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presented by 

Marion D. Prtt Et.t.P 




cop. 2 









Entered according to Act of Congress in the year 1883, 

Br D. W. LUSK, 
In the office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington. D. C. 


Printer. Stereotyper and Binder. 

Springfield. 111. 



In issuing the second edition of POLITICS AND POLITICIANS 
OF ILLINOIS, revised and enlarged, the writer has involved a 
comprehensive history of the State its men and measures, 
its progress in population, wealth and intelligence from the 
Territorial times of 1809 to its Statehood, a period of 77 years. 
It is illustrated with steel portraits of many of its distin- 
guished citizens of the various political parties, and enlivenedi 
throughout with pleasing incidents and anecdotes. In the 
collation of facts, the official records of the State and thre 
official publications of the National Government have been 
consulted with the utmost care, and from these, together 
with a personal observation of thirty years, the writer has 
produced a volume that is deemed authentic in every detail. 
In dealing with men and political parties, he has observed 
rigid impartiality, seeking only the truth of history, and 
he rests in the belief that POLITICS AND POLITICIANS OP 
ILLINOIS will be accepted as a valuable contribution to the 
history of the State. 



CHAPTER I-Political Parties 1-10 

Formation of parties, 1. First election of Washington without 
political significance, 1. Election of John Adams as a Federalist, 
1. Jefferson elected as a Republican, 1. Madison as a Republi- 
can, 1. Monroe as a Republican, 2. John Quincy Adams as a 
Coalitionist, 2. Jackson as a Democrat. 2. Van Buren as a Dem- 
ocrat, 2. Harrison as a Whig, 2. Polk as a Democrat, 2. Taylor 
as a Whig, 2. Pierce as a Democrat, 2. Luchanan as a Demo- 
crat, '2. Only Presidents elected by the House of Representa- 
tives, 2. National Conventions, 2. Federal Party, 3. Demo- 
cratic, 3. National Republican, 3. Whig, 3. Abolition, 3. Free 
Soil, 3. Know-Nothing, 3. Native American, 3. Republican, 5. 
Slavery Question, 7. Election of Bissell, 6. Dred Scott Decision, 
7. Repeal of the Missouri Compromise, 9. Attempt to make Kan- 
sas a slave State, 9. 

CHAPTER II Slavery Agitation 10-31 

Why a New Party was Necessary, 10. Missouri Compromise of 
1820,12. Compromise Measures of 1850. 16. Repeal of the Missouri 
Compromise of 1820. 21. Douglas Denied the Right of Free Speech 
in Chicago, 24. Organization of the Republican Party, 25. Three 
Branches of the Government Pro-Slavery, 29. Giowth of the Re- 
publican Party, 30. Caucus at Williamsviile, 30. First Republi- 
can Convention at Cairo, 30. First Republican caucus at Metrop- 
olis, 31. 

CHAPTER III State Campaign of 1856 32-35. 

First Republican State Ticket, 33. Democratic, 33. Native Amer- 
ican, 33. Republican Success, 33. Aggregate Vote for State Offi- 
cers, 33. Members of Congress, 34. Electoral Tickets, 35. 

CHAPTER IV State Government, 1857 36-42 

Twentieth General Assembly, 36. Closing Words of Matteson's 
last Annual Message, 38. Extracts from Gov. Bissell's Inaugural 
Address, 39-40. 

CHAPTER V State Campaign of 1858 42-45 

Three Tickets: Republican, 43. Democrat, 43. Buchanan Demo- 
crat, 43. Aggregate Vote for State Officers, 43. Aggregate Vote 
by Districts for Members of Congress, 44. 



CHAPTER VI Douglas and Lincoln 1858 45-94 

Lincoln's Challenge of Douglas for a Joint Debate, 49. Douglas' 
Reply. 49. Lincoln's Rejoinder. 51. Debate at Freeport, 53. 

CHAPTER VH-State Government 1859 94-98 

Twenty-first General Assembly, 94. Closing words of Governor 
Bissell's Message on National Affairs, 97. 

CHAPTER VIII-State;Campaign of 1860 99-110 

Four State Tickets, 99. Four Electoral Tickets, 103. Aggregate Vote 
for State Offleers, 101. Aggregate Vote for Congressmen, by Dis- 
tricts, 102. Aggregate Vote for Electors, 103. How Lovejoy Con- 
quered Prejudice, 105. An Attempt to Kidnap Richard Yates, 106. 
How Lovejoy Helped the -Democrats, 108. Yates and the Ken- 
tucky Colonel. 109. "It Made Our Very Hair Frizzle. " 109. 

CHAPTER IX-State Government-1861 110-121 

Twenty-second General Assembly, 110. Yates' Message, 113. 
Special Session, 117. Yates' Message, 118. 

CH APTE R X Secession Prosecution of the War 122-131 

Speech of Lyman Trumbull, 122. Speech of John A. McClernand. 
126. Speech of Owen Lovejoy, 127. Speech of John F. Farns- 
worth, 129. Speech of Isaac N. Arnold. 130. 

CHAPTER XI Before the Conflict 131-136 

Lincoln's Departure for Washington, 132. Farewell Words at 
Springfield. 133. Speech at Cincinnati, 133. Inaugural Message, 
134. Resignation of Southern Senators and Representatives, 136. 
Vulgar Cartoon of Lincoln by Harper's Weekly, 135. 

CHAPTER XII Stephen A. Douglas 136-142 

Douglas* Prophecy, 186. Avows His Determination to Standby 
President Lincoln, 137. His Patriotic Address at Springfield, 138. 
Speech at Chicago, 139. Death at Chicago, 141. Monument to 
His Memory. 142. 

CHAPTER XIII Constitutional Convention of 1862 142-144 

Assumed Powers not Delegated, 143. Rejection of the Constitu- 
tion, 144. Adoption of Article Relating to Negroes and Mulat- 
toes, 144. 

CHAPTER XIV State Campaign of 1862 145-147 

CHAPTER XV State Government 1863... 147-162 

Stirring Message of Governor Yates. 150. Peace Resolutions, 151. 
Counter Resolutions, 155. Vote on the Minority and Majority Re- 
ports, 158. Senator Funk, 159. Prorogation, 161. Decision of 
Supreme Court. 162. 

CHAPTER XVI State Campaign of 1864 162-16*; 

CHAPTER XVII- State Government 1865 167-170 

Twenty-fourth General Assembly. 167. 

CHAPTER XVIII Illinois and the War 171-174 

Number of Soldiers Furnished by Counties, 172. Allen 0. Fuller, 



CHAPTER XIX John A. Logan 174-181 

A Slander Refuted, 174. Declination to Become a Candidate for 
Congressman-at-Large In 1862, 176.! Patriotic Address to his 
Command in 1863, 177. When McPherson Pell, 178. Sherman's 
Official Account of Logan's Gallantry, 178. 

CHAPTER XX Abraham Lincoln-... 181-198 

An account of his early manhood as written by himself, 181. 
Speech at Philadelphia, 183. First Inaugural, 184. Speech at 
Gettysburg, 186. Kentucky Letter, 187. Second Inaugural, 189. 
Last Speech, 190. Assassination. 195. How Lincoln came to 
Challenge Douglas, 195. Never |an Abolitionist, 196. " I have 
never kept liquor in my house and will not begin now," 197. A 
One-Idea Court, 197. 

CHAPTER XXI State Campaign of 1866 198-209 

CHAPTER XXII State Government-1867 200-204 

Twenty-fifth General Assembly, 201. 

CHAPTER XXIII State Campaigner 1868 204-208 

CHAPTER XXIV State Government 1869 208-213 

Twenty-sixth General Assembly, 208. 

CHAPTER XXV-Constitutional Convention of 1869-70 213-215 

CHAPTER XXVI-Sfcate Campaign of 1870 215-217 

CHAPTER XXVII-Pidelity of State Officers 217-220 

* Canal Scrip Fraud, 218. Letter of ex-Gov. Matteson to the Com- 
mittee of Investigation, 218. Mortgage of his Property to Secure 
the Payment of $250, 000, 219. Macallister & Stebbins Bonds Fraud. 
220. Gov. Bissell's Emphatic Denial of any Knowledge of the 
Fraud, 220. 
CHAPTER XXVIII State Government 1871 221-226 

Twenty-seventh General Assembly, 221. 


CHAPTER XXIX State Campaign 1872... 226-234 

Formation of the Liberal Republican Party, 226. Great Defection 
in the Republican Party, 227. Yates' Cabinet Deserts the Re- 
publican Party, 228. fates Stands by the " Silent Soldier, " 228. 
Lippincott True to the Republican Party, 228. Dissolution of the 
New Party, 229. No Democratic Tickets, 230. State Campaign. 
230. Aggregate Vote for State Officers, Members of Congress and 
Presidential Electors, 231. 

CHAPTER XXX-State Government 1873 235-242 

Twenty-eighth General Assembly, 235. Closing Words of Gov. 

Palmer's Message, 239. 

CHAPTER XXXI-State Campaign of 1874 242-244 

CHAPTER XXXII-State Government 1875 245-248 

Twenty-ninth General Assembly, 245. 
CHAPTER XXXIII A Vision of War 249-251 

Speech of Robert G. Ingersoll, 249. 


CHAPTER XXXIY State Campaign of 1876 251-257 

CHAPTER XXXY State Government 1877 257-262 

Thirtieth General Assembly, 257. 

CHAPTER XXXVI State Campaign of 1878 263-266 

CHAPTER XXXVH Sidney Breese 266-270 

He Is the Projector of the Illinois Central Railroad, 266. His Won- 
derful Prediction Regarding the Growth and Magnitude of Rail- 
ways in the United States, 269. 

CHAPTER XXXVIII State Government 1879 . 270-274 

Thirty-first General Assembly, 270. 
CHAPTER XXXIX State Campaign of 1880 274-280 

CHAPTER XL Ulysses 8. Grant 280-28 

How he first entered the Army in the War for the Union, 281. 
His Correspondence with Lee, 284. An Insult to the President 
and the Nation, 287. 

CHAPTER XLI State Government 1881 290-29* 

Thirty-second General Assembly, 290. 

CHAPTER XLII-O. H.Browning 294-300. 

Unpublished Correspondence between Browning and Lincoln, 
296. Browning's personal friendship for Lincoln, and his abso- 
lute Loyalty to his Government, 299. 

CHAPTER XLIII State Campaign of 1882 301-305 

CHAPTER XUV-Oeneral Logan Challenged 305-316- 

General Logan Challenged, 305. Correspondence, 306-308. Letter 
of General Logan, 309. An Exciting Incident, 309. Cilley and 
Graves Duel, 310. Last Time General Grant Appeared in Public, 
:m. Conspiracy to Defraud the Government of the Tax on Spirits, 
Letter from General Grant on the Subject, 313. Public Charities, 
314, Negro Slave Marriages, 315. Santa Anna's Cork Leg, 316. 

CHAPTER XLV State Government 1883., 316-325 

Thirty-third General Assembly, 316. Gov. Cullom's Message, 321. 
Gov. Hamilton's Veto Message of "House Bill No. 504," 323. Gov. 
Hamilton on Mob Law, 325. 

CHAPTER XLVI- John Dement 326-328 

CHAPTER XLVII About Colored People 329-353 

Gov. Coles fined $2,000 under the Black Laws, 329. Why Black 
Laws were enacted, 330. Black Laws approved. 333. Vote of the 
State in 1862 on article prohibiting colored emigration, 334. 
Vote of soldiers on prohibition of colored emigration, 334. What 
Connecticut did, 335. What Massachusetts did, 337. What the 
Nation did, 338. Transition from Slavery to Freedom, 339. Whip- 
ped and ordered from the State, 342. A case of kidnapping, 343. 
Tribulations of free negroes, 344. A free colored boy's expe- 
rience. 346. Last attempt to return a fugitive slave, 347. Trials 
of contrabands, 347. Mobbed on account of his vote, 350. First 
colored school, 350. Blood hounds, 351. Colored jurors. 351. 
Adoption of amendments, 351 . First colored vote cast in Cairo, 352^ 



CHAPTER XLVIII-About Women 353-360 

Mrs. Juliet C. Raum, 353. Mrs. Catherine Wilson. 354. Mrs. Mary 
Todd Lincoln, 355. Mrs. Mary S. Logan, 357. Women Lawyers, 
358. Women School Officers, 359. Women Notaries Public, 359. 
How long will it be before they can vote? 360. 

CHAPTER XLIX-Illinois National Guard 360-361 

CHAPTER L Green B. Raum 362-371 

CHAPTER Li-Whisky Frauds 371-37* 

CHAPTER LII Bureau of Labor Statistics 374-375- 

CHAPTER LIII Governors of Illinois 375-3W 

CHAPTER LIV Illinois in Congress 377-391 

Delegates in Congress from 1811-1818, 377. Representatives from 
1818-1885, 377. Senators from 1818-1889, 387. 

CHAPTER LV State Funds 391-397 

Disbursement of State Funds December 1, 1839, to October 1, 1882, 
397. Legislative Executive Judicial Debt for Public Works- 
Educational Internal improvement Debt Miscellaneous Total 
State Debt Its Payment, 397. 

CHAPTER LVI Speech of Robert G. Ingersoll, Nominating Elaine. . . 398-400 

CHAPTER LVII Illinois and the National Government 400-40* 

Positions held in the National Government Commissioner of the 
Land Office Clerk of the Lower House of Congress Presidency 
Marshal of the District of Columbia Associate Justice of the 
Supreme Court Secretary of the Interior Assistant, Attorney- 
GeneralSecretary of War Commander of the Armies Lieuten- 
ant-General and General Secretary of State Assistant Post- 
master-GeneralSolicitor of the Treasury Commissioner of In- 
ternal Revenue Assistant Secretary of the Treasury Assistant 
Secretary of the Interior Vice-Presidency Public Printer. 

CHAPTER LVIII Speech of Roscoe Conkling, Nominating Grant... 403-407 

CHAPTER LIX Our State Banks 407 

What the People lost when they went into liquidation, 408. 

CHAPTER LX What Owen Lovejoy Could Not Do Law-Making 

Under the Constitution of 1848 408,409- 

CHAPTER LXI Temperance Legislation 409-412 

A Petition Signed by Eighty Thousand Voters and One Hundred 
Thousand Women, 411. Miss Francis Willard Addresses the Illi- 
nois General Assembly, 411. Passage of the High License Bill, 412. 

CHAPTER LXH-Incidente and Anecdotes 413-426 

Owen Lovejoy Egged in Bloomington, 413. "Will the Sheriff call 
Mr. Pffrimmer."414. Wentworth and Browning. 414. "Till he was 
Conscripted, "415. U. F.Linder and the "Little Doctor, "415. "Celes- 
tial Meridian of 36 30'," 417. "Not according to Jefferson, but the 
Gentleman from Jefferson," 417. "I thought I would let you make 
a Water-Dog of him." 418. How Col. Reuben Loomis was Killed, 419. 


How Pinckney H. Walker became a Justice of the Supreme Court. 
420. An Exciting Political Episode. 421. "He knew him before the 
Flood," 421. "There is no use of this Investigation," 422. "I was 
born a Barefooted Boy," 422. "Tom Needles and John Bunn Know 
too D n Much to Play Governor," 423. "Wonderful Moral Reform- 
ation." 424. "Tell Old Hilliard to Come and See Me Devilish Quick," 
424. "If they will let me out with as Good Character as I had," 425. 

CHAPTER LXJH "Lake Front" 426-454 

"Lake Front." A remarkable Incident, 430. First Legislative 
Quorum Broken in Illinois, 433. How the Constitution of 1848 was 
Evaded, 436. Women as Journalists, 452. How Ebon C. Ingersoll 
was Defeated for Congress in the Lovejoy District, 438. Farmers' 
Strike, 445. Women as Workers in Potters' Clay, 453. 

CHAPTER LXIV Corporations in the Courts 464-166 

Public Warehouses, 455. Railway Charges, 458. Taxing National 
Bank Stock, 461. Taxing Franchises, 463. 

CHAPTER LXV Campaign of 1884 466-486 

Conventions, State and National, 466. Electoral Vote of the States, 
470. Appointments by the President from Illinois, 471. Statement 
of the United States Treasurer, 472. Official Vote, 472. Election 
Frauds, 477. Trial and Conviction of Joseph C. Mackin, 479. 

CHAPTER LXVI State Government, 1885 1 486-623 

Thirty-fourth General Assembly, 487. Contest for Speaker, 491. 
Action of the Senate over the Leman-Brand Resolution Censuring 
Governor Hamilton, 496. Contest for United States Senator, 500. 
Work of the Session, 514. State House, 520. 

CHAPTER LXVII Labor Troubles of 1886 523-528 

Blot at East St Louis, 523. Militia Called Out, 523. Anarchist Riot 
at Chicago, 524. Dynamite Bomb Sixty-six Policemen Wounded, 
Seven of Whom Died Gallant Conduct of Policemen Anarchists 
Routed Their Arms and Dynamite Captured Liberal Subscrip- 
tion of Money Arrest of the Leaders Charge of Judge Rogers to 
the Grand Jury, 525. Ten of the Anarchists Indicted for Murder, 

CHAPTER LXVni Biographical 529-548 

Owen Lovejoy, 529. His Trial for Harboring Runaway Slaves, 530. 
Exciting Scene in Congress, 534. His Death,. Leonard Swett, 
537. Thomas S. Ridgway, 537. William Bross, 639. A. J. Streeter. 
540. John H. Bryant, 541. John C. Smith, 542. Richard S. Tuthill. 
543. W. A. J. Sparks, 544. L, D. Whiting, 546. John M. Scott, 646. 
H. W. Blodgett. 648. 



CHAPTER I Illinois 549-555 

Formation into a Territory, 549. Formation of Legislative Dis- 
tricts, 551. First Territorial Legislature, 551. Second Territorial 
Legislature, 552. Third Territorial Legislature, 553. Monument to 
Menard, 554. Daniel P. Cook, 555. 

CHAPTER H Admission as a State 555-557 

Constitutional Convention, 555. Peculiarities of the Constitution, 
556. Negroes and Mulattoes, 556. Boundaries of the State, 556. 

CHAPTER DI State Government 1818-22 557-559 

First General Assembly 1818-20, 557. First Election of United 
States Senators, 559. 

CHAPTER IV Capitals 559-561 

Kaskaskia Vandalia Springfield Population of Kaskaskia in 
182D Population now An Island of the Mississippi Towns which 
wanted the Capital When removed from Vandalia. 

CHAPTER V Second General Asssembly 1820-22 561-562 

Gov. Bond's Administration Monument to Gov. Bond. 

CHAPTER VI Our First Banking 562-565 

Bank at Shawneetown with capital of $300,000, 562. Bank with 
$4,000,000 capital, 562. Final result of the system, 563. First Can- 
vass before the People for Governor, 565. Total Vote of the State, 
6,309, 565. Election of GoV. Coles by a Plurality of 50, 565. 

CHAPTER VH State Government 1822-26 566 

Slavery Agitation, 566 

CHAPTER Vm Early Salt Making 567 

Gov. Coles on Titles, 569. Gen. Lafayette's visit to Illinois, 569. 
Shawneetown in 1817, 570. 

CHAPTER IX Tenth General Assembly 1824-26 571-577 

Retirement of Gov. Coles, 572 

CHAPTER X Slavery in Illinois 572-577 

When and how slaves were held in Illinois, 572. Gallatin County 
made an Exception in the Constitution, 573. An attempt in 1822 to 
make Illinois a Slave State, 574. Vote of the House of Representa- 
tives on the Question, 575. A hot Campaign before the people, 576. 
Vote of the State against Slavery, 577. 


CHAPTER XI State Government 1826-30 ....................... ...... :.;; 

William S. Hamilton, 578. 

CHAPTER XH Cairo in 1818, 578. Peoria in 1824, 580. 

CHAPTER Xm Sixth General Assembly 1828-30 ....................... 581-582 

Governor Edwards, 581. 

CHAPTER XIV Alton as a Rival to St. Louis, 582. Massacre at Mas- 
sac, 583. One of the Landmarks of 1837, 584. 

CHAPTER XV State Government 1830-34 ............................... 585 

CHAPTER XVI-Progress in Schools ..................................... 585-592. 

Novel School Laws, 587. School Tax paid in Produce, 587. Alton 
the first to establish a Free School, 586. Normal School, 588. Col- 
leges, 589. State Teachers' Association, 590. Prominent Educa- 
tors, 591. Superintendents of Public Instruction, 591. School 
Journals, 591. 

CHAPTER XVII-Eighth General Assembly-1832-34 .................... 592-G00> 

Governor Reynolds, 593. Mormon war, 593. Killing of Joseph and 
Hiram Smith, 594. Destruction of the Mormon Temple, 594. Mor- 
mons decide to seek a home beyond the Rocky Mountains, 594. 
Expulsion of the Mormons from the State, 594. State Government 
1834-38, 594. Adam Snyder Thomas Mather Indian Wars, 595. 
Capture and Death of Red Bird Capture and Death of Black 
Hawk Starved Rock Tenth General Assembly, 1836-38, 597. 
Col. Henry D. Baker, 598. Gov. Duncan, 598. First and only Duel 
in Illinois, 599. State Government 1838-42, 600. 

CHAPTER XVni ........................................................... 601-605. 

How a Challenge was avoided, 601. Twelfth General Assembly 
1840-42, 602. Chicago, 603. IFirst Newspaper in Chicago, 603. Chi- 
cago a part of Pike County, 603. First Railroad First Mayor, 604. 
State Government 1842-46, 605. 

CHAPTER XIX Murder of Rev. Elijah P. Lovejoy ...................... 605-615- 

Establishment of his Press in St. Louis Its Removal to Alton Its 
Destruction by a Mob Re-establishment of the Paper An Attempt 
to Tar and Feather Lovejoy Meeting of the Citizens of Alton to 
Compel him to Abandon the Publication of his Paper A Brave 
Speech in Self-DefenseMurder of Lovejoy and Destruction of 
hisFourth andLast Press His Funeral Monument to his Memory. 

CHAPTER XX Fourteenth General Assembly 1844-46 ................. 616-622 

McDougall, 616. Administration of Gov. Ford, 616. Mexican War, 
617. State Government 1846-49, 618. Constitutional Convention, 
1847, 61S. Peculiar Featuras of the Constitution, 620. Salaries, 620. 
State Government 1849-53, 621. 



CHAPTER XXI Internal Improvement System of 1837 622-627 

Appointment of Fund Commissioners Illinois and Michigan Canal, 
Board of Public Works System of Eailroads Mail Routes Im- 
provement of the Rivers $10,607,000 Appropriated by the General 
Assembly for Public Improvements Who Voted for the Bill, 624. 
Who Voted against the Bill, 624. Bankruptcy General Assembly 
1850-52. 626. Gov. French, 626. 

CHAPTER XXII-Our First Railroads 627-634 

Gov. Duncan's Opposition to Railroads Senator Gatewood's Oppo- 
sitionReport of Committee Favors Canals in Preference to Rail- 
roads, 629. Number of Milesof Railway Number of Miles of Canal- 
Amount of Taxes Paid by Illinois Central Railway Amount Paid 
by Other Railways in 1883 Gov. Duncan's Problem Solved, 633. 
State Government 1853-57. 633. Passage of the Black Laws, 634. 

CHAPTER XXm-Printing 634-640 

FirstNewspapers in Illinois First Books Printed Printing Presses 
Then and Now First Daily Papers Chicago Papers Papers at 
the Capital Weekly Journals Interior Dailies Eminent Journal- 
ists, 640. 

CHAPTER XXIV Nineteenth General Assembly, 1854-56 641-644 

Election of Lyman Trumbull to the United States Senate, 641. Why 
Lincoln was Not Elected Railroads Illinois Had but One Railroad 
in 1841, 64'J. Now She has 56 More Miles of Railway than any State 
in the Union. 

CHAPTER XXV Physical Resources 645-655 

Washington Advocates the Establishment of an Agricultural Bu- 
reau, 646. Organization of the State Agricultural Society Lin- 
coln Signs the Bill, 6U>. Law Authorizing the Organization of the 
Society, 647. First Fair. 648. Primitive Farming, 645. Pleasing 
Address by Professor Turner, 648. Wonderful Advancement, 652, 
Personnel of the State Board of Agriculture, 654. 

CHAPTER XXVI Judiciary 656-668 

First Supreme Court The Chief Justice and Justices Hold the Cir- 
cuit Courts First Circuit Judges Circuit Courts Abolished The 
Chief Justice and Justices Again Required to Hold the Circuit 
Courts One Circuit Judge Provided for Supreme Court Again Re- 
lieved from Holding the Circuit Courts Circuit Courts Again Abol- 
ished, and the Chief Justice and Associate Justices Again Required 
to Hold the Circuit Courts Constitution of 1848 The Judiciary 
Elected by the People A Chief Justice and Two Associate Justices 
Comprise the Supreme Court Constitution of 1870 The Elective 
System Continued Personnel of the Courts The Supreme Court 
Increased from Three Members to Seven Organization of the 
Circuit Courts Creation of the Appellate Court Clerks of the Su- 
preme Court Reporters of the Supreme Court Illinois Reports, 



2 Douglas. 

3 Yates. 

4 Grant. 

5 Palmer. 

6 Logan. 

7 Oglesby. 

8 Browning. 

9 Edwards. 
10 Coles From Wafhburne's Sketch of Coles, by 

Jan sen, McClurg & Co., Chicago. 
n Owen Lovejoy. 
12 Leonard Swett. 
1$ Thomas S. Ridgway. 
^ 14 William Bross. 

15 A. J. Streeter. 
16 John H. Bryant 
17 John C. Smith. 
18-Richard S. Tuthill. 
19-W. A. J. Sparks. 
20-L. D. Whiting. 
21 John M. Scott. 
22 Henry W. Blodgett 
2-B. N. Stevens. 



Formation of Parties First Election of Washington without Political Sig- 
nificance Election of John Adams as a Federalist Jefferson Elected as a 
liepublican Madison as a Republican Mouroe as a Republican John 
Quincy Adams as a Coalitionist Jackson as a Democrat Van Buren as 
a Democrat Harrison as a Whig Polk as a Democrat Taylor as a 
Whig Pierce as a Democrat Buchanan as a Democrat Only Presi- 
dents Elected by the House of Representatives National Conventions- 
Federal Party Democratic -National Republican Whig Abolition- 
Free Soil Know-NothingNative American Republican Slavery Ques- 
tion Election of Bissell Dred Scott Decision Repeal of the Missouri 
Compromise Attempt to make Kansas a Slave State. 

In order to intelligently lay the foundation of our history, 
with the campaign in which the Eepublican party was or- 
ganized, a brief retrospect reference is made to National 

Historians are not agreed as to the exact time of the 
formation of political parties in the United States, but it is 
accepted that Washington, the first President, was elected 
in 1789 without political significance, and that at his second 
election, in 1792, he was denominated a Federalist. In 
1796, John Adams, his successor, was elected as a Federal- 
ist. In 1800, Thomas Jefferson was elected as -a Eepubli- 
can. There was a tie in the Electoral College between him 
and Aaron Burr, and the election was carried to the House 
of Eepresentatives. Jefferson was elected President and 
Burr Vice-President. In 1804, Jefferson succeeded himself 
as a Eepublican. In 1808, James Madison was elected as a 
Eepublican. In 1812, he succeeded himself as a Eepublican. 


In 1816, James Monroe was elected as a Republican,. 
He succeeded himself in 1820 as a Kepublican. In 1824,. 
John Quincy Adams was elected as a Coalitionist. There 
were four candidates, Andrew Jackson, Win. H. Crawford, 
Henry Clay, and Adams. Jackson received a plurality of 
the popular vote, but there was no election by the Electoral 
College, and the issue was carried to the House of Repre- 
sentatives, where Adams was elected by a coalition. In 1828, 
Andrew Jackson was elected as a Democrat, and succeeded, 
himself as such in 1832. In 1836, Martin Van Buren was 
elected as a Democrat; and as there was no choice in the 
Electoral College for Vice-President, the Senate of the United 
States elected E. M. Johnson to that office. In 1840' 
William Henry Harrison was elected as a Whig. In 
1844, James K. Polk was elected as a Democrat. In 1848, 
Zachary Taylor was elected as a Whig. In 1852, Franklin 
Pierce was elected as a Democrat, and in 1856, James 
Buchanan was elected as a Democrat. We have thus- 
traced the Presidential elections to 1856. Jefferson and 
Adams were the only Presidents ever elected by the House 
of Representatives. 

The National convention system was not introduced until 
as late as 1831. Prior to that time candidates for President 
and Vice-President were nominated by congressional and 
legislative caucuses. Jackson and Calhoun were nominated 
in that manner in 1832 for President and Vice-President, but 
there was much opposition to the nomination of Calhoun, 
and a National convention was held at Baltimore, in May, 
to nominate a candidate for that office. Martin Van Buren 
was nominated, and elected with Jackson. In May, 1835, 
the Democrats assembled in National convention at Balti- 
more, and nominated Martin Van Buren for President. In, 
the same year, December 4, the Whigs held their first 
National convention, at Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, nominat- 
ing William Henry Harrison for President, and Francis 


Granger for Vice-President. From this time the respective 
parties have selected their candidates for President and 
Vice-President through National conventions. 

From the time the Government was formed there had 
been, to 1856, inclusive, nine distinct political parties, 
which were National in character, and appeared in the 
order in which we give them here. In 1789, the Federal 
party was organized. It favored the Federal Alliance or 
confederation, and claimed to be the preserver of the 
Union. Those who opposed that party in the time of 
Washington were known as Anti-Federalists, but afterward 
took the name of Eepublicans. In 1807, the Democratic 
party was organized, and although the principles advo- 
cated by this party changed from time to time, they have 
studiously held on to the original name. In 1831, the Na- 
tional Eepublican party was organized, to oppose thfr 
Democratic party; and in 1834, the Whig party vsas or- 
ganized in New York, as the continuation of the National 
Republican party. In 1840, the Abolition party appeared. 
Its distinctive feature was the advocacy of the abolition 
of slavery in the States which then held to that institu- 
tion. In 1848, the Free Soil party was organized. It op- 
posed the introduction of slavery into the Territories. The 
Know-Nothing party was formed in 1852 as a secret or- 
ganization. It announced the doctrine that "Americans 
should rule America," and for a time was successful in 
some of the States. In 1856, it was known as the Native 
American party. In that year the present Republican 
party was organized, with the avowed purpose of putting 
an end to the further extension of slavery. 

The Abolition party made an incipient effort, in 1840, to 
run a candidate for President in the person of James G. 
Birney, of Michigan, nominating him at a convention held 
at Warsaw, New York, as early as November 13, 1839. 
He received but 7,059 votes in all the States, and 149 of 


these were cast in Illinois. In 1814, the Abolitionists again 
presented Birney, nominating him at Buffalo, New York, 
August 30, 1843. This time he received 62,300 votes. Of 
these Illinois cast 3,570. 

The next anti-slavery candidate was Martin Van Buren, 
who was nominated by a Free Soil convention held at 
Buffalo, on the 9th of August, 1848. It was composed 
chiefly of Free Soil Democrats. His aggregate vote was 
291,263, and 15,774 of this number were cast in Illinois. 
In August, 1852, the Free Soil Democrats assembled at 
Pittsburgh, and nominated John P. Hale, of New Hamp- 
shire, as their candidate for President. His vote was not 
so large as Vau Buren's, it being only 156,149. Illinois 
gave him 9,966. But notwithstanding his vote was much 
less than Van Buren's, it furnished conclusive evidence 
that the anti-slavery sentiment had taken a strong hold 
upon the minds of the people South as well as North, for 
Free Soil electoral tickets were formed in the slave States 
of Delaware, Kentucky, Maryland and North Carolina. 

(See Greeley & Cleveland's Political Text Book, 1860, 
and Lanman's Biographical Annals of the Civil Govern- 
ment of the United States, 1876.) 

In the midst of these fruitless attempts to elect an anti- 
slavery man to the Presidency, there was a constant 
augmentation of the anti-slavery sentiment in all the free 
States and Territories ; and the nomination of Martin Van 
Buren was the first outward evidence that the thoughtful, 
practical men of the country were taking hold of the 
question. It had evidently become apparent to the minds 
of the anti-slavery factions of the Democratic and "Whig 
parties North and South the men who were not willing 
to follow their party leaders blindly into error that the 
Whig party would ultimately be swallowed up by the 
Democratic party, which would, in their judgment, result 
disastrously to the country. But the question was, how 


should they arrest the great storm so visible to them in 
the political sky. Their numbers were comparatively few. 
They were fearless of all consequences. To their minds 
a new party seemed necessary to save the country from 
an intestine conflict. Martin Van Buren, of whom we have 
spoken, who had succeeded Andrew Jackson as President 
of the United States in 1836, and had been the Demo- 
cratic candidate for President in 1840, against William 
Henry Harrison, was nominated by them for President as 
the candidate of the Free Soil party. The result of his 
nomination was the defeat of Louis Cass, the regular 
Democratic candidate, and the election of Zachary Taylor. 
This election seemed only to put off the evil day, for the 
Democratic party succeeded four years after in electing 
Franklin Pierce over Winfield Scott, the candidate of the 
Whig party. 

The Free Soil party having announced no principle 
except that of hostility to the further spread of slavery, 
did not commend itself to the favor of the people North, 
South, East and West who did not desire to enlist under 
the Democratic banner, and many of them united with 
the Native American party, which came forward in 1856, 
as the successor of the Whig and Know-Nothing parties, 
with Millard Fillmore, the Vice-President under Taylor 
and President after his death, as its candidate for Presi- 
dent. In the meantime the Free Soil party had abandoned 
its original name and came forward with a new name 
the Eepublican party a new* platform of principles and 
new accessions, chiefly from the Democratic party, in all 
the Eastern and Northwestern States, and John C. Fre- 
mont was chosen as its candidate for President, under the 
bold and broad declaration that there should be no fur- 
ther extension of slavery. The Democrats nominated 
James Buchanan. The triangular race resulted in the 
election of Mr. Buchanan, whose aggregate vote was 


1,838,169; Fremont, 1,841,264; Fillmore, 874,534. Mr. 
Buchanan's plurality in Illinois was 9,159 ; Fremont's vote 
in Illinois was 96,189, and Fillmore's b7,444. But although 
Illinois cast her electoral vote for Buchanan, Wm. A. 
Eichardson, the Democratic candidate for Governor, was 
beaten b> Wm. H. Bissell, the Eepublican candidate, by 
a majority of 4.6J7. Mr. Bissell was an able and accom- 
plished gentleman, who had won popular fame as a soldier 
in the war with Mexico, and had represented the Belleville 
district in the Thirty-first, Thirty-second and Thirty-third 

With Mr. Bissell, there were elected John Wood, Lieu- 
tenant Governor ; 0. M. Hatch, Secretary of State ; Jesse 
K. Dubois, Auditor of Public Accounts ; James Miller, 
Treasurer, and Wm. H. Powell, Superintendent of Public 
Instruction. This was the first time in the history of 
Illinois that any person other than a Democrat had been 
chosen to fill a State office. Several times prior to this 
the Clay men or Whigs had taken up a Jackson man or 
Democrat and voted for him for Governor, against the 
person thought to be the favorite candidate of the lead- 
ing men of the dominant party, notably among whom was 
John Eeynolds, in 1830, who was elected over Wm. Kin- 
ney, then Lieutenant Governor. The election of Joseph 
Duncan in 1834 was another instance Kinney being again 
a candidate. (See Ford's History.) Party lines between 
the Democrats and Whigs were not radically drawn in 
this State until about 1836, but the Whig party was always 
in a hopeless minority. The nearest the Whig party ever 
came to carrying the State was in the campaign between 
Harrison and Van Buren. Harrison received 45,537 votes 
and Van Buren 47,476. Of the formation of the Eepublican 
party we shall speak more at length in the succeeding 


Under Mr. Buchanan's administration the slave power 
became more and more aggressive. In fact, the slave 
power had dictated and dominated the legislation from 
the first Congress to the administration of Buchanan, in 
Whig as well as in Democratic administrations ; and in 
1852, when the Whig and Democratic parties adopted, in 
National conventions, platforms which were identical on 
ihe slavery question, then it was that that question seemed 
to absorb all others in the National legislature. The 
development of the country, the progress and happiness 
of its people, were lost sight of. Laws repugnant to the 
character and intelligence of the people of the free States 
had been passed from time to time, under the impudent 
threat of Southern senators and representatives that if 
they were not passed the South would dissolve the Union. 
-But the most obnoxious and offensive measure was the 
Fugitive Slave Law, which compelled the citizens of the 
free States to turn out at the will or command of the 
United States marshals to aid in the arrest or return of 
slaves escaping from their masters into free territory. 

And next to this was the assault upon Charles Sumner, 
& United States senator from the commonwealth of Mas- 
sachusetts. He had been brutally and murderously 
assaulted in open day in the United States Senate by 
Preston L. Brooks, a representative from South Carolina, 
ior simply expressing his political opinions in debate, and 
.although Brooks was expelled from that body, his con- 
stituents promptly re-elected him, as an indorsement of 
the brutal act. 

Not only was the legislation of the National government 
in the interest of slavery, but the Supreme Court was 
made to bow to the demands of the power behind it. We 
refer to the Dred Scott decision. This was rendered in De- 
cember, 1S56, in a case wherein a colored man, whose name 
was Dred Scott, had been taken, together with his wife and 


two daughters, by his master, John F. A. Sanford, a resi- 
dent of the State of Missouri, to Hock Island, Illinois, to 
reside. Illinois being a free State, these persons, there- 
fore, became free the moment they were landed on her 
soil with the intention to remain as residents. 

On the return of Sant'ord with Scott and his family to 
Missouri, Scott sued in the State court for his freedom, 
and believing that few of our readers will be able to call 
to mind the true character of this cause, and that they 
will be interested in knowing the full significance of the 
decision, we print the substance of it, as reported by 
Benjamin C. Howard, the official reporter. The case is 
thus stated by him in the published decisions of that 

court : 

"This case was brought up, by writ of error from the 
Circuit Court of the United States for the district of Mis- 
souri. It was an action vi et armis, instituted in the circuit 
court by Scott against Sanford. Prior to the institution of 
the present suit, an action was brought by Scott for his free- 
dom in the Circuit Court of St. Louis county (State court), 
where there was a verdict and judgment in his favor. 
On a writ of error to the Supreme Court of the State, the 
judgment below was reversed, and the case remanded to- 
the Circuit Court, where it was continued to await the 
decision of the case now in question. The declaration of 
Scott contained three counts : one that Sanford had 
assaulted the plaintiff ; one that he had assaulted Harriet 
Scott, his wife, and one that he had assaulted Eliza Scott 
and Lizzie, his children." 

The close of the syllabus of the case, as reported in 
19th Howard, and which gives the substance of the longest 
and most interesting opinion ever rendered by the Supreme 
Court of the United States, is as follows : 

"The plaintiff himself acquired no title to freedom by 
being taken by his owner to Rock Island in Illinois, and 
brought back to Missouri. This court has heretofore 
decided that the status or condition of a person of African 
descent depended on the laws of the State in which he 
resided. It has been settled by the decisions by the highest 
court in Missouri, that by the laws of that State a slave 


does not become entitled to his freedom where the owner 
takes him to reside in a State where slavery is not per- 
mitted, and afterwards brings him back to Missouri. 

"Conclusion : It follows that it is apparent upon the 
record that the cjurt below erred in its judgment in the 
plea in abatement, and also erred in giving judgment for 
the defendant when the exception shows that the plain- 
tiff was not a citizen of the United States. And as the 
Circuit Court had no jurisdiction either in the case stated 
hi the plea in abatement, or in the case stated in the 
exception, its judgment in favor of the defendant is- 
erroneous and must be reversed." 

At that time the Supreme Court of the United States 
was composed of Chief Justice Taney, Justices Nelson, 
Grier, Danniel, Campbell, Catron, Wayne, McLean, and 
Curtis. Chief Justice Taney delivered the opinion, and 
Justices McLean and Curtis were the only members of 
the court who dissented. 

The repeal of the Missouri Compromise of 1820, which 
had restricted slavery within the territory south of par- 
allel 36 30', and which opened up all the Territories to- 
the spread of slavery, the brutal attempt to stifle free 
speech in the Senate of the United States, the extraor- 
dinary decision of the Supreme Court in the Dred Scott 
case, and the effort of President Buchanan to force Kan- 
sas into the Union with a constitution which recognized 
slavery, were so palpably wrong in themselves, that the 
great body of the people in the North Free Soilers, Na- 
tive Americans, Whigs and Democrats were one in their 
denunciation of the aggressive steps of the slave power, 
and they stood ready with their lives, their fortunes and 
their sacred honor, to do that which would preserve the 
Government and the Union as they had been handed 
down to them by Washington, Jefferson, Jackson, and all 
the patriot-fathers. 

In that long and exciting debate in Congress over the 
legislation relating to the admission of Kansas into the 
Union, Stephen A. Douglas was the only Democratic 


Senator, if we except George E. Pugh, of Ohio, who had 
the moral courage to oppose Buchanan's policy, and to 
Douglas' good name and great fame be it said he opposed it 
with manly courage, and with all the ability of his mas- 
ter mind, and because of this he was ostracised by the 
followers of the Administration, and its immense patron- 
age was freely used in Illinois with the hope of destroying 
Ms power in his own State. 

Such was the condition of National politics when we 
commence our history of the politics and politicians of 
Illinois, since which time the politics of Illinois have been 
the politics of the Nation. 


Why a New Party was Necessary Missouri Compromise of 1820 Compro- 
mise Measures of 1850 Repeal of the Missouri Compromise of 1820 
Douglas Denied the Right of Free Speech in Chicago Organization of 
the Republican Party Three Branches of the Government Pro-Slavery 
Growth of the Republican Party Caucus at Williamsville First Repub- 
lican Convention at Cairo First Republican Caucus at Metropolis. 


The Republican party, which has had almost complete 
control of the governments of the State and Nation since 
1861, was permanently organized in this State at Bloom- 
ington, May 29, 1856. Prior to that time the Democratic 
party had held, with the exception of a few brief inter- 
vals, the complete control of the government of the Nation 
since the formation of parties ; and while the Whig party 
had maintained an organization in the State from 1836 


io the dissolution of the party, yet it had never been able 
to dispute, successfully, the right of the Democratic party 
io control the affairs of the State, and in order that the 
reader may better understand the causes which led to the 
.formation of the Eepublican party, brief reference is made 
io the history of the legislation of the National Govern- 
ment upon the slavery question. Slavery had been transmit- 
ted to the United States by the British Government, and 
although most all the early Fathers of the Kepublic were 
opposed to the institution, yet they were unable to eradi- 
cate it from a country whose declaration of independence 
Jiad voiced the doctrine that all men were created equal, 
aud slavery was thus left as a cancer upon the body 
politic, and remained the subject of bitter controversy be- 
tween the people of the North and South. For years 
prior to 1820, when what is known as the Missouri Com- 
promise was passed, the question had been assuming an 
important and alarming position in the public mind, and 
ever and anon threatened the dissolution of the Union. 
The States of the North had gotten rid of such negro slaves 
as they had originally possessed, and had enacted laws 
forbidding their citizens from owning or bringing within 
their limits, negroes for purposes of labor. The feeling, 
in these States, that slavery was sinful, had been pradu- 
-ally gaining ground, and there were many persons in the 
South who held the same view. Certain religious bodies 
in the country had distinctly expressed their belief that it 
was contrary to the teachings of Christianity to own slaves, 
and memorials had been presented to the Legislatures of 
some of the States, and to Congress, praying for the abo- 
lition of slavery. Though Congress did not hesitate to 
pass an Ordinance in 1787, dedicating the Northwestern 
Territory, of which Illinois was a part, to freedom, yet it 
steadily refused to comply with the demands of the peti- 
tions presented to it regarding the abolition of slavery 


throughout the Nation. Article six of that Ordinance 
reads thus : 

" There shall be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude 
in the said Territory, otherwise than in the punishment 
of crimes, whereof the party shall have been duly con- 
victed: Provided, always, that any person escaping into 
the same, from whom labor or service is lawfully claimed 
in any one of the original States, such fugitive may be 
lawfully reclaimed, and conveyed to the person claiming; 
his or her labor or service as aforesaid." 

The existence of slavery within the States was recog- 
nized and protected by the constitution, and Congress held 
that it had no right to interfere with the domestic rela- 
tions of the States. 


In February, 1819, the Territory of Missouri, which was 
formed out of a part of the Louisiana purchase, asked 
permission to form a constitution preparatory to being 
admitted into the Union as a State. When the bill for 
this purpose was presented to the House of Kepresenta- 
tives on the 13th of February, Mr. Tallmadge, of New 
York, proposed to insert a clause providing " that the 
further introduction of slavery, or involuntary servitude, 
be prohibited, except for the punishment of crimes whereof 
the party shall have been duly convicted; and that all 
children born in said State after the admission thereof 
into the Union, shall be free [at the age of twenty-five 
years." The announcement of this amendment produced 
a great sensation in the House, and throughout the country. 
It was believed by the advocates of slavery that the reso- 
lutions of the House of Eepresentatives of 1790, in reply 
to the first petition presented to it for the abolition of 
slavery, which declared the policy of the Government to 
be non-interference with slavery in the States, had settled 
the question of the powers of the Federal government 
respecting slavery. The bill continued to be the subject 


of a long and angry debate in the House, and finally 
passed that body by a small majority as amended by Mr. 
Tallmadge, but it \vas defeated in the Senate. 

When Congress re-assembled in December, 1819, the 
discussion as to the admission of Missouri was again 
renewed, and again the House passed the bill as amended 
by Mr. Tallmadge, but when it reached the Senate the 
-clause prohibiting slavery was stricken out, and an amend- 
ment, offered by Senator Thomas, of Illinois, was substi- 
tuted, which was in these words : " Section 8. And be it 
further enacted, That in all the territory ceded by France 
to the United States, under the name of Louisiana, which 
lies north of thirty-six degrees and thirty minutes north 
latitude, not included within the limits of the State con- 
templated by this act, slavery and involuntary servitude 
otherwise than in the punishment of crimes whereof the 
party shall have been duly convicted, shall be and is 
hereby forever prohibited : Provided, always, that any per- 
son escaping into the same, from whom labor or service 
is lawfully claimed in any State or Territory of the United 
States, such fugitive may be lawfully reclaimed, and con- 
veyed to the person claiming his or her labor or service 
as aforesaid." The title of the bill was amended so as to 
agree with this section when it was sent to the House of 
Representatives for its concurrence. The House refused to 
accept the amendment of the Senate, and a committee of 
conference was appointed by both houses for the purpose 
of agreeing upon a bill acceptable to both sections of the 

During the sitting of the conference committee, Thomas 
Jefferson, who was then living in retirement at Monticello, 
Virginia, and who was sincerely opposed to slavery, wrote 
a patriotic letter in opposition to the passage of the bill 
as amended by Mr. Thomas; he deprecated the thought 
of establishing a sectional line, and said the mere 


suggestion of such a line sounded to him like a fire-bell' 
at night, and that its consummation might sound the death- 
knell of the Union. 

After weeks of bitter discussion before the committee of 
conference, the amendment offered by the Illinois Senator 
was adopted, and the bill as agreed upon by the com- 
mittee passed the Senate March 2, 1820, by a vote of 27 
ayes to 15 noes, when it was sent to the House for its 
concurrence. The bill passed that body on the same day 
by a vote of 134 ayes to 42 noes. Both the Illinois Sena- 
tors, Edwards and Thomas, and the Eepresentative, Mr. 
Cook, voted for the bill. (See the House and Senate 

After the passage of the bill, in a letter under date of 
April 13, 1820, addressed to Win. Short, Mr. Jefferson 

"I had laid down a law to myself, never to write, talk 
or even think of politics, to know nothing of public affairs, 
and therefore had ceased to read newspapers, yet the- 
Missouri question aroused and filled me with alarm. I 
have been among the most sanguine in believing that our 
Union would be of long duration. I now doubt it much. 
My only comfort and confidence is that I shall not live to 
see this ; and I envy not the present generation the glory 
of throwing away the fruits of their fathers' sacrifice of 
life and fortune, and of rendering desperate the experi- 
ment which was to decide ultimately whether man was 
capable of self-government." (See Volume 7 of Jefferson's. 
Complete Works.) 

Notwithstanding the compromise was introduced by Mr, 
Thomas, Benton tells us in his Thirty Years in the United 
States Senate, that its adoption was the work of the pro- 
slavery men. 

The constitution under which Missouri applied for admis- 
sion into the Union sanctioned slavery, and contained a. 
clause which prohibited the Legislature from interfering: 
with the question. 


There was also a clause in it authorizing the Legislature 
to prohibit the emigration of free people of color into the 
State, and this clause was laid hold of in Congress to 
resist the admission of the State. It was treated as a 
breach of that clause in the Federal constitution which 
guarantees equal privileges in all the States to the citi- 
zens of every State, of which privileges the right of 
emigration was one ; and free people of color being admitted 
to citizenship in some of the States, this prohibition of 
emigration was held to be a violation of that privilege in 
their persons. Here followed an equally angry discussion 
over the peculiar features of this constitution, and it did 
not end until a committee of conference of the two houses 
had met and agreed upon a resolution favoring the admis- 
sion of the State upon the condition that her Legislature 
should first declare that the clause in the constitution 
relative to the colored emigration into the State should 
never be construed to authorize the passage of any act 
by which any citizen of any of the States of the Union 
should be excluded from the enjoyment of any privilege 
to which he may be entitled under the Constitution of the 
United States, and the President of the United States 
being furnished with a copy of said act, should, by pro- 
clamation, declare the State to be admitted. This reso- 
lution was passed in the House by a vote of 86 to 82, and 
in the Senate by a vote of 28 to 14. 

The Legislature of Missouri complied with the require- 
ments of this resolution, and on the 10th of August, 1821, 
President Monroe issued a proclamation declaring the 
admission of Missouri into the Union, in complete accord- 
ance with law. 

In his last message to Congress, President Polk had 
recommended the extension of the line 36 30' north 
latitude to the Pacific, thus leaving it to the people 


south of that line whether they would have slavery or not. 
This proposition was acceptable to the people of the 
South, but it did not meet with favor in the North. 


In 1849, when California applied to be admitted into 
the Union, with a constitution which prohibited slavery, 
the sectional controversy was again renewed, with alarm- 
ing fury, and grave fears were entertained for the safety 
of the Union. Zachary Taylor was President, and while 
recognizing, in his first message, the gravity of the situ- 
ation, and the danger which threatened the country from 
the sectional controversy, he expressed his determination 
to faithfully discharge his duties to the whole country, 
and recommended the admission of California, under the 
constitution her people had chosen ; and advised that Utah 
and New Mexico be organized as Territories, with liberty 
to decide the question of slavery for themselves, when they 
were ready to enter the Union as States. 

Eegarding the preservation of the Union, President 
Taylor said: 

"But attachment to the union of the States should be 
habitually fostered in every American heart. For more 
than half a century, during which kingdoms and empires 
have fallen, this Union has stood unshaken. The patriots 
who formed it have long since descended to the grave ; 
yet still it remains the proudest monument to their mem- 
ory, and the object of affection and admiration with every 
one worthy to bear the American name. In my judgment 
its dissolution would be the greatest of calamities, and to 
avert that should be the study of every American. Upon 
its preservation must depend our own happiness and that 
of countless generations to come. Whatever dangers may 
threaten it, I shall stand by it, and maintain it in its 
integrity, to the full extent of the obligations imposed and 
the power conferred upon me by the Constitution." 


On the question of the admission of California, he was 
equally frank : 

"No civil government having been provided by Congress 
for California, the people of that Territory, impelled by 
the necessities of their political condition, recently met in 
convention, for the purpose of forming a constitution and 
State government, which the latest advices give me reason 
to suppose has been accomplished ; and it is believed they 
will shortly apply for the admission of California into the 
Union as a sovereign State. Should such be the case, 
and should their constitution be conformable to the requi- 
sitions of the Constitution of the United States, I recom- 
mend their application to the favorable consideration of 

The issue, as then made up between the North and the 
South, was this : The South opposed the admission of Cal- 
ifornia as a free State, and demanded the better execution 
of the fugitive slave law; the North was opposed to the 
admission of any more slave States; demanded the abo- 
lition of the slave trade in the District of Columbia, 
and was unwilling for the execution of the fugitive 
slave law within the Northern States. These questions 
occupied the attention of Congress almost exclusively, and 
the excitement permeated the entire Union, and repeated 
threats came from Southern Senators and Kepresenta- 
tives that if the demands of the South were not ac- 
ceded to, the Southern States would withdraw from 
the Union ; and the situation was indeed alarming, 
when, on the 29th of January, 1850, Henry Clay intro- 
duced ten resolutions in the Senate, as a compromise, 
which provided for the admission of California as a free 
State ; the organization of the Territories of Utah and 
New Mexico, without reference to slavery; the abolition 
of the slave trade in the District of Columbia, and the 
enactment by Congress of a more stringent and effective 
law for the rendition of fugitive slaves. 

The resolution of Mr. Clay, which related to a compro- 
mise on the slavery question, was as follows: 


"Resolved, That as slavery does not exist by law, and' 
is not likely to be introduced into any of the territory ac- 
quired by the United States from the Bepublic of Mexico, 
it is inexpedient for Congress to provide by law either 
for its introduction into or exclusion from any part of the 
said territory ; and that appropriate Territorial govern- 
ments ought to be established by Congress in all of the 
said territory, not assigned as the boundaries of the pro- 
posed State of California, without the adoption of any 
restriction or condition on the subject of slavery." 

Jefferson Davis, of Mississippi, spoke thus in opposi- 
tion to the passage of the resolution: 

"But, sir, we are called on to receive this as a meas- 
ure of compromise! Is a measure in which we of the 
minority are to receive nothing, a measure of compro- 
mise? I look upon it as but a modest mode of taking, 
that, the claim to which has been more boldly asserted 
by others ; and that I may be understood upon this ques- 
tion, and that my position may go forth to the country 
in the same columns that convey the sentiments of the 
Senator from Kentucky, I here assert that never will I 
take less than the Missouri Compromise line, extended ta 
the Pacific ocean, with the specific recognition of the 
right to hold slaves in the territory below that line ; and 
that, before such Territories are admitted into the Union 
as States, slaves may be taken there from any of the 
United States, at the option of their owners." 

Mr. Clay, with no less candor or courage, replied to- 
Mr. Davis in these words : 

"I am extremely sorry to hear the Senator from Mis- 
sissippi say that he requires, first, the extension of the 
Missouri Compromise line to the Pacific, and also that he 
is not satisfied with that, but requires, if I understood 
him correctly, a positive provision for the admission of 
slavery south of that line. And, now, sir, coming from a 
slave State, as I dp, I owe it to myself, I owe it to truth, 
I owe it to the subject, to say that no earthly power could 
induce me to vote for a specific measure for the intro- 
duction of slavery where it had not before existed, either 
South or North of that line. Coming, as I do, from a 
slave State, it is my solemn, deliberate and well-matured 
determination that no power, no earthly power, shall 
compel me to vote for the positive introduction of slavery 
either south or north of that line. Sir, while you/ 


reproach, and justly, too, our British ancestors for the in- 
troduction of this institution upon the continent of 
America, I am, for one, unwilling that the posterity of 
the present inhabitants of California and of New Mexico 
shall reproach us for doing just what we reproach Great 
Britain for doing to us. If the citizens of those Territo- 
ries choose to establish slavery, and if they come here 
with constitutions establishing slavery, I am for admitting 
them with such provisions in their constitutions ; but then 
it will be their own work, and not ours, and their pos- 
terity will have to reproach them, and not us, for form- 
ing constitutions allowing the institution of slavery to ex- 
ist among them. These are my views, sir, and I choose 
to express them ; and I care not how extensively or uni- 
versally they are known." 

Mr. Calhoun was an invalid at the time the bill waa 
presented for the admission of California, and he brought, 
into the Senate a written speech of great length and care- 
fully prepared, which he was too weak to deliver, and upom 
his request it was allowed to be read by his friend, Senator 
Mason, from Virginia. We give place to the following, 
extract, as showing the views of the great Senator upon 
the slavery question, as it presented itself to his mind: 

"I have, Senators, believed from the first that the agita- 
tion of the subject of slavery would, if not prevented by 
some timely and effective measure, end in disunion. Enter- 
taining this opinion, I have, on all proper occasions, 
endeavored to call the attention of each of the two great 
parties which divide the country, to adopt some measure 
to prevent so great a disaster, but without success. The 
agitation has been permitted to proceed, with almost no 
attempt to resist it, until it has reached a period when it 
can no longer be disguised or denied that the Union is in 
danger. You have thus had forced 'upon you the greatest 
and the gravest question that can ever come under your 
consideration. How can the Union be preserved? . . . 
It is time, Senators, that there should be an open and 
manly avowal on all sides, as to what is intended to be 
done. If the question is not now settled, it is uncertain 
whether it ever can hereafter be ; and we, as the repre- 
sentatives of the States of this Union, regarded as govern- 
ments, should come to a distinct understanding as to our 
respective views, in order to ascertain whether the great 


questions at issue can be settled or not. If you, who repre- 
sent the stronger portion, cannot agree to settle them on 
the broad principle of justice and duty, say so; and let 
the States we both represent agree to separate and part 
in peace. If you are unwilling that we should p irt in 
peace, tell us so, and we shall know what to do, when you 
reduce the question to submission or resistance. If you 
remain silent, you will compel us to infer by your acts 
what you intend. In that case, California will become the 
test question. If you admit her under all the difficulties 
that oppose her admission, you compel us to infer that 
you intend to exclude us from the whole of the acquired 
Territories, with the intention of destroying irretrievably the 
equilibrium between the two sections. We would be blind 
not to perceive, in that case, that your real objects are 
power and aggrandizement, and infatuated not to act 

Mr. Webster, of Massachusetts, was an earnest advocate 
of the compromise measure, and made a speech in support 
of it, which required three days for its delivery, and which 
produced a profound sensation throughout the country, 
and exercised a powerful influence in securing the passage 
of the bill. 

During the pendency of the discussion of this bill, Presi- 
dent Taylor died, and Vice-President Fillmore became 
President, which, if possible, added new alarm to the 

Calhoun died before the bill admitting California came 
to a vote. It passed the Senate by a vote of 34 ayes to 
18 noes. Ten of the Senators who voted against it pre- 
pared an elaborate protest against the passage of the bill, 
and asked that it be spread of record upon the journal, 
the pith of which was in these words : 

"But, lastly, we dissent from this bill, and solemnly 
protest against its passage, because, in sanctioning mp as- 
ures so contrary to former precedent, to obvious policy, 
to the spirit and intent of the Constitution of the United 
States, for the purpose of excluding the slave-holding 
States from the Territory thus to be erected into a State, 
this government in effect declares, that the exclusion of 


slavery from the territory of the United States is an object 
BO high and important as to justify a disregard not only 
of all the principles of sound policy, but also of the Con- 
stitution itself. Against this conclusion we must now and 
forever protest, as it is destructive of the safety and liber- 
ties of those whose rights have been committed to our care, 
fatal to the peace and equality of the States which we 
represent, and must lead, if persisted in, to the dissolution 
of that confederacy, in which the slave-holding States 
have never sought more than equality, and in which they 
will not be content to remain with less." 

The Senate declined to receive the protest, and the bill 
was sent to the House, where it was promptly passed, 
and receiving the signature of President Fillmore, Cali- 
fornia was admitted into the Union. 

All this clamor about a dissolution of the Union grew 
out of the fact that the people of California had framed a 
constitution which excluded from her territory the barbar- 
ism of African slavery. This was the height and depth, 
the length and breadth of her offending. 

The other features of Mr. Clay's resolutions of compro- 
mise continued to be the subject of debate in both branches 
of Congress, and, in the latter part of September, were 
formulated into bills which passed both houses, and re- 
ceiving the approval of the President, became the law of 
the land. (See Benton's Thirty Years in the United States 


This restored quiet to the country for a short time, and 
a short time only ; for in December, 1852, when Mr. Hall, 
of Missouri, introduced into the House of Representatives 
a bill to organize the Territory of Platte out of the vast 
territory which was then denned as the Platte Country, 
the sectional fires were again rekindled. The bill was 
referred to the Committee on Territories, which, in Feb- 
ruary, 1853, reported a bill organizing the Territory of 
Nebraska. Notwithstanding the Missouri compromise hud 


restricted that country to free labor, the Southern mem- 
bers hoped to obtain a footing for slavery in at least a 
part of it; and on the 16th of January, 1854, Senator 
Dixon, of Kentucky, gave notice that whenever the 
Nebraska bill should be called up he would move the fol- 
lowing amendment: "That so much of the eighth section 
of an act approved March 6, 1820, entitled 'An act to 
authorize the people of the Missouri Territory to form a 
constitution and State government, and for the admission 
of such State into the Union on an equal footing with the 
original States, and to prohibit slavery in certain Terri- 
tories,' as declares that, 'in all the territory ceded by 
France to the United States, under the name of Louisiana, 
M hich lies north of 36 30' north latitude, slavery and in- 
voluntary servitude, otherwise than in the punishment of 
crimes whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, 
shall be forever prohibited,' shall not be so construed as 
to apply to the Territory contemplated by this act, or to 
any other Territory of the United States; but that the 
citizens of the several States or Territories shall be at 
liberty to take and hold their slaves within any of the 
Territories or States to be formed therefrom, as if the 
j said act, entitled as aforesaid, had never been passed." 
This announcement startled the people of the North, for 
the amendment proposed a reputation of the Missouri 
Compromise, without seeking its repeal. 

Senator Douglas, Chairman of the Committee on Terri- 
tories, on the 28d of January, 13-54, reported a bill, which 
provided for the organization of the Platte country into 
two Territories. The southern portion, which lay directly 
west of Missouri, stretching to the Eocky Mountains on 
the west, and extending from the thirty-seventh to the 
'fortieth parallel of north latitude, was to be organized 
.into a distinct Territory, to be called Kansas. The re- 
,'mainder was to be called Nebraska, having the line of 


43 30' for its northern boundary, and Mr. Douglas in- 
corporated in the bill the main features of Mr. Dixon's 
amendment. Section 21 provided, "That, in order to 
avoid misconstruction, it is hereby declared to be the 
true intent and meaning of this act, so far as the ques- 
tion of slavery is concerned, to carry into practical opera- 
tion the following propositions and principles, established 
by the compromise measures of one thousand eight hun- 
dred and fifty, to-wit: 

"First. That all questions pertaining to slavery in the 
Territories, and in the new States to be formed therefrom, 
are to be left to the decision of the people residing there- 
in, through their appropriate representatives. 

"Second. That all cases involving title to slaves, and 
questions of personal freedom, are referred to the adjudi- 
cation of the local tribunals, with the right of appeal to 
the Supreme Court of the United States. 

"Third. That the provisions of the constitution and 
laws of the United States, in respect to fugitives from 
service, are to be carried into faithlul execution in all the 
''organized Territories' the same as in the States." 

The section of the bill which prescribed the qualifica- 
tions and mode of election of a Delegate from each of the 
Territories, was as follows: "The Constitution, and all 
laws of the United States which are not locally inappli- 
cable, shall have the same force and effect within the 
said Territory as elsewhere in the United States, except 
the section of the act preparatory to the admission of 
Missouri into the Union, approved March 6, 1820, which 
was superseded by the principles of the legislation of 
1850, commonly called the compromise measures, and is 
declared inoperative." 

The bill passed the Senate by a vote of 37 ayes to 14 
noes, and the House by 113 ayes to 100 noes; and on 
the 31st of May, 1854, received the approval of President 
Pierce. (See House and Senate Journals, 1854.) 


By the passage of this bill all the Territories were 
opened up to the introduction of slavery, and the abroga- 
tion of the Missouri Compromise renewed the sectional 


It would seem strange that to the Senators of the free 
State of Illinois should be left the task of furnishing the 
legislation which was to extend the boundary of slavery, 
or gratify the extravagant demands of the pro-slavery men 
of the South. No special notice seems ever to have been 
taken in Illinois of the amendment offered by Senator 
Thomas, which formed the basis of the Missouri Compro- 
mise, but Douglas was denounced all through the North 
by the anti-slavery men Democrats as well as Whigs 
and was denied the right of free speech on his return to 
his home in Chicago, in Sept, 1854. He had caused 
the announcement to be made previous to his arrival that 
he would address his fellow-citizens at North Market Hall, 
in vindication of his course in Congress on the Kansas 
and Nebraska bill, and when the hour had arrived for 
the meeting, thousands upon thousands of persons 
thronged the place with no other motive than to prevent 
him from speaking, and for four long hours did he stand 
facing the mob, and at every lull of the tumult ventur- 
ing to address them, but at last he was forced to leave 
the stand without making himself heard, intelligibly, even 
for a moment. 

During the discussion which preceded the passage of 
this bill, emigrant aid societies had been formed in the 
New England States for the purpose of aiding emigration 
to Kansas, and in view of the fact that emigration from 
the Southern States was slow, it became apparent to the 
pro-slavery men that if something was not done to coun- 
teract the Northern emigration, Kansas would become a 
free State, and in order to do this hundreds of pro-slavery 


men from Missouri were sent over to take charge of 
the affairs of the Territory. On their arrival, formal 
notice was given to the free- State men to leave the Terri- 
tory and never return to it, but this they declined to do r 
and the result was that an intestine war prevailed for a 
long time, during which many free-State men were mur- 
dered in cold blood, while others were driven out of the- 
Territory with the loss of their property, many of whom 
were from Illinois ; and as a climax to these great wrongs, 
the pro-slavery men framed, through fraud, a constitution 
recognizing slavery, and attempted, by the aid of the Ad- 
ministration of President Buchanan, to force Kansas into- 
the Union under that constitution, and here the power 
and greatness of Douglas shone forth in their brightest 
splendor, for to his masterly opposition, more than to all 
other causes, was this outrage upon the character and 
intelligence of the people of Kansas averted, and thosa 
who had denounced him for the repeal of the Missouri 
Compromise now applauded him with a fervor that was as- 
boundless as the denunciation had been. 

Here is the state of facts which impelled anti-slavery 
Democrats, anti-slavery Whigs and anti-slavery Americans 
to form a new party, with the hope of arresting the ag- 
gressive steps of the slave power in the National Govern- 
ment; and it was this that moved the anti-slavery men 
of Illinois to aid in the organization of the new party, 
.and one of the first meetings which took place in the 
State, for this purpose, was held in Jacksonville in 1853, 
at which there were only seven persons, namely, JOB. 0. 
King, Elihu Wolcott, Charles Chappel, James Johnson r 
John Mathers, William Harrison and Anderson Foreman^ 
A resolution was adopted pledging themselves to use all 
honorable means to prevent the further spread of slavery ~ 
In 1854, similar meetings were held in various counties of 


Central and Northern Illinois, and a State convention met 
at Springfield in October, and nominated John E. McClun, 
of McLean county, as a candidate for Treasurer, but the 
name of James Miller, of the same county, was after- 
wards substituted, and he made the race as an anti-Kan- 
sas-Nebraska man against John Moore, the Democratic 
candidate, but he failed of election. 

The anti-slavery men were, for a long time, at a loss for 
an acceptable name for a new party. The first suggestion 
of Eepublican party, was made at the convention of Whigs 
held in Bloomington, in 1854, which nominated Jesse 
O. Norton for Congress, by Jesse Lynch, who introduced 
a resolution, which was seconded by John Cusey, which 
proposed to call the new organization the Eepublican 

The anti-slavery movement continued to grow in magni- 
tude, and in the spring of 1856 the sentiment was ripe 
for the organization of a new party, and at the suggestion 
of the Jacksonville Journal, then a weekly newspaper, 
edited by Paul Selby, the present editor of the Illinois 
State Journal, a meeting of the anti-Kansas-Nebraska edi- 
tors was held at Decatur, February 22, for the purpose of 
outlining a political policy. There were present at this 
meeting V. Y. Ealston, Quincy Whig ; C. H. Eay, Chicago 
Tribune; 0. P. Wharton, Eock Island Advertiser', T. J. 
Pickett, Peoria Republican; George Schneider, Chicago 
Staats-Zeitung ; Charles Faxon, Princeton Post ; A. N. Ford, 
Lacon Gazette; B. F. Shaw, Dixon Telegraph; W. J. 
Usrey, Decatur Chronicle; Paul Selby, Jacksonville Jour- 
nal. A resolution was adopted recommending that a State 
convention be called to meet at Bloomington, May 29, and 
a committee consisting of one from each Congressional 
district, and two from the State at large, was selected for 
that purpose. The committee was as follows: W. B. 
Ogden, Chicago; S. M. Church, Eockford ; G. D. A. Parks, 


Joliet ; T. J. Pickett, Peoria ; E. A. Dudley, Quincy ; Wm. 
H. Herndon, Springfield ; E. J. Oglesby, Decatur ; Joseph 
Gillespie, Edwardsville ; D. L. Phillips, Jonesboro, and 
Gustavus Koarner and Ira 0. Wilkinson, from the State 
.at large. 

Agreeably to the recommendation of the editorial con- 
vention, a State convention met at Bloomington, May 29. 
Many of the counties were unrepresented, but this did not 
deter the convention from organizing, and John M. Palmer 
was chosen permanent President, with J. A. Davis, of 
.Stephenson, William Boss, of Pike, James McKee, of Cook, 
J. H. Bryant, of Bureau, A. C. Harding, of Warren, Rich- 
.ard Yates, of Morgan, H. 0. Jones, of Piatt, D. L. Phil- 
lips, of Union, George Smith, of Madison, J. H. Marshall, 
of Coles, J. M. Buggies, of Mason, G. D. A. Parks, of 
Will, and John Clark, of Schuyler, as Vice- Presidents. 
H. S. Baker, of Madison, C. L. Wilson, of Cook, John 
Tdson, of Adams, W. Bushnell, of LaSalle, and B. J. F. 
Jlanna, of KandoJph, were elected Secretaries. 

After the usual forms and ceremonies, William H. Bis- 
:sell, of St. Clair, was nominated for Governor ; Francis A. 
Hoffman, for Lieut. -Governor, but subsequently the name 
of John Wood, of Adams, was substituted; 0. M. Hatch, 
of Pike, for Secretary of State ; Jesse K. Dubois, of Law- 
:rence, for Auditor; James Miller, of McLean, for Treas- 
urer, and W. H. Powell, of Peoria, for Superintendent of 
Public Instruction. 

J. C. Conkling, of Sangamon, Asahel Gridley, of McLean, 
B. C. Cook, of LaSalle, C. H. Bay and N. B. Judd, of Cook, 
were constituted the State Central Committee. 

Abraham Lincoln, 0. H. Browning, Bichard Yates, John 

M. Palmer, Owen Lovejoy, Lyman Trumbull and John 

Wentworth, were the minds which directed the destiny of 

ithe new party, and its platform was so framed as to have 

a no uncertain sound regarding the further extension of 


slavery, nor was there any want of devotion to the Union 
of the States. Here are the resolutions which related to the 
National questions : 

"Resolved, That we hold, in accordance with the opin- 
ions and practices of all the great statesmen of all parties- 
for the first sixty years of the administration of the gov- 
ernment, that under the constitution Congress possesses 
the power to prohibit slavery in the Territories ; and that 
whilst we will maintain all constitutional rights of the South r 
we also hold that justice, humanity, the principles of free- 
dom, as expressed in our Declaration of Independence and 
our National Constitution, and the purity and perpetuity of 
our government, require that that power should be exerted 
to prevent the extension of slavery into Territories hereto- 
fore free. 

"Resolved, That the repeal of the Missouri Compromise 
was unwise, unjust and injurious ; an open and aggravated 
violation of the plighted faith of the States, and that the 
attempt of the present administration to force slavery into 
Kansas against the known wishes of the legal voters of 
that Territory, is an arbitrary and tyrannous violation of 
the rights of the people to govern themselves, and that we 
will strive by all constitutional means to secure to Kansas 
and Nebraska the legal guaranty against slavery of which 
they were deprived at the cost of the violation of the plighted 
faith of the Nation. 

"Resolved, That we are devoted to the Union, and will, 
to the last extremity, defend it against the efforts now 
being made by the disunibnists of this administration to- 
compass its dissolution, and that we will support the Con- 
stitution of the United States in all its provisions, regard- 
ing it as the sacred bond of our union, and the only safe- 
guard for the preservation of the rights of ourselves and 
our posterity." 

Upon this platform, as the fundamental principles of the 
new party, its standard bearers went forth to battle. It 
was the Presidential year. James Buchanan was the Dem- 
ocratic candidate for President ; Millard Fillmore the Native 
American ; and June 17, the anti-slavery Democrats and 
Whigs of the North met afc Philadelphia and organized the 
National Eepublican party, thus adopting the name which 
had been assumed by the new party in Illinois, and nom- 
inated John C. Fremont for President. Thus stimulated, 


the Kepublican party of Illinois went boldly forward to 
secure the election of their State ticket, and while Buchanan 
carried the State by a plurality of 9,160 over Fremont, 
the Republican State ticket was elected throughout. Bis- 
eell's majority over W. A. Kichardson, the Democratic 
candidate for Governor, was 4,697. 

It is worthy of remark here, that when the Republican 
party carried the Presidential election in 1860, the pro- 
slavery men held control of three branches of the National 
Government both houses of Congress and the Supreme 
Court and added to this was a voluntary avowal by the 
incoming President that their domestic institutions would 
in no wise be disturbed by the change made in political 
rulers. Notwithstanding this, they abandoned their places 
in Congress and attempted to establish an independent 
government with slavery as its chief corner stone, and 
when the government at Washington refused to acknowl- 
edge their independence, they made war on the Union, the 
result of which is known to all who read history. 


More than a quarter of a century has elapsed since the 
formation of the Republican party, and radical changes 
have taken place in the governments of the State and 
Nation, and with the change of issues a corresponding 
change in political affiliation. Many of the great leaders 
who took a prominent part in the formation of the Repub- 
lican party are numbered with the silent dead. Some of 
those who gave it character, courage and power in its 
infancy are now affiliating with the Democratic party, and 
many of the Democratic leaders who were then pro-slavery 
in sentiment, now make their political home with the Re- 
publican party. 



The Republican party bad a very small beginning inc 
Sangamon county. When the Whig party dissolved, its- 
members became Native Americans or Democrats. One of 
the first Republican caucuses held in Sangamon county 
was at Williamsville, in the spring of 1856, and the only 
Republicans present were S. H. Jones, more familiarly 
known as Sam Jones, and Jacob Beck. Mr. Jones occu- 
pied the chair, and Mr. Beck made the speech of the 
occasion. The meeting had been called at their instance, 
and although the house was full of spectators, there was 
no one outside of these gentlemen who dared to announce 
their adhesion to the new party. Jones was made the dele- 
gate to the county convention which met at Springfield, in 
the law office of Lincoln & Herndon. There were only about 
a dozen, in all, present. Lincoln was the leading spirit, 
and pointed out the way to victory. At the following No- 
vember election, Williamsville cast fifteen votes for John 
C. Fremont ; and in 1880, there were some three hundred 
votes polled for Garfield, and the Republican majority was 
seventy-five, which shows that the seed of the new party 
was sown in good ground. 

The first Republican convention held in Cairo was in 
the spring of 1858. This Was called to appoint delegates 
to the State convention at Springfield, which nominated 
Abraham Lincoln for United States Senator, in opposition 
to Douglas. The convention had been thoroughly adver- 
tised, and the house was well filled with people anxious 
to see how the new anti-slavery party progressed. Re- 
publicanism was by no means popular in that section at 
that time ; and there were just four representatives in the 
convention, namely, D. J. Baker, John C. White, James 
Summerville and C. C. Brown, now a member of the 
well-known law firm of Stuart, Edwards & Bixmn. White 
was elected chairman and Baker secretary. While the 


committee on resolutions, which consisted of Summerville 
and Baker, was out, Mr. Brown entertained the audience 
in a speech of some length, on the purpose and hope of 
the party; and next day the Chicago Tribune appeared 
with an extended account of the convention, entitling it 
the "First Gun from Egypt." 

In 1859, when the Republican party was in its very 
infancy in Southern Illinois, William H. Green, then a 
Representative in the Twenty-first General Assembly, in- 
vited to his office, in Metropolis, a few prominent Demo- 
crats, for the purpose of consulting as to the best interests 
of the party. "Gentlemen," said he, "you may think this 
meeting unnecessary, or it may look to you like a farce, 
but I tell you now that the time is coming when the 
Democratic party of this State will have to thoroughly 
organize, if they wish to hold political supremacy; and I 
may say, that even in this county the Republican party 
will test our strength to the utmost." The Republicans 
of that county were not long in working out a literal ful- 
fillment of Mr. Green's prediction. The first Republican 
organization in Massac county took place at Metropolis, 
in the spring of 18JO. There were just five persons pre- 
sent W. R. Brown, R. A. Peter, L. P, Stalcup, Tillman 
Robey and Thos. Moore. Mr. Brown was made chairman 
and Mr. Stalcup secretary. The vote in that county at 
the Presidential election was 940 for Douglas and John- 
son, 122 for Lincoln and Hamlin, 82 for Bell and Everett, 
and 4 for Breckmridge and Lane. But how marvelous 
the revolution in public sentiment. Massac county now 
gives a Republican majority, ranging from 300 to 700, and 
the same can be said of many other counties in Southern 
Illinois, the stronghold of Democracy. 



J'irst Republican State Ticket Democratic Native American Republican 
Success Aggregate Vote for State Officers Members of Congress- 
Electoral Tickets. 

The political contest opened up early in the year ; that 
being the year of the Presidential election, the State con- 
ventions were necessarily early. There were three parties 
to claim the suffrages of the people. The Democrats held 
their convention at Springfield, May 1 ; the Native Ameri- 
cans, at the same place, May 6, and the Eepublicans at 
Bloomington, May 29, when this party was first organized 
of which we speak at length in the preceding chapter. 

The State tickets, for the most part, were made up of 
able, eminent men, and on the electoral tickets the reader 
will observe such names as Abraham Lincoln, Henry P. 
H. Bromwell, David L. Phillips, John A. Logan, Orlando 
B. Ficklin, Wm. A. J. Sparks, Joseph Gillespie, Shelby 
M. Cullom and Wm. H. Parrish. 

Heretofore the Democratic party had encountered little 
or no opposition in the State or Presidential elections, 
but the formation of the Kepublican party, which was 
composed largely of anti-slavery Democrats, had induced 
the belief that the party was in danger of losing its power 
in the State, and the campaign was therefore the more 
active and earnest on their part, and their activity created 
a corresponding industry on the part of the other parties, 
and the result was, that for five months the people in all 



parts of the State were kept in attendance night and day upon 
meetings of one or the other of the parties, and agreeably 
to the fears of far-seeing Democrats, the Democratic party 
lost the State election, notwithstanding its candidate for 
President carried it by a plurality of 9,150 over Fremont, 
while the Eepublican State ticket was elected througliout 
by a plurality over the Democratic ticket ranging from 
4,697, to 8,191 and the Republican candidate for Treasurer 
had a majority of 20,213 over his Democratic competitor. 
The following is the aggregate vote for State officers, 
members of Congress, and Presidential electors: 


Wm. H. Bissell, R 111,466 

Wm. A. Kichardson, D 1C6,<69 

Buckner S. Morris, N. A 19,068 


John Wood, R 110,603 

R. J. Hamilton, D lul,^ J j 

Parmenus 13ond, N. A 19,^^.6 


0. M. Hatch, R 115.-91 

Wm. H. Siiyder, D 106,;00 

Wm. H. Young, W. A 13,992 


Jesse K. Dubois, R 109,:-17 

Samuel K. Casey, D 106, -b > 

Hiram Barber, N. A 10,05 1 


James Miller, R 1-27,715 

John Moore, D 10<502 


Wm. H. Powell, R 108 53 1 

John H. St. Matthew, D 105 36i) 

Ezra Jenkins, N. A 2J,5 / iii 



Elihu B. Washtmrne, B ......................... 18,07O 

Bichard S. Malony, D .......................... 6,227 

B. D. Eastman, N. A ......................... 251 


John F. Farnsworth, B ......................... 21,518. 

John Yan Nortwick, D .......................... 9,814 

B. F. James, N. A ........................... 


Owen Lovejoy, B ............................... 19,068; 

Uri Osgood, D .................................. 18,007 


Wm. Pitt Kellogg, B .......................... 16,175- 

Jas. W. Davidson, D ........................... 14,474 

A. H. Griffith, N. A ............................ 987 


Jackson Grimshaw, B ........................... 10,294 

Isaac N. Morris, D ............................. 12,059 

James S. Irwin, N. A .......................... 109* 


John Williams, B .............................. 12,077 

Thomas L. Harris, D ........................... 14,196 


Henry P. H. Bromwell, B ...................... 9,878 

Aaron Shaw, D ................................. 12,994 


James D. Lansing, B .......................... 7,512 

Bobert Smith, D ............................... 11;299' 


Benjamin L. Wiley, B .......................... 3,419 

.Samuel S. Marshall, D ......................... 15,96ft 




Abraham Lincoln 

Frederick Hecker 

Elijah P. Terry 

Jerome J. Beardsley 

William Fithian 

T. Judson Hale '}- 

Abraham Jonas 

"Wm. H. Herndon . . . , 

Henry P. H. Bromwell ' 

Friend S. Eutherford \ 

David L. Phillips J 


Augustus M. Herrington 

Chas. H. Constable 

Merritt L. Joslyn 

Hugh Maher 

Milton T. Peters 

Robert Holloway } 

John P. Richmond 

Samuel W. Moulton 

Orlando B. Ficklin 

Wm. A. J. Sparks 

John A. Logan 


Joseph Gillespie ^ 

Wm. N. Danenhower \ 

Orvil Miller, Jr 

Levi D. Boone 

Josiah Snow 

John Durham } . . . .*37,521 

James Irwin 

Shelby M. Cullom 

John Coffer 

Joseph H. Sloss 

Wm. H. Parrish.. 

*The records at the office of the Secretary of State show only these fig- 
ures, and it is presumed that they represent the highest number of votes 
cast for the respective electoral tickets. 



Governor William H. Bissell. 

Lieutenant- Governor John Wood. 

Secretary of State 0. M. Hatch. 

Auditor of Public Accounts Jesse K. Dubois. 

Treasurer William 13 u tier. 

Superintendent of Public Instruction Wm. H. Powell. 


The Twentieth General Assembly convened January 5, 
and consisted of the following members: 


Norman B. Judd, Cook. L. E. Worcester, Greene. 

George Gage, MoHenry. C. W. Vanderen, Sangamon. 

Waite Talcott, Winnebago. Joel S. Post, Macon. 

J. H. Addams, Stephenson. Sam'l W. Fuller, Tazewell. 

Augustus Adams, Kane. Wm. D. Watson, Coles. 

G. D. A. Parks, Will. Mortimer O'Kean, Jasper. 

B. C. Cook, LaSalle. Silas L. Bryan, Marion. 

J. D. Arnold, Peoria. Joseph Gillespie, Madison. 

T. J Henderson, Stark. Wm. H. Underwood. St.Clair. 

Wm. C. Gjudy. Fulton. Sam'l H. Martin, White. 

H.nim Rose, Henderson. E. C. Coffey, Washington. 

Wm. H. Carlin, Adams. A. J. Kuykendall, Johnson. 
Hugh L. Sutphin, Pike. 


John Dougherty, Union. E. C. Ingersoll, Gallatin. 
Wesley Sloan, Pope. John A. Logan, Jackson. 

Thomas Jones, Johnson. Jas. H. Watt, Randolph. 



H. S. Osborn, Washington. 
John A. "Wilson, Hamilton. 
W. B. Anderson, Jefferson. 
John E. Whiting, White. 
Charles P. Burns, Wayne. 
Wm. K. Morrison, Monroe. 
"Vital Jarrot, St. Clair. 
Wm. W. Koman, St. Clair. 
Wm. A. J. Sparks, Clinton. 
Lewis Ricks, Madison. 
Aaron P. Mason, Madison. 
Daniel Gregory, Fayette. 
F. D. Preston, Eichland. 
Isaac Wilkins, Crawford. 
Nathan Willard, Clark. 
S. W. Moulton, Shelby. 
Calvin Goudy, Christian. 
B. T. Burke, Macoupin. 
Wright Casey, Jersey. 
John W. Huitt,' Greene. 
Sam'l Connelly, Edgar. 
Jas. E. Wyche, Coles. 
Jas. J. Megredy, Sangamon. 
S. M. Cullom, Sangamon. 
Cyrus Epler, Morgan, 
E. B. Hitt, Scott. 
John L. Grimes, Pike. 
King Kerley, Brown. 
Samuel Holmes, Adams. 
M. M. Bane, Adams. 
L. 1). Erwin, Schuyler. 
Wm. Tyner, Hancock. 
George Hire, McDonough. 
Joseph Dyckes, Fulton. 
James H. Stipp, Fulton. 

The Democrats had a majority in both houses. Lieut. 
Gov. John Wood was the presiding officer of the Senate, 
and Ben. Bond was elected Secretary over E. T. Bridges, 
by a vote of 13 to 10. 

Samuel Holmes was elected Speaker of the House over 
Isaac N. Arnold, by a vote of 36 to 28, and Charles Lieb 
was elected Clerk over E. T. Bridges, by a vote of 38 
to 29. 

Samuel Christy, Cass. 
A. W. Morgan, Logan. 
Jerome E. Gorin, Macon. 
Oliver L. Davis, Vermilion. 
J. H. Wickizer, McLean. 
Daniel Trail, Tazewell. 
A. V. T. Gilbert, Warren. 
M. Shallenberger, Stark. 
John T. Lindsey, Peoria. 
Eobert Boal, Marshall. 
Elmer Baldwin, LaSalle. 
Jas. N. Eeading, Grundy. 
John M. Crothers, Kendall. 
Truman W. Smith, Will. 
Franklin Blades, Iroquois. 
W. A. Chattield, Kankakee. 
David M. Kelsey, DeKalb. 
Wm. E. Parker, Kane. 
Geo. W. Eadcliffe, Bureau. 
H. G. Little, Henry. 
John V. Eustace, Lee. 
Dan'l J. Pinckney, Ogle. 
C. B. Denio, JoDaviess. 
Eollin Wheeler, Carroll. 
John A. Davis, Stephenson. 
Wm. Lathrop, Winnebago. 
L. S. Church, McHenry. 
L. W. Lawrence, Boone. 
W. M. Burbank, Lake. 
John H. Dunham, Cook. 
George W. Morris, Cook. 
Isaac N. Arnold, Cook. 
A. F. C. Mueller, Cook. 
David H. Frisbie, Knox. 


Of the prominent men, or those to attain prominence, 
of the two houses, there were : Judd, Cook, Henderson, 
Bryan, Gillespie, Underwood, Kuykendall, Dougherty, 
Sloan, Ingersoll, Logan, Anderson, Morrison, Sparks, 
Moulton, Cullom, Epler, 0. L. Davis, Blades, Lathrop, 
Isaac N. Arnold. 

The message of Mr. Matteson, the retiring Governor, 
was submitted to the two houses on the 6th of January. 
Referring to the condition of the people, he said : 

" Even in the midst of adverse elements, the hand 
of abundance has been opened upon the harvests of the 
husbandman. The firesides of the humble have been pro- 
tected and happy, and everywhere throughout the State 
labor is reaping a rich reward. 

" With these sentiments, and a deep sense of thankful- 
ness towards a generous people for the confidence so 
freely extended, I am now about to surrender, with cheer- 
fulness, to my successor and to you, the trusts which have 
engaged my attention for the last four years. I do this 
the more cheerfully because I recognize in you and my 
successor agents appointed by the people to receive them, 
and eminently qualified to keep and discharge them 
faithfully. I sunder the last official connections with her 
councils with emotions of no ordinary character. Having 
very great confidence in the patriotism and capacity of 
the distinguished individual elected to become my suc- 
cessor, I invoke for you and him harmony in council and 
patriotism of purpose." 

The exhibit relating to the State debt made in his mes- 
sage showed that there had been paid during Mr. Matte- 
son's administration, of principal and interest, $7,079,198.42, 
leaving a debt of $12,834,144.85. 

The revenue of the Illinois and Michigan Canal was 
estimated at $150,000 for the year 1857. 

In closing his message, Mr. Matteson said: 

"I lay down the cares of office with cheerfulness, and 
surrender the responsible interests of the State into the 
hands of my successor and yourselves, with the prayer 
upon my heart that her progress may continue, and her 
people, for a long time in the future, live in the enjoy- 
ment of republican freedom, prosperity and happiness." 


Gov. Matteson's administration had been eminently pop- 
ular, the people had become prosperous and happy, and 
ihe State debt had been placed in course of ultimate and 
asy extinction. 

Owing to the physical disability of Gov. Bissell, caused 
by an attack of paralysis, the two houses repaired to the 
Executive Mansion on the 12th of January, and in their 
presence he took the oath of office, and at his request his 
message was read to the two houses on the same day by 
I. E. Diller. Mr. Bissell recommended the erection of a 
new penitentiary ; the revision of the school law ; friendly 
legislation in the interest of the Illinois Central Eailroad, 
and paid a fitting compliment to the men who had been 
foremost in the inception of that great enterprise, in these 
words : 

"It is but reasonable, perhaps, that I should here avail 
myself of the opportunity of distinguishing certain indi- 
viduals who were prominent in the inception of this great 
enterprise. To Morris Ketchum, George Griswold, David A. 
Neal and Jonathan Sturges, are we mainly indebted for the 
successful carrying out of this great project. Mr. Ketchum, 
-especially, was as active as he was efficient in organizing 
the company, and in devising ways and means for the prose- 
cution of the work. In these things he was ably sustained 
by the other gentlemen named. And on more than one 
occasion, when the prospects of the enterprise were shrouded 
in gloom and doubt, and when nothing but the most bold 
and skillful policy could have saved it, these gentlemen 
risked their own private means to an extent which, had 
the enterprise failed, would have involved some of them, 
at least, in irretrievable ruin. I take pleasure, therefore, 
in placing these gentlemen before the State in the light 
which I know is proper to them, that our people in future 
may never forget to whom they are mostly indebted for 
the great work of the Central Eailroad." 

The agitation of the slavery question was then the sub- 
ject which occupied the attention of the people of the 
State more than all others, and Mr. Bissell, having been 
elected on the Eepublican ticket as an anti-Nebraska Dem- 
ocrat, alluded to the question in these terms : 


"The question of the extension of slavery into our new 
National territory, although not forming any part of State 
politics, was, nevertheless, so prominent a feature in the 
late canvass, as to create the expectation, perhaps, that I 
should, on this occasion, say something concerning it. 

" Up to the time of the repeal of the Missouri Compro- 
mise, I had ever considered the existence of slavery within 
the United States as an anomaly in our republican sys- 
tem, tolerated by a necessity springing from the actual 
presence of the institution among us when our Constitu- 
tion was adopted. 

" The provisions in the Constitution for a slave basis of 
representation, and for the reclamation of fugitives from 
labor, I had supposed, and still suppose, were admitted 
there upon that necessity. And that such were also the 
views of a vast majority of the American people, both 
North and South, I had, until the introduction of the Kan- 
sas-Nebraska bill, never doubted. 

"But the introduction, progress and passage of that 
measure, together with the course of argument made to 
sustain it, forced me reluctantly to the conclusion that, 
if finally successful, slavery is no longer to be considered 
or treated as anomalous in our system, but is rather, 
thenceforward, to be a leading and favorite element of 
society, to be politically recognized as such, and to which 
all else must bend and conform. This conclusion is 
strengthened, not a little, by the subsequent administration 
of the measure, in the same hands which originated and 
matured it. Considering that we are intelligent people, 
living in an enlightened age, and professing the peaceful 
doctrines of Christianity, and a love of liberty above all 
things earthly, it may "well be doubted whether, when the 
world's history shall have been written to its close, it will 
contain a more extraordinary page than that which shall 
record the history of Kansas in 1855 and 1856. 

"Forced to the conclusion stated, a large portion of our 
fellow- citizens, myself among them, have resisted the con- 
summation as we best could; and believing that not the 
fate of the negro alone, but the liberties of the white 
man, of all men, are involved in the issue, we shall con- 
tinue to resist according to our best ability. 

"In doing this we shall ever be careful neither to forget 
nor disregard the value of the Union, the obligations of 
the Constitution, nor even the courtesies due our brethren 
of the South." 


The legislation of this session was mainly directed in 
the interest of the several towns or local communities, but 
among the more important laws enacted were the acts to 
establish and maintain free schools ; to establish and main- 
tain a normal university at Bloomington; to amend the 
banking law; to provide for a general system of railroad 
incorporations ; to provide for the incorporation of county 
agricultural societies; to fund the arrears of interest 
accrued and unpaid on the public debt ; to lease the pen- 
itentiary to Samuel K. Casey for five years, and to build 
an additional penitentiary, in which David Y. Bridges, 
Chauncey L. Higbee and Nelson D. Edwards were consti- 
tuted commissioners, with full power and authority to- 
select and obtain, by purchase, a suitable site for the 

The topics which claimed the time of the House and 
elicited the attention of the people in general, was the 
discussion of the motion to print 20,000 copies of Gov. 
Bissell's message for the use of the House, and a resolu- 
tion to repeal the "black laws." There had been a unani- 
mous vote in favor of printing 20,000 copies of Matteson's 
message, in English, and a vote of 65 ayes to 4 noes, in 
favor of printing 5,000 copies in German, but when it was- 
proposed to print 20,000 copies of Bissell's message, a 
motion was made to reduce the number to 10,000. The 
House being Democratic, and Mr. Bissell having been 
elected as a Eepublican, there was a strong disposition to 
circumscribe the publication of his message, and the 
motion to print 10,000 instead of 20,000 copies continued 
the subject of an angry debate for over a week, when, on 
the 20th of January, the resolution passed in that form 
by a vote of 41 ayes to 32 noes. 

On the 10th of February, Mr. Kelsey presented a peti- 
tion of the citizens of Illinois, praying for the repeal of 
certain black laws, which was referred to a select committee 


of three, consisting of Messrs. Kelsey, Pinckney and Wyche. 
February 16, Mr. Wyche, from a minority of the com- 
mittee to which the petition had been referred, made a 
report, which, on motion of Mr. Jarrot, was laid on the 
table by a vote of 28 ayes to 42 noes, which ended the 
discussion on that subject. 

A sine die adjournment was taken on February 19. 


Three Tickets: ^Republican Democrat Buchanan Democrat Aggregate 
Vote for State Officers Aggregate Vote by Districts for Members of Con- 

The Democrats were the first to nominate a State ticket 
to be voted for at the ensuing November election. The 
convention was held at Springfield, on the 21st of April. 
W. B. Fondey was nominated for Treasurer, and ex-Gov. 
August C. French for Superintendent of Public Instruc- 
tion ; and although Stephen A. Douglas was the very idol 
of the intelligent portion of the party, yet the conven- 
tion did not, in unmistaken terms, condemn the admin- 
istration of Buchanan for its attempt to force Kansas into 
the Union as a slave State, in opposition to the expressed 
will of a majority of the people of the Territory, nor did it 
indorse Douglas for re-election to the United States Sen- 
ate for his manly resistance to this great wrong, but left 
him to make the canvass as best he could. But that por- 
tion of the party best known as the office-holders, were 
not willing that he should have the race to himself, or 


that the men nominated should be accepted as the can- 
didates of the National Democratic party. They accord- 
ingly held an opposition convention in Springfield, on the 
Dth of May, and nominated John Dougherty for Treasurer, 
and ex-Gov. John Keynolds for Superintendent of Public 

The Eepublicans met at the same place, on the 15th of 
June, and nominated James Miller for Treasurer, and 
JNewton Bateman for Superintendent of Public Instruction. 

The State was thoroughly canvassed by all the candi- 
dates, but it was apparent, from the first, that the prime 
object of the Buchanan faction was to break down Douglas. 
They vigorously and bitterly assaulted him from the one 
side, while Lincoln pursued him with great power and in- 
imitable ability on the other; but, notwithstanding this 
two-fold attack, a legislature favorable to Douglas' re-elec- 
tion was chosen, although the Eepublicans elected their 
State ticket by a vote of 125,430, as against 121,609 for the 
regular Democratic ticket. The so-called Nationals received 
frut 5,071 votes. Not a single Buchanan Democrat was 
elected to either house, which rendered the vindication of 
Douglas before the people the more gratifying to his friends. 

The aggregate vote for State officers and Congressmen, 
"by districts, is as follows: 


James Miller, E 125,430 

Wm. B. Fondey, D 121,609 

John Dougherty, B. D 5,071 


Newton Bateman, E 124,556 

August C. French, D 122,413 

John Eeynolds, B. D 5,173 



Eliim B. Washburne, E 15,811 

Hiram Bright 6,457 

Eichard H. Jackson 870' 

Scattering 7 


John F. Farnsworth, E 21,797 

Thomas Dyer 13,198 

B. F. Blackburn 701 

Scattering 3> 


Owen Lovejoy, E 22,313 

George W. Armstrong 14,988 

David Leroy 1,328 

Scattering 14 


William Kellogg, E 19,487 

James W. Davidson 16,860 

Jacob Gale -. 553 

Scattering 1 


Isaac N. Morris, D 13,529 

Jackson Grimshaw 11,643 

Jacob C. Davis 504 


Thomas L. Harris, D 16,193 

James H. Matheny 11,646 

John L. McConnel 275 

Scattering 3* 


James C. Eobinson, D 13,588 

Richard J. Oglesby 11,760 

S. G. Baldwin 37 

Scattering 1 



iPhfflip B. Fouke, D 11,490 

Jehu Baker 8,410 

Thomas M. Hope 198 


John A. Logan, D 15.878 

David L. Phillips 2,796 

Wm. K. Parrish 144 


Lincoln's Challenge of Douglas for a Joint Debate Douglas* Reply Lin- 
coln's Rejoinder Debate at Freeport. 

The campaign between Douglas and Lincoln for a seat 
in the United States Senate, was the most noted in the 
annals of the history of any of the States; and we have 
given precedence to the name of Douglas for the reason 
that at that time he was regarded as the foremost states- 
man in the land; while the reputation of Lincoln was 
confined chiefly to his own State. The character of the 
two men as regards their prominence in the public mind 
may be better understood by quoting briefly from a speech 
made by Mr. Lincoln, in Springfield, on the evening of 
the 28th of July, which is taken from a report printed in 
ihe State Register of the following day. Referring to 
Douglas, he said: "All the anxious politicians of his 
party have been looking to him as certainly at no very distant 


day to be the President of the United States. They have- 
seen in his round, jolly, fruitful face, post-offices, land- 
offices, marshalships, and cabinet appointments, charge- 
ships and foreign missions bursting and spouting out in 
wonderful exuberance, ready to be laid hold of by their 
greedy hands. And as they have been gazing upon this 
attractive picture so long, they cannot, in the little dis- 
traction that has taken place in the party, bring them- 
selves to quite give up the charming hope; but with 
greedier anxiety they rush about him, sustain him, give 
him marches, triumphal entries and receptions beyond 
what even in the days of his highest prosperity they could 
have brought about in his favor. On the contrary, no- 
body has ever expected me to be President." Although 
there is some sarcasm mixed with this allusion to Doug- 
las, yet it is evident that Mr. Lincoln felt that his adver- 
sary possessed an advantage over him by reason of his 
National reputation ; and it is doubtful if Lincoln himself, 
or any of his warmest admirers, had the slighest hope 
that he would ever rise to the exalted position in which 
Douglas was held in the eyes of his countrymen. 

The Democratic party was divided. There was the 
Buchanan Democracy, and the Douglas Democracy. The 
Administration of Buchanan had sought to force Kansas 
into the union of States with a constitution which pro- 
tected slavery. Douglas had opposed this unjust policy 
with manly courage, and the issue was carried to Illinois,, 
and on it he made his campaign for re-election to the 
United States Senate. The office-holders were opposed to 
him, but the untrammeled masses of his party were 
almost to a man in favor of his re-election, notwithstand- 
ing the State convention had given him only a half- 
hearted endorsement. Lincoln, on the other hand, had 
been chosen by a State convention of the Eepublican 
party as their candidate for United States Senator, with 


the unqualified avowal that he was opposed to the further 
extension of slavery. At the convention which nominated 
him for that distinguished trust, which was held in Spring- 
field, that year, Mr. Lincoln, in the course of an address- 
to that body, gave utterance to these memorable words: 
"If we could first know where we are, and whither we 
are tending, we could then better judge what to do, and 
how to do it. We are now far into the fifth year since a 
policy was initiated with the avowed object and confident 
promise of putting an end to slavery agitation. Under 
the operation of that policy, that agitation has not only 
not cased, but has constantly augmented. In my opinion 
it will not cease until a crisis shall have been reached 
and passed. 'A house divided against itself cannot stand.' 
I believe this government cannot endure permanently half 
slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be 
dissolved I do not expect the house to fall but I do 
expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one 
thing, or all the other. Either the opponents of slavery 
will arrest the further spread of it, and place it where 
the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the 
course of ultimate extinction, or, its advocates will put it 
forward till it shall become alike lawful in all the States, 
old as well as new, North as well as South. Have we no 
tendency to the latter condition?" Mr. Lincoln had evi- 
dently been deeply impressed with the National situation 
upon the question of slavery, and while his party had no 
well defined theory as to what ought to be done in the 
premises, or what would be the final outcome of the mo- 
mentous issue, yet he believed in his own mind that the 
slavery question could not long continue to agitate the 
public mind in the form it then presented itself, but that 
sooner or later a crisis would come which would forever 
remove the subject from controversy between the people 


of the North and South, and these words were as pro- 
phetic as they were significant, and showed conclusively 
that Lincoln thought more of the true interests of his 
country than 'he did of his personal advancement polit- 

On the 24th of July, Lincoln challenged Douglas to a 
joint discussion of the issues between the two parties, and 
after some circumlocution on the part of the great Sena- 
tor, he accepted the challenge, suggesting seven meetings, 
naming Ottawa, Freeport, Jonesboro, Charleston, Gales- 
burg, Quincy and Alton, reserving for himself four openings 
and closings. Lincoln accepted the proposition without 
delay and without ceremony. The debates were attended 
by thousands upon thousands of people, many of whom 
came from neighboring States, traveling hundreds of miles 
to witness the intellectual conflict between these great 
men. Indeed, the contest attracted the attention of the 
people of every State in the Union, and from that time 
to this our State has really been the central figure in 
National politics. This discussion even surpassed the cam- 
paign of Henry A. Wise against Native Americanism in 
Virginia. While it lasted, many people turned aside from 
their daily pursuits, and employed their time in watching 
and reading the progress of this most wonderful and excit- 
ing contest, which opened at Ottawa on the 21st of August, 
and closed at Alton on the 15th of October, occupying a 
period of fifty-six days. The debates were produced in 
book-form under the direction of their respective short- 
hand reporters, and we deem it but fit that we should 
reproduce one of their joint discussions in full, that the 
reader may form a better idea of the mental character 
of these grand men as they appeared before the country. 
We have selected the meeting which took place at Free- 
port on the 27th of August as the one which shall best 
serve that purpose, it being their second joint debate. 


'The interrogatories put to Douglas on that occasion by 
Lincoln undoubtedly had the effect to return Douglas to 
the Senate, and make Lincoln President. 

Here is the correspondence which passed between them 
in relation to the joint debate: 


"CHICAGO, ILL.,. July 24, 1858. 

"HoN. S. A. DOUGLAS My Dear Kir: "Will it be agree- 
able to you to make an arrangement for you and myself 
to divide time, and address the same audiences the pres- 
ent canvass? Mr. Judd, who will hand you this, is author- 
ized to receive your answer; and, if agreeable to you, to 
enter into the terms of such agreement. 

"Your obedient servant, 



" CHICAGO, ILL., July 21, 1858. 

" HON. A. LINCOLN pear Sir: Your note of this date, 
in which you inquire if it would be agreeable to me to make 
an arrangement to divide the time and address the same 
audiences during the present canvass, was handed me by 
Mr. Judd. Recent events have interposed difficulties in the 
way of such an arrangement. 

"I went to Springfield last week for the purpose of con- 
ferring with the Democratic State Central Committee upon 
the mode of conducting the canvass, and with them, and 
under their advice, made a list of appointments covering 
the en ire period until late in October. The people of the 
several localities have been notified of the times and places 
of the meetings. Those appointments have all been made 
for Democratic meetings, and arrangements hnve been 
made by which the Democratic candidates for Congress, 
for the Legislature, and other offices, will be present and 
address ihe people. It is evident, therefore, that these 
various candidates, in connection with myself, will occupy 
the whole time of the day and evening, and leave no 
opportunity for other speeches. 

"Besides, there is another consideration which should 
be kept in mind. It has been suggested recently that an 
arrangement had been made to bring out a third candi- 
date for the United States Senate, who, with yourself, 


should canvass the State in opposition to me, with no> 
other purpose than to insure my defeat, by dividing the 
Democratic party for your benefit. If I should make this 
arrangement with you, it is more than probable that this- 
other candidate, who has a common object with you, 
would desire to become a party to it, and claim the right 
to speak from the same stand; so that he and you, in 
concert, might be able to take the opening and closing 
speech in every case. 

" I cannot refrain from expressing my surprise, if it was 
your original intention to invite such an ammgtrcent, that 
you should have waited until after I had made my appoint- 
ments, inasmuch as we were both here in Chicsgo together 
for several days after my arrival, arid again at BJooming- 
ton, Atlanta, Lincoln and Springfield, where it vas well 
known I went for the purpose of consulting with the State 
Central Committee, and agreeing upon the plan of the 

" While, under these circumstances, I do not feel at liberty 
to make any arrangements which would deprive the Demo- 
cratic candidates for Congress, State offices, and the Legis- 
lature from participating in the discussion at the various 
meetings designated by the Democratic State Central Com- 
mittee, I will, in order to accommodate you as far as it 
is in my power to do so, take the responsibility of making 
an arrangement with you for a discussion between .us at 
one prominent point in each Congressional District in the 
State, except the second and sixth districts, where we have 
both spoken, and in each of which cases you had the con- 
cluding speech. If agreeable to you, I will indicate the 
following places as those most suitable in the several Con- 
gressional Districts at which we should speak, to- wit:. 
Freeport, Ottawa, Galesburg, Quincy, Alton, Jonesboro and 
Charleston. I will confer with you at the earliest con- 
venient opportunity in regard to the mode of conducting 
the debate, the times of meeting at the several places, 
subject to the condition, that where appointments have 
already been made by the Democratic State Central Com- 
mittee at any of those places, I must insist upon you> 
meeting me at the times specified. 

"Very respectfully, your most obedient servant, 




" SPRINGFIELD, July 29, 1858. 

"HoN. S. A. DOUGLAS Dear Sir: Yours of the 24th im 
relation to an arrangement to divide time, and address the 
same audiences, is received: and, in apology for not sooner 
replying, allow me to say, that when I sat by you at din- 
ner yesterday, I was not aware that you had answered my 
note, nor, certainly, that my own note had been presented 
to you. An hour after, I saw a copy of your answer im 
the Chicago Times, and, reaching home, I found the orig- 
inal awaiting me. Protesting that your insinuations of 
attempted unfairness on my part are unjust, and with the 
hope that you did not very considerately make them, I 
proceed to reply. To your statement that 'It has been sug- 
gested, recently, that an arrangement had been made to 
bring out a third candidate for the United States Senate, 
who, with yourself, should canvass the State in opposition, 
to me,' etc., I can only say that such suggestion must 
have been made by yourself, for certainly none such has 
been made by or to me, or otherwise, to my knowledge.. 
Surely you did not deliberately conclude, as you insinuate, 
that I was expecting to draw you into an arrangement of 
terms, to be agreed on by yourself, by which a third can- 
didate and myself, 'in concert, might be able to take the- 
opening and closing speech in every case.' 
"As to your surprise that I did not sooner make the 
proposal to divide time with you, I can only say, I made 
it as soon as I resolved to make it. I did not know but 
that such proposal would come from you. 1 waited, re- 
spectlully, to see. It may have been well known to you 
that you went to Springfield for the purpose of agreeing 
on the plan of campaign ; but it was not so known to me. 
When your appointments were announced in the papers,, 
extending only to the 2Ist of August, I, for the first time, 
considered it certain, that you would make no proposal to- 
me, and then resolved that, if my friends concurred, I 
would make one to you. As soon thereafter as I could 
see and consult with friends satisfactorily, I did make the 
proposal. It did not occur to me that the proposed ar- 
rangement could derange your plans after the latest of 
your appointments already made. After that, there was,, 
before the election, largely over two months of clear time.. 

" For you to state that we have already spoken at Chicago] 
and Springfield, and that on both occasions I had the con- 
cluding speech, is hardly a fair statement. The truth,' 


rather, is this : At Chicago, July 9th, you made a care- 
fully prepared conclusion on my speech of June 16th. 
Twenty-four hours after, I made a hasty conclusion on 
yours of the 9th. You had six days to prepare, and con- 
cluded on me again at Bloomington on the 16th. Twenty- 
four hours after, I concluded again on you at Springfield. 
In the meantime, you had made another conclusion on me 
at Springfield, which I did not hear, and of the contents 
of which I knew nothing when I spoke ; so that your speech 
made in daylight, and mine at night, of the 17th, at Spring- 
field, were both made in perfect independence of each other. 
The dates of making all these speeches will show, I think, 
that in the matter of time for preparation, the advantage 
has all been on your side, and that none of the external 
circumstances have stood to my advantage. 

" I agree to an arrangement for us to speak at the 
seven places you have named, and at your own times, 
provided you name the times at once, so that I, as well 
as you, can have myself the time not covered by the ar- 
rangement. As to the other details, I wish perfect reci- 
procity, and no more. I wish as much time as you, and 
that conclusions shall alternate. That is ah 1 . 
"Your obedient servant, 


"P. S. As matters now stand, I shall be at no more 
of your exclusive meetings ; and for about a week from 
to-day a letter from you will reach me at Springfield. 

"A. L." 


"BEMENT, PIATT Co., ILL., July 30. 1P58. 
"Dear Sir: Your letter, dated yesterday, accepting my 
proposition for a joint discussion at one prominent point 
in each Congressional District, as stated in my previous 
letter, was received this morning. 

"The times and places designated are as follows : 
Ottawa, LaSalle county, August 21st, 1858. 
Freeport, Stephenson county, August 27th, 1858. 
Jonesboro, Union county, September 15th, " 
Charleston, Coles county, 18th, " 

Galesburg, Knox county, October 7th. " 
Qnincy, Adams county, 13th, " 

Alton, Madison county, 15th, " 

/"I agree to your suggestion that we shall alternately 
open and close the discussion. I will speak at Ottawa 


one hour, you can reply, occupying an hour and a half, 
and I will then follow for half an hour. At Freeport you 
shall open the discussion, and speak one hour, I will fol- 
low for an hour and a half, and you can then reply for 
half an hour. We will alternate in like manner in each 
successive place. 

" Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

"HoN. A. LINCOLN, Springfield, 111." 


" SPRINGFIELD, ILL., July 31, 1858. 
"HoN. S. A. DOUGLAS Dear Sir: Yours of yesterday, 
naming places, times and terms, for joint discussions be- 
tween us, was received this morning. Although, by the 
terms, as you propose, you take four openings and closings, 
to my three, I accede, and thus close the arrangement. 
I diiect this to you at Hillsboro, and shall try to have 
both your letter and this appear in the Journal and 
Register of Monday morning. 

