have  manifested  toward  the  Grand  Im- 
perial Shrine  is  exceedingly  great.  The  people  have  also 
deeply  venerated  the  shrine  and  there  \s  no  one  who  does  not 
purpose,  without  fail,  to  go  and  worship  at  Ise  at  least  once  m 
a  life  time."* 

In  one  of  the  school  readers  for  Korean  children,  pre- 
pared under  the  direction  of  the  Japanese  Government  for 
Korea,  there  is  likewise  an  account  of  the  Grand  Shrine  of 
the  Sun-Goddess  which  makes  explanation  of  a  picture  of  the 


I.    Jinjo  Shngaku  Shushin  S/iOf  Kydshi  Yo^  No.  Ill  (Tokyo,  I918),  p.  54. 

3.  3u/.,  p.  56. 

4.  /in/d  Shogaku  Tokuhon,  No.  VIII  (Tokyo,  1915),  p.  I. 


THE    POLITICAL    PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN    SHINT5.  233 

shrine  with  the  words,  **  Here  is  a  great  torii.  To  the  rear  of 
the  torii  is  a  shrine.  Around  about  it  great  trees  grow  luxuri- 
antly so  as  even  to  shut  off  the  view  of  the  sky.  This  is  the 
Grand  Imperial  Shrine  of  Ise,  the  venerable  shrine  where 
Ama-terasu-d-mi-kami  is  worshipped. 

**  Ama-terasu-d-mi-kami  is  the  distant  Ancestor  of  the 
Emperor  and  in  very  ancient  times  conferred  deep  blessings 
on  the  people.  She  taught  the  people  how  to  plant  rice  and 
how  to  rear  silkworms. 

**  On  the  seventeenth  of  each  October,  at  the  Festival  of 
Presentation  of  First  Fruits,  the  Emperor  offers  the  first  ears  of 
rice  of  the  year  at  the  Grand  Imperial  Shrine.  Also,  on  the 
twenty-third  of  each  November  at  the  Harvest  Festival  the 
Emperor  worships*  the  Grand  Imperial  Shrine  and  other  deities 
and  partakes  of  the  first  ears  of  rice  of  the  year  [late  crop]."^ 

In  the  directions  for  study  that  follow  this  lesson,  question 
number  two  says,  **  What  kind  of  a  person  was  Ama-terasu-o- 
lui-kami?     Tell  about  this."^ 

'*  Text-book  of  Ethics  for  Ordinary  Primaiy  Schools," 
Book  III,  says  in  its  conclusion,  "  To  be  a  good  Japanese  one 
must  constantly  look  up  to  the  viitues  of  the  Emperor  and  the 
Empress  and,  also,  must  constantly  revere  the  Grand  Imperial 
Shrine  and  (thus)  stimulate  a  heart  of  loyalty  and  patriotism."^ 
Book  IV  in  this  same  series  says,  "  We  must  be  ever  mindful 
of  the  depth  of  favor  which  we  receive  from  the  Emperor,  we 
must  nourish  hearts  of  patriotism  and  loyalty,  must  revere  the 
Imperial  Family,  must  respect  the  law,  must  cherish  the  national 
flag,  and  must  understand  the  reason  for  the  (observation  'of 
the)  festival  days."'* 

The  extent  to  which  these  festival  days  are  associated 


1.  Ftitsu  Gakko  Kokugo   Tokuhon  {^W^^%W^WC>^i  «*  Japanese  Reader 
for  Ordinary  Schools,"  Pub.  by  the  Government  of  Korea,  1913),  pp.  26-29. 

2.  Ihid.,  p.  29. 

3.  Jinjo  Shogaku  Shushin  Sho,  No.  Ill,  p.  52. 

4.  /injo  Shogaku  Shushin  Sho,  No.  IV,  p.  66. 


234  THE   POLITICAL    PHILOSOPHY    OF    MODERN    SHINT5. 

with  ceremonies  conducted  at  the  Grand  Shrine  of  Ama-terasu- 
o-mi-kaml  and  elsewhere  may  be  seen  in  the  official  explanation 
as  given  in  the  text-book  just  quoted.  The  statement  says, 
"  The  fete  days  of  our  country  are :  New  Year's  Season 
{Shinneti),  the  Anniversary  of  the  Accession  of  the  Emperor 
Jimmu  {Kigen  Setsti),  the  Emperor's  Birthday  {Tencho  Setsu), 
and  the  Imperial  Birthday  Celebration  Day  {Tencho  Setstc 
Shikujitsii).  The  New  Year  is  celebrated  on  January  i,  2 
and  5,  the  Anniversary  of  the  Accession  of  the  Emperor  Jimmu 
on  February  1 1 ,  the  Emperor's  Birthday  on  August  31  and 
the  Imperial  Birthday  Celebration  Day  on  October  31.  All 
are  auspicious  days. 

'*  The  great  festival  days  are  :  the  Festival  of  Sacrifice  to 
the  Origin  {Genshi  Sai),  the  Festival  of  the  Vernal  Equinox 
(Shunki  Korei  Sai,  lit.  *'  Spring-season-Imperial-Spirit-Festi- 
val  "),  the  Anniversary  of  (the  death  of)  the  Emperor  Jimmu 
(Jimmu  Tenno  Sai),  the  Anniversary  of  (the  death  of)  the 
Emperor  Meiji  {Meiji  Tenno  Sai),  the  Festival  of  the  Autumnal 
Equinox  {Shuki  Korei  Sai,  lit.  "  Autumn-season-Imperial- 
Spirit-Festival  "),  the  Festival  of  Presentation  of  First  Fruits 
{Kanname  Sai)  and  the  Harvest  Festival  {Niiname  Sai). 

"  The  Festival  of  Sacrifice  to  the  Origin  is  on  January  3 
and  (at  this  time)  services  are  held  at  the  Imperial  Court  in  the 
Kashiko-dokoro}  in  the  Koreiden^  and  in  the  Slunden?  The 
Anniversary  of  (the  death  of)  the  Emperor  Jimmu  is  on  April 
3,  while  the  Anniversary  of  (the  death  of)  the  Emperor  Meiji  is 
on  July  30.  The  Festival  of  Presentation  of  First  Fruits  is 
celebrated  on  October  1 7.  On  this  day  the  first  ears  of  rice 
are  offered  at  the  Ise  Shiine.  The  Harvest  Festival  is  cele- 
brated on   November  23.     On  this   day  the  first  ears  of  rice 

1.  The  shrine  in  the  Imperial  Palace  where  the  sacred  mirror  is  kept  and 
where  Ama-teirtsn-o-mi-kami  is  worshipped. 

2.  The  shrine  in  the  Imperial  Palace  where  the  spirits  of  past   Emperors, 
Empresses  and  Princes  are  worshipped. 

3.  The  shrine  in  the  Imperial  Palace  where  the   Deities  of  Heaven  and 
Earth  are  worshipped. 


THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN   SHINTO.  235 

.(of  the  late  crop)  are  offered  to  the  gods  at  the  Shinkaden} 
Also  at  the  vernal  equinox  and  at  the  autumnal  equinox  the 
spirits  of  successive  generations  of  Imperial  Ancestors  are 
worshipped.  These  two  festivals  are  the  Shunki  Korei  Sai  and 
the  Shuki  Korei  Sai. 

"  The  fete  days  ar.d  the  festival  days  are  important  occa- 
sions. In  the  Imperial  Court  the  Emperor,  himself,  officiates 
in  solemn  ceremonies.  We  must  thoroughly  comprehend  the 
reason  for  these  days  and  (thus)  nourish  the  spirit  of  loyalty 
and  patriotism."* 

In  summation  of  the  evidence  as  given  thus  far  in  the 
[)resent  chapter  it  may  be  noted  that  the  Japanese  government 
ill  carrying  out  a  nationalistic  program  for  fostering  the  senti- 
ments of  loyalty  and  patriotism  in  the  puolic  schools  of  the  . 
empire  gives  central  importance  to  the  following  teachings,  s  aA 
that  Ama-terasu-o-mi-kami  is  the  distant  ancestor  of  the  reign-  '  /\ 
ing  Emperor  ;  that  in  a  remote  period  of  Japanese  history  she  ,v 
appeared  in  human  society  as  a  person  of  unusually  lofty  char- 
acter who  conferred  great  blessings  on  the  people ;  that  the  begin- 
ning of  the  Japanese  state,  founded  eternally  on  the  principle 
Q^  imperial  sovereignty,  is  to  be  carried  back  to  her  express 
command  ;  that  her  shrine  at  Ise  should  be  an  object  of  special 
reverence  ;  that  pilgrimage  to  the  Ise  shrine  should  be  en- 
couraged ;  that  reverence  for  the  shrine  should  include  the 
elements  ot  worship  and  prayer,  especially  prayer  for  the 
prosperity  of  the  Imperial  Family  ;  that  this  worship  should  find 
its  great  example  in  that  which  is  offered  to  the  Sun-Goddess 
by  the  Royal  Court,  itself;  that  the  spirit  of  loyalty  and 
patriotism  sliould  be  nourished  by  the  observation  of  the  festival 
days  of  Shinto;  and,  finally,  that  in  the  form  of  its  national  life 
Japan  is  the  greatest  country  in  the  world. 

1.  The  sanctuary  in  the  Imperial  Palace  where  the  Niiname  Sai  is  carried 
out.  A  plan  showing  the  location  of  these  shrines  will  be  found  in  Jinjo  Shogaku 
Shushin  Sho,  Kyoski  Yd,  No.  HI,  p.  60. 

2.  Jinjo  Shogaku  S/iTishiii  Sho,  No.  IV,  pp.  55-58. 


236  THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN   SHINTO. 

We  have  before  us  the  evidence  of  officially  inspired 
Shinto  propaganda  in  the  public  schools  of  Japan.  In  its 
scope  it  is  as  extensive  as  the  school  system  of  the  entire 
empire.  In  its  content  it  makes  use  of  the  elements  of  the 
ceremonials  of  the  shrines  and  of  prayer  to  the  **  spirits  of 
ancestors  "  regarded  as  supernatural  beings.  The  officially 
acknowledged  motive  in  all  this  is  the  inculcation  of  such 
sentiments  in  the  minds  of  the  young  as  will  effect  the  stabili- 
zation of  the  status  quo  in  Japanese  political  life.  In  this 
process  of  strengthening  the  existing  order,  the  material  of  the 
old  Shinto  mythology,  especially  that  part  relating  to  Ama- 
terasu-o-tni-kami,  is  utilized  in  such  a  way  as  to  give  support 
to  the  affirmation  that  the  present  organization  of  the  Japanese 
state  is  the  manifestation  of  a  fundamental  and  unchanging 
historical  principle.  In  other  words,  the  official  position  may 
be  taken  to  mean  that  historical  investigation  of  the  Japanese 
state  cannot  be  carried  back  beyond  a  time  when  this  funda- 
mental principle  was  not  in  operation.  Not  only  so,  but  an 
attempt  is  made  to  support  this  program  of  establishing  an 
historical  absolute,  by  building  on  the  foundation  of  the  strongest 
religious  beliefs  to  which  the  Japanese  children  are  officially 
introduced.  The  greatest  power  in  the  spiritual  world  which 
the  government  text-books  on  ethics  open  before  the  minds  of 
the  Japanese  children  is  Ama-terasu-d-ini-kauii,  "  the  August 
Ancestor  of  the  Emperor."  The  foundations  of  the  existing 
order  in  the  state  were  laid  by  no  other  agency  than  that  of 
this  central  spiritual  power.  The  Japanese  government  is  very 
plainly  seeking  to  surround  a  doctrine  of  political  absolutism 
with  the  final  sanctions  of  religious  belief  It  hardly  needs  to 
be  pointed  out  that  a  form  of  instruction  which  thus  identifies 
certain  of  the  most  vital  interests  of  the  modern  bureaucratic 
state  with  an  ancient  Shintd  mythology,  reveals  more  concern- 
ing the  methods  and  motives  of  contemporary  official  peda- 
gogy in  Japan  than  it  does  regarding  the  verifiable  historical 
basis  of  the  teaching,  itself. 


THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN    SHINTO.  2},^ 

Private  interpretations  which  reecho  or  amplify  the  official 
statements  just  examined  are  numerous.  Okuma's  **  National 
Reader  "  {Kokiimin  Toknhon),  which,  though  not  a  publication 
of  the  Department  of  Education  of  the  government,  itself,  is 
nevertheless  intended  as  an  instrument  of  public  instruction, 
says  :  "  The  various  countries  of  the  world  have  repeatedly 
passed  through  revolutions  wherein  the  royal  dynasties  have 
been  changed.  The  Empire  of  Great  Japan  alone  is  an  excep- 
tion. The  national  foundation  established  by  the  Heavenly 
Ancestors  is  strong  for  ages  and  the  Sovereign  continues  the 
line  of  the  Sun-Goddess.  The  nation  preserves  the  system  of 
the  Divine  Ages.  The  relations  of  ruler  and  subject  were 
established  by  nature  and  have  never  changed."' 

The  extent  to  which  the  official  interpretation  here  ex- 
tends a  directive  influence  over  the  public  utterances  of  individ- 
uals may  be  inferred  from  the  caution  with  which  a  scholar  of 
the  rank  of  Dr.  N.  Hozumi  handles  the  subject  even  when  not 
writing  primarily  for  Japanese  readers.  In  discussing  Japanese 
ancestralism  in  the  three-fold  form  of  the  worship  of  Imperial 
Ancestors,  of  clan  ancestors  and  of  family  ancestors,  Dr.  Hozumi 
says,  "  The  first  of  the  three  kinds  of  Ancestor-worship,  namely, 
homage  to  the  Imperial  Ancestor,  Ama-terasu  O-Mikami,  or 
'  The  Great  Goddess  of  the  Celestial  Light,'  may  be  styled 
the  national  worship."^  In  the  preface  to  the  third  and  revised 
edition  of  Ancestor  Worship  and  Japanese  Lazv  from  which  this 
quotation  is  taken,  Dr.  Hozumi  calls  attention  to  the  fact  that 
he  has  been  ciiticized  for  the  above  statement,  making  Ama- 
terasu- o-mi-kami  the  "  First  Imperial  Ancestor."  He  does 
not  hazard  any  attempt  to  meet  this  specific  criticism  but 
turns  his  defence  into  an  effort  toward  the  vindication  of 
ancestor-  worship  in  general.^  No  revision  is  made  of  the  text 

1.  Okuma^  S.,  Kokumm  Tokuhott,  p.  3. 

2.  Hozumi,   N.,  Ancestor-Worship    and  Japanese    Law     (Tokyo,    1913^ 

P-34. 

3.  Cf.  ibid.,  Preface,  pp.  VI-XIV. 


238  THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN   SHINTO, 

relating  to  the  position  of  the  Sun-Goddess  in  the  royal 
genealogy. 

One  of  the  latest  books  of  Dr.  S.  Uesugi  is  especially 
noteworthy  for  the  manner  in  which  it  attempts  to  support  a 
theory  of  Imperial  Absolutism  by  a  similar  use  of  the  materials 
of  the  mythology  centering  in  Ama-terasu~d-mi~kami.  Regard- 
ing the  matter  under  discussion  this  author  says  : — 

"  Our  national  organization  consists  in  Imperial  Absolu- 
tism. The  Empire  of  Japan  is  ruled  over  by  an  Emperor  of  a 
line  unbroken  from  ages  eternal.  Our  national  organization  is 
pure,  absolute  monarchy.  The  Divine  Ancestor,  Ama-terasu- 
o-mi-kami,  sent  her  Imperial  Grandson,  Ninigi-no-mikotOy  down 
into  this  country,  and  her  descendants  have  acceded  in  succes- 
sion to  the  Imperial  Throne,  as  eternal  as  Heaven  and  Earth. 
She  established  the  rule  of  the  mighty  Emperors  over  Ashi- 
hara-no-chii-ho-aki-no-inidzu-ho-no-kiiniy  and  herein  was  deter- 
mined their  authority  over  the  Empire.  The  Eight  Great 
Islands  were  made  the  territory  of  Japan,  ruler  and  subject 
were  united  in  one  body  and  thus  the  Empire  of  Great  Japan 
was  built  up.  The  absolute  authority  of  the  Emperor  con- 
stitutes the  basis  of  our  national  system.  It  is  the  foundation 
on  which  the  nation  stands.  If  there  were  no  Emperor  there 
would  be  no  nation.  Without  him  there  would  be  no  subjects 
and  our  territory  would  cease  to  exist. 

"  The  Emperor  continues  the  Imperial  Succession  of  Heaven 
and  rules  over  the  four  seas  as  the  incarnation  of  the  spirit  of 
the  Divine  Ancestor.  In  him  the  Divine  Ancestor,  as  though 
now  living,  reigns  over  the  Eight  Great  Islands.  The  Emperor 
is  Heavenly  Deity  {Ajnatsu  Kami).  He  is  God  of  Light 
{Hi  no  Kami) ;  he  is  Manifest  God  {Ara-hito-gauu).  His 
heart  is  the  heart  of  the  Divine  Ancestor  and  he  continues 
her  work.  He  is  the  Mighty  Ruler  of  Great  Japan.  All 
tilings  subsist  altogether  in  the  Emperor.  Authority  is  vested 
in  a  single  person.  It  is  not  to  be  tolerated  that  the  Emperor 
should  be  divided  from  his  authority  or  that  any  one  should 


THE   POLITICAL  PHILOSOPHY  OF   MODERN  SHINTO.  239 

place  a  limit  thereunto.     His  authority  is  unique.     He  is  the 
absolute  ruler  determined  by  the  Divine  Ancestor."* 

A  recent  publication  of  the  Shinto  College  in  Tokyo 
{Koku  Gakuin  Dai  Gakii)  furnishes  some  indication  of  the  im- 
portant position  which  doctrines  relating  to  Ama-terasn-o-mi- 
kami  occupy  in  the  instruction  imparted  to  candidates  for  the 
modern  Shinto  priesthood.  This  book  which  was  issued  from 
tlie  press  in  April,  192 1,  bears  the  title,  Kokutai  Kowa  ("  Lec_ 
tures  on  the  National  Constitution  ")  and  is  devoted  to  an 
exposition  of  the  nature  of  Japanese  national  life  as  centered  in 
Imperial  Absolutism.  It  especially  emphasizes  the  greatness, 
uniqueness  and  superiority  of  the  Japanese  state  organization 
over  against  all  the  other  governments  of  the  world.  At  the 
center  of  the  argument  lies  the  following  statement : — 

"  National  constitution  {kokutai)  is  the  essential  nature  of 
the  state.     All  variation  in  essential  nature  signifies  variation 
in  the  value  of  the  thing  itself     It  may  be  said,  therefore,  that 
variation  in  the  national  constitution  means  differences  in  the 
value  of  the  state.     The  number  of  countries  on  earth  is,  of 
course,  great,  and  among  them  so-called   monarchies  are  by 
no  means  limited  to  a  i^vj,  yet  is  it  possible  to  find  among  them 
any  in  which  the  existing  oiganization  of  the  state  is  genuinely 
monarchical  ?     In  our  opinion  none  can  be  found  apart  from 
our  Empire.     Whether  regarded  from  the  standpoint  of  the 
principle  of  the  establishment  of  the  state  or  from  that  of  its 
expression  in  history,  the  one  country  possessing  a  true  monar- 
chical organization,  which  has  reality  as   well  as  name,  is,  in  j 
truth,  our  Empire  of  Great  Japan.     Indeed,  there  is  none  apart  . 
from  our  country.     Our  national  constitution — unique,  peerless,  j 
matchless  in  all  the  world — in  truth  possesses  a  value  that  is 
beyond  comparison.     What  shall  we  say  then  regarding  this  • 
national  constitution  ? 

*'  It  goes  without  saying  that  the  reason  why  our  national 
constitution,  in  comparison  with  those  of  other  countries  of  the  I 

I.     Uesugi,  S.,  Kokutai  Seikiva  no  Haisnyo,  pp.  9-10.  ,  j 


240  THE    POLITICAL    PHILOSOPHY    OF    MODERN   SHINTO, 

world,  is  special  and  unique  and^  further,  preeminent  above  all 
other  countries  in  a  commanding  way,  is  because  the  rights 
of  sovereignty  in  the  state  are  wholly  vested  in  the  Emperor. 
Not  only  is  the  Emperor  absolute  and  complete  sovereign,  but 
also  the  Imperial  Throne,  from  the  very  foundation  of  the  state, 
has  been  occupied  throughout  successive  generations  by  the 
offspring  of  the  Heavenly  Ancestor  [Ama-ierasu-d-jni-kajni]. 
The  Imperial  Throne,  which  is  rhe  substance  of  sovereignty, 
descends  in  a  single  line  as  unchanging  and  everlasting  as 
heaven  and  earth.  The  majesty  of  the  Imperial  Throne  and 
the  Imperial  descent  in  a  single  line,  in  other  words,  the  fact 
that  the  relations  of  the  Imperial  House  and  the  state  have  been 
consistent  from  the  beginning — this  is  the  fundamental  system 
on  which  our  state  is  established,  and  compared  with  the  facts 
of  world  history  and  judged  in  the  light  of  the  actual  conditions 
in  the  world  to-day,  it  is,  most  emphatically,  without  peer  on 
earth. 

"  '  The  Empire  of  Japan  shall  be  reigned  over  and  govern" 
ed  by  a  line  of  Emperors  unbroken  for  ages  eternal.'  In  1889, 
on  the  Anniversary  of  the  Accession  of  the  Emperor  Jimmu, 
the  late  Emperor  Meiji  announced]  these  words  to  the  spirits  of 
the  Imperial  Ancestors  above,  and  to  us,  the  subjects  of  the 
empire,  below.  This  is  the  express  determination  of  the  First 
Article  of  the  Imperial  Constitution  of  Japan.  The  article  is 
authoritative  and  as  clear  as  the  light  of  sun  and  stars.  We 
may  compare  it  with  the  words  which,  long  ago  in  the  Divine 
Age,  the  Heavenly  Ancestor,  Ama-terasu-d-uii-kami,  spoke  to 
the  Heavenly  Grandson,  when  in  establisliing  in  the  beginning 
the  principle  of  sovereignty  in  the  state,  she  personally  confer- 
red on  him  the  Three  Sacred  Treasures  and  sent  him  do\vn 
and  appointed  him  as  the  sovereign  who  should  rule  over  this 
country.  In  promulgating  the  Sacred  Rescript  of  the  founding 
of  the  state  she  instructed  the  Heavenly.  Grandson  thus  :  *  This 
Reed-plain-Fifteen-thousand-Autumn-Fresh-Rice-ear-Land  is  the 
region    over   wliich   my  descendants  shall   reign.      Do   thor, 


THE    POLITICAL    PHILOSOPHY    OF    MODERN    SHINTO.  24I 

Imperial  Offspring,  go  and  rule  over  it.  Go  !  and  the  prosperity 
of  the  Imperial  Succession  of  Heaven  shall  be  as  everlasting  as 
Heaven  and  Earth.'  If  we  compare  this  great  and  sacred  Im- 
perial Rescript  of  the  foundation  of  the  state  with  the  First 
Article  of  the  Imperial  Constitution  we  can  see  that  although  they 
differ  in  matters  of  form  of  composition  and  choice  of  words  yet 
in  meaning  and  content  they  agree.  "^ 

Similar  effusions  are  abundant  in  contemporary  Japanese 
literature.  With  all  their  tendency  toward  extravagance  and 
bombast,  they  present  little  that  is  not  logically  involved 
in  the  position  occupied  by  the  government  itself  Common  to 
official  progapanda  and  to  private  exposition  alike  are  the  funda- 
mental tenets  that  Ama-terasu-o-mi-kami  is  the  first  ancestor  of 
the  Imperial  Line,  that  she  is  the  greatest  benevolent  force  of 
Japanese  society  and  the  founder  of  the  principle  of  Imperial 
absolutism  in  the  state,  and  finally  that  the  value  of  the  Japan- 
ese state  life  transcends  that  of  all  other  political  organizations 
of  the  world. 

That  Ama-terasu-o-?ni-kami  is  the  Sun-Goddess  of  the 
ancient  Shinto  pantheon  is  so  apparent  and  so  widely  accepted 
as  to  make  unnecessary  any  extended  attempt  to  justify  such  an 
interpretation  here.  The  meaning  of  her  ordinary  title,  as  just 
given,  is  simply  "  Heaven-Shining-Great- August-Deity."  Cer- 
tain of  her  variant  titles  identify  her  with  the  sun  even  more 
directly.  Among  such  names  are,  d-hini-me-no'imichi  ("  Great- 
Mid-day-Female-Possessor  ")  and  Ama-terasii-d-hirii-me-no-mi- 
koto  ('*  Her -Augustness- Heaven -Shining -Great -Mid-day-Fe- 
male  ").^  The  Nihongi  states  in  so  many  words  that  she  is  a  Sun- 
Goddess.  In  the  course  of  its  account  of  the  creative  activity 
of  the  Sky-Father  and  the  Earth-Mother  this  record  says, 
"  Hereupon  they  together  produced  the   Sun-Goddess,  Hi-no- 


1.  Kokutai    Kowa  (^.|f  ^|J§,   "  Lectures  on  the   National   Constitution,'' 
Tokyo,  192 1),  pp.  13  ff. 

2.  Cf,  A.,  I,  p.  i8. 


242  THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN    SHINTO. 

kami  [called  in  one  writing  Ama-terasu-no-d-kamf\.''^  ^^  the 
Kojiki  account,  as  already  pointed  out,  she  is  born  from  the 
left  eye  of  the  Sky-Father,  while  the  Moon-God,  Tsuki-yomi- 
no-kami,  is  produced  immediately  afterwards  from  his  right 
eye.^  In  Polynesian  mythology,  again,  the  sister  of  Ra,  the 
solar  deity,  is  Maramaj  the  moon.*  After  her  creation,  Ama- 
terasu-d-uii'kami  is  sent  up  into  the  sky  and  charged  with  the 
ruling  of  the  "  Plain  of  High  Heaven  "  while  the  Moon-God  is 
given  authority  over  the  dominion  of  Night.''  The  most  strik- 
ing episode  in  all  the  mythology  connected  with  her  is  to  be 
interpreted  either  as  an  eclipse  myth  or  as  the  result  of  experi- 
ences with  the  obscuration  of  the  sun  by  storm  clouds.  When 
she  retires  to  the  Rock  Cave  of  Heaven,  great  darkness  prevails 
in  heaven  and  earth ;  when  she  again  shows  her  face,  both  the 
Land  of  Reed-plains  and  the  Plain  of  High  Heaven  again 
become  light.^  Her  shintai  [representation  or  dwelling-place 
in  the  shrine]  is  a  mirror,  that  is  a  sun  symbol.^  One  of  the 
Nlhongi  variants  says  that  she  was  produced  by  Izanagl  from 
a  white-copper  mirror.'^  In  certain  of  the  modern  Shinto  sects 
the  sun,  under  the  same  of  Ama-terasti-d-ini-kaini,  is  worshipped 
as  a  personalized  kami^  This  popular  faith  must  be  regarded 
as  expressing  the  beliefs  of  genuine  Shinto. 

There  are  Shintoists  in  modern  Japan  who  admit  all  this 
but  who,  at  the  same  time,  call  attention  to  the  well  established 
principle  that  mythology  necessarily  takes  form  under  the  in- 
fluence of  the  social  and  political  institutions  of  the  environ- 
ment in  which  it  develops.  The  political  functions  assigned  to 
Ama-terasu-o-mi-kaml  in  the  ancient  records  of  Shinto  are  thus 

I.  ti^w^Vimi-m^^^it-Ktm  67.N.,p.9. 

2.  cf.  c ,  p.  43. 

3.  Tregear,  Maori- Polynesian  Comparative  Dictionary^  p.  383. 

4.  Cf.  C,  op.  cit. 

5.  Ibid.,  pp.  54-59. 

6.  Cf.  Satow,  E.,  «  The  ShiiV.au  Temples  of  Ise,"  T.A  S  J.,  Vol.  II,  p.  117. 

7.  Cf.  K,  I,  p.  20. 

8.  Fujita,  K.,  Shinto  Kaku  KyoJia  no  Hyori,  pp.  140-143. 


THE   POLITICAL    PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN    SHINT5.  243 

taken  as  evidence  for  the  early  manifestation  of  certain  persis- 
tent facts  both  of  Japanese  state  organization  and  of  Japanese 
racial  psychology. 

