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T\'lTE 01<' l!O:\IFU'E \ III, J"- THE L\TIIEIHL\L, FLOHE:\CE,
HISTOR Y
OF
POPE
BONIFACE
VIII
AND HIS TIMES
WITH
NOTES AND DOCUMENTARY EVIDENCE
IN SIX BOOKS
By
DON LOUIS TOSTI
BENEDICTINE MONK OF MONTE CASSINO
TRANSLATED FROM THB ITALIAN
By RT, REV, lVIGR, EUGENE J, DONNELLY, V.F.
PASTOR OF ST. MICHAEL'S CHURCH, FLUSHING, L, I., N. Y.
l""'oÞ .
...
.
.
A
.. Entering Alagna, 10 the fleur-de-lis,
And in his Vicar Christ a captive led r
I see him mocked a second time j-again
The vinegar and gal! produced I see;
And Christ himself 'twixt robbers slain."
DANTE, Purgat,. canto XX.
"
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NEW YORK
CHRISTIAN PRESS ASSOCIATION
PUBLISHING COl\IPA
Y
1RibU ebetat.
1Jmprimatur.
imprimatur.
REV. REIIUGIUS LAFORT. S.T.L.
l\IOST REV. JOHN 1\1. FARLEY, D.D.,
Arcllbislwp of New York.
CHARLES EDWARD,
Bishop of Brooklyn.
COPYRIGHT, 1911, BY
EUGENE J. DONNELLY,
CONTENTS.
PAGE
}JEDICATION.
TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE ......................................... 7
BOOK I ....... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
BOOK II . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99
BOOK III ..................... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 151
BOOK IV ..................................................... 216
BOOK V ..................................................... 266
BOOK VI ........ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3G2
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS.
Brief of Pope Alexander IV in favor of Benedict Gaetani (Extract
frOnt the archives of the church of Todi).................... 455
Decree of the Canons of Todi in favor of Benedict Gaetani. . . . . . . . . . 455
Note relative to the duel between Peter of Aragon and Charles of
Anjou against the insinuations of Potter. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4:56
Note relative to the Master of the Court (Dontinus Curiae) a title
given to Benedict Gaetani by Ptolemy of Lucca............... 460
Concerning the abdication of Celestine V....... ... ................ 463
Profession of faith of Benedict Gaetani before his elevation to the
Papacy ................................................... 465
Encyclical of Boniface with regard to his Pontificate.. . . . . . . . . . . . . 466
Letter of Boniface to Philip the Fair......... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 469
Imprisonment and death of Peter Celestine....................... 469
His renunciation of the Papacy. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 470
His return to his cell on Mt. Morone............................. 471
The search after him........................................... 472
His flight across the sea........................................ 473
His capture and confinement in the castle of Fumone. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 474
His death and miracles thereat.................................. 476
Letter of Boniface to the Sicilians urging them to return to submis-
sion to the Church ......................................... 476
Another letter to Frederick of Aragon to prevail upon him to leave
Sicily . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 477
. Letter of Boniface to the provincial of the Friars Minor with regard
to the conversion of Guy of Montefeltro. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 479 ·
Constitution on the Ecclesiastical immunities; the bull cc ClericiB
Laicos." ................................................... 480
Letter of Boniface to Philip the Fair......... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 481
Division of the fiefs among the Colonnas (From the archives of Con-
stable Colonna in Patrini, Mon. 19.)......................... 486
3
CONTENTS.
4
PAGE
Act appointing James Colonna absolute administrator of the prop-
erty of the Colonnas (From the Barber'Ïni O1'chires in Pat1'ini
illo11 , 21).................................................. 48f1
Proepedings against the Colonnas.......... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4f10
TIle Colonna Iilwl against Bonifaee. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . , . . . . 4
Sentence of Boniface against the Colonnas.... . . . . . . . . 4!)G
Brid of Boniface entrusting the direction of the "ar against the
Colonnas to Landolph Colonna............................. !j00
TIpply of Bonifaee to the Roman ppople. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 500
Two sermons of Ronifaee XIII. rlplivered at Orvieto, in prf'sencc of
tl1P f'ardinals, on the oecasion of the C'anonization of Louis IX,
king of France............................................ 502
ArLitI'a I dpcision of Bonifaee in thp proceedings pending, betwpen
Edward of England and Philip t]w Fair..................... 508
. Thc evil eounsel of Guy of Montefeltro. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. .,. 511
Bull instituting the Jubilep. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 521
Exclusion of the Rieilians and the f'olonnas from the indulgencp of
the Jubilpe..,............................................. 522
The offerings of the Jubilee. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 523
J.ctter of Ronifaee to Charles II reproving llim for his impudenep. . . 52ï
Letter of BonifaC'P to Cardinal AC'quasparta charging him to paeify
Florence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 528
Letter to the French clergy relative to the appeal of Charles of Yalois 528
Letter to Cardinal .:\equasparta, Legate to rpstrain Charles of Valois 530
JJetter of Boniface to Philip the Fair regarding the Archbishopric of
Narbonne and tIle county of Maguelonne. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
1
Letter to Philip the Fair, annexed to the Bull. "A llsc-ulta " . . . . . . . . 533
On the works of Egidius Colonna. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . - . . .. 53!)
. Letter to the clergy of France, annexed to the Bull. "Unam Hanctam;' 53ü
.,. . An observation on the constitution " Una m Hancta 111," and on the hook
of Dante, De
lonarehia. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . , . . . . . . . . . . 53!)
A letter to Albert, king of the Romans. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . - . . Mil
Constitution of Bonifaee regarding his eonf1iet with Philip the Fair.. 541
The piety of Boniface. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . - . 542
Bull of Benedict XI, again-õt the persceutors of Boniface.. . . . . . . . .. 544
The infamous erasures in the register of the letter of Boniface. . . . 54!)
DEDICATION.
To thee, Dante Alighieri,
'Ve consecrate these books,
"\Vhich recall to a new life
The memory of Boniface the Eighth.
The political sorrows which troubled thee,
Do not dare to profane thy noble heart;
And even when the anger of thy mind
Suggested the strangest conceptions
Thou remaindest an Italian.
So in the presence of Boniface
Whom thou considerest an enemy,
And whom thou loadest with eternal infamy
As is eternal the poetry thou mad est,
Respectfully bow thy head;
And venerate the Vicar of Jesus Christ.
Bear to-day,
That to thy soul freed from anger
History may present herself
And speak to thee of a man
'Vhom thou wouldst raise to the heavens
If the destinies of thy Florence
Had been less tempestuous.
:More on the strength of his virtue
Than on these pages,
He rises so high
As to place himself without blemish before thee.
He pardons thee.
And on the volume thou hast written,
A last refuge
Of Italian grandeur
Let them lie
Reconciled with him,
The sovereign keys
As a proof of this union
'Vhich alone can render fruitful the hopes
Of mother cmmtry.
TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE.
A BACKWARD glance throngh the history of tlIP
Iiddle
Ages may show us not a few nlajestic figures among the
POPl)S, but none so striking and remarkable as that of Bon-
iface YIII. Rurrounded by stern and simple times lIP ap-
peals to us with peculiar directness because of the ahno
t
universal and lasting denunciation of historians, both of his
own and later tinles. The hi
tory of the Church during
these times is whony a history of tlIP struggle of the Papacy
against the supremacy of tllf' hnperial power. Some popes
more than others are distinguished for tIw bold resistance
they showed to this unjust assumption, and stro\e to main-
tain the rights of the Churf'h, among whom are to be partic-
ularly mentioned Alexander III, Gregory 'TII, Innucent
III, and Boniface VIII.
Pope Boniface VIII deser\es to be callf'd the last pope of
the )liddle Ages. It was during his Pontificate that the
tempOl'al power of the Holy See was, for the first time,
attacked by France, and the prestige of the Papacy was
subjected to the most violent outrages. lIe was a great
medieval pope. His figure can ùe justly compared with
that of Innocent III, or Gregory IX. Like them he sol-
emnly affirmetl the pontifical authority; like them he
fought princes with a stuhbornness which alone equalled
the consciousness he had of his own rights. By his sump-
tuous ceremonies, hy his striking and eloquent Buns, he
manifested to the wor1rl the grandpnr and power of the
Papacy. The Pontificate of Bonifac(' VIII is tllf' hpginning-
of a transition period; it exhihits thp sinking of tll(> pnpal
power an(l the rising of the secular state-idea hosti1e to
the Church. The subor(lination of tlIP sprnlnr l1llflpl' thp
piritnn] order was denied. The Ree of Peter was shaken
hut not (lestroyed.
But he i
the last pope of the
Iiddle Agf's, because in the
'1
8
TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE.
combat which he sustained against the enemies of his
temporal power, he was, in the main, vanquished. He dis-
appeared at the dawn of the fourteenth century, and as is
wen known this period marked the decline of the )Iiddle
Ages. The old Christian republic into which the European
tateR had resolved thenlselves, had di
appeared. Na-
tionalities began to assume form; heresies
ucceeded in im-
planting themselves, in living, in prospering, for a timf'.
After the sojourn of the Popes at A yignon. which was a
kind of a gilded captivity, the Great Schism began to divide
Christianity into two or eyen three parties who engaged ill
long and bitter struggles. The faithful were unable to dis-
tinguish who was the true pope; even the saints themselves
were beguiled; Councils did nothing el
e hut increase the
eyil of the situation, and on a11 sides men of courage were
bewailing the nlisfortunes of the Chure-h. ...\t the same time
frightful wars harassed the people and epidemics deYa
-
tated the half of Europe. Boniface YIII had long been
dead before the
e disasters appeared, but he preceded them
immediately. His end so sad and gloomy after the outrage
of Anagni seemed to forebode that e-vils without numl1Pr
would be visited on the Church; and it was no vain fore-
boding. This is the reason why we have said that 11e was
the la
t pope truly medieyal. His grand figure in the last
daYR of the )Iiddle Ages blazons forth, and his fan precipi-
tateR that of this stormy epoch.
One can easily understand how the history of such a pope
has been the subject of many impassioued and bia
ed workH.
French writers had studied the rea
ons which led to the
differences between Boniface and Philip the Fair, and frOln
the first, thpy are violently hostile to the Pope. One can 1)('
convinced of this by reading the work published by Dupuy
in 165;). Other writers are milder and less bitter in tone,
but they make no effort to conceal their bias.
The chief reproaches that are brought against Boniface
VIII relate to the abdication of Cplestine Y; his own eler-
tion to the Papacy; the impri
onment of Celestine Y; the
quarrel that arose between him and the Colonna family,
and Philip the Fair. But an these charges win be met and
explained to the reader during hi
perusal of this history.
)loreoyer the moral portraits of Boniface and Philip the
Fair being traced, there is no doubt that approaching then1
TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE.
9
nearer in order to obserY'c their conduct in th
famous
quarrel, the truth will be Reen more plainly and more P3!'\iJy.
Like Gregory YII, who wa
the foremo!':t man in the
pontific-atcs of his several predecesson
, on whom they l'e]jp(}
for !':upport, and who :;;trongly defended the rig-hts of the
Church,
o Benedict Gaetani (Boniface YIII), ,,'as the
great factor and most celebrated per
mnage in the admin-
istration of the five preceding popes; who was :;;ent on the
most difficult emba
sies, and was calletl upon to manage
affairs of great moment and settle the difficulties b('hn:><>n
the Church and princes. The knowledge of all the evils
which agitated the Church within his own luemory, togeth(
r
with oth('rs which for a long time preY'iously h('set 11('1',
:;;ery('d as generating facts which gave form and character
to the one thought ,yhich entC'red deeply into his mind,
namely the Church reduced to servitude not l)y :;;(ìf'I'et
eIlf'mi('
, but by tho
e who called themsf'hpes hf'r chil<1ren
and her vassals, anù forceù to work in thi
humiliating-
condition. Pnder such circumstances a man Hke Ronifac
,
on whom nature had lavished her choicest gifts, and who
was equally skiBed in canon and civil law; wllO
e talents
and accomplishments fitted hinl to ùe no less a secular
prince than thp IIead of the Church; who
e strong Sf'nse
and firmness of charaeter enabled him to fully comprehend
his mission and his office, and to go straight through with
whatever business he had in hand, without turning to the
right or to the left; who surpassed all his predf'c
!':ors in
talent for affairs, experience of practical life, and who
was still in the full tiùe and vigor of manhood, must, when
calling upon the nlemories of Gregory YII and Innocent
III, have resolved to follow their example in pursuing a
well-defined policy, and a
suming a" bold and determined
attitude. The character of the first decre('s is
ued h)' him,
placed him as a churchman be
ide Innocent III. ...\Hhough
the vie,,'s entertained by Boniface reg-ar(ling- the relations
of Church and State, were not precisely tho1';e put forward
l,y his great predecessors, Grpgol'Y and Innocent, they
(liffered from them only because the altered dr(,1nustance
of his age caned for a corresponding change of ecc1esiasti-
eal policy.
ßonifape during all his Pontifirate I';trOVf> to maintain
the rights of tlw Church and of tllP Holy See as hp had reo
10
TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE.
ceived them from his predecessors. He aimed at nothing
else but to preserve intact these same rights of the Church,
not only in the sanctuary, but also in the heart of civil so-
ciety itself, over the temporal destinies of which he could
no more cease to preside, than the soul over the purely
material functions of the body. Philip the Fair was de-
termined to thwart him, and to exercise his rule with a b-
solute independency from any spiritual control.
Th
resistance with which he opposed all mann
r of
injustice during bis lifetime, opened a way after his death
to resentment, which furiously assailpd his memory and
oppressed it. The tendency of the writers of the tim
heing
in favor of either Guelph or Ghibellillc, they portrayed
the actions of this Pope to suit their own views, and just
as rumor expressed them. Philip the Fair in France, th
Colonnas in Italy, the proud Roman Patriciate, and all
those who had experienced the strong temperament of
,Boniface in anger, cast the stone of vituperation upon his
sepulchre, in addition to a cry of execration and vengeancp.
Care must be taken so that his character nl'ust not bp
judged by what French writers say. His character and
career ought in all fairness to be judged by a contemporary
instead of a modern standard of ethics and ideas. To
judge him impartia1Jy one should transport himself to the
age in which he lived, and take into account the then politi.
cal institutions, anò the principles of legislation and gov-
ernment. Both those of his own and those of later thnes,
wrote under the guidance of unreasonable prejudices, be-
cause they knew only French facts, or were under the im-
pression of some mOlnentary quarrel with the Holy See.
The memory of Boniface has been assailed by Dante, who
puts him in a poetical hen, but his opinion is vilely prej-
udiced OIl account of political reasons, and he speaks with
thp usual license of a poet, and not with the truthful spirit
of a historian. But after the outrage at Anagni he relented
at its contenlplation, and forgot his political feeling to give
vent to his indignation at the insult offered to Christ's
Vicar in the fonowing verses:
C C Entering Alagna, 10 the fleur-de-lis,
And in his vicar, Christ a captive led t
I see Mm mocked a second time :-again
The vinegar and gall produced I see;
And Christ llimself 'twixt robbers slain,"
TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE.
11
Petrarch his fellow poet and contemporary calls Boniface
(merariglia del mondo) the marvel of the world. It has
bpen the
ad fate of Boniface VIII to have made many
enemies. 1'10st Protestant authors have numbered him
among the wicked popes.
But he has found some apologists and defenders, and
amon
them the first place is to be given to the ('f'lebrated
Bf'npdietiJle of :Monte Ca
Rino, Dom Louis Tosti. This his-
torian is alllong thf' foremost of I taly whose various works
have bef'1l favorably rpceiv(:'d everywhere, and have nmdp
him renownpd for Rplendid historical attainments. His
work: ,. The l.ife an<l Tinw8 of Boniface VIII,'. which we
present to the public in an English drpss, i
an admirable
and effectivf' defence of that Pope. In it he breathf'
the
true sph'it of a historian; he neither apologizes, nor does
he advance a proof, without producing docunwntal'Y evi-
dence from the most approved sources. In the compilation
of this work Tosti had access to many unpublished docu-
ments in the Vatican Archives, and to have drawn fronl
them much information of the greatest value. This huok
which we pre8f'nt to the English reading puhlic, is not a
(
ontl'over
ia) work. It has not been wl'ittpn, nor tl'an
-
lated with the view of rpviving doctrines whieb, ('onfes-
('d]y, exercised a
a]utary sway in the :\Iiddle Ages, but
of which no OIle <lreanls of seeing them pxer('ised in the
actual state of the world, at this hour, when the (1hurch,
very far from daÍlning an interference in the temporal
affairs of states, prefers rather to preserve her incontesta-
ble spiritual rights.
To establish in its day truth ob
cured by passions; to
render to virtue its honor, and to avenge the opprobrium
of six centuries; to inflict on crime triumphant the repro-
hation it deserves; to serve also the designs of divine Prov
idence, which doC's not defer always the cause of justice to
the future life, such is the noble purpoRe which Dom Tosti
had in view, and whieh we also maintain in our work of
tran8lation. "TlJe History of Boniface VIII and his
Times," is then 8ol('ly a work of historical reparation, a
sati8faction ùue morality and sOcÏC'ty.
If, profiting by the generou
efforts of othet's before him
to rp8tOI'C' th(' mplnOI'Y of a pontiff persecuted and out-
raged ùUl'iug hi::;; life, and calumniated and execrated aftcr
12
TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE.
his death, the illustrious Benedictine has succeeded in de-
fending it in a nlost complete manner, yet he has not pre-
tended to have said the last word in this solemn discussion.
But by furnishing sonle important points of procedure, he
has contributed to the triumph of his client, of his hero;
and this service, we confidently believe, will win for hÌIn
the s.rmpathy not only of Catholics, but also of all those
honest souls, steadfastly faithful to the sacred principles of
eq uity.
Boniface was a man of great and relnarkable qualities.
In his day, before his ordination, he was known far and
wide for his knowledge of civil law, and his fame as a
lawJ 1 er has been preserved and handed down to the present
day by a collection of laws bearing the title: " The Gaetani
Code of Laws." TIe became so well-versed in canon law
that he was consiùered the fir
t canonist of his age, and
his reputation for learning soon became widespr{'aù. He
was an a<llllirpr of the fine aI'ts, and a strong and liheral
proteetor and patron of artists. TIe emhellisheU his be
lo,'ed town of Anagni, whpre he fixed his summer r{'sidence,
and restored its cathedral, in nlemory of which the people
placed his statue in a niche of the facade, which exists at
the present time. TIe completed and opened to divine wor-
ship that beautiful Gothic cathedral of Orvieto. In Ronle
he rebuilt the church of St. Lawrence in Panisperna. He
invited tIle celebrated Giotto to Rome, and engaged him
to decorate the churches of St. Peter, and S1. John Lateran,
and in the latter there is still to be seen the portrait of
Boniface drawn by that artist. TIis literary acquirements
no one disputes. The Sixth Book of the Decretals will
attest them as long as God's undying Church shall last.
He elevated to the honors of the altar Louis IX, the grand-
father of Philip the Fair. lIe increased the solemnity of
the feasts of the four evangelists; and raised the feasts of
t he four Latin Dodors, Augustine, Ambrose, Jerome and
Gregory, a degree higher. lIe l'ompo!sed the h;ymn (( .Lire
rirgo Gloriosa," and the prayer: " Deus, qui pro redemp-
tione lllundi;" and he left five orations on the canoniza-
tion of St. Louis, the purity and elegance of whose Latin
is still much admired. General science owes to him the
foundation of thp unin.>rsity of the Rapienza at Rome, as
well as the unirer
:ity at F'el'l11o. Religion owe
tJ him the
TRA...
SLATOR"S PREFACE.
13
consoling institution of the Jubilee, the most beautiful con-
ception of his Pontificate.
Cardinal 'Yiseman who has written an able defence of
this Pope says: ,. Accustomed as we have been to hear and
read so llluch to the disadvantage of Boniface YIII, we
naturaIJy required some cause, however slight, to turn our
attention towards a particular exalllination of such griev-
ous charges. The pencil of Giotto must clainl the luerits,
such as it is. The portrait of Boniface by him in the
Lateran Basilica, so different in character from the rep-
resentations of modern history, awakened in our minds a
peculiar interest regarding him, and led us to the examina-
tion of several popular assertions, affecting his llloral and
ecclesiastical conduct. lIe soon appeared to us in a new
ligh t; as a pontiff who began his reign with most glorious
promise, and closed it amid sad calamities; who devoted,
through it aIJ, the energies of a great mind, cultivated by
profound learning, aud matured by long experience in the
mo
t difficult eccle
iastical affairs, to the attainment of a
truly noble end; and who, throughout his l'al'eer, displayed
many great virtues, could plead in extenuation of his faultR,
the convul
ed state of public affairs, the rudene
s of his
times, and the faithless, violent character of many among
those with whom he had to ileal. These circum
tances,
working upon a mind naturally upright and inflexible, led
to a sternness of manner and severity of conduct, wbich,
when viewed through the feelings of modern time:o;, may
appear extreme, and almost unjustifiable. But after study-
ing the condul't of this great Pope, after searching through
the pages of his most hostile historians, we are satisfied that
this is the only point upon which a plausible charge can be
hrought against him; a charge which bas been much exag-
gerated, and which the considerations jm,t enumerated
must sufficientl." repel, or in a great part extenuate." The
Rame author makes one or two other remarks: " Although
the character of Boniface wa
certainly stern and illfiexihh',
there is not a sign of it having been cruel 01' re,'engeful.
Throughout the whole of his hi
tory, not an illstanl'e can
he found of his having punished an enemy witb death.
1Vhen he wa
returning to Rome, after his liberation, in a
tl"il1Jllph never ùefol'p witnessed, Cardinal Stephanesius
tl'll
u
, tl1:,t his pdndpal enemy Xogaret, or 8eiarra Col-
14
TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE.
onna, was seized by the people and brought before him,
that he might deal with him as he plea
ed; he freely par-
doned him and let him go. So, likewise, when Fra. Jaco-
pone fen into his hands, he dealt leniently with him, and
confined him, where others would have treated the offence
as eapital. These exalnples of forgiveness and gentleness,
ought surely to have due weight in estinlating the Pope's
character,"
And so we send forth this work to the English reading
public, that they might gain a right idea of his character
as wen hoping that it Illay he able to relllove the ma::;;s of
error and cahunny that has accumulated around the naIlie
of Boniface VIII, for the past six centuries, and likewise
remove the obloquy which stilI rests 011 his lllemory. If
this end be attained the labor of translation win be re-
warded, and we shall be amply repaid for having under-
taken it.
lay justice and truth prevail regarding this
great, learned and magnaniulOus Pope, and may he have
the place he lnerits among the Sovereign Pontiffs, which is
alllong the highest and the greatest.
EUGENE J. DONNELLY.
October 2Gth, 1910.
BOOK FIRST.
SUl\IMARY.
1217 to 1295.
Classification of human events from the fall of the Roman Empire to our
own times.----The Pontificate of Boniface is a generating fact.-How
he personified the separation of the priesthood from the Empire.-
Reflections on the political ministration of the Papacy.-How the
civil Pontificate will always live, although the exercise of it ceased
after Boniface.--Charles of Anjou and the Roman Pontiffs.-
1istakes
which the latter made.-The trouble they prepared for their suc-
cessors.-The Sicilian Vespers.--lJ'he birth and education of Benedict
Gaetani.--JIis first employments in the Church.---'His first embassy to
Rudolph, at war with Charles, for the possession of Provence.-He
is created Cardinal.---JAnother embassy to restrain Charles from fighting
a duel with Peter of Aragon.-Indiscretions of Martin IV,
Naples
and Sicily under Pope Honorius.-----Dionysius, king of Portugal, trouble-
some to the Church.--Cardinal Gaetani is sent with other cardinals
to pass sentence on him.---'He goes to France in the quality of legate
on affairs relating to the Holy Land, and becomes acquainted with
Philip the Fair.-He makes every effort for peace, and writes the
treaty of Tarascon.-Conclave held after the death of NiC"'holas 111.----
Divisions and dela)Ts of the Cardinals.--Charles the Lame intrudes
himself among them and Cardinal Gaetani ejects him.-Peter Morone
elected Pope.-A description of him.-He accepts the Papacy.-He
falls altogether under the power of Charles and perverse men.-He is
(,Towned.-Gaetani is the last one to repair to Aquila.-In what con-
dition he found things, and how he came to be Lord of the Curia.-
Peter Celestine exasperates the Cardinals.-They begin to advise him
to resign.--.He is disposed to do so.-He takes counsel with Cardinal
Gaetani,-,Artifices of Charles II.-Abdication of St. Celestine.-Dis-
positions of the Cardinal electors.-Gaetani elected Pope.--Calumnies
regarding his election.-First measures of Boniface which disturb the
beginning of his Pontificate.-He repairs to Rome.
An observation.----
Ceremonies of the cornonation of the new Pope.-Encyclical of Boni-
face.-Letter to King Philip the Fair.
IT was with much agitation of mind that we propof':ed
to narrate the history of Boniface YIII, for the r(>a
on
that his name, in many hook:-;, groan
un(l<.
l' thp wpight of
15
1G
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
the greatest abuse and slander. 'Ye shall not now speak
of the reasons for the almost universal and lasting denun-
ciations of historians (both of his own and later times),
nor of their justice, nor their iniquity; these causes are
very clearly revealed from the facts themselves without
any effort on the part of the narrator. To prepare the
mind of the reader, however, we must make known the
motives which inspired us with courage to publish anew
the true facts of the history of that Pontiff.
To form a judgment on past events, and to discover the
evidence of their nloral right, it does not
uffice to examine
them severely and intelligently; the true science of history
consists in choosing from among theln those which, in the
order of human events, start up as beginnings and fertile
cau!':es of great changt's. Upon these as on a high elevation
the historian places himself in order to view and follow
the successive devt'lopment of subordinate events which
lie hidden, and which come forth when eÏrcumstances have
reached tht'ir maturity. The evpnts which we call gener-
ators/ are the great social revolutions, always preceded by
secret caUSeS which prepared the way for them, and al-
ways followed by consequences which reveal their power.
'Yhen a fact of this nature strikes the mind of a phil-
osopher, it there awakens a struggle, more or less pro-
longed, of two contrary ideas in the breasts of the people,
and the victory of one of t hell1 over the other. The fact
that expresses the triumph of the victorious idea, is pre-
cisely that which is called a revolt, because it allures the
vanquished idea and causes it to pass under its sway.
To write a complete history of the human family, it will
suffice then to discern tlwse generating facts; because frOlll
a study of thenl every other fact will be revealed, being
made clear by the light from the generating fact. Hence,
turning our attention to events which forIn the history of
society from the fall of the Latin Empire to our own times,
we find three events which lllerÏt the name of revolutions;
namely, the terrible invasion of the Barbarians into
Europe; the quarrel of Philip the Fair with the Holy See;
and the revolution at the end of the eighteenth century,
commonly called the French Revolution.
A government without rule and restraint, which estab-
Hshes itself on the ruins of the virtue of a people, is of
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
17
itself alone a. sufficient preparation, and as well a neces-
sary cause of revolution, internal or external, as the force
may be which accelerates the turbulent fact; and the strug-
gle is then between right and force, order or disorder.
From Augustus to Augustulus this cause unfolded itself,
and sapped the foundation of the edifice of the ancient civ-
ilization, which crumbled away when an external force,
the Barbarians, ruined the Roman Empire. The idea
of disorder and tyranny having triumphed invisibly, on its
ruinf' and amiùst the horrors of a boisterous crueHy they
led Pagan Rom
, a slave, to the feet of Christian Rome,
and made her thus submissive to thp iùea of justice and
order. Thf'
r could not personify that idea, because they
were barbarians; therefore, triumphant, but wandering,
they walked the earth, but could not vivify it. This task
was undertaken by the Roman Papacy; and the day on
which Pope Leo placed the imperial crown on the head of
CharJelnagne, it seems to us the great revolution was ac-
complished. Right administered by the pontifical hand
ruled both princes and people; and as it is the life of
human society, the Popes penetrated deeply into this so-
ciety; the
T even took possession of the heart, to revive the
sources of its life, and equally subservient to them they
11(' ltl the ruler and the ruled. This was the infancy of the
rising generations, and it was in peace. But, advancing
in social life, the princes were the first to be enamored of
ancient pagan Rome, which in its cold but still dangerous
ruins concealed the idea of the monarchy of Augustus.
They declared openly for it, they cleansed it from the ob-
s
pnities of a Tiberius and a
ero, they marked its brow
with the cross of Christ, they made it sit with them on
their thrones, and they began to antagonize the Papacy, to
drive it out not only from civil society, but to consign it
a gain to the ca tacom bs.
The Emperors of the house of Hohenstaufen and the
Popes of their times, were the expression of the great
struggle between the Church and the Empire, which was
to prepare another revolution, that is to say, the victory of
either one of the two powers over the oth
r. As long as
thp Empire> was personifieù by DIeIl whose strength of mind
f(uane>d the> gJ'eatnf'ss o
the ide>a they r
pre
e>nted. tl}(
POWl'1' of tl1(' Church, finding in hpr pontiffs a strong anù
18
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
solid prop, held good and survived. But, on the death of
Frederick II, the idea of the pagan monarchy was en-
feebled by reason of its division among many crowned
heads, and the Pontificate counting on a complete victory,
moderated that vigor that had been displayed by Innocent
III, Gregory IX, and Innocent IV.
The pontifical energy revived however at the excesses of
King Philip, and it confronted him with the breast of
Boniface VIII. All the kingdoms were silent spectators
of the struggle for the principles which these men repre-
sented. And when they saw the Pope imprisoned, struck,
fall into the grave, and saw the stone of vituperation
placed upon this grave by a Christian king, they r<>alized
that a rcvolution was now completed, the separation of
the Priesthood from thc Empire.
'Yhcn the Church was set aside, the right which the
popes had visibly pxercÏspd over the bcad of kings was re-
placed by an invisiblc right which the princes invokpd,
anù by virtue uf which they ventured to reign; this right
the people did not !';ee and to it they could not appeal. In
vain did the kings have recourse to the theories of those
learned in law, to render this right perceptible; how could
lawyers inspire men with as much respect as the Pontiffs?
The people often with both hands closed the volume of a
right which the will of another man could 110t sanctify in
their eyes; then commenced the fierce struggle of interest!';
between the people and the kings, or the fight for liberty
and for power, for the people in their ignorance did not
understand how the power can reside in a man. This ina-
bility was formerly supplied by Faith, and with this there
was nothing easier to comprehend than the power in the
'Pope, the representative of Jesus Christ. Now as France
had accomplished the r<>volution which separated the
I>riesthood from the Empire, she adlÎevcd also the enù of
the struggle between monarchy and democrac
y, To France
belonged this mission; for in her impetuosity to separate
herself from the sacerdotal principle, not finding in the
n10narchy the guarantees of the Church, she Inust neces-
sarily tend to clash indirectly with the principle of democ-
racy. Ther<>fore all modt'rn history springs from these
three revolutions, the source and origin of every other
{'vent, from the barbariflns victorious over the Latin Em-
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
19
pire; from the priesthood excluded throughout France
from the heart of civil societ
y; and from the monarchy
overthrown by democracy in France. '
From which it appears, that in every revolution, the
men who represent th
conquered or the conquering prin-
ciple should have the spirit so strongly tempered as to
sustain the terrible conflict in which they are engaged.
If they be feeble, there will be no struggle, anù if there be
no struggle, there will not be a revolution. If then they
represent the conquered principle, they have a right not
only to be honored by posterity for their courage, but also
to be venerated by reason of the pains of their martyrdom.
It is true that to this double dignity only those can aspire,
who through sufficient personal valor, or by reason of cir-
cumstances, so closely allied themselves to th
ir great and
dangerous principle, that their ruin entails that of their
principle, and soon the struggle disappears to give place
to the easy and Succf>ssive conquests of the victor. Kow,
of the three aforesaid revolutions that alone in which the
Priesthood was excluded from the State, seems to offer the
wonderful man of whom we speak. In that of the bar-
barbians, pagan Rome did not have a respl'esentative who
identified himself with the idea and represented it, and so
the struggle was rather material than moral. In the
French Revolution Louis XVI divided with all the
crowned heads the hazardous charge, and although ma-
terially he alone nIight be in the hands of the democracy,
morally he was only a member of the great monarchical
body, and the king being dead, it cannot be said that the
principle was dead, but living.
Boniface alone by the loftiness of his courage, as wen
as by rf>a
on of his office as head of the Church, in which
the monarchy is universal, so closely identified himself
with the principle of the civil priesthood, that it died with
him. That is what we shall show ,,-hen at the end of this
history we shaH have related the great revolution in which
thf> conquered idea was so magnanimously repre
ented by
tbis Pontiff. Having thus spoken of the moral and politi-
cal conditions in which Boniface is nece:s
mrily placed,
when we call uIJon him to render to thl' men of our own
times an act'ount of his administration, w(' have perhaps
aroused great anxiety in the soul of those who think (and
20
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
we are of that number) that the civil minh
try of the
Roman Pontificate still rontiuues. "Te have said, in fal't,
that Boniface carried this ministry with him to the tomh;
it would seem then, that since that time the successors of
St. Peter have found on his chair only the keys to clo!'\c
and open heaven, and no longer the sceptre of that power,
objective in Christianity, subjective in the Papacy, whidl
secures evt'rything by the reconciliation of the contrary
elenwnts in the human family. Yet it is not so. The ob-
jective idea never dies, it is eternal like God. The Papaey
can lose the exercise of civil power, wl1Îch depends upon
the mutability of human things, but in itself this power is
immutable; it will last as long as the Church, always ready
to resume its influence over civil society, the moment
Providence commands it or the misery of humanity arouses
this beneficent power to action.
In the human individual, life is sustained by reason tem-
pering the spiritual and corporal forces; so the race is
kept alive by the reconciliation uf power and liberty de-
rived from the supreme reason, which is God. This su-
preme reason presides over the opposing factions, and
while it unmoved is a spectator of the combat, at times
it intervenes, and balancing their forces, preserves them
fr01n death and makes them live. This supreme conciliat.
ing reason is determined by the Roman Pontificate (we
speak to Catholics), and through it it is known, and scat-
ters its benefits among men. And just as human reason
in the individual, and the supreme in the universe permit
evil, without losing anything of their power so the author.
ity of the pontificate, the voice, as we have said, of this
sovereign reason which conciliates the opposing interests,
is not changed in nature because of accidental circum.
stances which may arrest the course of its subjective
power. We may remark here, that an arbiter who is
charged with the duty of conciliating two adversaries,
must be free from their faults; for by identifying himself
with one of then1 by these faults, and for that reason
repelling the other, he would become unfit for his office
of conciJiator. All human history is but the developmt'nt
of this strup:g-Ie of opposin
elements viewed by the su-
preme rea
on, and the revolutions are the victories which
the opponents gain the one over the other.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
21
Boniface personified the supreme pontificate in the begin-
ning of the 14th century. Behinù him lay the infancy of
human society, or the :JIiùdle Ages; before him this same
society full-grown, or the Renaissance. It has bpen said of
a great man that he was seated as arbiter between two
centurie
; greater than he, Boniface took the position of
arbitpr between two vast epochs. IIe combated in the l\Iid-
dIe Ages the tyranny of princes, and in the Renais
ance
the indocility of the people, who emboldened by youth,
sought to be freed from a guardianship which they con-
sidered useless, unbecoming and hurtful to their own
liberty, and besieged the papal throne with the demand,
like the prodigal son in the Gospel: " Give nle the portion
of substance that fal1cth to me." A youthful error this it
is true, ypt one which wounded sort'ly the fatherly affec-
tion of the Papacy, and ,yhich recoiled heavily on the
head of the proud guilty ones. In Boniface the Papacy
vexed in front by the bold beadng of the nenai
sance, har-
rassed behind by a force unfrienùly to it and to the peo-
ple, saw its guardianship cease. It mourned not for itself,
but for the youthful and oVt'r-confident humanity, and it
asked pardon for it from Christ, as for him who knows
not what he does. IIenceforth the time of guardianship
had passed; and the people became impatient to measure
their strength with power. But in the tomb of Boniface,
where the pontifical guardianship lay buried, dwells un-
changeable tliP right of its conciliating power. )Ien, in
fact, can refusp it rpcoguition but not destroy it; and in
the fatigue of the struggle, in the s;terility of the means
employed by both parties to come to an agreement, the
consciousness of this holy po,yer will eyer live and rule,
the preserver of contenùing elements which she concili-
atps, in ju
tice.
I t is clear to all how Pope Boniface VIII, viewed in the
exercise of this suhlime ministry, becomes the subject of a
most important history. ...\.t the first glance all the faults
with which he was reproacherl, and upon which alone he
has hpen judged, become diminished and disappear. Ro
instead of b<:'ginning by replying to the ac('usations of
simony, of exce
sive and gross amhition which WPI'e
hroug-ht againRt him, we sllall conduct the r('ad(,1" to llim
by another way, in order to haYf:
t11e reader study hiIn in
22
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
the very sanctuary of this providential rea80n, into whiclì
those never penetrate who, arresting their view on the
nlere surface of human events, obtain but an incomplete
knowledge upon which they base their invectives and their
maledictions.
To rightly estimate the character of the Pontiff, whose
life we are about to relate, it is neces
mry for us to glance
rapidly over certain events whirh took place before hi
time and which influenced his education. For no OlW can
doubt that though we owe to nature the endowIJwnt of onl
character, the circumstances of the times contribute lnuch
to form it. That was a wise and
alutary move on the part
of the Homan pontiffs, to keep at a distance from their see
the imperial power, in order to give more space to that of
the Church which strives, without ceasing-, to extend itself
to the uttermost limits of the earth.
Alexander III made the Lonlbard republics his ad- ,
vanceù ramparts, the kingdom of :Kaples and Sicily, which
Innocent III preserved with so much care for his ward,
Frederick II, was to serve as the last buhvark and refuge
in time of danger. But this double conlbination, an in-
spiration of deep wisdom, failed of its intent. In fact the
republics, after having use(l their strength against the
foreigner Barbarossa, turned it against one another, awl
prepared the way for the domination of lllany masters; on
his part, Frederick II, fronl a king having beconw em-
peror, annexed the kingdOlll of Sicily to tlle empire. The
remedy then increased the evil which the Popes had hoped
to av(>rt; for the Emperor who formerly had to fear th(>
Lombards or the :K ormans in Sicily, now settled himself
there as in Ids own home, and from there, as from a
eitadeI, thundered against Rome. There was no Illore
waiting for the German armies to cross the Alps; they
were camping at the gates of Rome, and the Pope, who,
up to that time, had been appris('d of the impieties of tlw
imp(>rial power only by letter or legate, saw them with
llis o,vn eyes. Innoc(>nt had intended to make Frederick
only a vassal king of the Holy See; hut Frederick pro-
claimed llimsplf emperor as if he had heen an indppendent
soV(
rf'ign. Ro this proximity served to add prominence to
the struggle between the Priesthood and the Empire, and
to incr(>a
e the perils of the Papacy.
HISTORY OF FOPE BONIFACE VIII.
.,c
_..t
Frederick would perhaps have carried into effect th('
terrible imperial idea, and would have himself reduced the
rights of the Church to that sad state into which they were
afterwards precipitated by the work of Philip thp Fail' of
France, if he had tempered the roughness of his German
nature with the cunning and dissimulation which he per-
ceived in the southern countries where he was educated,
and which he made use of more than once in dealing with
the Roman pontiffs. But he broke out again
t the ('hnreh
after the n1anner of :x ero, and showed no respect for the
religious convictionR, which at that time were the Blost
solemn expression of the religion itf'eIf. These faults be-
can1e more conspicuous when contrasted with the virtues
of St. Louis, king of France. Besides, the other prince
,
not wishing to assume the rôle of vassals, became alarmed
at the doctrine fabricated by the jurists of Fredprick Bar-
barossa, which aimed at nothing less than the ref'urreetion
of the empire of Augustus in the German emperors and to
establish in their favor a universal monarchy. This is
the reason why in the fil'
t council of Lyons, Thaddeus of
Suessia, the defender of Frederick, was received so coldly
by the as
embl
r, and tlle sf'ntence of excollununication an(l
the deposition hurled against the emperor by Innocent IV
was received without objection by the other kings.
The formidable imperial power so baneful to the Church
can be said to have died with Frederick, and y(>t tha t
which seemed to point to a lasting victory for the Church
prepared its overthrow. The inconstant loyalty of the
.N eapolitans and the rivalries which sprang up among the
sons of Frederick relieved the minds of the popes; the easy
victories over )Ianfred, and the increasing moral deea-
dence of the itnperial dignity after the death of this em-
peror, made the popes descend from lofty views which they
had displayed in their ministry and to which the greatness
and dignity of the pnem:r whOln they fought had l'ais(>(l
them. Ther('fore the war which they carried on, in tlH
kingdom of Naples, against the la
t remnant of the hou
:e
of Suabia, excluded from the throne by the sentence of the
Council of Lyon
, and the results of thiR war, can bp ("on-
idered as a new period of facts which begins with the
dpath of Frederick.
The last will of thi8 en1peror and th(' sovereign dominion
:!-!
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
of the Pope over this country were the subject of the dis-
cord. Although it is true the pontiffs defended there with
the rights and patrimony of the Church their own liberty,
yet we nlust admit that the contest had diminished and did
not assume the proportions of the gigantic anù heroic
comLats of Alexander III and Gregory IX. NevertheleRR
it is to be equally maintained that the popes, engaged in
the affairs of the narrow
pace of the kingdom of Naples
and Sicily, exercised an influence over all the throneR of
Europe by making sparkle the royal crown whieh they
held in their hands, and by looking about to find a prinee
worthy to wear it. The events which were taking place in
the kingdom of Naples were as the center whence the
movement started whkh put the princes in communication
with one another and with the Church. If:X aples and
Sicily had been suited for a republican form of govern-
ment; if for a long time the people had not been taught to
Jive under monarchical rule by the laws, by the civil in-
stitutions, and by the manifest splendor of those who up
to that time had worn the crown, perhaps the popes might
have preserved a SUpl'enle sovert'ignty over that kingdom;
a conciliatory protectol'ate, or immediate government by
some one appointed by them, could have cast in the shade
those quarrelR always so dangerous to which hereditary
pretentions are wont to give rise. But even though they
had desired it, they could not have accomplished it for tlw
aforesaid reasons; and they had to intrust to others the
sovereignty wllich they could not without difficulty pre-
serve among an excited people, who were aroused at first
by the liberty of t'hoice alllong the parties, and later on
Ly the nece
sity of defending their own rights.
Charles of Anjou, summoned by the Pope, came to rule
over Naples and Sicily. He was a prince poor in worldly
goods, but of houndless amùition. Seated on an unt'x-
pf'cted throne, he Rhould have made for himself an in-
violable law of respecting the rights of the Church and
thoRe of the people the direction of WhOlll she I1tH1 confided
to him. He propost'd to violate both, Lecau
e they were
incompatible with his desire of acquiring unbridled power.
He made open "yar against the Sicilians; Inlt against the
Cllurch the adversity of circumstances, and not moderation
of spirit bound him to secret attacks. lIe had always to
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
,)-
.....>
fight in Peter of Aragon and the Sicilian people, two pow-
erful adversaries who kept him lllanifesting an apparent
respect for Rome. Rome and justice were powerlf'
s to
resist him, and he changed his dominion into a t.rl'anny.
Charles overthro,,'ing the sacred rampart of this double
authurity, is the entire history that educated the mind of
Benedict Gaetani, and prepared the pontificate of Boni-
face VIII.
To us who judge the canses by the effects, that plan of
the Popes in calling a foreign prince to rule over the south-
ern part of Italy, certainly does not appear salutary or
wise. It resulted in nothing else, but furnishing the
French against their will with means to increase the evils
which the Gerlnans had already brought upon the unfortu-
nate people of Sicily. There is no doubt that thf' Papacy
needed an armed and po".erful defender; but Alexander III
had found how to clothe the papal power with a breast-
plate of iron, by making himself the soul of the Lombard
League, preferring l'ather to engage as defenders the peo-
ple whose liberty he had protected rather than the prinl'es
to whom he had given sovereignties.
'Yhen the last scion of the house of the Hohenstaufpns,
the young Conradin, drawn into the kingdom of :Kaples by
a sort of fatality, had lost his life at the bands of the
Angevine butcher, Charles aspired to a power which sur-
passed exceedingly the limits marked out by Clement IV.
The favor of the Roman See, and the condition of his
kingdom, furnished him, more than any other prince of his
time, with the means of gratifying his desire. Northern
and Central Italy by reason of the sudden overthrow of
the Ghibellines, offered hÌln in the triumph of .the Guelphs,
at the head of which he could have placed hiInself as the
champion of the Church, an aI'lD by which to secure fOl
him
elf an Italian prinripality. Thf' sea wl1ich surrounds
Sicily and so benignly bath('s the vast coast of the
eapoli-
tan country, offered him the occa
ion of increa
ing his
power by a naval force, and of extending his conquests,
under the pretext of a crusade, along the coa
ts of Africa
towards the weak Byzantium and the regions of tIlt'
I...evant. In 1267 by a promise of aid to Baldwin II, Em-
peror of Constantinople, h(' obtained from him the princi-
pality of Achaia and all the country which the I.latins still
2G
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
occupied. Coyeting with an insatiable gaze the very
throne of Constantine, he gave his daughter Beatrice in
marriage to Philip the only son of Baldwin. So thanks to
these matrimonial alliances, bargains familiar to princes,
he had established a remote right to the throne, which
made l\Hchael Paleologus fear. If the opportunity was
great, the knowledge of it and the will to us
it were no
less important. He knew it, aud embraced it, whilst the
popes believed him modestly engaged in studying his di-
plOlna of investiture. However when in l\Iay 12Gr),
Charles entered Rome, and haughtily lodged himself with
his knights in the papal palace of the Lateran without the
permission of Clement, it was very evident that his eyes
dazzled by the crown about to descend on his head, saw no
longer the hand which bestowed it. Clement protested
forcibly against this want of respect; 1 but his n1ind did
not penetrate the depth of this audacious proceeding.
But wl)3t contributed to raise Charlf's the sooner to that
lwight of power which he reached, was the vacancy in the
Roman See which lasted two years and six months. Our
readers would do well to remark here that after the arrival
of the Count of Anjou, these prolonged vacancies became
very frequent. In virtue of his office as senator of Rome,
he exercised the sovereignty in that city and over all the
patrimony of the Church; moreover he concentrated in
himself all the indirect power of the popes over the Italian
cities. Never have factions greater need of a chief than in
time of prosperity and victory. Now the Guelphs not find-
ing any longer in the See of St. Peter their natural head,
all turned to Charles as their assured protector. So great
was the confidence of Charles that in the diet of Cremona,
which he had held by the Guelphs of Lombardy, and prf'-
sided over by his f'nvoys, he humbly requpsted them to
name him their chief, which word did not sound like lord.
The principal towns of Lombardy and Piedmont acceded
to his wishes; but the people of
Ionferrato openly l'f'-
fused and said; "that they would receive Charles as a
Friend, but as a lord never." The ready compliance of so
many citif's procef'ded from the extinction of that noble
consciousness of their own liberty which hail been so ex-
alted during the wars against Barbarossa; then too, the
1 Raynaldus. Annal. Eccl. Epistola ad Carolum 1265-12.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE ;VIII.
27
long prosperity of the Ghibelline party in permitting
Ezelino da Romano, Albert Pallavacini, and Buoso da
Doara to exercise sovereign ty over them, had already ac-
customed their minds to the idea of servitude. Democ-
racy died with the League, aristocracy was consolidated
under Frederick II, and from aristocracy to a monarchy
was an easy passage which Charles tried.
He did not have to negotiate much with Tuscany; ap-
pointed by the Pope imperial vicar of this country, by
virtue of this title he obtained for ten years his sovereignty
over Florence. This was the reason of the change which
this; city underwent in its governmental constitution, after
tllP expulsion of th(> Ghibellines. It increased the nUInùer
of the advisory conn
els, curtailing thereby the power of
the nohlemen of the city; it augmented the power of the
pf'oph>, and, by the over difficult distribution of this power,
it enkindled in their breasts the fire of lamentable rival-
rips, the C3URe of cruel broils between the nobles and the
populacp. These dissensions could have opened to Charles
a way to sovereignty over the ruins of the republic; but
the opportunity escaped him, and all the effect of these
deadly discords was to destroy the Guelph party by di-
viding it into the "rhites and the Blacks, and as a conse-
quence to deprive the Roman Pontiff of his greatest sup-
port, and to remotely prepare the decline of the Florentine
the elevation of the Guelphs, in order that he as the head
had for their object the suppression of the Ghibellines, and
republic. The efforts then of Charles throughout Italy
of the latter nlight rule ovpr aU Italy. But it was not for
this purpose that the popes had called l1Îm.
Finally Theobald Visconti became Pope under the name
of Gregory X. He was a holy man, and he would have
nlore willingly passed his days as a crusader in the Holy
Land, than in the Apostolic See. He saw at first in the
ambition of Charles no other inconvenipnce than the end-
le
s duration of the war on account of exasperating the
Ghibellines; but when he wished to remedy affairs, he
found this prince a very wicked son of IIoly Church. In
fact when GI'e
ory. wa
in Florence to effect a pc>ace be-
tween the G1.wlpbs and Ghib(llline
, the marRhal of thp
king threat(lned with death and drove back the pontifical
legates who wer(l obligpd to depart, lpaying matt('rs in the
28
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
same condition as they were and Florence under an
interdict.
This Pope had dearest to his heart the conquest of the
Holy Land, and as a consequence the reunion of the schis-
matic GrpC'ks to the Latin Church. To the attainment of
this he directed all his energies. During the whole of his
pontificate Gregory cherished the project of a new crusade,
and in ordpr to brin
it and the reunion of the Greek
Church to the Latin more prominently before the people of
Christendom, he eonvoked the fourteenth æcumenical
eouncil, the second of Lyons. Though Charles did not
interfere with the project directly, he began to obstruct it
indirectly by his ambitious designs. The peace and good
win \yhich the Pope ordered his legates to preach in all
the Italian cities, and the most ardent desire he had of
numbering among his flock the schismatic l\Iichael Paleo-
logus, were displeasing to the Angevine. He did not wish
peace, because it depriyed him of the exaltation of the
triumphant Guelphs which was useful to him; and by no
IDPans ùid he wish the conversion of the Greek prince. If
:Michael returned to the bosOln of the Church, Charles
could not, without ceasing to be a devoted son of the
Church, wage that war against him ,yhich he meditated in
order to usurp the throne of Byzantium. Paleologus, en-
fJowed with that Slll'C'wtlne8s \yhich distinguishes his coun-
try-men, perceived this consequent'f', and was forced to
reenter the fold of ChrÏf;t, and to f-;helter himself behind
the chair of St. Peter, lllakil1
nse of it as a rampart apLinst
the power of Charles. In thp fourth se
sion of tlw Council
of L.'Tons Gregory shed tpars of jOJ? awl cOll
olati()n oyer
the conversion of the Greeks; and we eau believe that
Charles shed tears of grief and madness. Eyery one knows
how quic
dy this apparent conversion was effe('ted, and
how in the fifteenth century, the successors of Paleologus,
made use of this same cunning when they were threatened
no longer by the Christians, but hy the Turks.
This Pope in tbp innoc
nce of his design, causpd king
Charles another vexation, the consequence!'; of whicb he
was ignorant, and it was the friendly i'elations he e!';tah-
1i
.dle(1 with HlH10lph of HapsùuI'g, cl'eatpd hy the el
('tor!';
king' of the Romans. Requp!';ted h.v the am ha!';
adors to
confirm this election Gregor.r, after haying received from
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
29
Rudolph the oath of obedience and fidclity to the Roman
See, not only confirmed him as king, but even wrote most
eagerly in his behalf to many prinees and eyen to Charles
in order to establish friendly relations towards him.
3Ioreoyer he notified Rudolph by letter to hold himself in
rcadiness to rcceive the imperial crown; and to repair as
soon as possible to the place he would designate, where
they would meet and confer. In fact the Pope and Ru-
dolph met at Lausanne, and warmly embraced each other.
Hudolph swore again to preserve all the property of the
Church, to defend aU her right
especially those which she
held over Sicily, and to go as a crusader to the Holy Land.
The Emperor drew nigh to the Pope, but not tht' Empire
to the Church. However these friendly feelings went to
the heart of Charles. He was unwilling to have anyone
else divide with him the pious office of defender of the
Holy See, and he did not care to see th(\ imperial power in
Italy for the reason that it would frustrate his designs.
N or did he reason wrongly. For the sllbduf'd Ghihellines
turned to Rudolph, as to a support by which to revive their
hopes. They rushed to him, and recalled to his mind the
old theories of the rights of the German Empire over poor
Italy. "
e do not know whether in the interview at Lau-
anIle Gregory oppnly nlanifested to the Emperor elect his
displeasure at the actions of Charle
, nor whethcr he en-
couraged him to fill his office in tll{' affairs of Kaple::; and
Sicily; but it is certain that the oath taken to defenù par-
ticularly the rights of the Church oyer Sicil
r must have
been engendered from a conversation oyer the insolen('e of
Charles of Anjou. In a word a great rivalry ensued be-
tween Charles and Rudolph, whieh would ha,'e heen a
weapon in the hand of a morc able pontiff to humble the
oyer-proud Charlf's.
The pious and peaceful Gregor.r being deaù, fortune COD-
tinued to smile on the ambitious projects of Charles, and
the Pontiffs Innocent V, .L\.drian Y, and John XXI, who
succeeded Gregory, placed no obstacles in hiR way. Under
the latter he eYen
aw added to the crown of SiciJy that of
Jerusalem, Lestowed upon hitn by
Iaria Eliza beth, daugh-
ter of Behemond IV, prince of Antioeh. Rannto reJates
that the greatPf part of tlw papal curia as
i
ted at tll(' act
of donation to whi('h Jllany eanlinal
uh
cril)('a their
30
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE :VIII.
names. 2 And this was not an
mpty title, for he soon took
possession of Ptolomaïs, through Count Roger of St. Sev-
erino aided by the Knights Templar.
In the meanwhile the more he advanced in power, the
more he oppressed the realm entrusted to him by the
Church to rule. His victory over Conrad in summoned by
the despair of the inhabitants, made him bolder, and
hanged his rule into a unbridled tyranny. Such was his
conduct from the beginning of his reign and we do not per-
ceive that any pope made an effort to restrain him. Yet
the popes should have opened their eyes to this French
predominance, not only through pity for the oppressed
people but also because the latter in their fury to relieye
themselves of the yoke, could involve in one and the same
ruin as did really happen the rights of the vassal prince,
aud those of the sovereign Church. In fine the compacts
swore to ùy 0harles at the time of receivin
the investiture
of the kingdom from Clement were formally violated.
'flw elpv('l' Cardinal Orsini, under the name of Nieholas
III ascended the papal throne. Less pious than Gregory
X, he did not oceupy his mind so much with the affairs of
the Holy Land, as with those which encompassed him at
home; and so he set out to clip the wings of Charles.
Amon
the conditions to which the latter had sworn were
those of not meddling in the government of Tuscany and
of Lomhal'dy,9 and of not accepting any office as ruler or
governor in the states of the Church. The first condition
he shamefully violated; from the obligation of the other
he was freed by Clement himself, who was still in such
fear of the house of Suabia that in order to have Charles
near him, he created him a senator of Rome. Pope Nicho-
las wanted to enforce on Charles the observance of these
two clauses; and being a man skilled in affairs he so
worked on the minds of Rudolph, king of the Romans, and
of Charles, that while he was ardently arranging peace
between them, and striving to unite them also by the bond
of relationship, he made use of the German prince to hold
Charles in awe. A war in Italy between them would have
Lib. 13. c. ]5. Par. 12.
I" VeJ intromittatis vos ulJo modo de regimine ipsius imperii, vel regni
Romanorum, seu Theutoniae, aut Lombardiae, seu Tusciae vel majoris
parti>J earum."
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
31
been injurious to the Church. A victory for Rudolph
would revive the fear of the imperial power, and the tri-
umph of the Ghibellines; his defeat would give Charles
unlimited power. Peace, on the contrary, by holding the
two princes in mutual regard, gave an occasion to the Pope
to continue the pious work of Gregory X, namely the con-
ci1iation of the factions. In fact, fearing that Nicholas III
would proceed too far in his friendship for the king of the
Romans, who through desire for the imperial crown was
most deferential toward the popes, Charles submitted with
wonderful docility to the injunction that was laid upon hiIn
to resign his office of vicar of Tuscany and senator of
Rome. It seems that Nicholas III was slow to credit such
docility, for Giordano relates 4 that he sent a cardinal to
observe what impression this sacrifice made on the mind
of the king. N ow Charles perfectly dissembled his in-
terior displeasure by according the pontifical messenger a
most honorable reception and by addressing him in terms
most affectionate and well-chosen. So Nicholas, having
heard this, remarked that Charles received his goodness of
soul from the house of France, his sagacity from Spain,
his mother being Blanche of Spain, and his discretion in
words from his frequent intercourse with the Roman
Curia. This action of Charles, and this appreciation of
Nicholas strikingly reveal the character of the two men
and show that they understood each other. Charles being
degraded, Nicholas sent the German out of Italy. Yet
the imperial agents were known to exact still the oath of
allegiance from the towns comprised in the territory of
the Church. Nicholas warned Rudolph that according to
the imperial patents of his; predecessors in favor of the
papal see this patrimony extended from Rodicofani to
Ceprano, and that the Romagna, the :l\farches of Ancona,
the Five CitieR, and all the other land contained in that
tract of tprritory, were all ecclesiastkal and not German
4" Rex Carolus privatur officio senatoris, et eodem anno vicaria Tusciae
per eundem (Nicolaum) . . . Papa misit unum cardinalem, qui patientiam
regis tentaret super praedictis sibi ablatis: et audito, quod cardinalem
honorifice recepisset, et modeste respondisset, ait: felicitatem Carolus
habet a Domo Franciae, ingenii perspicacitatem a regno Hispaniae, dis-
cretionem verborum a. frequentatione Romanae Curiae." Raynaldus
1278,69.
32
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
property. As a result of the documents subscribed to by
the Emperor and the Pope, that which was an ancient
right became a fact,!') and the Church enjoys all the terri-
tory she possesses to-day.
After Charles had been pushed back in the confines of
his realm, the ecclesiastical patrimony was now clear of
foreigners, many cities were pacified by the efforts of
Cardinal Latino, and thus the Chair of St. Peter felt itself
secure in its own territory and the Pope who occupied it
thought of gathering from the accrued advantages salu-
tary fruit for all Italy. If Ptolemy of Lucca, Giordano
and Platina can be believed, Nicholas and Rudolph medi-
tated a. design fraught with most serious consequences to
the future destinies of Italy and an Europe. The Pope
had conceived the project of dividing the Roman Empire
into four great sovereignties: that of Germany for Ru-
dolph and his descendants in hereditary succession; that
of Dauphiny and a. part of ancient Burgundy for Clemen-
tia, daughter of Rudolph, and wife of Charles :l\Iartel,
grandson of the king of Sicily and their descendants; Italy
was to be divided into two kingdoms, that of Tuscany and
Lombardy, which were to be given respectively to the two
nephewR of the Pope, the princes Orsini. 'Ve believe it
quite possible that such a thought entered the mind of the
Pope. Affairs in Italy were in such a condition, and the
mutual interests of Nicholas and Rudolph would thus have
been so well consulted that it is easy to believe that both
would have agreed to this project. By making a division
into four monarchies, namely, Sicily, the States of the
Church, Tuscany, and Lombardy, Italy would be spared
the anguish of her republics, and this multitude of Lords
who raised themselves upon their ruins; her inhabitants
would present ranks at once doseI' and more united against
the encroachments of foreign monarchies; in fine they
would have less to fear from the imperial domination so
divided. The sudden death of Nicholas frustrated the vast
design.
After the death of Nicholas, Charles took new courage.
Knowing how little he might expect from a pope, shrewd
and watchful, he wished to create one who would do hi
pleasure. A son and vassal of Holy Church, he made bold
II Raynaldus 1278, 47 et seqq.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
33
to intrude himself among the cardinals in conclave at
Viterbo. He east into prison three cardinals who opposerl
his designs, and kept them there on a diet of bread and
water, until in sheer desperation they agreed with the othe1.
Italian cardinals and yoted for a Frenchman as pope,
Cardinal Rimon de Brie, who took the name of
Iartin IV. 6
Charles could not ha'.e found another man more de,.oted
to his interests. At one stroke all the work of the popes
from Gregory X to Nicholas was undone. Charles was
again created a senator of Rome, and the government of
all pontifical towns was entrusted to Frenchmen, creatures
of this prince. Paleologus, against whom Charles vigor-
omdy pushed forward preparations for war, was excom-
municated.
No longer were legates seen piously occupied, as had
been Cardinal Latino, in traveling through Italy to recon-
cile the Guelphs and the Gbibellines, but in their stead
inister messengers charged with the destruction of the
latter. The rude repulse of the ambassadors of the Lal11-
bertazzi, the fir
t of the Ghibellines of the Romagna to
present themselves before Pope
Iartin at Orvieto suing
for peace, was a cruel action; and equally harsh were those
censures angrily hurled against Forli, whither the Ghibel-
lines had retreated. However, those French agents such
as John of Pà, Count of Romagna, found a 1110st powerful
obstacle in that eminent warrior, the support of the Ghi-
belIines, Guy of l\Iontefeltro, who often taught these
strangers to be a trifle more self-restrained in the land of
others. Unfortunately, the Italians combined with these
strangers, because they were Guelphs.
In the meantime unhappy 8icily was in agony. Charles
was no longer under any restraint; he was king and pope
at the one time, and the hour was at hand when the ex-
cesses of an unrestrained tyranny dro,'e the people to have
recourse to the most frightful means to end it. Power
and might pressed hea,'iIy upon them, but buoyant minds
were meditatin
a de
ign tu free them. AnlOng the suffer-
ers was John of Procida, WhOlll we consider unique in the
history of tho
e who by one stroke have broken the chains
of an opprpssed ppople. To form domestic conspiracies, to
complete tlwm hy a thrust of the dagger, is not a rarp
II Record. Malasp.-John Villani.
34
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
thing, and the number is great of those who have hurled a
prince from his throne by a daring blow; but they could
not prevent a renewal of the tyranny, either in a new prince
who ascended the vacant throne, or in the frenzy of a dis-
ordered democracy. But to lay the wires of an immense
plot which is at once to restore those rights which a de-
spairing people had lost; to know and employ the chiefs
to whose hands he must entrust the wires of this vast net-
work; to remain, despite impatient yearnings, calm and
iImnovable within the limits of prudence and justice so as
not to miss his end; to prepare for a people flushed with
victory new laws of government in the shadow of which it
could take breath and establish itself; in a word, side by
side with the tyranny which oppressed it, during a long
period to make the power of regeneration march in secret
and bring about its triumph, this was the gigantic labor
performed by John of Procida to change the lot of Sicily,
and which entitles him to be regarded as a genius truly
extraordinary. He sounùed the dispositions of Paleolo-
gus, dismayed at the warlike preparations of Charles, and
from him received much gold. He revived in Peter of
Aragon the right of sovereignty over Sicily which he
c1aimed by reason of his marriage with Constance, the
daughter of :Manfred, the last of the Hohenstaufens, and
from him he received a large quota of soldiers. If certain
hiRtorians are to be believed, it was he who suggested to
Nicholas III the grand design of division, and the wrath
of a people, downtrodden and exasperated, would be joined
to the indignation which the impieties of Charles caused
the Pontiff. It is also said that Nicholas flattered John
of Procida, and expected Sicily to give the blow which the
arm of a pontiff could not strike. If we do not reject
absolutely the eurrent rumor, we can by no means adn1Ít
as certain on mere hearsay this appalling so1idarity; but
we reject ehietly the reason assigned for it by later writers
namely, the insolent refusal by Charles to unite the family
of Anjou with that of the Orsini.
That Nicholas, jealous and proud of the glory of his
family, had Rought a royal alliance for it, which the
Frenchman haughtily opposed, we may be1ieve; but that
this pope, out of revenge for this insulting rf'fuRal, had
entered into the conspiracy of John of Procida, nothing is
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
35
more improbable. To deliver Sicily from the yoke of
Charles, consecrated by papal investiture, was an act
heroic in its purpose, which a miserable family pride could
not have dictated. The death of
icholas surely must have
been very distressing to John of Procida, but it did not
compromise the success of the enterprise. The Sicilians
found a compensation for this loss in their desperation,
which was extreme when they saw that )Iartin instead
of tightening the reins on Charles, only slackened them
the more. IIowever, the Pope was not ignorant of the
armamen ts prepared by Peter of Aragon, and suspected
the end that thp husband of Constance had in view; yet
fascinated as he was to the interests of Charles, he re-
mained inactive and took no notice of the clouds which
were gathering both within and withou t Sicily.
At length the famous Sicilian Vespf'rs were sounded,
and there was won by the sword that justice which had
been implored in vain from the Pope; a diabolical revenge
for a tyranny still more diabolical. The Sicilians arose to
a man to drive out the detested Angevine, but they re-
spected the Church. In fact the inhabitants of Palermo,
convened in an assembly, gave proof of n10deration and of
a feeling altogether Roman when they took the resolution
to govern themselves in comn10n under the protection of
the Church,7 and all this in presence of a tumultuous peo-
ple still disgusting from French blood; all this notwith-
standing the thirst for revenge which devoured them, and
in the midst of the anxiety which their hearts experience
on recovering liberty bought by so mueh daring. They
sl'parated the lost rights of Charles from those of the
Church; and far from confounding her with this wicked
prince, they requested her to ratify in some way an act to
which a sense of natural justiee had borne them, but one
which the mepkness of her head could not allow her to
undertake hprself. 1\lost excellent dispositions! _\.ny
pope other than
Iartin would have favored them, sparing
thereby his successors the en1barrassn1ent of many affairs
difficult to judge. After the bloody Sicilian Vespers
:Uartin clung more closely to Charles, and this king
blinded him to the extent of drawing him in bis train into
those perfidious ways into which his pride precipitated
7 Barth. de N eocastro C. 14--!Nicol Special. C, I. C. 4.
36
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
him, and in which he lo
t the Idngdom of Sicily. All the
island was arom;;ed and united itspJf in an admirable re-
publican federation under the standard of the HolJ' Keys.
The heroic defence of
If'ssina, before whieh the anger of
(1harles spent itsf'lf, demonstratf'd to the entire world that
fhe arms of these people were dt>serving of success. The
Inessengers from Palermo presented themselves before
:Uartin; they asked forgiveness for the Illeans they had em-
ployed in securing their freedom, and they implored the
protection of Holy Church; but their petition being all-
wered in a harsh and unbecoming ll1anner, they returned
home, and took up arms not only against Charles, but also
against the Church. And thus through the fault of this
pope confounding the rights of St. Peter with that of
Charles uf Anjou, future popes found themselves burdened
with the odious task of fighting a high-minded people to
sustain an unworthy prince, because they could not re-
OYer otherwise the right of sovereignty whieh the Church
possessed over Sicily.
All these things were witnessed by a certain man, Bene-
dict Gaf'tal1i by name. He was alreaùy a member of the
Papal Curia, and called to take part in the adminis-
tration of the lllomentous nlCasures of the times. "There-
fore one thought entered deeply into his mind, and in-
structed it by facts that gaye form and character to every
other thought; this thought was inspired by the spectacle
of the Church reduced to servitude not by secret enemies,
hut by those who called thelllselves her children and her
vassals, the Church obliged to act despite appearances the
nlOst odious which could be understood only by calm and
far-removed discerners of the events that went before.
Anagni, a most ancient city, once the chief seat of the
Hernici, is situated in that part of Italy that is called the
Campagna. It has a charming location on thf' summit of
a hill at the foot of the Apennines which extend towards
Rome, and embrace, with the mountains of Piperno and of
Hf'zze, facing the sea-coast of Terracina, the fertile Anagni
valley. Aftf'r the invasion of the barbarians it was the
n10st renownf'd city in this Cistiberine part of the Papal
States which bordered on the kingdom of Naples. At the
finw in which the events of our history werf' haPPf'ning
it had a1rpady heen the birthplace of thl'Pf' pontiffs, 1n-
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
37
Docent III, Gregory IX, and Alexander IV, and they con-
tributed to its splendor. It wa.s also the seat of very
illustrious families, namely the Ceccani, the Tusculani,
the Frangipani, the Collemedio, Annibaldeschi, and great-
est of all the families of the Counts of Segni and the
Gaetani. s "Thence the latter had come to Anagni, whether
they were the same family as the Gaetani of Gaeta, to
which Gelasius II belonged, we do not know; and as; the
reader cares to learn only of the deeds of Boniface, we
shall not impose on him a treatise on the origin and descent
of the family. In the thirteenth century Loffredo Gaetani,
son of :l\latthias, had been a captain in the army of King
:l\lanfred; he married one of the Conti family, niece of
Alexander IV,9 by wbom he had many children, among
them Benedict, the subject of this history. "'... e do not
know in what year he was born, but it is certain that his
birth took place in the thirteenth century about the second
or third decade. Osius and Rossi aver that he lived 86
years, basing their opinions upon the fact that in the year
1255 he accompanied the legate Cardinal Fiesco as secre-
tary.tO Before this time, in Rome, he exercised the office
of an advocate. N ow supposing that he exercised this
office and accompanied the legate in mature age that is
to say, at thirty or forty years, it is then clear that he
must have been born in the second or third decade of the
century. From his childhood he inspired his parents with
great hopes by the keenness of his dawning intellect and
by his fiery soul, a possession common to all the Italians of
those times, who under a rough exterior possessed hearts
capable of performing noble deeds. Great-souled fathers,
of a now degenerate race, then begot great-souled sons.
To be instructed in piety and learning he was sent to a
monastery of the Friars :l\finor at Velletri, and was en-
trusted to the care of Friar Leonard Patrasso, his uncle. n
Benedict Gaetani always remembered these first years of
J)is life and
howpd his gratitude both towards the Friars,
by hpaping favors upon them and by appointing in 1300 a
cardinal from their order, which he greatly favored, and
· Cayro. History of the city of Anagni, p. 65.
· Charles de LeUis. Fam. Gaetani. 10 Rubeus. Life of Boniface VIII.
U Teuli. History of Velletri. Book 2., chap 5.
38
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
also towards Velletri itself, of which, when Pontiff, he
accepted the office of Governor. 12
In his day Gaetani was known far and wide for his
knowledge of law, and it is surprising that the writers of
his day did not hand down to posterity the name of the
university in which he studied. Du Boulay places him
among the most illustrious doctors of Paris, stating that
he passed a long time in the University of that city.13
This opinion is confirmed by the long stay made in Paris
by Gaetani, who in a certain Bull says that he had bpen a
Canon of the Church of Paris; and from hi
own words it
clearJy appears that he not only enjoyed the fruits of that
Canonry, but also exercised the office personaHy.14
He became so well versed in law, especially ecclesiastical,
that his reputation for learning soon became widespread.
This reputation obtained for him many and rich prebends
in various churches. He was a canon at Anagni; and
although the canons of Todi could not by law receive any
one in their chapter unless he was in Holy Orders, yet they
granted the request of Peter Gaetani, who asked that his
nephew Benedict, as yet a layman, be received by them as
canon, on account of his virtues and great erudition.
Even the canons of Lyons had him for a feUow member. 15
The lustre of his birth, and more especially his reputation
for learning soon opened tbe way to ecclesiastical prefer-
ments. He was raised to the office of Notary Apostolic/ 6
whose duty in the early ages of the Church was to write
and preserve the acts of the martyrs, and in later ages the
Bulls, the decrees of the pontiffs, and the canons of the
Councils. Gaetani also exercised the office of Consistorial
12 Borgia. History of the Church and City of Velletri. B. IV., p. 293.
18 Du Boulay. Hist. Universitatis Paris, Catal. III. Tom. 2., p. 676.
u". . . . Quod ejusdem Ecclesiae copiosa benignitas nos oHm dum in
"minoribus ageremus, de ipsius honorabili gremio existentes fovit ac
tractavit ut filium, maternis fovet et lactavit uberibus." Du Boulay.
15 In the Bull by which he bestows on Gaetani the Deaconry of St.
Nicholas-in-chains, Pope Martin IV enumerates all these prebends:" , . .
ut ecclesias S. Nicolai in carcere Tulliano de Urbe, et de Barro in Lig-
onensi, et de Piliaco, archidiaconatum in Carnotensi, ac ecclesiaim de
Thoucester, canonicatus quoque ac praebendas in Ligonensi, Carnotensi,
Parisiensi, Anagnina, Tuderina, S. Audomari Morinensi, as in Basilica
S. Petri de Urbe retinere possit."
18 Bun of Clement V. Rubeus. Life of Boniface VIII, p. 3.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII,
39
Advocate an office no less elevated than the first named,
ina"lliuch as the ConHistorial Advocate, created for the
first time by Pope St. Gregory the Great,17 were deputed to
plead the causes of the churches and of the poor. 'Vhat
an amount of knowledge anù strength of character were
required in the exercise of this office,18 we can readily
gather from the words of the pope who placed tlwln in
office, and also from one of the constitutions of Pope
Iartin IV", who wished these Advocates to be the very
personification of wisdom and honesty.-
We ought to record that Gaetani performed his duty
well in all these offices, and this convinced the popes that
lle had a talent and mind fitted for greater things, and
capable of taking part in the management of the difficult
issues between the Church and princes. There was a. very
important task namely of resisting )Ianfred who was furi-
ously roaming over the kingdom of
aples, waging war
against that part of it belonging to the pope, and nlaking
himself nlaster of it by force of arms. Pope Alexander
IV had not the means to resist him, nor could he trust the
inconstant Neapolitans. He thought of inviting a foreign
prince, and of investing him with the realm, and thus
close the gate to anyone whomsoever of the Suabian line,
lIe dispatched Cardinal Ottobono de Fiesco, who was after-
wards Adrian V, as legate to Henry, King of England,
that he might offer in fief the kingdom of Sicily to
Edmund his son. Benedict Gaetani went with Fiesco on
this legation, which failed to achieve the desired effect;
yet in the COIn pacts sworn to by the king for his son,
the Pope had a solemn testinlony of how by public official
act the direct and supreme dominion of the Church over
the kingdom of Sicily had been recognized. Anlong these
compacts sworn to by the English king was this one, that
Edmund, being king of Sicily, could not aspire to the
imperial crown; and if by any chance he took the title of
emperor, he would lose the royal crown. .A wi
e provision
this, suggested by the still recent nlemory of Frederick II,
the vast extent of whose domain occasioned untold vexation
to the Church.
It was after the return of Gaetani from England with
17Vid. Piazza. Opera Pie di Rom., cap. 27, page 288.
U St. Gregory. Book 4, Inùex 13, cap. G9.
40
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
Cardinal Fiesco, that Peter, hiR unclp, entreated the Can.
ons of Todi (1260), to admit him as one of their members.
These canons, as we stated before, did not have it in their
power to receive one who was not in major Orders, and
such was Benedict Gaetani. But wishing to gratify the
uncle and to honor the nephew, he obtained from Pope
Alexander IV a Bull granting the nece:ssary dispensation
in order to favor Benedict,19 and they accordingly received
11Ïn1 as one of their nunlber. 20 In con
equence Gaetani
kept Todi ever in fond remembrance when he became
pope, and entertained a singular affection for it. He
presented to the Cathedral of Todi the armorial ensign
representing the Saviour with the Apostles Peter and Paul,
and the red banner with a white cross and the papal keys;
he ordered the façade to be built and two bells to be cast,
one of which was called Boniface; he desired more oyer the
Canons of Todi to come to Rome every ypar to receive
Communion on IIoly Thursday. He al
o bestowed benefits
on the city, by releasing it from the patrimony of St. Peter,
and declared the t('rritory of Petignano to be subject to it
and not to Orvieto any longer. In return for all these
favors there is celebrated to this day in the Cathedral of
Todi an annual mass for the repose of hi!'; sou1. 21
In the prologue of this history we remarked how
jealously Rudolph, I{ing of the Romans, and Charles of
Anjou, King of Sicil:r, regarded each other, and how skiJ-
fully Pope Nicholas III restrained them, directing their
plans not without the advantage of the spiritual and
temporal rights of the Papal Chair. But it happened that
a great incentive for war between these princes was
afforded by Provence. Raymond di Beranger of the house
of the Counts of Barcelona, the last Count of that house,
had died without male issue. Of the four daughters which
Beatrice of Savoy bore to Raymond, all were married,
three becoming queens; l\Iargaret wedded St. Louis of
France; Eleanor espoused IIenry, King of England;
Sanchia becanle the wife of Richard of Cornwall, elected
King of the Romans; while Beatrice married Charles of
Anjou. In the year 1261 the wife of Richard died, and in
1267 that of Charles. Eleanor and )Iargaret were still
111 See Docum. A. 20 See Docum. B.
21 From the Archiyes of the Church of Todi.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
41
living when Charles took absolute po
session of Provence,
and exacted the oath of fealty frolll the entire province.
The surviving queens protested, demanding that the ter-
ritory of Provence be divided into four parts, so as to
preserve their own and their children's rights. )Iargaret
was the loudest in her protestations; and expecting little
or no aid from King Philip, her son, she had reconrse to
her nephew, Edward I, and to Rudolph, King of the Ro-
n1ans. Her appeal to the lattpr bore most fruit. In re-
turn for his investing her with that part of Provence and
Forcalquier which she clain1ed, she recognizecJ the sover-
eignty of Rudolph over the ancient kingdom of ArIes.
This compact was pleasing to Rudolph, and more pleasing
still was the favorable opportunity for breaking peaceful
relations with Charles, who lorded over Italy in his placp.
The Angevine had been weakened by the IORS of the
vicariate of Tuscany, this having been taken from him by
Pope Nicholas III who thus stripped him of a great part
of his sovereignty in Italian affairs; yet seeing himself
face to face with Rudolph, who was aroused against him
by
Iargaret, his sister-in-law, Charles, resolved to resist
him, so as not to lose his present possession of Provence.
In the beginning of the year 1279 he dispatched his pldest
son Charles, Prince of
alerno, surnamf'ù the Lame, to
Proven
e, to recall and accentuate by his presence thp fact
of his possession. The royal son visited the province and
repairing to the court of his uncle, Philip of France, he
was accorded a most splendid reeeption. This reception
convinced
Iargaret of the dispositions of the King of
France, her son; he would prefer to see his uncle inde-
pendent lord of Provence, than Ree his nlother vaHRal of the
Hapsburg prince. This circulllstance encouraged Charles
to take a firm stand against Rudolph.
If Charles and Rudolph flew to arms, Pope Nicholas
foresaw the ruin of that peace which he had established
with so much care, and that the war of Provence would
ßoon extend to Italy. .A just disposition of their rights
would appease them. IIe turned his eyes to Benedict
Gaetani, and considered him fitted to accorupli
h the dif-
fì('ult taRk in company with Cardinal
Iatthew Acqna-
Rparta. To h(' ('onsidered worthy of thi
mi
sion, O:-wtani
must have previously given sufficient proofs of conRummate
42
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
diplomacy and his devotion to the Pontiff. This was the
first time that he had an opportunity to study the bend
of the princes of his time. Nicholas bishop of Tripoli
had preceded these two legates in Germany and had the
ll1atter well under way; it was happily concluded by
Cardinals Acq uasparta and Gaetani. Thanks to their care,
Charles and Rudolph canle to terms. The latter retained
the sovereignty over Provence and Forcalquier, the former
was left in undisturbed possession of it, receiving feudal
investiture from Rudolph. The investiture of the fourth
part of Provence which had been given to :l\Iargaret was re-
voked. 1\1 utual prOlnises of peace between the two kings
ratified the treaty. Letters from the Pope appeased the
troubled mind of the disappointed queen.
The two princes concluded the treaty by separate docu-
ments drawn up by the legates. 22 As Gaetani took part:
in this work, it is well to observe how clearly are reflected
the profound sentimf'nts of peace and justice which
animated him and which were to n1ake him so zealous a
defender of these two virtues during his pontificate. ..As
a means of closing the way to any dispute whatsoever we
read in the document of Charles: " If by any misfortune,
"which may God forbid, there should arise any dispute
"between us and the King of the Romans, the one win
"not declare war against the other; neithf'r by himself
" nor by others will he molest the vassals of the other . . .
". . . but we will have recourse to the Roman Pontiff;
"and we and the said King of Romans will a bide by the
" decision of the Pontiff given in the matter of our dispute,
" whenever we cannot by ourselves find a means of agrec-
"ment. Besides these conditions which are to be rigor-
"ously observed, we absolutely and freely determine by
" this document to subject ourselves to the Roman Pontiff
"both as regards spiritual and temporal n1atters. ".. e
"have come to the express agreement that in reserving to
" the Roman Pontiff now and hereafter the full and entire
"right to interpret the clauses herein contained and to
"make known their meaning, we find ourselves in an
"especial manner to receive this interpretation an<l
declaration." . . . . . .
'Vhen Gaetani had returned from this legation, Nicholas
23 Raynaldus, 1280. 2. 3. 4.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
43
III planned to reward him for his services, and accordingly
he appointed him a cardinal priest of the title of St,
Sylve
tcr and )Iartin-ai-:\Ionti. 23 To this dignity
Iartin
IY afterwards added the Deaconry of St. :Xicholas-in-
Carcere, permitting him to retain at the same time the
prebends he enjoyed in many churches. 24 )Iartin sought
thus to make usp of the knowledge of Gaetani, in calling
upon him to take part in the difficult administration of
papal affairs. Unfortunately, by lingering in the clutches
of Charles, he put the cardinal to the necessity of using
his talents n10re in repairing the disasters than in increas-
ing the prosperity of the Apostolic See.