"Your obedient servant, 



".LADIES AND GENTLEMEN: On Saturday last, Judge 
Douglas and myself first met in public discussion. He 
spoke one hour, I an hour and a half, and he replied for 
half an hour. The order is now reversed. I am to speak 
an hour, he an hour and a half, and then I am to reply 
for half an hour. I propose to devote myself during the 
first hour to the scope of what was brought within the 
range of his half hour's speech at Ottawa. Of course 
there was brought within the scope in that half hour's 
speech something of his own opening speech. In the course 
of that opening argument Judge Douglas proposed to me 
seven distinct interrogatories. In my speech of an hour 
and a half, I attended to some other parts of his speech, 
and incidentally, as I thought, answered one of the inter- 
rogatories then. I then distinctly intimated to him that 
I would answer the rest of his interrogatories on condi- 
tion only that he should agree to answer as many for me. 


He made no intimation at the time of the proposition, 
nor did he in his reply allude at all to that suggestion 
of mine. I do him no injustice in saying that he occu- 
pied at least half of his reply in dealing with me as 
though I had refused to answer his interrogatories. I now 
propose that I will answer any of the interrogatories, upon 
condition that he will answer questions from me not ex- 
ceeding the same number. I give him an opportunity to 
respond. The Judge remains silent. I now say that I 
will answer his interrogatories, whether he answers mine 
or not; and that after I have done so, I shall propound 
mine to him. 

" I have supposed myself, since the organization of the 
Republican party at Bloomington, in May, 1856. bound, 
as a party man, by the platforms of the party, then and 
since. If, in any interrogatories which I shall answer, 
1 go beyond the scope of what is within these platforms, 
it will be perceived that no one is responsible but my- 
self. Having said this much, I will take up the Judge's 
interrogatories as I find them printed in the Chicago 
Times, and answer them seriatim. In order that there 
may be no mistake about it, I have copied the interroga- 
tories in writing, and also my answers to them. The 
first one of these interrogatories is in these words : " 

Question 1. " I desire to know whether Lincoln to-day 
stands, as he did in 1854, in favor of the unconditional 
repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law?" 

Answer. "I do not now, nor ever did, stand in favor 
of the unconditional repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law.'' 

Q. 2. "I desire him to answer whether he stands 
pledged to-day, as he did in 1854, against the admission of 
any more slave States into the Union, even if the people 
want them?" 

A. "I do not now, nor ever did, stand pledged against 
the admission of any more slave States into the Union." 

Q. 3. " I want to know whether he stands pledged 
against the admission of a new State into the Union 
with such a constitution as the people of that State may 
see fit to make?" 

A. "I do not stand pledged against the admission of 
a new State into the Union, with such a constitution as 
the people of that State may see fit to make." 

Q. 4. "I want to know whether he stands to-day, 
pledged to the abolition of slavery in the District of Col- 


A. "I do not stand to-day pledged to the abolition of 
slavery in the District of Columbia." 

Q. 5. "I desire him to answer whether he stands 
pledged to the prohibition of the slave-trade between the 
different States ? " 

A. "I do not stand pledged to the prohibition of the 
;slave-trade between the different States." 

Q. 6. "I desire to know whether he stands pledged to 
prohibit slavery in all the Territories of the United States, 
north as well as south of the Missouri Compromise line ? " 

A. "I am impliedly, if not expressly, pledged to a 
belief in the right and duty of Congress to prohibit 
slavery in all the United States Territories. " 

Q. 7. " I desire him to answer whether he is opposed 
to the acquisition of any new territory unless slavery is 
first prohibited therein." 

A. "1 am not generally opposed to honest acquisition of 
ierritory ; and, in any given case, I would or would not 
oppose such acquisition, accordingly as I might think such 
acquisition would or would not aggravate the slavery ques- 
tion among ourselves." 

" Now, my friends, it will be perceived, upon an exam- 
ination of these questions and answers, that, so far, I have 
only answered that I was not pledged to this, that or the 
other. The Judge has not framed his interrogatories to 
ask me anything more than this, and I have answered in 
strict accordance with the interrogatories, and have answered 
truly that I am not pledged at all upon any of the points 
to which I have answered. But I am not disposed to hang 
upon the exact form of his interrogatory. I am, rather, 
disposed to take up at least some of these questions, and 
state what I ically think upon them. 

" As to the first one, in regard to the Fugitive Slave 
Law, I have never hesitated to say, and I do not now hesi- 
tate to say, that I think, under the Constitution of the 
United States, the people of the Southern States are en- 
titled to a Congressional Fugitive Slave Law. Having said 
that, I have had nothing to say in regard to the existing Fugi- 
tive Slave Law, further than that I think it should have 
been framed so as to be free from some of the objections 
that pertain to it, without lessening its efficiency. And 
inasmuch as we are not now in an agitation in regard to 
an alteration or modification of that law, I would not be 
the man to introduce it as a new subject of agitation upon 
the general question of slavery. 


" In regard to the other question, of whether I am pledged? 
to the admission 01 any more slave States into the Union,. 
I state to you very frankly that I Would be exceedingly 
sorry ever to be put in a position of having to pass upon 
that question. I should be exceedingly glad to know that 
there would never be another slave State admitted into the 
"Union ; but, I must add, that if slavery shall be kept out 
of the Territories during the territorial existence of any one 
given Territory, and then the people shall, having a fair 
chance and a clear field, when they come to adopt the con- 
stitution, do such an extraordinary thing as to adopt a 
slave constitution, uninfluenced by the actual presence of 
the institution among them, I see no alternative, if we 
own the country, but to admit them into the Union. 

"The third interrogatory is answered by the answer to 
the second, it being, as I conceive, the same as the second. 

" The fourth one is in regard to the abolition of slavery 
in the District of Columbia. In relation to that 1 have 
my mind distinctly made up. I should be exceedingly glad 
to see slavery abolished in the District of Columbia. I 
believe that Congress possesses the constitutional power 
to abolish it. Yet, as a member of Congress, I should 
not, with my present views, be in favor of endeavoring to- 
abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, unless it would 
be upon these conditions : First, that the abolition should 
be gradual ; second, that it should be on a vote of the ma- 
jority of qualified voters in the District; and third, that 
compensation should be made to unwilling owners. With 
these three conditions, I confess I would be exceedingly 
glad to see Congress abolish slavery in the District of 
Columbia, and, in the language of Henry Clay, ' sweep- 
from our capital that foul blot upon our Nation.' 

"In regard to the fifth interrogatory, 1 must say here, 
that as to the question of the abolition of the slave-trade 
between the different States, I can truly answer, as I have, 
that i am pledged to nothing about it. It is a subject to 
which I have not given that mature consideration that 
would make me feel authorized to state a position so as 
to hold myself entirely bound by it. In other words, that 
question has never been prominently enough before me to 
induce me to investigate whether we really have the con- 
stitutional power to do it. I could investigate it, if I had 
sufficient time to bring myself to a conclusion upon that 
subject; but I have not done so, and I say so frankly to 
you here, and to Judge Douglas. I must say, however, 
that if I should be of opinion that Congress does possess- 


the constitutional power to abolish the slave-trade among 
the different States, I should still not be in favor of the 
exercise of that power, unless upon some conservative 
principle, as I conceive it akin to what I have said in 
relation to the abolition of slavery in the District of 

"My answer as to whether I desire that slavery should 
be prohibited in all the Territories of the United States, 
is full and explicit within itself, and cannot be made 
clearer by any comments of mine. So, I suppose, in regard 
to the question, whether I am opposed to the acquisition 
of any more territory unless slavery is first prohibited 
therein, my answer is such that I could add nothing by 
way of illustration, or making myself better understood, 
than the answer which I have placed in writing. 

"Now, in all this the Judge has me, and he has me on 
the record. I suppose he had flattered himself that I waa 
really entertaining one set of opinions for one place and 
another set for another place that I was afraid to say 
at one place what I uttered at another. What I am say- 
ing here, I suppose I say to a vast audience as strongly 
tending to Abolitionism as any audience in the State of 
Illinois, and I believe I am saying that which, if it would 
be offensive to any persons and render them enemies to- 
myself, would be offensive to persons in this audience. 

"I now proceed to propound to the Judge the interroga- 
tories, so far as I have framed them. I will bring forward 
a new installment when I get them ready. I will bring 
them forward now, only reaching to number four. The 
first one is : 

"Question 1. If the people of Kansas shall, by means, 
entirely unobjectionable in all other respects, adopt a 
State constitution, and ask admission into the Union under 
it, before they have the requisite number of inhabitants, 
according to the English bill some ninety-three thousand 
will you vote to admit them? 

"Q. 2. Can the people of a United States Territory, in 
any lawful way, against the wish of any citizen of the 
United States, exclude slavery from its limits prior to the 
formation of a State constitution? 

"Q. 3. If the Supreme Court of the United States shall 
decide that States cannot exclude slavery from their limits, 
are you in favor of acquiescing in, adopting and following 
such decision as a rule of political action? 


" Q. 4. Are you in favor of acquiring additional territory, 
in disregard of how such acquisition may affect the Nation 
on the slavery question? 

"As introductory to these interrogatories which Judge 
Douglas propounded to me at Ottawa, he read a set of 
resolutions which he said Judge Trumbull and myself had 
participated in adopting, in the first liepublican State Con- 
vention, held at Springrield, in October, 1854. He insisted 
that I and Judge Trumbull, and perhaps the entire Itepub- 
Jican party, were responsible for the doctrines contained 
in the set of resolutions which he read, and I understand 
ihat it was from that set of resolutions that he deduced 
the interrogatories which he propounded to me, ueirg these 
resolutions as a sort of authority for propounding those 
questions to me. Now, I say here to-day, that I do not 
answer his interrogatories because of their springing at 
all from that set of resolutions which he read. I answered 
them because Judge Douglas thought fit to ask them. I 
do not now, nor never did, recognize any responsibility 
upon myself in that set of resolutions. When I replied 
to him on that occasion, I assured him that I never had 
anything to do with them. I repeat here to-day, that I 
never, in any possible form, had anything to do with that 
set of resolutions. It turns out, I believe, that those res- 
olutions were never passed in any convention held in 
Springfield. It turns out that they were never passed at 
any convention or any public meeting that I had any part 
in. I believe it turns out, in addition to all this, that 
there was not, in the fall of 1854, any convention holding 
a session in Springfield, calling itself a Kepublican State 
Convention, yet it is true there was a convention, or 
assemblage of men calling themselves a convention, at 
Springfield, that did pass some resolutions. But so little 
did I really know of the proceedings of that convention, 
or what set of resolutions they had passed, though having 
a, general knowledge that there had been such an assem- 
blage of men there, that when Judge Douglas read the 
resolutions, I really did not know but they had been the 
resolutions passed then and there. I did not question 
ihat tbey were the resolutions adopted. For I could not 
bring myself to suppose that Judge Douglas could say 
"what he did upon this subject without knowing that it was 
true. I contented myself, on that occasion, with denying, 
as I truly could, all connection with them, not denying 
or affirming whether they were passed at Springfield. 
Now, it turns out, that he had got hold of some resolutions 


"passed at some convention or public meeting in Kane 
Bounty. I uish to say here, that I don't conceive 
that, in any fair and just mind, this discovery relieves me 
at all. I had just as much to do with the convention in 
Kane county as that at Springfield. I am just as much 
responsible for the resolutions at Kane county as those at 
Springfield, the amount of the responsibility being exactly 
nothing in either case, no more than there would be in 
regard to a set of resolutions passed in the moon. 

"I allude to this extraordinary matter in this canvass 
for some further purpose than anthing yet advanced. 
Judge Douglas did not make his statement upon that occa- 
sion as matters that he believed to be true, but he stated 
them roundly as being trve, in such form as to pledge his 
veracity for their truth. When the whole matter turns 
out as it does, and when we consider who Judge Douglas 
is that he is a distinguished Senator of the United States 
that he has served nearly twelve years as such, that 
his character is not at all limited as an ordinary Senator 
of the United States, but that his name has become of 
world-wide renown, it is most extraordinary that he should 
so far forget all the suggestions of justice to an adversary, 
or of prudence to himself, as to venture upon the asser- 
tion of that which the slightest investigation would have 
.shown him to be wholly false. I can only account for his 
iaving done so, upon the supposition that that evil genius 
which has attended him through his life, giving to him 
an apparent astounding prosperity, such as to lead very 
many good men to doubt there being any advantage in 
"virtue over vice, I say I can only account for it on the 
supposition that that evil genius has at last made up its 
mind to forsake him. 

"And I may add, that another extraordinary feature of 
ihe Judge's conduct in this canvass made more extraor- 
dinary by this incident is, that he is in the habit, in 
almost all the speeches he makes, of charging falsehood 
upon his adversaries, myself and others. I now ask 
whether he is able to find in anything that Judge Trumbull, 
for instance, has said, or in anything that I have said, 
a justification at all compared with what we have, in this 
instance, shown him capable of, for that sort of vulgarity. 

"1 have been in the habit of charging, as a matter of 
belief on my part, that, in the introduction of the Ne- 
braska bill into Congress, there was a conspiracy to make 
slavery perpetual and National. I have arranged, from 
lime to time, the evidence which establishes and proves 


the truth of this charge. I recurred to this charge at 
Ottawa. I shall not now have time to dwell upon it at 
any very great length; but, inasmuch as Judge Douglas, 
in his reply of half an hour, made some points upon me 
in relation to it, I propose noticing a few of them. The 
Judge insists that in the first speech I made, in which I 
very distinctly made that charge, he thought for a good 
while t was in fun ! that I was playful that I was not 
sincere about it and that he only grew angry and some- 
what excited when he found that I insisted upon it as a- 
matter of earnestness. He says he characterized it as a. 
falsehood as far as I implicated his moral character in that- 
transaction. Well, I did not know, till he presented that 
view, that I had implicated his moral character. He is 
very much in the habit, when he argues me up into a 
position I never thought of occupying, of very cursorily say- 
ing he has no doubt Lincoln is 'conscientious' in saying- 
so. He should remember that I did not know but what 
he was ALTOGETHER 'CONSCIENTIOUS' in the matter. I can 
conceive it possible for men to conspire to do a good 
thing, and I really find nothing in Judge Douglas' course 
or arguments that is contrary to or inconsistent with his- 
belief of a conspiracy to nationalize and spread slavery 
as being a good and blessed .thing, and so I hope he will 
understand that I do not at all question but that in all 
this matter he is entirely 'conscientious.' 

"But to draw your attention to one of the points I 
made in this case, beginning at the beginning period when 
the Nebraska bill was introduced, or a short time after- 
ward, by an amendment, I believe, it was provided that 
it must be considered 'the true intent and meaning of 
this act not to legislate slavery into any State or Terri- 
tory, or to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people 
thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their own 
domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the 
Constitution of the United States.' I have called his 
attention to the fact that when he and some others began 
arguing that they were favoring an increased degree of 
liberty to the people in the Territories over and above 
what they formerly had on the question of slavery, a ques- 
tion was raised whether the law was -enacted to give such 
unconditional liberty to the people, and to test the sin- 
cerity of this mode of argument, Mr. Chase, of Ohio, 
introduced an amendment, in which he made the law if 
the amendment was adopted expressly declare that the- 
people of the Territory should have the power to exclude 


slavery if they saw fit. I have asked attention, also, to 
the fact that Judge Douglas, and those who acted with 
him, voted that amendment down, notwithstanding it 
expressed exactly the thing they said was the true intent 
and meaning of the law. I have called attention to the 
fact that in subsequent times, a decision of the Supreme 
<Jourt has been made, in which it has been declared that 
a Territorial Legislature has no constitutional right to 
exclude slavery. And I have argued and said that to 
men who did intend that the people of the Territory 
should have the right to exclude slavery absolutely and 
unconditionally, the voting down of Chase's amendment 
is wholly inexplicable; it is a puzzle -a riddle. But I 
have said that with men who did not look forward to such 
a decision, or vho had it in contemplation that such a 
decision of the Supreme Court would or might be made, 
the voting down of that amendment would be perfectly 
rational and intelligible. It would keep Congress from 
coming in collision with the decision when it was made. 
Anybody can conceive that if there was an intention or 
expectation that such a decision was to follow, it would 
be a very undesirable party attitude to get into, for the 
Supreme Court all, or nearly all, its members belong- 
ing to the same party to decide one way, when the party 
in Congress had decided the other way. Hence it would 
be very rational for men expecting such a decision, to 
keep the niche in that law clear for it. After pointing 
this out, I tell Judge Douglas that it looks to me as 
though here was the reason why Chase's amendment was 
voted down. I tell him that as he did it, and knows why 
he did it, if it was done for a reason different from this, 
he knows what that reason was, and can tell us what it was. 
I tell him, also, it will be vastly more satisfactory to the 
country for him to give some other plausible, intelligible 
reason wliy it was voted down, than to stand upon his 
dignity and call people liars. Well, on Saturday he did 
make his answer, and what do you think it was? He 
says if I had only taken upon myself to tell the whole 
truth about that amendment of Chase's, no explanation 
would have been necessary on his part -or words to that 
effect. Now, I say here, that I am quite unconscious of 
having suppressed anything material to the case, and I am 
very frank to admit if there is any sound reason other 
than that which appeared to me material, it is quite fair 
for him to present it. What reason does he propose? 
That when Chase came forward with his amendment 


expressly authorizing the people to exclude slavery from 
the limits of every Territory, Gen. Cass proposed to Chase, 
if he (Chase) would add to this amendment that the peo- 
ple should have the power to introduce or exclude, they 
would let it go. This is substantially all of his reply. 
And because Chase would not do that, they voted his 
amendment down. Well, it turns out, I believe, upon 
examination, that Gen. Cass took some part in the little 
running debate upon that amendment, and then ran away 
and did not vote on it at all. Is not that the fact? So 
confident, as I think, was Gen. Cass that there was a 
snake somewhere about, he chose to run away from the 
whole thing. This is an inference I draw from the fact 
that, though he took part in the debate, his name does 
not appear in the ayes and noes. But does Judge Doug- 
las' reply amount to a satisfactory answer? (Cries of 
"yes!" "yes!" and "no!" "no!") There is some lit- 
tle difference of opinion here. But I ask attention to a 
few more views bearing on the question of whether it 
amounts to a satisfactory answer. The men who were 
determined that that amendment should not get into the 
bill and spoil the place where the Dred Scott decision 
was to come in, sought an excuse to get rid of it some- 
where. One of these ways one of these excuses was to 
ask Chase to add to his proposed amendment a provision 
that the people might introduce slavery if they wanted to. 
They very well knew Chase would do no such thing that 
Mr. Chase was one of the men differing from them on 
the broad principle of his insisting that freedom was bet- 
ter than slavery, a man who would not corisent to enact 
a law, penned with his own hand, by which he was made to 
recognize slavery on the one hand and liberty on the 
other, as precisely equal-, and when they insisted on his 
doing this they very well knew they insisted on that 
which he would not for a moment think of doing, and 
that they were only bluffing him. I believe (I have not, 
since he made his answer, had a chance to examine the 
journals or Congressional Globe, and therefore speak from 
memory) I believe the state of the bill at that time, 
according to parliamentary rules, was such that no mem- 
ber could propose an additional amendment to Chase's 
amendment. I rather think this is the truth the Judge 
shakes his head. Very well. I would like to know, then, 
if they wanted Chase's amendment fixed over, why somebody 
else could not have offered to do it? If they wanted it 
amended, why did they not offer the amendment? Why 


did they stand there taunting and quibbling at Chase? 
Why did they not put it in themselves ! But to put it on 
the other ground : suppose that there was such an amend- 
ment offered, and Chase's was an amendment to an 
amendment; until one is disposed of by parliamentary 
law you can not pile another on. Then all these gentle- 
men had to do was to vote Chase's on, and then in the 
amended form in which the whole stood add their own 
amendment to it, if they wanted to put it in that shape.. 
This was all they were obliged to do, and the ayes and 
noes show that there were thirty-six who voted it down, 
against ten who voted in favor of it. The thirty-six held 
entire sway and control. They could, in some form or 
other, have put that bill in the exact shape they wanted. 
If there was a rule preventing their amending it at the 
time, they could pass that, and then, Chase's amendment 
being merged, put it in the shape they wanted. They 
did not choose to do so, but they went into a quibble 
with Chase to get him to add what they knew he would 
not add, and because he would not, they stood upon that 
flimsy pretext for voting down what they argued was the 
meaning and intent of their own bill. They left room 
thereby for this Dred Scott decision, which goes very far 
to make slavery national throughout the United (States, 
"i pass one or two points I have because my time will 
very soon expire, but I must be allowed to say that Judge 
Douglas recurs again, as he did upon one or two other 
occasions, to the enormity of Lincoln an insignificant indi- 
vidual like Lincoln upon his ipse dixit charging a con- 
spiracy upon a large number of members of Congress, the 
Supreme Court and two Presidents, to nationalize slavery ! 
I want to say that, in the first place, I have made no 
charge of this sort upon my ipse dixit. I have only 
arrayed the evidence tending to prove it, and presented 
it to the understanding of others, saying what I think it 
proves, but giving you the means of judging whether it 
proves it or not. This is precisely what I have done. I 
have not placed it upon my ipse dixit at all. On this 
occasion, I wish to recall his attention to a piece of evi- 
dence which I brought forward at Ottawa on Saturday, 
showing that he made substantially the same charge 
against substantially the same persons, excluding his clear 
self from the category. I ask him to give some attention 
to the evidence which I brought forward, that he himself 
had discovered a 'fatal blow being struck' against the 
right of the people to exclude slavery from their limits,. 


which fatal blow he assumed as evidence in an article in 
the Washington Union, published ' by authority.' I ask 
by whose authority ? He discovered a similar or identical 
provision in the Lecompton constitution. Made by whom '? 
The 1'ramers of that constitution. Advocated by whom? 
By all the members of the party in the Nation, who 
advocated the introduction of Kansas into the Union 
under the Lecompton constitution. 

"I have asked his attention to the evidence that he 
arrayed to prove that such a fatal blow was being struck, 
and to the facts which he brought forward in support of 
that charge being identical with the one which Le thinks 
so villainous in me. He pointed it not at a newspaper 
editor merely, but at the President and his Cabinet and 
the members of Congress advocating the Lecompton con- 
stitution and those framing that instrument. I must 
again be permitted to remind him, that although my ipse 
dixit may not be as great as his, yet it some\\hat reduces 
the force of his calling my attention to the enormity of 
rny making a like charge against him. 

" Go on, Judge Douglas." 


"LADIES AND GENTLEMEN: The silence with which you 
have listened to Mr. Lincoln during his hour is creditable 
to this vast audience, composed of men of various po- 
litical parties. Nothing is more honorable to any large 
iriass of people assembled for the purpose of a fair discus- 
sion, than that kind and respectful attention that is 
yielded not only to your political friends, but to those 
who are opposed to you in politics. 

" I am glad that at last I have brought Mr. Lincoln 
to the conclusion that he had better define his position 
on certain political questions to which I called his atten- 
tion at Ottawa. He there showed no disposition, no in- 
clination to answer them. I did not present idle questions 
for him to answer merely for my gratification. I laid the 
foundation for those interrogatories by showing that they 
constituted the platform of the party whose nominee he 
is for the Senate. I did not presume that I had the 
right to catechise him as I saw proper, unless I showed 
that his party, or a majority of it, stood upon the plat- 
foim, and were in favor of the propositions upon which 
my questions were based. I desired simply to know, in- 
asmuch as he had been nominated as the first, last and 


only choice of his party, whether he concurred in the 
platfoiin which that party had adopted for its govern- 
ment. In a few moments I will proceed to review the 
answers which he has given to these interrogatories; but 
in order to relieve his anxiety, I will first respond to these 
which he has presented to me. Mark you, he has not 
presented interrogatories which have ever received the 
sanction of the party with \\hich I am acting, and hence 
he has no other foundation for them than his own curiosity. 

"First, he desires to know if the people of Kansas shall 
form a constitution by means entirely proper and unob- 
jectionable and ask admission into the Union as a Slate, 
before they have the requisite population for a member 
of Congress, whether I will vote for that admission. Well, 
now, I regret exceedingly that he did not answer that inter- 
rogatory himself before he put it to me, in order that we 
might understand, and riot be left to infer, on which side 
he is. Mr. Trumbull, during the last session of Congress, 
vo'ed from the beginning to the end against the admission 
of Oregon, 'although a free State, because she had not the 
requisite population for a member of Congress. Mr. Trum- 
bull would not consent, under any circumstances, to let 
a State, free or slave, come into the Union until it had 
the requisite population. As Mr. Trumbull is in the field, 
fighting for Mr. Lincoln, I would like to have Mr. Lincoln 
answer his own question and tell me whether he is fight- 
ing Trumbull on that issue or not. But I will answer his 
question. In reference to Kansas, it is my opinion, that 
as she has population enough to constitute a slave State, 
she has population enough for a free State. I will not 
make Kansas an exceptional case to the other States of 
the Union. I hold it to be a sound rule of universal appli- 
cation to require a Territory to contain the requisite pop- 
ulation for a member of Congress, before it is admitted 
as a State into the Union. I made that proposition in the 
Senate in 186, and I renewed it during the last session, 
in a bill providing that no Territory of the United States 
should form a constitution and apply for admission until 
it had the requisite population. On another occasion I 
proposed that neilher Kansas, or any other Territory, should 
l>e admitted until it had the requisite population. Con- 
gress did not adopt any of my propositions containing 
this general rule, but did make an exception of Kansas. 
I will stand by that exception. Either Kansas must come 
in as a fiee State, with whatever population she may have, 


or the rule must be applied to all the other Territories 
alike. I therefore answer at once, that it having been 
decided that Kansas has population enough for a slave 
State, I hold that she has enough for a free State. I 
hope Mr. Lincoln is satisfied with my answer ; and now 
I would like to get his answer to his own interrogatory 
whether or not he will vote to admit Kansas before she 
has the requisite population. I want to know whether he 
will vote to admit Oregon before that Territory has the 
requisite population. Mr. Trumbull will not, and the same 
reason that commits Mr. Trumbull against the admission 
of Oregon, commits him against Kansas, even if she should, 
apply for admission as a free State. If there is any sin- 
cerity, any truth, in the argument of Mr. Trumbull in the 
Senate, against the admission of Oregon because she had 
not 93,420 people, although her population was larger 
than that of Kansas, he stands pledged against the admis- 
sion of both Oregon and Kansas until they have 3,420 
inhabitants. I would like Mr. Lincoln to answer this ques- 
tion. I would like him to take his own medicine. If he 
differs with Mr. Trumbull, let him answer his argument 
against the admission of Oregon, instead of poking ques- 
tions at me. 

" The next question propounded to me by Mr. Lincoln 
is, can the people of a Territory, in any lawful way, against 
the wishes of any citizen of the United States, exclude 
slavery from their limits prior to the formation of a State 
constitution? I answer emphatically, as Mr. Lincoln has 
heard me answer a hundred times from every stump in 
Illinois, that, in my opinion, the people of a Territory can, 
by lawful means, exclude slavery from their limits prior 
to the formation of a State constitution. Mr. Lincoln 
knew that I had answered that question over and over 
again. He heard me argue the Nebraska bill on that 
principle all over the State in 1854, in 1855, and in 1856, 
and he has no excuse for pretending to be in doubt as to- 
my position on that question. It matters not what way 
the Supreme Court may hereafter decide as to the abstract 
question whether slavery may or may not go into a Ter- 
ritory under the constitution, the people have the lawful 
means to introduce it or exclude it, as they please, for the 
reason that slavery can not exist a day, or an hour, any- 
where, unless it is supported by local police regulations. 
Those police regulations can only be established by the 
local legislature, and if the people are opposed to slavery 
they will elect representatives to that body who will, by 


unfriendly legislation effectually prevent the introduction 
of it into their midst. If, on the contrary, they are for 
it, their legislation will favor its extension. Hence, no 
matter what the decision of the Supreme Court may be 
on that abstract question, still the right of the people to 
make a slave Territory or a free Territory is perfect and 
complete under the Nebraska bill. I hope Mr. Lincoln 
deems my answer satisfactory on that point. 

" In this connection, I will notice the charge which he 
has introduced in relation to Mr. Chase's amendment. I 
thought I had chased that amendment out of Mr. Lin- 
coln's brain at Ottawa; but it seems that still haunts his 
imagination, and he is not yet satisfied. I had supposed 
that he would be ashamed to press that question further.. 
He is a lawyer, and has been a member of Congress, and 
has occupied his time and amused you by telling you 
about parliamentary proceedings. He ought to have known/, 
better than to try to palm off his miserable impositions 
upon this intelligent audience. The Nebraska bill provided; 
tha r . the legislative power and authority of the said Terri- 
tory should extend to all rightful subjects olj legislation 
consistent with the organic act and the Constitution of 
the United States. It did not make any exception as to. 
slavery, but gave all the power that it was possible for 
Congress to give, without violating the Constitution, to the 
Territorial Legislature, with no exception or limitation om 
the subject of slavery at all. The language of that bill, 
which I have quoted, gave the full power and the full 
authority over the subject of slavery, affirmatively and 
negatively, to introduce it or exclude it, so far as the Con- 
stitution of the United States would permit. What more 
could Mr. Chase give by his amendment? Nothing. He 
offered his amendment for the identical purpose for which 
Mr. Lincoln is using it to enable demagogues in the 
country to try and deceive the people. 

"His amendment was to this effect: It provided that 
the Legislature should have the power to exclude slavery ; 
and Gen. Cass suggested, 'Why not give the power to 
introduce as well as exclude?' The answer was, they have 
the power already in the bill to do both. Chase was afraid 
his amendment would be adopted if he put the alterna- 
tive proposition and so make it fair both ways, but would 
not yield._ He offered it for the purpose of having it re- 
jected. He offered it, as he has himself avowed over and 
over again, simply to make capital out of it for the stump. 
He expected that it would be capital for small politicians 


>in the country, and that they would make an effort to 
'deceive the people with it, and he was not mistaken, for 
^Lincoln is carrying out the plan admirably. Lincoln 
:knews that the Nebraska bill, without Chase's atnun-l- 
iment, gave all the power which the Constitution would 
ipermit. Could Congress confer any more? Could Con- 
,gress go beyond the Constitution of the country? We 
gave all a full grant, with no exception in regard to 
slavery one way or the other. We left that question as 
we left^all others, to be decided by the people for thera- 
selve3, just as they pleased. I will not occupy my time 
on this question. I have argued it before all over Illi- 
nois. I have argued it in this beautiful city of Freeport ; 
I have argued it in the North, the South, the East, and 
rHie \Vest, avowing the same sentiments and the same 
> principles. I have not been afraid to avow my sentiments 
i up here for fear I would be trotted down into Egypt. 

" The third question which Mr. Lincoln presented is, 
if the Supreme Court of the United States shall decide 
that a State of this Union cannot exclude slavery from 
its own limits, will I submit to it? I am amazed that 
Lincoln should ask such a question. ('A school-boy knows 
better.') Yes, a school-boy does know better. Mr. Lin- 
coln's object is to cast an imputation upon the Supreme 
Court. He knows that there never was but one man in 
America claiming any degree of intelligence or decency, 
who ever for a moment pretended such a thing. It is 
tone that the Washington Union, in an article published 
on the 17th of last December, did put forth that doctrine, 
and I denounced the article on the floor of the Senate, 
in a speech which Mr. Lincoln now pretends was agiinst 
the President. The Union had claimed that slavery had 
a right to go into the free States, and that any provision 
in the Constitution or laws of the free States to the con- 
trary were null and void. I denounced it in the Sen ite, 
-as I said before, and I was the first man who did. Lin- 
coln's friends, Trumbull, and Seward, and Hale, and Wil- 
son, and the whole Black Kepubdcan side of the Senate, 
were silent. They left it to me to denounce it, and what was 
the reply made to me on that occasion? Mr. Toom')s, 
of Georgia, got up and undertook to lecture me on the 
ground that I ought not to have deemed the article worthy 
of notice, and ought not to have replied to it ; that there 
was not one man, woman or child south of the Potom tc, 
in any slave State, who did not repudiate any such pre- 
tension. Mr. Lincoln knows that that reply was made 


on the spot, and yet now he asks this question. He 
might as well ask me, suppose Mr. Lincoln should steal 
a horse, would I sanction it; and it would be as genteel 
in me to ask him, in the event he stole a horse, what 
ought to be done with him. He casts an imputation upon 
the Supreme Court of the United States, by supposing 
that they would violate the Constitution of the United 
States. I tell him that such a thing is not possible. It 
would be an act of moral treason that no man on the 
bench could ever descend to. Mr. Lincoln himself would 
never, in his partisan feelings, so far forget what was 
right as to be guilty of such an act. The fourth question 
of Mr. Lincoln is, are you in favor of acquiring additional 
territory, in disregard as to how such acquisition may 
affect the Union on the slavery question? This question 
is very ingeniously and cunningly put. 

" The Black Republican creed lays it down expressly, 
that under no circumstances shall we acquire any more 
territory unless slavery is first prohibited in the country. 
I ask Mr. Lincoln whether he is in favor of that propo- 
sition. Are you (addressing Mr. Lincoln) opposed to the 
acquisition of any more territory, under any circumstances, 
unless slavery is prohibited ih it? That he does not like 
to answer. When I ask him whether he stands up to that 
article in the platform of his party, he turns, Yankee 
fashion, and without answering it, asks me whether I am 
in favor of acquiring territory without regard to how it 
may affect the Union on the slavery question. I answer, 
that whenever it becomes necessary, in our growth and 
progress, to acquire more territory, that I am in favor of 
it, without reference to the question of slavery, and when 
we have acquired it I will leave the people free to do as 
they please, either to make it slave or free territory, as 
they prefer. It is idle to tell me or you that we have 
territory enough. Our fathers supposed that we had enough 
when our territory extended to the Mississippi river, but 
a few years' growth and expansion satisfied them that we 
needed more, and the Louisiana territory, from the west 
branch of the Mississippi to the British possessions, was 
acquired. Then we acquired Oregon, then California and 
New Mexico. We have enough now for the present, but 
this is a young and growing Nation. It swarms as often 
as a, hive of bees, and as new swarms are turned out 
each year, there must be hives in which they can gather 
and make their honey. In less than fifteen years, if the 
same progress that has distinguished this country for the 


last fifteen years continues, every foot of vacant land be- 
tween this and the Pacific ocean, owned by the United 
States, will be occupied. Will you not continue to increase 
at the end of fifteen years as well as now? I tell you, 
increase, and multiply, and expand, is the law of this 
Nation's existence. You cannot limit this great Republic 
by mere boundary lines, saying, 'thus far shalt thou go 
and no farther.' Any one of you gentlemen might as well 
ay to a son twelve years old that he is big enough, and 
must not grow any larger, and in order to prevent his 
growth put a hoop around him to keep him to his present 
size. What would be the result? Either the hoop must 
burst and be rent asunder, or the child must die. So it 
would be with this great Nation. With our natural in- 
crease, growing with a rapidity unknown in any other part 
of the globe, with the tide of emigration that is fleeing 
Irom despotism in the old world to seek refuge in our own, 
there is a constant torrent pouring into this country that 
requires more land, more territory upon which to settle, 
.and just as fast as our interests and our destiny require 
Additional territory in the North, in the South, or on the 
islands of the ocean, I am for it; and when we acquire 
it, will leave the people, according to the Nebraska bill, 
free to do as they please on the subject of slavery and. 
every other question. 

" I trust now that Mr. Lincoln will deem himself 
Answered on his four points. He racked his brain so much 
in devising these four questions that he exhausted him- 
.self, and had not strength enough to invent others. As 
.soon as he is able to hold a counsel with his advisers 
Lovejoy, Farnsworth, and Fred. Douglass, he will frame 
and propound others. ('Good, good.') You Black Re- 
publicans who say good, I have no doubt think that they 
are all good men. I have reason to recollect that some 
people in this country think that Fred. Douglass is a very 
good man. The last time I came here to make a speech, 
while talking from the stand to you people of Freeport, 
as I am doing to-day, I saw a carriage, and a magnifi- 
cent one it was, drive up and take a position on the out- 
side of the crowd, a beautiful young lady was sitting' on 
the box-seat, whilst Fred. Douglass and the lady's mother 
reclined inside, and the owner of the carriage acted as 
driver. I saw this in your own town. ('W 7 hat of it?') 
All I have to say of it is this, that if you Black Repub- 
licans think that the negro ought to be on a social 
equality with your wives and daughters, and ride in a 


carriage with your wife whilst you drive the team, you 
have a perfect right to do so. I am told that one of 
JFred. Douglass' kinsmen, another rich black negro, is DOW 
traveling hi this part of the State making speeches for his 
friend Lincoln as the champion of the black men. 
('What have you to say against it?') All I have to say 
on that subject is, that those of you who believe that the 
negro is your equal and ought to be on an equality with 
.you socially, politically and legally, have a right to enter- 
tain those opinions, and, of course, will vote for Mr. 

"I have a word to say on Mr. Lincoln's answer to the 
interrogatories contained in my speech at Ottawa, and 
which he has pretended to reply to here to-day. Mr. 
Lincoln makes a great parade of the fact that I quoted 
;a platform as having been adopted by the Black Kepub- 
lican party at Springfield, in 1854, which, it turns put, 
was adopted at another place. Mr. Lincoln loses sight 
-of the thing itself in his ecstacies over the mistake I made 
in stating the place where it was done. He thinks that 
that platform was not adopted on the right 'spot.' 

"When I put the direct question to Mr. Lincoln, to 
^ascertain whether he now stands pledged to that creed 
to the unconditional repeal of the Fugitive Slave law, a 
refusal to admit any more slave States into the Union, 
even if the people want them, a determination to apply 
the Wilmot Proviso, not only to all the territory we now 
have, bat all that we may hereafter acquire he refused 
to answer, and his followers say, in excuse, that the reso- 
lutions upon which I based my interrogatories were not 
adopted at the 'right spot.' Lincoln and his political 
friends are great on 'spots.' In Congress, as a represent- 
ative of this State, he declared the Mexican war to be 
unjust and infamous, and would not support it, or ac- 
knowledge his own country to be right in the contest, 
because, he said, that American blood was not shed on 
American soil in the 'right spot.' And now he cannot 
.answer the questions I put to him at Ottawa because the 
resolutions 1 read were not adopted at the 'right spot.' 
It may be possible that I was led into an error as to the 
spot on which the resolutions I then read were proclaimed, 
tout I was not and am not in error as to the fact of their 
forming the basis of the creed of the Eepublican party, 
"when that party was first organized. I will state to you 
the evidence I had, and upon which I relied for my state- 
ment that the resolutions in question were adopted at 


Springfield, on the 5th of October, 1854. Although I was 
aware that such resolutions had been passed in this dis- 
trict, and nearly all the northern Congressional districts, 
and county conventions, I had not noticed whether or 
not they had been adopted by any State convention. In 
1856, a debate arose in Congress between Major Thomas 
L. Harris, of the Springfield district, and Mr. Norton, of 
the Joliet district, on political matters connected with our 
State, in the course of which Major Harris quoted those 
resolutions as having been passed by the first Republican 
State Convention that ever assembled in Illinois. I knew 
that Major Harris was remarkable for his accuracy, that 
he was a very conscientious and sincere man, and I also 
noticed that Norton did not question the accuracy of this 
statement. I therefore took it for granted that it was so, 
and the other day, when I concluded to use the resolu- 
tions at Ottawa, I wrote to Charles H. Lanphier, editor 
of the State Register, at Springfield, calling his attention 
to them, telling him that I had been informed that Ma- 
jor Harris was lying sick at Springfield, and desiring him. 
to call upon him and ascertain all the facts concerning: 
the resolutions, the time and the place where they were 
adopted. In reply, Mr. Lauphier sent to me two copies 
of his paper, which I have here. The first is a copy of 
the State Register, published at Springfield, Mr. Lincoln's 
own town, on the 16th of October, 1854, only eleven days 
after the adjournment of the convention, from which I 
desire to read the following: 

" 'During the late discussions in this city, Lincoln made 
a speech, to which Judge Douglas replied. In Lincoln's- 
speech he took the broad ground that, according to the 
Declaration of Independence, the whites and blacks are 
equal. From this he drew the conclusion, which he 
several times repeated, that the white man had no right 
to pass laws for the government of the black man with- 
out the nigger's consent. This speech of Lincoln's was 
heard and applauded by all the Abolitionists assembled 
in Springfield. So soon as Mr. Lincoln was done speak- 
ing, Mr. Codding arose, and requested all the delegates to 
the Black Republican Convention to withdraw into the 
Senate chamber. They did so, and after long delibera- 
tion, they laid down the following Abolition platform as 
the platform on which they stood. We call the attention 
of all our readers to it.' 

"Then follows the identical platform, word for word, 
which I read at Ottawa. Now, that was published in Mr.. 


Lincoln's own town, eleven days after the convention was- 
held, and it has remained on record up to this day, never 

"When I quoted the resolutions at Ottawa, and ques- 
tioned Mr. Lincoln in relation to them, he said that his- 
name was on the committee that reported them, but he 
did not serve, nor did he think he served, because he was, 
or thought he was, in Tazewell county at the time the 
convention was in session. He did not deny that the res- 
olutions were passed by the Springfield convention. He 
did not know better, and, evidently, thought they were, 
but afterwards his friends declared that they had discov- 
ered that they varied in some respects from the resolutions 
passed by that convention. I have shown you that I had 
good evidence for believing that the resolutions had been 
passed at Springfield. Mr. Lincoln ought to have known 
better ; but not a word is said about his ignorance on the 
subject, whilst I, notwithstanding the circumstances, am 
accused of forgery. 

"Now, I will show you that if I had made a mistake as- 
to the place where these resolutions were adopted and 
when I get down to Springfield I will investigate the mat- 
ter and see whether or not I have that the principles 
they enunciate were adopted as to the Black Eepublican 
platform ('white, white,') in the various counties and con- 
gressional districts throughout the north end of the State, 
in 1854. This platform was adopted in nearly every county 
that gave a Black Republican majority for the Legislature 
in that year, and here is a man (pointing to Mr. Denio, 
who sat on the stand near Deacon Bross) who knows as- 
well as any living man that it was the creed of the Black 
Eepublican party at that time. I would be willing to call 
Denio as a witness, or any other honest man belonging" 
to that party. I will now read the resolutions adopted at 
the Rockford convention on the 30th of August, 1854, 
which nominated Washburne, for Congress. You elected 
him on the following platform : 

" 'Resolved, That the continued and increasing aggressions- 
of slavery in our country are destructive of the best rights 
of a free people, and that such aggressions cannot be 
successfully resisted without the united political action of 
all good men. 

"'Resolved, That the citizens of the United States hold 
within their hands peaceful, constitutional and efficient 
remedies against the encroachment of the slave power, the 


ballot-box, and, if that remedy is boldly and wisely ap- 
plied, the principles of liberty and eternal justice will be 

"'Resolved, That we accept this issue forced upon us by 
the slave power, and in defense of freedom will co-operate 
and be known as ^Republicans, pledged to the accomplish- 
ment of the following purposes : 

"'To bring the administration of the government back to 
the control of first principles ; to restore Kansas and Ne- 
braska to the position of free Territories; to repeal and 
entirely abrogate the Fugitive Slave Law; to restrict sla- 
very to those States in which it exists ; to prohibit the 
admission of any more slave States into the Union; to 
exclude slavery from all the Territories over which the 
General Government has exclusive jurisdiction, and to 
resist the acquisition of any more Territories, unless the 
introduction of slavery therein forever shall have been 

"'Resolved, That in the furtherance of these principles 
we will use such constitutional and lawful means as shall 
seem best to their accomplishment, and that we will sup- 
port no man for office under the general or State govern- 
ment who is not positively committed to the support of 
these principles, and whose personal character and conduct 
is not a guaranty that he is reliable, and shall abjure all 
party allegiance and ties. 

" 'Resolved, That we cordially invite persons of all 
former political parties, whatever, in favor of the object 
expressed in the above resolutions, to unite with us in 
carrying them into effect.' 

"Well, you think that is a very good platform, do you 
not? If you do, if you approve it now, and think it is all 
right, you will not join with those men who say that I 
libel you by calling these your principles, will you? Now, 
Mr. Lincoln complains ; Mr. Lincoln charges that I did 
you and him injustice by saying that this was the plat- 
form of your party. I am told that Mr. Washburne made 
a speech in Galena last night, in which he abused me 
awfully for bringing to light this platform, on which he 
was elected to Congress. He thought that you had for- 
gotten it, as he and Mr. Lincoln desires to. He did not 
deny but that you had adopted it, and that he had sub- 
scribed to and -was pledged by it, but he did not think it 
was fair to call it up and remind the people that it was 
their platform. 


"But I am glad to find that you are more honest in 
;your Abolitionism than your leaders, by avowing that it 
is your platform, and right in your opinion. 

"In the adoption of that platform, you not only declare 
that you would resist the admission of any more slave 
States, and work for the repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law, 
but you pledged yourselves not to vote for any man for State 
or Federal offices who was not committed to these princi- 
ples. You were thus committed. Similar resolutions to 
those were adopted in your county convention here, and 
now with your admissions that they are your platform 
and embody your sentiments now as they did then, what 
do you think of Mr. Lincoln, your candidate for the United 
States Senate, who is attempting to dodge the responsi- 
bility of this platform because it was not adopted in the 
Tight spot. I thought it was adopted in Springfield, but 
it turns out it was not, that it was adopted at Eockford, 
and in the various counties which comprised this Congres- 
sional district. When I get into the next district I will 
show that the same platform was adopted there, and so 
on through the State, until I nail the responsibility of it 
upon the back of the Black Eepublican party throughout 
-the State. 

"A voice 'Couldn't you modify and call it brown?' 

Mr. Douglas " Not a bit. I thought that you were be- 
coming a little brown when your members in Congress 
voted for the Crittenden-Montgomery bill, but since- you 
have backed out from that position and gone back to 
abolitionism, you are black and not brown. 

"Gentlemen, I have shown you what your platform was 
in 1854. You still adhere to it. The same platform was 
.adopted by nearly all the counties where the Black Eepub- 
lican party had a majority in 1854. I wish now to call 
your attention to the action of your Eepresentatives in 
the Legislature, when they assembled together at Spring- 
field. In the first place, you must remember that this 
was the organization of a new party. It is so declared in 
the resolutions themselves, which say that you are going 
to dissolve all old party ties, and call the new party Ee- 
publican. The old Whig party was to have its throat cut 
from ear to ear, and the Democratic party was to be anni- 
hilated and blotted out of existence, while in lieu of these 
parties the Black Eepublican party was to be organized 
on this Abolition platform. You know who the chief leaders 
were in breaking up and destroying these two great par- 
ties. Lincoln on the one hand, and Trumbull on the 


other, being disappointed politicians, and having retired 
or been driven to obscurity by an outraged constituency, 
because of their political sins, formed a scheme to abo- 
litionize the two parties, and lead the old line Whigs and 
old line Democrats captive, bound hand and foot, into the 
Abolition camp. Giddings, Chase, Fred. Douglass and Love- 
joy were here to christen them whenever they were brought 
in. Lincoln went to work to dissolve the old line Whig 
party. Clay was dead, and although the sod was not yet 
green on his grave, this man undertook to bring into dis- 
repute those great compromise measures of 1850, with which 
Clay and Webster were identified. Up to 185 i, the old 
Whig party and the Democratic party had stood on a 
common platform, so far as this slavery question was con- 
cerned. You Whigs and we Democrats differed about the 
bank, Ihe tariff distribution, the specie circular and the 
subtreasury, but we' agreed on this slavery question, and 
the true mode of preserving the peace and harmony of the 
Union. The compromise measures of 185U were intro- 
duced by Clay, were defended by Webster, and supported 
by Cass, and were approved by Fillmore, and sanctioned 
by the National men of both parties. They constituted a. 
common plank upon which both Whigs and Democrats 
stood. In 1852, the Whig party, in its last National Con- 
vention at Baltimore, endorsed and approved these meas- 
ures of Clay, and so did the National Convention of the 
Democratic party, held that same year. Thus, the old 
line Whigs and the old line Democrats stood pledged to 
the great principle of self-government, which guarantees 
to the people of each Territory the right to decide the 
slavery question for themselves. In 1854, after the death 
of Clay and Webster, Mr. Lincoln, on the part of the 
Whigs, undertook to abolitionize the Whig party, by dis- 
solving it, transferring the members into the Abolition 
camp, and making them train under Giddings, Fred. 
Douglass, Lovejoy, Chase, Farnsworth and other Abo ition 
leaders. Trumbull undertook to dissolve the Democratic 
party by taking them into the Abolition camp. Mr. Lin- 
coln was aided in his efforts by many leading Whigs 
throughout the State. Your member of Congress, Mr. 
Washburne, being one of the most active. Trumbull was 
aided by many renegades from the Democratic party, 
among whom were John Wentworth, Tom Turner, and 
others, with whom you are familiar. 


(Mr. Turner, who was one of the moderators, here inter- 
posed and said that he had drawn the resolutions which 
Senator Douglas had read.) 

Mr. Douglas " Yes, and Turner says that he drew these 
resolutions." ('Hurrah for Turner,' 'Hurrah for Doug- 
las.') " That is right, give Turner cheers for drawing the 
resolutions if you approve them. If he drew those reso- 
lu'ions he will not deny that they are the creed of the 
Ulack Eepublican party." 

Mr. Turner "They are our creed exactly." 
Mr. Douglas "And yet Lincoln denies that he stands 
on them. Mr. Turner says that the creed of the Black 
Eepublican party is the admission of no more slave States, 
And yet Mr. Lincoln declares that he would not like to be 
placed in a position where he would have to vote for them. 
All 1 have to say to friend Lincoln is, that I do not think 
there is much danger of his being placed in such a posi- 
tion. As Mr. Lincoln would be very sorry to be placed 
in such an embarrassing position as to be obliged to vote 
on the admission of any more slave States, I propose, out 
of sheer kindness, to relieve him from any such necessity. 
" When the bargain between Lincoln and Trumbull was 
^completed for abolitionizmg the Whig and Democratic p ir- 
ties, they 'spread' over the State, Lincoln pretending to be 
an old line Whig, in oider to 'rope in' the Whigs, and 
Trumbull pretending to be as good a Democrat as he ever 
was, in order to coax the Democrats over into the Aboli- 
tion ranks. They played the part that ' decoy ducks ' play 
down on the Potomac river. In that part of the country 
they make artificial ducks, and put them on the water in 
places where the wild ducks are to be found, for the pur- 
pose of decoying them. Well, Lincoln and Trumbull played 
the part of these ' decoy ducks,' and deceived enough old 
line Whigs and old line Democrats to elect a Black Eepub- 
lican Legislature. When that Legislature met, the first 
thing it did was to elect as Speaker of the House the very 
man who is now boasting that he wrote the Abolition 
platform on which Lincoln will not stand. I want to know 
of Mr. Turner whether or not, when he was elected, he 
was a good embodiment of Eepublican principles?" 
Mr. Turner " I hope I was then and am now." 
Mr. Douglas " He answers that he hopes he was then 
and is now. He wrote that Black Eepublican platform, 
and is satisfied with it now. I admire and acknowledge 
Turner's honesty. Every man of you know that what he 


says about these resolutions being the platform of the- 
Black ^Republican party is true, and you also know that 
each one of these men, who are shuffling and trying to 
deny it, are only trying to cheat the people out of their 
votes, for the purpose of deceiving them still more after 
the election. 1 propose to trace this thing a little further, 
in order that you can see what additional evidence there 
is to fasten this revolutionary platform upon the Black 
Bepublican party. When the Legislature assembled, there 
was an United States Senator to elect in the place of Gen. 
Shields, and before they proceeded to ballot, Lovejoy in- 
sisted on laying down certain principles by which to gov- 
ern the party. It has been published to the world, and 
satisfactorily proven, that there was, at the time the alli- 
ance was made between Trumbull and Lincoln to aboli- 
tionize the two parties, an agreement that Lincoln should 
take Shields' place in the United States Senate, and Trum- 
bull should have mine so soon as they could convenieptly 
get rid of me. When Lincoln was beaten for Shields' 
place, in a manner I will refer to in a few minutes, he 
felt very sore and restive ; his friends grumbled, and some 
of them came out and charged that the most infamous 
treachery had been practiced against him ; that the bar- 
gain was that Lincoln was to have had Shields' place, and 
Trumbull was to have waited for mine, but that Trum- 
bull, having the control of a few abolitionized Democrats, 
he prevented them from voting for Lincoln, thus keeping 
him within a few votes of an election until he succeeded 
in forcing the party to drop him and elect Trumbull. 
Well, Trumbull having cheated Lincoln, his friends made 
a fuss, and in order to keep them and Lincoln quiet, the 
party were obliged to come forward, in advance, at the 
last State election, and make a pledge that they would 
go for Lincoln and nobody else. Lincoln could not be 
silenced in any other way. 

"Now, there are a great many Black Kepublicans of you 
who do not know this thing was done. ('White, white,' and 
great clamor.) I wish to remind you, that while Mr. 
Lincoln was speaking there was not a Democrat vulgar 
and blackguard enough to interrupt him. But I know 
that the shoe is pinching you. I am clinching Lincoln 
now, and you are scared to death for the result. I have 
seen this thing before. I have seen men make appoint- 
ments for joint discussions, and the moment their man has 
been heard, try to interrupt and prevent a fair hearing of 
the other side. I have seen your mobs before, and defy 


your wrath. My friends, do not cheer, for I need my 
whole time. The object of the opposition is to occupy my 
attention, in order to prevent me from giving the whole 
evidence and nailing this double dealing on the Black 
Republican party. As I have before said, Lovejoy de- 
manded a declaration of principles on the part of the 
Black Republicans of the Legislature before going- into an 
election for United States Senator. He offered the follow- 
ing preamble and resolutions, which I hold in my hand. 

"'WHEREAS, Human slavery is a violation of the prin- 
ciples of natural and revealed rights ; and whereas, the 
fathers of the revolution, fully imbued with the spirit of 
these principles, declared freedom to be the inalienable 
birthright of all men; and whereas, the preamble to the 
Constitution of the United States avers that that instru- 
ment was ordained to establish justice, and secure the 
blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity; and 
whereas, in futherance of the above principles, slavery 
was forever prohibited in the old Northwest territory, and 
more recently in all that territory lying west and north 
of the State of Missouri, by the act of the Federal Gov- 
ernment; and whereas, the repeal of the prohibition last 
referred to was contrary to the wishes of the people of 
Illinois, a violation of an implied compact, long deemed 
sacred by the citizens of the United States, and a wide 
departure from the uniform action of the General Govern- 
ment in relation to the extension of slavery ; therefore, 

" ' Resolved by the House of Representatives, the Senate 
concurring therein, That our Senators in Congress be in- 
structed, and Representatives requested, to introduce, if not 
otherwise introduced, and to vote for, a bill to restore such 
prohibition to the aforesaid Territories, and also to extend 
a similar prohibition to all territory which now belongs to 
the United States, or which may hereafter come under 
their jurisdiction. 

" ' Resolved, That our Senators in Congress be instructed, 
and our Representatives requested, to vote against the ad- 
mission of any State into the Union, the constitution of 
which does not prohibit slavery, whether the territory out 
of which such State may have been formed shall have 
been acquired by conquest, treaty, purchase, or from orig- 
inal territory of the United States. 

" ' Resolved, That our Senators in Congress be instructed, 
and our Representatives requested, to introduce and vote 
for a bill to repeal an act entitled 'an act respecting fugi- 
tives from justice and persons escaping from the service 


of their masters,' and, failing in that, for such a modifi- 
cation of it as shall secure the right of habeas corpus and 
trial by jury before the regularly constituted authorities 
of the State, to all persons claimed as owing service or labor. 

"Those resolutions were introduced by Mr. Lovejoy 
immediately preceding the election of Senator. They de- 
clared first, that the VVilmot Proviso must be applied to 
all territory north of 36 deg. 30 min. Secondly, that it 
must be applied to all territory south of 36 deg. 30 min. 
Thirdly, that it must be applied to all the territory now 
owned by the United States, and finally, that it must be 
applied to all territory hereafter to be acquired by the 
United States. The next resolution declares that no more 
slave States shall be admitted into this Union under any 
oircumstances whatever, no matter whether they are formed 
out of territory now owned by us or that we may here- 
after acquire, by treaty, by Congress, or in any manner 
whatever. The next resolution demands the unconditional 
repeal of the Fugitive Slave law, although its uncondi- 
iional repeal would leave no provision for carrying out 
that clause of the Constitution of the United States which 
guarantees the surrender of fugitives. If they could not 
get an unconditional repeal, they demanded that that law 
should be so modified as to make it as nearly useless as 
possible. Now, I want to show you. who voted for these 
resolutions. When the vote was taken on the first reso- 
lution it was decided in the affirmative yeas 41, nays 32. 
You will find that this is a strict party vote, between the 
Democrats on the one hand, and the Black Republicans 
on the other. (Cries of 'white, white,' and clamor.) I 
know your name, and always call things by their right 
name. The point I wish to call your attention to is this, 
that these resolutions were adopted on the 7th day of 
February, and that on the 8th they went into an election 
for a United States Senator, and that day every man who 
voted for these resolutions, with but two exceptions, voted 
for Lincoln for the United States Senate. ('Give us their 
names.') I will read the names over to you if you want 
them, but I believe your object is to occupy my time. 

"On the next resolution the vote stood, yeas 33, nays 
40, and on the third resolution, yeas 35, nays 47. I wish 
to impress upon you, that every man who voted for those 
resolutions, with but two exceptions, voted on the next 
day for Lincoln for United States Senator. Bear in mind 
that the members who thus voted for Lincoln were elected 
to the Legislature pledged to vote for no man for office 


under the State or Federal Government who was not com- 
mitted to this Black Republican platform. They were all 
so pledged. Mr. Turner, who stands by me, and who then 
represented you, and who says that he wrote those resolu- 
tions, voted for Lincoln, when he was pledged not to do 
so unless Lincoln was in favor of those resolutions. I 
now ask Mr. Turner, (turning to Mr. Turner,) did you 
violate your pledge in voting for Mr. Lincoln, or did he 
commit himself to your platform before you cast your 
vote for him? 

"I could go through the whole list of names here and 
show you that all the Black Republicans in the Legisla- 
ture, who voted for Mr. Lincoln, had voted on the day 
previous for these resolutions. For instance, here are 
the names of Sargent and Little of JoDaviess and Car- 
roll, Thomas J. Turner of Stephenspn, Lawrence of Boone 
and McHenry, Swan of Lake, Pinckney of Ogle and 
Lyman of Winnebago counties. Thus you see that every 
member from your Congressional district voted for Mr. 
Lincoln, and they were pledged not to vote for him un- 
less he committed himself to the doctrine of no more 
slave States, and the repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law. 
Mr. Lincoln tells you to-day that he is not pledged to 
.any such doctrine. Either Mr. Lincoln was then com- 
mitted to those propositions, or Mr. Turner violated his 
pledges to you when he voted for him. Either Lincoln 
was pledged to each one of those propositions, or else every 
Black Republican Representative from this Congressional 
district violated his pledge of honor to his constituents 
by voting for him. I ask you which horn of the dilemma 
will you take? Will you hold Lincoln up to the plat- 
form of his party, or will you accuse every Representative 
you had in the Legislature of violating his pledge of honor 
to his constituents? There is no escape for you. Either 
Mr. Lincoln was committed to those propositions, or your 
members violated their faith. Take either horn of the 
dilemma you choose. There is no dodging the question; 
I want Lincoln's answer. He says he was not pledged to 
repeal the Fugitive Slave Law, that he does not quite 
like to do it ; he will not introduce a law to repeal it, 
but thinks there ought to be some law, he does not tell 
what it ought to be ; upon the whole, he is altogether 
undecided, and don't know what to think or do. That 
is the substance of his answer upon the repeal of the 
Fugitive Slave Law. I put the question to him distinctly, 



whether he endorsed that part of the Black Kepublicart; 
platform which calls for the entire abrogation and 
repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law. He answers, no ! That 
he does not endorse that, but he does not tell us what he 
is for or what he will vote for. His answer is. in fact,. 
no answer at all. Why can not he speak out and say what 
he is for and what he will do? 

"In regard to there being no more slave States, he is not 
pledged to that. He would not like, he says, to be put 
in a position where he would have to vote one way or 
another upon that question. I pray you, do not put him, 
in a position that would embarrass him so much. Gen- 
tlemen, if he goes to the Senate, he may be put in that, 
position, and then which way will he vote? 

A voice "How will you vote?" 

Mr. Douglas "I will vote for the admission of just such a 
State as by the form of their Constitution the people show 
they want; if they want slavery, they shall have it; if 
they prohibit it, it shall be prohibited. They can form 
their institutions to please themselves, subject only to the 
Constitution ; and I for one stand ready to receive them 
into the Union. Why can not your Black Eepublican 
candidates talk out as plain as that when they are ques- 
tioned ? 

" I do not want to cheat any man out of his vote. No' 
man is deceived in regard to my principles, if I have the 
power to express myself in terms explicit enough to con- 
vey my ideas. 

"Mr. Lincoln made a speech when he was nominated 
for the United States Senate which covers all the Aboli- 
tion platforms. He there lays down a proposition so broad 
in its abolitionism as to cover the whole ground. 

" 'In my opinion it (the slavery agitation) will not cease 
until a crisis shall have been reached and passed. 'A 
house divided against itself can not stand.' I believe this 
Government can not endure permanently half slave and 
half free. I do not expect the house to fall, but I do ex- 
pect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one 
thing or all the other. Either the opponents of slavery 
will arrest the further spread of it where the public mind 
shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate 
extinction, or its advocates will push it forward till it 
shall become alike lawful in all the States old as well as 
new, North as well as South.' " 

" There you find that Mr. Lincoln lays down the doc- 
trine that this Union can not endure divided as our fathers- 


made it, with free and slave States. He says they mustj 
all become one thing, or all the other ; that they must alt 
be free or all slave, or else the Union can not continue to<. 
exist. It being his opinion that to admit any more slave^ 
States to continue to divide the Union into, free and' 
slave States will dissolve it, I want to know of Mr. Lin- 
coln whether he will vote for the admission of another 
slave State. 

" He tells you the Union can not exist unless the States. 
are all free or all slave; he tells you that he is opposed; 
to making them all slave, and hence he is for making; 
them all free, in order that the Union may exist ; and yet 
he will not say that he will not vote against another slave 
State, knowing that the Union must be dissolved if he 
votes for it. I ask you if that is fair dealing? The true 
intent and inevitable conclusion to be drawn from his first 
Springfield speech is, that he is opposed to the admission, 
of any more slave States under any circumstances. Iff 
he is so opposed, why not say so? If he believes this. 
Union can not endure divided into free and slave States, , 
that they must all become free in order to save the Union, . 
he is bound, as an honest man, to vote against any more ; 
slave States. If he believes it, he is bound to do it. Show 
me that it is my duty, in order to save the Union, to do 
a particular act, and I will do it if the Constitution does; 
not prohibit it. I am not for the dissolution of the Union 
under any circumstances. I will pursue no course of con- 
duct that will give just cause for the dissolution of the 
Union. The hope of the friends of freedom throughout 
the world rests upon the perpetuity of this Union. The-| 
down-trodden and oppressed people who are suffering under- 
European despotism all look with hope and anxiety to the- 
American Union as the only resting place and permanent 
home of freedom and self-government. 

" Mr. Lincoln says that he believes that this Union can 
not continue to endure with slave States in it, and yet he 
will not tell you distinctly whether he will vote for or against; 
the admission of any more slave States, but says he would 
not like to be put to the test. I do not think he will be! 
put to the test. I do not think that the people of Illinois; 
desire a man to represent them who would not like to be, 
put to the test on the performance of a high constitutional 1 
duty. I will retire in shame from the Senate of the United] 
States when I am not willing to be put to the test in the; 
performance of my duty. I have been put to severe testa.' 


I have stood by my principles in fair weather and in foul, 
in the sunshine and in the rain. I have defended the 
great principles of self-government here among you when 
Northern sentiment ran in a torrent against me, and I , 
have defended that same great principle when Southern 
sentiment came down like an avalanche upon me. I was 
,not afraid of any test they put to me. I knew I was right 
I knew my principles were sound I knew that the people 
would see in the end that I had done right, and I knew 
that the God of Heaven would smile upon me if I was 
jfaithful in the performance of my duty. 

"Mr. Lincoln makes a charge of corruption against the 
Supreme Court of the United States, and two Presidents 

of the United States, and attempts to bolster it up by 
saying that I did the same against the Washington Union. 
Suppose I did make that charge of corruption against the 
Washington Union, when it was true; does that justify 
foim in making a false charge against me and others? 
'That is the question I would put. He says that at the 

time the Nebraska bill was introduced, and before it was 
passed, there was a conspiracy between the judges of the 

Supreme Court, President Pierce, President Buchanan and 
myself by that bill, and the decision of the Court, to break 
down the barrier and establish slavery all over the Union. 
Does he not know that that charge is historically false as 
;against Mr. Buchanan? He knows that Mr. Buchanan 
x was at that time in England, representing this country 
with distinguished ability at the court of St. James ; that 
he was there for a long time before, and did not return 
for a year or more after. He knows that to be true, and 
that fact proves his charge to be false as against Mr. 
Buchanan. Then, again, I wish to call his attention to 
the fact that at the time the Nebraska bill was parsed, 
the Dred Scott case was not before tbe Supreme Court at 
all; it was not upon the docket of the Supreme Court; 
it had not been brought there, and the judges in all prob- 
ability knew nothing of it. Thus the history of the country 
proves the charge to be false as against them. As to 
President Pierce, his high character as a man of integrity 
and Ijonor is enough to vindicate him from such a charge ; 
and as to myself, I pronounce the charge an infamous 
lie, whenever and wherever made, and by whomsoever 
made. I am willing that Mr. Lincoln should go and rake 
up every public act of mine, every measure I have intro- 
duced, report I have made, speech delivered, and criticise 
them, but when he charges upon me a corrupt conspiracy 


! for the purpose of perverting the institutions of the 
country, I brand it as it deserves. I say the history of 
the country proves it to be false, and that it could not 
have been possible at the time. But now he tries to pro- 
tect himself in this charge, because I made a charge 
against the Washington Union. My speech in the Senate 
against the Washington Union was made because it advo- 
cated a revolutionary doctrine, by declaring that the free- 
States had not the right to prohibit slavery within their 
own limits. Because I made that charge against the 
Washington Union, Mr. Lincoln says it was a charge 
against Mr. Buchanan. Suppose it was, is Mr. Lincoln 
the peculiar defender of Mr. Buchanan? Is he so inter- 
ested in the Federal Administration, and so bound to it, 
that he must jump to the rescue and defend it from every 
attack that I may make against it? I understand the whole 
thing. The Washington Union, under that most corrupt 
of all men, Cornelius Wendell, is advocating Mr. Lincoln's 
claim to the Senate. Wendell was the printer of the last 
Black Kepublican House of Representatives ; he was a 
candidate before the present Democratic house, but was 
ignpminiously kicked out, and then he took the money 
which he had made out of the public printing, by means 
of the Black Republicans, bought the Washington Union, 
and is now publishing it in the name of the Democratic 
party, and advocating Mr. Lincoln's election to tbe Senate. 
Mr. Lincoln, therefore, considers an attack upon Wendell 
and his corrupt gang as a personal attack upon himself. 
This only proves what I have charged, that there is an 
alliance between Lincoln and his supporters, and the 
Federal office-holders of this State, and Presidential aspi- 
rants out of it, to break me down at home. 

"Mr. Lincoln feels bound to come in to the rescue of 
the Washington Union. In that speech which I delivered 
in answer to the Washington Union, I made it distinctly 
against the Union, and against tne Union alone. I did 
not choose to go beyond that. If I have occasion to attack 
the President's conduct, I will do it in language that will 
not be misunderstood. When I differed with the Presi- 
dent, I spoke out so that you all heard me. That question 
passed away; it resulted in the triumph of my principle, 
by allowing the people to do as they please, and there i 
an end of the controversy. Whenever the great principle 
of self-government the right of the people to make their 
own constitution, and come into the Union with slavery 
or without, as they see proper shall again rise, you will 


~ me standing firm in defense of that principle, and 
fighting whoever fights it. If Mr. Buchanan stands, as I 
doubt not he will, by the recommendation contained in 
'his message, that hereafter all State constitutions ought 
[to be submitted to the people before the admission of the 
[State into the Union, he .will find me standing by him 
firmly, shoulder to shoulder, in carrying it out. I know 
; Mr. Lincoln's object; he wants to divide the Democratic 
party, in order that he may cheat me and get to the 

Mr. Douglas' time here expired, and he stopped on the 
moment. . 


"My FRIENDS: It will readily occur to you that I can- 
not, in half an hour, notice all the things that so able 
a man as Judge Douglas can say in an hour and a half; 
and I hope, therefore, if there be anything that he has 
said upon which you would like to hear something from 
:me, but which I omit to comment upon, you will bear in 
imind that it would be expecting an impossibility for me 
to go over his whole ground. I can but take up some of 
the points that he has dwelt upon, and employ my half 
ihour specially on them. 

" The first thing that I have to say to you, is a word in 
regard to Judge Douglas' declaration about the 'vulgarity 
; and blackguardism' in the audience, that no such thing, 
as he says, was shown by any Democrat while I was speak- 
ing. Now, I only wish, by way of reply on this subject, 
to say that while I was speaking, I used no 'vulgarity or 
blackguardism' toward any Democrat. 

"Now, my friends, I come to all this long portion of the 
-Judge's speech perhaps half of it which he has devoted 
to the various resolutions and platforms that have been 
^adopted in the different counties in the different Congres- 
sional districts, and in the Illinois Legislature, which he 
supposes are at variance with the positions I have assumed 
before you to-day. It is true that many of these resolu- 
tions are at variance with the positions I have here as- 
sumed. All I have to ask is, that we talk reasonably and 
rationally about it. I happen to know, the Judge's opinion 
to the contrary, notwithstanding, that I have never tried 
to conceal my opinions, nor tried to deceive any one in 
[reference to them. He may go and examine all the mem- 
bers who voted for me for United States Senator in 1855, 


:after the election of 1854. They were pledged to certain 
things here at home, and were determined to have pledges 
from me, and if he will find any of these persons who will 
tell him anything inconsistent with what I say now, I will 
resign, or rather retire from the race, and give him no 
more trouble. The plain truth is this. At the introduc- 
tion of the Nebraska policy, we believed there was a new 
era being introduced in the history of the Kepublic, which 
tended to the spread and perpetuation of slavery. But in 
our opposition to that measure we did not agree with one 
another in everything. The people in the north end of 
the State were for stronger measures of opposition than 
we of the central and southern portions of the State, but 
we were all opposed to the Nebraska doctrine. We had 
that one feeling and that one sentiment in common. You 
at the north end met in your conventions and passed your 
resolutions. We in the middle of the State and further 
south did not hold such conventions and pass the same 
resolutions, although we had, in general, a common view 
and a common sentiment. So that these meetings, which 
ihe Judge has alluded to, and the resolutions he has read 
from, were local, and did not spread over the whole State. 
We at last met together in 1856, from all parts of the 
State, and we agreed upon a common platform. You, 
who held more extreme notions, either yielded those 
notions, or, if not wholly yielding them, agreed to yield 
them practically, for the sake of embodying the opposition 
to the measures which the opposite party were pushing 
forward at that time. We met you then, and if there was 
.anything yielded, it was for practical purposes. We agreed 
then upon a platform for the party throughout the entire 
State of Illinois, and now we are all bound, as a party, 
4o that platform. And I say here to you, if any one ex- 
pects of me in the case of my election that I will do 
anything not signified by our Republican platform and my 
.answers here to-day, I tell you very frankly that person 
will be deceived. I do not ask for the vote of any one 
who supposes that I have secret purposes or pledges that 
1 dare not speak out. Can not the Judge be satisfied ? If 
he fears, in the unfortunate case of my election, that my 
going to Washington will enable me to advocate senti- 
ments contrary to those which I expressed when you voted 
for and elected me, I assure him that his fears are wholly 
needless and groundless. Is the Judge really afraid of any 
*euch thing? I'll tell you what he is afraid of. He is 
afraid we'll all pull together. This is what alarms him 


more than anything else. For my part, I do hope that 
all of us, entertaining a cpinmon sentiment in opposition* 
to what appears to us a design to nationalize and perpet- 
uate slavery, will waive minor differences on questions 
which either belong to the dead past or the distant future, 
and all pull together in the struggle. What are your sen- 
timents? If it be true, that on the ground which I 
occupy ground which I occupy as frankly and boldly as 
Judge Douglas does his my views, though partly coin- 
ciding with yours., are not as perfectly in accordance with 
your feelings as his are, I do say to you, in all candor, 
go for him and not for me. I hope to deal in all things 
fairly with Judge Douglas, and with the people of the 
State, in this contest. And if I should never be elected 
to any office, I trust I may go down with no stain of 
falsehood upon my reputation, notwithstanding the hard 
opinions Judge Douglas chooses to entertain of me. 

" Ttie Judge has again addressed himself to the aboli- 
tion tendencies of a speech of mine, made at Springlield 
in June last. I have so often tried to answer what he 
is always saying on that melancholy theme, that I almost 
turn with disgust from the discussion from the repetition 
of an answer to it. I trust that nearly all of this intelli- 
gent audience have read that speech. If you have, I may 
venture to leave it to you to inspect it closely, and see- 
whether it contains any of those 'bugaboos' which frighten 
Judge Douglas. 

" The Judge complains that I did not fully answer his 
questions. If I have the sense to comprehend and answer 
those questions, I have done so fairly. If it can be pointed 
out to me .how I can more fully and fairly answer him, 
I aver I have not the sense to see how it is to be done. 
He says I do not declare I would, in any event, vote for 
the admission of a slave State into the Union. If I have 
been fairly reported he will see that I did give an explicit 
answer to his interrogatories. I did not merely say that 
I would dislike to be put to the test; but I said clearly, 
if I were put to the test, and a Territory from which 
slavery had been excluded should present herself with a 
State Constitution sanctioning slavery, a most extraor- 
dinary thing, and wholly unlikely to happen, I did not 
see how I could avoid voting for her admission. But he 
rsfuses to understand that I said so, and he wants this 
audience to understand that I did not say so. Yet it will 
be so reported in the printed speech that he can not help- 
fleeing it. 


"He says if I should vote for the admission of a slave 
State I would be voting for a dissolution of the Union, 
because I hold that the Union cannot permanently exist 
half slave and half free. 1 repeat that I do not believe 
this Government can endure permanently half slave and 
half free, yet I do not admit, or does it at all follow, 
that the admission of a single slave State will perma- 
nently fix the character and establish this as a univer- 
sal slave Nation. The Judge is very happy indeed at 
working up these quibbles. Before leaving the subject of 
answering questions, I aver as my confident belief, when 
you come to see our speeches in print, that you will find 
every question which he has asked me more fairly and 
boldly and fully answered than he has answered those 
which I put to him. Is not that so? The two speeches- 
may be placed side by side ; and I will venture to leave 
it to impartial judges whether his questions have not been 
more directly and substantially answered than mine. 

" Judge Douglas says he made a charge upon the editor 
of the Washington Union, alone, of entertaining a purpose 
to rob the States of their power to exclude slavery from 
their limits. I undertake to say, and I make the direct 
issue, that he did not make his charge against the Union 
alone. I will undertake to prove by the record here, that 
he marie that charge against more and higher dignitaries 
than the editor of the Washing on Union. I am quite 
aware that he was shirking and dodging around the form 
in which he put it, but I can make it manifest that he 
leveled his 'fatal blow' against more persons than this 
Washington editor. Will he dodge it now by alleging 
that I am trying to defend Mr. Buchanan against the 
charge ? Not at all. Am I not making the same charge my- 
self? I am trying to show that you, Judge Douglas, are 
a witness on my side. I am not defending Buchanan, 
and I will tell Judge Douglas that in my opinion, when 
he made that charge he had an eye farther north than 
he was to-day. He was then fighting against people who- 
called him a Black ^Republican and an Abolitionist. It is 
mixed all through his speech, and it is tolerably manifest 
that his eye was a great deal farther north than it is to- 
day. The Judge says that though he made this charge, 
Toornbs got up and declared there was not a man in the 
United States, except the editor of the Union, who was 
in favor of the doctrine put forth in that article. And 
thereupon, I understand that the Judge withdrew the charge. 
Although he had taken extracts from the newspaper, 


and then from the Lecompton constitution, to show the 
existence of a conspiracy to bring about a 'fatal blow' 
by which the States were to be deprived of the right of 
excluding slavery, it all went to pot as soon as Toombs 
got up and told him it was not true. It reminds me of 
the story that John Phoenix, the California railroad sur- 
veyor, tells. He says they started out from Plaza to the 
Mission of Dolores. They had two ways of determining 
distances. One was by a chain and pins taken over the 
ground. The other was by a 'go-it-ometer,' an invention 
of his own a three-legged instrument, with which he 
computed a series of triangles between the points. At 
night he turned to the chain-man to ascertain what dis- 
tance they had come, and found that by some mistake he 
Jiad merely dragged the chain over the ground without keep- 
ing any record. By the 'go-it-ometer' he found he had 
made ten miles. Being skeptical about this, he asked a 
drayman who was passing how far it was to the Plaza. 
The drayman replied that it was just half a mile, and 
the surveyor put it down in his book just as Judge Doug- 
las says, after he had made his calculations and compu- 
tations, he took Toombs' statement. I have no doubt that 
after Judge Douglas had made his charge, he was as 
easily satisfied about its truth as the surveyor was of the 
drayman's statement of the distance to the Plaza. Yet it 
is a fact that the man who put forth all that matter 
which Douglas deemed a 'fatal blow' at State sovereignty, 
was elected by the Democrats as public printer. 

"Now, gentlemen, you may take Judge Douglas' speech 
of March 22d, 1858, beginning about the middle of page 
21, and reading to the bottom of page 24, and you will 
find the evidence on which I say that he did not make 
liis charge against the editor of the Union alone. I can 
not stop to read it, but I will give it to the reporters. 
Judge Douglas said: 

""Mr. President, you here find several distinct proposi- 
tions advanced boldly by the Washington Union, editorially 
and apparently authoritatively, and every man who questions 
any of them is denounced as an Abolitionist, a Freesoiler, 
a fanatic. The propositions are, first, that the primary 
object of all government at its original institution is the 
protection of persons and property ; second, that the Con- 
stitution of the United States declares that the citizens 
of each State shall be entitled to all the privileges and im- 
munities of citizens in the several States ; and that, there- 
fore, thirdly, all State laws, whether organic or otherwise, 


which prohibit the citizens of one State from settling in 
another with their slave property, and especially declaring 
it forfeited, are direct violations of the original intention 
<of the Government and Constitution of the United States ; 
and fourth, that the emancipation of the slaves of the 
Northern States was a gross outrage on the rights of 
property, inasmuch as it was involuntarily done on the 
part of the owner.' 

"Remember that this article was published in the Union 
on the 17th of November, and on the 18th appeared the 
first article giving the adhesion of the Union to the Le- 
-compton constitution. It was in these words : 

" 'KANSAS AND HER CONSTITUTION. The vexed question is 
settled. The problem is solved. The dread point of dan- 
: ger is passed. All serious trouble to Kansas affairs is 
'over and gone' 

"And a column, nearly, of the same sort. Then, when 
you come to look into the Lecomptpn constitution, you 
find the same doctrine incorporated in it which was put 
forth editorially in the Union. What is it? 

" 'Article 7, section 1. The right of property is before 
,nd higher than any constitutional sanction ; and the right 
of the owner of a slave to such slave and its increase, is 
the same and as invariable as the right of the owner of 
any property whatever.' 

"Then in the schedule is a provision that the constitu- 
tion may be amended after 1864 by a two-thirds vote. 

" 'But no alteration shall be made to affect the right of 
property in the ownership of slaves.' 

"It will be seen by these clauses in the Lecompton con- 
stitution that they are identical in spirit with this author- 
itative article in the Washington Union of the day previous 
to its indorsement of this constitution. 

"When I saw that article in the Union of the 17th of 
November, followed by the glorification of the Lecompton 
constitution on the 18th of November, and this clause in 
the constitution asserting the doctrine that a State has no 
right to prohibit slavery within its limits, I saw that there 
was a fatal blow being struck at the sovereignty of the 
States of this Union. 

"Here he says, 'Mr. President, you here find several 
distinct propositions advanced boldly, and apparently 
authoritatively.' By whose authority, Judge Douglas? 
Again, he says in another place, 'It will be seen by these 
clauses in the Lecompton constitution, that they are iden- 
tical in spirit with this authoritative article.' By whose 


authority? Who do you mean to say authorized the pub- 
lication of these articles ? He knows that the Washington 
Union is considered the organ of the administration. I 
demand of Judge Douglas by whose authority he meant to* 
say those articles were published, if not by the authority 
of the President of the United States and his cabinet? 
I defy him to show whom he referred to, if not to these 
high functionaries in the Federal Government. More than 
this, he says the articles in that paper and the provision 
of the Lecompton constitution are 'identical,' and beingf 
identical, he argues that the authors are co-operating and 
conspiring together. He does not use the word 'conspir- 
ing,' but what other construction can you put upon it?" 
He winds up with this : 

" 'When I saw that article in the Union of the 17th of 
November, followed by the glorification of the Lecompton 
constitution on the 18th of November, and this clause in. 
the constitution asserting the doctrine that a State has 
no right to prohibit slavery within its limits, I saw th it 
there was a fatal blow being struck at the sovereignty of 
the States of this Union.' 

" I ask him if all this fuss was made over the editor of 
this newspaper. It would be a terribly 'fatal blow' indeed, 
which a single man could strike, when no President, no 
Cabinet officer, no member of Congress, was giving strength 
and efficiency to the movement. Out of respect to Judge- 
Douglas' good sense, I must believe he didn't manufacture 
his idea of the 'fatal' character of that blow oat of such 
a miserable scapegrace as he represents that editor to be. 
But the Judge's eye is farther south now. Then, it was- 
very peculiarly and decidedly north. His hope rested on 
the idea of visiting the great 'Black Republican' party, 
and making it the tail of his new kite. He knows he was 
then expecting from day to day to turn Republican and 
place himself at the head of our organization. He has 
found that these despised 'Black Republicans' estimate him 
by a standard which he has taught them none too well. 
Hence he is crawling back into his old camp, and you will 
find him eventually installed in full fellowship among those 
whom he was then battling, and with whom he now pre- 
tends to be at such fearful variance. (Loud applause and 
cries of 'Go on, go on.') I can not, gentlemen, my time 
has expired." 

There had been a disposition on the part of Mr. Lincoln's 
political friends to see that he adopted such a line of policy 


as would prevent Mr. Douglas from taking an undue ad- 
vantage of him. They had an idea that they knew more 
about conducting the campaign than Mr. Lincoln could 
possibly know; and when he propounded to Douglas the 
four questions embraced in his opening speech on this 
occasion, they felt that he had done just what Douglas 
wanted him to do, and they said to him that he had al- 
ready as good as elected Douglas to the Senate. The 
unerring foresight of Lincoln was incomprehensible. His 
reply was : " That may be, but it will defeat him for the 
Presidency." So it proved, for it was the answers which 
Douglas gave to those questions which lost him the sup- 
port of the South in the campaign of 1860, and this divi- 
sion of the Democratic party gave the Presidency to the 

In the eyes of the Nation, these men were regarded as 
intellectual giants; but while they were giants, there was 
as much difference between them on the issue they dis- 
cussed, as there is between day and night. Douglas was 
ambitious for the Presidency, and really believed in the 
right of the people to hold colored men as slaves; and 
while in fact he was opposed to the further extension of 
slavery, yet he was in favor of allowing the people who 
framed the constitutions of the new States the right to 
settle the question for themselves. Lincoln, on the other 
hand, recognized slavery as a great moral wrong, but he 
also recognized the right of the owners of slaves to their 
property under existing laws, and was unwilling to disturb 
them in that right ; yet he was unalterably opposed to the 
further extension of slavery. He was not an Abolitionist 
in the sense that Sumner, Giddings or Hale were held. 
There was no prejudice in his mind against the Southern 
people. There was nothing denunciatory in the language 
of his speeches. He held to the principle of equity in 
regard to the rights of the owners of slaves, which was 


not possessed by any other leading man in the anti-slavery 
party. He sought justice for all men, and all sections,, 
and it was these principles which finally won for him the 
leadership of the party which had fought the existence or 
extension of slavery in so many forms, and gave to him 
such a proud position in the statesmanship of the civilized 


Governor William H. Bissell. 

Lieutenant- Governor John Wood. 

Secretary of State 0. M. Hatch. 

Auditor of Public Accounts Jesse K. Dubois. 

Treasurer William Butler. 

Superintendent of Public Instruction Newton Bateman,, 


The Twenty-first General Assembly convened January 3 
and consisted of the following members: 


Norman B. Judd, Cook. A. L. Knapp, Jersey. 

Henry W. Blodgett, Lake. C. W. Vanderen, Sangamon. 

Zenas Applington, Ogle. Joel S. Post, Macon. 

J. H. Addams, Stephenson. Sam'l W. Fuller, Tazewell. 

Richard F. Adams, Lee. T. A. Marshall, Coles. 

G. D. A. Parks, Will. Mortimer O'Kean, Jasper. 

B. C. Cook, LaSalle. Silas L. Bryan, Marion. 
Geo. C. Bestor, Peoria. S. A. Buckmaster, Madison. 
T. J. Henderson, Stark. Wm. H. Underwood, St. Glair.. 
Wm. C. Goudy, Fulton. Sam'l H. Martin, White. 

J. P. Richmond, Schuyler. E. C. Cofifey, Washington. 
Austin Brooks, Adams. A. J. Kuykendall, Johnson. 

C. L. Higbee, Pike. 



Wm. A. Hacker, Union. 
Wm. H. Green, Massac. 
J. D. Pulley, Johnson, 
Thos. S. Hick,: Gallatin. 
J. Hampton, Franklin. 
J. E. Detrich, Eandolph. 
J. D. Wood, Washington. 
J. Mcllvaine, Hamilton, 
W. B. Anderson, Jefferson. 
John G., Powell, White. 

E. T. Forth, Wayne. 
W. E. Morrison, Monroe. 
John Scheel, St. Glair. 
Vital Jarrot, St. Clair. 
Chas. Hoiles, Bond. 

Z. B. Job, Madison. 
J. H. Sloss, Madison. 
S. Hardin, Effingham. 
W. J. Stephenson, Clay. 
H. C. McCleave, Crawford. 
J. Updegraff, Clark. 
T. Brewer, Cumberland. 
J. M. Davis, Montgomery. 
W. C. Shirley, Macoupin. 

F. P. _Eush, Calhoun. 
Alex. King, Greene. 
Eobt. Mosely, Edgar. 
Wm. W. Craddock, Coles. 
J. W. Barrett, Sangamon. 
Dan'l Short, Sangamon. 
Cyrus Epler, Morgan. 
Elisha B. Hitt, Scott. 
Gilbert J. Shaw, Pike. 
King Kerley, Brown. 
Moses M. Bane, Adams. 
Western Metcalf, Adams. 
Lewis D. Erwin, Schuyler. 
W. H. Eosevelt, Hancock. 

Lieutenant-Governor John Wood presided over the Sen- 
ate, and Finney D. Preston, of Eichland, was elected 
Secretary, over J. W. Schaffer, of Stephenson, by a vote 
of 14 to 11. 

Wm. Berry, McDonough. 
J. G. Graham, Fulton. 
S. P. Cumminog, Fulton. 
Wm. Engle, Menard. 
Geo. H. Campbell, Logan. 
Dan'l Stickel, DeWitt. 
0. F. Harmon, Vermilion. 
Leonard Swett, McLean. 
E. B. M. Wilson, Tazewell. 
Wm. C. Bice, Henderson, 
Thos. C. Moore, Peoria. 
Myrtle G. Brace, Stark. 
J. S. McCall, Marshall. 
Alex. Campbell, LaSalle. 
E. S. Hicks, Livingston. 
Val. Vermilyea, Kendall. 
Hiram Norton, Will. 
Alonzo W. Mack, Kankakee. 
J. M. Hood, DuPage. 
Wm. Patton, DeKalb, 
Wm. B. Plato, Kane. 
John H. Bryant, Bureau. 
E. Gilmore. Jr., Eock Island. 
Wm. Prothrow, Whiteside. 
Joshua White, Ogle. 
James DeWolf, Carroll. 
H. S. Townsend, JoDaviess. 
J. A. Davis, Stephenson. 
E. W. Blaisdell, jr., Winnebago- 
L. H. Church, McHenry. 
S. A. Hurlbut, Boone. 
Elijah M. Haines, Lake. 
Van H. Higgins, Cook. 
Samuel L. Baker, Cook. 
Ebenezer Peck, Cook. 
Casper Butz, Cook. 
Eufus W. Miles, Knox. 


W. E. Morrison, of Monroe, was elected Speaker of the 
House, over Vital Jarrot, of St. Clair, by vive voce vote, 
and David E. Head, of Hancock, was elected Clerk, over 
Christopher C. Brown, of Sangamon, by a vote of 40 
to 34. 

A.mong the new members of this assembly who \vere 
able and active, were : Blodgett, Brooks, Higbee, Knapp, 
Marshall, Euckmaster, Hacker, Green, Thomas S. Hick, 
Swett, Mack, Plato, Bryant, Hurlbut, Peck, Haines. 

The message of Governor Bissell was laid before the 
two houses on the 5th. He congratulated the Genoal 
Assembly on the happy and prosperous condition of the 
State in these words : 

" Each recurring session of our Legislature brings with 
it increasing cause of gladness at the rapid and marvel- 
ous advances which we, as the people of a sovereign 
State, are making in all the elements of National great- 
ness. Our physical, intellectual and moral condition is 
advancing with a rapidity probably never equalled in any 
age, nor among any people on the globe. Our almost 
limitless prairies are being converted, as if by magic, into 
i'ertile and teeming fields, the produce of which, finding 
cheap and, speedy transit over our magnificent rivers and 
railroads to the best markets in the world, is enriching 
our farmers, and creating and sustaining a healthful busi- 
ness in all the useful departments of life ; while the steady 
and rapid multiplication of school houses, for the common 
as well as higher schools, throughput the State, give evi- 
dence, alike conclusive and gratifying, that the impor- 
tant matter of educating the rising generation is beginning 
to receive from our citizens that degree of attention which 
its real importance demands." 

He showed that the State debt and the arrears of interest 
had been reduced during the years 1857-53, $1,166,876.74, 
leaving a balance of principal and arrears of interest of 
$11,133,453.93. He advised less legislation on private or 
trivial matters, and recommended that the laws enacted 
should be few and general. He recommended legislation 
in the interest of agriculture, the charitable institutions, 


Normal University, public instruction, banking and other 
general subjects, such as a school for idiots, criminal 
code and the militia. On questions political he said : 

"I took occasion in my first annual message to refer to 
disturbing questions which then agitated and continue to 
agitate the country. It is to be deplored that any question 
exists so important and yet so complex as to disturb the 
perfect amity which should prevail in a government con- 
stituted like ours. 

"Instead of a decrease of causes of complaint, new sub- 
jects of a disturbing character are presented, until it would 
seem that a fixed determination prevails to deprave public 
sentiment, and accustom it to aggressions, until either 
through exhaustion or indifference all opposition to nation- 
alizing slavery shall subside or become inert. 

"The decision of the highest judicial tribunal known to 
our country, apparently designed to encourage the belief 
that slavery may and does of right lawfully exist in all 
the Territories, if not in all the States of the Union, was 
a backward step in the march of civilization, which has 
excited the surprise and regret of a very large portion of 
all the people of the Union. 

"While the belief is inculcated that the hand of Provi- 
dence has marked out a chosen boundary within which no 
other institutions than such as are sustained by human 
slavery can be prosperous or produce the results desirable 
for the promotion of human welfare, and while negroes 
are openly imported and landed on our coasts, in defiance 
of law, without any apparent probability of punishment 
for the outrage, or of preventing its recurrence, it may be 
vain to hope that any harmony will be very soon estab- 
lished in reference to this disturbing question. 

"The public mind does not find in such action any im- 
mediate prospect of repose. The anomalous condition of 
things in this regard is an admonition to us that vigilance 
in the protection of human freedom and human rights 
should be quickened, or the permanent elevation and hap- 
piness of the white race will be endangered. 

"To avoid the perils that surround our institutions, and 
to perpetuate freedom and extend the blessings of liberty 
designed and left us as an inheritance by our forefatl ers, 
it is important that we should not shrink from such a 
declaration of our opinions, and from such positive action 
as will effectually arrest further aggressions upon the laws 
of the Nation and the spirit of the Constitution. 


"In an age so prone to misrepresentation as the present, 
our devotion to the Constitution and the Union cannot b& 
too frequently nor too distinctly declared. In view of this,. 
I cannot forbear placing upon record my protest, embody- 
ing, as I believe, the sentiment of the people of Illinois, 
against the idea and against any national policy conform- 
ing to the idea that the Almighty has drawn a line on 
this continent on one side of which the soil must be cul- 
tivated by slave labor." 

On the 6th of January the Senate and House of Kepre- 
sentatives met in joint session for the purpose of electing: 
a United States Senator; Stephen A. Douglas received 
54 votes and Abraham Lincoln 46. Douglas having re- 
ceived a majority of all the votes cast, was declared duly- 
elected for the term of six years, from March, 1859. 

The duration of the session was fifty-two days. Outside 
of the election of Senator, there was little of an exciting 
nature, and the laws enacted, other than those which per- 
tained to the carrying on of the State government and the 
institutions, were local in character. A joint resolution 
was passed asking Congress for the immediate construc- 
tion of a building at Springfield, for the accommodation of 
United States courts, pension, land and post offices, and 
also a joint resolution recommending that at the next 
election for members of the General Assembly the electors- 
vote for or against calling a convention to form a new 



Four State Tickets Four Electoral Tickets Aggregate Vote' fur State 
Officers Aggregate Vote for Congressmen, by Districts Aggregate 
Vote for Electors How Lovejoy Conquered Prejudice An Attempt to 
Kidnap Richard Yates How Lovejoy Helped the Democrats-- Y-ates and, 
the Kentucky Colonel "It Made Our Very Hair Frizzle." 

The Republicans were early in opening the campaign. 
They assembled in State Convention on the 9th of May. 
Eichard Yates was nominated for Governor, Francis A. 
Hoffman for Lieutenant-Governor, Jesse K. Dubois for 
Auditor, Wm. Butler for Treasurer, 0. M. Hatch for Sec- 
retary of State, and Newton Bateman for Superintendent 
of Public Instruction. A resolution favoring the nomina- 
tion of Abraham Lincoln for President was unanimously 

On the 13th of June the Democrats met at Springfield 
and nominated James C. Allen for Governor, L. W. Koss 
for Lieutenant-Governor, G. H. Campbell for Secretary of 
State, Bernard Arntzen for Auditor, Hugh Maher for Treas- 
urer, and E. B. Roe for Superintendent of Public Instruc- 
tion. They endorsed the candidacy of Stephen A. Douglas 
for the Presidency. 

The Buchanan Democracy held their State convention 
at the same place, on the llth of July, and nominated 
Thomas M. Hope for Governor, Thomas Snell for Lieu- 
tenant-Governor, B. T. Burke for Secretary of State, Henry 
S. Smith for Auditor, W. H. Gather for Treasurer, and 


J. H. Dennis for Superintendent of Public Instruction. 
This convention was composed chiefly of Federal office 

The Bell and Everett party Native American held 
their State convention as late as August 16, at Decatur. 
John T. Stuart was nominated for Governor, Henry S. Black- 
burn for Lieutenant-Governor, James Monroe for Secretary 
of State, James D. Smith for Auditor, Jonathan Stamper 
for Treasurer, and D. J. Snow for Superintendent of Pub- 
lic Instruction. 

The Democratic National Convention had assembled at 
Charleston, South Carolina, April 23, with full delegations 
from every State, and after fifty-seven ineffectual ballots 
for a candidate for President, seven of the Southern States 
withdrew, when the convention adjourned, to meet at Bal- 
timore, June 18, at which Stephen A. Douglas was nomi- 
nated for President, and B. Fitzpatrick, of Georgia, for 
Vice- President, but Fitzpatrick declined the nomination, 
and Hershell V. Johnson, of the same State, was substi- 
tuted by the National Committee. The Seceders met in 
the same city, June 22, and nominated John C. Breckin- 
ridge, of Kentucky, for President, and Joseph Lane, of 
Oregon, for Vice-President. 

A " Constitutional Union " convention from twenty States 
met at Baltimore, May 9, and nominated John Bell, of 
Tennessee, and Edward Everett, of Massachusetts, for the 
Presidency and Vice-Presidency. 

The Republican National Convention assembled at Chi- 
cago, May 16, and nominated Abraham Lincoln for Presi- 
dent, and Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine, for Vice-President. 

The novel spectacle of four State tickets and four Presi- 
dential tickets was presented to our people for the first 
and perhaps the last time. 

The contest was remarkable in character. The four 
Presidential tickets made it necessary to present four sets 


of State and District Electors, which, added to the candi- 
dates on the respective State tickets, presented an array 
of speaking talent that was never before, nor since, wit- 
nessed in any political struggle in our State. But the 
real issue was between the Kepublican party and the 
Douglas Democracy. Eichard Yates was regarded as one 
of the ablest, if not the ablest and most impressive speak- 
er in the country, while James C. Allen was as near his 
peer as any man within the Democratic lines. Each 
made an extended canvass, speaking day and night to con- 
gregated thousands of anxious hearers. The issue was 
National the slavery question and while Allen presented 
the views of his wing of the Democratic party with mas- 
terly ability, it was apparent that the popular heart in 
the more enlightened districts was with Yates, and that 
the people felt that the Eepublican party was not only 
progressive in character, but that it was sound in its 
theory as to the proper solution of the vexed question of 
slavery, and when the election returns came in it was 
shown that the Eepublicans had carried the Presidential 
and State tickets, and both branches of the Legislature. 
Yates run 1,090 ahead of Lincoln and Hamlin, and Allen 
999 ahead of Douglas and Johnson. The Breckinridge 
and Lane vote was 2,292, and Bell and Everett 4,851. 
The Eepublican vote for President was 171,106, and the 
Douglas vote was 158,254. 

The aggregate vote for State officers, Congressmen and 
Presidential Electors is as follows : 


Eichard Yates 172,196 

James C. Allen, D 159,258 

T. M. Hope, B. D 2,049 

John T. Stuart, B. E 1,G26 

Scattering 1,279 



jF. A. Hoffman, B 171,757 

|Lewis W. Eoss, D 158,883 

IThomas Snell, B. D 1,909 

H. C. Blackburn, B. E 3,569 

J. W. Bushnell 43 

'Scattering 36 


0. M. Hatch, R 172,836 

G. H. Campbell, D 160,293 

B. T. Burke, B. D 2,022 

Jas. Monroe, B. E 3,459 


J. K. Dubois, E 173,101 

B. Arntzen, D 159,841 

H. S. Smith, B. D 2,127 

J. D. Smith, B. E 8,4CO 


Wm. Butler, E 172,622 

Hugh Maher, D 160,923 

W. H. Gather, B. D 1,967 

Jonathan Stamper, B. E 3,417 


N. Bateman, E 173,064 

E. E. Eoe, D 160,143 

D. J. Snow, B. E 8,314 

J. H. Dennis, B. D 1,998 


Elihu Washburne, E 21,436 

Theodore A. C. Beard 8,929 

Scattering 14 


Isaac N. Arnold, E 30,834 

Augustus M. Herrington 16,950 

Scattering 72 



Owen Lovejoy, E 29,600 

Eobert N. Murray 18,843 

William N. Murry 884 

Scattering 69 


William Kellogg, R 25,668 

Eobt. G. Ingersoll 21,297 

Scattering 15 


William A. Eichardson, D 16,946 

3enj. M. Prentiss 14,684 

-Scattering 20 


John A. McClernand, D 21,206 

Henry Case 16,244 

Scattering 7 


James C. Eobinson, D 19,206 

Jas. T. Cunningham.' 16,313 

Scattering ' 10 


Philip B. Fouke, D 16,592 

Joseph Gillespie 13,815 

"Willis D. Green 129 


John A. Logan, D 20,863 

David T. Linegar 5,207 

Scattering 165 


Leonard Swett 171,106 

John M. Palmer 171,126 

Allen C. Fuller 171,110 

William B. Plato 171,137 

Lawrence Welden 171,019 

William P. Kellogg 171,029 

uJames Stark 171,021 


James C. Conkling 170,703 

Henry P. H. Bromwell 171,021 

Thomas G. Allen 171,035 

John Olney 171,018 


James L. D. Morrison 158,254 

William H. W. Cushman 158,257 

John A. Bawlins 158,233 

J. Wilson Drury 158,248 

Samuel W. Randall 158,244 

S. Corning Judd 158,246 

Calvin A. Warren 158,247 

Anthony Thornton 15S,248 

Nathan W. Tupper 158,248 

William H. Underwood 158,246 

Isham N. Haynie 158,244 


John Dougherty 2,292 

Thompson Campbell : 2,292 

William Shannon, Jr 2,292 

John C. Ambler 2,292 

Norman H. Purple 2,293 

William C. Wagley 2,292 

John L. McConnel 2,288 

John E. Cummings 2,292 

J. M. Hawley 2,111 

John E. Neil 2,147 

Justus Stevens 2,292. 

BELL, C. U. 

M. Y. Johnson 4,851 

David M. Woodson 4,803 

H. S. Hanchett 4,819 

John G. Piogers 4,811 

Josiah Snow 4,798 

Alexander J. Frick 4,811 

C. M. Irwin 4,811 

David A. Brown 4,811 

John Kofer 4,811 

L. Noland 4,80 

W. J. Yost 4,770> 




In this campaign, Gov. Palmer, then a Eepublican, and 
from early manhood an Abolitionist in principle, and al- 
ways an outspoken friend of the colored race, refused to 
take the stump for the Kepublican ticket unless the Ee- 
publican leaders would consent to send to his section 
some of the pronounced Abolitionists of the country, such 
as Sumner, Giddings, Hale or Lovejoy, contending that 
he had been the apologist for the views of these men as- 
long as he wished; that as Eepublicans they could not 
longer disguise the fact that they were in reality Aboli- 
tionists, and he was in favor of meeting the issue fairly 
and squarely. Finally he overpowered the views of the 
local committee and an application was made to the State 
Central Committee for one or more of these speakers, 
and an appointment was made for Owen Lovejoy at Te- 
gard's Mill, in the corner of the counties of Greene, Jersey 
and Macoupin. Norman B. Judd and John H. Bryant, 
brother of the poet, accompanied Mr. Lovejoy, but when 
they reached Carlinville, where they were to remain over 
night, none of the Eepublicans were willing to entertain 
Mr. Lovejoy, and Gov. Palmer, a recognized Abolitionist, 
was quietly requested to allow him to become his guest, 
which he did. Next day, when they arrived at the place 
of meeting, they found full five thousand people assembled, 
most of whom came through curiosity, simply to see 
the wonderful Abolitionist. In all that number it 
is said there were not five hundred Eepublicans. The 
stand from which Lovejoy was to speak had been boarded 
up on all sides, leaving only a doorway. A short time 
before the speaking was to begin, Mr. Palmer obtained an 
axe and walking deliberately into the stand said, in his- 
pleasant off-hand way : " Gentlemen, we have with us to- 
day the wonderful Abolitionist, Owen Lovejoy; you have 
seen that he has neither horns nor tail, and now I will 


allow you to see that he has no hoofs," at the same time 
knocking the boards from all sides of the stand so as to 
expose the person of Mr. Lovejoy to full view. The effect 
of this undreamed of proceeding put everybody in a good 
Jiumor, and Mr. Lovejoy, humoring the fun Mr. Palmer had 
had at his expense, came forward with his face wreathed 
in smiles and commenced his address without a thought 
as to the character of his audience, speaking for over two 
Jiours; and it is said by those who had heard him on 
many occasions before that he never made a more effec- 
tive speech in his life. There were a thousand people in 
iears. He had conquered prejudice, simply by his power 
of eloquence. That night there was no trouble about his 
getting shelter. 

This campaign was one of the most hotly contested 
struggles ever witnessed in Southern Illinois, and the in- 
cident of which we write occurred in Gallatin county, 
which was then regarded as the fountain head of pure 
Democracy. It had been the early home of many of the 
great lights of the party, and every attempt to dispute 
its authority was regarded as an invasion of sacred rights. 
Indeed, the people were so devoted to the cause of the 
Democracy, that an outspoken Eepublican was held in 
extreme contempt. But in this campaign the political 
world was moving, and the Democracy were thoroughly 
aroused to the necessity of disputing every inch of ground 
with their Republican adversary. The Republicans, few 
as they were in number, were equally in earnest, and 
there was hot blood in every quarter. The Democracy 
opened the campaign at Shawneetown with a grand bar- 
becue. It was a great meeting, and was addressed by Gov. 
A. P. Willard of Indiana, John A. Logan, candidate for 
Congress, and Lewis W. Ross, candidate for Lieutenant- 
Governor, in the order in which their names appear. 


"The speech of Mr. Willard, who at that time was re- 
garded as the ablest and most eloquent champion of the 
Democratic party of the Northwest, was a powerful 
arraignment of the Eepublican party, and it caused many 
of the new converts to waver in their devotion to the 
cause they had so lately espoused, and to have judged 
the situation from the temper of that meeting would 
have been to predict a signal victory for the Democratic 
party. But weak as the Kepublicans were, they were not 
to be overwhelmed by this single blow, and they set them- 
selves about to hold a similar meeting upon the 
identical spot. Preparations were made for a bar- 
becue, and a cordial invitation was extended to the 
people from far and near to be present, and hear Eepub- 
lican principles discussed from a Eepublican standpoint. 
Eichard Yates, the Eepublican candidate for Governor, 
ivas positively announced to address the meeting. He 
was then in the very prime of manhood. The Democrats 
~were afraid of his power on the stump, and it was deter- 
mined by a few of the most daring of that party, that he 
.should be kidnapped, and thus prevent his appearance at 
the meeting. (The writer was then a resident of Gallatin 
county, and was one of those who did not wish to hear 
Mr. Yates speak.) He had spoken the day before at Carmi. 
The road on which he was expected to arrive was care- 
fully guarded, and every precaution taken to make sure 
of his capture. An all-night watch was kept up, but in 
an unguarded moment the sentinels slept, and Yates, un- 
conscious of their designs upon his liberty, arrived safely 
during the night in company with Eobert Kirkham, (now 
Colonel) and next day he appeared in due time as the 
fearless champion of the Eepublican party. The meeting 
was fully as large as that held by the Democracy, but 
there were comparatively few Eepublicans present. Many 
came through curiosity; others for mischief. Yates had 


hardly taken his seat on the stand before a series of 
hideous groans rent the air. But when the speaker was 
formally introduced the noise and confusion knew no 
bounds, and it continued until Daniel Jacobs, a life-long 
Democrat, mounted a spring wagon which stood in the 
midst of the throng, and declared in a tone loud enough 
to be heard by all, that the distinguished speaker should 
be heard, or he himself would be taken from the grounds 
a corpse and then and there, announced his abandonment 
of the Democratic party. This bold and daring declara- 
tion brought order out of confusion, when Mr. Yates pro- 
ceeded with his address without further interruption, save 
an occasional question from some of the advanced thinkers 
of the Democratic party as to his position upon the "black 
laws" and negro equality, subjects which were the stock in 
trade of the Democratic leaders of that section. But tima 
brings many changes in politics. Some of the very men 
who were foremost in the effort to break up that meeting 
are now leaders in the Republican party; and the name- 
of Yates is held in dear remembrance by many who heard 
him on that memorable occasion. 


In this campaign, James S. Martin, now General, of Salem,, 
was a Democrat, and being anxious to swell the Democratic- 
vote of Marion county, he proposed to the Republican lead- 
ers that if they would get up a meeting for Owen Lovejoy, 
that the Democrats would assist in defraying the expenses. 
Relating the circumstance to the writer, he said Lovejoy 
had not proceeded far with his address before the Demo- 
crats became satisfied that they had made a bad invest- 
ment. The speech, said he, was one of the finest he ever 
listened to, and that when referring to the unfortunate 
condition of the down-trodden negro, he brought tears to> 
the eyes of strong men whose Democracy was thought to> 


foe unflinching, and instead of augmenting the Democratic 
vote, it added new followers to the [Republican cause. 


This anecdote of Gov. Yates comes from an eye-witness : 

After making a speech at Shawneetown, to which refer- 

-ence has been made, Yates took a steamer for Evansville, 

Ind. On the boat Col. C , of Kentucky, walked up in 

front of him, and in a haughty and insulting manner said : 
"I heard your speech to-day, sir; you insulted our peo- 
ple, sir ! Now, by Jupiter, I'll let you know I am a Ken- 
tuckian, sir! And, by Jupiter, I will teach you " 

Yates sprang up without waiting for the end of the sen- 
tence, and exclaimed: 

"And I'll let you know I am a Kentuckian, too, 'by 
Jupiter,' and if you propose to teach me anything, open 
you/ school right now, sir, and we will see who is master 
in that school!" 

The Kentucky Colonel was not prepared for so much 
ready courage on the part of the Republican champion, 
.and abruptly left Yates master of the situation, to the 
utter delight of many of the passengers. 


This amusing incident in the campaign of 1860 has never 
been in print. The Democracy of Gallatin county adver- 
tised a great meeting at New Market; the presence of 
many eminent speakers had been promised, but to the 
surprise of all, none of them appeared, and their places 
had to be filled by home talent, among which was James 
B. Turner, then a young lawyer of promise, and afterward 
a member of the General Assembly. The burden of Turner's 
speech was against Eichard Yates, the Eepublican candi- 
date for Governor. His purpose was to show that Yates 
was in favor of negro equality, and to prove this he cited 
the fact that Yates, when in the Legislature, had favored 


the repeal of the " black laws." "A motion," said he, " hact 
been made to lay that bill on the table, and the journals 
showed that Yates had voted in the negative. Now, fellow 
citizens," said Mr. Turner, "I will tell you the effect of a. 
motion to lay a bill upon the table. I happen to have 
some little legislative experience ; I happened to be a lobby 
member at the time our gallant and patriotic Stephen A. 
Douglas was re-elected to the United States Senate, and 
I tell you it made our very hair frizzle when the result 
was announced." And here he left the subject, leaving 
his hearers to believe that the effect of a. motion to lay a, 
bill on the table is "to make the hair frizzle." 


Governor Eichard Yates. 

Lieutenant-Governor Francis A. Hoffman. 

Secretary of State 0. M. Hatch. 

Auditor of Public Accounts Jesse K. Dubois. 

Treasurer William Butler. 

Superintendent of Public Instruction Newton Bateman., 

Gov. Bissell died at Springfield March 15, 1860, when 
Lieut. -Gov. Wood became Governor until the election and 
qualification of Eichard Yates, January 14, 1861. 


The Twenty- Second General Assembly convened on Mon- 
day, January 7, and consisted of the following members :- 




Wm. B. Ogden, Cook. 
Henry W. Blodgett, Lake. 
Zenas Applington, Ogle. 
J. H. Addams, Stephenson. 
Richard F. Adams, Lee. 
A. W. Mack, Kankakee. 
W. Bushnell, LaSalle. 
Geo. C. Bestor, Peoria. 
T. J. Pickett, Eock Island. 
Wm. Berry, McDonough. 
J. P. Richmond, Schuyler. 
Austin Brooks, Adams. 
C. L. Higbee, Pike. 