Dr.  Y.  Haga  well  exemplifies  this  method  of  interpreta- 
tion when  he  says,  "  The  mythology  of  our  country  differs  from 
that  of  other  countries  in  that  it  has  its  center  in  the  Imperial 
House.  Again  it  is  a  mythology  that  makes  our  national 
domain  central.  At  the  time  of  the  separation  of  Heaven 
and  Earth  the  two  kami,  Izanagi  and  Izanami,  descended 
upon  the  island  of  Onogoro  and  first  gave  birth  to  the 
Eight  Great  Islands,  that  is  they  gave  birth  to  our  national 
territoiy.  Then  they  produced  the  deities  of  water,  trees  and 
fire.  After  giving  birth  to  the  deity  of  fire,  Izanami  went 
away.  Izanagi,  in  order  to  meet  with  her,  went  after  her  to 
the  Land  of  Darkness.  Afterwards,  when  he  was  washing 
away  his  defilement,  there  were  produced  from  his  eyes  and 
nose  the  three  deities,  Ama-terasu-d-iiii-kainiy  Tsuki-yomi-no- 
ka mi  a.nd  Susa-no-zvo-no-mikoto.  This  Ama-terasu-d-nti-kamiis 
called  the  Ancestor  of  our  Imperial  Family.  In  other  words 
the  Japanese  territory  and  Ania-terasu-d-uii-kaini  .are  both  the 
children  of  Izanagi.  That  is  to  say,  they  are  broJier  and 
sister.  The  fact  of  an  inseparable  connection  between  the 
national  domain  and  the  Imperial  Family  may  be  understood 
from  this. 

"  Then  it  was  established  that  Ama-terasii-d-ini-kami  should 
rule  the  Plain  of  High  Heaven,  that  Tsiiki-yoini-no-mikoto  should 
rule  over  the  night  and  that  Siisa-no-wo-no-mikoto  should  rule 
the  sea.  Later  Hiko-hoho-ninigi-no-mikoto  came  down  from 
heaven  upon  this  land  and  ruled  over  it.  Since  this  land  was 
born  in  the  beginning  as  the  brother  of  Ania-terasu-o-jni-kami, 
there  was  no  reason  why  any  one  could  object  to  this. 

**  Afterwards  Susa-no-wo-no-mikoto  went  to  Idzumo.  As 
jhis  descendant,  in  the  fifth  generation,  appeared  O-kimi-nushi- 
no-Juikoto.  The  latter,  recognizing  (the  lordship  of)  the  Heaven- 
ly Grandson,  quietly  submitted  and  handed  over  his  country  to 


244  THE    POLITICAL    PEILOSOPHY    OF    MODERN    SHINTO. 

him Thus  it  is  that  the  essential,  formative 

element  in  our  ancient  mythology  is  the  idea  that  our  national 
domain  should  be  ruled  over  by  the  Heavenly  Grandson  as 
well  as  the  idea  that  our  national  domain  should  be  ruled  over 
by  no  others  than  those  of  the  lineage  of  the  Heavenly  Grand- 
son. The  spirit  of  O-kiini-nushi-no-rnikoto  who,  upon  hearing 
that  Ninigi-no-mikoto  was  the  Heavenly  Grandson,  quietly 
surrendered  up  the  land  to  him,  appears  likewise  as  the  spirit 
of  our  people  in  the  Reform  of  Taika  (645  A.D.)  and  in  the 
Restoration  of  Meiji  (1868  A.D.)."^ 

Prof  S.  Honaga  and  Dr.  T.  Inouye  make  similar  use  of 
the  mythology.  The  latter  writer  speaks,  of  the  command  of 
Ama-terasu-d-rni-kami  to  Ninigi-no-mikoto  that  he  should  "  go 
and  rule  over "  the  territory  that  later  became  part  of  the 
Empire  of  Japan,  as  a  great  prophecy?  Prof  Honaga  is  of  the 
opinion  that  the  great  "  edict  "  of  the  Sun-Goddess  cannot  be 
taken  merely  as  a  bit  of  mythology,  *'  since  there  is  handed  on 
to  us  in  this  edict,  in  an  authoritative  way,  the  tendency  and 
meaning  of  the  foundation  of  the  state.  What  Ama-terasii-o- 
mi-kami  therein  purposed  was  actually  brought  to  pass.  In 
the  sequel,  the  Japanese  national  spirit  has  nourished  itself 
upon  this  edict.  "^ 

The  form  of  interpretation  just  examined  frankly  re- 
cognizes that  Ama-terasu-o-mi-kami  is  a  Sun-Goddess.  At  the 
same  time  it  attempts  to  deduce  important  conclusions  from  the 
political  position  which  she  is  alleged  to  have  occupied  in  the 
oldest  Japanese  mythology. 

Dr.  Haga  in  making  his  argument  concerning  the  unique- 
ness of  Japanese  mythology,  wherein  he  seeks  to  prove  an 
inseparable  connection  between  the  national  domain  and 
the   royal    family    from    the    relationship    of   the    Sun-God- 

1.  Haga,  Y.,  Kokumin  Set  Jurorty  pp.  15-17- 

2.  Inouye,  T.,  Kokumin  Dotoku  Gairon,  pp.  85-86. 

3.  ^ondig^y^.y  Ama-Terasu-Oho-Ml-Ka?ni,  Der  Urspmng  ihrer  Verehrung 
ah  Goettliche  Urohnin  von  Japan  ^Bristol,  191 6),  pp.  6-7. 


THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN   SHINTO,  245 

Goddess  and  the  Japanese  islands,  is  apparently  ignorant  of  the 
fact  that  a  similar  argument  can  be  built  up  for  practically 
every  people  among  whom  we  can  locate  the  myth  of  the  Sky- 
Father  and  the  Earth-Mother.  We  can  imagine  a  New 
Zealand  chief,  for  example,  formulating  essentially  similar  con- 
clusions on  the  basis  of  the  myth  of  the  creative  activity  of 
Rangl,  the  father  of  many  of  the  islands  of  Polynesia  and  the 
ancestor  of  gods  and  men/ 

Furthermore,  contrary  to  the  view  of  the  above  writers,  it 
may  be  said  with  a  considerable  degree  of  confidence  that  the 
oldest  mythology  revealed  in  the  literary  records  does  not 
center  in  the  Sun-Goddess.  As  shown  in  the  preceding 
chapter,  the  center  of  the  oldest  Japanese  mythology  lies  in 
the  activities  of  the  Sky-Father  and  the  Earth-Mother.  Earlier 
deities,  it  is  true,  are  mentioned  in  the  Kojiki  and  the  Nihongi, 
yet  the  mythology  which  surrounds  them  is  meagre  and  with- 
out movement,  and  the  genealogical  sequence  as  it  appears  in 
these  two  sources  is  probably  a  comparatively  late  expression 
of  speculative  interest,  if  not,  indeed,  of  a  political  motive  which 
aims  at  deliberate  suppression  of  these  two  older  deities.  It  is 
to  be  remembered  that  the  Kogoshul  opens  with  the  account 
of  the  activities  of  Izanagi  and  Izanami.  These  two  are  to  be 
taken  as  the  most  primitive  Japanese  deities  that  can  be 
identified. 

The  important  fact  for  us  to  observe  here  is  that  the  earli- 
est mythology  clearly  subordinates  the  Sun-Goddess  to  the 
Sky-Father.  Older  than  the  great  command  of  Ama-terasu- 
o-mikami  to  Ninigi-no-mikoto,  which  is  supposed  to  have  led  to 
the  founding  of  the  Japanese  state,  is  the  command  of  Izanagi 
to  Ama-terasu-o-mi-kami  wherein  he  says,  "  Do  Thine  August- 
ness  rule  the  Plain-of-High-Heaven."^  The  primitive  patri- 
archal organization  of  society  that  is  here  reflected  in  Izanagi  s 
direct  authority  over  his  offspring  is  manifestly  a  very  different 
I.    See  above,  p.  196,  note  4. 

2.  cy:c.,p.  43- 


246         THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN    SHINTO. 

thing  from  that  which  is  implied  in  a  program  that  con- 
templates wide-spread  political  unification  under  the  standard 
of  the  Sun-Goddess  regarded  as  a  great  tribal  chieftainess.  The 
evidence  of  the  mythology  shows  that  Japanese  political 
and  social  life,  exactly  as  in  the  cases  of  all  other 
ancient  societies,  evolved  out  of  very  simple  beginnings. 
The  operation  of  a  principle  of  change  and  development 
can  be  discerned  even  in  the  mythology.  In  other  words,  the 
mythology  changes  in  form  with  alterations  in  the  fundamental 
character  of  the  social  life  and  with  the  appearance  of  new 
interests  in  the  political  field.  The  great  fallacy  in  the 
position  of  modern  Japanese  Shintoists,  as  a  whole,  is  that  they 
practically  deny  the  operation  of  a  principle  of  development  in 
Japanese  society.  Consciously  or  unconsciously  dominated  by 
an  interest  in  safe-guarding  the  permanence  of  the  existing  form 
of  political  life,  they  attempt  to  carry  back  to  the  remotest 
beginnings  of  organized  Japanese  society  an  idealization  of  the 
present  status  quo.  Over  against  the  conclusions  of  such  a 
method,  it  is  to  be  maintained  that  the  formative  element  of  the 
oldest  Japanese  mythology  is  not  the  idea  that  the  national 
domain  should  be  ruled  over  by  the  Heavenly  Grandson  and 
his  descendants.  The  social  life  reflected  in  the  most  ancient 
mythology  has  not  yet  advanced  to  any  such  complicated 
situation.  The  earliest  formative  element  is,  on  the  other  hand, 
simply  that  of  a  veiy  ancient  domestic  life,  under  the  influence 
of  which  is  constructed  a  world-view  in  terms  of  the  primitive 
relations  of  father,  mother  and  child.  This  gives  us  exactly 
the  same  naive  mythological  scheme  as  is  found  widespread 
over  the  earth  at  corresponding  stages  of  cultural  develop- 
ment. 

Not  only  is  it  true  that  the  oldest  mythology  does  not 
make  the  activities  of  Ama-terasu-o-mi-kami  central,  but  even 
in  that  later  mythology  which  clearly  reflects  the  presence  of  a 
centralizing  political  program,  the  Sun-Goddess  is  far  from  being 
that  embodiment  of  political  absolutism  which  certain  extremists 


THE    POLITICAL    PHILOSOPHY    OF    MODERN    SHINTO.  24/ 

among  modern  Shintoists  would  make  her  out  to' be.  The 
decisions  relating  to  the  subduing  of  the  Central  Land  of  Reed 
plains  are  made  by  a  council  of  the  Gods.*  In  the  Nihongi 
the  Heavenly  Grandson  is  sent  down  by  Taka-mi-musubi-no- 
mikoto?'  In  the  Kojiki  he  is  sent  down  by  Ama-terasu-o-tni- 
kami  and  Taka-mi-miisubi-no-kami  acting  conjointly  and  the  two 
together  lay  on  him  the  command,  "  This  Luxuriant-Reed- 
plain-I.and-of-Fresh-Rice-ears  is  the  land  over  which  thou 
shalt  rule."^ 

We  are  brought,  then,  to  a  place  where  we  must  consider 
certain  factors  relating  to  the  probable  reasons  for  the  rise  of 
the  cult  of  the  Sun-Goddess  to  a  central  position  in  Shinto.  The 
later  mythology  clearly  subordinates  the  Sky-Father  to  the 
Sun-Goddess. 

In  accounting  for  this  inversion  of  the  older  relationship 
we  may  note  the  operation  of  two  factors,  the  one  a  natural 
evolution  in  mythology,  the  other,  as  it  would  appear,  a  move- 
ment in  the  field  of  political  interests. 

In  the  course  of  the  ordinary  development  of  mythology 
that  goes  on  concomitantly  with  the  tendency  of  human  social 
experience  to  become  increasingly  complicated,  specialized  and 
definite,  it  is  the  universal  fate  of  the  Sky-Father  and  the  Earth- 
Mother  that  they  are  superseded  by  the  more  particularized 
nature  deities  to  whom  they  give  birth.  Foucart,  in  his  study 
of  sky-gods,  has  already  pointed  out  three  results  of  this  ten- 
dency— "  (a)  The  acts  of  the  sky-god  become  separate  perso- 
nalities and  gradually  dismember  his  personality.  (b)  The 
beings  produced  by  the  celestial  energy — sun,  moon,  stars — 
tend  to  ...  .  relegate  to  the  background  the  beneficent 
role  of  the  sky.  (c)  On  the  terrestrial  plane  the  activities  of 
various  spirits  and  of  their  representations  (fetishistic  or  iconic) 
take  a  more  and  more  conspicuous  part  in  the  world's  strug- 

1.  Cf.  C,  pp.  93-95,  99-101. 

2.  Cf.  A.,  I,  pp.  64,  67,  70. 

3.  (^.C,  pp.  107,  III. 


248  THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY  OF   MODERN   SHINTO. 

gles."^  Finally  they  "  capture  "  at  least  a  portion  of  the  attri- 
butes of  the  original  parents. 

This  process  has  gone  on  in  Japanese  myth  as  elsewhere. 
As  the  mythology  develops,  Izanagi  and  Izanami  retire  into 
the  remote  background  and  the  story  moves  on  with  the  account 
of  activities  centering  in  the  more  definite  forms  of  their  offspring, 
regarded  as  the  deities  of  specific  phases  of  experience  which 
was  once  merged  as  a  more  or  less  undifferentiated  totality  in 
the  general  outlines  of  the  great  parents. 

In  this  connection,  Foucart's  discussion  furnishes  material 
for  establishing  an  illuminating  parallelism  between  Japanese 
and  Egyptian  cultures.  This  author  says,  "  The  progress  of  the 
religious  system  almost  always  results  in  substituting  for  crea- 
tion by  the  sky-god  the  organization  of  the  world  by  the  sun- 
god,  the  moon-god,  or  one  of  the  stellar  gods.  Sometimes  in 
fact  the  sun-god  is  supreme  creator.  Ancient  Egypt  presents 
a  very  complete  schema  of  this  type  of  evolution.  It  tends  to 
substitute  Ra  (the  sun)  for  the  sky-gods  (such  as  Atum,  Hor, 
Nut,  Hathor,  Anhur,  Sebek,  etc.)  ;  but  it  does  not  completely 
realize  this  evolution,  and  consigns  to  the  more  or  less  vague 
beginning  the  primitive  activity  of  the  sky-god."^  The  Japan- 
ese Sun-Goddess  is  far  from  being  the  supreme  creator.  In 
this  field  the  Sky-Father  consistently  maintains  a  dominant 
position  ;  yet  from  the  point  of  view  of  general  type  of  develop- 
ment Shintd  must  be  here  classified  along  with  early  Egyptian 
religion. 

The  early  specialization  of  social  experience  which  led  to 
this  differentiation  and  elevation  of  the  Sun-Goddess  on  the 
part  of  the  Japanese  ancestors  was  undoubtedly  connected  with 
agricultural  development.  This  is  made  plain  in  the  mythology. 
After  the  goddess  of  food  (Uke-mochi-no-kami)  has  been  made 
to  produce  from  her  own  dead  body,  oxen,  horses,  millet,  silk- 
worms, panic,  rice  and  beans,  it  is  the  Sun-Goddess  who  de- 

1.  Foucart,  George,  «  Sky  and  Sky-gods,"  H.E.R.E.,  Vol.  XI,  p.  584. 

2.  Ibid.,  p.  585. 


THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN    SHINT5.  249 

clares,  "  These  are  the  things  which  the  race  of  visible  men  will 
eat  and  live."^  The  myth  then  says,  "  So  she  [the  Sun-God- 
dess] made  the  millet,  the  panic,  the  wheat,  and  the  beans  the 
seed  for  the  dry  fields,  and  the  rice  she  made  the  seed  for  the 
water-fields.  Therefore  she  appointed  a  village-chief  of  Heaven, 
and  forthwith  sowed  for  the  first  time  the  rice  seed  in  the 
narrow  fields  and  in  the  long  fields  of  Heaven.  That  autumn, 
drooping  ears  bent  down,'eight  span  long,  and  were  exceedingly 
pleasant  to  look  on.  Moreover  she  took  the  silkworms  in  her 
mouth  and  succeeded  in  reeling  thread  from  them.  From  this 
began  the  art  of  silkworm  rearing."^  The  Sun-Goddess  ap- 
pears  here  as  the  organizer  of  agricultural  industry.  The 
social  organization  has  reached  the  stage  of  well  developed 
agricultural  communities  under  village  chiefs  who  are  account- 
able to  some  central  authority,  yet  even  thus  the  chief  functions 
of  the  Sun-Goddess  are  in  relation  to  food.  The  same  conclusion. 
m.ay  be  deduced  from  the  fact  that  Ama-terasn-d-mi-kaini  appears 
in  the  NoritodiS  the  **  Divine  Producer"  (of  food  and  life).* 
Her  most  intimate  associate  in  the  mythology,  if  not  her  actual 
double,  is  the  great  producing .  god,  Taka-mi-musubi-no-kami, 
**  the  High-August-Producing-Wondrous-Deity."*  The  sur- 
vival of  an  early  relation  to  agriculture  is  to  be  seen  in  the  fact 
that  the  center  of  the  Harvest  Festivals  of  modern  Shint5  is 
still  the  presention  of  first-fruits  to  the  Sun-Goddess.^  The 
same  relationship  is  further  indicated  in  the  fact  that  the  great- 
est of  the  associates  of  Ama-terasu-o-mi-kami  in  the  worship  of 
the  Ise  shrines  is  a  food  goddess.® 

This  development  of  the  cult  of  the  Sun-Goddess  under 
early  agricultural   influences   has   been   accompanied   by   the 


I. 

A.,  I,  p.  33- 

2. 

Ibid. 

3- 

Cf.  T.A.S.J.,  Vol.  VII,  pp.  126-127. 

4- 

Ibid. 

5- 

See  above,  pp.  132-3. 

6. 

C/.T.ASJ,  Vol.  II,  pp.  99-121. 

250  THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN   SHINTO. 

w 

operation  of  definite  political  interests.  Yet  the  utmost  caution 
must  be  exercised  in  any  attempt  to  reconstruct  out  of  the 
legendary  records  of  the  Kojiki  and  the  Nlhongi  the  details  of 
the  expression  of  this  political  motive.  The  modern  Japanese 
government,  in  its  program  of  utilizing  the  old  mythology  as 
material  for  nationalistic  ethical  training  in  the  public  schools,is 
far  from  recognizing  any  such  limitations.  As  already  pointed 
out  a  particularized  account  of  the  descent  of  the  Heavenly 
Grandson  under  the  command  of  the  Sun-Goddess  and  the 
establishment  of  his  rule  over  his  destined  empire  is  expounded 
with  a  degree  of  assurance  that  is  well  adapted  to  induce  the 
confidence  that  the  entire  movement  is  completely  within  the 
bounds  of  well  established  historical  fact. 

The  conclusion  that  such  actual  historical  facts  as  lie 
behind  the  narrative  here  are  almost  inextricably  entangled  in 
a  network  of  mythology  is  confirmed  by  a  closer  investiga- 
tion of  the  evidence.  It  will  be  remembered  that  the  "  Japanese 
Histoiy  for  Middle  Schools,"  as  quoted  earlier  in  the  discussion, 
in  its  account  of  the  presentation  of  the  Reed-plain  Land  of 
Japan  to  the  grandson  of  Ama-terasii-d-ini-kami,  gives  prominent 
place  to  the  coming  down  of  the  two  kamiy  Take-mika-dziichi 
and  Fiitsn-nushi}  They  were  sent  by  the  Heavenly  Deities  to 
0-kuni-nushi-7io-mlkolo,  the  **  ruler  of  Idzumo  "  with  the  message 
that  the  latter  should  surrender  up  his  land  to  the  Heavenly 
Grandson.  The  episode  is  of  sufficient  importance  to  warrant 
the  introduction  here  of  the  Nlhongi  account  verbatim.  The 
story  is  as  follows. 

"  After  this,  Taka-mi-musubi-no-mlkoto  again  assembled  all 
the  Gods  that  they  might  select  some  one  to  send  to  the  Central 
Land  of  Reed-Plains.  They  all  said  : — '  It  will  be  well  to  send 
Futsu-nushi-no-kami,  son  of  Iha-tsutsu-no-wo  and  Iha-tsutsu-no- 
me,  the  children  oi  Iha-saku-ne-saku-7io-kami' 

"  Now  there  were  certain  Gods  dwelling  in  the  Rock-cave 

I.     See  above,  p.  187. 


THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY    OF    MODERN    SHINTO.  2$  I 

of  Heaven,  viz.  Mika-no-haya-hi-no-kamiy  son  of  Idzii-no-ivo- 
bashiri-no-kami,  Hi-no-haya-hi-no-kami,  son  of  Mika-no-haya-hi- 
no-kami,  and  Take-mika-dziichi-no-kami,  son  of  Hi-no-haya-hi-no- 
kami.  The  latter  God  came  forward  and  said  : — *  Is  Futsii- 
nushi-no-kami  alone  to  be  reckoned  a  hero  ?  And  am  I  not  a 
hero  ?  '  His  words  were  animated  by  a  spirit  of  indignation. 
He  was  therefore  associated  with  Futsu-niishi-no-kami  and  made 
to  subdue  the  Central  Land  of  Reed-Plains.  The  two  Gods 
thereupon  descended  and  arrived  at  the  Little  Shore  of  Itasa, 
in  the  Land  of  Idzumo.  Then  they  drew  their  ten-span  swords, 
and  stuck  them  upside  down  in  the  earth,  and  sitting  on  their 
points  questioned  Oho-na-mochi-no-kami  [one  of  the  numerous 
titles  of  d-kiini-nushi-no-mikoto]y  saying  : — *  Taka-mi-musubi-no- 
mikoto  wishes  to  send  down  his  August  Grandchild  to  preside 
over  this  country  as  its  Lord.  He  has  therefore  sent  us  two 
Gods  to  clear  out  and  pacify  it.  What  is  thy  intention  ?  Wilt 
thou  stand  aside  or  no  ?  '  Then  Oho-na-mochi-no-kami  answer- 
ed and  said  : — '  I  must  ask  my  son  before  I  reply  to  yoii.'  -At 
this  time  his  son,  Koto-shir o-iiushi-no-kami  was  absent  on  an 
excursion  to  Cape  Miho  in  the  Land  of  Idzumo,  where  he  was 

amusing  himself  by  angling  for  fish 

•'  He  therefore  took  the  many-handed  boat  of  Kumano, 
and  placing  on  board  of  it  his  messenger,  Inase-hagi,  he  des- 
patched him,  and  announced  to  Koto-shir o-nushi-no-kami  the 
declaration  of  Taka-mi-musubi-no-kaini.  He  also  inquired  what 
language  he  should  use  in  answer.  Now  Koto-shir  o-nushi-no- 
kami  spoke  to  the  messenger,  and  said  : — *  The  Heavenly 
Deity  has  now  addressed  us  this  inquiry.  My  father  ought 
respectfully  to  withdraw,  nor  will  I  make  any  opposition.'  So 
he  made  in  the  sea  an  eight-fold  fence  of  green  branches,  and 
stepping  on  the  bow  of  the  boat,  went  off  [died].  The  mes- 
senger returned  and  reported  the  result  of  his  mission.  Then 
Oho-na-mochi-no-kami  said  to  the  two  Gods,  in  accordance  with 
the  words  of  his  son  : — *  My  son,  on  whom  I  rely,  has  already 
departed.     I,  too,  will  depart.     If  I  were  to  make  resistance 


252  THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN   SHINTQ 

all  the  Gods  of  this  Land  would]  certainly  resist  also.  But  as 
I  now  respectfully  withdraw,  who  else  will  be  so  bold  as  to 
refuse  submission  ?  '  So  he  took  the  broad  spear  which  he  had 
used  as  a  staff  when  he  was  pacifying  the  land  and  gave  it  to 
the  two  Gods,  saying  : — *  By  means  of  this  spear  I  was  at  last 
successful.  If  the  Heavenly;  Grandchild  will  use  this  spear  to 
rule  the  land,  he  will  undoubtedly  subdue  it  to  tranquillity.  I 
am  now  about  to  withdraw  to  the  concealment  of  the  short-of-a 
hundred-eighty  road-windings  [road  to  the  Under  World].' 
Having  said  these  words,  he  at  length  became  concealed 
[died].     Thereupon  the  two  Gods  put  to  death  all  the  rebellious 

spirits  and  Deities Ultimately  they   reported  the 

result  of  their  mission."^ 

Take-mika-dzuchi-no-kami,  who  appears  in  the  above 
account  as  the  forerunner  of  the  Imperial  Grandson,  has 
already  been  identified  as  an  ancient  Japanese  thunder-god. 
Futsu-nushi-no-kami,  like  the  sword  of  Izanagi  and  like  Take- 
mika-dziichi  with  whom  he  is  associated,  grew  out  of  primitive 
experiences  with  the  lightning  flash.  He  is  not  altogether  the 
creation  of  mere  imagination  nor  is  he  so  entirely  the  expression  of 
social  experience  as  to  be  explicable  purely  as  a  culture  hero,  as 
the  account  in  the  Japanese  History  for  Middle  Schools  would 
seem  to  imply.  Futsu-nushi  is  a  kami  who  was  actually  seen  to 
come  down  out  of  heaven,  in  shape  like  a  sword.  In  the  visible 
traces  of  his  striking  and  smiting  on  earth  there  was  vivid  proof 
of  his  power  to  subdue  the  land.  The  old  account  remembers 
that  such  was  his  character  when  it  says  that  acting  in  coopera- 
tion with  the  thunder-god  he  put  to  death  "  the  tribes  of  herbs, 
trees  and  rocks, "^  that  is,  he  struck  them  with  his  sword.  An 
examination  of  the  names  and  further  activities  of  this  deity  con- 
firms the  interpretation  just  suggested.  Futsu-nushi  is  the  Striker 
or  the  Smiter.     He  appears  under  various   names :      Thrust- 


1,  A.,  I,  pp.  67-70. 

2.  Ibid.f  p.  69. 


THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY    OF    MODERN   SHINTO.  253 

Strike-Deity  {Sazhi-futsic-no-kami),  Awful-Strike  Deity  {Mika- 
futsu-no-kami),  August-Strike-Spirit  {Futsu-no-mi-tamd)  and 
Strike-Master-Deity  {Futsu-niishi-no-kami)}  In  all  of  his  titles 
the  idea  of  striker  persists.  In  one  case  he  is  the  son  of  Rock- 
Possessing-Male  {Iwa-tsutsn-no-wo)^  a  kami  who  Is  naturally  as- 
sociated with  primitive  experiences  with  fire-flints.  In  another  case 
he  is  spoken  of  as  a  sword  belonging  to  the  thunder-god.*  Again, 
he  is  so  closely  related  with  thunder  that  the  Kojiki  gives  the 
names  Terrible-Strike-Deity  {Take-futsu-no-kami)  and  Abundant- 
Strike-Deity  {Toyo-fntsu-no-kami)z^  alternate  titles  of  the  thunder- 
god,  himself."* 

There  is  a  passage  in  the  Kojiki j  under  the  account  dealing 
with  the  achievements  of  the  first  Emperor,  which  furnishes 
unique  evidence  in  support  of  the  lightning-god  character  of 
Futsu-nushi,  The  story  relates  how,  when  the  royal  progress  of 
Jimmu  Tenn5  was  seriously  delayed  by  the  savage  deities  of 
Kumanu,  there  appeared  a  man,  Takakuraji  by  name,  bearing  a 
marvelous  cross  sword  that  had  been  sent  down  from  heaven. 
When  the  Emperor  once  had  the  sword  in  his  possession,  "  the 
savage  deities  of  the  mountains  of  Kumanu  all  spontaneously  fell 
cut  down."^      The  name  of  the  sword  was  Thrust-Strike-Deity 

1.  CT".  C,  p.  135,  A.,  I,  p.  115.  The  justification  of  translating  futsu  by 
"  strike  "  is  found  in  the  close  kinship  evidently  existing  between  futsu  and  butsu 
or  utsu  '•'  to  hit,"  "  to  strike."  For  example,  the  derivative  adverbial  forms /zi^sun, 
btittstiri  and  puttsuri  all  have  reference  to  a  breaking  or  snapping  sound.  We 
have  here  the  evidence  of  a  b-f  mutation  in  the  form  butsu  {utsu),  A  common 
interpretation  oi  futsu  favors  the  meaning  of  "  snap,"  hence  "  Awful-Snap-Deity  " 
as  the  title  of  this  particular  kami.  {Cf.C,  p.  135,  note  13).  The  idea  of  "  snapper," 
however,  does  not  seem  altogether  congruous  to  the  nature  of  a  deity  to  whom 
the  epithets  "  thrust "  and  "  awful "  are  applied  and  who  is  spoken  of  as  the 
sword  of  the  thunder-god.  Futsu  in  the  sense  of  "  strike  "  is  fully  as  permissible 
as  in  that  of  "  snap  "  and  is  much  more  appropriate  to  the  function  of  the  deity 
concerned. 