After the sad Sicilian Vespers, it seemed that the aston-
ished eyes of all Europe were fixed on that blood-bathed
island. Charles and Pope :l\Iartin in league used all their
('ndeavors to lead it back to its former subjection, the one
by inv('sting it with arn1ed men, the other by terrifying it
with threatening Bulls and by shrewdly working upon
their minds through the friendly overtures of a legate,
Cardinal Parma. The arms of Charles for a time pre-
vailed, but never the bulls nor the legates. All the anger
of Sicily was pent up in the breasts of the inhabitants of
Iessina, who, strongly entrenched in their city, held out
successfully against Charles. 'VhiJst the fighting was going
on there, the Sicilians, rebuffed by )Iartin, a pope who was
too much of a Frenchman, irrevocably entrusted to Peter
of Aragon the supreme direction of their affairs. This
Spanish prince reanimated the desperat
courage of this
freed people by furnishing them with troops. Thus taking
shelter under the good services of a king, Sicily becmne
day by day more formidable to th(' French, and the
fortunes of war were equaHy oalanced on both sides. The
strife was no longer between an old king
ki1ful in thf' art
of controlling a people by his will, and a people, who, when
the first intoxication of liberty gained with
o much eclat
23 Ciacconi Vita Pont.
:u" Vt Ecclesias Sti. Nicolai in carcere TulIiano, de Vrbe et Barro in
Lingonensi et de PiIiaco, archidiaconatum in Carnotensi ac ecclesiam de
Thouchester, Canonicatus quoque ac Praebendas in Lingonensi, Carnotensi,
Lugdunensi, Parisiensi, Anagnina, Tudertina, Sti. Audomari, Morincnsi ac
in Basilica Sti. Petri de Urbe retineri posset." Bun. )Iartin IV apud
Rubeum Vita Boniface, p. 3.
44
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
had subsided, would readily allow itself to be enslaved
again; lmt a king was matched against a king of the stamp
and character of Peter of Aragon. This latter summoned
to Sicily, Constance, his wife, and James. his eldest son.
Although victorious and powerful by reason of the Sicil-
ians' renewal of the rights which his wife Constance of the
Suahian House had given over this realm, yet inasmuch
as he was in pecuniary straits, he sought an opportunity
in which by stratagem he might overCOllle Charle
t The
Frenehman that Charles was, and the impetuosity which
his advanced age did not lessen, soon afforded the oppor.
tunity. Descending frOlll the height of his throne to the sta-
tion of a private individual he challenged Peter to a single
combat, and agreed to leave to the issue of this cOlllbat, the
settlement of the right of sovereignty over Sicily. Peter
accepted the challenge, and chose as the place of combat
the plains of Bordeaux, in Gascony, neutral territory that
belonged to Edward of England. The writers of the time,
according as they were Guelphs or Ghibellines, attribute
to the cunning of Charles or Peter, this expedient whereby
to put the other at a distance from Sicily. IIaving settled
the place of encounter, they agreed to meet there on the
first day of June, 1
83; Edward of England was to be
referee, or in his stead the governor of the territory. One
hundred knights were to accOlllpany each prince, and
prove with hiIl1 their right by skill in arms. The two kings
m.ore on the Gospel to stand by the agreement, and forty
barons took the oath for them. The one who failed to
keep his promise, would be covered forevpr with infamy
and would lose both the name and honor of king.
The Papal Curia disturbed by the Sicilian movement
bebeld with astonishment and sorrow the ill-advised deter-
mination of Charles to engage in a duel with Peter. To
entrust one's life to tbe issue of a single combat was wicked,
unbecoming to a rOJal personage, and hazardous to the
Church. The absence of Charles would confirm the Sicil-
ians in their independence, facilitate the conquest already
commenced in Calabria, and if the I
"'renchman was de-
feated, all was lost in Sicily for the Pope. Pope :l\Iartin
was firm as ever in his sad mistake of identifying the
1"Ïg-hts of Chadps with tllOS(' of the Chul'ch, and thus Iw
dishonored the Church which he made responsible for tbe
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
45
tyranny of the Angevine. pprhaps equally solicitou
for
the rights of Charles and of St. Petpr, he determined to
oppose the project and wished to prevent Charles from thf'
plebeian combat. lIe appointed Gaetani as legate to re-
strain the enraged Frenchman, and made him bearer of
a letter full of salutary adyice, disclosing the evils that
would result were he to persevere in his intentions, and
declaring the oath he had taken to be of no force, for the
reason that an unlawful act is not binding on anyone.
He concluded with these words: "l\Ioreover, because of
" the singular solicitude and love we have for your person,
" we wish to provide for the event of failing to persuade
"you, in which case it would be necessary that some one
" confirm by spoken word what we would fain have already
" convinced you by writing. Wherefore with the advice of
"our brethren we send to you our beloved son Benedict
" Gaetani, Cardinal Deacon of the title of St. Nicholas-in-
" Chains, in our opinion a man of profound wisdom, faith-
"ful, shrewd, re
ourceful, prudent, a warm supporter of
"your glory and of your royal dignity. Sincp the Church
"is unable and unwilling to permit the course to which
" you are committing yourself, he will more clearly make
" known to you our mind, and with the greatest prudence
" he will reveal the vast and innumeraùle dangers, which
"your absence from the kingdom of Sicily in these days
" cannot but entail, dangers real and not imaginary. He
"will not neglect to tell you of what rashness you are ac-
"cusetl, in order to determine you to obey without delay
"and without contradiction our prayers and our advice
" and to
ettle your nlind on the ordpl" we have given. 25
There is no doubt that the more tIle Pope longed for it,
with greater ardor did Gaetani Rtrive to bring Charles to
hi
en
e
; but all in vain, for the obstinate princ
was
dptermined on fighting the duel. It wa
well for him that
the duel was not fought; because the crafty Peter eithpr
did not conle, or canle in a nlanner so as not to be seen by
rharle
, who remained with his knights vainly awaiting
his arrival. Then it was Gaetani learned that when the
Pope raised his voice evpn in wi
e counsels to the princes
of th()
e times for their own interests, it had no effect on
their will: he could l'onclude that the Papacy speaking to
Z See document C.
46
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
them in the name of justice would meet with only pride
and arrogance. He learned this truth beforehand; the
time to test it was near at hand.
Pope :Martin himself was also lacking in prudence, for
his duty was to defend the rights of the Church in Sicily
without ever making hinlself a minister of the anger of
Charles. He not only declared Peter a usurper of the
Sicilian kingdom, but deprived him of the kingdoms of
Aragon, Valencia and Catalonia, with which he invested
Charles of Valois, the second son of Philip the Bold of
France, who was to hold them in Fief for the Holy See.
This only fanned the war flame which burst into a blaze
between Peter and Charles of Valois, the reason of which
was that the former desired to preserve what was his own,
and the latter to maintain the title of king which he held
by appointment from the Pope. Some French soldiers
summoned to Italy strengthened the Guelph party, and
enabled it to rule the Ohihellines with rod of iron. These
measures wpre a cause of most grievous injury to the
Church and to Charles himself, for they aroused anew in
the hearts of the Sicilians the spirit of revenge and gave
them the courage of despair; moreover they shook even the
loyalty of the Neapolitans. In fact the Sicilians, led by
that most skilful naval commander Roger of Loria, after
a fierce battle npar :l\ialta, dispersed a fleet of twenty
galleys, "hich Charles had dispatched from Provence. 26
:Moreover in the very waters of Naples they utterly de-
feated the navy of Charles the Lame, and captured him
with all his barons. 27 In the city of Naples the people
tllPn began to cry out: "Death to King Charles, long
live Roger of Loria." However the freedom of Sicily
which escaped altog-ether from the hands of Charles, the
surrender forced or voluntary of many cities of Calabria
and the Basilicata, and the captivity of his son, all these
misfortunes dealt a death blow to the heart of that prince
whose every ambitious purpose up to that time had been
favored by fortunp. He died the seventh of January
1285, leaving a war to his son, misfortune to his people,
and to the popes the obligation of rpgaining Sicily for
the Church, among thorny embarrassments occasioned hy
28 Nic. Special Rist. Sic. lib. 1 c 26. S. R. I. T. 9,
111 Ibidem.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
47
dynastic interests too little sacred. In the same year there
followed Charles to the grave Pope
lartin, Philip the
Bold of France, and Peter of Aragon; the former two were
succeeded respectively by IIonorius IV and Philip the Fair,
while Peter's eldest son ...\Jphonsus ascended the throne of
Aragon, and James, the second-born that of Sicily. Naples
was reserved for Charles the Lame.
IIonorius of the Roman family of Savelli ascended the
Papal throne, confrontf'd by many difficulties in whkh the
French Pope )Iartin had involved the Papacy. Every
means which the
uprellle priesthood in those times
offered him, he determined to employ, to drive James from
Sicily, and to place Charles of Valois on the throne of
Aragon, that is to say, by hurling censures, and by laying
tithes on the churches. But affairs turned out unfortu-
natcly both in Spain, whence Pililip of France was forced
to withdraw and in Hicily where Jalnes was solemnly
crowned king, although he had been excomn1unicated to-
gethpr witil his mother Constance. In his trouble the
pontiff turned his attention to the kingdom of
aples
whose affairs were adminh;tercd by the Count of Artois
and his own legate Gerard of Parma. To appcase tht--'
lninds of the
eapolitan
, em Littered by the wrongs in-
flicted on them by the IIou
e of Anjou, he wrote an ex-
cellent constitution of
OYernnlent entitled: "Pacts of
Pope Honoriu
." To this document Bpnedict Gaetani
signed his name together with thirteen other cardinal
.
In the nleanwhiIe Charles II, havin
escaped frOll1 the
fury of the Sicilians who wished to kill him to revenge the
deaths of )lanfl'ed and Conradin, languished in prison in
Catalonia. In him were placed the rights of the Church
over Sicily, because thelSe had become involved with those
of the family of ...\njou; hence the pontiffs forced to exert
themselves for his liberation, eould not effect this without
Home sacrifice of their own interf'sts. TllPre did not appear
any prospert of spontaneous agreement between him and
his conquerors, for the war against Aragon, suspended by
tile death of PhiHp III, had Lf'en resumed hy Philip IV, thp
Fair, an ally of his u13terual uncle, James, king of )[ajoI'e:l.
Alphon
us was too
tuLboI'n to heed rensures, still less the
peaceful proposition
of the Pope, espf'cially since the war
in Aragon was going favorably to him, and in Sicily he
48
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
llad nothing to fear so long as the terrible Roger of Loria
lived to command his fleet. The youthful prince Philip
grieved less over the imprisonment of Chal'le8, as he did
not aspire to extend his sovereignty in Spain. Only
Edward of England, bound by the nearest ties of relation-
ship to these princes and older than they, was moved by
the heartrending letters of the children of Charlef
,28 and
prepared to negotiate for his release. He calls to a
council in Bordeaux the ambassadors of France, of Aragon,
of Naples, of Sicily and of Castile. In this council he
suggested, in order to obtain the relpase of Charles, that
Sicily and the territory in Calabria which they had con-
quered, be ceded to Aragon; and besides that the Count
of A\.rtois should renounce his claims to the throne of
Aragon. Some details of less importance accompanied
these main clauses of the treaty. Charles longed for his
release; Alphonsus, although victor, desired peace on
account of the wearine:-1s displayed by his people and the
apprl'hensions caused him by Sanchez of Castile, Philip
was silent on the conditions, but Honorius strongly
opposed them.
Imagining these propositions to be a treaty concluded
and signed by Charles, the Pope wrote energetically to
hhn in order to annul the treaty. He was unwilling anù
rightly so, that the sovereignty of the Church over Sicily
should be bartered for the liberation of Charles. Being
a vassal of St. Peter, Charles of his own free will could not
relinquish that kingdom WitllOut the Pope intervening as
the principal party in the tl'am.;action. The war against
Aragon was resumed; that against Sicily became more
fierce, and again in the waters of Naples the admiral
Roger of Loria conquered and dispersed the French fleet,
crowning this victory by recovering the city of Augusta.
"T orn out in their fruitless efforts to adjust the affairs of
indomitable Sicil
r, the popes of those times ended their
days, and so in tile like manner IIonorius died. During
the ten months that tile papal chair remained vacant,
Edward renewed his efforts for the release of Charles, and
this was finally accomplished by the treaty of Oleron by
which Charles obtained his freedom. But Philip the FaÏI
who had held himself aloof from these agreement
. no
2
Rymer, 7, 2, p. 317.
r
Iio
1\
...
\
.
-
...
---
I>
-
--
" -.
0\"
.,tb
"'-
J
-
. "
\
""'I .- ' .....
, .
.
.
..
:--T.\'ITE Ill<' 1:0'11<' \('E \ 111.
ET I \; TilE F.\I' \11/: !IF TilE I" \TIIJ:lIIL\I. OF .\:\.\1;:\[.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
49
sooner saw his uncle liberated, and Alphonsus suing at
Rome for peace through his legates, than he prosecuted
vigorously the war that James, king of )Iajorca, waged for
him against Aragon. 29 .
The successor of IIonorius, Nicholas IV, whose modera-
tion made him supposed to be favorable to the Ghibelline
party, ascended the papal throne at a time in which the
entire religious edifice of the
liddle Ages; was crumbling
day by day. The hope of the liberation of the Holy Land,
the attainment of which was longed for by so many genera-
tions, being abandoned by the Christian princes, perished
on the fallen walls of Ptolemais (Acre) . The priestly
influence, violently expelled fron1 the heart of civil society,
could not, on reentering its sanctuary, defend the thresh-
old against tile tyranny of the princes who followed her
there. In fine the Church even of Rome had been injured
in its temporal sovereignty by the loss of Sicily, which the
sovereigns negotiating peace placed in the scale of the
agreements as a thing not sacred. Renee, no more were
seen before tile successur of St. Peter, 1110nurchs respect-
fully bowing their Ileads, but bold and haughty jurists. Of
these three eviJs whicll affected tile heart of the Roman
Pontiff, the usurpation of ecclesiastical rights by princes,
in virtue of a right created by lawyers, was the most
terrible. Nicholas felt all the bitterness of it, and with
him all those wllose advanced age permitted to recaH the
rpign of Innocent III, or who, by the maturity of their
judgment and learning foresaw the evil consequences of
tllis abuse. TI"e think that for this double reason Cardinal
Oaetani was not the one least distressed; for we find him
working to repair these evils in his third legation.
All the princes more or less openly made war on the
Church, violating in her pos:session and sacred persons her
rights and her liberty. But Dion,ysius, King of Portugal,
showed himself more quarl'el
Ollle than others. Alphonsus
had been a coyetous man himself and passionate, but at
his death had dpplored the injury he had caused to the
Church. His ROll DionYRius inherited more the malice
than the l'epentanre of Ilis father. Clement IV, Gregory
X, and John XXI had faiJed in their admonitions to his
father and in tbe ('ensures with which they bad struck
211 Surita Ann. L. 4 c. 11 OJ Ill.
50
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE ;VIII.
him; alike unfortunate, Nicholas beheld the injustices of
the son without hope of correcting them. Dionysius had
married St. Elizabeth, daughter of Peter of Aragon, and
the sanctity of his wife should have chastened him and
moderated his desires; but unfortunately, the great ones
of earth were already becoming acquainted with that com-
pensation system which teaches that without danger to the
soul a man can unite good works with the usurpation of
ecclesiastical rights. Dionysius was disturbed in mind
by the anathema hurled against him by the Pope on
account of his sins, but he was not turned from his course
of action; the people on all sides began to make a clamor,
but he pretended not to notice it. At length he was
brought to his senses, and he agreed to submit to the judg-
ment of the Pontiff his disputes with the hierarchy of his
realm.
The royal and ecclesiastical procurators arrived in
Rome. The king was represented by :Martin, chorister of
the cathedral church of Talavaras, and John, canon of
Coimbra; the archbishop of Braga, the bishops of Coimbra
and of Lamea, had charge of the interests of the Portu-
guese Church. The Pope nmned a COlnmission to hear and
pass judgment on the affair. It was made up of three
cardinals, Latino, Bishop of Ostia, Peter, Cardinal of St.
l\1ark, and Benedict Gaetani: a venerable tribunal, in
which virtue and talent combined, offered justice the surest
guarantees, because the first two excelled in sanctity, and
the third in knowledge of the law. The Portuguese pre-
lates complained of the oppression of the churches and the
clergy of the kingdom, which left no vestige of ecclesiastical
liberty; 30 their complaints were recounted in forty
articles. The judges decided and the parties submitted
to the judgment; it repealed the laws of Alphonsus and
Dionysus; freed the eh urches and clergy frOln laical im-
pieties, and pronounced penal ties against the offenders.
'Ve find that after the heads of accusation upon which
the judgment of the cardinals bore, all the favor that the
royal procurators obtained was the declaration of the
innocence of their king in the past, and a promise of faith-
ful observance of the compacts in the future; for each
article is constantly followed by formula: "Cp to this
10 Raynaldus, year 1289, no. 17.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
51
time the king has not done this," and in "his llame we
promise that he will not do it."31 However the treaty was
ratified by public acts and by the papal autl1ority, which
deputed the Prior of the Friar Preachers of Lisbon to re-
ceive the oath of the king and absolve him from censures. 32
The affairs of Portugal being settled, Benedict Gaetani
was entrusted with another mission, in the performance of
which he was to acquire a great knowledge of the men and
things of his time. He was ordered by
icholas to go as
legate to France, where the affairs that particularly oc-
cupied the mind of the Pontiff took a disastrous turn, and
became more and more entangled. Hopes regarding the
Holy Land were on the wane; Tripoli had fallen, and
ptolomais (Acre) alone remained standing, but to become
the prey of the immense army of Kalaun Elalfi, Sultan of
Egypt, who was now besieging it. Nicholas alone felt
truly grieved over the desperate straits to which the faith-
ful in the Holy Land were reduced; th
other princes were
glad because they found occasion to gorge themselves with
sacred tithes, under the pretext of a prospective crusade.
The clergy could not always remain impassible to this
iniquitous collection; but if they resisted, they would be
at variance with royal ministerR, and they would be losers,
That which avarice coveted, tyranny extorted. To remedy
these scandalous abuRe
, it was necessary to urge the
princes to a crusade and make war on the Sultan, or oblige
them to restore the tithes, and at last establish peace
among themselves. Philip was more insolent than others
to the churches; and as he exhausted the treasury with
more avidity than the rest, so he was more vigorously
opposed to peace; because he coveted Aragon, he had no
intention of tiring himself by a war which others would
make for him. Gaetani and Gprard of Parma entered
France, bearing letters of credit the nlost flattering and
the most honorable. The Pope expressed himself thus:-
" Full of consideration for your persons, of whose great
"merits, many virtues, and tried honesty we are not
" ignorant; knowing that we love peace and amity; that
"the honor and elevation of the two kings, Charles the
" Lamp and Alphonsus of Arag-on, are dear to your heart;
31 Quod rex non fecit hactf'nus haec, et promittunt ejus nomine quod non
faciet in futurum. 12 Raynaldus, year 1289, no. 17.
52
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
"wishing to show all our affectionate solicitude for the
" conclusion of this treaty, we order you, by these apostolic
"letters, to accept with good grace, on account of respect
" for God, the burden we impose upon you of entering this
"country (France). 'Ve regret very nluch separating
"ourselves from you whose presence is so valuable to us.
" Exert yourself to treat this affair, and all that which is
"attached to it, in the manner that your wisdom and
"prudence win judge most useful for the peace of the
" world, for the glory of God and the Apostolic See, and for
"the interests of the Holy Land, which holds the first
place in our thoughts."- 'Ye do not often find ex-
pressed in letters of this kind the disquietude felt by the
pontiff because of the enforced absence of any legate. It
shows that Gaetani was the very soul of the affairs at the
papal court. "\Ve find him and Cardinal Gerard sent on
the greatest and most intricate missions of those times.
They undertook to
egotiate two grave affairs: the one of
establishing peace between the Christian princes fighting
for the usurped Sicily and the disputed Aragon; and the
other to obtain aid for the Holy Land. 33
(1290) Hardly had they arrived in Paris, when they
called together all the prelates of the kingdom to the
church of St. Genevieve, and there held a synod. 34 They
turned to the consideration of the complaints of the
churches oppressed by the royal ministers, especially those
of Poitiers, of Chartres, and of Lyons, as the Pope had
indicated to Philip in the letter in which he recommended
to him the legates. 35 There was question next of taking-
from the king all the tithes collected for the Holy Land
by his father, Philip the Bold, anù which had not been
used for their sacred purpose. N or was there any hope
that they would be spent by Philip the Fair, for the cru-
sade for which he had no inclination. This council wa!';
probably unfruitful since it was concerned in wresting
money from the hands of Philip. Entering a little further
"ithin the court, the legates tried to calm the mind of
Philip against Edward, King of England. They tried to
stifle the quarrel, which burst forth as violently and for
so long a period. N either in this did they succeed in their
III Raynaldus, 1290, no. 17. .. Vide Council. CoHee. an. 1290.
· Raynaldus, 1290, no. 19.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
53
intent. 36 Gaetani sounded Philip and found him bitter
and savage; he never forgot it.
The legates now came to the subject of the peace. The
treaty of Oleron had l'elea!':ed Charles tIle Lame from
prison, but it did not guarantee the right
of the Church
over Sicily. This prinee had ùeen compeIlpf} to cede to
James, Sicily and Reggio, a city of Calabria, to induce
Charles of Yalois to renounce his claims OIl Aragon; to
engage the pontiffs to confirm the terms of the agreement,
and to remov(' the many censures against the family of
Aragon; besides fifty thousand marks of gold and
dlver
wel.e to be paÏfl b.y him to Alphonsus, and anoth('r twenty
thousand was to be guaranteed by Edward of England.
A space of thrpe years was allowed for the fulfihnent of
the promises, after which time, in case of failure, Charlps
was to betake himself on foot as a pl'i
oner to the
Aragonese.
In the meanwhile as a pledge of the given promise,
Charles was to deliver up to Alphonsus his three sons
Louis, Robert and John, and fully sixty of the people of
Provence. 37 As soon as Charles had made known to Pope
Kicholas, in the interview they had at Rieti the conditions
on which he had procured his liberty, he was severely
reprimanded. The Pope declared them unjust and unlaw-
ful, because they were agreed to without his consent and
because they violated the rights of the Church over Sicily.38
According to this decision it followed that Charles should
again place bimself in the hands of Alphonsus. But
Nicholas freed him; II(' rpleased hÏln from hi
oath, for tbe
r('a
on that Charles harl not the po\ver to cede' the kingdOll1
of Ridly which was not his to give, but belonged to tlH
Church; and because having been made pri
oner in an
unjust war he was in no way bound to resume his chains. 39
To ratify his words, the Pontiff solemnly crowned Charles
King of 8icily. Yet Charles was nneasy in conscience.
At the end of the three years, the conditions which he had
signed were still unfulfilled, and so whilst Aragon was
118" Qui super negotiis nihil facere potuerunt." Giordano, M. S. Vatie.
apud Raynaldus 18.
17 Rymer. Tom. 2, p. 342. as Villani. lib. 7. cap. 130.
Iv Theqe reasons were explained in the letter: "Si graves," directed to
AJphonsus, 15 March, 1288.
54
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIIt
invested by James of
Iajorca on the one side, and on the
other by Sancho of Castile, and the luinds of all were
occupied with the war, he seized the opportunity and
presented himself at the frontier of the realnl, between the
hills of Pannisar and Jonquire, offering himself (to whonl
we do not know) as a prisoner of Alphonsus. No one
was willing to receive because no one understood this offer.
But in the meanwhile a notary drew up an official docu-
ment stating that Charles unarmed, with a small nUlnber
of retainers, had come to tlle confines of Aragon, and that
Alphonsus had not put in his appearance to claim him
again as prisoner and restore the hostages :-in a word,
it was a repetition of the cOluedy which Peter, the father
of .Alphon
u
, had probahly played on the father of Charles
in the famous duel of Bordeaux wllich was never fought.
Thus Charles, through tlw Papal absolutions and his own
cunning, from a debtor lwcame a creditor, and regarded
himself legitiInately authorized to enter into war with the
Aragonese King. nut the latter, who was victorious,
menaced France; whereby Philip, yielding to the entreaty
of Charles, was obliged to suspend the war against Aragon,
and to establish an armistice until the first day of N ovell1-
bel' of the next year. During this time a definite peace
could be arranged in an assembly to be convened at
Tarascon, the Papal legates and those of Edward being
mediators. 4o
(1291) Such was the state of affairs, when Gaetani and
Gerard of ParIna arrived at Tarascon to negotiate peace.
It was a numerous assembly. There were fully twelve
ambassadors from Aragon, for it was desired that the
clergy, the barons, the nobles and the citizens of the realm
be represented in that assembly. Charles II was present
in person; four ambassadors of Edward came with the title
of mediators, but Philip sent no repre
entative. All were
in favor of peace; but it was difficult to agree on the terms,
because the conditions exacted by Rome caused the treaty
of Oleron to be rejpcted, seemed too onerons to Alphonsus;
and even though hp had accepted tlwm, Charles of Valois
would have been di
satisfied and deprived of his rights
over Aragon. Therefore the regrets of the loser
were to
be tempered by the substitution of SOlne new acquisition.
<10 Mariana XIV, 13-G33.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
55
This was altogether the work of the Papal legates and
chiefly of Benedict Gaetani, who during his pontificate
showed so much equity in such lIlatters, when submitted
to his judgment. In the treaty that was drawn up it was
agreed: that Alphonsus should surrender all claim to
Sicily, refusing every aid to his brother James who held it,
and that he should recall all the Aragone
e and Catalonian
soldiers from that island; that he should go as a crusader
to Palestine; that he should pay into the treasury of the
Church every year thirty ounces of gold, a tribute to which
his great-grandfather was bound; that he should be
allowed to remain in peaceful and lawful possession of the
kingdom of Aragon, and should be acknowledged as king;
that he should be dispensed, at least for sonle tilDe, frOlD
the obligation of restoring to the King of l\Iajorca, tIle
Balearic Islands; that he should be restored to the favor
of the Church, and ùe pardoned for past trangressions;
that he should return to Charles, his sons and the Prov-
ence barons, whom he held as hostages; that Sicily was to
be given to the conquest of the King of Naples; but that in
return Charles should cede to the Count of Valois the
provinces of Anjou and
Iain, to make up for the> loss of
his rights over Aragon, and that he should give him in
marriage, his daughter :Margaret. All partips being per-
fectly contented, the treaty was signed on the 19th of
February, 1291. Howe,er the hope of peace was not
realized. Alpbonsus died, still young, in June of the> saIne
year,41 and Philip was unwilling to ratify the treaty.
Having returned from his mission to France, we do not
find that Gaetani was employed in any particular affair,
although certainly he must not have been idle in the Papal
Curia at a time in which the Church was suffering many
and most grievous misfortunes. Perhaps he was still on
his way returning from Spain, when in l\Iay all Chri
tian
domination in the Holy Land pnded with the fall of
ptolemais (Acre) . Sixty thousand Christians haviug'
perished by the sword, by fire, and by drowning around its
walls, sadly announced that the sincere faith of the
Christians, that generous mover of hearts in the council
of Clermont, expired in the hearts of the> princes, and in the
breasts of the people. Vrban II had opened and Nicholas
Ð Mariana, L. 14, c. 14.
GG
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
IV had closed the grand period of the Crusaùe:-;. And
just as the former left in the papal cl1ail' an ardent hope
as an inheritance to his successors, the latter left sorrows,
which could not be assuaged b.r the vain and fleeting hopes,
which, at the 11108t, nourished weak efforts, but did not
satisfy the desires. Thus Nicholas for another year
dragged along l1is life in misery, convoking provincial
councils in order to repair tIle disasters in the Holy Land;
urging princes to prepare a crusade; striving to convert
tIle kings of ..\rmenia to the faith and propose to them the
conque
t of Palestine; and hurling anathemas against
Sicily, which had stubbornly chosen as King Frederiek,
tIle son of Janlf's, ''Iho l1ad gone himself to reign in
Aragon.
TIle grave being closed over the remains of Nicholas, tlw
Papacy in a sad and pitiable 8tate remained in the hands of
twelve cardinals, alllong wl10m was Gaetani. Six were
Romans, foul' frolll another part of Italy, and two were
French. Cardinal Latino of Ostia was tile most renowed
for piety, Cardinal Gaetani for wisdom and learning, whilp
Cardinal James Colonna, and
Iatthew Rosso of the Orsini
rivalled one another in power. Tlw ohsequies o,er the
dead Pope being ended, they met in concla,e in the palace
built by Xirholas IV, near the basilica of Rt. :Mary .Major.
Iemorable conclave! The usual pra
yers ,,-ere recited, and
the Cardinal of Ostia exhorted thrm to concord. Ste-
phaneschi, who later became Cardinal of St. George in
''''elabro, has transmitted to us in verse the words of tIle
pious Carùinal of Ostia; and touching upon tIle many
misfortunes that were to bp repairpd on account of the
ruined state of the affairs of tlle Christians in Syria, and
tlw usurpation of Sicily, he ended with this Roman
thought: "And we who" distribute realms, are ourselves
heset on evel'y side." 42 But scal'eeJy had the hvpJve
cardinals entered upon serious deliberation, wIlen there
arosp a great divhdon among them. Their minds were
fluctuating, and their bodies wpre restless. They changed
tlwir place of meeting, and prof'epded to the palace of Pope
Honorius IV at the church of St. Sabina, and afterwaròs
they went to the church of Rt. )Iary of the :Minerva.
42 .J acob. S. Georg. Yit. s. V oel. L. X. c. 1: "Et nobis qui regna damus,
nos undique turhant! "-
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
57
Cardinals Orsini and Colonna \vere con tending, and each
one drew to himself a part of the electors. The former
desired a pope who would be friendly to Charles II, the
latter opposed such an election. 43 On which side Uardinal
Gaetani arrayed himself we do not know, but it is certain
that he was neither tl1(1 author nor fomenter of discord;
ratllPr according- to the t('stimollY of Platina,44 in the
seYere
t terms he urgf'd the discorùant parties to conlf' to
a happy agreement by electing a pope. But if we be
allo\yed to make a conjecture from the friendship which
bound him at that time to Colonna, by the means of whOin
he became Pope, we may affirlll that he supported the
Colonna side.
That roving conclave held a session for almost three
months, and nothing resulted from it. In the meantime
the SUlumer was advanced, the heat was noisome, and
many fell ill. The French Cardinal Cholet dying on the
2nd of August, diminished the number of the electors, who,
heing frightened, desisted from the fruitless deliberations.
Gerald of Parma, )Iatthew Acquasparta, Peter of St.
)Iark, and the Frenchman Hugh of St. Sabina betook
themselves to Rieti; )Iatthew Orsini, James and Peter
Colonna, and the bishop of Tusculum remained in ROllle;
Benedict Gaetani repaired alone to Anagni. He was
worn out by a long and obstinate illness, which came nigh
causing his death. 45 In October they assembled again in
the Church of St. :Mary of the )Iinerva more disunited than
before.
(1293) The year 1292 elapsed, and as yet no hope ap-
peared. In the lueantime those quarrels of the nobility fo-
luented by Colonna and Orsini in the conclave, on account
of which each of them was stubborn in his opinion concern-
ing a new pontiff, were deplorably manifC'sted in the elec-
tion of a new senator. One must be elected; but the
Or
ini and Colonna families each de
il'ed that this office
shouhl be accordpd to their own respective families, and a
a result they divided the people of Rome into two hlood-
thirsty factions, whieh, fighting furiously for six months,
stained the city with blood and rapine. Finally for the
sake of peace it was deemed necessary to elect two srnatol's,
ø John Villani, lib. i, c. 150. .. Story of the lives of the Pontiffs.
411 James St. George in Preface.
58
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
one from the Orsini and one from the Colonna families.
These exterior disturbances which arrested the attention
of the proud patricians, were also the cause of division
among the Cardinals, who, as St. Antonius observes,46
seemed to attend to their own interests and not those of
Christ in the nlatter of that election.
Summpr returned, nnd they also returned to disagree.
The Roman Cardinals with .Acquasparta and Gerald went
to Rieti; three others remained in Rome. Gaetani alone
retired to yiterbo. This solitude chosen by Gaetani clearly
shows, that abhorring the scandalous delays which pro-
longed the widowhood and the perils of the Church, he
kept aloof from the base' and wearisome intrigues of the
various parties. But a threatened schism
mddellly reas-
sembled them at Perugia. The two Cardinals, Colonna and
Tohn bishop of Frascati, agreeing in sentiment, believed
that, because they were dwelling in Rome, they alone could
elect a pope; and signified to those absent that they should
come if they wished to select one with them. All were
aroused by this procedure; they assembled in Perugia, but
their minds were not changed. Then filled with a noble
indignation Gaetani began to lash their unfeeling hearts
most severely, because they had resolved to choose a pope
in such a manner. \Ye may be sure that the sharp but
most just rebuke had an effect on the obstinate electors.
It was towards tbe end of "'inter that Charles, the Lame,
on his way from France, came to Perugia to meet his son
Charles :l\lartel, titular king of Hungary. The Cardinals
had prepared extravagant honors for him. Two of them,
Napoleon Orsini, and Peter Colonna, with a numerous
escort went out of the city to nleet him; and the others
received him at the doors of the Church, and madp him sit
down among them in the conclave. Nay more, the first
seat was given to Charles, King of K aples, placing him
between the first two Cardinal Bishops; the second seat
was given to his son between the first two Cardinal Dea-
cons. An unbecoming session and full of danger. They
were bound by the chains of discord, and they had dpsired
to be bound also by those of a prince. Charles made a
speech to the cardinals, exhorting them to elect a pope
quickly; Cardinal Latino replipd for thpm. All these pro-
tð P. B. tit. 20, c. 7.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
59
ceedings Gaetani beheld and heard with great displeasure,
and indignation. For a princely layman to be seated in
the first place among the papal electors in the sacred coun-
cils was an intrusion into affairs which the Church holds
most dear and which she would not allow a profane hand
to touch; and the presence of a king among prelates, al-
ready weakened by dissensions, was a lessening of their
liberty. Nor is it to be believed that that speech of the king
advising a quick election was prompted by love for the
Church and religion. He desired to
ee a pope elected,
yet he wanted one according to his own liking and who
would further his own intei'ests and this action was not a
suppression of discord but rather a fomenter of it, and
an impertinence. In fact he was sharply rebuked by
Gaetani, who himself in a violent manner had tried to
compel the electors to bring the affair to a termination. 47
'Ye know not whether it was from these rebukes, or from
others which Gaetani gave hhll for his impertinent intru-
sion, arose those sharp words which passed between
Gaetani and the King. 48
Iuratori supposes, and we ven-
ture to hold the same, that the cause of the breach of
friendly relations betwepn these two personages was, that
the noble-souled Cardinal had frankly told the King that
it did not belong to him to designate the time for the elec-
tion of the pope. But why then had the eminent annalist!
assigned pride as the cause of the action of Gaetani? That'
act of his, suppressing the importunities of a prince in the
affairs of the Church, was most praiseworthy; we do not
find that it had its origin in pride, but rather in the con}
sciousness of his own office, which was that of a cardinal,\
during the vacancy of the Apostolic See, to defend the1
liberty of the Church. 49 Charles the Lame, went away
displeased, and" was taught a lesson by Gaetani.
(1294) But the cUI'Hed discord did not disappear. Fi-}
nally twenty-seven mouths after the death of Nicholas.A>itJ
t7 Platina.
t8 Gordan. M. S. Vatican. Raynaldus. "Dura Quoque verba,- (Carolus>J
cum domino Benedicto Cajetano habuit, nihil tamen profecit." ptol. Luc.
Rist. Eccl. cap. 29. "Dura verba habuit cum Domino Benedicto Cajetano.'
Non proficiens antem, venit in Regnum." Idem Annal. H. R. 1. T. 21,
1300 . . ." quod Regem Carolum l>erusiis multum exasperasset."
'" Muratori Annals.
60
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
happened, that a very young brother of Cardinal :Matthew
Orsini died, and the Cardinal of Tusl'ulum, John Bocca-
mazza discoursing with his colleagues injected into their
minds mournful thoughts that are always productive of
good. And perceh'ing that these discourses had penetrated
their guilty consciences: "\Yhy," said he, ., do we not im-
mediately choose a head for the Church? 'Yhat is the
"reason of this discord which divides us.! "-" Oh! we
" wretches!" then broke forth Cardinal Latino )lala-
" branca all dismayed, (he whom some authors declare is
" the author of that prophetic and solemn poem, the Dies
" Irae),5O how terrible is the anger of the Lord, which is
" raging over our heads, and which before four months will
" strike us, as has been revealed to a holy man!" "'Yhat,
" Cardinal," interrupting him, said Gaetani with a slllile,
" h; this perhaps one of the vh;iuns of Peter of )It. )101'-
" rune? "-" One of his exactly," replied Latino, "and I
"have a hotter in which he tplls me that he has received a
" cOlnmand from God to warn you of these threats." That
sufficed to fix the thoughts and conversation of all on that
famous hermit. Then they began to converse about his
austerities, his miracles and his virtues; and someone even
proposed hhl1 for supreme pontiff. Cardinal Latino, who
was most devoted to the Saint of
lt. )lorrone, took up the
proposition, and without any further delay strengthened
it by giving him his vote. At once they were all filled with
the thought of the wonderful sanctity of the hermit, and
for that reason alone judged him worthy of the Papal
Chair. They united in giving thf:'ir suffrage to Peter
lor-
rune, and Cardinal Latino, as senior deacon of the conclave,
recein!d the power to select him in the name of all. Gae-
tani was among the:se, yet it does not :seem, judging fronl
his delay in repairing to Aquila to do honlage to the new
Pope, that in thp interior of his soul he approved of the
choice. He above all others knew the imnlen
e weight of
the Homan Pontificate, and could judge whether the shoul-
ders of a holy, but inexperienced, hermit were able to sup-
port it.
The Pontiff elect was a man of most. austere life, who,
shut up in a narrow cpll alllong the rocks of the high moun-
tain of )Iajella near Sulmona, s(>pmed to he no longer a
110 See Cardella J History of the Cardinals, T. 2, cap. II.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
61
thing of this earth,
o much had he been
eparated from
men. It is the common opinion that he was born at
Isernia, a city of the eounty of )1olise in the kingdom of
Xaples, his parents being Anglerius and )1ary. 'Yhile
still very young he was filled with a great love for solitude,
and he longed to imitate the ancient dwellers of the desert
of Thebaïs. At first he became a monk of St. Benedict,
and afterwards without becoming acquainted with men
and the things of this earth, lIe repaired to )1ajella, and
there practised all manner uf austerities. His holiness of
Hfe, the wonder which his extraordinary austerities excited,
and the report of the miracles worked by him attracted
many around him, who wished to imitate his life and ex-
ample; and in a short time from being a poor lonely hermit
hf' found himself the head and foundf'r of a congregation
of religious \\.ho afterwards from the name he took in the
Papacy were calh'd Celestines. He repaired to Lyons,
where the council was being held, to have his congregation
and l'ule approved by Gregory IX. Immediately out of
compassion for the rigors of these penitents, people re-
sponded with loyal offerings. Grants of land were gi\en
them; suddenly churches and monasteries arose, which
in their splendor made thelll forget the poverty of the be-
ginnings of the congregation. During the lifetime of the
Raint, they even acquired a monastery in Rome near St.
Peter's. From the monks who lived there, Cardinal Latino
learned the merits of their founder, to whom he displayed
great love and devotion, gh'ing expression to it by an
annual gift of alms. Althoug-h the order founded by him
haù prospered, leaving the government and direction of it
to others, he thought of nothing else but of attending to his
own soul; and so to be alone he retired to the rocks uf )101'-
rOlle, a part of )1ajella, and from which he took his name.
The holy herlnit Peter was more than seventy-two years
old, and doubtlessly he pre:-5ented the appearance of one
bordering' OIl the grave, when at th(' end of a day in July
the deputies of the conclave arrived in Sulmona, to bear to
him the honor of the pontifical tiara. They werp the Arch-
bishop of Lyons, the bishop of Orvieto and the hishop of
Porto, together with two Ap()
toli('
otaries. At the hreak
of day thpy set out to aSl'pn(l thp mountain; and whi1p \n't
with ppr
piration and out of breath they were ascpntling
62
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
by a little narrow path, they see corning near to them and
overtaking them Cardinal Peter Colonna, who to make
himself the first bearer of a so joyful message, had come
quickly fronI Perugia. They arrived at a small enclosure
surrounded by a wall, the opening to which was a small
gate, and further on there was a little cell which a wall
divided into two very narrow rooms. On the outside wall
there was a window, that would not admit the head of an
observer, because it had been provided with iron bars, at
which the Saint placed himself in his infrequent conversa-
tions with visitors.
Before this window presented themselves the bearers of
such great news. In the little cell they saw a vpry old man,
clothed in rough skins, and disconcerted by the sight of
them. His beard was wllite and shaggy; his cheeks fur-
rowed, and his entire person enfeebled by long fasts. From
out the pallor of his countenance two black e.res, suffused
with tears, spoke of the sweetness of the soul enamored of
its God. Although in such squalor, the lwrmit and the cell
emitted the very air of Paradise. At such a sight struck
dumb and filled with holy admiration, the prelates un-
covpred their heads, and falling down reverently kissed the
ground; the holy hermit did the same. The Archbishop of
Lyons was the first to break the silence, explaining to Peter
ho\y he had been chosen Supreme Pontiff. IIe likened the
Church to a ship tossed to and fro at the mercy of the wind
and waves, awaiting hhll to unfurl the sails, grasp the
helm and guide it to the port of safety. And thus speak-
ing, he displayed to the eJTes of the bewildered hermit the
sealed papers, which contained the important decree.
Overwhelmed by the greatness of the office, and the
honor which they desired to bestow on him, the poor her-
mit knpw not what to do. Before giving an answer he
would first interrogate God in prayer, and thry should
pray with him. lIe tlwn recrived through the window the
wonderful document, and retired. 51 Prostrating himself
1\1 The original of this decree, bearing the seals in red wax of the eleven
cardinals, was preserved in the Abbey of the Holy Spirit at f;ulmona.
Afterwards by the order of Clement VIII it was placed in the Vatican
archives, after having passed successively through the hands of Cardinals
Facchilletto, Bellarmine and Baronius.-Viòe Suppl. Life of St. Peter
Celestine, by Lelii Marini, ch. 8, apud Boll. )Iaii T. 4.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
U3
lIe pra
Ted to know the will of God. Shortly afterwards he
returned to the messengers, telling them that he would ac-
cept the office of supreme pontiff. Hardly had he finished
speaking, when tùey cast themselves at his feet and kissed
them, notwithstanding they were covered with poor and
coarse shoes.
As soon as the news of this election had spread, an in-
credible number of people flocked to
ee him, and to re-
ceive the blessing of the invisible hermit, so unexpectedly
raised to such a high dignity. Charles II, the Lame, with
his son Charles )Iartel, came with alacrity to see him, not
only to receive his blessing, but also to enter into his good
graces, and direct and rule him. The succe
8 of his plan
was not difficult. Peter had no decision of character, be-
cause he was old and enfeebled by penances and his mind
was ill-adapted to perceive the cunning of the children of
Adam. lie had no knowledge of mankind, because frOlll
his Jouth he had fled from socipty; his mind ,vas not culti-
,'ated by study, being
atisfieù only with that joy of heart
which he felt in his contt'mplations of nod: and thus de-
void of human resources, he eould not deIiyer himself from
the impositions of the royal ty and the common people.
Charles II troubled him, and the advocates of the Curia
harafi.;sed him. Ignorant of the la ws, lIe summoned laymen
and jurists to his support,52 who knowing and adopting the
bf'st lTIf'ans of ingratiating- themselves in the needful soul
of the new Pontiff, s(
ttled there. To esta blish tbem
elves
firmly in that position tlley displayed certain deferences
to the cardinals and clerics, insOllluch that Peter, con-
trary to custom, chose a layman as secretary. 53 To Charles
and the advocates of the Curia wpre added twelve Celes-
II" Jacob, S, Georg. . . . "laicaeque manus subrepere passim.
ConsiIiis tentant divi in precordia Patris
:Eeclesiae.
am gnarus opes et jurgia mundi
Temllere, pomposam Juris vitaverat artem.
. . . . quo faetum est, ut sibi magni
Crederet hic Laico
, quos Juris iu artc peritos
Prudentesque ratus..........
. . . . dum metuit Peter alulUs fraudibus arctum
Ingenium vinci Proeerum, dubiique sodales
Redduntur Fratres, propriulll nc forte Senatus
Campel1at mutare gr:Hlum."
151 Ibid. ". . . deet"at fiducia CIeri,"
64
HISTOR Y OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
tine monks, pions men, but rough and uncultured,54 who
hedged hhll in, who influenced hiIn, and who would never
let him leave them. Thus did the holy old nlan all at once
remain confined in the clutches of Charles, in the cunning
of the greedy employees of the Curia, and in the small and
indiscreet ambitious projects of his monks. So that he
did not act, and did not undertake anything unless at the
instance of Charles, and by the advice of those around him
of whonl we have spoken. In the meanwhile the Cardinal
electors still remained in Perugia expecting the Pope elect
to come to meet them as they had besought him to do, in a
Jetter which was attached to the decree of election. But
instead of seeing the Pope, they received a letter from him,
in which he announced that he was not able to travel so
far. Accustomed to the snows of the Abruzzi mountain!':,
he could not bear the summer heat; heing a very old man
he had not sufficient strength for the journey, and hence
they should rather come to bim. The Fathers perceived
which waJ the wind of )It. l\Iorrone blew, since it is sup-
posed that they already knew how affairs were directed.
But they would not yield. They urged their request; he
should come on a litter; he should leave the kingdom, or
in ot1Jer words, remove himself frOlll the influence of
Charles. He was unwilling, because Charles was unwill-
ing. 55 The hesitation and delay of the Cardinals in com-
ing were not displeasing to Charles. Time with him was
precious, and he uRed it admirably. According to Ste-
pheneschi lIe pPJ'suaded the holy Pope to repair to the grow-
ing city of Aquila to receive the pontifical insignia,56 and to
begin immediately to appoint new Cardinals in the choice
of whom the impertinent prince would show his power.
Peter entered Aquila triumphantly, but mounted on a
mule, the two kings on foot holding the hridle. Opinions
vary concerning that spectacle. Some praised Peter, call-
ing to mind Christ entering .Jel'USalf'lll; while others would
rather have seen that humility le
s displayed.
The cardinals departed from Perugia startled by thi
intelligence. Their saddened minds perceived the mis-
fortunes which in the future would befall the Church under
14 Ibid. " . non eulta satis, sed rustiea turba."
M rtol. Lue. ('. 30 "ad instantiam Regis venire recusat."
M ptolomy Eeel. History C. 29. "Ad instantiam Regis, ('t suorum."
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
65
the weak rule of the Saint. We know not whether they
felt regret for having raised him to such a high office, but
it is certain that Ptolemy of Lucca, a contemporary writer,
and an eye-witness of the things he relates, assures us that
Cardinal Latino :\Ialabranca, on the day that he died in
Perugia, the 10th of August, bore on his soul to eternity
the weight of that election,57 to which afterwards all the
other cardinals had agreed. Their manner of going sepa-
rately to Aquila, proved their little satisfaction; 58 and
they went more to ward off dangers, than to honor CeleR-
tine. 59 The latter in the presence of a large concourl'p of
people received the papal insignia frOlll the hands of K a-
poleon Orsini, who had come frOln Perugia with Cardinal
H ugh of St. Sabina. The new Pope took the name of
Celestine V.
Benedict Gaetani was the only one who still lingered in
Perugia. "Te know not with what ardor he acquiescpd in
the election of the holy hermit, but we are certain that he
more than the others beheld and foresaw its sad conse-
quences for the Church. He heard certain rumors of the
infamous actions and iniquitous practices of the ministers.
The employees of the Curia were reaping a harvest in the
Papal Court, abusing the holy seal, by dispensing benefi-
ces recklessly and with such a great cupidity for gain, that
often the same gift of prebend was founù to be given to
many. They had the parchments already stamped with the
papal seal, so as to be prepared to write that which would
better satisfy their thirst for gold. The saintly Pope
neither saw nor heard of these transactions. Charles
ruled, and swayed the mind of Celestine according to his
own pleasure, and held him, as it were, a prisoner. In
fact he was a puppet in his hands. Gaetani heard, and de-
layed to go and pay his respects to the Pope, temperin
his mind through these deplorable facts by feelings of
noble indignation, which were to break forth in his own
pontificate. It was said that Gaptani refrained from goin
to ...\quiJa, in order not to meet Charl('s, whom he had re-
117 Ptolemy Eccl. History, c. 30, "in quo totum pondus incumbenat super
elf'ctrione Caelestini." 18 Ptol. Eccl. Rist., c. 31. "aliqui procedunt ad
})apam, aliqui subsequuntur versus Aquilam." IIg James st. Georg., c. 175.
". . . C'elerant ad tanta pericula cursum."
GG
HlS1"OltY 01.1' POP'm BuN1FAC:g VIlt.
buked and wounded deeply in the conclave at Perugia.13O
But finally with the desire of repairing so much disorder
by his judgment and good sense, and not to appear disre-
spectful to the Pontiff, he went to Aquila.
'Yhen he arriyed there he fOUB(l that the reports were
n9t exaggerated but true. His heart was fined with g1"Íef
because of the degradation to which the Papacy had been
subjected. This f('eling arose not only from holiness of
heart, but also from strength and nobility of soul, chiefly
because the outrage on the Apostolic See was committed
by the enenlY Charles, and by a handful of rascally advo-
cates of the Curia. IIowpyer for the honor of the Church
11e set about to take into his own hands tll(' reins of gov-
ernment, which were held so loo
ely by the hand
of Celes-
tine. So great was the authority which his high ability,
11Ïs skill in nlanagemput of affairs, and his knowledg(' of
the canons gave him, that he became most powerful, and as
it were the master of the Papal Curia. Ptolemy of Luera,
relating how well Gaetani knew how to conduct his own
affairs, insinuates that he possessed himself of po\Yer, morp
for his own private interests, than for the good of the
Church. Yet it must be remembered that this kind of pre-
ponderance or dominion of Gaetani was in the Papal
Curia, and not over the Papal Curia. This Curia could
then be divided into two parts, one composed of Charles,
the advocates of the Court, the Celestine
Ionks, and of
John of Castrocielo, a Cassinese monk, Archbishop of
Benevento, who had known how to enter into the good
graces of the Pope, by taking off his dark habit, and put-
ting on the gray color of the Celestine monks;lH and of
some French cardinals. The other part was composed of
all the cardinals who raged against Charles and deplored
the weakness of the Pope. Gaetal1i could not be the mas-
ter of both these partips, opposed as thpy were to each .
otlwr, but it might be said that he was rather tllP leader
of that party which opposed the artifices of Charles thp
Lame, with whom he was in such bad fayor. This domi-
nation was founded in the dependence they had on him, as
110 Ptolemy Eccl. History, cllapter 31. "et dubitabatur quia non veniret,
quia Regem verbis offenderat in Perusio."
111.r ac. S. Georg., c. 77-275. . . . Mon3.chi dimissis vestibus a tris,
Praesulis induitur habitum, pertingere sperans Jrrubare caput.
lU5TORY OF POp:e BONIFACE VIII.
ü7
a man of singular ability above all the other cardinals. In
fact eyen after his arrival things were going from bad to
worse, as it appears from that desire of the Pope to change
into Celestines an the monks of St. Benedict, and to put
the monastery of
Ionte Cassino into a scandalous con-
fusion by stripping the monks of the (13rk habit; and eR-
pecialJy that creation of new cardinal
, all the \york of
Charles. The fact of Gaetani not having taken part in
that affair sho\ys that he and the king continued to view
each other askance. In the ember days of September Celes-
tine created twelve car(1inals, seven of WhOl11 "were French,
and five Italians all creatures of Charle
. And this is
how the deed was done. Charles and 1Iugh Sequin, Bishop
of Ostia, designated a long time ahead tho
e who were to
be made cardinals, and their names were gin:>n to the
simple-minded Pope, who in all things did the pleasurp of
Charles, and these names were kept concealpd from all the
other cardinals. Only Hugh Sequin was taken into tlte
secret, as we have said, and two Roman cardinal
, who it
is almost certain were the two Or
ini, because in the con-
claye they were ardent parti
ans of Charles. It cannot hf'
supposed that Gaetani was one of these, because it was rus-
tomary for Stephaneschi to call only those Roman
, who
were natives of Rome. In fact amo
g 01(' twelve f'lectf'ù
,,-as John Gaetani of Anagni and he declares t.hat not onp
of them was a Roman. 62 Nothing of the secret was al-
lowed to leak out. On Friday the yigil of their crea tioll
the names of the elect were made known to the cardinals,
who were deeply wounded ùJ this proceeding, and with rea-
son, because the Pope should have consulted them rathpr
than Charles. Thus that lllastery over the Papal Curia
which Ptolemy of Lucca affirms, does not appear from
the fact so important as a notable increase in the collpge
of the Cardinals; so it remains evident that up to the 18th
of September Gaetani \yas certainly not alllong the friend:-;
of CbarleR. 63
It is true that Charles fearpd him, and ]1(' had good ]'(':1-
son to fear him from Perugia, and hp]1('p in ord('l' to pJ'P-
vent a storm which be would have raispc1 amollg tlip oUwr
a See Note D.
I! Id. ib . . . nullum, queem subdita sedi Immediata porit tf'llus, f'X
ordine Patrum Murro dedit. . . .
G8
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
cardinals because of the royal selection of cardinals, to ap-
pease hhn and gain his favor, he caused
John Gaetani, a
npphpw of Benedict, to be nlade a cardinal. But the slav-
pry into which the Church was redueed hy Charles would
not allow the minds of Gaetani and the othpr cardinals to
be appeased, so greatI
T distressed and desperate were they
by reason of the bad governnwnt of (1plestinp. Affairs
reached a climax whpn, the season now having lwcome
cooler, lwIieving that the Pope should repair to Rome, they
beheld hiIn most tenacious of his decision to follow tlw
advice of Charles and go instead to Kaples. 64 The arti-
fices of Chal'les the Lame, were shmllefnl and barefaced,
Imt the Saint did not percpive all the evil that they con-
Ü1Ïnl'd. Thpy were exasperated also by the revival and rp-
np\vaI whieh Celestine nlade of thp constitution of Greg-
ory X concerning the holding and the regulation of a con-
dave.
This constitution ordains t.hat, ten days havinp; elapspd
from the fleath of the Pontiff, the l"aI'dinals without wait-
ing for the abspntees are to asspmble in a place f;trictl.r and
ecurely locked. Xeither by letter no)' by worel of mouth
nor b.r any othpf sign are those in conclave to hold int{'r-
course with an outsider, under pain of anathema to the
transgressor. They are to remain there untiJ they havp
chosen a successor. Should, however, more than three days
elapse before a choice is made, for the next five days their
fare shall consist of one dish, aftpr which it is rpduced to
bread and water and wine, which shall be their only nour-
ishment until their .work is done. TIlP revival and renewal
of the Gregorian Bull wounded deeplJ. the elector
, so un-
òisciplineù had they been in the late conclave and so agi-
tated. This decree was followed by another, releasing-
Charles from the oath required of him by the car(Hnals,
not to detain tbem and confine thpm in his kingdom, in
the event of choosing- the new Pope after the death of Celes-
tine. So that Charles the I..ame, by this Rull and by thp
opportune release from his oath, was promising himself to
hold in his own hands the imprisoned cardinals choosing-
the new Popp, or in other words. to creat{' him himself.
Rut we Rhall see later how theRe prp-conceived hopp
"Van-
M .Tac. K Georg. .." Subductus Carolo coetuque sequente Par-
thenopen dC'fle"\.it itf'r.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
69
ished in smoke. Finally their minds surcharged with in-
dignation broke out in open and forcible clamors at the
sight of John of Castrocielo, Benedictine Archbishop of
Benevento, being suddenly nlade a cardinal by Celestine
without ev
n the ceremonies of creation. For one evening
after supper, no sooner was it said, than he transformed
him into a cardinal. The exasperated prelates gave ex-
pression to downright disapproval and to such vehement
denunciation that John was forced to lay aside the irregu-
larly receiveù dignity, and Celestine had to confer it with
the usual ceremonies of installation. So raising around
the Saint, if not a reverent, at least a not unjust telnpest,
th
y followed him to Naples. 65
The cardinals in their displeasure and indignation at the
actions of Celestine, because they openly despaired of any
amelioration, had commen
ed fl.om the time they were in
Aquila to broach and whisper words of abdication. In
spite of the efforts whÜ:h Charles might Inake to dissuadf'
the Raint from the untowaJ'd tenlptation, undouLtedly thf'
thought entered the nlÍnd of the good Pontiff. In fact in
that revived constitution of GregorJ' X, he speaks not only
of the case of death, hut also of renunciation, a sign that
the latter was already fixeù in his heart. So the more
things went wrong-, the lllore openly did some of the cardi-
nals art, and they began to urge the Saint to resign the
Papacy, telling him openly, that so long as he remained
Pontiff, the affairs of the HOlnan Church would be imper-
illed and be ever in confusion. 66 It ,yould not be unlikely
to suppose that Gaetani was one of those who urged him
to resign. Those incentives to re
:;ign, and the charging
him with the evils of the Church threw the mind of the
Saint into great constt'rnation; and since he had not cov-
eted the unexpectea honol's of the Papary, nor after assum-
ing tbem was he
lated, he became strongly apprehensive
of tlJe dangers of his soul.
Advent approachN1. TIe had always sanctified this sea-
son by extraordinary austerity, and he did not wish as
115,Jac. K Georg., cap. 11.
till Ptolemy of I.ucca. Reel. History, c. 32. "Multum stimulatur ab
aliquihl1" Cardillali1nH! quod Papatum eedat. quia Eeelesia Romana sub
ip!'òo periclitabatur, et sub eo eOllfundf'batur."
70
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
Pope to intermit thf' pious custom. He had caused to be
built in the papal palace a Iniserable little wooden cell,
which reminded hinI of the one on 1\lt. 1\lorrone, and in
this he shut himself up; and he left in the hands of three
cardinals the chief management of affairs, and all care of
government, retaining for hiInself only the thought of his
soul and of God. 'Ve do not know who these delegates
were. The Bull of this deputation had been already writ-
ten, when having returned to Rome Orsini withheld him
from its publication, so that it might not be said that the
Church was governed not by one, but by three Popes. The
reader nlay imagine how these three cardinals raged
against Orsini. These dissensions disturbed the mind of
Celestine continually, and he was convinced that they hap-
pened through his own fault.
These troubles of mind had increased in the solitude in
which he placed hil1l
elf. Bright visions of the once happy
Jiff' he had on 3ft. :Morrone, nnintimidated by papal pomp,
were confidently presented to his mind, and infused into
his soul pleasures and sweetnesses that worldly bonors do
not confer. Then he longed most eagerly for the lonely
rock of :l\1orrone, and his heart was frightened by the fear
of hell into which he might fall headlong for the evils he
was known to have brought upon the Church by his short-
comings. And in this longing for the past, in grief for the
preí'ent, and in fear for the future, he went for spiritual
advice to Fra J acopone of Todi, of whom we shall speak
later, who although not ordained, was yet pious and strong
in the pursuit of evangelical perfection. He was one of
the Franciscan friars who were the dearly-beloved of
Celestine, on account of the singular severity of the life
they led. The Friar admonished him: that he should take
care; that the Papacy was for him a terrible experiment, in
which his sanctity would be tested; that he was a spectacle
for the eyes of all; that he should consider the Roman
Curia as a furnace in which gold is tried and separated
from the ùross; a grf'at unhappiness to lose God for that;
that he should have been avprse to placing around his neck
a yoke, thf' af'ceptancc of which could hurl him to eternal
perdition; fina]],v that JH:
should :flee the frauds and de>-
f'l\its of the advocates of tIlC Curia, and of the flatterers
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
71
intent solely on their own gain. He should look to him-
self. 67
Noone can express the consternation which these ad-
monitions of ,Jacopone produced in the mind of the holy
old man. IEs eonRcience smote him for the bad ('ondition
of affairs; he feared the divine punishment; he wished to
cast far away the enormous burden of tIle pontifirate. In
the midst of his sigllS he cried out from the depth of his
anguished heill.t: "Oh, luisel'able-nle! Oh, wretch that I
" am! They tell me that I have command over souls, and
" why is it that I have no powpr OYP1" my own, and assure
"its salvation? And what is this the Lord l1as done?
" Has He perhaps placed me so high, in order to hurl me
" down further in the depths below? Every day I have a
"complaint, a murmur against Ine. I see the carùinals
"jarring', and quarrelling among thPIDsehTes. . . . 'Yhat
"shall I do? . . . Is it not better for 111P to break tllP
" chains which bind me to this most fatal thronp, and to
" leave it to onp who may know 110W to sit on it. and let
" mp tllf'n take lJlyself after surh a fo:torm to the port of my
" little cell."-
'Yhilst he was revolving theRe tllOughtR in his mind, he
took by chance in his hand a certain little book containing
a compendiuln of the ecclesiastical canons, to which he
was wont to have recourse for advice during his life as a
hernlit; and turning over the pages, his pyes rested on
one, which told how a cleric can resign a dignity or bene-
fice for a just rem::on with the consent of his superior.
This canon seemed to he his liberator, and be gave the (-'11-
tire consideration of his mind to it; hut there being nO
one superior to him, into whose hands he rould resign thp
Papacy, this fact threw him into a state of grf'at uncer-
tainty. He wi
hed to i!';
ue from it. Ill' went for conn!,;l'l
and advice to him, who among aU the cardinals, was the
most renownpc! for Round judgment and learning, Bpne-
dict Gaetani. This man entered the smal1, dark cell, being
called to pas
judgment on a l11atter, which was to remove
the papal tiara from the head of Celestine to l1is own. Ancl
having heard the question. he replied in a manner which
concealed hi
interior delight,68 Ulat he could I'f'!';ign, when-
e7 Book I, Satire XV.-See Bollandists, Ma
' T. V., p. fi23.
ell" IlJe tamen cautus mf'ntf'm simnl:1.TP." ,Ta('. R. (}porg., f'. 111.
72
HISTOR Y OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
ever there was a sufficient reason to do SO; and alleged th('
example of another pope who had also resigned. The Saint
answf'red that a sufficient reason was not wanting. And
that was all that transpired betwf'en them. 69 But the
mind of Celestine was not satisfied by that afl\Ïce; and so
he summoned another counseJ]or. He gave the same opin-
ion. And as yet not contented, he interrogated some other
of the cardinals.
These consultations of the Saint could not be kept so
spcrpt, as to bf' withheld from the knowledge of those who
eertainly did not carp to see him retire from the Papacy.
These were especially those froward Celestine monks,
whom Stephaneschi insists upon calling rough and un-
couth men. They wondered greatly at this novelty and they
sent a pressing remonstrance to the Saint, representing,
how, if he laid aside the pontifical dignity, they would be
pxposed to all manner of insults; and his beloved congr{>-
gation would die at its hirth. They did not rely alone on
their own remon
trances. They raised a pious tumult
among the people of N arIes, accustomed to such excite-
ment, who with irreverent importunity having hroken
through the outer doors of the papal palace, forced an en-
trance into the cell of the Saint. There some of the chief
Inen conjured him in the name of God to dismiss from his
mind tllP idea of resigning, which would dpprive all the
Jdngdol11 of so great an honor. Celestine met thpir remon-
Htrances with a suitable reply, which disguised the unalter-
ahility of his purpose.
Having weathered this storm, the Saint set about imme-
diately to put into effect that which he had for a long time
contemplated. The cardinals being called together, he
humbly declared his inability to bear any longer the bur-
ÙPll of the supreme pontificate, and asked tllf'm publicly
for their adYice. The cardinals replied, that he should
allow his desire to mature; that he should shun his evil
advisprs; and that he should order public prayers in order
to know the will of God in an affair of so great importancp,
These public prayers, which the cardinals recommended,
served as a favorable occasion for Charles to delay the
pxpcntion of the designs of Celestine. Hp summoned apart
the clergy of Naples, who if thpy did not regard Celestine
BP The same author.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
73
in the same light as Charles, yet considered him a N eapoli-
tan Pope, and loved and revered him as a saint. Then he
arranged a procession in which all the priests and friars
lllar
heù, and together with these as many bishops as he
eould collect, and they proceeded to the castle in which
Celestine dwelt. Friar Ptolemy of Lucca, who was pres
nt,
mentions no cardinal among them. As soon as these sup-
pliants had arrived at the door of the palace, according to
custom, they began in a loud voice to entreat Celestine to
im part to them the papal benediction. Not to show irrev-
erence to a !';acred ceremony, Celestine came to a window in
company with three bishops and gave the blessing. Then
a certain bishop, an agent of the King, besought the Pope
to listen to them; and as soon as silence reigned, in a loud
voice that was heard by all those in the procession, he
cried out: " That they did 110t want him to resign; that he
should remain for the glory of the kingdom," Then one of
the aforesaid three bi
hops from abo,?e replied for the Pope.
"That tlH'Y should quiet their fears; that he would not
., resign as long as th
re did not appear a reason contrary
" to his conscience, which directed him." The royal mes-
senger was satisfied; and as a sign of their joy in the loud-
est tones they began to sing the Te Deum, and the joyful
procession marched back to the Cathedra1. 70
But Celestine was frightened by the fear of losing his
soul in the Papacy, and seeing the way open by the advice
of Gaetani and other cardinals, he did not allow himself
to be overcome either by the procession, or by the cry the
King made by the mouth of the bishop. For almost eight
days he spoke not a word of his re!';ignation, in order to
stifle his feelings, and not be molested. During that time
going again to Gaetani, he ,,,as instructed by him in all
lIP would have to do, as he desired to perform the act of
abdication so that the canonical form would not he want-
ing, and he made him draw up the act of the great resig-
nation,71 After this was performed, on th
13th of Decem-
ber the feast of St. Lucy, he summoned the cardinals in
consistory. And being clothed in the red cloak, and all
the other insig'nia which the POpf" wears in the solemn
ceremonies, {1elestine entered the> assembly, and seated
70 Ptolemy of Lucca. Eccl. History, c, 32.
71 AnonJ"mous. Life of St. Cele"tine. MS. Vatic. Arm. XII.
74
HISTORY OF POPE EONIF ACE VIII.
himself. Under the cloak he carried the act of resignation.
The cardinals knew of his intended resignation, but they
did not know when it would take place. He commanded
theln to remain quiet, and not dare
ay :1 word; then un-
folding it, in a clear yuice he read the famous act: "I,
" Celestine, moved by legitimate reasons, that is to say, for
"the sake of humility, of a perfect life, and for ease of
" conscience; on account of weakness of body, of want of
" knowledge, of grief occa
ioned to the people, and in order
"to regain the peace of my former state of life, with all
"my soul, anù freely I surrender the Papacy, and I ex-
" pressly resign the chair, the dignity, the burden and the
"bonoI', giving from this instant full and free power to
" the College of Cardinals to choose and provide, but only
"in a canonical wa)., a new pastor for the universal
Church." During the reading of this the cardinals, deeply
Dloved by the great humility of the Saint, could not re-
strain their tears. Fearing that the mere assent of the
College of Cardinals to bis resignation migbt not be suffi-
cient for the validity of the act, at the instance of )Iatthew
Orsini, the oldest of the Cardinal deacons, he published a
special eonstitution covering the ground, in which he de-
clm.ed a Pope n1ight ahdicate, and that the College of
Cardinals was competent to receive the act of abdication.
This was embodied in the Sixth of the Decretals. This
being- settled, Celestine divested himself in their presence
of all th
papal insignia, and having resumed the hairy
garnwut be wore on l\It. ::\Iorrone, he d
parted from the
consi
tory. The cardinals accompanied him, and "ith
many tears recommended to bis prayers the Church de-
priv(>d of a pa
tor. Thux did Pope Celestine V, after five
months and nine daJs, leave the papal ('hair, not thrust
down, not induced, not flec('iv
d, at least by Gaetani.
Some writers detract from the greatness of that act, and
bestow on it a vile charact(>r. Among these is the irasci-
hIe Dante, who in the departure of Celestine from the
Papaey rabidly <1(>{)lores the entrance into it of the de-
tested Boniface. But as the possibility of such a resigna-
tion having arisen solely from the timidity of tbe re-
nouncer did not entpr their minds, they must then, either
by conjecture, or by an evil interpretation of circum-
stances, or from a prejudiced opinion of the natural dispo-.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
75
sition of Benedict Gaetani, attribute it also to his artifices.
And let the reader know that the story of these artifices
began after his elevation to the Papacy; and if Gaetani
had never heconle Pope, there would have been no mention
of these artifices impelling the simple old saint Cele8tine
to re
ign. Other writers extol to the heavens the abdi-
cation, as the act of an angel and not of a man, claiming,
that the act of discarding the insignia of St. Peter through
fear of sin, is such a great spiritual disposition of soul,
that does not generally fall to the lot of the sons of Adam.
Among these is the 1l1Oderate Petrarch. 72 But the true
estimate of him was that given by Clement V in the Bull
in which be raised Peter Celestine to the honors of the
altar. Of him be says: ".A man of stupendous simplicity,
"and unskilled in matters concerning the adrr.:inistration
" of the universal Churth (for from his boyhood to old age
" he had not applied himself to worldly affairs, but only
"to those divine), prudently viewing himself with the
"closest attention, he freely anù entirely resigned the
"honors and burden of the Papacy, in order that no evil
" would be occasionefl to the Universal Church by his gov-
" ernment of it; and becam
e being freed from the disturb-
"ing cares. of )Iartha, he could with )Iary stand at the
" feet of Jesus in the peace and happiness of contempla-
" tion." 73
The ten days having elapsed fl'OIl1 the abdication of
Celestine, the cardinals, according to the approved Consti-
tution of Pope Gregory X, n1et in conclave. In all there
were twenty-two. Eight were French, Hugh Billom,
Bi
hop of Ostia; Bernard de Got; Simon of Beaulieu ; John
Lemoine; \Yilliam Ferrier; Kicholas Nonancourt, Robert,
fOl'llWrly abbot of Citeaux; and Rimon, who had been a
monk of Cluny. All these with the exception of TIugh,
were created by Celestine, and hence de
iI'ed by Charles of
X aples. Thomas of Teramo, and Petpr of
\.quiIa were
relpstine monks; Landolf Brancaccio and "Tilliam Longo,
State Chancellor of the I{ing, and Benedict Gaetani,
Junior, were alRo creatures of Charles. Of these if we ex-
cept Gaetani, who by rea
on of blood relationship, would
72 Life of the hermit. Book 2, chap. 18, page 2G6, V, 1. Basilca edition,
by Sebastian Her.ripetri 1;)
n.
73 Bull of C
nonization of St. Peter Celestine.
76
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
naturally favor the election of his uncle, certainly not one
of the others would care to see him chosen. The fact of the
Saint calling on Gaetani for counsel, and the weight which
his opinion and advice must have had on l1is mind on ac-
count of l1is L'eputation for learning,
houl<l have closed
the minds of those devoted to Celestine against every
thought of creating Benedict Pope. On tlw contrary tlle
other cardinal
, namely, Gerard of Parma; John ßoccam-
ozzo; )Iatthew of Acquasparta in Umbria; Peter Pere-
grosso of )Iilan; ::Uatthew Ro
so Orsini; James Colonna;
Xapoleon Orsini; Peter Colonna, all Italians and five of
them Romans, deplored so exceedingly such a Im'ge num-
ber of Frenchmen admitted to their College and the dan-
gerous removal of the Papal See to :Kaple
, that they would
certainly favOJ' the election as Pontiff of one of their col-
leagues, wllo would be at least an Italian, and who would
have the courage to tear himself away from the influence
of Charles the I..ame, and straightway bring back the court
to Home.
('harles was not a cardinal, but under Celestine he had
cardinals created, and for that reason although he did
not have a vote in the election of the pontiff, tie could have,
and did have in fact, the desire of the choice of a person
who would favor his interests. The kings of France have
sþown later how agrcpable it was to haye in their how..e
(we refer to the captivity of ...\ vignon) the Boman Pontiff;
but Charles the Lame had already experienced and for
that reason let not the reader ask what cardinal he wish
d
to see elected. Of course it would be a FrendllU<lu. An
Italian he would not have, much less a Roman. For be-
sides being pained by the 10RS of libprty and dignity whith
was inflicted on the Papal See by that exile in a prince's
house, their love of country was wounded by being (]p-
prived of that honor. :l\Ioreover more in those tin1f'
to
bave a Pope of a vigorous disposition was not the most
ardent desire of any crowned head. Bence Stephaneschi,
who was at that tiIne a member of the Papal Curia, and an
eye-witness of events, informs us that Charles nourished a
secret hope, which by the mercy of God renlained in em-
bryo. To whom the rOJal suffrage was given, we know not;
and to surmi
e would lw to r:h'e full play to the imagination.
With thes
feelings tlw twenty-two cardinals shut them-
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
77
selves up in conclave in the royal castle, being menaced in
their li
erty, inasmuchas Charles had e,en intruded him-
self there. 74 Each one had his own views, but all were
dominated by a force that emanated frOlll the conditions
in which the Church found itself after the brief rule of
Celestine, and which was impelling thenl to disreg3.rd their
own interests, for the safety and relief of the Holy Church
of God. A lllysterious force which not all would recog-
nize in a
emblies for the election of a Supreme Pontiff;
because whoIl
y absorbed in the human weaknesses which
can manifest thems(>lves in that sort of a:--:semblies, they
will not consider that in the midst of so much humanity
the will and power of God may rule. Party spirit and
every other imperfection also can be discovered in these
meetings, the cardinals not ceasing to ùe hUlnan, even if
they are in conclave; hut the final r(>slllt is wholly the work
of God who uses for a good purpose this human nature of
ours, miserable though it may ever be. Therefore in case
the minds of the electors had become dissipated by private
de
ires, one fact would unite them forthwith, namely, the
renunciation of Celestine, for which it was necessary to
elect as a Pope a man able to resist the po:-;:-;ibility of a
threatened schism, and firmly to set out at once for that
city which alone is the seat of the Papal power. Nay,
judging from the very
hort time they had been in conchrve,
it can be truly said, that already before entering they
had fixed their minds on Gaetani. Tltpir a
semhling s(>rved
for no other purpose but to make known their minds; for
scarcely had a day of the conclave been passed, the holy
sacrifice having been offered, and the usual prayers were
aid, when by an overwhelming vote Benedict Gaetani,
then Cardinal priest of the title of Sts. Sylvester and :Mar-
tin, was elected Pope. 75 Reading the account of
J ohn Yil-
lani,ï6 in which he states that Gaetani made use of bare-
74 ptol. Luc. Rist. Ecc., c. 34. '15 Jas. St. Georg. The election of Boni-
face VIn B. I.
18 Villani S. R. 1. T. 13, page 347. Book 8, c. G. "In the year 1294,
Cardinal Benedict Gaetani, having by his address and sagacity induced
Celestine to resign the Papacy, as we have mentioned in the preceding
C'hapter, followed up his undertaking and worked on the mindo;; of the
cardinals, and the courier of King Charles, who held the friendship of
many cardinals, especially the twelve created by Celestine. Being in the
country of Charlco;; he went to him one night inco
nito with a smaH retinue
78
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIn.
faced artifkes to enlist King Charles in his fa,.or, and that
he did obtain his assistance in his enùeavors to gain pos-
session of the luuch-desired Keys, the reader will wonder
at the source and truth of our account. But, thank God,
we are living to-day in times in which our lnind
, being
freed from the preponderant influence of the opillion
of
others, advance morp freely in the search for truth and
possess innumerable means of arriving at it. Very many
writers, following the opinions of Yillani and Dante, and
without any further inquiry haye charged Gaetani with
the foul crime of simony.
Villana arrived in Rome during the year of the Jubilee,
that is six years after the election of Boniface, and in that
year he wrote his history. He had not witnessed the resig-
nation of Celestine and the election of Boniface, So he
gathered his information of the e,.ents from hearsay, as it
passed from mouth to mouth. Now we who live in a more
civilized age know by experience, how and to what extent
great events still recent, and not lnatured for history, may
become distorted in character and in circumstances, es-
pecially if human passions be aroused by them. lIence
imagine how many opinions exi
ted disputing these two
facts, the renunciation of Celestine and the election of
Boniface, in that obscure XllIth century, in which owing
to the want of printing and the lack of intercourse alllong
people, they were permitted to intrude them
elves with a
tyranny and an arrogance which proceeded from the fac-
tional fights of families and kings.
When Villani was stopping at Rome, the anger of the
Colonnas was at fe,'er heat, and it was precisely this family
that spread the famous libel relative to the election of
Boniface, which it said was in,'alid because of the invalid-
ity of the abdication of Celestine. Anyone who kno\ys
and said to him: "King Charles thy Pope Celestine was willing and
able to serve thee, only he knew not how; at=! for me if you induce your
friends the cardinals to elect me Pope, I shall know, and shall be willing,
and shall be able to set before thee an the power of the Church." Then
the King trusting him promised it; he ordered his twelve cardinals to
give him their 'Vote, Matthew Rosso and James Colonna, who were the
leaders of seven Cardinals perceived what was transpiring, and forthwith
gave him their votes, :Matthew being the first to vote for him. In this
manner he was elected Pope in the city of Naples on the vigil of Christ-
mas in the same year.-"
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
79
what was the temper of the Roman people at that time,
and especially under a Pope vigorous and firlll a
Boni-
face was, will readily undprstand how greedy it would be
to seize and propagate forthwith false accounts.
All admit that Gaetani had a soul so noble and lofty,
that it went, so to speak, bpyond the limits of virtue, and
almost degenerated into pride; that in the conrlilye of
Perugia he made Charles feel it severely, and that after-
1vards these two personages were not in accord at all re-
garding the renunciation of Celestine, because Gaetani
aided him to relinquish the Apostolic See, while on the con-
trary Charles tried to make him rt"'tain it. Noone who has
the least bit of sense can believe that at the time of the
afore
aid proce
ion arranged by Charles, according to
PtolenlY of Lucca, at a time when the I{ing and Gaetani
were clashing lllOst yiolpntly, the one could promise tliP
tiara and tlw other could how the head b('fore the Prince
and promise fayors.
or was CharIes such a simpleton as
to prefer the promises of Gaptani to the profitable and
aetnal simplicity of Celestine; nor so foolish as to treat
with Gaetani of his promotion to the Papacy, and at the
same time impede the departure of Celestine from it. If
therefore the disputed renunciation and during the time
the dispute was going on, Gaetani could not have come to
the shameful agreements with the King, when shall we
find them conferring and trafficking regarding the place
belonging to the Son of (Jod '? Is it perhaps when the Pope
was seen changed into a poor hermit, and Charles was
foiled in his efforts? \Ye grant that the rem;on of time
may warrant such an assumption, but not the character of
the persons. For although ten days may have elapsed
fronl thp rpsignation of Celestine to t11p holding of the
('ondayf', a most opportune time for the nightly colloquies
of Gaetani with I{ing Charles, we cannot imagine how
these two persons, angry and full of threats as they were,
conl(1 come to such friendly conferences so suddenly. -n r e
know that the ambition of both could have calmed on a
sudden their angry minds, for thf'ir mutual adyantage; but
this shows us precisely the impo
lõ:ibility of the (lishone.;t
agreement, since the adyantages were not equal in the eY
8
of Charles and Gaetani.
According to the 3ecount of Yïllani, \YP fU'P to hp1i
ve
80
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
that Gaetani by night accosted Charlf's, and promisptl to
favor him more than Celestine had done, if he would aiù
him to ascend the vacant chair, and that Charles with a
cheerful mind granted his request. Charles promised a
certain and immediate benefit, and Gaetani a future and
uncertain favor. Yery unequal promises. And then what
was the favor? The Dominican friar, Alphonsus Ciac-
conins 77 affirl1H
, though Yillani says nothing of it, that
the favor was the recovery of Sicily. But the recovery of
Ricily would not ha"e been an extraordinary benefit. ...\.ll
his predecessors in the Papacy had worked strenuously to
wrest it from the King of Aragon, and place it under the
authority of Charles, as they demanded the rights of the
Church be identified with those of the house of Anjou; and
so to the attainment of this the effort
of Gaetani would
be used, as it happened, even without promising it to
Charles. Charles was promising much, and Gaetani little
or nothing. Are we then to belie,'e that this Gaptani, the
n10st renowned among the cardinals for judgment and
learning, the lord of the Papal Court, who did not flinch
before the report which, thanks to the infamous artifices
of tlw Colonnas and the French, accused him of intruding
himself into the Papacy; who did not flinch in the presence
of that terrible and brutal Philip the Fair; who did not
flinch at Anagni before the daggers of Sciarra Colonna,
and that French ruffian Xogaret, are we to believe, we
repeat, that he flinched in prespnce of Charles the Lame,
over WhOlll he had lately triumphed by the renunciation of
Celestine?
And even supposing that the excessive ambition of
Gaetani would at this point have unnerved his courage,
who will believe that Charles most cunning that he wa
,
would have relied on the promil"es of Gaetani WllO also
was considered to be a most crafty man? ""ho will be-
lieve that Charlp!,: with a college of French [1ardinals most
docile to him by reason of a common fatherland, wishing
to have a Pope altogether according to his liking, would
have leaned towards Gaetani, Roman to the core, the bit-
terness of whose mind he haeI already tasted? Shall we
say that perhap
the reputation for judgment and skin in
administration enamored rharles of Gaetani, and sati
fied
'" Vitae Pontif, Rom.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
81
him with the certainty of favors greater than those which
resulted from the incapacity of Celestine? But to such a
conclusion Charles could not come, for he would know, that
if ambition rendered Gaetani a friend and ã promiseI' of
favors, this ambition being satisfied, he would return to
his first disposition, and eyen more severe and more inex-
orable, as it were, through shame for having prostituted
his magnanimity; and then his judgment and skill in the
management of affairs would become very sharp weapons
with which to wound the King.
'Ye would not have entered into this discussion if all the
writers, eye-witnesses of the events, or at least some of
thenl had mentioned the evil artifices used by Gaetani to
bcome Pope; but finding the recital in onl;v later writers
like Yillani, or rabid ones like Dante, we have desired to
meaiomre tlwse words with them less out of love for Boni-
face YIlT than for the love of truth. In faet Ptolemy of
Lueta who was in
apl(ìs when the {'lection of Oaetani
took place says absolutely nothing of
dmoniacal prac-
t ices. 78 James Stephalleschi, Cardinal of the title of St.