A. L. Knapp, Jersey. 
Wm. Jayne, Sangamon. 
R. J. Oglesby, Macon. 
Henry E. Dummer, Cass. 
Thos. A. Marshall, Coles. 
P. Funkhouser, Effingham. 
Zadok Casey, Jefferson. 
S. A. Buckmaster, Madison. 
W. H. Underwood, St. Clair. 
Hugh Gregg, Williamson. 
Jas. M. Bodgers, Clinton. 
A. J. Kuykendall, Johnson. 


Wm. A. Hacker, Union. 
Wm. H. Green, Massac. 
Jas. D. Pulley, Johnson. 
William Elder, Saline. 
Peter Keifer, Jackson. 

E. Faherty, Randolph. 
Orson Kellogg, Perry. 
Cloyd Crouch, Hamilton. 
C. W. Webster, Marion. 
James M. Sharp, White. 
Nathan Crews, Wayne. 
H. C. Talbott, Monroe. 
Vital Jarrot, St. Clair. 
Samuel Stookey, St. Clair. 
Joshua P. Knapp, Clinton. 
Cyrus Edwards, Madison. 
G. Crownover, Madison. 

F. H. Stoddard, Fayette. 
Isaac H. Walker, Clay. 
Aaron Shaw, Crawford. 
John Scholfield, Clark. 
Thos. W. Harris, Shelby. 
H. M. Vandeveer, Christian. 
J. T. Pennington, Macoupin. 
John N. English, Jersey. 
Ben]'. Baldwin, Greene. 

N. B. Stage, Edgar. 

Smith Nichols, Coles. 

S. M. Cullom, Sangamon. 

N. M. Broadwell, Sangamon. 
Isaiah Turney, Morgan. 
Albert G. Burr, Scott. 
Wm. R. Archer, Pike. * 
Benj. F. DeWitt, Brown. 
J. W. Singleton, Adams. 
W. C. Harrington, Adams. 
Lewis D. Erwin, Schuyler. 
W. H. Rolloson, Hancock. 
S.H. McCandless, M'Donough. 
John G. Graham, Fulton. 
S. P. Cummings, Fulton. 
Frederick Rearick, Menard. 
Robert B. Latham, Logan. 
Lawrence Weldon, DeWitt. 
Samuel G. Craig, Vermilion. 
Harvey Hogg, McLean. 
David Kyes, Tazewell. 
Wm. C. Maley, Warren. 

E. G. Johnson, Peoria. 
Theodore F. Kurd, Stark. 
Henry D. Cook, Woodford. 
A. J. Cropsey, LaSalle. 

J. W. Newport, Grundy. 
V. Vermilyea, Kendall. 
Franklin Blades, Iroquois. 
Samuel Storer, Will. 

F. H. Mather, DuPage. 
Edward R. Allen, DtKalb. 


Thos. S. Terry, Kane. A. A. Hale, Winnebago. 

J. W. Harris, Bureau. S. A. Hurlbut, Boone. 

E. W. Smith, Rock Island. L. 8. Church, McHenry. 

George Eyan, Lee. Elijah M. Haines, Lake. 

Francis A. McNeal, Ogle. J. Y. Scammon, Cook. 

Benj. L. Patch, Carroll. Wm. H. Brown, Cook. 

J. E. Jones, Jo Daviess. S. M. Wilson, Cook. 

*E.H. McClellan, Jo Daviess. Homer Wilmarth, Cook. 

J. F. Ankeny, Stephenson. Arthur A. Smith, Knox. 

The Eepublicans had a majority in both houses. When 
ihe Senate met, A. J. Kuykendall was elected temporary 
Chairman, and C. W. Waite Secretary pro tempore, when 
the Senate proceeded to elect permanent officers. Thomas 
A. Marshall was elected Speaker over A. J. Kuykendall 
by a vote of 12 to 9. C. W. Waite was elected Secretary 
over E. S. Dennis, by a vote of 13 to 10. On the quali- 
fication of Mr. Hoffman as Lieutenant-Governor, he became 
Speaker of the Senate. 

Shelby M. Cullom was elected Speaker of the House, 
over James W. Singleton, by a vote 39 to 29. Harley 
Wayne was elected Clerk, over M. B. Harrell, by a vote 
of 40 to 32. 

This was the first time in the history of the State where 
any party, other than the Democratic, had had a majority 
in both branches of the Legislature. In 1855 Mr. Trum- 
bull was elected United States Senator, over Gen. Shields, 
by a fusion of the anti-Kansas-Nebraska Democrats with 
the Whigs, but the Whigs had not the ascendency in 
either house, and the Democrats dominated the legislation 
of the session. 

Of the prominent members, and those to attain promi- 
nence of the two houses, there were among the new mem- 
bers : Ogden, Bushnell, Jayne, Oglesby, Casey, Underwood, 
Kuykendall, Edwards, Shaw, Scholfield, Cullom, Burr, 
Archer, Singleton, Weldon, Blades, Jones, McClellan, 
Haines, Scammon. 

*Vice J. Russell Jones, resigned. 


Joint resolutions of respect were adopted on the death 
of Gov. Bissell. 

The administration of Mr. Bissell was marked with 
moderation and wisdom, and he gave his undivided atten- 
tion to the discharge of the duties of his trust. He was 
born in New York, April 25, 1811; he was self-educated; 
he studied medicine, and graduated in 1834 at the Medical 
^College in Philadelphia ; he removed to Illinois, and after 
practicing his profession until 1840, was elected a Kepre- 
sentative in the Legislature; he studied law, and was 
admitted to the bar, and in 1844 was elected Prosecuting 
Attorney ; he served with distinction in the Mexican war ; 
Jbe was a Representative in Congress from 1849 to 1855. 

On January 9th, the message of Gov. Wood was read in 
the two houses. It showed that there had been paid of 
the State debt, from January, 1857, to January, 1861, 
$2,860,402.49, and that there were in existence one hun- 
dred and ten banks, with a circulation of $12,320,964. 
He recommended legislation which would better secure the 
bill-holder ; advocated the calling of a convention to frame 
a new constitution; suggested the reorganization of the 
militia, and additional legislation in the interests of the 
public schools. 

Of the conflict of sentiment between the North and the 
South, which was fast ripening into real war, he said: 

"The people of Illinois deem the constitution which 
clasps these States as no temporary bond to be worn and 
loosed at will but as an eternal covenant, framed by 
wise and patriotic men, fraught with all our past glory ; 
all our present happiness; all our future hope; and be- 
queathed as a sacred trust, demanding our unceasing 
-efforts for its protection and perpetuation. We can im- 
agine, in the severance of this government, no advantage 
to us, to our countrymen, to humanity, that would in the 
least degree compensate for the flood of evils that must 
pour in upon us in such an event. If grievances to any 
portion of our confederation have arisen within the Union, 


within the Union let them be redressed. If unconstitu- 
tional laws, trenching upon the guaranteed rights of any 
of our sister States, have found a place upon our statute 
books, let them be removed. If prejudice and alienation 
towards any of our fellow-countrymen has fastened upon 
our minds, let it be dismissed and forgotten. Let us be 
just to ourselves and to each other allowing neither 
threats to drive us from what we deem to be our duty, 
nor pride of opinion prevent us correcting wherein we may 
have been wrong. Demands are being made, from quar- 
ters entitled to respect, that laws tending to obstruct 
the operation of Federal authority, conflicting with the 
constitutional rights, and jarring upon the feelings of 
other States, should be repealed. If Illinois, either by 
inadvertence or design, has passed any such act, justice 

requires that it should be at once corrected 

Speaking not merely for myself, soon to pass into a pri- 
vate station, but reflecting what I assume to be the voice 
of the whole people of Illinois, irrespective of party, adopt 
the sentiment of President Jackson : 'The Federal Union : 
it must be preserved.' " 

Eichard Yates, the incoming Governor, was inaugurated 
on the 14th of January, in the presence of the two houses, 
and read in person his inaugural address. After giving 
attention to the passage of measures relating to the vital 
interests of the State, he addressed himself in this bold 
and patriotic manner to national questions: 

" Whatever may have been the divisions of parties hith- 
erto, the people of Illinois will with one accord give their 
assent and firm support to two propositions : 

" First That obedience to the Constitution and the 
laws must be insisted upon, and enforced, as necessary to 
the existence of the government. 

" Second That the election of a Chief Magistrate of the 
Nation, in strict conformity with the Constitution, is na 
sufficient cause for the release of any State from any of 
its obligations to the Union. 

" This Union cannot be dissolved by one State, nor by 
the people of one State, or of a dozen States. This gov- 
ernment was designed to be perpetual, and can be dissolved 
only by revolution. 

"Can it be for a moment supposed that the people of 
the valley of the Mississippi will ever consent that the 
great river shall flow for hundreds of miles through a 


foreign jurisdiction, and they be compelled, if not to fight 
their way in the faces of forts frowning upon its banks, 
to submit to the imposition and annoyance of arbitrary 
taxes and exorbitant duties to be levied upon their com- 
merce ? I believe that before that shall come, either shore- 
of the Father of Waters will be a continuous sepulchre 
of the slain, and with all its cities in ruins, and the cul- 
tivated fields upon its sloping sides laid waste, it shall 
roll its foaming tide in solitary grandeur, as at the dawn 
of creation. I know I speak for Illinois, and I believe for 
the Northwest, when I declare them a unit in the unal- 
terable determination of her millions, occupying the great 
basin drained by the Mississippi, to permit no portion of 
that stream to be controlled by a foreign jurisdiction. 

"As to compromise, if it means that we must outrage 
the sentiment of the civilized world by conceding that 
slavery is a blessing that we must love and praise it; 
.that we may not hope for its ultimate extinction; that it 
may go into the free Territories, under the protection of/ 
the Constitution if these are the grounds upon which tha- 
dilficulties are to be settled, then they never will be set- 
tied. Plainness and truth require us to say, that the only 
pacification to which the people of this State could accede,, 
would be upon the principles upon which Mr. Lincoln* 
was elected; that the Constitution must be obeyed, as it, 
is; all its provisions enforced, according to a fair and 
honest interpretation of its meaning; and that slavery ia 
a local and State institution, and nothing else. . . . 

" South Carolina, however, claims the right to the forts 
of the United States, and to collect revenue from imports. 
Now, to open the ports of Charleston to free trade is to 
open the whole country to free trade. Merchandise, once 
in the Union, can be transported to any part of the Repub- 
lic. If South Carolina can open one port, she can all ; 
and she is not only sovereign at home, but throughout 
the Nation a position not soon to be conceded to a State 
which has not so many white inhabitants as one of the 
Congressional districts in the State of Illinois. Now, if 
South Carolina disunionists shall be guilty of the stupen- 
dous madness of resisting the United States officers in the 
collection of the revenue, can there be any doubt that the 
Government will have to use as much force as is neces- 
sary to enforce these laws? If Gen. Washington, at the 
head of the United States Army in 1796, put down the 
Pennsylvania whisky rebellion; if Gen. Jackson, in 1832, 
quelled resistance to law by his proclamation of force; if 


Mr. Fillmore executed the Fugitive Slave Law at the point 
of the bayonet in the streets of Boston ; if Mr. Buchanan, 
in 1859, called out the United States Army to put down 
the seizure of the arsenal at Harper's Ferry, what shall 
be done with those who defiantly obstruct the execution 
of the Jaws at Charleston? If the laws are not executed, 
then the Government is a failure. 

4t I know not what the exigencies of the future may be, 
mor what remedies it may be necessary to use, but the 
administration of the incoming President, I have no doub% 
will be characterized by wisdom as well as firmness. He 
certainly will not forget that the people of all the United 
States, whether loyal or not, are citizens of the same 
^Republic, component parts of the same integral Union. 
He never will forget, so long as he remembers his official 
oath, that the whole material of the Government moral, 
political and physical, if need be must be employed to 
preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United 
States. In such an event as this, I hesitate not to say 
that the General Assembly, without a dissenting voice, 
and the people of Illinois, would unanimously pledge the 
men and means of the State to uphold the Constitution 
and preserve the Union. To those who would distrust the 
loyalty of the American people to the Union, let the spon- 
taneous response of the National heart, borne upon ten 
thousand streams of lightning to the heroic An.lerson, 

The two houses met in joint session January 10, and 
re-elected Lyman Trumbull United States Senator, over 
Samuel S. Marshall, by a vote of 54 to 46. 

Among the more important measures enacted by this 
Legislature, were acts to protect married women in their 
separate property against the debts of their husbands ; to 
encourage mining; to foster public schools; to authorize 
and facilitate the payment of certain scrip, coupons, cer- 
tificates and other evidences of State indebtedness; to 
provide for the payment of interest on the State debt ; to 
prevent illegal voting; to provide for calling a convention 
to amend the Constitution, A joint resolution was passed 
relating to the appointment of peace commissioners at 
Washington; resolutions of respect on the death of Gov. 


Bissell, and resolutions relating to Federal Eelations, in 
which it was declared that, although the people of Illinois 
did not desire any change in the Federal Constitution, 
yet, as several of the sister States had deemed it neces- 
sary that some amendments should be made thereto, that 
if the application should be made to Congress by any of 
the States deeming themselves aggrieved, to call a con- 
vention in accordance with the constitutional provision to 
propose amendments to the Constitution of the United 
States, that the Legislature of Illinois would concur in 
making such application, but it was further declared, 
"that until the people of these United States shall other- 
wise direct, the present Federal Union must be preserved 
as it is, and the present Constitution and laws must be 
administered as they are ; and, to this end, in conformity 
with that Constitution and the laws, the whole resources 
of the State of Illinois are hereby pledged to the Federal 


The members of this General Assembly had hardly 
returned to their homes and become settled in their ordi- 
nary vocations of life, before they were convened in 
extraordinary session, to pass measures to aid the Nation 
in preserving its life. On the 14th of April, the rebels 
fired upon Fort Sumter, in Charleston harbor, and com- 
pelled its surrender, whereupon President Lincoln issued 
his proclamation calling, for 75,000 soldiers to put down 
the insurrection, and repossess and preserve the property 
of the government. Gov. Yates convened the General 
Assembly on the 23d of April, for the purpose of passing 
such laws as might be deemed necessary to place the 
State in a condition to render effective assistance to the 
General Government in preserving the Union, enforcing 
the laws, and protecting the property and rights of the 
people. His message to the assembly was full of stirring 


patriotism, and filled every loyal heart with gladness. 
The sword, said he, was drawn not in a spirit of revenge, 
but clearly and unmistakably in self-defense and for the 
(preservation of the Union. Eeferring to the public senti- 
ment of the people of the North prior to the assault upon 
Fort Sumter, and the consequences to follow, he said : 

" Public sentiment was everywhere, in the free States, 
for peace and compromise. No better proof could be re- 
quired, than the facts I have stated, that the conspiracy, 
which has now assumed such formidable dimensions, and 
which is threatening the destruction of the fairest fabric of 
human wisdom and human liberty, is of long standing, and is 
wholly independent of the election of a particular person 
to the Presidential office, than the manner in which the 
seceded States have acted toward their loyal brethren of 
the South and North since they have entered upon their 
criminal enterprise. We must do them, however, the jus- 
tice to say, that all their public documents and all the 
speeches of their controlling leaders candidly admit that 
the Presidential election has not been the cause for their 
action, and that they were impelled by far different 

"So forbearing and pacific has been the policy of the 
Federal Government anxiously hoping for a return to 
reason in the minds of our Southern brethren that they 
were suffered to erect their batteries in the jaws of our 
guns at Sumter, finally losing to us that strong fortress, 
by the most unexampled forbearance and reluctance to 
the shedding the blood of our countrymen ; and a simple at- 
tempt, on the part of our constitutional Government, to 
provision a starving garrison in one of pur ports, of which 
the revolutionary authorities had received official notice 
from the Government, has been made the occasion for a 
destructive bombardment of that fort. Overpowered by 
numbers, our gallant men had to lower our glorious flag, 
and surrender on terms dictated by rebels. 

" The spirit of a free and brave people is aroused at 
last. Upon the first call <of the constitutional Government 
they are rushing to arms. Fully justified in the eyes of 
the world and in the light of history, they have resolved to 
save the Government of our fathers, to preserve the Union 
so dear to a thousand memories and promising so much 
of happiness to them and their children, and to bear aloft 
the flag which for eighty-five years had gladdened the 


hearts of the struggling free on every continent, island 
.and sea under the whole heavens. Oar own noble State, 
as of yore, has responded in a voice of thunder. The 
entire mass is alive to the crisis. If, in Mexico, our 
Hardin, and {Shields, and Bissell, and Baker, and their 
gallant comrades, were found closest to their colors, and 
in the thickest of the fight, and shed imperishable lustre 
upon the fame and glory of Illinois, now that the struggle 
is for our very nationality, and for the stars and stripes, 
her every son will be a soldier and bare his breast to the 
.storm of battle. 

" The attack upon Fort Sumter produced a most start- 
ling transformation on the Northern mind awakened a 
sleeping giant, and served to show, as no other event in 
all the history 01 the past ever did, the deep-seated fer- 
vor and affection with which our whole people regard our 
glorious Union. Party distinctions vanished, as a mist, 
in a single night, as if by magic; and parties and party 
platforms were swept as a morning dream from the minds 
of men, and now men of all parties, by thousands, are 
begging for places in the ranks. The blood of twenty mil- 
lions of freemen boils, with cauldron heat to replace our 
national flag upon the very walls whence it was insulted, 
.and by traitor hands pulled down. Every village and 
hamlet resounds with beat of drum and clangor of arms. 
Three hundred thousand men wait the click of the wires 
for marching orders, and all the giant energies of the 
Northwest are at the command of the Government. Those 
who have supposed that the people of the free States will 
not fight for the integrity of the Union, and that they 
will suffer another government to be carved out of the 
boundaries of this Union, have hugged a fatal delusion 
to their bosoms, for our people will wade through seas of 
Jblood before they will see a single star or a solitary stripe 
erased from the glorious flag of our Union. 

" The services already tendered me, in my efforts to 
organize troops, provide means, arms and provisions, by 
distinguished members of the party hitherto opposed to 
me in political sentiments, are beyond all praise, and are, 
by me, in behalf of the State, most cheerfully acknowledged. 
There are now more companies received than are needed 
under the Presidential call, and almost unlimited numbers 
have formed and are forming, awaiting further orders. 
A single inland county (LaSalle) tenders nine full com- 
panies, and our principal city (Chicago) has responded 
with contributions of men and money worthy of h.-i- f. on > 


for public spirit and patriotic devotion. Nearly a million* 
of money has been offered to the State, as a loan, by our 
patriotic capitalists and other private citizens, to pay the*- 
expenses connected with the raising of our State troops,, 
and temporarily providing for them. 

" Civil war, it must be confessed, is one of the greatest 
calamities which can befall a people. And such a war!" 
It is said 'when Greek meets Greek then comes the tug 
of war.' When American shall meet American when 
the fiery, impetuous valor of the South shall come in con- 
tact with the cool, determined bravery of the North, then 
blood will flow to the horses' bridles. Would that the 
calamity might be averted ! But the destruction of our 
government is a far greater evil. A government which- 
is the hope of the world promising more of happiness to- 
us and our children and the millions who are to come 
after us, and to the struggling free in every land, than, 
any government ever invented by man, must not, shall not 
be destroyed. 

" A government that submits to peaceable secession signs-- 
its own death warrant. What would be left of our 
Union? No matter how many States it might for the- 
present still comprise this would give us not a moment's 
guarantee against further dissolution, if the right to secede^ 
once were peaceably tolerated. Government is established, 
for the protection of rights and property, and when built 
upon the principle of voluntary dissolution, it ceases to- 
furnish that protection ; it ceases to be a government under 
which national men can live. 

" We draw the sword then, not in a spirit of in- 
dignation or revenge, but clearly and unmistakably in self- 
defense, and in the protection of our rights, our liberty 
and security, for property in a word, for the nearest and 
dearest interests of ourselves and our posterity. I have^ 
thus spoken, because an impression may still prevail in the- 
minds of some, that this conflict was one of our own seek- 
ing, and one which might have been avoided without any- 
imminent danger to the yet loyal parts of the country* 
This is not so. Secession has brought about its inevitable- 
results, and we must crush it and treason, wherever thcy^ 
raise their unsightly heads, or perish ourselves. 

"And now, as we love our common country, in all its 
parts, with all its blessings of climate and culture; its, 
mountains, valleys and streams ; as we cherish its history 
uiid the memory of the world's only Washington ; as we 
love our free civilization, striking its roots deep down into- 


those principles of truth and justice eternal as God; as we* 
love our government so free, our institutions so noble, our 
boundaries so broad; as we love our grand old flag, 'sign 
of the free heart's only home,' that is cheered and hailed 
in every sea and haven of the world, let us resolve that 
we will preserve that Union and those institutions, and 
that there shall be no peace till the traitorous and bloody 
palmetto shall be hurled from the battlements of Sumter, 
and the star-spangled banner hi its stead wave defiantly 
in the face of traitors, with every star and every stripe- 
flaming from all its ample folds. 

" Gentlemen, I commend the destiny of our noble and 
gallant State, in this its hour of peril, to your wise and 
patriotic deliberations, and prudent and determinate action.. 
May the God of our fathers, who guided our Washington, 
throughout the trying scenes of the Revolution, and ga ve- 
to our fathers strength to build up our sacred Union, and 
to frame a government which has been the center of our 
affections and the admiration of the world, be still with, 
us, and preserve our country from destruction. 

"In the firm belief that we are in the hands of a Su- 
preme ruling power, whose will is wisdom, let us manfully 
maintain our rights, and our Constitution and Union, to- 
the last extremity. Let us so act that our children and 
children's children, when we are laid in the dust, will 
hold us in grateful remembrance, and will bless our mem- 
ories, as we do now bless the heroes and patriots who- 
achieved our independence, and transmitted to us the 
priceless heritage of American liberty." 

On the 25th of April, Senator Douglas, in response to 
a joint resolution, addressed the assembly in the hall of 
the House of Representatives on the issues of the hour. 
The hall was filled to overflowing, and the speech was the= 
bravest and best of all the great efforts of that gifted and 
patriotic statesman, from which a liberal extract will b& 
found in a subsequent chapter. 

The two houses proceeded without circumlocution to trans- 
act the business for which they had been called together, 
and adjourned on the 3d of May, being in session only 
ten days ; and returning home, many of the members vol- 
unteered in defense of their country's flag. 



Extracts from Speeches of Senator Trumbull and Representative McCler- 
nand. Delivered in the Senate and House. January. 1861 Extracts from 
War Speeches made by Owen Lovejoy, J. F. Farnsworth and Isaac N. 
Arnold,* at Chicago. August 8, 1862. 


" MR. PRESIDENT It has been very hard for me, and, I 
doubt not, my Republican associates around me, to bear 
the many misapprehensions, not to say misstatements, of 
our position, and to see a perverted state of facts day 
after day urged upon the Senate and the country by gen- 
tlemen upon the other side. We have listened to the 
Senator from Mississippi ; and one would suppose, in listen- 
ing to him here, that he was a friend of this Union, that 
lie desired the perpetuity of this Government. He has a 
most singular way of preserving it, and a most singular 
way of maintaining the Constitution. What is it ? Why, 
he proposes that the Government should abdicate. If it 
will simply withdraw its forces from Charleston, and abdi- 
cate in favor either of a mob or of the constituted authori- 
ties of Charleston, we will have peace ! He dreads civil 
war, and he will avoid it by a surrender ! He talks as if 
we Eepublicans were responsible for civil war if it ensues. 
If civil war comes, it comes from those with whom he is 
acting. Who proposes to make civil war but South Caro- 
lina? Who proposes to make civil war but Mississippi, 
and Alabama, and Georgia, seizing, by force of arms, 
upon the public property of the United States? Talk to 
us of making civil war ! You inaugurate it, and then talk 
of it as if it came from the friends of the Constitution 
and the Union. Here stands this great Government ; here 
stands the Union a pillar, so to speak, already erected. 

* Mr. ARNOLD died at Chicago, his home, OP Thursday, April 24. 1884 
while this book was passing through the press. 


'.Do we propose to pull it down? Do we propose under- 
mining the foundations of the Constitution or disturbing 
the Union? Not at all; but the proposition comes from 
the other side. They are making war, and modestly ask 
us to have peace by submitting to what they ask. 

"It is nothing but rebellion; it is nothing but insurrec- 
tion. But not only in South Carolina, where there was 
the pretense of secession to justify the act, which, I think, 
really amounts to nothing, but in Georgia and Alabama, 
which have not seceded, we are told that the public 
property of the United States has been seized; and the 
Senator from Mississippi thinks the best way to avoid 
civil war is for the United States to withdraw their forces, 
to surrender their forts, and strike the flag under which 
he was nurtured, and beneath which he has marched so 
often. The Stars and Stripes have been taken down from 
the United States buildings in the city of Charleston, and 
trampled in the dust, and a palmetto flag with a snake, 
reared in their place ; but if we would avoid civil war, we 
are told, we must submit to this ! Why, sir, any people 
can have peace at the price of degradation. No despot 
makes war upon subjects who submit their necks to the 
tread of his heel. But if we would maintain constitu- 
tional liberty ; if we would maintain constitutional freedom ; 
if we would maintain this great Government, we must not 
suffer every faction, and every mob, and every State, that 
thinks proper, to trample its flag under foot 

" Sir, it is clear to my mind that this doctrine of seces- 
sion is utterly destructive of a constitutional government. 
On the same principle, a county may secede from a State, 
and a town from a county. The Senator from Kentucky 
(Mr. Crittenden) has been talking about compromises, and 
has introduced a string of resolutions here. When they 
are adopted, what is your Government good for? What 
is to prevent the State of Illinois next week, or the State 
of Kentucky the following week, from seceding, as South 
Carolina has done, and demanding new guarantees as a 
condition of the existence of the Union? By submitting 
to this doctrine, you destroy the stability of the Govern- 
ment. Constitutional governments are worth nothing if 
this doctrine is to obtain ; and hence it is that those of 
us who are for sustaining the Constitution and sustaining 
the Union, believe that the question involved is the existence 
of constitutional government. We now have nothing to do 
with the extension of African slavery that is not the 


question before the American people ; but the question is, 
'Has this Government any power to protect itself?' Iii 
other words, have we a Government at all? That ia 
what is to be tested. The people of Illinois believe we 
have a Government, and a Government that has power 
to maintain itself, not by makiug civil war, but by enforc- 
ing the laws, and defending itself against those who would 
make war upon it. 

"But, sir, what is the cause of this complaint? Why 
is it that the Southern States are inaugurating civil war? 
I have as much horror for it as the Senator from Missis- 
sippi. I would do anything honorable to avoid it. I 
certainly will not be the instrument to inaugurate it. But 
what is it the Senator from Mississippi (Mr. Davis) com- 
plains of? To use his language, he says, if you are to- 
make us hewers of wood and drawers of water for you m 
the North, we will not submit. If they are to be reduced 
to subjection to the North, they will not submit. I do- 
not ask them to dp so. So far as I am concerned, I will 
ask them to submit to nothing that I will not submit to- 
myself. I ask to impose no inequality upon the State oi 

"Now, sir, my idea of preserving the peace of this; 
country, and of the duty which is devolved upon us here,, 
is not what we should yield, as the Senator from Missis- 
sippi suggests, to the threats and demands of States which 
say that they want no compromise, and want no conces- 
sions, and are determined to set up for themselves, and 
expel the Federal Government from their borders; but 
that we should rally around the Constitution, and enforce 
the laws under it; and then, not when States come here- 
threatening civil war, not when our vessels are tired into, 
not when our forts are taken possession of, but when the 
States all acknowledge themselves within the Union, and. 
under the Constitution, if there are any grievances, let 
them be removed. Then, if there is anything wrong in the- 
Constitution, let us amend it according to the mode pro- 
vided in the instrument. I do not believe that we shall 
better the Constitution by any amendment which may he- 
made to it 

"But, sir, I did not intend making any lengthened re- 
marks, but only to reply in a few words to what I thought 
to be the false assumptions of Senators on the other side 
as to this whole controversy. I shall not take up the 


time of the Senate by going into any lengthened argu- 
ment, but will state in a few words what I suppose to be 
our duty here ; and that is, in the first place, to endeavor 
to maintain the Constitution and the laws as we have 
them. When the attack is made by the seceding States, 
or by mobs in the Southern States, upon the constituted 
authorities, there can be no doubt as to our duty in such 
a case. I was saying, when interrupted, that the North 
*was not disposed to make any encroachments upon the 
South. I was saying that even this Fugitive Slave Law 
would most likely be better executed under Mr. Lincoln's 
Administration than under Mr. Buchanan's, and was giving 
some reasons for this opinion. We know that Mr. Lin- 
coln, in his public speeches, has said that so long as this 
statute stands, objectionable as it may be, he would con- 
sider it his duty to have it executed. He has said, further, 
that in his opinion the slave owners were entitled, under 
the Constitution, to a reasonable law to reclaim their run- 
away slaves; and he has said that he would not object 
to any law for that purpose which was not more likely to 
enslave a free man, than your common criminal laws are 

to punish an innocent one 

"I do not desire to engage the Senator from Kentucky 
in a discussion at this time, but simply to call his atten- 
tion to the compromise of 1850, and see if we do not 
stand in a better position, just as we are, than by attempt- 
ing to patch up some new compromise. For my life, I 
cannot see the occasion for all this agitation in the coun- 
try, and for States threatening to go out of the Union, 
unless it be simply the fact that the Bepublican party 
has, in the constitutional mode, elected its candidate for 
the Presidency. That is all I can see. Inasmuch as we 
f have not been in power, we certainly have done nothing ; 
and although Senators who say they love the Union will 
pick out an isolated passage from Mr. Lincoln's speeches, 
or from the speeches of some extreme man, and reiterate 
it over and over again, as if further to inflame the public 
mind ; still, when you come back and look at the public 
course of the President elect, at his avowed opinions, at 
the platform upon which he is elected, you will find noth- 
ing that interferes in the least with the rights of the 
South; nothing that denies the equality of the States; 
nothing that denies the equality of any individual from 
any of the States in the common territories of the United 



"MB. CHAIRMAN When an impending danger can be no- 
longer stayed or averted, is it not the part of wisdom and 
duty to meet, and, if possible, overcome it ? Such, I think, 
is a sound canon of statesmanship. Acting on this belief, 
I propose rather briefly, to deal with the question of seces- 
sion now actually upon us. 

"First, I deny the constitutional right of any State to 
secede from the Union; second, I deprecate the exercise 
of any such assumed right as a measure of revolution, 
which in the present case, must embroil the country in a 
sanguinary and wasting civil war." 

"Let me not be misunderstood. I do not desire war. 
I would avoid it by all honorable means, particularly a 
civil war between any of the States of this Union. Such 
a war would be fratricidal, unnatural, and most bloody. 
It would be a war between States equally jealous of their 
honor, and men equally brave. I would forfeit my own 
self-respect if I would disparage the courage of my breth- 
ren, either of the North or the South; for courage is the 
distinction of neither, but the virtue of both. The only 
difference between them is, that the man of the South fights- 
from impetuosity, the man of the North from purpose, 
and the man of the West from a restless spirit of adven- 
ture. Myself, a Kentuckian by birth, and an Illinoisan by 
nurture and education, I would deplore such a war as the 
greatest calamity that could befall the country; yet, as a 
practical man, and a representative of the people, I must 
not shut my eyes to the logic of the cause and effect 
to the popular instinct of self-preservation." 

"Let us all let all conservative men of all parties and 
of all sections, from the Atlantic to the Pacific, from the 
Gulf of Mexico to the far lakes rally in favor of the in- 
tegrity of the Constitution and the Union. Let them 
merge the partisan in the patriot, and, coming up to the 
altar of their country, generously sacrifice every angry 
feeling and ambitious aim for the welfare and glory of 
that country. Let no man, whether he be Democrat, Repub- 
lican, or American, refuse to yield something of his opinions 
and prepossessions in deference to others, and the higher 
claims of patriotism. All government, all authority, all 
human life, is a compromise. Christianity itself is a com- 
promise between justice and mercy between disobedience 
and its predoomed punishment. Let us, therefore, in a 


spirit of conciliation and concession, compromise our exist- 
ing differences upon just and equitable terms; let us all 
do this for the good of all. Our fathers set us such an 
example in the formation of the Federal Constitution ; and 
why cannot we follow it as the condition of preserving 
and perpetuating that sacred instrument ? To do so would 
be no discredit or disparagement to any one, but an honor 
to all. The people, posterity, and future history, in the 
name of freedom and humanity, call for it. 

" Personally, I would prefer compromise upon the basia 
of non-intervention by Congress with slavery in the States, 
in the Territories, and in the District of Cplumbia. My 
own choice would be, to leave the people of the States 
and Territories, each to decide for themselves, whether they 
would or would not have slavery, and what should be the 
character of their other local institutions. This would be 
my choice, but if such a settlement is unacceptable to the 
majority, then I am willing to forego my strong objections 
to a geographical line, and adopt the plan of adjustment 
recommended by a committee of the members from the 
border States, which is familiar to the members of the 
House, and which, as the peace offering of conservative- 
men, would no doubt meet the approbation of the great 
mass of the people, a plan which I understand my dis- 
tinguished friend from Arkansas (Mr. Rust) is prepared 
to bring before the House on the first opportunity." 


" So far as the question of argument is concerned, it 
has been exhausted. A son does not argue or appeal to- 
decide as to the propriety of killing the assassin of his 
mother; neither do the sons of the republic need long- 
winded arguments to induce them to put down this ac- 
cursed rebellion. We want men, not speeches; men with 
muskets in their hands, not hurrahs from their throats. 
I have but little reputation as a conservative man, so far 
as I have been informed. Some people go so far as to say 
I am slightly tinctured with fanaticism in my views of 
the slavery question. For myself, I claim to be a sort of 
an anointed prophet of the Lord. I have faith in God, 
and next to Him, in the American people. Let us not 
fall into the error of the man who, standing by the side 
of a bayou or arm of the sea, and witnessing the ebb of 
the tide, exclaimed that the sea was becoming dry land 
again. Bather let us say that behind and beyond the 


temporary reverses now afflicting us, there will come up- 
the great uprising of popular patriotism, which in its cer- 
tain flood, shall cover with its proper element and spirit 
the ground lost in those temporary reverses. 

"It is not for any of us to say that during the trying 
emergency in which we are at present placed, he 
<could manage the ship of State more satisfactorily than 
the one who is now at the helm. Let us each seize a 
:rope and do what we can to prevent its destruction. This 
is common sense. I call it good common sense for a 
' fanatic.' We must preserve the Nation ; we must pre- 
serve it intact from rebels at home, or foreign interven- 
tion. We must not allow French intervention in Mexico. 
Neither must we allow a descendant of that old British 
tyrant, George the Third, to plant his throne in Southern 
oil within the boundaries of the Republic. We must 
therefore defend our soil if every foot of the domain is 
consecrated with the blood of a slain hero. We must 
preserve our nationality, and for myself, I don't want to sur- 
vive the permanent dismemberment of these United States. 
I had a thousand times rather lay down my life on the 
battle field than outlive such a dreadful event. I don't 
know what God wills, but I have a shrewd suspicion that 
He wills what we will. The maintenance of the Govern- 
ment and the perpetuity of the Union are a necessity. 
What ! consent to a dismemberment ? Suppose we allow 
the confederates to secede, what do we gain? We gain 
a confederacy more despotic than any monarchy of Europe. 
With Canada on the north, and this hated Southern Con- 
federacy on the south, with all the power and hate of 
England to back her, we are ground to powder between 
the upper and nether mill-stone. 

"How is our nationality to be preserved? By every 
man, woman and child consecrating themselves to the great 
work till the rebellion is suppressed. This is a matter 
that cannot be settled by resolutions or meetings, nor 
ballots ; it's got beyond that ; it's bayonets and bullets now. 
War has hardly touched us yet in the great Northwest; 
it has not yet laid upon us its bloody hand, that we feel 
its withering, blighting curse. We must buy and sell and 
conduct our business as usual, but the one grand idea 
must ever be prominent the suppression of this rebellion. 
We must make this war the great business of our lives 
till it is ended." 



"They have massed an immense army, and are fight- 
Ing with a desperation we have not evinced. Until we have 
the same spirit, , we shall not conquer them. When we 
seize all agencies, as they do, we shall conquer, and that 
right speedily. The rebels have got their last large army. 
Every man has been compelled to take arms and fight in 
the front of the rebels. When we do this, rebeldom will 
be put down. The people of the North are getting over 
their tender-footed conservatism which has sacrificed too 
.many lives dear to your firesides. My friends, there is at 
this moment, in the Southern States, an army of men 
qual to our entire army in numbers. They are our 
friends. They will work for us, and fight for us, if you 
will but say the word. You are allowing them now to cul- 
tivate corn and wheat to feed your enemy. You are let- 
ting them work in the trenches and build fortifications 
against you. The entire element is ready and I speak 
irom my knowledge is ready to act, and work, and fight 
for you. A rebel throat is none too good to be cut by a 
black man. I find in Virginia, that the only reliable, 
truthful men from whom we can obtain information about 
the rebel armies, their roads and their scouts, were in the 
poor hovels of the negro. Using all the skill and expe- 
rience I have had as a lawyer, I have questioned wLite 
men, and when I had done, some old negro, too old to 
bear arms, would nod to me to meet him behind the 
barn, acd would tell me 'massa lied,' and would impart 
to me information which subsequent experience proved 
true. I have never known them to tell an untruth to me. 
I want to see an expression go forth from this meeting, 
lifting up the hands of the President and Cabinet for using 
every agency we can lay our hands upon. The voice of 
the people is the voice of God. It is authoritative with 
statesmen and generals. That voice, I trust, will be heard. 
I hope the fruits of this meeting will be felt. I hope it 
will not be an exodus for the accumulated gas of speeches. 
Organize your companies and train them at home for any 
emergency which may occur. I want to see the wealthy 
merchants, who own these large buildings, the well-to-do 
lawyers and thriving physicians come down with the sinews 
of war to aid the men who are fighting the battles of the 
stay-at-homes. I see before me at least two regiments of 
men. What are you doing here? You've all got your little 
property at stake. Put your names on the muster roll." 



" Starting from the Nation's capital, all along through? 
New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Ohio and Indiana, 
you see a vast uprising of the people, with a fixed, stern 
determination, at any cost, to crush out this vast rebellion.. 
But it is in the Northwest, and in this great city of the 
Northwest, that the zeal and energy of patriotism is most 
active and all-pervading. 

" Illinois is meriting for herself and her children a glo- 
rious record. She had won distinguished honors in the 
Mexican war. Bissell and Hardin had associated their 
names and the name of Illinois with Palo Alto and Buena 
Vista ; but in this far more glorious war, in which the 
faithful fights for his country against rebels and traitors, 
far more cruel and barbarous than Mexican guerillas, 
Illinois covered herself with glory. The bones of her sons, 
lie scattered on every battle-field in the valley of the Mis- 
sissippi. With more than 60,000 of her gallant sons in 
the field, the President, whom Illinois has given to the 
Nation, calls for more troops. 

" Illinois springs to the rescue. Her commercial capital 
speaks to-day in a voice which will thrill the Nation. The 
Northwest is ready. As a citizen of this city, I claim to- 
day to express my thanks to the Board of Trade. You. 
have done nobly, and your efforts will tell in all the 
Northwest, and be felt throughout the loyal States, and I 
doubt not the gallant soldiers you raise will be felt among 
the barbarians in arms against our country. 

" Every great war has underlying it a great idea. What 
is the great idea which gives impulse and motive power 
to this war? It is our nationality. The grand idea of a 
great continental republic, ocean bounded, and extending 
from the lakes to the gulf, commanding the respect of the 
world, is an idea implanted deeply in the American heart, 
and it is one for which every American patriot will fight, 
and if necessary die. Nowhere is this sentiment stronger 
than in the Northwest. With one hand we clasp tne 
East, and with the other the Northwest will grip the 
South, and we will hold this Union together. We will not 
see this grand republic split up into contemptible Mexican 
provinces always fighting and destroying each other. 
Incident to this idea of nationality and becoming every 
day stronger is another, that this grand republic must 
be all free, filled with one great, free population. 


" The suicide of slavery is being enacted before our eyes. 
Let the cursed, barbarous, traitor-breeding institution die. 
The slave-holder has himself given to it the mortal wound ;: 
let no timid Northern dough-face attempt to staunch the 
blood. The end of slavery will prove the regeneration of 
the Nation. 

" Liberal bounty is offered to the gallant volunteer. I 
wish to state a fact which may not be generally known. 
The Congress just adjourned provided by law that all our 
foreign-born soldiers should become the adopted children 
of the Kepublic; he who lights for the flag shall be im- 
mediately a citizen. We could not do less for the gallant 
Germans, the countrymen of Sigel, and Osterhaus, and 
"Willich, for the brave Irishmen, who, under Meagher, 
and Shields, and Mulligan, are fighting for the old flag.. 
To every Irishman I would say, remember Corcoran, andi 
rally to his rescue. 

"Who shall pay the cost of this war? Let us quarter- 
on the enemy, confiscate the property, and free the slaves.. 
of rebels." 



Lincoln's Departure for Washington Farewell Words at Springfield 
Speech at Cincinnati Inaugural Message Resignation of Southern 
Senators and Kepresentatives Vulgar Cartoon of Lincoln by Harper's 

The politicians of the slave States, as we have before 
shown, had, for forty years, sounded the disunion cry 
whenever the National Government had manifested any 
disposition not to comply with their every demand; and 
now that the North had elected, as they, an 
Abolitionist President, there was concert of action among 
those States in putting that oft-repeated threat into exe- 
cution, and without waiting to consult the newly elected 



Ohief Magistrate as to his feelings or intentions regarding 
the policy he would pursue, and while they held the con- 
trolling power in both branches of Congress and the Supreme 
Court, twelve of the slave States had passed ordinances of 
secession, and on the 4th day of February, four days before 
the President-elect had left Springfield for Washington, 
they met at Montgomery, Alabama, and formed the so- 
called Southern Confederacy, with slavery as its chief 
corner stone. This was followed by active preparations 
for war. Buchanan's Administration had permitted the 
firing upon the Star of the West, which carried supplies 
to Fort Sumter, to pass without redress, and State after 
$tate to secede without offering the slightest protest. In- 
fdeed, the President had expressed in his last annual mes- 
t sage Ahe remarkable opinion, that " no power has been 
uMegated to coerce into submission a State that is attempt- 
ing to withdraw, or has entirely withdrawn, from the Con- 
federacy." This singular conduct on the part of the 
outgoing administration, and the extraordinary proceeding 
of the seceded States in setting up a government for 
themselves, created a widespread feeling of alarm among 
the law-abiding citizens of the North ; and Mr. Lincoln, 
himself, was evidently deeply agitated as to what would 
be the finality of the momentous issue, and the grave 
responsibilities he was so soon to assume weighed heavily 
upon his mind. He felt that the temple of liberty, founded 
more than three-quarters of a century before, was being 
shaken from center to circumference, and the absorbing 
thought of his great mind was, how should he prevent the 
temple from falling to pieces, and yet, at the same time, 
preserve the rights and liberties of the people. 

On the day he left Springfield, February 11, many of 
his personal and political friends had assembled at the 
depot to give him a loving farewell, and in bidding them 
adieu, for the last time for he was never in Springfield 


again, alive he addressed them in this feeling and pathetie 
manner : 

" MY FRIENDS No one, not in my position, can appre- 
ciate the sadness I feel at this parting. To this people I 
owe all that I am. Here I have lived more than a quar- 
ter of a century, here my children were born, and here 
one of them lies buried. I know not how soon I will see 
you again. A duty devolves upon me which is perhaps 
greater than that which has rested upon any other man* 
since the day of Washington. He would never have suc- 
ceeded except for the aid of Divine Providence, on which 
he at all times relied. I feel that I can not succeed with- 
out the same Divine aid which sustained him. On the 
same Almighty Being I place my reliance for support; 
and I hope you, my friends, will pray that I may receive 
that Divine assistance, without which I can not succeed, 
but with which success is certain. Again, I bid you all 
an affectionate farewell." 

Reaching Cincinnati, he was called out for a speech, and 
being in the vicinity of Kentucky, one of the slave States, 
and doubtless with many slave-holders as his hearers, he 
took occasion to advert, briefly but with perfect frankness, 
to the policy he should pursue towards those States. We 
quote his language, as it appeared in the public prints of 
that day: 

"I have spoken but once before in Cincinnati. That 
was a year previous to the late Presidential election. On 
that occasion, in a playful manner, but with sincere words, 
I addressed much of what I said to the Kentuckians. I 
gave my opinion that we as Republicans would ultimately 
beat them as Democrats, but that they could postpone the 
result longer by nominating Senator Douglas for the Presi- 
dency, than in any other way. They did not in any true 
sense nominate Mr. Douglas, and the result has certainly 
come as soon as ever I expected. I told them how I expected 
they would be treated after they should be beaten, and I 
now wish to call their attention to what I then said. When 
beaten, you perhaps will want to know what we will cb 
with you. I will tell you, so far as I am authorized to- 
speak for the opposition. We mean to treat you as near 
as we possibly can as Washington, Jefferson and Madison 
treated you. We mean to leave you alone, and in no way 
interfere with your institutions. We mean to recognize 


and bear in mind that you have as good hearts in your 
bosoms as other people, or as we claim to have, and 
treat you accordingly. Fellow-citizens of Kentucky, 
brethren may I call you, in my new position I see no 
occasion and feel no inclination to retract a word from 
this. If it shall not be made good, be assured the fault 
shall not be mine." 

We will not follow him through his travels to the Na- 
tional capital, further than to say, that in order to reach 
that city in safety he was compelled to change his plans, 
as to his passage through Baltimore, lest he should be 

His inaugural message had been prepared with great 
care, and addressed itself to the sober, second-thought of 
the people of all the States. The platform on which he 
had made the race for President, and which was still 
fresh in the minds of the people, was utterly thrown 
aside, and in concluding this, his first state paper, he 
addressed himself, in this language, directly to his dis- 
satisfied countrymen : 

"Apprehensions seem to exist among the people of the 
Southern States that by the accession of a Eepublican 
administration their property and their peace and per- 
sonal security are to be endangered. There has never 
been any reasonable cause for such apprehension. In- 
deed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all 
the while existed, and have been open to their inspection. 
It is found in nearly all the public speeches of him who 
now addresses you. I consider that, in view of the Con- 
stitution and laws, the Union is unbroken, and to the ex- 
tent of my ability I will take care, as the Constitution 
expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the Union 
be faithfully executed in all the States. Doing this, I 
deem it only a simple duty on my part, and I shall 
perform it, so far as possible, unless my rightful 
masters, the American people, shall withhold the requi- 
site means, or shall, in some other authoritative manner, 
direct the contrary. Physically speaking, we can not sepa- 
rate. We can not move the respective sections from each 
oilier, nor build an impassable wall between them. A 
husband and wife may be divorced and go out of the 
presence and beyond the reach of each other, but the 


different parts of our country cannot do this. They can not 
but remain face to face, and intercourse, either amicable 
-or hostile, must continue between them. Is it possible, 
then, to make that intercourse more advantageous or 
more satisfactory after separation than before ? Can aliens 
make treaties more easily than friends can make laws 
.among friends? Suppose you go to war, you can not 
fight always, and when, after much loss on both sides, 
and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the identical 
old questions are upon you. In your hands, my dissatis- 
fied fellow-countrymen, and not in mine, is the momentous 
issue of civil war. The Government will not assail you. 
You can have no conflict without being yourselves the 
aggressors. You have no solemn oath registered in heaven 
to destroy the government, while I shall have the most 
solemn one to preserve, protect and defend it. I am 
loath to close. We are not enemies, but friends. We 
must not be enemies. Though passion may have strained, 
it must not break our bonds of affection. The mystic 
cords of memory stretching from every battlefield and 
patriot's grave to every living heart and hearthstone all 
-over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the 
Union when again touched, as surely they will be, by the 
better angels of our nature." 

It would seem after these unqualified personal and official 
declarations regarding the policy of his Administration 
towards the Southern States, that there was no longer 
any necessity for doubt in the public mind as to what he 
would do, for he had given them the strongest assurance 
that he meant only to execute the laws as he found them, 
and that he would preserve, protect and defend the Gov- 

So great was the domination of Southern sentiment in 
the North, that even Harper's Weekly printed a vulgar 
cartoon of President Lincoln, as he passed through Balti- 
more. When he took the oath of office he was surrounded 
by traitors within and without; on the right and on the 
left; and notwithstanding the pacific language of his 
inaugural address, Southern Senators and Eepresentatives 
precipitately resigned their seats in Congress and cast their 
fortunes with the so-called Southern Confederacy. The 


reader will bear in mind that these men deserted their 
trusts at a time when the Democrats had a majority in 
both houses of Congress, and there was not a single law 
upon the statute books of the Nation which had been 
fathered or fostered by a Eepublican or Abolitionist re- 
lating to the question of slavery or the right of the people 
of the slave States to manage their domestic affairs in 
their own way ; and with the most solemn assurance from 
the President staring them in the face, that he recog- 
nized the fact that under the Constitution and laws he 
had no right to interfere with the institution of slavery^ 
and no disposition to do so, whether the right existed 
or not. 


Douglas* Prophecy Avows His Determination to Stand by President 
Lincoln His Patriotic Address at Springfield Speech at Chicago 
Death at Chicago Monument to His Memory. 

Among the many able men Illinois has had in the coun- 
cils of the State and Nation, there has been no grander 
man than Stephen A. Douglas, and at no time did hia 
patriotism or ability shine forth with more splendor than 
when the seceding States made war upon his country's 
flag, and among all our statesmen, there was none who- 
had a clearer vision as to what was to be the results of 
the war. In Arnold's history of Abraham Lincoln is re- 
lated this prophecy : " Gen. Charles Stuart, of New York,, 
was a caller at Douglas' house in Washington, on New 
Year's day, 1861, and to the question, 'What will be the 
result of the efforts of Jefferson Davis and his associates 


to divide the Union?' Douglas, rising and looking like 
one inspired, replied. 'The cotton States are making an 
effort to draw in the border States to their schemes of 
secession, and I am but too fearful they will succeed. If 
they do succeed, there will be the most terrible civil war 
the world has ever seen, lasting for years.' Pausing a 
a moment, he exclaimed, 'Virginia will become a charnel 
house, but the end will be the triumph of the Union cause. 
One of their first efforts will be to take possession of this 
Capital, to give them prestige abroad, but they will never 
succeed in taking it. The North will rise en masse to 
defend it, but Washington will become a city of hospitals 
the churches will be used for the sick and wounded even 
this house (Minnesota block, afterwards, and during the 
war the Douglas Hospital) may be devoted to that pur- 
pose before the end of the war.' The friend to whom this- 
was said inquired, 'What justification for all this ?' Doug- 
las replied, 'There is no justification, nor any pretense of 
any. If they remain in the Union, I will go as far as the 
Constitution will permit, to maintain their just rights, and 
I do not doubt a majority of Congress would do the same. 
But,' said he, again rising on his feet, and extending his 
arm, 'if the Southern States attempt to secede from this 
Union without further cause, I am in favor of their hav- 
ing just so many slaves, and just so much slave territory, 
as they can hold at the point of the bayonet, and no 
more.' " 

The words of Douglas proved as prophetic as they were 

Soon after President Lincoln issued his proclamation 
calling for 75,000 troops, Senator Douglas called on him 
and warmly assured him of his purpose to stand by him 
in the hour of the country's peril. At the request of Mr. 
Lincoln he dictated this dispatch, which was sent through 
the Associated Press to the country: 


"April 18, 1861, Senator Douglas called on the Presi- 
dent, and had an interesting conversation on the present 
condition of the country. The substance of it was, on the 
part of Mr. Douglas, that while he was unalterably opposed 
to the Administration in all its political issues, he was pre- 
pared to fully sustain the President in the exercise of all 
his constitutional functions to preserve the Union, main- 
tain the Government, and defend the Federal Capital. A 
firm policy and prompt action was necessary. The Capi- 
tal was in danger, and must be defended at all hazards, 
and at any expense of men and money. He spoke of the 
present and future, without reference to the past." 

Arriving at Springfield on the 25th of April, he addressed, 
at their request, the two houses of the General Assembly 
in this decisive and unequivocal language : 

" For the first time since the adoption of the Federal 
Constitution, a wide-spread conspiracy exists to overthrow 
the best government the sun of heaven ever shone upon. 
An invading army is marching upon Washington. The 
boast has gone forth from the Secretary of War of the 
eo-called Confederate States, that by the first of May the 
rebel army will be in possession of the National Capital, 
and, by the first of July, its headquarters will be in old 
Independence Hall. 

" The only question for us is, whether we shall wait 
supinely for the invaders, or rush, as one man, to the 
defence of that we hold most dear. Piratical flags are 
afloat on the ocean, under pretended letters of marque. 
Our great river has been closed to the commerce of the 


So long as a hope remained of peace, I plead and implored 
for compromise. Now, that all else has failed, there is 
tmt one course left, and that is to rally as one man, 
under the flag of Washington, Jefferson, Hamilton, Madi- 
son and Franklin. At what time since the Government 
was organized, have the constitutional rights of the South 
been more secure than now? For the first time since 
the Constitution was adopted, there is no legal restriction 
against the spread of slavery in the Territories. When 
was the Fugitive Slave Law more faithfully executed? 
What single act has been done to justify this mad attempt 
to overthrow the Republic? We are told that because a 
certain party has carried a Presidential election, therefore 
the South chose to consider their liberties insecure ! I 


"had supposed it was a fundamental principle of American 
institutions, that the will of the majority, constitutionally 
expressed, should govern ! If the defeat at the ballot-box 
is to justify rebellion, the future history of the United 
States may be read in the past history of Mexico. 

" It is a prodigious crime against the freedom of the 
world, to attempt to blot the United States out of the map 
of Christendom. . . . How long do you think it will 
be ere the guillotine is in operation? Allow me to say to 
my former political enemies, you will not be true to your 
country if you seek to make political capital out of these 
disasters; and to my old friends, you will be false and 
unworthy of your principles if you allow political defeat to 
convert you into traitors to your national land. The 
shortest way now to peace is the most stupendous and 
unanimous preparations for war. 

" Gentlemen, it is our duty to defend our constitution 
and protect our flag." 

Mr. Douglas then proceeded to Chicago where he spoke 
in the " Eepublican Wigwam, " the building in which 
Abraham Lincoln had been nominated for President, to 
a vast audience composed of men of all parties. The fol- 
lowing extract from that speech will show that Douglas 
Jiad fully sunk the partisan in the patriot, and that he 
stood ready to peril fortune, fame and honor for the pres- 
ervation of the Government. 

" I beg you to believe that I will not do you or myself 
the injustice to think that this magnificent ovation is per- 
sonal to myself. I rejoice to know that it expresses your 
devotion to the Constitution, the Union, and the flag of 
our country. I will not conceal gratification at the uncon- 
trovertible test this vast audience presents that, whatsoever 
political differences or party questions may have divided 
us, yet you all had a conviction that, when the country 
should be in danger, my loyalty could be relied on. That 
the present danger is imminent, no man can conceal. If 
war must come if the bayonet must be used to maintain 
the Constitution I say before God, my conscience is clean. 
I have struggled long for a peaceful solution of the diffi- 
culty. I have not only tendered those States what was 
theirs of right, but I have gone to the very extreme of 


"The return we receive is war; armies marching upon 
our Capital ; obstructions and dangers to our navigation ;. 
letters of marque, to invite pirates to prey upon our com- 
merce; a concerted movement to blot out the United States- 
of America from the map of the globe. The question is,, 
are we to maintain the country of our fathers, or allow it 
to be stricken down by those who, when they can no longer 
govern, threaten to destroy? 

"What cause, what excuse do disunionists give us for 
breaking up the best Government on which the sun of 
heaven ever shed its rays ? They are dissatisfied with the 
result of the Presidential election. Did they never get 
beaten before ? Are we to resort to the sword when we get 
defeated at the baUot-box? I understand it that the voice 
of the people, expressed in the mode appointed by the 
Constitution, must command the obedience of every citi- 
zen. They assume, on the election of a particular can- 
didate, that their rights are not safe in the Union. What 
evidence do they present of this? I defy any man to 
show any act on which it is based. What act has been 
omitted to be done? I appeal to these assembled thous- 
ands, that so far as the constitutional rights of slave- 
holders are concerned, nothing has been done and nothing 
omitted of which they can complain. 

"There has never been a time from the day that Wash- 
ington was inaugurated first President of the United! 
States, when the rights of -the Southern States stood! 
firmer under the laws of the land than they do now; 
there never was a time when they had not as good a 
cause for disunion as they have to-day. What good cause 
have they now that has not existed under every adminis- 
tration ? 

"If they say the Territorial question now, for the first 
time, there is no act of Congress prohibiting slavery any- 
where. If it be the non-enforcement of the laws, the only 
complaints, that I have heard, have been of the too vigor- 
ous and faithful fulfillment of the Fugitive Slave Law. 
Then what reason have they? 

"The slavery question is a mere excuse. The election 
of Lincoln is a mere pretext. The present secession 
movement is the result of an enormous conspiracy, formed 
more than a year since, formed by leaders in the South- 
ern Confederacy more than twelve months ago. 

"But this is no time for the detail of causes. The con- 
spiracy is now known. Armies have been raised, war is 
levied to accomplish it. There are only two sides to the 


question. Every man must be for the United States or 
against it. There can be no neutrals in this war, only 
^patriots or traitors. 

"Thank God, Illinois is not divided on this question. 
I know they expected to present a united South against a 
divided North. They hoped in the Northern States party 
questions would bring civil war between Democrats and 
Republicans, when the South would step in with her co- 
horts, aid one party to conquer the other, and then make 
asy prey of the victors. Their scheme was carnage and 
civil war in the North, 

"There is but one way to defeat this. In Illinois it is 
being so defeated, by closing up the ranks. War will 
thus be prevented on our own soil. While there was a 
hope for peace, I was ready for any reasonable sacrifice 
or compromise to maintain it. But when the question 
comes of war in the cotton fields of the South, or the 
corn fields of Illinois, I say the farther off the better. 

"I have said more than I intended to say. It is a sad 
task to discuss questions so fearful as civil war; but sad 
^,8 it is, bloody and disastrous as I expect it will be, I 
express it as my conviction before God, that it is the duty 
of every American citizen to rally around the flag of his 

"I thank you again for this magnificent demonstration. 
3y it you show you have laid aside party strife. Illinois 
has a proud position united, firm, determined never to 
permit the Government to be destroyed." 

This was the last public speech ever made by the great 
Senator, for at its close he returned to his rooms at the 
Tremont House, where he was taken sick, and never again 
left them alive. 

Douglas was one of the wonderful men of his time. He 
came to Illinois, from Vermont, in the latter part of 1833, then 
only twenty years of age, and like Breese, soon won the confi- 
dence and respect of the people of his adopted State, and 
rapidly rose to distinction. After filling various public 
trusts, among which were State's Attorney, Bepresentative 
in the General Assembly, Secretary of State, Judge of the 
Supreme Court, and Bepresentative in Congress, he was 
elected to the United States Senate in 1847, as the suc- 
cessor of James Semple, and he continued Senator until 


his death which occurred at Chicago, on the 3d of June,. 
1861, which event was mourned by the whole Nation* 
As a statesman, there was none superior. As a public 
speaker he stood without a peer. The magnanimity of 
his nature is well illustrated by the fact that he stood by 
and held the hat of his great rival, Abraham Lincoln, 
while he delivered his first inaugural address. The last 
act of his life was a noble appeal for the preservation of 
his Government, which will ever render his name imper- 
ishable in the memory of his countrymen. 

A lasting monument has been erected to his memory,. 
at Chicago, on the lake shore. 


Among the more important acts of the Twenty-second 
General Assembly was the passage of a law providing for & 
constitutional convention to frame a new constitution. The 
election for delegates took place in November, 1861. The 
convention was composed of seventy-five members, forty- 
five of whom were Democrats, twenty-one Kepublicans, 
seven Fusionists, and two doubtful. It will be seen that 
the Democrats had a majority of fifteen over all, and 
therefore had their own way. The convention assembled 
on the 7th of January, 1862. John Dement was elected 
President pro tempore ; William A. Hacker, President, and 
Wm. M. Springer, Secretary. 

The delegates were as follows: 

Wm. A. Hacker, Andrew D. Duff, 

George W. Waters, Daniel Reily, 

Wm. J. Allen, George W. Wall, 

Milton Bartley, H. K. S. O'Melveny, 



T. B. Tanner, 
Thomas W. Stone, 
E. P. Hanna, 
Thomas W. Morgan, 
Augustus C. French, 
James B. Underwood, 
Samuel Stevenson, 
Solomon Kcepflie, 
Samuel A. Buckmaster, 
Isaac L. Leith, 
James H. Parker, 
Harmon Alexander, 
Anthony Thornton, 
Horatio M. Vandeveer, 
Lewis Solomon, 
John W. Woodson, 
James A. Eades, 
Orlando B. Ficklin, 
Benj. S. Edwards, 
James D. Smith, 
Joseph Morton, 
Albert G. Burr, 
Alexander Starne, 
Archibald A. Glenn, 
James W. Singleton, 
Austin Brooks, 
John P. Eichmond, 
Milton M. Merrill, 
Joseph C. Thompson, 
Lewis W. Boss, 
John G. Graham, 
Thompson W. McNeely, 
E. L. Austin, 

Elias S. Terry, 
Wm. W. Orme, 
Eobert B. M. Wilson, 
Jonathan Simpson, 
Julius Manning, 
Norman H. Purple, 
John Burns, 
Alexander Campbell, 
Perry A. Armstrong, 
Thomas Finnie, 
Francis Goodspeed, 
J. W. Paddock, 
Henry C. Childs, 
Stephen B. Stinson, 
Adoniram J. Joslyn, 
W. Selden Gale, 
Wm. H. Allen, 
Timothy E. Young, 
Eobert T. Templeton, 
George W. Pleasants, 
John Dement, 
Charles Newcomer, 
Wellington Weigley, 
Henry Smith, 
Willard P. Naramore, 
Porter Sheldon, 
Wm. M. Jackson, 
Luther W. Lawrence. 
Elisha P. Ferry, 
John Wentworth, 
Melville W. Fuller, 
Elliott Anthony, 
John H. Muhlke, 

T. E. Webber, 

There were many eminent minds in this convention, 
among whom we name: 

Hacker, Allen; Duff, Wall, O'Melveny, Tanner, Hanna, 
French, Underwood, Buckmaster, Thornton, Vandeveer, 
Ficklin, Edwards, Burr, Singleton, Boss-. Burns, Goodspeed, 
Joslyn, Gale, Dement, Wentworth, Fuller and Anthony. 

This body assumed, in a very large degree, both the 
powers of the Legislature and convention, and among 
other extraordinary acts, passed an ordinance appropriating 


$500,000 for the benefit of the sick and wounded sol- 
diers of Illinois. Bonds were to be issued on whicrh to 
raise the money, to bear ten per cent, interest, but Gov. 
Yates gave no heed to this act, or any other of a 
like nature, believing, as he did, that the duty of the con- 
vention was confined simply to the framing of a new 

The constitution framed provided for biennial State elec- 
tions for all State officers, and legislated out of office the 
Governor and other State officers, and fixed the time for 
electing a new State Government for November, 1862. 

The constitution was submitted to a vote of the people 
the following June. There were two articles submitted 
separately; one concerning banks and currency, and the 
other relating to negroes and mulattoes. The latter we 
reproduce : 

" Article 18. Sec. 1. No negro or mulatto shall migrate 
to or settle in this State, after the adoption of this Con- 

" Sec. 2. No negro or mulatto shall have the right of 
suffrage or hold office in this State. 

" Sec. 8. The General Assembly shall pass all laws 
necessary to carry into effect the provisions of this 

The vote for the constitution was 128,739 ; against, 151,- 
254. Majority against the constitution, 24,515. 

The article relating to negroes and mulattoes was voted 
on by sections, and all carried by unprecedented majori- 
ties. The article relating to banks was lost by a small 

It was contended by some of the leading Democratic 
lawyers that the article relating to negroes and mulattoes 
became a part of the constitution of 1848, but the ques- 
tion had not been passed upon by the courts when the 
constitution of 1870 was adopted. 




Late Conventions But Two Tickets Democrats Successful Aggregate 
Vote for State Officers Aggregate Vote for Members of Congress by 

In view of the fact that the Nation was in the midst 
of civil war, there was little disposition on the part of the 
people, not active politicians, to interest themselves in po- 
litical matters, and the Democrats did not hold their 
convention until the 16th of September, at which Alex- 
ander Starne was nominated for Treasurer, John P. 
Brooks for Superintendent of Public Instruction, and Jas. 
<3. Allen for Congressman-at-Large. 

On the 24th of September, the Republicans met in con- 
vention, and nominated Wm. Butler for Treasurer, Newton 
Bateman for Superintendent of Public Instruction, and 
Eben C. Ingersoll for Congressman-at-Large. 

The candidates for Congress made a vigorous canvass 
of the State, but the Democrats elected their ticket, and 
carried both branches of the Legislature. 

The aggregate vote for State officers, Congressman-at- 
Large and by districts, is as follows: 


Alexander Starne, D 186,843 

"William Butler, E 120,177 




John P. Brooks, D 136,11^ 

Newton Bateman, E 120,110 


James C. Allen, D . . . 136,257 
Eben C. Ingersoll, E 119,819 


Isaac N. Arnold, E 10,025 

Francis C. Sherman 8,387 


John F. Farnsworth, E.. ... 12,612 

Neil Donnelly 4,785 

Scattering 8> 


Elihu B. Washburne, E 10,496 

Elias B. Stiles 6,785 

Scattering 1 


Charles W. Harris, D ll,62fr 

Charles B. Lawrence 8,711 


Owen Lovejoy, E 11,683 

Thos. J. Henderson 11,020 

Benj. Graham 617 

Scattering r 4 


Jesse 0. Norton, E 10,604 

T. Lyle Dickey 8,419 

Scattering 2. 


John E. Eden, D 11,361 

Elijah McCarty 10,004 


John T. Stuart, D 12,808 

Leonard Swett ll,44a 



Lewis W. Ross, D 13,391 

William Ross 76 

Scattering 61 


Anthony L. Knapp, D 14,259: 

Samuel W. Moulton 7,712 

Scattering 48! 


Jas. C. Robinson, D 13,644' 

Stephen G. Hicks 5,521 


William R. Morrison, D 10,999 

Robert Smith 6,854 


William J. Allen, D 9,497 

Milton Bartley 4,290 


Stirring Message of the Governor Peace Resolutions Counter Resolutions 
Majority and Minority Reports of the Committee on Federal Relations 
Prorogation Decision of the Supreme Court. 

Governor Richard Yates. 

Lieutenant- Governor Francis A. Hoffman. 

Secretary of State 0. M. Hatch. 

Auditor of Public Accounts Jesse K. Dubois. 

Treasurer Alexander Starne. 

Superintendent of Public Instruction John P. Brooks. 




The Twenty- third General Assembly convened January 5, 
and consisted of the following members: 


Wm. H. Green, Massac. 
Hugh Gregg, Williamson. 
I. Blanohardj Jackson. 
J. M. Kodgers, Clinton. 
*W. A. J. Sparks, Clinton. 
W. H. Underwood, St.Clair. 
L. E. Worcester, Greene. 
H. M.Vandeveer, Christian. 
6. Moffat, Etnngham. 
Jos. Peters, Vermilion. 
Isaac Funk, McLean. 
Colby Knapp, Logan. 
H. E. Dummer, Cass. 

B. T. Schofield, Hancock. 
Wm. Berry, McDonough. 
Albert C. Mason, Knox. 
John T. Lindsay, Peoria. 
W. Bushneil, LaSalle. 
A. W. Mack, Kankakee. 
Edward R. Allen, Kane. 
D. Richards, Whites ide. 
T. J. Pjckett, B->ck Island. 
J. H. Addams, Stephenson. 
Cornelius Lansing, McHenry. 
Win. B. Og'len, Cook. 
Jasper D. Ward, Cook. 


James H. Smith, Union. 
T. B. Hicks, Massac. 
Jas. B. Turner, Gallatin. 
Jas. M. Sharp, Wabash. 
H. M. Williams, Jefferson. 
J. M.Waahburn, Williamson. 
Jesse R. Ford, Clinton. 
S. W. Miles, Monroe. 
E. Menard, Randolph. 
J. W. Merritt, Marion. 
Jas. M. Heard, Wayne. 
D. W. Odell, Crawf,,rd. 
J. W. Wescott, Clay. 
R. H. McCann, Fayette. 
C. L. Conger, White. 
J. B. Underwood, St. Clair. 
John Thomas, St. Clair. 
S. A. Buckmaster, Madison. 
Wm. Watkins, Bond. 
P. Daugherty, Clark. 
Reuben Roessler, Shelby. 
G. F. Coffeen, Montgomery. 

A. M. Miller, Logan. 
C. A. Keyes, Sangamon. 
C. A. Walker, Macoupm. 
John N. English, Jersey. 
Wm. B. Witt, Greene. 
Scott Wike, Pike. 
Albert G. Burr, Scott. 
James M. Epler, Cass. 
Lyman Lacey, Menard. 
J. T. Springer, Mosgin. 
A. E. Wheat, Adams. 
Wm. J. Brown, Adams. 
Lewis G. Reid, McDonough. 
Joseph Sharon, Schuvler. 
Milton M. Morr.ll, Hancock. 
Thos. B. Cabmen, Mercer. 
Henry K. Peffer, Warren. 
Joseph M. Holyoke, Knox. 
Jolm G. G cab am, Fulton. 
Simeon P. Shope, Fulton. 
Jnrnes Ho'gMte, Stavk. 
Win. W. O'tirien. Peoria. 

* Vice J. M. Rodprers, deceased. 



Elias Wenger, Tazewell. 
Harrison Noble, McLean. 
Boynton Tenny, DeWitt. 
John Tenbrook, Coles. 
John Gerrard, Edgar. 
John Monroe, Vermilion. 
James Elder, Macon. 
*Wm. N. Coler, Champaign. 
tJ. S. Busey, Champaign. 
C. A. Lake, Eankakee. 
Addison Goodeil, Iroquois. 
John W. Newport, Grundy. 
Charles E. Boyer, Will. 
IP. A. Armstrong, Grundy. 
T. C. Gibson, LaSalle. 
Mercy B. Patty, Livingston. 
John 0. Dent, LaSalle. 
George Dent, Putnam. 
J. A. Davis, Wood ford. 
Daniel E. Howe, Bureau. 
Nelson Lay, Henry. 
J. Kistler, Bock Island. 

L. Smith, Whiteside. 
Demas L. Harris, Lee. 
James V. Gale, Ogle. 
W. W. Sedgwick, DeKalb. 
L. W. Lawrence, Boone. 
Sylvester S. Mann, Kane. 
Jacob P. Black, Kendall. 
Elijah M. Haines, Lake. 
T. B. Wakeman, McHenry. 
S. M. Church, Winnebago. 
H. C. Burchard, Stephenson. 
Henry Green, Jo Daviess. 
Jos. F. Chapman, Carroll. 
A. S. Barnard, DuPage. 
Ansel B. Cook, Cook. 
Amos G. Throop, Cook. 
Wm. E. Ginther, Cook. 
Melville W. Fuller, Cook. 
*George W. Gage, Cook. 
SMichael Brandt, Cook. 
Francis A. Eastman, Cook. 

Lorenzo Brentano, Cook. 

The Democrats had a majority in both branches. Lieu- 
tenant-Governor Hoffman presided over the Senate, and 
Manning Mayfield, of Massac, was elected Secretary, over 
L. H. Burnham, of Stephenson, by a vote of 13 to 10. 

Samuel A. Buckmaster, of Madison, was elected Speaker 
of the House, over Luther W. Lawrence, of Boone, by a 
vote of 52 to 25, and John Q. Harmon, of Alexander, Clerk, 
over John C. Southwick, of Lake, by a vote of 53 to 25. 

Among the new members of this General Assembly who 
were prominent, or attained prominence, were: Menard, 
Merritt, Conger, Thomas, Wike, Shope, O'Brien, Mann, 
Burchard, Fuller, Eastman, Brentano. 

The Governor's message was laid before the two houses 
on the 6th of January. It contained the usual recom- 
mendations regarding needed legislation relating to the 

*Seat contested. 

tAflmitted to seat of Wm. N. Coler. 
JVice John W. Newport, deceased. 
SAdinitted to seat of George W. Gage. 


several great interests of the State, but the greater por- 
tion of it was devoted to questions growing out of the war. 
Referring to National affairs, he said: 

" In the new policy of emancipation thus inaugurated, I 
feel that it is of the utmost importance to meet and silence 
the prejudice which, for partisan purposes, is attempted 
to be excited against the alleged injurious effects of eman- 
cipation. It is not to be overlooked that there exists a 
degree of prejudice in the minds of the people, upon the 
subject of giving freedom to the slave, to which politicians 
appeal with fatal injury to the cause of that enlightened 
progress which has been so Providentially placed within 
the reach of the present generation. A grand opportunity 
is presented to us by the logic of events. By a wise and 
Christian policy we blot out a mighty wrong to one class 
of people now in bondage, and secure lasting peace and 
happiness to another. 

" I am sure of two things : First that when slavery is 
removed, this rebellion will die out, and not before. Sec- 
ond I believe and predict, and commit the prediction in 
this State paper to meet the verdict of my successors in 
office, and of posterity, that the change brought about by 
the policy of emancipation will pass off in a way so quietly 
and so easily that the world will stand amazed that we 
should have entertained such fears of its evils. . . . 

" I demand the removal of slavery. In the name of my 
country, whose peace it has disturbed, and plunged into 
fearful civil war ; in the name of the heroes it has slain ; 
in the name of justice, whose highest tribunals it has 
corrupted and prostituted to its basest ends and purposes ; 
in the name of Washington and Jefferson, and all the old 
patriots who struggled round about the camps of liberty, 
and who looked forward to the early extinction of slavery ; 
in the name of progress, civilization and liberty, and in 
the name of God Almighty himself, I demand the utter 
and entire demolition of this heaven-cursed wrong of hu- 
man bondage this sole cause of the treason, death and 
misery which fill the land. Fear not the consequences, 
for the Almighty will uphold the arms of the hosts whose 
banners are blazoned with the glorious war-cry of liberty. 

" Slavery removed, and we shall have peace solid and 
enduring peace and our Nation, entering upon a new 
career, will leap with a mighty bound to be the greatest 
and freest upon the face of the earth. 


"I regret that appeals are being made to the masses 
t>y a few public presses in the country for separation from 
New England. Not a drop of New England blood courses 
my veins ; still I should deem myself an object of com- 
miseration and shame if I tjould forget her glorious his- 
tory ; if I could forget that the blood of her citizens freely 
commingled with that of my own ancestors upon those 
memorable fields which ushered in the millennium dawn 
of civil and religious liberty. I purpose not to be the eulo- 
gist of New England ; but she is indissolubly bound to us 
by all the bright memories of the past, by all the glory 
of the present, by all the hopes of the future. I shall 
always glory in the fact that I belong to a republic in the 
galaxy of whose stars New England is among the brightest 
and best. Palsied be the hand that would sever the ties 
which bind the East and West." 

The two houses met in joint session on the 12th of Jan- 
uary and proceeded to elect a Senator of the United States 
to succeed Stephen A. Douglas, deceased. Wm. A. Rich- 
ardson received 65 votes and Richard Yates 38. Richard- 
son having received a majority of all the votes cast, the 
Speaker declared him the duly elected Senator. 

This was not a harmonious body. We were then in the 
second year of the war, and there existed a radical differ- 
ence between the respective parties relating to the meas- 
ures employed by the National Government to overthrow 
the rebellion, and much of the time of the session was 
occupied in a violent and fruitless discussion of these 
questions; but that the reader may have a clear under- 
standing of the spirit and temper of that assembly, we 
print the views of the respective parties on the questions 
at issue as they were presented by the majority and min- 
ority reports from the Committee on Federal Relations. 
The report of the majority was in these words : 

"WHEREAS, The Union has no existence separate from^ 
the Federal Constitution, but, being created solely by thatT' 
instrument, it can only exist by virtue thereof; and when 
the provisions of that Constitution are suspended, either 
in time of war or in peace, whether by the North or the 
South, it is alike disunion; and 


" WHEREAS, The Federal Government can lawfully exer- 
cise no power that is not conferred upon it by the Federal 
Constitution, the exercise, therefore, of other powers, not 
granted by that instrument, in time of war, as well as in. 
time of peace, is a violation of the written will of the Ameri- 
can people, destructive of their plan of government, and 
of their common liberties ; and 

" WHEREAS, The Constitution cannot be maintained, nor 
the Union preserved, in opposition to public feeling, by 
a mere exercise of the coercive powers confided to the 
General Government, and that, in case of differences and 
conflicts between the States and the Federal Government, 
too powerful for adjustment by the civil departments of 
the Government, the appeal is not to the sword, by the 
State, or by the General Government, but to the people, 
peacefully assembled by their Representatives in conven- 
tion ; and 

" WHEREAS, The allegiance of the citizen is due alone to 
the Constitution and laws made in pursuance thereof not 
to any man, or officer, or administration and whatever 
support is due to any officer of this Government, is due 
alone by virtue of the Constitution and laws ; and 

" WHEREAS, ALSO, The condition of the whole Republic,, 
but more especially the preservation of the liberties of the 
people of Illinois, imperatively demands that we, their 
representatives, should make known to our fellow country- 
men our deliberate judgment and will ; 

"WE THEREFORE DECLARE, That the acts of the Federal 1 
Administration in suspending the writ of habeas carpus, the 
arrest of citizens not subject to military law, without 
warrant and without authority transporting them to dis- 
tant States, incarcerating them in political prisons, with- 
out charge or accusation denying them the right of trial 
by jury, witnesses in their favor, or counsel for their 
defense ; withholding from them all knowledge of their 
accusers, and the cause of their arrest answering their 
petitions for redress by repeated injury and insult pre- 
scribing, in many cases, as a condition of their release, 
test oaths, arbitrary and illegal; in the abridgment of 
freedom of speech, and of the press, by imprisoning the 
citizen for expressing his sentiments, by suppressing news- 
papers by military force, and establishing a censorship 
over others, wholly incompatible with freedom of thought 
and expression of opinion, and the establishment of a sys- 
tem of espionage by a secret police, to invade the sacred 
privacy of unsuspecting citizens; declaring martial law 


over States not in rebellion, and where the courts are 
open and unobstructed for the punishment of crime ; in 
declaring the slaves of loyal, as well as disloyal citizens, 
in certain States and parts of States, free ; the attempted 
enforcement of compensated emancipation; the proposed 
taxation of the laboring white man to purchase the free- 
dom and secure the elevation of the negro ; the transporta- 
tion of negroes into the State of Illinois, in defiance of the 
repeatedly expressed will of the people ; the arrest and 
imprisonment of the Representatives of a free and sover- 
eign State ; the dismemberment of the State of Virginia, 
erecting within her boundaries a new State, without the 
consent of her Legislature, are each and all arbitrary and 
unconstitutional, a usurpation of the legislative functions, 
a suspension of the judicial departments of the State and 
Federal Governments, subverting the Constitution State 
and Federal invading the reserved rights of the people, 
and the sovereignty of the States, and, if sanctioned, de- 
structive of the Union establishing upon the common 
ruins of the liberties of the people and the sovereignty 
of the States a consolidated military despotism. 

"And we hereby solemnly declare that no American 
citizen can, without the crime of infidelity to his country's- 
Constitutions, and the allegiance which he bears to each, 
sanction such usurpations. 

" Believing that our silence would be criminal, and may- 
be construed into consent, in deep reverence for our Con- 
stitution, which has been ruthlessly violated, we do hereby 
enter our most solemn protest against these usurpations 
of power, and place the same before the world, intending 
thereby to warn our public servants against further usur- 
pations ; therefore, 

Resolved by the House of Representatives, the Senate con- 
curring herein, That the army was organized, confiding in 
the declaration of the President, in his inaugural address, 
to-wit: "That he had no purpose, directly or indirectly, ta 
interfere with the institution of slavery in the States 
where it existed, and that he believed he had no lawful 
right to do so, and that he had no inclination to do so;' r 
and upon the declaration of the Federal Congress, to-wit r 
"That this war is not waged in any spirit of oppression 
or subjugation, or any purpose of overthrowing any of the 
institutions of any of the States;" and that, inasmuch as 
the whole policy of the Administration, since the organi- 
zation of the army, has been at war with the declarations 
aforesaid, culminating in the emancipation proclamation, 


leaving the facts patent, that the war has been diverted 
from its first avowed object to that of subjugation and the 
abolition of slavery, a fraud, both legal and moral, has 
been perpetrated upon the brave sons of Illinois, who have 
so nobly gone forth to battle for the Constitution and the 
laws. And, while we protest against the continuance of 
this gross fraud upon our citizen soldiers, we thank them 
for that heroic conduct on the battlefields that shed im- 
perishable glory on the State of Illinois. 

"Resolved, That we believe the further prosecution of the 
present war can not result in the restoration of the Union 
and the preservation of the Constitution, as our fathers 
made it, unless the President's Emancipation Proclama- 
tion be withdrawn. 

"Resolved, That while we condemn and denounce the 
flagrant and monstrous usurpations of the Administration, 
and encroachments of Abolitionism, we equally condemn 
and denounce the ruinous heresy of secession, as unwar- 
ranted by the Constitution, and destructive alike of the 
security and perpetuity of our Government, and the peace 
and liberty of the people; and fearing, as we do, that it 
is the intention of the present Congress and Administra- 
tion, at no distant day, to acknowledge the independence 
of the Southern Confederacy, and thereby sever the Union, 
we hereby solemnly declare that we are unalterably op- 
posed to any such severance of the Union, and that we 
never can consent that the great Northwest shall be sep- 
arated from the Southern States, comprising the Missis- 
sippi Valley. That river shall never water the soil of two 
nations, but, from its source to its confluence with the 
gulf, shall belong to one great and united people. 

"Resolved, That peace, fraternal relations and political 
fellowship should be restored among the States, that the 
best interests of all, and the welfare of mankind, require 
ihat this should be done in the most speedy and effective 
manner ; that it is to the people we must look for a res- 
toration of the Union, and the blessings of peace, and to 
these ends we should direct our earnest and honest efforts ; 
and hence we are in favor of the assembling of a National 
Convention of all the States, to so adjust our National 
difficulties that the States may hereafter live together in 
harmony, each being secured in the rights guaranteed to 
all by our fathers ; and which Convention we recommend 
shall convene at Louisville, Kentucky, or such other place 
as shall be determined upon by Congress or the several 
States, at the earliest practicable period. 


" Resolved, further, therefore, TLat to attain the objects 
of the foregoing resolution, we hereby memorialize the 
'Congress of the United States, the Administration at 
"Washington, and the Executives and Legislatures of the 
several States, to take such action as shall secure an 
armistice, in which the rights and safety of the Govern- 
ment shall be fully protected, for such length of time as 
will enable the people to meet in convention as aforesaid. 
And we, therefore, earnestly recommend to our fellow- 
-citizens everywhere, to observe and keep all their lawful 
and constitutional obligations ; to abstain from all violence, 
and to meet together and reason, each with the other, 
upon the best mode to attain the great blessings of peace, 
unity and liberty ; and, be it further 

" Resolved, That to secure the co-operation of the States 
and the General Government, Stephen T. Logan, Samuel 
S. Marshall, H. K. S. O'Melveny, William C. Goudy, An- 
ihony Thornton and John D. Caton, are hereby appointed 
commissioners to confer immediately with Congress and 
the President of the United States, and with the Legis- 
latures and Executives of the several States, and urge 
the necessity of prompt action to secure said armistice, 
and the election of delegates to, and early assembling of, 
said convention; and to arrange and agree with the Gen- 
eral Government and the several States, upon the time 
and place of holding said convention ; and that they re- 
port their action in the premises to the General Assembly 
-of this State. , 

" Resolved, That the Speaker of the House of Represen- 
tatives be requested to transmit a copy of the foregoing 
preamble and resolutions to the President of the United 
States, to each of our Senators and Representatives in 
Congress, and to each of the Governors and the Speakers 
.of the House of Representatives of the several States." 

The minority report was as follows: 

" Resolved, That in the present condition of our National 
affairs, and in the' existence of the troubles which sur- 
round our country, it is the duty of all good citizens 
cordially to support the National and State administra- 
tions, and that we hereby offer to the administration of 
Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, and 
Richard Yates, Governor of the State of Illinois, our 
-earnest and cordial support in the efforts of their respec- 
tive administrations to put down the present most infamous 


"Resolved, That while we admit that during the present 
terrible and unjustifiable rebellion it would be irnpossible- 
for the President of the United States to discharge his duties 
so as to satisfy the views of all the people of the United 
States, yet as he is the officer invested with the constitu- 
tional power to act as the executive head of the Govern- 
ment in putting down the present rebellion, which is seeking 
our overthrow, it becomes the duty of all loyal citizens to 
strengthen the President's arm for the contest, and to give 
him that moral and material aid and support, regardless 
of mere party difference of opinion, that will be effectual 
to put down insurrection and sustain our Government, 
and we hold that no man can be regarded as a lover of 
his country who will not make any sacrifice that is needed 
to sustain the Government under which he lives. 

" Resolved, That it is the first and highest duty of the 
National Government to crush out the existing rebellion;, 
that our own happiness, prosperity and power as a peo- 
ple, and the fate of republican institutions throughout the 
world are involved in this great issue ; and in order to 
accomplish that result, it is both the right and duty of 
the Government to use all means recognized by the laws- 
of civilized warfare. 

" Resolved, That the Constitution of our fathers and the 
irrepealable laws of nature unite in indissoluble bonds the 
great Northwest with the mouth of the Mississippi and 
the Eastern seaboard ; that we should be as ready, if need 
were, to crush secession in the East as in the South, and 
that we will never consent to the dissolution of the Union, 
or to the abandonment by the National Government of 
its constitutional sovereignty over any, the least portion; 
of our territory. 

"Resolved, That we have no terms of compromise to 
propose to rebels in arms; that we should regard propo- 
sitions by the loyal States for a cessation of hostilities as 
both fruitless and humiliating, and that any settlement 
of our National troubles, by any species of concession to 
rebels, or by any mode short of an unconditional sup- 
pression of the rebellion, would be an acknowledgment 
of the principle of secession, and would be offering a pre- 
mium to treason for all time to come. 

"Resolved, That the Constitution of the United States 
confers upon the Government of the same, all the powers, 
necessary to the effectual suppression of the rebellion, and 
to punish the rebels for the violation of their allegiance, 
and to this end it may deprive them of life, liberty or 


property, if required, in its judgment, and that an imperious 
necessity demanded of the President of the United States 
the issuing of his proclamation of freedom to the slaves 
in rebellious States and parts of States, and we pledge 
ourselves to sustain him in the same. 

" Resolved, That the President, as Commander-in-Chief 
of the army and the executive head of the Government, 
has the same undoubted right to suspend the writ of 
habeas corpus, during an armed rebellion, that Gen. Jack- 
son had to suspend that writ in New Orleans; that even 
if individual cases of hardship have occurred in conse- 
quence of false information furnished to the Government, 
which it had good reason to believe to be true, still no 
thoroughly loyal citizen, who earnestly desires the sup- 
pression of the rebellion, would seek, for such causes, to 
create disaffection among the people towards the Govern- 
ment, or to make them believe that their liberties are in 
danger, and that we have yet to hear of the first truly 
loyal man who believes himself in danger of military arrest 
or imprisonment in so-called bastiles. 

"Resolved, That the object of the Administration, in 
prosecuting the war against the rebellion, is now, as it 
ever has heretofore been, the restoration of the Union, 
and not the abolishment of slavery in the rebellious States ; 
that this last step is resorted to by the President as a 
necessary and constitutional war measure, and as a potent 
means towards the accomplishment of the great object 
had in viow the crushing of the rebellion and the resto- 
ration of the Union. 

Resolved, That during the great convulsion which afflicts 
our country, we are desirous of seeing the liberty of the 
citizen as much respected as is compatible with public 
safety; but we distinctly announce our conviction to be, 
that no man has a right to be a traitor that no man 
has a right to aid and abet the enemies of his country 
that no man has a right to appeal to the spirit of insur- 
rection in opposition to the constituted and lawful authori- 
ties of the land that those so offending act by virtue of 
no right, but in their own wrong, and should be promptly 
and duly restrained by the Government. 

Resolved, That until the present struggle is over, and 
the Union restored, the people should recognize no party 
line but that mentioned by Mr. Douglas the line divid- 
ing patriots and traitors; that inasmuch as all traitors, 
North and South, are united, it behooves all patriots of 
all parties to stand together like a band of brothers, 


meeting with unbroken front, and putting down with united 
strength treason in all its forms, and wherever it may lift 
its head. 

Resolved, That the late State government of Virginia 
having treasonably abdicated its legitimate authority, the 
same devolved upon that portion of her citizens which 
organized a loyal government in that section of her terri- 
tory where they could safely assemble, and that such loyal 
government was invested with the whole power of the State 
of Virginia, and had the rightful authority, under the 
National Constitution, with the sanction of Congress, to 
consent to the formation of a new State, carved out of its 

Resolved, That the courts of the United States would 
be wholly inefficient to maintain its authority against rebels 
in arms, and that the only mode in which the rebellion 
can be put down is through the military arm of the Gov- 
ernment, and that the proper duty of our courts is to follow, 
and not to precede, our armies, and that we will hail the 
day when the military aid can be dispensed with in the 
administration of our affairs, and the civil authority restored 
to its wonted supremacy. 

Resolved, That the democratic principle, viz: the fre- 
quency of elections, and of submission to the will of the 
people as expressed at the ballot box, dispenses entirely 
with the necessity of forcible revolution to correct any real 
or fancied errors of administration, and this fact takes 
away all excuse for those who seek to inaugurate a state 
of anarchy or rebellion, and invests their crime with a ten- 
fold atrocity. 

Resolved, That the gallant sons of Illinois who have 
gone forth to fight our battles, have achieved for them- 
selves and their State imperishable renown ; that the page 
which shall record their deeds will be among the brightest 
of our country's history, and having sealed their hatred 
of treason by the baptism of the battle-field, they will, 
upon their return, pronounce at the ballot box, their con- 
demnation of all men who have dared to express a covert 
sympathy with traitors, or to denounce the sacred cause 
for which they have shed their blood." 

On the 12th of February, Mr. Lawrence moved to substi- 
tute the minority report for that of the majority, which was 
lost by a vote of 27 yeas to 52 nays, when Mr. Burr moved 
the previous question upon the adoption of the resolutions 
of the majority report, which was decided in the affirmative, 


by a vote of 52 yeas to 28 nays. The resolutions were 
transmitted to the Senate the same day for its concur- 
rence, and on motion of Mr. Underwood, they were made 
the special order for Friday evening the 13th, at 7 o'clock. 
Pending the action of the Senate on the resolutions, Sen- 
ator Kogers, Democrat, died, which left the Senate, politi- 
cally, a tie, and as the presiding officer was a Eepublican 
and had the casting vote, the resolutions were thus left 
unacted upon, and on the 14th the two houses took a 
recess until the 2d of June. 

As may be inferred, this was one of the most exciting 
sessions of the Legislature ever known. A wide difference 
existed between the Executive and the dominant party as 
to the National policy regarding the prosecution of th& 
war. The majority in either house lost no opportunity to 
oppose the wishes of the Executive, and vice versa. Many 
violent speeches were made in either house, but that of Sen- 
ator Funk, of McLean, who had been elected to succeed 
Senator Oglesby, was one of the most thrilling and re- 
markable. Mr. Funk was a Eepublican, and ardently in 
favor of a vigorous prosecution of the war. He had never 
made a speech before in his life; he had listened for 
weeks to the utterances of the men who opposed the war 
policy of the National Government, until his patience was- 
exhausted, and rising in his place, without knowing what 
h% was going to say, or what would be the consequences, 
he spoke with a power and fluency that filled and thrilled 
the entire capitol, and won for him the admiration of the 
war men throughout the entire North. His speech was 
reproduced in all the leading journals of the country; it 
was read to the Union soldiers in the South, by order of 
their commanders, and Mr. Funk received from President 
Lincoln a personal letter, thanking him for the bold stand 
he had taken in favor of the prosecution of the war. We will 
digress to say that Senator Funk died in Bloomington, at 


5 o'clock a. m., January 29, 1865, at the residence of his 
son Duncan, surrounded by his affectionate family, in the 
68th year of his age; and, singular as it may seem, his 
wife died at 9 o'clock on the same day. 

This body reassembled in June, agreeably to adjourn- 
ment, and on the 3d Mr. Bushnell introduced a joint 
resolution proposing a sine die adjournment on the 10th. 
On the 8th his resolution was taken up, and, on motion 
of Mr. Mack, was amended by inserting the words "at 
12 o'clock." Mr. Mason moved to insert "the 16fch inst. 
at 12 o'clock." The yeas and nays being demanded, it 
was lost, by a vote of 4 yeas to 17 nays. The question 
recurring on the motion to adjourn on the 10th, Mr. Van- 
deveer moved to amend by inserting "6 o'clock this day," 
which was decided in the affirmative, by a vote of 14 yeas 
io 7 nays. The resolution was sent to the House for its 
concurrence. Mr. Walker moved to amend the resolution 
by striking out the words "June 8th, at 6 o'clock p. m.," 
and inserting in lieu thereof the words "June 22,1, at 10 
o'clock a. m." Mr. Haines moved to strike out "June 
Sih, at 6 o'clock p. m.," and insert "June 12th, at 10 
o'clock a. m." Mr. Monroe moved to strike out "June 
S h, at 6 o'clock," and insert "June 19th, at 10 o'clock 
a. m." Mr. Smith, of Union, moved to lay the whole 
subject on the table, which was decided in the negative, 
by a vote of 27 yeas to 32 nays. Mr. Wike then moved 
the previous question on the amendment of Mr. Walker, 
which was decided in the affirmative, by a vote of 45 yeas 
to 21 nays, when the resolution, as amended, was adopted 
by a vote of 51 yeas to 13 nays, and it was sent to the 
Senate for its concurrence. A resolution was subsequently 
sent by the House to the Senate expressing a desire to 
recede from its action in amending the Senate resolution 
relative to adjournment, and requested the return of the 
resolution for reconsideration. There was no further 


.-action by the Senate on the resolution, and on the morning 
of the 10th, Gov. Yates transmitted a message to the two 
houses proroguing the General Assembly "to the Saturday 
next preceding the first Monday in January, 1865." In 
ihe Senate, the Speaker having vacated his seat, Mr. 
Underwood was called to the chair when a call of the 
Senate showed only eight members present. In the House 
the message proroguing the Assembly was announced by 
the Doorkeeper, and read, but the bearer was not recog- 
nized by the Speaker. Mr. Smith, of Union, moved to 
adjourn until 2 o'clock. Mr. Burr moved to adjourn with- 
out day, and after debate, the resolution was withdrawn, 
when Mr. Walker moved a call of the House, when it was 
found to be without a quorum. On motion of Mr. Burr, 
a joint committee, consisting of three from the House and 
two from the Senate, was appointed to prepare an address 
to the people, explaining why they were not engaged in 
transacting the legitimate business for which they were 

On the presentation of the message proroguing the body, 
the Eepublicans at once absented themselves from the 
two houses and departed for their respective homes, but 
the Democrats remained in session until the 24th of June, 
when a recess was taken until the Tuesday after the first 
Monday of January, 1864, at 10 o'clock a. m. (See House 
and Senate journals, 1863.) 

This was the first, and only time, where the Governor 
of the State had exercised the power of prorogation, as 
conferred upon him by the constitution. The Democratic 
members issued a fiery address to the people of the State, 
setting forth their grievances, and the question as to the 
legality of the action of the Governor was presented to 
the Supreme Court, in various forms, by eminent legal 
talent, yet that body never rendered a decision bearing 



directly on the question. Three Judges then constituted 
this Court, in the persons of Sidney Breese, Pinkney EL 
Walker and John D. Caton, but the latter was not present 
when the cause was passed upon. Justices Breese and 
Walker wrote separate opinions, but each concurred with 
the other. Justice Breese said: "Admitting, then, that 
the act of the Governor was, in the language of the pro- 
test, 'illegal, outrageous and unconstitutional,' both houses 
having adopted it and dispersed, they thereby put an end 
to the session, evincing at the time no intention to resume 
it. This, for all practical purposes, was an adjournment 
sine die." And thus ended the existence of this General 
Assembly, and the controversy growing out of its proro- 
gation by the Governor. 


Two State Tickets Two Presidential Candidates Aggregate Vote for State- 
OfficersAggregate Vote for Members of Congress by Districts Aggre- 
gate Vote for Electors. 

The Eepublican party held their State Convention May 
25, to nominate a State ticket and appoint delegates to 
the National Convention. Eichard J. Oglesby was nomi- 
nated for Governor; William Bross, for Lieutenant- Gov- 
ernor ; Sharon Tyndale, for Secretary of State ; 0. H. Miner, 
for Auditor; James H. Beveridge, for Treasurer; Newton 
Bateman, for Superintendent of Public Instruction, and 
S. W. Moulton for Congressman-at-Large. 

The Demopratic Convention did not meet until Septem- 
ber 6. James C. Robinson was nominated for Governor p 


S. Corning Judd, for Lieutenant-Governor ; Wm. A. Turney, 
for Secretary of State ; John Hise, for Auditor ; Alexander 
Starne, for Treasurer ; John P. Brooks, for Superintendent 
of Public Instruction, and James 0. Allen for Congress- 

The Kepublicans met in National Convention at Balti- 
more, June 7, and renominated Abraham Lincoln for Presi- 
dent and Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee, for Vice-President. 

The Democrats met in National Convention at Chicago, 
August 29, and nominated Geo. B. McClellan, of New 
Jersey, for President, and Geo. H. Pendleton, of Ohio, for 

This being the year of the Presidential election, the 
contest was therefore active and earnest on both sides, 
and was waged with much bitterness. Notwithstanding; 
the Democrats had nominated a strong war man for Presi- 
dent, they adopted a peace platform in which they declared; 
that the war for the Union was a failure, and demanded* 
a cessation of hostilities, which platform was adopted by 
the Democratic State Convention. 

In the selection of Kobinson and Allen, the Democracy 
had put forth their greatest champions, and on this plat- 
form they boldly took their stand, and the State rang 
from end to end and side to side with their eloquence. 

The Kepublicans had resolved, in State and National 
Conventions, to stand by the constituted authorities of 
the country in their efforts to uphold the character of the 
Government and maintain the Union, and as an evidence 
of sincerity, had nominated President Lincoln for re-elec- ' 
tion, and a General of the Union army for Governor, on I 
a platform which had no uncertain sound as regarded the 
prosecution of the war. Upon these broad declarations 
the gallant Oglesby and patriotic Moulton boldly met their > 
adversary, and routed him horse, foot and dragoon. The 
majority for the ^Republican State ticket was 31,675, and 


for the National ticket 30,676. This result clearly showed 
that the people, irrespective of party leaders, were in favor 
of sustaining the Union by a vigorous prosecution of the 

The aggregate vote for the State officers, Congressman- 
at-Large, Congressmen by districts, and Presidential elec- 
tors, is as follows : 


Kichard J. Oglesby, R 100,376 

James C. Robinson, D 158,701 


William Bross, R 188 842 

B. Corning Judd, D 158,244 


Sharon Tyndale, R 100 154 

Wm. A. Turney, D 158,833 


0. H. Miner, R 100231 

John Hise, D 158,727 


James H. Beveridge, R 100 TOO 

Alexander Starne, D 158,792 


Newton Bateman, R ' 100 280 

John P. Brooks,D 158,777 


S. W. Moulton, R 100226 

J.C.Allen ... 158,784 


John Wentwnrth, R 18 557 

Cyrus H. McCormick 14,277 


John F. Farnsworth, R 18208 

M. C. Johnson 5.237 



Elitm B. Washburne, B 15,711 

Elias B. Stiles 7,421 

Scattering 4 


Abner C. Harding, B 13,569 

Charles M. Harris 12,721 


Eben C. Ingersoll, E 18,152 

James S. Eckles 11,282 


Burton C. Cook, B 15,598 

Samuel K. Casey 9,980 


H. P. H. Bromwell, B 15.363 

John B. Eden , 12,027 


Shelby M. Cullom, B . . 15,812 

John T. Stuart 14,027 


Lewis W. Boss, D 15,296 

Hugh Fullerton 12,239 


Anthony Thornton, D 16,902 

N. M. Knapp 12,176 


Samuel S. Marshall, D 16,703 , 

Ethelbert Callahan 10,696 ! 


Jehu Baker, B 11,817 

Wm. B. Morrison , 11,741 



Andrew J. Kuykendall, K 11,742 

William J. Allen 10,759 

Milton Bartley 57 


John Dougherty 189,505 

Francis A. Hoffman 189,503 

Benjamin M. Prentiss 189,506 

John V. Farwell 189,517 

Anson S. Miller 189,518 

John V. Eustace 189,505 

James S. Poage 189,518 

John I. Bennett 189,519 

William T. Hopkins 189,517 

Franklin Blades 189,518 

J. C. Conkling 189,517 

William Walker 189,518 

Thomas W. Harris 189,518 

N. M. McCurdy ' 189,519 

Henry S. Baker 189,518 

Z. S. Clifford 189,521 


Chauncey L. Higbee 158,829 

Arno Voss 158,519 

Nathan S. Davis 158,519 

Samuel Ashton 158,726 

H. T. Helm 158,726 

William Barge 158,726 

Henry K. Peffer 158,726 

John T. Lindsay 158,725 

Sherman W. Bowen 158,726 

Abram L. Keller 158,726 

Adlai E. Stevenson 158,726 

J. C. Thompson 158,726 

John M. Woodson 158,726 

H. K. S. O'Melveney 158 726 

Thomas Dimmock 158,726 

Cresa K. Davis 158,726 




Governor K. J. Oglesby. 

Lieutenant- Governor William Bross. 

Secretary of State Sharon Tyndale. 

Auditor of Public Accounts 0. H. Miner. 

Treasurer Jas. H. Beyeridge. 

Superintendent of Public Instruction Newton Bateman. 


The Twenty-fourth General Assembly convened the 2d 
<lay of January, and consisted of the following members : 


~Wm. H. Green, Cairo. James Strain, Monmouth. 

John W. Wescott, Xenia. A. C. Mason, Galesburg. 

Daniel Eeily, Kaskaskia. John T. Lindsay, Peoria. 

David K. Green, Salem. W. Bushnell, Ottawa, 

A. W. Metcalf, Edwardsville. A. W. Mack, Kankakee. 
L. E. Worcester, Whitehall. E. E. Allen, Aurora. 

H. M. Vandeveer, Taylorville. Daniel Richard, Sterling. 

Andrew J. Hunter, Paris. A. Webster, Eock Island. 

Joseph Peters, Danville. J. H. Addams, Cedarville. 

Isaac Funk, Bloomington. C. Lansing, Marengo. 

John B. Cohrs, Pekin. F. A. Eastman, Chicago. 

M. McConnel, Jacksonville. J. D. Ward, Chicago. 

B. T. Schoneld, Carthage. 


Henry W. Webb, Cairo. W. H. Logan, Murphysboro. 

Wm. A. Looney, Vienna. Isaac Miller, Nashville. 

C. Burnett, Elizabethtown. W. K. Murphy, Pinckneyville 

D. H. Morgan, Eussellville. Austin James, Michie. 

John Ward, Benton. S. E. Stephenson, Salem. 


V. S. Benson, McLeansborp. John L. Tineher, Danville. 
Thomas Cooper, Willow Hill. Solomon L. Spink, Paris. 

Lewis W. Miller, Olney. Isaac 0. Pugh, Decatur. 
Geo. H. Deickman, Vandalia. Lewis J. Bond, Monticello. 

J. Shelby, Maple Grove. C. A. Lake, Kankakee. 

Nathaniel Niles, Belleville. Charles H. Wood, Onarga. 

John Thomas, Belleville. A. J. Mclntyre, Wilmington. 

Julius J. Barnsback, Troy. Wm. T. Hopkins, Morris. 

H. Dresser, Cottonwpod G've Franklin Corwin, LaSalle. 

H. B. Decius, Majority Point. John Miller, Freedom. 

Wm. Middlesworth, Windsor Jason W. Strevell, Pontiac- 

Elisha E. Barrett, Butler. Henry D. Cook, Kappa. 

Ambrose M. Miller, Lincoln. G. D. Henderson, Granville. 

James W. Patton, Berlin. Wm. C. Stacy, Princeton. 

Sergeant Gobble, Scottsville. Milton M. Ford, Galva. 

John McDonald, Hardin. Jos. W. Lloyd, Edgington. 

Nathaniel M. Perry, Kane. Leander Smith, Fulton. 

J. F. Curtis, Manchester. 0. W. Bryant, Paw Paw Gr_ 

Scott Wike, Pittsfield. D. J. Pinckney, Mt. Morris. 

King Kerley, Mt. Sterling. Allen C. Fuller, Belvidere. 

John Hill, Petersburg. Ira V. Randall, DeKalb. 

J. T. Springer, Jacksonville. 0. C. Johnson, Kendall. 

Thomas Redmond, Quincy, S. S. Mann, Elgin. 

W. T. Yeargain, Columbus. E. B. Payne, Waukegan. 

Wm. H. Neece, Macomb. M. L. Joslyn, Woodstock.. 

Joseph Sharon, Augusta. Wm. Brown, Rockford. 

M. M. Morrill, Nauvoo. H. C. Burchard, Freeport. 

J. Simpson, Oquawka. John D. Platt, Warren. 

Jas. H. Martin, Monmouth. Daniel W. Dame, Lanark. 

J. M. Holyoke, Wataga. Henry C. Childs, Wheaton.- 

L. W. James, Lewiston. N. W. Huntley, Chicago. 

T. M. Morse, Fairview. Ansel B. Cook, Chicago. 

Richard C.'Dunn, Toulon. Wm. Jackson, Orland. 

Alexander McCoy, Peoria. Ed. S. Isham, Chicago. 

S. R. Saltonstall, Tremont. A. H. Dalton, Hope. 

Harrison Noble, Hey worth. A. F. Stephenson, Chicago. 

John Warner, Clinton. George Strong, Wheeling. 
Maiden Jones, Tuscola. 

Lieutenant-Governor Bross was the presiding officer of 
the Senate, and John F. Nash, of LaSalle, was elected 
Secretary, over Maning Mayfield, of Massac, by a vote 
of 14 to 8. 

Allen C. Fuller, of Boone, was elected Speaker of tho 
House, over Ambrose M. Miller, of Logan, by a vote of 


48 to 23, and Walter S. Frazier, of Cook, Clerk, over John 
Q. Harmon, of Alexander, by a vote of 50 to 21. 

Those of the new members of this body who were able 
and active, were : D. K. Green, Metcalf, Cohrs, Lindsay, 
Bushnell, Ward, Webb, Burnett, Murphy, Corwin, Ford, 

Eichard Yates, the retiring Governor, presented his mes- 
sage to the two houses on the 3d. One of his special 
recommendations was the repeal of the "black laws". An 
elaborate statement was given relating to the affairs of the 
State in general, and notwithstanding the Nation had passed 
through a long and expensive war, it was shown that 
Illinois had continued to advance in prosperity, and that 
for the four years ending December, 1864, the State debt 
had been reduced $987,786.24. 

Eichard Yates was known as one of the war Governors, 
and all his energy and ability were directed in saving the 
Union. He was truly a great and sagacious man. When 
the tocsin of war was sounded he was prompt in respond- 
ing to the call of the National Government for troops, to 
aid in putting down the rebellion; he had the moral 
courage to do that which would best serve the Nation in 
its efforts to preserve its own life ; he laid aside his party 
predilections, and labored and thought only of saving the 
Union intact; he comprehended the magnitude of the re- 
bellion at once, and was early in advising President 
Lincoln as to the policy of declaring the slaves free, and 
allowing them to fight in defense of the flag that was to 
protect them in their liberty. He retired from the office 
with the love and admiration of his countrymen. 

The two houses met in joint session January 4, and 
elected Eichard Yates United States Senator, over James 
C. Eobinson, by a vote of 64 to 43. 

The assembly met in joint session on the 16th, when 
the incoming Governor, E. J. Oglesby, was inaugurated, 


and his message read. He referred in appropriate terms 
to the conflict through which the country was passing; 
invited special attention to the recommendations in the 
message of his predecessor ; he urged strict economy in every 
department ; he recommended that action be taken for the 
disposition and utilization of the grant of land, donated 
by Congress in 1862, to the State for college purposes; 
he recommended that a law be passed allowing the soldiers 
in the field to vote ; he recommended to the care and at- 
tention of the General Assembly the vast multitude of 
helpless orphans who had been deprived of the protection 
of kind fathers, who had given their lives to the country ; 
he urged the adoption of the 13th amendment to the Na- 
tional Constitution, abolishing slavery-. 

The duration of the session was just forty-five days. 
Among the public laws enacted was a law requiring the 
holders of the so-called Macallister and Stebbins bonds 
to surrender the same by July 1st, 1865, under certain 
penalties, or by January 1st, 1866, under other and heavier 
penalties; $3,000 was appropriated for the purpose of 
paying the proportion of the State in furnishing the Sol- 
diers' National Cemetery at Gettysburg ; an act was passed 
to establish a home for the children of deceased soldiers, 
<this was the foundation of the Soldiers' Orphans' Home, 
at Normal) ; $25,000 was appropriated to purchase the 
tract of land on which reposed the remains of Stephen 
A. Douglas; an experimental school for the instruction 
and training of idiots and feeble-minded children was au- 
thorized, and the sum of $5,000, annually, was appro- 
priated for that purpose. From this humble beginning 
has grown the Feeble-Minded Institute now in successful 
operation at Lincoln. The "black laws" were repealed at 
this session, and the 13th amendment to the National 
Constitution, abolishing slavery, was ratified. 



Prompt Response to the Call for Soldiers to Put Down the Rebellion 
Number of Soldiers Furnished, by Counties Allen C. Fuller. 

We pass briefly over the part Illinois took in the great 
~war to preserve the Union, for the simple reason that the 
deeds of her brave soldiers and their gallant leaders are 
already a part of the history of both the State and Nation. 
No history, whether National or Confederate, has been 
written since that unfortunate conflict which does not con- 
tain honorable mention of their gallant deeds upon many 
hotly contested battlefields; while the carefully prepared 
official reports of Adjutant-Generals Mather, Fuller and 
Haynie, give the name and rank of every soldier from 
Illinois, who took part in that war. But, better than all, 
the memory of their heroic patriotism is indelibly stamped 
upon the hearts of our people; and only when the cycles 
of time cease, will it be forgotten. 