2.  gr.  A.,  I,  p.  67. 

3.  C,  p.  135. 

4.  Ibid.,  p.  32. 

5.  Ibid,  p.  134. 


254  THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY    OF    MODERN   SHINT5. 

(Sazhi-futsu-no-kami)  and  the  manner  of  its  being  let  down  from 
heaven  is  the  interesting  part  of  the  story.  It  was  revealed  to 
Takakuraji  in  a  dream  that  the  thunder-god  would  perforate  the 
roof  of  his  store  house  and  drop  the  sword  through  the  hole 
thus  made.^  The  Nihongi  then  relates  :  *'  The  next  morning, 
as  instructed  in  his  dream,  he  opened  the  storehouse,  and 
on  looking  in,  there  indeed  was  a  sword  which  had  fallen 
down  (from  Heaven),  and  was  standing  upside  down  on  the 
plank  floor  of  the  storehouse.'"'  We  are  reminded  that  in  early 
Greek  rvjligion  the  lightning-god  was  also  "  the  Striker  "  and  the 
*^  Earth-shaker  "  and  that  in  certain  elevated  spots,  as  on  the 
Acropolis  at  Athens,  were  Places  of  Coming,  open  to  the  sky, 
upon  which  the  lightning-god  might  descend,  and,  further,  that 
in  order  to  facilitate  his  coming  down  from  heaven,  a  hole  was 
left  in  the  roof  of  the  north  porch  of  the  Erechtheion.^ 

1.  Ibid.,  p.  135. 

2.  A.,  I,  p.  115.  The  statement  that  the  sword  was  standing  upside  down 
has  its  probable  explanation  in  the  fact  that  the  ceremonial  swords  found  at  the 
Shinto  shrines  are  frequently  inserted  in  a  pedestal  and  given  this  inverted  position 
The  ceremonial  usage  is  probably  very  old.  A  large  wooden  sword,  seen  at  the 
Namiyoke  Shrine  of  Tokyo  in  the  summer  of  1921,  had  an  engraved  representa_ 
tion  of  a  lightning  flash,  colored  in  bright  red,  running  the  entire  length  of  the 
blade.  What  was  fully  as  remarkable  was  the  fact  that  the  sword  was  mounted 
on  a  base  carved  in  the  form  of  a  serpent's  tail.  The  local  explanation  declared 
that  this  was  the  great  serpent  slain  by  €iisa-no-wo,  from  the  tail  of  which  was 
taken  the  sword  that  has  since  become  a  part  of  the  Imperial  regalia.  The  object 
exhibited  by  the  Namiyoke  Shrine  was  at  once  a  serpent's  tail,  a  sword  and  a 
lightning  flash.  Both  legend  and  art  in  Japan  connect  the  serpent  or  dragon  with 
the  thunder-storm.  The  storm-dragon  is  frequently  found  represented  at  the 
shrines.  The  great  serpent  of  Mimuro  Hill  spoken  of  in  the  Nihongi  gave  forth 
rolling  thunder  and  had  eyeballs  that  flamed  with  fire.  Its  name  was  Ikadztuhi, 
**  Thunderbolt "  (A.,  I,  p.  347).  The  sword  which  Stisa-no-wo  extracted  from 
he  serpent's  tail  is  called  Mura-kumo-no-tstirngi,  "  Clustering-clouds-Sword." 
The  evidence  here  again  suggests  a  sword  that  appeared  when  the  great  serpent 
writhed  in  the  storm  clouds.     Cf.  T.A.S.J.,  Vol.  XLIX,  Pt.  I,  p.  347. 

3.  Cf.  Harrison,  T/ie/nisy  pp.  91-92.  The  Place  of  Coming  in  Greek 
religion  may  be  profitably  compared  with  an  ancient  ceremonial  object  of  Shinto, 
known  as  the  himorogif  which  is  connected  with  the  coming  down  or  the  bringing 
down  of  the  god.    The  himorogi  is  in  fact  a  "  place  of  coming  "  and  is  probably 


THE    POLITICAL   PHILCSDPHY   OF   MODERN   SHINTO,  255 

The  movement  of  the  subduing  of  the  land  in  preparation 
for  the  coming  of  the  August  Grandson  of  the  Sun-Goddess  is 
thus  in  the  realm  of  the  activities  of  mythological  nature 
deities.     Idzumo  was  conquered  by  Thunder  and  Lightning. 

The  account  of  the  descent  of  the  grandson  of  the  Sun- 
Goddess  is  likewise  clothed  in  the  garments  of  a  nature  myth. 
The  iV};7/!^;z^/ says  of  this  event,  **  So  the  August  Grandchild 
left  his  Heavenly  Rock-seat,  and  with  an  awful  path-cleaving, 
clove  his  way  through  the  eight-fold  clouds  of  Heaven,  and 
descended  on  the  Peak  of  Takachiho  of  So  in  Hiuga."^  The 
picture  is  that  of  the  sun's  rays — offspring  of  the  Sun-Goddess 
— striking  in  a  broad  path  between  the  clouds  down  onto  a 
mountain  peak.  That  the  story  is  not  moving  merely  in  the 
realm  of  the  figurative  representation  of  imperial  splendor  is  to 
be  seen  in  the  further  statement  that  Nlnigi-no-mikoto  took  as 
his  wife  Ko-no-hana-saku-ya-hime  ("  Princess-Blossoming-Brilli- 
antly-Like-the-Flowers-of-the-Trees  "),^  who  is  the  goddess  of 
Mt.  Fuji.  Her  father  is  the  Deity  of  Mountains,  O-yama-tsn- 
i7ii-no-kaini  ("  Great-Mountain-Body-Deity  '')!'  The  offspring 
of  this  marriage  in  the  third  generation  becomes  the  first  tradi- 
tional emperor  of  Japan,  Jimmu  Tenno.'* 

Yet  the  conclusion  that  the  outlines  of  certain  remote 
tribal  movements  can  also  be  dimly  perceived  through  this 
myth  and  legend  is  probably  correct.     The  records  appear  to 

the  original  Shinto  altar.  It  evidently  antedates  the  shrines,  themselves.  It  con- 
sists, in  general,  of  a  sacred  enclosure  marked  off  by  shimenawa  within  which  is 
placed  a  small  tree,  usually  the  sakaki,  mounted  upright  on  a  table.  Modern 
Shintoists  define  hhnoiogi  to  mean  "  god-dwell-tree."  The  tree  appears  to  be  the  im- 
portant part  of  the  device.  Hemp  fibre  and  white  paper,  the  latter  folded  and  cut  in  a 
zig-zag  form,  are  fastened  into  the  top  of  the  tree  and  evidently  represent  descend- 
ing influences.  The  form  of  the  paper  suggests  nothing  so  much  as  a  symbolic 
representation  of  lightning  coming  down  into  the  tree.  This  in  turn  suggests  the 
source  from  which  the  gohei  possibly  derives  its  pecular  zig-zag  shape. 

1.  Ibid.,  p.  70. 

2.  C/.  C.,p.  115. 

3.  gr.Cpp.  27,  115. 

4.  See  above,  p.  185. 


256  THE    POLITICAL    PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN    SHINTO. 

bear  witness  to  an  early  struggle  between  independent  tribal 
settlements  located  in  Kyushu  and  Idzumo,  which  later  amal- 
gamated to  a  certain  extent  and  migrated  into  Yamato.  Final 
unification  was  effected  under  this  Yamato  state,  wherein  the 
dominant  political  element  was  of  Kyiishii  origin.^  The  sub- 
duing of  Idzumo  does  not  appear  to  have  been  accomplished 
through  such  quiet  submission  on  the  part  of  the  original  rulers 
as  Dr.  Haga  and  others  would  have  us  believe  took  place. 
Repeated  attempts  were  apparently  made  to  conquer  this  state^ 
and  complete  subjection  to  the  offspring  of  the  Sun-Goddess 
seems  to  have  been  secured  only  after  various  "  rebellious 
spirits  and  deities  "  had  been  put  to  death.*  In  determining 
the  amount  of  importance  that  is  to  be  assigned  the  words  of 
renunciation  in  favor  of  the  Heavenly  Grandson  which  the 
records  put  into  the  mouths  of  0-na-mochi  and  his  son,  Koto- 
shiro-nnshiy  it  is  to  be  remembered  that  both  the  Kojiki  and  the 
Nihongi  were  written  in  the  interests  of  an  effort  to  fortify 
dynastic  claims  in  the  presence  of  rival  political  interests, 
appearing  in  the  seventh  and  eighth  centuries  of  Japanese 
history."*  This  policy  of  centralization  and  unification  was 
being  carried  out  by  the  descendants  of  the  very  priests  who 
brought  the  Sun-Goddess  into  Yamato.^  It  is  in  this  process 
of  political  amalgamation  that  the  dogma  of  imperial  descent 
from  Ama-terasu-o-mi-kami  becomes  especially  important.  As 
just  stated,  the  Sun-Goddess  of  Shint5  was  brought  in  by  the 
conquerors  from  the  south.  The  doctrine  plays  no  part  in  the 
original  Idzumo  genealogies.  The  great  ancestor  of  the  Idzumo 
line  is  0-kuni-nushi-no-mikoto^  The  latter  line  has  been  at- 
tached to  the  lineage  of  the  Sun-Goddess  through  Siisa-no-wo- 

1.  Cf.  Murdoch,  Vol.  I,  pp.  50-51 ;  C,  Intro.,  pp.  XLIV— LXIV. 

2.  Cf,  C,  pp.  93-99. 

3.  Cf.Ky  I,  p.  09. 

4.  Saito,  H.,  Geschichte  Japans,  p.  4;  Murdoch,  op,  cit.  pp.  57-59. 

5.  Murdoch,  op.  cit,,  pp.  57,  67. 

6.  Cf,  T.AS  J.,  Vol.  XLI,  Pt.  IV,  p.  583. 


THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN    SHINTO.  25/ 

no-mikoto,  but  it  is  significant  that  the  priests  of  Idzumo,  them- 
selves, do  not  claim  descent  from  Susa-no-wo} 

The  rise  of  the  cult  oi  Ama-terasu-o-mi-kami  \.o  its  dominant 
position  in  Shinto  is  thus  to  be  explained  m  no  small  measure 
from  the  point  of  view  of  its  intimate  association  with  the  fortunes 
of  imperial  sovereignty  vested  in  the  chiefs  of  the  Kyushii- 
Yamato  tribe  and  their  royal  descendants.  As  the  great 
ancestor  of  this  line,  she|has  gained  ascendency  pari  passu  with 
the  centralization  of  power  in  the  hands  of  the  Emperor  and  the 
imperial  bureaucracy  and  has  subordinated  other  deities  as  an  im- 
portant part  of  the  extension  of  this  centralized  political  control. 
Regarding  the  great  "  Edict  "  of  the  foundation  of  the  state, 
modern  Shintoists  say,  "What  Ama-terasu-o-mi-kami  therein 
purposed  was  actually  brought  to  pass."  The  suspicion  is 
strong,  on  the  other  hand,  that  Ama-terasu-o-mi-kami  is  made  to 
purpose  what  dynastic  interests  were  seeking  to  bring  to  pass. 

We  have  examined  in  outline  the  main  reasons  for  the 
rise  of  sun  worship  to  preeminence  in  Shintd.  The  natural 
development  of  the  cult  of  the  Sun-Goddess  under  the  influence 
of  the  needs  of  an  agricultural  people  has  been  accompanied 
by  the  interaction  of  political  interests.  The  problem  before 
us,  however,  is  not  the  reconstruction  of  the  nature  of  sun  wor- 
ship in  old  Shintd.  Nor  need  the  fate  of  Shinto  throughout 
the  long  medieval  period  concern  us  here.  We  must  return  to 
the  modern  situation.  We  know  that  in  the  middle  of  the 
nineteenth  century,  Buddhism  and  Confucianism  were  in  control 
in  the  fields  of  religion  and  morals  and  that  the  Shinto  shrines 
were  neglected  and  disorganized.  De  facto  political  power  was 
in  the  hands  of  the  Tokugawa  Shogunate.  Then  came  the  Res- 
toration of  1868,  a  coup  (Vet at  carried  out  by  men  from  the 
southwest.  The  Choshu  and  Satsuma  clansmen,  descendants 
of  the  original  conquerors  from  Kyushu,  broke  the  power  of 
the  Tokugawas,  placed  the  Emperor  on  the  throne  and  once 
again  brought  in  their  ancient  Sun-Goddess.  The  method  of 
I.    Ibid.,  p  537. 


258  THE    POLITICAL    PHILOSOFHV    OF    MODERN    SHINTO. 

unification  that  had  served  so  well  in  the  establishment  of  the 
state,  was  to  be  used  again  in  a  modern  effort  to  control  the  think- 
ing of  the  people.  Factions  and  contentions  arising  from  within 
and  disintergrating  forces  threatening  from  without  were  to  be 
met  by  the  stabilizing  influence  of  a  state  cult  centering  in  the 
Sun-Goddess.  Certain  Shintoists  have  gone  farther  and  have 
actually  proposed  the  unification  of  the  world  under  the  aegis  of 
Ama-terasu-o-mi-kami, 

The  political  value  of  sun  worship  and  of  a  doctrine  of  the 
solar  ancestry  of  the  ruler  is  thus  to  be  found  in  the  centraliz- 
ing principle  that  is  necessarily  involved  therein.  The  sun  is 
a  source  of  life  for  growing  crops  and  a  center  of  strength  and 
energy  for  man  and  thus  a  benevolent  being  under  whose  pro- 
vidence the  vital  needs  of  society  are  supplied.  In  addition, 
men,  by  virtue  of  their  mutual  relations  to  the  one  and  only  sun  of 
heaven,  are  universally  consolidated  and  at  the  same  time 
subordinated.  The  sun  thus  becomes  symbol  of  unity — unity, 
indeed,  under  an  emblem  of  incomparable  grandeur.  Japanese 
statesmen  and  priests  have  been  by  no  means  the  first  to  utilize, 
in  political  affairs,  this  aspect  of  sun  worship,  made  to  center  in 
a  doctrine  of  royal  descent  from  the  sun  deity.  Probably  the 
best  example  in  history  is  that  of  ancient  Egypt,  where  already 
by  the  year  2750  B.C.  the  priests  of  Heliopolis  were  beginning 
a  program  of  political  amalgamation  through  a  worsliip  of  the 
Sun-God,  regarded  as  the  great  patron  divinity  of  the  state.  This 
was  accompanied  by  the  fiction  that  the  Sun-God  was  a  former 
ruler  of  Egypt  and  also  the  great  ancestor  of  the  reigning 
Pharaoh  as  well  as  the  protector  and  leader  of  the  nation.* 
These  propositions  are  almost  indentical  with  those  advanced 
in  the  modern  text-books  on  ethics  and  on  history  published  by 
the  Department  of  Education  of  the  Japanese  Government. 

We  may  turn  next  to  the  consideration  of  Susa-no-ivo, 
"The  Impetuous  male"   of  the   Shinto    pantheon.       Modern 

I.     Cf.  Breasted,  J.  H  ,  Development  of  Religion  and  Thought  in  Amient 
Eoypt  (New  York,  1912),  pp.  15  ff. 


THE    POLITICAL    PHILOSOPHY    OF    MODERN    SHINT5.  259 

official  interpretation  makes  this  deity  the  brother  oi  Ama-terasu- 
b-mi-kami  and  consequently  one  of  the  ancestors  of  the  Imperial 
Family.  He  appears  in  the  Kojiki  as  Take-hay a-susa-no-w a- 
no-mikoto,  "  His  Brave-Swift-Impetuous-Male  Augustness  "^ 
and  in  the  Nihongl  with  the  slightly  different  titles,  Susa-no- 
wo-no-mikoto^  Haya-susa-no-ivo-no-mikoto^  and  Kamu-susa-no- 
wo-no-mikoto^  \susa  or  sosa  probably  from  susumUj  **  to  be 
impetuous  "]. 

The  use  which  the  Department  of  Education  of  the  Japan- 
ese Government  makes  of  some  of  the  mythology  connected 
with  Susa-no-wo-no-mikoto  may  be  seen  in  the  following  transla- 
tion from  one  of  the  school  readers.  The  story  relates  the 
origin  of  the  sacred  sword  which  has  already  been  enumerated 
as  one  of  the  Three  Sacred  Treasures  that  constitute  the  tradi- 
tional regalia  received  by  successive  generations  of  Emperors  on 
accession  to  the  Imperial  Throne.  The  reader  says,  "  The 
younger  brother  of  Ama-terasu-o-mi-kanii  was  called  Susa-no- 
wo-no-mikoto.  He  was  a  deity  possessed  of  great  courage.  Once 
as  he  w^as  passing  along  the  bank  of  the  river  Hi  in  the  land  of 
Idzumo  a  chopstick  came  floating  down  the  stream.  There- 
upon he  concluded  that  people  lived  up  the  river  and  as  he 
went  along  the  bank,  gradually  going  farther  into  the  depths 
of  mountains,  he  came  upon  an  old  white  haired  man  and  his 
wife,  with  their  daughter  placed  between  them.  They  were 
weeping. 

**  *  Why  do  you  weep  ?  '  asked  the  Prince.  '*  The  old 
man  made  answer,  "  We  once  had  eight  daughters,  but  they 
have  been  captured  and  devoured  one  each  year  by  a  great 
serpent  called  Yamata-no-orochi  ('*  Eight-Forked-Great-Ser- 
pent ").  Now  only  this  one  child  is  left  to  us.  It  is  now  the 
exact  time  of  the  year  for  the  coming  of  this  great  serpent  and 

1.  c/:c,p.43. 

2.  Cf.  A,  I,  p.  28. 

3.  Cf.  A,  I,  p.  19. 

4.  Cf,  op.  cit. 


26o  THE    POLITICAL    PHILOSOPHY    OF    MODERN    SHINTO. 

■\ve  know  not  whether  the  life  of  this  child  will  be  taken  to-day^ 
or  to-morrow.' 

"  '  What  kind  of  a  serpent  is  this  Yamata-no-orochi  f  ' 

"  *  It  is  a  great  serpent  whose  length  covers  eight  moun- 
tains and  eight  valleys,  it  has  eight  heads  and  eight  tails.  Its 
eyes  are  red  like  the  ground-cherry  and  its  back  is  covered 
with  moss.' 

*'  On  hearing  this  account  the  Prince  said,  '  Enough  !  I  will 
destroy  this  great  serpent.  Fill  eight  sake-vats  with  strong 
sake  and  arrange  them  in  a  row  in  the  place  where  the  great 
serpent  comes.' 

'*  They  made  ready  in  this  way  and  waited.  Presently 
the  great  sei-pent  appeared  and,  spying  the  sake,  he  put  his 
eight  heads  into  the  eight  sake- vats  and  began  to  drink.  Vv'Iiile 
so  doing,  he  became  intoxicated  and  fell  soundly  asleep.  Then 
the  Prince  drew  his  sword  and  cut  the  great  serpent  into  pieces. 
The  blood  flowed  into  the  Hi  River  so  that  the  waters  became 
a  bright  red.  When  he  was  cutting  the  tail,  the  blade  of  his 
sword  was  nicked.  Thinking  this  strange  he  cut  open  the  tail 
and  examined  it.  Whereupon,  there  appeared  a  magnificent 
sword.  *  This  is  a  precious  thing,'  he  said  and  presented  it  tO' 
Ama-terasu-o-mi-kami.  This  is  the  Clustering-clouds-Sword-of- 
Heaven  {Ama-no-mura-ktimo-jto-tsurugi),  which  afterwards  was 
called  the  Grass-mo  wing-Sword  {Kusa-iiagi-no-tsurugi).  It  is 
one  of  the  Three  Sacred  Treasures."^ 

Book  I  of  the  teacher's  manual  accompanying  the  "  Japan- 
ese Histoiy  for  Ordinary  Primary  Schools  ".  presents  material 
that  makes  similar  use  of  the  Susa-no-wo  myth  in  explaining 
the  origin  of  the  Three  Sacred  Treasures.  The  official  exposi- 
tion here  says,  "  The  younger  brother  of  Ama-terasu-o-mi-kami 
was  Susa-7io-wo-no-mikoto.  On  account  of  the  violent  acts  which 
he  often  performed  in  Takama-ga-haray  the  Great  Deity  became 
enraged  and  hid  herself  within  the  Rock  Cave  of  Heaven. 
Hereupon  all  the  deities  held  consulation  together  and  caused 

79     Jiitjo  Shogaku  Tokiihon,  No.  VIII  (Tokyo,  1921),  pp.  1-6. 


THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY    OF    MODERN    SHINTO.  26 1 

Ishi-kori-dome  to  take  copper  from  Heavenly  Mount  Kagu  and 
make  an  eight-sided  mirror  and  caused  Taina-no-oya-no-uiikoto 
to  make  the  Curved  Jewels  of  Yasaka  Gem.  These  they  hung 
on  the  brc  nches  of  a  sakaki  tree  together  with  blue  and  white 
,  soft  offerings  '  and  presented  them  to  the  Great  Deity.  Then 
they  made  music  before  the  Rock  Cave  and  called  her  forth. 
Afterwards  on  the  occasion  of  the  descent  of  the  Heavenly 
Grandson,  the  Great  Deity  conferred  this  sacred  mirror  on  the 
Prince  and  commanded  him  saying,  "  Regard  this  as  looking 
on  me,  myself"  She  gave  him  in  addition  the  Grass-mowing- 
Sword  and  the  above  mentioned  Curved  Jewels  of  Yasaka 
Gem.  These  three  together  are  called  the  Three  Sacred  Trea- 
sures. The  Grass-mo  wing-Sword  is  the  sword  which  Siisa-no- 
wo-no-mikoto  secured  when  he  subdued  the  great  serpent  in 
Idzumo.  First  it  was  called  the  Clustering-clouds-Sword 
i^Miira-kumo-no-tsiirugi)  and  later  was  worn  by  Yamato-take-no- 
mikoto  when  he  went  to  subdue  the  barbarians.  From  the  fact 
that  in  order  to  escape  the  danger  of  a  fire  (kindled  by)  the 
enemy  he  cut  down  the  grass  (about  him),  the  name  of  the  sword 
was  changed  to  Grass-mo  wing-Sword  {Kusa-nagl-no-tsiirugi). 

**  After  the  time  of  Ninigi-no-mikoto  the  Three  Sacred 
Treasures  were  kept  for  successive  generations  in  the  Imperial 
Palace,  but  in  the  time  of  Sujin  Tennd  (Tenth  Emperor),  out  of 
a  fear  lest  the  divine  influence  might  be  contaminated,  the 
sacred  mirror  and  the  sacred  sword  were  enshrined  in  a  separate 
sanctuary.  Newly  made  reproductions,  together  with  the 
Curved  Jewels  of  Yasaka  Gem,  became  the  regalia  of  the  Im- 
perial Throne.  After  this  the  sacred  mirror  and  the  sacred  sword 
which  were  handed  down  from  the  Divine  Age  were  kept  at 
the  Grand  Imperial  Shrine  of  Ise,  but  ever  since  the  eastern 
invasion  of  Yamato-take-no-mikoto  the  sacred  sword  has  been 
kept  at  the  Atsuta  Shrine  of  the  city  of  Nagpya  of  the  country 
ofOwari."* 

I-    Jinjo  Shogakti  Nikon  Rekishi,  Kyoshi  Yd  (Tokyo,  1912),  Bk.  I,  pp.  5-6. 


262  THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN    SHJNTO. 

Susa-no-wo-no-inikoto  is  thus  officially  included  in  the  Im- 
perial genealogies  as  the  younger  brother  of  the  greatest  of  the 
ancestors  of  the  Emperor.  Evidently  the  government  expects 
this  to  be  taken  as  authentic  histoiy.  And  yet  it  is  difficult  to 
see  how  public  confidence  cannot  fail  to  be  weakened  ultimately 
by  thus  placing  on  a  mythological  basis  the  account  of  the 
origin  of  one  of  the  most  precious  object  of  modern  politico- 
religious  ceremony,  namely  the  Sacred  Sword  of  the  Imperial 
Regalia. 

The  seriousness  with  which  the  government  regards  the 
Susa-no-wo  myth  may  be  further  seen  in  evidence  to  be  found 
in  one  of  the  Japanese  school  readers  for  Korean  children 
published  by  the  Japanese  Government  for  Korea,  which 
says,  *'  The  younger  brother  of  Ama-terasn-o-mi-kami  was 
named  Susa-no-wo-no-mikoto.  He  was  a  person  of  extraor- 
dinary strength  who  visited  about  in  various  places  and  who 
also  went  to  the  land  of  Idzumo.  At  that  time  there  lived  in 
the  land  of  Idzurho  a  great  serpent  having  eight  heads  who 
terrorized  the  .people  by  capturing  and  eating  human  beings. 
Susa-no^wo-no-mikoto  filled  eight  large  jars  with  sake  and 
awaited  the  coming  of  the  great  serpent.  Thereupon  the 
monster  came  to  the  spot,  drank  the  sake  and  became  intoxi- 
cated. Then,  while  it  was  sleeping,  Susa-no-wo-no-mikoto  cut 
it  down  and  thus  ended  its  existence.  Strange  to  relate,  in  the 
body  of  the  serpent  was  found  a  jeweled  sword.  Susa-no<.vo- 
mikoto  took  this  and  presented  it  to  Ama-terasii-o-ini-kami. 

"  Susa-no-wo-no-mikoto  also  visited  Korea.*  Furthermore, 
•in  Japan  proper  he  planted  a  large  number  of  trees  and  with 
these  ships  were  constructed  for  going  back  and  forth  between 
Korea  and  Japan.  "^ 

1.  C/.  A,  I,  p.  57. 

2.  Futsu     Gakko     Kokugo    Tokiihon    ("Japanese    Reader    for    OrJinary 
Schools,"  Pub.  by  the  Japanese  Government  for  Korea),  Bk.  IV,  pp.  53  ff. 

The  account  of  how  Suui-no-wo  "  planted  a  large  number  of  trees,"  as  given 
in  one  of  the  Nihongi  variants,  reads,   "  Sosa  no  wo  no  Mikoto  said: — ♦  In  the 


THE    POLITICAL    PHILOSOFH/    OF    MODERN    SHINTO.  265 

In  the  practice  exercises  that  follow  the  lesson,  question 
number  two  says  :  "  Tell  the  reason  why  Suia-no-mjo-no-mikoto^ 
planted  a  large  number  of  trees."^ 

The  above  official  exposition  would  appear  to  be  legiti- 
mately open  to  the  interpretation  that  the  Japanese  educational 
authorities  for  Korea  are  attempting  to  utilize  an  episode  of 
ancient  Japanese  mythology  in  a  pseudo-historical  sense  as  a 
means  of  establishing  a  connection  between  Korea  and  Japan 
in  the  minds  of  Korean  children.  Likewise,  the  emphasis  on 
the  relation  between  Susa-no-wo-no-mikoto  and  Ama-terasu-o- 
mi-kami  indicates  the  governmental  intention,  already  pointed 
out,  of  including  Siisa-no-ivo-no-mikoto  as  one  of  the  ancestors 
of  the  Imperial  Family. 

The  historicity  of  official  Japanese  statements  regarding 
Susa-no-wo  is  to  be  estimated  in  the  light  of  evidence  going  to 
show  that  Siisa-no-wo  is  an  ancient  storm-god.  Buckley  has 
already  presented  convincing  proof  of  the  storm-god  character 
of  this  deity. ^  Florenz  has  added  his  authority  to  this  inter- 
pretation.'*  Aston  eventually  came  to  adopt  a  similar  point  of 
view/  Mr.  Tsuda,  one  of  the  best  informed  of  modern  Japan- 
ese students  of  Shint5,*  likewise  concludes  that  Susa-no<vo  is  a 

region  of  the  Land  of  Han  [Korea]  there  is  gold  and  silver.  It  will  not  be  well 
if  the  country  ruled  by  my  son  should  not  possess  floating  riches  [ships].  So  he 
plucked  out  his  beard  and  scattered  it.  Thereupon  Cryptomerias  were  produced. 
Moreover,  he  plucked  out  the  hairs  of  his  breast,  which  became  Thuyas.  The 
hairs  of  his  eye-brows  became  Camphor-trees.  The  hairs  of  his  buttocks  became 
Podocarpi.  Having  done  so,  he  determined  their  uses.  These  two  trees,  viz.  the 
Cryptomeria  and  the  Camphor-tree,  were  to  be  made  into  floating  riches ;  the 
Thuya  was  to  be  used  as  timber  for  building  fair  palaces ;  the  Podocarpus  was  to 
form  receptacles  in  which  the  visible  race  of  man  was  to  be  laid  in  secluded  burial- 
places.  For  their  food  he  well  sowed  and  made  to  grow  all  the  eighty  kinds  of 
fruit."  (A.,  1,  p.  58). 