GeOl'ge in Y.elabro, who not only resided in Naples in those
times, but al
o was a member of the Papal Curia, having-
been created by Celestine a Canon of Rt. Peter's, and .A..udi-
tor of the Rota,79 is altogether silent on the compacts with
(1harles. But if we be1ieve that he, out of love for Gaetani,
by whom afterwards he was created Cardinal, had kept
silent concerning- his simony, we must admit, that if this
was so, he oug-ht not to have lllel1Ìioned the deception of
Charles, but haye pa
sed oyer in silence this account as
likewise the story of the nocturnal conferenf'e relatf'd by
Yillani. But on the contrary Stephaneschi without any
artifice of words, hluntly rf'latc
, that Gaetani being elected
Pope, Charles saw his hopes perish, thanks be to God; and
78 "Post cessionem autem ad modicum tempus juxta formam decreti ad
eleetionem alterius procedunt, pracsente Rege C'arolo N eapoli, et in vigilia
Xativitatis Dominieae in Dominum Benedictum Ga
tani vota sua diri
unt,
et in Summum Pontificem as<;ument, et Bonifacius VIII yocatus est."
Ecel. History, c. 34 . . . "Dictus Caelestinus Papatui cedit, et sua
resignatio a Cardinalibus acceptatur. Tunc ad electionem procedunt, et
Dominum Benedictum eligunt, Vocatusque cst Bonifacius octavus, et hoc
totum Xeapoli est factum, et presente Rege."-Idem Annale.; year 1294.
---.S. R. I. Tom. XI, pages 1300, 1301.
n
ee Cardella, History of e:c Cardinal:;, T. 2.
82
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
adds a warning that no one should violate the liberty of
:l\Iother Church in the selection of her spouse; an evident
proof that Charles was present to turn away the votes from
Gaetani. 80 Therefore far fronl their having come to any
compact betwecn them, the Pope elect and the King were
at war with each other, and the lattcr would most rather
ban
pr('fprrcd as Pope, any other Cardinal than Gaetani.
So hy combining the te8timony of contemporaries with the
arguments of criticism founded on prior facts, on the cir-
cumstances of the time, and on the character of the per-
sons, we know not what foundation of truth there remain8
to the account of Villani and the poetic fantasies of Dante.
Finally the ultimrrte confirmation of our statpment is that
in the famous libel composed by the furious Colonnas, with
which they
troYe to show the invalid election of Gaetani,
we do not find that the sin of simony, hut that the invalid
ahdieation of Cclestine laid the foundation of his intrusion
into the Papacy. The Colonnas at that time knew what
thpy were doing; and as Inembers of the conclave, they were
not ignorant, if there were
uch, of the simonical practices
of Gaetani. The sin of simony alone was sufficient to wrest
from the hands of Boniface the basely bought Keys of St.
Peter. 81
so .James, Carùinal of
t. George. The coronation of Boniface, Book I.
c. 1, 2.
". . . Nam pluriu1<l nomina Fratrum
In te com-eniunt (alii licet altera fassi)
o C'ardo B('nedide Sfleer, Levitaque quondam,
Elig-f'riK: nam ùigna <Iuidem concordia yocum
_\.ccessii ............................
. . . . .. _. _ Caroli spes cepta prccando
Defeeit, miserante Deo. Sunt ista rclatu
Digna, quod ct Patri, necnon sibi praestita noscens
::\Iunera ab Ecclpgia, vuItus avertit et ora.
.xec Matrern violare licct, quin libera pos::òit
Desponsare ViTO. Caveallt quicumque sinistris
Frandibus injectant oculos, ac ipsa Potentum
l?onnide! subjecta manu::;: sic gloria praestat."
1 We ha\c found in tIle Yatkan Library a ::\I
. of the "Lrbinate signed
no. 12;5, the title of which iR: "The life customs and events in the
Pontificate of Boniface VIII." The anonymous author says in the preface:
"The most essential part in the life of Boniface will be that which I
have <1ra\\n from many notices, and from an old book of the years 809,
1323 and 1294." The la::;t years very strongly support our statement.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
83
:Now to return to our narrative. As soon as Gaetani
realized that he was elected Pope, he felt his soul oppresseù
by the greatness of the office, and he could not refrain frOln
weeping. IIaving grown old in the Roman Court he knew
what a Suprelne Pontiff
hould be; he understood the
times, and he was not ignorant how cruell.Y care woul(1
gnaw under the purple. He accepted the burden which
Heaven imposed on him, and took the name of Bonifacp,
tlw eighth Pope to bear that name. He seemed to have a
pre
entiment of a storlll'y future, and wishing Gud to wit-
ness the dispositions of his heart that He might come to
his aid, he took, as was the custom of Pontiffs, aH a motto
for his seal these words of the P
ahl1: " Deus in adjuorium
meum intende "-" Incline unto m
y aid, 0 God!" 82
Being raised to the highest place, the Church seemed to
him torn and shattered by the weak adlninistration of
C('lestine, or rather by the frauds of those, who taking 3(1-
vantage of hi
ig'norance and inexperience, had made the
holy I-Ierlnit open his heart to grant all luanneI' of conces-
sions, and had wantonly gathered the fruits of tlH'm. In a
di
course delivered to the l'ardinals, Boniface referred. to
the evils brought upon the Church. and to repair them he
revoked all the favors and concessions which had bepn
granted by hi.s prcdeces
or, "not in the fullness of his
power, but in the fullness of his simplicity," as James of
Voragine remarks. 83 This nleasure scempd to Giordano 84
The author narrating thE' exaltation of Boniface to the Papacy, far from
e\en hinting that he owed the place to the work and favor of Charles,
clearly says that Charles did not want him as Pope. since" the KinJ! of
Naples, knowing him to be a covetous, avaricious, venomous man and a
traitor, (although he was learned and fit to manage the I'apacy), never
wished to have him nominated "-The writer throws of}' all restraint in
lllalignin
Boniface.
8:1 Ciacconius. Lives of the Popes. 6.1 Chronicles, Genu. S. R. 1. T. IX.
84 Giordanus Yatiean l\I. S. IDGO-" Scd ex hoc factus est fastosus et
arrogans, omnium comtemptivus: untie factm: Pontifex praedeeessorum
suorum Xicholai et Caplestini gratias renlcavit." Ra.\ naldus, ;year l2D4,
no. 23. Stpphanesl'hi doE's not mcntion Xicholas; there was no reason
to revoke his concessions.
84" Ad perpetuam rei memoriam. CaE'lcstinus Papa V. seductus in-
stantia et ambitione plurimorum, conccssit varia minus digna et inor-
dinata et insolita. Quapropter ipse rccognoscens suam insuffici('ntiam
et periculam pati ex hoc universam Ecclesiam, renuntiavit Papaptui; et
humiliter postulavit, et voluit, ut quae per iPSUlll improvida facta fuerunt,
84
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
to be the effect of a bold and contemptuous mind; but with
regard to those forged Bulls, which were Papal only in
name, as Celestine hiIl1self ignored them, we do not know
why it did not spring frOlll a mind solicitous for the wel-
fare of the Church, rather than from the low yoice of a
childish pride.-:Uost certainly this was the first act which
revealed the strong temper of mind of the new Pope. 85
On his fir
t ascending the Papal Chair to scatter dis-
contentment amongst such a great number ,yho were en-
joying the favors of Celestine, and of which they saw them-
selves deprived at one stroke, was a striking proof of the
firm determination of Boniface to observe justice in spite
of every obstacle. Those good Celestine monks, whom the
people ren>red as saints, lamented the resignation of their
fuunder; that crowd of wicked agents of the Curia be-
wailed the good tiDIes of Celestine. To these malcontents
were a(lde<l all who were deprived suddenly of their bene-
fices, and otl1pl' favors so witkedlJ acquired, and all the
e
joined sides to increase the complaints and hatrf'd for Boni-
face. IIpnce the readpr may see that on the first appear-
ance of Boniface to the world as Supreme Pontiff, he did
not even enjoy that indulgence of a general judgment
w]lÌch is wont to be accorded princes of a new regime.
But hatred and revenge furiously gathering about him,
disturbpd the beginnings of his Pontificate, and engross-
ing minds, rendered them slow to believe the good that he
did, and oyer credulous of the evil.
Hardly having been proclaimed Pope, Boniface, though
advanced in years and in spite of the vigors of winter, did
not endure any longer his separation frolli the Roman See.
He knew from experience what a prolific source of calami-
ties the exile of a Pope would be to the Church, and with
what chains that pious imprisonment in the palaces of lay-
mpn would bind his win. So brooking- no delays, be de-
parted from N aplp
, though bpfore leaving he exhorted the
Xpapolitans to remain faithful, anil Charles to exercise a
benign rule over his people, wearied and worn out by wars.
futurus ejus successor provide revocaret. Et postquam fuimus ad apicem
Apostolatus assumpti, nobis, dum adhuc essemus Neapoli, preces fudit,
revocare quae ipse fecerat curaremus." Register of Boniface :M. S. Vatican.
an. 1. n. ï 5. 85 James Card. of St. George. The coronation of Boniface
VIII. Book 1. c. 1.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
85
Arrived in Capua, he took the way to St. Uernlano, and
went to pay a visit to the monastery of )Ionte Cassino,
which perhaps was still in disorder on account of the forced
reforms of the Celestines; and then fonowing the way to
Cpprano he descended into the fertile valley of Anagni.
All the city, which was his birth-place, out of reverence
for him as Pontiff, and out of domestic love, turned out to
meet him. Splendid honors were accorded him by com-
panies of noble knights, and many people bearing in their
hands palm-branches, and singing and dancing as on a
feast day. Among those who came to meet him there was
a large number of Roman Patricians who had b<.>en depu-
ted to offer to him the dignity of Senator. This offer so
greatly increased the desire for Rome, that he could not
remain in domestic joys and so he continued on his way.
Stephaneschi remarks, that neither the rigors of winter,
nor the fatigues of the journey caused him any inconveni-
ence so happy was his soul on recovering liberty.86 Finally
he appeared before the eternal dty, which lies immense
and si1ent in a desert country. ...\..bout threp years had
passed f'ince the city had been deprived of the person of the
Pontiff; and the deprh"ation was a loss of that soul which
gave it life, since the ruling spirit of thf' Cæsars had left
it like a dead body buried under the ruins of its greatnes
.
So the approach of Boniface filled all Rome with increòihlp
rejoicing; a splendid welcome was accordpd him by the
Inilitary and the clergy, who went out to meet hÎIn with
every sort of pompous offices. Boniface on first arriving
repaired to the Lateran Basilica to pra,v, and afterwards
he took up his abode in the Yatican palace. 87 Thus have
we conducted this Pontiff to Rome, clearing the way of the
ugly sin of simony, leaving behind his aforesaid enemies
astonished by his wonderful elevation to the Papal throne,
but ready to break forth, and combine with subsequent ene-
mies, powerless to suppress the truth, but yet too power-
ful by reason of the times to disturb history, its august
agent.
",,'ïshing to speak somewhat in (}C'tail of the ceremonies
and vestm<.>nts used by the Popes at their solenln corona-
tion in the time of whirl. we speak, it is necessary that we
ee Nee labor aut algor fessus sumptusve gravare: Tanta quies ani mis,
libertas reddita cnm sit." 87 James Cardinal of St. George. lb.
86
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
should anticipate by an ob
prvation, the unp3siness and
scandal which may ari
e in the Inincl of the reader from
seeing the
uccessor of the Fi
herman crowned better than
emperor, all glittering with gold and precious stones, and
after thp manner of a ldng-. In this ob
ervation we would
not spend the time, if we did not know ho,,
much the minds
of some may be disturbed by this magnificence and splen-
dor of ceremonies of the Vicar of Him who had not whereon
to lay His head.
'Yhen Christ came on earth to confirm the law of nature
in the heart of nlen, and to establish the more perfpct law
of the Go
pel' t1w gates of hell commenced against the
Church a war, whieh will last as long aR the world, and
will conduce to nothing but tl'iumphs for the Clu1l'ch. TIlP
Emperors of Home were its l11illi
ters and satplljÜ"
and in
their crupI skin manJ were the tOl'llwnts and tl1p torturp
they inflicted in order to eradic-ate and de
troy the Church
of Christ. But persecuted and not conquered, in the dark
shades of the Catacombs and in the deserts, the Church fpd
the faithful with the bread of the word of God, and
pointed out the way to Heaven by the poverty even of her
exterior worship. ..And this sufficed for men just out of the
s('hoo) of the Apostles, and little in ll<.>eil of sensible aid to
elpvate the spirit. Hence those poor unadorupd robes
which Linus, Cletus, and Soter wore, were sufficient for
the Pontifical dignity, because the hour had not as yet
come, in which the Church strengthened by the blood of
the luartyrs, was to change the whole asppct of civil so-
ciety, and direct it not only to its last end, Heaven, but
also to that of human prosperity by the preservation of
order. Facts have proved that such has bpen anù ought to
be the double office of the Church. "
hen the anger of the
Cæsars had been appeased, and the valor of the first Chris-
tians had grown weak, the Church had to add to the forms
of external worship, because it had become urgent upon
her to speak to and convince the senses, which began little
by little to prevail oyer the spirit. rhurches arose, and
were enriched for the nourishment of religion; and the
Church here below in the outward
pendor of her forms,
be
ame an image of that Church triumphant undC'r whose
fept are silent the storms of this wodd. That i
why the
rough robes of tlw fir
t Pontiffs wpre transformed into
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
87
others of a silken texture', which did not adorn the shoul-
ders of the Yicar of the Son of 31an, but those of the Vicar
of Christ the conqueror of death.
Religion had been up to tha.t time cloistered in the sanc-
tuary, as it were, in order to complete the work of human
civilization by heavenly discourses, but now she issued
fortb as a queen to the civil conquest, dragging after her,
conquered and bound, anarchy and tyranny, and imprint-
ing on the foreheads of the successors of Augustus the sign
of the cross. So whe'n the Church placed herself at the
head of the people bearing in hand the sta.ndard of the
cross, all the princes and emperors she met on the way, far
from opposing her glorious nlarch to true civilization,
amazed but reverent bent their knee, and together with the
people they formed but one family, as one was the stand-
ard, which sanctified every command and suggestion.
This is the reason why the Popes saw themselves instantly
borne fronl the depths of the Catacombs to the height of a
throne, which has for its footstool the thrones of the em-
perors. And this is the reason why religion having be-
come the mistress of the world and resplendent by the out-
ward forms of worship, her Popes should wear a crown, be
clothed in purple, and adorn the person with predous
stones. And by reason of these brilliant insignia of uni-
versal authority, the people were acrustomed to revere the
Pope not only as the Viral" of Christ, but also as the pre-
server and champion of civil justice. And from that time
the voice of the Pontiff was so powerful as to nlake itself
heard to the confines of the world those words of the Royal
Psalmist says: a Be yc u:isc, yc judges of the eartll."
It was a Sunday, the fifth of January. At the break of
day Boniface with all the College of Cardinals, bishops
and all the other clergy, repaired to the Vatican Basilica
for the solemn ceremony of the Papal consecration and
coronation. )
.s soon as lIP arl'iYl'(l in the Basilica, taking
off the robes that he worf', he put on the white alb, binding
it at the waist with a cinctul'P; then a purple stole, anrl a
dalmatic with sleeves, such as is worn by a deacon, and a
mantle, or long trailing cope, which two lninisters held up
at tlw !-:ides, and which was l'ptaÏJwd ill place on the breast
by a gold clasp, in the cpnt1'p of Wllil'h glistened a beautiful
carbuncle surrounded by predous stones. On his head
8
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
was placed a mitre with two points, signifying the old and
the new law, covered with gems, which had two pendants
fal1ing on the shoulders. He covered his hands with gloves
or chirothecas, and on his finger he wore a ring of price-
less value. 'Yhen the Pontiff was surrounded by the cardi-
nals and the bishops, an vested in white, the archdeacon
organized the procession that conducted the Pontiff to the
altar of S1. Peter; as he proceeded slowly, he held his hand
raised imparting continuomdy his LleHsing to the people.
Having arrived at the choir three cardinal priests ap-
proached to revest him with the chasuble, and kissed his
breast with great reverence, he himself receiving theIll
with that sign of peace. Afterwards he seated himself on
a faldstool, placed between the altar and the pontifical
throne. Then the suburban bishops of Albano, of Porto,
and of Ostia presented themselves before him, and succes-
sively offered prayers, which we here produce, and which
seem to us remarkahle and filled with the spirit of God.
rrhe Bishop of Albano prayed first: " 0 God, who does not
" despise anyone who devoutly invokes Thee, we heseech
" Thee to listen to our prayers and bestow the abundance
" of Thy heavenly benedictions on this Thy seryant Boni-
" face, whom the common suffrage of Thy people has raised
" to the Apostolic Throne in order that he may know that
"it is by Thy grace and favor that he has obtained this
"high dignity."-The Bishop of Porto then prayed:
"Onlnipotellt anù Eternal God, answer, according to
" Thy great mercy, our prayers, and fill with the grace of
"the Holy Spirit this thy servant Boniface, that he, who
"by the ministry of our service has been constituted the
"head of the Church, may be strengthened with the firm-
"ness of Thy power. "-And finally the Bishop of Ostia
prayed: "0 God, who hast desired that Thy Apostle
" Peter should be endowed with the Primacy in preference
" to anyone of the othpr Apostles, and had entrusted to
" him the burden of the whole Christian world, we beseech
" Thee to he propitious to this Thy spryan t Boniface, whom
" we have raised against his will to the throne of the Prince
" of the Apostles, that inasmuch as he is Inade greater by
"
uch dignity, so lllay he treasure up llwrits of virtue, and
"thus through thy aid worthily carry the weight of the
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
8!>
" Uni'rersal Church and receive from Thee, who art happi-
" ness itself, the merited reward."-
Boniface advanced with gI.eat solemnity to the altar of
St. Peter. This was of sculptured marble, at the sides of
which arose four columns of porphyry, supporting a can
opy of silver, blackened by tiIlle, as a precious covering fm"
the bones of the Apostles, which reposed beneath. 88 'Ye
believe, following the authority of Page,89 that wben Boni-
face arrived at the altar of St. Peter, before being conse-
crated (since he was not bishop) he made that profession
of faith, wl1ich we find alllong the facts added to Ciac-
coni us by Augustine Oldoini,90 and which ".e herewith
translate: "In the name of the Holy and undivided
" Trinity, in the year of the Incarnation of Our Lord, 1294,
"the eighth Indiction, I, Benedict Gaetani, Cardinal
"Priest, and chosen by the grace of God to be the humble
"minister of tllis Holy Apostolic See, promise to thee
'
Blessed Peter, prince of the Apostles, to whOln Jesm
"Christ Creator and Redeemer of the world, entrustecl
"the keys of the heavenly kingdom to bind and 100Re in
" heayen and on earth, saJing: 'Yhatsoever thou shalt bind
"on earth, it shall be bound in heaven, and whatsoever
"thou shalt loose on earth, it shall be loosecl in heaven;
"and I promise to thy Holy Church, which with thy a
-
"sistance I this day undertake to rulC', that during this
"miserable life I shall not abandon it, I shan not deny
" it, I shall never disown it; nor for any reason or occasion
" of danger or of fear
hall I abanc10n it or separate myself
" from it; but even unto death and at the price of my blood
" I shall strain every nerve to preserve the integrity of the
88 James Cardinal of St. George. Coronation of Boniface YITI, cl1ap. 2.
lID Brev. Gest, B. R. P. P. in the life of Boniface YIII, n. 10.
80 Tom. 2 Co!. 311.-Abraham Bzovio and Raynaldus relate this, (ar-
pendia to vol. 3) from the Yatican MS. of Cardinal Nicholas of Aragon.
'Yading and Page declare this formula of proff>ssion of faith to hp
apocryphal, because in some parts the account of Raynaldus differs from
that of Page. But the variances are not such ns to make u
believe it
apocr,yphal, as Mansi observps. '\Ye know no reason for Ciacconius main-
taining that Boniface was the first to make a profession of faith before
becoming Pope. Baronius relates that the Popes of the ninth century dill
so (year 8û!). sec. 5!)). which we find in the MS. of Anthony Agostini;
begides it is spoken of in the Diurnal of the Roman Pontifl's (sec. 33 and
35), which Garner mentions.
!)O
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIIY.
"true Faith, whieh I have found in thy Holy Church,
"Christ its author transmitting it through thee, and the
"bleHst'tl Apostle Paul, and by thy successors banded it
" down to me who am nothing."-And so he goes on prom-
ising to be the pre
erver and defender of all the d()gma
approved by the eight Ecumenical Councils, the papal de-
crees and constitutions, being aided by the advice of the
eardinals. And he concludes: " I have then with my own
" hand subscribed to this profession of faith, which I have
"I13d written by the notary and secretary of the Holy
" Roman Church, and I sincerely offer it to thee, 0 Blessed
"Apostle Peter, with a right intention and devout con-
"science over thy holy body and before thy altar." 91
Then ]le began the pontifical
Iass, and having finished
the Introit he sat on the faldstool, and the prelates and
priests came forward to kiss his feet; then having gone to
the altar of 81. Peter he received from the two oldest Car-
dinal Deacons the white pallium with its black crosse
.
Then one of them who placed it around tlw neck of tùe
Pope, pronollnced these words: "Receive the pallium,
"which signifies the fullness of the pontifical office, for the
"honor of the omnipotent God, of the GloriouR Yirgin and
"3Iother of God, 3Iary, of Ble
sed Peter and Paul, and
of the Holy Roman Church."-After the pallium was fas-
tened with three gold pins, the Pope arose, incensed the
altar and seated himself on his throne. The Cardinals
ad ,ranced to kiss Ids foot and cheek; which homage bping
finished, the oldest of the cardinal deacons with rod in
hand, arranged all the assistants in two files, and in a
loud voice !Said: " Graciously hear us, 0 Christ." At once
the judges and secretaries exclaimed :-" Long live our
Lord Boniface, created by God Supreme Pontiff, an uni-
versal Pope."-The Pope invoked the Saviour of the world
thrice, the Blessed Yirgin hdce, and a few of the saints
from the Litany once; the others answered: "0 Lord, aid
him." This ceremony was called the "Eulogy" of the
Pontiff. ,yith the usual ceremonies he was anointed antI
consecrated Bishop and Pope. Then having seated hÎJn-
splf on his throne before the door of the Basilica of St.
Peter, in the presence of an immense concour
e of people,
the oldest of the cardinal deacons, having removed the
51 See Document F.
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HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
91
mitre, solemnly placed the tiara on his head, saying: " Re-
ceiye the tiara, in order to know, that thou art the Father
" of Princes and of kings, the ruler of the earth, Yicar on
"earth of Our Saviour Jesus Christ, to whOln glory and
honor foreyer and eV(Jr."-This tiara r(Jsembled a Phrygian
biretta, with a simple crown at the base, a sign of royal
pow(Jr, which Constantine allowed Pope Sylvester to wear,
as Stephaneschi assert
.92 Boniface de
ired to increase
this by adding a second crown, as Papebroche relates,93 to
signify the double power, spiritual and temporal of the
Pope. 94 On the head of Boniface was placed the tiara with
two crowns, the texture of which was formed of peacock
feathers, and at the top was set an imlnense carbuncle,
below which there .were set round by turns flaming rubies
and all other kinds of most precious stones, with which
it had been lately adorned by order of Boniface.
The solemn cavalcade to the church of St. John Lateran
followed tIle ceremony of the coronation. The Pope rode a
white steed, whose back was covereù with a purple cloth,
the head and brea
t heing hare. The horses whirh the car-
dinals and prelates rode were covered with white 111aterial,
and those of the su bùeacons, chaplains and clerks wer(J
bare. As soon as all were ready to start, the eldest of the
deacons arranged the cavalcade in this manner: at the
head of all went the Papal horse richly caparisoned, and
led by the bridle; afterwards came a subdeacon carrying
a cross, a custom established by St. Sylvester, as Fivisani
states. 95 Then twelve standard bearers with scarlet ban-
ners, and two others carrying a cherub at the point of a
lance. Then followed two naval prefects (an office which
no longer exists) ve
ted in copes, the clerks, the advocates,
the judges, the singer!':, the deacons of the Epistle and
82 CI1ap. 7. 83 In conatu Chron. ec ad S. Syh-ester n. 5, page 12ft
IHo Pope Innocent III would llave mitre and tiara mean the same, saJ"ing
in his sermon on Rt. Sylvester: "R. Pontifex in signum imperii utitur
Regno, et in signum Pontificii utitur Mitra." And more solemnly else-
where: "Ecc1esia in signum temporalium dedit mihi Coronam; in signum
spiritualium contulit mihi l\fitram pro Sacerdotio, Coronam pro Regno:
Hlius me constituens Vicarium, qui habet in ",-estimento et in femore
scriptum.-Rex regum et dominus dominantium.---(Rurio Notices Rom.
Pontiffs, page 579). See also Fioravanti. Denarii Summorum Pontificum
pages fi6 and 57, letter N. S.
8Ci De ritu S. Crucis Pontifici praQferendae commentarium Rom. 1502 in 4.
92
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
Greek Gospel, the country ahùot
, the biHhopr.;, the arch-
bishops, the city abbots, the patriardu
, the cardinal!';, tlIP
cardinal deacons, the cardinal priests, and finally the Pope
on a white horse, attended by a
ubdeacon who held an
uwbrella over his head. For a short distance King Charles
the Lame, and Charles, king elect of Hungary, held the
bridle of the Pontifical horse, and they were relieved by
two nobles. No one is to wonder at this part of the cere-
mony, and judge it a little> unbecoming to royal dignity,
when we consider that these kings attended and performed
this humble act both as vassals uf the Church, and fol-
lowers of the Vicar of Christ.-
The cavalcade being thus formed, 111arched along the
street called Papal, tu the church of St. John Lateran, and
along- the route in certain places some member of the Pope's
family threw money alllong the people. rpon arriving at
the portico of the Lateran, the Pope was met hy the canons
of that Basilica, and having taken off the Tiara, he seated
himself on the prophyry chair, called the" Stercoraria."
Hardly was he seated, when some of the cardinals came
forward and paying hiIn all kinds of honors, raised hÏIl1
up; and he, standing took three handfuls of llloney and cast
them among the people, saying: "Gold and silver I have
not, behold what I have." So in the midst of all those
honoI's, emblematic of the Papal dignity, by sitting on a
chair of lowly name, and by scattering a little llloney, he
signified the hUlnility and poverty of human nature, which
was not transformed by such a stupendous elevation of
sta tee
Having left this seat, he was escorted by the cardinals
to the altar of the Basilica, where loud voices were heard
proclaiming him Pope: "St. Peter has chosen Boniface."
At the altar he prayed and blessed the people, and repairpd
to a raised marble
eat and extended his foot to be kissed
by the Lateran canous. Afterwards he was conducted to
the palace of Pope Zaehary, at the entrance of which he
seated himself on a faldstool, and listened to an address
of praise, as was previously done at the Vatican. He then
went to the Church of St. Sylvester, and also lingered at
the entrance, where there were two porphyry seats; he
seated himself in the one that was on the right, and the
head canon of the Lateran handed him a crosier as a sign
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
93
of jurisdiction, as well as the keys of the Basilica and the
Palace; holding the
e insignia in his hanùs he sat down in
the chair on the left, and returned thenl to the one who
had presented them. The head canon placed around the
Pontiff a red silk cincture, from which hung a purple
burse containing twelve precious stones, the moss agat
seals, And thus arrayed, the Pope extended his foot to
be kissed by the officials of the palace, and with three
throws he cast ten pennies of Provence among them say-
ing: " Dispersit, dedit pauperibus,. justitia ejus 'I1'wnet in
saeculu1n sacculi," "He hath distributed, he hath given
to the poor; his justice remaineth forever and ever."-
Aft
l'wards he visited the chapel of St. I..awrence, and hav-
ing taken off the pallium and the other vestments, clothed
witb the Pontifical cloak he retired to his apartments for
the solemn banquet.
'Ye are not sure whether the Cardinal of St. George waR
carried away by the force of imagination in describing in
verse the hall where the papal banquet was held. But we
may credit all he says, basing our belief on the greatnesH
and magnificence of the soul of Boniface. The hall was re-
splendent with gold; the walls were decorated with the
richest ornaments; jewelled drinking cups and precious
dishes covered the bedecked tables; and a very large number
of nohles by their richne:s:s of dress addeù to the splendor of
the scene. The Pope sat at a separate table, which was
raised aùove the others, and had a richer display of orna-
ments; before him stood the Cardinal Bishop of ()stia with
two Cardinal Deacons holding a towel while he poured
water for the Pope to wash his hands. The Pope invoked
the blessing, seated himself at his own particular table,
which was at the head of two long rows of other tables.
At those on the right the Cardinal Bishops and Priests
,vere sitting; at those on the left the Cardinal Deacons,
and on each side tIle prelates, barons and other lords were
arranged. The Pope was attired in mitre and pontifical
robes; before him were the most illustrious nobles, and
Kings Charles the Lame, and Charles of Hungary, in royal
garlnents and wearing crowns, attentive to the commands
of Boniface, like knights-esquire. The two princes re-
mained in this oh
equions attitude until the end of the
first cour
e, and tbell thpy rf'tired to oecupy seats at the
94
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
first table between the Cardinal Bishops and Cardinal
Deacons. 'Yhen the feasting was over, the Pope was con-
ducted to his apartments, and thus the ceremony of the
solemn coronation was brought to an end. If 'Yadding
is to be believed, these feasts were disturbed by sad acci-
dents. On the arrival of Boniface at the Lateran Basilica,
the day was turned into night by the darkest storm clouds,
which burst into a raging telnpest, and which extinguish-
ing the torches and lamps, seemed as if it would prohibit
an entrance into the Basilica to the Pope who was ap-
proaching. Besides as Boniface was leaving the Basilica,
an altercation arose anlong the people, the greatest con-
fusion followed, and more than forty of the Papal retinue
were killed. If these facts are true, we do not doubt that
those sad disorders of the elements and of men were pre-
cursors of those more terrible disturbances, which would
later on agitate the chair of the imperturbable Pontiff.
As soon as Boniface was seated in the Apostolic Chair,
he wished to announce to the Universal Church his assump-
tion of the Papacy. The Bull which he addressed to the
Archbishop of Sens and his suffragans, is a splendid monu-
nlent of the eloquence, which breathes the very spirit of
God, and which never became degenerate notwithstanding
the great and lasting domination of the barbarians inflicted
on our country. And since the entire soul of Boniface
appears in the writing, we shall produ
e it in the vernac-
ular, though we shall not be able to equal the excellen
e
of the original text,96 which may be found among the docu-
nlents at the end of this work. "That God wonderful and
"glorious in his works, who, Leing most bountiful of
"mer('y, exereises bis compassion in this world full of
"trials and dissensions, is no less propitious in favoring
" opportunely his Church, whieh he the maker of all things
"has founded, and has built with a deep and firm founda-
" tion on the immovahlp rock of Faith. As her watchful
" custodian, he is ever at her side, ne,-er sleeping, nor slow
" in hastening to her in her needs. He is indeed her paci-
" fieI' in disturbances, her relief in tribulations, and her
" succor in necessitip
. And therefore his boundless com-
"pa
sion is chiefly exercised in her favor, when, in a dal'k
"bour, the storm clouùs of this world rise up against her.
M See Document B.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
9:5
" Hence she is fearless in the midst of anguish and affiic-
"tions, gathering strength in persecution, for she is in-
" vigora ted in the presence of evils. For fortified by divine
" aid, she i8 not to be intimidated by the sound of threats,
" nor overcome by the assault of adversities, but more se-
"cure in terrors, more constant in misfortune, trampled
"upon she prevails, suffering she triumphs. This is pre-
"cisply the Ark, which by the swelling of the waters i8
" raiRed aloft, and having pas
ed over the summits of the
., mountains, sails safe and free beating down the waveH
"of the mighty flood. This is surely that ve
sel, which
"amid contrary winds is tossed about by the furious mo-
"tions of a raging sea; yet firm and staunch it is not
"shattered by the surging billows, nor engulfed by the
" stormy anger of the sea; but weathpring the risen temp-
" est, and riding the proudly foaming billows, she triumph-
"antly pursues her course. The sails of right intention
"being unfurled on the living tree of the saving Cross
" ever looking towards Heaven, intrepidly she passes over
" the stormy sea of this world; because she has with lIeI' a
"watchful pilot the master of the seas. \Vherefore under
"his rule and safe direction, and the inspiration of the
"Holy Ghost, the clouds of adversity being disperHed,
"victoriously she pursues her course towards the port of
"the heavenly country, to which she is conducted by a
"supernatural hand. And although the Church was op-
"pressed and disturbed by innumerable misfortunes that
" which opens the deepest and most painful wound in her
" heart, is to be bereft of a good and provident pastor. . .
"In truth the Roman Church deprived of its heaò by
"free and spontaneous resignation that our beloved son
"and brother Peter l\Iorrone, lately the Roman Pontiff,
"has nlade for certain reasonable and legitimate causes,
"in presence of our venerahlf' brethren the hi
hops, and
"onr heloved sons the Cardinal-priests and deaconR,
" among whom we werc numbered, on the fea
t day of St.
"Lucy, Virgin and "Martyr latf'ly passed, this re
ignation
" being received by the aforesaid cardinals,
in('e from the
"acts of the fir
t Pontiffs, and by a constitution he de-
" clared openly that the thing could be done lawfully, anù
" the express consent of the same cardinals was addeù for
" the legitimacy of the act; thp cardinals considering most
D6
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
." attentively what great evils and manifold calamities
"would follow from a long vacancy in the Church, and
"besides wishing most ardently to obviate these dangers
$' by imnlediate and efficacious remedies, on Thursday, the
" 23rd of December, after the holy sacrifice was solemnly
" offered in bonor of the Holy Spirit, and the usual hymn
"was devoutly sung, shut themselves up in conclave in a
"certain room of the new Castle situated near Naples,
"where the same brother Peter, was residing with his
"family, in order that by the mutual and opportune ex-
" change of sentiments, the Holy Ghost cooperating, they
" could the sooner provide for the want of the Church. On
"Friday the day following the aforesaid cardinals, bav-
"ing raised their thoughts in prayer to the Lord, who
" looks with favor on holy desires, proceeded to the elec-
"tion by way of votes in order to avoid the above men-
" tioned evils. Finally the divine clemency having pitied
" the Church, and not wishing to subject it to the dangers
"of a longer vacancy, the cardinals cast their eyes (at
"that time a Cardinal-Priest of the title of St. :l\Iartin);
"and although there were many among them more fitted
"and more worthy, they canonically selected us as the
" Supreme Pontiff, placing on our shoulders a burden so
"very weighty. But after deep and careful meditation
"considering the difficulties of the pastoral office, the
"anxieties and continual trials, and the excellence of the
"Apostolic dignity, which just as it elevates one by the
" title of the highest honor, so it humbles one by the great-
" ness of the burden; moreover being mindful of our many
"imperfections, we strongly feared and hesitated, and a
"great stupor stunned our mind. . . . . . . . . IIowever
" lest perhaps we might be thought to impede the work of
"divine Providence, or not wishing to conform our will
" to his pleasure; and besides being unwilling to change
"the unanimity of the electors into disunion by our dis-
"sent, we submitted to their pleasure by taking on our
" weak shoulders the yoke they wish us to carry, not that
"we confide in the strength of our own integrity, but be-
"cause we hope for clemency frOln Him who never aban-
" dons tho!'Je who confide in Him; for He is ever propitious
" to them by suitable helps, and from Ids most high throne
"in IIeaTen mercifully guards and defends the Church
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
97
"his spouse, and ceases not to exalt it by abundant gifts
" of compassion.
"Therefore truly in need of your prayers and those of
"others on account of our shortcoluings, with solicitude
" we exhort you, and confidently ask you, that by diJigent
"intercession you will aid us before the Eternal King,
"recommending our lowliness by devout
mpplication, so
"that He may condescend to multiply the gifts of hiH
"grace to us, and pour forth an abundant shower of his
"heavenly blessings, in order that, devoutly directing our
" actions to Him, we may rightly rule his Church, which
"He has been pleased to commit to us, and that we may
" take due care of the universal flock, which is committed
"to our vigilance. ".,. e then shall bear strongly in mind
" to assist your Churches benignly, and promote their in-
" terests by suitable favors." Gh'en in the Lateran on the
9th Kalends of February, the first year of our Pontificate.
"... e have not found in the well-preserved register of the
letters of this Pontiff, which is in the secret archives of
the Vatican, any letter directed to Princes, informing
them of his elevation to the Papacy. Only one is found,
which is second on tl1e register, and it is written to the
King of France, Philip the Fair, on this subject,97 whieh
full of salutary instructions, is a clear manifestation of
that love which Boniface bore to Philip, with whom he
bad been acquainted from the time he had been sent as a
legate into France by Nicholas IY. ""'hich fact recaHing
with brotherly affection, he proßlises that it would be
taken as a sign of future pontifical favors. _\.nd continu-
ing with candor and with a majesty truly Roman, he wrote:
" "... e beseech and urgently exhort your royal Highl1e
s,
"and we entreat you in the Lord Jesus Christ, that con-
"sidering attentively how the honor of the I{ing loves
" justice, you observe scrupulously the lÎ1nits of this virtue,
"and that you study to love it sincerely, not abandoning
" equity, nor omitting clemency, in order that the imnwn
e
"number of people subject to you may rest in the bOSOlll
" of sweet peace, and repose in a rich quiet leisure. Jlore-
"over favor with royal kindneF:s, ana exert yourself to
" defend valiantly and protect in the fullness of her liberty
"and her rights, your Holy
Iother, the Church, and her
81 See Document H.
98
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
" prelates, the true Ininisters of our Saviour, and the other
"ecclesiastical personages consecrated to her service, or
"rathpr in them honor the King and l\laster of Heaven,
" through whom thou rulest and art ruled; that acting and
" behaving towards them, like a blessed and favored son,
" you may not only be a worthy imitator of your ancestors,
"who during life showed the greatest reverence and re-
"spect to that Rame Church, but that you may even Rur-
"pass them for the praise and glory of God, and for the
" furtherance of the glory of your own honor and name.
" Placing then in UR a firm hope and confidence, as in a
" killÒ and sincere father, who bears towards you a cordial
" love, and who will not cease to love you, do not hesitate
" to have recourse to us in Jour own pressing affairs, and
"those of your kingdom. For on the day that we shall be
"entreated by your royal person, willingly, and as far
" as 1ve can with God's help, we shall satisfy your royal
"ùesires, intending always not only to preserve carefully
"Jour prosperity and that of your kingdom, but also to
"promote and increase it by the gift of great favors."
Such was the kind feeling which Boniface bore towards
Philip IV, surnan1efl the Fair, when he caIne to rule the
Christian Church; that Philip, we say, who soon we shall
see impeIIpd hy an innate pride, by court intrigues and
jealousies of state, RO that he waged a brutal war against
him, hurIpd hÎln into his grave, and with incredible rage
was cruel to his memory, not hesitating to disgrace himself
by fabricating calumnies against that magnaniInous suc-
cessor of St. Peter. Angry passions which swayed the
minds of those of his times, bitter and ullamenable to
reason, will not suffice to conquer the power of history,
which as a queen in the midRt of the ages, dispenses praise
and blame with an iron hand.
BOOK SECOXD.
sr:\Il\IARY.
129:5-1296.
The mISSIon of Boniface in the Papacy.-The Guelphs and the Ghibel-
lines; the former allied to the Papacy, and the latter to the Empire.-
The character of these parties,-It becomes difficult for the Popes to
govern the degenerate Guelphs.--Some cardinals and the Roman no-
bility increase the difficulties.-The aid which the Friars brought to
the Papacy, and their faults.-Boniface unprovided with mean!'! resists
the Ghibellines, and what enemies he encounters.-He repairs to
Anagni, and is hospitably entertained by the Colonnas at Zagarolo.-
How and why the former Pope Celestine disturbed the repose of Boni-
face.-The flight of Celestine.-The Camerlengo of the Pope is dis-
patched after him.-He flies and wanders along the sea-shore at Viesta.
-He is intercepted and conducted to Boniface. -How Boniface re-
ceived him, and why he shut him up in the castle of Fumone,-
Opinions formed by people concerning this imprisonment.-Death of
Celestine.-The frenzy of fanatics at the condition of his skull.-
Boniface undertakes to be peacemaker among princes; and revives the
rights of the Church over the kingdom of Naples.-How he hoped to
bring about peace.-He draws up at Anagni a treaty of peace between
Aragon, France, and Kaples.-He dispatches a legate to Catalonia to
attend to it, and the instructions he gives him.-He follows him by
letters, and clears the way of ob8tacles.-He invites Frederick to an
inten-iew.-Frederick before proceeding consults the Sicilians, who by
letters advise him not to take the step,-His meeting with Boniface.-
What things Boniface promises him, if he will leave Sicily.-Charles
II being absent, how Boniface provides for the government of Naples.
-He undertakes to pacify northern Ital)'.-Genoa and Venice.-He
wishes to disarm these two unfriendly republics, but the Genoese
frustrate his designs.-Florence always Guelph in her principles, is
torn by internal dissensions.-Boniface delivers her from a foreign
governor.-How the factions agitate Romagna, Umbria and the Marches,
and what the effect of the papal power over these provinces.--Guy of
Montefeltro and his deeds.-Boniface cares for the government of
Romagna, and returns to Guy the possession of his estates.-The fire
of war cannot be extinguished there.-He dispatches 'Villiam Dur-
ant.-\Vho was this man.-Philip, the Fair,-A description of him.-
How France feebly opposes him in his tyranny, and how the jurists
aid him.-He finds the Pontiffs to be an obstacIe.-He dishonors him-
99
100
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
self by criminal and base robberies.-A description of Edward of Eng-
land,-He is at war against Philip.-Both fortify themselves by al-
liances, which disturb the greater part of Europe.-Why Boniface
interposes as a peacemaker between them.--tHe dispatches legates
to bring them to an agreement.-They obtain a truce, but it is soon
ended by the French resuming hostilities.
I..etters of Boniface to Ed-
ward.--Other legates are sent to Adolpll, King of tIle Romans, and the
words by which Boniface addresses him.-Sad effects of the war.-
Philip the Fair debases tIle public money.-Religious conditions of
Denmark; the encroachments of the King restrained by the bishops.-
The kings persevering in their t)'rann)', the bishops resist them.-Eric
VI of Denmark, imprisons the Archbishop, anù the Provost Lunden,-
With what h)'pocrisy he justifies his \'iolent t)'ranny.-Escape of tbe
prisoners; the prudent but vigorous remonstrances of Boniface to the
Danish King.-Sicilian envoys to James, King of Aragon.--Il'heir grief
and that of all Sicily at seeing themselves abandoned by him.-Fred-
erick is proclaimed king.-Boniface sends Calamandrano to Sicily to
establish peace.-His overtures are furiously rejected by the inhabi-
tants of 1\Iessina.-But Roger of Loria is detached from Frederick.-
Boniface creates new cardinals.-He raises the feasts of tIle Evange-
lists and the four Latin Doctors, Augustine, Ambrose, Jerome and
Gregory.
THE thirteenth century was just ending when Boniface
assumed the government of the Roman Church. In the
difficult administration he had been preceded by two great
popes, Gregory VII and Innocent III, who although the)'
had used their every endeavor to reestablish the Church of
God after the disastrous times of the Barbarians, yet they
had not been able to perpetuate in a way that foresight of
theirs which would rendpr impossible the return or rather
the continuation of the causes which promoted clerical di
-
orders, and imperiled the liberty of the Church. Gregory
had brought hack the clergy to a consciousness of thpir
high dignit;y, lifting them out of the mire of human defile-
ment; Innocent placed the Church on a high throne from
which she commanded the entire world. \Ve have said,
in the beginning, that after Innocent up to the epoch of
which we are narrating the history, the work of these pon-
tiffs had been without ceasing threatened; and in such a
state, when Boniface ascended the throne, did he find the
Church which he swore to preserve free and uncontalni-
nated. The corruption of morals up to that time had been
engendered by ignorance, or blindness of mind; the servi-
tude was that imposed by the German Empire, Knowl-
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 101
edge being propagated in the numerous universities
founded throughout Europe, and the imperial colossus
having fallen, it seemed that the times would become
better. But the tyrants had multiplied on the ruins of
that empire; and whilst minds wearied themselves in the
search after the True in the dry fields of law and theology,
hearts were beating strongly by reason of civil strifes;
and in the clash of factions human cupidity was aroused,
and raged furiously when charity for fellow creatures was
driven out. So while the electors of Germany with the
imperial crown in their hands did not know to whom to
offer it after the extinction of the powerful house of
Buabia; awhiJe Bologna, Padua, Naples, Paris, and
Cologne, were admiring people of wisdom within their
walls, the Church was bemoaning a new servitude that was
imposed on her, she was feeling ashamed on account of the
disorderly actions of many of her ministers.
The struggles between the orders of civil society had
succeeded the rivalries of the great families, and if those
gigantic catastrophes visited on entire peoples no longer
occurred, nevertheless men were led to more lasting lamen-
tation on account of the rahidness of the factions which
are the results, either of elevation to rank, or descent from
the same. The princes were contending among themsplves,
because invested with power, thpy weighed their rip:hts iu
the scales of justice; the people forced by npcessity, bear-
ing still the bloody traces of foreign incursions were stimu-
lated to reø;;tablish themselves and arrive at the difficult
adjustment of their own rights. The Roman Pontiff could
still raise himself as the arbiter of justice above kings and
the people, but the close contact of the Guelphs and Ghiùel-
line parties to his chair "as a great danger; so ]le was
seen now and then to wa'\er and to be wanting in that im-
perturbable firmness so necessary for such an office. For
this reason Boniface supreme head of the Church, should
first be considered in the center of the Guelph and Ghibel-
line factions, from which emanate all his relations with the
Church, with Italy, and with the world.
The two factions of tlw Guplphs antI GhibelJines in Italy
seemed two bran<'hps producti\P only of had fruit, and by
which was wastpfl a11 the strC'ngth of tlw 01<1 Latin blood
that was needed to nourish the trunk of that nation and
102 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
give it new life. Foreign in its origin, God had prepared
for the people of Italy a family life.. The Barbarians, the
Italians and the Greeks measured swords to determine for
the future which one would hold sway over thp Italian
territory. The Papacy could speak words of peace to all
of them, because its dominion was not of the earth. It did
in fact speak to them when it withstood not the nlen in-
dividually but the errors they personified. It told the
Barbarians that savage force was not the reason of God;
it told the Italians that their own country appealed to
them to live fraternaJIy in the courts of the Lord; it as-
sured the Greeks that the imperial was not the will of God.
The Barbarian became Italian the Italian became papal,
the Greek retired from the shores of Apulia and Calabria;
because God did not wish even a smalJ corner of Italy to
divide with the latter the punishment which was to make
them pass from the corrupted theological disputes of the
courts of the Constances, of the Zenos and of the Heraclii
into the mire of Islamism.
The German emperors came unexpectedly on the scene,
and their power and the splendor of the imperial mon-
archy engaged the attention of many, and revived in them
the memory of the ancient Latin empire. So were men
divided, who all of one accord looked upon the Roman
Papacy as a nucleus of a civil reorganization. Sonle
turned hopefully to Rome, others to Germany. The forlner
less refined in nlind, but more generous of heart, being
jealous of liberty consecrated it by entrusting it to the
Vicar of Christ; the latter nlore active minded in order to
profit by ancient memories, being anxious for greatness,
sold their liberty. Strange names, bloody ones of foreign
factions, were applied to the Papal and imperial parti-
sans. Guelphs the one, and Ghibellines the other, were
the names by which they were known.
In every action there is a principal which individualises
it, and it is always either really or apparently good. A
paternal and defensive dOlninion the Guelphs sought from
the Papacy, the Ghibellines a splendid and a powerful one
from the Empire. But if the former did not violate jus-
tice, the latter scorned it by inviting a most powerful
foreigner into their weak country. The diversity of lan-
uage and of customs, the seas which separate, and the
ltISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 103
mountains which enclose, are the boundaries set by Heaven
for indicating the individuality of nations, and how each
may sit protected at the feet of that justice which dis-
penses to each its own. Hence that overflow from beyond
the Alps of foreign races summoned for the wedding of
Italy to the dangerous imperial monarchy was a violation
of the laws of Providence, a sacrilege against justice, and
a ravishment of the mother country.
Therefore the Papacy was called, and by reason of its
mission, found itReIf at the head of the Guelph faction,
together with all the clergy; so that it seemed that the
adhesion of the Guelphs to Rome was an answer to that
appeal for order which was made by the Vatican to all
I taly in the times of the Barbarians. 80 long as they did
not break faith with the Pontiffs, and nobly struggled for
justice and for the freedom of their country and the
Church, they were a wonder to the world; it was not in the
defiles of the mountains, but on the open field of Legnano
that the Lombards stood united and immovable in face of
all Germany, and were victorious. But this victory viti-
ated the minds of the victors, and whilst Alexander III
blessed their victory, misunderstandings arose alllong
themselves. Principle was no longer regarded, but men
hated one another; and all were badly nli
led. Guelphism
(we mean the idea and not simply the name) had only one
period, in which it was truly represented in all the purity
of its idea by the Pope and by the Lombard League. From
that time deplorable indeed were the reasons why an
I talian was a Guelph or Ghibelline. Jealousy between
the nobility and populace, and municipal emulation pos-
sessed their minds and hearts rather than the grand Papal
idea; and whilst the Guelphs were smiting their adver-
saries with their hands, they gazed ,vith threatening eyes
and hearts upon the people or city against which they were
more directly waging war.
The original object being lost sight of, nlinds fluctuated,
fraternal blood was spilled, and the Italians with their
own hands were shaping a future, the worthy reconlpense
of so many fratricides. :Men there were of lofty minds, like
Dan te, who in Guelphism had placed the higheRt hope8 of
good; hut lwing confused and plunged in civil discords,
they could not sacrifice the present necessities for a prin-
104 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
ciple, which through human perversity resulted in a bar-
ren Utopia. The character of the factions being changed,
the Popes could no longer direct that of the Guelphs. They
changed their tactics and called the French into Italy.
In this they n1ade a grievous mistake, although their error
was a necessary consequence of that of the people. But
they suffered punishment for it in the multiplication of
duties which they were obliged to fuifil; namely, to put an
obstacle in the way of the mercenaries who were overrun-
ning the Empire, to resist the Ghibellines, and to combat
vigorously the vice that was gnawing the vitals of Guelph-
ism. So that the work of Alexander III was a solemn
creation, prolific of incredible hopes; that of Boniface was
a work of ardent reparation, in which the flowers of hope
had faded. The former acted with the strength of a vivi-
fying thought; the latter with the force that symbolized
the sword of justice.
The Guelph was the Papal party, and hence no one must
wonder if the clergy enrolled themselves in it with such
fervor.
ay more, as every principle which a body of lnen
personifies must needs strengthen and su
tain itself on
the altar of martyrdom, the bitterness and honor of martyr-
dom belonged altogether to the clergy, especially under
Frederick II. But being as they were men, and n10l';t tena-
dous of the idea of a necessary adhesion of the Guelphs to
the Church, in the general contamination of the holy idea,
they prevaricated with the others, and the clerical dignity
was stained with civil cruelties. They should have sur-
rounded and protected the Papacy like a wall, and obedient
ministers to its cOlumands should have hastened to its aid,
and by sanctity of life and meekness of conduct they should
have calmed the angry minds, should have contained them-
selves in victory, and should have elevated then1selves to
the height of the object to which they aspired. But un-
fortunately they were more Italian than clerics, and divis-
ions arose alnong them. Of all the clergy that of Rome was
the most bare- facerl in this fault, and the most injurious to
the Guelphs and the Papacy. They lnight be called the ec-
clesiastical aristocracy, on account of their immediate
service close to the Papal Chair. But what contributed to
plunge them into the general corruption was the poison
that was injected into them by the corrupt nobility of those
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 10;:;
tinIes, to whom the highest ecclesiastical preferments had
òeen
hamefully enfeoffed. It appears that the Orsinis, the
Colonnas, and the Savellis had an aCf} uired right to the
dignities and the highest offices in the Church, and for that
reason many cardinals and prelates participated in the
vices of those families which composed the Roman Patri-
ciate. .c\.. calamitous patriciate which grafted the ferocity
of the Barbarians to an dent pride. Like a parasite plant,
it affiicted the Roman See by robbing the people of the
nourishment of civil virtues, and by depriving the prince
of the sinews of government. The pontifical tiara with
which, so to speak, their families in succession were hon-
ored, rendered it still more arrogant, and increased the
boldness of action. The frequent vacancies of the throne
habituated it to the impieties of anarchy. ,rhen re-
strained, it grumbled, when unrestrained, it was terrible.
These patrician families were never truly either Guelphs
or Ghibellines; but they used these names to express not
the nobility of a principle, but th
feuùs of their vile ambi-
tion. Rivals among themselves, they attacked one another
in order to supplant one another in turn; and the prelates
who were members of these ffunilies brought into the papal
court, and into the offices they held, all the pas
ions of
their house, and deprived the Papacy of that dignity and
power which it needed in order to purify Guelphism of
the vices whieh were corrupting it.
The institution of the Franciscan and Dominican orders
was a powprful and salutary remedy for all the evils en-
gendered by the bad citizens and clerics in the heat of
those party strifes. The Friars
Iinor and the Preachers,
inasmuch as they were not conteluplative and not clois-
tpred, but out in the very heart of cities which were in a
fernlent of domestic broils, were tried champions of
Guelphism. To both clerics and people they seemed mar-
vellous, and as it were, heavenly beings by reason of their
poverty of life and austerity of manner, and so they could
preach to both, holiness and peace. Oftentimes when the
sworùs were raised in cOIn bat, they were lowered at the
appparance of a friar; and those feelings of hatred and
revenge, whieh the influence of charity and reason coult!
not stiftp, were suhflupd entirely by their words. They
were accessible to thp people by reason of thpir poor habit
106 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
and food; and they were sought after by the nobles, who
in the weariness of their sins, by relieving their poverty
with a liberal gift of alms, they wished to make then} the
mediators of their eternal salvation. l\Iany famous for
misdeeds, when dying, eagerly longed for the rough habit
of the Frial's :\Iinor.
The Popes found in these religious an expedient which
the secular clergy no longer offered. Often a friar was a
Papal messenger to princes, and to peoples; they were
raised to the episcopate, and to the honors of the cardinal-
ate. Exempt from episcopal jurisdiction, they were sub-
ject only to the Roman See, and they received immediately
from it the faculty to preach and administer the sacra-
ments. They were a sacred militia, which free from
worldly cares, numerous and strongly united. went forth
at the beck of the Rome Pontiff; and like a balm spread
itself in the body of the clergy to preserve it from corrup-
tion. But alas! this remedy ÙeC:lnle such as to losp its
power. Their contact "dth the people leHsened the old
reverence the latter had for them; the laxity of some of
them in the observance of their austere precepts, and their
haughty disobedience to the Popes fostered schisms among
them; and the privileges accorded them aroused the jeal-
ousies of the bishops. The heresy of the Fraticelli (the
Little Brothers), the result of a disordered zeal; and the
bold and wild theories of "\Villiam of St. Amour embraced
by many, wounded grievously the Order of St. Francis;
and it never regained all that civil mission which it re-
ceived from the Roman See at its institution.
'Vherefore as soon as Boniface was seated in the chair
of St. Peter, híl found things in desperate straits. He must
oppose Ghibellinism already fallen from a certain nobility
of principle, which consisted in the delusive hope of reviv-
ing the Homan Empire, and which was only holding' on to
existence from the result of that principle, namely the
unjust exclusion of the Papacy from the bosom of civil
society; he must prop up Guelphism and purify it, and he
must check the excesses of the Ronlan nobility. And it
seems to us that the three enemies tbat he encountered in
this triple undertaking were PhiJip the Fair, Dante, and
the Colonnas. By all he was oppressed but not conquered.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 107
Philip the Fair smote him with the force of the civil law;
the Colonnas with the law of the Church; and Dante with
that of opinion.-As soon as the coronation was finished
and the first months of his pontificate had passed, the air
of the city grew so bad in the beginning" of SUlllmer that
Boniface left Home and set out for AnagnÏ. At that time
the Colonnas had no doubt of his legitimate election to the
Papacy; and nlOreover they considered themselves his most
devoted friends. In fact, inasmuch as the road to Anagni
touched the tcrritory of Zagarolo, a fief of the Colonnas,
these princes offered the Pope hospitality in their own
honse. A\JI the Colonnas were round about hinl waiting
on him with all attention and revcrPllce, and so affection-
ately that it did not seem that they were entertaining a
Gactalli, but one of their own familJ r . Boniface, as we
shall see, remembered this friendly reception.!
St. Peter :l\Iorroue was the first to diRturb the mind of the
new Pope. Bonifa('e feared notLing from hinl personally;
nor did l1e think that the fire of human ambition burned
nndcr the sackcloth of the hermit, who so willingly had
laid aside the papal crown. But his sleep was disturbed
by the lllachinations of those who, displeased at the resig-
nation of the Saint, could have urged him to reascend the
chair of St. Peter using the same line of arguments which
llad induced him to re
ign. In a hypercritical DIanneI'
they could prelSent theillselves to Peter anù declare to him
that bis resignation was null and void; anlI for that reason
llollifaee was Bot a legitimate Pope; the rhul'ch of God
by his fault was not united in a holy nuuriagp with her
h'gitimate I'pou
e, but cllained by the wiles of a wicked
lover; and it is ccrtain that the llermit not from a spirit
of pride, hut frolH the fear of losing his soul, could have
hppn induced to raise his weak arms to reassume the re-
liJlqui
hp(1 key
, and there would not have been wanting-
t ho
e who would have aided him in the ac('omplishment
of this undertaking. \Yherefore Bonifac
wislwd to have
him brought to himself in Honw, or to
ome other part of
his tprl'itory, in urder to remove him from the evil and
nlalicious machinations of his monk
, and of the people,
1
ce the Bull: "!'raet. temporulll." TIaj"nalùus j'car 1
0ï; no 2i.
108 HISTORY. OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
who were always recounting the repeated miracles wrought
by Celestine. 2
Angelarius, Abbot of :l\Ionte Casino, had been deputed
by Boniface to find him, and bring him to Rome. But in
the nH
anwhile the Saint suddenly disappeared. He went
to St. Germanus, and for the night he was hospitably re-
ceived in the abhatial palace. Here he revealed to a cer-
tain priest the reason of his flight, beseeching him to keep
it secret, and from the sallIe he procured a horse, and every
assistance whereby he could arrive secretly at his cell of
the Holy Spirit. "Then he arrived at Sulmona there was
a great festival, and the people met him and welcomed
him as a wonder worker. He desired only to bury himself
again in his cell on 1\lt.
Iorrone. But Boniface, as soon
as he learned from the Abbot of :M:onte Casino of Celes-
tine's escape, became greatly apprehensive of the danger
of a sehisll1, which the aforesaid rendered probable, and
he forthwith dispatched Theodoric of Orvieto, his Cham-
berlain, to Sulmona, in order to explore the neighborhood
in search for Celestine. Theodoric went and found him
in his cell enjoying a holy peace, and he was already re-
turning, when other Ines!o\engers from the Pope came has-
tening with other instructions relative to Celestine. But
it was too late. For the latter for the second time had
taken flight. ...\fter wandering for two months he finally
arrived in ApuIia, where in a wild forest he rested and
hid hhnself. In the nleanwhile the news of his flight was
spreading, and the people were on the alert to see the man
remarkable for miracles, and for his renunciation of the
Papacy; and in every place through which the fugitive
passed, the cry was immediately raised: "Here is the
Saint, here is Brother Peter 1\iorrone." Celestinp Waß flee-
ing not through fear of the Pope, who, as a prudent meas-
ure, wished to keep him close to him, but because longing
for soHtude, and compelled to live in the Papal Court. he
was deprived of the benefit of his abdication. His follow-
ers bad chartered a vessel for him, because he wished to
go beyond the sea; but a storm of long duration having
prevented his departure, he was finally intf'rcepted a few
:I James Card. of St. George. In the poem of St. Celestine, Preface of
Bull, page 440, no 13.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 109
miles from Yiesta, and was retained in that town until the
wishes of Boniface in his regard could be learned.
'Ve do not believe that they waited long to hear theIne
Charles of Naples, profoundly inclined before the power of
Boniface, was also himself by means of his ministers on
the track of the holy hermit, to intercept him. The mem-
ory of the happy times of Pope Celestine could not have
been enlbittel'ed in him by a sadder duty. ",Villiam Stend-
ard, the constable of the kingdom, was charged to conduct
the Saint well escorted to the boundary of the kingdoln,
and be consigned him to the Chamberlain of the Pope, who
in the lniddle of J une, 1
96, presented him to Boniface at
that time residing in Anagni. 3 The latter well knew the
danger that beset the Church by leaving Celestine under
the influence of his monks and of a people captivated with
wonder by the miracles which were related of him. In
fact they had already urged him to reascend the Papal
Chair; 4 which design obtained the support of nlany who
could not persuade themselves that Boniface was the true
Pope, holding the abdication of his predece
sor as invalid.
However Boniface resolved to proceed cautiously in the
matter of the treatment of 3 saint, as it was easy to wound
the piety of the people. 'Yhereupon having accol'd('d a
kindly welcome to Celestine, and having given hin1 a roonl
in his own palace, he summoned th(' cardinals in consis-
tory in order to obtain their opinion on what was best to
be done in the matter. 5 Some thought that without any
danger, the Saint could be allowed to go free to his cell
on 1\lt. :l\Iorrone; others advised, that he should be guarded
with great care, in order that his simplicity might not be
abused to the detriment of the Church. Boniface adopted
the latter proposal, and had him shut up in the Castle of
Fumone, in Campania, where to satisfy thp desire of the
Saint, he ordered a cPll
imi1ar to the one on l\It. )Iorrone,
to he constructed for his habitation. 6 Visits to the recluse
were forbidden to f'very one; two mon){s of his own oròel',
were the only ones exempted from this mandate, at the re-
· Lelius ;\farini. Life of St. Peter CeJestine. apud Bon. chaps X and XI.
· Ibid. chap. XI. II Petri AJIiaci. Life of St. Peter CeJestine.
· "Cellam igitur optanti, in castro Fumonis firmo ceJIam, quaJem
"verosimiliter Sanctus ipse designarat, ad formam ejus, quam in l\Iurrone
"habuerat, fieri jussit." Ibid. no 118.
110 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
(InPRt of
plf'!'\tine. It is related, that not heing able to
hpar the IUUTOW confinement of the prison they soon
began to grow ill, and were obliged to depart while others
took their places in turns. Peter Alliacus states that
Boniface placed a guard of six soldiers about Celestine,
and abont thirty other men whom be calls satellites. 7
Let the reader now imagine llOW the imprisonment of
a man already venerated as a Saint and a wonder-worker,
was discussed by the people, by the Cf'lestine monks, and
by those to whom the elevation of Gaetani was displeasing,
on sf'eing renloved from their influf'nce their only counter-
poi
e to the power of Boniface. The narrowness of the
cpH in the cas1lf' of F1U110ne, and the anstere penances
Pl'acticeil by Celf'stine, whieh on l\1t. :l\Iorrone had won for
him the name and veneration of a
mint, now in the castle
of Fumone begot for Boniface the name of a tyrant, and
for Celestine the honors of martyrdom. The armed mf'n
placed on guard about the castle, and the resolution to
alJow no one to visit the prison were adjudged acts of the
most cruel jealousy of authority, and an unnecessary pre-
caution for the quietude of the Church. To the people
there did not appear any danger of a schism, but they saw
only an innocent man of God shut up in the famons castle.
Thf'rf'fore the blacl;::est calumny against Boniface was
spread; and woe to anyone when such a thin
is founded
on a real or apparent violation of the religious convictions
of a people, and such a people as was that of the thirteenth
century. The blame which was heaped npon the head of
Boniface became something supernatural, a power in the
hands of his enemies, and only to be removed by the later
judgment of historians.
Celestine lived nine months in the castlf' of Fumone.
In the month of
Iay there appeared on his right side a
virulent tumor, which baffling all skill, hrought on death
on the 1Ûth of the saIne Inonth, in the 70th year of his
age. 8 Boniface, as soon as he heard of his death, sent im-
Il1f'diatf'ly to Fllmone {;ardinal Thomas of St. CeciHa, and
his Chamberlain, who had the obsequies of the Saint held
in the church of St. Anthony of Ferentino, to which flocked
a great number of thf' clergy and prf'lates of tlle province
'I Peter Alliacus. Life of St. Celestine, c. 3, n. 17 apud Boll.
8 J
elii Marini sup. Vito ('elest. cap. 11, no. ]21.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 1.1 1
of Campania. Besides in the Vatican Basilica he honoreel
the dead man with solemn obsequies. The body of the
Raint rested in the church of St. Anthony until the year
1327, when it was transferred to Aquila and buried in the
ehurch of Collemaggio.
At this time his followers gave loosp rein to tlwir un-
pl'incipled and depraved imaginations. A llail haying
pierced the skull of the Saint, they spread the report that
Boniface had shortened his life by ordering a nail to he
driven in his head. The nail was found (who had found it
we know not) ; and blood was still seen on the point of it.
They inserted it into the little hole, and as it fitted wonder-
fully, the proof was established that this bad been the
instrument of his death. From that time this nail was
preserved as a relic; and in the church of St.
Iary of
Iajella they depicted in a certain fresco the martyrdom
of St. Peter Celestine, representing a nail being driven
into his head by the order of Boniface, which fact tlwy de-
clared by an inscription at the bottom. To remoye aU
douht of his martyrdom they placed palms on his tomb,
and all those who beheld them knew from those symbols
that among the persecutors of the Church there was a
Supreme Pontiff, Boniface VIII.
Boniface, as soon as he had taken in his bands the
Church government, thought of securing a true and firm
peace, for at this tim
affairs were in a precarious condi-
tion on account of the state of fec]in
s among the princes,
and worse things were threatened for the future. But
peace must not be secured with injury to the rights of
the Church. He began to refresh his nwmory with a knowl-
edge of the rights, which he as head of the Church had
over the ldngdom of Naples. Char]ps I of Anjoll had
sworn fealty to Clement IV and to John XXI. Clwrles
the Lame had renewed to "Nicholas I'T the prolnises which
his father had made, and in a solemn act declared the
homage which the king of Sicily was bound forever to
pay, alleging the most ample promises of Charles 1. 9
Boniface requested Charles II to renew them, renewing at
the same time the Bull of Nicholas IY; 10 and he confirnled
the right by deed, absolving Charles from evpry ('ensure
he may have incurred by not having paid tribute to St.
· Rayna]dus, year 1289. 1D RarnaJdus, Jcar 1295.
112 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
Peter. ll The treaty of Tarascon drawn up by himself,
when he went as legate with Gerard of Parma to negotiate
peace, and subscribed to at Brignolle the 19th of Febru-
ary 1291, became worthless by the death of Alphollsus of
Aragon, who died suddenly, on the 1Dth of June of the
same year. James had proceeded swiftly to Spain, and
had seized the crown of Aragon in the city of Saragos
a in
October; Frederick, his brother, took charge of the govern-
mf'nt of Sicily, as his vicar; Philip of France finding in
the death of Alphonsus a just reason for not ratif,ying the
treaty, pretended to invade Aragon, only for the sake of
wresting from the Frf'nch clergy ten years of tithes ;12 the
Sicilians gladly rallif'd around Frederick; and Nicholas
IV, the Pope at that time, again despaired of the desired
peace. But since the condition of James on the throne
of Aragon were similar to those uf Alphonsus, namely,
with a people tired of bearing, be
ides the weight of ponti-
fical censures, that of war; with an exhausted treasury,
and with the danger of losing Aragon to preserve Sicily,
he was inclined to peace, anù desired to renew the broken
treaty. In fact Pope Celestine now hoped to obtain the
happiest results by peace; he proposed another treaty simi-
lar to that of Tarascon, but none was concluded,13
'Yhen the report was spread that Boniface had been
raised to the Papacy, negotiations Wf're quickly renewed,
and the ambassadors of France and Aragon met to delib-
erate again. 14 In the meanwhile Frederick hÌIllself made
advances to Rome, in order perhaps to discover in what
way the wind was blowing for him. He sent as legates to
Boniface, :l\Ianfred I.Jancia and Roger Geremia who were
cordially welcomed and given the most flattering promises.
The Pope's hopes for peace grew stronger; in fact, Fred-
erick not being as yet a king, but only the vicar of James,
the task of driving him out of Sicily seemed easy. For
that reason Boniface and Charles II undertook to coerce
James, thinking that having forced him to leavf' Sicily,
there would be no obstacle in the way of restoring- it to the
f1ubjection of the Church; but they did not reflect that the
Sicilian people also had a will in the matter, which
U Raynaldus, year 1294, epis. 118. 12 Raynaldus, year 1291, 56.
11 T.-uning, T. 2, n. 63.-Raynaldus, 1294, 15.
t. Surita, Annl. Arag. Lib. V, c 9.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 113
although excluded from the treaties was nevertheless
powerful, because supported by force. Therefore the
Papal legate urged James to restore Sicily to the Church;
and the ro
ral repre
entative Bartholomew of Capua urged
un Charles of Valois to war against Aragon, that he might
ecure the Papal privilege which gave him the crown. The
diHcontent among his people, the war in Sicily and the
threats of the French prince persuaded hiIn to negotiate
peace. 15
He summoned a parliament of barons; he declared to
them how the papal censures annoyed him; that he de-
sired peace, and to confirm it he was willing to send
legates to the Pope. Four ambassadors went to seek
Boniface at _\.nagni. In full consistory they stated the
reason of the elubassy, and such was the kind welcome ex-
tended to them that it was clear that the Pope desired
nothing more than harmony among Christian princes after
fo;uel1 lasting dissensions. The matters to be treated were
presented. Besides the Aragonese there were a:-;sembled
a IHO am bassadOl's from France, the Bishop of Orleans, tlw
abbot of St. Gerlllain des Prés, Charles of Valois, and Bar-
t holomew of Capua as the representatiye of Charles II.
Boniface presided; and most skilful as he was ill negotia-
tions he conducted the proceeding so well, that on the 5th
of June he happily dispo
ed the minds of all to abree to
the following articles, namely: that Charles of Naples
hould give his daughter Blanche in marriage to James,
with a dowry of twenty-five thousand marks in silver; that
James should restore Sicily to him and as lllueh as he had
8elluiretl there by conquest; the reluctant Sicilians should
he coelTed by force; that he should release the hostages,
Robert, Haymond, and John. the
ons of Charles, with the
other nobles and the knights of Provence; tl1at he should
pardon the partisans of the house of ..:\njou; that Charles
of Yalois should renounce the right over the kingdoms of
...\ragon and Yalencia and o,'er the province of Barcelona,
whieh he had acquired by Papal illYef';titure; lllllÌual p
ll.-
dons and restoration of goods and property were to be
granted to all those who had followed the fortunes of the
Aragonian and Angevine parties; the Pope himself was
II Giann. Stor. Civ. T. III, p. 116.
11-1 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
to release Aragon fron1 all censures, and bless it anew. 10
And wherea
in every treaty the general articles to which
all agree, are openly declared, the particular ones however
are kept secret, and are reserved to be arranged privately,
in order not to injure the main issue, in this treaty some
secret articles were cared for by Boniface. Secretly he
appeased the mind of James, by promising to invest him
with Sardinia and Corsica; James on the other hand ap-
peased Philip of France by promising him naval aid
against Edward of England. 17 As to Charles, the better
to feel sure of the king of Aragon, he asked his daughter
Yolanda from him for his son Robert, promising in return
to pay twenty-five thousand silver nlal'ks, which sum he
<lid not possess, but which Boniface furnished in the forIn
of a loan; the latter was obliged, by reason of this, to levy
tithes on the churches of Italy.18
On the 21st uf J nne Boniface solemnly ratified the
Íl'eaty, whkh he <lec1ared in a BuH, to which seventeen
eardinals affixptl their names and whieh he ('onclu(]cù hy
affirming that JamcR was inve:-;ted by :1 ring with the king-
dom of Aragon and Valencia; that the Carùinal of St.
Clement ,vas designated to go as legate to the countries
beyond the mountains for the execution of the treaty.19
Peace was proclaimed on the feast of St. John the Baptist,
the Pope having grantpd the dispen:-;ation of consanguin-
ityexisting between Janws and Blanche, the daughter of
Charles, so that a marriage might confirm the peace; and
punishment was threatened against the violators of the
peace. On the 27th of the same n10nth, Boniface com-
municated the SaIne to Freùeriek in Sicily.20
To draw up a treaty of peace, :1nd to dispose the n1Înds
to agree to the proposed condition
, is not always difficult;
but the fulfilment of an agl'e
ment has always been a most
difficult ta
k. To provide for this Boniface deputed
William li'errer, Cardinal of the title of St. Clement, who
before the 21st of June set out fronl ..:\nagni, where the
Pope was then residing, for Catalonia, bringing with him
II1l\fariana. De Reb. Hisp. lib, 14, c. 1 i -Epis. BonÏf. lib. I, epist 184
apud Raynaldum. 17 Surita Annal d'Arag. lib. 5, c. 10.
18 Rayn. 1295, 24. Ig Ra)'na]dus, year 1293, lib. I, 184, n. 2.
20 Ra)'naldus, 12!J5, JiL, Epist. DU.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 115
Blanche, the affianced of James. 21 Boniface gave his
legate all manner of instructions, and did not leave him
an instant, being always at his side with letters. It was
the constant custom of the Roman Pontiffs never to with-
draw themselves from the immediate direction of affairs;
for which reason they have left us those stupendous monu-
ments of their wisdom and integrity of purpose, in the
Registers, which if fortunately they were published in
one complete collection, far from obscuring the brilliant
idea of the Roman pontificate, they would on the contrary
render it more luminous, and nlore worthy of reyerence
even in the eyes of those who revile it. Therefore hardly
was the legate gone, than Boniface was following him with
letters which bear witness of his prudence and discretion.
He foresaw the many obstacles that the princes would
place in the way to an agreement of the articles of the
trpaty,
ome of which it had l.>pen impossible to remove by
word of mouth to Cal'(linal 'YilliaIll, and so on the 30th
of June he wrote him from Allagni a It-'tter, in which
amOllg' other things were read: "Tllat if the explanation
., of that treaty ùecame involved with some other tllings,
"and place the mind in a state of uncertainty, he should
,. fix his eyes on the crucifix, and conforlll his conscience to
" it; that whenever anything arose unforeseen by him, he
"should behave in such a concilatory and humane man-
"ner, that tempering severity with mildness, the minds of
"all might be won over to justice by the sweetest ways."
The Legate, being sent on his good way, was not left
alone, but was followed by the most fervent dpsires of
peacp, and di1'ections for difficulties wllich could not be
80lved in drawing up the treaty, since the Legates declared
that they did not have the power of deciding for their
lords. One of these difficulties was the posse
ion of the
valley of Arany which formerly was held by the prince of
4\ragon, but now was in the possession of the King' of
France, who did not wish to see it included alllong those
tates, the right over which had ùeen reacquired by I{ing
tTanH's. The other was tlw possession of tll(> islands úf
)Iajorca and
Iinorca, which James would not restore to
his uncle, also caUed James, who in the war between Valois
nd '\ ragon had been despoiled of them by the Aragonians,
21 Epistolae, Bonifac. ad Fredericum apud Rayn'l 34.
116 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
because he followed the French party. Boniface, to whom
the attainment of peace was uppermost in lllind, earnestly
strove to persuade Philip of France 22 frOlll stirring up the
minds again over the question of that valley of Arany;
that he would leave it to the judgment of the Legate, until
it was ascertained at what time it had come under his
authority, whether before or during the war between
France and Aragon; if before he should retain it; if in
time of the war he should restore it, as subject to the
avowed agreements to restore everything taken froln
James. The King of Aragon was urged to surrender the
islands of l\lajorca and l\Iinorca on certain conditions, the
arbiter of which Blust be the Legate. :\Iatters went ac-
cording to the mind of Boniface, and peace was estab-
lished.
I t did not seem impossible to bind France and Aragon
to the peace, both because of the weakness of J all1e
in
the face of a multitude of enemies, and because of the de-
sire of CharJes the Lame, a Frenchman, to recovpr the fair
province of Sicily, But the great difficulty was to per-
suade Frederick to surrender to another the authority OvP!
Sicily, which be was already ruling as the "vicar of his
brother
Tames. This difficulty was increased a hundred-
fold on account of the intense hatred of the Sicilians for
the Prench, whose blood shed in the unhappy Yespers was
till warm; and the feelings 9f a people eInboldened by a
recent victory are not ('asHy controlled by anyone. As the
report of the treaty had f'pread, Frederick, aroused by the
chagrin of losing Sicily and urged on by the Sicilians, had
already begun to protest against the treaty.23 However
Boniface did not despair of bringing his designs to a suc-
cessful issue, although it would be a desperate 'work to
reconcile the interests of the Church in Sicily with the
contplltment of the Sicilians. He must speak kindly to the
legates of Frederick whom he should welcome heartily;
aftprwards he should win over by the softest persua
ion
Fl'pderick himself, JolIn of Procida, and Roger of Loria,
the
mpren1e directors of the sentiments of the SÎcilianH,
the one the leader of civil, the other of military affairs,
and with what result every one knowf'. And whereas it
22 Raynaldus 2G. Epist. 20ft
21 Epist. Bonif. ad Fred. in ehron.
\.llony. Sicu. cap. 53.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 117
would be a loss of time and labor to express in a letter the
arguments of persua
ion, he considered it better to invite
the aforesaid to a friendly interview. lIe dispat<-hed
Bernard of Camel'ino, his chaplain, who broug:ht the lllost
affectionate letter to Frederick,24 such as a father would
write to his son, enlarging on the compassion of )Iother
Church, and bow she is ever inclined to welcome to her
bosom, whoever having strayed away ,,'ill return to her
in the sinceritJ Y of his soul. The Pope affixed to the letters
a safe-conduct for Frederick and the others invited to the
interview. As soon as Frederick had received the Papal
Legate and had read the letter, although he knew the
object of the desired interview was his departure frOin
Sicily, he yielded to the exhortation of Boniface, by ob-
serving how the other affairs of James included in the
treaty of peace had been so adjusted by Boniface that they
would not suff'f'I' damage or injury; and he did not doubt
that urged to leave Sicily, he would be recompensed by
the gift of another seig'lliory. However, he wished to
know the sentiments of the Sicilians concerning his
journey to the Pope, and he addressed to the UniYf'rsity
of Palermo a letter, to which he attached a copy of the
Iett<:'r of Boniface to him. The people of Palermo an-
swered the letter of Frederick by another, the bearers of
whkh were Nicholas of :\layda, Philip of Carastono,
judges, and Peter Philosopher, which ambassadors of the
commune should add strength to the letter. In this letter
there were most fiery worùs to deter Frederick frOln going
to the Papal interyiew: " lIe should remember," they said,
" the bad feeling borne towards his ancestor Peter by the
"Roman Pontiffs, and with what fury thpy had carried
" on war against themselves, for no other reason than to
"thrust the sword into his vitals for his final ruin; he
" should remember how much human blood they had sbed
" in ratalonia taking sides with Philip of France, unmind-
"ful of the charity of the Founder of the Church, who
"desired neither bloodshed nor war. . . . . . . . . Con-
"sidering th<:,n the manly constancy with which his father
"Pet<:'r and his brother James maintained possession of
"the island, they wonùered how he, as it were, degener-
'" ating from his elders, would desist from his generous
,. Chron. Sic. Anony. cap. 53.
118 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
" purpose of protecting unfortunate Sicily; how he would
"depress on a sudden their raised spirits, and how he
"would go to repose in the arms of the Pope in an artful
"interview. He should not be frightened by thp noise of
" those words which the shrewd Pope threw out to him, in
"order to deprive him of courage for his noble designs.
"The work he had undertaken, which his elders had
"happily effected, would not displease God but be grate-
" ful to him; that it was the hand of God which up to that
" day had fought for Sicily, battling against an immense
"multitude of proud enemies; that it was the .valol
of
" Goù by which one against a thousand fought victoriously.
"Not to fight ngainst, but for God, who take nrIns for
" his own princp and for the people who have entrusted to
"the hands of this prince their every hope and dearest
"destiny. Therefore prostrate at his fept they besought
"him not to go with the chief men of the island to that
"sinister intprview, which would be produf'tive of sad
" consequences both to him and to them; finally that he
" should think of taking in his own hands the government
" and protection of Sicily, and they would be most ready
"to sacrifice for him their lives and goodK"
This persistent opposition went to the heart of Fred-
erick, who, born a king, more than others felt the sweetness
of command, and the fear of the loss of it; yet at the
authoritative voice of the Pontiff he decided to go. And
having taken with him as companions John of Procida and
Roger of Loria, he sailed with a good fleet for Terracina,
where he disembarked; and with a noble retinue he rode
as far as Velletri. Boniface was awaiting his arrival in
the open country, and as soon as he saw hinlself in the
presence of FredericI{, a boy of tender ypars, altogether
encased in a heavy armor, he caressed him with both hands,
and kissed him on the brow; then in wondpr he said to
him: "So soon, 0 noble youth, are you accustomed to
arms? "-And fixing his gaze on the terrible Roger of
Loria: "Are you that terrible enemy of the Church, who
has massacred so many people?" And he quickly replied:
" Your predecessors were the cause." 25-Then he took the
young prince aside, and in the kindest of manners he tried
to persuade him to leave Sicily; and to compensate him
2G Franc. Maurolyci. Sicancicae IIi st. 1, 4, apud Burmani.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 119
for the loss he proposed a marriage for him with Catherine,
daughter of Philip, and niece of Baldwin II, titular Em-
peror of Constantinople, and also niece of Charles the
Lame, which marriage would obtain for him the right to
ascend the throne of the Grecian Empire; he promised
besides to furnish him with abundant means to carryon
the war against Paleologus who had taken it from Philip.
The youthful prince apart from Roger and John of Pro-
cida replied that he would consent to the nuptials, if the
Sicilians would also consent; 26 and with this he parted
with the Pontiff.