On the 15th of April, one day after the surrender of 
Fort Sumter, President Lincoln issued his proclamation 
calling for 75,000 volunteer soldiers to repossess and pre- 
serve the property of the Nation. Jefferson Davis, Presi- 
dent of the so-called Confederate Government, also issued 
a proclamation calling his people to arms, and the issue 
of war between the two sections was distinctly made. 
Under the call of President Lincoln, the quota of Illinois 
was 6,000 men. Governor Yates was quick to issue his 


proclamation convening the Legislature, to provide such 
measures as were necessary to fill the call and put the 
State upon a war footing. In ten days thereafter the 
quota of Illinois was filled, and more than a million dol- 
lars tendered the Governor by the capitalists of the State 
to aid in the maintenance of the integrity of the Union; 
and while it is true that there was a division of sentiment 
among the parties political, regarding the policy of the 
Government and the means employed to overcome the 
rebellion and preserve the Union, yet Illinois never fal- 
tered in responding to the calls of the Nation in that great 


We here present the reader with an authentic statement 
as to the number of soldiers furnished by Illinois in the 
war, by counties, as shown by the official records in the 
Adjutant-General's office: 

Adams, 5173 ; Alexander, 1358 ; Bond, 1148 ; Boone, 1337 ; 
Brown, 1215; Bureau, 3626; Calhoun, 528; Carroll, 1498; 
Cass, 1312; Champaign, 2276; Christian, 1369; Clark, 
1560; Clay, 1482; Clinton, 1332; Coles, 2741; Cook, 22,436; 
Crawford, 1323; Cumberland, 920 ; DeKalb, 2391; DeWitt, 
1522; Douglas, 1175; DuPage, 1524; Edgar, 2312; Ed- 
wards, 625; Effingham, 1202; Fayette, 1629; Ford, 271; 
Franklin, 1241; Fulton, 3739; Gallatin, 1362; Greene,. 
1940; Grundy, 1343; Hamilton, 1226; Hancock, 3272; 
Hardin, 569; Henderson, 1330; Henry, 3077; Iroquois, 
1769 ; Jackson, 1422 ; Jasper, 948 ; Jefferson, 1330 ; Jersey, 
1229 ; Jo Daviess, 2513 ; Johnson, 1426 ; Kane, 3873 ; Kan_ 
kakee, 1764 ; Kendall, 1551 ; Knox, 3837 ; Lake, 1890 ; La- 
Salle, 5942 ; Lawrence, 1230 ; Lee, 2446 ; Livingston, 1743 ; 
Logan, 2160; Macon, 2189; Macoupin, 3184; Madison, 
4221; Marion, 1954; Marshall, 1779; Mason, 1531; Mas- 
sac, 880; McDonough, 2734; McHenry, 2533; McLean* 


4349; Menard, 1225; Mercer, 1848; Monroe, 1227; Mont- 
gomery, 1620; Morgan, 2732; Moultrie, 773; Ogle, 2953; 
Peoria, 4907 ; Perry, 1468 ; Piatt, 1055 ; Pike, 3132 ; Pope, 
1253; Pulaski, 643; Putnam, 707; Randolph, 2099; Rich- 
land, 1577; Rock Island, 2473; Saline, 1280; Sangamon, 
5010; Schuyler, 1570; Scott, 1212; Shelby, 3270; Stark, 
1084; St. Clair, 4396; Stephenson, 3168; Tazewell, 2700; 
Union, 1846; Vermilion, 2596; Wabash, 707; Warren, 
2455; Washington, 1744; Wayne, 1613; White, 1984; 
Whiteside, 2535; Will, 3696; Williamson, 1575; Winne- 
bago, 3187; Woodford, 1643. 

The total number was 256,297, being apportioned among 
two regiments of artillery, seventeen cavalry, and one 
hundred and forty-nine infantry. 

The grand total of Illinois soldiers who gave their lives 
in defence of their country's flag, as recorded in the Ad- 
jutant-General's office, is 28,842, but who can tell how 
many since the close of that never-to-be-forgotten struggle, 
have gone to their eternal rest. 


Among the many men who served the State with dis- 
tinction during the war, deserving special mention in 
this connection, is Gen. Allen C. Fuller, who occupied 
& seat upon the bench in the thirteenth circuit, in 1861, 
when he was tendered the appointment of Adjutant- 
General. His high character as a man, and his splen- 
did executive ability, soon won for him the confidence 
and admiration of all with whom he came in contact, 
and to his sagacity and untiring energy was the State 
indebted to a very large degree for the proud position she 
attained during the rebellion for promptness in organizing 
and arming her soldiers. A committee of the General 
Assembly which had been appointed to examine his office, 
was unanimous in praise of its management. We make 
the following extract from that report: 


" That we have thoroughly examined the office of the- 
Adjutant-General and find it a model in completeness ; 
one that preserves in all its glory the proud records of 
our soldiery, and reflects infinite credit upon the great 
State whose sons they are. 

"That in the judgment of the committee, the thanks 
of every patriot citizen of the State are due to Gen. Fuller 
for the able and efficient manner in which he has dis- 
charged the duties of the office, and for his indefatigable 
efforts in collecting and preserving this glorious record of 
a glorious State." 

Gov. Yates was equally complimentary in his biennial 
messages regarding the services of Gen. Fuller, and ac- 
knowledged himself deeply indebted to him for his hearty 
co-operation and able management of the military affairs 
of the State. In 1864 Gen. Fuller was elected Representa- 
tive in the Twenty-fourth General Assembly, and resign- 
ing the office of Adjutant- General, was elected Speaker of 
that body, and so able and impartial was he as a presid- 
ing officer that a resolution heartily thanking him for 
" the kind, courteous, able and impartial manner in which 
he had presided over them," was adopted by a unani- 
mous vote. 


A Slander Refuted Declination to Become a Candidate for Concreasman- 
at-Large in 1862 Patriotic Address to His Command in 1803 When 
McPherson fell (Sherman's Official Account of Logan's Gallantry. 

It has not been our purpose to use these pages for ex- 
tolling the deeds of the men who took part in the great 
civil war, one above another, but it is due our readers- 


that we should put into history a true statement regard- 
ing the position occupied by Gen. John A. Logan at the 
time of the breaking out of the rebellion, for the reason 
that it is misunderstood by many persons who are entitled 
to know the facts as they exist, and for the further reason 
that the calumny so often uttered against him, should not 
go down to posterity without an unqualified denial. The 
substance of all the charges is, that he was disloyal to- 
the Government when the war began, and that he had 
aided in recruiting soldiers in Illinois for the Southern 
army ; yet among all who have made these charges, from 
first to last, no man of character or personal responsi- 
bility has dared to come forward and make a specific 
charge or father one. 

It is said that Logan did not approve the great speech 
made by Senator Douglas, at Springfield, in April, 1861, 
wherein he took the bold ground that in the contest which 
was then clearly imminent to him, between the North and 
the South, that there could be but two parties, patriots and 
traitors. But, granting that there was a difference between 
Douglas and Logan at that time, it did not relate to their 
adhesion to the cause of their country. Logan had fought 
for the Union upon the plains of Mexico, and again stood 
ready to give his life, if need be, for his country, even 
amid the cowardly slanders that were then following his 
pathway. The difference between Douglas and Logan was 
this : Mr. Douglas was fresh from an extended campaign 
in the dissatisfied sections of the Southern States, and he 
was fully apprised of their intention to attempt the over- 
throw of the Union, and was therefore in favor of the 
most stupendous preparations for war. Mr. Logan, on 
the other hand, believed in exhausting all peaceable means 
before a resort to arms, and in this he was like President 
Lincoln ; but when he saw there was no other alternative 
but to fight, he was ready and willing for armed resistance. 


and, resigning his seat in Congress, entered the army as 
Colonel of the Thirty-first Illinois Infantry, and remained 
in the field in active service until peace was declared. 

In support of the declaration that there is no founda- 
tion in fact for the charge of disloyalty against Gen. 
Logan, we have only to refer briefly to his conduct as a 
soldier while the war was waged, and to his utterances, 
which were never doubtful in meaning. Whatever may be 
the belief of his enemies to the contrary, his acts must 
forever silence the slander, but his maligners may never 
be able to distinguish between a desire to settle the differ- 
ences between the North and the South without a resort 
to arms, and overt treason to the Government, and we 
shall not attempt to make them understand it, for there 
are none so blind as those who can see but will not. 

In the summer of 1862, when the Union Republicans 
and war Democrats were anxious for Gen. Logan to return 
home and make the race for Congress from the State-at- 
large, he addressed, under date of August 26, a patriotic 
letter to 0. M. Hatch, Secretary of State, declining the 
honor. From it we extract this passage: 

" I am to-day a soldier of this Republic, so to remain, 
changeless and immutable, until her last and weakest 
enemy shall have expired and passed away. Ambitious 
men, who have not a true love for their country at heart, 
may bring forth crude and bootless questions to agitate 
the pulse of our troubled Nation and thwart the preserva- 
tion of this Union, but for none of such am L I have 
entered the field to die, if needs be, for this Government, 
and never expect to return to peaceful pursuits until the 
object of this war for preservation has become a fact 

In view of the extraordinary position assumed by the 
Twenty-third General Assembly in regard to the prosecu- 
tion of the war, Gen. Logan issued a stirring address 
while at Memphis, Tennessee, under date of February 12, 
1863, to the soldiers under his command, from which we 
make the following extract : 


"I am aware that influences of the most discouraging 
tind treasonable character, well calculated and desigued 
to render you dissatisfied, have recently been brought to 
bear upon some of you by professed friends. Newspapers, 
containing treasonable articles, artfully falsifying the pub- 
lic sentiment at your homes, have been circulated in your 
camps. Intriguing political tricksters, demagogues and 
time-servers, whose corrupt deeds are but a faint reflex 
of their more corrupt hearts, seem determined to drive 
our people on to anarchy and destruction. They have 
hoped, by magnifying the reverses of our arms, basely 
misrepresenting the conduct and slandering the character 
of our soldiers in the field, and boldly denouncing the acts 
of the constituted authorities of the Government as uncon- 
stitutional usurpations, to produce general demoralization 
in thS army, and thereby reap their political reward, weaken 
the cause we have espoused, and aid those arch traitors 
of the South to dismember our mighty Bepublic, and trail 
in the dust the emblem of our National unity, greatness 
and glory. Let me remind you, my countrymen, that we 
are soldiers of the Federal Union, armed for the preser- 
vation of the Federal Constitution, and the maintenance 
of its laws and authority. Upon your faithfulness and 
devotion, heroism and gallantry, depend its perpetuity. 
To us has been committed this sacred inheritance, baptized 
in the blood of our fathers. We are soldiers of a Govern- 
ment that has always blessed us with prosperity and hap- 

"It has given to every American citizen the largest 
freedom and the most perfect equality of rights and privi- 
leges. It has afforded us security in person and property, 
and blessed us until, under its beneficent influence, we 
were the proudest Nation on earth. 

" We should be united in our efforts to put down a re- 
bellion that now, like an earthquake, rocks the Nation 
from State to State, from center to circumference, and 
threatens to engulf us all in one common ruin, the horrors 
of which no pen can portray. We have solemnly sworn 
to bear true faith to this Government, preserve its Con- 
stitution, and defend its glorious flag against all its ene- 
mies and opposers. To our hands has been committed 
the liberties, the prosperity and happiness of future gen- 
erations. Shall we betray such a trust ? Shall the brilliancy 
of your past achievements be dimmed and tarnished by 
hesitation, discord and dissension, whilst armed traitors 


menace you in front, and unarmed traitors intrigue against 
you in the rear? We are in no way responsible for any 
action of the civil authorities. We constitute the military 
arm of the Government. That the civil power is threat- 
ened and attempted to be paralyzed, is the reason for 
resort to the military power. To aid the civil authorities 
(not to oppose or obstruct) in the exercise of their author- 
ity is our office; and shall we forget this duty, and stop- 
to wrangle and dispute, while the country is bleeding at 
every pore, on this or that political act or measure, whilst 
a fearful wail of anguish, wrung from the heart of a dis- 
tracted people, is borne upon every breeze, and widows 
and orphans are appealing to us to avenge tbe loss of 
their loved ones who have fallen by our side in defence 
of its old blood-stained banner, and whilst the Temple of 
Liberty itself is being shaken to the very center by the 
ruthless blows of traitors who have desecrated our flag, 
obstructed our National highways, destroyed our peace, 
desolated our firesides, and draped thousands of our homes- 
in mourning? 

"Let us ^tand firm at our posts of duty and honor,, 
yielding a cheerful obedience to all orders from our supe- 
riors, until, by our united efforts, the stars and stripes 
shall be planted in every city, town and hamlet of the- 
rebellious States. We can then return to our homes and 
through the ballot-box peaceably redress all our wrongs, 
if any we have." 

It required more courage to write this address than it 
did to fight a battle, for there was then great opposition- 
all over the North to the liberation of the slaves; even 
among distinguished Eepublicans grave doubts were enter- 
tained as to the policy of emancipation, and the former 
declarations of President Lincoln show conclusively that 
he issued the proclamation with reluctance. 

But the best test of General Logan's love of country 
or patriotism was after the battle before Atlanta, on the- 
22d of July, 1864, where General McPherson was killed. 
General Sherman, in his report of this battle, says: 

" Not more than half an hour after General McPherson 
had left me, viz: about 12:30 p. m., of the 22J, his Ad- 
jutant-General, Lieutenant-Colonel Clark, rode up and 
reported that General McPherson was either dead or a. 


prisoner ; that he had ridden from me to General Dodge's 
column, moving as heretofore described, and had sent off 
nearly all his staff and orderlies on various errands, and 
himself had passed into a narrow path or road that led 
to the left and rear of General Giles A. Smith's division, 
which was General Blair's extreme left; that a few min- 
utes after he had entered the woods a sharp volley was 
heard in that direction, and his horse had come out 
riderless, having two wounds. The suddenness of this ter- 
rible calamity would have overwhelmed me with grief, 
but the living demanded my whole thoughts. I instantly 
despatched a staff officer to General John A. Logan, com- 
manding the 15th corps, to tell him what had happened ;: 
that he must assume command of the Army of the Ten- 
nessee, and hol'd, stubbornly, the ground already chosen,, 
more especially the hill gained by General Leggett the- 

night before 

About 4 p. m. there was quite a lull, during which the 
enemy fell forward on the railroad and main Decatur 
road, and suddenly assailed a regiment which, with a 
section of guns, had been thrown forward as a kind of 
picket, and captured the two guns ; he then advanced* 
rapidly and broke through our lines at that point, whichi 
had been materially weakened by the withdrawal of Colo- 
nel Martin's brigade, sent by General Logan's order to 
the extreme left. The other brigade, General Lightburn, 
which held this part of the line, fell back in some disor- 
der, about four hundred yards, to a position held by it 
the night before, leaving the enemy for a time in posses- 
sion of two batteries, one of which, a 20-pounder Parrott 
battery of four guns, was most valuable to us, and sepa- 
rating General Wood's and General Harrow's divisions of 
the 15th corps, that were on the right and left of the 
railroad. Being in person close by the spot, and appre- 
ciating the vast importance of the connection at that point, 
I ordered certain batteries of General Schofield to be 
moved to a position somewhat commanding, by a left 
flank fire, and ordered an incessant fire of shells on the 
enemy within sight, and the woods beyond, to prevent his 
reinforcing. I also sent orders to General Logan, which 
he had already anticipated, to make the 15fh corps regain 
its lost ground at any cost, and instructed General Woods, 
supported by General Schofield, to use his division and 
sweep the parapet down from where he held it until he 
saved the batteries and recovered the lost ground. The 
whole was executed in superb style, at times our men and 


the enemy fighting across the narrow parapet, but at last 
the enemy gave way and the 15th corps regained its po- 
sition and all the guns except the two advanced ones 
which were out of view, and had been removed by the 
enemy within his main woik. With this terminated the 
battle of the 22d, which cost us 8,722 killed, wounded and 

"But among the dead was Major-General McPherson, 
whose body was recovered and brought to me in the heat 
of the battle, and I had it sent, in charge of his personal 
staff, back to Marietta, on its way to his Northern home. 
He was a noble youth, of striking personal appearance, 
of the highest professional capacity, and with a heart 
abounding in kindness, that drew to him the affections of 
;ali men. His sudden death devolved the command of the 
.-araaay on the no less brave and gallant General Logan, 
'who nobly sustained his reputation and that of his vete- 
rran army, and avenged the death of his comrade and 
^commander. The enemy left on the field his dead and 
>wouiidei, and about a thousand well prisoners. His dead 
: alone are computed by General Logan at 3,240, of which 
rnnmber 2.200 were from actual count, and of these he 
^delivered to the enemy, under a flag of truce, sent in by 
him (the enemy) 800 bodies. I entertain no doubt that in 
the battle of July 22d, the enemy sustained an aggregate 
loss of full 8,000 men." 

This was one of the greatest battles of the war, and it 
was won by General Logan, as General Sherman himself 
attests, and according to the usages of war he was enti- 
tled to command the Army of the Tennessee, but General 
Sherman, estimating him as only a General of volunteers, 
pushed him aside and gave the command to General How- 
ard, an officer of the regular army. Other Generals have 
resigned their commands in the very face of the enemy 
with far less provocation than this, but General Logan, 
-true to the vow he had taken, never wavered in devotion 
to the cause of his country, nor did he resign his position 
until he had seen the stars and stripes triumphantly un- 
furled over every capitol of every Confederate State. 

We have taken occasion to make this defense in this 
broad and unequivocal manner because we were then a 


citizen of the section of the State in which General Logan* 
resided, and because of our personal knowledge of all his 
movements at that time, and because, as yet, no historian 
has given the charges the denial their gravity demands; 
and because, further, it is due him and his family, and hii 
children who are to live after him. 


An account of his early manhood as written by himself Speech at Philadel- 
phiaFirst Inaugural Speech at Gettysburg Kentucky Letter Second 
Inaugural Last Speech Assassination How Lincoln eame to Challenge 
Douglas Never an Abolition-st "I have never kept liquor in my house 
and will not begin now" A One-Idea Court. 

The subject of this chapter was, perhaps, the most re- 
markable man of the age in which he lived, and while 
his life has been written times without number, yet we feel 
that this volume is the place in which should be preserved 
some of his most gifted official utterances, together with 
a brief statement of his early life and tragic death. 

We begin with an account of his birth and early man- 
hood, as written by himself to his personal friend, Jesse 
W. Fell, of Normal. It is a literal copy, being taken from 
the original. 

"I was born February 12, 1809, in Hardin county, Ky. 
My parents were both born in Virginia of undistinguished 
families second families, perhaps I should say. My 
mother, who died in my tenth year, was of a family of 
the name of Hnnks, some of whom now reside in Adams, 
and others in Macon counties, Illinois. My paternal grand- 
father, Abraham Lincoln, emigrated from Buckingham 


county, Virginia, to Kentucky, about 1781 or 1782, where, 
a year or two later, he was killed by Indians not in bat- 
tle, but by stealth when he was laboring to open a farm 
in the forest. His ancestors, who -were Quakers, went to 
Virginia from Berks county, Pennsylvania. An effort to 
identify them with the New England family of the same 
name ended in nothing more definite than a similarity of 
Christian names in both families, such as Enoch, Levi, 
Mordecai, Solomon, Abraham, and the like. My father, 
at the death of his father, was but 6 years of age, and 
he grew up literally without any education. He removed 
from Kentucky to what is now Spencer county, Indiana, 
in my 8th year. We reached our new home about the 
time the State came into the Union. It was a wild re- 
gion, with many bears and other wild animals still in the 
woods. There I grew up. There were some schools, so- 
called, but no qualification was ever required of a teacher 
beyond 'readin', writin,' and cipherin" to the rule of three. 
If a straggler, supposed to understand Latin, happened 
to sojourn in the neighborhood, he was looked upon as a 
wizard. There was absolutely nothing to excite ambition 
for education. Of course, when I came of age, I did not 
know much. Still, somehow, I could read, write, and cipher 
to the rule of three, but that was all. I have not been 
to school since. The little advance I now have upon this 
store of education 1 have picked up from time to time 
under the pressure of necessity. I was raised to farm 
work, which I continued till I was 22. At 21 I came to 
Illinois, and passed the first year in Macon county. Then 
I got to New Salem, at that time in Sangamon, now in 
Menard, county, where I remained a year as a sort of 
clerk in a store. Then came the Black Hawk war, and 
I was elected a captain of volunteers a success which 
gave me more pleasure than any I have had since. I 
went into the campaign, was elected ; ran for the Legisla- 
ture the same year (1832) and was beaten the only time 
I ever have been beaten by the people. The next and 
three succeeding biennial elections I was elected to the Legis- 
lature. I was not a candidate afterwards. During this Legis- 
lative period I had studied law and removed to Springfield to 
practice it. In 1846, 1 was elected to the lower house of Con- 
gress. Was not a candidate for re-election. From 1849 
to 1854, both inclusive, practiced law more assiduously 
than before. Always a Whig in politics, and generally on 
the Whig electoral ticket, making active canvasses. I was 
losing interest in politics, when the repeal of the Missouri 


Compromise aroused me again. What I have done since 
then is pretty well known. . If any personal description of 
me is thought desirable, it may be said I am in height 
6 feet, 4 inches nearly, lean in flesh, weighing, on an 
average, 180 pounds, dark complexion, with coarse black 
hair and gray eyes. No other marks or brands recol- 

"Yours very truly, 

"Hon. J. W. FELL." 


On his way to Washington to assume the office of Presi- 
dent, Mr. Lincoln stopped a day at Philadelphia, and, in 
response to an address of welcome by the Mayor, he spoke 
.as follows: 

" Mr. Mayor and Felloiv-citizens of Philadelphia: I ap- 
pear before you to make no lengthy speech, but to thank 
you for this reception. The reception you have given me 
to-night is not to me, the man, the individual, but to the 
man who temporarily represents, or should represent, the 
majesty of the Nation. It is true, as your worthy Mayor 
.has said, that there is anxiety amongst the citizens of 
the United States at this time. I deem it a happy cir- 
cumstance that this dissatisfied position of our fellow- 
-citizens does not point us to anything in which they are 
being injured, or about to be injured, for which reason 
1 have felt all the while justified in concluding that 
the crisis, the panic, the anxiety of the country at 
this time is artificial. If there be those who differ 
with me upon this subject, they have not pointed out 
the substantial .difficulty that exists. I do not mean 
to say that an artificial panic may not do considera- 
ble harm ; that it has done such I do not deny. The 
hope that has been expressed by your Mayor, that I may 
"be able to restore peace, harmony, and prosperity to the 
country, is most worthy of him; and happy, indeed, will 
I be if I shall be able to verify and fulfill that hope. I 
promise you, in all sincerity, that I bring to the work a 
sincere heart. Whether I will bring a head equal to that 
heart will be for future times to determine. It were use- 
less for me to speak of details of plans now ; I shall speak 
-officially next Monday week, if ever. If I should not 
then it were useless for me to do so now. When 


I do speak I shall take such ground as I deem best cal- 
culated to restore peace, harmony, and prosperity to th& 
country, and tend to the perpetuity of the Nation and 
the liberty of these States and these people. Your worthy 
Mayor has expressed the wish, in which I join with him,, 
that it were convenient for me to remain in your city 
long enough to consult your merchants and manufactur- 
ers ; or, as it Wi3re, to listen to those breathings rising 
within the consecrated walls wherein the Constitution of 
the United States, and I will add, the Declaration of 
Independence, were originally framed and adopted. I 
assure you and your Mayor that I had hoped, on this 
occasion, and upon all occasions during my life, that I 
shall do nothing inconsistent with the teachings of these 
holy and most sacred walls. I never asked anything that 
does not breathe from these walls. All my political war- 
fare has been in favor of the teachings that came forth 
from these sacred walls. 'May my right hand forget its- 
cunning, and my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth,' 
if ever I prove false to those teachings. Fellow-citizens, 
I have addressed you longer than 1 expected to do, and 
now allow me to bid you good night." 


"Fellow Citizens of the United States: In compliance 
with a custom as old as the Government it -elf, I ap- 
pear before you to address you briefly, an^ to take, in 
your presence, the oath prescribed by the Constitution of 
the United States to be taken by the President 'before he 
enters the execution of his office.' 

"I do not consider it necessary at present for me to>- 
discuss those matters of administration about which there- 
is no special anxiety or excitement. 

"Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the 
Southern States that by the accession of a Republican 
Administration their property and their peace and per- 
sonal security, are to be endangered. There has never 
been any reasonable cause for such apprehension. Indeed, 
the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while 
existed and been open to their inspection. It is found in 
nearly all the public speeches of him who now addresses 
you. I do but quote from one of those speeches when I 
declare that 'I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to 
interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where 
it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I 


have no inclination to do so.' Those who nominated arid 
elected me did so with full knowledge that i had made 
this and many similar declarations, and had never re- 
canted them. And more than this, they placed in the 
platform for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves 
and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which I now 

" ' Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights 
of the States, and especially the right of each State to- 
order and control its own domestic institutions according 
to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to the balance 
of power on which the perfection and endurance of our 
political fabric depend, and we denounce the lawless inva- 
sion by armed force of the soil of any Slate or Territory, 
no matter under what pretext, as among the gravest of 

"I now reiterate those sentiments; and, in doing so, I 
only press upon the public attention the most conclusive 
evidence of which the case is susceptible, that the prop- 
erty, peace, and security of no sectioa are to be in any 
wise endangered by the now incoming Administration. I 
add, too, that all the protection which, consistent with 
the Constitution and laws, can be given, will be cheerfully 
given to all the States, when lawfully demanded, for what- 
ever cause as cheerfully to one section as to another. 

"I therefore consider that, in view of the Constitution 
and the laws, the Union is unbroken, and to the extent 
of my ability I shall take care, as the Constitution itself 
expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the Union be- 
faithfully executed in all the States. Doing this I deem 
to be only a simple duty on my part ; and I shall per- 
form it, so far as practicable, unless my rightful masters,, 
the American people, shall withhold the requisite means,, 
or in some authoritative manner direct the contrary. 

" My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well 
upon this whole subject. Nothing valuable can be lost by 
taking time. If there can be an object to hurry any of 
you in hot haste to a step which you would never take 
deliberately, that object will be frustrated by taking time; 
but no good object can be frustrated by it. Such of you 
as are now dissatisfied still have the old Constitution un- 
impaired, and, on the sensitive point, the laws of your own 
framing under it, while the new Administration will have 


no immediate power, if it would, to change either. If it 
were admitted that you who are dissatisfied hold the right 
side in the dispute, there still is no single good reason 
for precipitate action. Intelligence, patriotism, Christianity 
and a firm reliance on Him who has never yet forsaken 
this favored land, are still competent to adjust, in the 
test way, our present difficulty. 

" In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow countrymen, and 
not in mine, is the momentous issue of civil war. The 
^Government will not assail you. 

"You can have no conflict without being yourselves the 
aggressors. You have no oath registered in heaven to 
destroy the Government; while I shall have the most 
solemn one to preserve, protect and defend it. 

"I am loth to close. We are not enemies, but friends. 
~We must not be enemies. Though passion may have 
strained, it must not break our bonds of affection. 

"The mystic cords of memory, stretching from every 
battle-field and patriot grave to every living heart and 
iearthstone all over this broad land, will yet swell the 
chorus of the Union, when again touched, as surely 
they will be, by the better angels of our nature." 


Extract from a speech made at the dedication of the 
National Cemetery, a/t Gettysburg, Pennsylvania, November 
19, 1863. 

"Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought 
forth on this continent a new Nation, conceived in liberty, 
ttnd dedicated to the proposition that all men are created 

"Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing 
whether that Nation, or any nation so conceived and so 
dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great bat- 
tle-field of that war. We have come to dedicate'a portion 
of that field as a final resting place for those who here 
:gave their lives that that Nation might live. It is alto- 
gether fitting and proper that we should do this. 

"But in a larger sense we cannot dedicate we cannot 
consecrate we cannot hallow this ground. The brave 
men, living and dead, who struggled here, have conse- 
crated it far above our power to add or detract. The 
world will little note, nor long remember what we say 
here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is 


for us, the living, rather to be dedicated here to the un- 
iinished work which they who fought here have thus far 
so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedi- 
cated to the great task remaining before us, that from 
these honored dead we take increased devotion to that 
cause for which they gave the last full measure of devo- 
tion ; that we here highly resolve that these dead shall 
not have died in vain ; that this Nation, under God, shall 
have a new birth of freedom, and that government of the 
people, by the people, and for the people, shall not perish 
from the earth." 


** A. G. Hodges, Esq., Frankfort, Kentucky. 

" MY DEAR SIR : You ask me to put in writing the sub- 
stance of what I verbally stated the other day, in your 
presence, to Governor Bramlette and Senator Dixon. It 
was about as follows : 

"'I am naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is not wrong, 
nothing is wrong. I cannot remember when I did not so 
think and feel ; and yet I have never understood that the 
Presidency conferred upon me an unrestricted right to act 
officially upon this judgment and feeling. It was in the 
oath I took that I would, to the best of my ability, pre- 
serve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United 
States. I could not take the office without taking the oath. 
Nor was it in my view that I might take the oath to get 
power, and break the oath in using the power. I under- 
stood, too, that in ordinary civil administration this oath 
even forbade me to practically indulge my primary ab- 
.stract judgment on the moral question of slavery. I had 
publicly declared this many times, and in many ways ; 
and I aver that, to this day, I have done no official act 
in mere deference to my abstract judgment and feeling 
on slavery. I did understand, however, that my oath to 
preserve the Constitution to the best of my ability, im- 
posed upon me the duty of preserving, by every indis- 
pensable means, that Government, that Nation, of which 
that Constitution was the organic law. Was it possible 
to lose the Nation, and yet preserve the Constitution? 
By general law, life and limb must be protected ; yet often 
a limb must be amputated to save a life, but life is never 
wisely given to save a limb. I felt that measures, other- 
wise unconstitutional, might become lawful by becoming 


indispensable to the preservation uf the Nation. Eight or 
wrong, I assumed this ground, and now avow it. I could 
not feel that, to the best of my ability, I had even 
tried to preserve the Constitution, if, to save slavery, 
or any minor matter, I should permit the wreck of 
government, country, and constitution altogether. When, 
early in the war, General Fremont attempted mili- 
tary emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not 
then think it an indispensable necessity. When a little 
later, General Cameron, then Secretary of War, suggested 
the arming of the blacks, I objected, because I did not 
yet think it an indispensable necessity. When, still later, 
General Hunter attempted military emancipation I forbade 
it, because I did not yet think the indispensable necessity 
had come. When, in March and May and July, 1862, I 
made earnest and successive appeals to the border States 
to favor compensated emancipation, I believed the indis- 
pensable necessity for military emancipation and armings 
the blacks would come, unless averted by that measure. 
They declined the proposition ; and I was, in my best 
judgment, driven to the alternative of either surrendering- 
the Union, and in it the Constitution, or of laying strong 
hand upon the colored element. I chose the latter. In 
choosing it I hoped for greater gain than loss ; but of this 
I was not entirely confident. More than a year of trial 
now shows no loss by it in our foreign relations, none in 
home popular sentiment, none in our white military force, 
no loss by it anyhow or anywhere. On the contrary, it 
shows a gain of quite a hundred and thirty thousand 
soldiers, seamen,, and laborers. These are palpable facts,, 
about which, as facts, there can be no caviling. We have 
men, and we could not have had them without the 

'"And now let any Union "man who complains of the 
measure test himself by writing down in one line that he 
is for subduing the rebellion by force of arms, and in the 
next that he is for taking three (one?) hundred and thirty 
thousand men from the Union side, and placing them 
where they would be but for the measure he condemns. 
If he cannot face his case so stated, it is only because he 
cannot face the truth. 

' " I add a word which was not in the verbal conver- 
sation. In telling this tale I attempt no compliment to- 
my own sagacity. I claim not to have controlled events, 
but confess plainly that events have controlled me. Now,. 


at the end of three years' struggle, the Nation's condi- 
tion is not what either party or any man desired or 
expected. God alone can claim it. Whither it is tending 
seems plain. If God now wills the removal of a great 
wrong, and wills also that we of the North as well as you 
of the South shall pay fairly for our complicity in that 
wrong, impartial history will find therein new causes to 
attest and revere the justice and goodness of God. 

Yours truly, 



"Fellow-Countrymen: At this second appearing to take 
ihe oath of the presidential office, there is less occasion 
for an extended address than there was at the first. 
Then, a statement, somewhat in detail, of a course to be 
pursued, seemed very fitting and proper. Now, at the 
expiration of four years, during which public declarations 
have been constantly called forth on every point and 
phase of the great contest which still absorbs th atten- 
tion and engrosses the energies of the Nation, little that 
is new could be presented. The progress of our arms, 
upon which all else chiefly depends, is as well known to 
the public as to myself, and it is, I trust, reasonably 
encouraging to all. 

"With high hope for the future, no prediction in regard 
to it is ventured. On the occasion corresponding to this, 
iour years ago, all thoughts were anxiously directed to an 
impending civil war. All dreaded it; all sought to avoid 
it. While the inaugural address was being delivered from 
this place, devoted altogether to saving the Union without 
war, insurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy 
it, without war seeking to dissolve the Union and divide 
the effects, by negotiation. 

"Both parties deprecated war; but one of them would 
make war rather than let the Nation survive, and the 
other would accept war rather than let it perish ; and the 
war came. One-eighth of the whole population were col- 
ored slaves, not distributed generally over the Union, but 
localized in the southern part of it. These slaves consti- 
tuted a peculiar and powerful interest. All knew that 
this interest was somehow the cause of the war. To 
strengthen, perpetuate and extend this interest, was the 
object for which the insurgents would rend the Union by 


war, while the Government claimed the right to do no more 
than to restrict the Territorial enlargement of it. 

"Neither party expected for the war the magnitude or 
the duration which it has already attained. Neither an- 
ticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease even 
before the conflict itself should cease. Each looked for 
an easier triumph, and a result less fundamental and 
astounding. Both read the same Bible and prayed to the 
same God, and each invoked His aid against the other. 

"It may seem strange that any man should dare to ask 
.a just God's assistance in wringing their bread from the 
sweat of other men's faces. But let us judge not, that we 
be not judged. The prayer of both should not be answered 
that of neither has been answered fully. The Almighty has 
his own purposes. 'Woe unto the world because of offenses, 
for it must needs be that offenses come ; but woe to that 
man by whom the offense cometh.' If we shall suppose that 
American slavery is one of the offenses that in the provi- 
dence of God must needs come, but which, having con- 
tinued through His appointed time, He now so wills to- 
remove^thafc He gives to both North and South this ter- 
rible war as the woe due to those by whom the offense 
came, shall we discern that there is any departure from 
those divine attributes which the believers in a living God 
always ascribe to Him. Fondly do we hope, fervently do 
we pray, that this mighty scourge of war may speedily 
pass away ; yet, if God wills that it continue until all the 
wealth piled by the bondman's two hundred and fifty 
years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until every 
drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by an- 
other drawn with the sword as was said three thousand 
years ago, so still it must be said, that the judgments of 
the Lord are true and righteous altogether. 

" With malice toward none, with charity for all, with- 
firmness in the right as God gives us to see the right, 
let us strive on to finish the work we are in, to bind up 
the Nation's wounds, and care for him who shall have 
borne the battle, and for his widow and his orphans to 
do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting 
peace among ourselves and with all nations." 


This speech was delivered April 11, after the surrender 
of Lee, in response to a call from a vast multitude who- 


had assembled to rejoice over the victory our army had 

" We meet this evening not in sorrow, but gladness of 
heart. The evacuation of Petersburg and ^Richmond, and 
the surrender of the principal insurgent army, gives hopes- 
of a righteous and speedy peace, whjse joyous expressions- 
can not be restrained. In the midst of this, however, Ha 
from whom all blessings flow must not be forgotten. A 
call for a National thanksgiving is being prepared, and 
will be duly promulgated. Nor must those whose harder 
part gives us the cause of rejoicing be overlooked. Their 
honors must not be parceled out with others. I myself 
was near the front, and had the high pleasure of trans- 
mitting much of the good news to you. But no part of 
the honor for plan or execution is mine. To Gen. Grant, 
his skillful officers and brave men, all belongs. The gal- 
lant navy stood ready, but was not in reach to take active 
part. By these recent successes the reinauguration of the 
National authority reconstruction, which has had a large 
share of thought from the first is pressed much more 
closely upon our attention. It is fraught with great diffi- 
culty. Unlike a war between independent nations, there 
is no authorized organ for us to treat with. No one man 
has authority to give up the rebellion for any other man. 
We must simply begin with, and mold from, disorganized 
and discordant elements. Nor is it a small additional 
embarrassment, that we, the loyal people, differ among 
ourselves as to the mode, manner and measure of recon- 
struction. As a general rule, I abstain from reading the 
reports of attacks upon myself, wishing not to be provoked 
by that to which I can not properly offer an answer. In 
spite of this precaution, however, it comes to my knowledge 
that I am much censured for some supposed agency in. 
setting up an<? seeking to sustain the new State govern- 
ment of Louisiana. In this I have done just so much, 
and no more, than the public knows. In the annual mes- 
sage of December, 1863, and the accompanying proclama- 
tion, I presented a plan of reconstruction, as the phrase 
goes, which I promised, if adopted by any State, would 
be acceptable to and sustained by the Executive Govern- 
ment of the Nation. I distinctly stated that this was not 
the only plan which might possibly be acceptable; and I 
also distinctly protested that the Executive claimed no- 
right to say when or whether members should be admitted 
to seats in Congress from such States. This plan was in 


advance submitted to the then Cabinet, and approved by 
every member of it. Oue of them suggested that I should 
then, and in that connection, apply the Emancipation 
Proclamation to the heretofore excepted parts of Virginia 
and Louisima, that I should drop the suggestion about 
apprenticeship for freed people, and that I should omit 
the protest against my own power in regard to the admis- 
sion of members of Congress. But even he approved every 
part and parcel of the plan which has since been employed 
or touched by the action of Louisiana. The new consti- 
tution of Louisiana, declaring emancipation for the whole 
State, practically applies the proclamation to the part 
previously i xcepted. It does not adopt apprenticeship for 
freed people, and is silent, as it could not well be other- 
wise, about the admission of members to Congress. So 
that as it applied to Louisiana, every member of the Cab- 
inet fully approved the plan. The message went to Con- 
gress, and I received many commendations of the plan, 
written and verbal, and not a single objection to it, from 
any professed emancipationist, came to my knowledge until 
after the news reached Washington that the people of 
Louisiana had begun to move in accordance with it. From 
about July, 1862, I had corresponded with different per- 
sons supposed to be interested in seeking a reconstruction 
of a State government for Louisiana. When the message 
of 1863, with the plan before mentioned, reached New 
Orleans, Gen. Banks wrote to me that he was confident 
that the people, with his military co-operation, would re- 
construct substantially on that plan. I wrote to him and 
some of them to try it. They tried it, and the result is 
known. Such has been my only agency in getting up the 
Louisiana government. As to sustaining it, my promise 
is out, as before stated. But as bad promises are better 
broken than kept, I shall treat this as a bad promise, 
and break it whenever I shall be convinced* that keeping 
it is adveise to the public interest, but I have not yet 
been so convinced. 

" I have been shown a letter on this subject, supposed 
to be an able one, in which the writer expresses regret 
that my mind has not seemerl to be definitely fixed on the 
question whether the seceded States, so-called, are in the 
Union or out of it. It would, perhaps, add astonishment 
to his regret were he to learn that since I have found 

frofessed Union men endeavoring to answer that question 
have purposely forebore any public expression upon it. 


As appears to me, that question has not been, nor yet is 
a practically material one, and that any discussion of it 
while it thus remains practically immaterial, could have 
no effect other than the mischievous one of dividing our 
friends. As yet, whatever it may become, that question 
is had as a basis of a controversy and good for nothing 
at all a merely pernicious abstraction. We all agree thac 
the seceded States, so-called, are out of their proper 
practical relation with the Union, and that the sole object 
of the Government, civil and military, in regard to those 
States, is to again get them into their proper practical 
relation. I believe that it is not only possible, but, in fact, 
easier to do this without deciding, or even considering, 
whether those States have ever been out of the Union 
than with it. Finding themselves safely at home it would 
be utterly immaterial whether they had been abroad. Let 
us all join in doing the acts necessary to restore the 
proper practical relations between those States and the 
Nation, and each forever after innocently indulge his own 
opinion whether in doing the acts he brought the States 
from without into the Union, or only gave them proper 
assistance, they never having been out of it. The amount 
of constituency, so to speak, on which the Louisiana 
government rests, would be more satisfactory to all if it 
contained 50,000, or 30,000, or even 20,000, instead of 
12,000, as it does. It is also unsatisfactory to some that 
the elective franchise is not given to the colored man. I 
would myself prefer that it were now conferred on the 
very intelligent, and on those who serve our cause as 
soldiers. Still the question is not whether the Louisiana 
government, as it stands, is quite all that is desirable. The 
question is, will it be wiser to take it as it is and help to 
improve it, or to reject and disperse? Can Louisiana be 
brought into practical relation with the Union sooner by 
sustaining or by discarding her new State government? 
Some 12,000 voters in the heretofore slave State of Louis- 
iana have sworn allegiance to the Union, assumed to be 
the rightful political power of the State, held elections, 
organized a State government, adopted a Free State Consti- 
tution, giving the benefit of public schools equally to black 
and white, and empowering the Legislature to confer the 
elective franchise upon the colored man. This Legislature 
has already voted to ratify the Constitutional amendment 
recently passed by Congress, abolishing slavery throughout 
the Nation. These 12,000 persons are thus fully committed 


to the Union and to perpetuate freedom in the State ? 
committed to the very things, and nearly all things, the 
Nation wants, and they ask the Nation's recognition and 
its assistance to make good this committal. Now if we 
reject and spurn them we do our utmost to disorganize 
and disperse them. We in fact say to the white man, you 
are worthless or worse; we will neither help you, nor be 
helped by you. To the blacks we say: This cup of lib- 
erty which these, your old masters, held to your lips, we 
will dash from you, and leave you to the chances of gath- 
ering the spilled and scattered contents in some vague and 
undefined when, where and how. If this course, discour- 
aging and paralyzing both white and black, has any tend- 
ency to bring Louisiana into proper practical relations 
with the Union, I have so far been unable to perceive it. 
If, on the contrary, we recognize and sustain the new 
government of Louisiana, the converse of all this is made 
true. We encourage the hearts and nerve the arms of 
12,000 freemen to adhere to their work, and argue for it, 
and proselyte for it, and fight for it, and feed it, and 
grow it, and ripen it to a complete success. The 
colored man, too, in seeing all united for him, is inspired 
with vigilance and energy and daring to the same end. 
Grant that he desires the elective franchise, will he not 
attain it sooner by saving the already advanced steps 
toward it, than by running backward over them ? Concede 
that the new government of Louisiana is to what it should 
be as the egg is to the fowl, we shall sooner have the 
fowl by hatching the egg, than by smashing it. Again, 
if we reject Louisiana we also reject one vote in favor of 
the proposed amendment to the National Constitution. To 
meet this proposition it has been argued that no more 
than three-fourths of those States which have not at- 
tempted secession are necessary to validly ratify the 
amendment. I do not commit myself against this, further 
than to say that such a ratification would be questionable, 
and sure to be persistently questioned, while a ratification 
by three-fourths of all the States would be unquestioned 
and unquestionable. I repeat the question. Can Louisi- 
ana be brought into proper practical relation with the 
Union sooner by sustaining, or by discarding her new 
State government ? What has been said of Louisiana will 
apply to other States. And yet so great peculiarities 
pertain to each State, and such important and sudden- 
changes occur in the same State, and withal so new and: 
unprecedented is the whole case that no exclusive and 


inflexible plan can safely be prescribed as to details and 
collaterals. Such exclusive and inflexible plan would 
surely become a new entanglement. Important principles 
may and must be inflexible. In the present situation, as 
the phrase goes, it may be my duty to make some new 
announcement to the people of the South. I am consid- 
ering, and shall not fail to act when satisfied that action 
will be proper." 


Four days after this speech, April 14, while seated in a 
private box at Ford's Theater with his wife and some 
friends, he was shot by an assassin, and died next morn- 
ing at 7 o'clock. His body was embalmed and lay in 
state for six days, when it was placed on board a funeral 
train of nine cars, which started April 21, at 8 a. m., for 
the burial place at his distant home via Baltimore, Har- 
risburg, Philadelphia, New York, Albany, Buffalo, Cleve- 
land, Columbus, Indianapolis and Chicago, arriving at 
Springfield, Wednesday, May 3, at 9 a. in., after a jour- 
ney of thirteen days. Thousands upon thousands of grief- 
stricken people thronged the funeral route, and everywhere 
the deepest sorrow was made manifest. At Springfield, 
his body lay in state one day, and was sorrowfully viewed 
by multitudes of men and women from all parts of the 
State, and on May 4 all that was mortal of the great 
statesman was tenderly and affectionately laid to rest at 
Oak Eidge Cemetery, where an enduring monument of 
marble and brass commemorates his memory. But marble 
and brass can add nothing to the fame of Abraham Lin- 
coln; he builded for himself a monument that will live 
when these evidences of love and admiration have passed 


Soon after Mr. Lincoln had been made the candidate 
of the Republican party for United States Senator, in op- 
position to Douglas, he was met by 0. M. Hatch, then 
Secretary of State, who said to Mr. Lincoln : 


"You must challenge Douglas to a joint discussion." 
"I do not know so well about that," said Lincoln. 
"It is Democrats you wish to talk to," replied Hatch, 
"and if you do not avail yourself of those who assemble 
to hear Douglas, you may be sure of never having a Dem- 
ocratic audience." 

Mr. Lincoln readily saw the forc!e of Mr. Hatch's re- 
marks and his challenge to Douglas on the 24th of July 
was the result. 


The whole life and character of Abraham Lincoln shows 
that while he was always opposed to slavery, he was never 
an Abolitionist in the sense in which Owen Lovejoy, Charles 
Sumner, or Wendell Phillips were. A series of resolu- 
tions, passed both branches of the General Assembly of 
>Illi > nois, of which he was n member in 1837, denying the 
: right of Congress to abolish slavery in the District of Colum- 
ibia,, to which Mr. Lincoln entered his solemn protest in the 
words following : 

"Resolutions upon the subject of domestic slavery hav- 
ing passed both branches of the General Assembly at its 
present session, the undersigned hereby protest against 
the passage of the same. They believe that the institu- 
tion of slavery is founded on both injustice and bad policy ; 
but the promulgation of abolition doctrines tends rather to 
increase than abate its evils. They believe that the Con- 
gress of the United States has no power under the Con- 
stitution to interfere with the institution of slavery in the 
different States. They believe that the Congress of the 
United States has tue power, under the Constitution, to 
abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, but that 
power ought not to be exercised, unless at the request of 
the people of said District. The difference between these 
opinions and those contained in said resolutions, is their 
reason for entering this protest. 



"Representatives of Sangamon County." 
(See House Journal of 1837.) 



This characteristic incident in the life of Abraham Lin- 
coln was related to us by one who was present at the 
time it occurred. Soon after Lincoln received the nomina- 
tion for President at Chicago, Milton Hay, S. M. Cullom, 
0. M. Hatch and John Bunn met in the State Library to 
consult as to the manner of entertaining the National 
Committee, which consisted of one from each State and 
the President of the Convention, which was soon expected 
to visit Springfield for the purpose of formally notifying 
Mr. Lincoln of his nomination. Well understanding his 
position upon the question of temperance, they were at a 
loss to know whether to provide liquor for his guests at his 
home or not. They had not been aware of Mr. Lincoln's 
presence until this subject was reached, when he stepped 
forward and decided the matter for them. He said : " I 
have never kept liquor in my house and will not begin 
now." We are told that a room was provided at the 
Chenery House, which was then the leading hotel of Spring- 
field, where the distinguished visitors were supplied with 
such liquors as they desired. On this question, as upon 
all others, Lincoln stood upon principle, and he was un- 
willing to surrender principle in this case, eveii though in 
so doing he might advance his own personal interests. 


This pleasing anecdote is related to us of Abraham Lin- 
coln by a gentleman who frequented the Supreme Court 
room in Springfield, when Lincoln practiced before that 
Court. On one occasion, Judges Breese, Skinner and Caton 
were in the Library, talking of their boyhood days and 
the coincidence of their having all been born in the same 
State New York and the same county Oneida. Just 
then Lincoln stepped in, and having a few days before lost 


a case which had been tried before the Court, in which 
all three Judges were against him, wittily said : " I thought 
this was a one-i-da Court, and now I know it." 


Aggregate Vote for State Officers Congressman-at-Large Congressmen, 

by Districts. 

The Republicans met in State Convention at Spring- 
field, August 8, and nominated George W. Smith, for 
Treasurer ; Newton Bateman, for Superintendent of Public 
Instruction, and John A. Logan for Congressman-at- 

The Democrats held their Convention at the same place, 
August 29, and nominated Jesse J. Phillips for Treasurer; 
John M. Crebs, for Superintendent of Public Instruction, 
and T. Lyle Dickey for Congressman-at-Large. 

The Democratic ticket was exceptionally strong, for the 
reason that it was composed exclusively of War-Demo- 
crats men who had served their country gallantly on the 
tented field and it was believed that if the Democrats 
could carry the State at all, it would be with such a 
ticket, for, aside from their soldierly qualifications, these 
gentlemen were personally popular. 

The campaign was short but vigorous, Logan and 
Dickey making the chief canvass, but the Republicans 
ware the victors. 

Smith's majority was 55,653; Bateman's, 55,161, and 
Logan's, 55,590. 


The Republicans elected both branches of the Legisla- 
ture and eleven of the fourteen Congressmen. 

The aggregate vote for State officers, Congressman-at- 
Large, and Congressmen, by districts, is as follows: 


George W. Smith, E 203,019 

Jesse J. Phillips, D 147,366 


Newton Bateman, E 203,339 

John M. Crebs, D 147,178 


John A. Logan, E 203,045 

T. Lyle Dickey 147,455 


Norman B. Judd, E 15,247 

M.. E. M. Wallace 5,667 


John F. Farnsworth, E. . . 16,185 

E. M. Haines 3,346 


Elihu B. Washburne, E 14,657 

Thomas J. Turner 3,897 


A. C. Harding, E 15,952 

John S. Thompson, D 13,391 


E. C. Ingersoll, E 18,437 

Silas Eamsey, D 9,665 


B. C. Cook, E 15,015 

8. W. Harris, D 7,721 


H. P. H. Bromwell, E 17,410 

Charles Black 13,272 



Shelby M. Cullom, E. . ... 18,62$ 
Edwin S. Fowler 14,520* 


Charles E. Lippincott, K 14,721 

Lewis W. Boss, D 15,496 


Henry Case, E 14,743 

A. G. Burr, D 17,116^ 


Edward Kitchell, E 14,379' 

Samuel S. Marshall, D 16,668 


Jehu Baker, E 13,032 

Wm. E. Morrison, D 11,956- 


G. B. Eaum, E 13,459* 

Wm. J. Allen, D 12,89O 


Governor E. J. Ogles by. 

Lieutenant- Governor "William Bross. 

Secretary of State Sharon Tyndale. 

Auditor of Public Accounts 0. H. Miner. 

Treasurer Geo. W. Smith. 

Superintendent of Public Instruction Newton Bateman. 

Attorney-General Eobert G. Ingersoll. 




The Twenty- fifth General Assembly convened January 
and consisted of the following members: 


Daniel W. Munn, Cairo. 
John W. Wescott, Xenia. 
Dan'l Beily, Kaskaskia. 
David K. Green, Salem. 
A.W. Metcalf, Edwardsyille. 
Wm. Shepherd, Jerseyville. 
J. M. Woodson, Carlinville. 
A. J. Hunter, Paris. 
J. L. Tincher, Danville. 
W. H. Cheney, Cheney's Gr. 
John B. Cohrs, Pekin. 
M. McCormel, Jacksonville. 
S. E. Chittenden, Mendon. 

Jas. Strain, Monmouth. 
T. A. Boyd, Lewiston. 
G. L. Fort, Lacon. 
W. Bushnell, Ottawa. 
A. W. Mack, Kankakee. 
Wm. Patton, Sandwich. 
D. J. Pinckney, Mt. Morris. 
A. Webster, Kock Island. 
J. H. Addams, Cedarville. 
A. C. Fuller, Belvidere. 
F. A. Eastman, Chicago. 
J. D. Ward, Chicago. 


N. R. Casey, Mound City. 
P. G. Clemens, New Liberty. 
Jas. Macklin, Harrisburg. 
J. M. Sharp, Mt. Carmel. 
N. Johnson, Mt. Vernon. 
Hugh Gregg, Marion. 
Dan'l Hay, Nashville. 
W.K. Murphy, Pinckneyville. 
J. Campbell, Steel's Mills. 
E. N. Bates, Centralia. 
E. P. Hanna, Fairfield, 

D. W. Odell, Oblong. 
Eli Bowyer, Olney. 
Geo. W. Cornwell, Mason. 
Patrick Dolan, Enfield. 

A. B. Pope, East St. Louis. 
A. Thompson, Belleville. 
John H. Yager, Alton. 
J. F. Alexander, Greenville. 

E. Harlan, Marshall. 
Chas. Voris, Windsor. 

J. B. Eicks, Taylorville. 
J. C. Conkling, Springfield. 
Wm. McGalliard, Lincoln. 

Wm. C. Shirley, Staunton. 

E. M. Knapp, Jerseyville. 
H. C. Withers, Carrollton. 
J. H. Dennis, Chambersburg, 
T. Hollowbush, Naples. 
Jas. M. Epler, Virginia. 
John M. Beesley, Bath. 

F. G. Farrell, Jacksonville. 
H. L. Warren, Quincy. 

P. J. Corkins, Fairweather. 
A. Hanson, Bushnell. 
Geo. W. Metz, Eushville. 
JT G. Fonda, Fountain Green, 
Dan'l W. Sedwick, Suez. 
F. M. Bruner, Monmouth. 
John Gray, Wataga. 
Caleb B. Cox, Vermont. 
Geo. W. Fox, Ellisville. 
Thos. C. Moore, Peoria. 
S. F. Ottman, Wyoming. 
Wm. W. Sellers, Pekin. 
Wm. M. Smith, Lexington* 
H. S. Green, Clinton. 
Jas. M. True, Mattoon. 


Maiden Jones, Tuscola. S. A. Hurlbut, Belvidere. 

N. B. Stage, Bloomfield, E. Hampton, E. Paw Paw. 

Clark E. Griggs, Urbana. Jas. W. Eddy, Batavia. 

A. B. Bunn, Decatur. Wm. P. Pierce, Lisbon. 

Dan'l S. Parker, Kankakee. E. B. Payne, Waukegan. 

Gep. E. King, Watseka. T. B. Wakeman, Harvard. 

Phil. Collins, Morris. A. I. Enoch, Eockford. 

E. Clow, East Wheatland. Jos. M. Bailey, Freeport. 

Wm. Strawn, Odell. Elijah Funk, Mt. Carroll. 

E. Baldwin, Farm Eidge. Henry Green, Elizabeth. 

F. Corwin, LaSalle. Henry C. Childs, Wheaton. 
Wm. C. Stacey, Princeton. Lester L. Bond, Chicago. 
E. T. Cassell, Metamora. Jos. S. Eeynolds, Chicago. 
A. P. Webber, Henry. H. M. Singer, Chicago. 
Aug. Allen, Geneseo. M. W. Leavitt, Chicago. 
A. S. Coe, Port Byron. H. M. Shepherd, Chicago. 
Jas. Dinsmoor, Sterling. A. F. Stevenson, Chicago. 

G. Eyon, Paw Paw Grove. E. S. Taylor, Evanston. 
T. J. Hewitt, Foreston. 

Lieutenant-Governor Bross presided over the Senate, and 
Charles E. Lippincott, of Cass, was elected Secretary with- 
out opposition. 

Franklin Corwin, of LaSalle, was elected Speaker of the 
House, over Newton E. Casey, of Pulaski, by a vote of 
58 to 24. Stephen G. Paddock, of Bureau, was elected 
Clerk, over M. B. Friend, of Cass, by a vote of 58 to 24. 

Among the new members of this Assembly who were 
:able and active were : Munn, Boyd, Fort, Casey, Bates, 
Hanna, Bowyer, Conkling, Knapp, Hurlbut. 

The Governor's message was presented to the Assembly 
on the 7th. It was an abl and somewhat lengthy state 
paper, in which was a careful and practical discussion of all 
the State interests. During the two years ending December 
1, 1866, the State debt had been reduced $2,607,958.46. 
The experimental school for idiots, under the direction of 
Dr. C. T. Wilbur, which was authorized by the previous 
General Assembly, having proved successful, he recom- 
mended additional appropriations in that behalf, as also 
for the Soldiers' Orphans' Home ; recommended an appro- 
priation for a monument to the memory of Abraham 


Lincoln; renewed his recommendation in favor of an In- 
dustrial College; supported an appropriation in favor of 
having Illinois properly represented at the Universal Expo- 
sition of the Industry of all Nations, at Paris; favored 
the establishment of a house for the correction of juvenile 
offenders ; recommended a reform in the pardoning power ; 
called attention to the necessity of calling a convention 
to revise the Constitution. 

The two houses met in joint session, January 15, and 
re-elected Lyman Trumbull United States Senator, over 
T. Lyle Dickey, by a vote of 76 to 38. 

This body was in session fifty- two days. Acts were 
passed to provide for the erection of a new State House ; 
to locate, construct and carry on the Southern Illinois 
Penitentiary; to aid the Illinois Soldiers' College; to de- 
clare the Normal University, at Normal, a State institu- 
tion; to remove the remains of Gov. Wm. H. Bissell to 
Oak Kidge cemetery, and to erect a monument over the 
same; to establish a Eeform School for Juvenile Offend- 
ers; to create the office of Attorney-General; to establish 
a State Boar"d of Equalization of Assessments; to locate 
the Industrial University ; to provide for reducing the rate 
of State taxation for payment of interest on the public 
debt ; to regulate warehousemen, and authorize connections 
of railroads with warehouses, and the 14th amendment to 
the National Constitution was ratified. 

Under the law creating the office, Eobert G. Ingersoll 

was appointed Attorney-General. 


Gov. Oglesby convened the General Assembly in special 
session, June 11, to provide, among other things, for the 
passage of a law for the assessment and collection of taxes 
on the shares of capital stock in banks and banking asso- 
ciations, and to amend an act entitled "An act to incorporate 


the Mississippi Eiver and Wisconsin State Line Kailroad 
Company," approved February 28, 1867. 

A second special session was convened, June 14, to pro- 
vide for the management of the Illinois State Penitentiary 
at Joliet. The lessee of the penitentiary, without warning, 
had surrendered the lease to the Governor, and hence 
this special session. The law passed at this session laid 
the foundation for the present admirable system of peni- 
tentiary government. 


Aggregate Vote for State Officers Aggregate Vote for Members of Con- 
gressAggregate Vote for Presidential Electors. 

The year 1868 brought the people together in another 
National struggle for the election of a President and Vice- 
President, and again the State was made to resound with 
the thunder of party tactics. The Eepublican State Con- 
vention met at Peoria May 6, to nominate a State ticket 
and appoint delegates to the National Convention. John 
M. Palmer was nominated for Governor; John Dough- 
erty, for Lieutenant-Governor ; Edward Eummel, for Sec- 
retary of State; Charles E. Lippincott, for Auditor; 
Erastus N. Bates, for Treasurer; Washington Bushnell, 
for Attorney-General, and John A. Logan for Congress- 
man-at-Large. The Democrats met May 7, at the same 
place for the same purpose. John K. Eden was nomina- 
ted for Governor ; William H. Van Epps, for Lieutenant- 
Governor ; Gustav Van Horbeke, for Secretary of State ; 
John K. Shannon, for Auditor; Jesse J. Phillips, for 


Treasurer; Kobert E. Williams, for Attorney-General, and 
William W. O'Brien for Congressman-at-Large. 

U. S. Grant, of Illinois, and Schuyler Colfax, of Indiana, 
were nominated at Chicago May 20, by the Eepublican 
National Convention, for President and Vice-President. The 
Democratic National Convention met at New York July 4, 
and nominated Horatio Seymour, of New York, and Francis 
P. Blair, of Missouri, for President and Vice-President. 

State issues were completely absorbed in the discussion 
of National questions growing out of the war, and the best 
talent of both parties was brought actively into the cam- 
paign, and every county and district vigorously canvassed, 
and for many months the voice of the political orator was 
heard in the remotest portions of the State. The Republi- 
cans, however, were victorious in the State and Nation. 
Of the fourteen Congressmen elected, eleven were Eepub- 
lican, and both branches of the Legislature were Eepub- 

The aggregate vote for State officers, Congressman-at- 
Large, Congressmen, by districts, and Presidential electors, 
is as follows: 


John M. Palmer, E 249 912 

John E. Eden, D 199,813 


John Dougherty, E 249,874 

Wm. H. Van Epps, D 199,860 


Edward Eummel, E 249,952 

Gustav Van Horbeke, D 199,485 


Charles E. Lippincott, E 249,654 

John E. Shannon, D 199,754 


Erastus N. Bates, E 249,972 

Jesse J. Phillips, D 199,859 



Wash. Bushnell, E.. . 249,087 
Eobert E. Williams, D 199,895 


John A. Logan, E 249,422 

William W. O'Brien, D 199,789 


Norman B. Judd, E 27,414 

M. E. M. Wallace, D 19,233 


John F. Farnsworth, E 20,725 

A. M. Herrington, D 6,307 


E. B. Washburne, E 18,584 

W. J. McKim, D 9,612 


John B. Hawley, E 17,269 

James W. Singleton, D 15,547 


Ebon C. Ingersoll, E 20,991 

John N. Niglas, D 13,686 


Burton C. Cook, E 19,607 

Oliver C. Gray, D 11,946 


Jesse H. Moore, E 22,321 

Thomas Brewer, D 17,171 




Shelby M. Cullom, B.. ... 22,19S 
B. S. Edwards, D 19,809 


Leonard F. Eoss, E. . 15,279 

Thompson W. McNeely, D 17..877 


Jonathan B. Turner, E , , 17,397 

Albert G. Burr ,D 21,420 


James S. Martin, E 16,642 

Samuel S. Marshall, D 20,475 


John B. Hay, E . .... 14,980 

Wm. H. Snyder, D 13,33a 


Green B. Eauni, E. . 14,261 

John M. Crebs, D 14,764 


John A. McClernand 

David A. Gage ............................ 

Silas L. Bryan 

E. F. Colby ........ 

Eichard Bishop 
Edward F. Dutcher 
Delos P. Phelps ..... . 

John T. Lindsay ........ 

Perry A. Armstrong 
Charles Black ......... 

James S. Ewing 
Simeon P. Shope 
George- N. Holliday . . 
William B. Anderson 
Edward M. West 
Charles Burnett . 





Gustavus Kcerner 

Thomas J. Henderson. 
Stephen A. Hurlbut... 

Lorenz Brent ano 

Jesse S. Hildrup 

James McCoy 

Henry W. Draper 

Thomas G. Frost 

Joseph 0. Glover 

John W. Blackburn... 

Samuel C. Parks 

Damon G. Tunnicliff . , 

John D. Strong 

Edward Kitchell 

Charles F. Springer.., 
Daniel W. Munn . 


* The records in the office of the Secretary of State show only these figures, 
and it is presumed that they represent the highest number of votes cast for 
the respective electoral tickets. 


Governor John M. Palmer. 

Lieu tenant- Governor John Dougherty. 

Secretary of State Edward Rummel. 

Auditor of Public Accounts Chas. E. Lippineott. 

Treasurer -Erastus N. Bates. 

Superintendent of Public Instruction Newton Bateman. 

Attorney-General Washington Bushnell. 


The Twenty-sixth General Assembly convened January 
4, and consisted of the following members : 




Dan'l W. Munn, Cairo. 
J. J. E. Turney, Fairfield. 
S. K. Casey, Mt. Vernon. 
J. P. VanDorstan, Vandalia. 
W. C. Flagg, Moro. 
W. Shepherd, Jerseyville. 
J. M. Woodson, Carlinville. 
Edwin Harlan, Marshall. 
J. L. Tincher, Danville. 
J. McNulta, Bloomington. 
A. B. Nicholson, Lincoln. 
J. M. Epler, Virginia. 
S. K. Chittenden, Mendon. 

I. McManus, Keithsburg. 
T. A. Boyd, Lewinton. 
G. L. Fort, Lacon. 
J. W. Strevell, Pontiac. 
Henry Snapp, Joliet. 
Wm. Patton, Sandwich. 
D. J. Pinckney, Mt. Morris. 
A. Crawford, Geneseo. 
J. H. Addams, Cedarville. 
A. C. Fuller, Belvidere. 
John C. Dore, Chicago. 
J. D. Ward, Chicago. 


N. E. Casey, Mound City. 
J. C. Willis, Metropolis. 

C. Burnett, Shawneetown. 

D. H. Morgan, Eussellville. 

C. C. M. V. B. Payne, Benton. 

E. L. Dennison, Marion. 
Geo. Gundlach, Carlyle. 

J. M. McCutcheon, Sparta. 
T. H. Bursess, DuQuoin. 
'T. E. Merritt, Salem. 
John Halley, Lovilla. 
J. Cooper, Willow Hill. 
A. W. Bdthwell, Clay City. 
Leonard Eush, Vandalia. 
John Landrigan, Albion. 
J. E. Miller, Caseyville. 

A. Eoss, Mascoutah. 

D. Kerr, Edwardsville. 

S. H. Challis, Pocahontas. 
L. Brookhart, Majority Poi't. 
Chas. Voris, Windsor. 

E. M. Gilmore, Litchtield. 
John Cook, Springfield. 
Silas Beason, Lincoln. 

B. T. Burke, Carlinville. 
T. B. Fuller, Hardin. 

D. M. Woodson, Carrollton. 

A. Mittower, Milton. 
Henry Dresser, Naples. 
J. G. Phillips, Mound Stat'n. 
E. Laning, Petersburg. 
S. M. Palmer, Jacksonville. 
Thos. Jasper, Quincy. 
J. E. Downing, Camp Point. 
H. Horrabin, Blandinville. 
John Ewing, Littleton. 

A. J. Bradshaw, LaHarpe. 
D. M. Findley, Oquawka. 
J. Porter, Monmouth. 

W. S. Gale, Galesburg. 

T. M. Morse, Middle Grove. 

John W. Eoss, Lewiston. 

B. F. Thompson, Bradford. 
W. E. Phelps, Elmwood. 
J. Merriam,* Hittle. 

S. E. Saltonstall,t Tremont. 
Wm. M. Smith, Lexington. 
J. Swigart, DeWitt. 
G. W. Parker, Charleston. 
J. E. Callaway, Tuscola. 
S. H. Elliott, Paris. 
W. M. Stanley, Sullivan. 
J. W. Scroggs, Champaign. 
J. M. Perry, Kankakee. 

*Seat contested, 

tAdmitted to seat of Merriam. 



C. H. Frew, Paxton. Irus Coy, Bristol. 

Geo. Gaylord, Lockport. N. N. Eavlin, Kaneville, 

Phil. Collins, Morris. A. B. Cook, Libertyville^ 

Wm. Strawn, Odell. P. W. Dietz, Marengo. 

Franklin Corwin, Peru. E. Sumner, Pecatonica. 

Sam'l Wiley, Earlyille. J. M. Bailey, Freeport. 

L. D. Whitiug, Tiskilwa. Adam Nase, Mt. Carroll. 

Chas. G. Eeed, Maiden. H. Green, Elizabeth. 

J. W. Hopkins, Grandville. H. C. Guilds, Wheaton. 

P. K. Hanna, Green Eiver. H. B. Miller, Chicago. 

H. F. Sickles, Moline. L. L. Bond, Chicago. 

J. Dinsmpor, Sterling. J. S. Eeynolds, Chicago. 

Alonzo Kinyon, Amboy. F. Munson, Chicago. 

0. B. Youngs, Hale. J. C. Knickerbocker, Chicago. 

C. W. Marsh, DeKalb. Iver Lawson, Chicago. 

E. H. Talbott, Belvidere. E. S. Taylor, Evanston. 

Lieutenant- Governor Dougherty presided over the Sen- 
ate, and Chauncey Ellwood was elected Secretary, over 
James Low, by a vote of 17 to 6. 

Franklin Corwin was elected Speaker of the House, over 
Newton E. Casey, by a vote of 53 to 23, and James P. Eoot, 
of Cook, Clerk, over J. Merrick Bush, of Pike, by a vote 
of 56 to 23. 

The message of Oglesby, the retiring Governor, was laid 
before the two houses on the 4th. It was non-political 
and was confined exclusively to the discussion of ques- 
tions relating to the internal affairs of the State. There 
had been four years of unbroken prosperity. From Decem- 
ber 1, 1866 to December 1, 1868, there had been paid on 
the public debt, principal and interest, $2,687,114.01, and 
for the four years commencing December 1, 1864 and end- 
ing December 1, 1868, $4,743,821.44. 

The first year of the administration of Gov. Oglesby 
had been a very laborious one; ten regiments of volun- 
teer soldiers were organized under the last call of the 
President, and when the rebellion closed the Governor's- 
time was occupied almost wholly, for many months, in 
giving attention to the details of mustering out of the ser- 
vice the Illinois soldiers. Gov. Oglesby was an eminently 


popular man. The Legislature being in harmony with: 
his views, his recommendations were carried out in the; 
greatest measure. The Normal University at Normal 
was declared a State institution; the Industrial Uni- 
versity at Champaign was created ; the foundation for the 
school for feeble-minded children, at Lincoln, was laid ; the 
Eye and Ear Infirmary at Chicago was fostered; the 
the Soldiers' Orphans' Home at Normal was estab- 
lished; the office of Attorney- General was created; a re-- 
form in the management of penitentiaries was instituted ; ; 
a reform school for juvenile offenders was created, and. 
the new State House was begun. 

The two houses met in joint session on the llth of. 
January, when Gov. Palmer took the oath of office andi 
delivered a brief inaugural address, ^in which he took, 
occasion to urge upon the attention of the General Assem- 
bly the recommendations contained in the message of his 
predecessor. Said he : I 

" I am able to say that the whole duty of the Governor,, 
to the utmost extent of the requirements of the constitu- 
tion, has been discharged by my predecessor. The com- 
prehensive message communicated to the General Assem- 
bly at the opening of the present session furnishes the 
amplest information of the state of the government, of the 
operation of existing laws, and covers, by wise and judi- 
cious recommendations, almost every subject in regard to* 
which legislative action can be necessary or expedient. 

" I cannot better discharge my duty to the people than 
by urging upon your attention the information given, and 
the measures recommended, by the experienced and 
patriotic statesman who now retires from the executive 
office which he has filled with such advantage and credit 
to the State." 

This body was in session one hundred and six days 
a longer period by far than that of any former General 
Assembly. The vital public acts which were passed, and 
received the approval of the Governor, were as follows : 
Acts to secure the endowment fund of the Illinois Agri- 
cultural College ; to encourage agricultural societies ; to erect 


and carry on an asylumn for the insane for Northern 
Illinois; making appropriations for the Illinois Industrial 
University; to establish and maintain the Southern Illi- 
nois Normal University ; to appoint a State Agent to col- 
lect war claims against the United States; to amend an 
act establishing a home for the children of deceased sol- 
diers ; to provide for building a soldiers' monument at the 
National Cemetery near Mound City; to aid the Illi- 
nois Soldiers' College at Fulton ; to amend an act provid- 
ing for the erection of a new State House; to aid the 
Eye and Ear Infirmary; to appoint a Board of Commis- 
sioners of Public Charities; to provide for calling a con- 
tention to revise, alter or amend the Constitution of the 
iState; to allow convicts in the penitentiary a credit for 
.-good -conduct in the diminution of their term of imprison- 
:ment;; to prevent cruelty to animals ; to facilitate drain - 
age of wet or overflowed lands; to prevent frauds in elec- 
tions for subscriptions to stock in or for donations in aid 
t>f auy incorporation ; to prevent frauds upon gas con- 
sumers and gas companies ; to regulate insurance com- 
panies ; to punish frauds upon insurance companies ; to 
provide for permanent survey of lands ; to provide for the 
preservation of field notes, maps, and other papers apper- 
taining to land titles in the State ; to prevent prize-fight- 
ing and sparring or boxing exhibitions ; to amend the rail- 
jroad law ; to regulate the rate for the conveyance of pas- 
sengers and freight by railroads; to protect lives and 
property of persons at railway crossings of the public high- 
ways; to fence railroads; to fund and provide for paying 
the railroad debts of counties, townships, cities and towns ; 
to amend the act establishing the State Board of Equali- 
*zation ; to amend an act condemning the right of way for 
purposes of public improvement; to amend the school 
law ; to facilitate the transportation of grain, produce and 
merchandise by railroads ; to protect widows and orphans 


from the sacrifice of their property by sales upon mort-' 
gages and trust deeds, and the XVth amendment to the 
National Constitution was ratified. 


Illinois having outgrown the Constitution of 1848, the 
Convention which h#d been elected to amend, alter or 
revise the same, met at Springfield on the 13th of Decem- 
ber, 1869, and was composed of the following delegates, 
which are given by districts: 

1st William J. Allen. 

2d George W. Brown. 

3d W. G. Bowman. 

4th James M. Sharp. 

5th William B. Anderson. 

6th James M. Washburn. 

7th Harvey P. Buxton. 

8th J. H. Wilson, George W. Wall. 

9th Silas L. Bryan. 

10th Eobert P. Hanna. 

llth James C. Allen. 

12th James P. Kobinson. 

13th Beverly W. Henry, 1 Ferris Forman. 2 

14th Charles E. McDowell. 

15th William H. Snyder, William H. Underwood. 

16th Charles F. Springer, Henry W. Billings. 3 

17th John Scholfield. 

18th George R. Wendling. 

19th Edward Y. Eice. 

20th Milton Hay, Samuel C. Parks. 

21st John W. Hankins. 

'Resigned March 3. "Vice B. W. Henry. Died April 19. 


22d Robert A. King. 

23d James W. English. 

:24th- William R. Archer, John Abbott, 

.25th William L. Vande venter. 

56th 0. H. Wright. 

27th Henry J. Atkins. 

28th Orville H. Browning, Onias C. Skinner. 

29th W. H. Neece. 

30th Jesse C. Fox. 

31st David Ellis. 

32d James S. Poage. 

33d -A. G. Kirkpatrick, 4 Henry Tubbs. 5 

34th Alfred M. Craig. 

35th Lewis W. Boss, Samuel P. Cummings. 

436th Henry W. Wells, Miles A. Fuller. 

-37th Jonathan Merriam. 

38th Reuben M. Benjamin, Clifton H. Moore. 

39th John L. Tincher, Henry P. H. Bromwell, Richard 

B. Sutherland. 

40th Charles Emmerson, 6 Abel Harwood. 
41st William H. Patterson, 7 John P. Gamble. 8 
42d Addison Goodell. 
43d William C. Goodhue, W. P. Peirce. 
44th George S. Eldridge, Joseph Hart, Nathaniel J. 


45th L. D. Whiting, James G. Bayne, Peleg S. Perley. 
46th George E. Wait. 
47th Calvin Truesdale. 
48th James McCoy. 
49th John Dement. 
50th Joseph Parker. 

51st Westel W. Sedgwick, Jesse S. Hildrup. 
52d Charles Wheaton, Henry Sherrill. 
53d Elijah M. Haines. 
54th Lawrence S. Church. 
55th Robert J. Cross. 
56th Thomas J. Turner. 
57th William Cary, David C. Wagner. 
58th Hiram H. Cody. 

59th Joseph Medill, John C. Haines, S. Snowden Hayes. 
60th William F. Coolbaugh, Charles Hitchcock. 
61st Elliott Anthony, Daniel Cameron. 

Died March 15. *Died January 16. 

*Vice A. G. Kirkpatrick. Vice W. H. Patterson. 

Died April 16. 


John Dement was elected President pro tempore; Charles 
Hitchcock, President, and John Q. Harmon, Secretary. 

Among the able and active minds of this Convention 
were : William J. Allen, Bowman, Anderson, Wall, Bryan, 
Hanna, James C. Allen, McDowell, Snyder, Underwood, 
Billings, Scholfield, Bice, Hay, Parks, English, Archer, 
Vandeventer, Browning, Skinner, Craig, Boss, Wells, Ben- 
jamin, Eldridge, Pillsbury, Whiting, Wheaton, Hayes, 
Church, Turner, Cody, Medill, Dement, Coolbaugh, E. M. 
Haines and Hitchcock. 

The Constitution framed by this Convention has been in 
force full fourteen years, and has been accepted as one of 
ihe wisest and best organic laws ever framed. 


The year 1870 was rather a spiritless State campaign; 
neither of the great parties was in a hurry to go into 
the contest; the Bepublicans did not hold their State 
Convention until September 1. Erastus N. Bates was 
nominated for Treasurer; Newton Bateman, for Superin- 
tendent of Public Instruction. Both of these gentlemen 
were the incumbents of the offices to which they sought 
a re-election. Under the Constitution of 1848 the Treas- 
urer was not restricted to a single term as now. 

The Democrats held their Convention September 7 and 
nominated Charles Kidgely for Treasurer, and Charles 
Feinse for Superintendent of Public Instruction. 

The aggregate vote for State officers and members of 
Congress is as follows: 



Erastus N. Bates, B 168,579? 

Charles Eidgely, D 144,92$ 

H. J. Hammond 8,756 


Newton Bateman, E 166,859 

Charles Feinse, D 144.889 

Daniel Wilkins 3,820 


Charles B. Farwell, K 20,342 

John Wentworth 15,025 


John F. Farnsworth, B 8,396 

J. C. Stoughton, D 6,516 

Bichard Bishop 2,349 

Amos Shepard 2. 


H. C. Burchard, B 11,718 

Charles Betts 6,219 

W. E. Luckens 12. 


John B. Hawley, B . 12,028 

P. L. Cable, D 11,982 


B. N. Stevens, D 11,579 

E. C. Ingersoll, B 9,963 

F. B. Ives 868 


Burton C. Cook, B 10,452 

Julius Avery, D 7,839 

Alexander Campbell 159 


Jesse H. Moore, B 14,089 

Andrew J. Hunter, D 13,41* 



James C. Eobinson, D 13,702. 

Jonathan Merriam, K 12,44& 

George W. Minier 1,175 


Thompson W. McNeely, D 12,69a 

B. F. Westlake, E 10,297 


Edward Y. Eice, D 13.963- 

J. W. Kitchell, E 12,02a 


Samuel S. Marshall, D 15,771 

William H. Eobinson, E 11,444 


John B. Hay, E 10,903 

William Hartzell, D 10,126 


John M. Crebs, D 13,949* 

Daniel W. Munn, E 12,366- 


Canal Scrip Fraud Letter of Ex-Gov. Matteson to the Committee of Investi- 
gationMortgage of His Property to Secure the Payment of $250,000 
Macallister & Stebbins Bonds Fraud Gov. Bissell's Emphatic Denial of 
any Knowledge of the Fraud. 

It is a matter of congratulation and pride to know that 
Illinois has never lost anything by her State officers. The 
Treasurers of other States have not unfrequently defaulted 


in large sums of money, but those of Illinois have always 
been faithful j,o their trusts. 

The nearest the State ever came to losing money of 
any considerable amount, was during the administration 
of Gov. Joel A. Matteson, but the matter was not discov- 
ered until the early part of 1859, two years after he had 
gone out of office. The General Assembly being in session, 
the Senate appointed a committee of investigation, consist- 
ing of S. W. Fuller, B. C. Cook, A. J. Kuykendall, Z. 
Applington and S. A. Buckmaster. On February 9, 1859, 
Mr. Matteson addressed the following letter to the com- 
mittee : 

SPRINGFIELD, ILL, Feb. 9, 1859. 
To the Chairman of the Senate Finance Committee: 

SIR At the date of my former communication to the 
chairman of the Senate committee, I supposed the validity 
of the bonds issued to me for canal scrip, of the issues 
of May and August, 1839, was supposed to depend upon 
the genuineness of the scrip. Since, to my great surprise, 
the fact is established that these scrip, or checks, though 
genuine, have been redeemed by the officers and agents 
of the State many years since, and have been, by some 
person or persons unknown to me, abstracted from the 
places where they were deposited, and again put in circu- 
lation. With perfect innocence on my part, and without 
the remotest suspicion that the scrip had ever been re- 
deemed, these checks were purchased by me of different 
persons, for their cash value at the time, upon actual 
payment of money therefor. 

I have thus unconsciously and innocently been made 
the instrument through whom a gross fraud upon the State 
has been attempted. 

My past relations to the people of this State, and my 
-earnest desire for the preservation of my own reputation 
pure and spotless, render me unwilling to retain these 
bonds, although purchased by and issued to me bona fide, 
and for a valuable consideration. I am willing, rather 
than possess one cent that the State of Illinois ought not 
to pay, even though the courts might decide that by the 
strict rules of law my rights to these bonds could not be 
impeached, to sustain myself the whole loss, and to return 


all the money and evidences of indebtedness of every kind 
I have received of the State on account of these checks 
or any bonds issued for them. 

The bonds are already deposited as security for the cir- 
culation of the State Bank. I will indemnify the State 
against all liability on these bonds, and provide for the 
repayment of any money or evidences of indebtedness re- 
ceived as aforesaid, by and with any kind of security that 
may reasonably be required therefor. Of course it may 
take some time to replace so large an amount, and I pro- 
pose that upon my giving the security above indicated, 
satisfactory to the proper officer, the bonds remain and 
be held as security for the circulation of the State Bank, 
with the privilege to me, from time to time, to replace 
them with other securities, and as thus replaced they shall 
be canceled by the Governor. 

The same regard for my reputation (which is of more 
value to me than any amount of money), that, in connec- 
tion with my unwillingness to profit by the loss of the 
State, has prompted the foregoing proposition, also leads 
me to ask, as an act of justice to myself, that the investi- 
gation commenced by the committee should be continued. 
I will lend every assistance in my power to render it 
ihorough and searching, resulting in the discovery of the 
commencement of the wrong, if not the perpetrators. For 
this purpose, I hope, if necessary, the committee will be 
authorized to act in vacation. From my acquaintance 
with the gentlemen composing the committee, as well as 
from the courtesy already manifested by them to me, I 
doubt not they will be willing to continue the investiga- 
tion even after the adjournment, if necessary. 


The investigation continued until 1861, through this and 
other committees acting under authority of the General 
Assembly, and although an elaborate report was finally 
made, the names of the perpetrators of the fraud were 
never revealed. On Becord "F" we find that judgment was 
rendered against Mr. Matteson in the Sangamon Circuit 
ourt, October 28, 1862, for $250,000. Agreeably to the 
proposition made in his letter of February 9, 1859, Mr. 
Matteson executed to the State a mortgage on real estate, 
which included his elegant residence in Springfield, in an 


amount deemed sufficient to pay the judgment, and by an 
act of the General Assembly approved February 14, 1863, 
Alexander Starne was appointed trustee. The mortgage 
was foreclosed, but the property did not sell for sufficient 
to satisfy the judgment, and subsequently A. B. Safford,. 
of Cairo, turned over to the State, for the benefit of Mr. 
Matteson, lands in Henry county valued at $30,000. We 
are informed by the trustee, Mr. Starne, that the prop- 
erty has all been sold except a few tracts of land in> 
Peoria and Henry counties, and some town lots in Joliet 
and LaSalle, worth altogether about $15,000, which, when; 
sold, it is believed, will satisfy, in full, the principal of 
the judgment, if not the interest. 

Whatever may have been the real facts in regard to- 
this fraudulent proceeding, so far as Gov. Matteson him- 
self is concerned, considering his previous high character 
and the exalted position he had held at the hands of the 
people of his State, the charitable reader will give the 
statement in his letter relating to his personal connection 
with the fraud the consideration it is entitled to. 

In 1859, there was a similar attempt to defraud the State 
out of a large sum of money, through what is known as 
the Macallister & Stebbins bonds, but it was unsuccessful. 
An effort was made to fasten its responsibility upon the 
administration of Gov. Bissell, but he was prompt to deny 
all knowledge of it in terms that had no doubtful mean- 
ing, and which carried with them a belief of his entire 



Governor John M. Palmer. 

Lieutenant-Governor John Dougherty. 

Secretary of State Edward Eummel. 

Auditor of Public Accounts Chas. E. Lippincott. 

Treasurer Erastus N. Bates. 

Superintendent of Public Instruction Newton Bateman. 

Attorney-General Washington Bushnell. 


The first session of the Twenty-seventh General Assem- 
bly convened January 4, and adjourned, April 17, until 
November 15. The assembly was composed of the follow- 
ing members: 


Simeon K. Gibson, 1 Equality. Charles Voris, Windsor. 
T. A. E. Holcomb, S. Pass. Edwin Harlan, Marshall. 
Win. G. Bowman. 2 Robert N. Bishop, Paris. 

J. Jackson, Lawrenceville. John L. Tincher, Danville. 
John Landrigan, Albion. J. W. Langley, Champaign. 
S. K. Casey, 1 Mt. Vernon. J. McNulta, Bloomington. 
J. M. Washburn, Fredonia. M. Donahue, Clinton. 
W. B. Anderson, 3 Mt. Vernon A. B. Nicholson, Lincoln. 
J. P. VanDorstan, Vandalia. Alex. Starne, Springfield. 
J. F. Alexander, Greenville. J. M. Epler, Jacksonville. 
Willard C. Flagg, Moro. Edward Laning, Petersburg. 
W. H. Underwood, Belleville. J. H. Eichardson, Quincy. 
Wm. Shepherd, 4 Jerseyville. Jesse C. Williams, Carthage. 
J. M. Bush, Pittsfield. Benj. R. Hampton, Macomb. 

Wm. H. Allen. 5 Harvey S. Setter, Aledo. 

L. Solomon, Vancil's Point. T. A. Boyd, Lewiston. 

'Died. ^Resigned. 

"Vice Simeon K. Gibson, deceased. 6 Vice Wm. Shepherd, resigned. 

3 Vice Samuel K. Casey, deceased. 


Henry J. Vaughn, Victoria. A. Crawford, Geneseo. 

Mark Bangs, Lacon. L. D. Whiting, Tiskilwa. 

Lucien H. Kern, Peoria. W. A. Little, 1 Elizabeth. 

Jason W. Strevell, Pontiac. J. M. Hunter, Mt. Carroll.. 

Wm. Keddick, Ottawa. Allen C. Fuller, Belvidere. 

Henry Snapp, 2 Joliet. John Early, Rockford. 

Wm. P. Pierce, Minooka. John C. Dore, Chicago. 

John F. Daggatt. 6 John N. Jewett, Chicago. 

Chas. W. Marsh, Sycamore. Willard Woodard, Chicago. 

James W. Eddy, Batavia. J. L. Beveridge, 2 Evanston. 

James K. Edsall, Dixon. Artemus Carter, 7 Chicago. 
W. S. Wilkinson, Morrison. 


H. Watson Webb, Cairo. Sam'l Burnside, Carlyle. 
Wm. R. Brown, Metropolis. D. B. Gillham, Alton. 
Geo. W. Waters, Glendale. A. F. Rqdgers, Upper Alton.. 
J. B. Morray, Reynoldsburg. Theo. Miller, St. Jacob. 
W 7 m. C. Rich, South Pass. William Brown, Old Ripley. 
Wm. Schwartz, 2 Elkville. Jacob Fouke, Vandalia. 
W. A. Lemma, 3 Carbondale. David Leith 1 Mason. 
Addison Reese, Jr., Marion. B. F. Kagay, Effingham. 
Wm. Elder, Eldorado. Wm. McElwee, Greenup. 

Wm. N. Ayres, Elizabetht'wn Wm. C.Jones, Robinson. 
Frank E. Hay, Carmi, Wm. T. Briscoe, Westfield.. 

Calvin Allen, McLeansboro. Edward Barrett, Neoga. 
W. W. Barr, Benton. John Casey, Moweaqua. 

Wm. R. Gass, DuQuoin. E. Roessler, Shelbyville. 
James R. Rails, Chester. W. B. Hundley, Taylorville. 
D. R. McMasters, Sparta. Thomas Finley, 1 Pana. 
Wm. R. Morrison, Waterloo. B. Dornblaser, Assumption. 
J. R. Miller, Caseyville. James M. Berry, Irving. 

G. Koerner, Belleville. J. N. McElvain, Litchh'eld. 

J. Hmchcliffe, Belleville. J. N. McMillan, CarHnville. 
A. S. Rowley, Richview. G. A. W. Cloud, Girard. 
Thos. S. Casey, Mt. Vernon. G. W. Herdman, Jerseyville. 
A. T. Galbraith, Johnsonville Robert A. King, Jerseyville. 
Walter L. Mayo, Albion. Thos. H. Boyd, Carrollton. 
J. D. Sage, Lawrenceville. Charles Kenny, Griggsville. 
Israel A. Powell, Olney. Albert Landrum, El Dara. 
Osman Pixley, Ingraham. Jas. M. Riggs, Winchester. 
Thos. E. Merritt, Salem. Newton Cloud, Waverly. 
Sam'l L. Dwight, Centralia. W. H. Barnes, Jacksonville. 

'Died. 'Vice Schwartz, resigned. *Vice Henry Snapp. resigned. 

2 Resigned. 7 Ftce John L. Beveridge, resigned.- 


Chas. H. Bice, Springfield. 
W. M. Springer, Springfield. 
N. R. Taylor, Williamsville. 
Wm. E. Nelson, Decatur. 
Win. T. Moffitt, Decatur. 
Jonathan Meeker, Sullivan. 
J. B. Cuningham, Charleston. 
Azariah Jeffries, Mattoon. 
James Gaines, Eidge Farm. 
Geo. W. Eives, Paris. 
John Gofer, Arcola. 
John C. Short, Danville. 
W. P. Chandler, Danville. 
E. C. Wright, Homer. 
J. C. Sheldon, Urbana. 
A. L. Eodgers, Cerro Gordo. 
Wm. E. Carle, Wapella. 
Peter J. Hawes, Atlanta. 
Augustus Eeise, Atlanta. 
Wm. W. Easley, Virginia. 
S. C. Knoles, Petersburg. 
J. G. Phillips, Mt. Sterling. 
S. S. Benson, Huntsville. 
A. H. Trimble, Marceline. 
Maurice Kelly, Liberty. 
J. H. Stewart, Quincy. 
G. J. Eichardson, Quincy. 
L. Mussetter, Warsaw. 
M. M. Morrill, Nauvoo. 
Wm. H. Neece, Macomb. 
James Manley, Macomb. 
John W. Eoss, Lewiston. 
S. P. Cummings, Astoria. 
T. M. Morse, Middle Grove. 
M. Langston, Manito. 
C. A. Eoberts, Pekin. 
Ira B. Hall, Delavan. 
W. M. Smith, Lexington. 
E. E. Eoe, 1 Bloomington. 
W. C. Watkins, Bloomington. 
Geo. W. Funk, McLean. 
L. H. Kerrick, 2 Bloomington. 
Addison Goodeli, Loda. 
Thos. Vennum, Watseka. 
John Stillwell, Chatsworth. 

Jas. G. Strong, Dwight. 
A. L. Cavan, El Paso. 
James M. Eice, Peoria. 
Samuel Caldwell, Peoria. 
John S. Lee, Peoria. 
Oscar F. Price, Galesburg. 
Jos. F. Latimer, Abingdon.. 
P. H. Sanford, Knoxville. 
S. T. Sheltou, Monmouth. 
J. T. Morgan, Monmouth. 
W. A. M. Crouch, Eozetta. 
S. F. Fleharty, Swedonia. 
John Morris, Bock Island. 
E. H. Johnston, Port Byron. 
Levi North, Kewanee. 
Jonas W. Olson, Galva. 
Miles A. Fuller, Toulon. 
Joseph H. Jones, Henry. 
Joseph Eeinhardt, Granville. 
Eobert Hunter, Tiskilwa. 
P. F. Eemsberg, Limerick. 
G. W. Armstrong, Seneca. 
Benj. Edgecomb, Utica. 
James Clark, Utica. 
H. M. Gallagher, Peru. 
Phillip Collins, Morris. 
W. E. Hickox, Kankakee. 
Calvin H. Frew, Paxton. 
J. H. Daniels, Wilmington. 
W. S. Brooks, Joliet. 
Eobert Clow, E.Wheatland. 
Henry Sherrill, Lisbon. 
W. M. Whitney, Hinsdale. 
Anson S. Clark. Elgin. 
J. A. Carpenter,Carpenterv'e 
Wm. H. Miller, Aurora. 
E. M. Pritchard, Shabbona. 
L. M. McEwen, DeKalb. 
N. H. Eyan, Amboy. 
M. J. Braiden, Eochelle. 
M. W. Smith, Oregon. 
Jeremiah Davis, Beacon. 
Nathan Williams, Sterling. 
Dean S. Efner, Albany. 
James Shaw, Mt. Carroll. 

1 Resigned. 

* Vice E. B. Roe, resigned. 


William Gary, Galena. John D. Easter, Chicago. 

H. S. Townsend, Warren. John Humphrey, Orland. 
Thos. J. Turner, Freeport. A. L. Morrison, Chicago. 
Wm. Massenberg, Freeport. John W. Heaneld, Chicago. 
Jas. M. Wight, Rockford. A. J. Galloway, Chicago. 
D. Emmons Adams, Laona. H. B. Brayton, Chicago. 
Jesse S. Hildrup, Belvidere. Simon D. Phelps, Chicago. 
W. A. McCqnnell, Richmond. James P. Boot, Chicago. 
Ira B. Curtis, Marengo. Wm. H. King, Chicago. 

W. B. Dodge, Waukegan. Arthur Dixon, Chicago. 
1Z. M. Haines, Waukegan. Horace F. Waite, Chicago. 
Henry W. Austin, Chicago. B. S. Williamson, Chicago. 
Bobert H. Foss, Chicago. A. H. Burley, Chicago. 
Jas. L. Campbell, Chicago. William Vocke, Chicago. 
Carlisle Mason, Chicago. W. K. Sullivan, Chicago. 
Wiley M. Egan, Chicago. Henry C. Senne, DesPlains. 
JR. P. Derrickson, Chicago. 

This was the largest assembly of Senators and Bepre- 
entatives that ever convened in the State for the purpose 
of enacting laws. There were fifty Senators and one 
hundred and seventy-seven Bepresentatives. The Consti- 
iution of 1870 had provided for this representation. 

Lieutenant-Gov. Dougherty presided over the Senate, 
and E. H. Griggs was elected Secretary, over J. M. 
Davidson, by a vote of 32 to 18. 

William M. Smith, of McLean, was elected Speaker of 
the House, over William B. Morrison, of Monroe, by a 
vote 101 to 75, and Daniel Shepard, of Cook, Clerk, 
over E. L. Merritt, of Sangamon, by a vote of 101 to 75. 

The Governor's message was laid before the two houses 
on the 6th. It was an elaborate and able State paper, 
and gave attention to every question of public importance 
which claimed the consideration of the Legislature, but 
he discussed at length the legislation necessary to bring 
into full force and effect the new Constitution. 

At this session, John A. Logan was elected United States 
Senator, to succeed Bichard Yates, over Thomas J. Turner, 
by a vote of 131 to 89. 


The labors of this body were, indeed, arduous. The 
time was chiefly devoted to the enactment of laws to con- 
form to the new Constitution. 


Having adjourned without making the needed appropria- 
tions for carrying on the State Government and continuing 
the work on the State House, the Governor convened the 
General Assembly in special session on the 24th of May, 
and after discharging the duties for which the body met, a 
final adjournment was taken June 22. 


On the 8th of October, 1871, a fire broke out in Chicago, 
which laid that city in ashes and rendered thousands of its 
citizens helpless and homeless, and the cry for help, imme- 
diate help, went forth broadcast throughout the land. Two 
days after, Governor Palmer issued his proclamation con- 
vening the Legislature in special session on the 13th of Oc- 
tober. This was a great emergency, and the Governor met 
it boldly. He notified all the members through the medium 
of the telegraph, and within three days after the proclama- 
tion they were in their seats and ready for business. 

The Constitution of 1870 had forbidden all special legis- 
lation, and there were grave doubts in the minds of many 
members as to the power of the Legislature to pass, consti- 
tutionally, effective laws for the relief of the city; but the 
Governor issued a stirring message, and clearly pointed out 
the way. In 1865, the Legislature had passed an act pro- 
viding for the completion of the Illinois and Michigan 
Canal upon the plan adopted by the State in 183u, and 
entrusted the work to the city of Chicago, under certain 
conditions, restriciing, however, the expenditure to $2,500,- 
000, which was, ultimately, to be paid, principal and inter- 
est, by the State. In this work Chicago had expended the 


amount limited by the act of 1865, and at this session the 
General Assembly appropriated a sum sufficient to pay to- 
Chicago the principal and interest, which amounted, in 
round numbers, to $3,000,000, on the payment of which the 
canal was surrendered to the management of the State. 
This measure brought relief to the stricken city. 


The regular adjourned session of this assembly convened 
November 15, 1871, to resume the labor of enacting laws to 
conform with the new Constitution, and continued in session 
unlil April 9, 1872, when a sine die. adjournment was taken. 

This body was in regular session 250 days, and in special 
session 42 days, making a total of 292, and passed laws 
covering a volume of 781 pages, in which was included 
almost every subject of legislation contemplated in the new 
Constitution. The duties of this body were, perhaps, more 
burdensome and difficult than those of any Legislature 
which has ever assembled in the State, but they were per- 
formed with fidelity and consummate ability. 


Formation of the Liberal Republican Party Great Defection in the Republi- 
can Party Yates' Cabinet Deserts the Republican Party Yates Stands 
by the "Silent Soldier" Lippincott True to the Republican Party Dis- 
solution of the New Party No Democratic Ticket State Campaign- 
Aggregate Vote for State Officers, Members of Congress and Presidential 

In 1870, Horace Greeley, through his paper, the New 
York Tribune, strenuously advocated a more lenient policy 
on the part of the National Administration toward the* 


States which had lately been in rebellion. The Republi- 
can party, then in power in Missouri, divided on the- 
question of removing from the Constitution of that State 
the clause which disfranchised rebels. Carl Schurz and 
B. Gratz Brown led the faction favoring the abrogation 
of that clause, which assumed the name of Liberal Re- 
publicans. Mr. Greeley had really prepared the way for 
the formation of such a party, and now that Missouri had* 
taken the initiatory step, it was not long before the new 
party gained followers in all the Northern States ; and in 
1872, a National convention assembled at Cincinnati, May 
1, under its auspices, and nominated Horace Greeley for 
President, and B. Gratz Brown for Vice-President. 
--The defection in the Republican party in Illinois was 
very general, and it looked at the outset as though the 
new organization would carry both the State and National 
elections. The Liberal faction in Illinois was led by suchi 
eminent men as John M. Palmer, Governor ; Newton Bate- 
man, Superintendent of Public Instruction; Edward 
Rummel, Secretary of State; ex-Lieut. -Gov. Francis A. 
Hoffman ; ex-Lieut.-Gov. Wm. Bross ; ex-Lieut.-Gov. Gus- 
tavus Kcerner; ex-Secretary of State, 0. M. Hatch; ex- 
Auditor of Public Accounts, Jesse K. Dubois; ex- Auditor 
of Public Accounts, 0. H. Miner; ex- Attorney-General,. 
Washington Bushnell; ex- State Treasurer, Wm. Butler; 
ex-Congressman from the State-at-Large, S. W. Moulton; 
ex-Congressman, John Wentworth ; ex-U. S. Marshal, D. 
L. Phillips ; ex-U. S. District Attorney, Lawrence Weldon ; 
Judge David Davis, Leonard Swett, Senator Lyman 
Trumbull, and last, though not least, the Chicago Tribune. 
Edward Rummel was nominated by the Liberals for Sec- 
retary of State, and Wm. Bross as one of the electors 
from the State-at-Large, and D. L. Phillips, who was 
then one of the chief owners of the State Journal, as a 
district elector. 


There were many other prominent Republicans, who had 
been honored with places of distinction by the party, who 
joined in this movement, but these names will suffice to 
show that the schism was great and alarming even to the 
most stout-hearted Republican. It will be observed that 
all the State officers who made up the cabinet when 
Richard Yates was Governor, joined the fortunes of this 
new party, while Yates himself stood firm as a rock by 
the old party and the "silent soldier" whose first com- 
mission in the war he issued; and Gen. C. E. Lippincott, 
Auditor of Public Accounts, was the only member of the 
fthen Republican State Government who boldly declared 
^himself willing to stand or fall by adhering to the Repub- 
lican party, and he wrote a stirring letter, under date of 
/April 24, 1872, to Wm. Murry, of Virginia, Cass county, 
in reply to the question as to the course that should be 
pursued by his old war comrades in the crisis. We give 
place to a brief extract from this letter: 

" I answer briefly, because my time is fully occupied, 
but plainly, that my old comrades may clearly under- 
stand me, that I am for the Republican party and its 
nominees for the Presidency at Philadelphia. I see no 
abuses in the Republican party which it is not fully able 
and willing to correct. The record of that party is the 
proudest part of modern history. Its end cannot have 
approached, when nothing is arrayed against it but a 
threatened assault from a coalition of men of every pos- 
sible political creed and character, held together by the 
single tie of a universal wish to get into the offices of 
the government. I have no criticisms to make upon the 
course of others, and trust that I have made my own 
position clear to you and to those for whom you write." 
(See file Daily State Register, May, 1872.) 

The Republican party met in Philadelphia, June 5th, and 
renominated Gen. Grant for President, without opposition, 
and Henry Wilson, of Massachusetts, for Vice-President. 

The Democratic party met in National Convention at 
Baltimore, on the 9th of July, and nominated Greeley and 


Brown. Mr. Greeley having been an early Abolitionist and 
one of the chief founders of the Bepublican party, his 
nomination was not accepted as satisfactory by the entire 
Democratic party of the country, and a convention of 
what was termed the " Straight-out " Democrats met at 
Louisville, Kentucky, September 3, and nominated Charles 
O'Connor, of New York, for President, and John Q. Adams, 
of Massachusetts, for Vice-President. These nominations 
were declined. 

The contest in Illinois was waged with great vigor on 
all sides, and many believed that the State would be car- 
ried by the Liberal party, but when the returns of the 
election came in it was shown that Grant and Wilson had 
received 241,944; Greeley and Brown, 184,938; O'Connor 
and Adams, 3,058. Grant's majority over all was 53,948. 

In the United States, Grant and Wilson received, of the 
popular vote, 3,597,070; Greeley and Brown, 2,834,079; 
O'Connor and Adams, 29,408; Black, Temperance, 5,008. 
The majority of Grant and Wilson over all was 727,975.. 
Of the electoral vote, Grant and Wilson received 286. 
Horace Greeley having died in the meantime, the electoral 
vote of the Liberal party was cast as follows : For Pres- 
ident, T. A. Hendricks, of Indiana, 42; B. Gratz Brown, 
18 ; C. J. Jenkins, of Georgia, 2 ; D. Davis, of Illinois, 1 ; 
For Vice-President, Brown received 47 ; G. W. Julian, of 
Indiana, 5; A. H. Colquitt, of Georgia, 5; J. M. Palmer, 
of Illinois, 3; T. E. Bramlette, of Kentucky, 3; W. S. 
Groesbeck, of Ohio, 1; W. B. Macher, of Kentucky, 1; 
N. P. Banks, of Massachusetts, 1. 

Messrs. Palmer, Kcerner, Trurabull and Moulton have 
since affiliated with the Democratic party, while Mr. Davis 
has been an Independent, but all the other gentlemen 
returned to the Republican fold before another Presiden- 
tial campaign. 



This campaign was of the most momentous charac- 
ter; by it was to be determined whether the Republican, 
iparty, which had guided the State and the Nation in the 
perilous times of war, should be set aside, and a new 
party take its place. For the time being the Democratic 
party did not array itself as a party against the Repub- 
lican party, but united with the Liberal Republican party. 
Under these circumstances the Republicans did not enter 
the campaign with the brightest hopes of success; but 
they nominated a strong ticket, and made a bold and 
aggressive fight. R. J. Oglesby, who had led the party to 
victory in 1864, was nominated without opposition, for 
Governor; John L. Beveridge, for Lieutenant-Governor; 
George H. Harlow, for Secretary of State; C. E. Lippin- 
ott, for Auditor ; Edward Rutz, for Treasurer, and James 
JL Edsall for Attorney-General. 

The Liberal Republicans nominated Gustavus Kcerner, 
Republican, for Governor; J. C. Black, Democrat, for 
Lieutenant-Governor ; Edward Rummel, Republican, and 
the incumbent of the office, for Secretary of State ; Daniel 
O'Harra, Democrat, for Auditor ; C. H. Lanphier, Democrat, 
for Treasurer, and John V. Eustace for Attorney-General. 

The Liberal Republican State ticket was regarded as 
being exceedingly strong; it was believed that the names 
of Koerner and Rummel would insure for it the German 
vote, and that the equal division of the offices between 
Democrats and Republicans would surely give the new 
party a sufficient following to carry the State. The battle 
between the old and the new party was opened with a 
.zeal and bitterness that had never before been witnessed, 
but it soon became evident that the nomination of Greeley 
had greatly displeased many of the life-long leaders of 
the Democratic party, who openly opposed the election of 
the Liberal ticket, and either voted for the Republican 
ticket or refrained from voting at all. 


The aggregate vote for State officers, members of Con- 
gress and Presidential electors is as follows: 


Richard J. Oglesby, E 237,774 

-Gustavus Kosrner, L . E 197,084 

JB. G. Wright 2,185 


John L. Beveridge 235,101 

J. C. Black 199,767 

D. S. Starr 2,459 


George H. Harlow, E 241,435 

Edward Eummel, L. E 193,493 

E. Sutton 2,372 


. E. Lippincott, E 241,498 

D. O'Hara, L. E 192,708 

C. H. Westerman 2,459 


Edward Eutz, E 242,686 

0. H. Lanphier, L. E 191,806 

Henry West 2,509 


J. K. Edsall, E. 240,731 

John V. Eustace, L. E 191,897 

George A. Meech 2,467 


John B. Eice, D 12,870 

Lucien B. Otis, E 7,235 


Jasper D. Ward, E 12,182 

C. H. Harrison, D 8,873 



Charles B. Farwell, B 9,202 

John V. LeMoyne, D 4,96 


Stephen A. Hurlbut, E 15,532 

Seymour G. Bronson, D 5,134 


Horatio C. Burchard, E 14,036 

James Dinsmoor, D 7,53& 


John B. Hawley, E 13,123 

Calvin Truesdale, D 7,215- 


Franklin Corwin, E 12,404 

G. D. A. Parks, D 8,293- 


Greenbury L. Fort, E 13,401 

George 0. Barnes, D 8,304 


Granville Barriere, E 12,600> 

N. C. Worthington, D 10,799^ 


William H. Eay, E 12,962. 

William H. Neece, D 11,897 


Eobert M. Knapp, D 13,818 

Asa C. Matthews, E... 10,93^ 


James C. Eobinson, D 13,234 

M. H. Chamberlin, E 12,311 


John McNulta, E 13,49G> 

Clifton H. Moore, 1 10,850 

L. L. Leads . . 344 




Joseph G. Cannon, E 

William Melson, D 


John E. Eden, D. 
George Hunt, E . . 


James S. Martin, E , 

Silas L. Bryan, D 


William E. Morrison, D 

John B. Hay, E 


Isaac Clements, E . 

George W. Wall, D 


Samuel S. Marshall, D 

Green B. Eaum, E 








Henry Greenbaum 

David T. Linegar 

Chauncey T. Bowen... 

Lester L. Bond 

Mahlon D. Ogden 

Eichard L. Divine 

James Shaw 

Norman H. Eyan... .. 

Irus Coy 

Joseph J. Cassell 

William Seldon Gale... 
William D. Henderson, 

Moses M. Bane 

George A. Sanders 

Hugh Fullerton 

Martin B. Thompson. 

Jacob W. Wilkin 

John P. Van Dorstan . 

John I. Einaker 

John Dougherty 

William H. Eobinson.. 





"William Bross 

John D. Caton 

Thomas Hoyne 

Charles C. P. Holden 

Arno Voss 

Isaac W. Swaim 

Bobert C. Burchell 

Eric Johnson 

Caspar Butz 

Stephen B. Moore 

Martin Shallenberger )> 184,772 

George Edmunds, Jr 

"William Steinwedell : . 

David L. Phillips 

Samuel C. Parks 

John Cunningham 

John N. Gwin 

George L. Zuik 

John Hinchcliffe 

Benjamin W. Sharp 

Franklin Pierce 


Isaac E. Diller 

David Bunion 

Wm. S. Searles 

Abram Braisted 

William Hanley 

Jacob Sharp 

James M. Duncan 

John Culbertson 

John W. Hill 

John Moran 

Hezekiah M. Wead } 3,138 

Thomas Clawry 

Frank Vromer 

William H. Van Epps 

Samuel L. Kerr 

James W. Davidson 

Jacob Epler 

William T. French 

James B. Smith 

Henry G. Carter 

L. M. De Matte.. 



Governor John L. Beveridge. 

President of Senate and Acting Lieut. -Gov. Jno. Early. 

Secretary of State George H. Harlow. 

Auditor of Public Accounts C. E. Lippincott. 

'Treasurer Edward Eutz. 

Superintendent of Public Instruction Newton Bateman. 

Attorney-General James K. Edsall. 


The first session of the Twenty-eighth General Assem- 
bly convened January 8, and adjourned May 6, until Jan- 
uary 8, 1874. The Assembly was composed of the follow- 
ing members: 


Jos. S. Reynolds, Chicago. Almon S. Palmer, Onarga. 

B. S. Thompson, Chicago. Elmer Baldwin, Farm Ridge. 

Miles Kehoe, Chicago. Jas. G. Strong, Dwight. 

Samuel K. Dow, Chicago. L. D. Whiting, Tiskilwa. 

J. McGrath, Chicago. Edward A. Wilcox, Minonk. 

Horace F. Waite, Chicago. W. H.' Shepard, Cambridge. 

R. S. Williamson, Chicago. P. H. Sanford, Knoxville. 

Clark W. Upton, Waukegan. Ben]. R. Hampton, Macomb. 

John Early, Rockford. Benj. Warren, LaHarpe. 

Henry Green, Elizabeth. S. P. Cummings, Astoria. 

Jos. M. Patterson, Sterling. John S. Lee, Peoria. 

Geo. P. Jacobs, Oregon. A. B. Nicholson, Lincoln. 

Miles B. Castle, Sandwich. John Cusey, Downs. 

Eugene Canfield, Aurora. Michael Donahue, Clinton. 

Wm. S. Brooks, Joliet. J. C. Sheldon, Urbana. 


John C. Short, Danville. John H. Yager, Alton. 
Charles B. Steele, Mattoon. Geo. Gundlach, Carlyle. 
Charles Voris, Windsor. John Cunningham, Salem, 
W. B. Hundley, Taylorville. Geo. W. Henry, Louisville, 
Alex. Starne, Springfield. W. J. Crews, LawrenceviJle., 
A. A. Glenn, Mt. Sterling. Thos. S. Casey, Mt. Vernon.. 
Geo. W. Burns, 1 Quincy. F. M. Youngbloqd, Benton. 
Maurice Kelly, 2 Liberty. W. K. Murphy, Pinckneyy'le. 
Win. E. Archer, Pittsfield. John Hinchcliffe, Belleville. 
Wm. Brown, Jacksonville. Jesse Ware, Jonesboro. 
Beatty T. Burke, Carlmville. C. M. Ferrell, Elizabethtown, 


Jas. B. Bradwell, Chicago. James S. Taggart, Ridott. 
John A. Lomax, Chicago. James Shaw, Bit. Carroll. 
Wm. Wayman, Chicago. J. E. McPherran, Sterling.. 
S. P. Hopkins, Chicago. Dean S. Efner, Albany. 
Frank T. Sherman, Chicago. Isaac Rice, Mt. Morris. 
Charles G. Wicker, Chicago. Henry D. Dement, Dixon. 