1.  Futsu  Gakko  Kokugo  Tokuhon,  Bk.  IV,  p.  56. 

2.  Cf.  "  The  Shinto  Pantheon,"  New  World,  Dec  ,  1896,  pp.  13-14- 

3.  Cf.  F.,  p.  29,  note  19. 

4.  Cf.  Shinto,  pp.  136  ff".     See  also  Aston's  letter  in  F.,  pp.  319-20. 

5.  Cf.  Tsuda,  N.,  Shinto  Kigeh  Kan  (^fflgi^,  m^M.!^Mm  "An   Essay 
on  the  Origin  of  Shinto  "),  p.  61. 


264  THE   POLITICAL  PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN    SHINTO. 

storm-god.  The  storm-god  character  of  Susa-ncnivo  is  assumed 
in  the  present  discussion.  It  is  necessary  for  us  to  note  here 
only  enough  regarding  this  deity  to  make  comparison  with  the 
Polynesian  god,  Tawhin-ma-tea,  "  The  Father  of  Winds  and 
Storms." 

In  the  Kojiki  myth,  as  already  related,  Siisa-no<vo  sprang 
from  the  nostrils  of  Izanagi  as  he  purified  himself  after  his 
return  from  the  lower  world  ;  in  one  of  the  Nihongi  accounts 
he  is  represented  as  having  been  born  from  Izanagi  and  Iza- 
nami  by  the  ordinary  generative  process.^  His  stormy  char- 
acter is  indicated  in  the  statement  that  he  was  ever  weeping, 
wailing  and  fuming  with  rage.^  His  weeping  is  said  to  have 
been  such  that  he  dried  up  all  the  rivers  and  the  seas,*''  regard- 
ing which  Buckley  has  remarked,  *'  an  apparent  contradiction 
and  a  standing  puzzle  to  the  Japanese  commentators,  but  plain 
enough,  when  the  rains  flood  the  country  and  hide  the  bound- 
aries of  rivers  and  lakes.'"*  In  support  of  this  interpretation  is 
the  direct  evidence  of  the  records  going  to  show  that  at  least  a 
portion  of  the  functions  assigned  to  Susa-no<JUo  grew  out  of 
experiences  with  he  ivy  rain-bearing  winds.  He  is  a  god  who 
destroys  rice  fields  V  in  the  spring  time  "  by  knocking  away 
the  pipes  and  troughs  used  in  irrigation,  by  filling  up  channels, 
and  by  breaking  down  the  division  between  fields.^  All  this 
is  plainly  based  on  agricultural  experiences  during  a  season  of 
heavy  rain.  One  of  the  Nihongi  accounts  clothes  Susa-no-wo 
in  the  characteristic  rain-hat  and  grass  rain-coat  of  the  oriental 
farmer.^  The  story  further  relates  that  at  the  time  of  his 
banishment  he  went  down  from  heaven  in  a  violent  storm,  of 
wind  and  rain.'      The  argument  does  not  appear  to  be  so  self- 


I. 

Cf.  A.,  I,  p.  19. 

2. 

Ibid.,  pp.  1 9-20. 

3 

Cf.  C,  p.  44. 

4- 

Buckley,  op.  cit. 

5- 

Cf.  A,  I,  p.  48. 

6. 

Ibid.,  p.  50. 

7- 

Ibid 

THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY    OF    MODERN    SHINTQ.  265 

evident,  however,  when  we  attempt  to  utilize  the. rain-storm 
interpretation  in  order  to  account  for  the  plain  statement  of  the 
Kojiki  that  the  weeping  of  Susa-no-wo  was  such  as  "to  wither 
the  green  mountains  into  withered  mountains  "  and  "  to  dry  up 
all  the  rivers  and  seas."^  Rather,  the  formative  experience 
here  would  appear  to  have  been  with  hot  drying  wind.  The 
inference  that  ancient  Japanese  myth  referred  the  devestatioh 
caused  by  both  rain  and  drought  to  the  ravages  of  Susa-no-wo 
is  suggested  in  the  description  which  the  Nihongi  gives  of  a 
paddy  field  which  this  god  owned — "  In  the  rains,  the  soil  was 
swept  away,  and  in  droughts  it  was  parched  up."^  Experiences 
with  seasonal  winds,  alternating  between  hot  parching  winds 
and  stormy  wet  winds,  may  well  lie  back  of  this  mythology. 

The  appropriateness  of  the  term  "  impetuous  "  in  the  name 
of  Susa-no-wo-no-mikoto  is  to  be  found  in  the  ascription  to  him 
of  a  character  of  such  violence  as  to  have  brought  many  people 
of  the  country  to  an  untimely  end,  as  well  as  in  the  account  of 
how  he  entered  into  a  struggle  with  his  brethern  which  finally 
led  to  his  expulsion  from  heaven.'*  In  view  of  a  similar  episode 
in  Polynesian  mythology  it  is  of  interest  to  observe  that  after 
this  expulsion  he  went  up  to  Heaven  again  with  a  mighty  noise 
[winds  rising  in  the  sky]  and  visited  his  sister,  Ama-terasu-o-mi- 
kami.  As  a  pledge  of  good  faith  the  two  created,  individually, 
a  progeny  of  lesser  kami.  From  the  pieces  of  the  sabre  of 
Susa-no-wo  were  produced,  Ta-kiri-hime-no-mikoto  ("  Her- 
Augustness-Torrent-Mist-Princess "),  Ichiki-shima-hime-jio-mi- 
koto  ("  Her-Augustness-Lovely-Island-Princess  "),  and  Tagi-tsu- 
hime-no-mikoio  ("  Her-Augustness-Princess-of-the-Torrent  ")."* 
As  will  be  seen  below  the  Polynesian  story  presents  parallel 
details. 

The  Maori  god,  Tawhiri-ma-tea  corresponds  in  functions 

1.  Cf.  C,  op.  cit. 

2.  A.,  I,  p.  48. 

3.  Cf.  A.,  I,  p.  19. 

4.  C/.  C,  pp.  47-48. 


266  THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN    SHINT5. 

and  in  genealogical  connections  with  the  Japanese  god,  St^sa- 
no-wo.  The  Maori  deity  is  the  child  of  Rangi  and  Papa.  He 
appears  as  an  impetuous  god  of  violence  who  "  sends  forth 
fierce  squalls,  whirlwinds,  dense  clouds,  massy  clouds,  dark 
clouds,  gloomy  thick  clouds,  fiery  clouds,  clouds  which  precede 
hurricanes,  clouds  of  fier>^  black,  clouds  reflecting  glowing  red 
light,  clouds  wildly  drifting  from  all  quarters  and  wildly  bursting, 
clouds  of  thunder  storms,  and  clouds  hurriedly  flying."^  Like 
Siisa-no-zvo,  he  enters  into  a  struggle  with  his  brethern.  He 
attacks  Tane-mahuta  and  smites  and  breaks  the  forest;  he 
swoops  down  on  the  ocean  and  lashes  the  waves  in  his  wrath ; 
he  attacks  Rongo-jna-tane  and  Hamnia-tikitiki,  the  gods  and 
progenitors  of  cultivated  and  uncultivated  food.*  With  this 
may  be  compared  the  Japanese  tradition  that  Susa-no<vo  was 
once  assigned  by  Izanagi  the  task  of  ruling  the  "  sea-plain," 
but  that,  instead  of  doing  so,  he  only  cried  and  wept,^  also 
the  account  of  how  he  attacked  cultivated  fields  by  breaking 
down  the  divisions  of  rice-fields  and  filling  up  ditches,'*  and, 
finally,  that  he  killed  the  Food-goddess.^  Parallelism  appears 
again  in  the  statement  of  the  Maori  myth  that  through  the 
wTath  of  TawJiiri-ma-tea  a  great  part  of  the  dry  land  was  made 
to  disappear  and  much  of  Mother  Earth  was  submerged,* 

Just  as  Susa-no<vo  went  up  into  Heaven  and  created  oflP- 
spring  in  company  with  his  sister,  so  also  TazvPdri-ina-tea  rose 
up  to  Heaven.  The  myth  proceeds :  "  then  by  himself  and 
the  vast  Heaven  were  begotten  his  numerous  brood  and  they 
rapidly  increased  and  grew."^  In  the  Japanese  account  the 
Sun-Goddess  takes  the  place  of  the  Sky-Father,  yet  the  paral- 

1.  Grey,  op.  cit ,  pp.  5,  6. 

2.  Ibid.,  p.  9. 

3.  C/:  C,  p.  44. 

4.  Ibid.,  pp.  52-53. 

5.  Ibid.,  p.  59. 

6.  Cf.  Grey,  op.  cit ,  p.  1 4. 

7.  Ib.d.,\i.  5. 


THE    POLITICAL    PHILOSOPHV   OF    MODERN   SHINT5.  267 

lelism  is  remarkably  close.  Polynesian  mythology  repeats  this 
episode  in  different  form  in  an  account  of  how  during  the 
struggle  between  TawJiiri-ma-tea  and  his  brethern  there  appear- 
ed as  offspring  of  the  former  the  deities,  Ua-niii  ("  Terrible- 
rain  "),  Ua-roa  ('*  Long-continued-rain  ")  and  Ua-zvhatu  ("  Hail- 
storm ").  These  were  succeeded  in  turn  by  Han-mar ingi 
('*  Mist  "),  HaiMnarotaroto  (*'  Heavy-dew  ")  and  Tomai-rangi 
("  Light-dew  ").^  It  will  be  observ'ed  that  these  lesser  deities, 
like  the  offspring  of  Susa-no-wo  given  above,  appear  in  groups 
of  three  and  that  in  the  personification"  of  mist  on  the  Maori 
side  we  have  a  repetition  of  the  idea  of  a  "  Torrent-Mist- 
Princess  "  on  the  Japanese  side. 

Finally,  like  Susa-no-wo,  Tawhiri-ma-tea  has  a  high  place 
in  the  sacred  pedigrees,  Li  the  Maori  genealogies  (Ngati- 
Maniapoto  tribe),  he  appears  as  eighth  from  the  beginning  in  a 
long  list  that  includes  King  Tawhiao  and  other  noted  leaders 
of  the  modern  Maori  people.^ 

In  summary  of  these  two  deities,  then,  it  may  be  said  that 
that  both  are  storm  gods  ;  they  enter  into  struggles  with  their 
brethern  and  perform  like  deeds  of  violence ;  they  rise  up  to 
heaven  and  create  offspring  in  similar  fashion ;  parallelism 
appears  in  the  grouping  and,  perhaps,  in  the  functions  assigned 
theiir  descendants  ;  and,  finally,  both  deities  have  important 
places  in  the  ancestral  genealogies. 

Postponing,  for  the  time  being,  further  conclusions  we 
may  turn  to  the  investigation  of  more  of  the  details  of  the  cult 
life  of  official  Shinto. 

1.  Cf,  Tregear,  op.  cit.y  p.  449 ;  Grey,  op.  cit.y  p.  14. 

2.  Cf.  Tregear,  op.  cit.,  p.  667. 


268  THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN   SHINTO. 


/ 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

Government  and  National  Shrtnes. 
Conclusions. 

An.  estimate  of  the  character  of  Shinto  as  a  national  cult 
must,  from  the  nature  of  the  case,  be  founded  to  a  very  large 
extent  on  a  study  of  the  existing  Government  Shrines  (Kam- 
peishd)  and  the  National  Shrines  {Kokiiheisha)}  The  ceremonies 
conducted  at  these  two  classes  of  large  shrines  are  accorded  a 
position  of  primary  importance  in  the  politico-religious  pro- 
gram of  the  Japanese  government.  The  official  register  of 
these  shrines  as  revised  up  to  the  date  of  July  i6,  1921, 
includes  a  total  of  183,  distributed  as  follows:  Gov- 
ernment Shrines  of  Major  Grade  {Kampei  Taishd),  57 ; 
Government  Shrines  of  Middle  Grade  {Kampei  Chusha),  23  ; 
Government  Shrines  of  Minor  Grade  {Kampei  Shosha),  4; 
Government  Shrines  of  Special  Grade  {Bekkaku  Kampeisha)^ 
24 ;  National  Shrines  of  Major  Grade  {Kokuhei  Taisha)y  5  ; 
National  Shrines  of  Middle  Grade  {Kokuhei  Chusha),  46; 
National  Shrines  of  Minor  Grade  {Kokuhei  Shosha),  24.^  To 
this  list  must  be  added  the  Grand  Imperial  Shrine  of  Ise. 

We  may  take  up  first  the  investigation  of  the  nature  of  the 
deities  worshipped  at  the  above  shrines.  These  deities  may 
be  studied  in  the  four  groups  of  Emperors,  princes,  subjects  and 
nature  deities.  The  names  of  Emperors  whose  spirits  receive 
public  worship  are  given  immediately  below.  The  statement  is 
also  made  to  include  the  names,  grades  and  locations  of  all 
shrines  where  Emperor  worship  can  be  found,  together  with 

1.  See  above,  pp.  20-21.. 

2.  C/.  Genko  Jinja  II ore i  Ruisan,  pp.  842,  fF. 


THE    POLITICAL    PxilLOSOPHY    OF   MODERN   SHINTO.  269 

certain  other  historical  facts  which  may  be  of  value  in  deter- 
mining the  status  of  this  phase  of  Shinto. 

1.  Jimmu  Tenn5  (660-585  B.C.).* 

(i).  Miyazaki  Shrine,  Kampel  Taisha,  Omiya  Mura, 
Miyazaki  Prefecture.  A  shrine  has  stood  here,  apparently, 
from  very  ancient  times,  and  is  supposed  to  mark  the  traditional 
site  of  the  palace  of  Emperor  Jimmu  in  Hyuga.  This  shrine 
was  made  a  Kokuhei  Cliusha  on  Aug.  10,  1875,  and  was  raised 
to  the  rank  oi Kampei  Taisha  on  April  22,  1885.'* 

(2).  Kashiwara  Shrine,  Kampei  Taisha,  Shirakashi  Mura, 
Nara  Prefecture.  This  shrine  was  founded  on  March  20,  1 890. 
It  supposedly  marks  the  locality  of  the  accession  of  the  first 
Emperor  to  the  Imperial  Throne.  The  legendary  consort  of 
Jimmu  Tenno,  Hiine-tatara-isiizii-hime-Kogd,  is  also  enshrined 
here  as  the  first  traditional  Empress. 

2.  Chuai  Tennd  (192-200  A.D.). 

(i).  Kehi  Shrine,  Kampei  Taisha,  Tsuruga  Machi, 
Fukui  Prefecture.  The  origin  of  the  worship  of  Emperor 
Chuai  at  this  shrine  appears  to  be  related  to  the  statement  of 
the  Nihongi  that  he  built  the  "  Palace  of  Kehi  "  at  Tsuruga  and 
dwelt  there.  Tradition  says  that  he  worshipped  the  kami  at 
this  place. 

(2).  Kashii  Shrine,  Kampei  Taisha,  Kashii  Mura,  Fuku- 
oka  Prefecture.  The  date  of  the  establishment  of  this  shrine 
is  uncertain.  Tradition  dates  it  from  the  first  year  of  Shinki 
(724  A.D.).     The  shrine  was  raised  to  the  above  rank  in  1885. 

(3).     Yunomiya    Shrine    [Hachiman],    Kokuhei    Shosha, 

1.  The  dates  of  all-  rulers  here  listed  are  given  according  to  the  official 
chronology. 

2.  For  verification  of  the  statements  made  here  and  in  what  follows  the 
reader  should  consult  the  Dai  Nihon  Shimmei  Jisho  under  the  titles  of  the  various 
deities  as  given  and  also  the  appendix  of  the  same  work  under  the  titles  of  shrines 
and  deities.  See  also  Meiji  Jinj  i  Shiryo  (3  Vols.,  Tokyo,  191 2);  K.  Sugimori, 
Jingu  Kankoku  Heisha  Shingi  Yoroku  (Tokyo,  19I9,  4th.  ed.) ;  J.  Saito,  Isejingu 
Kankoku  Heisha  Saishin  Gokeizu  Kaisetstt  (Tokyo,  19 18,  3d.  ed.)j  and  Genko 
Jinja  Horei  Ruisan,  op.  cit. 


270  THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN   SHINTO. 

Chofu  Mura,  Yamaguchi  Prefecture  ;  raised  from  a  Kensha  to 
the  above  rank  in  191 6. 

(4).  Yuhara  (Yusuhara)  Hachiman  Shrine,  Kokuhei  Sho- 
sha,  Hachiman  Mura,  Oita  Prefecture ;  raised  from  a  Kensha 
to  the  above  rank  in  1916. 

Chuai  Tenno's  actual  connections  with  the  origin  of  the 
worship  of  Hachiman,  the  god  of  war,  are,  as  a  matter  of  fact, 
very  remote.  They  rest  largely  on  the  tradition  that  he  was 
the  husband  of  the  Japanese  Amazon,  Jingo  K5go,  and  by  her, 
the  father  of  Ojin  Tenno  who,  through  some  curious  shift  of 
history,  has  become  identified  with  the  god  of  war. 

3.     Ojin  Tenno  {Honda<vake-ito-mikoto,  270-3 10  A.D.). 

( I ).  Iwashimizu  Hachiman  Shrine,  Kampei  Taisha,  Hachi- 
man Machi,  Kyoto  Prefecture.  This  shrine  was  founded  in 
860  A.D.  and  was  formerly  knovvai  as  the  Otokoyama 
Hachiman. 

(2)  Usa  Shrine  [Hachiman],  Kampei  Taisha,  Usa  Machi, 
Oita  Prefecture.  This  shrine  was  founded,  according  to  tradi- 
tion, in  570  A.D.  It  marks  the  original  seat  of  the  worship  of 
Hachiman,  the  god  of  war. 

(3).  Kehi  Shrine,  Kampei  Taisha,  Tsuruga  Machi,  Fukui 
Prefecture.     See  under  Chuai  Tenno. 

(4).  Hakozaki  Shrine,  Kampei  Taisha,  Hakozaki  Machi, 
Fukuoka  Prefecture.  The  shrine  has  existed  from  ancient 
times.  It  was  raised  from  the  rank  of  Kensha  to  that  of  Kam- 
pei Chusha  in  1885  and  made  a  Kampei  TaisJia  in  19 14. 

(5)  Tsurugaoka  Hachiman  Shrine,  Kokuhei  Chusha ^ 
Kamakura  Machi,  Kanagawa  Prefecture.  The  shrine  was 
founded  in  1063  by  Minamoto  Yoriyoshi  and  raised  from  the 
rank  oi  Kensha  to  that  oi  Kokuhei  Chusha  in  1882. 

(6).  Fujisaki  Hachiman  Shrine,  Kokuhei  Shosha,  Kuma- 
moto,  Kumamoto  Prefecture  ;  raised  from  the  rank  of  Kensha 
in  19 1 6. 

(7).  Hakodate  Hachiman  Shrine,  Kokuhei  Chusha,  Hako- 
date,  Hokkaidd.     The  date  of  founding   is  uncertain.      The 


THE   POUTICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN   SHINTQ.  2/1 

shrine  was  made  a  Kokuhei  Shosha  in  1877  and  raised  to  the 
rank  of  Kokuhei  Chusha  in  1 896. 

(8).  Yunomiya  Shrine  [Hachiman].  See  (3)  under  Chiiai 
Tenno. 

(9).  Yuhara  Hachiman  Shrine.  See  (4)  under  Chuai 
Tenno. 

The  Empress  Jingo  (201-269  A.D.),  the  traditional  mother 
of  Ojin  Tenno,  is  enshrined  at  the  following  places  given  in  the 
above  lists:  (i)  Iwashimidzu  Hachiman  Shrine,  (2)  Usa 
Shrine,  (3)  Kashii  Shrine,  (4)  Kehi  Shrine,  (5)  Yunomiya 
Shrine,  (6)  Yuhara  Hachiman  Shrine. 

In  the  above  Hachiman  shrines,  dedicated  to  the  worship 
of  Chiaai  Tenno,  Ojin  Tenno  and  Jingo  K6g5,  these  deities 
all  appear  in  the  role  of  patron  divinities  of  war.  The*^ 
multiplication  of  the  number  of  Hachiman  shrines  of  high 
rank  by  the  elevation  of  certain  ones  of  lower  grade  must 
be  taken  as  an  indication  of  a  conspicuous  military  interest  on 
tlie  part  of  the  modern  Japanese  government.  The  origin  oi  \ 
the  worship  of  Hachiman,  however,  is  obscure  and  is  not  to  be 
connected  with  Emperor  worship  as  such.  The  cult  of  the 
war  god  becomes  prominent  in  Shinto  early  in  the  eighth 
century  of  the  Christian  era.  Ojin  Tenno's  principal  claim 
to  worship  in  the  cult  of  Hachiman  appears  to  lie  in  the 
story  that  during  her  military  expedition  against  Korea  his 
mother,  being  pregnant,  bore  him  with  her  all  through  the 
campaign. 

4.     Junnin  Tenno  (758-764  A.D.). 

(i).  Shiramine  Shrine,  Kampei  Chusha^  Kyoto,  Kyoto 
Prefecture.  In  estimating  the  nature  of  the  deification 
of  Emperor  Junnin  at  this  shrine  it  is  necessary  to  take 
brief  notice  of  the  follo^ving  historical  episode.  In  the 
course  of  the  struggles  for  the  Imperial  Throne  that  mark 
the  middle  of  the  eighth  century  Junnin  Tenno  was  de- 
posed after  a  reign  of  six  years  and  banished  to  the  is- 
land of  Awaji,  where  he   was    put    to    death    by  strangula- 


2/2  THE    POLITICAL    PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN   SHINT5. 

tion.^    In    1873  his  spirit  was  brought  to  Kyoto  and  enshrined 
at  Shiramine.^ 

5.  Kwammu  Tenno  (782-805  A.D.). 

(i).  Heian  Shrine,  Kampei  Taisha^  Kyoto,  Kyoto  Pre- 
fecture. This  shrine  was  founded  on  June  29,  1894.'^  Kwam- 
mu Tenno's  rights  to  enduring  fame  are  unquestioned.  He  is 
to  be  reckoned  among  the  truly  great  rulers  of  human  history, 
yet  it  must  be  taken  as  highly  significant  that  this  shrine  was 
not  established  until  late  in  the  modern  period. 

6.  Sutoku  Tenno  (11 23-1 141  A.D.). 

(i).  Shiramine  Shrine.  See  under  Junnin  Tennd.  In 
the  succession  quarrels  of  the  twelfth  century  the  Emperor 
Sutoku  was  banished  to  Sanuki  where  he  died."*  In  1868  his 
spirit  was  brought  to  Kyoto  and  enshrined  at  Shiramine,*  later 
to  be  joined  by  the  spirit  of  Emperor  Junnin. 

(2).  Kotohira  Shrine,  Kokuhei  Chusha,  Kotohira  Machi, 
Kagawa  Prefecture  ;  raised  from  Kokuhei  SJiosha  to  the  above 
rank  in  1885.  Sutoku  Tenno  is  here  enshrined  in  the  country 
of  his  banishment  and  death,  along  with  O-mono-nushi-no-mikoto. 

7.  Antoku  TennO  (1180-1182  A.D.). 

(i).  Akama  Shrine,  Kampei  Chusha,  Shimonoseki,  Yama- 
guchi  Prefecture.  Antoku  Tenno  is  the  child  Emperor  who  was 
drowned  in  the  Battle  of  Dan-no-Ura.  In  the  year  1191  A.D., 
Buddhist  piety  built  a  sanctuary  by  the  straits  of  Shimonoseki, 
for  the  repose  of  his  spirit.  It  was  not  until  after  the  Restora- 
tion, however,  that  Shinto  manifested  any  special  interest  in 
the  matter.  Then  the  ancient  Buddhist  institution  was  abolish- 
ed and  on  October  7,  1875,  the  Akama  Jinja  was  established.^ 

8.  Go-Toba  Tenno  (i  183-1 198  A.D.). 

9.  Tsuchimikado  TennO  ( 11 98- 1 2 1  o  A.  D. ). 

1.  Cf.  Murdoch,  J.,  A  History  of  Japan,  Vol.  I,  p.  187. 

2.  Cf.  Genko  Jinja  Horei  Rttisan,  p.  342  (3) ;  Sugimori,  op.  cit.,  Pt.  II,  p.  63. 

3.  Cf.  Genko  Jinja  Horei  Ruisan,  p.  342  (2). 

4.  Cf.  Sugimori,  op.  cit. ;  Murdoch,  op.  cit.,  p.  299. 

5.  Cf.  Sugimori,  op.  cit. 

6.  Cf  Sugimori,  op.  cit.,  Pt.  II,  p.  64 ;  Genko  Jinja  Horei  Ruisan,  p.  343  (3). 


THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY  OF   MODERN   SHINTO.  2/3 

lO.     Juntoku  Tenno  (1211-1221  A.D.). 

(i).  These  three  Emperors  are  worshipped  together  at 
the  Shrine  of  Minase,  Kampei  Chusha,  Shimamoto  Mura,  Osaka 
Prefecture.  In  the  struggle  between  the  Kamakura  Shogunate 
and  the  Imperial  House,  the  first  of  these  Emperors  was 
banished  to  the  Island  of  Oki,  the  second  was  banished  first  to 
Tosa  and  later  to  Awa,  and  the  third  was  removed  to  Sado/ 
The  spirits  of  the  first  two  were  enshrined  at  the  Minase  Miya 
in  1873  ;  Juntoku  Tenno  was  deified  here  the  following  year.^ 

\\.     Go-Daigo  Tenno  (13 18-1333  A.D.). 

(i).  Yoshino  Shrine,  Kampei  Taisha,  Yoshino  Mura, 
Nara.  In  1330  the  Hojo  banished  the  Emperor  Go-Daigo  to 
the  island  of  Oki,  from  whence  he  later  escaped  and  succeeded 
in  effecting  a  temporary  restoration  of  Imperial  power.  Later, 
however,  on  the  eve  of  the  Great  Succession  Wars  he  was 
obliged  to  flee  to  Yoshino  where  he  established  the  Southern 
Court.'  Here  he  died.  A  government  shrine  for  the  worship 
of  Go-Daigo  Tenno  was  established  at  Yoshino  on  June  6, 
1889,  with  the  rank  of  Kampei  Chusha.^  In  1 90 1  it  was 
elevated  to  the  rank  of  Kampei  Taisha. 

12.     Meiji  Tenno  (i 867-191 2  A.D.). 

(i).  Meiji  Shrine  {Meiji  Jingu),  Kampei  Taisha y  Yoyogi, 
Tokyo  ;  established  May  i ,  1 9 1 5 .       Empress  also  enshrined. 

(2).  Ch5sen  Shrine,  Kampei  Taisha^  Seoul,  Korea ; 
founded  July  18,  19 19.  ^w«-/^r«5/v-5-;m-/^^w/ is  also  enshrined 
here. 

We  may  summarize  the  results  of  our  study  thus  far  as 
follows.  Twelve  different  Emperors  and  three  Empresses  are 
w6rshipped  in  twenty  different  shrines.  The  numbers  are 
surprisingly  small  when  we  remember  that  the  total  figure  for 
Government  and  National  Shrines  of  all  grades  is  183,  and  that 

1.  Cf  Sugimori,  op.  cit.^  p.  64;  Murdoch,  op.  cii.y  p.  448. 

2.  Cf.  Sugimori,  op.  c't.,  Pt.  I,  p.  34. 

3.  Cf.  Murdoch,  op.  cit.,  pp.  540-56 1. 

4.  Cf.  Genko  Jiuja  Hbrei  Ruisan,  p.  342  (2). 


274  THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN   SHINTO. 

the  official  genealogy  gives  the  names  of  122  sovereigns  from 
Jimmu  Tenno  to  the  reigning  Emperor.  Furthermore,  no  other 
shrines  of  any  grade,  high  or  low,  have  been  located  where 
any  Emperors  other  than  those  listed  above  receive  public 
worship.  It  is  true  that  in  the  Koreiden  (Imperial-Spirits- 
Shrine)  of  the  Imperial  Palace  the  spirits  of  all  the  successive 
generations  of  Emperors  from  Jimmu  Tenno  to  Meiji  Tenno 
are  enshrined,  but  this  must  be  regarded  merely  as  an  aspect 
of  the  family  worship  of  the  Imperial  Household. 