The intention of Boniface in this matter was not to
beguile the youth; because as Pope he could not bear with-
out sorrow that the Sicilians unmindful of the dominion
of the Church over their islands should transfer it to Fred-
erick; and from the marriage, which he encouraged Freder-
ick to contract, there was no little benefit to be derived for
the Church. The reunion of the Greek and Latin Churches,
the conquest of the Holy Land, the foremost desires of the
Roman Pontificate, would have a :firm basis in a Catholic
prince seated on the throne of Constantinople. Hence in
the month of June of this year he sent John, Abbot of
S1. Germain des Prés to Catherine with letters expressing
to her, how for her own good, and that of the Church, she
should select as husband Frederick of Aragon; and how it
should be sworn to by the latter and her grandfather
Charles II, to conclude the affair by the end of September;
that John the Abbot would come to conduct her to him
honorably, and at her earliest convenience. 27 l\Ioreover he
addressed letters likewise to Philip of France, admonish-
ing him to exert himself to induce Catherine to consent
to this marriage. But the expulsion of Andronicus from
the throne of Bysantium was a difficult undertaking and
not near at hand, and he could not easily obtain the con-
sent of Catherine to a marriage of such little benefit. She
rpplied, that the noble blood of Frederick was pleasing to
her, but she did not care to marry a prince without a state.
In the meanwhile the kingdom of Naples was without a
ruler. Charles was still in France for the conclusion of
the aforesaid peace, and Cbarle
his eldest
on, titular
king of lIungary, had died in the .June of thi
year. Boni-
28l\Iauroly. Sic. Hist, lib. IV, 199. 27 Epist. 174 an. 1. apud Rayn. 29
120 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
face quickly provided for the achllinistl'ation of the king-
dom as an affair of the Pontiffs, entrusting it to Philip,
duke of Taranto, another son of Charles, and Landolph,
Cardinal-Deacon of St. Angelo. But the Neapolitans felt
aggrieved because Queen :\Ial'garet had been excluded from
the lnanagement of the puhlic affairs, and thy besought
the Pontiff to place them under her direction. Boniface
yielded to these desires, glad to show the supreme (10-
minion he had over the kingdolll, being able to change
ru leI's at his own will, and in a most affable letter he
appointed :l\largaret to fill the place of her absent husband.
In that letter, having deplored the death of her son Charles,
and having told how, by that supreme power which came
to him from on high, he had entrusted to Philip and the
Legate the direction of affairs, he substituted her in their
place, prohibiting her from alienating any immoveable
property of the state, to which prohibition he did not
doubt, that also her husband Charles would conform with
good graces himself; and finally he was sure that she
would rule the kingdom with such prudence and strength
of mind as to merit afterwards the reward of Heaven and
praise of Dlen. Here then is an instance of how that
dominion of Rome over a state bridled the excesses of
princes and secured the rights of the people. And no one
better than Boniface could have exercised this salutary
dominion, if his disposition of mind had not been deemed
excessive pride in those stormy times.
Although the affairs of Sicily had occupied much of the
Pontiff's attention yet they did not possess it so entirely,
as to prevent him from directing the whole world towards
the attainment of his great desire of universal peace.
'Yhilst he was still hoping to pacify Sicily, before Fred-
erick would make himself king, he turned his attention
to northern Italy, where affairs were in a much disturbed
condition owing to the brutal fury of the Guelph and
Ghibelline factions; the nobles and the populace, state
against state, city against city were rending themselves
in fierce wars. But in a particular manner he exercised
his care over the most powerful dties, with the hope that
peace once established they would by reason of thpir
wealth and grandeur be able to show, in thp peaceful and
good government of their republics, an example of civi-
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 12f
lization to the hundred desolate and warring cities of the
peninsula. These were Venice and Genoa. The former
was already powerful in the XIII th century by reason of
the riches which accrued to it from its maritiIne commerce,
also by reason of the fortunate conquests in Dahnatia, of
many islands in the Adriatic, and of the Grecian Archi-
pelago, and more especially by reaSon of the internal con-
stitution, which precisely in this age took the firm abiding
form of that Queen of the Seas. The other rich also like
Yenice by reason of commerce, but less powerful since the
conquests had been made by her private citizens, and by
them retained, rather than by the city; and besides its
government was not so strongly constituted as to permit
it to hold in duty, both the populace and the nohleK
Hence while Venice like an immovable rock in the sea
opposed its exterior sides to the fury of factions, Genoa
was ever agitated by internal strifes. Venice was always
free, Genoa was often the slave of foreigners.
Through jealousy of trade Genoa at first vented its
hatred against Pisa, and afterwards against Venice. This
was always displeasing to the Popes, who desired to n1ake
use of these powerful republics for the overthrow of the
infideJ's in the East. Almost two years had passed during
which the Venetians and Genoese were furiously waging
war against each other, when Boniface endeavored to
soften their anger and reconcile the adversaries. l\Iore-
o,er he wished for peace in order to redeem the fallen for-
tunes of the Holy Land. But the desperate straits of the
latter were well known to Boniface, and his apparent de-
sire concealed bis real desire, which was to di,ert the
minds from intestine feuds and turn them in view of the
common good, to the destruction of the Turkish power.
He admonished the Venetians and Genoese by letter 28 to
suspend hostilities until the feast of St. John the Baptist
of the current year, during which time the ambassadors
of both republics would meet in his. presPllce to agrep on
a lasting peace. The legates assembled; hut the Opnoese
caIne in bad faith. For while they rejected every pro-
posed measure of agreement, justifying themsplves under
the plea that from their state they had not receiyed the
right to negotiate, in Genoa they were preparing a mighty
Lib. I an I Epist. 117 apud Raynaldum.
1
2 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
fleet to assail the Venetians while engaged in the treaty of
peace. The Pope, not wishing that the docility of the
Yenetians to his paternal instructions be detrimental to
their republic, released them from the obligation of main-
taining the truce, which the Genoese faithlessly observed,29
and encouraged thelu to defend themselves. But that
which the Venetians could have done against the Genoese
was done by cruel discord. For in that very fleet there was
kindled the fire of the factions, the leaders of the Guelph
being the Grimaldi, and of the Ghibelline the Dorias and
the Spinolas. They turned their swords against each other
and many fell in the strife, and returning to Genoa they
did not desist from blood and fire, until the Guelphs over-
come by the Ghibellines were driven into exile. It was
from this time according to Villani, that the decline of
the Genoese republic began, as if in punishment for that
fratricidal madness and for their contempt of the paternal
authority of Boniface.
In the beginning of this book we discussed the subject
of Guelphism and Ghibellinislu, and why and how the
Popes held thelllSelves as the chiefs of the Guelph party;
and we believ
no Pope exerted himself so strongly to
defend it and to combat the opposite party, as Boniface.
Before he was Pope he was a Ghibelline, because his family
followed that party,30 and when he becanle Cardinal he
did not renounce being Ghibelline both because of family
affection, and because of the great contempt he had for the
Angevines. 'Yhen he became Pope, he transformed him-
self into a Guelph by reason of the office which he held.
The city in which above others the fierce and rabid spirit
of these factions was displayed was Florence; and for that
reason from the triumph, or discomfiture of one of these
in Florence, the civil changes in many other Italian cities
proceeded. In the thirteenth century this city advanced
luuch in richness, in splendor of buildings, and in number
of people; but precisely in this same thirteenth century
(1215) the cursed feuds began among the citizens, who
divided themselves into Guelphs and Ghibellines on occa-
sion of the lnurder of Buondelmonte; and in 1250 the office
of first captain of the people was created with twelve
2V Epist. 13 apud Raynaldum 38.
10 Villani . . . . . . . . di sua K azione Ghibellina.
lÌISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 12;
elders, so much did the power to rule increase during the
wars against Pisa, Siena, and other powerful citif'
. The
Florentines were Guelphs by nature, and seeing their
country prosper under republican institutions, they had
no love for the Ghibellines who desired a foreign emperor
as chief. Yet for all that, dissensions existed among them,
owing to the enmities of the Uberti with the Amodei, so
that the Ghibellines haying triumphed over the Guelphs
who at :\Iontaperto, had formed thf' project, happily de-
feated by Farinato "Gberti, to destroy Florence, as the only
po
ible way of making it Ghibelline. Just as this tran-
sient triumph was obtained through the aid of
Ianfred,
so through Charles of Anjou, the Guelphs not only re-
ceived life, but firmly established themselves in Flol'encp
and secured the entire government of the city; and unùer
the Guelphs the government exercisf'd by the Priori of
arts, became entirely democratic (1
8:> ) . The yictories
gained by the Florentines over Pisa and Arezzo, Ghibel-
line cities, the internal prosperity of the city in commerce
and in the arts, should have indueed the Florentines to
aim at the most holy object, whieh the mind of the Ronlan
Pontificate contemplated for Italy. They had always
found the Pontiffs favorable in their defence of Guelpllism,
but always opposed when under the pretext of party
opinion, the citizens 1l1easured s"rords with one another,
and internal dissensions were enkindled. The Popes,
ahvays Guelphs in their relations with Florence, were
peacemakers always whenever they did not fight for prin-
ciple, but for individuals. In fact in the year 1273, the
Ghibellines reentered Florence only through a peaceful
agreement effected by Gregory X. This Pope, and others
with him, looked for peace and justice in Guelphism,
solely because they could obtain neither the one nor the
other in Italy whilst the Ghibellines ruled. Florence did
not lend itself to this most honorable design and far from
profiting by the power whieh came to her by her victories,
she turned it to her detriment. The nobles and the people
hegan to quarrel, and each party enrolled itself undf'r thf'
Guelph or Ghibelline standard. In 1294 after the expul-
sion of the daring Giano della Bella and the overthrow
of the citizpn party, a very great edl threatf'nf'd Florence,
and perhaps all Tuscany, namely the arrival of foreigners
124 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
who would have nourished the furious dissensions, weak.
ened the parties, and obtained dominion over those Italian
p('oples. Things were in such disorder, that the nobles, in
ord('r to regulate the public affairs, summoned John Da
CavigJione, of the house of Burgundy, to make him the
governor of their city. He came with well-nigh five hun-
dred Burgundian and German knights, not only to assume
the office of governor, but also that of imperial Vicar of
all Tuscany, which he had received from Albert, Duke of
Austria. 31 This Yicarship was displeasing to the Floren-
tine nobles, for having made use of him and his people for
the overthrow of the partisans of Giano dell a Bella, they
did not wish to be bunlened further with him as their chief
magistrate, and refused to pay the salaries of his five hun-
dred knights. The foreigner becalne angry, and having set
out for Arezzo, he induced that city to take arms with
him against Florence, the Guelph. This foreign scourge
could render incurable the domestic wounds; and this was
the moment when the authority of the Pontiff was needed.
Boniface met the danger at the earnest entreaty of the
Florentines, who feared not only the people of Arezzo
aided by Caviglione, but more especially these forlniùable
words of right and Empire. The Pope induced the Floren-
tines to pay twenty thousand florins to the Burgundian,
who then departed peacefully, and thereby delivered Tus-
cany from grave dangers. 32
The care displayed by Boniface in quelling the dissen-
sions and restoring peace in other states was not less
ardent in the states of the Church, which were horribly
convulsed, by reason of the Guelph and Ghibelline fac-
tions. It is well known how fiercely were rent the cities
in the Romagna, Umbria, and the l\Iarches, when the other
cities of Italy became republics. Although these prov-
inces, after the famous battles of the Papacy with the
house of Hohenstaufen, had remained subject to the
Church, yet there was manifested in them a vice which
was consuming a vast part of Italy, we mean the want of
a bond which united the dominant to the subdued parties.
Cardinal legates went to preside over these province
, but
this was the appearance, not the reality and power of
government. The cities were governed in common, and
81 Vi1lani c. x. s. R. J. 32 Dino Com. S. R. T. V, 9.479. D. E.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 125
the authority entrusted now to the people, now to the
noùles tended towal'd ruin; because it was not sanctified
by right; and abOlninable, because it was always dishon-
ored by the blood of the citizens. In these furious brawls
the Ghibelline Lambertazzi and the Guelph Geremei were
engaged a long while in Bologna; the Polenti and the lords
of Bagnacavallo in Ravenna; the
Iendoli and the Brizi
in Imola; the l\[anfreds and the Accarisi in Faenza; the
Ciambacari and the Amodei in Rimini; the Galbolia and
the Ordelaffi in Forli; the Righizzi and the people in
Cesena. The Ghibellines tended to a monarchy or aristo-
cratic constitution, and for that reason were easily sub-
servient to the Empire; whereas the Gnelphs, democratic
in principles, found odious the restraint of the Empire,
and aceorùingly they were more attached to the Church.
The people being so divided the Pope had no control of
them. At one time he was called upon to sit as arbiter to
confirnl the authority of one of the factions; at another
time to solkit aid both of money and men for the Guelph
party, not by reason of command, but by the will of the
men who revered hiIn as the head of the party, and not as
the lord of the state. See to what narrow Ihnits the Papal
juriHdietion had bepn reduced in those cities. This had
heen further curtailed by the Counts of Romagna, the
repl'f'
entatives of the imperial right. At the Council of
Lyons Gregory X took pains to declare and confirm the
rights of the Church in relation to the Empire, and to
flptermine the limits of the temporal sovereignty of the
Popes, which had been overthrown and rendered almost
invisible b
y the N'aHOnS just given. In that universal
assen1bly Radicofani and Ceprano were acknowledged the
extreme limits of the Pontifical States, and these com-
prised the Exar('hate of Ravenna, thp Five Cities, the
)Iarches of Ancona, the duchy of Spolf'to, the county of
Bprtinoro, and the lands donated by the Countess )[atilùa.
From that time thf're were seen no more in Italy those
importunate Imperial Vicars and those Counts of Ro-
magna. The Fathers of the Council of Lyons confirmed
the right, but the fact, respected indeed by the Empire,
was always enfeebled by the Ghihelline party.
The Popes Wf're eager for a dpmorrary confirmed by
their tlwocracy, the OhiùeHiul's however cle
ired th(' sway
1
6 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
of a foreign emperor. Although the former had prospered
by the power of Charles, yet there were not wanting brave
and valorous men in the opposite party, who constantly
maintained a lively war. Uguccione della Faggiuola and
Guy of
Iontefeltro, terrible warriors belonging to the
Ghibelline party, arose to great celebrity. Guy especiaJIy
bad always done very grave damage to the Pontiffs, roan1-
ing about Romagna with great bravery whenever called
upon to give battle to the opposing party. His blood was
truly Gbibelline, as his family had risen to a flourishing
condition through imperial favors. His grandfather Buon-
conto, son of :Monfeltrino, received from Frederick II in
fief the sovereignty of Urbino, being already Count of
l\Iontefeltro; and his father
Ionfeltrino II kept that state
which he left to Guy his eldest son in 1255. Guy surpassed
his ancestors in his ardent devotion to the Empire and in
military valor. Intrepid in war, he was too blood-thirsty;
a mark for papal censures he never seemed disturbed by
them. When the people of Forli, whose commander he
was were defeated he bowed his head in submission to the
wrathful l\Iartin, he delivered up to him his two sons as
hostages, and underwent exile in Piedmont. 33 But return-
ing to war when called by the Ghibelline Pisans, more ter-
ribly than ever did he afflict tbe Guelphs, until the
Pisans,34 against his will, made peace with the Florentines.
Then he threw himself at the feet of Pope Celestine, we
know not whether penitent for his deeds against the
Church, or weary of his military life, asking pardon for
having brought on the rebellions of Cesena and Forli, and
many other evils occasioned to the Church; and he ob-
tained it from the good Pontiff. 35 The proud spirit of
Guy was humbled, but the Romagna was far from being
peaceful, and when Boniface ascended the throne of Peter,
filled with a strong desire of peace as he was, he wished
immediately to provide for the good government of that
province; for the Count of Romagna, Hobert de Corney,
who was governor of Romagna 'Under Celestine, more
through appointment of Charles than of the Pope, had
embittered instead of appea!õ\ing' the minds, insomuch so
31 Giacch. l\Ialasp. c. 227. 228.
Vi1lani, I. U. c. 107.
at Villani. L. 8. c, 2. 10 Epist. Bonif. apud Raynaldus 1
4 D. 15.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
127
that the province was altogether in revolt. 36 Boniface
di!õ\missed him from office, and appointed in his stead Peter,
Archbishop of )Ionreale. In the meanwhile fearing that
the restless Guy uf )Iontefeltro, received in favor by Celes-
tine, but not placed in pos
e:s:sion of his sovereignties,
might break the proposals uf peace, he wished to gratify
hilli, and kf>ep him as a friend. On the 23th of )Iay Guy was
seen to enter FOl'1i in the company of a papal legate, and
to receive from the same the possession of all his goods
and states. The re
toration of Guy removed the danger
that he would be hurtful to the Guelph party; but it did
not bring peace. 37 The Archbishop of l\Ionreale did little
to e!õ\tablish peace in the province and did many imprudent
tllings. He removed from command in Faenza )Ianghin-
ardo of Sussiana; he undertook to demolish in Ravenna
the palaces of Guy of Polenta, and uf his son Lambert,
and enkindled a terrible war in Faenza between the counts
of CUl1iu and tIle )Ianfreùs un the une side, and on the
otllPr
Iallp:hillarùu, the RauIi and the Accarisi, who were
defeated and expelled from the city.
FiualI,v Bonifa(:e turul'd to 'Yilliam Durant, born in
France' at Puy-Xisson in 1237. lIe had as teachers Henry
of Sou:
a and Bernard of Parma, men very renowned in
tho
e times for knowledge of law and skill in affairs. He
was the auilm' of the work entitled: "Speculum Juris,"
\\'hkh Baldo, and Paul de Cm;tro praised highly, and for
which lIe received the title of "
peculator." Popes Clem-
('ut IV, Gregory X, .Kicholas III, )Iartin IV, and Honor-
ius IV, appointed hinl to diffkult and honorable oftkes
in which he conducted affairs so skilfuIIy, that he received
another surname uf " Father of the Practical." He went
as Papal Legate to the Council of Lyons, and was made
Bi
hop of :\Icnde by lIonorius IV. In the fourth year of
his episcopatp he wa
sUlllmoned to Italy by Boniface, who
maae him )Ial'quis of the 3Ial'ch of Ancona, and Count of
Homag;lla, whi<-h office he on('e IH'ltl ull(lpr Honorius. IIis
honl'sty and Rkill inspirf'<l the Pope with the hope of great
thillg:-; from him. But in the annuls of Forli we finù no
re(,01'd of anything {lone hy Durant to ('stabIi
h ppace in
thp provinces which lIP was caIlpd to gOVl'I'Il, f'X('(lpt caval-
cades and !õ\om(' parlpying' ",hidl hOl'P no fl'uit. rt is tI'Il.'
M .A '111. Ca('<;('n. H. H. 1. c. p. 1110. 11 Chron. Forolh-o
. H. 1. T. 2
.
128 HISTORY OF: POPE BONIFACE ;VIII.
he did not remain long in that office, for he died on the
1st., of November of the following year 1296, and was
buried in the church of St. :
\laria sopra )Iinerva in Rome,
where his tomb is seen to this day.
Boniface had his eyes fixed attentively on the kingdom
of France, and on him who rul
d it, Philip IY, surnamed
the Fair. The German Empire no longer caused fear; but
France occasioned some apprehension to the Papal 11lind.
And since in those times a people had nothing to distin-
guish it from its king, for its rights, its will, and its very
existence were included in that of the prince, Boniface
in thinking of France, could not but :fix his mind on Philip
who governed it. He was born in the year 1268, and his
father Philip III having died on the 5th., of October 1285,
he was only seventeen years of age when he ascended the
throne of France. On the sixth day of January 1286
Peter Barbet, Archbishop of Rheims, anointed him king in
that city; and Pope Honorins IV congratulated him in a
Bull containiJ;lg Dlany special favors and indulgences for
those praying for the happy commencement of his reign.
As the laws of the kingdom declared that the king attains
his majority at thirteen years of age, he was accordingly
free from all tutelage, and he took the reins of government
into his own hands. Of immature age, alone on the throne,
and not steadied by the advice of another, he cast his eyes
upon his subject people, and he saw them bowed before
him, his youthful mind was immediately intoxicated with
the idea of supreme dominion. His mind devoid of the sci-
ence of government, and his heart spoiled by the flattery of
courtiers, his will alone was the rule of governing and the
law for the subjects. He took as wife Joanna of Navarre
who brought him as a dowry this other realm, the counties
of Champagne and Brie which had belonged to her father,
Henry of Navarre, and the county of Brigorre, which from
Simon of l\Iontfort had descended to Theobald II, king of
Navarre, the material uncle of Joanna. The increased
territory inspired Philip with thirst for more; rendered
him jealous of power, and inordinate in the use of it. As
hiR grandfathpr was surnamed the Saint, and rightly; and
11is father the Bold, wrongly; he was called the Fair, on
account of pl1YHkaI beauty. The beauty of his soul was
marred by an in
atiablp ]u
t for gold anò in order to sat-
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 129
isfy it, he never knew what justice was. IIe plundered the
people, he robbeù the ehurches. In the distresses of the
people he was never compalSsionate; and he was a bare-
faceù yiolatoI' of the rights of the Church. France was
reduced to such a condition, that far from correcting the
vices of her king, she encouraged them. The feudal lords
once formidable to the king, not only were subdued, but
they did not offer any longer even a selublance of power
to restrain the monarchy. After Louis IX had humbled
them, they laid aside their rusty coat of mail and clothed
themselves in the soft Italian and Flemish cloths; from
warriors they degenerated into courtiers. The rest of the
people were slaves. Authority in France was never so
f'trictly confined in the will of the king, as at this time. In
despotism and in rapine Philip had worthy and obedient
ministers. In the former they were the jurisconsults, and
in the latter two Italians, Biccio and l\Iusciatto, son!õ\ of
Guy de Franzesi. The lawyers built a bulwark of law,
upon which they hattled against the enemies of despotism,
with that strength which arises in a body of men conscious
of their own individual power in the state, and the support
which it brings to the kingdom. And as a citadel of refuge
they instituted the parliament in which injustice was clad
in healthfulne!õ\s of forms. Being thus fortified, PhiIip
found no obstacles to his profligacy. Among the orders of
the State that of the clergy was the only one that annoyed
him. These were bound together by laws which were not
the civil laws; they posses!õ\ed rights which were not en-
graven in the human codices, and for that reason invul-
nerable by human power; they held a patriIllony conse-
cra ted by religion to God; they had as their head the Ro-
man Pontiff. Philip coveted their rights and possessions,
and he was jealous of the Papal power. A Christian he
was and his conscience might reproach him for his inordi-
nate concupiscence of divine things; but his juri!õ\consults
caused so llluch splC'ndor to shine from the crown, that
his sight was dazzled, and Philip saw no other God but
this. And if any struggle was to be foreseen, this assur-
edly was no other but one with the Pope.
ßonifaf'f' knew the character of Philip, since although
inllIlaturp ill years, he had already shown himself ripe for"
Oppl ession LJ' an act of awful villainy which in Italy, evcn
130 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
lllore than elsewhere, gave him a vile reputation. The
Italians at this time were very active in comnwrce. :Many
of them carried it on in France, and as they were almost
alone in trading they were very rich. On the night of
)[ay 1st, 1291, Philip arrested them unexpectedly at the
instance of his nlinisters and cast all of tbem into dark
prisons. After some time they learned that they were thus
punisbed for the sin of usury, and that to make them
confe
s it they would be subject to cruel torture. These
unfortunates purchased their life and liberty with their
riches; and the judges who were to have condemned them
collected the money and brought it to Philip. The hvo
Florentines Franzesi advised this robbery; and the juris-
con
ults palliated anù justified it, not being ashamed of
their ruffianisln. 38
In order that we may know how the relations between
Boniface and Philip began to be strained, it win be neces-
sary for us to say something about Edward of England,
for the rem
on that fronl the enmity engendered between
hiIn and Philip followed the like feelings between Philip
and Boniface.
Edward, the first of his name, son of Henry III, was
fifty-six years old when Boniface assnITwd the Pontificate.
In person he was tall, hence nicknamed, "Longshanks,"
but well proportioned; the length of his arms gave addi-
tional force to his stroke; and when he was once placed on
his saddle, no struggle of his horse, no shock of the enemy
could di
lodge him fl'Olll his seat. In telnper he was warm
and irascible, impatient of injury, and reckless of danger:
hut his angel' mi
ht be disarmed by submission, and his
temerity seemed to be justified by success. He was not
hard-hearted; at least not without affection for his own
family. fIe was in Sicily when he received the first news
of hi
father's death; the tears which he shed on that occa-
don, though they excited the surprise of Charles of
\njou,
bore honorable testiInony to the goodness of his heart.
Inasmuch as he alone had hastened to the declining for-
tunes of the Holy Land, and had arrested for a time the
fan of Ptolemais, his name was dear to Christians and to
Home. He was considered as the champion of Christen-
dom, the martyr of the cro
s. Returning fr0111 the East his
'8 Villani, book 7, ch. 14G.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 131
journey through Italy was a triumphal procession; at
e"cry city tLe magistrates, clergy and people, came out to
receive him; and the :l\1ilanese forced on his acceptance
valuable presents of horses and scarlet cloth. In ambition
he did not yield to any of his predecessors; but his ambi-
tion aimed at a very different object. Tiley had exhausted
their strength in attempting conquests on the continent
which might be wrested frOlll them at any time by a for-
tunate neighbor; he aspired to unite in himself tIle sover-
eignty of the whole island of Great Britain. For that
reason he set about to subjugate "Tales and ScotJand, and
incorporate thcm with England. The many wars in which
he was engaged necessarily involved him in extraordinary
expenses, and to supply his wants he taxed the churches
exceedingly. But the barons and bishops of England be-
ing fortified by the Magna Charta opposed his wishes
vel1emently, and used force to check him. Edward not
only was restrained, but was even placed in great danger
by reason of the taxes.
Frolll 1284 to the tÏ1ne whereof we speak, Edward had
conquered by force of al'l11S all the country of \Yalps, and
was proceeding gradually to obtain sovereignty over Scot-
land, having in 1293 received the oath of vassalage from
naliol, to whom by his selection had been given the crown
of that kingdom. These successes violently excited the
jealousy of Philip the Fair, but Edward gave him no cause
to reprove him. As duke of Aquitaine, which he held in
fi('f from France, among his first acts on ascending the
English throne, he swore fealty to PhiJip. Edward found
this yoke heavy, but did not shake it off; Philip 110wen'r
could not bear the tl10ught of his conquests. Tl1ese two
princes began to be involved on occasion of a private dis-
pute. In 1293 two sailors an Englishman and a Nornlan
quarrelled and fought, and the Norman died from his
wounds. This was the spa1"l{ tl1at kindled the firp of war
first between the French and the English, and afterwards
the sovereigns. In 1293 offences and retaJiation were so
frequent and warm that the navies of each country took
part in the quarrel without the customary formal declara-
tion of war. Fortun{> or valor favored the English, and
the French were badly beaten. Edward considering the
fray private and not orùered by him, refursed to accept
132 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
the part of the booty which was coming to him from the
battle. 39 He did not desire war; but these precautions
were not sufficient to prevent Philip from going to a meet-
ing crowded with his jurisconsults, the omnipotent crea-
tors of law, who sanctioned Philip's secret design of driv-
ing Edward from the French continent.
In that disorderly war it was asserted that the people
of Bayonne, the subjects of Edward, had attempted to
surprise the port of Rochelle. Philip as the direct lord of
Aquitaine ordered Edward's lieutenant to lodge the ac-
cused in a French prison. He neglected the requisition;
and for that reason the officials of Philip wished to expel
from that region the disobedient vassals, but they were
driven back by arms. Then in consequence Philip sent a
peremptory summons to Edward, as his vassal, ordering
him to appear within twenty days, before his parliament,
and answer for these offences against his sovereign. The
EngIi
h prince who saw the real object of Philip, endeav-
ored to appease his resentment. He offered compensation
to the French sufferers, and to make restitution for injury
and lo
s; and when this was refused, proposed to refer the
dispute to an arbitrator of their choice who might be the
Pope, whoie office it was to preserve concord among
princes.
The offers he renewed through his brother Edmund,
whOln he dispatched as ambassador to France. But Ed-
mund was a man of simplicity, and was no match for
Philip and his lawyers. Philip's sole object, he was told,
was to guard his honor, and to do this a promise was givpn
that, if Gascony was surrendered to him for forty days in
1294, it should be at the expiration of that period faith-
fully restored. A secret treaty to that effect was con-
cluded. It was 8igned by the eonsort of Philip; Edward
signified his consent; and the: French monarch, in the
presence of several witnesses, promised to observe it on
the worù of a king. The citation against Edward was now
withdra wn. At the expiration of forty days Ednlllnd re-
minded Philip of his promise; but was requested to for-
bear till certain lords of the council would have departed
from Paris. Some days after he repeated his demand, and
received a positive refusal. Philip took his seat in his
1\1 Walsingham 60-481.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 133
court, rejected the arguments of Edward
s advocate
, and
although the citation had been withdrawn, condemned him
as contumacious, and pronounced judgment against him
by default of appearance. 40 Friendship between the two
princes was broken. Edward, by the advice of a great
council, a ppealed to arms to enforce his rights.
In the coming war, each one of the opponents resolved to
strengthen his side by alliances with other princes. Philip
won over to his side Eric, king of
orway, enemy of Ed.
ward, who had excluded him from the throne of Scotland;
Rudolph, the deposed king of the Romans who hoped to
supplant his rival Adolphus of Xassau; Hugh of Longivy;
James of ChatiIlon, lord of Leuse and of Condé; Florence,
count of Holland; Otto IV, count of Burgundy; and finally
some cities of Castile, and the communes of Fontara.
bia, and St. Sebastian. Edward called to his aid Adolphus
of Nassau, king of the Romans whom Philip deprived of
the territory of Arles and Burgundy; and Philip of Rich.
mond, duke of Brittany. But morè vigorous action de.
volved on them both reciprocally, in stirring up powerful
enemies as it were in their own houses. Philip concluded
an alliance offensive and defensive with John Baliol, king
of Scotland, on whom Edward had imposed a heavy yoke,
and they promised one another to move their forces against
Edward if he should invade France or ScotIand. 41 Ed-
ward from 1294 had concluded a treaty with Guy of Dam-
piere, Count of Flanders, and vassal of France, wherein
the latter promised in marriage his daughter Philippa
with a very rich dowry. But Philip the Fair by charnling
pretenses knew how to entice Guy and the affianced one to
Paris, whom he wickedly imprisoned in the tower of
Louvre. Guy found a way of escape, but his unfortunate
daughter remained a prisoner until she died, as he said,
of poison. 42 These acts of violence bound together more
clm:ply the Flenlish count and Edward, and inspired the
former with fury with which he later on waged war against
Philip,
'Yhilst these princes were acting in this hostile manner,
Bonif:H'e, who was at this time in Anagni, was entertain-
ing strong hopes of peace. As he desired sincerely peace,
4ü Rym. ii 619-ü22.
Rymer. Tom. II, p, 695.
ÐVillani. '.III. 19-Chron. Nangii 1294.-\Valsing 29.
134 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
he mac1(' l1
e of an the priviJegrs of his office, fiS fatlH'l'
of the faithful and pracelllaker, to effect a peace betwpen
Philip and Edward. Claude Flpury obRerves that pr('-
cisely the action of Boniface in this affair was ill-timed,
in that he wished to intrude hinlself in othrr affairs, and
make himself master of thpm. 43 But if the good confessor
of Louis XIY, to the knowledge of jurisprudence which
he eminently possessed, had added a little of that which
is called the philosophy of history, he would have easily
understood that the Ronlan Pontiff in the time of Boni-
face, by common consent of the people, was the acknowl-
edged arbiter in grave controversies, which opinion did
not prevail any nlore in his time. In fact Edward of his
own free will suggested to Philip to submit their case to
the decision of Boniface, because it was his duty to pre-
serve peare among the faithful.
Therefore in ord('l' to soothe their angry feelings Boni.
face entered as mediator between Edward and Philip, and
their followers, that if blood of the people Iuight not be
shed nor tIle revenue of the churches appropriated to carry
on tlw war. It is true however that in all this affair of
the peare he alwa,ys leaned to the side of Philip the Fair,
and the issue røm1ted in his favor. In February 12D3 he
dispatelled as legates to England and I''''rancc, Cardinal
Bernard, bishop of Albano, and Cardinal Simon, bishop
of Palestrina, to urge tlwse kings to lay down their arlllS.
They were ordered to serye tIlose unholy allianc.es; to a b-
solve the parties from the oath that bound them; to remove
all obstacles in the way of peace; and they had full power
to threaten them witIl censures, closing at the same time
any way of appea1. 44
In )lay 1293 the legates arrived in Paris; 4
and froln
there in July they set out for London. Edward received
them with all honor and respect, and summoned a great
parliaIllent at \Yestminster. In this parHament tIle
legates explainrd the reasons of their embassy, and Ed-
nlund, the brother of the king, and John Lacy Inade known
the reasons of their war with France, which at present was
suspended. Tbe papal projects for peace, although pleas-
ing to Edward, could not be accepted by llim without tIle
43 Lib. 89. nUJll. 42, 44 Raynaldus, 1295, 41 Epi. 2. Lib. 1.
e:! Chr. Guill. Nangii apml Achery, T. 3. 1295,
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 135
consent of Adolphus, King of the Roman!':, who was in
league with him. IIe agreed, as God willed, to a ce
!';ation
of hostilities until Xovember. 46 But alas! in the mid
t of
these hope
, suddenly the French made a descent on Dover
and brought it to ruin; as soon as the news of this reached
Edward, not only did he break the truce, but his anger
and indignation was increased.-
In the nleanwhiJe Boniface accompanied from afar his
legates by letters so as to give strengtl1 and support to
their proceedings. One dated the 28th of )Iay, 129G, froln
Yelletri, be addressed to Edward, which lllay have arriveù
wldle tbe parJianwnt of 'Yestminster was in
e
ion. In
this letter he exhorted hinl to dismiss the thought of war,
as those feats of arms which he practi
ed were a work
unsuited to his years, verging as he was on old age, and
tbe body advanced in years being unable to enùure tbem.
Had he forgotten, that he was bound by now to the
supreme King, for the rescue of the Holy Land '? -nTas he
not mindful of the injury he would do to his eternal salva-
tion, by turning the forces against his fellow Christians,
which he should rather turn against the infidels? Did he
not consider the contest unLt'coming a king, and an occa-
sion of joy to the enelllies of the Cross? He be
ought hitn
through tile Lord J psus Christ, through reyerence foT' the
A postolic See, and for the good of his soul to Illake peace
with PhiIip.47 For the attainment of the SaIne peace
Boniface f'ìpnt as legates to Adolphus, King of the Romans,
the Arch ùi
hop of Reggio and the Bishop of Siena.
Adolphus trusting in Edward hoped to gain lllany advan-
tages by the war; but his rival Albert who wished to de-
priye him of the crown, kept hilll uneasy, and rendered
necessary the good-will of the Pope. 'Vherefore he had
already sent his messengers to make profes
ion of his de-
votion to the Roman Church, but they made no mention of
peace. Boniface returned him thanks for his devotion,
and signified to him hiH good-win. He exhortf'd bim not
to bave hi!': actions at variance with bis worùs; he desired
peace betwepn hint and Philip, and to accomplish it he
f;ends him as legatps the two aforesaid pl'elates. 48 In
another letter, reminding him of hi!': unstable sovereignty,
48 Rymer. Tom. II Pag. li8!). 41 Chron. Vill. Kangii ;-1fatth. Westm. 4-
Knyghton de Ev. Angli. lib III, page 2503. 48 Raynaldus 1295 Epi. 171.
136 HISTORY OF POpE BONIFACE VIII.
he began in a certain way to complain, because at his
solemn elevation to the Papacy, he did not see the usual
ambassadors of the King of the Romans: " Are these, my
son, the laudable beginnings of your greatness? Are these
" the invitations and the encouragement you give the Ro-
"man Church to aid you in Jour needs? In fact consid-
" ering yourself elected, and as it were called by God to
" strive for the peace and tranquillity of all Christendom,
" in the very beginning you prepare yourself with all your
"strength, and gird on your armor with all skin, to involve
"the world in troubles, to stir up strife among Christian
"princes, and you use your efforts not without great detri-
"ment to your honor. Is it perhaps becon1Ïng to you,
o
"great and powerful a prince, to be enticed to take up
"arms, like a common Boldier, by the attraction of some
" stipend? 49 As a lover of your honor, reputation and
"advancement I put before you these things."-
And in order that his words might be supported by a
more effectual argument, after haYing by letter exhorted
the bishops of Germany to receive his legates honorably,
and to consider as valid any censures which they might
impose upon the contumacious; and after having tried to
move the mind of Adolphus by means of a certain Diterius,
a Dominican Friar, of great authority with the king on
account of his piety,50 he then began to write to the Arch-
bishop of
Iainz, that in case Adolphus would not desist
from the war, he should refuse him aid and subsidies.
This was taking all power from the king. For when he
ascended the throne he found that the princes of the Em-
pire, during the interregnum, had usurped lllany mone-
tary rights which belonged to the sovereign, and the bene-
fits pertaining to the German crown; and therefore, the
income from his paternal states being meagre, it was only
from the prince electors, and the vassals that he could
obtain support in money.
Laudable was that work which Boniface
et out to per-
form, to restrain the warlike intentions of these two
tII And it was true. "Romanorum Rex Adulfus Regi Angliae Eduardo
pecunia contra Regem Franciae confederatus . . . . . . ." \YilIiam Nangii
Chron. 1294.
" Rex Angliae misit Regi Romanorum XXX millia Mar-
corum, ut retulit qui vidit . . . .." Chron. Colmariense, par. 2.
!IO RaynalduB year 1295-46,
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 137
princes for the good of their people and of the Church.
The war could not be carried on without money, and to ob-
tain it Edward as well as Philip levied many and heavy
taxes on both the laity and the clergy; so that the former
were impoverished, and the latter complained of the viola-
tion of their sacred immunities. Precis
ly in the very
month of l\Iay that the Papal legates hail arrived in Paris
for the sake of making peace, Philip di
graced his royal
dignity, and outraged in the most vile luanneI' the sacred
rights of his people by that cursed war. He caused to be
published throughout the kingdom the following scandal-
ous edict. "The pecuniary distress into which the affairs
"of the kingdom were placed, made it incumbent on him
"to coin a money, which would perhaps be wanting in
"weight and value; and he bound himself and his wife
"Joanna of Navarre, to make good the loss that anyone
" would suffer thereby."-This fair promise prevented the
stupefied French people from crying out immediately, but
afterwards they did protest and complain when the King
ahsolved himself from n1aking re
titution.51
But whilst the heart of Boniface was grieving over his
fruitless efforts with the English and French prince
, an-
other Northern prince, laid his hands rudely, not only on
goods but also on persons consecrated to Goò. This prince
was Eric IV, king of Denmark. But before speaking of
his violence towards the Archbishop of Lund, in order to
understand it better, it will be necessary for us to go
back a little. After the death of Pope Innocent III, the
derical immunities and the ecclesiastical patrimonies
began to be affected greatly, and the secular power with
little model'ation violated them, in the more civilized
countries through the pretext of avenged rights, in the leHH
civilized through impetuosity of power. Among the latter
were the kings of Denmark, a kingdom whieh comprisea
the great peninsula of Jutland, and othl'r islands. Al-
though the light of the Gospel was brought to it in S
6 by
St. Anscherius, a Benedictine monk frol11 the monastery of
Corby in France, yet the Danes persevered in piracy, which
they practised especially to the detriInent of France.t\2
1I10 r din, of the kings of France T. I, p. 325 . . . . . . , . "Daua la
quelle il manquera peut etre quelque chose du poid." ou du titre."
13 Art de Verif. les dates.
138 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
Piracy having ceased, their rough hahit
en(lured, and in
Danish history there are ever to be deplored cruel wars,
the IllUI"ders of kings, rebeUions of the peoples; in a word,
little sounùness of justice, llIuch uncontrol1able power
and sa ,age force. There is no doubt that even the clerics
Wel"e not an free frOll1 the vices of that people, but it is
certain that reverence for God and his nlinisters was a
shield often too weak to witllstand the attacks of the in-
ordinate power of the Dani
h princes. 'Ye find that frOln
the year 1257, the bishops were subjected to vexations by
the violence of the secular power, anù resolved to fortify
themselves against it by decrees enacted in a national
council. They cmne together, and in a s
Tnod enacted four
decrees, which are found among the epistles of Alexander
IY,53 published by Raynaldus and :Uansi,54 the preface of
which is the declaration of the reasons for this sacred
assembly, and which it may be well here to produce.
"The Danish Church being exposed to such grievous perse-
"cutions frOln tyrants, who do not even hesitate before
"the eyes of the King to inflict injuries and threats on
"the persons of the bishops, who present themselves as a
"wall of defence to the house of God; which threats are
" rightly to be feared, since the clergy are deprived of all
" protection of the secular power, who and the tyrants free
" in audacity, and unrestrained by royal fear, can proceed
" to worst excesses, hence the Church has enacted by the
"authodty of the present Council. . . . . . . .." The
decrees then foUow, which full of Apostolic liberty of
judgment, serve as a waU to protect the episcopal imnluni-
ties against the tyranny even of the king. They decreed
to interdict the divine offices throughout Denmark, if a
bishop were hnprisoned, struck, or maltreated by the
order, consent, or approval of the king. If these evils
were visited on a bishop by a foreign potentate, under the
suspicion of being abetted hy the king, or some noble of
the kingdom, the diocese of the prelate maltreated will
remain interdicted. The kingdom wiU be interdicted, if
the king, after being admonished by two bishops or clerics,
stubbornly refuses to repair the injury within the space
of six months. Solemn excommunication was hurled
r>, Lib. 3. Epist. G74,
M Coll. Max. ConcH. Tom. 23, colum. 945 for ;rear 1257.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
139
against any priest or chaplain celebrating the divine offices
in time of interdict, either in public, or in the presence of
anyone of these potentates.
I
"'l'Onl the remedies applied for their removal the evils
hpcolue known, which far from diminishing, only in-
crease, since the Danish kings could not be persuaded that
God rules over the churches by His ministers. The blows
were always directed against the Archbishop of Lund, the
principal See of Denmark. One year after the aforesaid
s;ynod, Christopher I cast into prison Jalues Erlander,
Archbishop of Lund. 'Ye COlue now to the time of Eric
)lenved, and new disputes with John Grandt, Archbishop
of Lund. The reason of the dispute was the a
sunlption of
his see 1.y Grandt before being confirnled in it hy the ap-
proval of the king. He repaired to Rome to confer with
the POpf' on the wants of his see, and on his return in 1293
he held a
ynod of his suffragans at TIoschihl to guarantee
the liherty of the bishops wickedly attacked by Eric.5
Tl1at whicl1 should have instructed the prince in wisflom
and prlHlence aggravated him, and deceived by that pesti-
lential plague wl1Ïch ever besieges thrones, we lllean the
flattel'ers,56 he became exceedingly violent. .A certain
Hannon Jonah, the majordomo of Eric's father, Eric Glip-
ping, had been cast into prison, being accused of the con-
spiracy against his lord Eric, who was killeù while asleep
by the blow of a dub in the village of Finorap, near 'Vil-
burg, in 128(t Under torture he confessed the crime, and
he paiù the penalty with his life. The deceased Ranon
was a nephew of the Archbishop of Lund. This relation-
ship servefl as a good prptext for considering the prelate
guiItJ", and for judging him accordingly. He ordered his
1.rother Christopher to hnprison the Archbishop and
,Jalnes I.angius, provost of the diocese of Lund; and to
justify the sacrilege, he spreaf1 the report that tlw Arch-
bishop had been an acconlplice in the 11llll'der of his father
II
Joh. Isac. l'ontanus Rerum Damicar. Rist. Edict. ..\mstelodami 1631
in fol. lib. VII, pag. 378.
116. . . . . . . Serenitas regia pravis, ut creditur, stimulata sussuris, et
mendacibus provocata suasibus perversorum, qui mala malis adjicere
satagunt! (Epi!'lt.
5R ad Reg. Danic. Bonifac VIII.) And I believe he
al<;o alluderl to the mother of Eric IV who was regent during the tender
years of Eric.
140 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
Eric Glipping, because he was a blood relation of the arch-
conspirator in the crime; and besides he had assumed the
See of Lund against his will. After nine years the Danish
King took notice of the complicity of the Archbishop.
His innocent relationship with the conspirator was a
crime, and the exercise of ecclesiastical freedom was a
fault. But no, the prelate was guilty only of a noble re-
sistance to the tyranny of an arrogant prince. In fact, in
order to conceal the true reason of that imprisonment,
feigning devotion to the Church, the King issued certain
royal decrees in which he declared, that he undertook the
defence of the church of Lund deprived of a pastor; that
he is the vindicator of the rights and liberties of the same.
. . . . . " We will not allow," said he "holy
Iother
" Church, or the clergy of this diocese, now deprived of its
"pastor, to be oppressed and harassed in their property,
"rights and liberty by the violent attacks of certain
" tyrants; as we are specially obliged by the office we hold
"to provide carefully for their peace and quiet." He
wished to expel tyrants, and yet making himself Pope, he
wa
a wolf in the fold." ri7
Therefore to the greatest injury and scandal of the
Church of Lund, the Archbishop and Provogt languished
in prison for some weeks, and there did not seem to be any
hope of release. Finally, the Provost escaped from prison,
in a way known only to God, and went straight to Rome,
and poured out his complaints to the Papal Court, for
hp had left Denmark involved in a terrible civil war.
Boniface listened attentively, as he should to the com-
plaints of the fugitive Provost, and that the recital of such
great violations of ecclesiastical immunities went to his
heart, is not to be doubted. Yet he restrained his just
indignation, and did not proceed with severity against
Eric, before everything had been made clear. He sent as
legate, Isarno, Archpriest of Carcassone, who was to exe-
cute that which he had expressed in a letter to the Danish
King. Boniface began by lamenting the evils which en-
compassed Denmark and says: 58 "His heart was pierced
"to hear how the kingdom is torn by discords, the
" whole nation being in revolt; the salvation of souls being
11 Pontan. D
n. Bist. Lib. VII, p. 380.
D8 Spis. 358, Raynaldus 50.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 141
" neglected, as all thought of piety had vanished; and for
"that reason the waJP was wide open for wicked deeds,
" for the performance of horrible and nefarious designs,
"for the stirring up of litigations, and for inciting
"hatreds. All this was owing to the sacrilegious oppres-
" sion and imprisonment of his brother John, Primate of
"Lund, with an affront so great to the Divine :l\lajesty,
"with contempt for the Apostolic See, and injury to ec-
" clesiastical liberty; he besought hÏIn through Christ our
"Lord, and comnutnded hin} to release the Archbishop,
"and not hindpr hÏIu from coming to Rome, as his im-
"pri:.-;onnlent was a most grievous offence to the King of
" Glory, who kept him on his throne; a disturbance in the
" Church, and a scandal to the faithful. Finally he would
" send him legatees well instructed in the affair, to make
"thenlselves understand it more clearly, and who would
"nutke wholesome and energetic provisions for peace in
"the kingdom."
The Archbishop did not await from the king the priv-
ilege of repairing speedily to HOlne, but through the pious
artifice of his bearer of food, who had concealed, in a large
loaf of hread which he carried to him, a file and a silken
ladder, he possessed at length the means of escape from
prison. The reader can readily imagine how quickly he
set out for Rome, and how strongly he complained of the
persecutions he had undergone.
The bright hopes which Boniface entertained as a result
of the interview with Frederick at Velletri vanished. The
Sicilians abhorred the French yoke, and Frederick him-
self heard the voice of ambition which called him to the
throne. The legates dispatched by Boniface could no-
where find a hearing, as everyone in Sicily was whony
engaged in certain reports about Janles of Aragon, who
faithful to the pronlises of peace, set about to fulfil thellL
to their great despair. It was
aid that he hail surren-
dered his rights over Sicily to Charles of X aples. Then
Constance, the mother of Frederick, having summoned a
parlianwnt of the chief men of the island, resolved to senl}
l(>gate
to .T an1eS to learn the truth of these reports and to
(li
lUHle hin} from ceding his rights. These who were
sent "ere Catalio Rusto, Sartorio Bisala, and Hugh
C3]3('. They l.('pre
entecl not only ('m:
tan("e, but all
1-12 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
Sicily. 59 \Vhen they arrived at Barbera in Catalonia: on
the 29th of October,60 they found things just as they had
been reported in Sicily; they were even witnesses of how
solemnly peace was proclain1ed between Charles and
James; and they saw Blanche led as a sponse to him by
the two legates of Boniface, as \Yilliam Cardinal of St.
Clempnt, whom the Pope had designated to al:company
the betrothed, had dieel on the way. Great was the grief
whkh seized the Sicilian ambassadors; and going before
James, in the n10st forcible and eloquent IlUtUner they
strove to dissuade hhn frOlll his purpose, because his re-
nuneiation of Sicily would cast thPIll headlong into the
arll1S of the detested French. But although James was
affected by their words, he renutined faithful to the prOlll-
ised peace, and with kind words he dismissed the legates.
Driven to desperation, they burst into tear
and wailings.
tparing their garments in token of their unmeasured
grief; and in presence of the entire court of ...-\.ragon they
soleuully declared that they would consider themselves
absolved from all allegiance to James, and free to create
any king they pleased. They did not wish to depart before
James had given thenl in writing his renunciation, less as
a dOCullwnt of the fact, than a Inarvel for posterity. For
they could not undcl'stand how J êunes, called by them to
rule over Sicily, now could so cruelly abandon them to
their ellcluies. And with this document they departed.
On tl1e journey they showed their anguish in otlwr ways.
They put 011 long trailing gaI'lnents of lllourning, and
they painted black the luasts and the sails of the sl1ip on
which they sailed, that it lllight be apparent to everyone
that they were the bearers of sad news. 61
The Sicilians, assured of the truth of the concluded
peace, and the surrender of James of Aragon of his rigl1ts
over Sicily into the hands of the Pontiff, the direct lord
of that island, as appears from the chronicles of the time,
expressed their surprise and complaints. But there is
reason to believe that the fact was agreeable to then1; for
being absolved from all allegiance to Rome and to Charles
'
Franc. Maurolyci. Sicu Rist. lib. IV F. apud Burill; Fazzelli De
rebus Sicul. lib. XI cap. 3 ihi. 60 Nic. Speciale Chron. Sicil. c. 52.
111 Lucii :\Iarinei Siculi de rebus Hispaniae lib. XI, apud Alldream Scot.
tUlli J Frankfort Hi30.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 143
by their volition, and from James by his renunciation,
they felt thenu.:plves free both in body and n1Ïnd to estab-
li
h a forIll of government, which born of the people
would create a standard of justice between the people
and the prince, as a regulator for the 1I1Onarchy and an
assurance of the prosperity of the subjects. The proposi-
tion was not displeasing to Frederick, since to an arùent
and an1bitious
youth the viceroyalty meant little whereas
the crown nleant very much, even if offered hy a people
rebellious to the Holy See. Therefore a parliament was
hel(1 in Palermo, where, as yet timid, because of the un-
certainty of the universal choice, the Sicilian raised the
cry of Frederick as lord and not as king of the island.
r ore sol(,111n was the assP1Ilbly of Catania which 111et in
the Church of St. Agatha, where not only the syndics, but
also the chief Illen of the kingdOlIl united in consultation,
with one voice proclaimed Frederick kil1g/)
Roger Loria,
and Yinciguerra Palizzi, fiery orators, harrangued thpm.
They would recognize in the people the right of selecting
1he king, and to justify the act, they did not disavow the
right of Rome, affirming that James could resign his own
right over Sicily into the hands of the Church, but that he
eould not despoil Frederick. In fact James did not resign
the <.'rown into the hands of the Sicilians, but into those
of Charles; and in compensation he receiv('d from the
French king the provinces of ..lnjou and Forcalquer. G3
To appear 1I1Ore r('a80nablc they should have protested
more frankly, and have said that, not wi
hing to have the
overeignty of ROllie reprpsented hy Charles 1 hey had the
right to elect a king.
\s soon as Boniface had heard of the acts of the pal'-
liament of Palern10, he began to (lespair of bringing the
Sicilians ba('k to the obedi
nce of the Church by 1uild
and peaceful measures. I10wever, though he could have
1nade war, aided by tlle French and the .\..ragonians, ypt
he suspended hostilities and resorted to peaceful wa
Ys.
The last efforts, which were abo to prove vain, for the
reason that a people lately out of scrvitude, and con-
fident of its own strength and valor, will not allow itself
to be It,d. The open wounds inllicted by tlle first Charles
were still hlcp(ling, aud the iutoxicatioll 0\"<.'1' the 1"'],c11('h
412
ich. Special. lib. 2 cap. 23-FazzcI. lib, IX c. 2. 411 See ÐOCUIJtPIIL K,
144 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
Yes pel's was still clouding their minùs. I t is true that
the Sicilians suffered under the French, and thpir anger
and abhorrence of their governlnent were just, yet it was
also true that undc>r Boniface the saUle rascality would
not be practised with impunity, He was just and power-
ful. On a former occasion complaints hardly listened to
in the papal court pl'l'ceded and engendered that terrible
ren>nge, and now robbed the Sicilians of all confidence
in Bonifare. The Pontiff knew this, aud in order to dis-
abuse their lninds of all fear of a foreign tyrant, he pro-
posed to them hy his legate Boniface Calamandrano,
Grand l\Iaster of the Knights of St. John, the most just
conditions, telling them: "That by the treaty of peace
"with James, Sicily was returned to the full control of
" the Church; that he, Pope, as father of the family and
"lord, wished to provide for their safety; that a people
without a ruler could not sn bsist; that they nlÍght select
"from the college of Cardinah; one WhOUl they n1ight
" think was most fit to rule over them; and that he would
"consent to their choice." :K 0 Frpnchman, nor any
stranger whosoever was in questiou. Boniface wished
the Sicilians to be under Italian rule. It was better to
hold the reins in his own hands than transfer them to
Charles; nor could the latter complain of Boniface, who
owing to the intoleran(>e of Sieil
y, which was shaking off
the Papal yoke, as direct lord could provide measures
against it, much Letter than the French lord, who was a
vassal. And Boniface reasoned correctly. For already
there entered dc>epl
y into his mind the bad faith of James
eontained in saying to the Sicilian legates, that he left
them free to choose the king; and also that Frederick was
a knight and knew what to do. And it was better for the
icilians to obey the Pope, all" Italian, than an Aragonian.
For if the Sidlians had been cooler headed, they could
have expelled Charles, breaking the bond which united
Rome with Anjou; and in expelling the French they
would have had a helper, anù not an enelny in Boniface.
The events wlÜch happened later between the Pope and
Philip the Fair, would have confirmed Boniface as an
ally; but they would have no one but Frederick.
In the strongest manner, but with weak reasons, Boni-
face again tried to persuade Frederick to leave Sicily.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 145
ITe returned again to the project of a marriage with
Catherine, the titular Elnpres
of Constantinople. 64 But
Frederick preferred rather to retain Sicily than undergo
the risk of an uncertain conquest; nor did Catherine wish
to be married to Frederick, a king without a kingdOlu.
Yet Boniface was using this argument, enforcing it with
promises of aid to raise Frederick on the throne of Con-
stantinople. But Frederick would not leave nor would
Constance, his mother, accede to the wishes of the Pope.
The promise
assured in the letters were made known to
the people of
lessina by Calamandrano in a public con-
ference; and then he unfolded certain parchments all
white, and provided with the papal seals, saying that their
every desire, immunity, freedolll and every other thing
good for their government could be written in these, be-
cause the Pope would hold them as granted and sacredly
valid. But their nlinds were unalterably intent on
Frederick, and were trained not to confide in the Roman
Court. Thry considrreù those prOlnises as treacherous,
and they rejected them, replying :-" That they had
already created Frederick king, and the coronation only
was wanting, which would soon take place." And Vinci-
guerra Palizzi, and Roger of Loria electrified the crowd
with the eloquence of tribunes. .At the same moment
Peter Anselone broke through the ranks with naked sword
in hanù, and flourishing it in the face of the legate, who
still held the parchments unrolled, as
ailed him with these
words: "The Sicilians do not purchase peace with paper,
hut with the sword. That he should quickly lea,'e the
country under penalty of death." The Graud
Iaster de-
parted illllnediately, not wishing, as Speciale relates to
suffer martyrdom. 6ú
However, although the embassy had failed in persuad-
ing the minds of the Sicilians, yet the effort of the Grand
)laster to deprive them of a nlost powerful support, namely
that ,-aliant naval cOlluuander, Roger of Loria, was not
unsuccessful. 'Yhile the Sicilians were laboring to free
them
elyps from the papal jurisdiction, Roger, by his
skill and power made hilll
clf nmster of two islands lying
along the African coast, and dirpetly ("ollllwispd in tlH-
lit Ep. Rnynnldus, an. 2 n. R.
85 Xic. Speciale, cap. 14, lib. 2-Fazzel1o. eap. 2.
146 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
overeignty of Tuni
. He had the intention of keeping
them for hÍInself and his descendants, and make himself
a lord. Yet he feared, that the king of Sicily might covet
them, and deprive him of them. Happily he had recour
e
ecretly to the Pope. IIe besought hÍIn to use his author-
ity to confirm him in the possession of that territory, and
prOlnised in return to raise in those islands churches and
altars to Christ. There could not have come to Boniface
a lnore favorable opportunity for detaching this valiant
captain from the friendship of Frederick. He intrusted
to Calanlandrano a letter directed to Roger, in which he
f'xpressed his
atisfactioll over the conquest, and the hope
that it might open the way to the light of the Gospel
for that infidel nation. 'Villingly with the fulness of
Apostolical authority he grants to hÍIn and his descen-
dants the possession of the two islands with full jurisdic-
tion; he nlight hold them as a fief of the Roman Church,
for which he would pay yearly to the Roman Curia the
sum of fifty ounces of gold; that from Calamandrano he
would receive the investiture of the fief, and to the same
he would swear fidelity to the Roman Church. The Ipttpl.
of Boniface attained its end, for Roger thereupon entered
the service of Charles of
aples.
On the ember days in December of the first year of his
pontificate, Baniface created six cardinals. It is true,
that the lllind does not always rise to the high dignity of
the office, especially when it feels itself bound by the
sweet ties of blood relationship. But the fault grows less,
if in the hestowal of sacrpd dignities nlerit is united with
relationship; and this is precisely what we must nlaintain
in regard to Boniface. Among the six honored with the
cardinals we find two of the Gaetani family, and one
Count of Seglli, a cOHsin of the Pope. But they as well
as the others were remarkab]e for gifts of mind and heart.
James Thomas Gaetani of Anagni, his nephew, a sister's
son, was a Friar :Millor, and Bishop of Alatri. 66 He was
ereated Cardinal of the title of St. Clement, and previ-
ou
ly exercised the office of legate on many occasions,
whic 11 in those times were entrusted only to those most
kilfnl in the management of affairs. He showed his
great love for art hy eìnhplliRhing the {'hurch of his title
e6 Wadding. Annal. )Iinor. Tom 5 page 335.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
147
with most beautiful mosaics. 67 Andrew, of the Counts of
'8egni, great.grand-nephew of Alexander IV, was pos-
sessed of such sincere and profound humility, that when
the honors of the cardinalate were offered to him he
refused them, so that Conteloro could not find his name in
the series of cardinals. 68 Finally Francis Gaetani, his
nephew, was skilled in the science of law, and of great
goodne
s of life, one who, it is said, assisted in the com-
pilation of the Sixth of the Decretals, and whom we shall
find holdly ancl courageously defending the innocence of
his dead und<<:. Honoratus Gaetani, of the ancient Counts
of Fondi, kept his memory green by a slab which he placed
in the portico of the church of St. )lary in Cosmedin,
from which Francis had taken his title. 69
The other cardinals created òy Boniface in this first
year of his pontificate were Francis Napoleon Orsini,
Peter Yaleriano Duraguerra da Piperno, and James
Gaetani Stephaneschi; they were of equal merit and
virtue with the first named. 70 To this Stephaneschi,
whom SOlue have erroneously called a relative of Boni-
face, we are indeòted for me1110irs in verse that he had
left us of his epoch and for many works with which he
charged Giotto, the father of Renaissance painting. By
his order Giotto decorated the church of St. George in
Velaòro,71 frOlll wbich he took his title as Cardinal; and
Imving written the life of St. George, he had the same
paintpl' òeautifully illuminate his book. .A. precious
jewel, which is still preserved in the archives of the
Canons of St. Peter. Vasari makes no mention of these
works of Giotto.
J ames was of the family of Stephaneschi and was born
in the Trastevere quarter of Rome. 72 He wrote three
1I10ldin. Add. ad Ciaccon. T. 2. Page 323.
118 Cardella. History of the Cardinals. Tom. 2. page 5-Wadding ibid.
lie Idem. '10 Idem. 'T1 Ferriggio. Notti Vatic. p. 163.
72 This is how he speaks of his birth and his works in certain verses
With which he prefaces his work on the life of St. Peter Celestine:
"Crbs mihi principium generis: Jacobus mihi nomen
Cajetanus erat; fluvii trans Tiberis amnem
Stephan idem de Rtirpe satus producor ab Ursa.
1\Iurronem cecini repetentem claustra Monarcham,
Insertumque polo; Bonifacius utque triumphet
Urbe sacra diadema ferens, quo Cardine fultus
148 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
poems on the life of St. Peter Celestine, his canonization,
and on the coronation of Boniface VIII. He had great
devotioll to Saint Celestine, which prompted him to write
these ver
es, which he dedicated to the Abbot and the
monastery of the Holy Spirit of the Celestine order near
Sulnlona, As we read in his letter of dedication, he did
not wish his manuscript to be corrected by a strange hand,
pron1ising, that when he had time he would himself purge
it of all faults; and he desired that it should be perpetually
preserved in that monastery. The
e verses are preceded by
a summary of the subjects treated in the poeln, and fol-
lowed by the office of the Saint which he had also com-
posed. Although he called the manuscript sent to the
Celestines of the Holy Spirit the original, yet we can not
bring ourselves to believe that it was the autograph but
a copy; for we find the characters so greatly marred by
faults, that it is impossible in many places to understand
the sense. The same injury was done to all the other
writings of Stephaneschi. Daniel Papebroch pu bUshed
these three poems in the grand collection of the Bollan-
dists, having had at hand the lnanuscript of the monas-
tery of the Holy Spirit, and another of the Yatican.
)luratori reproduced thenl in the Lives of the Pontiffs,73
l)ut he did not correct the verses of Stephaneschi, nor
nlake the sense clear. "Teare sure these two worthy lllen
could have improved these editions, if they had in their
possession a third manu:.-;cript which Labbe calls the
N audean, and which he places among the manuscripts of
Paris. 74
Stephaneschi also wrote a prose work on the jubilee of
Boniface YIII, followed by two short poems, which Julius
Rosea first published and annotated; it afterwards was
reprinted by the Doctors of Cologne in the grand col-
lection of the Fathers,ï5 Loth in the Cologne edition and
that of Lyons. 76 Alllong the Roman "Ordo," published
by )labillon,77 he places a treatise on the ceremonies of
the Roman Church divided into one hundred and eighteen
Runc panxi; Coloque patrem metroque
Centeno, fudique prosa. Deus hinc tibi Laus est."
Vide. Bollandists.
laji Tom. V, p, 436.-
'lI S. R. I. tom. 3. 7' Catalog. Biblio, M. S. S. p. 236.
11 Tome XIII. 78 Tom. XXV. '17 Musei Italici T. 2, Ordo XIV, p. 241.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. l-!H
chapters, and with a rea
onaLle foundation he attriLute
the work to James Gaetani Stephaneschi, and does not
hesitate to place his nanle as the author on the title page.
The three poenlS on the life and canonization of 8t.
Peter Celestine, and on the coronation of Boniface VIII,
are precious documents which relate the history of those
events of "hich Stephaneschi was an eye-witness. In
them there is great liberty of detail, especially in luatters
relating to Peter Celestine. For although 8tephaneschi
shows himself nlost devoted to hÍ1n, yet when he touches
on the evil which accrued to the Church from his inl"x-
pprience, he speaks very openly. Owing to the diffieulty
of the meh'e, and to the errors of those handling them,
there is much obscurity in his verses; but we are surprised
that it does not disappear in prose writings; a
a result
the treatise on the Jubilee in many places is rather an
enigma than a narrative.
James Stepbaneschi died at a very old age in A vignon
in the
Tear 1341. His body was brought to Rome where
it was interred in the Vatican Basilica in the chapel of
8ts, George and Lawrence which he had built.
Boniface intended also in the first year of his pon-
tificate to increase the divine worship. Head of the relig-
ion of Jesus Christ, and possessed of a spirit so noble as
to comprehend fully what religion is, the only fructifiel'
of hunutn genius and the nlother of every holy affection;
so, being placed so high he could not remove from his
mind those most distinguished souls who made their minds
and their eloquence a foundation as it were of the Church.
1Yorship was given in the Church to the Apostles, the
Evangelists and to the four Doctors, Amùrose, Augustine,
Jerome and Gregory the Great, but Boniface wished to in-
crease this with particular honors. For it did not seem
ever sufficient, the honor the faitl1fnl could pay to thp
Apostles, the fir
t preachers of the divine word which
renewed the face of the earth, to the Evangelists the first
writers of it, and to those Fathers tIlt' great priests of the
divine traditions. Seated on th(> c1mÍJ' of Peter he feIt
Leneath him a certain immovahility, which was not owing
to human vigor and strength, for be knpw that the Apos-
tle's anll Fathprs we're the holy foundations, and tllP sup-
ports of the divine edifice. 'Vherefore he published a
150
decree to all the faithful, directed to the Archbishop of
Rheims and his suffragans, in which he ordered to be
celebrated with the most solemn rites the feasts of the
Holy Apo
tles, the Evangelists, and the four greatest
Doctors, Amhrose, Augustine, Jerome, and Gregory the
GT"pat, two of whom were Italians. How beautiful are
]1is words: " The splendid and salutary teachings of these
"most illustrious Doctors have illustraÌf'd the Church,
" have adorned it with virtue, and have formed the man-
"ners of IlPl' childrpn. )Ioreovpr by them, as Inn1Ïnous
and
hining lights on canùelabra in the house of the Lord.
" the darkness of error having- been dissipated, and entire
"body of the Cbureh sparkles like' the morning star.
")Ioreover their rich eloquence, watered hy a spring of
heavenly grace, discloses the n1ysteries of th(' Holy Scrip-
"tures, loosens the knots, dispels oùseurities, and solves
"the doubts. And by their profound and magnificent dis-
"courses the grand f'difice of the Church is resplendent
"as with glowing gems, and by the singular charIll of
" their words she is exalted and shines with new glory." 78
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
78" Horum quippe Doctorum Praelucida et salutaria documenta praedic-
tam illustrarunt Ecclesiam, decorarunt virtutihus, et moribus infonnarunt.
Per ipsos praeterea, quasi Iuminosas ardentesque luncernas super candela-
brum, in llomo Domini positas prrorum tenebris protligatis, totius corporis
EccIesiae tal1quam sydus irradiat matutinum; eorum etiam foecunda
facundia coelestis irrigui gratia intluente, scripturarum enigmata reserat,
llecoris eorum sermonibus ampla ipsius Ecclesiae fabriea velut gemmis
solvit nodos, obscura dilucidat dubiaque declarat. Profoundis quoque ac
vernantiLus rutilat." Rayn. 129':;-55.
BOOK THIRD.
SU
E\IARY.
1296-1297.
The coronation of Frederick in Palermo.-Boniface excommunicates him.
-And creates James of Aragon Gonfalonier of Holy Church to com-
bat him.-The commotions in Sicily influence those in the Romagna.-
Boniface wishes to pacify the latter.-He aids Guy of l\Iontefeltro to
become a Friar.-At the same time Louis, son of Charles the Lame,
becomes a Friar also.-Pisa entrusts her government to Boniface,-He
becomes the mediator between Genoa and Venice.-He writes to the
legates in England, to Philip, and to Adolph.-Haughty reply of
l'hilip.
Affairs of the church of Pamiers.
Boniface makes tlle city a
Bishopric, and founds an academy there.:--The layman grieve the
ChUl'ch.-The famous constitution" Clericis Laicos."-It was neither
new nor abusive.---'Philip rages and publishes an impertinent edict.-
The paternal Bull with which Boniface opposes it.-The constitution is
received in England; firmness of the English clergy,-The FraticeIli,
and their origin.-Causes of their strifes with the Popes and especially
with Boniface.-Jacopone da Todi.--SiciIy; and the methods adopted
by James to make Frederick leave.-Treaty which James made with
Boniface.-The Roman Patricians.-The Colonnas and their family.-
How they' became enemies of Boniface.---1l'he Brigandage of Sciarra
Colonna.-Rebellion of the ColonIlas; and threats of Boniface.-They
spread the famous libel against him.-Its effect.-The Bull "Lapis
abscissus" is hurled against them.-They reply with new insolence.-
Arms are taken up.-Messages of the Roman people to Boniface, and
his reply.-Crusade against the Colonnas.-Boniface clothes the cardi-
nals in purple.-He canonizes Louis IX of France.
'YnE
tlw Sicilians had violently expelled Calamandro,
the papal enyoy, it clm;ed the way to all agreenlCut, and
hy destroJ'ing the bopes of Boniface tho8e of all Sicily
were reviypd. The whole i8land was agitated as on a feast
<lay, and in the transports of a liberty which made them
forgetful of the wounds of the French tyranny, they
raised to the throne the young Frede1'Ïck, <lading SOIl of
the beautiful Constan.:,c. They ha<l spen how a sl'eptre
was obtaiIlpd hy eonqlw8t 01' IJY inheribtul'e, Low it was
151
132 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
placed in the hand of a prince by Papal investiture, but
as yet they did not know what it was to take a crown
themselves and place it on the head of a king of their own
creation, On the 25th of
larch they had experience of
this; and accordingly the religious and civiJ cerenlonies
were carried out with incredible pOlllp. Frederick was
anointed and crowned king in the cathedral Qf Palermo.
He afterwards rode throngh the dty holding a globe and
sceptre in his hands. It seen1ed that no other prince as-
cended the throne with a greater de
dre of the people than
lIe. Favors and dT'il ordinances followed the fetps. Th('
former were nlOst beautiful, beeaw..;e they were di
tribnÜ}tl
by a new prince; the latter were wise, because they werp
sanctioned by the people who raised him to the height of
the throne.! The division of the power between the king
and an annual parliament in which all the orflers of the
kingdom were represented was agreeable to the people, who
submitted willingly to the la\\ys. Charles II and the Pope
had much to fear from this king, who safe in the posses-
sion of Sicily might cast yearning eyes on the Neapolitan
territory, and n1Ïght hope to bring it under his authority
less by force of arms, than by the allurement of a.:new
government. Frederick set out immediately for Reggio
and was threatening Calabria.
It s.eems that the brandishing of the sword in the face
of the ambassador, the bearer of peaceful proposals; the
pointing of it at his loins, and his rude expulsion, had
always been considered, and for that reason, even in the
XIII century, a crime against the rights of nations. For
which reason Boniface, seeing that all hopes of peacp had
vanished, resolved upon adopting severe measurps. In
this he was urged on h
r the actions of FrederiC'k with th
Ghibellines of Tuscany, of Lombardy, and certain of his
envoys who were secretly roaming through the kingdom
of
aples exciting the people to rebellion, and to oppose
these he dispatched Cardinal Landolph to Naples. 2 So on
Ascension day he wrote and proclaimed in the Basilica
of St. Peter a solemn admonition against Frederick.
After calling attention to the censures hurled against
Peter of Aragon, and his abettors in Sicily by Popes
1 Nic. Special. lib. 3. c. I-Anonym. Chron. Sie. e. 54.
:I Raynaldus. ad annum 1296, n. 20.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 1;)3
:\[artin, Honorius, and Nicholas, the treaties made with
James, and the insolent expulsion of his legate, he con-
demns the coronation of Frederick, and his hostile in-
trigues with the enemies of the Church; he annuls the
acts of the new government; he commands him to lay
aside the sceptre, and inlnlediately to refrain fronl exer-
cising the office of king; he fixes as a peremptory limit the
octave of the feast of the Apostles, which having expired,
Frederick and the Sicilians, if contumacious, will incur
solemn excommunication; he forbids anybody to league
with them; 3 and deprives them of every privilege and
right granted to them by the Holy See. The admonitions
were of no avail. Boniface on the feast of the Dedication
of the Vatican Basilica hurled against Sicily the threat-
ened censures. 4
(1297) Force of arms was necessary, because the Sicil-
ians felt no remorse; they even set about vigorously to
make war on the Neapolitan territory. Frederick was
leader of the army, anù Roger of Loria of the navy. Suc-
cess attended them. Squillace was taken by force, Catan-
zar
surrendered conditionally, and Cotrone and other
plae.es being captured were plundered.
Boniface, before
the oronation of Frederick, had already turned to king
James by letters of the 20th of January, sending as legate
to him, Leonard, a Franciscan Friar, to remind him of the
benefits he had received from the Roman See, of his duty
to assist her, and invited hiIn to come immediately to
Rome. And sixteen days having scarcely elapsed on the
5th of February, he addressed another letter to James,6
creating hiIn standard-bearer of Holy Church, and sov-
ereign defender of the same Church against her enemies.
The letter begins" Redelnptor )lundi," and mentions the
conditions on which the Pope confers the high office on
the king of Aragon. .\.nd whereas the chief enemies were
the Turks, who were overrunning the IToly Land
the king
was particulal'ly appointed against these. There is no
mention of thp Sicilians, because up to February the coro-
nation of Frederick had not taken place, but it is to be un-
derstood that it was against thCln that J anles was to set
about to put his fleet on a war footing well provided with
· Ra
Tn. 1294. 14. lib. 2 epist. 37. · Rayn. 15. lib. 2 epist. 100.
II Kic. Spec. lib. IX cap. 3. · Rayn. ad annum 1294, 19.
154 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
arms and men and military stores sufficient for fully
sixty galleys, the Church was to pay as much money as
was sufficient for the armament and maintenence of the
vessels: the supreme commander was to be James, who at
the beck of the Pope was to be ready to move against
the Turks, or any other enemies and reùels of the Church;
the spoils taken froln the enemy were to be divided into
two parts, one to be given to the King, and the other to
remain in the custody of the Pope for the lwnefit of the
Holy Land; the territory to be conquered, if it previously
belonged to a Catholic prince, was to be reRtorea to him,
but if to an infidel it was to rf'main in custody of the
Church until the Pope disposed of it; the titllP
of Aragon
for three
real's were to be given to the King if he re-
sponded to the call to wage war for the Holy
ee; and his
states during his absence in the service of the same, were
to remain under the protection of St, Peter. Tl1ese were
the chief conditions under which Boniface appointed
James to the office of Standard-bearer of tl1e IToly Churcl1.
fIe followed this up with a letter dated the Gth of Febru-
ary, in which he urges him strongly to COlne. But James
did not come for a year after. In the meanwhile Boniface
was doubting of his faith. Then he urged Charles to the
defence; he was willing, but powerless owing to tl1e lack
of money, as he had spent so much in purchasing peace
fI'om Jaules. But Boniface caIne to his a
8istance Illan-
fully. He filled his treasury with five thousand ounces of
gold,7 anfl as he was about to wage war against the: ene-
mies of the Church, he granted hiIn the privilege of col-
lecting subsidies frOln the sacred patrimonies without the
papal permission. 8 He cOIllll1anded the bishop of :Mar-
seilles to aid Charles by the ecclesiastical tithes to forlll a
navy.
These commotions in Sicily were incentives to the dis-
sensions prevailing in the Italian mainland. The cities
and people were divided into Guelphs and Ghibellines, and
the rise or decline of the French royalists in Italy was a
grave cause of agitation, as the house of Anjou was at that
time the heart and support of Guelphism, since the Popes,
either because of their love for France, or because of lax-
ity of spirit, allowed the control of the Guelph party to
7 Lib. 2 ep. 18 Rn,yn. 15. 8 Ra:yn. lib. 2 epist. 5ï6,
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 1;)5
pass from their hands. As we have seen before, "Tillialn
Durant was Count of Romagna, being appointed governor
of that province and of the
Iarches by Boniface. And
when in the year previous he undertook the government
of those regions, Azzo YIII,
Iarquis of Este, through am-
bitious motives enkindled lllore intensely the fire of dissen-
sion between the opposing factions. This proud lord
wanted to llulke hiIllself Inaster of Parma, which in Decem-
ber had been the theatre of intestine strifes. lie welcomerl
the return of the banished San vitale, that he might have
an occasion for invading their native country. Parma
resisted him, aided by .\Iilan, Bologna, and the lord of
Piacenza, Al hert Scotto. In this year as the Parmesans
and the Bolognese were fortifying thelllSelves, having as
allies the people of Brescia, and the exiles of Reggio and
:\Ioc1ena,9 so Azzo YIII turns for assistance to the Ghibel-
lines of the llomagna. He gathered about him the most
})owerful Ghibellines in the
e provinces. ::\laghinardo da
Snsiana with the nlen froln Faenza; Scarpetta Ordelaffi,
with thpse from ForIi and Cesena; and the fmuous Uguc-
cione of Faggiuola with all the Ghibellines banished from
Bologna, Rimini, Ra venna, and other cities. These men
assembled in council with Este at Argenta, and decided
to take Imola from Bologna. 1o As soon as Durant, Count
of Romagna, heard of that intention he called the Bolog-
nese to arms; but having encountered on the banks of the
river Santerno the hostile GhibeUines under the leader-
ship of Azzo, the latter were victorious and took posses-
sion of hllola. ll In April of the same year, \Yilliam Du-
rant, as a punishment for their going in league with the
Uhibelline Âzzo of Ferrara, deprived the cities of Ce8ena,
FOJ'li, Faenza and Imola, of all their privileges, honors
and dignities, .A weak and senseless revenge which did
not indeed calm, but rather embittered their feelings the
more.
Pope Boniface tried another way to put an end to these
tragic scalHlals. IIe would obtain peace without resort-
ing to war. lIe would have each one state his case to a
judge, whose decision would take the place of victorious
hattlps and stifled revenge. Anyone who studies those
III 'hron. Pa rmen, S. n. I. tom. fL 10 Chron. Esten. ib.
l1l\fat. ùe Griff. Annal. Ronon. T. 18 S. R. I.-Chr, Foroliv. T. 22.
156
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
times, and preceives that confidence was wanting every-
where, will admit, that Boniface, on account of his wis-
dOlll and by reason of the office of Pontiff which he exer-
cised, and because he alone was revered and respected, was
the only one capable to preside as judge over these stormy
suits. The sequpnce of this history will prove this better.
Therefore with a peaceful pacifying intention, whilst af-
fairs, as we have said, were in a badly disturbed state in
the territory between Rimini and Parma, he appointed as
ppacemaker the bishop of Pavia and wrote letters to Guy
of
lontefeltro the nlost influential man in the Ghibelline
party, urging hinl to appear with other nobles before the
Papal curia, that they might come to a friendly under-
standing in those things which caused such dissensions
between the two parties,12
Guy had previously submitted to Celestine and Boni-
faee that he might be absolved from censures, and now
tired of the adventurcs of war, weakened by old age, he
was engaged with the thought of death, and wished to
make a solelnn expiation of his sins. Guy betook himself
to Boniface: instead of treating of the affairs for which
hp was snnulloned, he confessed to him that he came for no
othpr purpo
e but that of his soul; that he heard a voice
deep in his hp3rt whieh was calling on him to bceome
eHhpr a kuight iu
omc military order or a Franciscan
Friar; and he, t11at terrible Ghibelline, humbly Lesought
Boniface to give biIn
piritual direction. This scene was a
beautiful subject for an artist"s pencil. The Pope gra-
dou
ly complied with the desire of Guy and favored it,
not onl
y as the pious resolution of a converted sinner, but
also as a Ineaus that would well contribute to bring about
peaee ill his provinces. He replied, that he would ass:ist
him whpther he wished to be a friar, or a knight. But
aftprwards on reflection, thinking that to hold that energy
tl1(>rt:' would be needed well-tempered steel, he would ad-
vise him to choose the rough habit of St. Francis rather
than the sword of a knight. Guy consenting, he wrote a
12 Lib. 2. Ep. I ". . . . . , Vt te ac aIiis nobiIibus personis hujus-
moùi in curia nostra praesentibus, nos per te ac iIlos, de praedictarum
partium conditionibus informati, tractare, ordinare, disponere, et provi-
dere possimus ea, quae ad vestrum et aliorum ipsarum partium bona,
statum, tranquillitatem et pacem yiùerimus expedire."
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HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 157
letter to the :\1inister of the Friars :Uinor of the province
of Ancona, telling him that his noble and beloved son Guy,
Count of )Iontefeltro, touched by the hand of Goù, and
repentant of all the evil done to )Iother Church, had ex-
pressed the desire of doing penance, and dying among the
friars in holy service, his wife consenting, who would also
take herself a vow of chastity. He then arranged that
after taking their vows together, they would also make
their solemn act of separation. Of movaùle property Guy
would take some to rewarcl his courtiers; of the hnlllovable
goods there would be assigned an annual stipend of one
hundred lire of Ravenna for the support of his wife, who
on account of old age was allowed to remain at home and
not enter a convent; and what remained of his wealth,
was to be entrusted to an honest per:son and kept in a safe
place, until the Pope would provide as to its use. 13 Guy
became a friar in the monastery of Ancona, and after two
years of a nlost edifying life of prayer and good works, he
renclered his soul unto God. H Such was the end of Guy, a
man, to use the words of the ehronicle of A\..sti, the most
wise of men, hrave, generous, 11lOSt skilful in war, an(1
who had not his equal in that he entered anlong the
Franciscan friars.] 5
Another person of distinction in this same year also
wished to become a Friar of St. Francis. If he was not
famous for great deeds like Guy, he was illustrious by the
splendor of his birth. This was Louis, son of Charles the
Lame, who, as we have seen, had been a hostage in Catal-
onia with two other hrothers. As he was returning with
his father from Catalonia after peace was conelucled with
James, he expressed the wish to lead the life of a Friar
)finor. Passing through )Iontpellier, he first made known
hi
desire to the frhu's there. Bnt they refuseù to gratify
him, fearing that if they received hhn and invested hinl in
t he holy habit they would incur the displeasure of his
fattier. 'Yhen he arrived in Italy he nlet his mother,
18 Ep. Bon. l\IÍnistro provo Ord. Min. )Iarcbiae apud Wading T. X, p. 349.
14 Epist. Bonif. apud Wading.
111 Chron, Asten, cap. 23, S. R. I, T. XI col. 189. "Sapientissimus vir-
oruJU fortis et largus, et callidissirnus in bellando . . . . . . . . .
poenitentia ductus, burnilis et contritus, de quo vere dici potest: non est
Í111:entu8 similis illi: ordincllt FratrUln .Uinorum. intravit."