E. F. Cullerton, Chicago. Frederick H. Marsh, Oregon. 
Constantine Kann, Chicago. Lyman B. Ray, Morris. 
Thos. M. Halpin, Chicago. G. M. Hollenback, Milbrook. 
John F. Scanlon, Chicago. Perry A. Armstrong, Morris. 
Thos. E. Ferrier, Chicago. Sylvester S. Mann, Elgin. 
Wm. H. Condon, Chicago. J.A.Carpenter, Carp'nt'rsv'le.. 
Wm. A. Herting, Chicago. James Herrington, Geneva. 
Ingwell Oleson, Chicago. Amos Savage, Lockport. 
Hugh McLaughlin, Chicago. Jno. S. Jessup, Wilmington- 
Otto Peltzer, Chicago. Jabez Harvey, Joliet. 
John M. Rountree, Chicago. M. J. Sheridan, Momence. 
Geo. E. Washburn, Chicago. E. B. Collins, Momence. 
Daniel Booth, Chicago. Thos. S. Sawyer, Chebanse- 
C. H. Dolton, Dolton Stat'n. Lewis Soule, Ottawa. 

H. C. Senne, DesPlaines. Joseph Hart, Earlville. 
Richard Bishop, Me Henry. Geo. W. Armstrong, Seneca, 

F. K. Granger, McHenry. J. P. Middlecoff, Paxton. 
Elisha Gridley, Half Day. Lucien Bullard, Forrest. 
Robert J. Cross, 3 Koscpe. John Pollock, Paxton. 
Jesse S. Hildrup, Belvidere. J. R. Mulvane, Princeton, 
Duncan J. Stewart, Durand. Cyrus Bocock, Castleton. 
Richard F. Crawford, 4 Mark R. Dewey, Ohio. 

E. L. Cronkrite, Freeport. Dwight J. Webber, Minonk. 
Alfred M. Jones, Warren. Nathaniel Moore, Wenona. 

iBesigned September 20, 1873, "Died. 

1 Vice George W. Burns. *7tce Kobert J. Cross, died. 


J. G. Freeman, Snachwine. H. P. Shumway, Taylorville. 

Wilder W. Warner, Orion. E. J. C. Alexander, Hillsboro. 

E. H. Johnson, Pt. Byron. A. Orendorff, Springfield. 

Chas. Dunham, Geneseo. Milton Hay, Springfield. 

A. J. Streator, New Windsor. S. M. Cullom, Springfield. 

Geo. P. Graham, Aledo. H. H. Moose, Havana, 

J. S. Chambers, Altoona. Win. W. Easley, Virginia. 

Wm. A. Grant, Monmouth. N. W. Branson, Petersburg. 

J. E. Jackson, Colchester. Chas. Ballou, Clayton. 

E. K. Westfall, Bushnell. Nehemiah Bushnell, 3 Quincy. 
Wm. Scott, Dallas City. Ira M. Moore, Quincy. 

D. Rankin, Biggsville. J. Tilson, 4 and 5 , Quincy. 

Edward E. Lane, Warsaw. Albert J. Griffith. 6 

S. Y. Thornton, Canton. M. D. Massey, Pleasant Vale 

John. A. Grey, Lewiston. Stephen G. Lewis, Hardin. 

J. M. Darnell, Pleasantview. Henry Dresser, Naples. 

Julius S. Starr, Peoria. J. B. Nulton, Carrollton. 

Michael C. Quinn, Peoria. J. W. Meacham, Waverly. 

Ezra G. Webster, Elmore. J. Gordon, Lynnville. 

Laban M. Stroud, Atlanta. Wm. McAdams, Jerseyville. 

Peter J. Hawes, Atlanta. J. Plowman, Virden. 

H. W. Snow, Washington. A. L. Virden, Virden. 

A. E. Stewart, Hey worth. H. Weinheimer, Highland. 

T. P. Rogers, Bloomington. Benj. R. Kite, Collinsyille. 

John Cassedy, Lexington. T. T. Ramey, Collins ville. 

Job A. Race, Decatur. Fred. A. Lietze, Carlyle. 

Tilman Lane, Clinton. C. D. Hoiles, Greenville. 

Wm. T. Moffett, Decatur. A. G. Henry, Greenville. 

John Penfield, Rantoul. N. B. Morrison, Odin. 

<3. P. Davis, Monticellq. Chas. G. Smith, Vandalia. 

F. E. Bryant, Bement. Ziba. S. Swan, 5 Vandalia. 
Willis 0. Pinnell, Paris. Alfred P. Crosly. 7 

Henri B. Bishop, Paris. I. N. Jaquess, Mt. CarmeL 

Jacob H. Oa-kwood, Catlin. R. T. Forth, Keenville. 

Wm. T. Sylvester, 1 Arcola. D. W. Barkley, Fairfield. 

J. A. Freeland, Sullivan. J. L. Flanders, Olive. 

J. A. Connolly, Charleston. Thos. J. Golden, Marshall. 

Joseph H. Ewing, 2 Arcola. H. Alexander, Robinson. 

W.H. McDonald, Majority Pt L. Walker, McLeansboro. 

W. H. Blakely, Effingham. R. S. Anderson, M'Leansboro 

.Benson Wood, Effingham. Patrick Dolan, Enfield. 

J. M. Truitt, Hillsboro. J. G. Newton, Marion. 

'Removed. 6 Resigned. 

*Vice Wm. T. Sylvester, removed. *Vice. John Tillson, rfsigned. 

8 Died. T Vi ce Ziba S. Swan, resigned. 

*Vlce Nehemiah Bushnell, deceased. 


J. E. Loomis, Shawneetown. S. M. Ease, 2 Belleville. 

S. M. Mitchell, Corinth. W. A. Lemma, Carbondale. 

J. W. Piatt, Cutler. Matthew J. Inscore, Anna, 

Wm. Neville, Chester. John H. Obeiiy, Cairo.' 

Austin James, Mitchie. James L. Wymore, Vienna. 

B. Wick, 1 Belleville. F. M. McGee, Reynoldsburg. 

L. H. Kite, East St. Louis. N. K. Casey, Mound City. 
John Thomas, Belleville. 

D. A. Ray, of McLean, was elected Secretary of the Sen- 
ate over W. H. Mantz, of Jefferson, by a vote of 33 to 17. 

In the House, Shelby M. Cullom, of Sangamon, was 
elected Speaker, over Newton R. Casey, of Pulaski, by a 
vote of 86 to 66, and Daniel Shepard, of Cook, Clerk, 
over Johsua L. Marsh, of Cook, by a vote of 86 to 61. 

Gov. Palmer, the outgoing Executive, presented his mes- 
sage to the two houses on the 9th, in which he invited 
attention to the evidences of prosperity in the State, and 
referred with pride and pleasure to the disposition of the 
people to bear, without complaint, the burdens of taxa- 
tion for the education of the masses, and for caring for 
the afflicted and helpless. To the question of State con- 
trol of railroads, he gave careful consideration, and pointed 
out an intelligent and just remedy for the evils of which 
the people complained ; the needs of the State institutions 
and all subjects affecting the immediate welfare of the 
people were discussed with manly candor, and many wise 
and judicious recommendations indulged in. During the 
four years of his administration the principal of the State 
debt had been reduced $4,449,244.44, and the people in 
general were in a happy and prosperous condition. 

The administration of Gov. Palmer was wise and able, 
yet laborious and trying. The office had come to him 
unsought. The Republican party nominated him for Gov- 
ernor in the face of the repeated declarations that he did 
not seek or desire the honor, and he was triumphantly 
i elected, and went into power with the hearty approval of 

'Resigned. *Vice Bernard Wick, Resigned. 


his party, but his first annual message gave the leaders- 
of that party great offense. He had been from his youth 
an outspoken anti-slavery man, yet he was a firm believer 
in State rights, and his message was strongly impregnated 
with that doctrine. This gave great displeasure to the lead- 
ers of the Republican party. When Chicago was burnt,, 
a conflict arose between the State and National Adminis- 
trations as to their respective duties in that great emer- 
gency, Gov. Palmer contending that the State was able 
to preserve order, and protect the property of its citizens, 
and that the National authority, if exercised at all, was- 
to be subordinate to State authority. These emphatic 
declarations brought the Governor in open conflict with 
his party leaders, and before the close of his Administra- 
tion he found himself allied to a new party, the Liberal 
Republican; and in justification of his acts, as Governor, 
in closing his last message, he said: 

"I am not willing to close this communication and my 
official connection with the government, without express- 
ing something of my gratitude to the people for the honor 
conferred upon me with the chief magistracy of the State. 
No one is more conscious than I am, that in the neces- 
sarily active share I have taken in the varied affairs of 
this groat commonwealth I have, in the judgment of some, 
committed mistakes ; but I have, in all my official acts, 
been governed by my own convictions of duty, only anx- 
ious that the free people of the State, to whose candid 
judgment alone I am responsible, should fully understand 
my conduct and its reasons and motives, and then decide 
to approve, or relieve themselves from the consequences of 
what they may regard as my mistakes by selecting a 
citizen for my successor who will avoid any error they 
may think I have committed. 

" During my administration of the government of the 
State, I have steadily acted upon political principles that 
I have always cherished as being essential to the well 
being of my countrymen. I have never faltered in the 
assertion of the rights of all men to liberty. Habitually 
distrustful of power, I have insisted upon subjecting all 
claims of a right to govern the people or to exercise any 


authority over them to the test of the Constitution, and 
J have never willingly submitted to any pretension of any 
person claiming power to act under the authority of the 
government of the United States, unless the power claimed 
was found to have been expressly granted, or was neces- 
sarily implied in some grant of power contained in the 
federal Constitution. And when the authority sought to 
be exercised has been claimed under a State, I have as 
earnestly sought to know that it was not comprehended 
"within some power the people of the State have, by their 
Constitution, reserved to themselves or forbidden to be 
exercised by others. I have, at all times, regarded it as 
amongst my solemn duties to obey the Constitution of the 
United States, and to aid in defending the government 
refited by that instrument, in the exercise of all its just 
powers, nor have I felt that my duty to support the Con- 
stitution of the United States originated in my official 
-oath to do so. 

" My duties to the government of the United States be- 
gan with my birth, and have never been forgotten nor 
neglected, and my unalterable purpose to discharge those 
duties has the support of my judgment and my affections, 
and I have felt under the most solemn of earthly obliga- 
tions to obey and defend and support the Constitution and 
laws of the State of Illinois, and .to enforce the laws of 
the State against all who might offend against them. I 
need not say that the duty of obeying and defending the 
laws of the State has the support of my most earnest 
convictions for the preservation of the just authority of 
the States is essential to the perpetuity and usefulness of 
ihe government of the United States, and the mainten- 
ance of both is essential to that which is more precious 
than either the liberties of the people." 

The best compliment that can be paid . to the admin- 
istration of Governor Palmer is to say that he alone 
*was responsible for it. While he was not a discreet 
party man, yet he was a good Governor; he magnified 
and enlarged the powers and duties of the Executive 
office, and thereby elevated and dignified its character. 
Under the Constitution of 1848, the laws had become 
strained or lax. The necessities of the State in war 
times had caused the law-makers to overlook, in many 
instances, the written letter of that instrument, and when 


it became necessary to revise the laws under the Constitution 
of 1870, implicit care was not taken to keep within its limits, 
and Governor Palmer was kept busy in the discussion of 
constitutional questions. In the session of 1869, he vetoed 
as many as one hundred and twelve acts on constitutional 
grounds. It became a by-word with members, when a 
constitutional question was raised against the passage of 
a bill, to say: "We will not discuss the question here; 
if there is anything unconstitutional in the bill Governor 
Palmer will find it out." 

Governor Ogles by was inaugurated on the 13th of Jan- 
uary, and delivered a brief address, in which he took 
occasion to discuss, with feeling and freedom, National 
questions, and pointed with satisfaction to the proud po- 
sition Illinois occupied in the National Union. 

On the 20th of January, Governor Oglesby was elected 
United States Senator, over Lyman Trumbull, by a vote 
of 117 to 78, and on the 23d resigned the office of Gov- 
ernor, when Lieutenant-Governor Beveridge became Gov- 
ernor, and Senator Early, who had been elected President 
pro tempore of the Senate, acting Lieutenant-Governor. 

The General Assembly remained in session until May 
6, when a recess was taken until January 8, 1874. 

The more important acts which were passed by this 
Assembly and received the approval of the Governor, 
were as follows : Acts to reorganize agricultural socie- 
ties; to authorize the Board of Canal Commissioners 
io construct a dam and lock at or near Copperas 
<]reek; to make appropriation to continue the work 
on the new State House ; to amend an act to provide for 
the incorporation of cities and villages; to amend the 
election laws; to amend an act entitled "an act to pro- 
vide for the incorporation of associations for conducting 
and maintaining railways ;" to amend an act entitled "an 


act to regulate public warehouses and the warehousing 
and inspection of grain," and for the appropriation of 
moneys necessary to carry on the State Government and 
its institutions. 


The Liberal Republican party ceased as a State or Na- 
tional organization at the close of the campaign of 1872 r 
and on its ruins was formed in this State the Anti-Mo- 
nopoly party, which met in convention at Springfield, 
June 10, 1874, and nominated David Gore for Treasurer,, 
and S. M. Etter for Superintendent of Public Instruc- 

The Eepublican party met in convention at Springfield,. 
June 17, and nominated Thomas S. Eidgway for Treas- 
urer, and Wm. B. Powell for Superintendent of Public 

The Democrats, in the meantime, had reorganized, and 
they met August 26, and nominated Charles Carroll for 
Treasurer, and S. M. Etter for Superintendent of Public 

There was little or no general canvass of the State, and the 
people were left to vote without much direction from party 
leaders. The nomination of Mr. Etter by the Democrats, 
had given him a clear field against Mr. Powell, the Ee- 
publican nominee, and the result was that while Mr. 
Eidgway was elected by a plurality of 34,805 over Mr. Car- 
roll, Mr. Powell was defeated by a majority of 30,506. 

The aggregate vote for State officers and members of 
Congress, is as follows : 



Thomas S. Eidgway, E 162;9741 

Charles Carroll, D 128,169 

David Gore, A. M 7.5,580 

J. F. Simpson 582. 


Samuel M. Etter, D. and A. M.. . 197,490\ 

Wm. B. Powell, B 166,984 

Mrs. A. F. Potter 619- 


Bernard G. Caulfield, D 10,211 

Sidney Smith, E. 9,803- 


Carter H. Harrison, D 9,189 

Jasper D. Ward, E 9,181 


Charles B. Farwell, E 8,177' 

John V. Le Moyne, D 7,991 

F. A. Hoffman, Jr 189; 


Stephen A. Hurlbut, E 9,326 

John F. Farnsworth, Ind. E 8,167 


Horatio C. Burchard, E 9,232 

Daniel J. Pinkney, D 7,008 


Thomas J. Henderson, E 9,390 

Isaac H. Elliott 6,299* 


Alexander Campbell, G. B 10,308 

Franklin Corwin, E 7,905 


Greenbury L. Fort, E 8,753 

J. G. Bayne, D 7,46a 



flichard H. Whiting, E 9,755 

Leonard F. Boss, D 9,495 


John CL Bagby, D 9,784 

Henderson Eichey, E 8,824 


Scott Wike, D 11,489 

David Beatty, E 7,429 


Wm. M. Springer, D 10,623 

Andrew Simpson, E 9,027 

J. B. Turner 2,417 


Adlai E. Stevenson, G. B 11,135 

John McNulta, E 9,903 

jGeo. W. Minier 130 


Joseph G. Cannon, E 11,244 

Barnes H. Pickrell, I< 10,603 


John E. Eden, D 12.084 

Jacob W. Wilkin , 10,789 


W. A. J. Sparks,D 8723 

James S. Martin, E 7,932 

Bella B. Henry, G. B 4,023 


Wm. E. Morrison, D 13,086 

John I. Einaker, E. 8,438 


, William Hartzell, D 10.866 

Isaac Clements, E 9,280 


William B. Anderson, G. B 8 293 

Samuel S. Marshall, D 7.556 

(areen B. Eaum, E 5,485 



Governor John L. Beveridge. 

President of Senate and acting Lieut. -Gov. A. A. Glenn, 

Secretary of State George H. Harlow. 

Auditor of Public Accounts C. E. Lippincott. 

Treasurer Thomas S. Eidgway. 

Superintendent of Public Instruction S. M. Etter. 

Attorney-General James K. Edsall. 


The Twenty-ninth General Assembly convened January 
6, and was composed of the following members: 


John C. Haines, Chicago. Fawcett Plumb, Streator. 

E. S. Thompson, Chicago. James G. Strong, Dwight. 

Miles Kehoe, Chicago. L. D. Whiting, Tiskilwa. 

Sam'l K. Dow, Chicago. E. A. Wilcox, Minonk. 

John Buehler, Chicago. E. C. Moderwell, Geneseo- 

H. F. Waite, Chicago. P. H. Sanford, Knoxville. 

M. F. Robinson, Chicago. J. T. Morgan, Monmouth.. 

C. W. Upton, Waukegan. Benj. Warren, LaHarpe. 

John Early, Eockford. E. Brown, Eushville. 

Henry Green, Elizabeth. John S. Lee, Peoria. 

H. A. Mills, Mt. Carroll. Jas. W. Eobinson, Tremont~ 

Geo. P. Jacobs, Oregon. John Cusey, Heyworth. 

M. B. Castle, Sandwich. J. F. Harrold, Clinton. 

E. B. Cantield, Aurora. J. C. Sheldon, Urbana. 

A. 0. Marshall, Joliet. Geo. Hunt, Paris. 

A. S. Palmer, Onarga. C. B. Steele, Mattoon. 



'T. Brewer, Majority Point. 
W. H. Hundley, Taylorville. 
W. E. Shutt, Springfield. 

A. A. Glenn, Mt. Sterling. 

B. Arntzen, Quincy. 

W. E. Archer, Pittsfield. 

C. D. Hodges, Carrollton. 
B. T. Burke, Carlinville. 
W. H. Krome, Edwardsville. 
Geo. Gundlach, Carlyle. 

J. Thompson, Vandalia. 
G. W. Henry, Louisville. 
0. V. Smith, Lawrenceville. 
T. S. Casey, Mt. Vein on. 
W. H. Parish, Eldorado. 
W. K. Murphy, Pinckneyville. 
J. Eainey, Belleville. 
Jesse Ware, Jonesbpro. 
Sam'l Glassford, Vienna. 


J. B. Bradwell, Chicago. 
Lincoln Dubois, Chicago. 
M. J. Wentworth, Chicago. 
John Hise, Chicago. 
Oeo. M. Bogue, Chicago. 
S. P. Hopkins, Chicago. 
Win. Honan, Chicago. 
0. L. Niehoff, Chicago. 
T. L. Halpin, Chicago. 
Orrin L. Mann, Chicago. 
Wm. H. Condon, Chicago. 
M. M. Miller, Chicago. 
M. J. Dunne, Chicago. 
J. S. Arwedson, Chicago. 
<3. L. Linderberg, Chicago, 
Eobert Thiem, Chicago. 
John C. Barker, Chicago. 
W. H. Stickney, Chicago. 
W. H. Skelly, jr., Lemont. 
G. Dunlap, Norwood Park. 
Wm. Freise, Desplaines. 
W. A. James, Highland Park. 
E. M. Haines, Waukegan. 
P. K. Granger, McHenry. 
Andrew Ashton, Durand. 
E. F. Crawford, Eockford. 
M. K. A very, Belvidere. 
Forest Turner, Nora. 
JE. L. Cronkrite, Freeport. 
A. M. Jones, JoDaviess. 
A. E. McCoy, Fulton City. 
N. D. French, Thompson. 
Tyler McWhorter, Sterling. 

Henry D. Dement, Dixon. 
Isaac Eice, Mt. Morris. 

F. H. Marsh, Oregon. 
Philip Collins, Morris. 
Joshua McGrath, Lisbon. 

D. B. Bailey, Gardner. 

V. Fredenhagen, Downer's G. 
James F. Ciafflin, Lombard. 
James Herrington, Geneva. 
Wm. Mooney, Braidwood. 
H. H. Stasson, jr., Monee. 
L. H. Goodrich, Braidwood, 
Geo. W. Parker, Watseka, 
George C. Wilsoi], Unarga. 

E. Eichardson, Yellowhead. 
C. L. Hoffman, Farm Eidge. 

G. W. Armstrong, Seneca. 
E. H. Spicer, Marseilles. 
Albert M. Haling, Eoberts. 
Joseph I. Eobinson, Elliott. 
David Mclntosh, Newton. 
A. G. Mammon d, Toulon. 
J. H. Moore, Tiskilwa. 

J. J. Herron, Princeton. 
Henry France, Eoanoke. 
J. T. Thornton, Magnolia. 
Nathaniel Moore, Wenona. 
Eufus M. Grinnell, Cordova. 
John T. Browning, Moline. 
John P. Fox, Windsor. 
John H. Lewis. Knoxville. 
John T. McGinnis, Joy. 
C. K. Harvey, Knoxville. 


I. L. Christie, Monmouth. E. H. Downing, Keokuk J. 
C. W. Boydston, Cameron. James Callans. Winchester. 
A. W. Kiug. Macomb. John Moses, Winchester. 

David Emkin, Biggsville. J. S. Harvey, Belleview. 
W. Jenney, Burnside. A. J. Thompson, Bethel. 

Paul D. Salter, Biggsville. Samuel Woods, Pisgah. 
James DeWitt, Littleton. John Gordon, Lynnville. 
S. P. Cummings, Astoria. S. P. Gilbert, Carlinville. 
S. Y. Thornton, Canton. 0. P. Powell, Jerseyville. 
Wm. Eowcliff, Eobin's Nest. H. F. Martin, Brighton. 
Julius S. Starr, Peoria. F. S. Pike, St. Jacob. 
Patrick W. Dunn, Peoria. Geo. A. Smith, Alton. 
Eichard Holmes, Delevan. Geo. H. Weigler, Alton. 
E. A. Talbptt, Burton View. J. K. McMasters, Nashville. 
Thomas VVindle, Lincoln. A. G. Henry, Greenville. 
T. P. Eogers, Bloomington. Wm. H. Moore, Nashville. 
J. F. Winter, Bloomington. Wm. E. Hubbard, Kinmundy. 
A. E. Stewart, Bloomington. Thos. E. Merritt, Sa?eni. 
Shaw Pease, Niantic. John B. Johnson, Alma. 

John H. Tyler, Dewitt. Samuel E. Hall, Albion. 

Samuel S. Jack, Decatur. Byron J. Eqtan, Louisville. 
"Win. H. Phillips, Eantoul. John Landrigan, Albion. 
Geo. H. Benson, Eantoul. E. Callahan, Eobmson. 
W. C. Hubbart, Monticello. John H. Halley, Newton. 
Wm. S. 0'H;ur, Paris. J. W. Briscoe, Darwin. 

John Sidell, Fairmount. H. W. Hall, Knight's Pr. 
Andrew Gundy, Bismark. A, B. Barrett, Mt. Vernon. 
J. A. Connolly, Charleston. Boon Kershaw, Grayville. 
FJ. M. Vnnce, Mattoon. J. N. Wasson, Shawneetown. 

E. A. Wilson, Williamsburg. A. C. Neilson, Marion. 
Wm. Gillmore, Edgewood. Isaac Smith, Ride; way. 
W. Middlesworth, Shelbyville. J. W. Eickert, Waterloo. 
William Chew, Shelbyville. Samuel McKee, Blair. 
Levi Scott, Pana. J. Chesnutwood, Evansville. 

John C. Hagler, Pana. Wm. G. Kase, E. St. Louis. 

W. F. Mulkey, Nokomis. John Thomas, Belleville. 
Jos. L. Wilcox; Lqami. James Eankin, Lebanon. 
Fred Gehring, Springfield. F. E. Albright, Murphysboro. 
S. M. Cullom, Springfield. M. J. Inscore, Anna. 
N. W. Branson, Petersburg. Claiborn Winston, Cairo. 
A. G. Nance, Petersburg. Benj. 0. Jones, Metropolis. 
John W. Pugh, Mason City. James E. Stegall, Oak. 
T. J. Bates, Camp Point. L. F. Plater, Elizabethtown. 
Ira M. Moore, Quincy. 

In this General Assembly the Eepublicans lost their 
majority, and by a fusion with the Independents the 


Democrats succeeded in obtaining control of both houses.. 
On the sixteenth ballot A. A. Glenn was elected President 
pro tempore of the Senate, over John Early, by a vote of 
26 to 23, when he became acting Lieutenant-Governor, 
and E. B. Townes, Secretary, over D. A. Eay, by a vote 
of 26 to 24. 

In the House, E. M. Haines was elected Speaker, over 
Shelby M. Cullom, by a vote of 81 to 68, and Jeremiah 
J. Crowley, Clerk, over Daniel Shepard, by a similar 

Governor Bevericlge presented his message to the two- 
houses on the 8th of January. It was a brief, business- 
State paper, and confined exclusively to matters of State ;. 
he congratulated the Legislature on the happy and pros- 
perous condition of the people, and commended to their 
careful and considerate attention the passage of such laws 
as would subserve the best interests of the State and foster 
and preserve the State institutions intact. 

This was a stormy session, and the leaders on either 
side sought every opportunity to take advantage of each 
other, and by reason of this it was an unprofitable session,, 
in many ways. 

The laws enacted were comprised in a volume of 118" 
pages, the most important of which were : the appropriation 
acts; to provide for the re-organization of cities; to enable 
corporations in other States and counties to lend money 
in Illinois ; to change the fiscal year; to give railroad com- 
panies the right to purchase or lease roads in adjoining. 
States; to authorize the formation of union depots and 
stations for railroads ; to authorize the refunding of funds, 
collected for 1873, under an act passed in 1869, providing 
for the payment of railroad debts of counties, townships, 
cities and towns, and to regulate the charitable institutions 
and State Eeform School, and to improve their organiza- 
tion and increase their efficiency. 



Extract from a Speech Delivered by Robert G. Ingersoll, at the "Soldiers" 
Reunion," at Indianapolis, Ind., September 21, 1676. 

" The past rises before me like a dream. Again we are 
in the great struggle for National life. We hear the 
sounds of preparation the music of boisterous drums 
the silver notes of heroic bugles. We see thousands of 
assemblages, and hear the appeals of orators ; we see the* 
pale cheeks of women, and the flushed faces of men ; and 
in those assemblnges we see all the dead whose dust we> 
have covered with flowers. We lose sight of them no- 
more. We are with them when they enlist in the great- 
army of freedom. We see them part with those they love. 
Some are walking for the last time in quiet woody places, 
with the maidens they adore. We hear the whisperings 
and the sweet vows of eternal love as they lingeringly 
part forever. Others are bending over cradles, kissing 
babes that are asleep. Some are receiving the blessings 
of old men. Some are parting with mothers, who hold 
them, and press them to their hearts again and again, 
and say nothing. Kisses and tears, tears and kisses 
divine mingling of agony and love. And some are talking 
with wives, and endeavoring with brave words, spoken in 
the old tones, to drive from their hearts the awful fear. 
We see them part. We see the wife standing in the door 
with the babe in her arms standing in the sunlight sob- 
bing at the turn of the road a hand waves she answers- 
by holding high in her loving arms the child. He is gone, 
and forever. 

"We see them all as they march proudly away under 
the flaunting flags, keeping time to the grand, wild music 


of war, marching down the streets of the great cities 
through the towns and across the prairies down to the 
fields of glory, to do and to die for the eternal right. 

" We go with them, one and all. "We are by their side 
on all the gory fields in all the hospitals of pain on all 
the weary marches. We stand guard with them in the 
wild storm and under the quiet stars. We are with them 
in ravines running with blood in the furrows of old 
iields. We are with them between contending hosts, un- 
able to move, wild with thirst, the life ebbing slowly away 
among the withered leaves. We see them pierced by balls 
and torn with shells, in the trenches, by forts, and in the 
whirlwind of the charge, where men become iron, with 
nerves of steel. 

" We are with them in the prisons of hatred and fam- 
ine ; but human speech can never tell what they endured. 

" We are at home when the news comes that they are 
dead. We see the maiden in the shadow of her first sor- 
row. We see the silvered head of the old -man bowed 
with his last grief. 

" The past rises before us, and we see four millions of 
human beings governed by the lash we see them bound 
hand and foot we hear the strokes of cruel whips we 
see the hounds tracking women through tangled swamps. 
We see babes sold from the breasts of mothers. Cruelty 
unspeakable ! Outrage infinite ! 

" Four million bodies in chains four million souls in 
fetters. All the sacred relations of wife, mother, father 
and child trampled beneath the brutal feet of might. And 
all this was done under our beautiful banner of the free. 

" The past rises before us. We hear the roar and 
shriek of the bursting shell. The broken fetters fall. 
These heroes died. We look. Instead of slaves, we see 
men and women and children. The wand of progress 
iouches the auction-block, the slave-pen, the whipping- 
post, and we see homes, and fire-sides, and school-houses, 
and books, and where all was want and crime and cruelty 
and fear, we see the faces of the free. 

" These heroes are dead. They died for liberty they 
died for us. They are at rest. They sleep in the land 
they made free, under the flag they rendered stainless, 
under the solemn pines, the sad hemlocks, the tearful wil- 
lows, and the embracing vines. They sleep beneath the 
shadows of the clouds, careless alike of sunshine or of 
storm, each in the windowless palace of Rest. Earth may 


run red with other wars they are at peace. In the midst 
of battle, in the roar of conflict, they found the serenity 
of death. I have one sentiment for soldiers, living and 
<dead: Cheers for the living; tears for the dead." 


In 1876, the contest was again triangular in part. The 
^Republicans met in State convention May 24, to nominate 
a State ticket and appoint delegates to the National Con- 
tention. Shelby M. Cullom was nominated for Governor, 
Andrew Siiuman for Lieutenant-Governor, George H. Har- 
low for Secretary of State, Thomas B. Needles for Auditor, 
Edward Rutz for Treasurer, and James K. Edsall, who 
was the incumbent, for Attorney-General. The Greenback 
party was the next to nominate a State ticket. Lewis 
Steward was nominated for Governor, James H. Pickrell 
for Lieutenant-Governor, Marsena M. Hooton for Secre- 
tary of State, John Hise for Auditor, Henry T. Aspern 
for Treasurer, and Winfield S. Coy for Attorney-General. 
The Democrats met July 27, and nominated Lewis Steward 
for Governor, Archibald A. Glenn for Lieutenant-Governor, 
Stephen Y. Thornton for Secretary of State, John Hise 
for Auditor, George Gundlaeh for Treasurer, and Edmund 
Lynch for Attorney-General. 

The National Greenback Convention met May 17, at 
Indianapolis, and nominated Peter Cooper, of New York, 
for President, and Samuel F. Gary, of Ohio, for Vice- 


The Republicans met in National Convention at Cincin- 
nati, June 14, and nominated E. B. Hayes, of Ohio, for 
President, and Wm. A. Wheeler, of New York, for Vice- 

The Democratic National Convention met in St. Louis,. 
June 17, and nominated Samuel J. Tilden, of New York,, 
for President, and Thomas A. Hendricks, of Indiana, for 

The nomination of Steward and Hise by the Democrats, 
for Governor and Auditor, virtually left the Greenback 
party out of the fight, and the Democrats entered upon 
the canvass with the hope of carrying at least two mem- 
bers of the State ticket. The nomination of Hayes did 
not give perfect satisfaction to the Republicans, and the 
canvass was rather spiritless until near the close of the 
campaign, when many eminent speakers from other States- 
were brought into service, notably among whom was James 
G. Elaine. On the contrary, the nomination of Tilden 
and Hendricks pleased the Democrats to the utmost, and 
they labored in and out of season for the success of both 
the State and National tickets ; indeed, the party had not 
been so well organized since 1860; but the Republicans- 
carried the State for all their nominees, by a greatly re- 
duced majority. 

The aggregate vote for State officers, Congressmen and 
Presidential electors is as follows : 


Shelby M. Cullom, R 279,263 

Lewis Steward, D.-G 272,465 

Scattering 365. 


Andrew Shuman, R 278,167 

Archibald A. Ulenn, D 255,970' 

James H. Pickrell, G 18,053 

Scattering 362 



George H. Harlow, R 278,457 

.Stephen Y. Thornton, D 255,990 

Marsena M. Hooton, G 17,848 

Scattering 482 


'Tho* B. Needles, R 278,628 

John Hise, D.-G 273,052 

.Scattering 378 


Edward Rutz, R 277,788 

George Gundlach, D 255,044 

Henry T. Aspern, G 19,439 

Scattering 338 


James K. Edsall, R 278,472 

.Edmund Lynch, D 257,057 

Winfield S. Coy, G 17,433 

.Scattering 367 


William Aldrich, R 16,578 

John R. Hoxie, D 14,101 

George S. Bowen 486 


Carter H. Harrison, D 14,732 

George R. Davis, R 14,090 

-S. F. Norton 118 


Lorenz Brentano, R 11,722 

John V. Le Moyne 11,435 


^William Lathrop, R 13,241 

John F. Farnsworth 8,149 

.Stephen A. Hurlbut 5,991 



Horatio C. Burchard, E 15,79$ 

Jere Pattison, D 10,600 


Thomas J. Henderson, E 15,560 

Charles Dunham, D.' 9,821 

Austin Sykes f 288 


Philip C. Hayes, E 14,849 

Alexander Campbell, G. B 13,313 


Greenbury L. Fort, E 15,011 

George W. Parker, D 12,211 


Thomas A. Boyd, E .' 14,548.. 

George A. Wilson, D 14,001 

Wm. W. Mathews, G. B 678 


Benjamin F. Marsh, E 14,252 

J. H. Hungate, D 13,496 

J. L. Christie 147 


Eobert M. Knapp, D 17,949' 

Joseph Eobbins, E 12,618 

J. A. Edie 35- 


William M. Springer, D 17,400 

David L. Phillips 13,744 


Thomas F. Tipton, E 15.229 

Adlai E. Stevenson, G. B p . 14,977 


Joseph G. Cannon, E 17,796 

John C. Black, D 16,404 



John E. Eden, D 18,714 

George D. Chafee, E 13,765 

A. J. Hunter 72. 


William A. J. Sparks, D 14,591 

Edwin M. Ashcraft, E 12,763 


William E. Morrison, D 17,036 

Henry L. Baker, E 13,029* 


William Hartzell, D 14,691 

Benjamin L. Wiley, E 14,671 


Eichard W. Townshend, D 12,720 

Edward Bonham, E 8,558 

William B. Anderson, G. B : .... 7,463 


John I. Einaker .' 277,227 

Peter Schuttler 278,228 

George Armour 278,232 

Bolivar G. Gill 276,740 

Louis Schaffner 278,231 

Allen C. Fuller 278,232, 

Joseph M. Bailey 277,231 

John B. Hawley 277,232. 

Franklin Corwin 277,215 

Jason W. Strevell 277,226 

Oscar F. Price 277.232 

Alexander McLean 277,231 

David E. Beatty 277,230 

Philip N. Minier 277.231 

Michael Donahue 277,230 

Hugh Crea 277,215 

George D. Chafee 277,233 

James M. Truitt 277,233 

Cyrus Happy 277,233 

George C. Eoss 277.235 

Joseph J. Castles 277,029- 



William F. Coolbaugh 258,445 

"William J. Allen 258,445 

Thomas Hoyne ; 258,598 

Samuel S. Hayes 258,599 

Arno Voss 258 599 

Thomas B. Coulter 258,601 

William 0. Green 258,601 

James S. Eckels 258,465 

George B. Martin 258,411 

Henry W. Bullock 258 275 

Lawrence W. James 258,508 

James W. Davidson 258,462 

William G. Ewing 249,347 

Charles A. Keyes 258,466 

Cassar A. Koberts 258,471 

Orlando B. Ficklin 258,466 

Eobert N. Bishop 258,468 

Jesse J. Phillips 258,468 

Charles A. Walker 258,467. 

J. Perry Johnson 258,467 

John M. Crebs - 258,283 

Wigfall G. Ewing 9,119 

W. T. Davidson 21 

William Gordon 9 


Sydney Myers 18,241 

James W. Singleton 17,107 

A. J. Grover 17,121 

Andrew C. Cameron 17,174 

H. B. Barrett 17,191 

S. M. Slade 17,232 

J. M.King.. 17,231 

S. M. Smith 17,229 

John M. Thompson 17.225 

James G. Bayne 17,231 

H. Christman 16,745 

A. J. Streetor 17.233 

H. K. Davis 17,223 

John McConnell 17,224 

Thomas Snell 17,226 

Jesse Harpf.r 17.223 

Charles Voris 17,223 

Eolla B. Henry 17,223 


John Hinchcliffe.. . 17,226 

S. I. Davis 17,221 

John Landrigan 16,857 

The Prohibition and Anti-Secret Society parties also run 
electoral tickets; the highest vote polled by the Prohibi- 
tionists was 249, and 181 by the Anti-Secret Society. 


Governor Shelby M. Cullom. 

Lieutenant-Governor Andrew Shuman. 

Secretary of State George H. Harlow. 

Auditor of Public Accounts T. B. Needles. 

Treasurer Edward Eutz. 

Superintendent of Public Instruction S. M. Etter. 

Attorney- General James K. Edsall. 


The Thirtieth General Assembly convened January 8, 
and was composed of the following members: 


John C. Haines, Chicago. H. A. Mills, Mt. Carroll. 

Daniel N. Bash, Chicago. H. D. Dement, Dixon. 

Miles Kehoe, Chicago. M. B. Castle, Sandwich. 

Francis A. Kiddle, Chicago. J. H. Mayborne, Geneva. 

John Buehler, Chicago. A. 0. Marshall, Joliet. 

M. A. DeLany, Chicago. T. P. Bontield, Kankakee. 

M. W. Robinson. Chicago. Fawcett Plumb, Streator. 

M. L. Joslyn, Woodstock. S. T. Fosdick, Chatsworth. 

John Early, 1 Eockford. L. D. Whiting, Tiskilwa. 

E. H. McClellan, Galena. Henry J. Frantz, Eoanoke. 

Died September, 1877. 


E. C. Moderwell, Geneseo. Bernard Arntzen, Quincy, 

B. C. Taliaferro, Keithsburg. Wm. E. Archer, Pittsfield, 
John T. Morgan, Monmouth. C. D. Hodges, Carrollton, 
"William Scott, Dallas City. G. W. Herdman, Jerseyville.. 
Eobert Brown, Eushville. W. H. Krome, Edwardsville. 
John S. Lee, Peoria. F. E. W. Brink, Hoylton. 
J. W. Eobison, Tremont. John Thompson, Vandalia. 
J. M. Hamilton, Bloomingt'n. E. P. Hanna, F airfield. 

J. F. Harold, DeWitt. 0. V. Smith, Lawrenceville.. 

C. P. Davis, Monticello. C. E. McDowell, Carmi. 
George Hunt, Paris. Wm. H. Parish, Eldorado. 
Maiden Jones, Tuscola. Ambrose Keener, "Waterloo.. 
Thos. Brewer, Majority Poi't. Jefferson Eainey, Belleville. 
E. Southworth, Litchtield. Jesse Ware, Jonesboro. 
Wm. E. Shutt, Springfield. S. M. Glassford, Vienna. 
Luther Dearborn, Havana. 


W. H. Thompson, Chicago. James S. Taggart, Eidptt. 

Charles L. Easton, Chicago. Hiram Tyrrell, Plum Eiver.. 

M. J. Wentworth, Chicago. E. L. Cronkrite, Freeport. 

S. P. Hopkins, Chicago. James Shaw, Mt. Carroll. 

J. W. E. Thomas, Chicago. E. H. Nevitt, Albany. 

Joseph E. Smith, Chicago. J. M. Stowell, Mt. CarrolL 

James B. Taylor, Chicago. Abijah Powers, Sterling. 

H. F. Sheridan, Chicago. Frank N. Tice, Forreston. 

P. J. Hickey, Chicago. B. H. Truesdell, Lee. 

E. B. Sherman, Chicago. Peter S. Lott, Newark. 
George W. Beed, Chicago. Wm. M. Byers, Sycamore. 
Jos. J. Kearney, Chicago. Amos D. Clover, Gardner. 
John A. Eoche, Chicago. Henry H. Evans, Aurora. 
Peter Kiolbassa, Chicago. Jas. G. Wright, Naperville. 
Michael J. Dunne, Chicago. James Herrington, Geneva. 
Eugene A. Sittig, Chicago. Fred Kouka, Eagle Lake. 
Arno Vo3S, Chicago. L. H. Goodrich, Braidwood. 
Austin 0. Sexton, Chicago. D. H. Pinney, Joliet. 

J. S. Bielefeldt, Thornton. Conrad Secrest, Watseka. 

John H. Kedzie, Evanston. John A. Koplin, Buckley. 

G. C. Klehm, Niles Center. D. C. Taylor, Kankakee. 

F. K. Granger, McHenry. L. B. Crooker, Mendota. 
W. A. James, Highland Park. S. M. Heslet, Meriden. 

E. M. Dennis. Waukegan. G. W. Armstrong. Seneca^ 

G. H. Hollister, Eockton. George B. Gray, Pontiac. 
John Budlong, Eockford. John H. Collier, Gibbon. 
Andrew Ashton, Durand. E. C. Allen, Long Point. 



Charles Baldwin, Princeton. 
Daniel J. Hard, Lafayette. 
Jas. J. Herron, Princeton. 
Joel A. Ranney, Metamora. 
C. Fosbender, Sparland. 
Eli V. Raley, Granville. 
J. T. Browning, Molme. 
John P. Fox, Geneseo. 
R. M. Grennel, Cordqvia. 
Alfred S. Curtis, Oneida. 
Jos. F. Latimer, Abingdon. 
A. M. Brown, Galesburg. 
C. W. Boydston, Cameron. 
E. K. Westfall, Bushnell. 

C. H. Whitaker, Macomb. 
Charles F. Gill, LaHarpe. 
Geo. P. Walker, Warsaw. 
John J. Reaburn, Denver. 
J. A. Leeper, Farmington. 
Chas. F. Robison, Ellisville. 
W. T. McCreery, Huntsville. 
L. A. Wood, Chillicothe. 
Nelson D. Jay, Elmwood. 
Robert S. Bibb, Peqria. 
Joseph C. Ross, Lincoln. 

D. C. Smith, Pekin. 
Wm. A. Moore, Morton. 

T. F. Mitchell, Bloomington. 
J. F. Winter, 1 Bloomington. 
T. P. Rogers, Bloomington. 
Thomas J. Abel, Decatur. 
Samuel S. Jack, Decatur. 
Win. L. Chambers, Clinton. 
Robert A. Bower, Tolono. 

E. C. Bartholo, Mahomet. 
Simeon H. Busey, Urbana. 
J. H. Oak wood, Catlin. 
Alvan Gilbert, Rossville. 
Robt. L. McKiniay, Paris. 
Henry A. Neal, Charleston. 
R. Heffernan, Mattoqn. 
Stephen Cannon, Sullivan. 
Gersham Monohon, Greenup. 
N. P. Robinson, Effingham. 
Thos. J. Fritts, Cold Springs. 

David H. Zepp, Nokomis. 
W. E. Morrison.Mqrrisonvl'e. 
Burrel Phillips, Hillsboro. 
John Foutch, New Berlin. 
J. Mayo Palmer, Springfield. 
DeWittW. Smith, Bates. 
Jacob Wheeler, Havana. 
W. L. Vandeventer,Mt.Ster'g. 
Cornelius Rourke, Petersburg. 
Thomas G. Black, Clayton. 
Hope S. Davis, Quincy. 
J. H. Hendricksou, Mendon. 
Asa C. Matthews, Pittsfield. 
S. R. Powell, Winchester. 
B. J. Hall, Hardin. 
I. L. Morrison, Jacksonville. 
W. P. Gallon, Jacksonville.' 
Lucien King, Kane. 
R. Rowett, Carlinville. 
H. W. Wall, Staunton. 
J. N. English, Jerseyville. 
John S. Dewey, Troy. 
S. A. Buckmaster, Alton. 

F. M. Pearce, Alhambra. 
R. Tierney, Okawville. 
W. M. Evans, Greenville. 

G. F. Berry, Greenville. 
F. Remann, Vandalia. 
A. J. Hogge, Greenland. 
Thos. E. Merritt, Salem. 
H. H. Chessley, Louisville. 
W. R.Wilkinson, Friendsville. ' 
Geo. D. Ramsey, Xenia. 

W. Lindsey, Martinsville. 
J. H. Halley, 2 Newton. 
A. J. Reavill, Flat Rock. 
Ross Graham, Carmi. 
T. Connelly, McLeansboro. 
T. J. Williams, Spring Garden 
P. Phillips, Webb's Hill. 
J. M. Washburn, Marion. 
T. M. Mooneybam, Benton. 
T. T. Fountain, DuQuoin. 
J. Boyd, Pinckneyville. 
S. P. Mace, Percy. 

Resignation accepted August 8, 1877. 

* Resigned Aug. 2, 1877. 


! J. W. Wells, Marrissa. J'. E. Albright, Murphysboro. 

'A. 8. Wilderman, Belleville. W. S. Morris, Elizabethtown. 
J. M. Whitaker, Summertield.A. D. Pierce, Golconda. 
W.H. Woodward, Carbondale.E. B. Watkins, Mound City. 
Alex. H. Irwin 1 , Cairo. 

The Republicans being in the minority in the Senate, 
-the Democrats and Independents united and organized this 
body. Fawcett Plumb was elected President pro tempore, 
and James H. Paddock, Secretary. 

In the House, James Shaw was elected Speaker, pver 
Samuel A. Buckmaster, by a vote of 78 to 65, and E. F. 
Dutton, Clerk, over Thomas S. Bouton, by a vote of 79 
to 70. 

'Governor Beveridge presented his message to the two 
FJaouses on the 5th. It contained the usual recommenda- 
vtioists, and closed with this patriotic reference to National 
i questions: 

" In my former messages I studiously avoided all ques- 
tions of National polity, confining myself strictly to matters 
of State. At the close of my administration, and in view 
of the fact that the Nation has lately passed through the 
excitement of a popular election, and the public mind is 
more or less agitated by the results of that election, it 
may not be improper in me to express my confidence in 
the wisdom and patriotism of the American people peace- 
ably to adjust all difficulties. I advise moderation, invoke 
wise counsels, and supplicate peace. We want no more 
war. The blood of the late fratricidal strife still reddens 
the earth ; the graves of the fallen are yet fresh and visi- 
ble.; their widows and orphans are still living among us; 
the griefs and sorrows of the heart are yet unassuaged. 
Keeping in grateful remembrance the heroic sacrifice for 
our country, let us lay aside all animosity and bitterness, 
heal the broken hearts, build up the waste places, and 
bind all sections of our beloved country forever together 
by the bonds of love and prosperity. No matter how the 
Presidential question may be eventually decided by the 
proper authorities, for one I shall willingly submit to the 
decision, and join all persons of every party for the main- 
tenance of law, the preservation of public order, and the 
protection of all citizens of every race, color and condition, 

1 Resigned, February 12, 1878. 


in the full and peaceable enjoyment and exercise of' 
all their rights, privileges and immunities under the Con-' 
stitution and the laws." 

During the administration of Governor Beveridge, the 
principal of the State debt was reduced $250,000. 

On January 9, the incoming Governor, S. M. Cullom, 
took the oath of office and delivered his inaugural mes- 
sage to the two houses. Lieut. -Gov. Shuman entered upon 
his duties as presiding officer of the Senate the same day. 

Among other duties devolving upon this General Assem- 
bly was the election of a United States Senator. Gen. 
John A. Logan was the unanimous nominee of the Eepub- 
lican caucus, and Gen. John M. Palmer of the Democratic. 
The Independents held the balance of power, consequently 
neither of the candidates possessed a majority. The two 
houses met in joint session on the 18th of January, and 
balloted six times for Senator. On the first ballot Logan 
received the votes of 21 Senators and 78 Eepresentatives, 
and Palmer 21 Senators and 67 Eepresentatives. Seven. 
Senators voted for Wm. B. Anderson, and six Eepresen- 
tatives for David Davis. Two members of the House 
Busey and Bartholo refrained from voting. On the last 
ballot Logan's vote remained the same while Palmer lost 
two; Anderson received 7 and Davis 7. On the 22d 
the name of Gen. Palmer was withdrawn, and on the first bal- 
lot thereafter Logan received 99 votes, Wm. B. Anderson 
85, John C. Haines 7, Wm. C. Goudy 7, Wm. H. Parish 
1, A. A. Glenn 1, S. S. Marshall 1, and C. B. Lawrence 1. 
Five additional ballots were taken with a similar result. 
On the 24tb, the name of Gen. Logan was withdrawn, 
and on the first ballot thereafter David Davis received 97 
votes, C. B. Lawrence 86, John C. Haines 7, John A. 
Logan 2, Wm. H. Parish 1, Jehu Baker 1, S. M. Cullom 
1, E. G. Ingersoll 1, G. B. Eaum 1, and J. L. Beveridge 1. 
Five ballots were indulged in that day without choice. 


On the 40th ballot for Senator, which occurred on the 25th 
<of January, the whole number of votes cast were 200, of 
"which David Davis received 101, C. B. Lawrence 94, 
Ijohn 0. Haines 3, Wm. H. Parish 1, John A. Logan 1. 
,Mr. Davis having received a majority of all the votes cast, 
the Speaker declared him the duly elected Senator. The 
highest number of votes during the contest received by 
Gen. Logan was 100, and by Gov. Palmer 89. 

The chief acts, exclusive of the appropriations, were : to 
provide the manner of proposing amendments to the con- 
stitution; to levy and collect back taxes of incorporated 
* cities; for the relief of disabled members of police and 
,fire departments; to establish Appellate Courts; to divide 
ithe State into judicial districts; to extend the jurisdiction 
of county courts ; defining vagabonds and prescribing pun- 
ishment; to prevent and punish wrongs to children; to 
punish fraud or extravagance in the expenditure of moneys 
appropriated for public improvements ; to amend the liquor 
law; to amend the election law; to amend an act con- 
cerning insolvent debtors; to provide for the organization 
of the State militia; relating to miners; providing for the 
health and safety of persons employed in coal mines; to 
amend an act relating to the payment of railroad bonds 
by counties, cities and other municipal corporations; re- 
lating to fencing and operating railroads; to protect pas- 
sengers on railroads; to prevent obstructing the business 
of railroads ; to fix rates of storage in the warehouses ; to 
amend the school law, and to establish a State Board 
of Health. 
The two houses adjourned sine die May 24. 



The campaign of 1878 was ushered in by the nomina- 
tion of three State tickets. The Greenback party held 
their convention first. Erastus N. Bates, ex-Republican 
Treasurer, was nominated for Treasurer, and F. M. Hall, 
for Superintendent of Public Instruction. 

The Republicans nominated John C. Smith, for Treas- 
urer, and J.ames P. Slade, for Superintendent of Public 

The Democrats nominated Edward L. Cronkrite, for 
Treasurer, and Samuel M. Etter, the then incumbent, for 
Superintendent of Public Instruction. 

Although three parties were contesting for the offices to 
be filled at that election, there was but little enthusiasm 
aroused among the people in general, and the candidates 
made more of. a personal canvass than otherwise. The 
Republican ticket was elected by a plurality of 36,873. 

The aggregate vote for State officers and members of 
Congress is as follows: 


John C. Smith, R 206,458 

Edward L. Cronkrite, D 170,085 

Erastus N. Bates, G 65,689 

Jerome A. Gorin. . 2,228 


James P. Slade, R 205,461 

Samuel M. Etter, D 171 336 

F. M. Hall, G 65,487 

late L. Hopkins 2,109 



William Aldrich, E. 12,165 

James E. Doolittle, 1) 7,136- 

William V. Barr 1,844 

John McAuliff 2,322 

George E. Davis & 


George E. Davis, E 10,347 

Miles Kehoe, Ind. D 6,111 

James Felch 1,600 

George A. Schilling 2,473 

J. H. Condon 250 

John Sebolski 74. 


Hiram Barber, E 9,574 

Lambert Tree, D 6,280 

A. B. Cornell 884 

Benjamin Sibley 2,306 


John C. Sherwin, E 12,75$ 

Jonathan C. Stoughton 4,438 

Augustus Adams 3,448 


Eobert M. A. Hawk, E 11,042. 

Mortimer D. Hathaway 4,823- 

John M. King 4,304 


Thomas J. Henderson, E 10,964 

James W. Haney 6,675 

Charles Dunham : 3,257 


Philip C. Hayes, E 10,712 

W. S. Brooks 5,795 

Alexander Campbell 6,512. 


Greenbury L. Fort, E 11,271 

Thomas M. Shaw 4,822, 

Chris. C. Strawn 6,575- 



Thomas A. Boyd, E 10,54$ 

George A. Wilson, D 9,802 

Alex. H. McKeighan, G 8,749 


Benjamin F. Marsh, E 11,814 

Delos P. Phelps, D 11,238 

Alson J. Streeter, G 3,496- 


James W. Singleton, D 11,961 

James P. Dimmitt, E 6,956 

William H. Pogue. 3,034 


William M. Springer, D. 12,542 

John Cook, E 9,146 

John Mathers, G 4,611 


A. E. Stevenson, G 18,870- 

Thomas F. Tipton, E 12,058 

L. M. Bickmore 135 


Joseph G. Cannon, E 13,698 

Maiden Jones, D 11,527 

Jesse Harper, G 4,451 


Albert P. Forsyth, G 13,106 

Hiram B. Decius, D 12,942. 


William A. J. Sparks, D 11,493- 

Basil B. Smith, E 9,946 

James Creed 2,139 


William E. Morrison, D 12,436 

Jehu Baker, E 10,605: 

William E. Moberly 1,59$ 



John E. Thomas, E. . 12,686 

W. J. Allen, D 12,074 

S. J. Davis, G 2,454 


E. W. Townshend, D.. 12,603 

llobert Bell, E 8,190 

Seth P. Crews 2,847 

He Is the Projector of the Illinois Central Railroad His Wonderful Predic- 
tion regarding the Growth and Magnitude of Railways in the United 

Until the death of Judge Breese it had never been quite 
understood who was justly entitled to the credit of project- 
ing the Illinois Central Eailroad, which has added untold 
wealth to the prairie State. Judge Breese himself lays 
claim to having projected the enterprise. In the elaborate 
memorial address of Melville W. Fuller, of Chicago, before 
the Illinois Bar Association, at Springfield, in January, 
1879, on the life and services of Judge Breese, we find 
this definitely satisfactory statement regarding the origin 
of the great enterprise. Said he : 

" In October, 1835, Judge Breese called the attention of 
the public to the importance of a direct connection of the 
Illinois and Michigan Canal, then in course of construction, 
with the lower Mississippi at Cairo, by a railroad, propos- 
ing that the road should start from the termination of the 


canal, and proceed as near as might be by the route of 
the third principal meridian, through Bloomington, Deca- 
iur, Vandalia, Carlyle, Nashville, Pinckneyville, Browns- 
ville and Jonesboro, and pointing out how it could be 
done and by what means, and from that time until the 
great result was achieved he labored steadily to bring it 
about, opposing, however, the act of February, 1837, for 
a general system of internal improvements. 

" In Congress, his first movement in favor of the project 
was marked by great sagacity. He introduced, in January, 
1844, and obtained the passage of, a resolution instructing 
the Committee on Naval Affairs to provide for an exam- 
ination of the locality at, or near, the confluence of the 
'Ohio and Mississippi rivers, with a view to the establish- 
;ment of a naval depot and dockyard, which he supported 
in an elaborate letter, under date of February 29, 1844, to 
Hon. E. H. Bayard, of Delaware, chairman of that com- 
mittee, which was printed by order of the Senate, and, 
among other things, contained the following: 'At some 
period, not distant, the projected railroad will be con- 
structed from the iron mountains and copper mines in 
Missouri to the Mississippi river, opposite the mouth of 
the Ohio. From the cars which bring metal from the 
mines, transported across the river in ferry boats, it will 
be deposited in public stores for use, or in private stores 
for transportation to more distant markets. Nor will it 
be long before the Central or Great Western Eailway of 
Illinois will be constructed, opening a route toward the 
lakes, never to be obstructed by low water or ice. Com- 
mencing at the site of the proposed depot, and running 
near five hundred miles through a region of unsurpassed 
'fertility, it will not only bring in supplies inexhaustible, 
but open a communication through which naval stores 
may be sent to the lakes, it being connected with the pro- 
jected canals in Illinois and Indiana, without transhipment 
from boats on the rivers, or the interposition of other 
-causes, which would render their transportation from other 
points more dilatory and expensive. 

" This was the entering wedge which opened up an 
inquiry, resulting, to use Judge Breese's language a few 
years after, 'in the growth of a great city at that point, 
of which our State will be proud. Like another queen, 
he will yet rise in splendor from the waters.' 

"In March, 1844, a bill for a grant for railway purposes 
was introduced in the House by Col. McClernand, 'than 
whom,' writes Judge Breese, 'our State never had an abler 


member; ' and Senator Breese, in addition to a bill offered. 
in December, 1844, introduced one in January, 1846, ta 
grant to the State of Illinois alternate sections of land 
to aid in the construction of the road, making as Chair- 
man of the Committee on Public Lands, to which the 
bill was referred, the first full report ever made to Congress- 
on the subject. In January, 1848, Senator Breese made 
an elaborate report upon a bill of Senator Douglas, and 
in July, 1848, reported the bill of Senator, afterward Vice- 
President, King, in favor of Alabama. 

" In December, 1848, Senator Breese made another 
report upon a bill of Judge Douglas, going fully into the 
whole subject, and endeavoring to obviate all constitutional 
and other objections to such grants, and the argument 
contained in it was made the basis of all the subsequent 
grants to this and other States. 

"In September, 1850, after Judge Breese left the Senate, 
a bill was passed which consolidated his original bill of 
1846, with that of Senator King, of 1848, and under this we 
obtained the land. 

" In 1851, when Judge Breese was a member of the 
General Assembly, and Speaker 'of the House, the act was. 
passed incorporating the Illinois Central Railroad Company, 
and giving it the benefit of the grant, and Judge Breese 
thus witnessed the close of his long labors in this direction, 
labors, to some of which only this is but a mere reference, 
and it was in that year that he published a letter in whick 
he says : ' I claim to have first projected this great road 
in my letter of 1835, and in the judgment of impartial and 
disinterested men my claim will be allowed. I have said 
and written more in favor of it than any other. It has- 
been my highest ambition to accomplish it, and when my 
last resting place shall be marked by the cold marble 
which gratitude or affection may erect, I desire for it no 
other inscription than this, that he who sleeps beneath it. 
projected the Central Railroad.' " 

As an evidence of the master foresight of Judge Breese,. 
regarding the benefits which were to follow the path of the 
iron horse, we transfer to these pages an extract from a 
report he made in July, 1846, when a Senator in Congress- 
and Chairman of the Committee on Public Lands. It 
relates to a memorial of A. Whitney, for a grant of land 


to enable him to build a railroad from Lake Michigan to 
the Pacific ocean. Summing up the whole question of 
railroad construction, he said : 

"Our whole country will be brought together at the 
grand centre in the short space of four days, allowing us 
not only to transport passengers, but all descriptions of 
merchandise and produce, from the grand center to New 
Orleans, Savannah, Charleston, Richmond and Norfolk, 
Washington, Baltimore, Philadelphia, New York and Bos- 
ton, and to the Pacific, in the same time, four days; and 
from the Pacific to any of the above cities in less than 
eight days, and to China in twenty days; so that we can 
bring our vast country together in four days, and the ex- 
tremes of the globe in thirty days. A cargo of teas from 
China may then be delivered in any of our Atlantic cities 
in thirty days and in London or Liverpool in less than 
Jbrty-Jive days." 

Judge Breese was one of the truly great men of his day, 
and his highest ambition seemed to be to do something 
that would benefit his country and mankind, and few 
men have accomplished more in that direction than he. 

From the first advent of Judge Breese into the State 
io the day of his death, he held public office, but it is 
-also true that the office sought him more that he sought 
it. He was a native of New York, born July 15, 1800; 
and in company with Samuel D. Lockwood, came to Illinois 
in 1818, arriving at Shawneetown by a flat-boat, and from 
thence he made his way across the country to Kaskaskia, 
then the seat of government, where he was made Assis- 
tant Secretary of State, under Elias Kent Kane, who had 
been a schoolmate in New York, and at whose solicita- 
tion he came West. One of his earliest achievements was 
the compilation and publication of the Reports of the 
'Supreme Court from the years 1818 to 1831 ; and it is 
said of him that he personally superintended their print- 
ing, and actually set much of the type. He was Post- 
master of Kaskaskia, Circuit Attorney under the admin- 
istrations of Governors Bond and Coles; U. S. District 


Attorney under President Adams; Circuit Judge, Chief 
Justice, United States Senator for six years; Representa- 
tive in the Seventeenth General Assembly in 1851-52, and 
Speaker of that hody; and in 1857 he was again elected 
to the Supreme Court of the State, which position he con- 
tinued to hold until his death, which occurred June 28, 1878. 

Judge Breese may justly be styled a benefactor of his 
country, for he seemed to have filled, at the close of a 
long and useful life, in full measure, the work God and 
nature had assigned him. 

Politically, Judge Breese died as he had lived, an ad- 
herent of the Democratic party. 


Governor Shelby M. Cullom. 

Lieutenant- Governor Andrew Shnman. 

Secretary of State Geo. H. Harlow. 

Auditor of Public Accounts T. B. Needles. 

Treasurer John C. Smith. 

Superintendent of Public Instruction Jas. P. Slade- 

Attorney General Jas. K. Edsall. 


The Thirty-first General Assembly convened January 
and was composed of the following members. 


George E. White, Chicago. W. T. Johnston, Chicago. 

Daniel N. Bash, Chicago. M. A. DeLany, Chicago. 

Sylvester Artley, Chicago. W. J. Campbell', Chicago. 

Francis A. Riddle, Chicago. M. L. Joslyn, Woodstock. 



C. E. Fuller, Belvidere. 
E. H. McClellan, Galena. 
Charles Bent, Morrison. 
H. D. Dement, Dixon. 
J. R. Marshall, Yorkville. 
J. H. Mayborne, Geneva. 
Sylvester W. Munn. Joliet. 
T. P. Bonfield, Kankakee. 
S. R. Lewis, Ottawa. 
S. T. Fosilick, Chatsworth. 
L. D. Whiting, Tiskilwa. 
Henry J. Frantz, Roanoke. 
Milton M. Ford, Galva. 

B. C. Taliaferro, Keithsburg. 
Wm. H. Neece, Macomb. 
Wm. Scott, Dallas City. 
Meredith Walker, Canton. 
John S. Lee, Peoria. 
Abram Mayfield, Lincoln. 

J . M. Hamilton, Bloomington 
Wm. T. Moffett, Decatur. 

C. P. Davis, Monticello. 

George Hunt, Paris. 
Maiden Jones, Tuscola. 
E. N. Rinehart, Effingham. 

E. Southworth, Litchtield. 
Wm. E. Shutt, Springfield. 
Luther Dearborn, Havana. 
Maurice Kelly, Liberty. 
Wm. R. Archer, Pittsfield. 
Wm. P. Callon, Jacksonville. 
G. W. Herdman, Jerseyville. 
A. J, Parkinson, Highland. 

F. E. W. Brink, Hoylton. 
Thos. E. Merritt, Salem. 
R. P. Hanoa, Fairfield. 
Wm. C. Wilson, Robinson. 
Chas. E. McDowell, Carmi. 
S. L. Cheaney, Harrisburg. 
Ambrose Keener. Waterloo. 
John Thomas, Belleville. 
Jesse Ware, Jonesboro. 

A. J. Kuykendall, Vienna. 


W. H. Thompson, Chicago. 
M. J. Wentworth, Chicago. 

D. W. Clark, Jr., Chicago. 
Benj. M. Wilson, Chicago. 
S. P. Hopkins, Chicago. 
Patrick T. Barry, Chicago. 
Leo Meilbeck, Chicago. 

T. J. Walsh, Chicago. 
John B. Taylor, Chicago. 
Lewis H. Bisbee, Chicago. 

E. B. Sherman, Chicago. 
J. E. Murray, Chicago. 
Wm. E. Mason, Chicago. 
Chas. Ehrhardt, Chicago. 
Thos. F. O'Malley, Chicago. 
Christian Meyer, Chicago. 
Austin Sexton, Chicago. 
Horace H. Thomas, Chicago. 
L. C. Collins Jr, Norwood P'rk 
G. G. Struckman, Hanover. 

B. F. Weber, Havelock. 
F. K. Granger, McHenry. 
W. A. James, Highland Park 
William Price, Waukegan. 
Omar H. Wright, Belvidere. 
T. Butterworth, Roekford. 
H. W. Taylor, Roekford. 
James I. Neff, Freeport. 
Andrew Hinds, Oneco. 
Chas. S. Burt, Dunleith. 
James Shaw, Mt. Carroll. 
W. H. Allen, Erie. 
J. M. Pratt, Pratt. 
Frank N. Tice, Forrest. 
B. H. 'Trusdell, Amboy. 
A. P. Dysart, Nachusa. 
Wm. M. Byers, Sycamore. 
R. M. Brigham, Sandwich.. 
Alonzo B. Smith, Oswego. 
Edward C. Lovell, Elgin. 



J. G. Wright, 1 Naperville. 
J. Herrington, Geneva. 
J. Keniston, Wilton Center. 
Fred Kouka, Beecher. 
Win. B. Thomson, Joliet. 
Conrad Secrest, Watseka. 
M. H. Peters, Watseka. 
A. Buck, Pilot Center. 
L. B. Crooker, Mendota. 
Francis Bovven, Sheridan. 
David Bichey, Tonica. 
George B. Gray, Pontiac. 
N. E. Stevens, Paxton. 
Calvin H. Frew, Paxton. 
Alfred G. Scott, Sheffield. 
13. F. Otman, Wyoming. 
Simon Elliot, Princeton. 
Joel A. Banney, Cazenovia. 
Geo. F. Wightman, Lacon. 
O. Fosbender, Sparland. 

A. B. Mock, Cambridge. 
John W. Foy, Atkinson. 

J. W. Simonson, Port Byron. 
Bufus W. Miles, Gilson. 
J. F. Latimer, Abingdon. 
John Sloan, Douglas. 
Henry M. Lewis, Berwick. 
Henry Black, Doddsville. 
Edwin W. Allen, Berwick. 
T. B. Brumback, Plymouth. 
John J. Beaburn, Denver. 

B. B. Hamilton, Nauvoo. 
Hosea Davis, Littleton. 
O. F. Bobison, Ellisyille. 
W. T . McCreery, Birmingham, 
H. B. Chase, Bobin's Nest. 
Bernard Cremer, Peoria. 
W. Cockle, 1 Peoria. 

David H. Harts, Lincoln. 
<r. P. Orendorff, Hopedale. 
William B. Hall, Pekin. 
T. F. Mitchell, Bloomington. 
H. A. Ewmg, Bloomington. 
T. P. Bogers, Bloomington. 


John H. Tyler, DeWitt. 
Geo. K. Ingham, Kenney. 
B. K. Durfee, Decatur. 
Geo. Scroggs, 1 Champaign. 
James Core, Homer. 
Wm. A. Day, Champaign. 
John G. Holden, Danville. 
L. Marston, Hoopeston. 
B. L. McKinlay, Paris. 

0. B. Ficklin, Charleston. 

A. Thomason, Lovington. 
Henry A. Neal, Charleston. 
W. M. Abraham, Watson. 
James L. By an, Greenup. 

B. Scarlett, Moweaqua. 
J. B. Jones, Taylorville. 
W. Y. Crosthwait, Grove City. 
Geo. L. Zink, Litchfield. 
W. L. Gross, Springfield. 
John C. Snigg, Springfield. 
Carter Tracy, Bochester. 

J. F. Snyder, Virginia. 
J. W. Savage, Virginia. 
Jacob Wheeler, 1 Havana. 
S. Mileham, Camp Point. 
A. M. Samuel, Burton. 
Joseph N. Carter, Quincy. 
Asa C.Matthews, Pittsfield. 
S. B. Powell, Winchester. 
Jas. H. Pleasants, Hardin. 

1. L. Morrison, Jacksonville. 
K. Vasey, Jacksonville. 

F. M. Bridges, Carrollton. 
H. W. Wall, Staunton. 
J. N. English, Jerseyville. 
Geo. E. Warren, Jerseyville. 
W. B. Prickett, Edwardsville. 
John M. Pearson, Godfrey. 
John S. Dewey, Troy. 
T. D. Hinckley, Hoyleton. 
S. W. Jones, Nashville. 
John L. Nichols, Clement. 
J. E. W. Hammond, Omega. 
Francis M. Bolt, Vandalia. 


James S. Jackson, luka. J. T. McBride, Chester. 

J. Zimmerman, Mt. Carmel. J. E. McFie, Coulterville. 

"William Bower, Olney. P. C. C. Provart, Paradise Pr. 

Chas. Churchill, Albion. T. C. Jennings, East St. Louis. 

J. E. Johnson, West Liberty. Joseph Veile, Millstadt. 

J. W. Graham, Marshall. Henry Seiter, Lebanon. 

A. J. Eeavell, Eobinson. C. H. Layman, Murphysboro. 

A. M. Green, Mt. Vernon. T. T. Eobinson, Pomona. 

J. E. Moss, Mt. Vernon. T. W. Halliday, Cairo. 

C. M. Lyon, McLeansboro. James H. Carter, Vienna. 

J. M. Gregg, Harrisburg. H. H. Spencer, Mound City. 

S. C. Hall, New Haven. T. G. Farris, 1 Vienna. 

W. Trammell, Stone Fort. W. V. Eldredge, 2 Golconda. 

Lieut.-Gov. Shuman presided over the Senate. John M. 
Hamilton, of McLean, was elected President pro tempore, 
over Win. E. Archer, of Pike, by a vote of 27 to 22, and Jas. 
H. Paddock, of Kankakee, Secretary, over Edward L. 
Merritt, of Sangamon, by a vote of 27 to 22. 

In the House, Wm. A. James, of Lake, was elected 
Speaker, over James Herrington, of Kane, by a vote of 81 
to 59, and W. B. Taylor, of Marshall, Clerk, over Jerry 
Crowley, of Cook, by a vote of 78 to 62. 

On the 10th of January, the message of the Governor 
was read in the two houses. It contained the usual recom- 

The two houses met in joint session on the 21st of Jan- 
uary, and Gen. John A. Logan was elected United States 
Senator, over Gen. John C. Black, by a vote of 106 to 84. 
Gen. Black was the Democratic candidate. Ten votes 
were cast for Alexander Campbell, Greenback, and 4 for 
John McAuliffe, Socialist. 

The principal laws passed at this session, exclusive of 
the appropriation bills, were acts to create a Bureau of 
.Labor Statistics; to protect bank depositors; to prevent 
fraud in the manufacture and sale of butter; to provide 
for the construction, repair and protection of drains, ditches 

'Died, December 10, 1878. *Vice Farris, deceased. 



and levees across the lands of others ; to amend the elec- 
tion law ; to encourage the cultivation of fishes ; to amend 
the game law; to amend the insurance laws; to fix the 
rate of interest; to provide for the reorganization of the 
State militia ; to provide for the safety of persons employed 
in coal mines; to regulate pa wn- brokers ; to regulate the 
manner of applying for pardons ; to amend an act for the 
protection of passengers on railroads ; to amend an act to 
regulate public warehouses; to amend an act relating io 
the payment of county and city railroad indebtedness; 
to amend the revenue law ; to amend the school law, and 
to abolish the Board of State House Commissioners. 
The duration of this session was 143 days. 


This was one of the greatest campaigns within a quarter of 
a century. The aggregate vote for the five electoral 
tickets Democratic, Kepublicari, Greenback, Prohibition, 
and Anti- Secret Society was 622,118. As seems to have 
become the custom, the Eepublicans were the first to take 
action, their convention meeting May 20, to nominate a 
State ticket and appoint delegates to the National Con- 
vention. Shelby M. Cullom was nominated for Governor ; 
John M. Hamilton, for Lieutenant-Governor ; Henry D. 
Dement, for Secretary of State; Charles P. Swigert, for 
Auditor ; Edward Eutz, for Treasurer, and James McCart- 
ney, for Attorney- General. 

The Greenback party met June 9, and nominated A. J. 
Streeter, for Governor, Andrew M. Adair, for Lieutenant 


Governor; J. M. Thompson, for Secretary of State; W. 
T. Ingram, for Auditor ; J. W. Evans, for Treasurer, and 
H. G. Whitlock, for Attorney-General. 

The Democrats met June 10, and nominated Lyman 
Trumbull, for Governor ; Lewis B. Parsons, for Lieutenant- 
Governor ; John H. Oberly, for Secretary of State ; Louis 
C. Starkel, for Auditor; Thomas Butterworth, for Treas- 
urer, and Lawrence Harmon, for Attorney-General. 

The Eepublican National Convention met at Chicago, 
June 2, and nominated James A. Garfield for President, 
and Chester A. Arthur for Yice-President. 

The Greenback party met in the same city in June, and 
nominated James B. Weaver, of Iowa, for President, and 
B. J. Chambers for Vice-President. 

The Democrats met at Cincinnati in July, and nomi- 
nated Winfield S. Hancock, of Pennsylvania, for President, 
and William H. English, of Indiana, for Vice-President. 

The Eepublicans made a bold, aggressive canvass, taking 
as the keynote of the campaign the tariff question. 

Although the Democratic ticket was composed, for the 
most part, of men of eminent ability, they did not enter 
upon a general discussion of the issues which divided the 
parties, but made the campaign more in the character of 
personal visits among the people ; but an active and vig- 
orous assault was kept up all along the line by the 
champions of their national ticket. 

The Greenback party made but little effort, understand- 
ing, as its leaders did, that its cause was utterly hopeless. 

The aggregate vote for State officers, Congressmen and 
Presidential electors, is as follows : 


Shelby M. Cullom, K 814,565 

Lyman Trumbull, D 277,532 

A. J. Streeter, G 28,898 

Uriah Copp, Jr 122 



John M. Hamilton, R 317 

Lewis B. Parsons, D ' ][ 275'966 

Andrew M. Adair, G 26 774 

J. E. Lawrence .'.".*.'! '179 


Henry D. Dement, B 317 422 

**J H. Oberly, D '.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'. 277422 

J . M. Thompson, G 26 687 

Samuel Reed 'l27 


Charles P. Swigert, R 317,872 

Louis C. Starkel, D 276^440 

W. T. Ingram, G 26^213 

W. L. Cressy 126 


"Edward Eutz, R 317,732 

'-Thomas Butterworth, D 276,670 

J. W. Evans, G 26,658 

George Harrington 182 


James McCartney, R 318,173 

Lawrence Harmon, D : 176,062 

H. G. Whitlock, G 26,207 

Alsey B. Lee 129 


'William Aldrich, R 22,307 

John Mattocks, D 18,024 

Eichard Powers 532 

J. Altpeter 605 


George R. Davis, R 20,603 

John F. Farnsworth, Ind 16,014 

O. A. Bishop 29 

Charles G. Dixon 461 

Eeinhard Loremy 514 



Charles B. Farwell, E 16,627 

Perry H. Smith. Jr., D 11,908 

Charles H. Adams 221 

Oscar Neebe 

Adolph Waldmann 114 


John C. Sherwin, E 20 e81 

Norman C. Warner, D 8,055 

E. W. Blaisdell '. 1,159 


Eobert M. A. Hawk, E 17,061 

Larmar G. Johnson, D 7.468 

John M. King 4,160 


Thomas J. Henderson, E 16 650 

B. H. Truesdell, D 9,631 

P. L. McKinney 2,637 


William Cullen, E 16,628- 

Daniel Evans, D 12.064 

Eoyal E. Barber 2,204 


Lewis E. Payson, E 16,704 

Eobert E. Wallace 13,972 


John H. Lewis, E 14,658 

John S. Lee, D 14,294 

Wm. H. Eeynolds, P 2,54a 


Benj. F. Marsh, E 14,798 

Eobert Holloway, D 13,877 

George C. Meador 7131 


James W. Singleton, D 17,842 

William H. Edgar, D 12,490; 

A. B. Allen 1,765' 



William M. Springer, D 17,390 

Isaac L. Morrison, E 14 761 

Hy. M. Miller 1,557 


Deitrich C. Smith, K 16,433 

Adlai E. Stevenson, G. D 16,115 


Joseph G. Cannon, R 19,710 

James R. Scott, D 17,734 


Samuel W. Moulton, D 19,364 

Albert G. Forsythe, G 16,810 


William A. J. Sparks, D 15,392 

P. B. Hosmer, R 13,921 

G. W. Rutherford 1,331 


Wm. R. Morrison, D 16,950 

John B. Hay, R 15,986 


John R. Thomas, R 16,873 

William Hartzell, D 15,146 

A. B. Roberson 1,002 


Richard W. Townshend, D 18,021 

Charles W. Pavey, R 14,561 

Samuel E. Flannagan, G 1,456 


George Schneider 318,020 

Ethelbert Callahan 318,031 

Robert T. Lincoln 318,037 

J. M. Smyth 318,033 

James A. Kirk 318,036 


'<C. M. Brazee 318,018 

H. E. Logan 318,033 

I. H. Elliott 318,031 

James Gooclspeed . 318,033 

Alfred Sample 318,027 

.8. D. Puteruaugh - 318,031 

E. C. Humphrey 318,030 

William A. Grimshaw 318,033 

J. C. McQuigg 318,024 

J. H. Eowell 318,033 

William E. Jewell 318,034 

J. M. Sheets ,. .. 318,030 

James W. Peterson 318,028 

W. T. Norton 318,033 

George W. Smith 318,033 

William EL Johnson 317,879 


William J. Allen 277,314 

James S. Ewing 277,307 

William C. Seipp 277,321 

William J. Hynes 277,311 

F. A. Hoffman, Jr 277,312 

T. B. Coulter 277,313 

Frederick Stahl 277,312 

J. S. Eckles 277,311 

Patrick Healey 277,311 

Louis F. Feihtzfech 277,313 

James W. Butler 277,314 

William G. Ewing 277,313 

Lloyd F. Hamilton 277,312 

Ambrose M. Miller 277,311 

William M. Bandy 277,312 

Eobert L. McKiniay 277,311 

John W. Westcott 277,312 

James M. Dill 277,312 

Monroe C. Crawford 277,313 

George S. Fuhr 277,310 

Edmund D. Youngblood 277,225 


Alexander Campbell 26.191 

Jesse Harper 26,288 

O. J. Smith 26.358 

B. S. Heath . 26.355 


Richard Griffiths.. 26,329* 

E. T. Reeves 26,347 

J. M. Pratt 26 353- 

Simon Elliott 26,354 

Fawcett Plumb 26,354 

Thomas Wolfe 26,354 

J. B. Neyley 26,35$ 

S. T. Shelton 26,356 

W. L. Oliver 26,354 

A. G. Mantz 26 345 

Frank P. Hobart 26,35$ 

William Pitt 26,354 

George Dalby 26,35$ 

W. L. F. Stoddard 26,352 

J. A. Clendenning 26,353 

Henry Winter 26,354 

James H. Smith 26,352, 

The Prohibitionists had an electoral ticket at this elec- 
tion, which received 440 votes, and also the Anti-Secret. 
Society party, which received 153 votes. 


How he First Entered the Army In the War for the Union His Corre- 
spondence With Lee An Insult to the President and the Nation. 

The name of this distinguished soldier and eminent 
statesman is inseparably connected with the politics of 
Illinois, and while we may not be able to say much that 
is new of him, yet we have collected some matters con- 
nected with his life which should be treasured in a volume 
of this character, and which cannot otherwise be found, 
without much research. 


Gen. Grant's native State is Ohio ; he was born in Cler- 
mont county, in the town of Point Pleasant, April 27 r 
1822 ; he was educated at West Point, graduating in 1843 ; 
was second lieutenant in the Fourth Infantry; served in. 
the Mexican war, and participated in nearly every battle ; 
was promoted to the rank of captain; he resigned his- 
commission in 1854, and took up his residence on a farm, 
near St. Louis; in 1859 he came to Illinois, locating at 
Galena, where he was residing when the war for the Union 


Governor Yates, in his last biennial message to the Gen- 
eral Assembly of 1865, thus graphically tells how Gen. 
Grant first entered the service of his country in 1861 : 

"Prominent among the many distinguished names who- 
have borne their early commissions from Illinois, I refer, 
with special pride, to the character and priceless services 
to the country of Ulysses S. Grant. In April, 1861, he 
tendered his personal services to me, saying 'that he had 
been the recipient of a military education at West Point, 
and that now, when the country was involved in a war 
for its preservation and safety, he thought it his duty to- 
offer his services in defense of the Union, and that he 
would esteem it a privilege to be assigned to any position 
where he could be useful.' The plain, straightforward 
demeanor of the man, and the modesty and earnestness- 
which characterized his offer of assistance, at once awak- 
ened a lively interest in him, and impressed me with a 
desire to secure his counsel for the benefit of volunteer 
organizations then forming for Government service. At 
first I assigned him a desk in the Executive office ; and 
his familiarity with military organization and regulations 
made him an invaluable assistant in my own and the 
office of the Adjutant-General. Soon his admirable quali- 
ties as a military commander became apparent, and I 
assigned him to command of the camps of organization 
at 'Camp Yates,' Springfield, 'Camp Grant,' Mattoon, and 
'Camp Douglas,' at Anna, Union county, at which- the 
7th, 8th, 9th, 10th, llth, 12th, 18th, 19th and 21st regi- 
ments of Illinois Volunteers, raised under the call of the 


President of the loth of April, and under the 'Ten Regi- 
ment Bill,' of the extraordinary session of the Legislature, 
convened April 23, 1861, were rendezvoused. His employ- 
ment had special reference to the organization and muster 
of these forces the first six into United States, and the 
last three into luu State service. This was accomplished 
about tin IlUi 'f May, 1861, at which time he left the 
State for a brief period, on a visit to his father, at Cov- 
ington, Kentucky. 

" The 21st regiment of Illinois volunteers, raised in 
Macon, Cumberland, Piatt, Douglas, Moultrie, Edgar, 
Clay, Clark, Crawford and Jasper counties, for thirty-day 
State service, organized at the camp at Mattoon, prepar- 
atory to three years' service for the Government, had 
become very much demoralized, under the thirty days' 
experiment, and doubts arose in relation to their accept- 
ance for a longer period. I was much perplexed to find 
an efficient and experienced officer to assume command 
of the regiment, and take it into the three years' service. 
I ordered the regiment to Camp Yates, and after consult- 
ing Hon. Jesse K. Dubois, who had many friends in the 
regiment, and Col. John S. Loomis, Assistant Adjutant- 
General, who was at the time in charge of the Adjutant- 
General's office, and on terms of personal intimacy with 
Grant, I decided to offer the command to him, and accord- 
ingly telegraphed Captain Grant, at Covington, Kentucky, 
tendering him the Colonelcy. He immediately reported, 
accepting the commission, taking rank as Colonel of that 
regiment from the 15th day of June, 1861. Thirty days 
previous to that time the regiment numbered over one 
thousand men, but in consequence of laxity in discipline 
of the first commanding officer, and other discouraging 
obstacles connected with the acceptance of troops at that 
time, but six hundred and three men were found willing 
to enter the three years' service. In less than ten days 
-Col. Grant filled the regiment to the maximum standard, 
.and brought it to a state of discipline seldom attained in 
the volunteer service, in so short a time. His was the 
only regiment that left the camp of organization on foot. 
He marched from Springfield to the Illinois river, but, in 
an emergency requiring troops to operate against Missouri 
rebels, the regiment was transported, by rail, to Quincy, 
and. Col. Grant was assigned to the command for the pro- 
tection of the Quincv and Palmyra and Hannibal and St. 
Joseph railroads. He soon distinguished himself as a regi- 
mental commander in the field, and his claims for increased 


Tank were recognized by his friends in Springfield, and his 
promotion insisted upon before his merits and services 
were fairly understood at Washington. His promotion 
was made upon the ground of his military education, 
fifteen years' services as a Lieutenant and Captain in the 
regular army (during which time he was distinguished in 
the Mexican war), his great success in organizing and 
disciplining his regiment, and for his energetic and vigor- 
ous prosecution of the campaign in North Missouri, and 
the earnestness with which he entered into the great work 
of waging war against the traitorous enemies of his coun- 
try. His first great battle was at Belmont, an engage- 
ment which became necessary to protect our southwestern 
army in Missouri from overwhelming forces being rapidly 
consolidated against it from Arkansas, Tennessee and 
-Columbus, Kentucky. The struggle was a desperate one, 
but the tenacity and soldierly qualities of Grant and his 
invincible little army gave us the first practical victory 
in the West. The balance of his shining record is indeli- 
bly written in the history of Henry, Donelson, Shiloh, 
dorinth, Vicksburg, Chattanooga, the Wilderness, seige of 
JRichmond, and the intricate and difficult command as 
Lieutenant-General of the armies of the Union written in the 
bleed and sacrifices of the heroic braves who have fallen, 
Awhile following him to glorious victory written upon the 
hearts and memories of the loyal millions who are at the 
Tiearthstones of our gallant and unconquerable 'Boys in 
Blue.' The impress of his genius stamps our armies, from 
one end of the Kepublic to the other ; and the secret of his 
success in executing his plans, is in the love, enthusiasm 
and confidence he inspires in the soldier in the ranks, 
the harmony and respect of his subordinate officers, his 
own respect for and deference to the wishes and com- 
mands of the President, and his sympathy with the Gov- 
ernment in its war policy. 

"As evidence of the materials of the State of Illinois 
ior war purposes, at the beginning of the war, and a pleas- 
ing incident of Grant's career, I refer to an article in the 
Vicksburg paper, the 'Weekly Sun,' of May 13, 1861, which 
ridicules our enfeebled and unprepared condition, and says : 
*An official report made to Governor Yates, of Illinois, by 
one Captain Grant, says that after examining all the State 
armories, he finds the muskets amount to just nine hun- 
dred and four, and of them only sixty in servicable con- 
dition.' Now the name of that man, who was looking up 


the rusty muskets in Illinois, is glory-crowned with shin- 
ing victories, and will fill thousands of history's brightest 
pages to the end of time. I know well the secret of his- 
power, for afterwards, when I saw him at headquarters, 
upon the march, and on the battle field, in his plain, 
thread-bare uniform, modest in his deportment, careful of 
the wants of the humblest soldier, personally inspecting- 
all the dispositions and divisions of his army, calm and 
courageous amidst the most destructive fire of the enemy,, 
it was evident that he had the confidence of every man, 
from the highest officer down to the humblest drummer 
boy in his whole command. His generalship rivals that 
of Alexander and Napoleon, and his armies eclipse those 
of Greece and Borne in their proudest days of imperial 
grandeur. He is a gift of the Almighty Father to th& 
Nation, in its extremity, and he has won his way to the 
exalted position he occupies through his own great perse- 
verence, skill and indomitable bravery." 


The following is the correspondence between Gen. Grant 
and Gen. Lee, relating to the surrender of Lee's army. 

"APRIL 7, 1865. 

"GENERA.L The result of the last week must convince 
you of the hopelessness of further resistance on the part 
of the Army of Northern Virginia in this struggle. I feel 
it is so, and regard it as my duty to shift from myself 
the responsibility of the further effusion of blood, by ask- 
ing of you the surrender of that portion of the army of 
the Confederate States, known as the Army of Northern 

"U. S. GRANT, 
"Gen. K. E. LEE." "Lieutenant-General." 1 

" APRIL 7, 1865. 

"GENERAL I have received your note of this date.. 
Though not entertaining the opinion you express on the 
hopelessness of further resistance on the part of the Army 
of Northern Virginia, I reciprocate your desire to avoid use- 
less effusion of blood, and, therefore, before considering 
your proposition, ask the terms you will offer on condi- 
tion of its surrender. 

"E. E. LEE, 
"Lieutenant-General U. S. GRANT." "General.'* 


"APRIL 8, 1865. 

" GENERAL Your note of last evening in answer to 
mine of same date, asking on what terms I will accept 
the surrender of the Army of Northern Virginia, is just 
received. In reply, I would say, that peace being my great 
desire, there is but one condition I t would insist upon, 
namely, that the men and officers surrendered shall be 
disqualified from taking up arms against the government 
of the United States until properly exchanged. I will 
meet you, or will designate officers to meet any officers 
you may name for the same purpose, at any point agree- 
able to you, for the purpose of arranging definitely the 
terms upon which the surrender of the Army of Northern 
Virginia will be received. 

"U. 8. GRANT, 
'"B. E. LEE, General." "Lieutenant-General." 

"APRIL, 8, 1865. 

"GENERAL I received, at a late hour, your note of 
io-day. In mine, of yesterday, I did not intend to pro- 
pose the surrender of the Army of Northern Virginia, but to 
ask the terms of your proposition. To be frank, I do not think 
the emergency has arisen to call for the surrender of this 
army; but as the restoration of peace should be the sole 
object of all, I desired to know whether your proposals 
would lead to that end. I can not, therefore, meet you 
with a view to the surrender of the Army of Northern 
Virginia ; but as far as your proposal may affect the Con- 
federate forces under my command, and tend to the res- 
toration of peace, I should be pleased to meet you at 10 
a. m. to-morrow, on the old stage-road to Kichmond, be- 
tween the picket lines of the two armies. 

"E. E. LEE, 
"U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant-General." "General." 

"APRIL 9, 1865. 

"GENERAL Your note of yesterday is received. I have 
no authority to treat on the subject of peace. The meet- 
ing proposed for 10 a. m. could do no good. I will state, 
however, General, that I am equally anxious for peace 
with yourself, and the whole North entertains the same 
feeling. The terms upon which peace can be had, are 
well understood. By the South laying down their arms, 
ihey will hasten that most desirable event, save thousands 
of human lives and hundreds of millions of property not 


yet destroyed. Seriously hoping that all our difficulties- 
may be Fettled without the loss of another life, I subscribe 
myself, etc. 

"U. S. GRANT, 
"E. E. LEE, General." "Lieutenant-General." 

"APRIL 9, 1865. 

"GENERAL I received your note of this morning, on. 
the picket line, whither I had come to meet you, and 
ascertain definitely what terms were embraced in your 
proposal of yesterday, with reference to the surrender of 
this army. I now ask an interview in accordance with 
the offer contained in your letter of yesterday, for that 

"E. E. LEE, 
"Lieutenant-General GRANT." "General." 


"GENERAL In accordance with the substance of my 
letter to you of the 8th instant, I propose to receive the 
surrender. of the Army of Northern Virginia on the fol- 
lowing terms, to- wit : Eolls of all the officers and men to be 
made 'in duplicate, one copy to be given to an officer to 
be designated by me, the other to be retained by such 
officer or officers as you may designate. The officers to 
give their individual paroles not to take up arms against 
the government of the United States until properly ex- 
changed ; and each company or regimental commander 
sign a like parole for the men of their commands. The 
arms, artillery, and public property to be parked and 
stacked, and turned over to the officers appointed by me 
to receive them. This will not embrace the side-arms of 
the officers, nor their private horses or baggage. This 
done, each officer and man will be allowed to return to 
his home, not to be disturbed by the United States' 
authority as long as they observe their paroles and the 
laws in force where they may reside. 

"U. S. GRANT, 
"General E. E. LEE." "Lieutenant-General.'" 


"April 9, 1865. 

"GENERAL I received your letter of this date contain- 
ing the terms of the surrender of the Army of Northern 
.Virginia, as proposed by you. As they are substantially" 


the same as those expressed in your letter of the 8th in- 
stant, they are accepted. I will proceed to designate the 
proper officers to carry the stipulations into effect. 

"B. E. LEE, 
"Lieutenant-General GRANT." " General. " 

General Grant closed his final report on the conduct 
of the war, in these words: 

"It has been my fortune to see the armies of both the 
West and East fight battles, and from what I have seen 
I know there is no difference in their fighting qualities. 
All that it was possible for men to do in battle, they have- 
done. The Western armies commenced their battles in 
the Mississippi Valley, and received the final surrender of 
the remnant of the principal army opposed to them in 
North Carolina. The armies of the East commenced their 
battles on the river from which the Army of the Potomac 
derived its name, and received the final surrender of their 
old antagonist at Appomattox Court House, Virginia. The 
splendid achievements of each have nationalized our vic- 
tories, removed all sectional jealousies (of which we have 
unfortunately experienced too much), and the cause of 
crimination and recrimination that might have followed, 
had either section failed in its duty. All have a proud 
record, and all sections can well congratulate tbemselves 
and each other for having done their full share in restor- 
ing the supremacy of law over every foot of territory 
belonging to the United States. Let them hope for per- 
petual peace and harmony with that enemy whose man- 
hood, however mistaken the cause, drew forth such 
herculean deeds of valor." 


During President Grant's second administration, there 
was a concerted effort upon the part of his personal 
and political enemies to bring his name into utter 
disgrace. "We refer to the sad spectacle of a causeless 
attempt to connect the name of this grand man and great 
soldier, criminally with the whisky-frauds of the country. 
In 1875, when the great frauds of the Whisky Eing of the 
United States culminated in a complete expose, men very- 
close to the administration of President Grant, and high in 


authority, were arrested and tried as conspirators in the 
crimes committed by that ring, and a few'men in the coun- 
try hoped it would be shown in the investigation that 
followed thab the President himself would be found to be 
connected in some wa'y with the frauds which would result 
in his impeachment ; but no sooner had the designs of his 
-enemies been made known to him, than this brave, silent 
man sent forth the official direction that there should be 
the most thorough investigation of the charges against the 
men who had been implicated in the whisky-frauds, and 
to let no guilty man escape, no matter how close he might 
claim to be to the administration. The trial of these men, 
as most of our readers know, was of the most searching 
character, and while the guilty were punished, it was evi- 
dent that President Grant had been made the subject of 
the most wicked and foul conspiracy that had ever been 
attempted upon mortal man, in the very house of his 
friends; but he came out of the trying ordeal like pure 
gold, and the verdict of the people of the whole country 
was that he was as innocent of any connection with the 
infamy of that ring as the unborn babe. But slander loves 
a shining mark. Gen. Grant had retired from the presi- 
dency, had traveled around the world, and had been 
received by the people and governments of foreign climes 
with far more distinction than any citizen of this country 
who had ever traveled abroad. In his absence, and with- 
out consulting his wishes, his warm political friends con- 
ceived the idea that it would be a fitting tribute to the 
eminent services of the distinguished soldier-citizen to 
again make him President of the United States, and then 
it was that slander raised for the second time its hydra- 
head. John McDonald, who had been severely punished 
for his connection with the whisky-frauds, lent himself to 
certain political leaders in an attempt to break down the 
character of Gen. Grant by resuscitating the whisky trials 


of St. Louis, into popular book form ; and J. W. Buel, a 
facile and pleasing writer, was employed to do the work, 
which he did with a master hand, but utterly regardless 
of the truth of history or the consequences ^p follow. But 
to the consternation of the political leaders engaged 
in Mr. McDonald's infamous book enterprise, -Gen. Grant 
did not receive the Republican nomination for President; 
and although the advent of the book had been extensively 
advertised in all the leading Democratic journals of the 
country, and in many of the Republican papers whose 
editors were opposed to his nomination for a third term, 
by the publication of liberal extracts from the most striking 
features of its pages, it came forth stillborn, and the das- 
tardly slander, intended to destroy the good name of the 
man who had done so much for his country upon the 
iield of carnage, and won for it imperishable honors abroad, 
went out like a spark in the ocean. But we can imagine 
nothing so debased in the scale of infamy as an attempt 
to destroy the good name of such a man, a man who 
ame from the private walks of life in 1861, and modestly 
offered himself to the Governor of Illinois as a defender 
of his country ; a man who advanced from a clerkship in 
the Adjutant General's office in his State to the proudest 
position in the military arm of his Government; a man 
who advanced to the highest and most exalted civil station 
within the gift of the people, simply by the force of his 
own manly moral character, and without asking or seek- 
ing the advancement ; a man whose hands were known to 
be free from the spoils of office, to be charged with or sus- 
pected of such corruption, is an insult to him and his 
country, for which there can be no adequate atonement. 
God has not allotted to man a life long enough to atono 
for such an offense; for such an indignity; for such a 





Governor Shelby M. Cullom. 

Lieutenant- Governor John M. Hamilton. 

Secretary of State Henry D. Dement. 

Auditor of Public Accounts Chas. P. Swigert. 

Treasurer Edward Eutz. 

Superintendent of Public Instruction James P. Slade^ 

Attorney- General James McCartney. 


The Thirty-second General Assembly convened January 
5, and adjourned May 30, sine die. It was composed of 
the following members. 


Geo. E. White, Chicago. 
L. D. Condee, Chicago. 
Sylvester Artley, Chicago. 
Chris. Mamer, Chicago. 
Fred. C. DeLang, Chicago. 
Geo. E. Adams, Chicago. 
W. J. Campbell, Chicago. 
George Kirk, Waukegan. 
Chas. E. Fuller, Belvidere. 
D. H. Sunderland, Freeport. 
Charles Bent, Morrison. 
Isaac Bice, Mt. Morris. 
J. R. Marshall, Yorkville. 
Henry H. Evans, Aurora. 
S. W. Munn, Joliet. 
Conrad Secrest, Watseka. 
Sam'l B. Lewis, Ottawa. 
Geo. Torrance, Chatsworth. 
L. D. Whiting, Tiskilwa. 
Thomas. M. Shaw, Lacon. 
Milton M. Ford, Galva. 

A. W. Berggren, Galesburg. 
Wm. H. Neece, Macomb. 
John Fletcher, Carthage. 
Meredith Walker, Canton. 
Andrew J. Bell, Peoria. 
Abram Mayfield, Lincoln. 
Jos. W. Fifer, Bloomington. 
Wm. T. Moffett, Decatur. 
Jas. S. Wright, Champaign. 
George Hunt, Paris. 
Horace S. Clark, Mattoon. 
E. N. Binehart, Effingham. 
W. T. Vandeveer, Taylorville. 
Wm. E. Shutt, Springfield. 
Ed. Laning, Petersburg. 
Maurice Kelly, Liberty. 
Wm. B. Archer, Pittsfield. 
W. P. Gallon, Jacksonville. 
C. A. Walker, Carlinville. 
A. J. Parkinson, Highland, 
T. B. Needles, Nashville. 



Thos. E. Merritt, Salem. Louis Ihorn, Harrisonville. 
John K. Tanner, Louisville. John Thomas, Belleville. 
Wm. G. Wilson, Kobinson. W. A. Lemma, Carbondale.. 
J. C. Edwards, McLeansboro. A. J. Kuykendall, Vienna.. 
S. L. Cheaney, Harrisburg. 


David Sullivan, Chicago. 
Addis L. Rockwell, Chicago. 
M. R. Harris, Chicago, 
John R. Cook, Chicago. 
Randall H. White, Chicago. 
Orrin S. Cook, Chicago. 
Thomas Cloonan, Chicago. 
George W. Kroll, Chicago. 
Jos. R. Gorman, Chicago. 
P. J. McMahon, Chicago. 
John L. Parish, Chicago. 
Robert N. Pearson, Chicago. 
Wm. A. Phelps, Chicago. 
Thos. H. McKone, Chicago. 
S. D. Mieroslawski, Chicago. 
Austin 0. Sexton, Chicago. 
Horace H. Thomas, Chicago. 
Nathan Plotke, Chicago. 
Geo. G. Struckman, Elgin. 
L. C. Collins, Jr., Chicago. 
B. F. Weber, Chicago. 
Orson C. Diggins, Harvard. 
Jas. Thompson, Harvard. 
James Pollock, Millburn. 
Ed. B. Sumner, Rockford. 
0. H. Wright, Belvidere, 
L. McDonald, Pecatonica. 
William Cox, Winslow. 
E. L. Cronkrite, Freeport. 
James Bayne, Warren. 
Wm. H. Allen, Erie. 
Emanuel Stover, Lanark. 
Henry Bitner, Mt. Carroll. 
Frank N. Tice, Forreston. 
Alex. P. Dysart, Nachusa. 
A. F. Brown, Stillman Valley. 
Henry Wood, Sycamore. 
Hiram Loucks, Somonauk. 

John Clark, SomonauIL 
Oliver P. Chisholm, Elginv 
Jas. HerriDgton, Geneva. 
Jas. G. Wright, Naperville. 

E. B. Shumway, Peotone. 
Michael Collins, Peotone. 
Harvey Stratton, Plainfield. 
Geo. B. Winter, Onarga. 
James Chat field, Momence.. 
Edward Rumley, Gilman.. 
Alex. Vaughey, Seneca.. 
Isaac Ames, Streator.. 

F. M. Robinson, Seneca*. 
J. H. Collier, Gibson City:. 
A. G. Goodspeed, Odell. 
Leander L. Green, Odell. 
John H. Welsh, Tiskilwa. 
S. F. Otman, Wyoming. 
Charles Baldwin, Princeton. 
Euclid Martin, Minonk. 

C. Stowell, LaPrairie Centre.. 
Jas. T. Thornton, Mngnolia.. 
A. R. Mock, Cambridge. 
J. W. Simonson, Port Byron. 
Patrick O'Mara, Rock Island. 
Martin A. Boyd, Aledo. 
A. P. Petrie, New Windsor. 
Hannibal. P. Wood, Wataga. 
Wm. C. McLeod, Macpmb. 
S. B. Davis, Blandinville. 
Daniel D. Parry, Monmouth. 
R. A. McKinley, Biggsville. 
H. M. Whiteman, Biggsville. 
James Peterson, Oquawka. 
Joseph L. McCune, Ipava. 
Wm. C. Reno. Browning. 
Inmon Blackaby, Giver. 
Jos. Gallup, Lawn Ridge. 


David Heryer, Brimfield. Oliver Coultas, Lynnville. 
J. M. Niehaus, Peoria. Joseph S. Carr, Kane. 

John H. Crandali, Morton. Balfour Cowen, Virden. 
W. B. Harvey, Washington. J. N. English, Sr., Jerseyv'le. 
Allen Lucas, Mt. Pulaski. A. N. Yancy, Bunker Hill. 
William Hill, Bloomington. Henry 0. Billings, Alton. 
Geo. B. Okeson, Lexington. John M. Pearson, Godfrey. 
T. E. Mitchell, Bloomington. Jones Tontz, Grant Fork. 
L. Ludington, Farmer City. Fred. Becker, Germantown. 
Jason Kogers, Decatur. John L. Nichols, Clement. 
B. K. Durfee, Decatur. E. H. Simmons, Greenville. 

Chas. F. Tenney, Bement. Iverson M. Little, Vera. 
Ashbel H. Bailey, Bantoul. D. W. Andrews, Centralia. 
H. D. Peters, Monticello. Mancil A. Harris, Bamsey. 
Joseph B. Mann, Danville. Nathan Crews, Fairfield. 
Bradley Butterfield, Bankin. James Keen, Six Mile. 
John G. Holden, Danville. Ezra B. Keene, Keensburg. 
Thomas E. Bundy, Tuscola. Jacob C. Olwin, Bobinson. 
J. W. B. Morgan, Sullivan. James C. Bryan, Marshall. 
IE u gene B. Buck, Charleston. W. H. H. Mieure, L'wr'ncev'le 
<Geo. D. Chafee, Shelbyville. C. T. Strattan, Mt. Vernon. 

A. C. Campbell, Moweaqua. Samuel M. Martin, Carmi. 
>F. M. Bichardson, Neoga. B.A.D.Wilbanks,Mt. V'rn'n. 

B. Me Williams, Litchfield. Milo Erwiu, Crab Orchard. 
Geo. B. Sharp, Sharpsburg. E. M. Youngblood, Benton. 
Geo W. Paisley, Hillsboro. Jas. M. Gregg, Harrisburg. 
A. N. J. Crook, Springfield. Isaac M. Kelly, DuQuoin. 
DeWitt W. Smith, Bates. W. K. Murphy, Pinckneyv'le. 
Jas. M. Garland, Springfield. Austin James, Mitchie. 

L. C. Chandler, Chandlerv'le. John N. Perrin, Belleville. 
Wm. M. Duffy, San Jose. P. H. Postel, Mascoutah. 
J. H. Shaw, Beardstown. Joseph Veile, Millstadt. 
Joseph N. Carter, Quincy. Harmon H. Black, Cairo. 
John McAdams, Ursa. David T. Linegar, Cairo. 

Wm. A. Bichardson, Quincy. H. B. Buckingham, Alto Pass. 
J. L. Underwood, Barry. William A. Spann, Vienna. 
Wm. Mortland, Hardin. W. S. Morris, Elizabethtown. 
S. B. Powell, Winchester. John D. Young, Pellona. 
Oman Pierson, Carrollton. 

Lieutenant-Governor John M. Hamilton presided over 
the Senate. William J. Campbell, of Cook, was elected 
President pro tempore, over Wm. P. Gallon, of Morgan, 
by a vote of 83 to 28, and James H. Paddock, Secretary, 
over T. W. S. Kidd, by a vote of 35 to 16. 


In the House, Horace H. Thomas, of Cook, was elected 
Speaker over Bradford K. Durfee, of Macon, by a vote of 
81 to 71, and W. B. Taylor, of Marshall, Clerk, over 
Will A. Connelly, of Sangamon, by a vote of 81 to 71. 

The message of the Governor was read in the two 
houses on the 7th of January. The Canal, Illinois Na- 
tional Guard, Agriculture, State Board of Health, Char- 
itable Institutions, Apportionment, State Library, Douglas 
Monument, and Revenue, were subjects which were dis- 
cussed at some length, and the usual recommendations 
as to proper subjects of legislation were indulged in. 

Exclusive of the appropriation acts, laws were passed 
to prevent the spread of pleuro-pneumonia among cattle ; 
to amend an act to consolidate the offices of county treas- 
urer and county assessor ; to regulate the traffic in deadly 
weapons and prevent their sale to minors; to prevent the 
adulteration of butter and cheese ; to prevent the adul- 
teration of articles of food, drink or medicine ; to fix the 
times of election of county officers and their tenure ; to 
amend the insurance laws ; to define legal holidays ; to reg- 
ulate the practice of pharmacy; to require officers having 
in their custody public funds to prepare and publish 
annual statements of the receipts and disbursements; to 
amend the revenue law; to amend the school law; to 
secure equality in the matter of admitting patients into 
hospitals for the insane, and to provide for the transfer 
of patients from one hospital to another. 


The Governor convened this General Assembly in spe- 
cial session March 23, 1882, for the purpose of passing 
laws apportioning the State into Congressional and Sena- 
torial districts, and for other purposes. The duration of 
this session was 44 days. 



Unpublished Correspondence between Browning and Lincoln Browning's 
Personal Friendship for Lincoln, and his Absolute Loyalty to his Gov- 

When Senator Douglas died, the Democracy made an 
effort to have W. A. Eichardson, then a member of Con- 
gress from the Quincy district, appointed to succeed him, 
but Governor Yates chose to fill the vacancy by the selec- 
tion of 0. H. Browning, of the same city, and the wisdom 
of the choice was soon made apparent, for Eichardson 
came out as an anti-war man, while Browning never 
wavered for a moment in loyalty to his country's flag, 
but if anything, he was somewhat in advance of the Presi- 
dent upon the question of freeing the slaves, for when the 
proclamation of Gen. Fremont, in Missouri, in 1861, which 
declared the slaves of disloyal men free, was revoked, Mr. 
Browning was deeply concerned over the matter, and wrote 
Mr. Lincoln an earnest letter protesting against his action, 
-and because of this Mr. Browning was charged with giving 
Mr. Lincoln only a half-hearted support in his efforts 
to overthrow armed treason; and the great injustice was 
never broadly denied until after his death, and this was 
on the occasion of the memorial address of Judge C. B. 
Lawrence before the Illinois Bar Association, at Spring- 
field, in January, 1882, when he read the reply of the 
President to that letter, and Mr. Browning's reply, which 
iiad not before been made public. We reproduce Mr. 


Lincoln's letter in full, and Mr. Browning's reply, omit- 
ting that portion of it which discusses the merits of the 
case, which can have no interest at this time : 

"WASHINGTON, September 22, 1861. 
" Hon. 0. H. BROWNING : 

" My Dear Sir Yours of the 17th is just received, and, 
coming from you, I confess it astonishes me. That you 
should object to my adhering to a law which you had 
assisted in making, and presenting to me, less than a 
month before, is odd enough. But this is a very small 
part. General Fremont's proclamation, as to confiscation 
of property, and the liberation of slaves, is purely politi- 
cal, and not within the range of military law or necessity. 
If a commanding General finds a necessity to seize the 
farm of a private owner, for a pasture, an encampment, 
or a fortification, he has the right to do so, and to so 
hold it as long as the necessity lasts; and this is within 
military law, because within military necessity. But 
to say the farm shall no longer belong to the owner, 
or his heirs, forever, and this, as well when the farm is 
not needed for military purposes as when it is, is purely 
political, without the savor of military law about it. And 
the same is true of slaves. If the General needs them, 
he can seize them and use them, but when the need is 
past, it is not for him to fix their permanent future con- 
dition. That must be settled according to the laws made 
by law-makers, and not by military proclamations. The 
proclamation, in the point in question, is simply 'dicta- 
torship.' It assumes that the General may do any thing 
he pleases, confiscate the lands and free the slaves of 
loyal people, as well as disloyal ones. And going the 
whole figure, I have no doubt, would be more popular 
with some thoughtless people, than that which has been 
done. But I cannot assume this reckless position ; nor 
allow others to assume it on my responsibility. 

"You speak of it as being the only means of saving the 
Government. On the contrary, it is the surrender of the 
Government. Can it be pretended that it is any longer 
the Government of the United States any Government 
of Constitution and Laws wherein a General or a Presi- 
dent may make permanent rules of property by procla- 


" I do not say Congress might not, with propriety, pass 
a law on the point just such as Gen. Fremont proclaimed. 
I do not say I might not, as a member of Congress, vote 
for it. What I object to is that I, as President, shall 
expressly or impliedly seize and exercise the permanent 
legislative functions of the Government. 

" ;5o much as to principle. Now as to policy. No doubt 
the thing was popular in some quarters, and would have 
been more so if it had been a general declaration of eman- 
cipation. ,The Kentucky Legislature would not budge till 
that proclamation was modified, and Gen. Anderson tele- 
graphed me that on the news of Gen. Fremont having 
actually issued deeds of manumission, a whole company 
of volunteers threw down their arms and disbanded. 1 was 
so assured as to think it probable that the very arms we 
had furnished Kentucky would be turned against us. I 
think to lose Kentucky is nearly the same as to lose the 
whole game. Kentucky gone, we cannot hold Missouri, 
nor, as I think, Maryland. These all against us, and the 
job on our hands is too much for us. We might as well 
consent to separation at once, including the surrender of 
this capital. On the contrary, if you will give up your 
restlessness for new positions, and back me manfully on 
the grounds upon which you and other kind friends gave 
me the election, and have approved in my public docu- 
ments, we shall go through triumphantly. 

" You must not understand I took my course on the 
proclamation because of Kentucky. I took the same ground 
in a private letter to Gen. Fremont before I heard from 
Kentucky. You think I am inconsistent because I did 
not also forbid Gen. Fremont to shoot men under the 

" I understand that part to be within military law, but 
I also think, and so privately wrote Gen. Fremont, that 
it is impolitic in this, that our adversaries have the power, 
and will certainly exercise it, to shoot as many of our men 
as we shoot of theirs. I did not say this in the public 
letter, because it is a subject I prefer not to discuss in 
the hearing of our enemies. 