Seven  of  the  shrines  given  above  are  clearly  Hachiman. 
If  these  are  omitted  from  our  total,  we  have  remaining  thirteen 
shrines  for  twelve  different  Emperors.  The  Empresses  Shoken 
Kolaigo  (Meiji  Empress),  Jingo  Kogo  and  the  consort  of  Jimmu 
Tenno  receive  worship  at  Government  and  National  shrines. 

The  surprising  thing  about  Emperor  worship  in  modern 
ShintQ,  however,  is  not  to  be  found  so  much  in  the  small 
number  of  rulers  and  shrines  involved  as  it  is  in  the  character 
of  the  worship  itself,  as  indicated  by  the  nature  of  the  Emperors 
who  are  accorded  place  in  the  public  worship  of  the  shrines. 
From  this  standpoint  three  groups  may  be  distinguished  cor- 
responding to  three  lines  of  emphasis  in  modern  Emperor 
worship : — 
y  The  first  group  centers  in  the  worship  of  Hachiman,  the 
god  of  war,  and  manifests  a  tendency  toward  an  official  exalta- 
tion of  the  military  ideal  in  religion.  This  phase  is  not  the 
creation  of  the  present,  however,  but,  on  the  other  hand,  repre- 
sents a  fairly  ancient  movement  in  Shinto.  Yet  the  modern 
government  makes  extensive  use  of  this  aspect  of  Shinto.  Ojin 
Tenno,  alone,  has  almost  as  many  shrines  in  the  Government 
\and  National  classes  as  all  the  other  Emperors  put  together. 
All  the  sovereigns  that  come  within  this  first  group — Chuai, 
Ojin  and  Jingo  Kog5 — are  legendary. 

The  second  group  centers  in  shrines  wherein  the  religious 
life  of  the  people  is  brought  into  contact  with  Emperors  under 
whom  conspicuous  unification  and  progress  have  been  consum- 


THE   POLITICAL  PHILOSOPHY  OF   MODERN  SHINTO.  2/5 

mated  in  the  national  life.      Here  must   be   classified   Meiji 
Tenno,  Kwammu  Tenno  and  the  legendary   Jimmu   Tenno.. 
This  phase  of  Shint5  is  the  creation  of  the  modern  Japanese   ;  -^ 
government.     Four  out  of  five  of  the  great  shrines  that  appear 
in  this  connection  have  been  founded  since  1890. 

The  third  group  centers  in  shrines  wherein  the  dominant 
idea  is  the  restoration  to  a  position  of  royal  dignity  of  the 
spirits  of  certain  Emperors  whose  Imperial  prerogatives  have      ? 
been  compromised  by  the  disloyalty  of  their  subjects.     The 
worship  here  includes  also  the  ideas  of  consolation  and  propi- 
tiation for  injuries  received.     This  group  embraces  a  greater 
number  of  Emperors  than  both  the  preceding  groups  taken 
together,  namely,  Junnin,  Sutoku,  Antoku,  Go-Toba,  Tsuchi- 
mikado,  Jintoku,  and  Go-Daigo — seven  out  of  twelve.     Here,  \ 
again,  the  movement  is  the  creation  of  the  modern  Japanese     y 
government.     Certain  Buddhist  beginnings  have   been   taken 
advantage  of,  but,  in  every  case,  with  the  one  exception  of 
the  Kotohira  Shrine,  the  localization  of  the  Imperial  spirit  in 
the  official  shrine  has  taken  place  since  1873. 

Imperial  princes  who'are  deified  at  Government  and  Na-  ^^ 
tional  Shrines  are  eleven  in  number.^     In  all  cases  they  are 

1.  These  princes  and  their  shrines  are  : — 

I  0  hiko-no-mikotOy  son  of  Kogen  Tenno.  According  to  the  tradition  of  the 
Nihongi  this  prince  was  one  of  the  four  "  Generals  of  the  Four  Circuits  "  ( Yodo 
Shogun)  sent  out  by  Sujin  TennS  in  88  B.C.  with  the  duty  of  extending  the  Im- 
perial authority  over  unsubdued  territories.  0-hiko-no-mikoto  is  the  conqueror  of 
the  Hokurikudo  ("  Northern  Land  Road  ")  district. 

(1)  Isasumi  Shrine,  KoJiuhei  Chusha  (1873),  Takata  Machi,  Fukushima  Pre- 
fecture. [The  date  given  immediately  after  the  rank  of  the  shrine,  unless  other- 
wise explained,  indicates  the  time  when  the  shrine  was  raised  to  tjie  rank  stated]. 

(2)  Koshio  Shrine,  Kokuhei  Shosha  (1882),  Terauchi  Mura,  Akita  Prefecture. 

2.  Takenuma-kawa-wake-no-mikoto,  son  of  O-hiko-no-mikoto  one  of  the  Yodo 
Shogun  and  the  traditional  conqueror  of  the  Tokaido  ("  Eastern  Sea  Road ") 
district. 

(I)  Isasumi  Shrine.     See  above  under  O-h'ko-no-mikolo. 

3.  O-kibi-tsu-hiko-notnikotOy  son  of  Korei  Tenno,  also  one  of  the  Yodo 
Shogun.  He  is  the  traditional  conqueror  of  the  Sanyodo  ("  Mountain  Sunlight 
Koad  ")  district. 


2/6  TEK   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN   SHINTO. 

certain  representatives  of  the  royal  line  who  have  manifested 
unusual  loyalty  and  who  at  the  same  time  have  undergone 
great  hardships  during  military  service  in  the  interests  of  either 
the  extension  or  the  protection  of  the  claims  of  the  Imperial 
Throne.  The  majority  of  them  are  known  to  have  met  their 
Ljieaths  while  engaged  on  military  expeditions.  The  list 
includes  five  of  the  unfortunate  sons  of  Go-Daigo  Tenn5  who 
suffered  in  the  first  half  of  the  fourteenth  century  under  the 
"  Hoj5  tyranny  "  and  the  "  Ashikaga  anarchy."  A  two-fold 
idea  must  be  distinguished  as  underlying  the  enshrinement  and 
elevation  of  these  princes  to  their  present  high  positions  among 

rthe  deities  of  official  Shinto.  On  the  one  hand,  there  is  an 
exaltation  of  the  ideal  of  a  devoted  loyalty  that  expresses  itself 
in  military  service  on  behalf  of  the  Crown  and,  on  the  other 
hand,  there  is  a  rendering  of  consolation  and  propitiation  to  the 

(I)  Kibitsu  SKrine,  Kainpei  Chusha  (made  a  Kokuhei  Chusha'vsx  187 1  and 
raised  to  its  existing  rank  in  1914),  Magane  Mura,  Okayama  Prefeciure. 

4.  Toyokiirihiko-no-mikoto,%ovioi^\xivs\  Tenno;  the  traditional  conqueror 
of  the  non-Japanese  tribes  of  the  Tokoku  ("  Eastern  Country  "). 

(1)  Futaara  Shrine,  Kokuhei  Chusha  (i883\  Utsunomiya,  Tochigi  Prefecture. 

5.  Yamato-takeru-no-mikoto  (d.  iii  A.D.),  son  of  Keiko  Tenno.  This 
prince  is  the  legendary  conqueror  of  the  Kumaso  of  Kyushu  and  of  the  Yemishi 
of  Eastern  Japan.  He  was  seized  with  severe  illness  while  on  the  eastern  expedi- 
tion and  died  at  Nobono  in  the  country  of  Ise. 

(i)  Kehi  Shrine,  Kampei  Taisha  (made  Kokuhei  Chusha  in  187 1  and  raised 
to  the  existing  rank  in  1895),  Tsuruga  Machi,  Fukui  Prefecture. 

(2)  Takebe  Shrine,  Kampei  Taisha  (raised  from  Kensha  to  Kampei  Chusha 
in  1885  and  to  existing  rank  in  1 899),  Setamura,  Shiga  Prefecture. 

6.  Prince  Takanaga,  the  first  son  of  Go-Daigo  Tenno.  This  prince  was 
banished  to  Tosa  in  1332  but  was  back  in  Kyoto  the  next  year.  In  1335  he  was 
made  "  Sh5gun  to  Subdue  the  East "  and  sent  with  Nitia  Yoshisada  to  crush  the 
Ashikaga  revolt.  He  was  defeated  by  Takauji  and  finally  committed  suicide  at 
the  siege  of  Kanegasaki. 

(I)  Kanegasaki  Shrine,  Kampei  Chusha  (established  with  this  rank  in  1890), 
Tsuruga  Machi,  Fukui  Prefecture. 

7.  Prince  Tsunenaga,  the  sixth  son  of  Go-Daigo  Tenno.  He  fought  in  the 
Imperial  cause  under  Nitta  Yoshisada  against  the  Ashikagas.  Although  only 
fifteen  years  of  age  he  took  part  in  the  defense  of  Kanegasaki  and  after  the  fall  of 
this  stronghold  committed  suicide  by  taking  poison. 


tHK   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN    SHINTO.  277 

Spirits  of  those  who  have  sustained  privation,  injury  and  death 
in  the  discharge  of  such  duties.  This  latter  element  shows  the 
influence  of  Buddhist  compassion. 

As  an  organized  movement  in  Shinto  this  phase  of  hero 
worship  is,  again,  the  creation  of  the  modern  Japanese  govern- 
ment. It  is  an  aspect  of  the  revival  of  Imperial  institutions  that  / 
has  taken  place  since  the  Restoration.  It  is  a  selected  deifica- 
tion out  of  numerous  possibilities.  ^  At  least  four  of  the  shrines 
where  Imperial  princes  are  worshipped  are  entirely  new  founda- 
tions, dating  from  the  Meiji  Era,  while  other  shrines  represent 
the  selection  and  elevation  of  older  and  smaller  institutions. 
The  Kanegasaki  shrine,  for  example,  where  are  worshipped 
the  Princes  Takanaga  and  Tsunenaga  was  not  established 
until  1890.  These  princes  lost  their  lives  in  1338.  The  latter, 
Tsunenaga,  was  not  enshrined  at  Kanegasaki  until  1892.^ 

The  best  indication  of  the  direction  in  which  the  Japanese    \/^ 

(i)  Itanegasaki  Shrine.  See  immediately  above.  Prince  Tsunenaga  was 
enshrined  here  in  1892. 

8.  Prince  Morinaga,  the  third  son  of  Go-Daigo  Tenno.  In  the  years  1332- 
33  he  took  a  prominent  part  in  the  protection  of  Imperial  interests  and  the  over, 
throw  of  the  Hojos.  He  was  later  exiled  to  Kamakura  and  imprisoned  there  and 
finally  murdered  at  the  instigation  of  Ashikaga  Tadayoshi. 

(I)  Kamakura  Shrine,  Kampei  Chusha  (1873),  Kamakura  Machi,  Kanagawa 
Prefecture. 

9.  Prince  Munen^a,  eighth  son  of  Go-Daigo  TennS.  He  rendered  conspicu- 
ous service  to  the  Imperial  cause  in  the  struggle  against  the  Hojos  and  Ashikagas. 

(i)  linoya  Shrine,  Kampei  Chusha  (founded  after  the  opening  of  the  Meiji 
Era  and  given  existing  rank  in  1873),  linoya  Mura,  Shizuoka  Prefecture. 

10.  Prince  Kanenaga,  one  of  the  numerous  sons  of  Go-Daigo  Tenn5,  In 
1338  he  was  made  "  Shogun  to  subdue  the  West "  and  took  a  prominent  part  in 
putting  down  revolts  in  various  places  in  Kyushu.  In  1359  he  was  seriously 
wounded  in  battle  and  later  died  somewhere  in  Kyushii. 

(i)  Yatsushiro  Shrine,  Kampei  Chusha  (established  with  this  rank  in  1880), 
Yatsushiro  Machi,  Kumamoto  Prefecture. 

11.  Prince  Yoshihisa  [Kitashirakawa  no  Miya].  This  prince  took  a  pro- 
minent part  in  the  subjugation  of  the  aborigines  of  Formosa  (Taiwan)  and  in  1895 
died  of  disease  while  on  this  expedition. 

(I)  Taiwan  Shrine,  Kampei  Taisha  (established  with  this  rank  in  1900),  Taiwan- 
I.     Cf.  references  given  above,  p.  269,  note  2. 


278  THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN   SHINTO. 

government  has  endeavored  to  guide  the  public  worship 
of  Shinto  ever  since  the  Restoration  in  1 868  is  to  be  found 
in  a  study  of  the  class  of  shrines  known  as  Bekkaku  Kampeishay 
Government  Shrines  of  Special  Grade.  This  class  of  shrines 
was  established  in  1871.^  The  official  definition  says,  ^^  Bek- 
kaku Kampeisha  are  shrines  where  subjects  who  have  gained 
unusual  merit  are  enrolled  and  worshipped  as  kamiy^  The 
content  of  this  merit  is  generally  explained  as  being  that 
of  conspicuous  service  to  the  state.  The  state,  however, 
is  here  identified  with  the  Imperial  House  almost  com- 
'  pletely.^  A  reference  to  the  actual  achievements  of  the 
/  national  heroes  worshipped  at  these  shrines  will  show  that 
the  underlying  idea  is  that  of  an  outstanding  loyalty  to  the 
Emperor  which  expresses  itself^£art[cularly  in  jnilitary  service. 
The  best  illustration  of  this  principle  is  to  be  found  in  the  fact 
that  the  modern  heroes  who  are  enshrined  at  the  greatest  of 
the  Bekkaku  Kampeisha^  namely  the  Yasukuni  Shrine  of  Tokyo, 
are  limited  to  those  who  have  given  their  lives  in  the  active 
military  service  of  the  state,  beginning  with  the  sixth  year  of 
'IjKaei  (1853).  At  the  remainder  of  the  shrines  of  this  grade 
certain  protectors  of  Imperial  prerogatives  against  rebellion  and 
aggression,  selected  from  among  the  hosts  that  have  come  and 
gone  in  Japanese  histoiy,  are  individually  apotheosized.  The 
list  here  includes  the  names  of  twenty-seven  patriots,  one  of 
them  a  woman.'*  Eleven  of  the  names  represent  loyalists  of 
the  fourteenth  century  who  fought  for  the  overthrow  of  the  Kama- 

1.  See  above,  p.  20. 

2.  Cf.  Jinjo  Shogaku  Shushin  Sho,  Kyoshi  Yd,  No.  IV,  p.  23. 

3.  Cf.  Sugimoii,  op.  cit.y  p.  85. 

4.  The  names  of  these  loyalists  together  with  the  names  and  locations  of  their 
shrines  are  as  given  below.  The  statement  includes  in  the  majority  of  cases  a 
brief  indication  of  the  nature  of  the  public  service  rendered.  The  date  given  after 
the  location  of  each  shrine  shows  when  it  was  made  a  Bekkaku  Kampeisha. 

(i)  Fttjhvara  Kamatari  (d.  663  A.D.),  loyal  to  the  Imperial  House.  Tanzan 
Shrine  (also  called  Tamu  no  Yama  Shrine),  Tamu  no  Mine  Mura,  Nara  Prefec- 
ture.    Dec.  22,  1874. 

(2)   Wake  Kiyomaro  (d.  799  A.D.),  loyal  to  the  Imperial  House,  circum- 


THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHV  OF   MODERN   SHINTO.  279 

kura  Bakufu  and  for  the  protection  of  the  Southern  Dynasty  in 
the  Great  Succession  Wars — such  faithful  supporters  as  the 
Kitabatakes,  Kikuchi  Taketoki,  Nitta  Yoshisada  and,  the  most 
renowned  of  all  the  Japanese  patriots,  Kusunoki  Masashige. 

The  fact  that  Oda  Nobunaga,  Toyotomi  Hideyoshi  and 
Tokugawa  leyasu  are  reckoned  among  the  deities  of  the  Bek- 
kaku  Kampeisha  may  appear  to  be  an  exception  to  the  general 
rule  that  deification  presupposes  such  public  service  as  includes, 

vented  the  priest,  Dokyo,  in  his  scheme  to  usurp  the  Imperial  throne  {cf.  Mur- 
dock,  op.  cit..  Vol.  I,  p.  2co).  Goo  Shrine,  Kyoto  Prefecture.    Dec.  20,  1874. 

(3)  Wake  Hiromushi,  elder  sister  of  Wake  no  Kiyomaro,  aided  in  the  over- 
throw of  Dokyo.     Goo  Shrine,  Kyoto,  Kyoto  Prefecture. 

(4)  Fujiwara  Morokata  (d.  1332),  loyal  to  Emperor  Go-Daigo.  Komikado 
Shrine,  Komikado  Mura,  Chiba  Prefecture.     June  14,  1882. 

(5)  Kikuchi  Taketoki  (d.  1333),  loyal  to  the  Imperial  House.  Kikuchi 
Shrine,  Waifu  Mura,  Kumamoto  Prefecture.     Jan.  10,  1878. 

(6)  Kusunoki  Masashige  (d.  1336),  loyal  to  Emperor  Go-Daigo,  committed 
suicide  in  the  Imperial  cause.  Minatogawa  Shrine,  Kobe,  Hyogo  Prefecture- 
July,  II,  1871. 

(7)  Nawa  Nagatoshi  (d  1336),  loyal  to  Emperor  Go-Daigo.  Nawa  Shrine, 
Nawa  Mura,  Tottori  Prefecture.    Jan,  10,  1878. 

(8)  Kitabatake  Chikafusa  (d.  1354^  loyal  to  the  Southern  Court  in  the  Great 
Succession  Wars  (1337-1392)  and  ?,yx\^QX  oi  Jintdshotoki  ("History  of  the  True 
Succession  of  the  Divine  Monarchs").  Abe  Shrine,  Sumiyoshi  Mura,  Osaka 
Prefecture.    Jan.  24,  1S82. 

(9)  Kitabatake  Akiie  (d.  1338,  at  the  age  of  twenty-one),  first  son  oi  Kita- 
batake Chikafusa,  loyal  to  Emperor  Go-Daigo.  Abe  Shrine,  Sumiyoshi  Mura, 
Osaka  Prefecture. 

(10)  Nitta  Yoshisada  (d.  1338),  loyal  to  Emperor  Go-Daigo,  took  a  pro- 
minent part  in  the  overthrow  of  the  Kamakura  Shogunate.  Fujishima  Shrine, 
Nishi  Fujishima  Mura,  Fukui  Prefecture.     Nov.  7,  1876. 

(11)  y«i/Munehiro  (d.  1338),  loyal  to  Imperial  House.  Yuki  Shrine,  Tsu^ 
Mie  Prefecture.     Jan.  24,  1882. 

(12)  Oe  Motonari  (d.  157 1),  loyal  to  Imperial  House.  Toyosaka  Shrine, 
Yamaguchi  Prefecture.     Dec.  15,  1882. 

(13)  5^a  Nobunaga  (1534-1582).  Takeisoshi  Shrine  (also  called  Kenkun 
Shrine),  Omiya  Mura,  Kyoto  Prefecture.     April  24,  1875. 

(14)  Toyotomi  Hideyoshi  (1537-1598).  Toyokuni  Shrine,  Kyoto,  Kyoto 
Prefecture.     Aug.  14,  1873. 

(15)  Tokugawa  leyasu  (d.  1616).  (i)  Tcshogu,  Nikko,  Tochigi  Prefecture. 
June  9,  1873.    (2)  Toshogu,  Kunomura,  Shizuoka  Prefecture. 


28o  THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN   SHINTO. 

in  a  fundamental  way,  conspicuous  loyalty  to  the  Imperial 
House.  These  three  men,  however,  are  properly  honored  as 
the  principal  agents  in"  the  unification  of  Japan  after  the  confu- 
sion and  anarchy  of  the  Ashikaga  regime.  Regarding  Oda's 
deference  to  the  Imperial  Court  there  is  no  doubt.  In  the 
modern  text-books  for  use  in  the  public  schools  he  is  upheld  as 
one  who  restored  the  Imperial  prestige  to  something  of  its 
ancient  splendor.*  Hideyoshi,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  his 
attitude  toward  the  Throne  was  probably  dominated  by  personal 

(i6)  Tokugawa  Mitsukuni  (d.  1700).  Tokiwa  Shrine,  Mito,  Ibaraki  Pre- 
fecture.    Dec.  15,  1882. 

(17)  Tokuga%va^-3,x\3}^\  {d..  \%(id).     Tokiwa  Shrine,  Mito,  Ibaraki  Prefecture. 

(18)  Shimadzu  Nariakira  (d.  1858),  an  imperialist  and  nationalist,  one  of  the 
leaders  of  the  sonojoi  movement.  Tefukuni  Shrine,  Kagoshima,  Kagoshima  Pre- 
fecture.    Dec.  15,  1882. 

(19)  Kitabatake  Akinobu,  second  son  of  Kitabatake  Chikafusa,  loyal  to 
Emperor  Go-Daigo.  Ryozan  Shrine,  Ryozan  Mura,  Fukushima  Prefecture. 
April  20,  1885. 

(20)  Kitabatake  Morichika,  son  of  Kitabatake  Akinobu.  Ryozan  Shrine. 
Ryozan  Mura,  Fukushima  Prefecture. 

(21)  Sanjo  Sanetsumu  (d.  1859),  loyal  to  Emperors  Nink5  and  Komei' 
Nashi  no  Ki  Shrine,  Kyoto,  Kyoto  Prefecture.     Oct.  10,  1885. 

(22)  Sanjo  Sanetomi  (d.  1891),  fourth  son  of  Sanjo  Sane'sumu  Nashi  no 
Ki  Shrine,  Kyoto,  Kyoto  Prefecture. 

(23)  A'wjwwf?/^/ Masatsura  (d.  1 348),  son  of  Kusunoki  Masashige,  loyal  to  the 
Southern  Court  in  the  Great  Succession  Wars,  died  in  the  battle  of  Shijo  Nawa'.e. 
Shijo  Nawate  Shrine,  Shij5  Nawate,  Osaka  Prefecture.     Dec   17,  1889. 

(24)  Fujiwara  Hidesato  (d.  991),  loyal  to  the  Imperial  House,  defeated  and 
killed  the  pretender  to  the  throne,  Taira  Masakado.  Karasawa  Yama  Shrine, 
Tanuma  Machi,  Tochigi  Prefecture.     Aug.  28,  1890. 

(25)  f/^j«^z  Kenshin  (d.  1578,  loyal  to  Emperors  Go-Nara  and  Ogimachi. 
Uesugi  Shrine,  Yonezawa,  Yamagata  Prefecture.     April  26,  1902. 

(26)  Maeda  Toshiie  (d.  1599},  loyal  to  the  Imperial  House.  Oyama  Shrine, 
Kanagawa,  Ishikawa  Prefecture.     April  26,  1902. 

(27)  Mori  Takachika  (d.  1871),  won  merit  by  loyalty  at  the  time  of  the 
Restoration.     Noda  Shrine,  Yamaguchi  Machi,  Yamaguchi  Prefecture. 

To  the  above  list  must  be  added  the  Yasukuni  Shrine  of  Tokyo,  eslablished 
under  the  name  of  Shokonsha  in  1869.  It  was  given  the  rank  of  Bekkaku  Kam- 
peisha  in  June,  1879,  at  which  time  the  name  was  changed  to  Yasukuni  Jinja. 

For  references  see  above,  p.  269,  note  2. 

I.     Cf.  Jinjo  Shbgaku  Nihon  Rekishif  No.  II  (Tokyo,  19II},  pp.  16- 18. 


THE   POLITICAL  PHILOSOPHY  OF   MODERN   SHINT5  281 

interest,  is  regarded  by  the  Department  of  Education  as  a 
staunch  supporter  of  the  principle  of  reverence  for  the  Im- 
perial House.^  The  modern  government  expounds  the  merits 
of  leyasu  as  resting  primarily  on  his  loyalty  to  the  Imperial 
Throne.^  The  only  members  of  the  Tokugawa  family  other 
than  leyasu  to  receive  public  worship  at  the  Bekkaku  Kampei- 
sha  are  Mitsukuni  and  Nariaki,  both,  however,  of  the  Mito 
branch.  The  school  text-books  exhibit  the  former  as  one  of 
the  primary  factors  in  stimulating  the  growth  of  the  modern 
spirit  of  loyalty  to  the  Imperial  Throne.  His  patronage  of  the 
study  of  Japanese  history  is  regarded  as  having  led  to  such  a 
knowledge  of  the  true  nature  of  Japanese  national  life  as  to 
have  constituted  an  important  instrument  in  the  final  overthrow 
of  the  Tokugawa  Shogunate.®  Nariaki  is  to  be  remembered 
as  the  ultra-imperialistic  leader  of  the  party  that  stood  for 
**  reverence  for  the  Emperor  and  the  expulsion  of  (foreign) 
barbarians  {sonojdi)  "  in  the  period  just  before  the  Restoration. 

This  phase  of  the  cult  of  the  shrines  is,  again,  the  creation  | 
of  the  government  during  the  past  fifty  years.     It  plainly  reflects 
the  interests  of  the  modern  revival  of  Imperial  institutions  and 
for  this  movement  it  furnishes   the  strongest   of  moral    and 
spiritual  supports.     It  also  represents  the  magnifying  of  the  k 
military  ideal  in  religion.     While  in  an  occasional  case,   as  i^' 
that  of  Mitsukuni  of  Mito,  there  is  a  patronage  of  literature  and 
art,  yet,  in  general,  the  special  merits  which  are  recognized  by  ' 
the  government  and  which  constitute  the  grounds  for  public 
deification  are  military  and  political,  particularly  the  former. __i  sM 
The   rich   fields    of  Japanese   literature,   philosophy,  art   and  \y* 
religion  are  conspicuously  unrepresented.  '  ^ 

In  addition  to  the  above  deities  of  the  Government  Shrines 
of  Special  Grade  there  are  only  two  other  ordinary  subjects  of 
the  empire  who  receive  public  worship  at  the  great  Government 

1.  Cf.  Jinjo  Shogaku  Shnshin  Sho,  No.  IV  (Tokyo,  I920),  pp.  1 1  ff . 

2.  Cf.  Sugimori,  op.  cit.,  p.  96. 

3.  Cf.  Koto  Shogaku  Nihon  Rekishi,  No.  II  (Tokyo,  19 12),  pp.  62-64. 


282         THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN   SHINTO. 

and  National  Shrines.  These  two  national  heroes  are  Suga- 
wara  Michizane  (845-903  A.D.)  and  TakenouchiSxikymQ}  The 
former  is  worshipped  as  Temmangu,  the  god  of  learning  and 
calligraphy,'^  the  latter  is  a  more  or  less  legendary  character  of 
early  Japanese  history  who  is  accredited  with  having  served 
five  Emperors.'^  The  total  number  of  national  heroes,  then, 
who  are  worshipped  at  the  Government  and  National  Shrines, 
in  addition  to  those  enshrined  at  the  Yasukuni  Jinja,  is 
twenty-nine. 

At  all  other  large  Government  and  National  Shrines  the 
deities  worshipped  are  either  of  obscure  origin  or  else  they  are 
well  known  kami  of  the  ancient  Shinto  pantheon.  For  the 
most  part  they  are  nature  deities  belonging  to  the  latter  group. 

The  list  of  '*  ancestors  "  here  includes  the  Sky-Father, 
Izanagi-no-mikoto  ;  the  Earth-Mother,  Izanavni-no-mikoto  ;  the 
Sun-Goddess,  Ama-terasu-o-mi-kami ;  the  Moon-God,  Tsuki- 
yomi-no-mikoto ;  the  wind  deities,  Shina-tsu-hiko-no-kami  and 
Shina-tsu~hime-no~kami;  the  Great  Food-Goddess,  Toyo-uke-no- 
o-mi-kami  {Toyo-uke-bime-no-kami)  ;  the  "  Food-Spirit-Deity," 
Uka-no-mitama-no-kami ;  the  Storm-God,  Susa-no-wo-no-mi- 
koto  f"  the  goddess  of  Mount  Fuji,  Ko-no-hana-saku-ya-hime- 
no-mikoto  ;  the  ocean  deity,  0-wata-tsu-mi-no-kami  ("  The  Deity 
Great-Ocean-Possessor ")  and  other  sea  deities  produced  by 
Izanagi  as  he  purified  himself  with  water  after  his  return  from 
the  Lower  World,  namely :     "  Deity  Possessor-of-the-Ocean- 

1.  The  shrines  of  the  former  are  : — 

(i)  Kitano  Shrine,  Kainpei  Chusha,  Kyoto,  Kyoto  Prefecture.     This  shrine 
was  established  in  947  A.D.  with  the  object  of  propitiating  Michizane's  spirit. 
(2)  Daizaifu  Shrine,  Kampei  Chusha,  Daizaifu  Machi,  Fukuoka  Prefecture. 
The  shrines  to  Takenouchi  are  : — 

(1)  Kehi  Shrine,  Kampei  Taisha,  Tsuruga  Machi,  Fukui  Prefecture. 