138 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
:Mary of Hungary, with her other son, Charles
Iartel, and,
as she had not seen him for a long time, with a heart full
of joy and by the impulse of maternal love she threw h('1'
arms around hi
neck to embrace and kiss him. But the
holy youth. nlOst careful of his purity, turner} his face
away refusing to be kis
ed. Astonished at his conduct
his nlOther asked: "'''"hat could there be sinful in that
eJnbrace?" "Tith bowed head and his face suffused with
blushes, he I'f'plied: " I know very well you are my Jllother,
" but moreover yon are a woman, whom a servant of God
"is not allowed to kiss."-He was enrolled among the
clerics, and raised to the subdiaconate at Rome; after-
war(ls he was; ordained deacon and priest at :Kaples in the
Church of St. Lawrence
Iajor. lie dwelt in a suburban
nlonastery with tile Friars :Minor, applying his mind to
spiritual things and the acquisition of ecclesiastical sci-
ences, until, the see of Toulouse having becOJlle vacant by
the death of H ugh
Iascerio, Boniface knowing- Louis to
be of mature judgment and sense, appointed hÍlu the
Bishop uf that see. Tile royal youth would not accept the
office unless he was allowed to wear the habit of St.
Francis. The privilege was granted, and he was conse-
crated bishop by Boniface, being at the most twenty years
01(1. 16 St. Antoninus narrates his virtues while bishop,
which were great aud Jnany,t7 though of short duration, as
the holy young Ulan died two years afterwards.
On April 17th, the Pope sent Peter Cardinal of St.
laI'ia Xuova, with full authority to readjust affairs in the
Italian provinces, and aid the efforts of the Bishop of
Pavia, sent on the sanle errand in January.I8 These cares
of Boniface, and the departure of Guy of .Montefeltro, the
conllnander of their armies, induced the Pisans, as the
Guelph party was in the ascendancy, to place all their
confidence in the Pope: a sure sign of the certainty they
had of the honesty of his mind. And although inflicted
with censures by him for the irreverent things done to
the churches, yet they did not hesitate to entrust the gov-
ernnlent of their city to Boniface, proffering him four
thousand livres of gold wherewith to pay the magistrates
he might appoint. To an ambitious man and one covetous
111 \Vading. Anna1. :\Tinor,
d annum 1290 n. IV. V. VI.
17 Chron. 3, p. 58.), 24, cap. 4. 18 Liù. 2. Epist. 43. RaJ'n. 1.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 159
of the property of others, thelSe offers would not have been
made. Boniface absolved the Pisans from censures and
accepted the care of govC'rning their city. As his vicar in
the government of Pisa, he appointed Elias,19 Count of Val
d'Elsa. lie ordained that he should repair to the city and
begin his office of governing it in September, which office
he would hold for a year. His salary was to be four thou-
sand livres. He was allowed to maintain with him four
soldiers, as ll1any judges, and twelve horses, of which at
least six should be war horses. He urged him to use pru-
dence, that he might be successful in governing. 'The pro-
vost of Venza accompanied the Count in order to absolve
the Pisans from the interdict, and receive the five hundred
marks in reparation for their office.
Venice was born a mature republic, and for that reason
she had escaped those foolish party contests of the Guelphs
and Ghibellines, a sure sign of civilization being in its in-
fancy among people who practised them. But firmly es-
tablished by reason of a strong republican constitution, it
was Guelph in principle, and like every other Italian peo-
ple jealous of its independence, was a deadly enemy of the
Ghibellines. For which reason the eternal emulation with
Genoa, which was cruelly torn by factions, enkindled the
flames of war! which burst forth more or less violently
according as the G hibelline faction becalne more or less
predominent. N ow it happened on the 30th of December
of the same year that the Grimalùi and Fieschi the leaders
of the Guelph party were involveù in an unfortunate civil
contest with the Doria's and the Spinola's, the chieftains
of the Ghibellines. 'Vith such fury did they fight, that
forgetting they were in their own country, they laid it
waste by fire alHl sword. The sanctity of the churches was
not respected. For the Grimaldi having taken refuge and
fortified themselvelS in the tower of the Church of St. Law-
rence tlwy were besieged by their opponents, and in the
Rtorming of it the roof took fire. 20 :l\Ioreovcr frOlll Lom-
haI'lly auxiliaries arrived who increased the flame of those
Rf'anda]ons contests, until having conqucl'l'd and ex]w]]('d
the (hH'I])h party on the 7th of February, Conrad Doria,
and Conl'ad Rpinola rei
nl'ù HUln.l'me in Genoa. ...\..fter
18 Lib. 2, ep. II Haynaldus 4.
:IOGeorg. Stella Ann. Gen. cap. VIlIS. H. I. t. 11.
160 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE :VIII.
these domestic strifes a war with Guelph Venice ensued;
or rather, the damages done by Venice to the possessions
of Genoa in the East, namely the burning of her ships,
and the eapture and sacking of the city of Caffa in the
Crimea. 21 A detailed account of this is contained in the
chronicles of Andrew Dandolo,22 In the midst of these
insane strifes Pope Boniface wished to interpose himself,
and as we have seen in the previous year he made use of
every effort to unite them in peace, but in vain. In this
year he renewed his efforts for the same end. He wrote to
the Genoese 23 and Yenetians to send their legates to him
that he n1Ïght end the war between them and establish an
alliance. In the severest terms he particularly com-
manded the Genoese, who in fact acted Inore scandalously
than the Yenetians, to respect a truce until Easter. But
they would not listen to him.
'Ye return to the quarrels between the Kings of France
and England. Edward, constantly annoyed by the
1Velsb and kept on his guard by the Scotch, truly desired
peace with Philip. He tried to obtain it sOluehow. In
December, 1295,
Iargaret of Provence, widow of 8t. Louis,
the grandmother of Philip, and his own aunt, had died.
Under such circunlstances it was utterly unbecoming for
persons so closely related to be at war, and so Edward
wrote to all the biHhops of his kingdom that they might
pray for the soul of his aunt, the Queen of France,24 which
merciful solicitude he fanded would persuade Philip to
make peace with hiIn. And so much did he flatter himself
on the feasibility of the thing, that on the 1st of January
he gave the fullest power to two legates of Boniface, to the
Dukes of Brabant, to the Earl of Pembroke, to the Counts
of Savoy, of Bar, and of Holland, and to fourteen of the
Chief men if his kingdom, to negotiate at Cmnbrai a truce
with Philip.25 Philip turned a deaf ear to the peaceful
proposals, and persevered in the slow but exterminating
war in unhappy Gascony 26 with tIle worst results for
Edward. But Ed,yard was compensated well for what-
ever damage was done him by the victory he obtained
21 Cont. Dandol. S. R. I. 12, col. 406. 23 Ibidem. 23 Lib, 2, epist, 38. 39,
Raynaldus 5. 310 Chron. Nangii 1295-Rymer T. I. page 705.
26 Rymer. Tom. II, p. 702. 703.
. Chron. Guill. Nangii, 1296-H de Knyghton lib. III. p. 1509.
HISTORY OF" POPE BONIFACE VIII.
161
under the walls of Dun bar over the Scotch. Forsaken by
Philip, they lost their king Balliol, who was cast a pris-
oner into the towel' of London, and their liberty, becoming
fronl that time vassals of Edward. 27 He continued his
conquest of Scotland, yet he diù not cease through papal
legates and the other deputies to negotiate a truce with
Philip until Christmas, according to the wish of Boniface.
The subjugation of Scotland displeased Boniface, because
over that kingdom, as will be said, the Church believed she
possessed sonIC rights of dominion; he was also displeased
at the little success of his legates. 3Ioreover Guy, Count
of Flanders, whose daughter, as we narrated, had been
wickedly imprisoned by Philip while on her way to her
husband, was asking for justice and aid against oppres-
sion by French arms. 29 In the strongest terms by letters
Boniface exhorted his legates to obtain a truce, if not
peace; to restrain the angry princes frOln shedding blood,
and from exhausting the holy patrimonies. They should
make known the views of the Pontiff, and his desire to
cross the nloul1Íains to make peace aillong those at vari-
ance; that the college of Cardinals could not come, he-
cau
e many were advanced in years; that Italy being con-
vulsed, and Sicily in a furious war against Charles, de-
manded his presence; and that they should counsel the
princes to send representatives, and to be satisfied to suù-
mit to his judgment the reasons of their dissensions. 30
The admonitions to his legates he followed by a Bull dated
the 13th of August,31 which inflicted excommunication on
anyone who would violate the truce of two years.
He adùressed also urgent letters to Eùwal'd, Philip ana
Adolph, in which he reconlmended them to leave in his
hands the settlement of their disputes. " 'Y e pa
s the
night lying awake," he wrote to Adolph, King of the
Romans, "in order that between you and Edward King
"of England tlnd Philip of France, our most dear sons in
"Christ, we may be able by a peace or truce, to prepare
"and establish quiet and peace in Christendom, whereby
"the faithful chieftains and their fonowers win not turn
"against one another those swords which should be nll-
27 Nicol. Trivet Chr. p. 217-H de Knyghton lib. III. p. 1581.
38 Rymer. Tom. II, p. 709-710-716. ZI Spond. anno 129G.
10 R3J'1l31ùus
l. 11 Idem 2!J-12D6.
lü2 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE :VIII.
" sheathed against the enemies of the Cross and the Faith
"for the recovery of the Holy Land. 'Vherefore with
"lllost fervent admonitions, exhortations and prayers we
" beseech you by Christ's Precious Blood, not to wage war
"against Philip, King of France, and his kingdom; and
" incline your soul and suùmit to a peace or at least a long
" truce, during which you can effectually in our presence
"negotiate for peace with the representatives of your ad-
" versaries." 32 From a letter of Boniface to Philip 33 it
is evident that Edward and Adolph had sent represent-
atives to the Roman Court to submit to the judgment of
the Pontiff their reasons. But Philip the Fair, when the
papal wishes concerning the truce, and the threatened
censures were disclosed to him, became enraged; he re-
jected them, find haughtily replied: "The kingdom was
" his own; in temporal affairs he recognized no superior,
" to no one on earth was he subject; and he was prepared
" to ùo the will of the Pope only in spiritual things." The
benign Bossuet extols to the skies this answer of Philip.
But he was too luuch attached to the greatness of Louis
XIV, to be aùle to view in the right light this apparent in-
trusion of Boniface into the affairs of France. 34 'Yithout
entering into an examination of the indirect power which
the Pope could have in those tÏIlles in the civil affairs of a
state which heing Catholic was spiritually suùject to him,
we can linger over the fact of the many misfortunes which
befe! the people precisely because princes returned these
haughty answers to the Pontiffs.
Up to now one can easily believe that Boniface truly
loved Philip the Fair. The letters he sent him announc-
ing his elevation to the Pontificate; the strong pressure he
brought upon Eùward and Adolph, that they should not
disturb Ilim in the posession of Gascony and Burgundy;
the privilege bestowed on him, his wife and children, that
they could not he excomn1unicated by anyone without the
express permission of the IToly See,35 and his efforts to
maintain CharleH, a Frenchman on the Sicilian throne,
were certainly unmistakable signs of his love and benevo-
lence. But love should not blind the Pontiff to such a de-
3
Raynaldus 12!)(j-18. 81 Ibi. "crebris, rumoribus."
d
See Bianchi, "The Indirect power of the Church ", T. 2 Book 6 V,
page 454. Ii Regesta Vaticana, Ep. 159.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. ' 1..3
gree as to make him overlook jUl'tic
, especially when the
defence of it is demanded for chul-ches, anù cOllsecrateù
persons who had no other refuge hut the see of St. Peter.
Philip was entirely ignorant of thh.;, hecau
e in the intoxi-
cation of power his intellect was clouded. The reader will
observe that we now begin to touch upon the remote causes
of the great quarrel between Philip and the Pope, which
afterwards assumeù gigantic proportion to the great
scandal of the faithful. 'Ve begin with the affair of the
church of PaIuiers, in which the sparks of the great confla-
gration began to be lighted. Palniers was a city in
France,36 in the county of Foix, its name fOl'lnerly was
Fredelac and afterwards Pamiers, from the castle of this
name in the diocese of Toulouse. In the 8th century the
Counts of Carcassonlle built there the abbey of St. Anton-
inns, which was given as a dwelling to the Canons Hegular
of St. Augustine. Roger Bernard, Count of Foix, in 1149
or thereabouts, gave the city of Fl'edelac, with the castle of
Pamiers to the Abbey. Rut as often happened in those
barbarous time
, and because the piety of the benefactors
grew wearied, and that of the receivers of the gift grew
cold in the midst of richps, robbery followpd the pious of-
ferings, and for that reason frequent wars \vere waged
between the Counts of Foix and the Abbots of St. An-
toninus 37 to the detriment of the latter, who lost p(J
e
-
sion of Pamiers; for we find that Bernard III in 12G5
restored to it the Abbey, consoling th('rehy Alnanien
d'Armagnac, Archbil'hop of Auch, his tutor. 38
'Ve believe that the Count made this restitution by order
of St. Louis IX. Pope ClenlPut IV had requel'tp(l him to
take the city of Pamiers under his protpction for the
honor of Holy Chul'('h, and to shield it frOlll the violpnce
of the Counts of Foix, hy plating it undpl' the gual'ùian-
ship of the Ahhot of the 11l0lulstery of St. Antonillus. Rt.
Louis complied and he Pl'oilliseù that at a statef] time he
would lpavp it under the full control of the aforesaid
Abhot. Philip the Bold did the same. But thp time had
arrived when Pamiers should pass fronl the royal control
to that of the Abbot, yet Philip the Fair would not sur-
38 See Hadr. Valesii Notit. Galliae ad vocem " Apamiae."-
17 The great dictionary of Moreri & Pamiers.
as Gall. Christ, D. Sainte Marth. Tom. I, col. 993, "Eee1. Am
ciensis.
lG4 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
render it. :Kay, importuned ùy Roger Bernard III, Count
of Foix, he wrote letters to the 8enpschal of Carcasonne
telling him to extend a strong hand to the Count and aid
him in obtaining the mastery over Pamiers. This was a
hmneful ,'iolatioll of the rights of that ehul'ch. The
rount entered the city as all eUPluy, and extorted an oath
of f('al(y from the officials of the Ahbot. Ina
much as
this act was done at the instance of Philip, it was all
usurpation of the sacred patrimony, contempt was shown
for the provisions of Clement IV, and liluch scandal was
given.
Down to our own days Boniface has been generally con-
demned by all historians as a man of irascible and disdain-
ful telnperament; but in his letters we find such control of
temper, and such a mild dedaration of rigl1ts, that consid-
ering l1is natural ùisposition of being prouùly intolerant
of evel'Y injustice, it seenIS to us marvellous. In fact, the
dishonorable invasion of the sacred patrhnony of the
Abhey of St. Antoninus by Pl1ilip through the Count of
Foix, he answpred with a fatl1erly exhortation to repair
the evil deed, restoring that ,vhich was seized to the Abbot,
and remenlbering how his grandfather and faiher 're-
spected the rights of the Abbey, he should pre
('rve and
guard them. There were no threats, nor severity of lan-
guage. 39 However Philip would not obey the Pontiff, nor
would the Count, who was under the protection of the
I
ing. The Count threatened with censurf'S hecanle con-
tumacious, and the censures passed into effpf't; Philip,
hf'l'anse llf' was King, was not even threatened, and he per-
f'evf>rpd in his obstinacy. Then Boniface to Inake the
cl1nrch of Pamiers more venerable, erected it into a Bish-
opl'Ïc, tl1erehy hoping that if the personalit
y of an Abbot
wus not sufficient to restrain the rapacity of the prince,
the dignity of a Bishop nlÏght be able to do so. For this
purpose he pu blisl1ed the Bull" ROll1anUS Pontifpx " dated
at Á\nag-ni, the 23rd of July, in which separating the city
of Pamiel's fl'om tIle vast diocese of Toulou
e he made it
a new Episcopal 8ee. 40 The secret lllutive of this ordi-
nance wa
the present act of violence, but the ostensible
,I
Epist. ad Philip. RaJTnaldus 52.
40 Bullarum, Diplom. amplis. Collect. Caroli Cocquelines. Ed. Romae
li41. T. III, p. ïÛ.-\Yilliam Kangius. ad annum 1290.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 165
reasons for it were the immense size of the diocese of
Toulouse, which, owing to the difficulty and slowness of
the Bishops in visiting the entire diocese, was a grievous
detrin1ent to souls. He designated as cathedral, the
Church of St. l\lartin, where the body of Rt. Antoninus
reposed. The Abbot Bernard Saisset he made the first
bishop; he defined the limits of the new diocese, and as-
signed it a revenue. And in order that Pamiers as a city
might correspond to the new honors granted it as a Bishop-
ric, Boniface founded there an Academy.41 These provis-
ions however Philip believed to be infringements on his
power, and were occasions of more burning hatred, which
increased in violence more and more.
Strength and vigor to preserve the ecclesiastical in1n1u-
nities were necessary in these times, when conspiracy to
plunder and outrage the rights of churches was almost
universal. The care and anxiety for the goods of the
Church were not wanting in Boniface. Ever watchful
over all the churches, he saw the snares and evils which
beset them; and there was no church no n1atter how
distant, nor violator of its rights, that ever e::;capeù his
notice. He wrote to the Arch bishop of ArIes, and the
Bishop of
Ial.seilles, 42 urging them to resist a certain law
passed by the people of )larseilles, forbidùing donations
to be given to derics not belonging to their city.43 He ex-
communicated the Duke of Carinthia, the proud violator
of the rights of the church of Trent. 44 He cited to judg-
ment the magistrates of Lucania, for oppressing the
Church; anù summoned to Rome the Bishop because of
his heedlessness of laical hnpertinence. Thp Pisans and
Orvietans, guilty of the Saine fault, he loaded with cen-
suresY' He waged a terrible war against vice which is a
pest in every civil community. Being told of the grievous
usuries which had been practised by a certain man now
deceased, he wrote to the Bishop of
Ietz, cOIDlnanding
C1 Epist. 658. Raynaldus 53.-
Ð See, Reg. Vatic. M. S. an. 1 Epist. ad Arch. Remensi. "Ut procedat
contra injuriam allatam Ecclcsiae Laudunensi." Epist. 355 Ad Philippem
Regem, quod faciat justitiam eidem Ecclesiae. Epist. 356. Eidem quod
non molestet Episcopum Lingonensem. Epist. 546, etc.
I Epistola 223 Raynaldus 64,
Epist. 151 Rayn. Ibi. "Epist. 146-150. Tay. ibi.
lG6 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
hÎIn, as an example to others, to dhdnter the hody of that
wicked usurer and cast it out of the consecrated ground. 46
He knew well that the hOSOlll of the Church should be
closed against those who had shut their hearts to pity and
justice. :Moreover it appears that he labored strenously
to exterminate this pestiferous race of man, for we find
in a letter which he wrote to the Bishop of Autun that he
imposed on him the obligation of expelling from his dio-
cese all those guilty of usury.
The clerical a<llllinistrators of the sacred patrimonies
were in a dilelnma. On the one side was the rapacity of
princes, and on the other were the threats and prohibi-
tions of the Popes. At first with the pel'mission of the
Bishop they could of their own will assist laymen red nced
to dire straits; but there were censures for laymen com-
pelling thelll to do so, though not for clerics donating the
sacred patrimony; so that often not forced by fear, but
with a desire to please the princes, it happened that they
enriched the princes with the sacred gifts of the faithful
to God on the altar. Boniface however erected defensive
barriers around the goods of the Church, as Councils and
former Popes had done. The permission to make these
donations he reserved to the will of the Pope alone, and
by censures he restrained the cleric
from offering them,
in the san1e manner as already the violent laymen had
been restrained from seeking them. 47 For this reason he
wrote and published that famous constitution "Clericis
Laicos ", which replete with the
acredness of the rights
of the Church, sounded unplea
antly in the courts of
princes, and was a scandal to the proud, just as the au-
thor hÎInself of j.ustice was and ever will be to the wicked.
The constitution thus begins: "Antiquity shows us the
" enmity of laymen against the clergy, and our experience
"in the pre
ent time nlanife
tly supports that teaf'hing,
"since without considering that they lmve no power over
"the persons or property of ecclesiastics, the laity lay
"ÎIllPOSts on the prelates and clergy, hoth regular and
" secular; and we grieve to say, that some prelates and
"other ecclesiastics, having- more fear of the temporal
"majesty than of the eternal, acquiesce in that abuse.
6e Regest. M. s. Vatic. an I Ep. 50S.
t7 Regest. M. S. Vatic. Anni II Epist. 59.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 167
" That we may obviate this, we ordain that all the prelates
"and ecclesiastics, regular and secular, who pay to lay-
" men tithes or any other portion of their revenues, under
"the name of aid, subvention, or any other, without the
"authority of the Holy See, and the kings, princes and
"magistrates and all others who sllall illlpose sl1<'11
"burdens, or who shall give aid or consent thereto, shall
"incur excommunication, absolution from which is re-
"served to the Holy Spe, notwithstanding any privilege."-
In this Decretal, whidl BOSRlwt blindly calls an inRti-
gator of hatred,48 many see the hidden spark of that fire
of wrath that broke out between Philip and Boniface; and
for that reason on tIle head of the latter rests the entire
blame for the scandals which followed. But here it is
necessary to explain clearly this affair, because not agree-
ing with the opinion of Bossuet and Fleury and all that
set of hnvyers (a race of men who by their subtlety
adapted themselves to every kind of government, and for
that reason willing tools of tbp profligacy of the people,
and the best counsellors of oppression), if facts related
were not cleanRed from the foulne
s with which they were
defiled by courtiers, we would be unfaithful to our office
of historian.
Now first of all it is to be observed that Boniface did
not fabricate by hhnself a new constitution, but rather
reproduced and confirmed those solemn decrees, which
Councils and former popes had published, in order to bind
the hands of the laity attacking the property of the
churches. The XIXth Canon of the third Council of
Lateran slnites with censures laymen who impose taxes
on the goods of the churches ;and tllC XLIYth Canon of
the fourth Council of Lateran, ùesides confirming these
censures, further adds that subsidies even in case of npcps-
sity cannot be drawn from the chnrcllPR without the per-
mission of tIle Pope. 49 Pope Alexander IV renew{}d these
censureR particularly tllroughout France. 5o It cannot he
said that the decretal of Alexander and the prohibition of
Boniface werc something' new in France. For the learned
48 Defen. Declaration. Cler. Gallic. T. I, p. 2, book 7 c. 23 page 286, col 2,
in fin. 48 Sext. Decr. de Eccl. immuni. Cap. III on minus, and under the
Bame title cap. Adversus. 10 lb. Lib 3, tit. 23, cap. 1.
168 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
Tomassinus 51 with the clearest proof declares that never
had the kings of France in the excess of their power
wrested anything from the clergy, without the permission
of the Pope and in the case of supreme necessity. There-
fore the present Constitution was not new, nor was it
issued particularly against Philip; it was not untimely in
those ages when the princes, and especially the French
king, the shameful debaser of the coins, were unrestrain-
edly usurping ecclesiastical property; it was not importu-
nate inasmuch as these canons had been generally received
in the Christian kingdoms, and especially in France. And
let the reader remember that the rights of the Church in
those times were strong and vigorous, and not like to-day
adjusted to the times by a Concordat which a discreet
fear prefers to something wor
e; anù for this rea
on to
judge the facts of that age the reader mu
t abstract from
present conditions, and so will not wonder that Boniface
in this Constitution nlade the thunder of censures resound
in the ears of kings and Emperors.
Although in the said decretal there was nothing singu-
lar, or any departure from the usual forms with which
the Popes always clothed their decrees, and there was not
one syllable that pointed expressly to France, yet it raised
the greatest storm in the court of Philip. A hornet's nest
of courtier doctors gathered round the haughty prince,
complaining hypocritically of Papal tyranny which they
declared lay hidden in this decretal of Boniface, And
they pretended they were busily striving to retain on his
head the royal crown, of which, as they wickedly affirmed,
the ambitious Pope wished to deprive him. Everyone
knows how quickly the n1ind of a beguiled prince is pre-
vailed upon when he is urged by flatterers to that to which
he is inclined. Philip, haughty of spirit and touched to
the quick, wben he saw the abundant source of wealth
from the patrimony of the churches was closed to him,
flew into a passion, and published an edict forhidding both
the laity and the clerics, his subjects, to send Illoney out of
the kingdom, even to the Holy See for pious reasons, He
could pass laws relating to the goods of laymen, and also
to thosp of the clerics, over whom, as vassals, he as princ
iiI Tomassinus. De vet. et novo Eccl. discipI. in Benef. par. 3. lib. 1,
cap. 43 n. 9. in fin.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 169
could exercise his power; but tithes, the offerings, and
private goods which the faithful had left to the churches
for the good of their souls, he could not touch, nor even
desire. In those times there did not exist those rights
called " Regalia" ; and the prince according to the canons,
which wpre accepted by all, enjoyed no other privilege but
that of guarding the vacant benefices, preserving their
revenue for the succesRor, and (when the title was of royal
patronage) choosing the person to fill the vacancy. Now
the law forbidding the donation of money from the reve-
nue of the churches, was an open violation of the canons
which forbade laymen intruding themselves in the adnIin-
istration and the expenditure of the sacred revenues; and
was a tyrannical destruction of ecclesiastical liberty. Nay
more, this edict savored of downright robbery. Engaged
in church service there were many French beneficiaries
residing outside of the kingdom, and the annual stipend
was held back from these, as they could not receive it on
account of the royal edict. The first among these bene-
ficiaries was the Pope himself, to whom from France came
the offerings which the pious faithful gave for the recovery
of the Holy Land, and also the revenues from the bene-
fices which belonged to the Holy See. Therefore this edict
was unjust and outrageous to the Pontiff.
Let us observe the conduct of Boniface, who was reputed
to be a most proud man, and prone to anger. He certainly
could not wish evil to the fanlily of France, without en-
dangering his own interests thereby; and the constancy
with which he upheld the fortunes of Charles of Anjou in
the kingdonl of Xaples, and the many things he did for the
benefit of Philip, are certain arguments which go to prove,
that like his predecessors, in the struggles of the Italian
factions, he made use of the royal house of France as a
prop for his throne. In fact so far removed fronl his
thought was king Philip when he wrote the Constitution
about ecclesiastical immunities, that at that very time he
was revolving schemes to advance the interests of that
king. On the sanIe day the 18th of August, on which he
published the Constitution, he wrote to Philip ÍInploring
him to send to Rome Charles of Valois, his brother, that
they lnight consult together on important and secret
170 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
matters. It was rumored, as Spondano 52 aSRerts, that the
interview concerned the elevation of Charles as Honlan
Emperor, that he Il1ight lead the expedition for the relief of
the Holy Land. Finally Boniface published the celebrated
Bull "Ineffahilis" 53 as a reply to the insolent edict.
This Bull was couched in ternlS of the noblest inrlulgence
and most touching kindness. "The thlle i
ill-suited,"
wrote the Pope, " to the provocation of a dispute with the
"Vicar of Jesus Christ, since from the mOlnent of our
"accession we have not ceased to watch with heart-felt
" earnestness over your interests, and endeavored to effect
"an honorable reconciliation between France and Eng-
"land. \Ye have not decreed that ecclesiastics should not
" contribute to the defense and wants of the kingdom, but
" that our leave is necessary in such subsidies, in order to
"put a stop to the unhearable exactions of your agents
"oyer the clergy. In cases of need we would rather sell
"the sacred vessels and crosses of the churches than ex-
" pose to the least a kingdom such as Francf', always so
dear and so devotf'd to the Holy Sef'." These nohle words
were powerless with Philip; his pride would yield to no
concession.
'Ve do not find that the French clergy r-xulted over the
pn blication of this constitution which defended their lib-
f'rty against the preponùerance of Philip, nor that they
were distressed because of his hnpertinence to the Pontiff.
In England, on the contrary, we find that both the one and
the other sentiment were manifested by the clergy under.
the leadership of the brave Robert of Winchelsea, who had
succeeded not only to the chair of the martyred S1. Thomas
à Becket, hut also to that manly valor which prevails only
in the sanctuary of Faith. He had received the constitu-
tion of which we speak; and he addressed a letter to Rich-
ard, Bishop of London, dated the 5th of January of this
saIne year 1296, in which he transcrihed th(> entire consti-
tution " Clericis ", and the worùs of the two l(>gates, Cardi-
nals of Palestrina and ...\.lhano, cOlnmanding the saIne to he
prOlnulgated iUllnediately.54 :Moreover in anotlwr letter
Ad. an. 129G. n. 2.
. See Bull at end of t11e work.
M Concil. l\Iagnae Britanniae et. Hiberniae, Vol. II, pag. 224 . . . .
patenter ac diligenter in omnibus exequamini, sue exequi faciatis, et ea
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
171
dated the 17th of February of this same year he began by
stating that the ancient cu
tonl of the Church was to pro-
nounce excommunication against the violators of her
liberty, and he cOllfirnlCd the same according to the recent
constitution of Boniface. Le
s ohstinate in wrong doing
than Philip, Edward of England surpassed hinl in his
brutality to the clergy. I-Iaving brought to a successful
termination the war against John BaHol of Scotland, and
being on the point of declaring war against Philip, he op-
pressed the churches with heavy exactions. He did not
obey the constitution "Clericis Laicos", and began to
object and fume more furiously than Philip. lIe de-
manded nlOney from the clergy and was positively refused.
The threats of Boniface deterred thenl. Then when the
allotted time, which had heen given to the clergy wherein
they were to decide, had passed, and they still refused to
comply with the request of Edward, in the most ruthless
luanneI' he sealed up the doors of the clerical granary. In
return RoLf'rt, Archbishop of Canterbury, ordered that, as
long as he had affixed the royal seals to their granaries,
they should publish the constitution of Boniface in all
the cathedral churches. And inasmuch as it was neces-
sary to strengthen the minds in their just resolutions, and
to display a strong and united resistance, he summoned a
council of all his suffragans to Iueet in St. Paul's Church,
London. The convocation nlet on "Laetare" Sunday.
Edward becalne alarnled, and before they began their de-
liberation he wrote to the m
senlhled pl'l'lates fOl'hiflding
thenl under the seyerest threats to proceed to any measure
prejudiciál to the rights of the crown, or to pronounce any
censure against persons employed in the kin
's service, or
su('h as had already suhlnitted to his will. 55 For eight
days, discussion was held on the royal petition, when of
one accord the recent ordinances of Boniface were upheld.
There was no entertainment of the contrary opinion of
singula, quatenu8 ad vos pertinent, obscrvetis ac faciatis inviolabilda
observarL"
r.I Ibidem.-" N ous defendons a YOUR touz et a chaseun devous . . . .
ne nul de YOU!'! nulz ehoses ne ordeins, nc facies, ne assente a nul ordenance
a la dit assemble, qui puissont turner a prl'judice ou a gricVaIlC'e de nous
ou de lIul nos ministrers, on de ceus, que sont a nostre peax, et a nostre
fo
., et a llostre pretectiol1, On de 1108 adherents, on a nul d'eux."
172 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
the clerical courtiers and curials, who unmindful of their
high dignity and their sacred office, had been the coun-
sellors and abettors of the king in his impious cupidity;
when they departed their consciences were laden with
these dry words of the Arch bishop: " Let each one attend
to the salvation of his soul." The decision of the Council
was brought to the King by certain bishops anù other mes-
sengers, and the knowleùge of it made him furious.
Hardly had he seen the bishops coming than he licensed
his courtiers to unhorse them, and seize upon their horses.
He forbade all lawyers to plead for the clergy before any
tribunal whatsoever. He broke out into open war against
them; and with a semblance of a real thief he commanded
the ordained clergy either to cede to him a fifth part of
their revenues, or pay the penalty for their contempt of
the royal authority. And he spoke the truth, for with the
exception of certain weak prelates who accorded to the
demands of the king, the others remained resolute and all
their real and personal property was confiscated. In
order that the royal pleasure might go into inlmediate
effect, the sacred property was put up at auction; thus
the sacrilegeous buyers might de lay in taking posseRsion
of it. So much with regard to their property. :N either
were the persons of the clergy secure. The King having
allowed the soldiers to injure the clergy, the latter never
dared to ride singly, but together in a great number. 56
But Robert, Archbishop of Canterbury, was an almost in-
credible example of Christian constancy. On him more
than others the king vented his fury, anù he more than
others by an invincible fortitude wlthstooà the anger of
the powerful monarch. He was deprived of all his posses-
sions, abandoned by his servants, drh-en from his home,
and every friendly door closed against him by royal com-
mand; the illustrious prelate led a n1Íserable life, begging
a morsel of bread and a place to rest. lIe endured all this
invincibly for the liberty of the Church. 'Voult! that
there had been nlany similar prelates to support the arm
of Boniface in his laborious administration of the Chris-
tian Church for their own good and that of the faithfuI.57
And hehold, a scandalous persecution in the English
M Henry Knighton. Can. Levcest. de Event. Angliae Lib. 3 cap. V. col.
24{)2. IT Westmonast. Plor. Hist. anno 12!)G,
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 173
Church, the like of which woulù not have happened in
pagan times. Now the reader can learn what sort of peo-
ple Boniface had to deal with, and let him reflect if to the
fettf'rs of excommunication some other punishment could
reasonably have been added. Afterwards as we shall re-
late, Edward repented of his evil deeds, but Philip never
gave this consolation to the Church.
Even in Germany we find that the constitution which
was offensive to Philip was reverently received and pro-
mulgated. In the collection of the councils of Gernlany
compiled by John Frederick Schannat we read, that at the
synod of Cambrai the Constitution of Boniface was or-
dered to be read in the vernacular four times a year to the
people. 68
These acts of open violence afflicted Boniface, and
whilst his heart was grieved thereby, his care and anxiety
for the internal order of the Church, and for the extinc-
tion of error, were not diminished. The actions of certain
bad men did not escape his vigilance, who under the false
garb of evangelical perfection were spreading themselves
like a pestilence to poil5on weak and uncultured minds.
In this century the Franciscan Order was a great help to
the Roman See, and there is no dou ht that in the stormy
Pontificates of Gregory VII aud Innocent III, it was a
singular bulwark. It was yet in a flourishing condition,
hut just as in a healthy body sickly humors are engen-
dered, so in this Order still young, wicked men were be-
gotten and emanated from it. Corruption of heart and
pride of spirit are the first causes of hUlnan folly and wick-
edness. The depravity of certain friars of St. Francis
was the result of these. The Orùer had hardly existed fOI"
a century as yet, and already SOllie of its luem bel's were
descending from the height of perff'ct evangelical poverty.
This fact aroused the zeal of certain friars, who holding
tenaciously to thp observance of the rule of their founder,
hegan to separate themselves from the others as pure ob-
servers of it. The ehief one among these was said to be
Friar Peter John Oliva, concerning whom there is a differ-
158 Item constitutionem ss. Patris Domini Bonifacii VIII. Eodem Modo
praecipimus ab omnibus presbyteris, vel eorum vices gerentibus, saltern
quater in anno in facie Ecc1esiarum suarum in lingua materna nunciari et
exponi. Tom. IV, p. 84,
174
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
ence of opinion. Some considered him a heretic, while
others revered him as a Saint. He was born at Serignan
in the diocese of Beziers, and entered the Franciscan Order
at the age of twelve years. Thus having been early edu-
cated in the severe discipline of that order, he conceived
the highest esteem for the rigid poverty of St. Francis; and
since his fellow friars began to relax in the observance of
this evangelical virtue, he took it upon himself to retain
them in the ancient observance. Sharp-witted, and so
well versed in the sacred science as to merit the degree of
bachelor in the Paris University, he strongly censured
by word and writing the departure from thp rule of St.
Francis in that matter which he considered the only ladder
by which Heaven could be reached. As usual, some,
though few, ardently followed him; whereas the other
friars opposed him. Whether his impetuosity for refornl
led him into errors, or his opponents maliciously accused
hiIll of the saIne, we know not. 'Vading 59 cleanses him
from all stain, and venerates him as st. Oliva; but Pope
John XXII condemned his commentaries on the Book of
the Apocalypse as baneful and teeming with heresies. 60 It
is true that John, Canon of st. Victor, and Bernard Guido
in the life of Pope tJ ohn XXII agree in asserting that
Oliva was the head of the Beguini. 61 St. Antoninus,62 and
Nicholas Eymerich 63 state the same. About the year 1278
he wrote the offensive commentary on the Apocalypse; 6-1
ana therefore Oliva preceded other zealous Italian friars
who caused a schism in the Seraphic Order through love
of poverty, namely Conrad of Offida, Peter of .Monticulo,
Thomas of Trevi
o, Conrad of Spoleto, and J acopone of
M Annal. Min. T. 2. ad annos 1282-1292-1297.
60John St. Victor, Vita Joan XXII apud Baluz. Vitae Papar. Avenion.
col. 117.-Bernar. Guid. ap. Baluz ib. Co!. 140. 167.
61" Habuit autem ortum haec haeres is ex doctrina cujusdam fratris
minoris, qui Petrus Joannis Biterrensis dicebatur, qui quandam postillam
composuit super Apocal
'sim . . . . . . J oannes St. Victor ib.-
Condemnavit quamdam pcstiferam postillam fratris Petri Joannis de
Serinhano dioecesis Biterrcnsis de ordine fratrum minorum . . , . . .
a qua sumebat fomentum secta illa pestifcra illorum, qui Beguini vulgari-
ter, qui se fratres pauperes de tertio online S. Francisci communiter
nominabant. . . . ." Bernard Guido ib.
6
I). E. tit. 24, c. 9. q n. 61 Direct. Il1quis. par. 2. quaest. 15.
66 Oudin, Comment. de script. Eccl. Tom. III, sec. XIII. Co!. 586.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 17:;
Todi. It can be inferred that like Oliva in France, these
latter in Italy, gave without meaning it, a beginning to
the Fraticelli (the little friars). These friars laid aside
the yoke of obedience ÏInposed on them by their superiors;
they separated from their brethren and went about preach-
ing to the people a doctrine inspired by an evil mind and
a heart without charity. It was rather the tares than the
grain that they sowed. 65 The waÍl:hful eyes of the Pon-
tiff
, fearing the worst, were on these wilful beings. St.
Celestine was Pope at this time, and they both knew his
weakness and understood how to profit by it. They sent
two of their fellow friars Liberatus and Peter of )[acerata
to Celestine, beseeching hinl to allow them to lh'e accord-
ing to the rule of St. Francis in all its vigor, free from con-
tradiction and free to choose any dwelling they saw fit.
Celestine granted their request, and wished them to call
themselves no longer Friars l\Iinor, but Poor Hermits, or
Celestine recluses. The bad fruits of these zealots were
not slow in manifesting themselves. They transformed
themselves into a sect at the head of whieh in Italy, were
Peter of :\Iacerata, and Peter of FossOlubrone,66 bf'ing
called Fraticelli, Spiritual Friars, and alRo Beguardi, and
Bf'guini. Their number was increased by the outcasts of
monasteries, by malcontent and apostate friars, who were
candalized by the license given by Pontiffs to certain
Franciscians, afterwards callerl Conventuals, to possess
property. These sectaries begun by denying the right of
the Pope to interpret the rule of St. Francis declaring the
Pontifical power had ceased, and that the priesthood and
the true Church were to be found only among themselves. 67
Poverty of life, a certain apparent austprity of morals HO
deceived many as to influence thenl to follow these fan-
atics; and even the women flocked to thpm. The subse-
quent actions of this almormal asselnbly of friars and
womPll are well told in the Constitution of Boniface, who
no Rooner learned of their deeùs, than he visited on them
all the force of the Papal authority. The Constitution de-
clarp
that these headstrong men and women without any
sa('rt><1 mission, venture to forgive anù retain sin; to hold
ell Wading annal. ord. Min. anno 1:117.
ee Giordano MS. Vaticano n. 1!}(jO; Raronio F;ylva MS. p. 400. apud
Raynaldum. e7 s. Antoninw
3. par. tit. 24 cap, !} q II.
176 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
daily and nightly conventicles to be instructed in those
errors which afterwards they are to disseminate; to im-
pose hands with the belief of communicating the Holy
Spirit; that they are to show reverence to God alone; that
they maintain the most efficacious prayers are those made
whilst the body is in a state of nudity; that they condemn
manual labor as a means of support; that it is lawful for
women to indulge in betrothals with other women; and
that men shamelessly naked may expose themselves to the
gaze of women. Boniface declared them heretics, ordered
the prelates to seek these wretches; and he wished also to
revive in all their vigor against then1 those civil laws which
the Emperor Frederick had proclaimed against heretics. 58
"",Y e would not prolong the description of this impure
sect, were it not that from their history much light is
thrown on the Illotives of the dark portraits left us by the
writers of this age of Pope Boniface, and why his name
has heen handed down to us loaded with petulant infamy.
The heresies which harassed the Church in the thirteenth
century, and which we may collate under that of the Albi-
genses, were founded on a certain mystical theology de-
rived from the )Ianicheans, which the French first learned
through their association with these heretics in their vari-
ous crusades in the Holy Land. These baneful theories
taken from the East, became visible in the ""est under
those forms to which the ten1per of the public mind more
inclined owing to the condition of the Roman Pontificate.
In these times the Papacy, by its snpren1acy over the civil
power and by its great wealth, was at the sumlnit of its
grandeur. 'Yherefore hatred for the political authority
of the Church, love of 1110st austere povertJ Y , and obedience
to God alone were preceded by the Petrobusian and Henri-
cian 69 heretics, and into then1 was fused the sect of the
Albigenses, a terrible and a much combated heresy. It is
evident that these bodies of men wished to reform the
Church, and under the name of reformers they disturbed
both state and Church. In this respect they resembled
the later reformers of Germany; but the times being dark,
civilization youthful, and nlÏnds unrefined, they differed
from them in that they indulged in filthy and brutal prac-
118 Bull" Kuper ad audientiam". Bernin, sec. XIII. cap. XVI. p. 410.
IIg Bernini. Histor:r of heres
Y, sec. XII cap. 10 Tom. 3 p. 224.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 177
tices. 70 So strongly were the minds of the Waldenses
possessed of contempt for worldly things and love for
poverty, that they even called thenlsplves the Poor
Ien of
Lyons and the
Iortified. Princes and Popes with all
their power and strength fought the Albigenses; and every-
one knows what trouble they gave during the pontificate of
Innocent III. But the fury of the just persecution, and
the death of their protector, John Count of Toulouse, were
the cause of their rapid spread in many parts of Europe,
especially in Italy, namely Piedmont, Sicily, Apulia and
e,Ten in Rome and its environs. 71 Gregory IX pursued
them with great ardor, and even imprisoned some of them
in )Ionte Casino. 72 As these heretics led by an evil spirit
were proclaiming reforln and were striving to effect the
same in themselves by their cynieal poverty and contempt
for all earthly goods, so St. Francis led by the spirit God,
as an antidote for the decline of the nlonastic orders, prac-
tised poverty which their riches forbade. The Friars
Iinor and the heretics at this ppoch had one common ob-
ject; the fornler tended to it by sanctity, the latter by re-
hellion. For which reason, if there was dissension in a
body of the friars, thof'::e who caused the disorder and be-
came wicked could necessarily border on heresy without
leaving the community. And just as heretics are ever in
bad repute, and as no monk though sharing their senti-
ments would wish to be contaminated by association with
thenl, so it could happen that rebellious friars, persevering
in their obstinacy could institute a new distinctive sect,
different in name from those mentioned above but the same
in nature. This is the reason why there is such disagree-
ment among writers concerning the true founder of the
spct of the Fraticelli, since it was not instituted by a man,
but was founded on a fact. This fact was the dissensions
created in the Franciscan Order by those over-zealous
friars, who, scandalized because the primitive severity of
rule was relaxed, rebelled against their It.'gitimate super-
ior
, and prouù of being the true sons of St. I."'rancis, they
left their monasteries, apostatizing or instituting new 80-
rietif's. These f'xilf's untractahle to their superiors and to
thf' Popes spcured the protection of Pope Celestine V, as
10 B('noi
t. lli<;tory of the Albigensian heresy. Book J. 'T1 Benoist. History
of the Waldensians. T.I Richard a St. Germain. Chron, year 1251.
178
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
we have seen, and already in 1296 there was in Palestrina
a monastery of these Celestine Hermits, or Franciscans of
strict observance, among whom was Friar J acopone of
Todi. 73 1\
hen Pope Boniface withdrew all the privileges
of his predecessor and these hernlits were suppressed, they
began to bear resentment against Boniface, as we shall
see when we shall speak of J acopone. The other zealots
among the friars devoted themselves to preaching danger-
ous and faulty doctrine, and to the formation of a sect,
which was called the Fraticelli, (the Little Brothers), as
it were the more bumble friars; and the Brothers of the
free Spirit, signifying that they were free to practise per-
fect poverty without any opposition; in Italy, France,
Germany and Flanders they are known also by other
names, which always indicated some virtue of St. Francis
travestied and disfigured by them. In fact that shameful
act of appearing naked, and declaring that the best prayers
are those said while in that state, were a corrupt reminis-
cence, a parody of the action attributed to St. Francis,
who through humility went out naked into the street to
preach with Friar Juniper. 74 So although the Irish Fran-
ciscan Anthony Hickey, highly praised by 'Vading,7Õ ex-
erted himself strenuously to prove in a book entitled 76
(( l\-itela Franciscanae Religionis,JJ that no FranciRcan was
the founder of the Fraticelli sect, yet we luust adluit that
the revolt of these zealous, but unruly and disobedient
friars, gave rise to this heresy.
N ow the
chism having arisen in the Franciscan Order,
it begot two kinds of enemies for Boniface, the devotees,
or Celestine Hermits, and the Fraticelli. The enmity of
the first to Boniface was personal, because he compelled
them to discontinue their singular and dangerous manner
of living; and the enmity of the others was directed
against the Papacy, because it pursued them vigorously,
and declared them extinct. 77 The former, reputed as per-
73 Marini. Memor. of Palestrina year 1294. 7t Fioretti di S. Franc.
(Flosculi) 75 The writers of the Franciscan Order page 13, Roman
edition, 1630. 78 Lyons 1627. sumpt. Claude Landry. .
77 St. Antoninus Chron. Par. 3 tit. 21 c. 5, & I " Constituentes sibi Papam,
vel potius Antichristum, Episcopos et sacerdotes, etc." AHd Sander,
Hersey 180 declares them to say: "NuIIum fuisse POlltificem vere Vicar-
ium Christi, nisi eos qui paupertatem Christi imitati sunt, For that
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 179
feet friars by the people in general, had supreme sway over
them; and the latter had the saIne power over the large
number of their followers and abettors. VHe slanderers
of Boniface, they found a reason for their slanders that
doubt which was cast over the legitimacy of his
]
vation
to the Papacy, on account of the peculiar abdication of
Pope Celestine; and the
Y' succeeded lnal'vellousl
v in con-
verting into a certainty that which was pending in the
changeable nlinds of the people. And if Boniface had
such formidahle enemies, they were these insolent friars
and those impure Fraticelli, who aroused puhlic opinion
against Boniface in the very beginning of his Pontificate,
heing urged on by the Ghibellines, in thp same nlanner
tho:-;p seditions Colonnas incited against Boniface the
higher classes of cities and courts, of wlimn we
hall sppak
latpr. Therefore it is no wondpr that the IlalllP of this
Pope had been handed down to us loaded with such in-
famy, since he has not had time to triumph over the false
opinions, and he present
d in his true character.
From these details it appears to us that these ÏInpru-
dent]
r zealous friars, who called thenlselves Celpstine
HprmÏts should be carefully distinguished from the
heretieal FratÏcelli. 1Ye say this because we do not wish
to bring disgrace on the blessed menlory of Friar J aco-
pone, who was one of the forlner, anù of whom it may be
well for us to say something, inasmuch as he was one of
the greatest and most powerful enemies of Boniface.
Jacopo, or James, afterwards called Jacopone in tlcrhdoll,
was horn in the city of Todi, of the nohle falnHy Bcnedet-
tonÏ. 'Yell edncat
d in the science of law, he adopted the
profession of a lawyer, and being very skilful in legal pro-
ceedings, he became very fmnous, and was much sought
after. In fact he enjoyed to the full the favors of fortune
and the pleasures of this miserable world. He espoused a
young lady, who by nobility of race and pprfection of
Ininù and body, was in herself of priceless worth; but to
hiln also she was truly a treasure for thp betterment of his
ouL But although she was wont to appear outwardly
reason they declared themselves the only true poor of Christ, and five
Fraticelli priests and thirteen Beguins created Pope a certain Friar from
J>rovince Dodecis.-Bernini, History of the Heresies of the XIII century,
chapter XVI Tom. 3, page 409.
180 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII,
a woman of the world so as not to displease Jacopone who
was all engrossed in worldly things, yet she bore in her
bosonl a heart entirely devoted to God. N ow it happened
one day that being invited by SOllle ladies to go to an
entertainment, to please her husband she consented; but
secretly she resolved to avoid certain pitfalls, which are
always to be feared by virtuous matrons under such cir-
cumstances, And lo! when the entertainment was at its
height, the floor suddenly gave way and there was not one
among that group of matrons who was not seriously
injured and unconscious. At the sad news Jacopone hur-
ried to the spot and found his wife. She was not dead; she
still breathed. Hoping to revive her he began to loosen her
clothing; she resisted with her hands, though she could
not speak; she did not wish to be pxposed to public view.
Then raising her in his arnlS he bore her to a room near
by, and removing the rich garments he found she wore
underneath a rough hairshirt. This sight, together with
the death of his beloved wife filled the afflicted mind of
J acopone with such a vivid realization of the transitory
nature of all parthly things, that he almost lost his senses.
Then comforted by the example of his holy wife, he gave
himself wholly to God; and as fornlerIy he had eagerly
sought for bodily pleasures and for human applause, he
now determined to chastise his body and to accept all
contempt in order to stifle within him the lust for vain-
glory. So intent was his mind on this resolution, that
dispossessing himself of his goods, he gave them to the
poor and went on the streets feigning himself a fool for
the love of Christ; for which he was mocked and derided
by children, and from that time he was no longer called
J acopo (James) but J acopone (silly James) . At one time
he appeared to the populace assembled for a public exhibi-
tion, nude to the waist, walking on all fours, with a bit in
his mouth and a saddle on his back like a horse. On an-
other occasion after besnlearing his naked body with honey
and then rolling in feathers so as to cover his entire body
with them, he suddenly rushed in like a wild beast among
a company of nohles celebrating the nuptials of his niece;
they admiring his hlunility could not but believe he was a
saint, and not a madman,78 He entered the Order of St..
78 Wading Annals of Friars Minor Vol. 3, pages 408, 409.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 181
Francis, and to convince the friars that he was not really
foolish, he wrote and delivered a treatise on contempt of
the world, which proved that he was in his right mind.
He suffered much from the friars and bore it all for the
love of God. He had a fiery soul capahle of great affec-
tion. His mind was acute, and his ÏIllagination lively.
In a word he was a man who, if he had lived in the time
of the Council of Clermont, could by himseH have aroused
a Crusade. Hence his poenu
are fervent though crude;
his verses are harsh and irreverent, and his ascetical
works are mystical and at times obscure. Hitherto Jaco-
pone had been acknowleùged a gooù friar and one of the
founders of the Italian language, but from a close inspec-
tion of his writings, it seems to us that he was among that
number of distinguished men who solelllllly gave exprps-
sion to our Catholic religion in those first movcmpnts of
an age advancing in civilization. St. Thonlas, preelninent
for his angelic intellect; Dante for his creative power of
imagination; Giotto and Blessed Angelico for their knowl-
edge of the beautiful, who transcending the roughness of
forms appeared more heavenly than earthly; and J aco-
pone for his warm language of the heart, had forcibly
and simply outlined religion for future ages, and lwd
shown it could be the niother of wonders, when the mind
and its conceptions were vivified by our holy religion.
Having spoken of Jacopone, we shall now return to the
stormy tÏInes of Boniface.
A people who has just heen delivered fr0111 a hateful
suhjection is always high-spirited and courageous; unity
of sentÏInent adds strength, and the fear of the evil fr01u
which they escaped gives constancy. And such were the
Sicilians; in the transports of a liherty they believed they
had found, they desired, more than Frederick him:self, the
preservation of his crown, which to him too was 80 dear.
Their army was very powerful, because like melnbers
closely united in the sanle body, prince and people had
but one heart, but one a1'ln, but one impulse to repel the
common enclll
Y; and besides they were skilfully led;
Roger of Loria, the first captain of the age in the knowl-
edge of the war was still in the service of Frederick. To
oppose tIle Siciliam
Charlf's II dÜl not have a people who
like thpßl were aroused by hope or fear; Boniface having
1
2 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
exham
ted against the enemy the spiritual arms, which
they despised, had no one else to depend on but J allIes of
Aragon. "The affairs of Charles were in a bad condition,
and the Pontiff was vainly pressing James to come to
Italy. Annoyed by troubles in :l\Iurcia and Castile, and
deterred by the perplexity of the situation in which he
was placed, on the one hand by the offel's of Boniface, anù
on the other by the great advantage it would be to Aragon
to maintain Frederick on the throne of Sicily, James
could not conle to a decision. 'Ye do not say that some
interior voice of relationship reRtrained hiIn from waging
war on Frederick, for this voice to a mind inurpd to the
ever present desires of unrestrained ambition is like a
gentle zephyr directed against a rock. However, although
he did not appear in Italy, still secretly and by embaRsies
he advised his brother to leave Sicily and the Sicilians to
withdraw their support frOlll him. From the beginning
of the autumn of 1296 Friar Peter of CorhelIes, a Domi-
nican nlonk, was sent as legate by James to Frederick,
bearing mild and harsh messages; nalnely urged thE' king
to make peace with )lother Church, who had so exalted
the house of Aragon by creating James the Stanòard
Bearer and Admiral; to agref' to an interview with his
hrother in the island of Ischia; to follow his advice, for
if he reluained obstinate, a sign from the Pope would
suffice to declare war, and make it terribly effective
against the enemies of the Holy See. The nobleR who sur-
rounded the young king looked dubiously upon the pro-
ject of an interview with his hrother, to which opinion
Frederick also agreed. He dismissed the lpgate, and sub-
mitted the matter to a parliament which he summoned
to meet in Piazza. 79
Friar Peter had come openly as a messenger, others
came with a secret mission to tempt the scornful mind of
Roger of Loria and the maternal heart of Constance.
Other private envoys had heen sent to Frederick and to
the principal cities of the Island, but they acrOlnplished
nothing; yet it was more than a victory to have disengaged
Roger from Frederick and to have convertpd Com
tance
to the side of Rmne. In the parliament of Piazza as soon
as the propositions of James were disclosed, they were
'N Special. Book 3, chaps. 12, 13, 14.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
183
rejected, and the departure of Frelkriek would not he <.'11-
tertained. The contrary opinion of Hoger of Loria difl
nothing more than to cOllfol'nl them in their opi11ion, that
he was already whol1y devoted to Aragon.
The winter having passed in uReleHs diHcussion, towards
the end of )larch the expected James of _\ragon finally
arrived in Rome. He came full of hopes, as Boniface had
enticed him by munificent promises. Boniface recehoed
him cordially; his welcome was a magnificent one. The
arrival of the king in Rome I)rong-lit also Charles II of
Naples, and the good Constance, the last deRcendant of
the TIouse of Buabia, whose heart nlnst have been divided,
seeing herself situated between her two beloved sons bent
upon waging a war against each other. There appeared
also those two famous nlen, John of ProPida anrl Roger of
Loria. Having left the service of Frederick, they canle
to Rome to bow their proud heads to BonifacE', who re-
moved the censures they had incurred. Frederick also
was invited but he refused to come. It was a great meet-
ing of distinguished persons, and great was the lnatter
they were cal1ed upon to discuss. Boniface rejoiced when
he saw at his feet the father of the Sicilian revolution, and
the terrible Roger of Loria who confirmed it by his valor.
Hf' beheld Constance who was mother, and he made URe of
her maternal influence to move the hearts of James and
Frederick. lIe bf'beld the Aragonese and Angevine
princes, and with all tbe strength of the Papal power he
f'ndeavored to urge and enjoin them to reconquer Sicily
for the Church. He opened his mind to those assemhled.
The hatred between France and _\.ragon was of long-
standing. The AragoneRe prince was the one who bad
received the crown of Sicily after the bloody Y.pspers.
Boniface in the fir8t place wished to reconcile James with
Charle8 by a relationship hy marriage. J olanda, the
iHter
of Jêunes, was given in nlarriage to Rohert, the son of
Chal'les. Royal nuptials, and equally magnificent l'o
.al
feastings were celeùrated in the Papal palace, Then they
pl'oceedf'd to more important affairs; and the Pontiff dealt
generously with James by bestowing an manner of favors
on him.
On the last day of Decemlwl', 129G/
u he had aùdre
ed
80 Raynaldus year 12!J7 no. 2 and following.
184 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
to him letters expressing certain projects which he had
formed in his favor and which were to go into effeet in
this year, James being present. It was a magnificent
treaty, which Surita also relates,8! by which James was to
hecome king over other lands, and more closely united,
and as it were, one with the Pontiff. This is the substance
of it. The Popes claimed Corsica and Sardinia as belong-
ing to them. This claim, however, was disputed in the
year 1238, when Frederick II made his illegitimate son
Enzio king of those islands, espousing him to Adelaide,
the heiress of the two domains of Torre and Gallura.
ROlne protested vehemently,
ret Sardinia was not de-
tached from the Enlpire. But R1Hlolph, King of the Ro-
mans, in the year 1275, wishing to ùe anointed and crowned
Emperor by Pope Gregory X, presented himself to hiIn in
the church of Lausanne,82 and promised under a solemn
oath to restore to the Church the ROlnagna and the exar-
chate of Ravenna, to defend her claiIn to Sicily, to respect
her rights, to be most ohedient to her, anù finally he
aeknowledged in the same solemn Inanner her dominion
not only over Sicily, but also over Sardinia and Corsica. 83
Therefore without difficult
r Boniface could dispose of
these islands in the present
year, anù he solemnly invested
Jmnes and his descendants with the golden cup (per
cuppam aureant). The conditions on which the king
bound himself to ROlne were: that he ,vas to pay homage
to the Church as her vassal; to nlaintain in Italy at his
own expense in the service of the Pope one hundred well
equipped knights, each one having besides an armored
horse at least two other animals to ride; five hundred foot
soldiers well provided with arms, of whom a hundred at
least should be archers, all to ùe either Catalans, or
Aragonese; and their service was to last three nlonths,
counting the time from the day on which they set foot in
I taly. And in case there would ùe need of a fleet instead
of an army, he could require instead of the soldiers five
81 Sur ita. An. Book 2. 82 Annals. Colmar. year 1275-ptolemy of
Lucca. Church History, book 13, chap. 4.
83" Adjutores erimus ad retinendum et defendendum Ecclesiae Romanae
Regnum Siciliae cum omnibus ad earn spectatibus, turn citra farum, quam
ultra; necnon Corsicam et Sardiniarn, ac caetera jura quae ad earn pertinere
noscuntur." Raynaldus year 1275 no. 38.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 185
gaHeys weH equipped with men and ammunition; whether
the fQl'ce wa!'! to be a land or naval one, the king would be
obliged to send it at once at a eommand from the Pope
every year for a three-months service. He and his succes-
sors were to pay forever to the Pope an annual tribute of
two thousand silver marks of good and honest Inoney. He
or any heir delaying or refusing to pay, the following
punishment was without delay to be inflicted: the Prince
would be excommunicated, then an interdict would be
placed on the kingdom, and finally he would be deprived
of his fief. Sardinia was never to be separated from
Aragon; and if the king should become Emperor of Ger-
many, it was to revert immediately to the Church. The
king was to preserve the liberty and the immunities of the
new kingdom; he was not to ('lose the way of appeal to the
Papal Curia; he was not to tax the churches; he was not
to interfere in the election of bishops; upon the discovery
of laws detrimental to the Church he was to annul them;
he was not to think of taking any office in ROllle, or in any
territory whatsoever subject to the Roman See; he was to
acknowledge always that Sardinia came to him in fief
through the liùerality of the Pope; and he was to under-
stand that any doubt arising regarding his new posses-
sions was to be solved exclusively ùy the Pope. Finally
Boniface bound James by a solemn oath to observe the
said conditions, and the king whoever he might be should
renew theIll to each new Pontiff.
It was thus that Boniface enlarged the power of James,
and Rtipulated that he was not to overstep the 1imits
marked out. It was a wise provision to reserve the return
of Sardinia to the Holy See in case the king should ever
beconle Emperor. For the presence of an emperor,
already powerful in Germany, would appear ÏIllproper
and as well full of dangers in an island close to Italy.
Besides, by prohihiting James and his descendants, in
their quality as kings of Sardinia, from holding any office
whatsoever in Home, and in the Roman territory, he closed
the way to a repetition of those very recent ambitious
projects of Charles I of Anjou, who was senator of Rome,
the c1angers and the Rad effects of which were too weH
known to him. In a 'YOI'd, to use a comparison, he capari-
soned the horse well, but he held the reins in his o"n
lR6 HISTORY OF POPE) BONIFACE VIII.
hands to direct him. In fact the subsidies prOluised by
J ames were certain, since he was to furnish them without
conditions; and likewise certain were his obligations
regarding Sicily; but the sovereignty over Sardinia was
uncertain, not by right but in fact, for before enjoying it,
he had to conquer thf' Pisans,84 Boniface stipulated by
another act that he could withhold the grant of Sardinia
until the feast of All Saints. 85 It was clear by this that
he wanted to assure himself that James acted sincerely,
so that the crown of Sardinia would be su
pended over his
head. For if he would be a good servant of the lloly Ree,
he was to have the crown, if not, the Pope was to with-
draw it. And afterwards if James was victorious over
Frederick, the Pope did not care to see Sicily fall again
into his hands, for thereby a way would be open to James
to negotiate, or to threaten, that the Pope must give up
either Sicily or else Sardinia and Corsica. Boniface
knew how to draw up a treaty, and how not to lose by it.
In this treaty, as well as in the Bull by which he created
James Gonfalonier and Admiral of the Holy See, the
matter of the lloly Land was lnentioned, so that the Pope
might seem to have James in readiness only for the libera-
tion of the Holy Sepulcher. :Many, following the opinion
of Surita,86 perceive in this provision an artifice of Boni-
face to draw all attention to the East, whilst his whole
mind and efforts were directed towards Sicily. But this
was not a secret artifice; he worked openly against Sicily,
and so he could not be accused of covert actions. It is
true his eyes were turned towards the East, but owing to
the unsettled condition of Sicily, his first wish was to
obtain possession of that island, and afterwards to attack
the Turks, which present and future undertakings he en-
trusted to James of Aragon, when he made him the chanl-
pion of the Church. Therefore after all things were
settled, each one departed to assume the respective offices
to which they were assigned. James went to Catalonia
to prepare the army; ranged under the standard of
Charles, and contented with lands and the castle of Ad,
which the Pope had given him in fief, Roger de Loria went
to resume, in the waters of Naples, the sceptre of the
M Villani, Book 8, c. 18. iii Raynaldus, D. 17.
ill Surita, Annals, book 5, chap. 35.
HISTORY OF POPE) BONIFACE VIII. 181
sea; 81 John of Procida, whose lands in the kingdom of
:x aples were restored to him, remained in Rome with the I
disconsolate Constance, who is said to have died there.
Some others hold that five years later she died in Barce-
lona, and was buried there in the Franciscan church.
"Thile Boniface was striving to overturn the throne of
Frederick, the latter was busy in arousing enemies against
him by hidden means. He knew how very powerful the
Roman patriciate was, and how troublesome they were
always to the Pontiffs. He remembered how turbulent
and quarrelsome the Frangipanni were when Henry VIII
attacked Rome. He remembered well how devoted the
FI"angipanni and the Colonnas were to Frederick II in
fomenting intestine calamity of the Church. He knew
how in times of grpat danger a mortal blow could be given
a Prince by one of his own countrymen. Therefore he set
about to ascertain how many of these Roman nobles he
could lead over to his cause and urge to assail Boniface.
The Gaetani, the Savelli, the Orsini, the Colonna, and
other very powerful families, whose towers and castles in
the neighborhood of Rome were always offensive and a
menace to the Popes, were proud-minded, and ready for
every feat of arms, whether in defence of themselves when
summoned to justice by the Popes, or when the desire of
fanle impelled them to break the peace. These barons
were avaricious of whatever benefit could be derived from
a feudal posses
ion in the l\Iiddle Ages. They had vassals
who were engaged not in peaceful agricultural pursuits,
but in those inglorious and barbarous tournaments. On
their roving through the state they became the seducers
of the pf'ople, whom they made serve as instruments for
gaining power or possessions; and they were also hostile
to the Popes. Every prince, who was an honest dispenser
of justice, could in time of a foreign war shut himself up
within the confines of his own state and there quietly
and securely ooserve the course of events; but the Pope,
exposed to conlplications from without, had moreover
al ways rea
on to fear fronl those within. In fact this was
the rem
on why Boniface dwelt for a time at Anagni, then
at Orvil'to, and tllPn at Vellptri; he was always on llis
guarù again
t thesp powerful forces who could at any
87 Special. Book 3, chap. 20-21-22.
188 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
time, like the wind, arouse the people against him. Among
these powerful families, the Colonnas stood preeminent,
for on account of the excessive favors heaped upon them
by :Kicholas IV, a Colonna, they were advanced to the
highest offices of the state, and were supported by Peter
and James Colonna, Cardinals of Holy Church. But that
we nlay proceed with order to relate the occurrences that
passed between Boniface and the Colonnas, it will be well
to start from the beginning of the trouble.
In the year 1201 the leading nlembers of the Colonna
family were Giordano and Oddone, whom we shall call
Oddone II, to distinguish him from others of the same
name. They were perhaps sons of Oddone, lord of Pales-
trina, and they were masters of this place and also of
Colonna, Zagarolo, Gallicano, and of the territory of St.
Constance and St. John in Camporario, which were in-
habited in those days.88 Giordano had a son Peter, the
other had a son called Oddone III. These sons being
cousins and enjoying the inheritance conjointly, began to
quarrel over their patrimony. In the year 1252,89 the
Prefect of Home undertook to pacify them, assigning to
each one his proper portion; but they were not satisfied,
and shamefully renewed the quarrel. Finally a certain
John, a Dominican Friar and a relative, was chosen ar-
biter, and sat in judgment and divided the lands, To
Peter he awardeù the territory of Gallicano, St. Cesarius,
and Camporario; to Oddone that of Palestrina, Capranica,
Colonna and other fiefs. This is taken from a document
published by Patrini, which was found in the archives
of the Constable Colonna. It is evident that the most
powerful Colonnas were those of Palestrina, whose head
was Oddone III, and it is the deeùs of his descendants
that shall be subject of our present narrative. Giordano,
son of Oddone III, had five sons, the eldest of whom was
James, now a Cardinal, the second John, the third Od-
done, the fourth ::\latthew, and the fifth Landolph, and
they were the possessors of rieh lands, named Palestrina.
::\lount Capranica, Colonna, Zagarola, besides the half of
the villa of Pietraporto, aud the estate of .AJgido. In
order to bring things to a peaceful solution these brothers
88 Patrini. Mem. Palestrina year 1201, page 132.
811 Patrini. Mem. Palestrina year 1252, page 135.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 189
by mutual consent appointed James, the Cardinal, ad-
Ininistrator of their property in an attested instrument
dated the 28th of Âpril, 1252,90 which Patrini found in the
Barherini archives. In the period between 1292 and 1297
John Colonna, the second son, died, leaving his posses-
sions to his six sons, Peter, a Cardinal, Stephen, John,
James, nicknamed Sciarra, Odd one, and Aga pitus.
ow
it happened that James the Cardinal, by the authority
which his brothers had given him for the administration
of the common inheritance, had made himself more than
master of it, and uniting the interests of his nephews
with those of his own, robbed his brothers of their prop-
erty and reduced theln almost to poverty.91 Therefore
thiR JameR, the wicked usurper, and his nephews, the sons
of John, were the sole nU1Rters of the Colonna fiefs,
and for that reason masters of Palestrina alRo, and were
those whom we shall soon see who came to a strife with the
present Pontiff.
One can clearly see how and why bad feelings were en-
gendered between Boniface and the Colonnas; and we
hardly know what to saJT about those very divergent opin-
ions of various writers concerning the cause of this quar-
rel. "1' e know however that a strong attachment to a
party is most hostile to the truth of an historical narra-
tion. For if the truth be displeasing it is made oLscure,
it is so dh;;torted that it beconws inaccurate; or it is al-
lowed Inaliciously to wander in the maze of conjecture, in
OJ'der that an opinion luay be formed according to the
writer's wish.
Iany historians have aeted in this man-
ner through malice and luany others have blindly followed
them in their description of the famous quarrel between
Boniface and tile Colonnas. Ferrettus of Vicenza, and
Pipin, most ardent Ghibellines, whose opinion many
others follow who glory in defaming a Pontiff, declare that
Boniface fostered in his heart the strongest hatred against
the Colonna family, because James and his nephew Peter
Colonna, had not given him their votes in his election to
thp. Papacy. On the contrary St. Antoninus 92 relates that
the two Colonna Cardinals were the first to give Bonifacp
their votes. This is the truf' opinion and it is RUPPol'ted
so See document at end of book. 111 See document at end of book.
82 Chronicles. Year 1295, par. 3, title 20.
190 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
by a fact. For if from that time an enmity had existed he-
tween Boniface and the two Colonnas, the former would
not have put himself in the hands of his enmnies, when
after his election to the Papacy, on his way to Rome, he
accepted the hospitality of James at Zagarolo, and James
would not have cordially entertained him. 93
or is there
any proof that a jealousy existed between the Gaetani and
the Colonna family in those times, and afterwards tyranni-
cally prosecuted by Boniface. There is no truth in the
statement of Benvenuto of Imola, who commenting on the
twent:r-seventh canto of the Inferno, declares that the fire
of hatred between the Colonnas and Boniface was en-
kindled by the snares that were laid to seduce the wife of
J ames, Sciarra Colonna, by a nephew of Boniface. This
villainy of a Gaetani, if there was any truth in it, would
not have been passed over in silence by the infuriated
Colonnas, at a time when they flooded all Europe with
calumnies against Boniface and his family. Their silence
on this point proves the falsity of the above statements.
But examining closely the documents of that time, it
appears to us, that despite the expressed opinion that the
first cause of these terrible differences originated with
Boniface, yet from these records it is made clear that the
first :scandal arose from the Colonnas. And in fact al-
though peaceful and even friendly relations had existed
between Boniface and the two Colonna Cardinals, because
of the influence they exercised on the other cardinals to
elect hÏIll Pope, yet aillong the Colonnas themselves there
was a silent war which did not break out in open violence
owing to the weakness of one of the parties and the great
strength of the other. We have seen how James Colonna,
Cardinal of the title of St. )laria in Via I.lata, in league
with his five nephews, and abusing the confidence placed
in him by his brothers, when they confided to him the
administration of their patrimony, robbed them of that
which he should have preserved, anù reduced them to dire
poverty. N ow these family injustices could not be com-
mitted so secretly as to escape the knowledge of Boniface,
113" Et post electionem . . . . . . in castro tunc ipsorum (Colum-
nf'nRium) quod Zagarolum dicitur, et quod per dictum Jacobum tunc
temporiR tenebatur . . . . hospitati fuerimus confidenter. Bull, Ray-
naldus, year 1297, no. 39.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
lül
for the reáson that the Colonna fanÜly was very prom-
inent, and he was a severe upholder of justice. We know
not whether the aggrieved hrothers appealed to the Papal
Court, but it is certain that the Pope interposed his pa-
ternal offices to end the tyranny of the Cardinal and their
mi
erJ. lIe decreed that each one should receive his por-
tion of the patrÏIllony; that the administration of it ùy
James Rhould ceaRe; and SOllIe assignn1ent, over and aùove
what was due, was to he made to the nephews, so as to dis-
pose thenl to resign what they had usurped. These com-
mands Boniface made to the Cardinal and his nephews in
his presence, hut instead of recognizing in these orders the
love of justice or the infan1Y of their injustice, they by no
means were disposed to surrender their plunder; and spite-
ful and furious with rage, they left the presence of the
Pontiff, anù never again did they see the face of Boniface. 94
Among the nephews of the angry Cardinal James, there
was another James, nk knanlPd Sciarra ( Quarrelsome) .
lip was a man hrutal and pa
ionate who perhaps more
than others was ('nraged at sf>eing the goods of his uncles
HlIatdled from him. Breathing vengeance on the Pontiff,
who had regulated the matter so justly, and not feeHng
aHhamed, nohleman ùy ùirth as he was, to enlulaìt
the ac-
tions of the nwst harcfac('(l rohLpl'. in c0111pany with satel-
Hte
, who in tho
e times werc always at hand for the
t'mploy of these violent Jor(IH, he lay in wait to steal thc
rich tremmre of the Pope as it was being brought frOlll
A nag-ni to HOllW. I t con
iRÍl'cl of a large sum of gold and
Hiln'r. 95 The attack was wPlI-tim<,d, for the Papal gooùs
came into his pos
e
sion and he ùrought then1 to his own
hom
e. This wicked dec(I,9G the truth of which no one
D4 Haynalùlls, year 12f1ï. no. 26. !IIi Chronicles Foroliv.
11ft . . . . . . "quod Stefanus ùe Columna suum thesaurum fuerat
ùeprcùatus; propter quod inter ipsum Bonifacium, et dictos Column ens os
f;umma discorùia extitit suscitata." Amalaricus S. R. I. T. 3, p. 435.-" In
Rome there was the greatest division and war Letween Boniface VIII and
the Colonnas, because the Colollnas had stolen a rich treasure from the
Pope." Chronicles of Bologna S. R. I. T. lR, pag-e 301.-" Eoùem anno
Columnenses Romani acccsserunt ct ù('ruhayerunt magnum thesaurum
auri et arg('nti Domno Papa(' llonifacio.-" Chronic. Estcns. tim. 1;;,
page 344-" KoLilcs etim de Columna inimicos habeLat, contra quos pro-
cess it, quia Stephanu3 ùe ('oluHma irsiu!'l Papae fuerat proellatu3 the-
lSaurum."-(George Stella, Aunals of Genoa, Hook 2, tom, 18, p. 1020.)
-
lû2 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
denies, was done not by a man reduced to desperate straits,
nor one who pursued the ways of a highwa
yman, but by
a noble and very rich lord unaccustolued to robber
Y.
Hence revenge, which blinded and covered Colonna with
such infamy, prompted him to commit this wicked deed.
I t is well to renlark that the Pope made no mention of this
grievous injury in the Bull, " Praeteritorum temporum," 97
where he complains of all the evil deeds of the Colonnas,
as it were to show that he minded, not what was done to
him privately, but the evil done to the Church. 98
V\Therefore having seen the bad disposition of the two
Cardinals, James and his nephew Peter, and of the other
nephews, and having been convinced by the robbery at
Anagni that this was a family that it would be well not
to leave unwatched at a time when through Rome envoys
of Frederick of Sicily were roaming intent upon tempting
the fidelity of his subjects, Boniface determined to watch
them and provide against the consequences. IIe watched
their movements attentively, and saw how well they re-
ceived the messengers of Frederick, how they fraternized
with them and how they favored them. He was unwilling
to exasperate them by inflicting condign punishment, and
so tried persuasion, entreaty and threats; but they fol-
lowed their own will, and with the enemies of the Church
plotted against her. J ames of Aragon was far a way and
was slow of action; Charles of Naples was powerless; the
Ghibellines throughout Italy were in commotion as a con-
sequence of the actions of the Sicilians and the machina-
tions of Frederick; the Pontiff was threatened in Ronle
itself; then Boniface followed a course of action that any
prudent nlan would in similar circumstances. He re-
quested the Cardinals James and Peter Colonna to throw
open the gates of Palestrina and Zagarolo, and allow the
soldiers of the state to occupy the castles of those strong-
holds so as to keep out enemies of the Church. This was a
very mild request, which any prince had a right to make in
times of public danger. The two Cardinals outwardly
pretended to acceùe to the request, but secretly they en-
couraged and assisted their nephews who answered the
87 See Bull at end of book.
88 John Villani, Book 8th, chap. 21-Ptolemy of Lucca, Short annals
So R. I. T. XI.-Chronicles Foroliv. S. R. T. Tom. 22.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 193
Papal )'eque
t with a downright refusal. The mild meas-
u res of Boniface ha viug failed to bring the two Cardinals
to a right way of acting, their perfidy obliged him to have
recourse to severer measures. After mature deliùeration
he determined to punish them, but at the same time he
l'psolved to go slowly, and wait for developments. He
hpard that the Colonnas were aroused to indescribable
anger, and had vowed the nlost desperate vengeance on
him; that the Cardinal Peter having laid aside all re-
straint, was eagerly engaged in circulating the invalidity
of the ahdication of Pope Celestine and hence the invalid-
ity ahm of his own election to the Papacy. These were
poisonous tares which could bring fruit of immense evil
to the Church. He feared the sad consequences of a
sehif'lll, knowing that, by the presence of the enemy Fred-
erick of Sicily, the fury of the GhibelIine party, and the
intolerance of the Princes of his rigorous defence of the
liberty of the Church, the fuel was well disposed to receive
the first sparks of a schisnl. Still he refrained from pun-
ishmpnt. (Observe his moderation and forbearance.) On
tile fourth day of 3Iay hp sent John of Palestrina, the
major-dulllo, to Cardinal Peter, to ten him to corne on the
evening of this same day, to declare in presence of some
Carùinals, if he ùeIieved him to be truly Pope. Peter per-
ceived that this was pvidently to draw him out in order
the better to convict him, and he refused to obey.99 )lore-
over considering hinlself unsafe, he departed from Rome
with his uncle James and some of his brothers, full of
threats and ready to perform wicked deeds. X ow was the
time to proceéd to punishment; his office of Pope and
prince demanded it. IIe held a consistory on the 4th, of
)Ia
r. He made known the faults of the Colonnas, their
stubbornness and obduracy to an his admonitions and en-
treaties; and after taking counsel with the Cardinals, he
passed sentence, to wit: that James Colonna, Cardinal of
the title of Rt. 31aria in Yia Lata, and Peter, of the title of
Rt. Eustachio, Cardinal-Deacons, would be deprived of
the dignity of Cardinal, of the priestly office, and would
incur I'olemn excommunication, if at the end of ten days
they did not appear hefore the Papal See and submit to
II Histoire du diff. ent. Bonif, VIII et Philip. p. 33. Appendi"L tom.
VIII.
194 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
its will; all their real and personal property in the Nea-
politan kingdom as well as in the States of the Church
would he seized; the descendants of John and Oddone
nephews of the Cardinals as far as the fourth generation
would be excluded from the priesthood; this same excom-
munÏeation would he incurred hy anyone taking' sides with
Cardinals James and Peter; and if anyone, whether Car-
dinal or of any othpr dignity, dared to ùe their abettor of
thPlll in felony and schism, they would be deprived of
their office and property; and those countries would be
interdicted that would receive them. 10o
To some reader these punishments lllay seem exceedingly
har
h, and he lIlay suppose that cahn reason in the Illind of
the Pope had been displaced by a hasty exuberance of
anger. But in the course of this narrative we shall know
llettl'r what was the true t:h..1I.acter of the Colonnas. Roni-
face alrpady fulIy understood them. IIis object was not
to hUlllhle the pride of a Cardinal only, Imt that of an en-
tire family very powerful and insolent, on account of
their grpat wealth and the strong castles they possessed
at the very gates 'of HOlne. Their actions under similar
d ITum
1ïlnc('s were st ill fre
h in the nlemory of the pu hUc.
1 t was only seventy years since the perilous felony of an-
other Cardinal of the fmnily, John Colonna, who r('ceived
in Palestrina a garrison frOlll a prince of SuaLia, and had
thereLy caused llluch vexation to Pope Gregory IX. FrOlll
that time, strongly attached as they were to the Ghihel-
line party, the Colonnas had not changed their spirit.
And Lesides, that scandalous libel they spread among the
faithful t:01u:erning the validity of the election of Boniface
to the Papacy, showed a disposition on their part to plot
against the Church.
Haying learned of the terrible consistory, the Colonnas
on the same day, the tenth of }[ay, convoked a wicked
t:ount:il against the Pope in the Lunghezza, a territory be-
longing to the Conti family. John of Gallkano, an apos-
tolic writer; DonlÏnic Leonarù of Palestrina, a notary;
and two Friars l\Iinor, Diodatus Hocci of
It. Prenestino
and J acopon(' of To(U, took part in this conneil. For what
reason the former two came to this conventicl(', we know
not, unle
lnollcy lllay have f'nticed them. 'Y(:> are sur-
1UO Hull of Boniface. Raynaldus, year 1297, no. 27.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
1!13
prised at J acopone and thp oth(>r Friar; but it i
not an
idle conjPttul'C for us to say that bel"anse Boniface would
not appl'o,'e of that npw onh'>l' of Cpl(>stine Rt'chlSf'S, of
which these friars were lliPlllhers, and to which tllf'Y were
much attar-hed, they were prevailed npon to enter this
schismatical company. So in this council the Colonnas,
fun1Ïng with rage decided that I..Iponard, the notary, sbould
draw up a document, in which he would declare tbat Car-
dinal Colonna had not wished to appeal' before Bonifiu'p
through fear of violence; and to the request of the i'laster
of the Camera, he replied that Boniface was not Popp,
Loth because Celestine tould not ahdicate, and because hiR
aLdication had Leen wrung fronl him Ly 3rtifice. 101 Oderic
Ra.ynaldus had in l1is possession this fanlons libel, which
he found in tlw Ayignon 3rchi"\'es in the Yatican, and
whif'h he published in the appendix to the third VOIUlllP
of his ...\nnals.lo2 This dOClnnent we shall briefly revipw.