" There has been no thought of removing Gen. Fremont 
on any grounds connected with this proclamation ; and if 
there has been any wish for his removal on any ground ,. 
our mutual friend, Samuel Glover, can probably tell you 
what it was. I hope no real necessity for it exists on any 
ground. " Your friend as ever, 




" QUINCY, ILL., Sept. 30, 1861. 

"Mr. President Yours of the 22d inst. is before me, 
Fully aware of the multitude and magnitude of your 
engagements, I certainly did not expect a moment of your 
valuable time to be consumed in replying to any commu- 
nication of mine, but am very greatly obliged to you for 
having done so. 

" Occasionally, since the beginning of our troubles, I 
have taken the liberty of writing you and giving my 
opinions, valueless as they may be, upon the great ques- 
tions which agitate the nation, and which we are bound,, 
however difficult and distressing they may be, in some 
way or other to solve. I have also, from time to time,, 
endeavored to give you a true reflection of public senti- 
ment, so far as it was known to me. I have been prompted 
to this course by a very sincere interest in your individual 
welfare, fame and fortune, as well as by a painfully intense 
anxiety for the maintenance of the Constitution and the 
Union, the restoration of the just authority of the Govern- 
ment, and the triumph of as holy a cause, in my judg- 
ment, as ever interested men's feelings, and enlisted their 

" I thought that whether the public sentiment here and 
my own opinions accorded with yours or not, you might 
still be not only willing but glad to know them. I have r 
therefore, written to you frankly and candidly, but have 
at all times intended to be both kind and respectful, and 
I regret it deeply if I have failed in either, as some pas- 
sages in yours lead me to suspect I have only annoyed 
you. Nothing, I assure you, has been further from my 
purpose. Fully appreciating the difficulties and embar- 
rassments of your position, I would be as ready and will- 
ing to aid you by any personal sacrifice I could make, as- 
I would be reluctant to add to your harassments, either 
by fault-finding or by solicitations. I have said many- 
things to you which I have not said to others. Conscious- 
of the great injury our cause would sustain by any weak- 
ening of the confidence of the people in the administration,. 
I have constantly vindicated both its men and its meas- 
ures before the public, and when I have had complaints, 
or suggestions to make in regard to either, I have made 
them directly to you. Others have not known of them. 
This, I thought, was demanded alike by the claims of 
friendship and patriotism. 


"What I said in regard to Gen. Fremont and his pro- 
clamation, was in accordance with this feeling. My 
acquaintance with him has been very limited, and I have 
had no personal feeliug in this matter. If he was honestly 
-and faithfully doing his duty, justice to him and regard 
ior his country alike required that he should be sustained. 
There WLS much complaint and clamor against him, and 
.as I am not quick to take up evil report, I went twice to 
.St. Louis to see and learn for myself all that I could. It 
is very probable he has made some mistakes, but in the 
main he seemed to be taking his measures wisely and well. 
Many of the charges against him appeared to me friv- 
olous, and I did not know of any one who could take his 
position and do better amid the surrounding difficulties, 
and was confident his removal at the time and under the 
circumstances, would be damaging both to the administra- 
tion and the cause. Hence I wrote you, as I thought it 
my duty to do, certainly not intending any impertinent 
interference with executive duties, or expecting what I said 
to have any greater scope than friendly suggestion. . . 

"And now, Mr. President, permit me in conclusion to 
say, in all kindness, that I am not conscious of any 'rest- 
lessness for new positions.' New positions for us are not 
necessary. A firm adherence to old ones is, and this I 
am sure you intend. 

" Thus fur I have tried to 'back you manfully, upon the 
grounds upon which you had your election.' 

" It may be that I have done it feebly, but certainly hon- 
estly and earnestly; and I shall be one of the last to 
falter in support of either our principles or their chosen 

"And I am very sure that neither for yourself nor for 
the country, do you more ardently desire that 'we shall 
go through triumphantly,' than does your very sincere and 
.faithful friend, 0. H. BROWNING." 

This correspondence cannot fail to demonstrate two 
things, which have not been before well settled in the 
minds of those who have been given to look through the 
vision of prejudice. It shows that, whatever may have 
been the opinion of Mr. Lincoln's enemies, the abolition 
of slavery was not the paramount idea of his nature, but 
that he wished to preserve the Union, and leave the 
question of slavery to adjust itself, as circumstances might 


-direct. The other thing made plain is, that Mr. Brown- 
ing was never wanting in a proper regard for Mr. Lincoln, 
or in devotion to the union of the States. 

In justification of what we have said regarding the loy- 
alty of Mr. Browning to the administration of Mr. Lin- 
coln, we point to the following extract from a speech made 
by him in the Senate of the United States just prior to 
the resignation of all the Southern Senators : 

" I say it with no passion, Mr. President, but I do say, 
:and I think I say it for the entire country, that any man 
or set of men, here or elsewhere, who delude themselves 
with the idea that there is to be now, or at any time 
hereafter, any sort or character of compromise patched 
up with treason, by which the war is to be brought to a 
close, are fatally deceiving themselves. Mr. President, no 
terms can be made now or hereafter. Let the consequences 
of the war be what they may, no terms, now or at any 
time hereafter, can be made with treason and rebellion. 
There are but two alternatives. One is that this Govern- 
ment shall be overthrown and that all hope for Constitu- 
tional Government shall go down ; and the other is that 
rebellion shall be subdued, shall be subjugated, that treason 
.shall be punished, and this Government founded upon a 
jrock, firmer, faster than it has hitherto been, and upon 
-which hereafter all the tempests of insurrection and dis- 
content shall beat in vain." 

After the assassination of Mr. Lincoln, President Johnson 
appointed Mr. Browning Secretary of the Interior, the 
duties of which he discharged with an ability which did 
honor to his name and an integrity that was never 
questioned. The troubles which environed the adminis- 
iration of Mr. Johnson, and the attempt made to remove 
him by impeachment, estranged Mr. Browning from his 
old party associates, and he ceased to act with the Re- 
publican party. 

Mr. Browning was by birth a Kentuckian, removing to 
Illinois in 1830, locating at Quincy, where he continued to 
reside so long as he lived. He was originally a Whig, 
living in a strong Democratic district, naturally held 


but few public trusts. He was elected a Senator in th& 
tenth General Assembly, in 1836, and opposed the wild 
legislation on the question of internal improvements of 
that time. In 1843, he was induced to run for Congress- 
against Stephen A. Douglas, but owing to the large Dem- 
ocratic majority in the district failed of an election; andl 
his appointment as the successor of Douglas in the United 
States Senate was his next appearance as a public man. 
After his retirement from 'Johnson's cabinet, in 1869, he 
was elected a member of the Constitutional Convention 
which framed our present Constitution, and to him is due 
many of its wise and excellent provisions. 

Mr. Browning died in August, 1881, in the 75th year of 
his age, and, in closing his admirable address, Mr. Law- 
rence paid this happy and fitting tribute to his memory:: 

" The announcement of his death came to the beautiful 
city where he had lived so long, and which he loved so- 
well, like a fearful blow. Its most honored citizen had 
gone. For fifty years he had been their trusted leader and 
adviser. For fifty years he had lived among them a life 
which made no man his foe, but all men his friends. For 
fifty years they had listened to his eloquent utterances in 
the courts of justice and on the public platform, in times. 
of trouble or when the country was in danger, and they 
had always gained strength and courage from his lips.. 
For fifty years he had spoken to them words of wisdom,, 
deepening their convictions as to the demands of patriot- 
ism and public duty. For fifty years he had dared to tell 
them the truth, or what he believed to be the truth, even 
when he knew it would cause a fleeting cloud between 
himself and them. For fifty years he had set them the 
example of a noble life. Little wonder that the town 

" The funeral day was appointed. Friends, from far and 
near, came to render their last tribute of respect, and we 
felt, as we laid him away in the sunset of a summer day^ 
in a beautiful cemetery on the banks of the Mississippi,, 
beneath the shadows of the silent oaks, that a great brain, 
and a great heart had done their work, and another tie? 
between ourselves and life was broken." 



The campaign of 1882 was what is commonly denom- 
inated the "off year," and party lines were not so closely 
drawn as in the Presidential years. The Eepublicans 
nominated John C. Smith for Treasurer, and Charles T. 
Strattan for Superintendent of Public Instruction. 

The Democrats nominated Alfred Orendorff for Treas- 
urer, and Henry Eaab for Superintendent of Public In- 

The Prohibitionists nominated John G. Irwin for Treas- 
urer, and Elizabeth B. Brown for Superintendent of Public 

The Greenbackers nominated Daniel McLaughlin for 
Treasurer, and Frank H. Hall for Superintendent of Public 

The aggregate vote of the respective candidates, as 
shown by the canvass made by the General Assembly, was : 

Smith 250,722 

Orendorff. 244,585 

McLaughlin 15,511 

Irwin 11,130 

Smith's plurality 6,137 

Strattan ... 250,276 

llaab 253,145 

Hall 14,306 

J3rown 11,202 

Eaab's plurality 2,869 


Although Mr. Smith was elected by a plurality of 
6,137, the Democratic candidate for Superintendent of 
Public Instruction was elected over Mr. Strattan by a- 
plurality of 2,869. There were three causes which con- 
tributed to the defeat of Mr. Strattan. He had been a, 
minority member of the Thirty-second General Assembly, 
and had voted in favor of a bill in which it was pro- 
posed to submit to a vote of the people an amendment 
to the Constitution prohibiting the manufacture or sale 
of spirituous or malt liquors as a beverage. This he had 
a right to do, but it lost him the vote of many German 
Eepublicans. While on the other hand the Prohibition 
[Republicans were displeased because the Eepublican State 
Convention had voted down a resolution which proposed 
to allow the people to vote on the question of amending 
the Constitution, as hereinbefore expressed, and they voted, 
for Mrs. Brown, as a matter of principle, utterly regard- 
less as to what might be the result of the election. The 
third and last cause was, that very many Eepublicans- 
who were identified with the school interests, assumed 
that Mr. Strattan had not been sufficiently associated witk 
the school work, and a large per cent, of them voted for 
Mr. Eaab, who was known to have made education his- 
study and practice; and when Mr. Eaab was inducted 
into office he recognized the fact that it had not been a. 
party victory by appointing W. L. Pillsbury, a Eepubli- 
can, his assistant. Mr. Pillsbury had held the position 
under Superintendent Slade, and whatever may have been 
the party prejudice to his selection, we doubt if Mr. Eaab 
could have made a more fitting appointment. 

The aggregate vote for Congressmen, by districts, is a 
follows : 


Eansom W. Dunham, E 11,571 

John W. Doane, D 10,534 

Alonzo J. Glover.. 644 



John F. Finerty, D 9,360 

Henry F. Sheridan 6,939 

J. Altpeter 189 

Sylvester Artley 180 


George E. Davis, E 12,511 

William P. Black 10,274 

Caleb G. Hayman 748 

Q. A. Sprague 3- 


George E. Adams, E 11,686- 

Lambert Tree 9,446 

Frank P. Crandon 66a 

Christian Meyer 128> 


Eeuben Ellwood, E 12,994 

William Price 5,127 

B. N. Dean 268- 


Eobert E. Hitt, E 12,725- 

James S. Ticknor 9,045 

George W. Curtis 354 

B. F. Sheets 6- 


Thomas J. Henderson, E 12,751 

Larmon G. Johnson 6,369 

M. B. Lloyd 1,673- 

L. G. Morrison 57 


William Cullen, E 13,851 

Patrick C. Haley 13,67a 

Lewis Steward 917 

Otis Hardy 1,017 

T. W. Baird 41 



lewis E. Payson, E 12,619 

E. B. Buck 9,243 

O. W. Barnard 2,138 

Joseph M. McCullough 87 


Nicholas E. Worthington, D 13,571 

John H. Lewis, E 13,180 

.Matthew H. Mitchell 1,335 


"William H. Neece, D 14,604 

Benjamin F. Marsh, E 13,975 

Hichard Haney 3,671 


James M. Eiggs, D 15,316 

James W. Singleton, Ind. D 11,782 

Philip N. Minier, P 4,130 


William M. Springer, D 18,360 

Deitrich C. Smith, E 14,042 

H. M. Miller 1,340 


Jonathan H. Eowell, E 15.273 

Adlai E. Stevenson, D 14,598 

David H. Harts, Ind. E 1,414 


Joseph G. Cannon, E 15,868 

Andrew J. Hunter, D 14,651 

John C. Barnes 536 


Aaron Shaw, D 14,557 

E. B. Green, E 13,689 

Daniel B. Tourney 741 



.'Samuel W. Monlton, D 14,495 

William H. Barlow, E 10,068 

LB. W. F. Corley 1,386 


William R. Morrison, D 14.906 

W. C. Kueffner, R 12,561 

Thomas W. Hynes, P 1,069 


Richard W. Townshend, D 15,606 

George C. Ross, R 9,930 


John R. Thomas, R 14.504 

William K. Murphy, D 14.113 

J. F. McCartney, Ind 1,016 

G. W. Curtis . .. . 22 


General Logan Challenged Correspondence Letter of General Logan An 
Exciting Incident Cilley and Graves Duel Last Time Gen. Grant Ap- 
peared in Public Conspiracy to Defraud the Government of the Tax on 
Spirits Letter from Gen. Grant on the Subject Public Charities Negro 
Slave Marriages Santa Anna's Cork Leg. 

When General Logan was returned to the United States 
Senate in 1879, there was an effort made by those oppobed 
to the pronounced views he held regarding the questions 
then dividing the people of the North and South, to weaken 
his influence in that body, by a reiteration of the slander 
that he had not been loyal to the flag of his country at the 
inception of the rebellion, and William M. Lowe, a member 
of the House from Alabama, was chosen as the person to 


make the charge, which was done through the medium of 
an interview with a correspondent of the Boston Globe, which 
was published almost simultaneously in the Pittsburg Post, 
to which General Logan made a prompt reply in a brief card 
published in the Washington Republican, in which he brand- 
ed the statements attributed to Mr. Lowe as being false and 
slanderous in every particular, leaving the question of their 
responsibility to be settled between Mr. Lowe and the cor- 
respondent. The fearless denial of General Logan stirred 
the hot blood of the southerner, and he set about to compel 
General Logan to make an apology or fight a duel. General 
Logan, in the mean time, treated all his communications 
with silent contempt, but at the same time held himself 
ready to meet any personal assault with deadly intent Mr. 
Lowe might venture to make. But failing to provoke 
General Logan to accept a challenge, on the 26th of April, 
1879, Mr. Lowe published the following correspondence,, 
which was given to the press of the country : 

"WASHINGTON, D. C., APRIL 26, 1879. 

"In the Republican of the 21st inst. Hon. John A. Logan 
has a communication in regard to an interview between Mr. 
Luther, correspondent of the Boston Globe and myself, 
which interview has been published in the Pittsburg Post. 
In that communication Senator Logan uses, in reference to 
myself, the following extraordinary language : 

" 'I understand that (Jol. Lowe claims that this is not a 
correct report of what he said to the reporter ; if not, he 
should correct the statement and make the reporter respon- 
sible for putting a lie into his mouth. The statement I 
brand as false and slanderous, and Col. Lowe and the 
reporter can settle the question between themselves as to 
which one has been guilty of perpetrating this villainous 

"Upon reading this language, I sent Senator Logan the 
following note : 

" 'WASHINGTON, D. C., APRIL 21, 1879. 
" 'To Hon. John A. Logan, Washington: 

" 'SiR : In the Republican of this morning, I find a com- 
munication signed by you, commenting upon an alleged 
interview between the correspondent of the Pittsburg Post, 


and myself in regard to your rumored participation in rais- 
ing troops for the confederate army in 1861. You had been 
informed that the interview in the Post was incorrect. In 
that interview I said, substantially, that there were two or 
three companies from Illinois in the confederate service ; 
that I had talked with one of the officers and some of the' 
men, and they said they were enlisted to constitute a part 
of General Logan's command in the confederate army, andi 
such reports were current in my section ; that I had never 
heard any denial of them, and that if they were true, Gen. 
Logan, if asked upon the floor of the Senate, could not deny, 
but might, perhaps, evade a direct answer. This being the 
substance of my statement in said interview, I desire to know 
whether, in your communication to the Republican this 
morning, you apply the words 'false and slanderous' to me. 

" 'Respectfully, 

" 'Win. M. LOWE. 

" 'This will be handed you by my friend, Chas. Pelham,, 
Esq. " 'W. M. L.' 

"This note was delivered by Judge Pelham to Senator- 
Logan, at his city residence, on the morning of the22d inst:. 
Receiving no reply, 1 sent, on the morning of the 24th inst., 
the following note : 

" 'WASHINGTON, D. C., APBIL 24, 1879. 

" ' Hon John A . Logan: 

" 'Sm : On the 21st inst. I addressed a letter to you, 
calling your attention to your communication in the Repub- 
lican of that date. In that letter I gave the substance of an 
interview with myself, which had been in some particular 
incorrectly reported in the Pittsburg Post, and desired to 
know if in your publication of the 21st inst., you applied 
the words 'false and slanderous' to me. Having received 
no reply to that letter, I am forced again to call your atten- 
tion to these offensive word-, and to demand to know 
whether you apply them to me. My friend, Chas. Pelham, 
Esq., is authorized to receive your reply. 

" 'Respectfully, 

" <WM. M. LOWE.' 

"This note was delivered to Senator Logan in the vesti- 
bule of the Senate Chamber on the afternoon of its date. 


'Receiving no reply, I sent Senator Logan the following note, 
\which was delivered to him at 3 o'clock, p. m., on the day 
'of its date : 

" 'WASHINGTON, D. C., APRIL 25, 1879. 
41 'Hon. John A. Logan: 

" 'SiR: On the 21st, you published in the Republican of 
this city, a communication containing words personally 
^reflecting upon me. I have twice addressed you a note, 
< calling your attention to this language. You have failed 
.and refused to answer either of them, and you thereby force 
one to the last alternative. I therefore demand that you 
marne some time and place out of this District, where 
^another communication will presently reach you. My 
friend, Chas. Pelham, Esq., is authorized to act for me in 
the premises. 

" 'Respectfully, 

. M. LOWE.' 

"" This ended this one-sided correspondence, which explains 
itself. It needs little or no comment from me. I will not 
I brand John A. Logan as a liar, for he is a Senator of the 
United States. I will not post him as a scoundrel and pol- 
troon, for that would be in violation of local statutes; but 
I do publish him as one who knows how to insult, but not 
how to satisfy a gentleman, and I invoke upon him the 
judgment of honorable men of the community. 

"WM. M.LOWE." 

'This ended the matter. It was not necessary for General 
Xog in to either do or say anything to establish a character 
for moral courage ; all were willing to accord him that, and 
many went so far as to say that it required more courage to 
resist the temptation to fight a duel than it did to toe the 
mark on the "field of honor." This, we believe, is the first 
instance in the history of the public men of Washington, 
where the challenged party had the moral courage to con- 
demn, by his action, the barbarous practice of desiring to 
take the life of another, for words spoken in debase or 
otherwise, and the example of General Logan marks a point 
in cur civilization that will live as long as the government 


ix$f** tf-rf* 

< ^g. 

<y</^i^^ L^Y fo*--<'-c-**-~-*^ 


In a previous chapter we have given an unbiased state- 
iment regarding the position occupied by Gen. Logan from' 
the first inception of the rebellion to the close of the war,, 
which was submitted to him for his criticism ; and the ac- 
companying letter bears us out in all that is therein said : 

"CHICAGO, ILL., April 14, 1883. 

"My Dear Sir Your favor of the 31st July I find await-, 
ing answer upon my return from the West. I hope you will 
pardon delay in answering. I have read your statement' 
in referance to myself, which you propose to make a part of 
your coming book, and can say that it is a fair statement of 
the facts. I have no suggestions to offer, and it is all I 
could ask you to say ; it covers all the ground, and is truth- 

"Thanking you for the interest manifested, and trusting 
that you may meet with success in your enterprise, I am 
"Very truly your friend, 



One of the most exciting incidents of the political cam- 
paign of 1864 occurred at Mt. Vernon in October of that 
year. General Logan had been granted leave of absence 
from the army for a short time, and was announced to- 
speak at this place. It is worthy of remark to say, that not- 
withstanding Jefferson County had sent many brave men- 
to the army as defenders of the Union, it was, neverthe- 
less, the home of many anti-war men. On this occasion 1 
the town was filled to overflowing with men and women,j 
anxious to hear what the distinguished soldier had to say 
on the great issues of the war. It was an open air meeting,, 
but shortly after Gen. Logan commenced his address it be- 
gan to rain and he was forced to go into the Court House,., 
which was filled to the utmost, while hundreds stood around! 
the doors and windows, eager to hear every word. In the> 
midst of this rapt attention, a scene of great confusion en- 
sued. Dr. W. Duff Green, a Kentuckian by birth and 
brother of Judge W. H. Green, took exceptions to 8ome ( 


assertion Gen. Logan had made, and arose to his feet and 
'requested the speaker to repeat the words, that he (Green) 
'might not misunderstand him, whereupon Gen. Logan 
'said: "What I did say, was that any man who opposed 
the war is a traitor to his country, and I say so now, " when 
Green, white with rage, vociferated, "You are a liar, sir." 
Logan, quicker than thought, seized a glass goblet at his 
side, and hurled it at the head of Green with terrible force, 
ibut fortunately it struck a column behind which Green had 
dodged, breaking; it into many pieces. Here the excitement 
exceeded anything ever witnessed in the town. Men shouted 
and women screamed ; revolvers were drawn in rapid suc- 
, cession, and several attempts were made to shoot Gen. 
Logan, but happily not a shot was fired nor a blow dealt 
on either side, and when order was restored Gen. Logan 
finished his speech as deliberately as though nothing had 
occurred, and without again being interrupted. 

The foregoing calls to mind the duel between Cilley and 
Graves in 1838, in which Henry Clay figured somewhat con- 
spicuously. Cilley was a member of Congress from Maine, 
and Graves represented a Kentucky district. Mr. Cilley 
was one of the ablest debaters in the House, and in a speech 
defending Martin Van Buren, who was then President, from 
the assaults of his enemys, he paid his respects to James 
"Watson Webb of the New York Courier and Enquirer, 
asserting that Webb had received a money consideration 
for advocating the charter of the National Bank. A few 
days after, Mr. Webb visited Washington, and he sent Mr. 
Cilley a note through Mr. Graves. Mr. Cilley declined to 
receive it. Mr. Graves returned to Mr. Webb with the note, 
whom he found in company with Mr. Clay and some other 
Kentuckians. Mr. Cilley's refusal created a great deal of 
excitem r nt among the friends of Mr. Webb. Finally Mr. 
Clay said, in a passionate manner: "Take the note back to 


the Yankee and tell him it is no challenge, hut a mere note 
of inquiry from Col. Wehb." Mr. Graves returned to Mr. 
CiUey and explained the character of the note. The latter 
again declined to receive it, stating that he had no acquaint- 
ance with Mr. Webb and did not wish any correspondence 
with him. This somewhat embarrassed Mr. Graves. Mr. 
Cilley assured him that he held him in the highest esteem, 
and greatly regretted doing anything which would affect 
him unpleasantly. Mr. Graves returned to the Kentucky 
headquarters and reported the result, whereupon Mr. Clay 
savagely ejaculated, "Graves, you have got to challenge the 

d d Yankee;" and it is related that Mr. Clay penned the 

original challenge. Henry A. Wise, afterwards Governor 
of Virginia, was the bearer of the challenge, which was 
accepted, Mr. Cilley preferring to meet death in that bar- 
barous manner rather than to be posted a a coward, as was 
the custom of the times. Knowing nothing of the use of 
pistols, Mr. Cilley chose rifles. The hostile meeting took 
place. Three shots were exchanged, and in the last Cilley 
received a wound in the thigh which severed the femoral 
artery, and he died almost instantly, while Graves was 
untouched. This duel is a part of the history of the 
country, and details need not be given. A few moments 
before the death of Cilley, Graves advanced within a few 
feet of him and asked if he might not go to the fallen man, 
bat Wise remonstrated with him, when Graves entered his 
carriage and left the scene. This brutal tragedy had no 
little to do with the defeat of Henry Clay for the Presidency 
in the campaign of 1844. 


General Grant died July 23d, 1885, at 8 :08 A. M., mourned 
iby the people of the civilized world. Governor Oglesby, in 
Ms response to the toast, "Oar Boys," at the banquet given 


at Chicago, in September, 1885, by the Army of the Tennes- 
see, made this happy reference to the last time General 
Grant appeared before the public. Said he : "Oh, glorious 
Beptiblic ! Oh, splendid Nation ! May the time never come 
when heroes such as the last war produced, may not be 
found in the ranks of the boys of the future. I saw for the 
last time, on the shore of the Atlantic, a little more than a 
year ago, that modest, silent soldier, who led these brave 
men to victory ; I saw that plain man, born upon the yellow 
clay hills of Ohio, the son of a farmer one who in Europe 
would be called a peasant boy I saw him for the last time, 
after he had substantially accomplished the .career and cir- 
cle of life. It was partially by my persuasion that he was 
induced to go once more before the public at Ocean Grove, 
where there was a vast assemblage of Christian men and! 
women, who had come together from the North and the 
South. It was a reunion of the sanitary commission, the 
Christian commission, and the chaplains of both armies. 
They had telegraphed him the day before to meet them. He 
declined. They telegraphed him again, and he read the tele- 
gram to me. I said, 'General, by all means, go. These people 
want to see you.' He studied a moment, and said, 'Yes, I will 
go.' He went, and I went with him. He was very much de- 
pressed, but he went with that same self-possession and un- 
fathomable face that neither fate nor genius could have read. 
He came limping upon the platform, broken in limb and 
broken in fortune, but, thank God, not broken in spirit. The- 
same buoyant, brave, patriotic heart was still throbbing in 
that breast. He arose to reply, but overwhelmed by the benev- 
olent and charitable demonstration, he had not proceeded 
six sentences, before a silvery tear trickled down his war- 
bronzed face, and he retired with cane and crutch to an 
obscure seat. This was the last time he was before the 
public. Boys, aye, boys of the future ! Young men of 






America ! Youth of our own beloved land ! Look upon 
that character and glorious impersonation of human, manly 
liberty, and it will stir your heroism to the point of protect- 
ing your flag." 

A little digression will be pardoned. In 1883, we enclosed 
Gen. Grant a portion of a previous chapter, which referred 
to certain charges made against him in a book published by 
John McDonald, of St. Louis, and he returned the matter 
with this letter : 

"NEW YORK CITY, October 10, 1883. 

"Dear Sir I have your letter of the 4th inst., with inclos- 
ure. I have no suggestions to make, or changes to ask, in 
regard to what you say in the article, which is herewith re- 
turned. I am much obliged to you for what you say, though. 1 
I have never felt the slightest concern for myself through all 
the abuse that has been heaped upon ine. I was, of course, 
much annoyed that such things could happen, as did, while 
I was the executive of the Nation. I was probably too un- 

"Very truly yours, 

"U. S. GRANT. 
"D. W. LUSK, ESQ.: 
"P. S. Please put me down for a copy of your book. 

"U. 8.G." 

In this letter is the whole explanation of this great con- 
spiracy, so far as it related to Gen. Grant. "I was probably 
too unsuspecting." These words tell the whole story. In 
the meantime, the banking house of Ward & Grant had 
failed, and in June, 1884, when this book first appeared, we 
gent him a copy of it, complimentary, and not knowing: 
whether it had reached him, we wrote him in October, 1884, 
and received this reply : 

"NOVEMBER 19ra, 1884. 
"D. W. LUSK, ESQ. : 

" Dear Sir I received your book on the Politics and Poli- 
ticians of Illinois some time last summer. I have not read 
it sufficiently to say anything about it. I have been en- 
gaged myself upon work which requires much research, 
reading of reports of the war, etc., which has left me but 


little time for other reading. I left your book at my cottage 
at Long Branch, so that I probably will not read it before 
next summer. 

"If I did not acknowledge the receipt of your work at the 
time, and thank you for it, I wish to do so now, and to 
apologize for the neglect. 

"Very truly yours, 

"U. S. GRANT." 

How simple, and yet how manly. "If I did not acknowl- 
edge the receipt of your work at the time, and thank you 
for it, I wish to do so now, and to apologize for the neglect." 
But this was Grant there was no manlier man. 

Desiring to have an approved picture of him for our 
second edition, we wrote him while he was on his death bed, 
inclosing a copy of the picture which appears in this vol- 
ume, and received from his son, F. D. Grant, this reply: 

"NEW YORK, June 9th, 1885. 
"D. W. LUSK: 

" Dear Sir Gen'l Grant directs me to say that the engrav- 
ing you enclosed to him in your letter of the 8th inst., is 
a very good one. 


"F. D. GRANT." 


In 1869, for the better care and protection of the public 
charities of the State, the Legislature passed an act creating 
a Board of Public Charities, with power to supervise and 
direct the management of all the charitable institutions, to 
examine the grounds, construction of buildings, and 
methods of instruction, general care of inmates, the expendi- 
ture of moneys, and to see that all parts of the State shared 
equally in the benefits of the several institutions. The 
Board has now been in existence seventeen years, and the 
wisdom of its creation has been fully attested, for its labors, 


lave been crowned with success, for none of the States exer- 
cise a more wise, economical or humane care over its un- 
fortunate citizens. These institutions are ten in number, 
namely : Institution for the Education of the Blind, Cen- 
tral Hospital for the Insane, Institution for the Education 
of the Deaf and Dumb, Jacksonville; Asylum for Feeble- 
minded children, Lincoln ; Eastern Hospital for the Insane, 
Kankakee ; Northern Hospital for the Insane, Elgin ; South- 
ern Hospital for the Insane, Anna ; Eye and Ear Infirmary, 
Chicago ; Soldiers' Orphans' Home, Normal ; Soldiers' and 
Sailors' Home, Quincy. 

The Board has had the good fortune to secure the services 
of an unusually competent and devoted Secretary, in the 
person of the Eev. Frederick Howard Wines, formerly 
pastor of the First Presbyterian Church, in Springfield, who 
has consecrated his life to the improvement of the condition 
of all classes of the unfortunate, through better organiza- 
tion and administration of the agencies for their relief 
throughout the United States. Mr. Wines has held the im- 
portant trust of Secretary of the State Board of Public 
'Charities since its organization. 


Illinois seems to have been foremost in almost everything 
in the line of progress. Twenty years ago, when J. B. Brad- 
well was sitting as Probate Judge of Cook County, he ren- 
dered a decision in which he held that marriage of negro 
slaves was valid, and the opinion was widely published in this 
country and England, and endorsed by the most eminent 
jurists as being good law; and in a recent case in Buffalo, 
N. Y., this decision was cited as an authority. It was 
rendered in the matter of the estate of Henry Jones, de- 
ceased, of Chicago, who was formerly a slave in Tennessee, 
and whose son, M. C. Jones, instituted suit for the recovery 
of the estate belonging to him, as the heir of his father. 



In the war between the United States and Mexico, in 1847V 
it fell to the honor of some of the soldiers from Illinois to> 
capture the cork leg of Gen. Santa Anna, which he lost 
while being hotly pressed at the battle of Cerro Gordo. The 
names of Samuel Rhodes, John M. Gill, and A. Waldron,. 
are associated with its capture, and but recently Mr. Gill,. 
in whose possession it has been for a long time, presented it 
to the State to be placed on exhibition in Memorial Hall, 
where it may now be seen, the mere sight of which will 
vividly call to mind such illustrious names as Bissell, Hardin 
and Baker, who gallantly led the soldiers of Illinois in that 
sanguinary conflict. 


Governor John M. Hamilton. 

President pro tern, and acting Lieut.-Gov. W. J. CampbelL 

Secretary of State H. D. Dement. 

Auditor of Public Accounts Chas. P. Swigert. 

Treasurer John C. Smith. 

Superintendent of Public Instruction Henry Eaab. 

Attorney General James McCartney. 


The Thirty-third General Assembly convened January 3,, 
and consisted of the following members: 


George E. White, Chicago. W. H. Ruger, Chicago. 

L. D. Condee, Chicago. George E. Adams, Chicago- 

John H. Clough, Chicago. W. J. Campbell, Chicago. 

C. Mamer, Chicago. George Kirk, Waukegan. 



^W. E. Mason, Chicago. 
Isaac Kice, Mount Morris. 
Thos. Cloonan, Chicago. 

D. H. Sunderland, Freeport. 
Millard B. Hereley, Chicago. 
Henry H. Evans, Aurora. 

E. B. Slmmway, Peotone. 
Conrad Secrest, Watseka. 
Lyman B. Bay, Morris. 
<jeo. Torrance, Pontiac. 
Wm. C. Snyder, Fulton. 
Thomas M. Shaw, Lacon. 
H. A. Ainsworth, Moline. 
A. "W. Berggren, Galesburg. 
J. W. Duncan, Ottawa. 
John Fletcher, Carthage. 
L. D. Whiting, Tiskilwa. 
Andrew J. Bell, Peoria. 
Henry Tubbs, Kirkwood. 
J. W. Fifer Bloomington. 
Jason Bogers, Decatur. 

J. S. Wright, Champaign. 

George Hunt, Paris. 

H. S. Clark, Mattoon. 

E. B. Binebart, Effingham. 

E. Laning, Petersburg. 
M. Kelly, Liberty. 

Wm. B. Archer, Pittsfield. 

F. M. Bridges, Carrollton. 

C. A. Walker, Carlinville. 
L. F. Hamilton, Springfield. 
W. T. Vandeveer, Taylorville 

D. B. Gillham, Upper Alton. 
Thos. B. Needles, Nashville. 
Thomas E. Merritt, Salem. 
J. B. Tanner, Louisville. 
W. H. McNary, Martinsville. 
J. C. Edwards, McLeansboro 
Henry Seiter, Lebanon. 
Louis Ihom, Harrison ville. 
Wm. S. Morris, Golconda. 
W. A. Lemma, Carbondale. 
Daniel Hogan, Mound City. 


J. Fairbanks, Chicago. 
B. B. Kennedy, Chicago. 

D. Sullivan, Chicago. 
W. H. Harper, Chicago. 
Hilon A. Parker, Chicago. 

E. J. Fellows, Chicago. 
J. W. E. Thomas, Chicago. 
Thomas McNally, Chicago. 
Isaac Abrahams, Chicago. 
John L. Parrish, Chicago. 
J. F. Lawrence, Chicago. 
B. F. Sheridan, Chicago. 
David W. Walsh, Chicago. 
James A. Taylor, Chicago. 
Erwin E. Wood, Chicago. 
Edward D. Cooke, Chicago. 
Theo. Stimming, Chicago. 
Austin 0. Sexton, Chicago. 
L. C. Collins, Jr., Chicago. 
Oeo. G. Struckman, Elgin. 

Clayton E. Crafts, Chicago. 
Chas. E. Fuller, Belvidere. 
Chas. H. Tyron, Bichmond. 
E. M. Haines, Waukegan. 
Julius Pedersen, Chicago. 
A. Wendell, Chicago. 
Mark J. Clinton, Chicago. 
A. F. Brown, Stillman Vall'y. 
Ed. B. Sumner, Bockford. 
John C. Seyster, Oregon. 
Jesse J. Book, Chicago. 
J. O'Shea, Chicago. 
August Mette, Chicago. 
G. L. Hoffman, Mt. Carroll. 
J. A. Hammond, Hanover. 
E. L. Cronkrite, Freeport. 
Peter Sundelius, Chicago. 
Gregory A. Klupp, Chicago. 
John F. Dugan, Chicago. 
Luther L. Hiatt, W T heaton. 


Henry P. Walker, Hinsdale. E. H. Templeman, Mt. PTskL 

James Herrington, Geneva. Wm. F. Calhoun, Clinton. 

George Bez, "Wilmington. James A. Hawks, Atwood. 

John O'Connell, Joliet. "Wm. A. Day, Champaign. 

James L. Owen, Frankfort. Wm. J. Calhoun, Danville. 

John H. Jones, Milford. Eobert B. Bay, Fairmount. 

William S. Hawker, Salina. E.E. E. Kimbrough, D'nvi'le 

Daniel C. Taylor, Kankakee. Joseph G. Ewing, Arcola. 

Henry Wood, Sycamore. Wm. H. DeBord, Greenup. 

H. M. Boardman, Shabbona. F. M. Eichardson, Neoga. 

Andrew Welch, Yorkville. Charles L. Eoane, Sullivan. 

J. H. Collier, Gibson City. Thos. N. Henry, Windsor. 

A. G. Good speed, Odell. John H. Baker, Sullivan. 

Michael Cleary, Odell. T. L. Mathews, Virginia. 

Solomon H. Bethea, Dixpn. Wm. M. Duffy, San Jose. 

John G. Manahan, Sterling, H. C. Thompson, Virginia. 

John B. Felker, Amboy. Thos. G. Black, Clayton. 

Eevilo Newton, 'Minonk. James E. Purnell, Quincy. 

John H. Crandall, Morton. J. E. Downing, Camp Point. 

E. S. Hester, Belle Plain. T. Worthington, Jr., Pittsfi'ld. 
Thos. lowers, Jr., Atkinson. J. W. Moore, Mound Station^ 
H. C. Cleaveland, E. Island. F. M. Greathouse, Hardin. 
Patrick O'Mara, E. Island. J. H. Coats, Winchester. 
Wm. H. Emerson, Astoria. W. E. Carlin, Jersey ville. 

A. S. Curtis, Oneida. G. W. Murray. Winchester. 

F. A. Willoughby, Galesburg. I. L. Morrison, Jacksonville. 
Wright Adams, Sheridan. A. N. Yancey, Bunker Hill. 
Alex. Vaughey, Seneca. E. M. Kinman, Jacksonville. 
Sanjuel C. Wiley, Earlville. D. T. Littler, Springfield. 
David Eankin, Bipgsville. B. F. Caldwell, Chatham. 
J. M. Ansley, Swedonia. G. W. Murray, Springfield. 
John D. Stevens, Carthage. E.E.Cowperthwait. 

Jas. T. Thornton, Magnolia. Geo. M. Stevens, Nokomis. 
John Lackie, Osceola. John B. Eicks, Taylorville. 

John H. Welsh, Tiskilwa. John M. Pearson, Godfrey. 
Sam'l H. Thompson, Peoria. Henry 0. Billings, Alton. 
Jos. Gallup, Lawn Eidge. Eobert D. Utiger, Alhambra. 
Michael C. Quinn, Peoria. John L. Nichols, Clement. 
Isaac N. Pearson, Macomb. F. E. W. Brink, Hoyleton. 
C. M. Eogers, Monmouth. Jas. M. Eountree, Nashville. 
Isaac L. Pratt, Eoseville. Seth F. Crews, Mt. Vernon. 
T. F. Mitchell, Bloomington. G. H. Varnell, Mt. Vernon. 
Lafayette Funk, Shirley. J. D. Jennings, Beecher, City. 
Simeon H. West, Leroy. Henry Studer, Olney. 
John H. Crocker, Maroa. John S. Symonds, Flora. 
John T. Foster, Elkhart. Elbert Eowland, Olney. 


J. M. Honey, Newton. John Higgins, DuQuoin. 

Grandison Clark, Newton. R. W. McCartney, Metropolis, 
Wm. Updyke, Robinson. Wm. H. Boyer, Harrisburg. 
Wm. H. Johnson, Carmi. Jas. M. Gregg, Harrisburg. 
Lowry Hay, Carmi. J. M. Scurlock, Carbondale. 

F. W. Cox, Bridgeport. Sidney Grear, Jonesboro. 
J. B. Messick, E. St. Louis. David T. Linegar, Cairo. 
Louis C. Starkel, Belleville. Wm. W. Hoskinson, Benton.. 
M. A. Sullivan, E. St. Louis. Milo Erwin, Marion. 
J. R. McFie, Coulterville. A. N. Lodge,* Marion. 
Jas. F. Canniff, Waterloo. Wm. A. Spann,t Johnson Co. 

W. J. Campbell, of Cook, was elected President pro tern- 
pore of the Senate, over Thomas M. Shaw, of Marshall, 
by a vote of 23 to 15, and L. F. Watson, Secretary. 

In the House, Lorin C. Collins, Jr., of Cook, was elected 
Speaker, over Austin 0. Sextoa, of Cook, by a vote of 78 
to 75, and John A. Reeve, of Alexander, Clerk, over Wnu 
A. Connelly, by a vote of 77 to 75. 

Gov. Cullom laid his message before the two houses on 
the 5th. It was an able and carefully prepared State 
paper, setting forth, in detail, all the needs and wants of 
the State. He recommended that section 16, of article 5 
of the constitution be so amended as to give the Governor 
power to veto objectionable portions of appropriation bills, 
and earnestly recommended the revising of the criminal 

One of the important duties of this General Assembly 
was the election of a United States Senator to succeed 
David Davis. On the 16th of January, the two housea 
voted separately on the question. In the Senate Shelby 
M. Cullom, the nominee of the Republican party, received 
30 votes, and John M. Palmer, the nominee of the Demo- 
cratic party, 20 votes. In the House Mr. Cullom received 
75 votes, and Mr. Palmer 75. Three members of the 
House refrained from voting, hence there was no election, 
and on the 17th the two houses met in joint session and 
voted for United States Senator. Cullom received 107 votes, 

* Seat contested by Spann. t Admitted to Lodge's seat. 


and Palmer 95. Mr. Cullom having received a majority 
of all the votes cast, was declared, by the Speaker, the 
duly elected Senator. 

On the 7th of February Shelby M. Cullom resigned the 
office of Governor, when Lieut.-Gov. Hamilton became 
Governor, and Wm. J. Campbell, President pro tempore 
of the Senate, acting Lieutenant- Governor. 

Gov. Cullom retired from the office with a pleasing 
record. He had held the exalted trust for over six years, 
and while his duties, for the most part, were routine, yet 
there were times when his ability and courage were put 
to the severest test, and he was always equal to the 
emergency. During the great riot of the railroad employes 
in 1877 which was widespread in the East and the West 
when the mob threatened to burn and pillage our great 
cities, the sagacity and promptness with which Gov. Cullom 
brought the military power of the State government into 
requisition, saved the State millions of dollars in property, 
preserved order, and prevented the shedding of innocent 
Wood; and whenever and wherever mob-law raised its 
liydra-head, he was quick to put it down. The Southern 
Illinois Penitentiary, at Chester, was built during his 
administration, and it is regarded as the most modern 
and complete prison in all the States, for it so happens 
that it is the last one erected in the United States, and 
advantage was taken of all the modern improvements or 
appliances. The Insane Asylum at Kankakee was built 
during his administration, and it is also a modern and 
most desirable structure. The reorganization of the militia 
was a work of no little magnitude, and we doubt if there 
is a State in the Union which has so simple and yet so 
effective military system. In retiring, to assume other 
duties, he left the State entirely out of debt and in a most 
prosperous condition. During his administration there 
was paid $1,455,000 of the old State debt. 



None of Gov. Cullom's messages were partisan in char- 
acter, but this extract from his second inaugural, delivered 
in January, 1881, is worthy of preservation in these pages, 
as it embodies some wholesome truths well and eloquently 
expressed : 

" There are portions of Europe and Asia say Southern 
Bussia and parts of Asiatic Turkey as blessed in soil and 
climate as Illinois, but the people are sunk in degradation 
and poverty, because their rulers, while imposing the 
severest burdens of taxation, give nothing in return no 
roads no schools not even adequate protection to life 
and property. 

" The people of those countries would say of us, that we 
pay no taxes at all, inasmuch as what we do pay is spent 
among ourselves, for our own good and by our own 
servants. If the same percentage of our able-bodied men 
were kept in idleness as a standing army, and propor- 
tionate amounts were spent upon fortifications and naval 
armaments, as by the States of Europe, we should see a 
very different condition of affairs in this country. 

" Our people, intelligent men and women, have not only 
made our political institutions what they are, but they have 
shown themselves able and patriotic enough to defend and 
preserve them, as a matchless inheritance handed down 
to us by our fathers. For twenty years, the watchword of 
the people has been Liberty and Union ; and, under such 
inspiration, the Union has been saved, ideas in 'harmony 
with its perpetuity have been well grounded in the minds 
of the people, liberty has become universal, the National 
credit has been established, and confidence in republican 
government greatly strengthened in the minds of states- 
men everywhere. 

"The struggle w r hich secured all these great blessings 
cost millions of money, and thousands of brave and patri- 
otic lives ; and, as we recede from the period of the strug- 
gle, we must not forget the greatness of the sacrifices, 
nor those who made them. The deeds of heroism of the 
Union soldier of the late war should be remembered with 
gratitude, as long as history shall endure. 

" The foundation of our political structure is the ballot. 
It is the expression of the divine right of the people to 
rule. It raises up men and parties, and casts them down. 
It is the fiat of power ; but to be valuable, and accomplish 
its true purpose and end, this voice of the people must be 


fairly expressed. Founded on intelligence, it should be- 
without coercion, bribery or intimidation ; and thus cast,, 
it should be honestly counted in determining results. 
These sentiments may appear familiar and trite, but they 
can not be too often repeated, and especially should those 
who, as servants of the people, have to perform legislative 
or executive functions, constantly remember that the chief 
end and aim of their service should be to preserve and 
transmit our free institutions, which can only be done 
when the will of an intelligent people is assured of a free 
and pure expression by the ballot." 

The Thirty-third General Assembly was in session nearly 
six months. In the early part of the session Representa- 
tive Harper introduced a bill for the purpose of creating 
a uniform license for the sale of spirituous liquors. This- 
became a party measure, the Republicans taking the 
affirmative side of the question, and the Democrats accept- 
ing the negative. The bill was introduced on the 26th of 
January, and continued to be the subject of discussion in 
the House until June 8, when it passed by a vote of 79 
yeas to 65 nays. It had the support of all the Repub- 
licans save four, and the opposition of all the Democrats 
but nine. In the Senate the bill was passed June 15, by 
a vote of 30 yeas to 20 nays. Twenty-nine Republicans 
and one Democrat voted for it, and nineteen Democrats 
and one Republican against it. An hour after its passage 
it received the signature of Gov. Hamilton, and on the 1st 
of July it became the law. 

Of the Republicans in the House who were most active 
for the bill were, Adams, Bethea, W. F. Calhoun, W. J. Cal- 
houn, Coats, Fuller, Hoffman, Johnson, Littler, McCartney, 
Morrison, Owen, Parker, Stimming, Thomas and Worthing- 
ton, and of the Democrats, Day, Grear, Greathouse, Gregg, 
and Willoughby ; and of the Democrats who most actively 
opposed the passage of the measure were, Abrahams, Bill- 
ings, Crafts, Haines, Herrington, Klupp, Linegar, McNally, 
Qumn, Sexton, Starkel, Vaughey and Yaucey, and of the 
.Republicans, Wendell. In the Senate the Republicans who- 


were most active for the bill were, Clough, Fifer, Hogarr r 
Hunt, and Eice, and of the Democrats, Edwards ; and of 
Democrats most active in opposing it were, Duncan, Ham- 
ilton, Merritt and Shaw, and of the Kepublicans, Needles. 

Mr. Morrison was the acknowledged leader on the Ke- 
publican side, and Mr. Haines although an Independent, 
on the Democratic. The contest was long, and,, atl 
times, very exciting, and it remained a matter of doubt, 
as to which side would triumph, until the very hour the 
final vote was taken. The leaders were very evenly 
matched as to ability and parliamentary tactics. 

This was the important measure of the session. Exclu- 
sive of the appropriation acts there were few bills passed,, 
and they were not momentous in character, if we except. 
"House Bill No. 504," entitled "An act to enable railroad i 
companies to extend their lines or construct branches to> 
points not named in their articles of incorporation, and 
to enable any railroad company in this State to have 
power to purchase, own and hold the stock and securities 
of any railroad that forms a continuous line of travel 
from this to another State," which received the veto of 
the Governor. His objections to the bill are plainly and 
forcibly set forth in this extract from his veto message: 

" To allow this bill to become a law, would be to allow 
the officers and directors of any railroad company in this 
State to use the surplus earnings of the road which by 
law belongs to the stockholders in the purchase and 
manipulation of railroad stocks and securities, in the 
market, and thus permit them to become powerful spec- 
ulators in the stocks and securities of their own company 
and those of all other companies formed in other States, 
with whose lines of railroad they may connect at the 
borders of this State anywhere, or with which they may 
form a continuous line of travel. 

"The grant of such extraordinary powers and privileges, 
to the officers of a railroad company would enable them, 
to manipulate the price of the stocks and securities of 
their own company at will, and controlling the fortunes 
and business of the railroad, to artificially force the prica 


of such sucurities up or down, as they pleased, and thus 
by the 'freezing out' process, well known in corporation 
circles, the number of stockholders would in due course 
of time be limited to the few manipulators, and at a 
.financial sacrifice to those stockholders not in the official 

" But the grant of such dangerous power as this proposed 
;in the bill would enable railroad corporations to accom- 
plish another great wrong, intended to be forbidden by 
the policy of our constitution and laws. Under the pro- 
wisions of this bill, if it should become a law, any railroad 
vcompany organized under the laws of this State, whose 
line of railroad runs into Chicago, for instance, or any 
other locality on the border of the State, and there con- 
jnects or forms a continuous line of travel with railroads 
-tunning through and organized in another State might, 
i from its accumulating surplus capital, purchase the stocks 
;and securities of such 'connecting' or 'continuous' rail- 
..xoad in another State without limitation, until it could 
<own the majority of such stocks and securities, and thereby 
< own and control any one, or any number of these lines ; 
;thus, in fact, combining them into one vast and powerful 
monopoly by a consolidation of capital in fact although 
.formal consolidations of the corporations are expressly 
and wisely forbidden by law, particularly as to parallel 
<or competing lines. 

M L especially object to the last clause of this bill, which 
lis as follows : 'And any purchases (i. e. of stocks or secur- 
ities) heretofore made within the purposes of this act are 
hereby declared to be lawful.' 

"The object of this clause is plain, and can not be mis- 
taken. It is to quietly legalize confessedly illegal acts 
.heretofore committed." 

This was the first test Governor Hamilton had with 
legislation of doubtful import, and his emphatic disap- 
proval of it met the hearty approbation of the people. 

A joint resolution proposing an amendment to the Con- 
stitution, giving the Governor power to veto objectionable 
portions of appropriation bills without impairing the valid- 
ity of the whole act, passed both houses. 

Although Governor Cullom, in retiring from the Execu- 
tive chair, left the people in perfect peace, the adminis- 
tration of his successor was soon disturbed by the outbreak 


of a mob in the mining district of St. Clair county, and 
the Illinois National Guard was called out to aid in the 
enforcement of the law. In this conflict one of the dis- 
turbers of the peace lost his life, and in concluding an 
elaborate report to the General Assembly, concerning the 
use of the State militia on that occasion, Governor Ham- 
ilton said : 

"I regret as much as any one the necessity which 
caused the shedding of blood and loss of human life. But 
in this State, men of all classes must seek redress for 
wrongs by peaceful and quiet means, arid the remedies- 
afforded to all people in the law. They must not attempt 
to defy the government, trample law under foot, and en- 
force their demands by violence and intimidation. There 
can be no objection to workiugmen of any kind refusing 
to work, when dissatisfied with their wages, and thus 
peaceably demanding and obtaining higher wages, but they 
have no right to assemble themselves into a lawless mob of 
rioters, and go about the country taking possession of 
property not their own, and preventing other workingmen, 
who are satisfied and who want to work, from work, by 
abuse, assault, threats, intimidation and terrorizing, or by 
forcibly compelling them to cease work. The workingmen,. 
just as all other citizens, must and shall be protected in 
all their natural and legal rights, so far as lies in my 
power, while chief executive of this State, but whenever 
they attempt to redress their grievances by violence and 
force, and thus place themselves beyond the pale of the* 
law's protection, and in open defiance of its officers, then 
they will come into unequal contest with all the power of 
the government, civil and military, and must expect to 
get worsted in every such conflict. For the government 
must rule, law must be respected, officers obeyed while in 
the discharge of their duty, and the peace preserved at 
all hazards, without fear or favor. 

This bold, yet calm and deliberate expression of a deter- 
mination on the part of Governor Hamilton, that he in- 
tended to see that the majesty of the law was upheld, even 
though in order to do so he would have to use the whole 
power of the State, was opportune, and had the effect to 
put a sudden end to the mob spirit which was then stalk- 
ing abroad in the State, and threatened the destruction of 
both life arid property. 



Col. John Dement, who died at his home in Dixon, on 
the 16 ;h of January, 1883, was born in Sunmer county, 
Tennessee, April, 1804. He came to Illinois with his 
parents in 1817; he soon won the confidence of the peo- 
ple of his adopted State, and was elected sheriff of 
Franklin county in 1826; he represented that county in 
-the General Assemblies of 1828-30; he participated in 
three campaigns against the Indians; in the first he was 
Aid-de-camp to Gov. Eeynolds, with the rank of Colonel; 
in the second he was a Captain; in the third he was a 
Major, and commanded a battalion, which had a hotly 
contested engagement with Black Hawk and his entire 
band at Kellogg's Grove, in which that noted warrior was 
repulsed; and Black Hawk is reported to have said that 
Col. Dement was the bravest man he ever faced in a bat- 
tle. In 1831, the General Assembly elected him State 
Treasurer; he was twice re-elected, but resigned the office 
in 1836, to serve the people of Fayette county as a Repre- 
sentative in the General Assembly, but failing in his efforts 
to prevent the removal of the capital to Springfield, he 
resigned his seat in that body and removed to the lead 
mines in the northern part of the State. In 1837, he was 
appointed by President Jackson Receiver of Public Moneys, 
and held the office through the Administration of Presi- 
dent Van Buren, but in 1841, President Harrison removed 
him. In 1844, he was district elector for Polk and Dallas ; 
in 1845, President Polk reappointed him Receiver of Public 
Moneys; he was a delegate to the Constitutional Conven- 
tion of 1847 ; in 1849, President Taylor removed him from 


the office of Eeceiver of Public Moneys ; in 1853, President 
Pierce reappointed him to that office, which he continued 
to hold until it was abolished; in 1861, he was elected a 
delegate to the Constitutional Convention, and was made 
president pro tempore. In 1870, he was again elected a 
delegate to the Constitutional Convention, and again made 
president pro tempore. Although living in a strongly Be- 
publican district, he was always sure of an election when- 
ever he consented to be a candidate. In his reminiscen- 
ces, Linder relates the following incident of Col. Dement, 
which illustrates, to some extent, the character of the 
man. He says : 

" Colonel Dement was not only brave, but in the face 
of danger he was cool, cautious, and prudent. That I am 
a living man to-day, I owe, perhaps, to his friendship, 
bravery and prudence. In 1837, after I was elected to 
ihe office of Attorney-General of Illinois, I got into a diffi- 
culty with a very desperate man, who was a member of 
the Senate, and he challenged me, and General James 
'Turney was elected by him as his second, and he deliv- 
ered the challenge to me. I accepted it, and referred him 
to Colonel John Dement as my second, who would fix the 
distance and select the weapons. Having expected this 
before I received the challenge, I had informed my friend 
Dement that I expected to be challenged, and that I should 
select him for my second, and should place my honor and 
life in his hands. He said to me : ' Linder, I will take 
charge of both ; and, without letting your honor suffer, 
will take good care that you never tight; for if you do, 
he will be sure to kill you, for he is as cool and desperate 
as a bandit.' I replied, that the matter would be placed 
in his hands, and I should refer his second to him (Col. 
Dement) as my second, to arrange the distance and select 
the weapons with which we would fight. Accordingly, 
when Gen. Turney called upon Col. Dement, Dement in- 
formed him that we would fight with pistols at close quar- 
ters, each holding one end of the same handkerchief in 
his teeth. 

'My God!' replied Gen. Turney, 'Col. Dement, that 
amounts to the deliberate murder of both men.' 

'It don't matter,' said Dement, 'your principal is cool, 
desperate and deliberate, while my friend is nervous and 


excitable, and if he has to lose his life, your friend must 
bear him company.' 

" Gen. Turney being a very humane and honorable gen- 
tleman, and really as much my friend as he was his 
principal's, said to Col. Dement : 'Colonel, this meeting 
must never take place; so let you and I take this matter 
in hand and have it settled in an amicable way, honor- 
able to both parties.' 

" 'The very thing,' said Col. Dement, 'that I have desired; 
to bring about. Linder is a young man, and has just 
been elected Attorney-General of the State, and has an 
interesting wife, and little daughter only four years old, 
who have only been in this town (Vandalia) but a few 
days, and it would be next to breaking my heart to have 
the one made a widow and the other an orphan/ 

" They agreed that a hostile meeting should not take- 
place; and the matter was amicably and honorably 
arranged between the Senator and myself. We met, made 
friends, shook hands, and to the last day of his life we 
were the best of friends." 

In every public trust Col. Dement filled the full measure 
of the law; he was able, honest and faithful. As a man 
he was modest and unassuming; as a citizen, no man 
stood higher ; as a friend, he was warm and true. Polit- 
ically he was a Democrat, but during the war for the 
Union he was an active supporter of the war; and his 
only son, Henry D. Dement, the present Secretary of 
State, was one of the first volunteers in the three years'" 
service, enlisting in Company "A," Thirteenth Regiment in- 
fantry. The death of Col. Dement was deeply mourned by 
the community in which he had lived so long, and the 
General Assembly passed resolutions of condolence, and had 
them spread upon the journals, and a copy sent to the: 
bereaved family. 




Governor Coles Fined $2,000 under the Black Laws Why Black Laws were- 
Enacted Black Laws Approved Vote of the State in 1862 on Article- 
Prohibiting Colored Emigration Vote of Soldiers on Prohibition of 
Colored Emigration What Connecticut Did What Massachusetts Did 
What the Nation Did Transition from Slavery to Freedom Whipped and 
Ordered from the 8tate A Case of Kidnapping Tribulations of Free 
Negroes A Free Colored Boy's Experience Last Attempt to Return a 
Fugitive Slave Trials of Contrabands Mobbed on Account of his Vote 
First Colored School Blood-Hounds Colored Jurors Adoption of 
Amendments First Colored Vote Cast In Cairo. 

The people of Illinois, until the new order of things, 
have ever had a fondness for black laws. There was a 
stringent law passed by the State Legislature in 1819, 
which was similar in character to that passed in 1853, 
Under this law, in 1825, a suit was instituted against 
Governor Coles in the Circuit Court of Madison county, 
to recover a penalty prescribed by that law; he pleaded 
the statute of limitation, but the court overruled the plea, 
and judgment was given against him for $2,000. A motion 
was made for a new trial, which the court took under 
advisement, and before it was decided the Legislature 
passed an act releasing all penalties under the act of 
1819, including those in litigation ; but the court declined 
to grant a new trial, when the case was appealed to the 
Supreme Court, where the judgment was reversed, and 
Coles discharged from all liability. (See Gillespie's Eecol- 
lections of Early Illinois.) 



The changed state of our civilization, as regards the col- 
ored race, makes it of interest to the reader to know what 
the black laws of 1853 were, and how they came to be a 
part of the laws of the State. Article fourteen of the 
constitution of 1848 reads as follows : " The General 
Assembly shall, at its first session under the amended 
constitution, pass such laws as will effectually prohibit 
free persons of color from immigrating to and settling in 
this State ; and to effectually prevent the owners of slaves 
from bringing them into this State, for the purpose of 
.settling them here." The General Assembly of 1853, act- 
ing in accordance with this provision of the constitution, 
passed the following act, which was approved February 12 : 


" SECTION 1. Be it enacted by the People of the State of 
Illinois, represented in the General Assembly, That if any 
person or persons shall bring, or cause to be brought, into 
this State, any negro or mulatto slave, whether said slave 
is set free or not, he shall be liable to an indictment, and, 
upon conviction thereof, be fined for every such negro or 
mulatto, a sum not less than one hundred dollars, nor 
more than five hundred dollars, and imprisoned in the 
county jail not more than one year, and shall stand com- 
mitted until said fine and costs are paid. 

"SEC. 2. When an indictment shall be found against 
any person, or persons, who are not residents of this 
State, it shall be the duty of the court before whom said 
indictment is pending, upon affidavit being made and 
filed in said court by the prosecuting attorney, or any 
other credible witness, setting forth the residence of said 
defendant, to notify the Governor of this State, by caus- 
ing the clerk of said court to transmit to the office of the 
Secretary of State a certified copy of said indictment and 
affidavit, and it shall be the duty of the Goyeruer, upon 
the receipt of said copies, to appoint some suitable person 
io arrest said defendant or defendants, in whatever State 
or county he or they may be found, and to commit him 
or them to the jail of the county in which said indictment 


is pending, there to remain and answer said indictment, 
and be otherwise dealt with in accordance with this act; 
.and it shall be the duty of the Governor to issue all 
necessary requisitions, writs and papers, to the Governor 
or other executive officer of the State, territory or prov- 
ince where such defendant or defendants 'may be found: 
Provided, that this section shall not be construed so as to 
affect persons, or slaves, bona fide traveling through this 
'State, from and to any other State in the United States. 

" SEC. 3. If any negro, or mulatto, bond or free, shall 
iereafter come into this State and remain ten days, with 
the evident intention of residing in the same, every such 
negro or mulatto shall be deemed guilty of a high misde- 
meanor, and for the first offence shall be fined the sum 
of fifty dollars, to be recovered before any justice of the 
peace in the county where said negro or mulatto may be 
found. Said proceedings shall be in the name of the peo- 
ple of the State of Illinois, and shall be tried by a jury 
of twelve men. The person making the information or 
^complaint shall not be a competent witness upon said 

" SEC. 4. If said negro or mulatto shall be found guilty, 
and the fine assessed be not paid forthwith to the justice 
of the peace before whom said proceedings were had, it 
shall be the duty of said justice to commit said negro or 
mulatto to the custody of the sheriff of said county, or 
otherwise keep him, her or them in custody; and said 
justice shall forthwith advertise said negro or mulatto, by 
posting up notices thereof in at least three of the most 
public places in his district, which said notices shall be 
;posted up for ten days, and on the day and at the time 
and place mentioned in said advertisement, the said jus- 
'tice shall, at public auction, proceed to sell said negro 
ior mulatto to any person or persons who will pay 
said fine and costs, for the shortest time; and said pur- 
chaser shall have the right to compel said negro or mu- 
latto to work for and serve out said time, and he shall 
furnish said negro or mulatto with comfortable food, cloth- 
ing and lodging during said servitude. 

"SEC. 5, If said negro or mulatto shall not, within ten 
days after the expiration of his, her, or their time of ser- 
vice as aforesaid, leave the State, he, she or they shall 
foe liable to a second prosecution, in which the penalty 
to be inflicted shall be one hundred dollars, and so on 
for every subsequent offence the penalty shall be increased 


fifty dollars over and above the last penalty inflicted, and 
the same proceedings shall be had in each case as is pro- 
vided for in the preceding section for the first offence. 

" SEC. 6. Said negro or mulatto shall have a right to* 
take an appeal to the circuit court of the county in which 
said proceedings shall have been had, within five day* 
after the rendition of the judgment, before the justice of 
the peace, by giving bond and security, to be approved 
by the clerk of said court, to the people of the State of 
Illinois, and to be filed in the office of said clerk within 
said five days, in double the amount of said fine and 
costs, conditioned that the party appealing will personally 
be and appear before said circuit court at the next term 
thereof, and not depart said court without leave, and will 
pay said fine and all costrf, if the same shall be so- 
adjudged by said court; and said security shall have the 
right to take said negro or mulatto into custody, and re- 
tain the same until the order of said court is complied 
with. And if the judgment of the justice of the peace- 
be affirmed in whole or in part, and said negro or mulatto- 
be found guilty, the said circuit court shall thereupon 
render judgment against said negro or mulatto and th& 
security or securities on said appeal bond, for the amount 
of fine so found by the court, and all costs of suit, and 
the clerk of said court shall forthwith issue an execution 
against said defendant and security as in other cases, and 
the sheriff or other officer to whom said execution is 
directed shall proceed to collect the same by sale or other- 
wise : Provided, that this section shall not be so construed 
as to give the security on said appeal bond right to re- 
tain the custody of said negro or mulatto for a longer 
time than ten days after the rendition of said judgment 
by said circuit court. 

" SEC. 7. In all cases arising under the provisions of this 
act, the prosecuting witness, or person making the com- 
plaint and prosecuting the same, shall be entitled to one- 
half of the fine so imposed and collected, and the residue 
of said fine shall be paid into the county treasury of the 
county in which said proceedings were had ; and said fines, 
when so collected, shall be received by said county treas- 
urer and kept by him as a distinct and separate fund, to 
be called the 'charity fund,' and said fund shall be used 
for the express and only purpose of relieving the poor of 
said county, and shall be paid out by said treasurer upon 
the order of the county, drawn upon him for that purpose^ 


" SEC. 8. If, after any negro or mulatto shall have been 
arrested under the provisions of this act, any person or 
persons shall claim any such negro or mulatto as a slave, 
the owner, by himself, or agent, shall have a right by 
giving reasonable notice to the officer or person having 
the custody of said negro or mulatto, to appear before the 
justice of the peace before whom said negro or mulatto 
shall have been arrested, and prove his or their right to 
the custody of said negro or mulatto as a slave, and if 
said justice of the peace shall, after hearing the evidence, 
be satisfied that the person or persons claiming said 
negro or mulatto, is the owner of and entitled to the cus- 
iody of said negro or mulatto, in accordance with the 
laws of the United States passed upon this subject, he 
shall, upon the owner or agent paying all costs up to the 
time of claiming said negro or mulatto, and the "costs of 
proving the same, and also the balance of the fine remain- 
ing unpaid, give to said owner a certificate of said facts, 
.and said owner or agent so claiming shall have a right to 
iake and remove said slave out of this State. 

" SEC. 9. If any justice of the peace shall refuse to 
issue any writ of process necessary for the arrest and 
prosecution or any negro or mulatto, under the provisions 
-of this act, upon complaint being made before said jus- 
tice by any resident of his county, and his fees for said 
service being tendered him, he shall be deemed guilty of non- 
feasance in office, and upon conviction thereof punished 
accordingly; and in all cases where the jury find for the 
negro or mulatto, or that he, she or they are not guilty 
tinder the provisions of this act, the said justice of the 
peace shall proceed to render judgment against the prose- 
cuting witness, or person making the complaint, and shall 
collect the same as other judgments : Provided, that said 
prosecuting witness, or person making said complaint, in 
case judgment is rendered against him, shall have a right 
to take an appeal to the circuit court, as is provided for 
in this act in case said negro or mulatto is found guilty. 

" SEC. 10. Every person who shall have one-fourth negro 
Wood shall be deemed a mulatto. 

" SEC. 11. This act shall take effect and be in force 
from and after its passage." 


The present and future generations may be disposed to 
view with feelings of horror men who would deliberately 



pass such a law, little thinking that it was the fault of 
the people themselves. At that period, a majority of the 
people of Illinois loathed the very presence of the colored 
man, and were unwilling to accord to him any of the civil 
or political rights enjoyed by the white man. The article 
of the constitution which enjoined upon the General Assem- 
bly the passage of this act was submitted to a separate 
vote of the people when the constitution was voted upon^ 
and it was adopted by a majority of 28,938; and in 1862^ 
the people confirmed the work of the Legislature of 1853 by- 
adopting Article 18, Sections one, two and three of the- 
then proposed constitution, which was submitted to them 
for their adoption or rejection, by an unprecedented! 
majority. That article was in these words: 


" SECTION 1. No negro or mulatto shall migrate to or 
settle in this State, after the adoption of this constitu- 

"SEC. 2. No negro or mulatto shall have the right of 
suffrage or hold office in this State. 

" SEC. 3. The General Assembly shall pass all lawa 
necessary to carry into effect the provisions of this article. 


There was a majority of 24,515 against the constitution^. 
Article 18 was voted on separately, and by sections; the 
vote for section 1 was, 178,252; against, 73,287. Majority 
for section 1, 104,965. 

For section 2, 218,405; against, 37,548. Majority for 
section 2, 180,857. 

For section 3, 205,398; against, 46,318. Majority for 
section 3, 159,080. 


The framers of the proposed constitution had provided 
for the soldiers in the field voting on the adoption or re- 
jection of the constitution. The vote in the army was as- 
follows : 


For the constitution, 1,687; against, 10,151. Majority 
against, 8,464. 

For Section 1, Article 18, 6,356; against, 1,981 Major- 
ity for, 4,375. 

For Section 2, Article 18, 6,485; against, 1,899. Majority 
for, 4,586. 

For Section 3, Article 18, 6,460; against, 1,904. Majority 
for, 4,556. 

Thus it will be seen that nine years after the passage 
of the black laws, the people assembled at the ballot-box, 
at a time when there was no political excitement, and 
reaffirmed, through the medium of the ballot, the very prin- 
ciples embodied in the black laws ; and although the State 
had at that time near a hundred thousand soldiers in the 
field, many of whom were without an opportunity to vote, 
the aggregate vote in the State on the adoption or rejec- 
tion of the constitution was 277,993, being only 58,411 
votes less than was cast at the Presidential election in 
1860, when the full strength of the political parties was. 
brought out to the polls. , It is sometimes a habit with, 
men engaged in active politics to select the name of some 
prominent leader, and charge to him the responsibility of 
the passage of a bad or unpopular law; but the respon- 
sibility of the passage of the black laws cannot be so 
charged, for the reason that the people themselves are 
responsible for them, and the Legislature but reflected 
their will. 


It is not strange, however, that Illinois should have 
partaken of the spirit to oppress the negro, when we bear 
in mind that at the time of the adoption of the National 
Constitution every State in the Union, except Massachu- 
setts, tolerated slavery, and in most of them the laws were 
severe and arbitrary; but even Massachusetts had toler- 
ated the institution in Colonial times, and hence none of 


the original States are exempt from the charge of having 
had a share in its barbarism. 

In 1833, Miss Prudence Crandall opened her school at 
Canterbury, Wind ham county, Connecticut, to the educa- 
tion of negro girls. This greatly incensed the people of 
that community, and on the 24th of May of that year, 
the Legislature passed an act, with the view of destroy- 
ing or breaking up her school, the preamble of which 
jeads thus : " Whereas, attempts have been made to estab- 
lish literary institutions in this State for the instruction 
of colored persons belonging to other States and countries, 
which would tend to the great increase of the colored 
population in the State, and thereby to the injury of the 
people." The act provided that no person should set up 
or establish, in that State, any school, academy or liter- 
ary institution for the instruction or education of colored 
persons who were not inhabitants of that State, nor 
instruct or teach in any school, academy or literary in- 
stitution whatever in that State, or harbor or board for 
the purpose of attending or being taught or instructed in 
.any such school, academy or literary institution, any col- 
ored person who was not an inhabitant of any town in 
that State, without the consent, in writing, of a majority 
of the selectmen of the town in which such school, 
academy or literary institution was located. The penalty 
provided was a fine of $100, for the first offense; for the 
second, $200, and so double the amount for every offense 
he or she might commit. (See Eevised Statutes of Con- 
necticut, of 1835.) Under this law, Miss Crandall was 
prosecuted". The case was tried in the Superior Court, at 
Brooklyn, October term, 1833, before Judge Daggett, Chief 
Justice of the Supreme Court of Errors. Mr. Daggett, in 
liis instructions to the jury, adverting to the import of 
the Constitution of the United States relating to citizen- 
ship, said: 


*' To my mind, it would be a perversion of terms and the 
-well-known rule of construction, to say that slaves, free 
Slacks, or Indians, were citizens, within the meaning of 
lhat term as used by the Constitution. God forbid that 
I should add to the degradation of this race of men ; but 
I ain bound, by my duty, to say they are not citizens." 

The jury brought in a verdict of guilty, and Miss Cran- 
dall was fined $100. The case was appealed to the Su- 
preme Court of Errors. Thomas Day, the official reporter, 
in reporting the proceedings of the case, says: 

" Judson and C. F. Cleaveland, for the State (defendant 
in error), after remarking upon the magnitude of the ques- 
tion, as affecting not the town of Canterbury alone, but 
every town in the State and every State in the Union, said 
the principles urged by the counsel for the plaintiff in 
error, if established, would, in their consequences, destroy 
the government itself and this American Nation blotting 
out this Nation of white men and substituting one from 
the African race thus involving the honor of the State, 
the dignity of the people, and the preservation of its 
name." (See 10th Connecticut Eeports, p. 339.) 

The judgment of the lower court was reversed, and Miss 
Crandall resumed her school, but it was finally broken up 
by violence and arson.* 


In 1835, William Lloyd Garrison, while addressing a 
Boston audience in opposition to slavery, was seized by 
what is known as the broad-cloth mob, a rope was thrown 
round his body and he was dragged through the principal 
streets of that city, for no other offense than having raised 
his voice against the institution of slavery. 

In the same city, in 1837, in a meeting which had been 
called at Faneuil Hall, to denounce the murder of Elijah 
P. Lovejoy at Alton, as a monstrous crime, James T. Aus- 
tin, then the Attorney- General of that State, made a vio- 
lent speech in justification of the murder. (See History of 

* In 1888. 53 years afterward, the Lcdslntare of Connecticut passed a )olnt resolution approprintin<r 
$400 per year, to be paid to Prudence Phiileo (nee Craudall) dun>.ig her lite, us a partial recognition of 
the wrongs done her in 1833-34. 



Massachusetts.) If such things could take place in en- 
lightened ( !) Massachusetts, far remote from slavery and its 
debasing influences, Illinois, with two slave States for 
neighbors, will certainly be excused for the part she 
took in opposing the liberty or civil rights of the colored 


But far more remarkable is the fact that the feeling of 
the people of the United States was so intense against the 
abolitionist or friend of the negro, that President Jackson, 
a brave, good man, renowned for his ability and moral 
courage, felt called upon to recommend to Congress in his 
message of December 7, 1835, the passage of an act for 
excluding from the mails abolition newspapers and publi- 
cations, and a bill was introduced into the Senate, in 1836, 
for that purpose. When it was under discussion in com- 
mittee of the whole, on June 2, Mr. Calhoun, Senator from. 
South Carolina, introduced an amendment providing for 
burning or otherwise destroying such papers or documents, 
which was adopted, but when, on June 9, the bill came 
up for final passage, it was lost, by a vote of 19 ayes ta 
25 noes. The Illinois Senators, Kent and Ewing, voted 
against the bill. Henry Clay, Senator from Kentucky, a> 
slave State, voted against the bill, while James Buchanan,, 
afterward President of the United States, from the free 
State of Pennsylvania, voted for the bill. 

In further extenuation of .the position occupied by Illi- 
nois as regards the rights of the negro, we cite the fact 
that, notwithstanding the Declaration of Independence 
declared that all men are created equal, from the First 
Congress, which convened March 4, 1789, under the Con- 
stitution of "the more perfect Union," to the Thirty- 
sixth, which met December 5, 1859, there was no legis- 
lation which tended to improve the condition of the? 
colored race ; and as late as December, 1856, the Supreme? 


Court rendered an opinion, the most elaborate ever written 
by that body, which solemnly declared that the negro had 
no rights under the laws of the land, which white men 
were bound to observe. Under these circumstances it is not 
to be wondered at that Illinois should have been blind upon 
the subject; but when the emancipation proclamation 
gave the colored man his liberty, and the thirteenth, 
fourteenth and fifteenth amendments to the National 
Constitution secured him equal rights and protection with 
the white man, under the laws of the land, Illinois was 
quick to repeal all laws which created a distinction be- 
tween the races; and on February 7, 1865, the Legisla- 
ture passed an act repealing the black laws of 1853, and! 
those on the statutes of 1845. In the constitution of 1870* 
was omitted the word white, and in 1874 the Legislature; 
passed an act giving colored children equal rights with the; 
white in the public schools. And now there is none to 
molest or make afraid the colored man on account of 
race, color, or previous condition. 


The transition of the colored man from the position of a slave 
or menial to that of a citizen of the United States, was so 
rapid as not always to leave upon his mind a proper idea 
of his relation to society, politics or the Government itself ; 
and there has been some disposition to claim more rights 
and privileges than are contemplated in the laws which 
gave him his freedom and citizenship, chief among which 
is the demand for office. Now it must be borne in mind 
that the Constitution of the United States does not recog- 
nize as a qualification to office any particular race. A 
person is not elected Senator or Eepresentative to Con- 
gress because he is an Englishman, Irishman, Frenchman 
or German, but because he is a citizen of the United 
States, by birth or adoption, and has attained the proper 


age, and possesses the moral and intellectual qualifications 
to entitle him to occupy the trust. The thirteenth, four- 
teenth and fifteenth amendments to the Constitution of 
the United States did not change the principles governing 
this question in the least. As a rule, men are chosen to 
high positions of public trust because of their fitness, and 
not because of their race or nationality. If the colored 
man would enjoy a share in the public trusts of the State 
or Nation, he must fit himself, by education and moral 
training, to entitle him to recognition in the government 
'<of the country. A greedy scramble or clamor for office 
rander the threat that if these people are not given place 
and power they will set up a party for themselves, will 
tend only to prolong the time when their right- to ask for 
& voice in guiding the affairs of the country will be heard. 
'There is too great an odds between 6,000,000 colored peo- 
ple and 44,000,000 white, for them to think of drawing 
the color line, in a political sense. It is not out of place, 
however, in this connection, to say that many colored 
men have been given high and honorable trusts in the 
governments of the States and the Nation since their en- 
franchisement, but in most cases because of their fitness 
to hold the trusts. In some of the Southern States col- 
ored men have been elected to the office of Governor, 
while in others they have been chosen Senators and Re- 
presentatives in the General Assemblies, and Senators and 
Representatives in Congress ; and in Kansas, an original 
free State, a colored man has been elected Secretary of 
State. In Illinois, the colored people have made a very 
good start in regard to the advancement of their race, 
and identified with the prominent business interests of the 
State are found many active, intelligent colored men ; and 
in all the callings or pursuits of life they are beginning 
to take front places. In the ministry there are not a few 
eminent men, while in the professions of law and medicine 


there are some who have attained prominence ; and 
in the arts, we call to mind Dennis Williams, an artist 
at Springfield, whose portraits of some of our distin- 
guished statesmen have gained celebrity throughout the 
State. In political affairs, John J. Bird, of Cairo, was 
the first colored person to receive recognition from the 
Executive of the State. Gov. Beveridge appointed him 
one of the Trustees of the Industrial University at Cham- 
paign. Mr. Bird was thrice elected Police Magistrate of 
Cairo, first in 1873 and again in 1877. J. W. E. Thomas, 
of Chicago, has been twice a member of the House of 
Bepresentatives ; he serve,! in that body in 1877, and 
again in 1883 ; and times without number colored men 
have held subordinate positions in the various depart- 
ments of State all of which goes to show that there 
exists no disposition to keep the colored man in check in 
the race of life. 

Of the colored men of Illinois who deserve more than 
a passing notice, is the late John Jones, of Chicago, who 
was born in North Carolina, in 1816; he came to Illinois 
in 1841, settling at Alton, where he married Mary Ittch- 
ardson, and soon after removed to Chicago. There he 
accumulated property, and so conducted himself as to win 
the respect of the community, and was well-known among 
the prominent anti- slavery men of the country, long before 
the war. John Brown was a frequent visitor at his house, 
and the escaped slave, in his perilous journey to Canada, 
often found refuge and protection under his hospitable 
roof. The last time John Brown was his guest, he was 
on his way to Harper's Ferry, Virginia, to commence an 
active raid against slavery, and for which offense he was 
tried, condemned and hung. On that occasion he said 
to Mr. Jones that he would advise him to lay in a good 
supply of cotton, sugar and tobacco, for he was going to, 
"raise their price." 


After the emancipation proclamation, and adoption of 
the 13th amendment to the Constitution of the United 
States, Mr. Jones wrote and spoke with much power in 
behalf of the repeal of the black laws, and the enactment 
of such laws as would give his people equal civil and 
political rights with the whites; and when the colored 
man was enfranchised, Mr. Jones was one of the first in 
the State to be elected to an office. He was twice elected 
one of the Commissioners of Cook county, from Chicago, 
and served each time with Carter Harrison, the present 

After a long and useful life, he died on the 21st of 
May, 1879, leaving a widow and one child. His estate 
vas valued at $70,000. 

Mrs. Jones' father was a resident of 'Alton at the time 
of the murder of Eev. Elijah P. Lovejoy, and Mrs. Jones 
was then a girl of some fifteen years. She vividly remem- 
bers the tragedy, and the sad and silent little funeral 
procession which followed his remains to the burial ground, 
for it passed by her father's house. 


Notwithstanding Illinois was consecrated to freedom, she 
has had, from first to last, many pro-slavery citizens, and 
among the towns in which resided some of the more out- 
spoken, was Griggsville, Pike county. An Abolitionist 
had few friends there; indeed he was regarded as a person 
beneath the respect of the people. In 1845, during the agita- 
tion of the question of annexing Texas to the United States, 
a stranger happened into the town on the evening of a meet- 
ing of the Lyceum, and after the business hour had passed 
he stated that he had a petition which he would be glad to have 
those present sign, and quite a number attached their names 
without knowing its real object ; but next morning, after the 
stranger had taken his departure, it became known to the 


leading pro-slavery men that it was a petition for the 
abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, when the 
stranger was followed, the petition taken from him and he 
whipped and commanded to leave the State without de- 
lay. An effort was subsequently made to compel every 
signer to withdraw his name, which they all did, with the 
exception of 0. M. Hatch and Nathan French, and the 
latter was hotly pursued to the store of Starne & Alex- 
ander, where he obtained an axe-helve and prepared to 
defend himself to the last extremity. In the meantime, 
John M. Palmer, then the Yankee clock peddler, coming 
in at the rear entrance, handed French a pistol, saying 
.at the same time, "defend yourself with that," and with 
these weapons -Mr. French succeeded in driving away his 


In 1845, Joseph Dobbs, of Tennessee, a man of educa- 
tion and refinement, inherited some eight or ten families 
of slaves, numbering in all about forty persons, but being 
opposed to slavery he removed with them to Illinois, set- 
tling in Pope county, where he bought for each head of 
a family a small tract of land on which to begin life, and 
gave to all their free papers. Mr. Dobbs was a bachelor, 
and spent much of his time in looking after the interests 
of his colored colony with almost as much tenderness as 
though they had been his own children. In the spring 
of 1846, three of the most likely children were stolen by 
Joseph Vaughn and his band and taken to Missouri and 
sold into slavery. Vaughn was a great outlaw, and when 
it became known that the children had been run off and 
sold into slavery, the better citizens of Pope county re- 
solved to secure their return at any cost, and Dr. William 
Sim, Maj. John Baum, Judge Wesley Sloan and Philip 
Vineyard offered a reward of $500 for their apprehension. 


William Rhodes, sheriff of the county, volunteered to go> 
in search of the children, whom he found in Missouri* 
and returned them to their parents. Vaughn was afterward 
indicted for the offense, but he endeavored to shift the 
responsibility upon certain members of his gang, who- 
retaliated by poisoning him, from the effects of which he 
died. The prejudice against persons befriending colored 
people was not so great in Pope county then as in some 
other localities of the State, and Mr. Rhodes was elected 
the same year as a Representative to the Fifteenth Gen- 
eral Assembly from the counties of Pope and Hardin ; he- 
died January 4, 1847, while a member, and was buried at 
Springfield. Mr. Dobbs died the latter part of 1847, and 
willed his entire property to the colored people to whom 
he had vouchsafed the boon of liberty.' 


The public records of Illinois show many curious things 
regarding the treatment of free colored persons, before^ 
the emancipation of slavery. We obtained the following 
from the record kept by John Raum, Probate Judge of 

Pope county: 

" POPE COUNTY. f ss> 

"The people of the State of Illinois, to the sheriff of 
said county, greeting: We command you to receive the 
body of Ned Wright, a negro, who has been brought be- 
fore me, and on being examined is not found to have 
free papers ; he is, therefore, committed to your charge, 
to be aealt with according to law. 

" Given under my hand and seal, this 19th day of 
April, A. D. 1847. 

"JOHN RAUM, P. J. P. Co. (Seal.)" 

This is only one of hundreds of a similar character 
found upon that record. In order that our readers may 
understand the purport of this order, we copy from the 
Revised Statutes of 1845, page 388, Chapter 74, Section. 
5, of the law governing such proceedings : 


" Section 5. Every black or mulatto person \vho shall 
be found in this State, and not having such a certificate 
as is required by this chapter, shall be deemed a runaway 
slave or servant, and it shall be lawful for any inhabitant 
of this State to take such black or mulatto person before 
some justice of the peace, and should such black or mu- 
latto person not produce such certificate as aforesaid, it 
shall be the duty of such justice to cause such black or 
mulatto person to be committed to the custody of the 
sheriff of the county, who shall keep such black or mu- 
latto person, and in three days after receiving him shall 
advertise him, at the court house door, and shall transmit 
a notice, and cause the same to be advertised for six 
weeks in some public newspaper printed nearest to the 
place of apprehending such black person or mulatto, 
stating a description of the most remarkable features of 
the supposed runaway, and if such person so committed 
shall not produce a certificate or other evidence of his free- 
dom, within the time aforesaid, it shall be the duty of the 
sheriff to hire him out for the best price he can get, after 
having given five days' previous notice thereof, from month 
to month, for the space of one year; and if no owner 
shall appear to substantiate his claim before the expira- 
tion of the year, the sheriff shall give a certificate to such 
black or mulatto person, who, on producing the same to- 
the next circuit court of the county, may obtain a cer- 
tificate from the court, stating the facts, and the person- 
shall be deemed a free person, unless he shall be lawfully 
claimed by his proper owner or owners thereafter. And 
as a reward to the taker up of such negro, there shall be 
paid by the owner, if any, before he shall receive him 
Irom the sheriff, ten dollars, and the owner shall pay to- 
the sheriff for the justice two dollars, and reasonable 
costs lor taking such runaway to the sheriff, and also 
pay the sheriff all fees for keeping such runaway, as 
other prisoners : Provided, however, that the proper owner, 
if any there be, shall be entitled to the hire of any 
such runaway from the sheriff, after deducting the ex- 
penses of the same : And, provided also, that the taker-up 
shall have a right to claim any reward which the owner 
shall have offered for the apprehension of such runaway. 
Should any taker-up claim any such offered reward, he 
shall not be entitled to the allowance made by this sec- 


It will be observed that, after all this circumlocution, 
there was nothing in the certificate of freedom. But lest 
some of our readers should be curious to know how a 
negro became free at all, we will say that there were not 
infrequently p3rsons in the slave States who, becoming 
convinced of the injustice and wickedness of the institu- 
tion, would manumit their slaves, but the laws of the 
slave States required the owner to remove them to the 
free States. Sometimes, as was the case with Gov. Coles, 
the owner would buy homes for his slaves and become 
their bondsman. In this way many freed men became 
residents of the several free States, and naturally migra- 
ted from one free State to another, believing that they 
had a right so to do, but the police regulations were so 
unjust and arbitrary in Illinois, that they experienced great 
trouble in establishing a residence in the State; and it 
was not an uncommon thing for such persons to be kid- 
napped and sold into slavery, notwithstanding they might 
have had their certificates of freedom, for they had no 
jedress in the courts. 


In 1859, a colored boy, who had been born in Ohio, 
wandered into Illinois with the hope of bettering his con- 
dition financially, but not finding in the broad prairie 
State what had been pictured to him, he bent his way to 
St. Louis, unmindful that the laws of Missouri were un- 
friendly to his race. But he had hardly set foot in that 
city before he was arrested and taken before an officer, 
who sentenced him to receive "500 lashes for being a 
free-born negro in the State without a pass." Just as he 
was being removed to the place of punishment, Captain 
George Stackpole, a steamboatman of Cincinnati, entered 
the court room and demanded the release of the boy on 
the pretext that he was an employe of his boat. The 
word " lashes" the boy had not heard when his sentence 


was pronounced, and did not understand what was to be 
done with him until told by his deliverer, who had known 
him in Ohio. The boy little knew that while he had so 
narrowly escaped a vile punishment in Missouri, in free 
Illinois he had been but little better off. That boy's name 
was Joseph Pleasant, and our informant says he is now 
.an industrious citizen of Peoria. 


About the last effort to return a slave from this State 
to his master, under the fugitive slave law, was made at 
Shawneetown in the latter part of 1862. It was reported 
that there was a fugitive from labor harbored at the house 
of Stephen E. Eowan, a prominent citizen, but who was 
then known as a Black Eepublican, whereupon a few pro- 
slavery men were called together for the purpose of deter- 
mining upon measures for the return of the fugitive at any 
cost. At that time the Confederates had possession of that 
part of Kentucky near Shawneetown, and frequent threats 
had been made to sack and burn the town. Under these 
circumstances, this meeting was not altogether harmoni- 
ous, there being one spirit among the number bold enough 
to protest against the return of the slave, and strong 
enough to deter the others from molesting Mr. Eowan in 
the possession of the supposed fugitive slave. 


The reader has been made aware that prior to the 
-emancipation proclamation colored persons could not per- 
manently settle in Illinois without first giving bond that 
ihey would not become charges upon the State. Here is, 
perhaps, the last instrument of the kind executed in Illi- 
nois. It was made at the time slaves were known as 
^'contrabands of war," and the colored person in question 
was brought from Cairo to Shawneetown to be employed 
in the family of her bondsman, as a servant: 


"Know all men by these presents, that we, Caroline 
Sanders and James B. Turner, of Shawneetown, Illinois, 
are held and firmly bound unto the People of the State 
of Illinois, for the use of Gallatin county, in the sum of 
one thousand dollars, good and lawful money of the 
United States, to be paid to said State for the use of said 
county, to which payment well and truly to be made we 
bind ourselves, our heirs and administrators firmly by 
these presents. Sealed with our seals, and dated this 1st 
day of September, 1862. 

" The condition of this is such, that whereas, the above 
bounden Caroline Sanders is a free person of color, at 
least she asserts herself to be free, and is desirous of 
settling in Gallatin county, Illinois : Now if the said Car- 
oline Sanders shall not at any time become a charge to 
said county, or to any other county in the State, as a 
poor person, and shall at all times demean herself in 
strict conformity of the laws now enacted and that may 
hereafter be enacted in this State, then this obligation to- 
be void, otherwise to be and remain in full force and 




" Signed and sealed in the presence of 



" I, Silas Cook, county clerk of the county and State afore- 
said, do hereby certify that the above and foregoing is a 
true and correct copy of the original bond now on file in 
my office. Given under my hand and official seal, this- 
20th day of April, A. D. 1883. 


"County Clerk." 

Many of our readers will be surprised to learn that the 
prejudice of the times was so great against the mere idea 
of taking slave property under any circumstances, as to- 
compel the return of this contraband to the official from 
whom she was received. 

Another case, something similar in character, occurred 
at Harrisburg, Saline county, in the same year. Dr. 


John W. Mitchell, one of the earliest Eepublicans in the 
State, had brought two families of contrabands from 
Cairo, and put them upon his farm, a few miles distant 
from Harrisburg. They had hardly located in their new 
home before the news spread like wild-fire among the pro- 
slavery men, "that the laws of Illinois were being set at 
defiance by the introduction of negroes into the county," 
and a large mass-meeting was soon held at the court 
house in Harrisburg, to cause their removal. Several 
violent speeches were made, in which Dr. Mitchell was 
bitterly denounced, and resolutions were passed strongly 
condemning him for bringing the contrabands into the 
community, and a committee was appointed to notify him 
to return them to Cairo within a given time, or suffer the 
consequences. In the meantime, Mitchell, being advised 
of the action of the meeting, had taken the precaution to 
prepare himself for v any emergency, which, coming to the 
ears of the committee, they refrained from carrying out 
the instructions of the meeting. As the contrabands were 
not removed, a second meeting was held and a similar 
performance gone through with and the threat was boldly 
made that if Mitchell did not return the contrabands his 
life and property would be destroyed. But time passed, 
and Mitchell bravely stood his ground. This second fail- 
ure to drive him into measures caused better counsels to 
prevail, and when the Circuit Court convened he was 
simply indicted under the " black laws" of the State ; 
and that indictment remained upon the records of the 
Circuit Court of Saline county long after the war, not- 
withstanding the repeal of the black laws in 1865. In 
fact it was not disposed of until the present State Con- 
stitution, which omitted the word "white," came into 
effect, when it was stricken from the docket. We appre- 
hend that many of the persons who took part in the 


ill-advised proceedings would be ashamed to see their namest 
in these pages, and we therefore spare them that mortifi- 
cation. But such is history. 


The intolerance of certain pro-slavery men in the south 
part of the State was very great during the war, and they 
therefore committed many acts of folly. In the proposed 
Constitution, which was formed in 1862, was an Article 
which prohibited the emigration of free negroes or mu- 
lattoes into the State. It was submitted to a separate- 
vote of the people. Rev. W. V. Eldridge, of Golconda, 
cast the only vote polled in Pope county against this 
Article. This greatly incensed his pro-slavery neighbors,, 
and on the following Sunday they assembled in the form 
of a mob at a church in the country, where Eldridge had 
an appointment, and attempted to prevent him from, 
preaching; but the men and women of his congregation 
rallied to his support, and put the mob to flight. But a-. 
marvelous change in political sentiment has taken plac& 
in that community. Mr. Eldridge has had the honor to- 
represent the district in the General Assembly, and at 
this time is County Judge of Pope county. 


The first attempt to establish a school for colored chil- 
dren in this State was made at Shawneetown, after the 
proclamation of freedom, by Miss Sarah Curtis, of Evans- 
ville, Ind. After a hard struggle she obtained a small 
room in which to open her school, and for a time she 
taught with great energy and apparent satisfaction, but 
she was so ostracised by white women that after a few" 
months she gave up the work in utter disgust, and re- 
turned to her former home. 



Many of our readers will learn with surprise that before 
the war colored men, attempting to escape into free ter- 
ritory, were hunted down by the aid of blood-hounds ; but 
such is the fact. William Belford, of Golconda, was one 
of many men, in Illinois, who made their living by catch- 
ing and returnifig runaway slaves. He kept a favorite 
blood-hound for this purpose, and was often seen upon 
the highway, on horseback, with it sitting in his lap. It 
is said by those who knew him well, that he thought more 
of this hound than he did of his own children. During 
the war he was, naturally, a violent rebel, and was often 
embroiled in quarrels with his neighbors, in regard to the 
conduct of the war, as waged by the National authorities, 
and in one of these met his death, at the hands of Win. 
Whiteside, of Golconda, in 1864. 


It has been a difficult matter for the white people along: 
the Ohio river to overcome their prejudice against allow- 
ing colored people equal civil rights with themselves. Aa 
late as 1880, James A. Rose, County Attorney of Pope 
county, was assaulted in the streets of G-olconda, for 
allowing a colored person to sit on a jury. The person 
who assailed him was one of the jurors, and was not 
aware that a colored man had sat with him until after 
the case had been decided and the jury discharged. The 
colored juror was a bright mulatto, and had not infre- 
quently been mistaken for a white man. 


The Thirteenth amendment to the Constitution of the 
United States, which declared that "neither slavery nor 
involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime,. 



whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall' 
exist within the United States, or any place subject to 
their jurisdiction," was adopted by the Legislature of Illi- 
nois, February 1, 1865, being the first State to ratify it. 

The Fourteenth amendment, which guaranteed to the 
colored man citizenship, was adopted by the Legislature 
of Illinois, January 15, 1867. 

The Fifteenth amendment, which enfranchised the col- 
ored race, was adopted by the Legislature of Illinois, 
March 5, 1869. 

The Constitutional Convention of 1870 framed the State 
Constitution so as to conform to these amendments. 


At the first election in Cairo after the enfranchisement of 
colored men, Patrick Kelly, an Irishman, armed himself 
and declared that he would shoot the first "nigger" who 
attempted to vote in his ward, which was largely inhab- 
ited by colored people. As a matter of course, the colored 
men were anxious to exercise the right of suffrage, and 
had assembled in large numbers at the polls ; but hours 
passed, and yet nobody seemed willing to dispute the 
authority of Kelly, until Col. W. E. Brown, of Metropolis, 
then on duty in the collector's office at Cairo, asked P. 
H. Pope to select for him a colored man whom he knew 
to be a citizen and entitled to vote, and he would see that 
Jie voted. John Evans was selected, and Mr. Brown 
marched him to the polls, and his ballot was recorded 
without interference on the part of Mr. Kelly. This was 
taken as the signal for a general rush to the polls, and 
many colored men voted in rapid succession without 
the slightest objection by anybody, when Kelly walked 
away in utter disgust, uttering words of execration upon 
the "d d nigger government." 


We have been induced to speak of such incidents as 
are here recorded to show how deeply seated were the 
prejudices of the people of Illinois against the intellectual 
or political advancement of the colored race. 


Mrs. Juliet 0. Baum Mrs. Catherine Wilson Mrs. Mary Todd Lincoln Mrs. 
Mary 8. Logan Women Lawyers Women School Officers Women 
Notaries Public How Long will it be Before They can Vote? 


During the war for the Union, many able and eminent 
women were brought upon the stage of action, and con- 
tributed greatly to the success of our arms. We speak 
here of one whose influence and energy were largely ex- 
ercised in the cause of her country. Her name is Juliet 
C. Eaum of Golconda, wife of Maj. John Raum, who served 
in the Black Hawk war, and mother of Gen. Green B. 
and Maj. John M. Eaum. At the time the war was de- 
clared, her husband, who had reached his three score and 
ten, was too far advanced in the infirmities of life to take 
the active part his patriotism prompted, but she took, as 
it were, his place, and in her broad, generous nature was 
ever busy, speaking words of cheer to the departing sol- 
dier, caring for the family left behind, or visiting the bat- 
tle field to look after the wounded and dying. In her 
sphere she exercised as much power for good in the hour 
of her country's peril as did any single individual during 
that long and bloody conflict. She died in 1872, but her 



name will live in the community in which she exerted her 
influence for generations to come, and none who knew her 
well can read this paragraph without shedding a tear to 
her memory. 


Mrs. Catherine Wilson, wife of the late Harry Wilson, 
who was Ensign in the War of 1812, and Captain in the 
Black Hawk war, was a resident of Shawneetown in 1861, 
when President Lincoln called for 75,000 troops. She had 
three sons, James H., Henry S., and Bluford on whom 
she depended to some extent for protection and support, 
but with true womanly devotion to her country's flag, she 
willingly yielded to the inclination of her sons to enter 
the army, and it is our pleasure to say that she lived to 
see them all return from their country's service wearing 
honorable titles as rewards for gallant conduct upon the 
battle field. James H. Wilson was a graduate of West 
Point, and on duty at Fort Vancouver when the war be- 
gan, but was soon sent to the front, where he distinguished 
himself, and came home with the rank of Major-General 
of Volunteers, and Lieutenant-Colonel in the regular army.. 
Henry S. and Bluford volunteered as privates and both 
received commissions as Major. 

After the war, Gen. Wilson, familiarly known as Gen. 
Harry Wilson, was placed, by reason of his eminent abil- 
ity as a Civil Engineer, in charge of the Government work 
of improving the Mississisppi river at Davenport, Iowa, 
and of the Illinois river, and the enlargement of the Illi- 
nois and Michigan Canal ; but he resigned his commission 
as Lieutenant-Colonel in the regular army in 1869, since- 
which time he has been actively engaged in building rail- 
roads in this and other States. In company with his old 
army friend Gen. E. F. Winslow, Joseph J. Castles, (X 
Pool, S. K. Casey, T. S. Casey, and others, he built the- 
St. Louis and Southeastern Railway, which is now a part. 


; of the through line between St. Louis and Nashville. The 
Cairo and Vincennes Railroad, which had been projected 
many years previous, was finally built by Wilson andl 
Winslow, and the Air Line Road from Louisville, via 
Evansville and Mt. Carmel, over a portion of the line pro- 
jected in 1837, was built through the instrumentality of 
Gen. Harry Wilson. ' 

When Gen. Grant was President he appointed Maj. BIu- 
ford Wilson U. S. District Attorney for the Southern Dis- 
trict of Illinois, and from this he was promoted to Solici- 
tor of the Treasury. He was an able and faithful pub- 
lic servant, and is entitled to no little credit for the part, 
he took in breaking up the great whisky frauds which* 
gained so much prominence from 1873 to 1876. 

Maj. Henry S. Wilson lost his life at Shawneetown im 
1873, by accidental drowning. 

Their mother died in the spring of 1877 at the ripe? 
age of 73, in the full enjoyment of all her faculties, sur- 
rounded by her affectionate family. 


No history of Illinois would be complete without a word 
in memory of Mrs. Mary Todd Lincoln, wife of the mar- 
tyred President. She was the third daughter of Robert 
S. Todd, of Lexington, Kentucky, a descendent of a distin- 
guished family, which was wide-spread in Virginia and 
Kentucky. Mrs. Lincoln was born December 13, 1818; 
was educated at Lexington, at the noted school of 
Mme. Mentille, of France, and after the death of her 
mother, came to Illinois, making her home at Spring- 
field, with her accomplished sister, Mrs. Ninian W. 
Edwards, until her marriage with Mr. Lincoln, which 
occurred November 4, 1842. They had born unto them 
four children, Robert T., Edward Baker, William W. and 
Thomas, all of whom are dead except the first named. Ed- 
ward Baker died at Springfield, February 1, 1850 ; William 


W., at Washington, D. G., February 20, 1862; and Thomas, 
at Chicago, July 15, 1871. Of Mrs. Lincoln it is said, by 
those who knew her best, that before her life was blighted 
by the assassination of her husband, she was a woman 
of rare brilliancy of mind, gifted in conversation, winning 
in manner, and withal kind and courteous ; and we do not 
know that we can better state the situation as regards 
her after-life than to quote a passage from the sermon 
delivered by Eev. James A. Reed, on the occasion of her 
funeral, in which he eloquently and tenderly portrays the 
sadness and sorrow which clouded her pathway: 

" Years ago, Abraham Lincoln placed a ring on the 
finger of Mary Todd, inscribed with these words: 'Love 
is eternal.' Like two stately trees they grew up among 
us in the nobler, sweeter fellowship of wedded life. The 
twain became one flesh. Here they planted their home, 
and, in domestic bliss, their olive plants grew up around 
them. Here they were known and honored and loved by 
an appreciative and admiring community, and when peril- 
ous times came, and the Nation looked forth among the 
people for a steady hand to guide the ship of State, its 
heart went out after this tall and stately man that walked 
like a prince among us. He was their choice, and ascend- 
ing to the chief place in the Nation's gift, he stood like 
some tall cedar amid the storm of National strife, and 
with a heroism and a wisdom and a lofty prudence in his 
administration that won the wonder and respect of the 
world, he guided the Nation through its peril, back again 
to peace. But when at the height of his fame, when a 
grateful people were lauding him with just acknowledgment 
of his great services to the country, and when he was 
wearily trying to escape from their very adulation into 
the restful presence and company of his life partner, to be 
alone awhile in the hour of his triumphant joy, like light- 
ning, the flash of a cruel and cowardly enemy's wrath 
struck him down by her side. The voice that cheered a 
Nation in its darkest hour is hushed. The beauty of Is- 
rael is slain upon the high places. The Nation in its 
grief and consternation is driven almost to madness ; 
strong men know not hardly how to assuage their sorrow 
or control themselves under it ; and when the Nation so 
'felt the shock, what must it have been to the poor woman 


that stood by his side, who was the sharer of his joys, 
the partner of his sorrows, whose heart-string"? were wound 
about his great heart in that seal of eternal love; what 
wonder if the shock of that sad hour, that made a Nation 
reel, should leave a tender, loving woman, shattered in 
body and in mind, to walk softly all her days. It is no 
reflection upon either the strength of her mind or the 
tenderness of her heart, to say that when Abraham Lin- 
coln died, she died. The lightning that struck down the 
strong man, unnerved the woman. The sharp iron of the 
pungent grief went to her soul. The terrible shock, with 
its quick following griefs in the death of her children, left 
her mentally and physically a wreck, as it might have 
left any of us in the same circumstances. I can only 
think of Mrs. Lincoln as a dying woman through all these 
sad years of painful sorrow through which she has ling- 
ered since the death of her husband. It is not only char- 
itable but just to her native mental qualities and her 
noble womanly nature, that we think of her and speak of 
her as the woman she was before the victim of these great 
sorrows. Drawing the veil over all these years of failing 
health of body and mind, which have been spent in seek- 
ing rest from sorrow in quiet seclusion from, the world, I 
shall speak of her only as the woman she was before her 
noble husband fell a martyr by her side." 

Mrs. Lincoln's death occurred at the residence of her 
sister, Mrs. Ninian W. Edwards, July 16, 1882, and her 
remains lie beside those of her husband and children 
within the Lincoln monument, whither they were followed 
by the State officers and many sorrowing relatives and 


One of the great women of Illinois, who has shed lustre 
upon her sex, is Mrs. Mary S. Logan, wife of Gen. John 
A. Logan, who was born August 15, 1838, in Petersburg, 
Missouri, a town now extinct. She was a daughter of John ! 
M. and Elizabeth Cunningham ; she was educated at St. 
Vincent Academy, Union county, Kentucky, and was; 
married at Shawneetown, November 27, 1855. Mrs. i 
Logan, has always been a noted woman in society, and i 


whether as the wife of the young lawyer, the great soldier, 
or the able senator, she has been the same noble, pure 
iwoman ; and has ever stood by the side of her husband 
[in the battle of life; and whether in peace or war she 
'has been his most able and trusty adviser and during all 
the years she has occupied so conspicuous a place in the 
eyes of the Nation, she has never lost her place in the 
affections of her sex. 


The courts and law-makers of Illinois have been some- 
what tardy in according to women their natural rights. 
Until 1872, neither married nor single women were ad- 
mitted to the bar. In 1868, Mrs. Myra Bradwell, publisher 
of the Chicago Legal News, after passing a creditable 
examination, made application to the court to be admitted 
to the legal profession, but her application was refused, 
on the ground that she was a married woman. Mrs. Brad- 
well brought suit in the courts to test the validity of the 
decision, and it was finally carried to the Supreme Court, 
which sustained the lower courts. 

Miss Alta M. Hulett was the next woman to apply for 
admission to the bar, but her application was treated, on 
account of her womanhood, with silence. 

In 1872, through the instrumentality of these ladies, an 
act was passed by the General Assembly, which declared 
that no person should be debarred from any occupation, 
profession or employment on account of sex. Under this 
act they were both admitted to the bar, and were the first 
and only women lawyers in the State until 1884, when 
Miss Bessie Bradwell, a daughter of Judge James B. and 
Myra Bradwell, graduated at the Union College of Law, 
Chicago. She was valedictorian in a class of fifty-five, 
and Judge Booth, dean of the college, in his address to 
the class, paid a high tribute to her merit, and wished 
her a successful future in the profession. 


Miss Kate Kane, of Wisconsin, was admitted to practice 
law in the Supreme Court, at Ottawa, in March, 1884, on 
a foreign license. 



The first recognition of the law-makers of Illinois to 
women as public servants, was the passage of an act in 
1873, allowing women, married or single, of the age of 21 
years, to hold any office under the general or special 
school laws in this State. Nine women were chosen 
County Superintendents at the ensuing November election, 
whose names are as follows : Phoebe A. Taylor, Alexan- 
der county; Mrs. Mary E. Crary, Boone; Miss Mary S. 
Welch, DeWitt; Mrs. Cath. Hopkins, Greene; Nettie M. 
Sinclair, Kankakee ; Mary Ellen West, Knox ; Amanda A. 
Frazier, Mercer ; Mary W. Whiteside, Peoria ; Sarah C. 
Mclntosh, Will; Mary L. Carpenter, Winnebago. 


In 1875, an act was passed by the General Assembly 
rendering women eligible to the office of notary public. 
The law went into effect July 1, and Mrs. Annie Fitzhugh 
Ousley was the first woman to receive a commission, 
which was given her by Governor Beveridge, on that day, 
And on the same day he issued commissions to six women, 
from Cook county, namely: Lucy A. Bunting, Helen 
Culver, Lucy M. Gaylord, Alice C. Nute, Sarah A. Eichards 
and Caroline Wescott, since which time many commis- 
sions have been issued to women in different counties of 
the State, and it is now no uncommon thing to see legal 
instruments bearing the notarial seal of a woman. 

In 1879, at the instance of the Women's Christian Tem- 
perance Union, a bill was introduced in both houses of 
the General Assembly, proposing an amendment to the 
constitution allowing women the right to vote on all 


questions relating to the control of the liquor traffic; but 
it failed in both. In 1881, the subject was again brought 
before that body, with no better success. 


It remains to be seen whether women who have mastered 
the arts and sciences ; who fill the professions ; who keep 
the cash account of the largest mercantile houses in our 
great cities, or the mother who moulds the character of 
the man, shall ever, in the minds of the statesmen of 
Illinois, know enough to know how to exercise the right 
of suffrage ! Women and Chinamen are the only classes 
of mankind in Illinois who are not allowed the privilege 
of the ballot. 


When the war for the Union ensued, the State was without 
an effective military organization ; indeed, Governor Yates 
found the law under which the military power of the State 
was to be brought into requisition, so faul y as to be almost 
useless, and he relied mainly on the presence of the soldiers 
of the National Government to preserve the peace of the 
State and prevent its invasion from without. Since then, 
the General Assembly has amply provided the legislation 
necessary to bring into existence a most excellent military 
system, which is styled the Illinois National Guard. The 
efficiency of the Guard in preserving law and order, has not 
infrequently been attested; but in the great strike of railroad 
employes in 1877, which permeated all the States, its service 
in protecting life and property was incalculable. It was none 
the less effective in preserving the peace and protecting life 
and property at East St. Louis, in April, 1886, when the strike 
on the Gould system of railroads had assumed an alarming, 
character, being called into service after a conflict in which 


eight lives were lost, and the local police authority was; 
overpowered. They succeeded in restoring order and pre- 
serving the peace without bloodshed. 

The General Assembly of 1885 revised the militia law, 
limiting the number of officers and enlisted men to 4,000, and 
creating the office of Assistant Adjutant-General. Having an 
eye to the efficiency of the service, Governor Oglesby appoint- 
ed to this tiust Theo. Ewert, who entered the army in the- 
war for the Union at the age of fourteen years, enlisting in 
Thieleman's Cavalry, June, 1861. He was commissioned by 
President Lincoln Lieutenant of Colored Heavy Artillery,. 
July 12, 1864, when in his eighteenth year. At the close of 
the war he entered the regular army, serving three years in 
the 36th and 7th Infantry ; five years under General Custer, 
in the 7th Cavalry, and five years in the 5th Infantry, aggre- 
gating thirteen years in the regular army outside of his- 
service in defence of his country's flag on Southern soil.. 
The appointment was worthily bestowed, but the Colonel 
more than earned the honor. 

In reorganizing the Guard under the revised law, its- 
strength was reduced from 4,600 to 8,846, being comprised 
in two brigades. The First Brigade has four regiments of 
Infantry and one of Cavalry, and one Battery. The Second 
has three regiments of Infantry and one Battery. 

The First Brigade, with headquarters at Chicago, is com- 
manded by Brigadier-General Cbarles Fitz Simons, with 
Lieutenant-Colonel Charles S. Diehl as Assistant Adjutant- 
General. The Second Brigade, with headquarters at Spring- 
field, is commanded by Brigadier-General Jasper N. Keece, 
with Lieutenant-Colonel Charles F. Mills as Assistant Adju- 

The staff officers of the Commander-in-Chief are : Briga- 
dier General Joseph W. Vance, Adjutant-General ; Colonel 
Theo. Ewert, Assistant Adjutant-General; Colonel Elisha B.. 
Hamilton, Inspector-General; Colonel Fred. L. Matthews, 
Surgeon-General; Colonel J. H. Shaefer, General Inspector 
of Rifle Practice, and one aid-de-camp from each Congres- 
sional district. 