(2)  Ube  Shrine,  Kokuhei  Chuska,  Kokufu  Mura,  Tottori  Prefecture. 

2.  Cf.  Aston,  Shinto,  pp.  179-183. 

3.  Cf.  A ,  I,  p.  294,  note  4. 

4.  The  natvxre  deities  inchided  in  the  list  thus  far  are  all  worshipped  at 
the  Great  Shrines  of  Ise.     Cf.  Sugimori,  op.  cit,  pp.  1-6. 


THE   tOLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY    OF   MODERN   SHINTO.  283 

Bottom  "  {Soko-tsii-ivata-tsu-jni-no-kami),  "  Deity  Possessor-of^ 
the-Ocean-Middle "  {Naka-tsu-zvata-tsu-?m-no-kami),  "  Deity 
Possessor-of-the-Ocean-Surface  ' '  (  Uzva-tsu-wata-tsu-  mi-no-kami)y 
"  Bottom-Possessing-Male-Augustness  "  {Soko-tsutsu-no-wo-no- 
inikoto),  "  Middle-Possessing-Male-Augustness  "  {Naka-tsutsu- 
iio-wo-no-mikoto)  and  "  Surface-Possessing-Male-Augustness  " 
(  Uwa-tsutsu-no-wo-no-rnikotd). 

In  continuation  must  be  added,  the  harvest  god,  Mltoshi* 
no-kami ;  the  mountain  deity,  O-yama-tsu-mi-no-kami  ("  Deity 
Great-Mountain-Possessor,"  born  from  Izanagi  and  Izanami)  ; 
the  thunder-god,  Take-mika-dznchi-no-kaini ;  the  lightning-god, 
Futsu-nushi-no-kami ;  the  earth  deity,  Kana-yama-hiko-no-kami 
('*  Metal-Mountain-Prince-Deity,"  produced  from  the  vomit  of 
Izanami)  ;]the  deity  of  growth,  Waku-musubi-no-kamii^''  Young- 
Wondrous-Producing-Deity,"  who  came  from  the  urine  of 
Izanami)  and  the  deity  of  the  distribution  of  water,  Ame-no-mi- 
kumari-no-kami  ("  Deity-Heavenly- Water-Divider  ").  The  last 
named  god  is  the  child  of  the  deity  of  rivers  and  river  mouths, 
Haya-aki-tsu-hiko-no-kami,  and  the  sea-goddess,  Haya-aki-tsu- 
hime-no-kami  who  are,  in  turn,  offspring  oi Izanagi  and  Izanami} 

The  apf  earance  in  the  official  cult  of  the  worship  of  the 
deities  who  preside  over  rain  deserves  special  mention.  The 
god  worshipped  at  the  Upper  Nifu  Kawakami  Shrine  {Kampei 
Taisha)y  located  at  Kawakami  Mura  of  Nara  Prefecture,  is 
Taka-okami-no-kamiy  the  "  Fierce-Rain-god  "  who  appears  in 
mythology  when  the  great  drought  is  broken  with  the  death  of 
Kagu-tsuchi}  At  the  Lower  Nifu  Kawakami  Shrine  of  Minami 
Yoshino  Mura  the  enshrined  deity  is  Kura-okami-no-kafni, 
*'  Dark-Rain- god,"  who  appears  on  the  upper  part  of  the  sword 
of  Izanagi  when  the  latter  slays  his  child.^  The  validity  of 
the  interpretation  which  regards  Taka-okami-no-kami  and  Kura 

1.  It  is  not  possible  to  give  here  the  various  shrines  where  these  deities  are 
worshipped.     The  reader  should  consult  the  sources  cited  above,  p.  269,  Note  2. 

2.  See  above,  p.  205. 

3.  See  above,  p.  204. 


284  THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHV   OF   MODERN   SHINTS, 

okami-no-kami  as  rain  deities  is  supported  by  a  study  of  their 
actual  functions  in  the  cult  life  of  modern  official  Shinto.  Prayer 
and  sacrifice  offered  to  these  deities  at  the  Upper  and  the 
Lower  Nifu  Shrines  are  regarded  as  efficacious  either  in  stop- 
ping long  continued  rain  or  in  bringing  on  rain  after  a  drought. 
According  to  local  custom,  the  presentation  of  a  white  horse  is 
potent  in  breaking  up  a  long  spell  of  wet  weather  while  the 
offering  of  a  black  horse  will  call  forth  black  clouds  and  an 
abundance  of  rain. ^ 

Among  the  deified  ancestors  of  the  national  cult  is  a 
sword.  The  deity  enshrined  at  the  Atsuta  Shrine  (liampei 
Taishd)  of  Atsuta  Machi,  Aichi  Prefecture,  is  Kusa-nagl-ncr 
tsurugiy  "  Grass-mowing-Sword,"^  one  of  the  Three  Sacred 
Treasures  of  the  Imperial  Regalia.  It  will  be  recalled  that, 
according  to  tradition,  the  original  of  this  sword  was  extracted 
from  the  tail  of  the  great  serpent  of  Idzumo.  Japanese  autho- 
rities explain  this  sword  as  the  shintai  of  the  deity  and  not  the 
deity  itself^  According  to  this  interpretation  the  spirit  {inita- 
ina)  of  the  sword  is  the  real  kami.  Yet  it  is  significant  that 
the  writers  of  the  Dai  Nikon  Shimmei  Jisho  are  apparently 
unacquainted  with  any  name  for  this  deity  apart  from  the 
sword  itself"*  The  official  title  of  the  god  of  the  Atsuta  Shrine 
is  Kusa-nagi-no-mi'tsurugi^  "  Grass-mowing-Divine-Sword," 
although  the  older  title  of  Ama-no-mura-kumo-no-tsurugiy 
"  Clustering-clouds-Sword-of-Heaven,"  may  still  be  met  with. 

The  deities  worshipped  at  the  Idzushi  Shrine  (Kokuhei 
Chushd)  of  Kamimura,  Hyogo  Prefecture  are  even  more  re- 
markable. Here  the  worship  of  certain  ancient  implements  of 
primitive  magic  has  survived  into  the  official  cult  of  the  pre- 
sent.    The  kami  of  this  shrine  are  the  "  Eight  Great  Deities  of 

1.  Cf.  Sugimori,  op.  cit.,  Pt.  I,  p.  13  ;  Pt.  II,  p.  31. 

2.  Jbid.,  Pt.  I,  p.  19 ;  Pt.  II,  p.  39. 

3.  ^zV/.,  Pt.  II,  p.  39. 

4.  Cf.  Dai  Nikon  Shimmei  Jisho,  p.  128. 
5- 


THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN    SHINT5.  285 

Idzushi  "  mentioned  in  the  Kojikiy  namely,  two  strings  of  beads, 
a  wave-shaking  scarf,  a  wave-cutting  scarf,  a  wind-shaking 
scarf,  a  wind-cutting  scarf,  a  mirror  of  the  ofifing  and  a  mirror 
of  the  shore/  The  scarfs  listed  here  undoubtedly  have  a 
magical  association.  Chamberlain  in  his  translation  of  the 
Kojiki  interpretes  them  to  mean,  "  a  scarf  to  raise  the  waves 
and  a  scarf  to  still  the  waves,  a  scarf  to  raise  the  wind  and  a 
scarf  to  still  the  wind."^  The  same  author  calls  attention  to 
other  magic  scarfs  mentioned  in|  the  Kojiki?  It  is  certainly  of 
no  small  interest  to  find  these  objects  among  the  "  ancestors  *' 
of  the  great  National  Shrines  of  modern  official  Shintd. 

Among  the  deities  worshipped  at  the  Inari  Shrine  (ICampei 
Taisha)  of  Fukakusa  Mura  of  Kyoto  Prefecture  is  the  old 
phallic  god,  ^Saruta-hiko-no-mikoto^ 

The  discussion  thus  far  furnishes  us  with  material  on 
which  to  base  certain  conclusions  regarding  the  nature  of 
official  Shinto.  The  deities  worshipped  at  the  Government 
and  National  Shrines  include  twelve  Emperors,  three  Empresses . 
(two  highly  legendary),  eleven  princes  and  twenty-nine  repre- 
sentatives of  the  ordinary  subjects  of  the  state,  in  addition  to 
those  enshrined  at  the  Yasukuni  Jinja  of  Tokyo.  All  other 
deities  to  be  met  with  in  the  shrines  of  the  grades  which  we 
have  had  under  examination  are  nature  deities,  including  a 
small  number  of  fetishistic  objects  which  have  their  probable 
origin  in  primitive  magic,  or  else  they  are  deities  of  unknown 
origin.  The  worship  at  these  official  shrines  is  far  from  being 
exclusively  ancestor  worship.  The  modern  Japanese  govern- 
ment interpretes  nature  deities  as  ancient  ancestors,  but  this 
does  not  alter  their  original  character  as  forces  and  phenomena 
of  nature.     The  worship  at   the  greatest  of  the  government 

1.  Cf.  Sugimori,  op.  cit.,  Pt.  I,  p.  74 ;  Pt.  II,  p.  1 19.  The  official  title  of 
this  group  of  deities  is  7\^%W^,  Yakiisa-no-kanm-takara,  « Eight-Kinds-of- 
Divine-Treasures." 

2.  Cf.  C,  p.  261,  note  17 

3.  Jbid. 

4.  Cf.  Sugimori,  oJ>.  cii.f  Pt.  I,  p.  9;  Pt.  II,  i)    2^. 


286         THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN    SHINTO. 

shrines,  just  as  in  the  cases  of  the  smallest  rural  shrines,  centers 
in  /^ami-cult,  wherein  kami  is  to  be  understood  in  the  sense  of 
mana.  Further  confirmation  of  this  statement  will  be  found  in 
the  actual  r.eligious  use  made  of  these  deities  by  the  govern- 
ment itself 

Forms  of  prayer  to  be  offered  before  these  various  deities 
are  carefully  fixed  by  national  law.  Attention  has  already 
been  called  to  the  fact  that  shortly  after  the  Restoration  in  1 868 
measures  were  adopted  by  the  Japanese  government  for  pro- 
moting politico-religious  centralization  by  providing  uniform 
ceremonies  for  the  Shinto  shrines.  New  rituals  {norito),  based 
on  those  of  the  Engi-Shiki,  were  issued  on  April  13,  1875.^  A 
revision  of  these  earlier  rituals  was  adopted  by  the.  government 
on  March  27,  19 1.4,  under  Order  No.  4  of  the  Department  of 
Home  Affairs.*  These  new  regulations,  which  furnish  forms 
of  public  worship  for  Shinto  shrines  of  all  grades,  went  into 
effect  on  April  i,  19 14.*  It  is  necessary  to  examine  the 
nature  of  the  petitions  that  are  contained  in  these  norito 
of  1914. 

The  norito  read  before  the  ka?ni  by  the  guji,  or  chief 
priest,  in  the  celebration  of  the  Festival  of  Prayer  for  the  Year's 
Crops  (Kinen  Sai)  at  Government  Shrines  and  National  Shrines 
contains  petitions  for  abundant  harvests  and  for  the  protection 
of  the  growing  crops  against  devastation  by  wind,  flood  and 
rain.  The  passage  which  contains  this  prayer  may  be  render- 
ed :  "  Grant  that  all  things  produced  by  cultivation,  from  the 
harvest  of  late-ripening  rice  to  the  smallest  leaves  of  plants, 
may  not  suffer  by  evil  wind  or  by  violent  waters.  Prosper 
them  fruitfully  and  luxuriantly  (to  the  end  that)  the  Harvest 
Festival  may  be  performed  with  splendor  and  with  beauty."* 

At  the  same  festival  a  civil  official,  sent  from  either  the 

1.  See  above,  p.  21. 

2.  Cf.  Genko  Jinja  Horei  Ruisan,  pp.  271-310. 

3.  Ibid.,  p.  272. 

A.    The  original  texts  of  the  sections  of  this  and  the  other   norito  wliich  are 


THE   POLITICAL  PHILOSOPHY  OF  MODERN   SHINTO.  28/ 

Imperial  Household  Department  or  from  the  office  of  the  local 
governor,  presents  a  norito  which  includes  the  following  prayer  : 
"  Grant  to  bless  with  ears  eight  hand-breadths  long,  yea  with 
fine  ears,  the  harvest  of  late-ripening  rice  which  the  sovereign 
deities  will  bestow.  From  the  Great  House*  of  the  Sovereign 
to  the  people  of  the  land,^  grant  that  all  jiiay  prosper  more 
and  more  (with  lineage)  long  and  (with  families)  wide,  like  the 
luxuriant  manifold  branches  of  the  mulberry  tree."^ 

In  the  ritual  employed  in  the  celebration  of  the  Harvest 
Festival  (Niiname  Sai)  on  the  twenty-third  of  each  November, 
prayer  is  offered  to  the  deities  of  the  official  cult  as  follows  : 
"  Biess  and  prosper  with  peace  and  tranquility  the  mighty 
Reign  of  His  Sovereign  Augustness,  with  majestic  Reign,  with 
prosperous  Reign,  for  a  thousand  myriad  long  continued 
autumns.  Grant  to  care  for  and  to  bless  (all),  from  the.  Imperial 
Princes  and  their  offspring  to  the  people  of  the  land  ;  prosper 

here  considered,  accompanied  by  transliteration  with  roman  letters,  are  added  for 
purposes  of  reference. 

m:m^^^%^.  'n-ibyim%^''^M%.  f^mgfi^m^^^^.  ^.mE^^?^ 

Oki  tsu  mitoshi  wo  hajwiete,  kusa  no  kakiha  ni  itaru  made,  tsukuri  to  tsukuru 
mono  domo  too,  ashiki  kaze  aroki  midzti  fii  awase  tamawazu,  yutaka  ni  muktisaka  ni 
nashi  sakiwae  tamaite,  niinae  [niiname]  no  matsuri  ikashiku  uruwashiku  istikae- 
matmrashime  tamae. — Genko  Jinja  Horei  Ruisan,  pp.  275-6. 

1.  Omikado,  lit.  "  great- august -gate  ;  "  the  reference,  however,  is  to  the  Im- 
perial Household,  Cf.  I.  Muromatsu,  Shin  Notito  Tsukai  (^^S^^>  WMM%M^ 
"  A  Commentary  on  the  New  Norito,"  Tokyo,  192 1),  p.  9. 

2.  Written  5c7^T7^1SS»  ^^^  ^^^^  ^^^  no  shita  no  omitakara  ("  the  great 
august  treasure  under  heaven  ").  The  reference  is  to  the  people  of  the  nation  ag 
the  great  treasure  of  the  Emperor. 

Sumeka77ii  tachi  no  yosashi  matsuramu  oki  tsu  mitoshi  wo,yatsukn  ho  no  ikashi 
ho  ni  nashi  sakiwae  tamaite,  Sumera  ga  omikado  wo  hajimete,  afne  no  shita  no 
omitakara  ni  itani  made,  iyato  ni  iyahiro  ni  ikashi  yagiiwae  no  gotoku  iachisaka^- 
fhitJi^  iamae.—  Genko  JinJa  Horei  Ruisan,  p.  276. 


288  THE   POLITICAL  PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN   SHJNTO. 

them  like  the  luxuriant  manifold  branches  of  the  mulberry  tree, 
and  make  them  to  serve  the  kamiy^ 

In  the  course  of  the  same  ceremony  a  civil  official  is 
instructed  to  pray  :  "  Grant  that  the  August  Descendants  (of 
Aina-terasu-d-ini-kami)  may  partake  of  the  Great  Food,  in  peace 
and  tranquility,  for  a  thousand  myriad  long-continued  autumns. 
From  the  Great  House  of  the  Sovereign  to  the  people  of  the 
land  grant  that  (all)  may  prosper  more  and  more  (with  lineage) 
long  and  (with  families)  wide  like  the  luxuriant  manifold 
branches  of  the  mulberry  tree."^ 

In  the  norito  prepared  for  the  use  of  the  chief  priests  in 
the  grand  local  festivals  (reisai)  of  Government  Shrines  and 
National  Shrines  appears  a  prayer  which  may  be  translated  : 
"  Bless  the  Great  Reign  of  His  Sovereign  Augustness  with 
majesty  and  prosperity  ;  and  may  it  be  as  firm  and  as  everlasting 
as  the  rocks.  Prosper  it  as  a  long  continued  Reign.  Grant  pro- 
tection and  blessing  (to  all),  long  continued  and  peaceful,  from  the 
Imperial  Princes  and  their  offspring  to  the  people  of  the  land."^ 


I-  ■^^^IbX'^'^^.  WM'^-^^m'^'^.  ^^^Ib^'^'^^M.  ^^ 
^^^^^^M^^M^Jt^  ll£^^i^^i^^J£>  5^7>T7!r^SWm©Bi 

Stnnera  viikoto  no  omiyo  zvo  ikashi  miyo  no  tarashi  miyo  to  yorozti  chiaki  no 
nnga  io  aki  ni  tairakeku  yasurakeku  hvai  matsuri  sckiwae  tnatsuri  tamai,  mikotachi 
okimitachi  wo  hajimete  ame  no  shita  no  omitakara  ni  iiaru  made  node  tamai 
megutni  tamaite,  ikashi  yaguwae  no  gofoku  tachisakae  tsukae  matsurashime  tamaeP 
—  Genko  Jinja  Horei  Ruisan,  p.  276. 

2.  ^wk^ib-xm^^.  ^^^ib^-£Mmn.    ^^X'Sc^xn^i^ 

Sumemima  no  mikoto  no  omike  wo  yorozu  chiaki  no  naga  io  aki  ni  tairakeku 
yasurakeku  kikoskime  sashime  tamai,  sumei'a  ga  omikado  wo  hajimete  ame  no  shita 
no  omitakara  ni  itarti  made  iyato  ni  iyahiro  ni  ikashi  yaguwae  no  gotoku  tachisa- 
kaeshime  tamae.  — Genko  Jinja  Horei  Ruison,  p.  277. 

3-  '^^^ibxm\'^^.  wm'<jb^m'<:^.  ^mm'^^^%^m.  ^^ 

Sumera  mikoto  no  omiyo  wo  ikashi  miyo  no  tarashi  miyo  to  kakiwa  ni  tokiwa 
^i  iivai  matsuri  tanaga  no  miyo  to  sakiwae  matsuri  tamaif  mikotachi  okimitachi 


THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN    SHINTQ.  289 

The  ritual  provided  for  the  use  of  civil  officials  in  present- 
ing offerings  from  the    government  at    grand    local   festivals 
contains  the  following  prayer :/"  From  the  Great  House  of\ 
the  Sovereign  to  the  people  of  the   land,  guard  and  prosper  / 
(all)  continuously  and  widely.     Bring  it  to  pass  that  this   Food  \ 
Country,  (extending  far)  under  heaven,'  with  its  unnumbered   \ 
countries  and  unnumbered  islands,  with  none  omitted,  with  not 
on^  left  out,   (as  far  as)  the  limit  where  the  wall  of  heaven 
stands,  (as   far  as)  the  boundaries  of  lands  standing  afar  off — 
bring  it  to  pass  that  (all)  may  look  up  to  the  great  glory  of  the 
Great  Emperor  and  that  (all  lands)  may  be  covered  with  the  y^ 
august  light  of  the  Imperial  Land."^ 

In  the  Saitansai  iV<?nV^*^'Ritual  for  the  Festival  of  the 
First  Day  of  the  Year)  occurs  the  prayer  :  '*  Protect  this  new 
year  and  prosper  it  as  a  good  year,  as  a  rich  year.  Bless  the 
Great  House  of  His  Sovereign  Augustness  with  the  strength 
and  the  eternity  of  the  rocks.  Keep  the  land  (ame  no  shitd)  in 
peace,  make  the  (five)  cereals  plentiful,  cause  industiy  to  make 
progress  more  and  more,  and  prosper  the  people  with  increasing 
abundance.  Cause  thy  Great  Glory'^  to  shine  more  and  more 
together  with  the  light  of  the  first  rising  sun  of  the  year."^ 

wo  hajimete  ame  no  shita  no  omitakara  ni  itaru  made  nagaku  tairakeku  mamori 
tamaimegumi  tamae. — Genko  Jinja  Norei  Ruisan,  p.  277. 

um^^nx.  XTbMiLm.  tS7^5iiitS>  mxmm7bi<,mnm^nM^.M^}:\:. 

Sumera  ga  omikado  wo  hajimete  ame  no  shita  no  omitakara  ni  itajti  made 
iyato  ni  iyahiro  ni  mamori  iamai  sakiwae  tamaite,  kono  osukuni  ame  no  shita  wa 
kuni  no  yaso  kuni  shima  no  yaso  shima  mot  urn  koto  naku  otsuru  koto  naku  ame  no 
kaki  tatsu  kiwami  kuni  no  sokitatsu  kagiri  stime  cm  'kado  no  omiizu  wo  aogashime 
tamaiy  sume  omikuni  no  omihikati  wo  kagorashime  tamae. — Genko  Jinja  Horei 
Ruis  m,  p.  277. 

2.     Addressed  to  the  deity  or  deities  of  the  local  shrine. 

mmm'^mn.  ^^M^-ii:.  ^t^t^^^^  mm.^x.  im.^mm'^m 


290  THE   POUTICAL   PHILOSOPHY    OF    MODERN     SHINTO. 

The  ritual  for  use  in  the  Genshisai  (Festival  of  Sacrifice  to 
the  Origin,  Jan.  3)  contains  the  prayer :  '*  Guard  and  bless  the 
prosperity  of  the  Imperial  Throne,  ruled  over  by  His  Sovereign 
Augustness,  with  the  eternity  of  heaven  and  earth,  unshaken 
and  unchanged.  Keep  the  land  {ame  no  shita)  in  peace  and 
the  state  (kunuchi)  in  tranquility.  Make  the  Glory  of  the 
Great  House  of  the  Sovereign  to  shine  with  splendor  in  heaven 
and  with  splendor  on  earth  and  make  heaven  and  earth  to  .be 
filled  with  the  Prosperity  of  the  Imperial  Land."^ 

In  the  norito  for  use  in  the  celebration  of  the  Emperor's 
Birthday  {Tenchosetsu)  is  the  prayer  :  "  Bless  the  life  of  His 
Sovereign  Augustness  with  length  of  days  and  make  it  as  firm 
and  as  everlasting  as  the  multitudinous  rock  clusters.  Prosper 
the  Emperor  with  a  majestic  reign,  cause  the  Imperial  Glory  to 
shine  higher  and  wider  evermore  and  make  the  Imperial 
benevolence  to  be  revered  forever  and  forever."^ 

The   rituals  for  shrines   of  prefectural   grade  and  below 

Kono  toshi  wo  yoki  toshi  no  umashi  toshi  to  mamori  tat?iai  sakiwae  tamaiie, 
sumera  mikoto  no  o mikado  wo  kakhva  ni  iokiwa  ni  iwai  matsuri  tamai,  ame  no 
shita  tairakeku  tanatsu  mono  yutakeku  nariwai  wo  iya  siaume  ni  sustime  omitakara 
wo  iya  sakae  ni  sakaeshime  tamaite,  omiizu  wo  sashinoboru  toshi  no  haisuhi  no 
hikari  to  tomo  ni  iya  niasumasu  ni  kagayakashime  tamae. —  Genko  Jinja  Horei 
Ruisan.  p.  279. 

Sumera  mikoto  no  shiroshlmesu  amatsii  hitsiigino  omisakae  ame  tsuchino  miita 
tokoshie  ni  tigoku  koto  naku  ka7varu  koto  ttaku  iwai  matsnid  sakiwai  matsuri 
tamai,  ame  no  shita  tairakeku  kunuchi  yasurakeku  sunie  omikado  no  omiizu  wo 
amakakashi  kunikakashi  ni  kagayakashime  tamai,  sume  omiktmi  no  omisakae  wo 
wnatarashi  kunitarashi  ni  tarawashime  tamae.—  Genko  Jinja  Horei  Ruisan,  p.  279. 

2.  ^^^Tbi^.u^^.  ^^Tb-xmm^.  ^mm¥i7b^x.  ^i^mmmm 

Sumera  mikoto  no  omiinorhi  wo  tanaga  no  dmiinochi  to  yutsu  iwa  mura  no 
gotoku  tokiwa  ni  kakhva  ni  iwai  matsuri,  ikashi  miyo  ni  sakiwae  matsuri  tamaiy 
dmiizu  wo  iya  iaka  ni  iya  hiro  ni  kagayakashijne  tamai,  omimegumi  wo  iya  to 
ni  iya  n  ign  ni  aogashime  tamae.—  Genko  Jinja  IJorei  Ruisan, 'p.  280. 


THE    POLITICAL    PHILOSOPHY    OF    MODERN    SHINTO.  29 1 

repeat  those  prescribed  for  Government  and  National  Shrines, 
with  only  such  alterations  as  are  necessitated  by  differences  in 
the  grades  of  the  shrines  and  in  the  ranks  of  the  officiating 
priests.  The  one  exception  to  this;  general  statement  is  to  be 
found  in  the  no7ito  used  in  the  great  local  festivals  of  all  shrines 
below  the  Kampeisha  and  Kokuheisha  classes.  This  ritual,  as 
fixed  by  national  law,  contains  a  domestic  prayer  that  deserves 
special  attention.  Herein  petition  is  addressed  to  the  local 
tutelary  deities  as  follows  : 

"  Again  [lit.  dividing  the  words],  we  say :  Since  they 
thus  serve  thee,  grant  to  protect  and  bless  widely  and  liberally 
both  thy  proteges  and  also  the  people  of  this  district  [the  name 
of  the  village,  town,  ward,  city  or  district  of  the  prefecture  is  here 
inserted].  Keep  them  contented  in  heart  and  well  in  body, 
make  their  homes  peaceful  and  their  occupations  prosperous. 
May  they  one  and  all  live  in  increasing  harmony  and  grant 
that  children  born  to  them  may  prosper  more  and  more  unto 
numberless  generations  [lit.  yaso  tsuzuki,  '*  eighty  succes- 
sions "].     This  we  say  with  deepest  reverence."^ 

The  forms  of  prayer  to  be  offered  before  the  deities  of  the 
shrines  are  thus  precisely  fixed  by  national  law.  In  these 
rituals  the  government,  itself,  acting  through  its  authorized 
representatives,  makes  appeal  to  various  kami,  regarded  as 
*'  ancestral  spirits,"  for  certain  very  definite  benefits.  The 
range  of  the  appeals  covers  most  of  the  vital  interesLo  of  the 
modern  state.     It  includes  prayers  for  the  protection  of  grow- 


Kotowakite  tnosahi,  kakti  tsukaeniaimrii  ni  yoiite,  j?ihtj;ko  no  hiiodomo  mo 
maia  kono  bo  dofu  ken  (gun,  shi,  kti,  choy  son)  no  hitodojuo  zuo  hiroku  atsuku  ma- 
inori  tamai  juegitnii  tamaJU,  kokoro  odni  ni  /iii  siikoyaka  ni  ienuchi  yasitku  nariwai 
yutakeku  ono  mo  ouo  nio  iya  mgibi  ni  ni^^ibite,  nmi  no  ko  no  yaso  tstizuki  ni  itaru 
made  iya  sakae  ni  sakae  shivu  tumae  to,  kashikomi  kashikoini  mdsu.-Genk'oJinja 
Borei  Rnisan,  pp.  283-4. 


292  THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY    OF    MODERN    SHINTO. 

ing  crops,  for  abundant  harvests,  for  the  prosperity,  health  and 
contentment  of  the  people,  for  domestic  harmony,  for  national 
peace  and  progress,  for  flourishing  offspring  in  the  families  of 
rulers  and  subjects,  for  the  well-being  and  unbroken  continuity 
of  the  Imperial  House,  for  a  long  and  prosperous  reign  on  the 
part  of  the  Emperor  and  for  the  extension  of  the  prestige  o* 
Japan  throughout  the  world. 