The first part contains the greetings of Cardinals ,TanIes,
of the 81. .Maria in Yia Lata, and Peter, of the title of Rt.
Eustachius, to all the readers of this puLlic instrument.
Then they begin by referring- to Boniface. To the last
words of his rescript they frankly reply hy declaring that
he is not the legitimate Pope. This fact they announce to
the college of Cardinals, and they req nest thenl to relllPdy
the evil, so that a fal
e Pope, may not uHurp the plaee of
Christ, for the Church would thus suffer hy an iBir-it atHI
inyalid administration of the Sacraments, which would
take place thl'ough an iHpgitimatp and falsp ministf'r.
Tlwy justify their attitude in the stateUlPnt: " Jlany tinws
" we haye heard from pers;ons of rC'pute hoth layuwn and
101 It is well to remark here that the enemies of Boniface eitller inad-
vertently or maliciously disarrangpd the chronology of facts, and said
that Boniface was the first to display harshness in the Bull: H Praeteri-
tor urn temporum." The Colonnas had already declared Boniface antipope,
for which he sent to them his l\Iaster of Camera to ascertain the truth of
this declaration. The envoy was sent on the 4th of May, and the Bull
issued on the Tenth day of l\Iay, when after being summoned to appear,
they refused, and fled from Rome. Then the Bull was published against
them not as criminals, but as contumacious schismatics. They replied to
the Bull by the famous Libel. The mind must follow closdy the chron-
ology, otherwise the facts change in appearance. In truth if the Bull
"Praeteritorum temporum" may seem harsh again:-;t rebels, it is not so
against schismatics. ItU Year 12U7, no. 34, verso XI.
196 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
"ecclesiastics, a certain doubt with sonle foundation
" cast 103 upon the audication lnade by Pope Celestine V
" of blessed InemOI'Y, whether it was done legitimately and
" according to the canons. Now it seems most likely it was
,. not, because that which is entrusted hy OmI, or any other
" superior personage, cannot he taken away by any infe-
"rior person. And whereas the spiritual power which
"one cannot confer, cannot he reilloved by him; so the
"papal power conferred uy God alone can be taken away
" by God alone. But if the abdication was valid, the papal
" power could be taken away by a man; therefore the ab-
" dication cannot Le madf\.104
After syllogizing in this luanneI' closely and carefully
ill thirteen articles they close the daring discus
ion by
passing judgment on Boniface, declaring him deposed
from the Papacy, and appealing to a future Council. Tht'
foundation of the argument was the work of both the
enraged two Cardinals, but we believe that it was Jaco-
pone who put it in this Aristotelian form. And it is easy
to prove how and why the infuriated Colonna framed his
argument against the validity of the election of Boniface.
The ground of the reasonable douht (vcrosimilitrr ,zubi-
tari), is to be found in the abdication of Celestine, whieh
they contend could not be nlade. T\Te do not believe it
likely that a doubt entered the Inind of anyone through
any defect in the lllanner of election of Boniface, but
through the unusual abdication of Celestine. .A solemn
renunciation of the Papacy ,vas an unheard-of thing.
It excited the greatest wonder and engaged the atten-
tion of many in those times. Some could not make
themselves believe that the dignity almost divine of
the Papacy, once assnnled, could be relinquished. This
difficulty was increased by the followers of Ce]estÏ1w; th(1se
monks were holy in the e
1es of the people by reason of
reform, and therefore of authority. Ilenee attpntion was
fixed nlore on Celestine who had left the chair, than Boni-
face who sat in it. In fact before the Colonnas had en-
gaged in this proud rebellion, we do not find that anyone
had questioned the validity of the elpction of Boniface to
the Papacy. If anyone did so, it was aftpr the two Car-
103 .. Dubitari verosimiliter ".
lot See this document in full at the end of this book.-
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 197
dinals haù ùra wn attention from Celestine to Boniface;
and from the former's abdication, which they said could
not be made, they asserted as illegitimate the elevation of
the latter to the ROlnan Pontificate.
It is certain that the Colonna libel was productive of its ,
desired effects. I t disturbed weak minds by inspiring
doubt; the enemies were delighted, pretending to have
certainty. This is clear from the facts which we shall
relate, and by the ardor displayed by the nlost learned
canonists in refuting the libel. Peter of the l\larches re-
duced to two heads the objections of the Colonnas, and
ably refuted them. 105 John Andrew of Bologna, a famous
lawyer, did likewise. lo6 Egidius of Colonna, Archbishop
of Bourges, with wonderful erudition, and with sound
rea
on defended Boniface against the attacks of the Colon-
nas. 107 And when he came to the refutation of the false
charge, which is contained in the twelfth and last article
of the libel, namely that Boniface by artifice induced Cel-
estine to abdication, casting aside every other argument,
he appealed to the testimony of the living witnesses, who
declared that Cardinal Gaetani had urged Celestine to re-
tain the Papacy, instead of renouncing it, alleging that his
sanctity of life more than compensated for his ignorance
of governing. los It may be well to remind the reader that
at the time the Colonnas compiled the diabolical libel,
Celestine had been dead already one year. Xow if Boni-
face was not the true Pope because of the invalid abdica-
tion of Celestine, there could be no longer any doubt as
to his claim to the Papacy after the death of his predeces-
sor. And although Boniface might have been a false Pope
up to June, 1296, when Celestine died, yet after that time
he was true Pope by the consent of the Cardinals and all
Christendom, who acknowledged him as -such; which ac-
knowledgments meant more than an election. Finally,
these two Colonna Cardinals who were present and took
part in the election, and who wished to dethrone Boniface,
llad no other proof for the defence of their position, than to
105 De cause immediata Ecclesiasticae potestatis. Paris 1506.
108 Lecture on the rules of 6th, book of the Decretals.
101 De Renunciation Papae, and especially in chapter 23.
108 . . . . . . . . "quia 8ufficiebat collegio quod nomen Buae
lIanctitatis invocaretur super eos."
198 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
say that the ahdication of Celestine was null. A poor and
weak argulllellt. :x ow what Hhall we
ay to them, and e
pe-
dally of Dante, who irreverently accu
e<1 Boniface of
sinlOny, and of having ùought the onice of Pope? If
there had ùeen any Ìl'uth to this sacrilegious hargain, the
Colonnas would have made use of it aR a two-edged sW01'd
to wound their adversar
y, and thel'e would have been no
need to weary thplllselve::s in forming RynogiRm
. The Rin
of simony was sufficient to deprive Boniface of the Keys
of Peter which he iniquitously IH-'l(l in his powpr. In the
fanlOm
Colonna lihpl thf're is no mention of sÏIllony.
After having compiled the libel the Colonnas were guilty
of an act of 11l0St dal'Ìng insolence, in that they had the
base effrontery to affix a copy of the shameful "Titing not
only to the door, but also to the high altar of St. Peter's
church. 109 Everyone wondered at such audacity, but no
one sanctioned the action of these schismatics. Boniface
then took measureS against them. On the feast of the
Ascension, which in that year f(:ll on the 23rd of
lay, as
there was only one course to !Jursup, he confirmed the
sentence pws:sed upon the Colonna::s in the null of
Iay
10th, in another that he publi
hed whkh began" Lapis
ahRCÍssuS." 110 In this Bull Rlwaking of that famous liLel
and the attaching a cop
r of it to the doors antI altar of
St. Peter's church, and of the contumacy in retaining the
dignity of Cardinal and using the ring and red hat, he
briefly nlentions his right to the Papaey. lie relates how
suddenly and without fouIHlation these douhts arose in
their minds; how for three years they had heen accustonwd
to obey and reRppct hinl as the true Pope; how thpy had
participated with him in the holy mysterieR; how they
had been his ministers at the altar, his aRsociates in con-
sultation, in coup.sels, and in solemn definitions; tllat they
had been, in a word, always with him never doubting his
true dignity; bow with the other Cardinals that had raiRed
him to the Apostolic See, and had done this willingly and
without fear, inasmuch as he could not excite fear Lefol'e
he was Pope; and that their good will was shown l)y the
kind and warJn reception accorded him at the'ir home',
and especially by JameR in Zagarolo, and all thoRe other
101 Bun of Boniface. RaynaIdus, year 12!)7-Hist. du Diff. P. 34.
no See this Bull at the end of the book.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 199
marks of homage and respect they had shown him aR Pope.
Then he t'onfiscates all the possession
of Jamf'S and Pet
r
and the nephews; he ùanishes them from the state; he for-
hids anyone to ret'eive thl'Ill, or hold l'elation
with them;
h(' renders them ÏIwligiùle to public office, and strikes them
with the major excommunÏeation. Thi
tC'rrihle ('ou
titu-
tion he plaecd among' the ÐpcretalR,111 as a pprpetual I'e-
mindpl' of their infamy. Spoß(]ano l'platps, and gh'C'R the
source of hiR inforulation,112 how the roHep:e of rardinalR,
lnoved to indignation ùy the infamous liùel, puhlished
letters in which they refuted the false charges and certi-
fied to the legitimate authority of Boniface.
As the severity of the pnnishulent increased, the minds
of the ColonnaR became more emhittered, and they had
ret'onrse to violent measure
. They aR
emhl('d their forces
in Palestrina, that Boniface might hear thf' sounds of
arms. And as if that illfanlOu
lihf'l difl not
uffice to give
vent to their fury, they pnhlishe{] oth('r dOeUmf'lltR, in
which they ù(,
Illil'(:hed the nam(' of ßouifacf'. They ac-
('u
eù billi of heing a mOll
tpr of amùition, of avarice and
of arrogance. They scatterf'ù theRC' doclunents among the
Iwople and in the courts of princes. The latter especiaHy
read them with much avidity and fondly preserve(] then1.
Groaning under the power of the Pope, and impatient to
break the yoke, they saw thel'e an arsenal from whith they
could take arnlS at an opporhuw tinw. The plaee in which
more than any uther the news of these affronts was agree-
ably rel:eived was France, a kingdoni whieh Philip ruled
absolutely. On account of the Constitution "Clericis
Laicos," he was still disflainful, and hf' felt his courage
revive Ly the di
putes which the Doctors of the Rorhollnp
were hol(ling concerning the legitimacy of BOllifac'e's claim
to the Papaey. Froni the time .of the aùdication of Celes-
tine, for reasons Inentioned ùefore the rnh'ersity was
awakenpd to the fact, and struek hy the no,'elty of it,
wished to know for itself if it could he madl', an.! hpnce
if Boniface was really POpf'. Cprtainl
y no re
traint was
place(l on tlwsp Doctors in tlwir tl('batf'
. For the
f' dis-
putC's were of that kind which luakp no n()i
e, and arp even
necessary in Acadpmies for prartite awl l'mploymellt of
111 Shth Decretal, chapter Ad succidendos.
112 Collect. Archiep. Auxitani Collegii Fuxensis Tolosani foJ. 211.
200 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
time. The two Colonna Carùinal
in the circulation of
those libels could not forget the Sorbonne. In fact a
letter dated the 15th of June was :sent by them contain-
ing the aforesaid sylloghnlls, which if it was read at a
meeting of the Doctors 113 must assuredly have occasioned
a warm debate, and considering the fact that these aca-
demicians were always courtiers, one could unquestion-
ably conelude, that the.r extolled to the skips this work of
the Colonnas. And just as these writings brimful of can-
onical lore passed into the hands of Princes and Doctors,
so as to arouse the more cultured mind
, other
of a differ-
ent nature were circulated among the people. J acopone
wrote his verses in the vernacular, by means of which he
crudely scored the Pope. In these verses there is nnlch
roughness of speech, which arose not only frolll the fact
that the language was yet in its infancy, but also fronI a
certain artifice of the Friar to nlake it penetrate deeply
into the Iuinds of the people. Thus this Celestine recluse
who was scrupulous with regard to poverty, rushed head-
long to enkindle the fire of schislll. 'Yho will ever be able
to explain fully and well, the lllysteries of that book which
is called the human heart? Although Boniface had dealt
the Colonnas mortal blows, yet his rest was disturbed by
the fear of the Roman People, who, very fickle and con-
trolled by the nobles, could be very troublesome to him. If
Saintly Popes had feared and suffered much frOln the same
source, Pope Boniface could not consider himself safe. So
he retired to Orvieto. In that place he set about to make
provision to subdue the pride of the schismatics with the
sword. He enlisted soldiers and gave the command of
them to Landolph Colonna, a cousin of the rebels. He
joined to his force, Inghirano, Count of Bizenzo with the
Florentine soldiers; as is evident from the letter sent by
the Pope to Landolph from Orvieto on the 14th of Septem-
her which Petrini published from the original in the ar-
chives of Castle San Angelo.
As soon as the news of these warlike preparations and
of the intention of Boniface to fight had spread, the pro-
spective war caused grave apprehensions to arise ill the
minds of the Romans. Pandolph Savelli, a man of civic
virtue was a senator of Rome. This rupture of peaceful
118 MS. in Vatican Archives, Raynaldus.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 201
relations was not plemÜng to him. For by reason of the
strength of the rebels, and the rigor of the Pope, Rome
would have been plunged into the horrors of a civil war.
He summoned the senate in council in the Capitol; and
having debated the question, they resolved to send messen-
gers to the Colonnas in Palestrina, to induce tllPm to
humble themselves, and submit to the Pontiff. It was
done accordingly, and they made fail' promises. Then en-
voys were sent to Boniface in Orvieto, ùearing witnpss of
the docility of the rebels, and entreating hinl to allay his
anger by restoring to his favor these penitent
, and to he
willing to return without fear to Rome in the following
spring. These things they repreHented Ly word of nlolIth
and hy letters, to which the cautious Pontiff inu11efliately
replipd also by letters to thp Senator Savelli and the Ronlan
People. "Health and Apostolic ßenedic,tion to our be-
"loved son Palldolph
avelli, Senator, and to the Roman
" People who of all others are ùearpst to our heart. "'ïth
" paternal kindness we have receh'pfl your numerous f'IIl-
"bassy, and we have listened attentively to wllat they
"have brought us by word and letters, namely, how the
"Colonnas being induced by nlessengers to yield to us,
" have promised to come to us, prepared to obey the ('0111-
" mands of the Roman Church, and how we were entreated
" to pardon theln. Holding the place of Him, "Tho has not
"made death, nor ùelights in the loss of the living; and
"'Yho, as often as His wandering children return to HiIn
"humbl<"' and penitent, pardons thenl; so whpnever these
"schismatics and rebels will hecome rppentant, and will
"confess thpir misdeeds, if they come to us personally
"without d('lay, awl will surreß(ler thelllseives and thpir
" castles into our hands, our heart win he open to receive
" them ana treat them kindly, that the work of mercy will
" he agreeable to God, honoraùle to themseh.ps and to the
"Church, and he handed down to posterity as a laudable
" exanlple of eIelnency. ".,. e do not wish in the meantime
"to be led astray a
d be deceived by fail' promises, and
" thus be d('layed from proceeding against the rebels and
"their abettors. :\Iost grateful for the request made to
" us to return to HOlue in the spring time and to fix our
"dwelling there, let it he known that wp love lllOst to
" dwell there wher(' the Apostolic See has ùeen pstabIishpd,
202 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
"in which not only during life ùut also death we wish to
" remain; for we haye huilt in the church of the Prince
" of the Apostles a chapel in whieh there is a tomb wh('re
" our body win repose. 'Ye hold in suspe>nse the qnestion
"of our return until we see if the prOlllises will he ful-
" fiHeò. 1l4
But the proinises of the Colonnas Wf're only a ruse>, and
an artifice to gain time. They did not go to nwet the Pope',
and they were guilt
r of worse' actions. Tlu'y welcomed
to Palestrina, Francis (1rescenzi and Kieholas Pord, the
en\'oys of Frederick, the avowed f'nf'mies of Boniface, and
entered into plots with them against the State. For this
reason he puhlishefl '.hat terril,le Bun, in which confirm-
ing the former punishlllenÜ" he proclaimed a crusade
against the Colonl1as, as against contumacious schismatics
and disturùers of the unity of the Church. 1l5 The inquisi-
tors were oròered to pursue them and their followers; the
people were called to arms, and indulgences were prom-
ised to those who would respond to this appeal. )Iatthew
rolonna, Proyost of the ehurch of St. Orner in the diocese
of
Iaurienne took thr cross. The papal inòulgences were
published throughout Italy by thp legatf' Cardinal :Mat-
thew of Acquasparta, who diligently encouraged the people
to entpr the cl'usade anò suhdue thf' Colonnas.
The deposition, excol1l1nullication and the war pro-
claimed against the two Cardinals of Holy Church were
decrepd by the Pope for a legÏtiIuate cause, yet Boniface
felt that the nlagnitude of the punishnwnt might lessen
the esteem and reverence du(> from the ppoplp to tllf' (101-
lege of Cardinals, bef'ause thf'Y are the companions and
counsellors of the Pope in tllp gOYPI'nment of the (1hurch,
and eligible themselves to the Papacy. To remove the
impression of abasement into which the College may ha\'e
fallen after such thunderbolts of censures ag'ainst two of
their number, Boniface published a Constitution in which
the severest penalties were threatened on those who 11l0-
Jested or laid violent hands on a Caròina1. He specified
the infamy of such irrpverent beings: they would l)e de-
prived of their benefices if they possessed any, their goods
would be confiscated, and their houses drmolished. Thi:s
114 See document at enù of the Book. 115 Raynaldus, J'par 12!"J7, no. 41.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 203
constitution he placed later in the sixth Decretal. 116 :àlore-
o"er to cleanse the veneraùle College from any foul stain
with which the nlisdeeds of the Colonna Cardinals may
haye tainted it, he decreed that the Cardinals should ap-
pear dressed in purple like Kings. This privilege was
fornwrly enjoyed only hy Cardinal Legates "a Latere"
to
ome princely courts,t 17 as it were, to denote that he
who deputed, not only wore, but also distrilmted thm;e
ro;\'al em blems.
1
!)7.-noniface with all his court was in Orvieto when
he finished the process of the canonization of Louis IX,
King of Franee, and grandfather of Philip the Fair. Louis
had excited the won(ler of all contemporaries hy his self-
restraint in the government of France in times when the
ppople remained silent, and when relip;ion was losing llllH.:h
of its force, hy reason of its ùeing involved in groHs super-
stitioll. Koone more than he had loyed amI practiReù
ju
iice towards his subjects. They found in his hOllPsty
an(l goodness of heart a guarantep, which is vpry l'aJ'ely
found in tht' very laws thelllselve
. It wa
not thirst fOl"
powpr, Imt lon
foJ' his suhjeets, that lpd him without de-
sil'ing- it, to weakpn altogether the powpr of the feudal
lords, and COIH.:ent ,'ate it in his own hands. In place of the
fe1HIal lor-cIs hp 811 bstit ute(l jurists who are thp sole authors
of all thoHl' laws whkh were enaetell ùy Louis in relation
to the Church. The Pragmatic Ranction, (which French-
men aI'e wont to call the foundation of GalIkan liberty),
was pllhlishrd in :\Iarch, 12ß8. It concerned the
ol1atioll
of henefif'es, and bore on the title page the nallle of Louis.
I t is a very short consti tu tion, COIn pl'i
ing only six al'ti-
de!':,118 but n108t fruitful of
on8PquencP8 which the lucu-
hrations of jurists made them engender. To the princes
and clergy of FJ'ance it was a Rtrong lmlwaI'k, forming a
guarantee again8t what tJwy called the usurpations of
thp Papal Curia. By ihi
document the Pope ill using his
authority oyer ehurehes, ('ith('r for th(' puuishnlPnt of th('
guilty, or to n
(' the sacred patrimony, Inu
t first sulHnit
the affair to the judgment of tlw juI'Ïsts, ('ypr ready to
dpspoil the Church to increase the power of the prince
ue Tit. 9 de Poenis eap. Felids Recordationis. 117 See Pagi. Bre,'i. Pontiff
Buuif. \'111, Il. 34, 523, 1180rdonn. ùes Rois de Frauce, tom. 1, p. 97.
204 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
from whonl they expected advancement. The piety of
the Saint and the true love he bore the Church, together
with the disturbed condition of the minds of the Pontiffs,
were the reasons why no protest or complaints were made>
against this decree at Rome. But this seed sown by
I
ouis IX, ripened under Philip the Bold, and under Philip
the Fair bore fruit which Boniface was compelled to taste.
Still Boniface raised Louis IX to the honors of the altar.
His memory had froln day to day beCOIne nlore sanctified
by miracles which the inquisitors after the strictest ex-
amination found to be genuine. Even if this had not been
done, the faithful of that time could not have been re-
strained from venerating a Inan, in whose pure heart there
was burned and spent itself the ardent fire of chivalry.
His imprisonment at Damietta, and his slow lingering
death calmly faced on a bed of ashes at Tuni8, for the
Iiberation of the Holy Land, were already a sufficient
reason for the people to venerate him as a martyr, Under
such circumstances the Pope could not refrain from order-
ing an inquiry to be made into the life and miracles of a
Idng, who was an example not only of virtues, but also of
devotion to the. Holy See, and of most ardent zeal in those
things in which the faithful were wont at that epoch to
show their love and devotion to religion.
The Pontiffs had labored hard to gather sufficient eyi-
dence of the deeds of that Prince and of the miracles
wrought in his name. Nicholas III before his death used
to say that if two or three miracles could be proven, he
would not hesitate to raise Louis to the honors of the altar,
so strong and firm was his belief in his virtue. UndeI-
3Iartin IV, and IIonorius three Cardinals were deputed to
inquire into the matter, and they reported to Rome many
miracles, which wpre closely examined and approved by
the College of Cardinals. By Xicholas IY the matter was
intrusted to three othe!" Cardinals one of whom was Bene-
dict Gaetani. A new investigation was made, and his life
and miracles were again approved. Finally Boniface on
the vigil of the feast of St. Lawrence and on the following
day delivered two sermons to the Cardinals on the sanc-
tity of Louis IX, and of his intention of proposing him to
the veneration of the faithful. Tbe>Re two sermons known
to very few were discovered in the library of the Canons of
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 205
St. Victor of Pari:s, and published by Duchesne. 119 The
following strong words from his sermon fully express
what was in his mind. "At first it is to be observed that
"he who knows how to govern himself and his subjects,
" the same is a true king. But he who knows not how to
" govern himself and his subjects, truly can be said to be a
"false king. He was certainly a true king, because he
" governed himself and his subjects justly and holily. He
"go"\erned hÏ1l1self, because he subjected the flesh to the
" spirit, and his passions to reason. Likewise he governed
" his subjects well, for he preserved them in all justice and
"equity. He also governed the churches well by defend-
"ing the ecclesiastical liberties and rights. In our opinion
" those who govern badly are not true kings."
In the other sermon he thus gravely explains with what
caution the Holy See proceeded in the matter of the canon-
ization of anyone of the faithful who has piously departed
this life. "Sincp," said he, " this act of enrollment among
" the Saints by papal canonization is consi<lerpfl an act of
" the higl1C'st importance in the Church 111Ïlitant, it is re-
U sen'ed solely to the llonlan Pontiff; that is why the Holy
" See bas wished to proceed with greatest prudence in that
" of King Louis IX. Although his life had been so well
"known, and although many miracles were wrought
"through him; although the king, the barons and the prel-
" ates entreated us often and earnestly to end this affair,
" still the Holy See has wished that the private investiga-
"tions that had been already made should be solemnly
" prolonged for a longer period."
APPE
DIX.
A PREPARATIO
FOR THE FOLLO'VI
G BOOKS, AND TOUCHI
G
OX TIlE BrLL " CLERIC IS."
'YI
Ita"\e placed the Constitution" Clericis " of Boniface
and his fatlwrly letter "I ncffaùlis JJ to Philip the FaÏ1
among thp numbf'r of the documents at the end of this
work. 'Ye hope that those who have read the first three
hooks of this history, will not neglect to take cognizance
IJ. Hil'tor. Franc.
('rirt. T. Y. pg. 481. See Document at end of work.
206 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
of these two iIllportant docul11ents. For as the remote
cause of the quarrels between Boniface and Philip the
Fair are contained in them, it would be impos!';ihle for
those who ignore them to read with interest, or e,en un-
derstand well, what follows of this history. It is then to
throw l110re light on the nature of the events, that we
have judged it fitting to Yf'nture in this appendix upon a
recital regarding this constitution and the admirable
lettf'r to Philip.
The taxes leyied on the goods of the churches in cases
of public necessity were always not only tolerated, but
e,en were approyed by the Church. Casting a glance over
the tinIes previous to those which are the subject of this
history, we notice that these public necessities by common
consent were the warlike expeditions to wrest the Holy
Land fr0111 the hands of the infidels; the conquest of the
Byzantine Empire, as the surest and shortest means of
accomplishing the former design and the reunion of the
Cheek and Latin Churches; the wars waged by the Ponti-
fical See against Prederick II, the avowed enemy vf thf'
Church; tho
e waged against the Albigenses, and especi-
nlly ag-aiust thp (10unts of Toulouse their protectors; and
finally those against Peter of Aragon, the invader of Sicily.
Of tlH'!'e necel'sitiL'
. as is
:('en, only those of the holy wars
('oll('f'ru('d all the faithful dil'ecily; the vtLers concerne(L
thel11 only in(lirl'eU.r, as wLpn the Pope was in clanger
t'itlwl' with l'egard to his patril11ony, his ju.-isdil"tion, or
the preservation of 1'0111e dog-ma, all tlw bf'lipn'l's in )1Ïs
Rl1IHPma('y were called to his aid. TLe levying of the
tithe's on the sac'red patrimonies in the case of puhlk
necpssity which concernea the Christian republic was of
right ana of fact prescrihed hy the sOH>reign PontifIs, hoth
hy the character of the
ubject which wa
acred, and by
the patl'bnonies which were equally sacred. But when
pu blic necessity affected the partitular s,tate of some
prince, then inasmuch aR the nature of the subject was
not sacred, it pertained hy right to the Pope and the cIf'rgy
to consent to this tax, by reason of the sacredness of the
goods it affected, although in the fact the prince, owing
eithpr to the urgency of the case, to tyranny, 01" to the
weaknf'ss of Ow clergy, may bave levied and seized it ac-
cording to hiH pleasure. In fact it contained the whole
HISTORY OF POPE DONIFACE VIII.
207
history of the defence of the immunity of the ecclesiastical
pOR8eRsion
cOllrageOl1Rly lnaintained by the Pontiffs
against the power of kings, and the syllogislllS of jurists.
The justit-e or the injustice of a war undertaken by the
king rendered just or unjust the dellland of ecelesiastical
su1J
idieR; the exaction of them then without the consent
of the clergy was always unjust. It is therefore clpar that
from the difficult appreciation of thf'se reasons, and from
the dangerous contact of the two powers there would arise
a long train of dreadful f)uarrels.
r.I'he tithes for the holy wars in Palestine were at first
furnishpd to the kings by voluntary gifts of the clergy,
and as it were in the name of alms.; but soon, according to
the remark of that most sarcastic English monk, )Iatthew
of Paris,120 the pious neerl was conyertf'd into yiolence,
and the shameful vice of rapacity was hidden 1.nHIPI
the mantle of almR. The ('If'l'gy were so grpatly alarmed
that Peter of Blois, ArelHlpal'on of Bath, c1'Ïed out fro III
his Ell
dalld to a(hnoni
h the FI'Pll('h hi!'hops not to allow
th('m
('ln>s to he rohbed of their possession by the king
asking money for the exppdition to Palestine. 121 For he
wrote to the 11ishop of Orleans: "Is it reasonahle. that
" t ho
f' who fight for the Church shoul(l (lpspoil thp
" rhlll'eh? whf'n tbf'Y should on the contrary f'nrich her
"with the spoils of the enelny. and with triumphal pI'PS-
h pnts? Do these wretches and fools imagine that Jesus
.. rhrist, soyereign justice, desirf's a sacrifice of iniquities
"and sacrileges, and that Rpoils in sHeh a manner gath-
., ered ('an be of any service?" 122 Afterwards he con-
dudes too sl'verely by ",aying that the princes would exact
no other thing frOlu tbp pontiffs and the clergy but inf'es-
sant praYl'rs. But tIlP CruRades were a necessity, and to
120 Ad an. l1R8: "Eodem tempore decima pars mobilium generalis con-
cessa per Angliam, ut collecta aù subventionem Terrae Sanctae impender-
etur, tam clcrum quam populum exactione violenta pertprruit, quae sub
deemosj'nae titus vitium rapacitatis inclusit." 121 Epist. 112.
123 Quae ratio est, ut qui pro Ecclesia pugnant, Ecclesiam spolient?
Quam inimicorum spoliis et donis triumphalihus ampliare debuemnt?
Putantne insipientes et miseri, quod Christus, qui summa justitia est,
velit siLi de injuriis et sacrilegiis exhiberi sacrificium, aut sustineat com-
mi
sa ex his spolia proHperari? Quid aliud a pontificiLus vel a clero
polest vel ùebet princep
exigcre, quam ut incessanter fiat oratio al'
Ecclcsia. lld DeulU?
208 HISTORY, OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
cond uct them money was needed. The Lateran Council,
held under Innocent III, 1215, therefore decreed that the
Pope and the Cardinals should devote to them the tenth
part of their benefices, and the clergy the twentieth. The
First Council of Lyons, 1245, confirmed the canon of the
Lateran Council by this decree: "Ex eoncilii comllluni
,.
lpprobatione statuimu8 ut omnes olllnino clerici vigesi-
" mam, etc." The joint liability, and the establishment of
the subsidies were determined by the needs of the
kings and zeal of the clergy. The provincial councils,
for example that of ...\.vignon (1209), of Narbonne (1227),
of Toulouse (1229), renewed the decrees of the general
councils. ·
These tenth and twentieth parts ,yere paid, but they
were not always for wars in Palestine; and even when
there was necessity, the kings were not always willing to
go to the Holy Land, hut that did not hinder thelll from
('ollecting the usual subsidies, even after the complete
extinl'tion of the fire of the Crusade
. This abuse COlll-
pelled the Popes to place them under the obligation of un-
tlf'l.taking the Crusade or of l'e8toring what they had col-
le
Ì(\d. X either the one or the other would they do, both
hpl'ause the II oly Sepulchre was no longer so precious in
thl'ir eyes that they would give up their lives for it, and
hel'aUHf' it seemed sweet to them to retain the fruits of
tht'ir rohheries, Kicholas IV in 1291 123 wrote to Philip the
Fair, and to Edward of England/
4 but Philip and Ed-
warcl did not restore. In a word the princes abused the
('(lllOnS of the Council of Lyons; wheneT'er they wanted to
p:aill possession of SOIne of the goods of the churches, they
rushed to arms, they assumed the cross, they got in motion
a
if they were on the point of departing for the Holy
Land, to whith they did not e"en dream of going, and they
('xacted in this lImnner from the clergy the twentieth part
which was fixed by the Couneil of Lyons.
This could not last always; in time the convenient pre-
text of the holy wars failed the kings, both because the
people would not go any nlore to the IIoly Land, and be-
('ause the clergy, where they had been stupid, acquired
wisdom in that expensiT'e school. Summoned to pay, the
lll<mks especially nmde the greatest outcry. The chroni-
123 Ra;ynaldus ad an. 1291. 22, 5G. 57. 12i Raynaldus ad on, 12!H.
HISTORY OF. POPE BONIFACE VIII. 209
des of :\Iatthew of Paris, and :Matthew of 'Yestminster
resound with their complaints. At that time other ways
to a
k and to conceùe were employed, which we find were
adopted for the first time by the bishops of the province of
Tours in 1294, who granted tithes for two years to Philip
for the defence of the kingdom and the churches: (( lJropter
tuitionel1t rcgni ct ecclesianwz." Thus a Illutual agree-
lnent was made between the king and the clergy, by which
the former bound himself to defend the rights of the
Church, and the latter to aid him in the defence of the
state. But this compact could not continued in peace; in-
asmuch as the Church would have to expect aid and the
defence of her rights frOl1I the very one from ",hOln she
had to fear impieties and the invasion of her rights. So it
clearly appeal.s, that although the right of the immunity
of the
acred patrimonie
remained unchanged, yet the
fart was often wave1"Ïnl-!.'. owing to the ceH
ation of cÏreuUl-
Atallces, as for example of the Cl'USadeH, of pirates and
what not, which COUll RelIed n10fh:>ration on the part of thp
clergy.
In England and in Spain the clergy showed themselves
more tenacious of their rights, than those in France. The
Eng-lish feudal lords energetically resisted the king; they
combined with the clergy, and the united resistance mani-
feHted to the king hy the aristocracy and the clergy wrung
from him the franchi:ses for all the people held sacred in
the
Iagna Uharta. Hequested to pay, the clergy never
feareù threatH, they never yielded to ("a1"e88('8; the spirit of
Ht. Thomas it Becket and
t. .An
e1lll Heeuwd at that time
to animate the episcopal hoùy. ".hl'n it became imposHi-
hIe for th{,111 to persist in their refuHal, they always indeln-
nified themselves for the f'ubddieR which they grantf'd by
80me new and explicit con1ìrmation of their immunities.
Edward I, engaged in a war with Philip the Fair, could
not obtain the tithes from the clergy of the province of
(1 an terbury, nor a fifth part of thf' revenues of the
churches of the province of York, before his son promised
in bis name to confirm that part of the Charta which re-
lated to the immunit
r of ecclesiaRtical affairR. 125
In Spain the tax{
s OJ) the dlu1"rhes W('l'P ltlOl'P dang-er-
ous, but the firnUlP8:-i of tlU' c]e1"g,Y wa
aI
o g-l"('aÜ>l'. III
126 Thomas Walsingham ad an. 1298.
210 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
that kingdom Crtumdes were not preaehed against infidpls
in a di:5tant lanù, Crusades whieh were a necessity only
through the in1petnosity of the Christian faith. The infi-
del )loors were in the heart of the country, and the de-
fence as well as the love of country made their expulsion
a necessity. The princes of this kingdorll demanded n10st
ahundant suhsidies from the churches. They were not
satisfied with a tenth or twentieth part, hut they required
a third. These third parts began to be collected for the
first time in 1214 under Henry, King of Castile, who
having succeeded his fathpr Alphonsus at a tender age,
gavc unlimited authority to Alvarez his guardian, who
placed the Church in a wretched condition by reason of
these heavy exactions. 126 But solemnly excommunicated
by the Dean of the ehurch of Toledo, at that time vicar of
the Archbishop of tlu1t city, not only did he restore what
he had unjustly coHee-ted, but he even swore that 11e
would cease his depredations. This first blow wen given
taught thp clergy to do likewise. After the Council of
Lyons was PtHIed, Alphonsus of Castile, deluded by tl1e
hope of being Emperor of Germany, thought no lllore of
the :Moors. Gregory X, an arùent prolllotel' of the Cru-
sades, called hiIll to his duty and granted him for six
ypars the tithes of the ehurches of his kingdom, provided
he would waive his e1aim to the empire, leaye Hndolph of
Hapsburg in peaceful possession, and renew tl1e war
ag'aillst the )100rs. This concession reinvestefl, it is true,
as )lariana relnarks,127 the usurpations of the Spanish
princes with a certain character of legality. However the
clergy remained firm, as we have said, and the provincial
('ouncils in Spain 128 are a splenrlid proof of it.
The movement of the Crusades was not so intense and
so constant in any other country of Christendom as it was
in France. For that reason the tithes for this necessity,
called Salad-ines, were of earlier origin and more continn.
ous than elsewhere. This is how they CaIlle to be imposed
for thc first time. In the middle of Lent a parliament was
a
sen1bleù in Paris, which was attendpd by all the barons,
hh.;hops, arf'hbishops, and abbots of the kingdOlll, and an
imlllf'1JSP nnmllPl' of foot so](liers and knights, who as.
m Thomas \Va l<;iugham ad an. 1298. ]27 :l\Iarian ann. ., Hoc initium
castelIaf> regibus sacros tcmplorum rctlitus dccerpendi."- ]28 I... 13 c. ult.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 211
sumed the cross in order to go to fig-lIt in the IIolJT Land. 129
The King Philip Augustus showed himself disposed to set
out for this reason, which was held to be of urgent neces-
sity. -nTith the consent of the clergy and the people it was
decided that he could collect tithes from everybody, for
that year only, and for the sake of the impending neces-
sity: "Omnibus ct tantuJn anno propter instantcuz, ncces-
sitatcw/' The detaHs of these circum
tances have been
tran
mitted to us hy Rigord, a monk of St. Denis, who
was the historian and chaplain of Philip Augustus. The
means sepmed agreeable to Philip, who having tasted
thelll, oppressed the churches unlnercifully- by unheard of
exactions: (( GraTibu8 ('xactionib1l,fJ vehcl1lrnter oppresJlit
et iJuwlitis/ J 130 It is well to read in the chronicle of the
religious
which we have cited the pretexts by the aid of
which the king tried to justify his usurpations, and with
what unrestricted freedoln the goud monk wrote. N ever-
theless the Prince realized his evil deeds"; for he acknowl-
edged the right of the illlluunity of the nhuJ'ch, and he hy
no means
ought to wealwn 01' destroy it. A proof of this
we have in Rigord. Some moments before the battle of
Boyine, Philip, who knew of all the extortions which Otho,
Emperor of O"ermany, and John uf England, in league
against him, had been guilty of against the Church, began
to pl'ay, and Rigord, his chaplain, behind him heard him
utter these words: " All our hope, all our confidence is in
"God. King Otho and his army have been exeommuni-
" eated as puemies of the Church and as destroyers of her
"posspssions. The tears of the poor and the fruit of his
" plunder of the churches and the clergy form the wages
"of his soldiers. -nTe are Christians in full communion
" and peace with Holy Church. Although sinners, we do
" the will of the Church of God and we defend according
" to our power the liberty of the clergy." Then, according
to the judgment of Philip, he who laid hands on the goods
of the Church, and did not defend her Uberty, was not a
Ch l'istian.
1
he l'aympnt of the tith<.>s was at first free and spontane-
ous in France; aftprwal'd
it was requested by the king
.
aIHl autltorizeù by the Popes; and the requests of the'
foruwr folJow('(l
o frpquently and so urgently, as wpH as
119 Card. Aguir. Rispaniae. 130 Duchesne.
cript, Rist. Franc. T. 5.
212 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
the will of the latter, that it became an obligation for tlle
clergy to pay on account of the urgent necessity; but their
right to consent to or refuse this tax always remained in-
tact. The wars against the Albigen
es having he en added
to those of Palestine, under Louis YIII, the necessity of
the tithes increased. A synod was convoked at Bourge
,
in which the legate of Gre
ory IX imposed this tax on the
. clergy for five years, in order to defray the expenses of the
expeditions against these heretics. In order to persuade
the clergy more easiI
r, the king preyaiIed upon the legate
to place himself at the head of the expedition, but the
clergy would grant only a half of the tithes, and they ob-
jected to the use of that scandalous word, for which they
substituted the word" subsidies," to dose the way to the
custom. The king died: the legate renewed the request,
but the chapters of the provinces of Rheims, of Sens, of
Tours, of Rouen, appealed to the Pope, becau
e they did
not want to see a gratuitous gift transformed into an obli-
gation and a slaver)y: (( Attendentcs quod hoc iPSllnl, quod
"de libertate processerat, con1.:crtebatllr in obligationcnt
"et servitutem." The clergy complained then because
they did not wish to be enslaved by a law; the kings, on
their part insisted, because they wished to impose it. But
although the right remained intact, yet the fact was
strengthened, and these yearly exactions threatened to
become a right. Louis IX ascended the throne; he was a
saint, and we do not hear of hin1 oppressing the churches;
yet this constant ardor for the holy wars had exhausted
the Church in France. Louis wanted some money for a
crusade, and he asked it fr01n the Pope; but the procura-
tors of all the cathedrals of France, asseD1 bled at Paris,
forwarded by letter their grievance to the Pontiff: 131
" Your Holiness knows, for the whole world is full of
"them, the trouble and trials of the rniversal Church,
" and particularly of that of France, compelled to pay at
"one time a tenth, again a twentieth, and at another a
"hundredth part of its revenues, and to bear the weight
111" Novit vestra sanctissima paternitas, et in fines orbis terrae exivisse
"quantis, perturbationibus et pressuris universalis Ecclesia, potissime
"Gallicana sit turbata, nunc decimam, nunc duodecimam praestando,
"nunc centesimam, nunc multarum aliarum exactionum gravamina sus-
" tinando."
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 213
" of many other demands." Hence thpy protested, that hy
no other power than the Holy See did they hope to sec>
their former liberty restored, and if hplp failed them, that
pest of the tithes would he prolonged indefinitely: "In
(( q'llibus nisi a scde 0 postoli('a lJlenam pmaât oS.'iwfJU'i liber-
(( tatem, pestis ista latissime se diffundct. n Duchene thu
writes in the old chronicle of N eustria for the year 1254.
The tithes imposed by a king, holy as Louis IX, were
criticised even in England. Here are the wOl'd
of sar-
castic 3latthew of Paris: ""'ïth the pernlission of the
" Pope, he oppressed his kingdom in many ways, extorting
"large sums of money under the pretext of nlaking a
" pilgrimage with great display, and he levie.l on the tenth
" part revenues of all the churches of his king(lom." 'Ye
do not believe that Louis oppl'e
sed the churches so
heavily; hut if there was reason for conlplaint under a
saintly king it is easy to imagine how' the churches fared
under a king less pious.
The French kings had refused to go any nlore to the
Holy Land, there were no heretics to ùe combated by arms,
and consequently the old reasons for tithe
cea
ed to exi
t.
But since wars eontinually arose ùetwepu Christian
princes, there was con
tant need of money to maintain
them, and kings presented tlwmselves at the door of the
churches, asking it for the defence of the kingdom: .( Ob
(( tuitionem regni." Here was the difficulty; not to give
was to provoke the angel' of the king; to give was to betray
the sacred immunities, The councils of the Lateran and
Lyons ordered subsidies for the IIoly Land, and not for
other necessities, The warlike expeditions for the deliver-
ance of the Holy Places, bore the evident character of
justice and piety; but any other military expedition did
not possess this mark without a decree to that pffect.
loreover, in the first case the amount of aid to furnish to
a prince on a crusade would be known, in the seeond case
it would not be known, and hence the right would he un-
determined. In the uncertainty the churches were op-
pres
ed by Philip the Fair, partly through the tyranny of
the king, partly through the weakn(-'
s on the part of the
clergy. The clergy, thus oppre
ed, cOInplained. but they
did not resist like those in England. Boniface moved hv
these complaints puhlished tbe constitution, "Cleri('i
.;'
214 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
Now reflecting on these nlatters, can we say with Bos-
suet that it was unnecessary to publish that offensive
constitution? The prohibition to the clergy to grant sub-
sil1Ïes to the king without permission of the Pope was
vf'rf', and severe the punishnlent also, but the applica-
tion of the la \"" to Philip the Fair was nlost benign. 80,
although having sufff'red a littlf' frOll1 this constitution
which plated the sacred patrimonies out of his reach, and
this pained him; y
t he would not have published that di
-
graceful and unjust edict, if the flatterers, that torment
of courts, had not gone about murmuring: " The pr
lat
s
" awl the eccl
siasti('al per
.mns of your king<<lom now can
" no longer render you service nor give you the p
('uniary
"aid to which they are obliged by reason of their fiefs.
" X ow they can no longer make to their king the simple
" gift of a horse or a cup." 132 'Yhen had Boniface thought
of the goods which the clergy held in the character of
feudatories'? "Our constitution," said Boniface on the
contrary, "doe:s not admit of such malicious comments,
"and the spirit which prompted it rejects the nleaning
" given to it by false cOllunentatoI's." 133 He declared that
he did not forbid the concession of ecclesiastical :suùsidies
to the king for the defence of his kingdom; ùut that he did
not want it done without the special authorization of the
Pope; and besides he was ready himself to dispose of the
sacred vessels and the crosses, in order to coopf'rat
in
the defence of the kingdom of France. And finally here
are the concessions which after all the clalllors of Philip
the Fair, Boniface granted him, in the affair of ecclesim
ti-
cal subsidies, by another Bull entirely favorable to this
prince, and explanatory of the constitution "Clerics."
1st, The intention of the pontiff was not to prohihit
to the clergy the gratuitous gifts to the king or state in
danger, provided there was no violence, hut only exhorta-
tions and entreaties used to obtain them.
2nd. The clergy, possessors of ecclesiastical feudal
pl'opel'ty, rf'llulÏned ohliged to fulfil their duty antI to ren-
der homage due to the king.
3rd. In gravp and sudden dangprs of hoth king and
state, the king could ask subsidies frOlll the prelates, and
132 See Document L. Inefbbilis.
113 The same.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 215
they could grant them, even without the pern1ission of
the Roman Pontiff.
4th. The judgment of the grievousness of the necessity,
for the sake of whit:h the clergy could be called upon, was
left entirely to the conscience of the king, if he had reached
bis twentieth Yf'ar, and to bis mini
ters, if bf' was a minol..
The reader therefore will spe that Philip, who consid-
ered himself grievously tormented hy Boniface, was on the
contrary mo
t favored by him, and IWYOlld othpl' princes
had the privilege of collecting subsidies, even without the
permis
ion of the Pontiff, in ca
e of npce
ity. For this
reason the disputes which arose later bptween the two
n1en, cannot be ascribed to the fault of the Pontiff.
BOOK IV.
SU)1:MARY.
1297-1300.
The sovereign expression of the papal power.-It derived all its greatness
from that of St. Peter.-The Sixth Decretal.-Dino da Mugello.-The
Count of Flanders becomes an ally of Edward of England.-A formid-
able league against Philip the Fair.-He fights it and is aided by
Boniface.-Boniface is chosen arbiter by Philip and Edward.-His de-
cision.-How it was received by the two Princes.-Wallace disturbs
Scotland.-Scotch envoys to Boniface.-His letter to Edward.-Ed-
ward's reply and that of the English Parliament.-Albert of Austria
with the aid of Philip is elected King of the Romans.-Boniface will
not confirm this election.-The Armenians beg aid from Boniface
against the Turks.
The Holy Wars.-Boniface defends the Templars
against the king of Crprus.-'His moderation towards Philip.-The
usurpations of Philip in league with Albert.-Sicily; and the acts of
James against Frederick.-Small gain do they bring to the Church.-
Battle of Cape Orlando.-Charles II, whom the Pope tries to restrain,
undertakes au Lnfortunate expedition against Sicily.-Constitution of
Boniface concerning corpses.-He pursues the Fraticelli.-He favors the
Friars Minor.-He undertakes to subdue Palestrina.-The pretended
counsel given him by Guy of Montefeltro.-The Colonnas !'.urrender at
discretion.-The end of Palestrina,-Boniface approves the new order
of st, Anthony.-The Greek Church.
WE have finally reached that stage of this history,
when the mind of the reader has been raised by itself, as
it were, to the height of that fact which has dominated all
others, the subject of our narrative: we mean the develop-
ment of the Papal power. And since we have said that
this reached iis extreme period during the lifetime of
Boniface, a period, consequently, agitated and stormy like
every living existence that ends; it is necessary for us to
carefully turn our attention to it, in order to arrive at a
knowledge of the scope of this narrative. But there is no
need of much effort, since this fact is so forcibly charac-
terized, that all the other farts which we shall narrate are
216
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII, 217
founded on it, and dominating as it was, it becomes th
one and only object of our study. In the moral order it is
an invariable law, that th
ending of a life is caused by
the ending of its determining causes, which being con.
sumed, so to speak, as they carry to the highest degree the
power of existence, suddenly extinguish it.
The life of this absolute Pontifical power, considered in
itself, had expression in canon law, which at once had
produced a relative Pontifical power outside of itself in
contact with the faithful.
ow since this power under
Boniface and through him, reached the highest point in
its life, the Papacy of Boniface must have had a particular
expression in canon law; and this portion of the canonical
laws should ahove all others lllanifest a sensible vigor pro-
portionate to the vital strength of that power. The volume
of these laws was the Sixth of the Decretals.
The Papacy as a theocratic power assumed to rule the
noblest part of the human individual, namely the intelli-
gent spirit, in which there is liberty, that is to say, life
through knowledge. Therefore every human knowledge
not only clothed itself with the forms of that theoeratic
power, but also accepted it as an ideal. For which reason
phi1o
ophy in the :\Iiddle Ages was only theology, art was
theological, and th
standard of right, preelninently the
guiding spirit of the people was Papal. And since the first
necessity is that of existence, which can not he without a
determination, or right, it canle to pass that men devoted
themselves more closely to the study of this than any other
science. The Universities of Bologna, Padua, and Paris in
the thirteenth century were only assemblies of canonists;
and Gregory IX, Innocent III, Honorius III, and Boniface
VIII, addressed their collections of canons to the Univer-
sity of Bologna.
We shall not speak of the history of the Decretals, as
it would be too great a digression; we wish to say how-
ever, that these were not the expression of arbitrary power
of the Pop
s, but rather the consequence of that same
Papacy whieh Christ had established in the Church. The
preaching of the Gospel, to which the Apostlf's were de-
puted, had an immediate effect, namely the formation of
the Church by unity of faith. The government of the
Church, which also was entrusted to the Apostles, had not
218 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
an immediate
ffpct in its entire extension, proportionate
to the efficacy of the power that was granted to the Apos-
tles and the Episcopate. Preaching had for its ohject the
existence of the Church, and the Church existed through
the faith of thm
e who composed it. The existence of th
Church was absolute, and as regards its state of being it
was unchangeable, unprogressive and actual as the faith
which was its foundation. Th
object of its gov
rnmpnt
was the formal existence of the Church in its relations
with exterior objects, and as these relations are suscep-
tible of development and of progress, so also tllP govern-
ment should dpvelop and progress. For this reason the
ruling pow
r of the Pope and of the entire <,piscopatp could
not manifest itself in the first age of the Chureh in the
same manner as it did in succeeding ages. Preaching and
the faith will always be the same; but the governing power
will always T'ary according to the force of its progress;
and will accompany the society of the faithful, whieh bp-
ing human and visible, is visibly de\eloppd around th
pivot of faith. Hence the scandal of the J ansf'nists and
R
galists at seping the Church, after the first ages, extend
its power, and multiply its canons, is rather a sin against
reason. Acknowledging the Church to be visihle and
directed by a visible power, they obstinately' persisted in
believing it despoiled of all power, or in other words in
believing a contradiction.
Preach the Gospel, that is to say the faith to every crea-
ture, said Christ to the Apostles and their successors; but
since this faith should be expressed perceptihly by works,
by worship, and by the Sacraments, they could not com-
plete their mission in a n1anner so as not to leave the ex-
ercise of it to tlleir successors until the end of time. The
visibility therefore of the Church is the soil on which the
power of governing lnust ind
terlllinately deyplop itself.
N ow since the power of governing a soci
ty is relative to
all which tends to destroy it, it is evident that the sub-
jective power will always be in direct proportion to the
offences committed against the society. If the offences
increase, the power will incrpase, as win also the laws
which are the expression of it. So hefore anyone had
dared to touch the offerings of the faithful, the power of
securing them did not manifest itself, it was not known
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 219
to the faithful, although it existed in the Pope. The first
usurpation of the sacred patrimony of the Church made
that power subjectin>ly exist, and the repeated exercise
of it hegot the law again
t u
u1"pers which is nothing but
a pprmanent POWPI'. 'Yherefol'e although St. Peter did
not promulgate laws against the usurpers of the goods of
the Church, whereas his successors had promu1gated
many, yet it does not follow that he did not have the
power, and that his Sll('ceSSOI'S usurped it. So then if we
find the Papal powpr amplified and Papal laws increased,
it is hecause the offences against the society of Church
were llndtiplied and hence to this cause, and not to ambi-
tion should be ascribed the great subjectivity of the Papal
power.
The sIlla]] number of Jaws in a human society is a sign
of great vitality, just as a large lluillber hetokens littl('
yitality 01' in other words the many offences committed
ag-ainst it. In fad a(:('onIingly a
disorder ineI'pasetl in
tivil sodety through harbarity and conspqllPntly in the
disd}Jlillc of the Chun.h, so the suhjective power of the
Pope in("1'l>ase(l, the laws increased, and so did the need
in('rease of compiling them ill a collection, so as to render
permanent hy maÌ<<:>rial proofs that power, which was ren-
dpred morally such by the la\ys.
In this principle we find Jiving and as it wpre pal})i-
tatin
with tr.uth, the reasuns for all those changes in
(Iisdpline which had seandalized the Jansenists. The
need of power, the pressing necessity, and the grpat in-
erease of edl
induced thp Pope to exercise it suddenly
and pel't'mptorily. .A cIictatorsbip in repuhlics was en-
gpndpre<l hy tbp existence and greatne
s of the evils that
threatened thf'm.
In tlU' timf' of Boniface the offences against the Church,
although comhated hy the PapaJ power for lllany cen-
turies, had taken the forill of right, which was that uf
Princcs. Tlwrefore t1.1e naturaJ fOl'ce of evil doubled itself
hy the power of t1.1is forill. And when it :seemed that in
the new-born civilization these of[cnc.:es should diminish
ill numher and strength, they multiplied and inerea
ed
thI'ol1
h tlJe very benpfitR of dvilizatiun. HenC'P tlw Papal
power, whose Rtl'pngth it s(>(>llled
h()uld han' dt>(.lilHo>(I, was
also l'einvigorat<.'d, antI far fl'Ulll the 01(1 eanons lmo;iug
220 HISTORY; 01!
POPE BONIFACE VIII.
their force, they reappeared more threatening by the addi-
tion of new ones, Therefore just as civilization gave to
the offences committed against the Church the form of a
lay right, so Boniface gave to all the Papal power the form
of his own right, and this form was expressed by the Sixth
Book of the Decretals.
Thus reasoning we find ourselves brought to a conse-
quence, which we laid down as a principle in the first
pages of this history, namely that Boniface was the man
of a passive reyolution, that is to say the personification
of the ciyil Papacy in himself, his own ruin occurred with
that of the civil Papacy. Therefore if this Pontiff is to be
presented to posterity in all the fullness of his personal-
ity, he should not be dissociated from the sixth book of
the Decretals, which is the strongest expression of him
and of the Papacy.
All the Canons collected up to the time of Innocent III,
and compriRed in the Decree of the monk Gratian, and in
tbe two collections of Decretals of Bernard Circa and John
Vallense, although the doctors in the universities mad
lIRe of th
m yet they had not as yet the force of laws by
the authoritative decree of the Popes. But since Innocent
III a(lmil1iRtel'('(l the Papacy in the strength of it
power,
in order to establish it firmly he was led to put his seal on
hi
con
ctiol1 of the Decretals, which he increased hy the
aid of PetpI" Deacon of Benevento, compiling a third col-
lection whicb contained those canons which emanated
fl'om bim. The canons of the Fourth Lateran Council,
and the subsequ
nt decrees of Innocent are contained in
the fourth collection of an unknown author. The decree
of Honorins III bad from this Pope approval and force
of law!':. Finally this particular Papal approval was ex-
tendl-'fl hy Gregory IX to all the Decretals from the time
of Gl'Pgory the Oreat to bis own times, to the Apostolic
Canons, to the Canons of the Councils from that of An-
tioeh down to the 4th Lateran Council. All these were
t"omhined h
r Pennafort, and were divided into five books.
'.rhf'Y were solemnly published and given as laws to be
followed in the tribunals and schools.
The la
t epistles of Gregory IX, the canons of the two
ronnci]
of LyonR, and thp constitutions of the Popes who
succeeded Gregory, and those published by Boniface in
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 221
the first four years of his Pontificate, were already most
important and sufficient for a new collection. The canons
of the 1st Council of Lyons, promulgated during long
struggles of the Church with Frederick II, and the consti-
tutions of Boniface, published in times of violence had a
certain vital energy; they were not to remain outside of
the body of ecclesiastical right, nay they were even de-
manded by the same right as its sovereign form. And this
was truly remarkable, that this demand for the insertion
of these laws did not come from the clergy nor from the
Papal authority, but from the assembly of the doctors of
Bologna.
The "Cniversity of Bologna dispatched to Boniface
James of Castello, chaplain of the church of that city to
heseech him to make an addition to the body of Canon Law
composeù of five Looks; to separate the false from the true
Decretals puhlished since Gregory IX, and to sanction it
with his authority in the law court. James being kindly
received by the Pope, was standing in his presence; but
as he was very short of stature, Boniface, thinking that he
was in a kneeling posture, gave him a sign to rise. But
Cardinal
Iatthew of Acquasparta who was beside him
undeceived the Pope by a joke which hurt the feelings
of the honorable messenger, saying: "He is a new Zac-
chew..;." 1
Boniface set about immediately to put in effect the de-
sire of the famous University. He selected three persons
most learned in law, 'Yil1iam of )Iandagout, Archbishop
of .drnhrun, Berengarius Fl'edoli, Bishop of Beziers, and
Riehard Petroni of
iena. To these he entrusted that
compilation,2 which in 12Û8 was published under the name
of the Sixth Book of the Decretals. Boniface addresseù it
to the University of Bologna, with that letter which is
founù in the Leginning of the Sixth Book. The compilers
as a rewaI'll were afterwards raised to the Cardinalate.
These men in the compilation of the work hall as a com-
panion Dino of )Iugel1o, a celebrated juris-consult of his
time. Born in Florence in that part of the city which was
named
Iugel1o by James Rossoni, he applied himself to
the study of law in Bologna. In that city he was pro-
J Tirabaschi .. History of Literature. Book 2nd, pages 239 and 138.
J Preface to Rook VI of Decretals.
'1'10) HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
"-' ... ...
fe8sor, as well in Pistoja. Such renown for learning did
he acquire, that during his lifetime the Veronese estah-
lished hy law that in passing sentence, wherever the laws
and the municipal statutes, the Roman Laws, and the
commplltaries of Accorso did not touch upon the matter
or held contrary opinion, all should consult and follow the
opinion of Dino. In October, 1297, Leing sUlnn10ned to
Rome by Bonifac(' for the compilation of the Sixth of
the Decretals, he repaired thither, where he taught school.
The services whieh he l'ender<,ù the Pontificate during
that time stirred np in his breast the desire for the dignity
of Cardinal, with wbith he heJieved the Pontiff shoul(l
reward him.
\nd
o u111('h (lid hi
not di
honorable ambi-
tion confirm him in this opinion, that having- hade fare-
well to his wife, Bice, he obliged- her to deyote herself to
Ood in the Convent of Rt. Cohunballus in Bolog-na, and he
he('3me a cleric. Unfortunatp expectations! The only
honor h... gained wa
that of haying pnt his han(1 to the
Sixth of the DpcI'etals, aud pPl'haps the repentance of
lual'ital seque
tI'ation. Some will have it that he dieù of
gripf. So Dino after instruf'tiug so nlany others in the
laws, did not know how to instruct himself. He had not
learned that greediness foJ' dignities is a sign of intemp-
erance in the truly wise, who p08sess the highest of digni-
ties, that of intelligpnce, which neither princes can accord
nor tyranny ('au steal.
Althongh Boniface had in a fatherly manner ,'eplied to
the edict puhlished by Philip the Fail' in angel', cau8ed by
the constitution "Clerid
,"
ret there was sueh freeùOIll
and authority of df'f'Ïsions in the re8ponse that the mind
of that king should have heen aroused to additional angf'r.
However, there was a mutual continence of the anger
which agitated the Papal and royal breasts. The ruined
but threatening Colonna8 re8trained Boniface and a great
federation of unfriendly princes curbed Philip. Hence in
the course of our history we shall find that the Pope is
still a friend and supporter of tbe king, and the latter if
not, is at least not an open enemy.
Philip anù Edward \\
ere Htill at war, when Guy, Count
of FlanderH, ('HIlle to prolong and increaHP it. He could
not r('8t PP<.WPflll hp('(l11sp his (langhtpl" Philippa hl'tl'otJwd
to the Hon of Edward, was h('I(1 a prisoner by Philip. lIe
HISTORY OF POPE BONIF ACE VIII. 223
a
sembled a large parlianlent at Grammont, at which were
present the mubassadur uf England, those of Adolph king
of the Homans, of the Duke of Brahant, and uf ahnust all
of the princes of the Low Countries, aud Lorraine. lle
complaiued of the illlpri
onment of hh.; daughter; and all
proffered aid a
ainst Philip; but hefore hreaking off rela-
tions with the latter, they dedded to send to hiln a solemn
elnbassy, to demand the liùeration of the innocent prin-
cess. It is sent but it returned with a refusa1. 3 Then Guy
made an alliance with Edward, each one binding' himself
not to Inake peace without the consent of the other; the
other daughter Isabella was ùetrothed to the young Eng-
lish prince instead of Philippa, and her dowry was to re-
nlain in the hands of the Fleming to carryon the war
ag"ainst Philip the Fair, together with a hundred thousand
livre which had been promised by Edward. 4 The Counts
of
avoy and of Granson entered into the league, and they
were R('nt to r011se to arms all the lords of Brittany,
although John fluke of that country had been detached
by Edward.
They succeeded in their design, for with
thirty thousand Jivre of the English king they induced
the Counts of Auxel're, of )Iontbelliard, the lords of Ar-
lay, of Neuchatel, of )Iontfaucon, and of Faueigny.6 Thp
Count of Savoy, Amadeus V, was induced to join the
league, by the promise as wife of Jane the niece of Eù-
wê:lrd. 7 On the oUler hand Adolph, King- of the :Romans,
rose in arms against France, hy W1HHll he was joined hy
the Duke of Brabant, the Count of Hainaut and of Uuel-
dria, the Bi
hops of Liege, and etrecht, and the Arch-
hishop of Cologne. 8 A formidahle league, wllich would
have put Philip in the direst straits, if the conf('derates
had not heen in separate places, and if the gold of France,
more plentiful than that of England, ha<l not disRuaded
tlw Germans froill taking up arms against him. ...\..ncl now
wa
the OPPOl'tUllity fo1' ßonifaee to show hillU;plf, if
uch
he wa
, tlw enemy of Philip, eïtheJ' 1,y aic1ing thp aIJi('
, or
]'y giving' tll(> JllPaning' to tlw Constitution " CleT'iei
" the
lIl('aning' which the' I'oyallniuiste'rs attl'Ï1mtf'd to it, namely
to (lppl'ive him of all
uh
icly of IllOIH'Y to lip dJ'awn fl'Olll
B Onrle
herst. Annals of Flanders. c. 132, 1. tRyrneT, Tom. II,
page 7::J7, 742. II Idf'm pago 733. e Idem Tom. lJ, page 7i8.
., Idem Tom. II, page i5!), 8 Idem Tom. If, pages 752, 7G3, 768.
224 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
the sacred patrimony. But let us proceed and we shall
find that Boniface wheedled this unruly prince.
The ardor with which these princes entered into the
league, exceeded that with which they came to the war.
The hosts of Edward, of Adolph, of the Bishops of the
Empire, and of the Count of Gueldria delayed to advance.
Guy was the only one who confronted Philip, who on June
2nd, the feast of Pentecost, having asselnbled the flower
of the army at Compiegne, at the head of it entered Flan-
ders and laid siege to the city of Lille. 9 Having sustained
defeat at Furnes and Comines the Flemish were compelled
to open the gates of Lille, of Furnes, of Castel, and of
Berg St. Yinox. 10 Edward arrived only to share in the
discomfiture of the Flemish. But before he advancerl with
his army, asseJnbled at London on the 1st of August, some
of the nobles of the kingdom came to him saying how im-
prudent it was for hÏIn to go to war, as he was now an
enemy of the Church, and excommunicated by the Arch-
bishop of Canterbury whom he had cruelly persecuted;
and that he should be reconciled with him before leaving
the kingdom. Sooner than h;lve an enemy in his own
household, Edward in full parliament was reconciled with
Robert of 'Vinchelsey, Archbishop of Canterbury, in the
presence of a large concourse of people. )Ioreover he in-
trusted to his care his son Edward and the entire king-
dom. He ratified the peace bý promising to restore all
that was unjustly taken. He asked pardon of the barons
for his bad conduct of affairs; and he desired all to pray
for him; but according to accounts, all did not pray well
for him. l1 He departed for Flanders with a small follow-
ing and joined Guy; but in a short time through the dis-
satisfaction of the Flemish, and the misfortune that at-
tended them, they both found themselves beaten back to
Ghent, and aU the principal cities of the country were
captured. The two princes despairing of better terms,
D John Villani. Book 8, c. 19 .. .. William Nangii Chroni-
cles 1297,
10 Villani. Book 8, c. 20 . . .. . Nangii Chronicles 1297.
1J Knyghton. English Events. Book 3, chap. 9, page 2510.-" Et ora-
bant quidam publice alii autem sic; alli vero occulte, paud vero bene."-
Walsingham, "Flores Historiae," year 1297.-Matthew of 'Veshninster,
yr. 1297.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 22:5
seeing that the remarkable successes of Philip had dis-
couraged the lesser nobles who had entered the league,
a
ked for an armistice. Philip granted it, both hecause
of the approach of winter, and because his mind was more
inclined to diplomacy than to wage war. 12 In October of
1297 "
illiam d'Autun, a Dominican Friar and Arch-
bishop of Dublin, who enjoyed the confidence of both Ed-
ward and Philip, induced them to prolong the truce. 13
The Papal legates
icholas Boccasino, general of the
DOluinicans, and John )Iinio of )1 urro, general of the
Franciscans 14 arriyed, and Charles of :x aples hiInself
sent by Boniface to obtain peace :15 and through their
means an arlnistice for two years was signed in the mon-
astery of St. )lartin of Tournai. 16
A great debt of gratitude was owed by Philip to Boni-
face, who admirably as
isted hÎIll during this war which
lasted about three months. If in the Constitution " Cler-
icis Laitos" there had heen hidden a spirit hostile to the
king, and if the interpretation of the malicious courtiers
was true, it is ce,'tain that Philip would not have received
suh
iùie
from the churches, of which he was in extreme
need to carryon a rather difficult war. On the contrary
when the Pope was asked by the French prelates how they
would act towards the king in regard to granting money
and nlen, seeing the king-donI so nluch threatened, and
yet themselves held in check by the Constitution, in the
fol1owing words he gave a satiHfactory an8wer to their
inquiry:11 " Although we have published this Constitution
"as a pre
erver of eceJesiastical liberty, yet it was not
"onr intf'ntion to deprive of suhsidies the king, and the
" otllPr lay princes, when in distress, and especially when
"in fear of an unjust invasion from without, and a l'evo-
"lution from within, with evident danger to prelates,
"Chur('he
, and clerics. 'Ye desire simply that this he
"donf' with our permission, and he the fl'ee and
ponta-
"neaus gift of the clergy for the common defpllce. And
" just as at other times both hy messengers and lettprs we
" signified to the King and the other princp
of the realm,
U Rymer, Tom. 78, page Ð5. 18 Chronicles. Nic. Trivet. 1297.
1.4 Spondani year 1298. 111 VilJani. Book 8, v, 20.
18 Nangis, year 1297. apud Achery Spic. tome 3, page 52.
I7 Reg. Vatican. An. 3, page 26, Raynaldus 44.
22G HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
" that if (which God forbid) the kingdom were in immi-
"nent danger, far from pl'ohibiting subsirlies, not only
" would we allow him to be provided ,vith money from the
"sacreù patrimony of his kingdom, but what is more we
"would proffer him, as far as our honor and that of the
"Church would peru1it, the gooùs, the substance, the
" power of Holy f1hurch, and even our own person, for the
"preservation of his rights and for his relief in dire
"nece
sity." These kind and amiable words which came
from his heart, Boniface wrote on the 19th of February,
as previously on the 7th of the same month the request
was kind which he sent to Philip, to revoke the edict which
prohibited money to he sent to Rome, and the clergy found
outside of the realm fron1 receiving the revenue of their
benefices. Is And his action
bear testimony to the sincer-
ity of his words. 'Ye find in the Vatican Register of the
IC'tters of Boniface various letters which n1ake mention of
the money given to Philip. He granted him a half of the
alms that had heen collected for an expedition to the IIoly
Land,t9 a half of the money that was owed by certain
debtors to II ngh, Bishop of Toledo; 20 and finally during
the war, he allowed hinl to collect for himself the revenue
for the first year of all the vacant henefice
in the King-
dOlll,21 And in order to prove that the Papal cunstitutions
sanctioned in favor of the immunities of the clergy, were
not destructive of civil order and safety, he gave him full
power to Illake himself sure of the person of those of the
clergy whom he suspected during the war. 22 :Moreover he
wrote to the Archbishop and chapter of the city of Lyons,
to he on their guard and protpct tIw city, lest it might fall
into the hanrl
of enellliC's whilst the king was engaged
in war. 23 This indeed was not a sign of that venomous
rancor, that Boniface had been accused of bearing towarrls
Philip; nor wa
it a sign that he wished to make him a
yassal, as those mo
t humble courtiers prodaÌlned, whose
lniuds were clolHlC'd by the famous Constitution. And be-
sides whilst Philip was engaged in the war Boniface re-
leased him from whatever cen
ure he may have inrurreò
hy the edict published in opposition to the Constitution,
through the ..\,.chhishop of Auxl'l'rp 24 an(} throng"h hiR
18 Raynaldus 46. 1SI Epistle 54. an 3. 20 Epistle 55.- 21 Epistle GO.-
23 Epistle 50.
23 Epistle 63.- 24 Vat. Register, Epistle 4, year 3.
HISrORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 227
confessor; so he proceeded to interrupt in his favor, in a
manner the most advantageous, that Con
titution, so
shameful1y and Iualigantly distorted by the king's cour-
tiers. 25 And in order that it might not appear, that by
any peculiar circuIlu;;tance he wa
in(luf'ed to give the
e
interpretations, lw Ol'dpred them afterwards to be inserted
in the Rixth of the Decretals. 26
Boniface wa
no less henevolent to Edward, who a loser
in the Flpmish 'Yar, had great neefl of powerful mediators,
so as to reeoncile him with Philip. Adolph could giye him
no further thought; the Scotch were in a ff'rnlent, and
were threatening to break out into open war, being aroused
by 'Val1ace, a Scottish t:hieftain, who ahhorred the subjec-
tion to England. The losses sustained in Flanders were
many and heavy; he asked for a truce, and obtained it.
This was secured through the influence of Boniface. For
we have alr'eady seen how Philip fln
lwò hy success, in-
terrupted the pI'ogress of the war, through the Idnd offices
of Charles II whom the Pope had sent to him; and on
Christmas Day, Edward being still in Flanders, Papal
Ilw
l"engeI's came to exhort him, as they had likewise done
with Philip, to ehange that truce into a treaty of peace.
For that purpose he should send to the Roman See envoys,
who would submit the reasons of their quarrpl to Boni-
face, who not as a judge anù Pope, but as a good nwdiator
of peace would define the rig-hts of hoth parties, and ('ach
one would promise to ahide by the dpf'Ísion. The messen-
ger ha(1 not mueh difficulty in persuading Edward, who
on aeconnt of the embarra
sed state of his affairs, anx-
iously longl'd for SOllle such an arrangement. 27 The pro-
position was also agl'eeaLle to Philip; and the English and
French enyoys repaired to ROlne. 28 Sel' the confìdpuee
which thpse two princes, jealous of their soverpignty,
plaeed in tllP intelligence and the honesty of heart of Boni-
face. Is it any wonder then that those Pontiffs of Italian
nationality should have dU111inat('d 0\,('1' all th(' J>rinf'ps of
(
lll'istf'ndonl with the arms of justice?
The favors whkh Bonifaep had ]avi
h(>d on Philip,
whilst the lleavy w{'ig!lt of war was pressing down on him,
35 Vat. Register, Epigtle 5, Ra:ynaldus 49. Epistle 47, Rayn.
28 Book 3 de Immun. Ecel. chapter" ClerieiR." 27 \Yalging-lIam,
38 Chronicles of Nicholas Trivetti, year 12Ð8-AclIery, tom. 3, p. 22
.
22
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
and also the care with which he brought to a succes
ful
end the eallonization of his grandfather, Louis, was a
splendid proof to that Prince of the predilection of Boni-
face for the Hoyal IIouse of Prance. A t the same time in
tllf' heart of Edward all hope vanished of a ruptu
e be-
tween Philip and the Pope, regarding the affair of the
Constitution, which would have been to his advantage in
the war. For which reason although he wished to profit
by that armistice in order to reunite the league and renew
tlw war, yet he suddenly courted the desire of peace. This
al
o made him exceedingly desirous of deserting Adolph,
because other things at home, and the furious uprising in
Scotland claimed his attention. Also Philip desired peace,
both because he was victorious and not a lover of war, and
because the people were no longer enthusiastic, and were
assluning- a threatening attitude owing to the many exac-
tions. To such well-disposed min4s Boniface presented
hiInself as a peace-maker. Edward who was in dire straits
first ('hose hinl as arbiter of the rf>asons of his quarrel with
Philip.29 He dispatched six ambassadors to Home giving
them full power by letters he wrote at Gh('nt th<.> 18th
of February of 1298. 30 And to show that he was sincere
in his desire for peace, he departed from Flanders, and in
Iarch he arrived in the harbor of Randwich.: n
Philip also satisfied with the arbiter chosen, and like
Edward bound himself to abide by the decision of Boni-
face under the severe penalty of paying a hundred thou-
sand silver marks. Yet ever fearing that his principality
nlight lose some of its rights, he preferred that the Pope
in judging should preside not in his character as Pope, but
29 These courts of peaceful arbitration were of frequent occurrence. By
agreement between the two contending princes the settlement of their
differences was often intrusted to a bishop; a strong proof of the reverence
and confidence which they had for the hierarchy. We find that in 1283
Edward of England, as Duke of Gascony, heing at law with the bishop and
chapter of Bazas, regarding jurisdiction over the territory of that city,
both by agreement confided the settlement of the lawsuit to the judgment
of the Bishop of Aine.- H Ista est littera omologacionis et consensus
Episcopi et capituli Vasatensium, super quibusdam artículis pertinentibus
fleI compositionem fact am inter Dominum Regem Angliae et ecclesiam
Yasatensem," Unedicted document on the History of France. Letters of
Kings V, I. 30 Walsingham---'Trivet. Chronicles 1298
Rymer,
tom. 2. p. 825. 31 Idem.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 229
a
a private person, that is to say, as Benedict Gaetani.
The agreement with this clause added was drawn up in
Rome on the 14th of June 1298, and the rights of two
great princes tired of war were weighed in the mind of
Boniface. 32
Anxieties at home and the noise of arms which re-
ounded in the Papal court itself, did not divert the truly
great mind of Boniface from the consideration of foreign
affairs, On the 27th of June, precisely when hostilities
wi th the Colonnas were beginning, in a public consistory
Boniface presided as judge in the great contest of Philip
and Edward, whose eagerness for war had subsided during
the hyo years armistice. There were thirteen cardinals
present, and a countless number of people had assembled
to heal' the sole1nn decision, The minds of an were curi-
ous to see how Boniface, called to judge as Benedict
Gaetalli, although he was Pope, and presided as Pope,
would render judgment regarding the rights of these two
1110st powerful princes, Noone doubted his wisdOln, nor
his uncompromising judgment; but they suspected that
on account of the unusual solemnity of the office and his
weI1-known attachment to things Roman he might be un-
just to both, or that a hidden enmity against France might
induce him to act too severely towards Philip. Boniface
was not a saint, but jealous as he was of the authority of
the Papal Chair, he was equally most zealous for the
authority of justice. Before a final decision could be
reached Boniface would be obliged to quiet the envoys of
England who were objecting, that the
r could not arrive at
an agreement with the French King, without violating
the faith of their master with Adolph, King of the Romans,
and Guy, Count of Flanders, to whom he hail sworn not
to make peace without their concurrence. IIowever Boni-
face knew how to surmount even this obstacle, and he
decided: "The armistice agreed upon between Edward
" and Philip should he prolonged in order to change it into
" peace; they should confil'm it. and render it dn-rahle hy
" ties of blood: Philip should givp in marriage his daugh-
" trr, a chi]d who was upwards of seVPll years, to Edward
" tIw eldest son of the English king, and the lattrr should
"nlarry the sister of Philip. To each one was to be re-
a Idem.
230 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII,
" turned thai which belonged to him befol'p the hreaking
" out of the war ;-Acquitaine was to be returlwd to the
"control of Edward, but he was eyen to relnain a vassal
"of France; Philip was to haye dominion oyer it. The
"lands occupied by both parties during the war were
"to be surrendered into the custody of the Pope, until
" they could come to some agreelllf'nt concerning the same.
" And during this time neither one should be considereù
"gainer or loser in their respective rights. That which
"they agreed upon should l,e sacred and inviolablf', that
"about which there lllight bp doubts or di
ensions was
"always to be submitted to the decision of the PopP." 33
Ilaving thus deciderl this difficult affair, Boniface
quickly sent the treaty to Edward and Philip,. exhorting
them by fervent letters, to ratify it, and telling thenl that
they were mutually bound to stand by it, and that he
would not have become judge in the affair if they had not
requested it. lIe ordered, that into the custody of Arnold
Bishop of Toulouse, Philip should surrender the lands he
had seized in Acq ui taine, and which belonged to Ed ward
prior to the war, and Edward should give up the lands he
had taken from Philip during the war. 34 lIe absolved
Guy of Flanders from the oath which bound him to give
his daughter in marriage to Edward, eldest son of the
I{ing of England; 35 and dispensed the latter fr0111 the
degree of relationship which existed between him and
Isabella of France. 36 So it seemed there were no longer
any impediments to the longed for peace.
The decision given by Boniface as a private person was
differently received by the princes who had requf'stf'd it.
If one of the two ought pot to c0111plain, that one was
assuredly Philip. The Pope on July 3rd had spnt a Bull
to Philip, in which he promised that nothing would be
added to the given decision without his consent declared
by letters or special messengers. 37 :l\loreover on the 10th
of the same lilonth he sent another letter to Edward, re-
questing him not to undertake an expedition of war
against the Scotch. These two documents were favorable
to Philip; they even exhibit a special kind leaning of Boni-
83 See Document A at end of Book,
If, Vatican registers, epistles 233, 23G, 237. 8ð Epist. Book 4. 415.
IOEpist. 234-Raynaldus no. 7. B7 Preuve du ditTo dp Bonif. }):lge 41.
HISTORY OF rOPE BONIFACE VIII.
231
face towards hinl. Philip accepted the truce ordered by
the Pope, but e,oer excited hy j('alou
y of state, which his
faithful coul'tiers took occa
ion to keep alive in his lllind,
protesting importunately, he said to the papal legates:
"that the tenlpol'al government of his kingdom belonged
" to him, and to no other; in that respect he had no supe-
" rioI'; and that he would never submit to any man who
"should pretend to interfere in the civil administra-
tion." 38 'Ye believe that Philip was impelled to make
this outcry by the fear of heing obliged to liberate the
daughter of Guy of Flanders, and to restore the estates
of the :salue. 39 But there was no mention of this in the
Papal decision. However he accepted the arnlistice and
the decision of Boniface, and the lands taken fl'onl Ed-
ward were inÌl'usteù to the Papal Legate Arnold, Bishop
of Toulouse. Edward accepted the decision 1110st kindly
and IllOSt peacefulJy. Hardly had he received the letters
of Boniface, exhorting him to ahide hy the decision, and
have all confidence in him, than he read them to all the
nobles of the kingdom assembled in 'Vestminster. 4o lie
published an edict to the Gascons, in which having ex-
plained all that was effected up to that time, he ordered
that all the lands and vassals that he possessed in the
French kingdom should he placed in the hands of the
Papal legate. 41 The treaty was ratified by the two kings
.8 Tres. des Chart. IG. History of England. Lingard, Tom. II, page 38.
118 Here we shall call attention to a remark of Hallam which he makes in
his History of Europe in the l\Iiddle Ages about the decision of Boniface,
and the unjust complaints of Philip, and of some French writers: The
award of Boniface, which he claims to make both as Pope and as a private
individual, is published in Rymer and is very equitable. Nevertheless the
French historians agree in charging him with partiality towards Edward,
and mention several proofs of it, which do not appear in the Bull itself.
Previous to its publication, it was perhaps allowable to follow the common
tradition; but Velly, a writer always careless and not always honest, has
repeated mere falsehoods from Mezeray and de Baillet, while at the same
time he refers to the instrument itself in Rymer, which disproves them.
M. Gaillard, one of the most truthful writers that France has ever pro-
duced, has pointed out the error of these historians in the :Mem. de
l'Academie des Inscriptions, and the editors of "1'Art de verifier les Dates
have also rectified it." Hallam, page 385. .u Westmon. Flor. Hist.
41 . . . . . . "nous pour honneur et pour reverence du dit pope
. . . . . . avons ja mis et assigne en la main et Ie pouvoir de
l'honorable pere R. eveque de Viccnce, messager du dit pape, toutes les
232
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
through their envoys in June, 1299, at :\Iontrein-
llr-mer,
by the means of the legate, Bishop of Yicenza. 42
It clearly appears from the decision of Boniface that
peace had not been established by that armistice. The
cause of the dissension still remainf>d, namely the division
of Acquitaine, and the settlelnent of the jurisdiction of the
two prinees, which was to be suhmitted to a future de-
cision of the Pope. 43
But the Pope did not wish to reopen the wounds of old
sores through fear that the contending parties who sub-
mitted themselves to his decision, might escape from his
power. He was in hopes that the ties of relationship
about to be contracted between them would soften their
minds, and render them soon willing for a happy and a
lasting agreement. In 1\Iay, 1299, Edward deputed Ama-
deus Y of Savoy to act as his proxy and that of his son
in contracting lnarriage with )largaret and Isabella, the
one the sister and the other the daughter of Philip.44 In
August Jane, Queen of France, in writing pron1Ïsed to
Edward her daughter Isahella as ,vife, as soon as she
reached thp marriageable age. 45 Rohert, Count of Artois,
promised the same in the name of Philip.46 Unfortunate
marriages! which contracted for thp sake of peace, were
nevertheless the cause for a fierce war between the Eng-
lish and French, which lasted for almost a century.