Among all the supporters of Senator Douglas for the Presi- 
dency in 1860, there was no more zealous advocate of his 
election than Gen. Green B. Raum, and when the flag of 
his country was assailed, he was as quick to rally to the 
support of his Government as was his great leader, and 
to him belongs the distinguished honor of having made 
the first speech in Southern Illinois in favor of sustain- 
ing the Union by war. The fall of Fort Sumter created a 
profound sensation in this part of the State, as it did all 
over the country. Duriug the political canvass preceding 
the election of President Lincoln, political excitement ran 
liigh. There was great prejudice against the Eepublican 
candidates, and nine-tenths of the voters opposed Lincoln 
at the polls. When the secession movement was set on 
foot a number of prominent men in Southern Illinois 
sympathized with it. Its proximity to Kentucky and Mis- 
souri, both slave States, and the free intercourse of the 
people, back and forth, together with the ties of kinship, 
.brought the people of these States very closely together, 
.and it is not to be wondered at that at the outset there 
should have been a division of sentiment in that great 
crisis. Gen. Eaum had from the very commencement of 
the secession movement expressed himself firmly in favor 
preserving the Union, and when Sumter fell he was 
prompt in declaring himself on the side of the Govern- 
ment. A few days after this event the Circuit Court of 


Massac county convened, and Gen. Eaum was in attend- 
ance as one of the practicing attorneys. As he passed 
down the Ohio river the rebel flag was seen floating over the 
city of Paducah. He arrived at Metropolis Sunday morn- 
ing, and was met by a number of acquaintances, who 
were anxious to learn his views upon the pending crisis, 
whereupon he freely avowed himself for the Union. 

On Monday morning the town was full of people eager 
to learn the news and to exchange opinions with their 
neighbors. In the evening, an impromptu meeting assem- 
bled in front of the law office of Green & Smith, and a 
number of persons were called out to express themselves 
on the momentous issue of war. All deprecated war as a 
means of saving the Union, and some took open ground 
against all such measures, declaring their unalterable 
opposition to waging war against their Southern brethren. 
One gentleman declared that he was born in Tennessee; 
that the bones of his fathers were buried in that State, 
and under no circumstances would he take up arms 
against his kinsmen in an effort to save the Union. 
These sentiments apparently met the hearty approval of 
the assemblage, as they were frequently applauded. At 
last Gen. Eaum was called upon for a speech, but as it 
was getting late in the night he stated that he would be 
; glad to address them upon the great question before them, 
and would do so at the Court House, the next day at 1 
o'clock. The next day came, and with it a great crowd of 
expectant people, many coming from Paducah, to hear 
the address, for Gen. Eaum was widely known in that 
portion of Kentucky. 

At the appointed time, Gen. Eaum commenced his 
address, and continued to speak for full two hours. He 
.declared the Union perpetual and unbroken; dwelt upon 
its benefits, and the futility of every effort to destroy it. 
He declared it the duty of every citizen to stand by the 


Union as the great palladium of our liberties ; as the only 
hope for the perpetuation of free government ; the only 
maintenance in the future of domestic peace, and for the 
promotion of the welfare, prosperity and happiness of the 
people. He pointed to the Ohio river as a great outlet to- 
the sea, and declared that the people of Illinois, occupy- 
ing an interior position, would never consent that the 
navigation of the Mississippi river should ever be dis- 
turbed or its mouth owned by a foreign power. He warned 
the Kentuckians present, that if Kentucky failed in her loy- 
alty to the Union she would become the theatre of war. He 
stated that while he had opposed the election of President 
Lincoln, that in the great emergency, whatever other men. 
might do, he had fully made up his mind to give Mr.. 
Lincoln's Administration a cordial and earnest support in 
its efforts to save the Union. 

This speech, by the force of its argument, carried the 
audience along from point to point, and finally, when the 
climax was reached and the people were appealed to, to- 
rally to the support of Lincoln's Administration as the 
true and only means of saving the Union, it was evident 
that all doubts had been dissipated, and that the people 
saw their way clearly and could hesitate no longer as to- 
their duty. Then it was that Gen. Baum, without seek- 
ing it, met a great emergency, and led the way in South- 
ern Illinois for the people to support the cause of Union, 
and liberty. 

Gen. Eaum entered the Union army as Major of the 
56th Illinois Infantry, and rose successively to the ranks 
of Lieutenant-Colonel, Colonel, Brevet Brigadier General, 
and Brigadier General. He served through the siege of 
Corinth, the campaign of Central Mississippi and Yazoo 
Pass, commanded a brigade at the siege and capture of 
Vicksburg, and during the march to the relief of Chatta- 
nooga. At the the battle of Missionary Ridge he was 


severely wounded, while leading his brigade into action. 
He returned to his command two months later and took 
an active part in the Atlanta campaign. He reinforced 
and successfully defended Resaca, Georgia, when that im- 
portant point in Sherman's line of communications was 
attacked by the whole force of Hood's army, in October, 
1864, and commanded a brigade of the Fifteenth Army 
Corps in the celebrated march to the sea. 

After the close of the war, Gen. Eaum resumed the 
practice of law at Harrisburg, and in 1866 he was elected 
to the Fortieth Congress as a Republican, defeating Wm. 
J. Allen in a district theretofore overwhelmingly Demo- 
cratic. Afterwards he engaged in railroad enterprises, and 
largely promoted the construction of the Cairo and Vin- 
cennes railroad, of which he was the first president. 

In the Fall of 1876, there was a strong feeling of un- 
easiness at the National Capital in regard to the outcome 
of the pending Presidential election, and President Grant 
felt it desirable to call around him, in civil capacities, 
some of his old army associates, upon whose prudence, 
pluck and discretion he knew he could rely in an emer- 
gency. Accordingly, Gen. Raum, among others, was sum- 
moned to Washington, and was tendered and accepted the 
position of Commissioner of Internal Revenue. 

The 'office, under the condition of things then prevail- 
ing, was a most difficult one to till successfully. Injudi- 
cious and vacillating legislation as to the amount of tax 
to be paid upon distilled spirits, and the very imperfect 
methods at that time in force for the collection of the tax, 
had fostered frauds and broken down public confidence in 
the honest administration of internal revenue affairs. 
Even the best-disposed tax-payers, by reason of their be- 
lief that fraudulent preferences had been given to others, 
were inclined to be hostile to the whole system of inter- 
nal revenue taxation. 


To suppress frauds, and to bring honest tax-payers into* 
harmonious relations with the Government, were thus 
among the first problems which confronted the new Com- 
missioner. Eecognizing that the initial step towards se- 
curing honest tax-paying was to secure honest collecting, 
Gen. Kaum brought into play his army experience by in- 
augurating a system of inspection and reports, by com- 
petent revenue agents, as to the entire revenue force of 
the country. In regard to all officers having a financial 
responsibility, he established a system of periodical exam- 
ination and verification of their accounts. All possibility 
of partiality or collusion in these reports was avoided by 
a continuous rotation of the inspecting officers. A stand- 
ard of different grades of excellence was adopted, and col- 
lectors were informed in what rank their office stood. The 
almost immediate result was the creation of a spirit of 
emulation in the service, which increased year by year^. 
In the first three years of Gen. Eaum's administration, 
under this system of inspections and examinations, less- 
than $2,800 remained unaccounted for out of a total col- 
lection of over $343,000,000. During succeeding years this 
deficiency was made good, and at the end of the fiscal year 
1882 the Commissioner was able to report a total collec- 
tion in six years of nearly $749,000,000 at an average 
cost for collection of less than three and a half per cent., 
without the loss of a single dollar by defalcation. In the 
preceding ten years the loss on internal revenue taxes- 
collected, by defalcation or otherwise, as shown by the 
accounts of the Treasury Department, had exceeded 

Commissioner Eaum frequently found himself hampered 
by insufficient appropriations, but scrupulously avoided 
the creation of any deficiency in regard to expenditures 
within his control. The only deficiency appropriations 
asked for by the Internal Eevenue Bureau from 1877 to- 


1883, were in relation to matters where the law made the 
expenditure imperative, and Congress, though asked to do 
so, had failed to appropriate the necessary funds. 

Under the firm, just, honest, yet judicious and humane 
administration of the laws thus established, based upon the 
theory that tax-laws were devised to raise revenue, and 
not to oppress the tax-payer, or to harshly punish him 
for trivial or technical violations of the law, where no 
fraud was intended, a feeling of mutual confidence and 
respect between the larger tax-payers and the officers of 
the Government was developed, and an important moral 
aid was thus thrown on the side of the observance of the laws. 

But a most difficult task yet remained to be accom- 
plished, viz: the suppression of the illicit manufacture 
and sale of whisky and tobacco in the mountain districts. 
of the Southern States, by which not only was great loss 
inflicted upon the revenue, but whole communities were 
demoralized and kept in a constant condition of lawless- 
ness and almost open insurrection against the laws of the 
United States. An embarrassing feature of the problem 
was, that the law-breakers had, to a considerable extent, 
the sympathy of the State officials, and others of high 
authority amongst them. In one year (1879) the Com- 
missioner was called upon to report not fewer than one 
hundred and sixty-five officers of the United States, en- 
gaged in the revenue service, prosecuted in the State 
courts for acts done in their official capacity. To break 
down this vicious and mistaken public sentiment, and to 
bring about a peaceable and orderly enforcement of the 
laws in all sections of the country alike, Gen. Raum con- 
cluded that the first requisite was to put down forcible 
resistance by superior force. He made requisition on the 
War Department for breech-loading arms of the most 
approved pattern, which were promptly supplied, and 
[placed in the hands of the Collectors for use. The "squirrel 


guns," and old-fashioned smooth-bore rifles and shot- 
guns with which the "moonshiners" had been accustomed, 
with impunity, to pick off suspected revenue officers, from 
.ambuscade, were thus met by the weapons of longer 
Tange and greater accuracy, in the hands of brave and 
'determined men, with the law on their side; and a very 
few skirmishes sufficed to bring about a realizing sense 
<of the changed order of things. Then the campaign was 
opened in earnest. The operations were carried on by 
-well-organized forces, commanded by experienced ex-offi- 
cers of both armies, carrying out, in some of the most 
disturbed districts, a combined and converging movement, 
from different States, planned and directed by the Com- 
missioner himself. The struggle was protracted and des- 
perate, but in the end the supremacy of the law was 
vindicated, and whole communities began to sue for terms 
-of surrender. Then came into play a policy of most 
judicious leniency. After meetings had been held, ad- 
dressed by United States Senators and members of 
^Congress, in some of the infected districts, counseling 
obedience to the laws ; after similar expressions of senti- 
ment had been received in writing from the highest law 
officers of some of the States, accompanied by a promise 
not to attempt to further harrass the officers of the United 
States, arrested under State process for acts done in 
their official capacity, an agreement was entered into that 
if those who had been guilty of violations of the laws 
would surrender to the United States Courts within a 
given time, and plead guilty, the Government would ask 
that sentence should be suspended during good behavior, 
and that they should be discharged on their own recogni- 
sances. In many of the worst districts the illicit distillers 
.availed themselves of this conditional amnesty by the 
iiundreds. A wholesome revolution was thus effected in 
public sentiment ; and it is a curious fact that some of the 


counties which had previously been most notorious for 
"'moonshine" outrages and violations of law, became sub- 
sequently the scene of temperance movements and religious 

At the same time that these active coercive measures 
were being carried out to secure compliance with the 
laws, Gen. Eaum was inaugurating other and more peace- 
ful methods of breaking down the practice of illicit 
distilling. One of the most cogent arguments used by 
those who defended the practice was this, that it was the 
only way that the small farmers of those comparatively inac- 
cessible mountain districts had of putting their surplus 
corn to profitable use. To meet this point, and to enable 
small distilleries, of the capacity suited to the require- 
ments of the people, to be established, and carried on 
successfully, (if carried on they must be), and within the 
requirements of the law, the Commissioner recommended 
to Congress, and Congress adopted, a relaxation of the 
rules which were complained of as being impossible to be 
carried out in distilleries of such limited capacity. 

There was no detail of his office with which Gen. Eaum 
did not familiarize himself; and even the methods of 
gauging spirits were rendered more certainly accurate by 
a change in the plan of measurement and an improve- 
ment in the standard gauging rod devised by him. 

The morale of the service throughout the country was 
still further improved by the promulgation by the Com- 
missioner of a civil service order prohibiting a practice 
which had grown up in a number of districts, of collectors 
distributing their subordinate offices among their own and 
their wives' relations. Very strong pressure was brought 
to bear to break down this rule, but it was consistently 
maintained, with beneficial results which constantly be- 
came more apparent. 


Whilst these improvements were being effected in the 
service at large, important changes and modifications- 
were introduced in the department at Washington. The 
exercise of the immense powers conferred by law upon the 
Commissioner of Internal Eevenue, in regard to the abate- 
ment and refunding of taxes, was wisely restricted by a 
regulation drawn by Gen. Eaum, and approved by Acting 
Secretary McCormack, providing that ex parte affidavits 
should no longer be regarded as proof, but that evidence 
in regard to these claims must be taken on notice, with 
the opportunity given to the counsel for the United States 
to appear and cross-examine. Important recommenda- 
tions were made as to the terms of official tenure, and 
the conditions which should govern appointments, promo- 
tions and removals ; and, as far as the law allowed, these 
principles were put into practical operation in the Internal 
Eevenue Bureau. 

In 1882, the excess of revenue over the actual needs of 
the government, and the constant temptation thus pre- 
sented to extravagance in appropriations, was forcibly 
brought to the attention of the Forty-seventh Congress by 
Commissioner Eaum, and a plan of reduction of about 
forty million dollars upon certain objects of taxation was 
suggested, and was adopted by Congress with scarcely 
any modification. 

Abuses in the administration of justice, in connection 
with internal revenue cases, resulting from the practice 
of compensating United States Marshals and District 
Attorneys by fees, early attracted the attention of Gen. 
Eaum, and in his annual report, dated November, 1879, 
he exposed the evils inflicted by this system, and recom- 
mended that marshals and district attorneys should be 
paid fixed salaries. This recommendation was renewed 
in still more vigorous terms in subsequent reports, and 
has now been adopted by the Department of Justice, and 


favorably reported upon by the appropriate committees of 
Congress. The passage of this measure by Congress 
would be a fitting cap-sheaf to the six and a half years 
administration of Gen. Eaum, as Commissioner of Internal 1 
Revenue, and his efforts to correct abuses, to elevate the 
character of the service, and to bring it into harmonious 
relations with the tax-payers. 

April 30, 1883, General Raum voluntarily resigned the 
office of Commissioner, to resume the practice of law. 

General Raum was born at Golconda, Pope county, 
December 3, 1829; he was admitted to the bar in 1853, 
and practiced his profession throughout Southern Illinois. 


During the time the tax on whisky was $2.00 per gallon, 
the rules and regulations governing its collection were not 
so rigid as now, and great frauds were practiced all over 
the country. Many of the employees of the Government, 
in high and low places, were corrupted, and for a long 
time it was difficult to ferret out the frauds. Indeed the i 
Government never fathomed the enormity of the conspiracy ' 
until after some of the leading conspirators turned State's 
evidence, which resulted in a complete overthrow of the, 
whisky ring. In Illinois, the frauds were mainly commit- 
ted in the first, Chicago, and the eighth, Springfield,, 
districts. When the great exposure was made in the first, 
district, it was apparent that many of the officers had 
been corrupted, and comparatively few were continued in 


the service, not that all who were dismissed were corrupt, 
but it was believed that the good of the service demanded 
a change. Only nine of the old corps remained on duty, 
among whom we mention the names of M. C. Springer. 
A. St. John Campbell, division deputies; C. Cox, gauger; 
F. H. Battershall, cashier; Mrs. F. A. 0. Hicks, clerk. 
The blandishments of the whisky ring had no influence 
upon these persons, and when J. D. Harvey became Col- 
lector, he continued them in the service, promoting Mr. 
Springer to the position of chief deputy, and Mr. Cox, 
chief of division deputies. Under Collector Harvey the 
-service has been brought to a state of great perfection, 
and the cry of "whisky frauds" has ceased to be asso- 
ciated with the name of Chicago. 

Very many suits grew out of the investigation of the 
frauds in this district, which were vigorously prosecuted 
under the respective administrations of U. S. District 
Attorneys Mark Bangs and Joseph B. Leake. The total 
amount of fines and penalties collected was $96,137.45. 

In the eighth district, the collector, John T. Harper, 
defaulted in the sum of $104,000. It is alleged that his 
chief clerk, Albert Smith, was the prime cause of the 
defalcation. Both were arrested and prosecuted, and after 
several years the cases were compromised. 

None of Harper's subordinates, except Smith, was 
implicated in the crime. A. H. Purdie, who was chief 
deputy collector at the time of the defalcation, was made 
acting collector until the appointment of Col. Jonathan 
Merriam, who subsequently made him his chief deputy. 
Merriam, being a man of high character, soon established 
perfect confidence in the administration of the affairs of 
the office, and through all the changes which have since 
taken place in the officials of the office through its con- 
solidation with the seventh district, and the death of 
Collector John W. Hill, of the new eighth, and the 


' appointment of Jacob Wheeler as his successor, it has main- 
tained the highest character at Washington. 

As was the case in the first district, many prosecu- 
tions followed the investigation of the frauds, which were 
ably prosecuted by United States District Attorneys, Blu- 
ford Wilson, J. P. VanDorstan and James A. Connolly. 
The total amount of fines and penalties recovered under 
the several prosecutions were $82,000. 

In the other collection districts there was comparatively 
nothing in the way of frauds, and it is a satisfaction to 
know that the Government officials never gave up the 
investigation until all the guilty parties were arrested and 
made to pay penalty for the crimes committed, since 
which time the State has been wholly relieved from the 
odium of whisky frauds. 

As an indication of the fidelity with which the internal 
revenue tax is collected, we note the fact that during the 
last fiscal year, ending June 30, 1883, Collector Howard 
Knowles, of the fifth district, collected $13,963,625.50; 
and from March 3, 1875, to June 80, 1883, his collections 
were $78,116,712.64; and during all that time there were 
no frauds known in that district. 

For the seven fiscal years commencing July 1, 1876, and 
ending June 80, 1883, the official reports of the Commis- 
sioner of Internal Eevenue show that Illinois paid into 
the United States treasury $187,790,569.15, which is not 
only a fine record for the officers of the service, but it is 
creditable alike to the tax-payers themselves. 



A Bureau of Labor Statistics was established in Illi- 
nois by an act of the Thirty-first General Assembly, which 
went into effect July 1, 1879. The passage of the bill was 
the result of a demand made by the workingmen of cer- 
tain of the industrial centers of the State, who had some 
distinctive representation in both branches of that Legisla- 
ture. It was believed that with the growth of manufac- 
tures and mining, and the consequent increase of com- 
munities of operatives dependent upon such enterprises, 
statistics of wages and of the social and physical condi- 
tion of such communities procured and published by the 
State would serve as a guide to intelligent legislation on 
subjects affecting their interests. The value of such work 
had been fully illustrated in the reports of a similar 
bureau which had been maintained for a number of years 
by the State of Massachusetts ; and it was readily recog- 
nized by those engaged in industrial enterprises them- 
selves that ;such a work, made to embrace the general 
statistics of the manufacturer and miner, might be of 
interest and importance to all classes. 

The law provided that the board should consist of five 
Commissioners, to be appointed by the Governor, three of 
whom should be manual laborers and two manufacturers 
or employers in some productive industry, whose term of 
office should be two years or until their successors are 
appointed, with power to appoint a Secretary, who should 
bold the office for two years or until a successor is 
appointed. The present board consists of Charles H. Deere, 
manufacturer of agricultural implements, Moline; A. W. 


Kingsland, nail manufacturer, Chicago ; Daniel McLaugh- 
lin, coal miner and President of the Miners' Protective Asso- 
ciation, Braidwood ; P. H. Day, printer, foreman of H. W. 
Eokker's Printing House, Springfield; Ethelbert Stewart, 
painter, Deeatur. The two first named gentlemen were 
appointed by Governor Cullom, in making up the first 
board, and the other three by Governor Oglesby. The Sec- 
retary, John S. Lord, of Chicago, has occupied the trust 
since March, 1882, under whose direction much valuable 
information has been collected in the manner contemplated 
by the law, and published, from time to time, in an intelli- 
gent form. The composition of the board is a very happy 
one, combining, as it does, the various labor interests of 
the State, and if its labors shall be continued in the future 
as they have been conducted in the past, the bureau will 
prove of great value to the State. 


Since Illinois was admitted into the Union as a State, 
there have been twenty gubernatorial elections. Under 
the Constitution of 1818 the Governor was ineligible to a 
second election in succession, and the same provision ex- 
isted in the Constitution of 1848, but in that of 1870 this 
restriction was omitted. French, Oglesby and Cullom are 
the only persons who have held the office Iwice. The Con- 
stitution of 1848 legislated French out of office, and he 
was re-elected that year. * Oglesby was elected the second 
time after the lapse of four years. Cullom, under the 
Constitution of 1870, was elected to succeed himself. The 
names of the Governors are given chronologically. 

Shadrach Bond became Governor October 6, 1818; Ed- 
ward Coles, December 5, 1822; Ninian Edwards, Decem- 
ber 6, 1826 ; John Reynolds, December 9, 1830. Reynolds 
was elected to Congress in 1834, and Wm. L. D. Ewing, 
Xiieut-Gov., succeeded to the office November 17. Joseph 

* See Chapter LXV. 


Duncan became Governor December 3, 1834 ; Thos. Carlhv 
December 7, 1838 ; Thos. Ford, December 8, 1842 ; Augus- 
tus C. French, December 9, 1846, and again January 8^. 
1849, Joel A. Matteson, January, 1853; Wm. H. Bissell, 
January 12, 1857. Bissell died March 15, 1860, and John 
Wood, Lieut. -Gov., succeeded to the office March 21, 1860. 
Richard Yates became Governor January 14, 1831; Rich- 
ard J. Oglesby, January 16, 1835, and again January 13,.. 
1873 ; John M. Palmer, January 11, 1869. In 1873, Gov. 
Oglesby was elected United States Senator, and John LU 
Beveridge, Lieut.-Gov., succeeded to the office January 
23, 1873. Shelby M. Cullom became Governor January 
8, 1877, and again January 10, 1881. He was elected 
United States Senator in 1883, and John M. Hamilton, 
Lieut.-Gov., succeeded to the office February 6, 1883. 

Illinois has not yet had for Governor a citizen who waa 
born in the State. Of the eighteen persons who have 
occupied the gubernatorial chair two were born in Mary- 
land, Bond and Edwards ; one in Virginia, Coles ; two in* 
Pennsylvania, Reynolds and Ford; seven in Kentucky, 
Ewing, Duncan Carlin, Yates, Oglesby, Palmer and Cul- 
lom ; one in New Hampshire, French ; four in New York,. 
Matteson, Bissell, Wood and Beveridge, and one in Ohio, 
Hamilton. How rapidly the new generations come tcx 

assume the duties and cares of government I None of 


these are living save Oglesby, Palmer, Beveridge, Cullom, 
and Hamilton the present incumbent. Bond died April 13, 
1832, at Kaskaskia; Edwards, July 20, 1833; Duncan, Janu- 
ary 15, 1844 ; Ewing, March 25, 1846 ; Ford, November 2,. 
1850; Carlin, February 14, 1852; Bissell, March 15, 1860, at 
Springfield ; French, September 4, 1864, at Lebanon ; Rey- 
nolds, May 8, 1865, at Belleville; Coles, July 7, 1868, at 
Philadelphia ; Matteson, January, 1873, at Chicago ; Yates,. 
November 28, 1873, at St. Louis, at Barnum's Hotel 
Wood, June 4, 1880. 



Delegates In Congress from 1811 to 1818 Representatives from 1818 to 1885 
Senators from 1818 to 1889. 

NOTE d. Democrat; w. Whig; r. Republican; i. Independent; g, Greenback- 

From Lanman's Biographical Annals and the Congres- 
sional Directory we have compiled an authentic list of the 
Delegates and Representatives and Senators in Congress 
from the Territory and State, beginning with the Twelfth 
Congress, which convened November 4, 1811, and closing 
with the Fiftieth, which terminates March 3, 1889 : 


Shadrach Bond, (d) of Kaskaskia, was the first Delegate ; 
he served in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Congresses ; October 
3, 1814, he was appointed Eeceiver of Public Moneys at 

Benjamin Stephenson, (d) of Edwardbville, succeeded 
Bond, and served until 1816, when he was appointed Ee- 
ceiver of Public Moneys at Edwardsville. 

Nathaniel Pope, (d) succeeded Stephenson, serving until 


John McLean, (d) of Shawneetown, was elected Repre- 
sentative in 1818, and served one term. 

Daniel P. Cook, (d) of Kaskaskia, represented the State 
from 1820 to 1827. 


Joseph Duncan, (d) of Jacksonville, represented the State 
from 1827 to 1834, when he was elected Governor. In the 
meantime the census of 1830 had increased the represen- 
tation from one to three, and under this apportionment 
he then represented the third district. 

Charles blade, (d) of Belleville, represented the first dis- 
trict in 1833; he died in July of the same year. 

John Reynolds, (d) of Belleville, succeeded Slade, and 
represented the district until 1837, and again from 1839 
to 1843. 

Adam W. Snyder, (d) of Belleville, represented the first 
district from 1837 to 1839. 

Zadok Casey, (d) of Mt. Vernon, represented the second 
district from 1833 to 1843. 

William L. May, (d) of Springfield, represented the third 
district, as the successor of Duncan, from 1834 to 1839. 

John T. Stuart, (w) of Springfield, represented the third 
district from 1839 to 1843, and the eighth from 1863 to 

The census of 1840 increased the representation from 
three to seven. 

Robert Smith, (d) of Alton, represented the first district 
from 1843 to 1849, and the eighth from 1857 to 1859. 

* William H. Bissell, (d) of Belleville, represented the 
first district from 1849 to 1853, and the eighth from 1853 
to 1855. 

John A. McClernand, (d) of Shawneetown, represented the 
second district from 1843 to 1851, and the sixth (Spring- 
field), from 1859 to 1861, when he resigned to accept the 
commission of Brigadier-General in the Union army. 

Willis Allen, (d) of Marion, represented the second dis- 
trict from 1851 to 1853, and the ninth from 1853 to 1855. 

Orlando B. Ficklin, (d) of Charleston, represented the 
'third district from 1843 to 1849, and again from 1851 to 

* Afterwards a Republican. 


Timothy R. Young, (d) of Marshall, represented the third 
district from 1849 to 1851. 

*John Wentworth, (d) of Chicago, represented the fourth 
district from 1843 to 1851, and the second from 1853 to 
1855, and the first from 1855 to 1867. 

Eichard S. Molony, (d) of Belvidere, represented the 
fourth district from 1851 to 1853. 

Stephen A. Douglas, (d) of Quincy, represented the fifth 
district from 1843 to April, 1847, when he resigned to 
accept the office of United States Senator. 

William A. Richardson, (d) of Rushville, represented the 
fifth district from 1847 to August 18, 1856, when he re- 
signed, and again from 1861 to 1863, when he was elected 
United States Senator. 

Joseph P. Hoge, (d) of Galena, represented the sixth dis- 
trict from 1843 to 1847. 

* Thomas J. Turner, (d) of Freeport, represented the sixth 
district from 1847 to 1849. 

Thompson Campbell, (d) of Galena, represented the sixth 
-district from 1851 to 1853. 

John J. Hardin, (w) of Jacksonville, represented the 
seventh district from 1843 to 1845. 

Edward D. Baker, (w) of Springfield, represented the 
seventh district from 1845 to December 30, 1846, when 
he resigned, and the sixth from 1849 to 1851. 

John Henry, (w) of Jacksonville, filled out the vacancy 
of Baker. 

* Abraham Lincoln, (w) of Springfield, represented the 
seventh district from 1847 to 1849. 

Thomas L. Harris, (d) of Petersburg, represented the 
seventh district from 1849 to 1851, and the sixth from 1855 
to November 24, 1859, when he died. 

* Richard Yates, (w) of Jacksonville, represented the 
seventh district from 1851 to 1853, and the sixth from 
1853 to 1855. 

* Afterwards a Republican. 


The census of 1850 increased the representation from 
seven to nine. 

*Elihu B. Washburne, (w) of Galena, represented the first 
district from 1853 to 1863, and the third from 1863 to- 
March 9, 1869, when he resigned to accept the office of 
Minister to France. 

James H. Woodworth, (d) of Chicago, represented the 
second district from 1855 to 1857. 

John F. Farnsworth, (r) of Chicago, represented the 
second district from 1857 to 1861, and again from 1863- 
to 1873. 

Isaac N. Arnold, (r) of Chicago, represented the second 
district from 1861 to 1863, and the first from 1863 to 

Jesse 0. Norton, (r) of Joliet, represented the third dis- 
trict from 1853 to 1857, and the sixth from 1863 to 1865, 

Owen Lovejoy, (r) of Princeton, represented the third dis- 
trict from 1857 to 1863, and the fifth from 1863 to March, 
1864, when he died. 

James Knox, (r) of Knoxville, represented the fourth dis- 
trict from 1853 to 1857. 

William Kellogg, (r) of Canton, represented the fourth: 
district from 1857 to 1863. 

Jacob C. Davis (d) filled out the vacancy of Richardson* 
in the fifth district, from August 25, 1856, to 1857. 

Isaac N. Morris, (d) of Quincy, represented the fifth 
district from 1857 to 1861. 

Charles D. Hodges, (d) of Carrollton, filled out the 
vacancy of Harris in the sixth district from January 20, 
1859, to March 3. 

A. L. Knapp, (d) of Jersey ville, filled out the vacancy of 
McClernand in the sixth district from December 12, 1861, 
to 1863, and represented the tenth from 1863 to 1865. 

Afterwards a Republican. 


James C. Allen, (d) of Palestine, represented the seventh 
district from 1853 to 1857, and the State-at-Large from 
1863 to 1865. 

Aaron Shaw, (d) of Lawrenceville, represented the 
seventh district from 1857 to 1859, and the sixteenth from 
1883 to 1885. 

James C. Robinson, (d) of Marshall, represented the 
seventh district from 1859 to 1863, and the eleventh from 
1863 to 1865, and the eighth (Springfield) from 1871 to 1873, 
and the twelfth (Springfield) from 1873 to 1875. 

*Lyman Trumbull, (d)of Belleville, was elected from the 
eighth district to the Thirty-fourth Congress, but resigned 
in 1855 to accept the office of United States Senator. 

J. L. D. Morrison, (d) of Belleville, was elected to succeed 
Trumbull in the eighth district, and served one term. 

Philip B. Fouke, (d) of Belleville, represented the eighth 
district from 1859 to 1863. 

Samuel S. Marshall, (d) of McLeansboro, represented the 
ninth district from 1855 to 1859, and the eleventh from 
1865 to 1873, and the nineteenth from 1873 to 1875. 

t John A. Logan, (d) of Benton, represented the ninth dis- 
trict from 1859 to 1861, when he resigned, and, raising a 
regiment, went into the Union army ; and the State-at- 
Large from 1867 to 1871, when he resigned to accept the 
office of United States Senator. 

William J. Allen, (d) of Marion, filled out the vacancy of 
Logan in the ninth district, and represented the thir- 
teenth from 1863 to 1865. 

The census of 1860 increased the representation from 
nine to fourteen. 

t Samuel W. Moulton, (r) of Shelby ville, represented the 
State-at-Large from 1865 to 1867, and the fifteenth dis- 
trict from 1881 to 1883, and the seventeenth from 1883 
to 1885. 

* Afterwards a Republican now a Democrat. 

t Afterwards a Republican. J Now a Democrat. 


Norman B. Judd, (r) of Chicago, represented the first dis- 
trict from 1867 to 1871. 

Charles B. Farwell, (r) of Chicago, represented the first 
district from 1871 to 1873, and the third from 1873 to 
1875 and he received the certificate of election to the 
Forty-fourth Congress ; there was a contest, and the seat 
declared vacant; and he again represented the third dis- 
trict from 1881 to 1883. 

Horatio C. Burchard, (r) of Freeport, represented the third 
district from 1869, as the successor of Washburne, to 1873, 
and the fifth from 1873 to 1879. 

Chas. M. Harris, (d) of Oquawka, represented the fourth 
district from 1863 to 1865. 

Abner C. Harding, (r) of Monmouth, represented the 
fourth district from 1865 to 1869. 

John B. Hawley, (r) of Eock Island, represented the fourth 
district from 1869 to 1873, and the sixth from 1873 to 

Ebon C. Ingersoll, (r) of Peoria, represented the fifth dis- 
trict, as the successor of Lovejoy, from 1864 to 1871. 

Bradford N. Stevens, (d) of Princeton, represented the 
fifth district from 1871 to 1873. 

Burton C. Cook, (r) of Ottawa, represented the sixth dis- 
trict from 1865 to 1871, when he resigned. 

Henry Snapp, (r) of Joliet, filled out the vacancy of Cook, 
from December 4, 1871, to March 3, 1873. 

John K. Eden, (d) of Sullivan, represented the seventh 
district from 1863 to 1865, and the fifteenth from 1873 
to 1879. 

Henry P. H. Bromwell, (r) of Charleston, represented the 
seventh district from 1865 to 1869. 

Jesse H. Moore, (r) of Decatur, represented the seventh 
district from 1869 to 1873. 

Shelby M. Cullom, (r) of Springfield, represented th& 
eighth district from 1865 to 1871. 


Lewis W. Ross, (d) of Lewiston, represented the ninth dis- 
trict from 1863 to 1869. 

Thompson W. McNeely, (d) of Petersburg, represented the 
ninth district from 1869 to 1873. 

Anthony Thornton, (d) of Shelbyville, represented the 
tenth district from 1865 to 1867. 

Albert G. Burr, (d) of Carrollton, represented the tenth 
district from 1867 to 1871. 

Edward Y. Rice, (d) of Hillsboro, represented the tenth 
district from 1871 to 1873. 

William R. Morrison, (d) of Waterloo, represented the 
twelfth district from 1863 to 1865, and the seventeenth 
from 1873 to 1883, and the eighteenth from 1883 to 1885. 

Jehu Baker, (r) of Belleville, represented the twelfth dis- 
trict from 1865 to 1869. 

John B. Hay, (r) of Belleville, represented the twelfth 
district from 1869 to 1873. 

Andrew J. Kuykendall, (r) of Vienna, represented the 
thirteenth district from 1865 to 1867. 

Green B. Raum, (r) of Harrisburg, represented the 
thirteenth district from 1867 to 1869. 

John M. Crebs, (d) of Carmi, represented the thirteenth 
district from 1869 to 1873. 

John L. Beveridge, (r) of Evanston, filled out the vacancy 
of Logan, from the State-at-Large, from 1871 to 1873. 

The census of 1870 increased the representation from 
fourteen to nineteen: 

John B. Rice, (r) of Chicago, represented the first district 
from 1873 to December, 1874, when he died. 

Bernard G. Caulfield, (d) of Chicago, succeeded Rice, and 
represented the first district from 1875 to 1877. 

William Aldrich, (r) of Chicago, represented the first dis- 
trict from 1877 to 1883. 

Jasper D. Ward, (r) of Chicago, represented the second 
district from 1873 to 1875. 


Carter H. Harrison, (d) of Chicago, represented the second 
district from 1875 to 1879. 

George K. Davis, (r) of Chicago, represented the second 
district from 1879 to 1883, and the third from 1883 to 1885. 

John V. LeMoyne, (d) of Chicago, represented the third 
district from May 6, 1876, to 1877. 

Lorenz Brentano, (r) of Chicago, represented the third 
district from 1877 to 1879. 

Hiram Barber, Jr., (r) of Chicago, represented the third 
district from 1879 to 1881. 

Stephen A. Hurlbut, (r) of Belvidere, represented the 
fourth district from 1873 to 1877. 

William Lathrop, (r) of Eockford, represented the fourth 
district from 1877 to 1879. 

John C. Sherwin, (r) of Geneva, represented the fourth 
district from 1879 to 1883. 

Robert M. A. Hawk, (r) of Mt. Carroll, represented the 
fifth district from 1879 to 1882, when he died. 

Thomas J. Henderson, (r) of Princeton, represented the 
sixth district from 1875 to 1883, and the seventh from 
1883 to 1885. 

Franklin Corwin, (r) of Peru, represented the seventh dis- 
trict from 1873 to 1875. 

Alexander Campbell, (g) of LaSalle, represented the 
seventh district from 1875 to 1877. 

Philip C. Hayes, (r) of Morris, represented the seventh 
district from 1877 to 1881. 

William Cullen, (r) of Ottawa, represented the seventh 
district from 1881 to 1883, and the eighth from 1883 to 

Greenbury L. Fort, (r) of Lacon, represented the eighth 
district from 1873 to 1881. 

Lewis E. Pay son, (r) of Pontiac, represented the eighth 
district from 1881 to 1883, and the ninth from 1883 to 



Granville Barriere, (r) of Canton, represented the ninth 
district from 1873 to 1875. 

Eichard H. Whiting, (r) of Peoria, represented the ninth; 
district from 1875 to 1877. 

Thomas A. Boyd, (r) of Lewiston, represented the ninth 
district from 1877 to 1881. 

John H. Lewis, (r) of Knoxville, represented the ninth 
district from 1881 to 1883. 

William H. Kay, (r) of Bushville, represented the tenth 
district from 1873 to 1875. 

John C. Bagby, (d) of Bushville, represented the tenth 
district from 1875 to 1877. 

Benjamin F. Marsh, (r) of Warsaw, represented the tenth 
district from 1877 to 1883. 

Bobert M. Knapp, (d) of Jerseyville, represented the 
eleventh district from 1873 to 1875, and again from 1877 
to 1879. 

Scott Wike, (d) of Pittsfield, represented the eleventh 
district from 1875 to 1877. 

James W. Singleton, (d) of Quincy, represented the 
eleventh district from 1879 to 1883. 

William M. Springer, (d) of Springfield, represented the 
twelfth district from 1875 to 1883, and the thirteenth 
from 1883 to 1885. 

John McNulta, (r) of Bloomington, represented the thir- 
teenth district from 1873 to 1875. 

Adlai E. Stevenson, (g) of Bloomington, represented ihe 
thirteenth district from 1875 to 1877, and again from 
1879 to 1881. 

Thomas F. Tipton, (r) of Bloomington, represented the 
thirteenth district from 1877 to 1879. 

Deitrich C. Smith, (r) of Pekin, represented the thirteenth 
district from 1881 to 1883. 


Joseph G. Cannon, (r) of Danville, represented the four- 
teenth district from 1873 to 1883, and the fifteenth from 
1883 to 1885* 

Albert P. Forsythe, (g) of Isabel, represented the fifteenth 
district from 1879 to 1881. 

James S. Martin, (r) of Salem, represented the sixteenth 
district from 1873 to 1875. 

Wm. A. J. Sparks, (d) of Carlyle, represented the sixteenth 
district from 1875 to 1883. 

Isaac Clements, (r) of Carbondale, represented the eigh- 
teenth district from 1873 to 1875. 

Wm. Hartzell, (d) of Chester, represented the eighteenth 
district from 1875 to 1879. 

John E. Thomas, (r) of Metropolis, represented the eigh- 
teenth district from 1879 to 1883, and the twentieth from 
1883 to 1885. 

Wm. B. Anderson, (g) of Mt. Vernon, represented the nine- 
teenth district from 187_5 to 1877. 

Eichard W. Townshend, (d) of Shawneetown, represented 
the nineteenth district from 1877 to 1885. 

The census of 1880 increased the representation from 
nineteen to twenty. 

Eansom W. Dunham, (r) of Chicago, was elected to repre- 
sent the first district from 1883 to 1885. 

John F. Finerty, (d) of Chicago, was elected to represent 
the second district from 1883 to 1885. 

Geo. E. Adams, (r) of Chicago, was elected to represent 
the fourth district from 1883 to 1885. 

Euben Ellwood, (r) of Sycamore, was elected to represent 
the fifth district from 1883 to 1885. 

Eobert E. Hitt, (r) of Mt. Morris, was elected to represent 
the fifth district from 1882 to 1883 to fill the vacancy 
caused by the death of Hawk, and the sixth district from 

1883 to 1885. * See Chapter LXV. 


Nicholas E. Worthington, (d) of Peoria, was elected to rep- 
resent the tenth district from 1883 to 1885. 

Wm. H. Neece, (d) of Macomb, was elected to represent 
the eleventh district from 1883 to 1885. 

Jas. M. Kiggs, (d) of Winchester, was elected to represent? 
the twelfth district from 1883 to 1855. 

Jonathan H. Eowell, (r) of Bloomington, was elected to- 
represent the fourteenth district from 1883 to 1885. 


In December, 1818, Ninian Edwards, (d) of Edwardsville, 
was elected Senator for the unexpired term of the Fifteenth 
Congress which terminated in 1819; in 1819 he was re- 
elected and served until 1824, when he resigned. 

John McLean, (d) of Shawneetown, was elected to fill the 
vacancy caused by the resignation of Edwards, which ter- 
minated March 3, 1825. 

In 1825, Elias Kent Kane, of Kaskaskia, was elected as" 
the successor of McLean ; in 1831, he was re-elected, and 
died December 12, 1835. The Governor appointed Wm. 
L. D. Ewing, of Vandalia, to fill the vacancy. 

In 1837, Richard M. Young, (d) of Jonesboro, was elected 
to succeed Ewing. 

In 1843, Sidney Breese, (d) of Carlyle, was elected to suc- 
ceed Young. 

In 1849, James Shields, (d) of Springfield, was elected to 
succeed Breese. 

In 1855, *Lyman Trumbull, (d) of Belleville, now of 
Chicago, was elected to succeed Shields ; in 1861 he was 
re-elected and again in 1867. 

In 1873, Richard J. Oglesby, (r) of Decatur, was elected 
to succeed Trumbull. 

In 1879, John A. Logan (r) of Carbondale, now of Chicago, 
was elected to succeed Oglesby. 

'Trumbull became a Republican at the birth of the party, and continued 
to act with the Republicans until 1872. 


Thus we have passed through the Senatorial seat first 
occupied by Ninian Edwards, from 1818 to March 3, 1885, 
when Logan's present term will expire. In the 67 years 
"whisk will then have elapsed, ten different persons have 
.-held the office. 

In December 1818, Jesse B. Thomas, (d) of Kaskaskia, 
was elected Senator for the unexpired term of the Fif- 
teenth Congress, and was re-elected in 1823. 

In 1829, John McLean, (d) of Shawneetown, was elected 
to succeed Thomas, but he died October 4, 1830. The 
CR0!7ernor appointed David J. Baker, (d) of Kaskaskia, to fill 
the* vacancy until the meeting of the General Assembly. 

In 1830, John M. Robinson, (d) of Carmi, was elected to 
/succeed Baker; in 1835 he was re-elected. 

In 1841, Samuel McEoberfcs, (d) of Waterloo, was elected 
^o succeed Robinson, but he died March 27, 1843. The 
'Governor appointed James Semple, (d) of Alton, to fill 
the vacancy until the meeting of the General Assembly, 
.when he was elected to fill out the term. 

In 1847, Stephen A. Douglas, (d) of Quincy, was elected 
tto succeed Semple; he was re-elected in 1853 and again 
in 1859, but died June 3, 1861. The Governor appointed 
O. H. Browning, (r) of Quincy, to fill the vacancy until 
rthe meeting of the General Assembly. 

In 1863, Wm. A. Richardson, (d) of Quincy, was elected 
to succeed Browning. 

In 1865, Richard Yates, (r) of Jacksonville, was elected 
to succeed Richardson. 

In 1871, John A. Logan, (r) of Chicago, was elected to 
succeed Yates. 

In 1877, David Davis, (i) of Bloomington, was elected 
to succeed Logan. 

In 1883, Shelby M. Cullorn, (r) of Springfield, was elected 
to succeed Davis. 

We have reviewed the Senatorial seat first filled by 
Thomas down to the election of Cullom, whose term of 


office will expire March 3, 1889. In the 71 years which 
will then have elapsed, thirteen different persons will have- 
filled the office. 

McLean and Logan are the only Senators who have- 
occupied both seats. Shields was a Senator from three 
States, he represented Minnesota in the unexpired term 
of the Thirty-fifth Congress, from May 12, 1857, to March 
3, 1859, and Missouri from January 27, 1879 to March 3, 
1879, to fill the vacancy caused by the death of Lewis 
V. Bogy. 

Of all the persons who have represented the State in 
the United States Senate, but five are living Trum- 
bull, Oglesby, David Davis and the present incumbents. 

Of the birth-places of our Senators, nine were born in 
Kentucky, Robinson, Ewing, Young, Semple, Richardson,. 
Browning, Yates, Oglesby, Cullom ; two in Maryland,. 
Edwards, Davis ; two in New York, Kane, Breese ; two in-, 
Connecticut, Baker, Trumbull ; two in Illinois, McRoberts,. 
Logan; one in Ohio, Thomas; one in Vermont, Douglas; 
one in Ireland, Shields ; one in North Carolina, McLean. 

From 1833 to the close of the Thirty-fourth Congress, 
in 1857, all the Representatives had been Democrats, ex- 
cept John T. Stuart, John J. Hardin, Edward D. Baker,. 
John Henry, Abraham Lincoln, Richard Yates, Elihu B> 
Washburne, Jesse 0. Norton, and James Knox, all of 
whom were Whigs. From 1857 to 1863, the close of the 
Thirty-seventh Congress, the political complexion of the 
delegation was five Democrats and four Republicans ; from 
1863 to 1865, eight Democrats and six Republicans ; from 
1865 to 1869, eleven Republicans and three Democrats; 
from 1869 to 1871, ten Republicans and four Democrats; 
from 1871 to 1873, nine Republicans, four Democrats and 
one Greenbacker ; from 1873 to 1875, thirteen Republicans- 
and six Democrats; from 1875 to 1877, six Republicans,, 
ten Democrats and three Greenbackers ; from 1877 to 1879>, 


eleven Republicans and eight Democrats ; from 1879 to 
1881, twelve Republicans, five Democrats and two Green- 
backers ; from 1881 to 1883, thirteen Republicans and six 
Democrats; from 1883 to 1884, eleven Republicans and 
nine Democrats. 

In the Senate, the State was represented exclusively by 
Democrats until 1855, when Lyman Trumbull was elected 
to succeed Gen. Shields, as an anti-Nebraska Democrat. 
In 1859, Stephen A. Douglas was re-elected as a Democrat, 
and in 1863, William A. Richardson was elected as a 
Democrat, as the successor of Douglas. Since that time 
the State has been represented in that body by Republi- 
cans, except in the case of David Davis, who was elected 
<by a coalition of Democrats, Republicans and Independ- 
ents, and he remained independent of the respective polit- 
ical parties during his term. 

Among these names will be observed many illustrious 
men, and we doubt if there is a State in the Union, old 
or young, that can show a grander record as to states- 

During the war, Illinois had in Congress many able, 
sagacious and patriotic men, among whom we are pleased 
to mention Isaac N. Arnold, John F. Farnsworth, Owen 
Lovejoy, Ebon C. Ingersoll, and Elihu B. Washburne, of 
the House, and Lyman Trumbull and 0. H. Browning, of 
the Senate. Perhaps the men who had as much to do 
with the legislation of that period as any others, were 
Lyman Trumbull and Elihu B. Washburne. Mr. Trum- 
bull, as chairman of the Committee on Judiciary, was the 
peer of any man in the Senate, and wielded a powerful 
influence in shaping the war and reconstruction measures ; 
while Mr. Washburne, by his long and useful service in 
the House, was called the "Father of the House," and 
exercised a marked influence in those perilous times. But 
Mr. Trumbull lost favor with the Republican party when 


he refused to vote for the impeachment of President John- 
eon, in 1868, since which time he has affiliated with the 
Democratic party. The history of the impeachment trial 
has never been impartially written, and in the light of 
io-day, it is not unjust to say, that the vote of Lyman 
Trumbull may have stayed the political madness of the 
hour, and preserved the Nation from establishing a bad 


Disbursement of State Funds from December 1, 1839, to October 1, 1882 
Legislative Executive Judicial Debt for Public Works Educational 
Internal Improvement Debt Miscellaneous -Total State Debt Its 

The subjoined table, showing the amount of the State 
-debt from January 1, 1840, to January 1, 1881, when it 
became extinct, and the disbursement of funds from De- 
cember 1, 1839, to October 1, 1882, has been compiled 
by the Auditor of Public Accounts expressly for our use, 
,nd it is invaluable as showing the amount expended by 
the State for all purposes, from and to the periods indi- 
cated, inclusive, and the various purposes for which the 
revenues of the State have been and are now expended. 

In explanation of the classification of disbursements 
-shown in this table, it may be said that the amounts re- 
ported under the head of legislative, includes the pay of 
members and officers of the General Assembly, the expense 
-of printing and binding legislative reports, journals, bills, 
laws, and the general incidental expenses connected with 
ithe General Assembly. 


The amounts reported under the head of executive, com- 
prehend the salary of the Governor and other State officers,, 
the expenses of the various State departments which in- 
cludes clerk hire,- stationery, postage, printing, binding, 
light, fuel, porters, janitors and general repairs. 

Under the head of judicial, is placed the salaries of the 
Judges of the Supreme Court, Judges of the Superior and 
Circuit Courts of Cook county, the Judges of the Appellate 
court, the Judges of the various Circuit Courts, the State's 
Attorneys, the Keporter of the Supreme Court, and the 
expenses of the various divisions of the Supreme and 
Appellate Courts. 

Under the head of debt for public works is reported the 
amount expended by the State in the general system of 
internal improvements. 

The amounts reported under the head of educational, 
includes the disbursements by the State for the support 
of the common school system, the expenses of the Normal 
Universities and the Industrial University. 

Under the head of miscellaneous, is embraced the ex- 
penses of the State Government, which have no particu- 
lar classification. In these amounts are included the 
expenditures during the war, and for charitable, penal, 
and reformatory institutions, and on account of the new 
State House; the larger amounts are chiefly on account 
of indebtedness incurred during the war, and for expendi- 
tures in the erection of the new State House. 

Under the head of State debt is shown the original 
amount of the State debt January 1, 1840, which was 
$12,000,000, and which continued to increase until 1853, 
when it reached the frightful sum of $16,724,177.41. In 
1855, it was reduced to $13,994,614.93; 1860, to $10,346,- 
017.06; 1870, to $4,890,937.30; 1880, to $281,059.11, and 
the report for 1882 shows that the debt had become- 
utterly extinct. 


No State in the Union shows a more honorable record 
in dealing with its creditors than Illinois. When the law 
was passed, which suspended the internal improvement 
work, there was a strong disposition on the part of some 
of the people and the law-makers to repudiate the debt for 
the reason that they believed it was beyond their power 
to pay it, but a few brave men said no, and the result 
has been that the obligations of the State have 
been met to the uttermost farthing, and its credit 
maintained at home and abroad. When this balance of 
$12,000,000 was rendered, the Auditor's report shows that 
there were but 7,964,000 acres of land in the State which 
were subject to taxation, and the total assessed value of 
all real and personal property for taxable purposes was but 
$59,752,168, and the receipts of the State treasury during 
the year 1840 were only $163,509, and the disbursements 
were $209,114, which will go far to explain how the debt 
was augmented from $12,000.000 to $16,724,177.41. , 

In a further examination of the records of the AuJitor's- 
office, we have found that during the year 1818, the total 
amount received into the State treasury for that year was 
$8,017.69, and that the disbursements for all purposes 
were $7,902.28, leaving a balance in the State treasury 
of $115.41. With the change in the form of government 
there came as a natural result, an increase in the receipts 
and disbursements of the revenues, but it was gradual and 
did not assume any great magnitude until about the year 
1840, the date from which the table has been compiled. 

In contrast with the condition of the State then and 
now, we draw from the records of the Auditor of Public 
Accounts these further facts: The number of acres of 
land assessed for taxation in 1880, was 34,392,324. The 
number of town and city lots assessed for taxation in the 
same year, was 862,624. The total assessed value of all 
property in the State for taxable purposes for the same 
year, was $786,616,394. The receipts into the State 


treasury during the year 1880, were $3,200,000. The total 
disbursements for the same year were $3,150,000. With 
the State 'entirely out of debt, and so grand a show- 
ing in point of wealth, no reader, who is a citizen of Illi- 
nois, can contemplate the situation without feelings of pride 
And pleasure at the advancement the State has made. 

We have stated in this connection that the State paid 
the debt incurred under the internal improvement system 
to the uttermost farthing, principal and interest, as the 
records of the Treasurer and Auditor of Public Accounts 
fully attest ; yet it may seem strange that, in the face of 
this declaration, the biennial report of the Auditor of 
Public Accounts for 1882, shows, on page 84, that the 
claim of Macallister & Stebbins, filed May 11, 1880, for 
$409,168.80, styled old State debt, was dismissed by the 
Commission of Claims. Now that the reader may under- 
stand the nature of this decision, and the character of 
the claim, we quote the preamble and section 1 of an act 
passed by the General Assembly of 1849, approved Feb- 
Tuary 10, in which it is plainly set forth how the so-called 
Macallister & Stebbins bonds were issued, the exact 
amount of money obtained on them, and the character of 
the settlement made between the State and Macallister & 
Stebbins. The title of the act reads thus: 

"An act to prevent loss to the State upon the Macal- 
lister & Stebbins bonds." 

The preamble is in these words : 

"WHEREAS, Macallister & Stebbins, of New York, did, 
on the 17th June, 1841, receive of John D. Whiteside, 
Fund Commissioner of Illinois, eight hundred and four 
interest bonds, of one thousand dollars each, bearing 
interest at the rate of six per cent, per annum, and dated 
May 14, 1841, reimbursable at any time after the year 
1865, upon which the said Macallister & Stebbins, about 
the 25th June, 1841, advanced two hundred and sixty-one 
thousand four hundred and sixty dollars and eighty-three 
ents ; and whereas, the said John D. Whiteside, near the 
said 25th June, delivered to the said Macallister & Stebbins 


thirty internal improvement bonds, of one thousand dol- 
lars each, upon which they agreed to make a further 
advance to the State in case it was necessary, to pay the 
July interest for the year 1841 but such advance never 
was made, as it was not required to pay said interest. 
About the 1st of July, 1841, the said John D. Whiteside 
gave to the said Macallister & Stebbins an order on 
Kevins, Townsend & Co., of New York, for forty-one bonds 
of one thousand dollars each; about the 27th day of Oc- 
tober, 1841, the said Macallister & Stebbins received of 
Michael Kennedy thirty-eight thousand two hundred and 
fifteen dollars and forty-four cents of State scrip, which 
ivas placed to the credit of the State, as well as the 
thirty bonds which they received from the said John D. 
Wbiteside, and also the forty-one bonds received from 
Nevins, Townsend & Co. the three last mentioned sums, 
one hundred and nine thousand two hundred and fifteen 
dollars and forty-four cents over and above the eight hun- 
dred and four interest bonds first received by them 
making in all, the sum of nine hundred and thirteen 
thousand two hundred and fifteen dollars forty-four cents, 
ivhich the said Macallister & Stebbins acknowledged in 
"their account current rendered the State at the session 
of the General Assembly of 1842, (see report, page 197), 
was htM as security for the two hundred and sixty-one 
thousand five hundred and sixty dollars eighty-three cents, 
actually advanced as aforesaid, that sum being but twenty- 
eight and sixty-four-hundredths of a cent upon the dollar 
so as aforesaid received by them." 

Section one of this act reads as follows: 

"That upon the surrender to the State by the said Mac- 
-allister & Stebbins, or any person authorized by them, 
of the eight hundred and four interest bonds of one 
thousand dollars each, with their coupons, hypothecated 
with them, on 17th June, 1841, and now outstanding 
against the State, and also other internal improvement 
bonds and scrip subsequently obtained, and amounting at 
the time they obtained them to the sum of one hundred 
and nine thousand two hundred and fifteen dollars forty- 
four cents, over and above the eight hundred and four 
interest bonds first received by them as aforesaid, with 
the coupons on said bonds, and interest on said scrip from 
its date to the time of settlement under this act, it shall 
be the duty of the Governor to issue bonds of not less 
than one thousand dollars each, and payable after the 


year 1865, bearing interest at the rate of six per cent, per 
annum, and payable semi- annually in the city of New- 
York, pro rata out of the interest fund, and the balance 
of the interest to be paid out of the State treasury. The 
amount of bonds to be issued by the Governor as afore- 
said to be equal to the balance remaining due the said 
Macallister & Stebbins, principal and interest, at the rate 
of seven per cent, per annum, (as per contract) upon the 
advance of two hundred and sixty-one thousand five hun- 
dred sixty dollars eighty-three cents, from the date of 
said advance up to the time of settlement under the pro- 
visions of this act. And should the said Macallister & 
Stebbins not surrender to the Governor all of the eight 
hundred and four bonds, the amount they shall fail to 
surrender, and being the same heretofore taken up by the 
State, sball be credited to the State and deducted from 
the amount found due from the time they shall have been 
taken up by the State, at the rate of twenty-six cents on 
the dollar : Provided, that no bonds fchall be issued by the 
Governor as aforesaid, except upon the surrender to the 
State of the bonds of 1865, or of the internal improve- 
ment bonds, or of the scrip as aforesaid, to an amount 
which the whole amount of bonds and scrip now out- 
standing bear to the amount of new bonds which may be 
issued, upon the settlement of the account of Macallister 
& Stebbins it being the intention of this bill to authorize 
the Governor to issue liquidation bonds at any time when 
an amount not less than twenty thousand dollars of the 
aforesaid bonds, deposited with Macallister & Stebbins, 
shall be surrendered by them or by their order." (See 
Public Laws of 1849.) 

Under a supplemental act, approved February 16, 1865, 
the holders of the so-called Macallister & Stebbins bonds 
were required to surrender the same by July 1, 1865, 
under certain penalties, or by January 1, 1866, under 
other and heavier penalties. (See Public Laws of 1865.) 
Under this act all these bonds have been called in, and 
the just amount due on them paid in full; hence there 
is no foundation in fact for the claim filed in the name 
of Macallister & Stebbins, and we are more than war- 
ranted in saying that the State paid in full, principal and 
interest, the enormous debt incurred under the internal 
improvement system of 1837. 





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Nominating James G. Elaine for the Presidency, at the Republican Na- 
tional Convention, at Cincinnati, June, 1876. 

Massachusetts may be satisfied with the loyalty of 
Benjamin H. Bristow; so am I; but if any man nom- 
inated by this convention can not carry the State of 
Massachusetts, I am not satisfied with the loyalty of that 
State. If the nominee of this convention can not carry 
the grand old Commonwealth of Massachusetts by seventy- 
five thousand majority, I would advise them to sell out 
Faneuil Hall as a Democratic headquarters. I would 
advise them to take from Bunker Hill that old monu- 
ment of glory. 

The Republicans of the United States demand as their 
leader in the great contest of 1876 a man of intelligence, a 
man of integrity, a man of well-known and approved polit- 
ical opinions. They demand a statesman ; they demand a 
reformer after, as well as before, the election. They de- 
mand a politician in the highest, broadest and best sense 
a man of superb moral courage. They demand a man 
acquainted with public affairs with the wants of the 
people, with not only the requirements of the hour, but 
with the demands of the future. They demand a man 
broad enough to comprehend the relations of this govern- 
ment to the other nations of the earth. They demand a 
man well versed in the powers, duties, and prerogatives of 
each and every department of this governmant. They 
demand a man who will sacredly preserve the financial 
honor of the United States ; one who knows enough to 
know that the National debt must be paid through the 
prosperity of this people; one who knows enough to know 
that all the financial theories in the world can not redeem 
a single dollar; one who knows enough to know that all 


the money must be made, not by law, but by labor; one 
who knows enough to know that the people of the United 
States have the industry to make the money, and the 
honor to pay it over just as fast as they make it. 

The Republicans of the United States demand a man 
who knows that prosperity and resumption, when they 
come, must come together; that when they come, they 
will come hand in hand through the golden harvest fields ; 
hand in hand by the whirling spindles and the turning 
wheels ; hand in hand past the open furnace doors ; hand 
in hand by the flaming forges ; hand in hand by the 
chimneys filled with eager fire, greeted and grasped by the 
countless sons of toil. 

This money has to be dug out of the earth. You can, 
not make it by passing resolutions in a political con- 

The Republicans of the United States want a man who 
knows that this government should protect every citizen, 
at home and abroad ; who knows that any government 
that will not defend its defenders, and protect its protec- 
tors, is a disgrace to the map of the world. They demand 
a man who believes in the eternal separation and divorce- 
ment of church and school. They demand a man whose 
political reputation is spotless as a star; but they do not 
demand that their candidate shall have a certificate of moral 
character signed by a confederate congress. The man who- 
has, in full, heaped and rounded measure, all these splen- 
did qualifications is the present grand and gallant leader 
of the Republican party James G. Blaine. 

Our country, crowned with the vast and marvelous 
achievements of its first century, asks for a man worthy 
of the past, and prophetic of her future ; asks for a man 
who has the audacity of genius ; asks for a man who is- 
the grandest combination of heart, conscience and brain 
beneath her flng such a man is James G. Blaine. 

For the Republican host, led by this intrepid man, there 
can be no defeat. 

This is a grand year a year filled with the recollec- 
tions of the Revolution ; filled with proud and tender 
memories of the past; with the sacred legends of liberty 
a year in which the sons of freedom will drink from the 
fountains of enthusiasm ; a year in which the people call 
for a man who has preserved in Congress what our soldiers- 
won upon the field ; a year in which they call for a man 
who has torn from the throat of treason the tongue of 
Blander for the man who has snatched the mask of 


Democracy from the hideous face of rebellion ; for the man 
who, like an intellectual athlete, has stood in the arena 
of debate and challenged all comers, and who is still a 
total stranger to defeat. 

Like an armed warrior, like a plumed knight, James G. 
Elaine marched down the halls of the American Congress 
and threw his shining lance full and fair against the 
brazen foreheads of the detainers of his country and the 
maligners of his honor. For the Eepublican party to 
desert this gallant leader now, is as though an army should 
desert their general upon the field of battle. 

James G. Elaine is now and has been for years the 
bearer of the sacred standard of the Eepublican party. I 
call it sacred, because no human being can stand beneath 
its folds without becoming and without remaining free. 

Gentlemen of the convention, in the name of the great 
Eepublic, the only Eepublic that ever existed upon this 
arth ; in the name of all her defenders and of all her sup- 
porters ; in the name of all her soldiers living ; in the 
name of all her soldiers dead upon the field of battle, 
and in the name of those who perished in the skeleton 
clutch of famine at Andersonville and Libby, whose suffer- 
ings he so vividly remembers, Illinois Illinois nominates 
for the next President of this country, that prince of 
parliamentarians that leader of leaders James G. Elaine. 


Positions held in the National Government- Commissioner of the Land 
Office Clerk of the Lower House of Congress Presidency Marshal of 
the District of Columbia Associate Justice of the Supreme Court Sec- 
retary of the Interior -Assistant Attorney-General Secretary of War- 
Commander of the Armies f.ieutwnant-General and Gene- al Secretary 
of State Assistant Postmaster-GeneralSolicitor of the Treasury- 
Commissioner of Internal Revenue Assistant Secretary of the Treas- 
uryAssistant Secretary of the Interior Vice-Presidency Public 

During the sixty-six years Illinois has been a member 
of the National Union, she has occupied a conspicuous 


place in the government of the Nation, and we note, 
-chronologically, the various positions her citizens have 
iilled. President Polk appointed Kichard M. Youug Com- 
missioner of the Land Office, January 6, 1847, and he 
"was Clerk of the House of Representatives from April 17, 
1850, to December 1, 1851. James C. Allen was Clerk of 
the House of Representatives from December 6, 1857, to 
February 3, 1860. 

Abraham Lincoln was elected President in 1850, and 
again in 1864. Ward H. Lamon was Marshal of the Dis- 
trict of Columbia from 1861, to June, 1865. David Davis 
was Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of the United 
States from December 8, 1862, to 1879, when he resigned 
to accept the office of United States Senator. Isaac N. 
Arnold was Fifth Auditor from April 29, 1865, to Septem- 
ber 26, 1866. 0. H. Browning was Secretary of the In- 
terior, under President Johnson, from September 1, 1866, 
to March 1868, a part of which time he was acting Attor- 
ney General. John M. Schofield was Secretary of War, 
under President Johnson, from May 80, 1868, to the close 
of the Administration. T. Lyle Dickey was Assistant 
Attorney-General, under President Johnson, from July, 1368, 
to the close of the Administration. 

Illinois has furnished, in the person of one man, U. 8. 
Grant, Commander of all the armies of the United States, 
and the Lieutenant-General and General of the same. 
Grant was elected President in 1868, and again in 1872. 
Elihu B. Washburne was appointed Secretary of State by 
President Grant. John A. Eawlins was Secretary of War 
under President Grant. Giles A. Smith was Second Assis- 
tant Postmaster-General in 1869. John L. Routt was Second 
Assistant Postmaster-General in 1871. Bluford Wilson was 
Solicitor of the Treasury under the Administration of Grant. 
Green B. Kaum was Commissioner of Internal Revenue from 


August 2, 1876, to April 30, 1883.* John B. Hawley was 
Assistant Secretary of the Treasury under the Adminis- 
tration of Hayes. Horatio C. Burchard was appointed by 
President Hayes Director of the Mint. .Robert T. Lin- 
coln was appointed Secretary of War by President Gar- 
field. M. L. Joslyn was appointed Assistant Secretary of 
the Interior by President Arthur. David Davis was Presi- 
dent pro tempore of the Senate and acting Vice-President 
from October 13, 1881, to March 3, 1883. S. P. Rounds 
was appointed, by President Arthur, Public Printer in 
April, 1882.! 

Of the thirty-eight States, but nine have been honored 
with the Presidency, and but two have held the office more 
times than Illinois. Washington, Jefferson, Madison and 
Monroe were from Virginia, each of whom served two 
terms. Vice-President Tyler was from Virginia, and he 
succeeded to the Presidency in April, 1841, after the death 
of Harrison. Jackson and Polk were from Tennessee, 
Jackson was twice elected and Polk once. Vice-President 
Johnson, of Tennessee, became President in April, 1865, 
on the death of Lincoln by assassination. 

Of the other States, John Adams and John Quincy 
Adams were from Massachusetts; Van Buren was from 
New York ; Vice-Presidents Fillmore and Arthur were from 
New York; Fillmore became President in July, 1850, on 
the death of Taylor, and Arthur in September, 1881, on. 
the death of Garfield, by assassination. Pierce was from 
New Hampshire; Buchanan from Pennsylvania; Hayes 
and Garfield from Ohio. 

The Presidential chair has been occupied, up to this 
period, by seventeen different persons, who were elected 
President, and by four who were elected Vice-President. 

It will ever remain a proud fact in history, that Illi- 
nois furnished the Nation, during the momentous strug- 
gle of 1861-65, with a statesman and a warrior whose 

* See Chapter LXV. 

t John W. Towell was made Director of the Geological Survey by President Grant. 


ability, sagacity and patriotism were equal to the greatest 
emergency, and that they carried the country triumphantly 
through the most stupendous rebellion that has ever 
existed in the tide of time. 



Nominating Ulysses 8. Grant for the Presidency before the National 
Republican Convention, at Chicago, in June, 188& 

"'And when asked what State he hails from. 

Our sole reply shall be, 
He hails from Appomattox 
And its famous apple-tree.' 

** In obedience to instructions which I should never dare 
to disregard, expressing also my own firm comietions, I 
rise, Mr. President, in behalf of the State of New York, 
to propose a nomination with which the country and the 
Republican party can grandly win. The election before 
us is the Austerlitz of American politics. It will decide, 
for many years, whether the country shall be Republican 
or Cossack. The supreme need of the hour is not a can- 
didate who can carry Michigan. All Republican candi- 
dates can do that. The need is not of a candidate popular 
in the Territories, because the Territories have no vote. The 
need is of a candidate who can carry doubtful States. Not 
the doubtful States of the North alone, but also the doubt- 
ful States of the South, which we have heard, if I under- 
stood aright, ought to take but little or no part here, 
because the South has nothing to give, but everything to 
receive. The need which urges itself on the conscience 
and reason of the Convention is of a candidate who can 
carry doubtful States, both North and South. And be- 
lieving that he, more surely than any other man, can 


carry New York against any opponent, and can carry 
not only the North, but several iStates of the South, New 
York is for Ulysses S. Grant. 

" Never defeated in peace or in war his name is the 
most illustrious borne by living man. 

" His services attest his greatness, and the country 
'nay, the world knows them by heart. His fame was 
earned not alone by things written and said, but by the 
arduous greatness of things done; and perils and emergen- 
cies will search m vain in the future, as they have searched in 
vain in the past, for any other on whom the Nation leans with 
such confidence and trust. Nev^r having had a policy to 
enforce against the will of the people, he never betrayed a 
cause or a friend, and the people will never desert or 
'betray him. (Standing on the highest eminence of human 
distinction, modest, firm, simple, and self-poised, having 
filled all lands with his renown, he has seen not only the 
fcigh-born and the titled, but the poor and lowly, in the 
uttermost ends of the earth, rise and uncover before him. 
He has studied the needs and the defects of many sys- 
tems of government, and he has returned a better Amer- 
/ican than ever, with a wealth of knowledge and experience 
; added to the hard common sense which shone so con- 
spicuously in all the fierce light that beat upon, him 
during f-ixteen years the most trying, the most porten- 
tious, the most perilous in the Nation's history. 

" Vilified and reviled, ruthlessly aspersed by unnum- 
bered presses, not in other lands, but in his own, assaults 
upon him have seasoned and strengthened his hold on 
the public heart. Calumny's ammunition has all been 
exploded ; the powder has all been burned once its force 
is spent and the name of Grant will glitter, a bright and 
imperishable star in the diadem of the Eepublic, when 
those who have tried to tarnish it have mouldered in for- 

gotten graves ; and when their memories and their epitaphs 
ave vanished utterly. 

" Never elated by success, never depressed by adversity, 
he has ever, in peace as in war, shown the very genius 
of common sense. The terms he presented for Lee's sur- 
render foreshadowed tho wisest prophecies and principles 
of true reconstruction. Victor in the greatest war of 
modern times, he quickly signalized his aversion to war 
and his love for peace by an arbitration of internal ional 
disputes, which stands the wisest, the most majestic ex- 
ample of its kind in the world's diplomacy. 


"When 'inflation, at the hight of its popularity and 
frenzy, had swept both houses of Congress, it was the 
veto of Grant, single and alone, which overthrew expan- 
sion, and cleared the way for specie resumption. To him, 
immeasurably more than any other man, is due the fact 
that every paper dollar is at last as good as gold. 

" With him as our leader, we shall have no defensive 
campaign. We shall have nothing to explain away. We 
shall have no apologies to make. The shafts and arrows 
have all been aimed at him, and they lie, broken and 
harmless, at his feet. 

"Life, liberty and property will find a safeguard, in 
him. When he said of the colored men in Florida, 
' Wherever I am, they may come also,' he meant that, 
had he the power, the poor dwellers in the cabins of the 
South should no longer be driven in terror from the homes 
of their childhoo I and the graves of their murdered dead. 
When he refused to receive Dennis Kearney in California, 
he meant that communism, lawlessness aud disorder, al- 
though it might stalk high-headed and dictate law to a 
whole city, would always find a foe in him. He meant 
that, popular or unpopular, he would hew to the line of 
right, let the chips fly where they may. 

"His integrity, his common sense, his courage, his im- 
equaled experience, are the qualities offered to his country. 
The only argument the only one that the wit of man or 
the stress of politics has devised, is one which would dumb- 
founder Solomon, because Solomon thought there was 
nothing new under the sun. Having tried Grant twice 
and found him faithful, we are told that we must not, 
even after an interval of years, trust him again. My 
countrymen ! my countrymen ! what stultification does 
not such a fallacy involve. The American people exclude; 
Jefferson Davis from public trust. Why? Because he 
was the arch-traitor and would-be destroyer. And now 
the same people is asked to ostracise Grant, and not to 
trust him! Why? Why? I repeat. Because he was the 
arch-preserver of his country, and because, not only in 
war, but twice as Civil Magistrate, he gave his highest, 
noblest efforts to the Republic. Is this an electioneering 
juggle or is it hypocrisy's masquerade ? There is no field 
of human activity, responsibility or reason in which rational 
beings object to an agent because he has been weighed 
in the balance and not found wanting. There is, I say, 
no department of human reason in which sane men reject 
an agent because he has had experience, making him 


exceptionally competent and fit. From the man who shoes 
your horse to the lawyer who tries your cause, the officer 
who manages your railway or your mill, the doctor into 
whose hands you give your life, or the minister who seeks 
'to save your soul what man do you reject because by his 
works you have known him, and found him faithful and fit? 

" What makes the Presidential office an exception to all 
things else in the common sense to be applied to select- 
ing its incumbent ? Who dares to put fetters on that free 
choice and judgment which is the birth-right of the 
American people? Can it be said that Grant has used 
official power and place to perpetuate his term? He has 
no place, and official power has not been used for him. 
Without patronage, without emissaries, without commit- 
tees, without bureaus, without telegraph wires running from 
his house or from the seats of influence to this Conven- 
tion, without appliances, without electioneering contri- 
vances, without effort on his part, Grant's name is on his 
country's lips. He is struck at by the whole Democratic 
party, because his nomination is the death-blow of Dem- 
ocratic success. He is struck at by others, who find an 
offense and disqualification in the very services he has 
rendered and the very experience he has gained. Show 
me a better man. Name one, and I am answered. Bat 
do not point as a disqualification to the very experience 
which makes this man fit beyond all others. 

"There is no 'third term' in the case, and the pretense 
will die with the political dog-days that gendered it. One 
week after the Democratic Convention we shall have heard 
the last of this rubbish about a 'third term.' Nobody now 
is really disquieted about a third term except those hope- 
lessly longing for a first term, and their dupes and co- 
adjutors. Without effort or intrigue on his part, he is the 
candidate whose friends have never threatened to bolt un- 
less this convention did as they said. He is a Republi- 
can who never wavers. He and his friends stand by the 
creed and the candidate of the Republican party. They 
hold the rightful rule of the majority as the very essence 
of their faith against not only the common enemy, but 
against the charlatans, jayhavvkers, tramps and guerillas 
who deploy between the lines and forage, now on one side 
and then on the other. The convention is master of a 
supreme opportunity. It can name the next President of 
the United States. It can make sure of his election. It 
can make sure not only of his election, but of his certain 
and peaceful inauguration. 


"It can assure a Bepublican majority in the Senate and 
House of Representatives. More than all, it can break 
th'at power which dominates and mildews the South. It 
can overthrow an organization whose very existence is a 
standing protest against progress. 

"The purpose of the Democratic party is spoils. Its 
very hope and existence is a solid South. Its success is 
a menace to order and prosperity. This convention can 
overthrow and disintegrate these hurtful forces. It can 
dissolve and emancipate a distracted 'solid South.' It can 
speed the Nation in a career of grandeur eclipsing all past 
achievements. Gentlemen, we have only to listen above 
the din arid look beyond the dust of an hour, to behold 
the Republican party advancing, with its ensigns resplen- 
dent with illustrious achievements, marching to certain 
.and lasting victory with its greatest Marshal at its head." 


What the People Lost when they went Into Liquidation. 

Next in importance to the change which took place in 
-the political status of the negro on the advent of the Re- 
publican party into power in the State and Nation, was 
the overthrow of our State banking system. At the time 
the war ensued there were one hundred and ten of these 
institutions in operation, with eleven suspended. 

The more remote the banks were from the commercial 
centers the better they were supposed to be. But when 
the financial crash of 1861 came, but few of them stood 
the test of honesty and fair dealing. The officers closed 
their doors with impunity, leaving the bill-holders to help 
themselves as best they could. Even in the best days of 


their existence business men were compelled to keep in 
their possession all the known counterfeit detectives then, 
printed, and they were legion. First, for the purpose of 
judging as to the genuineness of the notes, and, secondly,, 
to learn their commercial value, which varied in amount 
from nothing to par. During the war all these banks went 
into liquidation. Their circulation, November 30, 1860, 
as shown by the biennial report of the Auditor of Public 
Accounts, was $12,320,694. The records of the Auditor's 
office show that in closing up these banks there was a 
loss of 35 per cent, on the dollar, amounting in the aggre- 
gate to $4,312,242. 

The older citizens will fully attest the truth of our re- 
marks regarding the character of these banks, and we 
imagine they would as soon think of the re-enslavement 
of the colored man as to consider the question of return- 
ing to the State banking system. 


What Owen Lovejoy Could Not Do Law-Making Under the Constitution. 

of 1848. 


Closing a political address to an immense audience at 
Jacksonville, in 1860, Owen Lovejoy paid an eloquent eulogy 
to the Constitution and the Flag of the United States, but 
said he, "grand as is that Constitution and that Flag, prom- 
ising protection to all, there are fifteen States in this Union 
professing allegiance to that Constitution and Flag, in 
which I can not go in safety. I am an order-loving, law- 
abiding man, but it would cost me my life to go into any of 
their hotels and set down my unoffending valise labeled 
" 'Owen Lovejoy, Princeton, Illinois.' " 



Under the Constitution of 1818, Special Legislation was 
the great evil of the General Assembly. Under the private 
law system every imaginary scheme of speculation was 
legislated upon which brought to each Assembly what was 
known as a third house, where these bills were first prepar- 
ed. The truth is, three-fourths of the time of a session was 
occupied with special legislation. Illustrative of how busi- 
ness of this character was done, we note the fact, that in 
1869 there were passed, of public laws, a volume of 379 pages, 
while there were four volumes of the private laws, aggregat- 
ing 1216 pages. Under the Constitution of 1370, it was 
provided that all laws should be general in character. This 
was a radical change, as may easily be seen. If we except 
the first Legislature, which convened in 1871 to frame laws 
to conform to the new Constitution, the session of 1885 was- 
the longest ever held in the State, but even then all the 
laws passed were comprised in a volume of 222 pages. 
The wisdom of the new Constitution was two-fold in this: 
respect. It has prevented much unnecessary and expen- 
sive legislation, and at the same time broken up a pernicious 
lobby system. 


The control of the traffic of spirituous liquors has ever 
been a source of great concern to a very large portion of 
our law-abiding citizens, and the question has been pre- 
sented to our law-makers in many ways ; sometimes in 


the form of an application for a prohibitory law; some- 
times for a low-license law; sometimes for a high-license 
law; sometimes for an amendment to the constitution, 
allowing women the right to vote upon the question of 
license, and sometimes for an amendment to the constitution 
prohibiting the manufacture and sale of spirituous or malt 
liquors as a beverage ; and hence there has been, from first 
to last, much legislation upon the subject. 

In 1851, the General Assembly passed what is known 
as the "quart law," the purpose of which was to do away 
with what were termed "dram shops." This did not meet 
the demands of the people, and in 1855 the General As- 
sembly passed a prohibitory act. It was submitted to a 
vote of the people of the State, and rejected. Since then 
we have had the license system and local option ; but all 
the while there has been more or less agitation in favor 
of prohibition; but no General Assembly has seemed 
willing to allow the people to vote upon an amendment 
to the constitution giving women the right to vote upon 
the question of license or of amendment to the constitu- 
tion, so as to prohibit the manufacture and sale of spirit- 
uous liquors as a beverage. 

In March, 1879, a committee of ladies, representing the 
Woman's Christian Temperance Union, waited upon the 
General Assembly with the view of securing the passage 
of a law allowing women to vote in matters relating to 
the sale of spirituous or malt liquors as a beverage. The 
following persons composed that committee: 

Miss Francis E. Willard, president of W. C. T. U. of 
Illinois ; Mrs. T. B. Carse, president of Chicago W. C. T. 
U. ; Mrs. L. A. Hagans, Mrs. Willis A. Barnes, Mrs. C. 
H. Case, Mrs. D. J. True, Chicago; Mrs. Prof. Fry and 
Mrs. A. E. Biggs, of Bloomington; Mrs. C. H. St. John, 
of Eureka ; Mrs. M. H. Villars, of Pana ; Miss Mary A. 
West, of Galesburg ; Mrs. E. W. Kirkpatrick, of Monmouth ; 


Mrs. H. A. Calkins and Mrs. E. G. Hibben, of Peo- 
ria; Mrs. M. L. Wells, Mrs. R. Beach and Mrs. H. A. 
Allyn, of Springfield ; Mrs. R. Greenlee, Mrs. M. A. Cum- 
mings, Mrs. J. B. Hobbs and Miss Lucia Kimball, of 
'Chicago ; Mrs. G. H. Read, of Bloomington ; Mrs. H. W. 
Harwood and Mrs. H. C. Cullom, of Joliet; Mrs. S. P. 
Mooney, of Pana; Mrs. S. M. I. Henry, of Rockford; and 
Mrs. M. A. Taliafero, of Keithsburg. 

The committee was armed with a petition which con- 
tained the signatures of 80,000 voters and 100,000 women. 
On the 6th of March, on behalf of the ladies, the petition 
was presented to the House of Representatives by Andrew 
Hinds, of Stephenson, in an address of some length, and 
on motion of Solomon P.Hopkins, of Cook, Miss Willard 
And Mrs. Foster, a lawyer, of Clinton, Iowa, were invited 
to address the House. This was the first time a woman 
was ever permitted to speak in an Illinois legislative 

Subsequently, a bill was prepared and introduced into 
the House, providing an amendment to the constitution 
to allow women over 21 years to be registered the same 
as voters, and further providing that before a saloon- 
keeper could open a saloon he should be able to prove 
to the municipal authorities that he had secured the sig- 
natures of a majority of both men and women, over 21 
years of age, in the community in which he proposed to 
do business. Mr. Hinds presented the bill, and was man- 
fully supported by many of the members. On the 30th 
of May ;t reached a third reading, when it was lost, by 
& vote of 53 yeas to 55 nays. 

On the 10th of April, the same petition was presented 
to the Senate by the same committee, through Mr. Tal- 
iafero. An objection being made to allowing the ladies 
io speak while the Senate was in session, on motion, a 
recess was taken for thirty minutes, 24 Senators voting 


for, and 19 against. The time was occupied by Miss,. 
\\~illard in an address of much earnestness, and here the 1 
question rested for that session. 

At the first session of the General Assembly of 1881, 
the same bill was introduced, with a similar fate. But 
although the Woman's Christian Temperance Union met 
with two signal defeats, their labors bore good fruit. 
They stirred the people all over the State to action, and 
when the General Assembly of 1883 came together, one 
of the very first bills introduced was that of Representa- 
tive Harper, fixing a uniform system of license at $500. 
It became a party measure, the Republicans favoring its 
passage, and the Democrats opposing. It continued the 
subject of earnest discussion during the entire session,. 
and on the 8th of June, passed the House by a bare con- 
stitutional majority. The journals of the House show 
that 70 Republicans and 9 Democrats voted for the bill,, 
and that 51 Democrats and 4 Republicans voted against it* 

The bill passed the Senate June 15, by a vote of 30' 
ayes to 20 noes 29 Republicans and 1 Democrat votedi 
for it, and 19 Democrats and 1 Republican against it.. 
An hour after the passage of the bill it received the ap- 
proval of Gov. Hamilton, who had heartily co-operated 
with the friends of the measure, in securing its passage,, 
from the first. 

The validity of the law has been passed upon by the- 
Supreme Court of the State, which body pronounced it 
constitutional, which has removed all doubts as to its 

The law has given universal satisfaction. During the fis- 
cal year ending Apiil 30, 1883, the year before the law went 
into effect, there were, as shown by the Report of the Com- 
missioner of Internal Revenue, 12,521 licensed saloons in 
the State. For the same period, ending April 30, 1886, the 
Commissioner reports 10,973. 



Owen Lovejoy Egged In Bloomington " Will the Sheriff Call Mr. Pffrim- 
mer "--Went worth and Browning-" Till He was Conscripted" U. P. 
Linder and the "Little Doctor" " Celestial Meridian of 36 30' "-"Not 
According to Jefferson, but the Gentleman from Jefferson " " I thought 
I would Let You Make a Water-Dog of Him "-How Col Reuben Loomis 
was killed How Pinkney H. Walker became a Justice of the Supreme 
Court An Exciting Political Episode-" He Knew Him before the Flood" 
"There is no Use of this Investigation""! was Born a Barefooted Boy" 
"Tom Needles and John Bunn Know to D-n Mut-h to Play Governor" 
"Wonderful Moral Reformation" "Tell Old Hilliard to Come and See Me 
Devilish Quick" "If they will Let Me Out with as Good Character 
as I Had." 


In 1840, and while the pro-slavery mob at Alton was 
still fresh in the minds of the people, Owen Lovejoy had 
an appointment at Bloomington to deliver an anti-slavery 
address. Abolitionists were not very popular then in any 
portion of Illinois, but it was thought he would have no 
trouble in being heard at Bloomington ; but when he reached 
the Court House, from which place he was announced to 
speak, it was found that the doors had been locked against 
him, by order of the County Commissioners. He had been 
accompanied thither by George Dietrich, Job Cusey and 
his son John, then a youth of some fifteen years. Mr. 
Dietrich was a Democrat, but being a member of the same 
church in which Mr. Lovejoy was a preacher, he felt 
that Mr. Lovejoy was entitled to some attention, and 
hence was found in his company, but it is said that 
Dietrich never voted the Democratic ticket after that 
day. On their return from the court house they were 
assaulted with eggs, which was highly enjoyed by the 


bystanders. Seventeen years after that time, Owen Lovejoy 
represented the city of Bloomington in Congress, and the 
lad, John Casey, who had been ostracised for having been 
found in the company of an Abolitionist, has since rep- 
resented McLean county in the State Senate, and was a 
member of the State Board of Equalization from that con- 
gressional district. 


Thomas Gr. C. Davis, at one time a citizen of Metrop- 
olis, and member of the Constitutional convention of 1847, 
was a noted lawyer of Southern Illinois. It is related of 
him that he was never at a loss to supply a missing link 
in the chain of testimony wherein his client had a per- 
sonal interest. There resided in the place a gentleman 
whose name was S. H. Pffrimmer, well-known in that 
section as a good citizen, but a man who managed to know 
a great deal about other people's business, and by the way 
a personal friend of Mr. Davis. On occasions when the 
missing link was needed Mr. Davis would rise to his feet 
and cast a searching glance round the court-room for his 
witness, and not seeing 'him would vociferate, " Will the 
Sheriff call Mr. Pffrimmer?" The habit was so frequent 
that " Will the Sheriff call Mr. Pffrimmer " became a by- 
word about the court-room and Mr. Pffrimmer was made 
the subject of many a pleasant jest. 


This characteristic story of John Wentworth was related 
to us by Dr. William Jayne, who was present on the 
occasion. Before the repeal of the Missouri Compromise 
Wentworth was a radical Democrat, and while serving in 
Congress with John J. Hardin, a prominent Whig, some of 
Mr. Hardin's private correspondence, in some mysterious 
way, appeared in the public prints, and the offense was 


charged upon Wentworth, and whether the charge was 
true or false he was, for a long time, violently abused by 
Hardin, and the Whigs in general; but when the anti- 
slavery men met at Bloomington, in May, 1856, to organ- 
ize a new party, Mr. Wentworth was welcomed by the old 
line Whigs with the same cordiality as though he had al- 
ways been a Whig. There he and 0. H. Browning met 
for the first time; they were introduced by Abraham 
Lincoln. In taking the hand of Mr. Wentworth Mr. 
Browning said, in his most courteous and pleasing man- 
ner, that he had long known him by reputation and waa 
proud to meet him, to which Wentworth, jocosely, re- 
plied, " that is not a d n bit in my favor." 


Norman L. Freeman, now the able and popular Keporter 
of the Supreme Court, was a resident of Shawneetown in 
1859, but subsequently purchased a farm in Missouri, and 
removed there with the hope of improving his health. 
But a year after the breaking out of the rebellion, he re- 
turned to Shawneetown and resumed the practice of law. 
On handing in his card to be inserted in the local paper, 
the publisher observed the letters "t. c.," and being curi- 
ous to know their meaning, Mr. Freeman said he wished 
the card to appear "till he was conscripted." 


U. F. Linder was one of the great lawyers of Illinois, 
who was contemporaneous with Abraham Lincoln, and was 
never so happy as when he had a crowd around him lis- 
tening to his jokes. But sometimes the joke returned to 
plague him. 

About 1856, he was sitting one summer evening outside 
the door of a hotel in Terre Haute, Indiana, telling a com- 
pany of interested listeners of the exploits of Leonard 
Swett, one of Illinois' noted lawyers. 


"This man Swett," said he, "is the sharpest lawyer in 
Illinois. He clears his man every time, especially if 
charged with murder." 

" How does he do it, Linder ? " ventured one of his 
hearers to inquire. 

" Do it?" replied Linder, " he proves they are all insane 
every cursed man of them." 

"Well, how does he do that?" 

" I'll tell you, sir. He carries around with him a little 
doctor, who knows all about insanity, and swears 'em all 
crazy as loons. The jury comes in with a verdict of 
insanity every time." 

Then he recited several cases which had occurred where 
the parties had been thus acquitted, when they were really 
"just as sane as I am, sir, just as you are," said Lin- 
ger, "It just beats hell." 

At that moment a gentleman who had been sitting inside, 
but had been an amused listener, walked outside, and offer- 
ing his hand to Liuder, said: 

" Good evening, Mr. Linder. I have the honor to be 
the little doctor you are talking about, you tell it very 

"What might your name be?" said Linder, though he 
knew very well. 

"My name is Roe," said the gentleman. 

" Not Doctor Eoe, of Bloomington ? " 

" Yes, sir, Doctor Hoe, of Bloomington the man you 
call Swett's little doctor." 

" Why, I know you, sir, of course I know you, Dr. 
Eoe," said Linder. "My God, sir! are you the man? I 
beg your pardon, Dr. Eoe. I did not know that you \\eie 
Swett's witness." 

" Good God, sir, I beg your pardon a thousand times. 
"What a blunder I made indeed, I did not know the man 

Eng. by ELEWiliiams 4Bra NY. 


was Dr. Eoe, of Bloomington. My God ! Doctor, I can do 
nothing else but beg your pardon and I would not do less 
if I could. Gentlemen, if this man ever swears I am in- 
sane, I will believe him myself." 


Owen Lovejoy was one of the marked men of the age 
in which he lived. In the latter part of December, 1860, 
a proposition was made in a Eepublican caucus by a llep- 
jresentative of one of the Northern States, who seriously 
deprecated war as a means of saving the Union, to divide 
the country from Missouri to the Pacific along the parallel 
36 30', and to give up the south side to slavery. This 
struck Lovejoy as being supremely preposterous, and he 
was overheard to express his disapprobation of the extra- 
ordinary proposition in these words: "There never was 
a more caubeless revolt since Lucifer led his cohorts of 
apostate angels against the throne of God; but I never 
heard that the Almighty proposed to compromise the mat- 
ter by allowing the rebels to kindle the fires of hell south 
of the celestial meridian of 36 30'." 


While Lieut. -Gov. Hoffman was the presiding officer of 
ihe Senate, Ex-Lieut.-Gov. Zadok Casey, of Jefferson 
county, was a member of that body, and being a most 
able parliamentarian, Mr. Hdifman frequently deferred to 
him when difficult questions of parliamentary practice 
arose. On one occasion, when the presiding officer had 
thus sought the advice of Gov. Casey, Senator Mack read 
from Jefferson's Manual a passage at variance with the 
opinion given by Gov. Casey, but the Speaker, in loyalty 
to his referee, adroitly settled the question by assuring 
the Senator that he was "not ruling according to Jefferson, 
but according to the gentleman from Jefferson." 



We have heard a good story related of George W. Jones r 
the good-natured Clerk of the Appellate Court for the third 
district. He was then the circuit clerk of Pike county, 
and his home was at Pittsfield. The religious denomina- 
tion familiarly known as Cauipbellites, one of whose car- 
dinal principles is baptism by immersion, was holding a 
protracted meeting, and Elder John Sweeny, a man of 
eminent ability, was assisting Elder E. Rice, the local 
preacher. The house had been crowded for days and 
days, and one evening Mr. Jones concluded he would go 
out and hear the wonderful preacher. His black and tan 
terrier followed him, and soon he and his little dog be- 
came the observed of all observers. The congregation 
would look at the dog and then at Mr. Jones, until they 
attracted the attention of the Elder, who exclaimed in a 
somewhat sarcastic manner, " I wish the friend who 
brought that dog to church would leave him at home 
next time, and bring his family instead." 

Next morning, when Mr. Jones returned to his. office, 
he found the two Elders there. Passing in he spoke with 
his usual cordiality to Elder Rice, but paid no attention 
to Elder Sweeny, though he knew him well. 

" Why do you not speak to me, Mr. Jones ?" said Elder 

" Because I am mad with you," replied Mr. Jones. 
" Why did you abuse my dog last night ?" 

" Now as you are inclined to be inquisitive," said the 
Elder, " I will ask you a question. Why did you bring 
your dog to church ?" 

"Well," said Mr. Jones, "I will tell you. I have had 
that dog for six years, and I have tried him on rats, I 
have tried him on rabbits, I have tried him on coons, I 
have tried him as a watch-dog, and have yet to find him 
good for anything, and thought I would take him to- 
church and let you make a water-dog of him." 



of Col. Eeuben Loomis, of DuQuoin, Lieutenant-Colonel of 
the Sixth Illinois Cavalry, at the hands of Maj. T. G. 8.' 
Herrod, of Shawneetown, of the same regiment, at Ger- 
mantown, Tennessee, on the 3d of November, 1863. In 
Barnet's "Martyrs and Heroes" of Illinois, we find the 
following account of the unfortunate affak from the pen 
of Maj. Charles W. Whitsit: 

" At the time, the entire effective force of the Sixth 
Illinois Cavalry was out under command of Lieut. -CoL 
Loomis, assisting in the general operations against Gen- 
Chalmers' movements. Maj. Herrod being left in command 
of the ineffective force in camp, did some important offi- 
cial business over his signature, as a 'Major Commanding' 
Kegiment.' Lieut. -Col. Loomis, thinking it an injustice; 
to him and his regiment, took occasion to reprimand Majf.. 
Herrod for his unwarranted assumption of power. 

" Some bitter words passed during the interview, which 
was in the forenoon of the day on which the murder was 
committed. At dark Maj. Herrod came to headquarters and 
inquired for Col. Loomis, who, he was told, was at supper,, 
but would soon be in. He proceeded immediately to the? 
Lucken House, near half a mile distant, where Col. Loomis 
boarded, and where Col. Hatch and several other officers were 
at supper. Meeting Col. Loomis in the hall he accosted him 
thus : ' Col. Loomis, you said this morning thus and so, 
in the presence of Col. Hatch; take it back or I'll kill 
you.' Col. Loomis replied in a mild tone : 'Maj. Herrod, 
you have got a pistol in your hand and I am unarmed. If 
you want to kill me, kill me.' Maj. Herrod immediately 
fired ; the first shot knocking him down, the second enter- 
ing his breast, killing him instantly. He fired three more* 
shots, none of which took effect." 

Major Herrod was tried by court-martial and sentenced 
to death, but influential friends interfered and induced 
President Lincoln to commute his sentence to ten years 
imprisonment; but after a year's confinement in the Au- 
burn, New York, Penitentiary, he was pardoned in May, 
1866, by President Johnson. 


Major Herrod raised the first company, B, of volunteer 
soldiers that went out from Gallatin county, which was 
assigned to the 18th, Col. M. K. Lawler's regiment. 

Onias C. Skinner, of Quincy, was one of the Judges of 
the Supreme Couit during the administration of Wm. H. 
Bissell, the first Eepublican Governor of Illinois, and for 
private personal reasons desired to leave the bench. He 
communicated the wish to the Governor, saying at the 
same time that if he would allow him to name, as his suc- 
cessor, Pinkney H. Walker, a Democrat, he would resign, 
but if the vacancy was to be filled with a Republican he 
would not. But Governor Bissell having full confidence 
in the purity of character of Mr. Walker, who was then 
Judge of the Fifth Circuit, readily assented to the request 
of Judge Skinner and the appointment was made, and the 
people seem to have been quite as well satisfied with the 
selection as Judge Skinner himself, for Judge Walker has 
been a member of this Court ever since that time, and is 
esteemed as one of our ablest and purest jurists. Advert- 
ing to his politics, we have heard a good story relating 
to his early political training. Maj. James A. Connolly, 
U. S. District Attorney for the Southern District of Illi- 
nois, made a business visit a year or so ago to that part 
of Kentucky in which Mr. Walker was born, and hap- 
pened to be the guest of an uncle of the Judge's, \vho 
made inquiry as to the welfare of his nephew, and among 
other things as to his politics, to which Mr. Connolly re- 
plied he was a Democrat, when the uncle, who was a Clay 
Whig, expressing astonishment and disappointment in his 
very looks, shook his head and sadly exclaimed: 'Pink- 
ney was taught better things than that.' 



Connected with the Constitutional Contention of 1870 
was an exciting episode in the attempt of the opposing 
political parties to secure the organization. Mr. Church, 
of McHenry, Republican, put in nomination Wm. Gary, 
of JoDaviess, for temporary President, and James C. Allen, 
of Crawford, Democrat, nominated Col. John Dement, of 
Lee, which was seconded by Mr. McDowell, of White, 
when Mr. Allen put the question and declared Dement 
elected. Simultaneously, Mr. Church put the nomination 
of Mr. Gary and declared him elected, when the two gen- 
tlemen ascended to the chair; Dement from the Democratic 
side, and Gary from the Republican, and meeting in the 
presidential place they gracefully shook hands and took 
seats together amidst great laughter and applause. The 
good sense of these gentlemen allayed the passions of 
their respective friends, and they continued to occupy the 
chair jointly, putting the questions alternately until the 
roll-call, when Col. Dement was elected President pro 
tempore by a vote of 44 to 32, which relieved the body 
from the embarrassment of having two presiding officers. 


In the campaign of 1872, Gov. Palmer was explaining, 
in a speech made in Springfield, how it was that some 
men changed their politics, while others did not, and cited 
Alexander Starne, who was present, as one who never 
changed. "Why," said the Governor, "I knew Starne 
before the flood, and he was a Democrat then, and I guess 
he will die a Democrat." But Mr. Starne, not being will- 
ing to appear as old as the Governor had made him seem, 
good naturedly rejoined, in a voice loud enough to be 
heard by all, that the only flood he had any recollection 
of meeting the Governor in, was when he was trying to 


flood Illinois with Yankee clocks. Many of the audience, 
remembering that the Governor had peddled clocks in his 
younger days, heartily applauded the neat turn Mr. Starne 
had given the Governor's jest. 

At the time Edward Eutz was serving his first term 
as State Treasurer, the Democratic party obtained, by a 
fusion with the Independents, nominal control of both 
branches of the General Assembly, and the leaders of the 
lower house conceived the idea that there was a shortage 
in Mr. Rutz's cash account, and a committee was raised 
to investigate the matter by counting the money in the 
vault. While the preliminary work was going on a well- 
known Democrat, who had known Mr. Rutz for long years, 
and who was more profane than polite, was overheard to 
eay " There is no use of this investigation ; the d d 
Dutchman has got the money." And so the count proved. 
Notwithstanding the constitution of Illinois inhibits the 
election of a person to the office of State Treasurer two 
terms in succession, yet it was Mr. Rutz's good fortune to 
have been elected three times to that office, the required 
lapse of time ensuing in each case. It is not likely, how. 
ever, that such a circumstance will ever again occur in 
the history of any man in the State. 


Governor Beveridge is responsible for this story on ex- 
State Treasurer Ridgway. In 1874, Beveridge and Ridg- 
way were making a canvass together of Southern Illinois, 
and at their meeting at Carmi, White county, Ridgway 
took occasion to allude to the fact that that county had 
been his birthplace, and, warming up with the subject, he 
said : " Yes, fellow-citizens, I was born a poor, barefooted 
boy in White county, and am just as much entitled to be 
tfce Treasurer of the great State of Illinois as though I 


liad been born in the lap of luxury in Cook or any of the 
other great counties of the State. This slip of the tongue 
was too good to be lost, and the crowd shouted long and 
loud, and Eidgway has since been known among his most 
intimate friends as the man who was born barefooted. 


During the great railroad riot of 1877 business was vir- 
tually suspended on all the leading lines' of railway in the 
State, and on one occasion Gov. Cullom had to procure 
from J. C. McMullen, General Superintendent of the C. & 
A. Kailway, a special train in order to reach East St. 
Louis to look after the military operations there. He in- 
vited James A. Connolly, Jonathan Merriam, E. D. Law- 
rence, S. H. Jones and William Prescott to accompany 
him; and in the absence of his Private Secretary, E. F. 
Leonard, requested T. B. Needles, who was then Auditor, 
^,nd John Bunn, to remain at the Executive office to 
Bassist Harry Dorwin in answering whatever dispatches 
might be received, for he had been overwhelmed with tel- 
egrams from all parts of the State. Needles and Bunn 
willingly assented to the request and took their places in 
the office, remaining there until the Governor's return, 
which was about 12 o'clock the next night, when they 
repaired to the mansion and reported that not a single 
telegram had been received during his absence. Of course, 
the Governor was much surprised at what seemed to be 
.a mystery. But on going, to the telegraph office the next 
morning it was readily explained by the manager, who 
said that Adjutant-General Hilliard had remained in the 
-office during the absence of the Governor, and had re- 
ceived and answered all messages. When Gen. Hilliard 
was asked by the Governor why he had done so, he re- 
plied : " Tom Needles and John Bunn know too d n 
much to play Governor." The joke was heartily relished 


by all who were in the secret, and by none more than 
Needles and Bunn, but it was a long time before they 
heard the last of " playing Governor." 


When A. J. Kuykendall represented the thirteenth con- 
gressional district now the twentieth as a Republican, 
there was much curiosity among war Representatives to 
see- the man who' had beaten Wm. J. Allen, a somewhat 
notorious anti-war Democrat. On one occasion, Mr. Kuy- 
kendall was invited to join a party of members in a social 
glass; declining to drink, it was suggested that he take a 
cigar, but not having acquired the habit of smoking, this 
courtesy was also declined; and then it was proposed to 
play a game of cards, when he again declined. By this 
time his companions were more than ever interested in 
the character of the new Representative, and one of them 
made bold to say: "Do I understand you to say that 
you have the honor to represent the district formerly re- 
presented by John A. Logan and Wm. J. Allen, and that 
you neither drink, smoke, nor play cards?" Mr. Kuy- 
kendall indicated that such was the fact, when the gen- 
tleman concluded by saying, that the moral reformation 
in that district has been even as great as the political, 


There is a good story related of Gov. Cullom, which 
had its origin during an occasion when an outbreak was 
hourly expected from "striking" miners. Those who know 
the Governor well will bear us out in saying that he was 
not given to much dress-parade in the discharge of his 
official duties, and that he is in no sense a military man. 
On one occasion, when he was deeply occupied with mat- 
ters of State, the Orderly of Adjutant-General Billiard naade- 
his appearance, and inquired if the "Commander-in-Chief 


had any orders for Adjutant-General Billiard," at the 
same time saluting the Governor in true military style. 
Without relinquishing his attention from the business in 
hand, the Governor curtly said: "Tell Old Hiliiard to* 
come and see me." Another military salute, and the 
Orderly was off, but he had not gone far before it occurred 
to him that the "Commander-in-Chief " did not wish 
to send the message to the Adjutant-General in that 
form, and returned, and with another military salute, 
asked further instructions, when the Governor, rising: 
from his seat as though he meant to put the Orderly out 
of his office, thundered in his ear: "Tell Old Hiliiard to* 
come and see me, devilish quick." This emphatic order 
served to end all unnecessary palaver between the two-' 
departments so long as that Orderly remained on duty. 


The animosities which grew up in the liepublican party 
over the attempt to carry Illinois solid for Gen. Grant 
for President in the National Convention in 1880, con- 
tinued to exist to some extent even after the election of 
Garfield, and among those who were not in exact accord 
with the "stalwarts" was Charles B. Farwell, who had 
been elected to Congress from the third congressional 
district in Chicago. The writer met Mr. Farwell in Wash- 
ington at the inauguration of Mr. Garfield, and in reply 
to an inquiry as to how he viewed the incoming Admin- 
istration, he declined to say anything of it, but related 
the following story illustrative of his feelings: "There 
resided," said he, "in a certain locality in a neighboring: 
State a wealthy citizen, of liberal instincts, who was in- 
duced to interest himself financially in the erection of an 
expensive house of worship for the Episcopal church- 
When the edifice was completed, then came the disposi- 
tion of the pews, and this wealthy man was assigned one 


of the most desirable, at an annual rental of five hundred 
dollars, and was taken in as a member of the society. 
But it was not long before a church quarrel ensued, and 
the opposing parties called each other almost everything 
but Christians. For a time the new member bore the 
controversy with seeming patience, but at last becoming 
thoroughly disgusted, he proposed to the brethren that if 
they would 'let him out into the world again with as good 
character as he possessed when he was taken into the 
church, he would give them the five hundred dollars pew- 
rent, and surrender all interest in the building.'" 

Mr. Farwell playfully said that if the party would let 
him out of Congress with as. good character as he had 
when he entered public life, he would cheerfully lay aside 
all claims for money expended or services rendered in 
past campaigns. 


"Lake Front" A remarkable Incident First Legislative Quorum Broken in 
Illinois How'the Constitution of 1848 was Evaded Women as Journal- 
istsHow Ebon C. Ingersoll was Defeated for Congress in the Lovejor 
District Farmers' Strike Women as Workers in Potters' Clay. 

From time to time there has been a great deal of contro- 
versy in the General Assembly of Illinois, and in the courts, 
regarding what is known as the Lake Front at Chicago, and 
as few persons have a definite idea as to what really is meant 
by the term Lake Front or the cause of the controversy, we 
devote this chapter, in part, to the subject. In 1869 the Gen- 
eral Assembly passed, through the pressure of a well organ- 
ized lobby, a sweeping act granting to the city of Chicago all 


right, title and interest of the State of Illinois in a strip of 
land four hundred feet in width east of Michigan Avenue, 
including the shore of Lake Michigan, with full power and 
authority to sell and convey all of said tract to certain rail- 
road corporations, and the same act confirmed to the Illi- 
nois Central Eailroad Company a former grant from the 
State in its charter, and also granted in fee, to the Illinois 
Central, the Chicago, Burlington & Quincy and the Michi- 
gan Central Kailroad Companies, a fractional part of sec- 
tions ten and fifteen, in township thirty-nine, range fourteen 
east, for the erection thereon of a passenger depot, and other 
purposes. In consideration of this last grant, said compa- 
nies were required to pay to the city of Chicago the sum of 
eight hundred thousand dollars within one year, in install- 
ments of two hundred thousand dollars every three months, 
on the full payment of which the city of Chicago was au- 
thorized and empowered to quit-claim and release to said 
railroad companies any and all claim and interest in and 
upon any or all of said land. 

As we have said, a lobby, perhaps the ablest and most 
untiring that ever met at the capital, pressed the passage of 
the bill, which was vigorously opposed by a strong minority 
in each house, on the ground that the harbor of Chicago 
ought not to be owned by railroad corporations, and that it 
was an invasion of the rights of individual owners of prop- 
erty along Michigan Avenue, and that it was granting some 
land to the railroad companies which belonged to the Illi- 
nois Michigan Canal, without consideration. Ex- Senator 
Mack, an able and adroit manager, was the leader of the 
lobby and personal representative of the corporations, and 
it is alleged that he was unscrupulous in the means he used 
to accomplish his ends. The cry of bribery was heard all 
over the State, and Senators and Eepresentatives were open- 
ly charged as having accepted a consideration for their 


votes in favor of the measure. The opponents of the bill? 
were unwavering in their efforts to defeat its passage, but 
the lobby proved too much for them. It passed the House ; 
by a vote of 52 yeas to 30 nays, and the Senate by a vote of 
14 yeas to 11 nays, but when it was laid before Governor 
Palmer he vetoed it, supporting his views with an able and 
comprehensive message. When the bill was returned to- 
the respective houses it was passed over the veto by about 
the same majority it received originally. In the Senate 
Mr. Fort changed his vote from aye to no. In the House 
there was an exciting episode over the action of Mr. Bailey,, 
now a Circuit Judge in the 13th Judicial District. The 
consideration of the veto had been set for an evening ses- 
sion. The Speaker announced, "Shall the bill pass, the ob- 
jections of the Governor notwithstanding?" and then 
directed the Clerk to call the roll. The name of Mr. Bailey 
was the first upon the list. He had originally opposed the 
measure, but after the adoption of an amendment proposed 
by himself, voted for the bill on its final passage. Before 
he had time to respond to the call of his name, Mr. Knick- 
erbocker, now Probate Judge of Cook County, arose excitedly 
and objected to Mr. Bailey voting, on the ground of person- 
al interest, charging that his law partner had received pay 
for advancing the passage of the bill, and that the member 
from Stephenson, as a member of the firm, shared in that 
money. The Speaker said the gentleman from Stephen- 
son could answer. Mr. Bailey arose, and in a clear but 
tremulous voice said : "I have no interest in the passage 
or defeat of this bill, and the gentleman from Cook little 
knows how I shall vote. I vote no." The scene was a very 
exciting one, and is vividly remembered by many eye wit- 
nesses who were not members of the Legislature. 

After all the excitement was over, Governor Palmer, with 
.some seriousness, asked ex-Senator Mack how he could, 


reconcile it to his conscience to do what he did in the pass- 
age of the "Lake Front" bill. Mr. Mack, never lacking in 
ability to retort, replied that the measure itself was all 
right; that if members of the Legislature had done any- 
thing wrong, he was not to blame, that he took them as he 
found them. 

The scheme had its vicissitudes. The opposition to the 
law in Chicago was so violent that the City Council refused 
to give a quit-claim deed to the property, and in 1873 the 
General Assembly passed p, bill repealing the law. Subse- 
quently, Attorney- General McCartney commenced legal pro- 
ceedings to determine the rights of property, and the Canal 
Commissioners, acting under a joint resolution of the Gen- 
eral Assembly of 1883, introduced by Senator Whiting, 
employed counsel to appear in behalf of the interests of the 
Illinois and Michigan Canal. Both cases are now pending in 
the United States Circuit Court. In the meantime, the Illi- 
nois Central Eailroad Company pleads vested rights, and is 
slowly but surely pushing its claim to the ownership of the 
property. It is pertinent to say that in this property there 
are four interests involved. Illinois extends to the center of 
Lake Michigan. The United States controls the navigable 
waters. Lake Front belongs to Chicago, and the Illinois Cen- 
tral Railroad Company possesses such rights as were granted 
in the charter which authorized the construction of the 
road ; but there is a growing opposition in the minds 
of the people of Chicago to the aggressive movements of the 
corporation which operates the Illinois Central Railroad, 
which promises to be even more violent and bitter than was 
the contest which resulted in the passage and subsequent 
repeal of the Lake Front bill in 1869 and 1873. 

But of those who were the chief actors in the passage of 
the Lake Front bill, but little remains to be said. They 
retired, or were retired, from public life, and are now un- 
known in the politics of the State. As for Mr. Mack, he 


died in Chicago, January 2, 1871, in abject poverty, and 
without friends, it is said, to mourn his departure to the 
other shore. 