The  same  idea  of  an  officially  inspired  appeal  to  the  deides 
of  Shintd,  regarded  as  active  agents  in  a  superhuman  spirit- 
world,  is  to  be  found  in  certain  other  important  documents  of 
state  which  have  been  promulgated  between  1868  and  the 
present. 

The  Imperial  Rescript  to  the  Daimyo,  issued  March  21^ 
1868,  says,  in  one  section,  "  As  has  already  been  notified,  the 
existence  of  relations  with  foreign  countries  involves  very  im- 
portant questions.  We  are  willing  therefore  for  the  sake  of  the 
people  of  the  Empire  to  brave  the  perils  of  the  deep  and  to 
undergo  the  greatest  hardships  ;  to  swear  to  spread  the  national 
glory  abroad,  and  to  satisfy  the  departed  spirits  of  Our  ances- 
tors, and  of  the  late  Emperor.'"* 

The  Imperial  Decree  of  October  12,  1881,  promising  the 
establishment  of  a  parliament,  reads  in  one  of  its  clauses,  "  Our 
ancestors  in  Heaven  watch  Our  acts,  and  We  recognize  Our 
responsibility  to  them  for  the  faithful  discharge  of  Our  high 
duties,  in  accordance  with  the  principles,  and  the  perpetual 
increase  of  the  glory,  they  have  bequeathed  to  Us."^ 

The  promulgation  of  the  Japanese  Constitution  on  Feb.  11^ 
1 889,  was  accompanied  by  an  Imperial  oath,  the  first  declaration 
of  which  says,  "  We,  the  Successor  to  the  prosperous  Throne 
of  Our  Predecessors,  do  humbly  and  solemnly  swear  to  the 
Imperial  Founder  of  Our  House  and  to  Our  other  Imperial 
Ancestors  that,  in  pursuance  of  a  great  policy  co-extensive  with 
the  Heavens  and  with  the  Earth,  We  shall  maintain  and  secure 

1.  Japan  Herald,  April  18,  1868,  p.  1339. 

2.  Japan  Weekly  Mail^  i88i,  p.  1199. 


THE    POLITICAL    PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN    SHINTO.  293 

from  decline  the  ancient  form  of  government."  The  oath 
conckides  :  "  These  Laws  amount  to  only  an  exposition  of 
grand  precepts  for  the  conduct  of  the  government,  bequeathed 
by  the  Imperial  Founder  of  Our  House  and  by  Our  other 
Imperial  Ancestors.  That  we  have  been  so  fortunate  in  Our 
reign,  in  keeping  with  the  tendency  of  the  times,  as  to  accom.- 
plish  this  work.  We  owe  to  the  glorious  Spirits  of  the  Imperial 
Founder  of  Our  House  and  of  Our  other  Imperial  Ancestors. 

**  We  now  reverently  make  Our  prayer  to  Them  and  to 
Our  Illustrious  Father  and  implore  the  help  of  Their  Sacred 
Spirits,  and  make  to  Them  solemn  oath  never  at  this  time  nor 
in  the  future  to  fail  to  be  an  example  to  Our  subjects  in  the 
observance  of  the  Laws  hereby  established. 

"  May  the  Heavenly  Spirits  witness  this  Our  solemn 
Oath."     (Official  Translation.)^  ^^^ 

After  the  battle  of  the  Sea  of  Japan  in  the  Russo-Japanese 
War,  the  Emperor  telegraphed  to  the  grand  fleet  under  Admiral 
Togo :  Nanjira  no  churetsu  ni  yotte  soso  no  shinrei  ni  kotoru 
zvo  uru  wo  yorokobuy  "  We  rejoice  that  by  your  loyalty  and 
valor  We  are  able  to  answer  to  the  divine  Spirits  of  Our 
ancestors."^ 

The  Imperial  rescript  issued  on  the  occasion  of  the  suc- 
cessful conclusion  of  the  Russo-Japanese  war  says,  in  part, 
"  The  result  is  due  in  large  measure  to  the  benign  Spirits  of 
Our  Ancestors,  as  well  as  to  the  devotion  to  duty  of  our  civil 
and  military  officials  and  the  self<ienying  patriotism  of  Our 
people Peace  and  glory  having  thus  been  secur- 
ed, We  are  happy  to  invoke  the  blessing  of  the  benign  Spirits 
of  Our  Ancestors  and  to  be  able  to  bequeath  the  fruits  of  these 
great  deeds  to  Our  posterity."^ 

The   Address   of  the  Emperor  to  the  Army  and  Navy  at 

1.  Ito,  H.,  Commentaries  on  the  Constitution  of  the  Empire  of  Japan  (Tokyo, 
1889),  pp.  1 5 1-2. 

2.  Japan  Weekly  Mail,  Oct.  21,  1905,  p.  433. 

3.  Japan  Weekly  Mail,  op.  cit. 


294         THE    POLITICAL    PHILOSOPHY    OF    MODERN   SHINTO. 

the  close  of  the  same  war  contains  the  words,  "  By  your  loyalty, 
faithfulness,  and  valour  I  have  achieved  the  purposes  of  the 
war,  and  have  been  enabled  to  discharge  the  duties  devolving 
on  Me  toward  the  Divine  Ancestors  and  toward  My  people."^ 

The  Imperial  rescript  of  Yoshihito,  the  reigning  Emperor- 
issued  at  his  coronation,  November  lO,  19 15,  contains  the  in, 
vocation,  "  May  the  Heavenly  Spirits  of  Our  Ancestors,  to 
whom  We  owe  so  much,  witness  our  determination  that  We 
will  fulfill  Our  mission  by  diligently  labouring  day  and  night. "^ 

The  language  of  these  Imperial  utterances  is  unmistakable. 
In  these  citations  from  documents  which  can  be  taken  as  repre- 
sentative of  the  life  of  the  state  at  its  very  center,  we  find  that  the 
great  ancestral  kami  are  thought  of,  not  as  mere  human  beings 
w^iose  exalted  achievements  on  earth  are  being  commemorated, 
but  as  actually  existing,  supernatural  agencies  whose  aid  is 
sought  in  prayer  and  ceremony  and  toward  whom  a  profound 
responsibility  is  felt. 

This  same  supernaturalistic  conception  of  the  kami  may 
be  seen  likewise  in  the  manner  in  which  all  the  great  affairs 
of  state,  such  as  the  consummation  of  treaties,  the  declaration 
of  war,  the  celebration  of  victory,  the  signing  of  peace,  import- 
ant activities  of  members  of  the  Imperial  Family,  the  accession  to 
the  throne  of  a  new  Emperor,  etc.,  are  all  reported  to  the  '*  spirits 
of  the  Imperial  Ancestors  "  at  Ise  and  elsewhere.  Such  cases 
are  so  numerous  that  present  treatment  must  be  limited  merely 
to  the  setting  forth  of  a  certain  amount  of  illustrative  material 

Notices  such  as  the  following  occur  repeatedly  in  the 
Official  Gazette  {Kampo).  "  H.M.  the  Empress  will  proceed 
to  Kyoto  to  worship  at  the  Imperial  mausolea  at  Momoyama 
Izumiyama  and  other  places  in  and  near  Kyoto,  leaving  Tokyo 
station  at  6:15  on  Tuesday  morning  by  a  special  train."'* 

!.     Ibid,,  p.  434. 

2.  Ibid.,  Nov.  13,  I915,  p.  237. 

3.  Official  Gazette,  ^zX^^L^^l^y  \l,\(^\c);  Japan    Times   and  Mate   (Weekly 
Ed.),  May  17,  1919,  p.  666. 


THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN    SHINTO.  295 

Subsequent  to  the  completion  of  the  revision  of  the  Im- 
perial House  Law  by  a  special  committee  of  high  officials  the 
government  stated  :  "  The  change  was  formally  announced 
before  the  sanctuary  of  the  Imperial  ancestors  in  the  Imperial 
palace  yesterday  with  appropriate  ceremonies. 

"  Similar  reports  were  made  at  the  same  time  at  the  Grand 
Shrines  of  Ise,  and  before  the  mausolea  of  the  First  Emperor, 
Jimmu  Tenno,  and  the  late  Emperor  Meiji,  for  which  purpose 
special  messengers  were  dispatched  by  the  Imperial  Court.  "^ 

Imperial  Household  Ordinances  relating  to  marriages  in 
the  Imperial  Family  contain  the  following  articles  bearing  on 
the  matter  under  discussion. 

"  Art.  III.  When  the  matrimonial  engagement  is  made, 
the  fact  shall  be  announced  at  the  Imperial  Ancestral  Shrine 
{Koreiden)  as  well  as  at  the  shrines  for  the  Kami  {Shinden) 
placed  in  the  Sanctuary  in  the  Palace,  and  Imperial  messengers 
carrying  special  offerings  shall  be  dispatched  to  the  Jingu 
Shrines  [Ise],  and  the  mausolea  of  the  Emperor  Jimmu  and  of 
the  Emperor  and  Empress  immediately  predeceasing  the  reign- 
ing monarch." 

"  Art.  VI.  On  the  day  of  the  ceremony  a  solemn  an- 
nouncement of  the  fact  shall  be  made  at  the  Shrine  in  the 
Sanctuary." 

"  Art.  VII.  The  ceremony  shall  be  performed  in  the 
jront  of  the  Santuary  {Kashikodokord)  in  accordance  with  the 
rites  specially  determined." 

"  Art.  IX.  The  Emperor,  accompanied  by  the  Empress, 
shall,  at  the  close  of  the  wedding  ceremony,  appear  (for  wor- 
ship) at  the  Koreiden  and  the  Shinden^ 

"  Art.  XII.  The  Emperor  and  the  Empress  shall,  after 
the  conclusion  of  the  ceremony,  proceed  to  the  Jingii  shrines 
and  to  the  mausolea  of  the  Emperor  Jimmu  and  of  the  last 
Emperor  and  Empress  for  devotional  purposes."' 

1.  Japan  Times  and  Mail  (Weekly  Ed.),  Dec.  7,  191 S,  p.  1461. 

2.  {Official  Gazelle)  ;  Japan   Weekly  Mail,  May  12,  1900,  p.  464. 


296  THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN   SHINTO 

The  marriage  of  the  Prince  Imperial,  Yoshihito  [present 
Emperor],  to  the  Princess  Sada  was  accompanied  by  religious 
observances  that  differed  in  no  essential  respect  from  the  rites 
conducted  at  ordinary  Shintd  shrines.  They  included  the  cere- 
mony of  opening  the  shrine,  sacred  music,  presentation  of  food 
offerings,  the  recitation  of  norito  a«id  the  presentation  of 
gohei} 

The  accession  ceremonies  of  the  reigning  Emperor,  which 
took  place  immediately  after  the  death  of  the  late  Emperor, 
Mutsuhito,  in  191 2,  were  largely  religious  in  character.  The 
report  says,  "  At  I  a.m.  yesterday,  very  shortly  after  the  death 
of  the  Empei'or,  ceremonies  were  held  at  the  Court  in  connec- 
tion with  the  accession  to  the  throne  of  the  Crown  Prince. 

"  The  proceedings  began  with  a  service  before  the  Imperial 
Sanctuary,  the  Kashikodokoro  (Sanctuary)  being  fully  decorated. 
The  doors  were  opened  at  i  a.m.  and  all  due  offerings  made. 
All  the  court  dignitaries  and  high  officials  of  State  were  pre- 
sent. Prince  Iwakura,  Chief  Ritualist,  advanced  and  read  an 
address  expressing  congratulation  upon  the  accession  to  the 
throne  of  the  new  Emperor.  The  bell  of  the  shrine  was  then 
rung  by  the  Chief  Ritualist,  assisted  by  a  subordinate.  Prince 
Iwakura,  on  behalf  of  the  new  Emperor,  and  another  Ritualist, 
Miyachi,  representing  the  new  Empress,  worshipped  at  the 
Imperial  Sanctuary,  after  which  the  offerings  were  removed 
and  the  door  of  the  sanctuary  closed,  all  present  retiring. 

**  The  same  ceremony  was  held  also  before  the  Koreiderij 
or  Imperial  Ancestor's  Shrine,  that  the  Imperial  Ancestors 
might  be  informed  of  the  succession."^ 

The  formal  coronation  ceremony  of  the  present  Emperor 
was  similarly  announced  to  the  ancestral  spirits.^  The  account 
of  the  service  says  :  "  The  great  Ritual  service  before  the  Kashi- 
kodokoro enshrined  in  the  Shiinko  Den,  began  at  eight  o'clock 
this  morning.     At  this  important  ceremonial^  Emperor  Yoshi- 

1.  Cf.  Japan  Weekly  Mail,  May  12,  1 900,  p.  454;  May  5,  1900,  p.  4I8. 

2.  Japan  Advertiser,  }\\\.y  31,  191 2,  p.  I. 


THE    POLITICAL    PHILOSOPHY    OF    MODERN    SHINTO.  29/ 

hito  formally  acquired  the  Three  Sacred  Treasures  and  reported 
before  his  ancestral  spirits  in  the  Kashikodokoro,  the  fact  of  his 
succession  to  the  great  aiid  time  honoured  heritage.  His 
Majesty  then  fervently  prayed  for  the  prosperity  of  his  reign. "^ 

The  dates  of  the  coronation  were  earlier  reported  to  the 
Imperial  Ancestors,  at  a  ceremony  held  in  the  court  sactuary, 
as  follows,  "  Sacred  music  heralded  the  beginning  of  the 
ceremony  and  the  Court  ritualists  made  offering  of  food   at  the 

sanctuary The  Emperor,    attended   by   Lord 

Chamberlain,  Prince  Takatsukasa,  and  a  few  others,  proceeded 
to  the  sanctuary,  before  which  His  Majesty  read  a  scroll 
announcing  the  dates  of  the  Coronation  and  the  thanksgiving 

Festival The  Imperial  messengers,  ordered  to 

the  Great  Shrine  at  Ise  and  the  Imperial  mausolea  at  several 
places  to  report  the  dates  of  the  Coronation  and  the  Thanks- 
giving Festival,  were  present  in  ceremonial  costumes."^ 

On  August  28,  1914,  the  Official  Gazette  published  as 
Order  Number  19  of  the  Department  of  Home  Affairs  a  ritual 
to  be  used  in  announcing  the  declaration  of  war  against  Ger- 
many before  the  deities  of  the  shrines.  The  order  contains 
the  following  prayer  : — 

"  Especially  care  for  and  bless  the  soldiers  who,  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  Great  Command  of  the  Emperor,  are  bravely 
and  steadily  pressing  forward,  and  also  care  for  and  bless  the 
people  of  the  whole  land  who  are  uniting  their  hearts  and 
exerting  their  strength  for  the  world*  and  for  their  country. 

1.  Japan  Weekly  Mail,  Nov.  I3,  1915,  p.  234. 

2.  Japan  Evangelist,  March,  1914,  p.  126.  For  accounts  of  similar 
religious  ceremonies  ste  Japan  Times  and  A  fail  {Weekly  Ed.),  May  10,  1919,  pp. 
637  and  639;  May  31,  19 19,  p.  727  ;  Jan.  18,  19 1 9,  p.  85  ;  Japan  Weekly  Mail, 
Oct.  13  and  21,  1905;  Nov.  13,  1915.  See  also  articles  by  K.  Ibuka,  "  TlT^- 
Coronation  of  the  Emperor  of  Japan,"  Record  of  Christian  Work,  Vol.  XXXV 
(May,  I916),  pp.  275-8  and  by  J.  Ingram  Bryan,  "  The  Crown  Prince  Comes  of 
Age,"  Japan  Magazine,  June,  1919,  pp.  51-53' 

3.  This  is  the  only  instance  of  internationalism  in  the    Shinto   prayers  tha 
has  come  under  the  observation  of  the  writer. 


298  THE    POLITICAL    PHILOSOPHV    OF    MODERN    SHINTO. 

Utterly  and  quickly  subdue  the  enemy  attacking  on  land  and 
on  sea ;  drive  him  away  and  scatter  him.  Restore  to  peace 
and  calm  the  troubled  waves  of  the  eastern  sea.  Makes  the 
glory  of  the  Imperial  House  to  spread  abroad  far  and  wide, 
more  and  more,  in  the  lands  of  the  four  directions  under  heaven  ; 
make  it  to  shine  with  increasing  brightness.  Protect  and  bless 
us  with  a  guard  by  day  and  a  guard  by  night."^ 

Government  supervision  of  the  form  of  the  rites  conducted 
at  ^.he  shrines  on  important  official  occasions  is  equally  minute. 
Here  again  the  abundance  of  data  available  for  examination  in 
the  national  laws  necessitates  that  our  treatment  be  limited 
to  the  presentation  of  a  single  example.  The  order  of  service 
translated  below  appears  on  the  statute  books  as  a  part  of 
Order  Number  Four  of  the  Department  of  Home  Affairs, 
dated  March  27,  19 14.  It  is  intended  for  use  in  the  Festival 
of  Prayer  for  the  Year's  Crops,  the  Harvest  Festival  and  the 
Grand  Local  Festivals  at  all  Government  and  National  Shrines. 

"On  the  appointed  day  early  in  the  morning  the  shrine 
sanctuary  is  decorated. 

"At  the  appointed  time  the  chief  priest  and  others  take 
seats  in  their  designated  places. 

"  The  messenger  who  presents  the  offering  (for  the  state) 
comes  forward.  Prior  to  this  the  hand-water  ceremony  is 
observed. 

"  The  messenger  who  presents  the  offering  goes  to  the 
place  of  purification. 

"  The  purification  ceremony  is  performed.  First  the  offer- 
ing, then  the  messenger  and  then  his  attendants  are  purified. 

"  The  messenger  who  presents  the  offering  takes  his  seat 
in  a  designated  place. 

"  The  ceremonial  chest  (containing)  the  offering  (of  the 
state)  is  set  in  a  convenient  place. 

"  The  chief  priest  announces  to  the  messenger  that  all 
preparations  are  completed. 

I.     Kampo,  No.  624,  Aug.  28,  19 14. 


THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY    OF    MODERN    SHINT5.  299 

"  The  chief  priest  opens  the  doors  and  awaits  near  by. 
Music  during  this  interval. 

**  The  neg-f  and  others  present  (ordinary)  offerings.  Music 
during  this  interval. 

''  The  chief  priest  recites  norito. 

**  The  messenger  and  his  attendants  take  the  offering  (of 
the  state)  from  the  ceremonial  chest  and  place  it  temporarily 
on  a  table.  The  table  has  been  previously  set  in  a  con- 
\'enient  position. 

"  The  chief  priest  presents  the  offering  (of  the  state). 

*'  The  messenger  recites  norito. 

"  The  messenger  presents  tamagiishi  and  worships.^  The 
attendants  hand  him  the  tamagushi. 

**  The  attendants  of  the  messenger  worship. 

**  The  chief  priest  presents  iamagiishi  and  worships.  The 
shuten  hand  him  the  tamagushi. 

"  The  sub-chief  priest  or  negi  and  others  worship. 

"  The  sub-chief  priest  or  negi  and  others  remove  the  offer- 
ing (of  the  state). 

**  The  negi  and  others  remove  the  (ordinary)  offerings. 

"  The  chief  priest  closes  the  doors  and  resumes  his  original 
place.     Music  during  this  interval. 

**  The  chief  priest  announces  to  the  messenger  that  the 
ceremony  is  completed. 

''  All  retire."' 

We  may  pass  on  to  the  summary  and  termination  of  the' 
entire  discussion.  Our  investigation  leads  to  the  conclusion 
that  the  official  cult  of  the  Shinto  Shrines  is  the  state  religion 
of  modern  Japan.  Shinto  must  be  classified  as  genuine  religion. 
Not  only  so,  but  it  is  also  a  religion  to  which  the  government, 
actuated  by  political  motives,  accords  special  protection  and 

1.  ^f^,  hairei.  The  term  simply  inverts  the  elements  of  the  expression 
for  worship,  reihai,  of  the  ordinary  religious  vocabulary  of  modern  Japan.  Iiiouye 
defines  hairei  2&  "  ihe  v^^orship  of  a  divine  being."     Cf.  s.  v. 

2.  GetiJid  Jinja  Horei  Rn'san,  p.  272. 


nhJ^ 


.^ 


y 


/I 


300  THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN   SHINTO. 

support.  There  has  been  no  disestablishment  of  Shintd  in 
the  modern  period.  From  the  time  of  the  Restoration  in . 
1868  right  down  to  the  present,  the  general  tendency  of  legisla- 
tion in  religious  matters  has  been  in  the  direction  of  cementing 
with  increasing  closeness  the  bonds  which  unite  the  Shinto 
shrines  to  the  inner  life  of  the  state  itself  It  is  true  that 
certain  Shint5  sects,  so-called,  have  been  legally  separated 
from  the  official  cult  and  that  the  legal  control  of  Shint5  as  a 
state  religion  has  been  set  apart  from  that  of  other  religions, 
but  the  net  result  of  such  manipulation  has  been  to  facilitate  an 
unimpeded  extension  of  official  control  over  the  shrines,  and  at 
the  same  time  to  furnish  the  government  with  a  legal  smoke 
L  screen  behind  which  it  can  escape  the  shock  of  opposition. 

Shinto  priests  are  officially  defined  as  officers  of  the  state 
with  such  matters  as  appointment,  duties,  privileges,  mainte- 
nance and  discipline  adjusted  by  special  legal  enactments. 
The  shrines  are  regarded  as  institutions  of  the  state  with 
affairs  of  management  and  finance  fixed  by  national  law, 
and  support  supplied  either  wholly  or  in  part  out  of  thej 
revenues  of  the  central  or  local  governments.  Rituals  for  use 
at  the  shrines  are  carefully  determined  by  special  statute. 
Government  officials,  in  their  capacities  as  representatives  of 
the  state,  participate  in  the  ceremonies.  The  rituals  for  use  in 
the  great  festivals  of  Government  and  National  Shrines  are 
built  up  around  the  fact  of  the  presentation  of  offerings  from 
the  government.  Public  education  makes  prominent  use  of  a 
program  which  attempts  to  build  national  morality  on  an  appeaj 
to  Shinto  mythology  and  tradition,  and  good  citizenship  is 
identified  with  the  acceptance  of  this  mythology.  The  dogma 
of  the  sacredness  of  a  divinely  descended  Emperor  of  unbroken 
lineage  from  the  age  of  the  gods  is  written  into  the  national 
Constitution  itself  The  same  proposition  occupies  a  central 
place  in  the  ethical  instruction  of  the  public  schools  and  in  the 
shrine  rituals  alike.  In  other  words,  Shinto  ancestralism  center- 
ing in  the  worship  of  Imperial  ancestors  enters  as  a  primary 


THE    POLITICAL    PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN   SHINT5.  3OI 

element  into  the  foundation  of  the  Japanese  state.  Also,  the 
observance  of  the  national  holidays  is  closely  connected  with 
ceremonies  conducted  at  Shintd  Shrines.  Teachers  in  govern- 
ment schools  are  instructed  to  conduct  their  pupils,  on  regularly 
specified  occasions,  to  the  shrines  and  there  do  obeisance 
before  the  deities.  The  visit  is  also  made  the  opportunity  for 
the  impartation  of  moral  instruction  in  the  elements  of  Japanese 
patriotism.  Thus  the  nation  as  a  whole  is  called  upon  to 
support  the  ritual  and  dogma  of  Shint5.  In  these  various 
matters  Shinto  occupies  a  unique  status  as  the  cult  of  the  state. 

As  a  religion,  it  has  places  of  worship,  priestly  functionaries 
and  elaborate  ceremonies  that  make  use  of  purification,  offerings, 
oaths,  charms,  reports  to  the  deities,  prayers  and  worship.  Under- 
lying the  government  rituals  appears  the  assumption  of  the 
existence  of  a  sacred  spirit-world  of  deified   "ancestors"    who 
guard  and  guide  the  destinies  of  the  nation.     Even  thus  the 
difficulties  would  be  considerably  lessened  if  the   deities    to 
which  the  government  directs  prayer  and   sacrifice  could  be 
consistently  identified  as  authentic  ancestors.     The  authorities, 
however,  have  carried  over  into  the  official  cult  certain  elements    | 
that  have  far  more  to  do  with  primitive  religion  than  they  have    / 
with  the  vital  interests  of  intelligent  men  in  the  modern  world.  ' 
The  greatest  of  the  **  Imperial  Ancestors  "  worshipped   at   the 
shrines  are  nothing  other  than  mythological  nature  deities. 

In  all  this  the  Japanese  government  is   palpably  inconsis-  \ 
tent.     As  the  "  Report  of  the  Investigation  of  the  Problem  of 
Reverence  "  published  in  1920  by  the  Shin  sect   of  Buddhism 
states  the  case,   the  government  is  constantly  standing  in  the 
presence   of  a  self-contradiction.     The  authorities  have  placed  ^^ 
themselves  in  the  anomalous  position   of  maintaining  a  state  \ 
religion  in  actual  practice  and  at  the  same  time  attempting  to 
propagate  a  theoretical   denial  of  the  religious  status   of  the  / 
official    cult.     Government   officials,    speaking   in   their  capa- 
city as   representatives  of  the  state,   have  repeatedly  insisted 
that  the  official  policy  relating  to  the  Shinto  shrines  is  altogether 


^       302  THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY    OF    MODERN    SHINTO. 

independent  of  the  policy  that  concerns  itself  with  religion, 
or — to  quote  from  the  statement  of  the  Chief  of  the   Bureau  of 

I    Shrines   made   in    19 18 — that   "from   the   standpoint   of  the 

\  organization  of  the  state,  the  shrines  are  not  regarded  as  insti- 

I  tutions   of  religion."       At   the   same   time    the    government 

-^      publishes  in  the  national  laws  themselves  detailed  rituals  for 

use  in   government  services  conducted  at  these  same  shrines, 

!  wherein  prayers   are   made  to  the  deities   of  the  shrines,  re- 

^2;^arded  as  superhuman  spiritual  powers.  It  is  to  be  observed 
that  the  nonto  do  not  attempt  to  furnish  material  merely  for 
nourishing  the  commemorative  attitude  and  stimulating  senti- 
//  ments  of  gratitude  and  loyalty.  On  the  other  hand,  the  unseen 
powers  of  the  shrines  are  appealed  to  by  the  government  itself 
for  aid  in  such  all  important  matters  as  the  safeguarding  of  the 
food  supply,  the  tranquilization  and  perpetuation  of  the  national 
life  and  the  stabilization  of  the  existing  organization  of  the  state 
around  the  institution  of  the  Imperial  Throne.  A  government 
which  promulgates  side  by  side  statements  which  say,  "  What- 
ever opinion  may  be  held  as  to  what  should  be  done  regarding 
the  religious  attitude  toward  the  shrines,  the  government  will 
maintain  a  neutral  position  on  the  ground  that  religious  belief 
should  be  free,"  and  "  Our  ancestors  in  Heaven  watch  Our 
acts,  and  we  recognize  Our  responsibility  to  them  for  the 
faithful  discharge  of  Our  high  duties  "  ;  and  which,  at  the  same 
time,  ir.structs  its  priestly  representatives  in  the  exact  words  of 
prayer  to  be  used  in  supplicating  these  same  "  ancestors  in 
Heaven  " — such  a  government  is,  to  say  the  least,  inconsistent. 
The  dualism  that  is  here  involved  cannot  be  resolved  by  any 
of  the  known  methods  of  human  thinking  which  satisfy  the 
simple  requirement  of  being  according  to  ordinaiy  honest  logic. 

, ,  The  official  distinctipn  between  the  cult  of  the  shrines  and 
religion  as  such  is  yumei  miijitsu — it  possesses  name  but  not 
reality.  It  is  a  legal  fiction  wliich  is  without  support  in  objective 
scientific  fact. 