V{hilst Edward was at war with Philip, we remarked
how the Scotch were striving by arms to recover their
lost independence, and how this uprising induced the
English Prince to come to some terms with Philip. He
had overcome the Scotch in various battles, and had
taken their king John Baliol a prisoner. So he believed
terres, vassaux, biens et autres choses que nous ten ions au royaume de
France, Ie jour que la dite prononciation fut faite . . . . pour quoi
nous vous prions et requerrons . . . . que soyez des l'heure que
vous aurez ces lettres recues . . , . . . obeissants et en toutes
choses repondants au dit eveque, ou a son mandement, en nom du devant
dit pape comme a nons memes." Rymer, Vol. 2 page 832 et seq.
G Rymer. Vol. 2, pages 840, 851.
U \Yestm. Flour. Hist.-" Romae per Dominum Papam Bonifacium inter
reges Galliae et Angliae pax confirmatur, quae non fuerat totaliter solid-
ata."-
See the letter of Edward, the son, to Amadeus regarding this
marriage. Unpublished documents, History of France, Vol. I, p. 430.
tI5 Idem 76, page 431. ø Idem 433.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 233
no one else would oppose him in enjoJing a peaceful rule
over that courageous nation. But the flight of its armies
and the imprisonment of its king do not assure the sub-
jection of an independent people. The foundation of its
rights is not in armies nor in a broken scepter, but in the
conviction of right, which jealously preserved in the heart,
will sooner or later free those who have been faithful.
This the Scotch had still pref':erved in thos(' times, and
"'ïlliam 'Yallace aroused it to generous efforts. Of an
humble, but honorable family, he undertook to do that
which a king had failed to accomplish, we mean the feeble
Baliol.
Scotland groaned, and bore the foreign rule like any
other country deprived of its independence. English min-
isters held the hig-hest public offices, and an Englishman,
John 'Yarenne, Count of Surrey, snprenle power in the
realm, as Yiceroy of Scotland. These foreign ministers
had laid their hands on the goods of the churches, and for
that reason tIle clergy, more than the laymen, bore with
bad grace the EngJish yoke. Ed,vard with all his forces
,vas at Guipnne, when 1Yallace raised the standard of
Scotch independence. Having lived in the fore
t, he had
a brave soul, a strength of body, which is necessary for the
performance of valorous deeds. At first he had but few
followers; success added to their courage and nluItiplied
their numbers; and a fortunate encounter in which 'Yilliam
Heslop, Sheriff uf Lanarkshire, was slain, gave celebrity
to the name of 'Yallace. They attenlpted at Scone to sur-
prise the chief ju<lieiary of Ormesby, who lost his treas-
ures, hut save(] himself by the precipitancy of his flight.
On a sudden other chieftains arose in arms in different
counties and the people rw;;hed to the standard of inde-
penùf>ncp. The nanlC alone of 'Vall ace guided tltf'tn. The
origin and progress of thf'se numerous parties had been
viewed with secret satisfaction hy 'YisÌl
cant, Bishop of
Glasgow, and the Grand )[aster, or Seneschal of Rcotland
who determined to collect them into one body, and give to
their efforts one common direction. Df'elaring thelnselves
the asscrtors of Rf'ottish independence, they invited the
different leaders to rally round them; and thf' summons
wa
obeyed by 'Vall ace, Douglas, RÏI' ...\lexall(ler Lindsay,
Sir Andrew ?\Ioray, anf1 Sir Richard Lunùy. But dissen-
234 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
Rions and the fear of Edward srparated the weak of heart
from the strong. All eapitulatpd save 'Yallace and
:Moray, who having nothing to lose persevered in their
purpose. rfhis eircumstance increased their popularity
with the people and the COllllllon Roldiel's. The greater
part of the at'my followed them in thpir retreat ùeyond
the Firth. OIl the 1Ðth of H<,'ptemher, 12nS, they suddenly
rushed upon the royal army led hy "Tarenne the mar
hal
of Scotland, routed thenl and put to the sword five thou-
sand English knights and foot soldiers on the left hank
of the Forth, This unexpected disaster ùroke all the plan
of "rarenne. Scotland was rid of foreig'ners. "Tallace
and )Ioray ('rossed the borders, and during a mOlltl1
Northumherland and Cumberland were ravaged by a re-
vengeful soldiery.47 'Yallace reached the height of his
power. He called himself" the guardian of the l{ingdom,
and general of the arrnie
of Scotland," under which
title he summoned a padiamellt to nleet at Perth.
Perhaps in this assembly the question of asking aid
from the Apostolic See was discussed. It is certain the
request was made to Boniface, who oprnly undprtook to
defend the independence of Seotland. On .July 10th, 1298,
he wrote to Edward earnestly exhorting hhn to live at
peace with his neighhors, tlH-' Scoteh, and to listen no
longer to the suggestions of his alnLition. 48 To a request
conveyed in such general terlllS it was easy to return an
evashye answer. 'Yallace dispatched envoys to Rome who
more powerfully interested Boniface in their favor. They
refe)'red their quarrel with the king of England to his de-
cision, because he was the only judge whose jurisdiction
extended over both kingdoms: they l'emindrd hinl that by
remaining indifferent, he would suffer Edward to annex
to his own throne a realm, whith of right belonged to the
See of Rome as a fief.
Boniface in welcolning the Scotch envoys had before
his l11ind the rigllts of the Church, and those of a people
struggling for their liherty, which Edward violatei1. By
word and by a doeunlellt the lpgates stated their claims,
which Boniface sent to Edwar(l. The English historians
of this time assert that Boniface was led by the !':ph,it of
.7 Lingard. History of England. Vol. II, pages 181, 182.
.8 Rymer, II, 827.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 235
amhition, more than justice, when he declare<<l Scotland
to he a fi('f of the Church. Yet Edward knew wpIl the
contrary to he the trutl1. For when h(' de:.;ir('d Nicholas
IV in Ì2!)O to confiru1 the usurpf'd right of the Engli
h
crown over Scotland, Kicholas replied that he could not
flo it, hecause it would he to deprive the ROlnan See of a
r(>ahll which was
u1Jject to it. 49 Therefore Boniface wrote
to Edward from An
gnï" on
Tune 27t11, deelaring that the
king should know, that Scot land had belonged frOlll the
ancient tÏ1nes, anrl did still belong, in full right to thp
Homan See. He then proved it was not a fief of the Eng-
li
h crown, frOlll the following instances: 1st, 'Yhen
Henry, his fatllf'r, sought assistance from Alexander,
I
ing of Scotland, in his war with Simon de )Iontfort,
Earl of Leicester, he acknowledged by letters patent that
it waR a
a favor, frol11 an indf'pendent king, and not as a
feudal service. 2nd, \Yhen the 8ame Edward, desirous
of having AlexandpI' of Scotland present on the occasion
of his coronation, he declared by letters patent that the
Seottish Kill:
came not as a vassal, but through courtesy.
3rd, AlexallÙel"s oath of fidelity to Ed,vard concerned, not
Scotland, but the lands he possessed in the confines of
England, and Edward publicly recognized the oath in
this sense. 4th,
\.t the death of I{ing Alexander the cus-
tody of Scotland did not fall into the hands of Edward,
but of the Scotch nohles chosen hy popular votf' on account
of the t('n<1er age of ::\Iargaret, niece of Edward and
<<laughter of
\.l(>xander. 5th, At the death of
Iargarpt,
although the ('hiefs of the Sf'ottish nation on account of
diRRl'nsions concerning a successor, had made Edward the
arhitl'l' of tlwir fJuarl'el, they did not however constitute
him their Inaste1". 6th, In the treaty of marriage betwcen
the prince of England and 1\fargal'et it was declared, that
the kingdom of Scotland should remain forever fl'pe and
independent, and in ca
e of her death b(' rCfo;torprl in that
state to thp npxt lwh.. Fina lly a
nwst cf'rtain proof of
the in<1ppenden{'p of Scotlaml and it
separation frotH thl'
English rpahll was the fact that tll(> Pope
alway
a
Rignf'fl
:Sl'parate hog-ationfo; to tho:o<p Idng(loms. Thf-' violent Ruh-
411" Se non posse in regno Scotine, sedi \postolicae olmoxio, EccI(>sia(>
Romanae dcrogare, ejusque fiduciarios Regi Anglo submittere." Year
1290, Vatican Registers, letter 102,-
23G HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
jection of Scotland manifested itself also in the bad treat-
Jllent of the c1ergJ, especially the Bishops of Glasgow and
Sondor, and other c1ergy, who having opposed his ambi-
tious projects, were subjected to an ignominous im-
prisonment; and that crowd of ministers whom he had
left in that unhappy kingdom to squeeze out and take
away the sacred life substance of the churches. Hence
the Pontiff expressed the hope that the king, desisting
from an unjust aggression, would set at liberty the bish-
ops, clergy and natives of Scotland, whom he had held in
captivity; and if he thought he had any right to the whole
or part of that kingdOln, would pursue his c1aim to it
within the six months following to the Holy See. 50
It is true that in the period of time which elapsed be-
tween the death of Alexander, and the election of John
Raliol to the Scottish throne, Edward had firmly estab-
lished himself in Scotland, both because she placed her-
self in his hanils to put an end to the contentions of the
three pretenders to the crown; and, as he said, because the
rights of England over that kingdom went back to ancient
times. He had caused the archives of monasteries to be
searched, and their chronic1es to be consulted, which gave
him most favorable answers to his projects. 51 It could
not be denied that the Scotch had paid homage to him in
the per
on of
John Baliol. But it had been done either
by the will of John, who was king by the will of Edward,
and for that reason agreeable to him, and not by the peo-
pIe; or because the Scotch through fear of intestine wars
had J'ielded unwillingly; yet it is true that they obtained
from Pope Celestine a release from the oath by which
.John Raliol had bound Scotland to England,52 and they
continued to fight with varied success in order to gain
their liberty. Boniface deputed the Archbishop of Can-
terbury to bear this letter to Edward, under pain of dep-
osition from office if he failed to do so, and to report to
him every act and word of the king when he read the Papal
document. 53 But the Papal letters did not reach Edwarù
10 Lingard's History of England, Vol. II, page 185.
&1 Knyghton de Event. Angliae. Book 3, col. 2470.-Nich. Trivetti.
Chronicles year 12!J2.-Archery ape tom. 3. page 213.
&2 Knyghton de Event. Angliae, Book 3, col. 2477.
r;a Vatican Register 5. Epistle 465. Raynaldu8 99-19.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 237
in time. Only after a year could the Archbishop delivel-
them, and so they were of no avail to save Scotland and
her valiant \Yallace. The latter was defeated and his
armv destroyed by Edward after a bloody battle. He re-
nou
ced the title of guardian, and hid himself in the
forests and lived a roaming life in 9rder not be a witness
of the evils of his unhappy country. 54 So Scotland having
been inspired with the hope of liberty by Philip the Fair,
reeeived no aid whatever from him. The only favor he
obtained from Edward was the release of John Baliol,
who on July 14th, 1299, was given into the custody of the
Papal legate, the Bi:'ihop of Yicenza. This unfortunate
king retired to his estates of Bailleul in Normandy,
France, where he ended his days six years later. 55
Edward was camping with his army at Caerlaverock
when \Yinchelsey, Archbishop of Canterbury, bearing the
Papal letter presented himself on August 26th, 1300. The
letter was publicly read in Latin and French in the pres-
ence of the I{ing and the barons. It is quite true that the
letter was not pleasing to Edward. But peace with
France was not yet concluded; Gascony was still seques-
tered in the hands of the Papal legates; and Scotland
conquered but restless under the yoke. Unwilling to
offend one whose friendship was so necessary to him, to
gain time he replied that in a matter which concerned the
crown it was his duty to consult his counsellors: that
shortly he would assemble his parliament, and with its
advice would return a satisfactory answer to the Pontiff.
In fact he assembled a parliament at Lincoln on the 27th
of September. All the universities sent their doctors in
law; and who brought from monasteries every document
in their pos:ses:sion, which could bear upon the question.
After some debate a reply was framed, which was signed
by one hundred and four earls and barons, in the name of
the people of England. In this they show that Scotland
never belonged in telnporals to the see of Rome; that the
induhitable right of sovereignty which England possessed
over that realm should not be brou
ht into question; that
thpy were obliged by oath to defend it, and were most
ready to defend it
o as not to prejudice the rights of the
M Lingard. History of England. VoL 2, pagp lRfI. I' Mat. Westm. 431.
238 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
crown, the liherties, custom and laws, which they in.
herited frOl11 their fathers. 56
Edward wrote also his defence, which provoked a reply
from the Scotch. Edward made use of a ridiculous in-
vention and traced back his rights to the remote age of
Elias and Samuel. The Scots opposed fiction to fiction,
and declared that they were sprung from Scota, the
daughter of Pharaoh, who landed in Ireland and whose
deRecndants wrested by force of arms the northern half
of Britain, and therefore they owe no subjection to the
Britons, From fabl<:'8 thf'Y hoth pass on to history; but
lwitlwl' furni
hed proofs. 57 IIowever, the Scotch re-
mained subject to England, hecau
e the only hope of their
liherty was gone; for Boniface at that period found him-
Relf involv{>d in other affairs, and was engaged in defend-
ing his own and not the independence of others.
In the league formed by Edward against Philip the Fair,
we have seen that one of its members was Adolph of N as-
au, chosen the succeSRor of Rudolph of Hapsburg, to be
the King of the Romans, He did nothing against France,
but to have declared himself an enemy was sufficient to in-
spire Philip with the desire of revenge. Adolph had as a
rival in the election Albert of Austria, eldest son of Ru-
dolph, who was rejected by the electors, because he was too
haughty, and of excessive ambition, although he was pos-
sessed of great military courage. Having failed in the
strong desire he had of reigning, he hovered about Adolph
in order to supplant him. Philip knew this; he offered to
aid him to mount the throne in order to revenge hinlsplf on
Adolph. IIe sent him monpy, and prOluised to reconlluend
him to Boniface. The Archhishop of :\Iayence, the Dukes
of Raxony and Brandenburg embraced his cau
e, an(l
professed friendship. TheRe three electors having come
together again at .Mayence in 1298 decided that Adolph
was headstrong, under the influence of young and inexperi-
enced advisers, and wanting in mental allility and pecuni-
ary re80urees; they agreed that he was no longer wortl1y
of the royal cr'own, which suitf'd better the head of
\1bert.
They acquainted the latter of their ,viII, and entreated him
to go and implore the Pope to bestow on him the crown of
M Chronicles. Nich. Trivetti apUfl Archery Spicil. tom. 3, col. 224 sq.
17 Lingard. History of England. Vol. II, page 187.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. :!39
the king of the Romans. To Albert all this seemed to fall
from heaven, and quickly consenting to the request of the
electors, he immediately di
patched his ambassador the
Count of Hagirloch to Boniface, who not being able
to obtain anything fronl his nlaster, returned joyful
with forged Papal letters, which he palmed off as genu-
ine, and which declared that Boniface was in every
way favorable to Albert. The legates of Adolph hastened
to Rome, and spoke to Boniface of these letters. He as-
sured them that he did not listen to the petition of Albert
at all, nor did he send any letters whatever; they should
return and report to the king, who in confirnlation of the
a!';
ertioll, would be anointed Emperor, if he would come
to ROllIe. But those electors, either becau!';e they con-
Ridered the letters genuine which the Count of Hagirloch
ha(l brought from Rome, or because they pretended to be-
Heve thenI as such, repaired to the cathedral of )Iayence
and announced Albert as king, with slight consent of the
Germans; the princes favored Albert, and the people
...\dolph. Then the riyals began a furious war, and in the
battle fought at Glenheim near 'Yornls, Albert, not think-
ing of anything else but the killing of his rival, threw the
whole weight of hattle upon him, who, although he fought
with increùible valor, yet was killed hy the hand of
...\.lbert himself on July 2nd. A universal diet at Frank-
fort confirnled the conqueror as King of the Romans, and
he was crowned at Aix-la-Chapelle.
The df'ath of ..:\dolph and the elevation of Albert to the
throne with a blood-stained crown could not be approved
hy Boniface. He did not find any inviolability in the
right nor power in the fact that raised Albert to the
th rone. For the former he declared did not exist, when
his approyal was aske(l by the Count of Hagirloeh, and the
latter was wanting whell he would not con!';ent to the
violent intru:;;ion of ..\11I('rt into tlw governnH'nt. 5S For thf'
Roman Pontiffs claimed as their
the right to exalnine the
dlO!';cn king of the Romans, to anoint him, to consecrate
him. mHl to (lpe1are his fitness for ruling. 59 Nor was this
an a
nlIlptioll of 1'ights. Tlu> Electors thenu;clves ac-
kllo\\o)p(}gp(l it ; for they fountl llO other legal argUIll('nt fOI.
Þ8 Ptolemy of Lucca. llist. of Church, Book 24, chap. 37.
68 Epistle to }Iogunt et Trevir.
\rchiepi::;copos. ItaJnalùw" yr. 1301, no. 2.
210 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
substituting Albert in place of Aùolph than that of ob-
taining Papal letters, which would appoint the Hapsburg
Prince to the J'oyal dignity. For this reason he rebuffed
the ambassadors of Albert who had conle to ask him to
confirln the elf'ction of this prince which he declared to be
ahsolutely null. 60
In the meantime Albert with that strong disposition of
nlind, which at first the Electors had feared so much,
began to strengthen himself on the throne, by humbling
the nobles and depriving the cities of their liberties. And
that Philip of France might not undertake to disturb him,
he entered into a treaty of peace with him; and in order
next to gain favor of Boniface, he spread the rumor that
he was willing to engage the Turks in battle. 61 In fact at
that time Christian affairs in the East were in the worst
possible condition; and if Albert had been truly a king,
and had been in earnest in regard to war, Boniface woulù
JlaV{> nlost willingly favored his desire. For at the thne
that Alhert having triunlphed over his rival ascended the
throne, Boniface had received lnesspngers and letters fr0111
SC01nhal, King of Armenia, and from the Patriarch of that
nation, appealing to hinl for aiù against the Turks. Boni-
facp replied to thenl kindly,62 exhorting them to bear a
little longer the affiietions they were receiving at the hands
of the infidels. For the establishnlent of peace between
Philip and Edward, the more decided attachment of James
of Aragon to the Roman Sep, and the probable conquest of
Ricily inspired him with the hope of seeing again the 'Yest
in arms for the holy undertaking. But the times of the
Crusadps were past; and we do not doubt that Boniface
was of this opinion. :Many had thought that continual
recomnlendation to the notice of Princes the expedition to
the Holy Land, had been a cunning device of the Popes, to
open for the passions of princes and people in a distant
Jand, so that alone and without molestation they could
cause to spread nlore widely in their states the roots of
the tree of the Pontifical power. It may be that in certain
distressing circumstances, like tholSe occasioned by the
House of Suabia, the Popes encouraged a crusade in order
60 ptolem:r of Lucca. History of the Church. Book 24, chap. 37.
81 Raynaldus, no. IG.
Book IV, epistle 61. Raynaldus, ibidem epistle 271.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 241
to create a diversion but that their efforts in opposing the
vile Islamitic generation, in recovering the Holy Sepul-
chre, thp holiest monument in the land of the divine mys-
teries, was with a view to their own advantage, this wp
can never believe, Religion in mankind desires and as-
sumes human forms, in which interior worship is more
readily developed anò enlivened. In the :\liddle Ages, a
time of pure and canflid piety, and of a strong and gener-
ous temperament, the Holy Land, the Holy Sepulchre was
precisely the exterior form best expressing the interior
belief, both because it concerned more immediately, so to
speak, Christ the object of the worship, and because in
conquering it that martial spirit, which in those times was
most abundant, was to be exercised. And the Papacy
never having been a stranger to this tendency, but, on the
contrary, its guide and support, could not resign its office,
('xcept when the spirit of the tinIes having changed, the
people would have found some other means of expression.
From these religious conditions of the people those mili-
tary orders originated, which were to unite a brave war-
rior to the austerities of the cloister (a difficult union),
and which from the start wonderfully aided the Euro-
peans in their pious efforts in the East. But afterwards
these instruments of war, on account of the existence of a
long peace began to rust and degenerate; and later when
the love of the Holy 'Val' ceased, they began by degrees to
be dissolved. In the time of Boniface when the thought of
recovering the Holy Land had not as yet died out, these
Knight IIospitalers and Templars, were honored and
favort>d by the Pope.. 'Vhen the thought of fighting the
infidels had grown cold within the kings they forgot the
many immunities and privileges which these religious
military orders enjoyed. Although the island of Cyprus
was a stepping-stone to the East for the Christians, and
had much to fear from the Turks, yet Henry its King, fear-
ing more the power of the Templars, sought to restrain and
curtail it. He had imposed a tax of two bezants a head
on their domestics and slaves, and as the Templal's and
Hospitalers could not acquire new estates without the
permission of the King and of the Pope, he had enacted a
law forbidding them to increase their holdings hy even a
span. The fear was not groundless. James ùe )Iolay,
242 HISTOR Y OF. POPE BONIFACE VIII.
Grand
Iaster of the Templars, with all his fellow knights,
began to make loud complaints, which Boniface heeded.
He wrote to Henry telling him not to act harshly towards
them,63 to esteem them for their custody of his kingdom,
and for the sake of future expeditions to the Holy Land,
and to remenlber the good service they had rendered re-
ligion. For this purpose he sent eertain friars with a
Constitution, that would reconcile hinl with these power-
ful Knights.
'
"'he appeal which Boniface nlade for aid to be extended
to the king of Arlnenia against the Turks manifested his
dispositions and his moderation towarrls Philip. 'Ve have
seen how his decision as Gaetani had excited in the French
prince jealousy of state to such a degree as to call forth
a remonstrance in defence of his rights. This was a sign
that a poison was fermenting in the heart of Philip since
the proclamation of the Constitution (( Clericis Laicos."
The Pope perceived it, and remained silent; although it
was urgent for hiIn to complain, because Philip did not
desist from violating the sacred immunities. Philip
abused this silence. However, externally tLey seemed
friendly, and between them there was such a display of
kind offiees, that the people without knowing the truth,
said the two princes were at peace. As to a most Chris-
tian king, Boniface wrote to Philip in October, 1298,
recOIn mending to hÏIn the I{ing of Armenia harassed by
the Turks. In the letter there was a confidence in the
piety and good will of the King, and the Pope seemed cer-
tain that if he would not go himself, at least he would send
a French arnlY to that country.64, On the other hand
Philip affected to be a loving son of Holy Chureh, and as
if consumed by zeal for the Lord, he published an edict
which declared: " How in order that the Inquisition might
" succeed against the wicked heretics, for the glory of God
"and the gTowth of Faith, he cOlllmanded the Dukes, the
"Counts, Barons, Stewards, Bailiffs, and Provosts, of his
" kingdom, if they wished to show themselves truly faith-
"Iul to us, to obey their bishops and the inquisitors
"deputed or to be deputed by the Apostolic See, by bring-
"ing before them, whenever requested, all heretics, their
63 Boniface's Letters. Book 5, 46 apud Raynaldus 21, year 1298-Book V.
Epistle 180, Raynaldus, year 12D9-38. 64 Raynaldus, year 12D8, 110. 19.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 243
"abettors, believers, and receivers, and to execufe forth-
"with all sentences of the judges of the Church, notwith-
"standing any appeal or complaint whatsoever the her-
"etics or abettors might make, as all way of appeal to
them was closed." 65 These things he sanctioned against
the heretics, who were not trouhlesome to him, but rather
an advantage on account of a pious confiscation he nwde of
the goods of heretics. But he did many other things which
truly called for an inquiry. He had an insatiable thirst
for guld, and that of his ministers still greater. The
Cuunt of Artois had been in pos
ession of the city of Cam-
lwai, which belonged to the Bishop, and in the mildest
terms Boniface had entreated him to re
tore it. Philip
had appropriateò for himself the revenues of the Church
of TIheims during a yacancy of that See, and he refused to
restore them to the new Archbishop, Robert of Courtenay.
The Pope in the strongest terms recal]ed to his mind
how that custody which the secular princes exerei
ed over
the vacant benefices was only tolerated by the Church, and
ceased as soon as a new incumbent was chosen; his nlinis-
tel'S had shamefully seizeù the sacred reY'enues which they
should only have guardpd, and then
hould have delivered
to the newly-elected henpficiary.66 Philip turned a deaf
ear to these rplllonstrances. Boniface in
isted hy letters
which he sent directly to the Prince ana also made use of
the good offices of the Count of St. Paul, that he might
prevail npon him to act justly. But the Frenth King
wi
hp(l to abuse all those concessions, which the Pope had
bepn obliged to make in the Constitution "Clericis Lai-
cos/ J in order that he might not conlplain. His officials
unùer the pretence of taking the npcesHary suhsidips for
war out of the revenues of the churches, sPized theIn, and
in doing so made no distinction between the limits of
Church and of the State. 67 Philip who cprtainly did not
suffer frOln scruples, when he was draining both people
and churclws of their gol(l, full;v understood the wicked
rule h(' (,xPl'ci
ed over the sacred patrimonies, and the
justice of the Pope'
remonstrance; hut not wishing to
depart from a road which was so delightful, he thought
rather of strengthening himself in order to present a
85 Ordonne de France, tom. I, page 330. ell Raynaldus, 23.
87 Raynaldus, 25.
244 HISTORY OF POPE BONIF ACE VIII.
bolder front to Boniface when an open rupture would
come.
Albert, the new King of Romans, not having succeeded
in obtaining from the Pope a confirmation of his elevatioll
to the throne of Germany, certainly did not bear any
good will towards Boniface, whom he well knew was not
of such a mild disposition as to yield to hinl; and he saw
dimly in the distance the consequences of that clash, when
the fact in his hands would engage the right in the hands
of Boniface. Therefore he did not rest content and in-
active, but set aùout energetically in his search for sonle
one, in a like condition in opposition to the Pontiff, who in
joining his forces with his, could resist Boniface, or at
least intimidate him to their own advantage. Hence
Philip of France and Albert agreed in their way of think-
ing; and those rights which could not be settled by the
force of arms between Philip and Alphonsus, they decided
by friendly treaties and ties of marriage. The two princes
met in December of that year at Yancouleurs in Lorraine,
and the former friendly relations were restored which
once existed between Germany and France, and which
were disturbed by the rights which Adolph claimed over
the kingdom of ArIes. They were willing to corne to an
agreement the reason for which was not difficult to find.
Albert ceded to France the kingdom of ArIes, and France
surrendered her rights over Lorraine and Alsace. They
defined the boundaries of the two kingdoms; and by oath
they both bound themselves to defend each other in pre-
serving their respective rights; and in order to seal this
alliance by some stronger argument, it was agl"eed that
Rudolph, Duke of Austria, son of Albert should marry
Blanche, the sister of Philip.68 Philip and Albert con-
cluded these holy peaceful relations with their lllinds in-
tent on Boniface as if to call forth respect frolll him by
that show of strength they presented in that alliance, the
one entreating him to make legitimate the crown stolen
fro In the murdered Adolph, and the other claiming the
right to pillage the churches and so act as King and Pope
at one and the same time. In fact Albert, whilst Blanche
was being escorted to Austria for the marriage with his
son, 80 certain was he that these ties of relationship would
118 Spondani, year 1299, tom. I, page 327.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 245
move Boniface, that he sent another message entreating
him to confirm him as King of the Romans. But Bonifacp
would not yield to the murderer of Adolph, nor did he
allow himself to be intimidated by the li'lranco-Germall
alliance.
Ioreover he gave such a peremptory refusal,
as to furnish occasion to a certain Ghibelline writer to
relate, that having received the Inessengcrs of Alhert
seated on a throne with a crown on his head and a sword
at his side, with the ostentation of king he
aid: " It is I,
I, who am Caesar, it is I who am the Emperor." 69 B ow-
ever since Albert did not ask to validate a false right,
he was able finally to arrive at the fulfihnent of his de-
sires, because rights are engendered by deeds; Lut Philip
never, because injustice can never be sanctified into a
right,
But in the meantime affairs in Sicily did not seenl to
take so favorahle turn as to lea\?e the lnind of Boniface
free to think of Jerusalem. After the defection of Roger
of Loria, Frederick far froln fearing the great prepara-
tion Dla<le in Rome against him, dared himself and incited
others to resist, no matter what his fate lnight be. As
long as the Sicilians were faithful, he desired to be king
and king of Sicily. 'Ve cannot understand how Boniface
with his penetration, with his knowledge and practical
judgment of men, ùid not see so far into the lnind of
J ames of Aragon as to notice that he showed himself
most devoted to Rome, and most ready to wage war
against his brother, while the papal favors were falling
about him, while he was collecting tithes from the churches,
and the crown of Sardinia was on his heacl, but in the
depth of his heart he still nourished bittprnesH against
Rome })ecause of her efforts to drive the Aragon family
out of Sicily. Gold and Sardinia wpre things of the
present, services to be rendered were those of the future.
The selection of James for the conqueHt of Sicily did not
help the undertaking. Of James' diHpositions anù of the
impropriety of the means Boniface afterward was con-
"iuced, but too late.
Everything was prepared for the war in snch a manner
that there seemed to be no uncertainty of the victory.
The _\r2gonese fleet of forty galleys in union with that
l1li Benven. da. 1m. Cronic.--Comment. on the Divina COllmedia.
24G HISTORY OF POPE BONIF ACE VIII.
of rharIes ICing of Naples was large and vpry well
nlanned. 'rhat eminpnt warrior Hog(>l' of Loria com.
manded it, who to skill in military affairs added a know}.
edge of the sea and the Sicilian coasts, where the war was
to he waged. J ames therefore set sail with his fleet; he
landeù on the Roman shores and went to interview Boni-
face. In the ]ueantime Frederick was not unprepared,
heing aided wonderfnlIy hy the fipry Sicilians. He placed
on the spa sixty-fonr galleys, manned by the choicest
sailors, experipnced in naval battles. He chose as Ad-
miral, a brave Genoese, Andrew Doria. So much did
their courage increase in the face of danger that he was
impatient of (lelays, and wished to encounter the enemy.
He sailed as far as Naples to meet it. The Sicilian fleet
sailed along the
eapolitan coast, and was ploughing the
waves with colors displaYf'd, as if dpfying to battle, hop-
ing therehy to entice Charles to sonle fe>at of arms, or to
vanquish hin1 hefore he was joined by James. But James
sent word to Frederick saying that he should not try the
fortune of a battle outside> of his own kingdom and
should withdl'aw. 70 This does not apppar to be the mes.
sage of an enemy, but of a friend, and we believe the Ara-
gonese king endured more fatigue in prf'tending war than
sustaining it. However, Frederick having retirerl from
Naples, .James conducted to that city his fleet, which to-
gether with the Neapolitan numbered more than eighty
galleys. 'Yith f111arJes of
aples and the Cardinal Legate
on board, he directed his course towards Sicily in Aug'ust
of 1298. Roger of Loria opened the way for them. He
pointed out to the])] suitable positions, where perhaps stilI
linger the men10ry of his power and wh(ìre were his
friends and vassals. So the ecclesiastical militia sailing
along the east coast of Sicily, the city of Patti and some
other fortresses soon capitulated. The name alone of
J...4oria was nlore effective than arms. The fleet set out for
Ryracuse and laid siege to it; hut the city stubbornly held
onto In tlw ll1f'antime the provinces that surrenderf'd
either were forced, or by their own will returned to the
rule of Frerlerick, and the pontifical army between disease
and the sword waR greatly decimated, for Frederick tak-
ing refuge in Catania sent his light solùiers in small bands
'10 Fazzelli, Book IX, cap. 3.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 247
to haras
the enpmy often hy furion
and deadly skir-
mishes. In these encountf'rs the hrave Blasco of Alagone
at the head of a band of Catalonians was ambushed, ana
made prisoner with them; and also John of Loria, nephew
of Roger, suffered a defeat and was nlade a prisoner, on
his return frOln provisioning Patti with a few ships.71
A voiding therefore great battles, anù thus harassing the
hostile army, F'rederick oblige(l James to return without
advantage to
aples, but before his departure James
asked his brother for sonw ships whieh the people of
Ies-
sina had prepared for John of Loria and promiseù hinl
peace, but Frederick's reply was to offer battle which
J alnes prudently refus('(l
It was now the nlonth of
Iarch in the year 1299, and
Boniface saw that little or nothing had been gained; yet
he did not lose confidence in J anles. He imagined per-
haps the cause of his return was the threats made on the
frontier of his kingdom, for which reason he suùdcnly
left :Naples for Spain. So in order to renew the war he
allowed him to collect tithes from the churches of Yalen-
da, (latalonia, Aragon and the Balearic Islands. í2 He
took him under his protection, and restrained other
princes from molesting hinl dul'ing the Sicilian war. 73
And that thp soldiers n1Ïght know that the war was to bp
wagpd for the COlnmon )IotJH'r the Church, he granted
them holy indulgences. 74 lie afterwards deputed "'ïlliam,
Archhishop elect of Salerno to see that confessors were
not wanting in the fleet, who would immediately absolve
fl'om censures those of the enemy, who would pass over
to the party of the Church, and who would oblige them
by oath to remain faithfu1. 75
The tithes were a good gift but for the present war
ready money was neee
8ary. Jmnes did not have it and
Boniface was slow to give it to a servant whose honesty of
purpose he began to susp('('t. The Aragonese Prince tried
to get it froln the :Neapolitans. Having rf'tul'ned from
Spain, he joined his fleet to that of the N eapolitanR, and
on the 24th of .Tnnp hp s('t Rail steering his conrRe for
Sicily with the intpntion of trying again the fortunes of
11 Special Book 4, c. 6, 7.
n Ibidem, Epistle 20G, 207, Raynaldus 2.
Raynaldus 1.
n Book 5, Epist. 208. Ray. I.
7. Ibidem, Epistle- 193,
75 lb. Ep. 193, RaynaJdus 2.
248 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
'war. The famous Roger of Loria cOillInanded the fleet,
and the presence of James, Robert Duke of Calabria, and
Philip Prince of Taranto inspired them with courage.
Frederick set out with forty galleys frolll the harbor of
Iessina with men eager for the fray, and led by mo
t
skilful captains and many Sicilian bal.ons. He wished to
engage the enemy, to prevent it from reaching the Sicil-
ian coasts, and to vanquish it in open battle. But either
because the winds were unfavorable, or the Catalonian
pilots were more skilful and their fleet was handled better,
the latter arrived at Sicily near the coast of St. 3lark, and
immediately they formed in line turning their prows to-
wards the Sicilian fleet, which ardently desiring battle,
sailed directly to meet it. ,re shall not relate how furi-
ously the two fleets fought, since Nicholas Speciale had
written at length about it; 76 we shall only say that the
victory won by J allies oyer his brother was entirely of the
work of the invincible Roger of Loria, who to the hate he
had for Frederiek added an incredible thirst for revenge
on account of the death of the incautious John of Loria,
his nephew, whonl the Sicilians had hnpl'isoned, as we re-
lated. He planned the battle; he ordered the sudden
attack from behind upon the assailants, and inspired the
minds of all with his own implacaùle hate. Eighteen gal-
leys were surrendered to J a nlP s, and six thousand Sicil-
ians perished in those disastrous waters, mnong ,,,horn
were many barons, who by the authority of their name,
and the number of their follower
, had up to that time
confirmed Sicily in its determination of not being sub-
ject to the Papal will. 77 Crushed and blood-stained the
Sicilians retreated, and with them Frederick, who in that
battle mingled with the soldiers with so nluch bravery,
that he seemed a common soldier more than a king. Vil-
lani, who lived at that tiIne, declared afterwards that
through the artifice of Jmnes with his Catalonians, Fred-
erick was allowed to escape, as it was publicly reported. 78
'f8 Book IV, Chap. 14. 'f1 SpeciaJe. Book IV c. 14.
'f8 Here are his own words: "It is said with reason, that if King James
had willed it, Don Frederick, his brother,. would have remained a prisoner
after his ganey fell under the power of the prince of Aragon, and that the
war in Sicily would have ended. But, whether such was the wiU of James,
or such was the will of the CataJonian nation, they alJowed him to es-
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 249
Such was the result of the naval battle of Cape Orlando,
that if James had passed through Sicily, without giving
time to the enemy to recover their spiritH, it is most cer-
tain that the war would haVf
been tprminated by the
conquest of the island, But, contrary to the expectationH
of the two sons of Charles, and of Roger of Lol'ia, having
exchanged prisoners with Frederick, he allowed Robert of
Calabria and Roger to continue the war. It is true that
if the power of his brother was broken, he himself did
not come out of that terrible battle unscathed, and his
fleet was badly injured, but nevertheless he was victorious,
and Roger was with him; and then the awful dpfeat and
the loss of those valiellt barons made the Sicilians nlort'
docile, as the desire for revenge had not as yet succeeded
to the distress of adversity. He set sail for Salerno whf're
he expected to meet the afflicted Constance his lllother,
who in those days was the most miserable of mothers, as
she perhaps had never taken her eyes off those waves,
which might have been reddened by the blood of one of
her sons. He then sailed for
aple
, and saw Charles
who did not accord him the best wekome. 79 Even on him
this sudden departure made a bad inlpression. So Jalnes
returned to Catalonia in bad repute with the Angevines,
and detested by the Sicilians, who however, if he wished,
he could have reduced to the direst straits. 80
Boniface was very displpased over the return of James
to Catalonia; on considering that this prince had not
arrested Frederick in the battle of Cape Orlando, and had
abandoned the affair at the very moment in which he
could have gathered the fruits of a signal victory, he
clearly perceived that the reasons of his departure were
pretended, and that he acted in bad faith. 81 This lllotive,
added to a desire of not interrupting the course of pros-
perity in Sicily, fixed his attpntion lllore sÌJ'ongly on that
country; but he had still lllore at hpart not to losp that
which hp had reconquered, and not to exposp to danger
the army which remained entirply in the hands of Charlps.
cape." Book 8, chap. 29.-Ptolemy of Lucca, also a cotemporary writer
affirms the same, Hist. Eccl.
n Speciale. Book IV, chap. 15 . . . "a quo non multum
diligenter acceptusest."
· Speciale, Book IV, cap. 15, BIl\Iariani, Book IX, chap. 3.
250 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
J ames being at a distance, and probably caring very little
for the enterprise which had been intrusted to him, Boni-
face tremblf'd; for if the fleet would encounter a defeat, it
would be difficult to repair it. He restrained {'Iharles and
exhorted him not to trust to the chances of fortune. But
this prince who had drafted other soldiers could not re-
strain himself, especially since the good news arrived of
the deeds of Robert, his son, and Roger of Loria, who were
making many fine conquests in Sicily, and among them of
Catania itself. To his son Philip prince of Taranto, im-
patient and desirous of engaging in some signal enter-
prise, he intrusted forty galleys and a goodly number of
soldiers. The commander was the valiant captain Peter
Salvacossa, who had deserted the party of Frederick. 82
From the distance Boniface protested against Philip ven-
turing a battle with that force. He wrote to Charles to
restrain him and to prevent him from going, or if having
gone to Sicily to recall him. He would also have him re-
Juember his oath of fealty to the ROJuan See, and know
that he would be visited with censures in order to restrain
hin1 and his son frolu the foolish enterprise; and that he
had intrusted to the Archbishop of Naples the infliction
of the censures. 82 The Pope wrote thesf' things on the
2nd of Novelnber, and in the beginning of this lllonth the
young prince had set sail for Sicily, steering towards the
promontory Lilibeo, where he landed with his arnlY. The
entreaties and comnlands of Boniface were, as it were, a
certain presentiment of disaster. For a month had hardly
passed since his departure from :Kaples, when, on the
plains of Falconaria between
Iarsala and Trapani, Philip
nleasured his strength with Frederick, by whom he was
defeated and made prisoner. Thus was lost the fruit of
the victory of Cape Orlando, and those enmities and the
war were prolonged without any benefit to either party.
Then Boniface saw wither all the hopes he had placed in
J ames which afterwards he sought to revive in Charles
of Valois. Haù hf' from the beginning entrusted to this
prince the rights of the Church over Sicily, affairs Juight
perhaps have taken a more prosperous turn, and the war
might have been waged more honestly by a Frenchman,
who was not a brother of Frederick.
s:: Book V, Epistle 591, Raynaldus 4.
HISTOR Y OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
. 231
N ow we can not dismiss the account of the Sicilian war
without mentioning a most atrocious fact, which as an
instance of the ferocity of those times, also makes known
to us the vigilance of Boniface, and his immediate remedy
for every disorder that offended the sacred laws of nature.
Among the followers of Frederick, there was a certain
l\lontanero Sosa, who not by the art of war, but by per-
fidy had put to death a handiul of Frenchnlen and being
possessed by the demon of avarice conceived a wicked
plan for making money. He set about to boil the dead
bodies of the slain, in order to remove the flesh from the
bones, which he afterwards sold at a high price to the
relatives of the dead, that they might carry them for
burial to their own country. And thus, says Fazzelli, he
sold the dead whom in life he had betrayed. s3 It is true
this custom originated among the Crusaders, who in order
not to leave in the land of the infidels the bodies of the
nlen either dear to them, or illustrious by birth, removed
the flesh from the bones, that they might hear them away
with them, as we read was done with the body of St.
Louis of France. This treatment of human bodies even if
they Wf're corpses, was a great irreverence shown to the
divine handiwork. And yet it was often made use of by
those in high position, either to bury their dead relations
in grand sepulchres at home or with the pious desire of
securing the bones of their relatives who died in far off
countries, they disembowelled them, and boiled them in
loathsome boilers. Boniface published a Constitution,84
in which detesting the horrible practise, he threatened t
with solemn exconlmunication all those guilty of the bar-
barous practise of removing the flesh from human bones.
Although, as we have related, Boniface did not lose
Hight of those foul heretics, the Fraticelli, and quickly
hrought th(>m to trial, yet they did not stop their evil prac-
tiH(>S, and in the false garb of sheep they were worse than
ra,.enons wolvps.
lisel'able religious they were, expelled
fJ'om monastel'ies and fanatical founders of new orders
anù reforms. They fixed thpir abode
in the Abruzzi
mountains and in the Marches of .\.ncona. As we have
pl'eviom
ly stated, these puisonous shoots had
prung from
Home poisonous l'OUt. Censul'ps had little or 110 efIet't
sa Fazz. ib. "" Extrav. Commun. Tit. Dc sepultura, cap. I.
252 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
upon them, because they did not care to know or have
any connection with the Pope or Church. Strict observers
of the rule of St. Francis, this was of more value in their
eyes than the Gospel, or anything else. At the solicita-
tion of Boniface, Friar
Iatthew of Chieti, Inquisitor, pur-
sued them. 85 That is to say that the pursuit was relent-
less. They then left the continent, and fled to Sicily; and
there surfeited with food, and heated by much wine, they
formed a procession of real bacchanals, and to the accom-
paniment of certain reed trumpets, they sang a hymn
which began thus: (( Rejoice. 0 Harlot Church," meaning
thereby to slander the Roman Church. And afterwards
they broke these instruments and a cup to signify by this
the end of the Church. They passed over to Greece, where
they spread their bad doctrines; but Boniface preceded
them by a letter to the Patriarch of Constantinople and
the Archbishop
of Patrasso and Athens, in order that
they would suppress them. They took refuge in Achaia.
This vile troupe of heretics was certainly not to be treated
with indifference nor despised, because the people, de-
ceived by those appearances of rigid poverty, began to
consider them as saints and to venerate their relics. Ber-
nard Guido,86 relates that the inquisitors of heresy were
oLliged to disinter the ashes of Herman. a heretic of Ff'r-
rara, and scatter them to the winds; and demolish an
altar which the people had erected to him as a saint. The
same was done with the remains of a low-bred English
woman who declared herself the Holy Ghost bf'come in-
carnate for the salvation of her sex. 87 :Now if these stupid
doctrines could not prevail so much as to deceive cultured
minds, they however were among the people as a ridicu-
lous expression of certain theories which sprang up in
minds, not altogether uncouth nor uncultured, and which
could menace the nobler parts of the Church. In this
very year John Oliva died, of whom we have spoken, who
in his commentaries on the book of the Apocalyp
e of St.
John, after giving utterance to many extravagances con-
cerning St. Francis, his rule, his strict poverty and so
forth, bitterly assailed the Church and Pope, calling the
former a New Synagogue, Babylon, a harlot, and already
III Reg. Vatic. epi. 170 Ray. 55. 68 Chron. Rom, Pont.
Annal. Domin. Colmar. year 1301.-
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 2;)3
dying; and the latter Antichrist in flesh. 88 Xow these
doctrines taught by a man considered a saint outwardly,
and Ipal'ned as Oliva was, could be agreeably embraced
by those, who, impatient of the jurisdiction of the Church,
were restless under the lash of Boniface. This is the
reason why Boniface was vigilant, and the inquisitors
acti ve.
As we have said, the Fraticelli were a. most wicked off-
spring of the excellent Franciscan Order, and hence Boni.
face pursued them relentlessly; so it is well to remark
that this Order had no greater admirer and protector
than this Pontiff. He removed them from the jurisdic-
tion of bishops; he conceded to their rectors full power of
judgment over their subjects according to the constitu-
tions of the order without regard to the general prescrip.
tion of the law; and confirmed all their privileges in a
Bull entitled (( 111 are Jl agn lon." 89 He often employed
F'rancÏRcalls in legations and in the government of
churches. Friar Porchetto Spinola was placed by him
over the .Archiepi!"copal see of Genoa; Friar Alamanno of
Bag-norea over the Archiepiscopal see of Abora in 8ar-
d inia, who also had the privilege of exercising episcopal
juriR(liction in Rome as Vicar of the Pope, even while he
himf'elf was present; Friar John of Lamois, created Peni-
tentiary of the Pope, and sent on many embassies, was
appointed to the see of Rennes, and afterwards translated
to that of Lisieux. 90 These favors were granted in return
for the great services given the Church by these friars.
The character of the Order was such that it correspondefl
well to that of the times; and Iuany men of rare learning
became members of it. .And since it was still in its first
fervor, the )lendicants, and also the Dominicans were ever
nlOst ready for all those works in the performance of
which there was needed a perfect abnegation of human
naturp. Therefore pOOl', penitent, zealous and diligent in
preaching and in the administration of the sacraments,
they alone confrontpd the dangers in the far off missions
of the infidel countries.
But the justice of the recompense did not seem dear to
88 Constit. GG, John XXII, in Extrav. Communiter nonnullos.
III Wadding. Annal. l\Iinorum Tom. V, page 340.
10 Wadding. Idem,
.ears 1298, 1299.
234 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
the bishops and pastors. They saw on a pal' with them
certain cOlnpanions who up to that tiIlle were unknown in
the exercise of their ministry. The Friars were bearers
of Papal ordinances, which rendered then1 no longer sub-
jeets of the hishops but their helpers, and they lessened
the nlinistry of the pastors. The decrees were just, be-
cause the diocesan clergy in those times were in need of
help and co-laborers, and the Pontiffs of ministers freer
and more active in the application of their power; but the
bishops complained, because they did not wish to have the
Friars )linor on a par with them, but under them. 'Ve
shall not speak of the dissensions which this state of
affairs engendered; but only of the provisions made by
Boniface in favor of the Friars. In the year 1299 he puh-
lished the Bull (( Super Cathedram/' 91 in which he gave
full permission to all the ...\lendicant Friars to preach in
the Church or on the square, provided at the same nlO-
nlent th(' Bishop did not preach there, or they did not
preach in his presence. 'Vhen invited and with the per-
lllission of the pastor they could preach in the parish
churches; only the permission of the bishops was to be
asker} for the friars selected by their superiors to admin-
ister the sacrament of penance; if the bishop should re-
fuse, they could do so by concession of the Pope; the friars
could bury the dead in their churches, reserving however
for the pastors the fourth part of the money they received
for the obsequies. Finally he exhorted the bishops and
pastors not to lllolest the friars, but to favor them, and
assist them with alms. Little good resulted from these
provisions; the quarrels did not end, but rather increased
in intensity.
The times were hard and embarrassing, and a Pope who
did not wish to closp his eyes to the course events Wf're
taking neeùed to be a man of a strong and resolute nature.
'Ye have alr'eady seen how Boniface, after declaring war
against the Colonnas, had sent Cardinal Aquaspal'ta to
start a crusade against thf'm, promhdng the same indul-
gences that were granted to the crusadf'rs in the Holy
I.Jand. TJlP report of the rehellion of the Colonnas, and
tllP hpIp which Boniface stood in need of to repress thf'm
agitated the p('ople greatly; and they answered the appeal
111.Extrav. comlliuniter.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
9--
....oJ...>
beyond expectations, they ru
heù to arms, and took the
cross. Even the Orsinis the enemies of the Colonna
agi-
tated the undertaking of this war. 92 Florence had sent to
the aid of the Pope two hundred cavalry and six hundred
infantry under the leadership of Cianco of
Iontespertoli
and Davizo of Galiano; (YiIJani reports only six hundrrd
in all, arches and spearsmen,) also two hundred cavalry
fro III Orvieto,93 and other soldiers from :\Iatelica 94 under
the banner of the nlunicipality of Florence. 95 If we may
believe the chl'oniclf'S of Paulin us of Piero, even the women
were filled with the desire of aiding the Pontiff, and as
they were unahle and unfit, by reason of their sex, to go
to war, they hired soldiers to fight in their stead. In a
Hhort time a mighty army was assemhled under the chief
command of Landolph Colonna, which sufficed and ex-
ceeded the expectations of the Pope. So with the blessing
of the Pope, and endowed with bountiful indulgences, the
crusaùers a(lvanced to the attack of N epi, a strongly forti-
fied town of the Colonnas, which they brought to terIns,
hut with a great loss of soldiers occasioned by the poiRon-
ous atnlO
phel'e.96 Soon other castles and towns surren-
dered to tlWlIl. The stronghold of Palestrina alone re-
mained, which, hecau
e of its difficulty of approach and
strong fortifications, was rendered difficult of capture.
3Ioreover the Colonna princes were there, Agapito, Sciarra,
au(] the two ral'(linals, who saw within the
e walls pushed
to their last extremity, their own fortune and a people
Rtl'ongly devoted to the Colonnas. And right here Fer-
rettus of Yiccnza,97 and Pipino,98 strong Ghibellines, in-
tl'1Hle themsf'h
es and l'rlate that Boniface, as it were, de-
pairing of ca pturing Palestrina by force, thought of
01lY of 1\[ontf'feltro, now a friar, who in 01<1 :lge was liv-
ing in a mOlla
tt'ry at ...\ncona attending to the things of
(lod antI his ROUI. He sent a lllf'
Rengel' to him imploring
him. a man skilled in war, to come and dirpct tll(> sif'ge.
rl'1u''y (ledal'ed that h('" rf'fu
ed to come, hecause hf' had a
83 Villani, Book 8, chap. 21. 83l\fanente, History of Orvieto.
Ufo Petro ::\[pm, Proenest. Page 158.
85 Tosa Cronac. an. 12!)Î, add. ad. ft R. T, tom. 2, p. 53.
86 Tosa Cronac. an. 12!)Î, add. ad. S. R. T, tom. 2, p. 53.
91 Chronicles of Tuscany
'ear 12!)Î.
9R Chronicles Tom. 1, add. ad R H. I. page 53.
256 HISTORY OF. POPE BONIFACE VIII.
repugnance for such a cruel occupation, but that after-
wards he" yielded, and haying examined the stro:gg city
wall, he told the Pope that it could not be taken by force,
as it seemed impregnable. So much for these two writers.
They were followed by Dante in his verses, and more
openly by his commentator Benvenuto of Imola, who de-
clared that GllY had indicated a means for accomplishing
the purpose, but would not adopt it because it was sinful;
that Boniface answered him and told hin1 to have no fear
of sin, as he himself would absolve him from it before it
was done; and that the plan was to draw the Colonnas
from their stronghold by fair promises, then to break
them, to destroy them, violating sacred oaths. Such is
the poetical fiction of Dante, and after him Ferrettus of
Vicenza and Pipino as historians narrate this story.99
'Ye beg the reader not to neglect to read this note.
But this account cannot be followed, because they alone
narrate it, and do not agree in their recitals, and are only
in faithful accord with that which afterward the Colonnas
spread of the treachery of Boniface.
It is true that the Papal soldiers labored much and for a
long time around Palestrina, with a great shedding of
human blood; but finally in September the four Colonnas
came out and surrendered the city to the Papal con1-
mander, whether on terms or at the discretion of the con-
queror the ancient writers do not say. But it is evident
from that which followed. For leaving the city in the
hands of the Papal general they repaired to Rieti, where
the Pope was dwelling, to implore forgiveness from bim,lOo
Having reached the gates of the city, they dismounted
from their horses, and went on foot clothed in garments
of mourning and with halters about their necks 101 to
throw themselves at the feet of Boniface. The Pope was
seated on his throne with a crown on his head, and sur-
rounded by the Cardinals and Prelates of the Curia to-
gether with a great multitude of laymen, among whom
was Charles, Prince of Taranto. He manifested no harsh-
ness, but received them graciously and kindly, to use the
19 2 B. in relation to this at end of book.
100 Villani Book 8, cap. 28,-Paolo di Piero, Chronicle S. R. 1., tom. 1,
p, 53. Add. ad S. R. I. ]01 Pipi. Chron, S, R. I.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIF ACE VIII. 257
words of Piero. 102 In fact they were so humble in word
and action that they exdted pity; with tears in their eyes
they kissed the feet of the offended Pontiff, acknowledg.
ing themselves guilty and unworthy of forgiveness. One
of them, to move the heart of Boniface, made use of the
words of the Gospel: "0, Father, I have sinned against
" Heaven and before thee, and I am not worthy to be called
"thy son." And afterwards: "Thou hast punished us
" for Our wickedness." If this is to surrender on terms,
we would like to know what it is to surrender uncondition-
ally. Boniface restored them to favor, and absolved them
from all censures. But his pardon did not extend so far
as to restore them to their former state, nor to leave un-
punished the rebellious Palestrina, which had so fiercely
resisted the Papal forces. He ordered Theodore Raniero,
Bishop of Orvieto, his chamberlain/ o3 to raze to its foun-
dation the unfortunate Palestrina, and when levelled to
the ground, to pass the plow over it and sprinkle the fur-
rows with salt, in order that nothing living would remain
in remembrance of it. The Church of St. Agapitus alone
remained standing. A like severe sentence was passed
upon the people. All their goods and fortunes as of rebels
and schismatics were confiscated. So, deprived of their
dwellings, and destitute of everything, they were con.
dncted by the Pope to found and dwell in another city,
which was calJed Papale. This storm also struck J aco-
pone, who also had been rebellious, and had aided the
8ehi
m. He was cast into prison, not in Palestrina, as it
no longer existed, but in a certain monastery. And there
having repented of the consequent schism he shed tears,
grieving not so much for the vexations of imprisonment,
as the remorse he felt in having incurred the Papal cen-
sures. These lamentations clothed in rude verses are
found among his poems. Such was the mournful end of
lllost ancient Praeneste, the reason of which whether it
was the inordinate pride of its nobles, or the excessive
judgment of the Pontiff, we are not sure. IIowcver we
must not forget to mention that in July of the next year
all their possessions were restored to the citizens of the
new city Papale, to be enjoyed as fiefs, and be allowed to
:seD Loc. Citato ut supra.
103 Ughell. d<> F.pi
. Prpen., n. 53.
2G8 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
translllit them to their descendants. And in the course of
a few days in a Bull he declared them free, Ï111posing on
them the annual payment of twenty-five livres in token of
the restoration of their liberty; and he gave them permis-
sion to draw up particular statutes, restraining them how-
ever by certain laws the better to keep them in subjec-
tion. 104 The destruction of their stronghold, Palestrina,
and the terrible punishment meted out to John, Lord of
Ceccano, Annabeleschi, an enemy of Boniface and their
ally, astounded the Colonnas. "Thilst the war was going
on around Palestrina, John had gone about spreading
rumors against the Pope in Campania and the maritime
provinces. 10 r> Having recovered from the humiliations
into which they had fallen, they began to fear that the
angry Pontiff after the absolution from censures might
suhject them to as dire a fate as that of Palestrina. So
they again arose in rebellion, but being defeated by the
Pontiff, they fled to other parts. Stephano went to
France, and Sciarra followed him, after having suffered
slavery for a time at the hands of corsairs, who captured
him in the waters of :l\Iarseilles, according to Giovio.
Philip the Fair received the fugitive Colonnas in defiance
of Boniface. During their residence in France they nur-
tured that fire of revenge in their breasts which after-
wards burst into a flame in Anagni.
\nother religious Order arose at that time, and was ap-
proved by Pope Boniface; inasmuch as it expresses the
eharacter of the age, it may be well to say something of
its history. In the twelfth century the body of St.
Anthony Abbot was brought to Vienne in Dauphiny by a
nohleman of that country named Joselin, to whom the
Emperor of Constantinople had given that rich present.
An excessive devotion to the saint gave him rather dis-
honor than reverence. For Joselin, being a soldier, think-
ing of a place where the sacred relics might rest, did not
wiHh to lose the benefits which the possession of them
l)rought him. Wherever he went to give battle he carried
the body of St. Anthony along, that it might serve as his
protector. When he died, he left it as an inheritance with
other things to a certain Quigo, also given to warlike pur.
1m Epistle 65, Raynaldus, year 1299 no. 9.
104 Vide Petrini Mem. Prenest.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 239
suits, and the pious but irreverent translation of the holy
body in the midst of battles did not cease. IIowever, Pope
Urban II lllade him deposit the body in a resting-place.
It was placed in the Church of La
Iotte St. Didier, not
far from ArIes, then a Benedictine priory belonging to the
Abbey of :l\Iont
Iajour. Around this priory Guigo began
to build, at the expense of the faithful who contrilnltf>d
bountifully, a church and hospital which was s(,I'ved by
laymen called hospitallers. Afterwards it was given to
the Benedictines of
Iont l\Iajour, and thus arose the
priory of St. Anthony.lo6
Now it happened that in 1089 a pestilential distemper
broke out, which like a fire inflamed the legs and fe('t,
whieh swelling and assuming a ùrown color, mortified and
inevitably led to a wretched death. lo7 It was called the
llO]y fire, the infernal, and finally St. Anthony's fire, bf>-
causp the recent arrival of the body of St. Anthony having
inspired the victims of this plague with the thought of in-
voking him, it proved a powerful relief. Public prayers
and processions were ordered against this scourge. At
length it pleased God to grant many miraculous cures of
this dreadful distemper to thosp who implored His mer('y
through the intercession of St. Anthony, espf>cially before
his relics. Those afflicted with the Holy Fire flocked to
the Priory of St. Anthony, where the good lay hospitaller
received them, converting the building into a hospital, by
the leave of the monks of the Priory. Great numbers of
pilgrims repaired to the shrine of St. Anthony, and his
patronage was implored over the whole kingdom against
this disease. But the rich oblations were a cause of dis-
sf>nsion between thf> monks and the hospitallers, and they
quarrelled over the possession of them. Boniface at-
tpnùed to this scandal. lIe dismissed the Illonks, l)idding
them to return to the monastery of Mont
[ajour; Imt the
ho
pitallers he allowed to remain. He converted the
Priory into an Abbey which he hf'stowed on the hospitaller
hrothcrs, and gave thenl the religious rule of the regular
canons of St. Augustine. They had alrf>ady taken as the
mark of their society the letter T, whose nwaning is dis-
puted. Some said that it meant thp Greek If>tter Tau, thp
1011 Translatio St. Antonii ap. Bolland. Mense J annarii, pages 153, 154, 17,
tom. II, lOT Du Cange GlaRs. Lat. Tom III, Ignis,
2(;0
HISTORY OF POPE BONIF ACE VIII.
lllark that the prophet Ezechiel saw on those exempt from
the divine scourge/ 08 as it were to signify that those con-
secrated to St. Anthony would be proof against the pesti-
lence. Others say that it was the image of a crutch, emble-
lnatic of the nlalady which the saint miraculously cured. 109
Boniface desired 110 that on their habit the hospitaller
Augustinians should wear this sign. St. Anthony was
chosen as a protector against all pestilences, and just as in
the remotest times the faithful lllade large offerings to
churches and monasterieR for t1lP Ralvation of the soul
(pro 'rcdemptione animae), so also at that time did they
give bountifully to this new Order for the relief of the
body. For the failure of the public authorities to provide
against contagion, the limited knowledge of physicians,
and the miserable kind of life led by a half-civilized peo-
ple, rendered more formidahle a malady domestic or for-
eign, and men, despairing of human aid, more eagerly had
recourse to divine remedies. The Order of St. Anthony by
this llleans soon became very rich; but it {'ame to a bad
('nd. On their part the Friars of St. Anthony departed
from their primitive piety, and besides many impm;;tors
clothed in their habits went ahout extorting alnls with
bold pr01nises of spiritual favors, which Dante termed
paying- money without the coin. H1
'Vbilst the mind of the reader is forel)oding the ap-
proach of the stormy period of the Pontificate of Boniface,
it seems to us, that besides giving an exposition of tbe
reasons that justified bim in his resistance of the usurpers
of the property and liberty of the Cburch, it is necessary
at the same time to give an exposition of facts, which by
reason of their more sensible power of conviction, nlay
108 "Onmen autem super quem viùerities signum Tau, ne occidatis "
Ezechiel 9. 4. 109 See Bollandists. 110 Bullardium Tom. I.
m "'Which now the dotard holds in such esteem,
That every counterfeit, who spreads abroad
The hands of holy promise, finds a throng
Of credulous fools beneath. St. Anthony
Fattens with this his swine, and others worse
Than swine, who diet at his lazy board,
Paying with unstamp'd metal for their fare."
Dante's Paradiso, Canto XXIX, Wright's translation.
See the commentaries of Chevallier de Cesare on this passage, Acts
of the Academy of Pontaniano, vol. II. fasc. II.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 261
gently lead the mind of the reader to the truth. The
Greek Church although separated from the Roman has
always a place in the history of the Pontiffs, and its ap-
pearance there is but the manifestation of either the vice
which devours it and sinks it deeper in death, or of the
efforts of the Popes to restore it to life by a reunion with
it. During the years that Boniface occupied the Papal
Chair we do not find among the Greeks any particular
event that had relation with the Latins; but we find one
permanent and general, namely the contrast of the evil
produced by their Church with the good flowing upon all
Catholics from the Roman Ohurch. This contrast is a
Aource of knowledge and instruction and is one of the de-
signA of Providence which mingles here l)elow, for our
henefit, truth with error. .And if there be a life of a
Roman Pontiff, in which the hiRtorian ought to study the
(tree},: f1hureh to learn facts regarding the Latin Church,
that one is unquestionahly that of Boniface. For in the
impetuous exercise of his power in the face of tyrants.
thiR great Pope shows in strong re1ief the degradation of
thp priestly dignity at OonRtantinople; after thoRe com-
bats maintaine{} in defence of ch
il and divine justice, he
places, RO to speak, the drapery of triumph upon the
episcopal thrones of the Greek Church.
The history of the usurpers of the rights of the Church
always follows that of the protectors. For protection ren-
dering the benefactors too confident, and the Church less
jealous of its liberty, it happened that fr0111 heing pro-
tectpd she b('cOlues enslaved. The favors which Charle-
magne and his successors bestowed on the noman See pre-
pal'efl that way for the suhsequent usurpations of the Em-
perors; and the most cordial welcome given l)y Charles to
the perRecuted Pope Leo in France was afterwards
ehangerl into hitterness in the diRputes over tIle investi-
tureR. The princes entered the houRe to defend it, and
afterwards refused to leave in order that they might rul('
there. Constantine the Great was the firf':t and most
striking example of what we assert. He openly em hraced
the persecuted religion of Ohrist, he built churches, he en-
richefl them and took the clergy under the imperial protec-
tion, but he intruded himself in the affair of Arius, and
that pest which should have been confined to the deserts,
2G2 HISTOR Y OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
was reinstated by him in tht' bOSOlU of the Church. TIle
usurpation of the Church's power proceeded beyond lneas-
ure under his successors. The definitions in dogmatic
questions given by Constance, Yah'l1s, IIeraclius, and
Zeno would excite lau
ldf>r, were it not that they cau
pd
grief on account of the destruetioll thf'Y hrought upon
souls. The Patriarchs of ComÜantino}Jle were nwn of
wonderful learnin
and courag(', (am()n
WllOJll the most
conspicuous was John Chrysostom who posses
e<1 the
genius of a Delllosthenes with the heal"Ì of a St. Panl,)
and they manfuHy resisted the imperial suprelllacy. But
the resistance did not last long, and the Greek Church,
enticed at first to syHogize in the Court, reluaineù there
and aftel'wanls becanle its servant and handmaid. That
jealousy towanls old Rome, and in the degradation of it
the desire they had of acquiring for their Byzantium the
nanle and power of Rome, was the cause of this cowardice
of the clergy. :U unicipal love unnerved their hearts, and
blinded their luinds. ThC' latter becaIne blinded in view-
ing the seat of the sllprellle priesthood of Christ in eternal
Rome, and the fornler l)eCanle degenerate, by drawing
strength from the palace of the Emperors. The fact of the
ROlnan See heing so far a way contributed to deaden in the
sacerdotal hreasts the love of unity. There was a time
when the voice of the Pontiffs reached as far as the Greeks,
and this it was that animated with the spirit of God the
great Oouncils of Nice, Ephesus, Constantinople and Ohal-
cedon. But the noise of the Barbarians hursting into
Italy weakened it, and Byzantine pride, stung to the f}ukk
by a sacred command from Bonle, finally silenced it en-
tirely; and the Greek Ohurch, having left the sanctuary
of God, and being stripped of its priestly trappings, en-
tt"red the palace of Constantine, and put on the palatine
livery. Photius and )Iichael Oerula1'Ïus engrafted their
Church to the Ílnperial trunk, and preferred to be an in-
crustation and an offshoot of a human and perishable
power rather than a hranch of the tree of life.
The sad effects of the imperial influence were soon seen.
Arianisnl and N estorianism heresies, clothed in the im-
perial purple, oWf>d their origin to the Greeks. 'Ye do not
mean to sa
" that there wpre no. hpresies in the Latin
Church, for heresies even entered in the economy of the di-
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIU. 2G3
vine counspls, as St. Paul says, for the manife
tation of the
good. But thpsc two errors for the remmn that they were
I'pepÏ\'c<<l ana caressed in tlw palace in their earl
y period
of existenep awl he('auHP a Chureh deprived of thp Apos-
tolic force of Home wa
powerless to arrest their march,
they became most terrible and formidable on account of
their magnitude and their duration. At the Jncre mention
of these here
;ies the 'Valdenses, the Albigenses and the
Fratieelli sink into insignificance. TIlCse latter atflicte<.l
the Latin Chureh, Imt the Arians and Xestorians like pes-
tilences gnawed and ate into the Greek Chureh, which
afterwards, altogether vitiated, breathed its last breath in
the arms of the schismatic Photius. The Greek Church
J'emained exelnde<<l fr(Hll the providential benefits whieh
the ROlllan Church sf'attered over the entire ""'est. These
regions und(>rwent great tl'iLulations, but they were Lorn
again to a new life. The Orient went to rot under the
foolish pride of its df'spots, and it encountered that slow
death that was prepared for it l)y vile Islamism. In the
".,. est the Latin Church strup:gled with usurping princes;
but, she was represented hy the Pontiffs who uphelù the
clergy in their high ministry, slle did not bow tbe head in
submission, nor did she descend frmn the throne on whieh
Ooù had placed her, but triumphed over error, and took
the op}Jortunity to plant the seeds of a new birtb in the
heart of dvil society. 'Ye have said that the Cburch did
not bow in snLnlission, but Frederick submitted to Pope
Alexander III in Venice, and Henry IV asked pardon of
St. Gregory YII at Canossa.
This nohle fortitude of the Ohurch, and these subjec-
tions of kings, proved that the principle of the Papal
supremacy was not dead in the 'Yest, althougb cmnbated
by events. Eyen granting that the Byzantine princes had
been always wicked, but yet if the clergy had always
strongly resisted them the affairs of the Greek anù Latin
Churches would bave proceeded nobly on the same way to
a lllOSt holy term, hut alas! the pride of the princes aUf I
the l'owardice of the cI('rgy raised that wall of Reparation
hptwepn tb<:, GJ'eel\: and Latin Ohurrllf's long before the
tiIup of Photius. .A wonc1f'rfnl ]psson. The "T
st witb tbe
('I'OSH upon its hreast arose to arms, anel went to meet the
Ea:-;L !-5hiuiut?' as vet with an aneient liO'ht , to consult it
,
264 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
anù crave a ray to illuIlline itself, and it is Christian
Byzantium which interposed itself an enemy to impede
the union fruitful of so much civilization.
:Material misfortunes sometimes aroused the Greeks
from the sleep of error; but yet this awakening occurred
rather among the Emperors who had worldly possessions
to lose, than among the clergy who placed all their happi-
ness in preserving themselves free from all allegiance to
the Roman See. 'Yhen Charles of Anjou took up arms
against Byzantium, it was not the clergy who becaIne
alarmed, no, but the Elnperor l\Iichael Paleologus.
Through fear of Charles, and with the hope of obtaining
Papal aid he suddenly aeknowledged his belief in the
supremacy of the Pope and in thl
procession of the IToly
Ghost. Anyone who reads the history of George PacJlY-
mer 112 will find that Paleologus did not conceal tIle
reason of his ill-timed helief, but he openly stated it in
those dhwoul'ses which he delivel'f'd before the Patriarch
Joseph and the clergy in order to persuade theIll to follow
his opinions. In the efforts of 3Iichael Paleologus to
reunite the Greeks with the Latins, in the futility of the
sanle the Greek Church canle, as if by divine decree, to
reveal to the Latin her internal wretchedness. The reason
why the Greeks having first agreed to the union, soon
afterwards shrank from it, was because their minds wav-
ered, being tossed about by every wind of doctrine. If
in the dogmatizing proceedings of the Emperor he made
use of prisons and exile in order to force his commands,
it was because liberty was wanting. And if those ab-
horring a union with ROlne displayed obstinacy, it was be-
cause they were wanting in unity and for that reason
the truth. This is how Nicephorus Gregoras,113 who
lived a little after the times of which Wf> speak, and
although he was a Greek, tells mournfully the state of his
Church: " In the remotest times the Ohurch abounded in
"learned doctors, who on various days and in different
"places of Constantinople were wont to expound some
"the Psalms of David, others the Epistles of the great
" Paul, and others the Gospels of the Saviour. Then an
"the priests in turn preached the divine word in the
112 Ristoriae Bizantinae Script. Tom. XIII, lib. V.
113 Rist. Byzant. Script., tom. XX, par. 1, pag. 93, V and XI.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 2ft:;
"bou
es, and in different quarters of the city; in the
" courts and in the parish churches. In human life there
"was something of the divine, that i
to
my, thp h'up
"manner of apprehending religion, and a certain path-
"way to virtue, or rather a certain irrigation from the
"great and heavenly spring, which watered the souls
"of the hearers, and gathered then1 together, and pre-
"pared them for better things. But in the course of
"time all these things have disappeared. In our days
" every holy custom is lost, being subn1crged as it were in
" the deep sea. Hence a like contagion infe
ting the other
"churches, the souls of all Christendom in these days
"find themsehyes, as it were, in a desert plain without a
" pathway and without water, And to such a degree of
"shamefulness bave things arrived, that for a small obo-
"Ius one may hear thp rattling of Jnost horriLle oaths,
" whieh the hand of the writpr dare not record. For the
" salutary light of religion and reason baving disappeared,
"all is confusion. 3Iany being fallen into a .hrutish
"stupidity, there is no one who can arrive at an under-
" standing of what is useful 01' how piety is distinguished
"from impiety." Such is the sad state to which the
Greek Church had come. This state of affairs was not the
result of human f)>ailty, nor of those vices which always
are plotting against the life of the spouse of f1hrist, hut
came aùout hecause the priestly spirit had died in the
dergy; that is to say from the Jack of a barrier to these
vices. For the episcopate estahlished by God to govern
his Church, is charged not only to provide it with a life-
giving pasture, ùut also to protect it from death, which
certainly occurs when it is deprived of its liberty.
For this rpason Boniface at the door of the Church
refused an pntrance to those who desired to plot again8t
its life, anf} if through the imperfections of human nature
anything is to be censured in his holy ministry, yet he
should he commended and honored for having preserved
a II Catholicism from tho
e evils which shamefully dis-
graced the Greek Church.
BOOK V.
SUl\Il\IARY.
1300--1303.
How the Papacy had r{'sisted tIle abuses of force and law by the faith of
the people.-This latter having languished, the Pontificate of Boniface
hecomes difIicult.-He sees a new civilization born in Italy at the foot
of his throne.-He wishes to sanctify it by faith.-He institutes the
Jubilee.-He first proclaims it.-Immense number of pilgrims at Romp.
-Great offerings.-Giotto, and the works confided to him by Boniface.
-The singular embassy sent to him from Florence.-The impulse
which the Jubilee gave to Italian minds.-The Tartars or Mongols
send envoys to Boniface, to ask aid against the Turks.-His fruitless
efforts to arOuse a Crusade.-\Vith the end of the Crusades the Otto-
man Empire arose.-Efforts of Boniface against Sicily.-His letter to
Charles n.-Disturbances in Florence.-The 'White and Black Guelphs,
-Unfruitful legation of Cardinal d' Acquasparta.-Boniface calls
Charles of Valois into Italy.--.Dante, Ambassador to Rome.-Civil dis-
sensions in Florence.-Dino Compagni.-Charles of Valois enters
'lorence.-Instead of pacifying it, he arouses dissensions.-Boniface
wishes to remedy the mischief of the Frenchman, by sending Cardinal
d' Acquasparta to Florence, but in vain.-The evils of Florence reach
their height under Charles of Valois.-The exile of Dante.-He be-
comes a Ghibelline, and creates a new epic poem.-Dante and Boniface.
-Charles of Valois instead of waging war, makes an agreement with
Frederick of Sicily.-'The treaty concluded by him.-Rejected at first
by Boniface, he afterwards approved it.-Moral conditions of Philip
the Fair and Boniface at the time of their rupture.-Why Boniface
according to the ancient tradition of the Holy See loved France.-
Quarrels between the Archbishop and the Viscount of N arbonne.-
Boniface takes sides with the prelate.-He wishes to recover to the
Church the country of Melguevil.-He dispatches the bishop of Pami-
ers as legate to Philip.-Philip fabricates charges against him and im-
prisons him.-Parliament of Senlis.-Its message to Boniface.-His
reply to it.-The Bull "Ausculta Fili," and the summoning of a synod
at Rome.-Insolence of Peter Flotte, and the false letters which he
fabricated.-,James Norman as Papal Legate brings that Dull to
}i'rance.-It is burned by Philip.-Parliament in the Church of Notre-
Dame of Paris.-The discourse of Philip in the mouth of Flotte.-
Faint-heartedness of the French prelatps.-Letter SPDt by the Par-
266
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
Of'-
.-,)l
liament to the Pope and Cardinals.-Consistory in Rome, and the dis-
course of Cardinal De Murro, and then that of Bonifací'.-.Än ob-
servation on the indirect power of the Pope over the states of Princes.
-Egidio Colonna.-The doctrine of the English and Spanish churches
concerning the sacred immunities.-Synod held by Boniface.-The Bull
.. Unum Sanctam."-Another observation on the power of the l)ope and
the appeals to the Councils.- Efforts of Boniface to maintain peace
with Philip.-Disturhances in Hungary oYer the succession to the
throne.-Boniface protects the Minor Carobert, and sends a Legate to
Hungary.-His letters to the Legate.-Other letters to \Venceslaus
King of Bohemia.-He is reconciled with Albert of Austria, and ac-
knowledges him King of the Romans.
IN narrating the cyents that happened under the Pon-
tificate of Boniface VIII at thc lJep:inl1ing of the four-
tef'nth century, we rejoice to say that thc Papal throne
was occupicd hy this Illan, who rcviled by many, cannot
hut be admired by all as the last support of that magni-
ficent cidl Pontificate, at a timc when, haying created a
pure and nohle civilization in the heart of Italy, misun-
derstood and calumniated by its own chlIdren, it retired
weary and sad to repose in the holy and inviolable re-
cesses of religion to which it gave form. "Then the
Papac
T, called upon to sit in judgment on the human race,
to consider and dispense the rights of kings and people,
had given the decision which strongly and sweetly should
have Lrought men together in friendly relations by the
honds of justicf'; whpn it had consecrated on the altar of
Ood that liberty which, Ly freeing llllman society, per-
nlittf'd man to seek for the good, then the adult genera-
tions, in their fail' youth, advanced admirably on the way
of the beautiful and thf' good. The Roman Papacy had
to f'IlCountf'r many difficulties froIll thf' fall of the empire
of AlIg'ustns up to this time. It was its duty and its wish
to prpsPITe and incrcase thc principle of life in human
soeiety, hy dirf'cting it so as not to allow it to rplapse into
hal'hal'ism, which is the principle of death; and for that
l'('ason it had triumphantly fought the twofold enemy of
that liff', namply tllP despotism of law and the dcspotisIll
of force. The fornler was a difficult fight, and the othcr
was supN'human. he('ausp th<> Papacy found itself face to
fa('e with a despotism compl('te in mattpl' and form. That
1'0\\'('1' was wondf'rful wbich softenf'd tll(' llf'arts of thf'
aYag(> trihes which overran Europe; and that power was
268 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
assuredly divine which built up as a wall the Jaw of God
in opposition to the force which called itself law. And
for that reason the holy rights of the Church, her immuni-
ties and liberty were the forInal expression of the law of
God, which prescribed a limit to the right of princes; if
this limit did not exist, that right would be injurious to
God, as being emulous of His power; and would be fatal
to men, as being the destroyer of the law, which protects
them. 'Ye speak not of men; but of that supreme medium,
the Papacy, which divine providence made use of in
order to make human life less unhappy. 'Yherefore if at
times the heaùs that wore the Papal mitres seemed to be
clouded with worldly thoughts; if the hands that held the
scales of justice seemed weak and trembling; and if the
eyes of the mind seemed turned towards worldly objects,
yet the person as Pontiff always sought the end to which
the finger of God pointed, invested with and conduded by
his power. We do not mean to say that at the beginning
of the year 1300 the external enemy of civil society, bar-
barism, and the internal, the abuse of public rights, had
disappeared or were harmless. On the one hand Islamism
in the Ea
t threatened from without the civilization of
Europe; on the other hand the terrible difficulty of con-
ciliating order and liberty harassed in a bloody manner
the democracies, and was already slowly tormenting peo-
ple ruled by absolute monarchs. The Roman Papacy con-
tinued the war against these two enemies, and will con-
tinue as long as the religion of Christ will be the bene-
factor of men, but not with as much force as at first, owing-
to the want of means, by which it aroused the people and
led them on to this double combat, naIlle]y, by the ardor
of their faith. By means of this Pope Urban II aroused
the 'Vest to meet and repel the barbarism of the children
of :l\Iahomet; and by which Gregory YII kept the imperial
power within bounds.
\.fter the beginning of the XIVth
century, the Church defended dvilization against the
above mentioned adversaries, not by the spontaneous de-
votion of the people, but at times by using the interests
of the princes and the people, at other times by ÏInmedi-
ately enlarging her power. Urban aroused the people as
a whole by reason of the equality of their faith and devo-
tion to hi
throne, Pius Y incited the individual prin
es
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 269
through the inequality of their interests. Gregory VII
and Innocent resisted the imperial tyranny by the faith of
the people; Pius VII by the immediate power of the
Papacy, which is absolute and omnipotent like God him-
self who establish
d it. It is for that reason that the
former of these Pontiffs obtained more abundant results
and appeared less merely human than the latter.
Boniface found himself at the head of Christianity pre-
cisely at that time when the powerful means of faith was
losing its force; his duty by reason of being Pontiff, was
to combat with human means the two enelllies of the
young civilization, to even oppo:-:e his own bOSOlll to them;
that is why he appeared a nIan, and his adversari('s dis-
played so much fury and bitterness. However, if he had
the ill-fortune of being obliged to make the Pontificate
aflvance in the same way, but by different means, he had,
on the other l}and, the remarkable good fortune of being
destined by Heaven to see and welcome to his arms, so to
speak, the holy and true civilization which the Pontifi-
cate had conceiv('d fronl the time of Augustus to this
ppoch. This was the civilization which the Pontificate
bad animated and vivified, not by the corrupt spirit of the
Cæsars, but by the virginal purity of the Church. He
saw, in this weB-beloved and charming Italy, a nursery
of gooò plants, in this Italy fructified hy tb(' sweat of the
PopeK, the Latin genius awaken as out of a long sl('ep,
and the fine arts arise about hin1, as a festal crown;
he saw that our soul could represent in the arts of thought
and fancy the hriHiant forms with which God himself
had clothed reI igion.
o whilst he was calling to arms to
oppose a barrier to Islamisnl in the East; and from the
height of the Vatican stronghold he was hurling thunder-
bolts against usurpers, he saw developing around him a
band of men, who in the greatness of their genius seemeò
superhuman; and who within the shadow of the Papal
chair, were opening the age, upon the threshold of whith
they had been placed, to a new light, which was to shine
from the summit of the Alps and diffuse itself through-
out the world. Dante, Giotto, Blessed Angelico,
Ial'co
Polo, Flavius Gioja, and others, an Italians, all crowned
and resplendent with t]I(' aureola of religion, were the
gloJ'ions fat11ers of the ddlization of whi<:h we are to-day
270 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
so py.oud. Dante created a new epic, which is after thp
Inanncr of neithe'l" HOllier nor Virgil, inasmuch as it is
a1togetller spiritual in nature and altogether divine. For
his a II powerful imagination taking wing from the eternal
foundations of good anù evil, of reward and punishment,
arrested its flight only in the infinite region of the immor-
tality of the soul, which is the essential dogma of the true
religion; anù the sublime poet so confesses this in verse,
that the claim will last as long as remains the idea of the
true and the beautiful. Giotto and Fra Angelico, and aU
of thpir serapùic school, as if no longer conscious of the
matpl'ial pnvelope of this huynan Inind, infused into the
art of painting a ray tru
y of Paradise, mystic and holy
like the virgins and saintR they represented. And that
knowledge of Rpiritual beauty they did not receive fronl
t he ancient Greeks, nor from the Byzantines, but from
the Cburch alone. Dante and Giotto are crude in external
fOl'ms, but divine in soul; their poetry and painting with-
out form because of the innocent youthfulness of the fine
arts, exhale the odor anù life of the maternal milk which
they drank at the breast of 1\10ther Church. Those voy-
:If{es whil'h establish communications and relations
among men, wIdth open ways and outlets for human
thong]}t, that it may not become stagnant, but may in-
el"e'ase the nlutnal contact in order that there may be an
uniform diIIn:-;ion of goofln
ss in the social moral body,
hegan to be frequent in this age, and religion pointed out
the \Yay, and encouraged and animated the first discoy-
('reI'S of new lanùs, "not by oak nor triple bronze'," as
llol'aee says, but hy charity. The daring :l\1arco Polo and
t he missionaries "'ÙOIn the Hmuan Church sent to distant
amI almost unknown countries in this century, taught
posterity that this base world is aJtogpther a thing of
man, wllÏth he can travprse and measure by his ste'ps; and
their tea<.:hing and example begot Columbus, the donor of
a ncw world, )loreover these wonders were wrought in
our Italy still haras
ed by domestic wars. It secmcd that
irascibility of spirit nourished the flame of genius. A
great lesson resulted frOll} this fact, namely, that eVe'n
from the vices of an active and progressive people some I
good can come, but never from those of poltroons and
idlers.