Illustrative of the progress of thought, and to preserve 
the record of a most remarkable event in the history of this 
State, we give place to the following: 

In the year 1859 there was living in the town of Manteno, 
Kankakee County, the Eev. Theophilus Packard, who was 
the pastor of the Presbyterian Church in that village. His 
>wife, Elizabeth P. W. Packard, was the daughter of Kev. 
Samuel Ware, also a Presbyterian clergyman, of Deerfield, 
Massachusetts. Mr. and Mrs. Packard were the parents of 
six children, all living at home. Up to this time it would 
appear that peace and harmony had always reigned in the 
Packard family. But in the winter of 1859-60, Mrs. Pack- 
ard became a member of the Bible Class of the church, and 
being a lady of culture and education, and of strong will, 
she soon found herself in conflict with other members of 1 
the class upon religious doctrines, and this conflict at last 
developed between herself and her husband. It soon be- 
came apparent that a total change had taken place in her 
religious opinions, and her husband became fully persuaded 
that her mind was diseased. At length two physicians from 
his church were called in, who, after a brief examination of 
her mental condition, gave their certificates that she was 
insane ; and on the morning of the 18th of June, 1860, she 
was taken to the Hospital for the Insane at Jacksonville 
where she was confined for the space of three years. Her 
eldest son, Theophilus, upon attaining his majority, applied 
for her release, and she was discharged as incurably insane. 
Upon reaching her home at Manteno, her husband still 
regarding her as insane, she was locked up in a room and 
kept a prisoner for several weeks. At length she discovered 


that a movement was on foot among the friends of her hus- 
band to have her removed to an asylum for the insane in 
Massachusetts, her native State. She managed to com- 
municate with some friends in the neighborhood, and re- 
quested them to undertake some legal means to protect 
her from her husband. Accordingly, legal proceedings were 
commenced by filing a petition before Judge Starr, in the 
words following : 


"To the Honorable Charles R. Starr, Judgeof the 20th Judicial 

Circuit, in the State of Illinois: 

"William Haslet, Daniel Beedy, Zalmon Hanford and 
Joseph Younglove, of said county, on behalf of Elizabeth 
P. W. Packard, wife of Theophilus Packard, of said coun'y, 
respectfully represent unto your honor that said Elizabeth 
P. W. Packard is unlawfully restrained of her liberty at 
Mantenp, in the County of Kankakee, by her husband, Kev. 
Theophilus Packard, being forcibly confined and imprisoned 
in a close room of the dwelling house of her said husband, 
for a long time, to-wit., for a space of four weeks; Ler said 
husband refusing to let her visit her neighbors and refusing 
her neighbors to visit her ; that they believe her said hus- 
band is about to forcibly convey her from out the State; 
that they believe there is no just cause or grounds for re- 
straining said wife of her liberty; that they believe said 
wife is a mild and amiable woman. And they are advised 
and believe that said husband cruelly abuses and misuses 
said wife by depriving her of her winter's clothing this cold 
and inclement weather, and th-it there is no neeessi'y for 
such cruelty on the part of said husb md to s dd wife ; and 
they are advised and believe that said wife desires to come 
to Kankakee City to m ike application to your honor for a 
writ of habeas corpus to liberate herself from said confine- 
ment or imprisonment, and that said husband refused and 
refuses to allow said wife to come to Kankakee City for said 
purpose ; and that these petitioners make application for a 
writ of habens corpus in her behalf, at her request. These 
petitioners therefore pray that a writ of htbeas corpus may 
forthwith issue, commanding said Theophilus Packard to 
produce the body of said wife before your honor, according to 
law, and that said wife may be discharged from said im- 


The foregoing petition was duly signed and sworn to by 
the petitioners before MM son B. Loomis, a Justice of the 
Peace, on the llth d iy of January, 1864, and in pursuance 
of sai I peti ion a writ of habeas corpus was issued, to which 
Mr. Packard responded, cla'ming that his wife was insane, 
and was restrained of her liberty only so far as was com- 
patible with her welfare and safety. 

The case was on trial from January 11 to January 18, 
1864. At 10 o'cL ck p. M. of that day the jury retired for 
consultation, and af er an absence of seven minutes, re- 
turned into Court with the following verdict : 


"We, the undersigned, in the case of Mrs. Elizabe'h P. 
W. Packaid, alleged to be insane, having heard the evidence 
in the case, are satisfied that said Elizabeth P. W. Packard 
is sane." 

John Stiles, Foreman. H. Hirshberg. 

Daniel G. Bean. Nelson Jervois. 

F. G. Hutchinson. William Hyer. 

V. H. Young. Gto. H. Andrews. 

G. M. Lyo,,8. J. F. Matit. 
Thomas Muncey. Lemuel Milk. 

The Court then ordered the Clerk to enter the following 



"It is hereby o dered that Mrs. Elizabeth P. W. Packard 
be relieved from all restraint incompatible with her con- 
dition as a sine v\omau." C. B. STARR, 

Judge of the 20th Judicial Circuit. 

Mrs. Packard's sub-equsnt career justified this verdict. 
In t ic winter of 1807 she visi'ed the Illinois Legislature and 
succee led in securi ig imp >rtant legislation upon the sub- 
ject of the treatment of th j insane. One feature of the law 
was that no person should be confined in an asylum for the 
insane, except upon the verdict of a jury, and this feature 


of the law remains to this day, although some efforts have 
been made to repeal it. Mrs. Packard subsequently visited 
other States, and has been very successful in securing 
remedial legislation for this unhappy class of our fellow 
beings. She never lived with her husband afterward, but 
jrefused to apply for a divorce. 

Kev. Mr. Packard is still living at Manteno, with relatives, 
enfeebled in body and mind. The affair here narrated de- 
stroyed his usefulness, and ended his career as a pastor. 

Mrs. Packard has written her experiences, and published 
one or two books on subjects pertaining to insanity, which 
have had an extensive sale, whereby she has accumulated 
a fortune of several thousand dollars. 

- The session of the General Assembly of 1859 had a very 
abrupt termination. The Democrats had a majority in 
both houses, but their majority in the House was not large 
enough to enable them to carry party measures through 
without the presence of at least ten members of the op- 
posing party. The apportionment bill was the great meas- 
ure of contention, and while the Democrats were deter- 
mined on passing it, yet the Eepublicans, aided by Gover- 
nor Bissell, were equally earnest in opposing its passage. 

On the 14th of February, the Secretary of the Senate re- 
ported to the House that the Senate had concurred with the 
House in the passage of a bill entitled, "An act to create 
Senatorial and .Representative districts, and apportion the 
representation in the General Assembly of this State." 

The Constitution of 1848 had two provisions different from 
the present Constitu'ion. No Legislative business could be 
transacted without two-thirds of the members elected being 
present and voting, and a bare majority, if two-thirds were 
present, could pass a bill notwithstanding the Governor's 
veto. While it was known that the Governor would veto 


the Apportionment Bill, it was also known that the Demo- 
cratic majority was ready at a moment's warning to pass 
the bill over the veto, but they had only five majority in the 
House, which was ten less than two-thirds. 

On the morning of February 22d, the Democratic mem- 
bers were all present, but only three Eepublican members 
were in attendance, namely : Mr. Church of McHenry, Mr, 
Hurlbut of Boone and Mr. Mack of Kankakee, which left 
the number of members present seven less than a quorum. 
The gallery and lobbies were crowded. To the least observ- 
ant it was apparent that something unusual was antici- 
pated. The vacant seats gave notice that 1 he Pu publican 
members had determined to break the quorum and prevent 
the passage of the vetoed bill. On the other hand it was 
known that the Democrats would refuse to receive the 
threatened veto message, and would contend that it could 
not be received unless a quorum was present. 

"While the Eev. Mr. Clover was delivering the usual morn- 
ing prayer at the opening of the session, the Governor's 
private Secretary came into the aisle on the left of the 
Speaker's chair. Before the prayer was concluded Mr. 
Church arose in his seat, and as soon as the final "Amen" 
was pronounced, he shouted in a loud voice: "The Gover- 
nor's private Secretary with a message from the Governor." 
Instantly the Secretary began reading the message without 
waiting to be recognized by the Cliair. Reliable eye wit- 
nesses of the scene say that he finished reading the mes- 
sage, while others, equally credible, claim that the 
message was snatched from his hand by a Democratic 
member before he had half finished reading it. In the mean- 
while the wildest disorder prevailed. The Speaker (Mr- 
Morrison) ordered the doorkeeper to remove the Secretary, 
and the doorkeeper proceeded to do so. A call of the House 
was ordered amid great noise and confusion, every member 


standing. While the roll was being called, the member 
from McHenry took the veto message from the floor and 
laid it on the Speaker's desk; and the Speaker struck the 
message a blow with his gavel which sent it several yards 
from his desk into a pile of dirty saw dust, which had been 
brought in to fill some spittoons for the lobby. When the 
roll call was finished it appeared that no quorum was pres- 
ent, and the House immediately adjourned. 

Next day the veto message was picked up by a page, 
who handed it to W. H. Green, the Chairman of the 
Judiciary Committee, who said he would refer it to his com- 
mittee. The quorum was permanently broken. The Re- 
publican members never returned to their seats in the 21st 
General Assembly; and consequently the apportionment 
bill was not passed over the veto. The journal of the House 
does not show any return of a veto message by the Gover- 
nor ; but the veto was accepted as a settled fact. 

The message was very short. It denounced the appor- 
tionment bill as having no parallel except in the then 
notorious Lecompton Constitution, and as an attempt of 
the minority to govern the majority. 

The Springfield Journal of the 23d of February, comment- 
ing on the scene, said: "The Donglasites r (meaning the. 
Democrats) in a body, sprang to their feet and commenced! 
shouting, yelling and hooting at the top of their voices like- 
so many wild Indians in a war dance ; while above alt was 
heard the Speaker's hammer pounding upon his desk, and ; 
he, with his stentorian voice, was calling out, Silence !; 
Order ! There is no quorum the House can not receive any 
message doorkeeper, put that man out." 

This was the first time in the history of the State where 
a quorum of either house had been broken. Indeed we 
have no knowledge of its ever having been seriously attempt- 
ed except at the special session of 1839-40, when the House 


met in the Methodist Church, on the corner of Fifth and 
Monroe Streets. The Democrats desired to force the banks 
into liquidation, while the Whigs opposed that policy, but 
as the Whigs were too few in number to accomplish any- 
thing unless it were done by revolution, some of them 
determined to break the quorum of the House in that way, 
but as the doors were locked against them they could only 
do that by jumping out of the windows, which several did, 
but not enough to break the quorum. Abraham Lincoln 
was one of the members who went out of the window. 


We have remarked in a previous chapter that before the 
Constitution of 1870 had been adopted the State had out- 
grown the Constitution of 1848, so much so that the law- 
making power, the executive, and even the Courts them- 
selves, overstepped its plainest provisions with impunity. 
'The General Assembly of 1869 was the last that met under 
that Constitution. The pay of members was then $2 per 
day for forty-two days, and $1 per day thereafter, and 10 
cents mileage, going to and returning from the seat of gov- 
ernment, and "no more." The duration of this session was 
seventy-four days, and the compensation of members as 
fixed by the organic law would have been only $115, ex- 
clusive of mileage, but it far exceeded that amount. No 
member drew less than $491, while some drew as high as 
$613. (See Journals.) 

There was appropriated at this session for postage for the 
use of members, $8,460 ; for newspapers, $35,400.69 ; Com- 
mittee services and expenses, $12,223.61, and pocket knives 
$702.50. The postage stamps, newspapers and pocket 
knives were supposed to be equally divided between the 
members, but as the reader may desire to know how so 
many of these articles were utilized, we will explain that 


there were middle-men in the transaction, and that for the 
greater park, money was drawn in lieu thereof. As for the 
Committee expenses, room rent, lights and fuel were 
charged for. A Committee would meet in the room of 
a member stopping at the Leland Hotel, for one night, 
and $15 would be charged for its use. In those days of 
strict constructionists of the Constitution, it would setm 
strange that men who assembled to make laws to govern 
the people could thus shut their eyes to the sanctity of the 
oaths they had taken to support the Constitution of their 
State. But this Legislature was no exception to the rule; 
it followed a precedent that had existed for more than a 

But when the Constitution of 1870 went into effect, a rad- 
ical reformation took place. When the member appeared 
he found upon his desk an ink-stand and pen, some half- 
dozen sheets of writing paper and as many envelopes. 
Many of the members regarded this as a violation of the 
Constitution, and they politely declined to use these articles ; 
but as the Constitution has grown older, and members have 
learned better how to con -true its provisions, they are far 
less scrupulous in ordering or accepting the things necessary 
for their comfort and convenience during the session of a 

Now we turn our attention to the executive. The salary 
of the Governor was fixed ar $1,500 per annum, which was 
not to be increased or diminished, but the Legislature so 
adjusted, from time to time, the appropriations relating to 
that office, that when the proposition was made in the Con- 
stitutional Convention of 1869-70 to fix the salary of the 
Governor at $3,000 per annum, it was argued that the sum 
was too small, that under the then prevailing system the 
Governor received more than that amount. 

We come next and last to the Judiciary. The salaries of 
the Supreme Court Judges were fixed at $1,200 per annum, 


and "no more," and of the Circuit Judges at $1,000, and 
"no more." The Auditor's report for 1869 shows that the 
Judges for the respective divisions of the Supreme Court 
received $3,999.96 per annum ; $1,200 of this amount was 
claimed as clerk hire, thus leaving their salaries at $2,799.96, 
or 1,699.96 in excess of the constitutional allowance. 

There were then thirty-one Judicial Circuits in the State, 
and each Judge received, as shown by the same report, 
$1,000 per annum as an extra allowance for revising the 
Statutes. There was evidently a great deal of revising 

In extenuation of this matter, however, it should be borne 
in mind that when the Constitution of 1848 was framed, 
the population of the State was but a fraction over 800,090, 
and that the total valuation of. all property, under the 
census of the United States, two years after, was only 
$156,265,006. There was then hanging over the State a 
debt of not quite $15,000,000, the legacy of the internal im- 
provement system of 1837, and the framers of this Consti- 
tution wisely sought every means that would lighten the 
burden of taxation of the people and yet preserve the credit 
of the State, and it is no wonder that they bound, as with 
iron bands, the officers and law-makers in the direction of 


The election for Congressmen in Illinois, in 1S70, partook 
somewhat of the nature of a revolution in the politics of the 
State. The 13th District, which had been represented in 
ihe Fortieth Congress by Green B. Eaum, Eepublican, 
reflected John M. Crebs, Democrat, and the 8th, the home 
of Lincoln, represented by Shelby M. Cullom, was carried 
by James C. Eobinson, Democrat. But the greatest sur- 
prise of all was the defeat of Ebon C. Ingersoll in that 


stronghold of Republicanism familiarly known as the Love- 
joy District, which was thought to be invincible. Mr. In- 
gersoll had won a national reputation by his aggressive 
course in Congress. His first appearance in politics as a Re- 
publican was in 1862, when he became the candidate for Con- 
gressman at large on the Union Republican ticket. He was 
placed upon the ticket as a War-Democrat, it being thought 
hazardous to run a straight Republican. He made a bril- 
liant canvass of the State, and his eloquent appeals in behalf 
of the cause of the Union won for him the admiration of 
loyal men everywhere, but he was defeated by a small 
majority by James C. Allen, an able and eloquent cham- 
pion of the Democratic party. This contest brought him in 
full fellowship with the Republican party, and when Owen 
Lovejoy died, in 1864, Mr. Ingersoll succeeded him, but not 
without opposition. The most intimate friends of Mr. 
Lovejoy preferred a recognized anti-slavery man, such as 
John H. Bryant of Princeton, or James M. Allen of Geneseo, 
but Mr. Ingersoll received the nomination at the conven- 
tion, which was held at Princeton. The election took place 
May 7, 1864, and Mr. Ingersoll was triumphantly elected 
over H. M. Wead, the Democratic candidate, by a majority 
of 5,309. Mr. Ingersoll had not been in Congress long before 
he demonstrated that he was fully the equal of Mr. Love- 
joy in radicalism on the slavery question, which secured for 
him the confidence and respect of the Republicans of his 
district, and he was returned to the thirty-ninth, forlieih 
and forty-first Congresses, with only slight opposition, his 
majorities ranging from 6,000 to 9,000. Mr. Ingersoll was 
very conspicuous and active in his support of the several 
amendments to the Constitution of the United States. 
From the very hour of the introduction of the 13th amend- 
ment, until its final adoption, he gave it the warmest 
support In a speech urging its passage, he uttered 


these words : "With that measure accomplished, our 
voices will ascend to heaven over a country reunited, over 
a people disenthralled, and God will bless us." And on its 
passage, in the House, on January 81st, 1865, he was 
equally emphatic in expressing the pleasure the passage of 
the measure gave him. Said he : "Mr. Speaker, in honor 
of this immortal and sublime event, I move this House do- 
now adjourn." Mr. Ingersoll was no less a leader in the 
legislation which continued the circulation of the green- 
back currency, and it may be said, that he ably and 
faithfully represented the views of his Republ can con- 
stituents, and was esteemed one of the foremost leaders- 
of the party in Congress; but notwithstanding this 
proud position, the opposition which confronted him 
when he first aspired to the seat of Mr. Lovejoy, began to 
manifest itself in a marked degree long before the Congres- 
sional Convention of 1870, at which he was nominated for 
the fifth time to represent that district. John H. Bryant, a 
life-long friend of Mr. Lovejoy, and who, perhaps more 
nearly represented the views of that great statesman on the 
slavery question than any other man in the State, was the 
leader of this opposition. Being an adroit politician and 
brother of the distinguished poet, William Culltn Bryant,, 
he exercised a wonderful power in the district. He was 
public spirited; was twice a member of the General Assem- 
bly, and his personal acquaintance with President Lincoln 
had secured for him the office of Collector of Internal Reve- 
nue, which he filled ably and honorably. Under these cir- 
cumstances he was a dangerous foe. Retaliating upon Mr- 
Bryant, Mr. Ingersoll succeeded, after Andrew Johnson be- 
came President, in having him removed from the office of 
Collector, but when Mr. Johnson broke faith with the Re- 
publican party, Mr. Ingersoll denounced him in such un- 
measured terms as to cause the reinstatement of Mr- 


Bryant. In the meantime the opposition to Mr. Ingersoll 
in his own party, became very outspoken, and there was a 
general desire to nominate .some other man. Thomas J^ 
Henderson was not infrequently mentioned in connection 
with the nomination. His high character as a citizen, and 
his distinguished services as a soldier in the war for the 
Union, had won for him a high place in the affections of the 
people, and he was finally selected as the opponent of Mr, 
Ingersoll in the Congressional Convention, but Mr. Inger- 
soll, having secured a majority of the votes at the prima- 
ries, was declared the nominee, but he was surrounded by 
political war-clouds, and a mass convention of his opposers 
was called at Galesburg for consultation, but no definite 
action was taken as to the selection of an opposing candi- 
date. Subsequently, the Democrats held a convention at 
Peoria. Bureau County had instructed her delegates to 
vote for James S. Eckles, of Princeton, but after an unsuc- 
cessful contest of several hours with other aspirants, the 
name of Mr. Eckles was withdrawn and that of B. N. 
Stevens, of Tisldlwa, substituted, when he was unanimously 
nominated as the people's candidate. Mr. Stevens was a 
graduate of Dartmouth College, a man of marked ability, 
and withal personally popular. He belonged to a large, 
wealthy and influential family ; had been Supervisor of his 
town for nine consecutive years, and though a strong Dem- 
ocratic partisan, his official acts were so impartial as to 
win him hosts of friends irrespective of party, and he had 
been made chairman of the Board of Supervisors, notwith- 
standing it was Eepublican by a large majority; he had 
favored a vigorous prosecution of the war to save the Union, 
and these facts, taken together with his correct habits of 
life, rendered him a strong candidate under any circum- 
stances, to say nothing of the disaffection in the Eepublican 
ranks. But previous to the nomination of Mr. Stevens, 


B. F. Ives, a Baptist clergyman of Tiskilwa, had been nomi- 
nated by some temperance organization as a candidate for 
Congress, and he was bitterly pursuing Mr. Ingersoll 
through the churches. The Democrats took no open part 
in the campaign, but the dissatisfied Eepublicans, led by 
Mr. Bryant, waged an unrelenting war upon Mr. Ingersoll, 
and espoused the cause of Mr. Stevens with great zeal, 
declaring that the defeat of Mr. Ingersoll would in the 
end benefit the Eepublican party. About half the Republi- 
can press of the district followed the example of Mr. Bryant 
in his merciless attacK upon Mr. Ingersoll. Mr. Ingersoll, 
on the other hand, relying upon the good name he had 
established in Congress, did not make a vigorous campaign, 
but left it to the people to chose whom they would serve, 
hoping in the meanwhile to outride the storm. But near 
the closing days of the canvass, J. M. Caldwell, pastor of 
the Methodist Episcopal Church of Princeton, who had been 
a co-worker with Mr. Ives, now joined with several other 
well known clergymen in an elaborate circular address 
signed by them, officially urging the election of Mr. Stevens, 
not only as a temperance candidate, but especially on 
moral ar.u religious grounds, thus raising an issue between 
Christianity and infidelity. Mr Ives was also maligned, and 
his candidacy treated contemptuously. Mr. Caldweli's 
prominence in his church rendered the document very effect- 
ive throughout the district, especially as it was distributed 
from the various churches the Sunday preceding the elec- 
tion. Some of the chief supporters of Mr. Ives also issued 
a circular in favor of giving the temperance support to Mr. 
Stevens ; thereupon Mr. Ives partially withdrew from the 
canvass, and as a rebuke to those who had assailed him at 
the last moment, favored the election of Mr. j.ngersoll, but 
this step came too late to stay the political tide which was 
sweeping over the district like a mighty torrent. "When the 


returns came in it was shown that Mr. Stevens had been 
triumphantly elected by a majority of 1,614, in a district 
which two years before gave Mr. Ingersoll a majority of 
7, -05 over his Democratic competitor. The defeat of Mr. 
Ingersoll was a great surprise to his friends throughout the 
-entire country, and touched his personal pride not a little; 
.and a few months afterward he bid a final adieu to the people 
of the district, and took up his residence in Washington, 
where he gave his undivided attention to the practice of law 
until his untimely death, May 81st, 1879. It was over his 
lifeless form that his brother, Robert G. Ingersoll, delivered 
these pathetic words : 

"DEAR FRIENDS: I am going to do that which the dead 
oft promised he would do for me. 

"The loved and loving brother, husband, father, friend, 
died where manhood's morning almost touches noon, and 
while the shadows still were falling toward the west. 

"He had not passed on life's highway the stone that 
marks the highest point ; but, being weary for a moment, 
he lay down by the wayside, and using his burden for a pil- 
low, fell into that dreamless sleep that kisses down his eye- 
lids still. While yet in love wi h life and raptured with the 
world, he passed to silence and pathetic dust. 

"Yet, after all, it may be best, just in the happiest, sun- 
niest hour of all the voyage, while eager winds are kissing 
every sail, to dash against the unseen rock, and in an in- 
stant hear the billows roar above a sunken ship. For 
whether in mid sea or 'mong the breakers of the farther 
shore, a wreck at last must mark the end of each and all. 
And every life, no matter if its every hour is rich with love 
and every moment jeweled with a joy, will, at its close, be- 
come a tragedy as sad and deep and dark as can be woven 
of the warp and woof of mystery and death. 

"This brave and tender man in every storm of life was 
oak and rock ; but in the sunshine he was vine and flower. 
He was the friend of all heroic souls. He climbed the 
heights, and left all superstition far below, while on his 
Jf ore bead fell the golden dawning of the grander day. 

"He loved the beautiful, and was with color, form and 
music touched to tears. He sided with the weak, the poor, 


and wronged, and lovingly gave alms. With loyal heart 
and with the purest hands he faithfully discharged all pub- 
lic trusts. 

"He was a worshiper of liberty, a friend of the oppressed. 
A thousand times 1 have heard him quote these words : 
'For Justice all place a temple, and all season, summer/ 
He believed that happiness was the only good, rea-on the 
only torch, justice the only worship, humanity the only re- 
ligion, and love the only priest. He added to the sum of 
human joy ; and were every one to whom he did some lov- 
ing service to bring a bio- som to his grave, he would sleep- 
to-night beneath a wilderness of flowers. 

"Life is a narrow vnle between the cold and barren peaks 
of two eternities. We strive in vain to look beyond the- 
heights. We cry aloud, and the only answer is the echo of 
our wailing cry. From the voiceless lips of the unrep'ying^ 
dead there comes no word; but m the night of dea'h hope 
sees a star, and listening love can hear the rustle of a wing.. 

"He who sleeps here, when dying, mistaking the approach 
of death for the return of health, whispered with his latest 
breath 'I am better now.' Let us believe, in spite of doubts- 
and dogmas, of fears and tears, that these dear words are 
true of all the countless dead. 

"And now, to you, who have been chosen, from among- 
the many men he loved, to do the last sad office for the 
dead, we give his sacred dust. 

"Speech cannot contain our love. There was, there is, no- 
gentler, stronger, manlier man." 

A word more of Mr. Stevens. He represented his people 
ably and well in Congress, but did not aspire a second time 
for the honor, but on his return from Washington resumed 
business relations with his sons, Alden N. and Charles M. r 
under the firm name of B. N. Stevens & Sons, Merchants 
arid Bankers, which was continued until the day of his 
death, which occurred November 10, 1885. His sons, rever- 
ing^ the memory of their father, have continued business 
under the original name. Mr. Stevens was a native of 
New Hampshire, and was born January 3, 1813. He came 
to Illinois in 1844, locating soon after in Bureau County, 


where by a life of integrity and a generous, noble nature, 
he founded for himself a lasting place in the memory of that 


There is no one thing in the history of Hlinois that will 
l>e remembered more vividly than the uprising of the farm- 
ers in the fall of 1872, which was based upon a feeling of 
hostility toward railroad corporations, because of their 
alleged high charges and unjust discrimination in freight 
rates. This movement was facetiously termed by railroad 
officials as the "farmers' strike," and hence the title of this 
article. The prices of farm products had fallen ruinously 
low, and while local farmers' clubs had been in existence in 
various parts of the State for mutual benefit, they now 
united as one man to consider the problem of railroad 
transportation. In October of this year a convention of 
farmers representing these clubs was held at Kewanee. 
L. D. Whiting, a State Senator, and a man of experience 
in public affairs, was made President, with A. Woodford, 
Yice-President, and S. M. Smith and L. W. Beer, Secre- 
taries. Mr. Smith was a resident of Kewanee, and after- 
wards gained a wide reputation as the advocate of the 
farmers' interests, and was known far and wide as "Kewanee 
Smith." It was a large and intelligent body of men, repre- 
senting every section of the State. Among the abler minrls 
were John H. Bryant, C. C. Buell, W. C. Flagg and C. E. 
Barney. Letters strongly approving the movement were 
received from Leonard F. Boss, of Avon, A. M. Garland, 
Springfield, and M. L. Dunlap, Champaign. The fires 
were kindled at this Convention for an aggiessive campaign 
in behalf of the farmers' interests, and clubs were multi- 
pi ed all over the State. A State Committee, with Willard 
C. Flagg as Chairman, was selected to take charge and di- 
rect the affairs of the farmers in this new role. Among the 


first labors of this Committee was the calling of a Dele- 
gate Convention, which met at Bloomington on the 15th of 
January, 1873. It was composed of representative men from 
farmers' clubs, horticultural societies, industrial associations 
and the Grange. The Grange was a new institution, organ- 
ized after the manner of secret societies. It had its- birth at 
Washington, D. C., about the year 1867, and was known as 
the Patrons of Husbandry, the local societies bearing the 
name of Grange. It was designed orignally to advance the 
social relations among the people of the rural disiricts and 
secure the advantages of co-operation in the purchase of 

The Convention met in the forenoon of January 15, and 
continued in session two days. L. D. Whiting was chosen 
temporary President. He opened the proceedings with a 
stirring address on the object of the assemblage. His 
views were heartily approved, for he grasped at once 
the whole subject, and discussed it in a masterly man- 
ner. A permanent organization was promptly effected by 
the selection of W. C. Flagg as President ; John H. Bryant, 
0. E. Fanning, H. C. Lawrence and M. M. Hooten as Vice- 
Presidents ; S. M. Smith and S. P. Tufts, Secretaries ; 
Duncan McKay, Treasurer. The forms of organization 
over, the Convention proceeded, with great earnestness, to 
the transaction of the business for which it was called. 
The address of the President, strong and logical, was con- 
fined closely to the discussion of railway legislation and 
railway management. Three sessions were held daily, and 
the great hall was packed from time to time with an intelli- 
gent and enthusiastic audience. Eeporters were present 
from the great daily papers of the Northwest, in and out of 
the State, and the columns of these papers were tilled with 
the doings of the Convention. Politicians of the two great 
parties looked on in amazement, and a few ventured to take 


part in the deliberations ; among whom we remember 
James Shaw, of Mt. Carroll, J. H. Kowell and E. M. Ben- 
jamin, of Bloomington, and E. H. Morgan, one of the Eail- 
road and Warehouse Commissioners. No such demon- 
stration had before been made by the farmers of any of the 
States, and it took the country by surprise. It awakened a 
new spirit among the farmers, which found its way into 
Iowa, Kansas, Nebraska, "Wisconsin, and in fact, the whole 
Northwest ; and the organization assumed a national char- 
acter. Mr. Bryant, of Princeton, was the author of the 
resolution declaratory of the fundamental right, duty, and 
necessity of controlling railroads by law, and that the reser- 
vation in their charters did not supersede the power of the 
Legislature on that subject, and time has served to estab- 
lish the wisdom of his views, although learned lawyers 
doubted their correctness at that time. S. T. K. Prime, of 
Livingston County, in his report on a permanent State 
organization, recommended that it be known as the "Illinois 
State Farmers' Association," the object of which was the 
promotion of the moral, intellectual, social and pecuniary 
welfare of the farmers of Illinois. 

The law passed by the General Assembly of 1871, fixing 
passenger rates on railroads, had thus far proved a dead 
letter, and with this fact prominently before their minds, 
tlTe following resolution was adopted without a dissenting 
voice : 

"Resolved, That persons traveling upon the railroads of 
the Stf\te, having tendered the conductor the legal fare, are 
in the line of their duty, and, as they have complied with 
their legal obligations, are entitled to the protection of the 
civil power of the State, and any conductor, or other officer 
or employe of the railroad, attempting to disturb any such 
person, or eject him from the cars, are violators of the 
peace and dignity of the State, and should be punished by 
exemplary penalties." 

It is related that after the adjournment of the Convention 
a great crowd gathered at the railway station to take the 


train south. It was a very cold day, and all went into the 
waiting room. After some time it occurred to one of the 
delegates that it was train time, when he approached the 
ticket agent, who informed him politely, but with evident 
satisfaction, that the "train had gone." The disgust of the 
delegates can be better imagined than described. 

Subsequently, Morgan Lewis, a citizen of Neponset, en- 
couraged by the resolution relating to railroad fares, board- 
ed a passenger train on the C. B. & Q. Railroad at Buda, 
and tendered the conductor 18 cents, the legal fare for six 
miles' travel. The conductor demanded 20 cents, but on the 
refusal of Mr. Lewis to pay the additional 2 cents, he was 
ejected from the train by force. Neil Buggies was the name 
of the conductor, and Mr. Lewis caused him to be arrested 
for assault. The case was tried before Thomas Rose, a 
Justice of the Peace at Neponset. A fine of $10 was im- 
posed upon the defendant. The case was appealed by the 
railroad company to a higher Court, and was finally carried 
to the Supreme Court of the United States, where, after 
some years, the judgment of Justice Rose was affirmed, the 
particulars of which are detailed in another chapter. 

It is worthy of remark, that while this uprising was 
deemed a strike among the farmers, yet in their public ap- 
peal to be delivered from the burdens which promised to 
involve them all in poverty, they acted strictly within the 
bounds of law. The agitation, begun at Kewanee and re- 
newed at Bloomington, was not allowed to slumber. Farm- 
ers' clubs, granges and industrial associations were rapidly 
formed all over the State. So marked was the movement, 
that within three months more than a thousand organiza- 
tions had been effected, and its zealous friends looked upon 
it as the dawning of a new era for the industries of the 
Nation. The Supreme Court of the State had pronounced 
important features of the railroad law unconstitutional. It 



was in a case appealed from the Circuit Court of McLean 
County, Judge Tipton presiding. The case was based on 
a plea of unjust discrimination in freght rates. The<L & A. 
E. R. had charged more for a car of lumber from Chicago 
to Lexington than from the same point to Bloomington, 
a greater distance. The lower court found for the plaintiff. 
The Supreme Court decided the law unconstitutional, and 
pointed out the manner in which it might be amended by 
the Legislature so as to mete out justice to shippers. 
The General Assembly, which was then in session, made 
haste to consider amendments to the law so as to meet the 
recommendations of the Supreme Court. Supplementary to 
the Bloomington Convention, a State Farmers' Convention 
was called at Springfield to stimulate the Legislature in 
that work. More than three hundred delegates assembled 
and continued in session three days, meeting in the morn- 
ing, afternoon, and at night. Governor Beve ridge, ex- Gov- 
ernor Palmer, and Senators Castle and Whiting addressed 
the Convention by invitation. They were unanimous in de- 
manding an efficient railroad law, and the consequence was 
that the General Assembly soon passed a law to meet the 
exigencies of the case, and the Farmers' Association rightly 
claimed a share in the achievement. But the farmers were 
not content with their success before the Legislature. The 
official term of Mr. Lawrence, one of the Judges of the Illi- 
nois Supreme Court, was drawing to a close. He had deliver- 
ed the opinion of the Court in the railroad case, and having 
accepted a call from the lawyers to become a candidate for 
reelection, the farmers determined on his defeat, and with 
this view they held a convention at Princeton and nom- 
inated A. M. Craig, of Knox County, as their candidate. 
Mr. Craig was a Democrat, and between the votes of the 
farmers and his own party, was elected by a majority of 




A similar effort was made in the Second Judicial District 
to defeat the reelection of Judge John Scholfield, but it 
signally failed. In reply to a circular addressed to all can- 
didates for Judge by the Farmers' Association, requiring 
them to define their position upon questions relating to the 
control of corporations, Mr. Scholfield closed a letter in these 
manly words: "I will never be a Judge to record the pre- 
determined decrees of either corporations or individuals." 
But the farmers succeeded in electing several of the Circuit 
Judges, and these successes attracted wide attention. 
Frank Leslie's Illustrated Newspaper supported its article 
upon the subject with a picture of President Flagg, sur- 
rounded by the Vice-Presidents of the Association. 

While these events gave the movement prestige, it also 
engendered arrogance. At the annual meeting, held at 
Decatur the ensuing autumn, the association declared in 
favor of an independent political organization, and pre- 
pared itself for party warfare, when many Kepub'icans 
abandoned the association. The Democrats naturally gave 
the new party encouragement, not infrequently joining it in 
local elections, and by a partial coalition in 1874, Samuel 
M. Etter was elected State Superintendent, of Public In- 
struction, and Fawcett Plumb, Jesse F. Harrold, William 
H. Parish and Samuel Glassford were elected State Sen- 
ators. Quite a number of Eepresentatives had been elected 
in the same way, and by a fusion of the Democrats with 
these Eepresentatives of the new party, tbe former gained 
control of both houses of the General Assembly. A. A. 
Glenn, Democrat, was elected President pro tern, of the 
Senate over John E-srly, Eepublican, by a vote of 26 to 23, 
and E. M. Haines, Independent Eepublican, over Shelby M. 
Cul'om, Eepublican, by a vote of 81 to 63. The session of 
this Legislature was long and stormy, and amidst the politi- 
cal strife, the interests of the farmers were lost sight of. 


The last political venture made by the farmers was in 
the campaign of 1876, when Lewis Steward, of Piano, was 
nominated for Governor, and, though endorsed by the Dem- 
ocratic Convention, was defeated by Shelby M. Cullom. Not- 
withstanding the defeat of the new party in the State elec- 
tion, it had elected a sufficient number of Senators to hold 
the balance of power, and the result was, that Fawcett 
Plumb was elected President pro tern, of the Senate, and, as 
the crowning victory of their domination, David Davis was 
elected United States Senator to succeed John A. Logan. 

These repeated coalitions with political parties had the 
effect to disorganize the Farmers' Association, and but few 
of its members held out for a new party, which has been 
known since as the Greenback or Independent party. Prom- 
inent among these are such names as Jesse Harper and 
A. J. Streeter. 

While this uprising of the farmers was diverted from its 
original purpose by political schemers, yet it may be said 
to have accomplished much for the people in the govern- 
ment of railroads by the State. Originally, in several of the 
older States, the charters authorizing the construction of 
railroads, fixed passenger and freight rates. In New York 
and New Jersey the first railroad charters contained a pro- 
vision authorizing the State, after a certain number of 
years, to purchase and operate the roads, but subsequently, 
under the policy of consolidation, the law became general, 
authorizing the Boards of Directors of the railroad corpora- 
tions to fix "reasonable rates." In 1869, Governor Palmer 
vetoed a bill which sought to establish passenger rates on 
all the roads in the State, on the ground that it was a 
"judicial question," but this uprising of farmers outlined 
and intensified the principle that public corporations are 
subject to legislative control, even to the extent of fixing 
the rates for carrying passengers and freight, and this prin- 
ciple has been confirmed by a decision of the Supreme 
Court of the United States. 



The first knowledge we have of women being connected 
with journalism is in 1733. Benjamin Franklin was then 
conducting, in Philadelphia, one of the few newspapers in 
this country. In that year, he established a branch office 
in S mih Carolina, but its manager soon dying, his wife 
took charge of the business, and Franklin, in his life, writ- 
ten by himself, says "she conducted successfully." 

In Illinois, women have not been slow to enter the facinat- 
ing pursuit, and not a few have become eminent. Mrs. 
Myra Bradwell is known to the legal profession of all coun- 
tries as the editor of the Chicago Legal Neivs, the first and 
only legal journal in any country conducted by a woman. 
-Mrs. Mary B. Willard and Miss Frances Willard conducted 
for a time, with signal ability, the Chicago Evening Post. 
Mrs. Willard afterward edited the Union Signal with marked 
success, and during her absence in Europe, Miss Mary 
Allen West took the editorial chair of that journal. She is 
a pleasing and forcible writer. Miss Adelaide Marchant 
has been doing excellent work for years on the Western 
Rural. Mrs. Helen Ekin Starrett, a gifted and experienced 
writer, is connected with the editorial staff of an educa- 
tional publication in Chicago. Miss Minna Smith, of 
the Inter-Ocean, is a fine reporter and brilliant corres- 
pondent. Miss Lilian Whiting, daughter of L. D. Whit- 
ing, well known to the people of Illinois, has for some 
years been connected with the Boston Traveller, and is now 
the literary editor of that journal, and is also a contributor 
to several great dailies throughout the country. Miss 
Whiting was the biographer of Mary Clemmer and Char- 
lotte Cushman. Mrs. Anna L. Wakeman is another gifted 
newspaper writer. Mrs. Frances L. Conant, Secretary of 
the Illinois Woman's Press Association, is a writer of no 
little ability. Mrs. Elizabeth Boynton Haibert, for many 


years edited the "Woman's Kingdom," of the Inter-Ocean r 
and is now publishing a valuable monthly entitled the New 
Era. Miss Harriet Farrand is the hardworking associate 
editor of the Advance, and has assisted in no little way to es- 
tablish its high character. Mrs. Clara Lyon Peters is a suc- 
cessful newspaper writer. She has assisted her husband 
for many years in the editorial management of the Watseka 
Times, and Mrs. C. P. Bostwick, wife of the editor of the 
Maltoon Gazette, is also among the best newspaper writers 
in the State, and at different times has had exclusive con- 
trol of the editorial department of that paper. Mrs. Emma 
Chamberlain, (nee Hardacre) at one time a versatile cor- 
respondent of the Cincinnati Commercial-Gazette, is an Illi- 
noisian, and obtnined her first lessons in journalism upon 
the press of this State. Geo. W. Hardacre, the husband of 
Mrs. Hardacre, was one of the Eeptiblic in Senators admitted 
to a seat in the Ohio Senate, in May, 1886, after the investi- 
gation of the alleged election frauds of 1885, in Cincinnati. 
Many others could be mentioned, but Ihese suffice to show 
that tfhe women of Illinois are not behind in the field of jour- 
nalism, and that their influence is being indelibly stamped 
upon the literature of the country. 


We have spoken, in a previous chapter, of women as enter- 
ing the political field. We now find them pursuing a differ- 
ent walk of life, with even better success. Mrs. Pauline 
Jacobus, of Chicago, has for years been devoting her life to 
the manufacture of decorative pottery, better known as the 
Ceramic Art, and has attracted a wide celebrity for produc- 
ing the finest and most delicate specimens of this beautiful 
art. She has made the subject a patient study, applying 
the use of the sciences with excellent success, her wares 
finding a ready sale wherever in'roduced. It is worthy of 


remark that she personally superintends every department, 
from the preparation of the crude clay to designing the 
shapes, testing the fires, and attending to the minutest 
details. Only women who have had a thorough academical 
training are employed as decorators. In May, 1886, by 
special invitation of the lovers of art at the city of Spring- 
field, Mrs. Jacobus delivered a lecture upon this subject at 
the Bettie Stuart Institute, and exhibited some very fine 
specimens of her wares, which attracted wide attention. 
Mrs. Jacobus is a gifted woman, and combines with her 
work the highest order of intelligence. 


Public Warehouses Railway Charges Taxing National Bank Stock Taxing 


We have already noticed legislative enactments for the 
control and government of railway companies and public 
warehouses by the State, for taxing the shares of stock in 
National Banks and other corporations. We now proceed 
to examine, to some extent, the course of the judiciary in 
the exposition and enforcement of such laws ; and here we 
may safely say, that the courts of our State have been fore- 
most in establishing the constitutionality of such legisla- 
tion, and determining the powers of the State in respect to 
corporations. James K. Edsall was the Attorney-General 
of the State when the constitutionality of many of these 
laws was strongly questioned by the powerful organizations 
they were designed to regulate and control. The general 
current or tendency of legal and judicial opinion seems to 


have been against much of such legislation. The oppo- 
nents of such laws confidently expected that the courts 
would hold them unconstitutional and void, and it may be 
aid, that a majority of their supporters and advocates had 
but slight hopes of a favorable decision of the courts. The 
judiciary was appealed to, both by the opponents and the 
defenders of such laws, and many difficult and complicated 
questions were raised and presented, and argued elaborate- 
ly, and they were carefully and closely considered and 
decided by our courts and the Supreme Court of the United 
States, so that now the power of the people, through their 
State governments, to pass and enforce all useful and 
proper laws for the regulation, control and taxation of cor- 
porations, may be regarded as firmly established. We will 
not ptate, in detail, the various cases involving constitu- 
tional questions, but will give the leading points of the most 
important of them. 


Munn v. Illinois, 94 U. S. 113. JOHN N. JEWETT and W. C. GOUDY for the 

This case involved the validity of the act passed in 1871, 
regulating the inspection and the storage of grain in the 
public warehouses, and prescribing the maximum charges 
for storage. 

These warehouses or elevators were private property, 
owned by individuals or firms. It was claimed that the 
State had no more right to fix the maximum price the 
owners might charge for the use of their property for the 
storage of grain, than it had to fix the price at which lands 
might be leased, or the goods of the merchant or the pro- 
ducts of the farm or manufactory might be sold. It was 
also claimed that vast sums of money had been expended 
in the building of these grain elevators which would be of 
no value for any other use, and that if power existed in the 


Legislature to fix the maximum rates of storage, the rates 
might be fixed so low as to render the property valueless, 
which would in effect deprive the owner of his properly 
without just compensation, in violation of the Bill of Eights. 

The case was submitted to ths Supreme Court in 1872, 
before Mr. Edsall became Attorney-General. On the au- 
thority of judges of that court who have since retired from 
the bench, we are assured that when the case was first con- 
sidered in conference, these objections to the law were 
considered unanswerable, and it was generally conceded 
that the court would be compelled to hold the act uncon- 
stitutional. Before the cases had been formally decided, the 
term of one of the judges of the court, as then constituted, 
expired, and another judge resigned. Two new judges were- 
elected as their successors. 

In order to bring it before the Court as thus reconstituted,. 
a re-argument of the case was ordered. This afforded Mr.. 
Edsall an opportunity to prepare and file an argument in 
behalf of the State. He had, as a member of the State 
Senate, participated in the enactment of the law in question, 
and was one of the few who believed it to bo free from any 
valid constitutional objection. He entered upon the subject 
earnestly, and prepared and filed an argument, in which 
he developed and brought out into clear relief, the funda- 
mental principles upon which the law rested. A full syn- 
opsis of the argument would require too much space, but 
the gist of its leading points may be stated thus : It is true, 
the elevator or warehouse is private property, but the 
owners have voluntarily devoted it to a public use. The 
ownership of public property may be private, while the use 
thereof by the owner may be public. For example, the 
ownership of property devoted to public ferries, wharves, 
or turnpike roads, may be, and frequently is, private, while 
the use to which such property is put is always public. The 


power of the State to establish by law the maximum ratea 
which the owner could charge in this class of cases, had been 
long exercised, and the validity of such laws had been uni- 
formly sustained. So also, as to the power of the State or 
Government to pass laws fixing the maximum rates at which 
money might be loaned, and to regulate the charges of dray- 
men, hackmen, common carriers, and others pursu : ng like 
vocations of a public nature. It was submitted that this 
general proposition was sound in principle, and fairly de- 
ducible from the authorities. Whenever any person pur- 
sues a public calling, and sustains such relations to tha 
public that the people must necessarily deal with, and are 
under a moral duress to submit to his terms if he is unre- 
strained by law, then, in order to prevent extortion and 
an abuse of his position, the price he may charge for his. 
services, or the use of his property thus employed, may be 
regulated by law. The enactment of such laws was but a 
proper exercise of the police power of the State. 

It was insisted that the undisputed facts connected with 
the grain warehouses in question, brought them within a fair 
ap plica 1 ion of this principle. Chicago, if not the greatest, 
was one of the greatest grain markets of the world. The 
greater portion of the grain consigned to this market for 
sal?, must, in the ordinary course of business, be stored in 
these warehouses, the proprietors of which were few in num- 
ber, and fixed their own rates for storage. The shipper or 
owner had no choice but to submit to their terms. The 
owners of the warehouses had voluntarily devoted their prop- 
erty to this public use, and the business carried on by them 
was of such a nature, that they rested under a duty to re- 
ceive and store grain for all alike, and upon equal terms. 
It was insisted that under such circumstances, the enact- 
ment of laws prescribing maximum rates of storage and to 
prevent extortion, was but a proper exercise of legislative 
power, and did not deprive the warehousemen of their prop- 
erty in the constitutional sense. 


A majority of the Supreme Court of the State concurred 
in this view, which is the substance of Judge Breese's opin- 
ion. See 69 111. 80. Two of the Judges dissented. The 
cause was taken on writ of error to the Supreme Court of 
the United States, and argued before that court by Messrs. 
John N. Jewett and W. C. Goudy, in behalf of the ware- 
housemen, and Attorney-General Edsall on the part of the 
State, at the October term, 1874. After holding the same 
unc'er advisement a year, Chief Justice Waite delivered an 
elaborate opinion in the case, which was concurred in by a 
majority of' that court, affirming the judgment of the 
Supreme Court of Illinois, and sustaining the power of the 
State to pass laws prescribing the maximum rales to be 
charged for the storage of grain by such warehousemen. 
(The case is reported under the title Munn v. Illinois, 94 
TJ. S. Rep. 113, and is regarded as the great leading case 
upon this class of questions.) 


Jtuggles v. The People, 91 111. 256. O. H. BBOWNING. B. C. COOK and H. 
BIGELOW for the railway company. 

Illinois Central R. R. Co. \. The People. 95 111. 313. GEOBGE TBUMBULL, 
OEOEGE W. WALL and JOHN N. JEWETT for the corporation. 

The railroad maximum rate cases were of a similar char* 
acter. In obedience to the constitution of 1870, the Legis- 
lature passed laws, the object of which was to regulate the 
charges, and prevent extortion by railroad corporations 
for the transportation of passengers and freight. The valid- 
ity of these laws was denied by the railroad corporations 
organized under acts of incorporation passed prior to 
the adoption of the constitution of 1870, upon the ground 
that by the terms of their charters the corporations pos- 
sessed the power to fix their own charges ; and that these 
provisions of their charters were to be treated as contracts, 
which, under the Constitution of the United States, could 


not be impaired, or in any manner interfered with by sub- 
sequent legislation. There was much litigation under these 
laws, and it was a long time before the Supreme Court of 
the State fairly met and decided the main questions in- 
volved. This delay may be considered fortunate, for un- 
doubtedly the earlier impressions of the court, in common 
with the generally prevailing opinion of lawyers, were ad- 
verse to this law, and against its constitutionality. The 
longer the cases were held under advisement, and the more 
fully they were considered, the more favorably were the 
courts inclined to the views presented in behalf of the State. 
The main ^proposition presented by the Attorney-General 
in Illinois Central R. R. Co. v. The People, (supra), and in 
Euggles v. The People, (supra), was that the power of the 
General Assembly to pass laws'prescribing maximum rates, 
and to prevent extortion by railroad companies, was a part 
of the police power of the State, which could not be sold or 
bartered away ; that it was not within the competency 
of any State Legislature to divest itself of such power 
or bind its successors by contract not to exercise the 
same ; that legislative power was a trust to be exercised by 
the Legislature of a State, but not a commodity to be sold ; 
and that therefore no valid contract could have been 
entered into that the State would not, from time to time, 
in the future, exercise this power whenever abuses grew up 
which made its exercise expedient. A majority cf the 
Supreme Court of the State took the same view as that of 
Mr. Edsall, and sustained the validity of the law. These 
cases were also taken to the Supreme Court of the United 
States, by the railroad corporations in interest. In this 
court, Mr. Edsall was opposed by John N. Jewett, J. A. 
Campbell, of New Orleans, ex-Justice of the United States 
Supreme Court; Wirt Dexter, of Chicago, and Sidney Bart- 
lett, of Boston, who was regarded as the head of the New 


England bar. Although Mr. Edsall was Attorney-General 
eight years, these cases were not reached for argument in 
that court until after the expiration of his official term. At 
the suggestion of the late Justice Pinkney H. Walker, who 
took great interest in the questions involved, and regarded a 
favorable decision of the highest importance to the people 
of the State, Mr. Edsall was retained by the State as coun- 
sel to argue the cases in the Supreme Court of the United 
States. This he did both in print and orally. It is proper 
to say in this connection, that James McCartney, who had 
succeeded Mr. Edsall as Attorney-General, also filed briefs 
in the two cases and participated in the oral argument of 
one of them. There had been several changes in the per- 
sonnel of that court since the decision of the warehouse case, 
and great apprehension existed as to how a majority of the 
court, as then constituted, might stand on the principal 
question involved. It was thought advisable to present 
every question which would be likely to conduce to a favora- 
ble decision. Mr. Edsall therefore raised this preliminary 
question : That while it was true that the railroad charters- 
in question conferred upon the Board of Directors the gen- 
eral right to prescribe their rates of charges for the trans- 
portation of passengers and freight, yet a fair construction 
of the charters of the companies only authorized the compa- 
nies to collect such rates as they should by their by-law* 
determine. There was another provision of the charter in 
each case, to the effect that the by-laws, rules and regulations- 
adopted by the company should not be "repugnant to the 
Constitution and laws of the United States or of this State." 
It was urged that the proper construction of these various 
provisions of the charter, when taken as a whole, was that 
the by-laws of the comp my, fixing its rates of charges, must 
not be repugnant to, i. e., must not exceed, the maximum 
ra'es prescribed by the laws of the State. Under this in- 
terpretation of the charter, the same could not be construed 


as a contract that the State would not pass laws prescribing 
maximum rates, whatever might be held as to the power 
of the Legislature to make such a contract. The Supreme 
Court of the United States sustained this construction of the 
charter in each case, and upon that ground affirmed the 
judgments of the Supreme Court of the State. The decision 
of this question being sufficient to dispose fully of the cases, 
the court refrained from discussing or expressing any opin- 
ion upon the main question, upon which they were decided 
in the State Court. It would undoubtedly have been more 
satisfactory if the Supreme Court of the United States had 
directly passed upon the principal question, and held that 
a State Legislature possessed no authority to make a con- 
tract binding its successors not to exercise legislative powers 
of this nature. The result is essentially the same. The 
power of the State to exercise legislative control over these 
old corporations organized under special charters is practi- 
cally sustained. 


Tappan v. Merchants' National Bank, 19 Wall. 490. M. W. FULLER for the 

In conformity with the provisions of the act of Congress 
providing for the formation of National Banking Associa- 
tions, the Statutes of Illinois made provision for the tax- 
ation of the shares of stock in the National Banks, and 
made such tax a lien upon the dividends, payable to the 
shareholders from whom the tax was due, and required the 
banks to furnish the Assessor with a list of its shareholders, 
with the amount of the shares of stock held by each, and to 
pay the tax assessed thereon from the dividends payable 
upon such stock. In an elaborate opinion, published in the 
Legal News of August 19, 1871, Judge Blodgett, presiding in 
the Circuit Court of the United States for the Northern 
District of Illinois, held that the laws of the State providing 


for the levy and collection of such taxes were unconstitu- 
tional, and thereupon granted injunctions restraining the 
collection of such taxes in all cases where any bank would 
apply therefor. The result was that no taxes could be col- 
lected from any of these banks in the State, except so far 
as they saw fit, voluntarily, to pay the same. By filing a- 
short bill, in a prescribed form in one of the United States 
Courts, any bank could obtain an injunction. Most of 
these banks availed themselves of this mode of evading tax- 
ation, but, to their credit be it said, a few of them volun- 
tarily paid their taxes. "When Mr. Edsall assumed the 
office of Attorney- General, in 1873, there were seventy-nine 
of these cases pending in the United States Circuit Court of 
the Northern District of Illinois, and several others in the 
Southern District. After a careful examination of the 
questions involved, the Attorney- General was satisfied that 
the laws under which the taxes were assessed were valid, 
and that the injunctions restraining the collection of taxes- 
ought to be dissolved. At the May term, 1873, he fully 
argued the question, upon principle and authority, before 
Judge Blodgett, but the court declined to change its former 
ruling. It became necessary, therefore, to take one of the 
cases to the Supreme Court of the United States, to settle 
the legal questions in dispute. The case of Tappan, Col- 
lector, v. Merchants' National Bank, 19 Wall. 490, was the 
result. The Supreme Court, in an opinion delivered by 
Chief Justice Waite, overruled Judge Blodgett's decision 
anjl sustained the right of the State to tax the shares of 
stock in National Banks. The case was argued by Mr. 
Edsall for the State, and by M. W. Fuller for the bank. 
It so happened that it was the first case argued before Chief 
Justice Waite, and that he delivered his first opinion in that 
case as Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of the United 
States. The opinion attracted much attention, and was- 


highly commended for its signal ability. After this de- 
cision all the pending injunctions were dissolved, and no 
more were granted. Since that time the banks have paid 
their taxes with commendable promptitude. 


Porter et al. v. E., E. & I. St. Louis R, R. Co., 76 111. 561. CHARLES OSBOBNBT 
for the railway corporation. 

The corporation's capital stock cases sprung up under the 
State revenue law, passed in 1872. They were very numer- 
ous, and burdened the dockets of the State and Federal 
Courts for several years. Prior to the enactment of that 
law a conviction was quite prevalent that corporations had 
not paid their due share of taxes. A large part of their 
property was intangible, and consisted in their franchises, 
or existed in such form that the assessor could not find it. 
For example, a gas company in a city like Chicago might 
have but a small amount of visible property, yet it might 
have hundreds of miles of gas mains laid in the streets and 
alleys of the city ; and the property and franchises of the 
corporation might be sufficient to pay good dividends upon 
millions of capital. The object of the revenue law of 1872 
was to reach these hidden values. The plan adopted was, 
in short, this : 

1. To assess the tangible property the same as other 

2. To ascertain the amount or value of indebtedness of 
the corporation, exclusive of indebtedness for current ex- 

3. To ascertain the market or actual value of all the 
shares of stock in the corporation. 

Under the rules adopted by the State Board of Equaliza- 
tion, these last two items were added together, and the sum 


of the two was supposed to represent the value of every- 
thing the corporation owned, whether tangible or in- 
tangible. From this amount the assessed value of the 
tangible property was deducted, and the residue, after 
equalizing it upon the ascertained basis of the assessment 
of other property, was assessed under the head of capital 
stock ; the theory being this, that the indebtedness of the 
corporation was a first charge and lien upon everything 
the corporation owned, as against its stockholders ; that if 
the indebtedness equaled or exceeded the value of all its 
property and franchises, the shares of stock would be worth- 
less, and that if the shares of stock had any value, such 
value might be taken as an indication that everything 
owned by the corporation necessarily exceeded its indebted- 
ness in precisely that amount. It must be confessed, that 
in the application of this rule, the Board of Equalization 
of 1873 assessed some of the corporations very high, and 
may have done injustice in many cases. When these taxes 
came to be collected, the law and the action of the State 
Board of Equalization were attacked on every side. A large 
.-array of the ablest lawyers of the State was retained by 
the corporations to defeat the collection of the tax, and to 
break down the entire system. The contest began in the 
State courts, and several cases were brought before the 
Supreme Court at an early day, and argued by the Attorney- 
General in behalf of the State. To the consternation of the 
opponents of the tax, that court sustained the validity of 
the law, and the principle upon which the taxes were 
assessed. The opinion in this case was written by J.istice 
Scholfield, and is a very able one, in which the various con- 
stitutional objections are fully examined and elaborately 

Resort was then had to the Federal Courts. Although 
the taxes were assessed against State corporations which 


could not sue in the Federal Courts, each corporation which 
did not already have, would arrange to have, one or more 
non-resident stockholders, who would get up the ruse of a 
controversy between themselves and the board of directors 
of the corporation about the payment of the tax. The 
board of directors would formally refuse to take proceed- 
ings to enjoin its collection, by reason of which, under the 
rulings of the Federal Courts at that time, they would enter- 
tain jurisdiction of suits brought by the non-resident stock- 
holders to restrain the collection of the taxes. The Federal 
Circuit Court refused to be governed by the decision of the 
Supreme Court of the State in this class of cases, and 
awarded injunctions to all persons who would apply there- 
for. This placed the State and all its municipal corpora- 
tions under the supervision of the Federal Courts in the 
collection of their revenue, and caused a suspension of the 
collection of all taxes against corporations, which soon 
amounted to millions of dollars. 

Final decrees perpetually enjoining the collection of the 
taxes assessed against three of the leading railroad cor- 
porations were entered by Judge Drummond in the U. S. 
Circuit Coiutt at Chicago, from which the Attorney- 
General prosecuted appeals to the Supreme Court of the 
United States. He procured the cases to be advanced, and 
they were brought on for argument in 1875. The corpora- 
tions were represented by the ablest legal talent their re- 
sources could command. Among the attorneys for the 
corporations in these cases appear the names of Corydon 
Beckwith, C. B. Lawrence, R jbert G. Ingersoll, 0. H. Brown- 
ing and Wirt Dexter. The State was represented by its 
Attorney-General. It is needless to say that the cases were 
ably argued. The opinion of the United States Supreme 
Court was delivered by Miller, J., and is reported in 92 U. S. 

at page 575, under the title State Railroad Tax Cases. The 


decision of the United States Civcuit Court enjoining the 
collection of the taxes was reversed, with directions that 
the bills be dismissed; and the right of the State to tax its- 
corporations in the manner prescribed in the revenue law 
of 1872, was fully vindicated. It was held, moreover, that 
it was the duty of the Federal Courts to conform their 
rulings to the decisions of the State Courts upon the class- 
of questions involve' I, which arose under the Constitution 
and statutes of the State. 


Conventions. State and National Electoral Vote of the States Appointments 
by the President from Illinois Statement of the United States Treasurer- 
Official Vote Election Frauds Trial and Conviction of Joseph C. Mackin, 

In the political campaign of 1884 there were four parties 
claiming the suffrages of the people the Eepublican, Dem- 
ocratic, Prohibition and People's the latter was the suc- 
cessor to the Greenback party. It being the year of the 
Presidential election, to choose a successor to President 
Arthur, the contest in the State became one of National 
importance, rather than State. The candidates for Pres- 
ident of the respective parties are named in the order in 
which they were nominated. The People's party nominated 
for President, Benjamin F. Butler, of Massachusetts, and 
Absalom M. West, of Mississippi, for Vice-President ; the 
Republican party nominated for President, James G. Blaine, 
of Maine, and for Vice-President, John A. Logan, of Illinois; 
the Democratic party nominated for President, Grover Cleve- 
land, of New York, and for Vice-President, Thomas A. Hen- 
dricks, of Indiana, and the Prohibition party nominated for 


President, John P. St. John, of Kansas, and for Vice-Presi- 
dent, William Daniel, of Maryland. This campaign exceed- 
ed, in general interest and excitement, anything that has 
ever been witnessed in this country, far surpassing that 
between Harrison and VanBuren in 1840, when the watch- 
word of the Whig party was "Tippecanoe and Tyler too." 
Illinois was for months the scene of the most wonderful ex- 
citement ever witnessed in all her history. Every city, 
every town, every hamlet, nay, every home, was the scene of 
angry political discussion. Three of the four candidates 
for President Butler, St. John and Blaine made par- 
tial canvasses of the State, and all the candidates for Vice- 
President made more or less speeches within the State, while 
the several candidates for State and district offices were' 
heard almost continually proclaiming f^om the rostrum, in. 
all parts of the State, the justness of their cause, and men 
and women alike became interested in the struggle, women 
being as often seen in the processions at night as in the day- 
time, sometimes in chariots, sometimes on horseback with 
banners, and sometimes on foot, carrying the flaming toich. 
But notwithstanding the great interest in the National 
election, there was a strong contest between the Democratic 
and Eepublican parties as to who should possess the State 
offices. The nominees of the Republican party were the 
first in the field ; they were all men of high character, and 
all had served the State in different capacities ably and ac- 
.ceptably. R. J. Oglesby, candidate for Governor, had been 
a soldier in two wars, a Senator in the General Assembly, 
twice Governor of the State and Senator in Congress, and 
was accounted the most popular leader of his party, having 
received the nomination by acclamation ; John C. Smith, 
candidate for Lieutenant-Governor, was a soldier, and was 
serving his second term as State Treasurer ; H. D. Dement, 
candidate for re-election to the office of Secretary of State, 
was a soldier, and had been both Representative and Senator 


in the General Assembly; Okas. P. Swigert, candidate for re- 
election to the office of Auditor of Public Accounts, had been 
a soldier in the war for the Union, losing an arm, and had 
held the office of Treasurer of Kankakee County for eleven 
years in succession; Jacob Gross, candidate for State 
Treasurer, was a native of Germany, had been a soldier in 
his adopted country and lost a leg in defence of its flag, 
and had held the office of Circuit Clerk of Cook County 
twelve years; George Hunt, candidate for Attorney-General, 
had also been a soldier in the war for the Union, and was 
serving his third term as State Senator. 
: To oppose Ihis ticket, the Democrats were careful in the 
selection of their candidates. Men of equal high character 
were chosen for all the places. Carter H. Harrison, their 
candidate for Governor, was esteemed the ablest and most 
formidable that could be arrayed against Oglesby ; he was a 
graduate of Yale College ; had represented a Chicago dis- 
trict in the Forty-fourth and Forty-fifth Congresses ; had 
Ibeen three times in succession elected Mayor of Chicago by 
unprecedented majorities, receiving a majority of 10,300 in 
April, 1883, and was serving his third term when nominated 
for Governor; Henry Seiter, candidate for Lieutenant-Gov- 
ernor, was a man of like good standing, had been Represen- 
tative and Senator in the General Assembly, was then serv- 
ing a term in the Senate ; Michael Dougherty, candidate for 
Secretary of State, although a native of Pennsylvania, was 
a true representative of the Irish race, and withal a popular 
man with his party; Walter E. Carlin, a nephew of ex-Gov. 
Carlin, candidate for Auditor of Public Accounts, had served 
in the war for the Union, was a Representative in the Thirty- 
third General Assembly, and had received the nomination 
for re-election without opposition when nominated for 
Auditor; Alfred Orendorff, candidate for State Treasurer, 
.had been Representative in the General Assembly, was the 
candidate of his party in 1882 for State Treasurer against 


John C. Smith, and made a gallant tight for the place ; 
Robert L. McKinlay, candidate for Attorney General, was a 
lawyer of distinction, and had acquired a wide acquaintance 
while serving as a Representative in the Thirtieth General 


With the other two parties there was no contest as to 
who should lead them, the greatest difficulty was to find 
men willing to lead a forlorn hope ; but reputable men were 
put up by both parties, the Prohibitionists nominating 
James B. Hobbs, of Cook, for Governor ; Jas. L. Ferryman, 
of St. Clair, for Lieutenant-Governor ; Charles W. Enos, of 
Jersey, for Secretary of State ; Alexander B. Irwin, of San- 
gamon, for Auditor of Public Accounts ; Uriah Copp, Jr., 
of Iroquois, for State Treasurer, and Hale Johnson, of Jas- 
per, for Attorney-General. 

The People's party nominated Jesse Harper, of Vermilion, 
for Governor; Asaph C. Vandewater, of Christian, for 
Lieutenant-Governor; Horace E. Baldwin, for Secretary of 
State ; Edwin F. Reeves, for Auditor of Public Accounts ; 
Ben. W. Goodhue, for State Treasurer, and John N. Gwin, 
for Attorney-General. With such an array of standard- 
bearers, the people went forth to battle. The prize with the 
Democratic party seemed to be the office of Governor. 
The Republican party had carried the State in 1880 by a 
majority of 40,716 for Garfield for President, over Han- 
cock, and 37,033 for Cullom, for Governor, over Trumbull. 
The battle between Oglesby and Harrison was a bitter war 
of words. Everywhere there was a demand for them to 
speak, ^o much so, that their respective committees kept them 
traveling day in and day out, often compelling them to 
travel hundreds of miles to meet their appointments, and 
not infrequently were they required to retrace their steps in 
order that they might meet the urgent demands of their 
respective followers. Illustrative of this, Oglesby spoke at 


Quincy one day, and the same night took the train for Chi- 
cago, speaking in that city the next evening, when he took 
the train for Belleville, thus traveling five hundred miles and 
making four speeches within forty-eight hours. The result 
of this heated contest was that while the Republicans elect- 
ed their entire State ticket, the majority for Oglesby over 
Harrison was only 14,599, while that of his associates, over 
their respective competitors, ranged from 23,269 to 24,564. 
The majority for Elaine and Logan over Cleveland and 
Hendricks was 25,118. The total vote of the Prohibitionists 
for President was 12,074 ; for Governor, 10,905. The vote 
of .he People's party for President was 10,776, and for Gov- 
e nor 8,605. 

There were two questions of State policy which were of 
vital importance to the people, namely, the appropriation 
of $ 513,712 for the completion of the State House, and the 
adoption of an amendment to the Constitution, empower- 
ing the Governor to veto objectionable features of appro- 
priation bills, and yet not invalidate other portions of the 
law. But National questions so absorbed the thoughts of 
all par ies that these were allowed to drift along wkh the 
political ;ide, but both received a majority of all the votes 
cast; the appropriation carried by 28,248 majority, and 
the constitutional amendment by 91,273. 

In the contest for Congressmen, there were ten Democrats 
and ten Republicans chosen, showing a gain of one fo. the 
Democrats over the vote of 1882. 

The Legislature was a tie, the Republicans carrying the 
Senate by a majority of one, and the Democrats the Hou?e 
by a like number. 

In the National contest, Cleveland and Hendricks received 
219 electoral votes, carrying the States of Alabama, Arkan- 
sas, Connecticut, Delaware, Florida, Georgia, Indiana, 
Kentucky, Louisiana, Maryland, Mississippi, Missouri, New 


Jersey, New York, North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennes- 
see, Texas, Virginia and West Virginia. Of the popular 
vote they received 4,911,017. Elaine and Logan received 
182 electoral votes, carrying the States of California, Col- 
orado, Illinois, Iowa, Kansas, Maine, Massachusetts, Michi- 
gan, Minnesota, Nebraska, Nevada, New Hampshire, Ohio, 
Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island and Vermont. Of the 
popular vote they received 4,848,334. Butler and West re- 
ceived of the popular vote 133,825 ; St. John and Daniel 
received of the popular vote 151,809. The total popular vote 
was 10,048,061. There were scattering 11,362. 

The defeat of the Eepublican party in the Nation was 
history repeating itself, but whether it shall be the history 
of 1840, when the Whigs succeeded in electing Harrison 
over Van Buren, retiring the Democratic party from power 
for four years; or whether it shall be the history of 1860, 
when the Republican party elected Abraham Lincoln Presi- 
dent, retiring the Democratic party from power for twenty- 
four years, depends upon the conduct of the victors. 

Thus far, however, the policy of the President has not 
met the expectations of many of the great leaders of 
his party in respect to the removal of Republicans from 
office, they holding the view that the people meant more 
than the mere change of the executive head of the Nation 
in electing a Democrat to the Presidency; that is, that it 
meant that the government of the country should go into 
the hands of the Democratic party in fact ; that all Repub- 
licans should go out of office and Democrats go in. In 
disposing of positions at Washington, the President has 
been liberal toward Illinois, notwithstanding he did not carry 
the electoral vote of the State. William A. J. Sparks was 
made Commissioner of the Land Office ; -John C. Black, 
Commissioner of Pensions; William A. Day, Second Auditor 
of the Treasury Department ; Edwin A. Clifford, Deputy 



'under the Sixth Auditor; Adlai E. Stevenson, First Assist- 
ant Postmaster General; John H. Oberly, Superintendent 
of Indian Schools, and afterward promoted to Civil Service 

When Mr. Wyman, Treasurer of the United States, turned 
over the office to Mr. Jordan, his successor, on the 30th of 
April, 1885, his accounts were found correct in every regard, 
and there was then in the treasury, subject to the demands 
of the country, $483,932,566.09, which fact must serve to 
strengthen the faith of the people in the purity of the 
administration of the National Government. 



Richard J. Oglesby, R 334,234 

Carter H. ^Harrison, D 319,635 

Jesse Harper, Peop 8,605 

James B. Hobbs, Pro 10,905 


John C, Smith, R 337,762 

Henry Seiter, D 314 493 

Asaph C. Vandewater, Peop 9,7 & 

James L. Perryman, Pro 11,360 


Henry D. Dement, R 338,240 

Micbael J. Dougherty, D 31. ,490 

Horace E. Baldwin, Peop 10,219 

Charles W. Enos, Pro 8,865 


Charles P. Swigert, R 337,886 

Walter E. Carlm, D 316,322 

E.lwin F. Reeves, Peop 10,142 

Alexander B. Irwm, Pro 11,344 


Jacob Gross, R 338,171 

Alfred Qrendorff, D 313,400 

Benjamin W. Goodhue, Peop 10,451 

Uriah Copp, Jr., Pro 11,119 



George Hunt, R 837,847 

Eobert L. McKinlay, D 3.3,846 

John W. Gwiu, Feop 10,251 

Hale Johnson, Pro 11,429 


Ransom W. Dunham, R 20,245 

William M. Tilden, D 14,655 

William B. Gates 288- 

John B. Clark 501 


John F. Finerty, Ind. R 11 552 

Francis Lawler, D 13,954 

William F. Killett 23 


Charles Fitz Simons, R 8,928 

James H. Wnrd, D 15,601 

William E. Mason, R ..- 10,806 

J. C. Boyd 259 

J. E. Lee 280 


George K. Adams, R 18,333 

John P. Altgeldt, D 15,291 

H. W. Austin 467 


Reuben Ellwood, * R 20.500 

Richard Bishop, D 9,424 

J. P. Bartlett 20 


Robert R. Hitt, R 18,048 

E. W. Blaisdell, D 10,891 

U. D. Meacham 242 


Thomas J. Henderson, R 15,498 

James S. Eckels, D 10,689 

H. H. Haaff 712 

* Albert J. Hopkins, Republican, was elected to the 49th Congress by a ma- 
jority of 6,000 over Richard Bishop, Democrat, to fill the vacancy caused by 
the death of Mr. Ellwood. 



Ealph Plumb, E 18,707 

Patrick C. Haley, D 15,953 

H. J. Wood 732 

N. Kilburn 709 


Lewis E. Payson, E 16,481 

James Kirk, D 13,716 

James McGrew 627 


Julius S. Starr, E 16.582 

Nicholas E. Worthington, D 16,758 

Eoyal Hammond 86 


Alex. P. Petrie, E 17,864 

William H. Neece, D 18,291 

JR. H. Broaddus 351 


Thomas G. Black, E 15,177 

James M. Eipgs, D 22,046 

Hiram J. Paiker 820 

James A. Wallace 161 


William M. Springer, D 20,808 

James M. Taylor, E - 16,971 

Thomas S. Knoles 28 

George P. Harrington 747 


C. C. Clark, D 15,673 

Jonathan H. Eowell, E 18 052 

William P. Eandolph 1,168 

D. L. Brancher 241 


Joseph G. Cannon, E 17 852 

John C. Black, D 17,360 

T. J. Thornton 151 

T. P. Thornton 183 


James McCartney, E 16.791 

Silas Z. Lnndes, D 17.109 

John W. Honey 213 



John R. Eden, f) 18.402 

Houland J. Hamlin, R 14,576 

John B. Cromer 486 


Thomas B. Needles, R 15,136 

William R. Morrison, D 17,695 

Henry D. Moore 135 

W. H. Moore 298 


Richard W. Townshend, D 18 296 

Thomas S. Ridgway, R 18.615 

H. R, Sherman 3/3 


Fountain E. Albright, D 15 788 

John R. Thomas, R 17,890 

Addison Davis 658 


Andrew Shuman 337,469 

Isaac Lesem 337,476 

George Bass 337,470 

John C. Tegtmeyer 337,466 

John M. Smyth 337,468 

James A. Sexton 336.965 

Albert J. Hopkins 3,7.465 

Conrad J. Fry 337,479 

William H. Shepard 337,469 

Robert A. Childs 337,4o9 

David McWiliiams 337,472 

Rufus W. Miles 337,466 

John A. Harvey 337,468 

Francis M. Davis 337,471 

J. Otis Humphrey 337,460 

Edward D. Bl ; nn 3a7,470 

William 0. Wilson 337.470 

Rufus Cone 3o7,465 

John H. Dunscomb 337,470 

Cicero J. Lindly 337,471 

Jasper Partridge 3-7,471 

Matthew J. Inscore 337,502 



Orlando B. Ficklin 312,830 

John W. Doane 312,421 

James H. Ward 31-2.366 

James Morgan, Jr 312,352 

James K. Blish 312.359 

George 0. Harrington 312,361 

William Prentiss ' 310 105 

Hiram P. Shumway 312,368 

J ames B. Cunningham 312,t 60- 

Eugene B. Buck 312.358 

F, ancis M. Youngblood 3i2,353 

William G. Ewing 312,851 

James T. Healy 312,407 

Harvey D. Colvin 312,363 

John F. Smith 312,366 

Michael W. Shurts 312,859 

George A. Wilson 312,362 

Henry Phillips 312,359 

William T. Kirk 312,366 

James C. Allen 312,358 

George Willis Akins 312,343 

William K. Murphy 312,361 


Thomas Moulding 15,789 

John G. Irwin 11 884 

Benjamin S. Mills 12 068 

James W. Lee 12,070 

Anthony Lennon 1,074 

John Nate 12,074 

Aaron Gurney 12,074 

Andrew Hinds 12,074 

William H. Tibbies 12 074 

James P. Murphy ; 12,074 

William M. Hamilton 12,074 

William Nowlan 12 074 

Kichard Haney 12,078 

William McBride 12,073 

George W. Minier 12,0.9 

Jerome W. Nichols 12,074 

Archibald Easton 12,073 

Victor E. Phillips 12,072 

Henry B. Kepley 12,072 

William Donoho 12,073 

Charles 0. Drayton 12,073 

Samuel E. Evans. . .... 12 068 



John J. Hilty 9,203 

Edward C. Callahan 10,8<i3 

Soren Peterson 9,676 

William Floto 8,114 

Stephen M. Slade 10,658 

Andrew Ashtou 10 246 

Simon Elliott 10.858 

Francis M. Plumb 10,776 

Christopher C. Strawn 10,894 

Joseph S! Barnum 10 907 

Robert Bennett 6,878 

Francis M. Grimes 10,910 

Henry M. Miller 30,889 

Jamt s Freeman 10,H89 

Emile H. Langhaus 5,454 

Henry Vandtrhoff 5,800 

Benjamin F. Banning 10 662 

William Harris 10,235 

Burden Pullen 10,7t'5 

John W. Wayman 9,528 

Seymour F. Norton 9,345 

Charles Vorhis 10,164 


The history of the campaign of 18?4 had an alarming and 
disgraceful sequel. The returns made by the Judges and 
Olerks of the Sixth Senatorial District, to the County Can- 
vassing Board of Cook County, on the 5th of November, 
showed that Henry W. Leman, Republican candidate for 
State Senator, had been elected by a majority of 890, but 
when these returns were canvassed by the County Board, it 
appeared that the figures had been so changed in the 
Eighteenth Ward of Chicago as to elect Rudolph Brand, 
Democrat, instead of Leman, by a majority of 10. The 
fraud was so flagrant that it startled the people of the entire 
State. It charged the political complnxion of the Senate 
from a Republican majority of one to a Democratic majority 
of one, and secured for the Democrats a majority of two on 
joint ballot in the General Assembly, thus making certain 
the election of a Democratic United States Senator. 


The returns showing this state of facts were sent by the 
County Canvassing Board to the State Canvassing Board, 
at Springfield, hut the latter, being aware that fraud had 
been committed, declined to certify to the election of 
Brand, thus leaving the responsibility of issuing the certifi- 
cate of election with Governor Hamilton. 

The Governor had previously used the utmost care in 
arriving at the facts in the case. He had visited Chicago, 
and j-pent some time in examining the poll books and tally 
sheets ; having at the same time become convinced of the 
facts of the case, as developed before the United States 
Grand Jury, as hereafter shown, and having thus satisfied 
himself that a grave and daring fraud had been perpetrated 
upon the voters of that Senatorial district, he disregarded 
the face of the returns, and issued the certificate of election 
to Henry W. Leman, accompanying his decision with an 
able and exhaustive report, in which he reviewed, in detail, 
all ihe facts and circumstances connected with the matter, 
closing his decision with these manly words : 

"I, therefore, find said Henry W. Leman to be duly elect- 
ed State Senator from the Sixth Senatorial District. To 
arrive at any other conclusion would, in my judgment, be 
to violate my oath of office to support the Consti ution and 
see that the laws are faithfully executed. On the contrary, 
I wou'd, by issuing a certificate to Mr. Brand, be giving life 
and effect and success to one of the greatest crimes ever 
known in the history of the State. It has been, and may 
yet be, urged that such decision as I hereby render is- 
without precedent among my predecessors in the State. 
That may be. But I answer that it may be said, to the 
great credit of the people of the State, that there is no pre- 
cedent in the commission of su h a heinous crime as this 
upon the elective franchise and rights of popular govern- 
ment in the history of the State. That I have a right to- 


construe the meaning of the Constitution as to the duties 
pertaining to my office, and am clothed with power to do so, 
independent of co-ordinate branches of the State govern- 
ment, is established by the best of authority." 

Mr. Brand, supported by able counsel, made a show of 
contesting the seat of Mr. Leman before the State Canvass- 
ing Beard, but when it became evident to everybody that 
the atiempt to claim the seat of Mr. Leman was simply an 
effort to disfranchise the voters of the Sixth Senatorial Dis- 
trict, then it was that Mr. Brand and his friends quietly 
withdrew all proceedings, thus sanctioning the action of 
Governor Hamilton in issuing the certificate of election to 
Mr. Leman. 

No sooner had the perpetration of this fraud reached the 
attention of Eichard S. Tuthill, United States District 
Attorney for the Northern District of'Illinois, than did he 
institute prompt and vigorous proceedings to bring the per- 
petrators of the crime to justice by presenting the matter to 
the grand jury of that court, which was then in session. 
The facts which moved Mr. Tuthill to action, are these : 
On November 18, the Canvassing Board of Cook County 
reached the second precinct of the eighteenth ward. Upon 
the face of the returns from that precinct appeared a mani- 
fest erasure and change, as follows: The vote for Senator 
in the Sixth Senatorial District was given in the return as 
for Henry W. Leman 220 votes and for Kudolph Brand 474 
votes. The figures "four" and "two" had been erased and 
transposed, and it was apparent that the true and correct 
return was for Henry W. Leman "420 votes" and for Rudolph 
Brand "274 votes." While the erasure and change were 
apparent, the Canvassing Board decided that it must take 
the face of the returns as conclusive, and refused to take evi- 
dence as to the truth or falsity thereof. Here it became evi- 
dent to Mr. Tuthill that it was his duty to investigate the 


matter, as the election was held for a representative in the 
Congress of the United States, and the United States stat- 
utes gave the United States Courts full jurisdiction over 
frauds at such elections, a jurisdiction which was in no 
respect weakened by the fact that State officers were voted 
for at the same election. Accordingly, on the 21st day of 
November he had a subpoena duce tecum issued out of the 
United States District Court, directed to Michael W. Kyan, 
County Clerk of Cook County, Illinois, ordering him to ap- 
pear before the grand jury forthwith, and produce the returns 
of said precinct, including the ballots. In answer to this 
subpcena, Mr. Ryan appeared with the poll-books and tally- 
lists, on the afternoon of November 21st, and told the grand 
jury that he doubted his right to produce the ballots. He 
was informed in reply that the ballots must be produced, 
when he agreed to bring them at once. Upon leaving the jury 
room he consulted a lawyer, and on the same afternoon re- 
turned to the grand jury and said that he had been advised 
by counsel not to produce the ballots, and consequently he 
would not do so. 

On November 22, Mr. Tuthill applied, in the United States 
District Court, for a rule on Mr. Eyan to show cause why he 
should not be attached for contempt for failing to obey the 
subpoena of the court. The rule was granted and made 
returnable on Monday, November 24, at 10 A. M., on which 
day Mr. Eyan appeared by his counsel, A. W. Green, and 
contested the right of the grand jury to have and open the 
ballots^ on the ground that they must be kept intact and 
unopened by the County Clerk for a period of six months 
in case a contest should arise. Argu ; ng to the same end 
appeared Allan C. Story, who stated that he represented 
Mr. McAuliff, a defeated candidate for Eepresentative in 
the Leg ; slature, and who had been voted for at that elec- 
tion. The Court, however, ordered the ballots to be pro- 
duced on the following day, November 25th. 


This subpcena to Mr. Eyan was served on him at about 
1 : 45 P. M., on November 21st. At about 2 p. M. the same 
day Joseph C. Mackin, who had been present when the ser- 
vice was made, went to the office of P. L. Hanscom Print- 
ing Company and ordered a ticket printed in fac-simile of 
the Republican ticket used in the Eighteenth Ward, with 
the exception that the name of Rudolph Brand was sub- 
stituted for that of Henry W. Leman, as a candidate for 
Senator in the Sixth Senatorial District. This order was 
accepted by the printing company, who in turn ordered an 
engraved heading for the ticket from Baker & Co., en- 
gravers. The ticket was printed by the printing company, 
being actually set up by W. H. Wright, and the engraving 
was done by S. W. Fallis and F. N. Tucker, of the firm of 
Baker & Co. 

The printing was done on the night of November 21st, 
and about 2,000 of said tickets were delivered to Mackin at 
his room in the Palmer House, Chicago, at about 10 o'clock 
the same night. 

The ballots were produced by Mr, Ryan before the grand 
jury November 25th, and at that time there were found 
among them two hundred and thirty of the spurious tickets 
which had been printed November 21st, seventeen days after 
the election. The names on the poll-books which corres- 
ponded with the numbers on the spurious tickets enabled 
the grand jury to summon the persons who had apparently 
voted these tickets, and they testified under oath that they 
had voted the regular Republican ticket Mhich bore the name 
of Henry W. Leman, and that they had not before seen the 
fraudulent tickets. This was conclusive. The grand jury, 
as a result of its investigation, found two indictments, one 
against Joseph C. Mackin, Arthur Gleason and Henry Biehl, 
and one against the judges and clerks of election at said 

precinct. The jury had then been in session thirty-two days, 


a large portion of the time being spent upon these election 
frauds. Some time after the discharge of the jury, which 
occurred December 12th, it was discovered that Wm. J. 
Gallagher was one of the conspirators and the person who 
had done the work of forgery. It was then impracticable to 
convene a grand jury, as the funds for that purpose were ex- 
hausted. Accordingly, on the 20th day of January, 1885, 
an information in regular form and in accordance with all 
previous precedents was filed in the United States District 
Court against said Mackin, Gallagher, Gleason and Biehl, 
They were tried before Judge Henry W. Blodgett. Richard 
S. Tuthill, assisted by John B. Hawley and Israel N. Stiles, 
appeared for the prosecution. Mackin was defended by 
Daud Turpie, of Indianapolis, Indiana, and Frank D. Tur- 
ner ; Gallagher by Henry Wendell Thompson ; Gleason by 
Leonard Swett and Peter S. Grosscup, and Biehl by Wm. 
S. Young, Jr. 

The jury was composed of the following persons : 
John N. Hills, of Eavenswood, foreman; Seymore M. 
Arnold, Galesburg ; Charles Hunt, Harvard ; Geo. W. Par- 
ker. Poplar Grove ; James Carr, Scales Mound ; Albert M. 
Weaver, Peoria ; Charles E. Smiley, Maple Park ; D. W. 
Wilson, Annawan ; Thomas Brownlee, Galva ; A. W. Thomp- 
son, Pecatonica; Geo. B. Yasline, Austin, and Charles 
Welch, Thompson. 

The trial occupied a period of seventeen days. The 
grave character of the offense, the vigor with which the 
prosecution was waged, and the eminent legal talent on 
either side, attracted, from day to day, a large number of 
anxious spectators, and many were the speculations as 
to what would be the final result; law-abiding men felt 
sure of conviction, while the friends of the accused were 
equally confident of acquittal. But the jury was not long 
in making up its judgment, when the case closed, being out 
only a few hours, when it rendered a verdict of guilty as to 


Mackin, Gallagher and Gleason, and not guilty as to Biehl. 
The defendants' counsel entered a motion for a new trial, . 
which was heard by the Court, March 12, and overruled. 
Mackin and Gallagher were sentenced to two years' impris- 
onment in the Joliet Penitentiary, and to pay a fine of $5,000 
each, and stand committed till such fines were paid. Glea- 
son was not then sentenced, owing to the absence of his 
counsel, and his motion for a new trial was left pending. 

Subsequently, the defendants' attorneys applied to Judge 
Gresham, of the United States Circuit Court, for a supersedeas. 
He decided that the "question was of sufficient difficulty 
and importance to entitle the defendants to a writ of error 
and an order staying proceedings under the sentence. "j 
Under this decision the defendants were admitted to bail. 

The cause was heard in the Circuit Court of the United 
States for the Northern District of Illinois, John M. Harlan 
and Walter Q. Gresham sitting as such Court. They dis- 
agreed on five points, and at the request of the United States 
District Attorney and the defendants' counsel, their differ- 
ence of opinion was certified to the Supreme Court of the 
United States by the Clerk of the Circuit Court of the United 
States, at its next session. 

Retrospective, it is but just to say that the honest, upright 
citizens of Chicago, irrespective of party, came forward with 
manly courage in support of District Attorney Tuthill, in 
his bold attempt to enforce the law against the perpetrators 
of the infamous fraud. There was organized a citizens' 
committee, numbering eighty members, of the best citizens, 
and over $100,000 was subscribed by the business men, in 
aid of the investigation and prosecution. While each mem- 
ber of this committee was willing to see that the law was 
enforced, no matter who the guilty party might be, yet 
recognizing the necessity of the concentration of action, an 


executive committee, consisting of Albert W. Day, Chair- 
man; A. A. Carpenter, 0. 8. A. Sprague, Francis B. Pea- 
body and J. H. McVicker, with Augustus H. Burley, Treas- 
urer, and John C. Ambler, Secretary, was authorized to act 
for the whole, and to dare and do that which would best 
serve the ends of justice. 

The work of this executive committee was performed 
fearlessly, and while we have no disposition to be invidious 
in our praise of individuals, yet to Messrs. Tuthill, Hawley 
and Stiles, for their able and manly prosecution of the 
cause, and to Melville E. Stone, for his bold and timely ex- 
posure of the crime through the columns of the Daily News, 
there is due a high meed of praise. 

Subsequently, Mackin was arraigned in the State court for 
the crime of perjury. In January, 1885, a special grand 
jury was called in Cook County for the purpose of investi- 
gating election frauds, and in the investigation Joseph C. 
Mackin was called before the jury as a witness. Numerous 
questions were asked him in regard to having ordered cer- 
tain spurious ballots printed, and having received them at 
his hotel. He denied all knowledge of them, stating that he 
had never ordered any ballots printed, never received any 
ballots, and never had anything to do with the matter. An 
indictment for perjury was found against Mackin, based on 
his testimony. The indictment was returned into court at 
the adjournment of the jury on the last of January. The 
'case was called before the petit jury on the 29th of June, 
1835. Thomas A. Moran presided as Judge, and there ap- 
peared on behalf of the people Julius S. Grinnell, State's 
Attorney, Joel M. Longenecker, Assistant State's Attorney, 
and I. N. Stiles, Associate Counsel. Emery A. Storrs ap- 
peared on behalf of the defendant. On the 29th of June, 
a jury was secured, consisting of the following persons: M. 
Horning, L. Franke, Or. Samuelson, Henry Brusharber, 


John Saul, Peter H. Nelson, John H. Peters, Joseph Myers, 
J. M. Arnold, Henry Hill, George Gray ami Frank J. Gaz- 
zolo. On June 30th, the testimony was heard, consisting of 
the evidence of the printers from whom the tickets were 
ordered, to the effect that Mackin did order them, and the 
special grand jurymen testified that Mackin swore before 
them that he did not know anything about the tickets. No 
evidence whatever was introduced in behalf of the defend- 
ant. The case was ably prosecuted, and as ably defended, 
the arguments being heard on July 1st, and the next day the 
jury returned a verdict of guilty, and fixed the penalty at 
five years in the penitentiary at hard labor. This was a 
great triumph for Mr. Grinnell, the leading counsel for the 
State, as well as for his associates, for the reason that the 
friends of Mr. Mackin believed that it was impossible to 
convict him before a Cook county jury. An application was 
made for a new trial without success, and the case was car- 
ried to the Supreme Court upon a writ of error. It was 
hoped by many well-meaning people that the court would 
decline to grant the criminal a hearing, but this tribunal 
being unwilling that Mackin should be made a political 
martyr, promptly granted his prayer. The people were rep- 
resented by Attorney-General George Hunt, and P^mery A. 
Storrs and John C. Richberg appeared for the defendant. 
Mr. Hunt's presentation of the case was able and convinc- 
ing, while the appeal of Mr. Storrs in behalf of the rights of 
his client was one of the many able efforts in the life of this 
great lawyer, who was stricken down by death a few hours 
after the conclusion of his argument. The Supreme Court 
affirmed the decision of the lower court without dissent. 
Justice Scott delivered the opinion, closing it with these 
significant words : "Every phase of this case, and every 
point made for a reversal, have been most carefully and 
patiently considered, and no error has been discovered, nor 
has any been pointed out of sufficient gravity to warrant 


tbe reversal of the judgment." The opinion of the court 
was promulgated November 15th, and at 2 :30 p. M. on the 
19th, Joseph C. Mackin entered upon his five years' term in 
the penitentiary at Joliet. 

In the case in the Supreme Court of the United States, 
Mackin was represented by J. C. Bichberg, of Chicago. It 
was not heard until early in March, 1886, and on the 22d day 
of the same month, Justice Gray delivered the opinion. The 
Court held that the crimes charged against Mackin and 
Gallagher were infamous within the meaning of the Consti- 
tution, and that defendants could not be held to answer in 
the Courts of the United States, otherwise than by indict- 
ment by a Grand Jury. 

It has been seen, however, that the trial in the United 
States Court was not in vain, for it enabled the Governor to 
prevent the disfranchisement of the people of the Sixth Sen- 
atorial District in the Thirty-fourth General Assembly, and 
resulted in the conviction of Mackiu in the State Court, 
though not on the same charge, but none the less grave. 


Thirty-Fourth General Assembly Contest for Speaker Action of the Sen- 
ate over the Leman-Brand Resolution Censuring Governor Hamilton- 
Contest for United States Senator Work of the Session State House. 

Governor E. J. Oglesby. 

Lieutenant-Governor John C. Smith. 

Secretary of State Henry D. Dement. 

Auditor of Public Accounts Chas. P. Swigert. 

Treasurer Jacob Gross. 

Superintendent of Public Instruction Henry Raab. 

Attorney-General George Hunt. 


In consequence of the failure of the House to organize 
promptly, the State officers-elect did not qualify until Jan- 
uary 30th. Governor Oglesby, upon assuming the duties of 
the office of Governor for the third time, appointed H. J. 
Caldwell his Private Secretary. Governor Oglesby is the 
first person who has yet had the honor of occupying the 
gubernatorial chair of Illinois for the third time. This calls 
to mind the historical fact that Samuel Cranston of Khode 
Island was elected twenty-nine successive times Governor of 
that Colony. It is remarkable that he should have been 
chosen so often amid the popular convulsions that swept 
away every other official in the Colony. He served from 
March, 1698, to April 26, 1727, on which latter date he died. 
In Vermont the same person has held the office of Governor 
sixteen different times; in New Hampshire, fourteen; in 
New York, seven; in Connecticut and Georgia, five; in 
Maine and Tennessee, four ; in Ohio, Michigan, Wisconsin, 
Minnesota, Nebraska, Arkansas, Nevada and Pennsylvania, 
three. Delaware is the only State in the Union which has 
not elected the same person twice to the office of Governor. 


The Thirty-fourth General Assembly convened January 
7th, and consisted of the following members : 


George E. White, Chicago. James S. Cochran, Freeport. 

C. H. Crawford, Chicago. Millard B. Hereley, Chicago. 

John H. dough, Chicago. Henry H. Evans, Aurora. 

T. A. Cantwell, Chicago. E. B. Shumway, Peotone. 

W. H. Buger, Chicago. H. K. Wheeler, Kankakee. 

Henry W. Leman, Chicago. Lyman B. Bay, Morris. 

Wm. J. Campbell, Chicago. George Torrance, Pontiac. 

:Ira B. Curtiss, Marengo. William C. Snyder, Fulton. 

Wm. E. Mason, Chicago. Green P. Orendorff, Hopedale. 

E. B. Sumner, Rockford. Henry A. Ainsworth, Moline. 

'Thomas Cloonnn, Chicago. A. W. Berggren, Galesburg. 



James W. Duncan, Ottawa. 
A. J. Streeter, New Windsor. 
L. D. Wuiting, Tiskilwa. 
Andrew J. Bell, Peoria. 
Henry Tubbs, Kirkwood. 
Lafayette Funk, Shirley. 
Jason Rogers, Decatur. 
M. B. Thompson, Urbana. 
Henry VanSellar, Paris. 
W. B. Galbreath* Charleston. 
E. N. Rinehart, Effingham. 
John M. Darnell, Rushviile. 
Maurice Kelly, t Liberty. 
James W. Johnson, Pittsfield. 
Frank M. Bridges* Carrollton 

Robert H. Davis, I Carrollton, 
David Gore, Carlinville. 
L. F. Hamilton, Springfield. 
Elizur Soulhworth, Litchfield. 
D. B. Gillham, Upper Alton. 
Wm. S. Forman, Nashville. 
Thomas E. Merritt, Salem. 
Robley D. Adams, Fairfield. 
W. II. McNary, Martinsyille. 
Ricliard L. Organ, Carmi. 
Henry Seiter, Lebanon. 
John J. Higgins, DuQuoin. 
Wm. S. Morris, Golconda. 
Geo. W. Hill, Murphysboro. 
Daniel Hogan, Mound City. 

*Died. tResigned. t Vice Bridges, deceased. 


Robert B. Kennedy, Chicago. 
Francis W. Parker, Chicago. 
James McHale, Chicago. 
Wm. H. Harper, Chicago. 
H. A. Parker, Normal Park. 
Ernst Hummel, Hyde Park. 
Abner Taylor, Chicago. 
John W. E. Thomas, Chicago. 
Thomas J. McNally, Chicago. 
Thos. C. MacMillan, Chicago. 
Matthew Murphy, Chicago. 
James F. Qwinn, Chicago. 
Wm. S. Powell, Chicago. 
Joseph Mahoney, Chicago. 
Win. A. Dorman, Chicago. 
Henry S. Boutell, Chicago. 
Eugene A. Sittig. Chicago. 
S. F. Sullivan, Chicago. 
John Humphrey, Orland. 
Geo. (jr. Struckman, Elgin. 
Clayton E. Crafts, Austin. 
Charles E. Fuller, Belvidere. 
James Pollock, Millburn. 
Elijah M. Haines, Waukegan. 
Frederick S. Baird, Chicago. 
Chas. E. Scharlau, Chicago. 

Dennis Considine, Chicago. 

A. F. Brown, Stillman Valley. 
David Hunter, Rockford. 

E. M. Winslow, Winnebago. 
Adam C. Oldenburg, Chicago. 
John O'Shea, Chicago. 
J. J. Schlesinger, Chicago. 

D. A. Sheffield, Apple River. 
Simon Greenleaf, Savanna. 

E. L. Cronkrite, Freeport. 
P. A. Sundelius, Chicago. 

B. Brachtendorf, Chicago. 
T. F. Mulheran, Chicago. 
Luther L. Hiatt, Wheaton. 
John Stewart, Campton. 
Thomas O'DonneU, Aurora. 
Henry H. Stassen, Monee. 
James C. Morgan, Joliet. 
George Bez, Wilmington. 
M. F. Campbell, Kaukakee. 
J. L. Hamilton, Wellington. 
Free P. Morris, Watseka. 

H. C. Whittemore, Sycamore. 
Wm. M. Hanna, Lisbon. 
Andrew Welch, Yorkville. 
Albert G. Goodspeed, Odell. 



Charles Bogardus, Paxton. 
Michael Cleary, Odell. 
Charles H. Ingalls, Sublette. 
Robert E. Logan,* Morrison. 

D. S. Spafford,! Morrison. 
C aleb C. Johnson, Sterling. 
Julius Watercott, Henry. 
Samuel Patrick, Wash burn. 
Ernest P. Unland, Pekin. 

H. C. Cleveland, Eock Island. 
T. Nowers, Jr., Atkinson. 
J, H. Paddelford, Cleveland. 
Orrin P. Cooley, Oneida. 
Wm. J. Orendorff, Canton. 
Samuel P. Marshall, Ipava. 
Samuel C. Wiley, Earlville. 
C. L. Hoffman, Farm Ridge. 
Frank P. Snyder, Mendota. 
A. W. Graham, Biggsville. 
C. E. Gittings, Terre Haute. 
Alfred N. Cherry, Tioga. 
Albert W. Bpyden, Sheffield. 
James H. Miller, Toulon. 
Eli V. Raley, Granville. 
Mark M. Bassett, Peoria. 
John Downs, Peoria. 
Wm. McLean, Chillicothe. 
C. M. Eodgers, Monmouth. 
W. H. McCord, Blandinsville. 
Wm. H. Weir, Colchester. 
Samuel B. Kinsey, McLean. 
Ivory H. Pike, Bloomington. 
S. H. West, Arrowsmith. 
C. S. Lawrence, Elkhart. 
R. Templeman, Mt. Pulaski. 
James M. Graham, Niantic. 
Wm. F. Calhoun, Clinton. 
Virgil S. Euby, Bement. 
Wm. B. Webber, Urbana. 

E. E. Boudinot, Danville. 
C. A. Allen, Hoopeston. 

E. R. E. Kimbronyh, Danville 
S. M. Long, Newman. 
Henry Sheplor, Greenup. 

J. P. McGee, Brushy Fork. 
Thomas N. Henry, VVindsor. 
John H. Baker, Sullivan. 
W. C. Headen, Shelbyville. 
Perry Logsdon, Eushville. 
J. H. Shaw,* Beardstown. 
W. H. Weaver,! Petersburg. 
G. W. Longford, Havana. 
Fred. P. Taylor, Quincy. 
Samuel Mileham, Camp Point, 
Wm. H. Collins, Quincy. 
W. H. Brackenridge, Vers'lles 
J. W. Moore, Mound Station. 
Peter C. Barry, Hardin. 
H. C. Massey, JerseyviJle. 
Byron McEvers, Glasgow. 
T. S. Chapman, Jerseyville. 

E. L. McDonald, Jacksonville 

F. R. McAliney, Staunton. 
George J. Castle, Carlinville. 
Ben F. Caldwell, Chatham. 
Charles A Kf.yes, Springfield. 
Charles Kerr, Pawnee. 
Robert A. Gray, Blue Mound. 
George M. Stevens, Nokomis. 
H. H. Hood, Litchfield. 

W. R. Prickett, Edwardsville. 
Wm. W. Pearce, Alhambra. 
Jones Tontz, Grant Fork. 
M. A. Morgan, Okawville. 
Milton M. Sharp, Greenville. 
Charles C. Moore, Carlyle. 

G. H. Varnell, Mt. Vernon. 
Geo. H. Dieckmann, Vandalia. 
Henry C. Goodnow, Salem. 
William T. Prunty, Olney. 
Alfred Brown, Albion. 
Edward McClung, F airfield. 
J. M. Hiyhsmith, Eobinson. 
Isaac M. Shup, Newton. 
David Trexler, Newton. 

J. R. Campbell, McLeansbora 
J. M. Sharp, Mount CarmeL 
W. T. Buchanan, Law'en'ville 

*Died. tFioe Shaw, deceased. J Vice Logan, deceased, 


James M. Dill, Belleville. W. V. Choisser, Harrisburg. 

F. Heim, East St. Louis. Da -id T. Lineyar* Cairo. 

J- B. Messick, East St. Louis. Philip V. N. Davis, Anna. 

Thomas James, Chester. W. 8. Rogers, Murphysboro. 

Peter Bickelhaupt, Waterloo. James M. Fowler, Marion. 

Henry Clay, Tamaroa. William C. Allen, Vienna. 

John Yost, Elba. Quincy E. Browning, Benton. 
Simon S. Barger, Eddyville. 

In the Thirty-fourth General Assembly, new members 
largely predominated. Through the resignation of Mr. Hunt, 
by reason of his election to the office of Attorney-General, and 
the death of Mr. Bridges, there were 27 senators elected to 
this General Assembly, 25 in even districts, and two in the 
odd, 3 of whom had not before been members of any legisla- 
tive body. In the House, out of the 155 Representatives, 2 of 
whom were elected to fill vacancies caused by death, there 
were 109 who had never before served in a legislative as- 
sembly. In the Senate, Mr. Whiting had been longest con- 
nected with the legislation of the State, having first been 
elected a Representative in the Twenty-sixth General 
Assembly, then delegate to the Constitutional Convention of 
1839-70, and Senator in the Twenty-seventh, serving con- 
tinuously since that time. In the House, Mr. Haines had 
seen the most service as a legislator, having been elected to 
the Twenty-first, Twenty-second, and Twenty-third General 
Assemblies, and delegate to the Constitutional Convention of 
1869-70 ; was Representative in the Twenty-seventh, Twenty- 
ninth, and Thirty-third General Assemblies. In the Twenty- 
ninth he was both temporary Speaker and Speaker, as he 
was in the Thirty- fourth. His long experience and compre- 
hensive knowledge of parliamentary law, gave him great 
power over the deliberations of the House, and though often 
ruling to the displeasure of both Republicans and Democrats, 
he never failed to assure them that "no rights would be lost." 

* Died. 


The Senate convened at 12 o'clock M. Wednesday, January 
7th, 1885, and organized promptly by the election of William 
J. Campbell, Republican, President pro tempore, over Henry 
Seiter, Democrat, by a vote of 26 to 25. And Lorenzo F. 
Watson, Secretary, over Wiley Jones, by a similar vote. 

The House met at the same hour, H. D. Dement, Secre- 
tary of State, calling it to order, saying that the hour fixed by 
the Constitution for the convening of the Legislature had 
arrived. He introduced Rev. A. H. Ball, who offered a 
prayer. J. H. Paddock acted as Clerk. On the call of the 
roll all the members answered to their names except Messrs. 
Bickelhaupt, Brachtendorf, Murphy and O'Shea. Mr. 
Dement said the next thing in order would be nominations 
for temporary Speaker. Mr. Chapman named J. B. Messick. 
Mr. Baker named Elijah M. Haines. The roll was called, 
but the Democrats refrained from voting. There were 76 
votes cast, of which Mr. Messick had received 75. Mr. Mes- 
sick voted for Luther L. Hiatt. Mr. Dement remarked 
that the roll showed less than a quorum voting, and ordered 
another roll-call. Again the Democrats refrained from vot- 
ing. The result of the roll-call was the same as before. 
Mr. Kimbrough said he would ask, on behalf of the Demo- 
cratic side of the House, that there be a call of the roll for 
the purpose of ascertaining who were present. Mr. Haines 
said that the House was now under no rules of parliament- 
ary law ; that all not voting were absent ; if they vote, they 
are present and should be recorded. Mr. Fuller said : "Mr. 
Speaker, I am not sure that it is necessary that a quorum 
should be present in order to effect a temporary organiza- 
tion of the House. I think not ; but if I am mistaken in 
this, it appears from the presence of the two gentlemen, 
(Kimbrough and Haines,) who have just addressed the chair, 
that an actual quorum is present. They have addressed the 
chair, and by their remarks have demonstrated that there 


is a quorum of members present, seventy- five members 
having voted, and two others being present. The chair now 
knows that there are seventy-seven members, or a quorum, 
present, and a temporary Speaker has been elected." 

The chair ruled the point not well taken, and ordered the 
roll-call to be proceeded with, when 152 members responded 
to their names. On the third ballot Mr. Haines received 
76 votes, and Mr. Messick 75. Mr. Haines voted for Mr. 
Varnell, and Mr. Messick for Mr. Hiatt. Mr. Dement 
declared Mr. Haines duly elected temporary Speaker. Mr. 
Fuller raised a point of order in effect that Mr. Haines had 
not been elected, as it required a majority of all the mem- 
bers present to elect. Mr. Haines wanted to know if the 
chair had announced the vote. Mr. Dement answered in 
the affirmative. Mr. Haines said, "then the thing is closed." 
"No," said Mr. Dement, "I made a mistake." Mr. Haiues 
said : "Mr. Chairman, I had decided to help the chair oat 
by refusing to accept the position. The Senate has decided 
this question long ago. This is not for the Speaker ; it is 
only a temporary thing. I will say right here to my col- 
league from Boone, that under no condition would I accept 
this place, and I am not obliged to anybody for offering it 
to me." Mr. Dement repeated that he was in error in an- 
nouncing the result. Mr. Haines then wanted to know if 
the chair repudiated the rules of the Senate. Mr. Dement 
intimated that he knew nothing of the traditions of the 
Senate. Mr. Haines insisted that it was a question of 
history, and that the ruling of the chair was unprecedented. 
Mr. Dement maintained his point, when the House ad- 
journed until Thursday at 11:30 A. M. 

When the House met on Thursday, every member was 
present, and on the first ballot Mr. Haines was elected tem- 
porary Speaker by a vote of 77 to 74 for Mr. Messick, Mr. 
Sittig voting for Mr. Haines. Mr. Messick voted for Mr. 


Hiatt. Mr. Haines did not vote. Mr. Haines accepted the 
trust, and the further temporary organization was proceeded 
with. Robert A. D. Wilbanks, Democrat, was elected Clerk, 
over J. K. Magie, Eepublican, by a vote of 77 to 76. Sub- 
sequently, Mr. Haines held that he had been elected Speaker; 
that the Constitution recognized no such officer as tem- 
porary Speaker, and he successfully resisted, for fourteen 
days, the election of E. L. Cronkrite, the Democratic caucus 
nominee, when, tiring of the conflict, and failing to assert 
his authority as Speaker, he resigned. This was late in the 
evening. No sooner had he vacated the chair, than there 
was a grand rush from both sides of the House for the 
rostrum. Mr. Pike, Republican, was the first to ascend the 
platform, and in a loud tone called the House to order. He 
had hardly gotten the words out of his mouth, before Messrs. 
McAliney, McHale and McNally, from the Democratic side, 
had violently thrown him from the stand, and Mr. Baker, 
Democrat, snatched the gavel from him and handed it to 
Mr. Cronkrite. The scene was one of great excitement. 
In the midst of the tumult, Mr. Fuller put a motion that 
Mr. Linegar be made temporary Speaker, but Mr. Cronk- 
rite, guarded by the Democrats, held the chair. The 
Democrats put a motion to a viva voce vote, declaring Mr. 
Oonkrite permanent Speaker, and announced it carried. 
Mr. Puller mounted a desk and moved that Mr. Cronkrite 
be designated as the temporary presiding officer of the House 
until a permanent organization was effected, which question 
was put by Mr. Fuller to a vote and unanimously agreed to 
by the House, thereby settling the dispute as to the tem- 
porary organization, in opposition to the claim of Mr. 
Haines that a permanent organization had been effected, 
when, on a motion of Mr. Fuller, the House adjourned 
until 10 o'clock A. M., January 21.* 

*See House Journal, page 45. 



Mr. Cronkrite continued to occupy the chair until the 
28th of January, when Mr. Haines was elected Speaker as 
the caucus nominee over Charles E. Fuller, the Republican 
caucus nominee, by the vote of Mr. Fuller, he having pre- 
viously expressed his willingness to vote for his opponent 
whenever he should have secured the united support of his 
own party, -and Messrs. O'Donnell and Linegar having finally 
yielded to party pressure and cast their votes for Mr. Haines, 
giving him 76 votes, or enough with his own to have elected 
him ; and Mr. Haines having stated that he would not vote 
for himself, Mr. Fuller arose and said : "Mr. Speaker, there 
appearing now to be a united majority upon the other side 
of this house, I, for one, am willing to concede that, being 
united, they are entitled to the organization of this house, 
and to the election of a Speaker, and in order that there 
may be the best of feeling between the two parties of this 
house in starting out upon what we all hope will be a 
peaceable, prosperous and successful session of this Legis- 
lature, I take pleasure, at this time, in changing my vote, 
which I cheerfully cast for my distinguished colleague from 
Lake, the honorable E. M. Haines." This ended the long 
and bitter contest over the Speakership. On taking the 
gavel, Mr. Haines said, in a trembling voice and with tears 
in his eyes : "Gentlemen of the House of Representatives, 
I have again to thank you for this renewed evidence of your 
confidence and esteem. Perhaps there has never been, in 
the history of this State, any person so highly honored in 
his election to this place." Mr. Wilbanks was subsequently 
elected Clerk, when the business of the Thirty-fourth Gen- 
eral Assembly began. Until the organization of the General 
Assembly there could be no canvass of the vote for State offi- 
cers, nor could the messages of the retiring Governor, and 
incoming Governor be received by the respective houses. 
Governor Hamilton's message was read in both h