It   would   be    of  no    small  interest  to  know  the  extent 


THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN   SHINTO.  303 

to  which  individual  officials  of  the  government,  actuated 
altogether  by  political  motives,  deliberately  further  the  existing 
dualism,  while  at  the  same  time  they  find  it  impossible  to  give 
sincere  personal  allegiance  to  the  religious  tenets  which  they 
thus  propagate  for  purposes  of  political  control.  The  problem 
as  stated  in  this  form  involves  the  investigation  of  individual 
motives— a  matter  on  which  it  is  very  difficult  to  secure  evidence. 
Mr.  Y.  Okakura  tells  us  that  if  we  should  question  the  modern 
Japanese  of  ordinary  education  as  to  whether  or  not  he  be- 
lieves in  "  God  in  the  Christian  sense,  or  Buddha  as  the  creator, 
or  in  the  Shinto  deities  or  else  in  any  other  personal  agency  or 
agencies,  as  originating  and  presiding  over  the  universe,"  we 
would  in  ninty-nine  cases  out  of  a  hundred  get  a  negative 
answer.*  Mr.  Fukuza.wa  has  been  taken  as  a  type  of  the 
educated  Japanese  man  when  he  says,  **  I  lack  a  religious 
nature,  and  have  never  believed  in  any  religion."^  If  such' 
agnosticism  could  be  established  as  characteristic  of  the  ruling 
classes  of  Japan  as  a  whole,  then  the  entire  modern  Shinto 
movement  would  take  on  the  form  of  a  grotes^^ue  piece  of 
make-believe.  Undoubtedly  for  many  individuals  especially 
among  the  educated  and  governing  classes  it  is  little  more  nor 
less  than  this.  Possibilities  of  variation  in  the  intensity  of 
individual  conviction,  however,  and  in  the  range  of  individual 
knowledge,  even  among  government  officials,  are  vast.  Ignor- 
ance, intentional  double-dealipg,  out  and  out  agnosticism,  or 
deep  personal  religious  faith  may  all  exist  as  possible  individual 
factors.  Yet,  taking  the  cult  as  it  actually  stands,  with  its 
paraphernalia  of  shrines,  priests,  ceremonies  fixed  by  law  and 
necessary  underlying  beliefs,  it  must  be  said,  on  the  basis  of 
the  evidence  that  has  already  been  passed  in  review,  that 
modern  Shinto  represents  a  naive  religious  faith  in  which 
officialdom  itself  shares. 

1.  Cf.  Y.  Okakura,  The  Japanese  Spirit  (Lonon,  1905^,  p.  93. 

2.  Cf.  Chamberlain,  The  Invention  of  a  New  Religion  (London,    1912,  27 
pages),  p  5. 


( 


304  THE    POLITICAL    PHILOSOPHY    OF    MODERN   SHINT5. 

For  many  among  the  ruling  classes  the  content  of  the 
term  **  shares  "  certainly  seems  to  amount  to  little  more  than 
a  "  make-believe "  mrticipation  which  directs  and  exploits 
popular  tendencies,  ^et  the  important  fact  is  that  the  govern- 
ment treats  the  cult  of  the  shrines  as  pure  religion  and  evidently 
builds  on  the  possibility  of  finding  in  the  life  of  the  nation  a 
field  in  which  a  state  religion  will  grow.  Indeed,  there  is 
good  reason  for  believing  that  the  government  in  its  effort  to 
secure  a  steadying  influence  wherewith  to  meet  the  stress  and 
strain  attendant  upon  the  abolition  of  feudalism  and  the  adjust- 
ment to  a  new  national  unification,  which  has  involved  re- 
organization to  the  conditions — including  the  dangers — of  a 
wider  international  association  and  competition,  has  simply 
fallen  back  on  the  inherent  conservatism  of  the  old  folkways. 
Here,  as  survivals  out  of  the  remote  past,  still  exist  feelings  of 
racial  uniqueness  and  even  of  racial  sacredness,  along  with 
tendencies  to  classify  the  extraordinary  members  of  society  in 
the  mana  category  and  to  assign  their  genealogical  connections 
to  a  divine  ancestry.  This  constitutes  a  fruitful  field  for  the 
support  of  the  official  religion. 

This  means,  of  course,  that  the  entire  movement  is  domi- 
nated by  a  j)olitical  rriotive.  Government  documents  inform 
us  in  so  many  words  that  the  Shinto  shrines  are  being  utilized 
in  promoting  the  unification  and  administration  of  the  country. 
Justification  of  the  ambiguous  religious  policy  of  the  authorities, 
if  found  anywhere,  is  to  be  found  here  on  the  gi'ound  of  political 
necessity.  The  cult  of  the  shrines  concentrates  attention  on 
"  home  products  "  ;  it  stimulates  contentment  with  the  existing 
order  of  things  and  confidence  of  superiority  such  as  wdll  with- 
stand the  seductions  of  foreign  intercourse  ;  it  serves  as  a  means 
of  social  discipline;  it  meets  **  dangerous  thoughts  "  and  thus 
does  a  kind  of  police  duty  for  the  state  ;  and,  above  all,  it 
utilizes  the  religious  and  moral  aspirations  of  the  people  in  such 
a  way  as  to  secure  support  for  important  political  institutions. 
From  the  standpoint  of  the   authorities   the  interests   of  the 


THE    POLITICAL    PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN    SHINT5,  305 

people  are  confronted  with  the  possibility  of  the  simultaneous 
existence  of  two  irreconcilable  foci,  one  in  the  political  field  and 
one  in  a  religious  field  lying  outside  of  the  proper  interests  of  good 
citizenship  as  conceived  by  the  government  officials,  f  The"1 
authorities  apparently  fear  the  possibility  of  a  weakening  of 
nationalism  through  the  existence  of  a  strong  religious  interest 
in  which  the  issues  of  nationalism  are  not  sufficiently  prominent^ 
In  the  national  cult  the  two  foci  of  nationalism  and  religion  are 
made  to  coincide  in  a  supreme  center  of  loyalty  to  the  Imperial 
ancestors.  Proof  of  this  statement  is  to  be  found  not  simply  in 
the  ethical  and  religious  teaching  of  the  government  but  is  also 
to  be  seen  in  the  veiy  gradation  of  the  shrines  themselves, 
which  passes  from  the  local  shrines  to  tutelary  deities  of  villages 
and  districts  through  larger  shrines  of  various  grades  upward 
to  the  Grand  Imperial  Shrine  of  Ise  which,  as  the  place  of 
worship  of  the  "  Great  Ancestor  of  the  Emperor  "  is  so  exalted 
as  to  transcend  the  ordinary  shrine  classification.  The  form  of 
the  religious  organization  reproduces  that  of  the  state.  Ac-  ) 
cordingly,  the  underlying  political  motive  of  modern  Shintd  ) 
must  be  said  to  consist  in  the  furnishing  of  support  to  the 
Imperial  Throne,  which  is  the  emotional  and  practical  center  of 
the  state.  The  Restoration  reinstated  the  Emperor  as  the " 
center  of  the  political  life  of  the  nation.  The  cult  of  the  shrines 
continues  this  work  on  the  religious  and  moral  side  by  glorify- 
ing the  sentiment  of  loyalty  to  t^e  Imperial  Throne  and  giving 
to  this  sentirnent  a  religious  significance.  This  involves  the 
elevation  to  preeminence  in  Shinto  of  Emperor  worship  and 
the  unification  of  Shint5  itself  about  this  aspect  of  the  cult.  The 
government  just  now  is  especially  concerned  with  this  phase  of 
the  development  of  Shinto,  as  is  witnessed  by  the  construction 
of  the  great  shrine  to  Meiji  Tennd  in  Tokyo  and  the  extension 

of  Emperor  worship  to  Korea.  ^ 

The  Japanese  government  is  far  from  having  solved  all  pro- 
blems either  for  itself  or  for  its  subjects  by  its  method  of  handling 
the  Sliinto  issue.     A  certain  small  number  of  intellectuals  have 


-7 


306  THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN   SHINTO. 

attempted  to  sublimate  the  existing  difficulties  by  the  utilization 
of  a  pantheistic  philosophy  which  permits  a  facile  transition 
from  nature  deities  to  true  ancestral  spirits  and  which  even 
makes  room  for  the  worship  of  living  Emperors.  The  inter- 
pretation is  esoteric,  however,  and  is  not  in  the  original  philoso- 
sophy  of  Shinto.  Moreover,  the  prominence  of  chauvinistic 
elements  in  the  solution  makes  it  impossible. 

No  more  can  confidence  be  placed  in  the  solution  offered 
by  those  representatives  of  the  nationalistic-ethical  school  who 
take  their  stand  on  the  fact  of  a  legal  distinction  between  the 
control  of  the  Shinto  shrines  and  of  other  religions  and  who 
assert  that  the  idea  of  kami  in  Shinto  is  fundamentally  different 
from  the  idea  of  deity  found  in  ordinary  religion.  This  form  of 
interpretation  presents  a  superficial  modus  vivendi  for  those 
who  for  various  reasons  find  it  necessary  to  repudiate  the  state 
cult  as  a  religion  but  who  at  the  same  time  wish  to  retain  a 
social  and  political  status  as  loyal  supporters  of  the  state.  The 
great  fallacy  in  the  attempted  solution  here  is  that  it  completely 
overlooks  the  all  important  fact  that  the  government  itself  is 
religiously  interested  even  to  the  extent  of  making  prayer  for 
the  divine  aid  of  the  deities  of  the  shrines. 

The  difficulties  of  the  Shinto  situation  are  most  deeply  felt 
by  those  who  are  conscious  of  obligations  to  that  scientific- 
democratic  spirit  which  is  slowly  growing  in  modern  Japan. 
^It  is  fair  to  say  that  the  number  is  steadily  increasing  of  those 
who  demand  that  Shinto  adjust  itself  to  the  accepted  conclusions 
of  modern  science  and  to  the  retirements  of  that  individual 
moral  freedom  which  finds  it  impossible  to  accept  that  which 
cannot  be  logically  related  to  other  things  which  are  known 
to  be  true.  It  is  not  necessary  to  consult  private  opinion  for 
evidence  on  tliis  matter ;  the  government  itself  complains  of 
the  situation.  An  official  statement  points  to  the  **  serious 
fact  "  that  whereas  the  children  in  the  elementary  schools  are 
sincere  in  their  faith  toward  the  deities  of  the  shrines,  students 
of  higher  schools  manifest  indifference  toward  the  "■  verities  " 


THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN   SHINTO,  30/ 

of  the  government  cult.  The  statement  goes  on  the  say,  **  The 
worshipping  of  ancestral  shrines  is  so  closely  associated  with 
the  national  character  of  the  Empire  that  the  above  tendency 
cannot,  in  the  least,  be  ignored  as  anything  but  serious.  It  is 
the  authorities'  decision  that  some  proper  steps  be  taken  for  the 
correction  of  the  above  undesirable  state  of  affairs,  assisted  by 
the  Shinto  priests."^  Up  to  the  present  the  government's 
method  of  correction  has  involved  parochialism  in  moral  educa- 
tion and  inquisitorial  rnethods  in  the  control  of  thought.  This 
has  meant  the  systematic  suppression  of  individualism  and  no 
small  amount  of  petty  persecution.  Some  of  the  best  minds  in 
the  nation  have  been  forced  into  a  silence  that  is  full  of  "  curses 
not  loud  but  d^ep,"  or  else  have  been  driven  completely  over 
into  the  group  of  reactionaries.  Some  find  refuge  in  hypocrisy. 
The  resultant  moral  situation  is  serious.  In  spite  of  the  pro- 
testations of  a  superior  Japanese  patriotism  that  come  from  a 
certain  group  of  ultra-nationalists,  the  fact  yet  remains  that  the 
press  of  the  land  constantly  calls  attention  to  the  existence  of 
an  extraordinary  degeneration  in  the  morale  of  public  officials 
of  the  government.  Comparison  is  not  infrequently  made  with 
the  conditions  of  political  corruption  that  existed  in  England  in 
the  eighteenth  century.  If  Shintd  as  a  national  cult,  as  a 
religion  of  loyalty  and  patriotism,  is  successful,  then  certainly 
one  of  its  fruits  ought  to  be  fidelity  in  the  discharge  of  public 
duties.  It  does  not  seem  to  have  remotely  occurred  to  the 
thinking  of  those  who  are  responsible  for  the  direction  of  the 
state  religion  that  the  possibility  exists  that  the  methods  and 
materials  which  they  utilize  in  fostering  loyalty  are  slowly 
helping  to  undermine  the  foundations  of  the  very  thing  that 
they  are  trying  to  establish. 

In  all  this  varied  indication  of  a  new  point  of  view  in 
present  day  Japan  there  is  an  implied  recognition  of  the  fact 
that  the   whole  structure  of  Shinto  tradition  cannot  possibly 

I.     Statement  of  the  Chief  of  the  Bureau  of  Shrines.  See  art.  "  Students  Fail 
in  Ancestor  Worship,"  Japan  Times  and  Mail  ^\K  eddy  Ed.),  May  28,  1921,  p,  787. 


1/ 


/! 


308  THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN    SHINTO. 

stand  forever  as  a  consistent  whole.  The  question  is,  what 
shall  make  up  the  sacred  world  of  Shinto  ?  "  The  divine 
origin  of  the  Emperor,  the  unbroken  line  of  his  descent  from 
the  immortals,  the  guardianship  that  his  deified  ancestors  ex- 
tend to  the  realm  and  its  people — these  are  the  essential  bases 
of  Japanese  patriotism."^  So  writes  a  modern  Japanese  inter- 
preter of  his  native  institutions.  The  point  is  a  most  delicate 
one,  yet,  in  what  sense  shall  these  sacred  things  be  preserved 
in  modern  Japan  ?  What  shall  be  the  basis  of  patriotism  in  a 
world  that  includes  science,  democracy,  internationalism  and 
modern  industrialism?  The  answer  must  be  given  by  the 
Japanese  themselves.  Certain  it  is  that  a  movement  toward 
readjustment  and  reinterpretation  has  already  set  in.  The 
great  organizing  concept  in  Shinto  history  is  the  idea  of 
sacredness.  A  kami  object  is,  after  all,  a  sacred  object ;  a 
kairii  person  is  a  sacred  person.  The  content  of  the  sacred 
world  may  change ;  indeed,  as  the  naive  Shinto  world-view 
gives  place  to  the  scientific  world-view,  it  must  change  ;  but 
loyalty  to  sacred  things  must  be  eternal.  This  matter  of  dis- 
covering a  basis  for  loyalty '  to  wliich  modern  intelligent  men 
can  render  sincere  allegiance  is  one  of  the  most  urgent  problems 
awaiting  the  solution  of  the  Japanese  people. 

I.     Cf.  Brinkley,  Captain  F.,  (ed.),  Japan,  Described  atid  Illustrated  Iry  the 
Japane'^e   ("Written  by  eminent  Japanese  authorities  and  scholars.").  Vol.  II, 

p.  212. 


THE   POLITICAL  PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN   SHINTO.  309 


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VII,  Pt.  II  (1879);  Vol.  VII,  PL  IV  (1879);  Vol.  IX, 
Pt.  II(i88i). 

Satow,  E.  M.,  "The  Mythology  and  Religious  Worship  of  the 
Ancient  Japanese,"  Westminister  Reviczv,  1898. 

Satow,  E.  M.,  "  Ancient  Sepulchral  Mounds  in  Kandzuke," 
T.A.S.J.,  Vol.  VIII,  Pt.  III. 

Schedel,  Jas.,  Phallus-Qdtus  in  Japan,  Yokohama,  1896. 


3l6  THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN    SHINTO. 

Schiller,  Emil,  Shinto :  Die  Volksreligion  Japans,  Berlin,  191 1. 
Schwartz,  W.  L.,  "  The  Great  Shrine  of  Idzumo,   Some  notes 

on  Shinto,  ancient  and  modern,"  T.  A.S  J.,  Vol.  XLI  (191 3), 

Ft.  IV. 
Shibata,  R.,  "  Shintoism,"  The  World's  Parliament  of  Religion 

(Chicago,  1893),  pp.  451  ff- 
Smith,  R.  G.,  Ancient  Tales  and  Folk-Lore  of  Japan,   London, 

1908. 
Stead,  Alfred  {cd.),  Japan  by  the  Japanese,  London,  1904. 
Stead,   Alfred,     "Japanese   Patriotism,"    T.J.S.L.,    Vol.    VII 

(1905-6),  Pt.  II,  pp.  180-204. 
Tachibana,   S.,   "  Ethics  and  Morality  (Japanese),"  H.E.R.E., 

Vol.  5,  pp.  489-501. 
Terry,  Milton  S.,  The  Shinto  Cult,  Cincinnati  and  New  York, 

1910. 
Tomii,  M.  "  Le  Shintoisme,"  Annales  du  Musee  Gidmet,  Tome 

10,  1887. 
Visser,   M.   W.    de,    "  The  Fox    and    Badger    in    Japanese 

•Folklore,"  T.A.S.J.,  Vol.  XXXVI,  Pt.  Ill  (1908). 
Visser,  M.  W.  de,  "  The  Dog  and  Cat  in  Japanese  Folklore," 

T.A.S.J.,  Vol.  XXXVII,  Pt.  I  (1909). 
Visser,   M.   W.   de,   "  The  Snake  in  Japanese  Superstition," 

Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universitat.     Seminar  fur  orient alische 

Sprachen,  19  ii. 
Weaver,  R.  M.,  "  Emperor  Worship,"   Asia,  June,    1920,  pp. 

472  ff. 
V   /  Yamashita,  Y.,  "  The  Influence  of  Shintd  and  Buddhism  in 

Japan,"  T.J.S.L.,  Vol.  \\f  (1897-8),  pp.  256-272. 


THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN    SHINTO.  317 


APPENDIX  B. 

bibuography — ^works  of  reference  in  the 
Japanese  Language. 

i^iH^^mm^.    (AOliE*) 
H*#JiiKa    m    MM) 

^MRm  K  S-  ffia  5 #11:    (i^^x) 

mmMm&m  (#ifcm#) 


316  THE   POUTICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN   SHINTO. 

mmmm^mm  m±.) 
mmmm^mm  mi.) 
mmm^^mm         m±) 

fiss:**  -^    (ffi»M«) 

mmmmmmm^  m<^9mm) 
i^mmmmiimtmm  opmrnx) 

mmimimm  (s*  ii:  mHM.x) 

WftwfiJS    (lljIBip^'fiK) 

imts^sia  (tgf«fig) 
»me*«M£  (tB4'iifiB) 


THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN   SHINTO.  319 

H**Eiilg    JPI'ftS    (HUtRM    7jc^«E;i:li    ffifflS*) 

Mrfig««i3*ffis  n^t  (Mm  ^) 
^m^mmm  m±) 


320  THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHV   OF   MODERN   SHINTO. 


mm^m  m  ^i 

ll> 

wmm^m  -« 

(I&;KSJ1) 

mm^mmm^^mm 

;  m  -iBE) 

mmmmm  (#*§ 

n^m 

nmmmf^m^m 

imf^mm) 

m-^-uwrnmrnrf^mm  (+i*±^3^) 

®SR5?M^S-Il 

m±) 

#gtS?i?ti-iE 

m:t^) 

mmn^M.  mm  m) 

■^AUm    (IfilJb) 

■^m.m.m  m±) 

mmr,mt  i>m'^-£.WM  mm'sm) 


THE    POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY    OF    MODERN    SHINIO.  $21 

w:MAO)mmm  '  mrii'mm 

Willi:  K^#illfe 

0  *  ^ 

m     M 


322  THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY  OF   MODERN  SHINTO. 

mm  m^mm  (:^0*iafs#) 
mmmm  i^Mm'^m 
f3  *  f5  mmmw 

M  m.  ill    (tiBsiSif^   Mm^'k) 

:fcB*iiRfii  mm  m 

rJfeS^fls    BIRilS    (=1=smA) 
WIS) 


THE   POLITICAL    PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN   SHINTO.  323 


324       THE    POLITICAL    PHILOSOPHY   OF    MODERN    SHINTO. 


APPENDIX     C* 


I — Statistics  for  Shinto  Shrines. 


X. 

Totals  for 

Totals 

Grand 

Govern- 

National 

Prefec- 

Shrises 

District 

Village 

Ungraded 

for 

TotaL 

Year 

Shrine 

ment 

tural   ; 

above  grade 

Village  and 

all 

of  Ise. 

Shrines. 

Shrines. 

Shrines. 

of  District 
Shrines. 

Shrines. 

Shrines. 

Shrines. 

Ungraded 
Shrines. 

Shrii 

1880      ... 

55 

68 

369 

493 

3,272 

52,754 

130,293 

183,047 

186,i 

1881      ... 

65 

68 

414 

538 

3,365 

53,310 

130,144 

183,454 

187,; 

1882      ... 

63 

69 

429 

562 

3,426 

52,520 

131,661 

184,181 

188,; 

18«?>     ... 

63 

70 

445 

579 

3,445 

53,451 

132,393 

185,847 

189,i 

1884     ... 

63 

70 

457 

691 

3,461 

53,231 

133,135 

186,366 

190,^ 

1885     ... 

78 

73 

454 

606 

3,457 

52,613 

136,050 

188,663 

192,; 

1886     ... 

78 

73 

460 

612 

3,456 

52,680 

135,220 

187,900 

191,< 

1887     ... 

78 

73 

458 

610 

3,453 

52,778 

135,518 

188,296 

192,J 

1888     ... 

79 

76 

455 

611 

3,448 

52,365 

136,607 

183,972 

193,( 

1889     ... 

81 

76 

456 

614 

3,460 

52,426 

136,783 

189,209 

193,; 

1890     ... 

87 

75 

457 

620 

3,467 

52,423 

136,732 

189,155 

193,t 

1891     ... 

87 

75 

458 

621 

3,470 

52,410 

136,652 

189,062 

193,] 

18^2     ... 

87 

75 

460 

623 

3,470 

52,411 

136.972 

189,383 

193,^ 

Ife93     ... 

Si 

75 

462 

624 

3,469 

52,420 

136,916 

189,336 

193,^ 

1894     ... 

88 

75 

467 

631 

3,463 

52,404 

134,305 

186,709 

190,^ 

1895     ... 

90 

75 

472 

638 

3,461 

52,412 

134,247 

186,659 

190,- 

1896     ... 

93 

73 

486 

653 

3,465 

52,423 

135,459 

187,882 

192,( 

1897     ... 

93 

73 

493 

660 

3,462 

52,419 

135,421 

187,840 

191,i 

1898     ... 

93 

73 

496 

663 

3,464 

52,413 

135,366 
135,332 

187,779 

19I,t: 

1899     ... 

93 

75 

496 

665 

3,467 

52,414 

187,746 

191,^ 

1900     ... 

93 

75 

538 

707 

3,319 

54,045 

138,287 

192,332 

196,^ 

1901     ... 

93 

75 

543 

712 

3,318 

53,037 

138,189 

191,226 

195,i 

1902     ... 

95 

75 

574 

745 

3,478 

62,135 

139,698 

191,833 

196.( 

1903     ... 

95 

75 

571 

742 

3,476 

52,133 

136,947 

189,080 

193,5 

1904     ... 

95 

75 

566 

737 

3,447 

52,506 

136,139 

188,645 

192,^ 

1905     ... 

95 

75 

571 

742 

3,476 

52,467 

135,681 

188,148 

192,:^ 

1906     ... 

95 

75 

578 

749 

3,465 

52,397 

133,825 

186,222 

190,^ 

1907     ... 

95 

75 

580 

751 

3,463 

51,052 

121,474 

172,526 

176,7 

1908     ... 

95 

75 

580 

751 

3,461 

49,508 

108,722 

158,230 

162,^ 

1909     ... 

95 

75 

580 

751 

3,463 

47,988 

95,239 

143,227 

147,4 

1910     ... 

95 

75 

583 

754 

3,449 

47,081 

85,850 

132,931 

137,1 

1911     ... 

95 

75 

587 

758 

3,446 

46,455 

79.599 

126,054 

13(»,5 

1912     ... 

97 

73 

590 

761 

3,447 

46,117 

76,751 

122,868 

127,(; 

19131  ... 

— 

— 

— 

— 

— 

— 

— 

— 

— 

1914     ... 

98 

72 

599 

770 

3,452 

45,680 

72,691 

118,371 

122,5 

1915     ... 

98 

72 

606 

777 

3,455 

45,514 

71,063 

116,577 

120,^ 

1916     ... 

102 

73 

625 

801 

3,447 

45,332 

69,338 

114,670 

118,£ 

1917     ... 

102 

75 

634 

812 

3,4nl 

45,248 

68,218 

113,466 

117,7 

1918     ... 

102 

75 

648 

8-26 

3,456 

45,165 

67,419 

112,584 

116,J- 

1919     ... 

105 

75 

6H6 

847 

3,457 

45,155 

66,738 

111,89^^ 

116,1 

1920     ... 

105 

75 

685 

866 

3,462 

45,112 

66,069 

111,181 

115,5 

*  Based  on  yearly  reports  in  Kohisei  Ippan,  published  by  the  Department  of 
Home  Aflalrs.  The  statistics  here  given  do  not  include  those  for  small 
UDgraded  shrines  located  within  the  precincts  of  larger  shrines. 

t  Statistics  ior  1913  are  not  available. 


THE   POLITICAL   PHILOSOPHY   OF   MODERN    SHINTO.  32$ 

2 — Statistics  for  Shinto  Priests. 


Grand 
Shrine 
of  Ise. 

Gtovem- 

rnent 
Shrines. 

National 
Shrines. 

Prefec- 

tural 

Shrines. 

Totals 

for  Shrines 

above 

District 

Shrines. 

District 
Shrines. 

Village 
Shrines. 

Ungraded 
Shrines. 

Totals  for 

i)istriot, 

Village  and 

Ungraded 
Shrines. 

57 

287 

285 

716 

1,345 

4,093 

8,643 

177 

12,913 

55 

336 

305 

769 

1,465 

4,212 

8.798 

180 

13,190 

54 

375 

348 

791 

1,568 

4,332 

9,031 

27 

13,390 

68 

394 

372 

781 

1,605 

4,285 

8,819 

34 

13.138 

59 

399 

367 

779 

1,604 

4,088 

8,649 

275 

13,012 

58 

500 

381 

767 

1,70'6 

4,103 

8,588 

273 

12,964 

59 

503 

371 

766 

1,699 

4,084 

8,756 

310 

13,150 

56 

— 

— 

758 

814 

4,133 

8,742 

503 

13,378 

61 

231 

209 

748 

1.249 

4,039 

8,897 

363 

13,299 

61 

252 

214 

746 

1,273 

4,006 

8,984 

402 

13,392 

61 

264 

209 

739 

1,273 

4,032 

9,035 

377 

13,444 

61 

277 

224 

732 

1,294 

4,006 

9,034 

366 

13,406 

61 

296 

217 

732 

1,306 

4,062 

8,994 

371 

13,427 

60 

290 

218 

742 

1,310 

3,759 

9,275 

406 

13,440 

61 

294 

211 

737 

1,313 

3,830 

9,244 

449 

13,523 

61 

298 

213 

770 

1,342 

3,876 

9,114 

597 

13,587 

68 

305 

205 

823 

1,401 

3,955 

9,103 

699 

13,757 

71 

317 

210 

869 

1,467 

3,897 

9,264 

838 

13,999 

72 

306 
308 

207 

868 

1,453 

3,991 

9,418 
9,238 

890 
971 

14,299 

72 

207 

863 

1,450 

3,787 

13,996 

73 

314 

217 

873 

1,477 

3,802 

9,364 

1,765 

14,931 

73 

318 

216 

896 

1,503 

3,703 

9,228 

1,931 

14,862 

72 

334 

220 

893 

1,519 

3,661 

9,399 

1,514 

14,574' 

73 

342 

222 

901 

1,538 

3,726 

9,073 

1,131 

13,930 

73 

345 

219 

915 

1,552 

3,631 

8,743 

1,091 

13,465 

73 

346 

227 

906 

1,552 

3,647 

8,670 

1,143 

13,460 

73 

354 

225 

918 

1,570 

3,688 

8/710 

1,176 

13,574 

72 

354 

230 

923 

1,579 

3,608 

8,660 

1,161 

13,429 

73 

360 

230 

912 

1,575 

3,588 

8,549 

1,124 

13,261 

73 

356 

234 

910 

1,573 

3,604 

8,543 

1,101 

13,248 

73 

377 

214 

908 

1,572 

3,575 

8,485 

895 

12,955 

73 

371 

224 

902 

1,570 

3,532 

8,513 

883 

12,928 

73 

369 

226 

887 

1,555 

3,470 

8,448 

879 

12,797 

73 

383 

225 

894 

1,575 

3,394 

8,378 

876 

12,648 

73 

408 

208 

890 

1,579 

3,365 

8,491 

907 

12.763 

73 

403 

227 

907 

1,610 

3,422 

8,679 

908 

13,009 

73 

414 

239 

955 

1,681 

3,408 

8,677 

926 

13,011 

73 

426 

236 

951 

1,686 

3,405 

8,716 

925 

13,046 

73 

427 

234 

958 

1,692 

3,433 

8,714 

920 

13,087 

73 

432 

233 

969 

1,707 

3,417 

8,624 

950 

12,991 

DA-^ 


\3SB.    ^^o-^^^  u 


BsrvJ*^ 


530  SIM- 


UNIVERSiTY  . 


'i:J