I
,
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 271
The fourteenth century ùawned; and if the great soul
of Boniface rejoiced at the brilliant progress of the gen-
erations issuing from infancy, it felt ah;o a deep pain at
the sight of the decline among the nations of that faith,
which in ages past haù been the source of such deep re-
spect for the Papacy. Princely encroachments on the
rights of the Church had taught him how weak in their
opinion and hence in that of the people, bad grown the
power of ecclesiastical thunderbolts. He saw daily how
princes and people who but lately had laid their com-
plaints before the Holy See as a tribunal recognized by
all, remained nlore and nlore aloof; he saw the Papal de-
cision replaced by that of the people, who, having escaped
their tutor, wanted to act for themselves. The )Iagna
Charta in England, the States-General in France, the
Courts of Aragon were proofs that the nations knew how
to construct lmlwarks, and make use of them to check
tht' power::; threatening to degenerate into tyrannies. That
the Pope was pleased with and applauded these noble
effort
, we cannot doubt; but at the sallle time it was im-
pOf'
ible for Boniface not to fore
ee that, in case of col-
]iHion between the two parties, the fight would he long, and
the victory of one over the other would result in tyranny
or anarchy. Therefore Boniface, although admiring the
mOYf'IlH'nt, put no hope:-; in it and sought to call baek the
lninds of men to the principJf's of faith, in order that the
l'IHle nations after having laid aside the trappings of
youth, should yet preserve a respect for )lother Church,
and not drspif'e bel' old and tried wisdom. .And so
he instituted the "Jubiler," as a last means to unite
(luring a few days the chilùren to their mother, IToly
Church, that dose to her bOSOlll, they woult! fecI the nIa-
ternal warmth, and naturaHy their filial affr{'tion woulel
rf'turn, and by love for her they would be conducted to
peace and ju
tice.
It serllls to us tlutt tIle efforts of certaiu "Titers wrre
vain and fruitIf'f'
, who rudt>avore<l to show that tlH> in-
Rtitution of the Juhilee antedated the time of Boniface in
tlle Church, as if he, ill inf'tituting it, did sOllletùing either
mpt'rstiiious or what ,,'as not authorizrd hy prpvious
Papal authority. But the g}'anting of {'(:ntenary indulg-
ences to those visiting the great Ba
ilicas at a certain
272 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
time, was not an act that exceeùed the Papal authority,
nor was it superstitious, and for this reason to Boniface
all credit and glory must he given for this pious ana
nlagnificent institution, ".bieh can ùe said to he the no-
blest act he performed in the supreme priesthood. He did
not invent illflulg-ene
s, for if the immensity of the merits
of Christ, and the power of the Keys in the Pontiffs be
true, th('n are indulgenceR most true and as old as the
('huI'eh heI'
e1f; but the distrihution of these merits
solemnly administered for the full remission of the tem-
pOI'al punishnlent at the beginning of each century of
thoRe who would visit with faith the mystical rock of the
Church of God, was a solemn and most holy thought that
was conceived solely in the mind of Boniface. To renew
hy one's perlSonal pre
ence that charity which runs like a
ppl'('nnial spring of life frmn the head to the members of
the Church; to honor by universal hon1age the tomb of
the A posUes. the chief founders of the Church; to call the
nations to the tmnbs of the mar(vrs, that the Inenlory of
ihPRe heroes might invigorate faith; and finally in order
ihat the {'hipf Shepher(l of every ag-e amid
t the joy of
pardon might embrace his flock in the bowels of Christ,
this was the wonderful purpose, that God suggested to
this Pope in instituting the Juhilee. However Boniface
did not wish to )'(']y on his own judgment alone in this
mattpr. He ol'dererl Cal'flinal Stf'phaneschi,t .who has left
in prose and verse an account of this Jubilee, to search
1 he old writings, to see if he could find any vestige of
those centenary indulgenceR in past ages, and he found
nothing else but the antiquity of the pilgrimages to the
t0111b of the Apostles (and the pilgrims were called
Romei), and the indulgences that were granted the pil-
grims. Therefore at a meeting of the Cardinals he pre-
sented the new project, to have their advice, and they all
applauded the holy and heautiful thought. On the feast
of the Chair of St. Peter in the Vatican Basilica filled by
a large nnI1titude of the faithful, Boniface ascended the
pulpit, which was rø;;plendent with gold, and adorned
with festive drapery of silk. He preached the Jubilee to
the people, and exl1iLited to the view of the astonished
multitude the writing lwaring the Papal Reals which pro-
1 James Card. de Jubilee c. 1.
r-- - -- --- -
'"
......
\,
",\. -
IIU
IFACE \ II[ I'HO("J..-\DII
G TIlE ,InlII,FE,
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 273
claimed the precious pardon. Boniface made known to
those of that time anù to posterity, that from time im-
nlemorial it '" as a faithful tradition, that all those visit-
ing the Roman Basilita of the Prince of the Apostles
gained bountiful forgiveness of their sins and indulg-
ences; and that he by reason of his office, anxious for and
attentive to the spiritual salvation of everyone, held valifl
that pardon and those indulgence
and confirmN1 and ap-
proved them by Apostolic authority, and strengthened
them by the force of that document, in order that the
honor paid to the blessed Apostles Peter and Paul would
henceforth be increased, the pious visits to their Basilicas
would be more frequent, and as a result the faithful would
feel consoled by a greater abundance of piety. So trust-
ing in the mercy of God and the merits of the Holy
Apostles, with the advice of the Cardinals and from the
fullness of his power he was pleased to grant the most
bountiful indulgences to all those who, penitent and con-
fessed in that year, and as well in the heginning of every
century, would undertake with all reverence to visit those
Basilicas. In order to obtain these indulgences the in-
habitants of Rome were obliged to continue their pious
visits for thirty days while those of the country and the
pilgrims were allowed to make thf\m in fifteen days. The
treasury of the indulgences was closed only against those
in rebellion, chief among whom were Frederick and his
Sicilian abettors, and the Colonn2.s. For, as the monk
J ohn Ros
i, 3 remarks "they were to be deprived of the
" clenlency of him, whose majesty they despised." 4
The religious excitement which tIle publication of the
Papal decree produced throughout Europe was extraordi-
nary. As if the indulg-ences promisf\d hy Boniface to
those coming to Rome were to he the last, an immense
multitude of the faithful, regardless of sex or age and
undeterred hy the distance, flocked to the Eternal City
so that it was filled to overflowing. Those who were physi-
cally unable to come were brought thither. Cardinal
Stepaneschi relates the incident of an old Savoyard peas-
ant, a man over one hundred years of age, who did not
wish to die without the spiritual consolation of these in-
IJames Card. de Jubilee c. 3. aYit. Bonif. cap. X[, page
l.
· Vide Doc. D,
274
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
dnlgences, and made his sons convey him to Rome. 'hlore-
over
esides the citizens of ROlne there were counted two
hundred thousand pilgrims continuously throughout the
entire year, besides those who were on the way coming or
returning. In the beginning the throng of people was so
great and so impetuous, that many lost their lives by
suffocation. A remedy was thought of, which Stephan-
esC'hi 5 says was eyen insufficient, namely a breach was
made in the walls, in order to facilitate the entrance and
departure of the immense nluItitude collected within and
without the walls of the city.
But if the throng of visitors was marvellous. no less
wonderful was the skill of Boniface in providing that
there would be no scarcity of food for both nlen and
hea
ts. It was nothing
hort of a luiracle as Baronius
narrates, that the sanctity of these days was not disturbed
hy any disorder in that vast multitude, since it could
ea
ily happen hoth fronl the imnwnse crowd, and the first
meeting of so Illany people differing in language and
('u
toms. 6
If the Pope had been more than g-enerous in spiritual
indulgences, the faithful were not behind in their dona-
tions to the Basilicas. Yentura, an eye-witness, declares
that day and night he had seen clerics with rakes in hand,
gathering the nloney which poured in at the foot of the
altar of the Apostle. By the light of that vein of gold the
eyes of many historians were so blinded as to believe tllat
Boniface had opened the fountain of indulgences in order
to drink copiously at the stream of pious offerings. They
accused him of being' greedy after money, and capable of
confounding heavenly and earthly things in order to 0 b-
tain it. But Yïllani, Compagni and other Ghibel1ine
writers, eyewitnesses of these facts, when they saw the
cleriC's collf>cting the 11loney, they saw as wf>II two hundred
thommnd human beings lw
ides the aninIal
, in the cir-
cuit of TIOlne, being- fed, anrl having an abundanC'e of fooil
which was provided hy the Pontiff. '""'hat did he do with
Ii" !Sam ut intra et extra moenia compacta multitudo aggarebatur, eo
amplius quo magis in dies erat processum. Pluresque multitudine op-
pressi deinde remedium, etsi haud penitus sufficiens, salubre appositura
facta in moenibus aIta, qno pcregril1antibus compendiosioT pateret via
inter monumentum Romuli ac vetustum portum." e Raynaldus 7.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 275
the offerings which they placed at the foot of the altars
but spend it on these people '? These offerings did not losp
anything by this; being ble
('d by tlw virtue of the sacri-
fice, they returned for the relief of thm
e necp
siti('s for
which God created gold and silver in the bow.els of the
earth. 1
"Y e are of the opinion that ûf the money collected dur-
ing the J u hi1ee which was useù by Boniface to increase
the patrhnony and the pOlnp of divine worship in the
Ba
ilicas,8 that which he used in embellishing them with
paintings by Giotto was thp most pleasing and aeceptable
to God and lnen. He esteemed highly this singular genius,
who as Lanzi well says,9 was the Raphael of painting in
the beginning of its renai
sance. Yasari who wrote his
life, gives us to unrlerstand that Giotto was first Ntllpd
to ROlne by Benedict IX to decorate St. Peter's rhurch. 10
But this is one of the many errors of that biographer.
Benedict IX assumed the Pontificate in the eleventh cen-
tury (1033), which was very far remote from the time of
Giotto. And even .if we would substitute in the writings
of Yasari XI for the IX, we could not a(hnit that Bene-
(lict XI had arranged with that artist to execute many
paintings. For that Pope occupied the Papal Chair only
eight months and spventeen days, and the times were so
stormy and trouhlesome that there was no thought given
to painting. It is true that Boniface, who proclaimed the
Juhi1pe, was portrayed by Giotto, and the pai.nting stiU
exists in the Lateran Basilica, which work could not have
been ordered except by that Pope. ll And since this paint-
ing was but the relic of the many others which he executed
in the vestibule of the Lateran Basilica, it is fair to con-
clude, that all those works which Ya
ari says were per-
formed at the solicitation of Benedict XI, should be attri-
lmterl rather to Pope Boniface.
It is probahle that Giotto arrived in Rome during the
year of the Jubilee which brought so many there. In this
city he wa
aCflllainted with Oderic of Gubbio, a famous
painter of miniatures, who had heen call('d by the Pope
, See note E.
8 Card. James of St. George. De Jubilaeo Anno, chap. IX.
"Hist. of Painting. Florentine School first epoch.
10 D'
\gincourt, tom. 4. part II. 11 D' Agincourt, idem.
276 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
to embeHish lnany books of the Palace, as Vasari narrates,
and which in his time had been going to ruin. The Jubilee
being ended, Boniface wished to preserve the nlemory of
it by means of a painting. He had himself portrayed be-
tween two attendants, while a third one read frOln an un-
folded parchment the faluous Bun of Institution. All
these figures were placed above the pulpit, which was
handsomely adorned with drapery, I)earing the Gaetani
coat of arms. The Pope is depicted clothed in the ponti-
fical robes and wearing- the tiara on his hearl, his head
inclined a little towards the reader, and his right hand
raised in the act of blessing. Giotto also executed in
mosaic in the vestibule of St. Peter's the mystic bark of
the Church in a great storm, with the Apostles working
to save it. Yasari nlarveHed at the skill which the painter
displayed in assembling' those pieces of glass, so as to
surpass in effect that which he could have done with the
bru
h, especially in the swelling of the sail which in the
lights and shadows was done with surprising cleverness. '
Lanzi laments the ill-advised restoration of this mosaic,
after which nothing rf'mained of the original save the
lllemory. The Pontiff had employed Giotto in other
works, namely the histories of the Old and New Testa-
ments, which the artist painted round about St. Ppter's.
In the time of Yasari SOlne of them had already been re-
stored, or rather destroyed, while others had been remon>d
when the walls were rebuilt. How many sins has Italy
committed against those who had raised her to a throne
as Queen of the arts!
The exam pIe of the Pontiff served as an incentive to
others in Rome to make use of the good services of Giotto.
Among these must be noted those miniatures of Cardinal
Stephaneschi. He engaged this painter to enrich with
miniatures his books of the Life of St. George, and to
decorate with frescoes the church bearing that saint's
nanle.
From pious things we now pass to public affairs. Flor-
ence at the end of the thirteenth century was in a most
flourishing condition, and enjoyed domestic peace, which
encouraged men of talent in cultivating the fine arts, and
at that time she began the erection of those most beauti-
ful monuments, for which after Rome there was no other
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
Q--
-. .
Italian city that could equal her in the splendor and ele-
gance of monuments of art, and which entitled her to ùe
called the Italian Athens. It was during that time that
there arose that
anctuary of true Italian splendor, Santa
Croce, the Church of S.
Iaria del Fiore, tJle palace of
the Priors, and the fine walls which still surround t]l(
city. The people had become tired of dmuestic turmoihl.
At first that ardent tribune Giano Bella had aroused tlIp
people against the nohles, then the nobles exerted thenl-
selves to drive him out of the country, and finally they
quieted down, the Guelphs ùecon1Ïng so strong, that tliP
GhibeUines were entirely overwhelmed. This predomi-
nance of the Guelphs was derived not only frOll1 factional
strength but from a certain, as it were, natural tendcl1cy
which the city possesserl of regulating itself accor(1ing to
popular and Guelphish forms. Florence then being alto-
getber Guelph, as soon as the Jubilee was proclainled,
wished to give evidence to Boniface of the love shp bore
the Roman See. She sent numerous and splendid em-
hassies, which inasmuch as they intended to represent the
Guelph Cities close to the Papal See, whose throne is
above the royal and imperial thrones, were compo
ed of
various personages, each one of which was to represent
some ruling potentate of thosp times. Thus Verlnulio
Alfano went as an envoy of the Emperor of the ""est;
Simon Rossi, for the Emperor of the East;
[usdatto
Franzese for the King of France; U golin de Cerchi for
the King of England; Hornero Frighinello for the King
of Bohemia; Guicciardo Bastaro for the Khan of Tartary;
:Mano )Iiamano for the King of Apulia; Bernard Vayo
for the King of Sicily; Beneviente Folco for the Grand
l\Iaster of the Knights of TIhodes; Lupo Uberti for the
republic of Pisa; Sino Diotisalvi for Gerard Verano, lorll
of Carnerino; and Benedict N erli for the lorùs of Rcala,
Verona, and Padua. Pallas Strozzi represented Florence.
This emba:ssy truly poetical in conception, lacked nothing
to make it appear marvel10us in outward splendor. It
was accompanied by fully five hundred knights Wl10 in the
richest of rohes, and in the various costumes portrayed
the different people and princes they intendf'd to repre-
sent. It is surprising that Yallani and Compagni make
no mention of this singular embassy, nor would we have
278 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
touched upon it, were it not that Rossi, a conscientious
writer, had corroborated two Florentine writers. 12 We
are not certain of the n10nth in which this emhassy was
sent, whether before or after the unfortunate dissensions
betwef'n the Cerchi and Donati in Florence, and the Can-
('('IUeri in Pistoja. For if it occurred aftf'rwards, we
would say that pprhaps unaer thf' appearance of a solemn
nl:1nifestation of homage wl1Ïeh Florence paiù to the Pope,
it was tIlf' work of the Guelph party which still governed
tht' city, whence Boniface lllight enùeavor to reconcile the
pal'tif's, as we shall soon see was done through the means
of another special embassy.
Among those who hastened to avail then1selves of the
Papal influlgencf's were n1any .listing-uished bishops and
princes, either under the garb of pilgrin1s, or openly in
their official d1'ess. 13 A1nong these was Charles :\Iartel,
f'ldest son of Charles tht' Lame of Naples. His nlother
was :\Iary, sister of Ladislaus, King of I1un
ary, and as
such up to that time he bore the title of I(ing of Hungary,
and contested with Andrew III for the possessions of that
kingdom. He was of Papal creation, being aided by
Nkholas IV and Celestine V to ascend the throne, and
now he set out for ROIl1e because Boniface made the way
c1f':1r for him to succeed to his paternal throne of Naples,
and assured his son Carobert of the Hungarian throne.
ITe saw the Juhilee, hut he did not see the fulfilment of
his desires. In the following year he lllet with a pre-
1uature death in Naples. Bis brother Robert, greedy for
powpr, was suspected of poisoning him. 14 But so good
and honest of heart was Robert that this infmnous charge
was douhtless unfounded.
The people derived at once son1e l)enefit from the Jubi-
lee. It is certain that in this year the minds of people
being engaged with the thought of the Papal indulgences,
thf'Y were restrained from giving vent to any animosity.
.And Italy especially derived hnmense benefit from the
vhÜt which so many made to the city of most wonflerful
12 Peter CalzoJari. De Vir. illust. Florentiae--PauJ. Minus. De Nobil.
Flor. Cap. de Flor. eloqu. Claris ap. Rossi, Life of Boniface, chap. XI,
pages 121, 122.
13 Summonte lib. 3. clmp. 2. 1t Trithemius Chron. Hirsaug.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 279
nlClllories. The Latin lnontunents, though damaged l)y
the barùarians anù much nlore so by the brutal fury of the
inl1abitants, were not all demolislwd anf! upon these was
puthroned a thought of civil greatness, which appealing
powerfully still to lofty n1Ïnds, encouraged them to nohle
deeds. The Capitol, the Flavian .\.mphitheatre, the tri-
umphal arehes, the Palace of the Cæ
.;ars, the t('n1ples in
their Inajesty and beauty of form brought hack the minel
to the time when Rome, a wearied COn(]lWrOr of the worhl,
softened the fierce warlike spirit by a cultivation of the
fine arts and a love for learning, with which she wi
lll'd
to share that throne, upon which she sat as nlistress of tlw
world. Foreigners marvelled, the Italians felt themsplvps
Latins, and that blood which was noman warming up in
them, they aspired to Roman greatness. Florence alone
will ever ùe a living witness of those nohle efforts which
began through the nleans of that holy pilgrimage. John
Villani had left beautiful stories of Floren
e, whidl he
wrote as soon as he returned frOll1 ROlne, where l1{' had
gone to gain the indulgences. Rome inspired him: " Find-
" iug myself by that blessed pilgrÌIllage in the holy city of
" Rome; seeing her grand monuments of antiquity; and
" reading the history aud the great deeds of the HomallH
"told by Virgil and Sallust. . . . . . . . , I have adopted
"their style and form, although their unworthy ùisciplp
" I am incapable of works so beautiful as theirs." 15 Rut
Rome with all her great monuments of paganism would
have been only a cold corpse were it not that the n10ral
magnificence of the Christian Pontificate had given life
to the material virtue of the Cæsal's which had dh.d with
them. For this they who felt great ideas rising within
then1, op('ned at once the heart to those chaste emotions of
religion, after the manner of the Florentines who hy dvil
viI-tue, by daring deeds, and by words of 111agllificence haa
emulate<l pagan Rome anò now in (','cry instance p1'ov('d
themselves chilflrpn of Catholic Ronw. Dantc, it
wems
without doubt, was prf'sent at the JuùileeY' In that
U John Villani, L. 8, chap. 3G.
11 "So, o'er the bridge, the cOß('ourRe to convey,
"\Vhieh flocks, the year of Jubilee, to Rome,
"Means are devised to form a double way,-
"That on the one side, all may keep ill front
280 HISTORY OF POPE BONIF ACE VIII.
solemn Papal pardon; in that judgment of Boniface,
which refused the spiritual favors to those in contuma-
cious rebellion against the Church; in that meeting of the
universal Christian people; in that wonderful display
which the Roman Pontificate made of its greatnf'ss, we
would surmise that Dante conceived and fashioned tht
su LUme idea of the Divina Comnledia. Catholic RonH'
spoke to his heart and there awakened religious inspira-
tion, by which, leaving the wilderness of vice, he wa
moved to contemplate and sing of lIell, Furgatory ana
Paradisp. Pagan Home spoke to his luind, and gavp hin1
as a guide on his journey the poet Virgil; and that fancy
whieh is the offspring only of Italy, joined together the
mind and heart so strongly and lovingly, that Papal
Home also had her Virgil. 'Yhile Boniface was dispen:o::-
ing spiritual indulgences, and thereby strongly arousing
the Italians to great works, he was attentively guarding
the Church, both as a congregation of the faithful, and as
the sovereign provider for the civil order. As we ob-
served previously, the new and rising civilization was
thl'C'atened by an external and internal enemy. The first
was the power of the Turks, and the latter was the un-
bridled power of princes, and the rebelIion of the people
which the rulers could not check. Boniface opposed both.
He set about to remedy the evil of the Turks. In Asia
along the banks of the river Silinga there dwelt a savage
people called Tartars or :\Iongolians. Spondano narrates
lllany things about their origin,17 which anyone can read
in the authors which he cites. It is sufficient for us to
l,:now that they were of a most fierce nature, but on the
other hand they had not been spoiled by the effeminac
"
of cities and the sensual indulgences of the l\Iahometall
religion. At first they had not known the great Prophet,
and practised a religion of their own; but afterwards they
were incorporated into the great family of Islamism.
PossE'ssing a lively imagination like every Oriental peoplE',
through their ignorance they could be led to the perforn1-
ance of great deeds by a man shrewd and ambitious, who
knew how to make use of this pliaLle people by the lan-
"The castle, to St. Peter's as they throng,-
"All on the other, journey to the :Mount."-Dante Infer. XVIII
Wright's Translation. 17 Ann. 1202 no. X.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 2Rl
guage of the supernatural. Such a man precisely was
Temudhsin Genghis-Khan, a man very brave and of un-
measured ambition, who knew how to subdue the
Iongo-
Hans and lead them on to brilliant victories. These were
continued by their descendants, who threatened Europe in
the XIIIth century with new incursions and barha1"Ïtie
.
But Heaven would not allow the old wounds made by the
ancient Barbarians to be reopened by new savage inva-
sions. For after having devasted Hungary, and intiIlli-
dated Berlin, they turned back into Asia. By the sword
they became masters of Bagdad, Aleppo, Damascus, and
even pushed on as far as Palestine. This people, so power-
ful as to resist the power of the
lohammedans, awakened
the attention of the Roman Pontiffs, and they used every
means to convert them to the true faith, so as afterwards
to get them to do what the Crusaders could not and would
not do-conquer the Turks. Up to this time these Bar-
barians never entered the minds of the Pontiffs, except
to be considered and repelled as Turks. In fact Innocent
IV wrote a constitution to repress their fury.Is Alexan-
der IV took care to convoke councils against the Tartars,
as for instance in Paris/ 9 in Ravenna,20 in London 21 and
elsewhere. Urban IV left nothing untried to arouse a
cru
ade against them. Clement IV was compelled to drive
them out of Hungary. But finally the Tartars learned by
the experience of the Turks that power which the Pope
possessed over Christendom, and the great benefit to them
whieh a friendship with the Christians would be, in over-
coming the Turkish power with which they were contend-
ing. So a certain Abaka, King of the Oriental Tartars,
was the first to send ambassadors to the Roman See, seek-
ing an alliance. Nicholas III accorded them a Inost joy-
ful welcome, and was assured by them that Abaka offered
to unite all his forces with those of the Christians against
the Saracens; also that the uncle of King Abaka, by nanw
called Quolibey, Great Khan of all the Tartars, was
already a Christian, and he asked that missionaries be
sent to convert his subjects to the faith of Christ. Nicho-
u" Christianae religionis cultum." la Nangius. Life of St. Louis.
20 Rossi. History of Ravenna. L. 6.
21 Matthew of Westminster, year 1261.
282 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
las III wrote letters, which 'Yadding rclates,22 to both
Ahaka and Quo1iùey, fun of affection and congratulation;
and he sent five experienced friars of St. Francis for the
conversion of the Tartars. 23 From that time afterwards
the Popes never ceased, and especially Nicholas IV, to
RPnd oftf'll friars to keep alive thf' faith, which was spread
widely alnong that barùarous people. The Great Khan
and the other tribal chiefs sent frequent en1 bassies to
l'ptaill the Papal benevolence. The Register of the letters
of Nicholas IV records lllany directed to the chiefs of that
people. 24 This conversion of the Tartars to the Christian
religion would have assisted greatly the affairs of the
IIoly Land, if the Christian Princes had been lnindful of
the Holy Sepulchre, and had sent liberators of it, who
would have found in the Tartars a most powerful support.
And just in the Pontificate of Boniface there was a most
striking proof of this. In the course of the year 1300
Ca!ssano, Great Khan of the Tartars, having united his
forces with those of the King of ...\rmenia. led this numer-
ous army against the Sultan of Egypt, in order to take
fl'om him Palestine. He met him in battle near the city
of Emesa, defeated hhn, and drove him back into Egypt,25
He wished to advance further, but having received tlll
nf'WS that a certain relative of his was invading Persia,
he withdrew from his conquest, leaving a portion of his
army in Syria, cOlnmanding that when the Christians
arrived from the "V\T est, this region should he left under
their sway. He believed firn11y in their coming, and had
sent anlbassadors to the Pontiff and the King of France,
in order that they might avail themselves of this favorable
opportunity for relieving the Christians in the Levant.
It is beyond doubt that Boniface rejoiced oyer this eln-
bassy and the good tidings it brought. The thought of
conquering the Holy I.Jand although it was not so popular
as in the time of the Council of Clermont, yet was pre-
dominant in the n1inds of the Pontiffs, and especially was
22 Annal Min. tom. v. page 36 and following.
28 Ab. page 40 and following.
24 2 April 1288 "Habet" to Queen Tultani.-13 July, 1299, to CobIa reat
Cham. "Gaudeamus ":-2 Aug., 1291, "Exultat" cor. See Aython Rist.
of the East. chap. 45.-Maria Sanuto lib. 8. part. 13, 8 Chap.
2
Raython, chap. 41.-Villani, lib. 8, chap. 35.-Ptolerny of Lucca Ann,
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 283
it ascendant in the mind of Boniface. He slunmoned a
Council in Ronle; he touched upon the question of the
Holy Land; he besought its delivery, and dispatched leg-
ates to the Christian princes to gather 1110ney and men for
the holy cause. France had always heen the first to heed
thf' cry for the IIoly 'Yar, and was the special defender of
the Christian cause in the East. So Boniface bearing in
mind the favorable opportunity which Syria in Christian
hands offered, immediately and especially turned to Philip
the Fair, asking for the tithes of the churches that were
collected in his kingdom for the affairs of the Holy Land,
and exhorting hilll not to be behind St. Louis, who was a
lllartyr to this cause. But Philip held Flanders in his
clutchps, and having renewed the war, to carry it on he
neede(I nlonpy, and so did not care to hear anything a bout
Tartars 01' Saracens. lIe refused Boniface the tithes that
wel'f' coHpcted. And since he foresaw that thf'se injustices
would f'xasperate the redoubtahle mind of Boniface, as if
to hold him in deference not only did he extend hospitality
to the Colonna refugees in his kingdom, but he lavished
npon thenl puhlic favors and courtesies in order to bring
disrespect on Boniface and cause him to fear. Thus while
Boniface entreated Philip to undertake a crusade against
thp Turks, Philip was making friends with those who were
fug-ith"es hecause of a Papal crusade against them. There-
fore they became puffed up with pride, but we shall soon
FPe how shameful win be their outbreaks. John, Duke of
Brittany, was the only one who was truly prompt to the
call of Boniface, and showed hinlse1f ready not only to
aid, hut also lead an expedition to thp Holy Land. He
wished to start in June, and had even implored the usual
indulgences, which Boniface granted profusely to the
Crusaders. 26 But no one set out. Perhaps the sad news
from Ryria had then arrived, of how in Cassano's ab-
('nre the Tartars were driven out by thp treachery of a
('('rtain Cappldrk, guardian of the city of Damascus, awl
tll(' affairs of 1 he Christians returned to their forIner safl
(,OIu1ition. 27 This last chanc.:e of lilwrating the Holy Land
from the hands of the infidels which the Christians al-
lowpd to pass, was followed hy the impossibility of arous.
28 Lib. 6 ep. 2ï8. 27 Raynaldus, 33.
28 Hayton, History of the East. ('hap, 43.
28-1 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
ing any more Crusades. The powerful and crafty Osman,
son of Erdogrul, another conqueror who had extended his
dominion over the mountain districts of Asia l\Hnor and
in the valleys of the Taurus, began to make himself for-
midable by his conquests. The retreat of Cassano, Chief
of the Tartars, and the imbecility of the Byzantine Em-
peror opened to this audadous Turk the way to an empire,
which, for largeness of territory and prolonged existence,
is unique in history. He made the foundation of it in
Bithynia, fixing his seat in the city of Prusa in :àlysia at
the foot of l\It. Olympus. Such was the foundation of the
terrible Ottoman Empire, and like a wave of the Sl
a which
from time to time dashes itself against the remains of a
once grand edifice in ruins on its banks, so it stifled the
expiring breath of the Grecian power as far as to place
\Iahon1et lIon the throne of Constantine. I
lamism then
heing predominant in the East, it began to spread it
roots even in the West, and pollute those beautiful shores
of Europe which look towards Asia. This was the bar-
harity that threatened all Europe for many centuries, and
which the Popes checked by the holy wars. This empire
t-;till exists solely because the division of the spoils could
never be satisfactorily adjusted by the would-be sharers.
The Turkish Empire arose, and the civil power of the
Pontiff
declined, yet slowly, because the shoulders of
Boniface were strong enough to support it still. He saw
himself surrounded by a fickle people, as were the Italian
,
and he had a presentiment of the struggle that was to
('IlSUC. Of Florence we shan speak later; let us return to
the affairs of Sicily. We have seen how she neglected the
admonitions of Boniface. Philip, Prince of Taranto,
through a juvenile imprudence was defeated, and taken
eaptive in the battle of Falconaria, Now this reverse,
which Charles II, so to speak, went in search of, greatly
grieved the mind of Boniface, already saddened by thp
ll(l(len return of James to Aragon, after his victory over
I"l.pderick at Cape Orlando. The bad faith of James of
AJ'agon, the weakness of Charles of Anjou, and the con-
stancy of Frederick and the Sicilians would have de-
pressed the minds of other men, but not that of Boniface.
The Papal coffer
had hppn l'Pplenished by offerings dur-
ing the ,JulJilec, anù the Guelph party in Italy offered help
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 285
in money and men; Boniface at the same time saw his
hopes revived in Charles of Yalois, whom he made his
champion. Thus encouraged he l'enewed the attempt to
expel Frederick from Sicily. Frederick had received pow-
erful assistance from Ghibelline Genoa, and for that rea-
son Boniface by mighty effol.ts strove to sever their union
with the Sicilians. He threatened, he stornled, he im-
plored the aid of James and even of Philip the Fair
against them,28 but Genoa would not yield. Finally
whilst two millions of the faithful were joyfully availing
thenlselves of the Papal indulgences in Rome, these
Gpnoese were the subjects of most severe chastisement,
which seemed over severe in the time of sut:h great
pardon and indulgence. Boniface hurled the solelun ex-
eOllnllunication against Oberto and Corrado Doria, Cor-
rado Spinola, and their relations and retainers, and placed
an interdict oyer the entire territory of Genoa, threaten-
ing thelll with further penaltie
upon their estates, if by
.Ascension Day they did not sever their connection with
the Sicilians. 29 The Genoese were frightened, and they
made a treat.y with Charles of Naples. 'fhat weakened
the force of the opponpnt
, and to inereaf:':c his own Boni-
face had since January complained loudly against that ill-
advised expedition of Philip, Prince of Taranto, in a letter
which he wrote to the Legate Gerard, Bishop of Sabina; 30
and he filled the minds of Charles and Loria with such
terror, that they l'Ppaired to Home in person to pacify him.
In the liveliest manner he explained to Gerard the hope he
had of seeing this affair come to a happy termination, by
nwans of the fleet he expectpd from J anles. In fact at the
same time he had written to James, that he exp{lcted assis-
tance even from Genoa; that the Knights Templars a1Hl
those of S1. John, by promises of particular favor
, had
been induced to wage war in Sicily; that the Guelph
cities would srud him a choit:e and well-provisioned hody
of cavalry; finan
r hp recommended hinl to hold himself in
readiness and to hp fun of hope.
But whilst ßonifacp was (lnconrap:inp: the T..pgate to
war, Chal']es appearpd to he inclined to peace. The irn-
pl'isonmpnt of his son Philip distr('ssrd bim, and he was
tired of war. FT'(ldpl'Îck knew tllis, and be u!';cfl it to his
'9 Raynaldus, n. 12, 13. 30 Rayna1òus t
oo, n. to.
286 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
advantage. He sent him envoys to draw up an agreement,
hut Loth sides feared Boniface. They would rather treat
in secret, in order that he luight not thwart their negotia-
tions. Charles, like a child under the rod of a rigid
pedagogue, made the treaty, and trembled. But Boniface
discovPl'ed the plot, and he scolded him severely, both
because Sicily concerned the Pope more immediately, and
ùecam
e of Chal'lps' poor judgment. The Pope spoke
harshly to hiIn: "That he had still present in mind that
"which Charles was known to have done in the treaty
"concluded with .James, at the siege of Gapta, without
" having- consnlted the Papal legates; that he remenlbered
"also that other treaty, an astonishing monlllnent of
"prudence and wisdom, which he made with the same
" .J ames for the liberation of his son; long experience had
,. taught him that when Charles was left in his affairs a
"little to himself alone, it led to nothing but disaster.
"The unfortunate expedition of his son Philip, was a
" clear l:ase in point. "'here was his prudence, where his
" respet't for the Church? To nleet in a secret conference
"on a galley with the legates of the common enemy Fred-
,. erick, and not allow one word or deed to be kno\vn."
And he cnaed this severe reLuke by displaying to hinl the
fetters of excOlnmunication if he persisted in that evil
course of wishing to act alone and in secret. 31 This lan-
guag(' addressed to Charles and that used with the Legate
l'(,Yf'al the nlind of Honiface exasperated hy the condition
of tIle affairs of Sic-iIy, and at the same time fun of vigor
to SUrlnOUl1t ohs:tacles. On the 14th of June Loria ob-
tained a signal -victory over the Sicilian fleet in the waters
of Ponza; hut hecause little fruit was df'rived from it, and
hecause the Guplph party in Italy was not prosperous, the
nlind of Ronifa('e was not jnhilant. hut rather filled with
great anxiety and a stlHly of mf'ans to meet the situation.
'Ye ('OI11e now to spf'ak of Tus(>any, hut it is necessary to
prC'pare the mind with some factI', hecause they are strong
IDPans of instruction to posterity.
It is clear the cidl Pontificate entirely rpstef1 in that
party of the pf'ople, which was Gllf'lph, and for that reason
the Guelph character was that of the Popes. Nay more,
31 lb. No. 12 . . . . . . "ex suae fatuitatis impulso in timore
periculi pouissee."-
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 287
this party never haù any other truly natural head than the
Pope. The dash of parties far from ùeing harmful, was
useful to Rome. Friction quickened life; and either los-
ing or victorious the Guelph party was ever active, and
the Popes were in need of this. Therefore an idleness too
prolonged, or a superiority too marked over a rival fac-
tion was prejudicial, either because there was lacking the
stimulus to keep them active, or because inactivity was
pJ'O(luctive of eorruption and schism in the party. 'Yhen
nllelphi
m had reached that state of division, then it
could bp surely maintained that the civil Pontificate, feel-
ing it
p]f dis
olving and shaken in its foundation, would
al
o have a presentiment of the decline of its power. Boni-
face was l1estined to have this presentiment, and Florence
was to inspire him with it. This powerful republic ex-
perienced all those vicissitudes to which states are sub-
ject, no matter what may be the form or the solidity of the
government, or the condition of their citizens; for imper-
fection involves and penetrates everything here below.
Power is a divine thing; but its manner and location in
human socipty is not divine. This indptermination of
circlllllRtances and the excessive cupidity of Inen engendpr
rebellions in statt's. These revolutions at times are neces-
sary, to reveal hUlnan infirmity, and disconcert the confi-
dence of legislators in the sanctity of laws, as well as that
of princps, in the empire of force. We have said rebellions
are nece!';sary, because it is not possible to prevent at
times wealth or power from ùecon1Ïng centered in one
party in a state and by stagnation causing moral infirmi-
ties, much as in thp human body physical maladies are
cause(l by derangement of humors. In urder to arouse
and dissipate this sluggish and pestilential nlass, Heaven
a l1o\ys these l'Íyil revolts, which like storms are not de-
sirahlc, ,n't they are a nleans which a free Providence em-
ploys for the common good, In a monarchy they are of
)':LI'P occurrcncp, but more terrible in chal'arter; on the con-
trary more frt'qut'nt in a repuhlic, but not so terrihle.
1"'01' in tlJP former rf>vert'nrp for him, who holds in his
han(ls tJw f'ntil'c POWPI", rc
trains and rf'tards the fury
of tlIP pt'ople, hut ronfined for a long timp, it breaks out
11101'(' fiPI'('ply. J n rppublics civil liberty and the division
of power render the suùden uprisings less ùifficult ùecause
288 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
of few obstacles, but also less imposing. Therefore after
the audacious but yet honest tribune, Giano della Bella,
had been banished from Florence in 1295, the nobles of
the city had attained a high degree of power and splendor.
Peace reigning and commerce, which thrived with that in-
dustrious people, had greatly increased the wealth of the
citizens. There were at that time families who by their
riches and the number of their adherents could have ex-
ercised the influence which at a later period the
ledici
family acquired. Among these families were the Donati
and the Cerchi. The head of the former was Corso, the
latter Veri. Their deeds and the origin of their disgrace-
ful feuds are well told by Com pagni and Villani. It suf-
fices for us to know well that they displayed towards one
another hostile feelings, and through envy at times they
took up arms. 32 Now while these two chieftains, Corso
and Yeri, to the great scandal of the public were warring
against each other, there appeared from without another
cause of dissension and the fire which was
nkindled in
Florence assumed frightful proportions. The family of the
Cancellieri of Pistoja, by the perpetration of a savage and
most crnel deed, became divided into two factions, called
the 'Yhites amI the Blacks. As was customary the whole
city took sides, citizens lost their senses and murdered
one another. Florence as the h
ad of the Guelph party
hastened to effect a peace; she assumed the sovereignty
over Pistoja, and rashly confined the two factions, the
'Yhites and the Blacks, within the confines of the city's
walls. This was only adding fuel to the flame that burned
between the Cerchi and the Donati. The Blacks united
their interests to those of the Donati, and the 'Vhites to
those of the Cerchi; and there began in the city a furious
war, between these two rival factions. Florence was
Guelph, and for that reason this division was a blow at
the very heart of Guelphism; and the Ghibelline party
profited thereby, because the moderate Guelphs were nec-
essarily obliged to incline towards the Ghibelline party,
and thus, as Villani narrates, the ""'hites, or that of the
Cerchi, was the more powerful faction. Hence staunch
Guelphs were sent to Pope Boniface beseeching him to
take in hand the unfortunate affairs of Florence, and ad-
a Raynaldus, year 1300, no. 15.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 2
n
just them, otherwi
e there would be nothing left of the
Guelphs save the Inenl0l'Y, on account of the advantage
which the 'Yhites with the Ghibellines possessed. Boni-
face was deeply grieved at this news. He restrained their
animosity, and sought to control their minds, in order to
reconcile thenl. So he sent for Ved, head of the Cerchi
and the ""'hites, and by the promise of every spiritual and
tenlporal favor, he endeavored to persuade this proud
soul to make peace with the Donati. But stubborn and
whimsical, he replied, that he was not at war with anyone,
and he left without complying with the request of the
Pope. 'Yhen Veri had returned to Florence, the two
factions, agitated and threatening hitherto, finally came
to blows, and a bloody civil ,val' ensued. The ""'hites
were victorious; the Blacks became alarmed and invoked
the aid of the Pope. 33
In June of 1300 )Iatthew Acquaspal'ta, Friar )Iinor,
Cardinal of Porto, a
Legate of Boniface to the Republic
arrived unexpectedly in the disturbed city, to pacify it. 34
Thcir angry feelings were quieted, and their reception of
him was hearty and becoming. He effected a peace, and
wished to establish it firmly and with justice to all. IIe
asked from the Con1mune of Florence the authority to ar-
range affairs, distributing the offices of the city equally
between the two parties. But the 'Yhites who po
ses
ec1
the major part, would not for the sake of peace re1inquish
any. They rejected the wi
e an(l telnperate advice of the
Legate with great anger; they refused to obey, and they
tirl'ed up fresh rage. The Legate discoura
ed and irri-
tated by the brutal ohstinacy of the 'Yhites, departed
from Florence, justly leaving it under an interdict. "Then
he was gone, the factions flew at each other nlOre fiercely,
(1is
racing'
heir city by the shedding of fraternal blood.3
'Yhen Cardinal Acquasparta was in the Roman Court
making a report of his unsuccessful e1l1bassy, Boniface
fOJ'esaw the grave evils produced by these npw factions.
which, although they were contained within the walls of
Florence, nevertheless had a nlost injudous effect on the
entire Guelph, or Papal party. Hecent events in the
Papal province of ('mbria confirmed this fore
ight of
Roniface. Frederick, Count of l\[ontefrelto,
on of Friar
II Villani, Book VIII. .. Ra
.naldus, 24 Epist. 16, lib. 6. SO! See Doc. G,
90 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE :VIII.
Guy; Hubert l\Ialatesta; and Uguccione Faggiula, power.
ful Ghibellilles,36 ruled in that province. The latter, a
falllous warrior, exercised there a very great sway, and
being head of Gubbio, he had expelled all the Guelphs.
Boniface dispatched Napoleon Orsini, Governor of the
Duchy of Spoleto, to reinstate them in the city. Orsini
succeeded in his design, being aided by the Perugians.
TIe entered the city accompanied by the Guelphs, but the
victory was disgraced by rapine and murder. Even the
cities of the Romagna were in COllllllotion, but there was
no bloodshed. :l\Iatthew Acquasparta, who became in
October Papal Governor, quelled the riot. 37
These agitations gave Boniface much to think of, and
caused him great apprehension. This was further in-
creased by the clamors which the Blacks made in his court,
who were magnifying maliciously the injustice of the
'Vhites, and the reports which they were spreading were
more dangerous "'l'han the point of the sword/' as Com-
pagni relates. 38 The Colonna refugees were always caus-
ing alarm, anù the Blacks were making use of this in order
to cause Boniface to be suspicious of the assistance which
the rising Ghibelline party would be to them. This D1adp
him expedite matters, and execute a project which the
Pope had contemplated with regard to Charles of Yalois.
namely to make him a peacemaker in Tuscany.so In that
good thought Com pagni found hidden a most wicked
proposition, the suppression of the 'Yhites. Compagni
was a ,Çhite Guelph. The resolution was taken with the
advice of Corso Donati himself and the more powerful
agreement of Geri Spini and his associates, bankers of tlw.
Pope. 40 It is never good policy to invite a foreigner to
nleddle in the affairs of onp's country. The despair, the
impossibility of otherwise obtaining order can alone legi-
tiInize this appeal. In factions this despair is al ways on
the side of the vanquished. So the Ghibellines when
beaten invoked the aid of the German emperors, and the
Guelphs when oppressed turned to the French. As the
Pope hinlself appealed to the latter, this circumstance
rendered the invitation of the Guelphs less dangerous than
36 Chron. Dino Comp, L. II. 87 Chron. Caesen, S. R. I. T. 14.
I
John Villani, Book 8, Chap. 43. Þ Chron. S, R. I. T. IX book VII.
<10 Chr. S. R. I. T. lib. 11.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 2!>1
that of the Ghihellines. For the Popc was so powcrful a
to make use of the French prince only as an instrument,
and the authority of the priesthood was sufficient to put
sense into the head of Charles if he aspired to SUpl'elne
power. But the Ghibellines, after having invoked the aid
of a powerful foreigner, were not able to prevent this
charitable assistance from degenerating into an insolent
tyranny. Boniface knew this, and no one as much as he
had the strength to restrain a foreigner who refused to
obey his orders. But either to reaSSure the great number
of Italians who thought that the presence of a second
French prince among them would be unbecoming, or in
order to induce the French clergy to give him the tithes
for this expedition, he wanted to justify by weighty
reasons the coming of Charles, and the levy of the tithes.
He did this in a letter expressly addressed to the French
clergy. In it he said that Sicily was still in revolt against
the Church, and the other ecclesiastical towns were in
disorder; that Tuscany was so disturbed as to entail all
Italy; that the Holy Land was clamoring for aid to liber-
ate it from the hands of the infiùels; that Charles was to
come as peacemaker into Italy; and afterwards go to lib-
erate the Christians in the East. 41 Then to induce Charles
to willingly accept this expedition, besides the grant of
those tithes, he dazzled his eyes with the charm of empire,
by insinuating that the imperial throne was vacant.
)Ieanwhile affairs grew worse; Corsi, always at the side of
the Pope, kept importuning him to let him see the longed-
for Charles of Yalois. New Papal legates went to hasten
the coming of the future peacemaker. The reader need
not be curiou
to know if it was a pleasure for Charles to
conle to Italy; for what foreiç:n prince ever felt it a pain
to enter this beautiful country? He welcomrd the lrp:ate
most cordially, who urged him to n1ake haste. Immedi-
ately he sounded the trumpets, ordering the bannf'l's to be
ullfurlNl, and the knights to assemble, and post-haste he
set out for discordant Italy.42 Charles came with a good
number of soldiers, and the news of his near arrival differ-
ently affected various parts of Italy. Florence anù the
court of Boniface were the places where the minds WPI'C
Inost agitated. The Blacks at Rome had heen successful
&1 John VilJani, L. 8, ch, 42.
43 See Document H.
292 HISTORY OF POPE BONIF ACE VIII.
in securing Charles as peacemaker by plying all their de-
vices, counsel and money. The 'Yhites did not desist from
working most sedulously in the Roman Court, and frus-
trating the designs of their adversaries. The 'Yhites sent
an embassy to Boniface, at the head of which was Dante
Alighieri. This man, to use the words of that eloquent
,vriter Boccaccio, was then in the zenith of his fame. The
heart of this virtuous citizen, whom heaven adorned with
the highest intelligence, was grieved at seeing his country
so wickedly divided, and he foresaw the misfortunes which
always follow in the train of this scourge. By word and
{leed he strove to soften the anger of the parties and
pacify them; hut having failed in his purpose, he wanted
to sever all connections with public affairs, and bid thenl
an eternal farewell. But the love of his country restrained
hiIn; and perhaps also being mindful of his own worth he
('ould not close his heart to the sweetness of glory, whieh
arises frOlll the virtuous administration of public affairs,
he concluded to remain, and resolved to follow the party
of the Whites.
"Then Florence was certain of the coming of Charles,
the 'Yhites were startled and feared for their liberty.
They assembled in council, and decided to send ambassa-
dors to Boniface, that he might stop the coming of the
foreigner or retard him, and in any case to inspire him
with peaceful dispositions towards them. And in that
assembly Dante being unanimously chosen as head of the
embassy, he unbecomingly gave utterance to the follow-
ing: "If I go, who remains? If I remain who will go?"
At all times such words sound badly from the mouth of
any nlan, and are detestable in the mouth of a statesman
in a time of fierce factions. They were displeasing even
to his friends. 43 The embassy strengthened by that of
Siena set out; and it was to act quickly, so as to give no
time to the intrigues of the Blacks. But a certain Ubal-
dino )lalvolti a Sienese Judge and a member of the em-
bassy, injured the opportunity of the journey. He stopped
on the way to demand from the Florentines jurisdiction
over a castle which he said belonged to him. This delay
for a private gain damaged that of the community, as the
<118 History of Pistoja, S. R. I., tom. XI 377 B.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 293
ambassadors did not arrive in time. When the legates
arrived in Rome they were admitted into the private
chambers of the Pope, who when he had them alone said
to them secretly: "'Yhy are you so stubborn? Humble
"yourselves before me. I tell you truly that I have no
" other object in view but your peace. Return at once two
"of you, and they will have my blessing if they obtain
"obedience to my will." 44 The secrecy of this conversa-
tion showed the fear of causing suspicions among the
Blacks who were in the court. '\Ye know not what the
terrible Dante said. But it is certain that if Boniface
could have foreseen those creations that were to be pro-
duced by the imagination of that ambassador, exiled after-
wards through the stupidity of Charles of Yalois, and the
hideousness of the Hell into which the poet was to hurl
him, we believe that the 'Yhites would have gained their
cause. For the thrust of a sword is not so agonizing to
the body, as is to a generous soul the anathema of the
word which is eternalized by the immortal genius of him
who utters it.
The Florentine legates were still in Rome, and in Flor-
ence the arrival of Charles was awaited. It pleased none
as citizens, it pleased many as partisans. However, just
as one trembles when strong and painful remedies are to
be applied, so hearts were trembling in unhappy Florence.
I t seemed the presence of the foreigner softened the angry
minds. :l\Ien of temperate habits and with love for peace
and their country were chosen for the governnlent of the
dty, among whom was that charnlÍng character, Dino
Compagni. These men undertook to distribute the offices
in cornmon among the factions. The Blacks began to
make advances towards the ""Yhites, who held the sover-
eignty, under the leadership of Compagni. But they
could not revive a fraternal peace, as mutual mistrust and
suspicion still influenced them, which in factional differ-
ences ever stifle the breath of good feeling. In fact while
the one was making advances to the other, and in exterior
politeness there seemed a hope of peace, in both parties
minds were timorous and they dared not trust one an-
other. In these friendly negotiations it must be said that
the greater frankness and sincerity were displayed by the
44 Rocc. Life of Dante.
294 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII,
party of the '''"hites, who wiHhec1 to sep pC'ace ensue frmll
thp spontaneous agreement of the citizens, whereas the
Rlacks desired it through the ever dangerous ministry of
a foreigner. The ambition of the Blacks overcame the h01y
affection they had for their unhappy country. The first
:messengers from Charles appeared in Florence. The do-
111estic troubles could have been concealed from them, but
the Blacks spoke openly to them, and extolled to the skies
Charles who was at hand. Words of servile flattery freely
fell frOln their lips, a sign of drooping spirits and of a
hopeless despair. The question whether Charles should be
welcomed or not was agitated, The opinion of the Blacks
prevailed, and Charles was welcomed hy an embassy, and
was even furnished with money to increase his resources.
Such was the action of the party of the Blacks, but not
of that model of civic moderation, Dino Com pagni, who,
in every way the equal of the most virtuous citizen of
either the Grecian or Roman republics, surpassed them
all by that nobility of heart which the Christian religion
alone can instil. If there is a man to whom all Italy owes a
solemn debt of gratitude, that man is Cmnpagni. IIe wrote
only the history of Florence; but the events of Florence
are of such a nature, and are narrated by him in such a
manner, that they reproduce in outline an image of the
whole of Italy in every epoch, and they are a source of
salutary instruction. Statues have been erected to actors
and dancers, but not a stone has been raised to the mem-
ory of the Father of Italian history, Dino Compagni. See-
ing that the efforts to make the Frenchman return to his
country were hopeless, Compagni would at least have him
not find the citizens in riot, but peaceful. For there is
nothing more favorable to tyranny, than the intervention
of a stranger in tbe affairs of a city that is rent by fac-
tions and especially of a stranger who feigns honorable
and peaceful pretexts. He nlade one last effort, which
would not have failed, if in the heat of civil tumult, nlen
had been nlen. In the church of St. John he assembled a
parJiament of many and excellent citizens whom he urged
in eloquent terms that laying aside all hatred they should
oppose to the foreign maker of an uncertain peace, a cer-
tain domestic peace, and they should swear on the baptis-
mal font that such would be done. 'Ye cannot refrain
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VII1. 29;)
from quoting his words: "Dear and valiant citizens, you
"who bave all received llOl,y Baptisnl at this same font,
"reason forces and constrains you to love one another
" because you are brothers, and al
o because you possess
"the noblest city in the world. Among you there has
" arisen some enmity in the struggle for the offices, which
"Iny cOlllpanions and I on oath have promised to distrib-
"ute equally among you. This foreign lord is conling,
" and it is becoming for us to show him honor. Lay aside
"your enmities and make peace with one another, in order
"that he may not find you divided. For the love and
" benefit of your city pardon and forget all offences and
"evil desires, and upon this sacred font where you re-
" ceived holy Baptism, swear to a good and lasting prace,
"in order that the French prince nlay find the citizens all
"united." 1\lost touching words coming frOln a very holy
heart. These very few words, by an ÍIllpressivpness of
forlll, altogether Italian; by the force of feeling and a cer-
tain heavenly unction, surpass the many words so loudly
launched frOlll the height of foreign tribunes. And Oh!
would that they were engraven on Italian minds! For
from these alone they would learn how manliness of spirit
in being a true citizen and a virtuous magistrate is not en-
gendered by the example of Greeks and ROlnans, but by
religion which before Rome and Greece knew how to place
man in society and educate hiIn in virtue. Then they all
swore; but Illany violated the oath. At this the good
COlllpagni's heart was deeply grieved, as if his charitable
expedient had been an added scandal. From him and
YïJlani it is clear that the Blacks, elated over the arrival
of Charles, were puffed up exceedingly with pride.
'Yhile Illind
were thus agitated in Florence, Charles
appeared lwfore Boniface in Anagni in September of this
year, On seeing Charles honorably received by Boniface
at this tiIne, the reader nlight be inclined to believe that
Boniface had sanctioned the excesses of the Blacks, so
nluch deplored by Com pagni. But it must be remembered
that their excesses were abhorred by Boniface. He in
truth desired peace, and he well knew that the disorders
of the Blacks far frOln achieving it only prevented it. Thp
struggle was Guelph against Guelph, and the Pope as the
head of Guclphism did not care to be the head of two
29() HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
bodies, but of one; and for this reason he loved to see har-
mony existing alllollg the Guelphs, not only as Vicar of
Christ, but also as a civil potentate. The calling of
Charles was the fault of the -nThites, who were not inclined
to make an equal distribution of the offices, by reason of
which the efforts of Cardinal Acquasparta entirely failed.
{Tnarmed and feeble he did not succeed in his honest pur-
pose, so Charles called to attain it by arms. And Boni-
face, who knew Charles, did not let him come prepared to
do evil, because five hundred knights (the nunlber of the
forces which Charles led) would be insufficient for that;
but only to add strength to the efforts of the Legate. The
mind of Boniface will appear clearer in the course of this
narrative.
[1harles came then to Anaglli to kiss the Pope's foot/ 6
after having a taste of Italian gold, which the
Iarquis
\zzo d'Este presented to him with great honors as hp
passed through
Iodena.46 Charles II of Naples also came
to Allagni, as he placed the greatest hopes in Charles of
Yalois to recover Sicily. Before going to effpf'Ì a peace ill
Tuscany, he wished to wage war in that island, longing to
pass over into Greece, to place himself as Emperor on the
throne of Byzantium, having married Catherine, daughter
of Philip, titular EUlperor of Constantinople, and grand-
daughter of Baldwin, rightful EUlperor. If thp Frpnch
prince regarded Tuscany already pacified, Sicily recov-
ered, Greece conquered, and perhaps even the Holy Land
freed from the infidels, it is not surprising. The titles of
Viear of the Empire; Prefect of the Roman Church; the
peacemaker of Tuscany; the jurisdiction which the Pope
gave him over the Duchy of Spoleto, over the ::\Iarch of
Ancona, the province of Emilia, and other territory; 48
the ecclesiastical tithes which he collected plentifully in
Italy, in Corsica, in Sardinia, in France, in the principal-
ity of Achaia, in the Duchy of Athens,48 besides the money
furnished him by the Blacks, were of a nature to inspire
bim with lofty opinions of himself; but it will be seen how
he deceived the hopes of his adherents and failed in the
designs he had himself conceived. Postponing the expedi-
tion to Sicily until spring, Charles witb his barons set
46 Dino Compagni.
"7 Chron. Esten. S. R. I. T. XV.
<&6 Ptolemy of Lucca in Ann. brev.
<&8 Raynaldus, year 1301, no. 12.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIF ACE VIII. 297
out for Florence, which they entered on the 1st of Novem-
ber, being welcompd with all honor by the citizens. 49 His
first imprudence was to allow himself to be followed by
the banished Blacks, who swelled the number of his sol-
diers to twelve hundred horsemen, and to take up their
abode in the house of the Frescobaldi, a family belonging
to the party of the Blacks, and to fortify it. This was not
a peaceoffering to the opposite party, but a sign of war.
Therefore the "Thites grew suspicious and the Blacks be-
came elated. The Priors, and among them Compagni, did
not desist from that calmness and honesty of counsel
which should ever attend magistrates in time of great
crises. They formed a parliament of forty citizens, chosen
from both parties, to conduct affairs in such calamitous
times. But the remedy was useless, because 80nle had lost
energy and others had a criminal intent, and because the
Blacks wanted the victory to be complete by demanding
the dismissal of the Priors and the recall of those
banished. riO
The imprudence of Charles and the excesses of the
Blacks came to the knowledge of Boniface, with whom
still were the ambassadors of the "'hites, among whom
was Dante. These men remained round about the Pope
to show him effectively by the irresistible argument of
facts how harmful Charles was to Florence, and how un-
just and arrogant were their opponents the Blacks. Boni-
face charged two <;>f these ambassadors,
Iaso
Iinerbetti
and Corazza, to go and speak to the rulers of Florence
and such was the power of this communication that the
latter obeyed on the spot. They wrote to the Pope to send
them Gentile of
rontefiore, a Cardinal of I10ly Church, to
arrange affairs. The obedience which Boniface exacted
was to put in execution the distribution of the offices,
which had been requested in vain by the Legate,
Iatthew
Acquasparta. ri1 From this it is clear that the work of
Charles was displeasing to Boniface; neither did he desire
the ruin of the Whites, nor approve the excesses of the
Blacks. These latter, having had an inkling of the move-
ments of their opponents with the Pope, brutally broke out
G Raynaldus 15 Ep. Book 7, 196. GO Jobn Villani, cbap. 58, Book 8.
G1 Dino Com pagni.
298 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
into all kinùs of violence. The Priors reported everything
to the Pope, and Dante pressed tIle matter vehemently.
This being told to the Blacks, they destroyed all hope of
accord. For after they ohtained the desired cOlnmunity
of the offices, three Priors being chosen from one of the
parties, and three froln the other, they were not even then
satisfied. They wanted the ascendency in order to crush
their opponents.
They dared to attempt their object because Charles
actf'd neither as a loyal nor as an honest man. They ex-
J)ibited publicly the instruments of justice to terrify the
('yiI-doers, but secretly they circulated money to corrupt
the ministers of justice itself. Charles was not ignorant
of these corrupt practices so hostile to the public safety.
lIe knew their source, because the Blacks made no secret
of their boast: "We have a sovereign anlongst us. The
"Pope is our protector. Our adversaries are equipped
"neither for war nor for peace. They have no money,
"and the soldiers have not been paid." Their boastings
were followed by deeds. On the fourth day of N ovemher
the Blacks armed themselves; Charles took up arms under
the pretext of restraining criIninals, and the Florentines
being apprehended, he sent his French soldiers as guards
over the gates of the sixth district of the city, beyond the
Al'no. At the head of this guard Charles placed himself
and hy oath he swore to defend the gate, and hold it at the
disposal of seigniory of the town. But his oath was a
wicked perjury. He opened the gates to Gherarduccio
Buondelmonti with many of those that had been banished,
and gave the signal for open lawlessness to the Blacks.
lIe desired the mastery of the city, and he obtained it.
He swore to keep it in a peaceful condition and yet he
allowed the turbulent Corso Donati to enter, and swore
another time that he did not know of his entrance at all,
and wanted to hang Donati. But he knew it, and allowed
him to do all that he did, on account of which the city
was all in a tumult; the 'Vhites betrayed; the Blacks
unrestrained for the perpetration of every evil deed; the
Priors dismissed from office, and for some days all rule
('(.ased. :MeanwhiIe Charles the peacemaker through an
imhf'('iIe malice, peacefulJy bf'held men murdered, houses
burnpd, rapine and civil fury. ",'Vith hypocrisy and per-
HISTORY OF POPE DONIF ACE VIII. 2!}!)
jury he created new Priors, all of the party of the Blacks,
and of the worst reputation.
Boniface was ahsent in body hut in thought he was
close to this villany which the Peacemaker fostered.
Dante still in Rome in a certain way too must have shown
by his silence alone how vain was the hope that was cen-
tered in Charles of Valois, and yet at the same time he
must have recalled those peaceful negotiations of Car-
dinal Acquasparta, which failed of success through the
obstinacy of his own party, the Whites, who were the
cause of the coming of Charles. Boniface at once sent
Cardinal Acquasparta a second time as legate to Flor-
ence more to remedy the evil of Charles than that of the
Blacks. For although in the letter in' which he appoints
tIle Legate, he styles Charles a man tried, good and skil-
ful in arms, who pntered the province of Tuscany with
prudence, yet he addressed some words to the Cardinal
whieh say that Charles was in sore need of counsel and
prudence in conducting these affairs with moderation and
tact. 52
This was an excellent precaution of the Pontiff, but too
late. The people were too exasperated, and the Blacks too
puffed up with pride. The Legate, an unarmed peace-
lllaker, and a sincere seeker of peace, effected some sort
of an agreement. This, however, was only a particular
arrangement which was founded on an alliance between
thp Cerchi, Ademari, Donati and Paggi. This could not
he lasting while there remained in the city that focus of
discord, that is to say Charles, around whom all the fury
of the Blacks assembled. In fact when Acquasparta un-
dertook to distribute in common the offices, just as he
found the 'Yhites intractable in the previous year, so at
this time the Blacks were most inexorahle, and despairin
of a remedy, he ended his legation by placing mad Flor-
ence under an interdict. IIardly had he departed than
the Blacks more wrathful than before attacked the
"Thites; and although they did not accon1plish with the as-
sistance of Charles a general expulsion of their rivals, ypt
they continupd. an aùominaùle system of confiscations and
of arhitrary hanishments. 53 This intprdict was placed OY('J'
FloI'pnce through the incorT'Îgihlp wickedness of [1harles
DillO Compagni.
118 See DUClllllcnt at ellù of work.
300 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
and the Blacks, so these latter ought to have felt it deeply,
if indeed this species of men can suffer qualms of con-
science. After the scandals which he occasioned, Charles
went to Bonle, and we do not know with what effrontery,
and why, he presented hinlself before Boniface. "T e are
certain that he requested nloney, and Boniface replied:
" That he had placed him in a golden fount." These words
could not proceed from a tranquil soul, but were the cry
of a heart indignant at the infidelity of Charles in fulfill-
ing his mission and at his insatiable avarice. Tyranny
in governments engenders conspiracies, fornled either by
the oppressed or the oppressor. The oppressed form them
to put an end to the evil, the oppressors for greater profli-
gacy of rule. The former are real to destroy the op-
pressor, the latter are imaginary to find a means, with an
appearance of justice, to destroy him who could restrain
and check the tyranny. Charles and the Blacks in Flor-
ence certainly did carryon a very bad government and
made the party of the "Thites groan. 'Ve know not
whether the conspiracy to murder Charles, which made
so much comIllotion at that tinle, was real, that is to say,
the work of the oppressed, or ÎInaginary, that is to say,
invented by the oppressors, to expel the former with an
appearance of justice. It is certain that after certain
nightly and sudden judicial meetings held by Charles im-
nlediately after he had returned from Ronle, a furious
torm burst on the heads of the party of the Whites, of
which more than six hundred had their goods confiscated,
their property burnt, and the punishment of exile inflicted
on them, by reason of which "they wandered about the
world some here and some there suffering from want."
The crime of the exiles was a conspiracy against the peace-
maker. Villani tells us that not the -nThites but a wicked
haron of I.Janguedoc formed the conspiracy, who forged
letters bearing their seal, in which he disclosed the con-
spiracy and carried it to Charles. 54 The threads of these
villanies were hpld by the Blacks. Peter Ferrant, as the
Baron was called, had woven them. But it cannot be
alleged that f1harles was ignorant at all of this dark plot
as to become stupefied at the sight of these letters, as a
M Villani, L. VIII.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 301
thing unsuspected; on the contrary, it would be much
nearer the truth to affirm that he had a full and entire
knowledge of the treachery of which the poor Cerchi and
all the 'Yhites were the victims. He had Boniface on his
side, who called him not only to be a peacemaker in
Florence, but also and perhaps more especially, to be a
warrior in Sicily. He pressed him to undertake this last
expedition, and Charles had to go. But to depart and
leave the Whites in their own homes in Florence, seemed
to him to be their restoration. He must then act quickly,
strike them, and lead them to final destruction. In this
he was instigated by the Blacks, who approved it, because
it was of vital importance to them. And just as even the
wicked love, if not justice itself, at least an appearance
of it, they imaged conspiracies or provoked them by dark
treachery, which is the lnore expeditious, and the more
honest way apparently, to lead to destruction those whom
they fear, and of keeping an opinion of justice for some
time on their side. For sonle time, but not forever, be-
cause history is the faithful revealer of wickedness. At
this juncture in Florence there thundered forth a voice
truly sublime, because it came from the depth of an in-
corrupt heart. Dino Com pagni, than whom a more beauti-
ful character Florence never had, was bewailing the mis-
erable spectacle presented by his country, which after
llaving disclosed her wounds to a stranger, received not
the remedies that would heal them, but the points of the
f:word which opened them. Compagni revealed to poster-
ity the infamy of the wretched citizens who were to blame
for these misfortunes. The reader will pardon us if we
enrich this narrative with a wealth of Grecian, but yet
Christian, eloquence. "0, wicked citizens, procurators of
"the destruction of your city, whither have you led it!
".And
TOU, Amanto di Rota Beccanugi, disloyal citizen,
"wickedly you turned to the Priors and endeavored by'
"tbe threats to get the ke
rs trom them: see what your
" ma1ice has brought on us. 0 Donato Alberti. where is
"your arrogance, you who hid yourself in a vile kitchen
" of Kuto )Iarignolli! And you, Nuto, provost and spnior
" from your quarter of the city, becam;;e of animosity of
"tb(> Guelph party you have allowl'd yonrRPlf to he dp-
h ceived ! 0 Sir Ged Spini, Hatiate your soul; eradicate
302
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
"the Cerchi, in order that you may live safe from the
" price of your perfidy! 0 Sir Lapo Saltarelli, menacer
"and oppressor of the rulers, who did not serve you in
":your disputes, where did you arm yourself? In the
"Pulci palace, by renlaining in concealment? 0 Sir
"Berto Fresco baldi, since you showed such friendship
"for the Cerchi, and made yourself a mediator in their
"quarrels, for borrowing from them twelve thousand
"florins, where have you 111erited from them? How do
"you now appear in the eyes of the public? 0 Sir l\Ian-
"eUo Scali, who desired to be considered so great and
"feared, believing yourself at all thnes a lord, why did
"you take up arms? "There is your following? Where
" are your barbed horses? You have allowed yourself to
"submit to those who in comparison with you were con-
" sidered as nothing. 0 you commoners, who longed for
"the offices, and appropriated the honors and occupied
" the palaces of the rulers, where is your defence? It is
"in falsehoods, at one time pron1ising, at another dis-
" selubJing; condemning your friends and praising your
" {'nemies for the sole purpose of self-preservation. There-
" fore weep over us, and over your city." Such were the
sf'utiments of Com pagni within Florence. Dante fronl
without gave utterance to another kind of eloquence,
that of an exile. Like those Numidians, who while flee-
ing turned round to shoot their arrows, he discharged at
Charles of Valois a most poisonous dart. He revealed the
plebeian origin of the Capets, and then puts on the lips
of Hugh Capet himself scorching words ag'ainst his
descendant Charles of Valois. 55 .And having taken a fare-
well look at Florence, rather than weep, in the same man-
npr tllat Compagni was comforted, he cOlnposes his feel-
ing's with a smile of bitter sarcasm, whose eloquencf' has
ll('ver been equalled; he flails with the lash of cutting
df'rision his ungrateful, hut infortunate, country.56
55 Leonard Aretino says that he saw these letters a century later in tlw
Florentine archives, and found them assuredly forgeries. See Balbo, Life
of Dante.
M "Hugh Capet -was the name I had on earth:
The I)hilips and the Louis, -who bore sway
In France of late, from me derive their birth:
::\Iy f::ire at Paris plied the hutcher's trade."
He strikes Charles of .'...lljOU:
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII
30:3
The hanishnlf'ut of the 'Yhitc Gnelphs filled all Italy
with compassion. Therp bad been other banishments, but
this one Reempd lllorc ('ruel becau
e it was effected by a
foreign prince, the numher was greater, and because vir-
tuous and upright citizens were the sufferers. These men
were dispersed, roaming here and there throughout Italy,
stripped of all their property, driven from that swpetest
of nests their native place, and their wives and children
were torn from their bosoms. They cursed Charles the
peacemaker, and Boniface who called him, for their ruin.
\.s their misfortunes fined all hearts with pity, Charles
and Boniface were condenlned to execration. They haa
hppn so prescribed and so brutaIly expelled by the Black
Guplphs that they broke the barriers which separated
thelll from the Ghihplline party, and wishing to no longer
share the Guelph TIanle with the Blacks they became all
GhibeIline. Dante Alighieri was among these,
o more a
Guelph, but a GhibeIline; upon him Charles of Valois
pemed to inflict an his rigor, because the poet had op-
posed his coming most strenuously of all the Florentines,
and had denounced his acts in the Papal court, where he
sought a renleely. lIe was involved not only in the general
condemnation by the fart of the conspiracy, but in two
other preceding condemnations. 57 lie departed from
"Charles entered Italy, nnd for amends,
"A victim of young Conradin made,
" And sent to Heaven Aquinas for amends."
Then he lashes Charles of Valois:
"I see from France, ere many years have flown,
Another Charles Italy's peace invade,
Thereby to make his Tace more fully known.
rnarmed he goes, save with that lance alone
Which Judas tilted with: and thus he bears
:;;0, that e'en now is Florence overthrown.
I.and shall he reap not; but of shame and guilt
The heavier load, as, light the heart he swears,
While blood around him is profusely spilt."
He puts all this in the mouth of Hugh Capet.
Purge Canto XX V. 70. (Wright's Translation).
.7 Aftf'r having spoken of a II Italy, he turns to Florence:
"::\fy Florence! wl'll contented may'st thou he
With this digre;;sion--thee it toucheth not;
Thanks to the pl'ople wllO advise thf'e.
Iany have justiee in their hearts; but long
304:
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE ;VIII.
Florence leaving behind his wife and children and a snlall
portion of his dowry saved by him during the civil dis-
turbances, and which scantily supported his dear ones.
He took away with him none of those things which are
wont ordinarily to assist men in misfortune. But the
brilliant renown of his virtue and genius preceded him,
and opened the courts of Princes, and what is more gave
him an entrance into the hearts of those whom Heaven
destined to taste the pleasure of pitying the misfortunes of
]l1ost distinguished mortals. In his worn-out and battered
llody he bore enclosed a mind sÍJnilar to that of Horner
and 'Tirgil; and in his heart a wrath, and such a wrath
as in lnen of genius enkindles the fever of creation.
117zen he had eaten bitterly the brrad of strangers, 'when
he ascended and descended the stairs of others, his ter-
rible iInagination, being fertilized hy grief, conceived and
brought forth that grand Epic poem, The Divine Comedy.
\ristotle would also have called it an Epic poem, if he
had known that those cantos did not contain the unity
of one fact or of one people, but the unity of the whole
)Iiddle Ages, united by the warmth of its faith and
strength of its passions; divided by those noisy jolts of
virtue and vice, and by the hostility of the elements, which
war again
t each other, they would strike each other mor-
taHy, and from this the edifice of modern eÏvilization would
finally arisp. Homer sang of Greece, Virgil of Rome, but
Dante's
ong was of thf' whole world.
Being made most famous l}y t]1OS(' cantos, not only in
Delay, through fear, the meditated shot;-
Thy people have it on the very tongue.
Many refuse the burdens of the state;-
Thy people answer with officious }laste
Ere they are asked: 'I bow me to the weight.'
Then be thou joyful, for good cause hast thou;-
Thou rich! Thou peaceful! thou with wisdom graced!
That truth I speak, the facts themselves avow."-
Then rendering the veil of bitter irony, he concludes:
"If thou rememberest well, and art not blind,
Thou'lt see thyself like one distraught with pain,
\Yho on her bed of down, no rest can find,
But, ever turning, seeks relief in vain."
Purg. canto VI V. 127, etc.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 305
the estimation of the Ghibelline party, but of all Italy,
he anathematized his enemips, and especially those who
had brought about his misfortunes, and an minds centered
around him. Those who shared with him the sentence
of exile, or factional opinion, coincided with him by re-
venge, and others by pity. For fully nine times he poured
forth his vengeance on Boniface. He begins by plunging
hhll into the dark hole of those guilty of simony. He
snarls at him as a traitor; as a "oU; as unmindful of the
Holy Land; as an usurper of the See of St. Peter, and we
know not what else, in such a manner that like Hector
dragged many times around the walls of Troy, so was
Boniface in the Poem of Dante cruelly dragged through
the Inferno by the angry inlagination of Dante. Losing
all reverence for the power of the KeJ
s, he entprs furiously
the Papal Court. He strips the ministers of their mantles,
he reveals their. human failings and now strikes thenl
with a scourge, then galls them by the poison of a most
terrible sarcasm. Then passing blindly frOln men to
things, he irreverently aims a ùlow at that Pontificate
which in his calm moments he had respected, and had
loved in the peaceful times when he was a Guelph. The
suspicion of the sinloniacal intrusion of Boniface into the
Papacy proc1aimed from such a powerful source, bore a
semblance of truth; the severe sentence passed on the
Colonnas appeared a manifest injustice; the calling of
Charles appeared a horrible betrayal of the Guelph party.
So the friends of Pope Celestine, the Colonnas, the exiled
-n?hite Guelphs, and all the Ghibellines formed but one
hody closely united, and sworn enemies of Boniface. As
if the phalanx was not sufficiently strong, Philip the Fah'
came to join it and offer it the support of arms and the
royal power. .An these arose in a threatening attitude,
not to judge hut to condemn Boniface. Quick anf] flireful
YPllgeanf'p wa
visited on the ma!Jnanimous sÜz1Zpr, which
11(> woule] be ohlig-p(l to hear for a long tinIe, for the op-
pl'oùl'ium which Philip the Fair had cast on him was too
g-ripvous, the soul of Dante which guarded this oppro-
hrium was too nohle to easily remove it.
Dante, and by tbis IUlnle we expre
s all Ghiùplline
Italy, strengthened h:,? the part;v of the 'Yhite Guelpb
, wa
a man who was all bloody by thp uutI'age
of the Blacks;
306 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
and as one wounded ù
r the sword does not rush against
thp steel, but against the arm that brandished it, so he
consigned to Hell the Black Guelphs his enemies, and
venting his hatred for Charles, he stopped to become more
furious against Boniface as the primar
y cau
e of his mis-
fortunes. Boniface had called and urged Charles to come.
fIe did not dismiss hinl when he founù him unsuited for
making peace, and did not prevent his wicked deeds
against the White Guelphs. Such were the faults of
Boniface in the eyes of Dante. But judgment could not
be passed fairly by one who was banished from his coun-
try, despoiled of his possessions, and above all excluded
from taking part in public affairs, which were adminis-
tered by a foreigner and an opposing faction. llis grief
was too intense, and his wrath too impetuous. This im-
possihility of judging calmly and dispassionately was
shared not only l}y those who suffered but also by those
wllo synlpatbized with them. For this reaHOll the cry that
was rai
ed against Boniface in Italy was almost universal.
And chroniclers could not free thenlselves from the
dominion of an opinion so general and so nlanÏfest. That
b1ind vengeance which was frequently practised in Italy
during the disturhances hetween the Guelphs and Ghibel-
lines was exercised by Ghibelline writers against Boni-
face. And if it is folly to think that with justice and
calm minds men animated by factional hatred could com-
mit murder, now in ambush and now in open places, there
is less reason to believe that a faction so cruelly hurt,
could justly and with a dispassionate spirit have esti-
mated the character of this pontiff. 'Ye must recognize
in Dante and all the enemies of Boniface this human
nature which in the heat of passion loses that calmness
and clearnes
of reason which is so necessary in judging
men, and especially those who by reason of the power they
('xercispd are found enclosed in the mysterious reasons of
state. Thp
e reasons are not apprehendecl hy anyone but
in thp course of centuries, anò for that rea
on only after a
long tÏIne nwn's real characters are laid bare to history.
Boniface did not wish to
ee the Guelphs òivifled, InIt
UJlitpd and in ppace. He wi
hed to rpcover Ricily, a tipf
of the Church, which Jw could not renonnce. The calling-
of Charles was decided on in desperation of all other
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 307
means, as we have sepJl, to ac('omp1i
h these two ends.
",Yhile Charles deeeh'cd his hopes in Florence, he could not
check him, because he had become too powerful by rea:-;on
of the party of the Blaeks, of WhOlll hp had bpC'n maae
head. He wished, however, to do so, and his win was
manifC'st in his acquiescing to the propositions of the
",Yhites, in the second legation of Cardinal Acquasparta,
and in the interdict which he placed over Florence. Boni-
face afterwards could not expel him and send him back
to France, because he would have ruined the affairs of
SiciJy, which he was sure could be restored by the power
of Charles; and he would have lost a11 the money collected
from the tithps, and from the pious offerings of the faith-
ful with which he harl enriched the French prince to
carryon the war in Sicily, and afterwards in the Holy
Land, The affair of the Holy Land in the beginning of
the XIV century, if less grave than in the previous cen-
tury, was stiIl of importance and sel'iousl
r engaged the
attention of tlle public. )Ioreover, precisely at this thne
the quarrel with Philip the Fair began, and the solution
of the difficulty still appeared possible. To embitter
Charlrs was the same as to precipitate matters to that
sad state which followed later, and which at that time
there was hope of arresting.
Here now is Boniface obliged by these reasons to re-
main an idle spectator of the wickedness of Charles and
the Blacks, and the unjust calamities of the ",Yhites. So
inactive was hr, that he appeared to thp 'Yhites not only
abetting but even urging on Charles to their ruin, as Vil-
lani thougllt. 58 But could he rejoice in the dissolution of
tllP Glwlph party? Could he be glad of the increase of the
Ohih('1]Í11Ps? Coulrl he he contented with that portion of
the Glwlphs, called the Blacks? Could h(' continup to
trust in Charles urging him on to such wiekedne
s, whkh
would mal.:e llim hateful to all Italy, and an unseemly
captain of the ("hurch in Sicily? "Te do not hesitate to
acknowledge that Boniface was the material cause, so to
ppak, of the injustices of the Blacks, but not the moral
cause. For the moral cause was entirely the "
hitps whpn
they rebelled against Cardinal Acquasparta in his first
118 Ba lbo. Life of Dante.
308 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
1egation, and the Blacks in the second legation. Dante
himself sheds a bright light on this fact, when suspending
for a moment his personal hatred, when recovering his
right reason he turns to Italy and vigorously charges the
misfortune under which she groaned to the discord among
hf'r own chiJdr('n, which Boniface evidently strongly
1abored to stifle in the interest both of others and of him-
self. But the reasons which we lun"e submitted to the
reader could nòt be apprehended by a man who was car-
ried away hy the whirlwind of a party so arrogant as the
Ghibelline was, and which was cruelly harassed by the
opposite party to which the Pontiff belonged. 'fherefore
as later observers of those facts, let us pity in Dante this
human nature, which, mortally provoked by anger flies
into a passion and rejects all explanations; let us pity
these irreverences towards the Yicar of Christ. Such feel.
ings did not proceed from the philosophical wantonness
of our epoch, nor from corruption of heart, but from the
blind passion of anger, which transfornled him into an-
other man, But Dante was always the same, Italian and
thoroughly Catholic, In fact afterwards hardly had it
been made known to him that Boniface had been insulted
by two ruffians, N ogaret and Sciarra Colonna, than the
fever which made him delirious, immediately disappeared;
there 1eaped up in his heart a fountain of filial love, which
extingui
hed within him the desire of revenge, and con-
ducted him to the feet of that Boniface, whom he no
]onger abhorred as simoniacal and criminal, but whom he
revered not only as Yicar of Christ, but as Christ him-
self.!'í9 And in this action we find in Dante the mode1 of
every Italian who is truly Catholic. N ow if it be allowed
a historian to ascenù to the sphere of poetry, we will ven-
turf' to assert that, if these two noble souls, Boniface and
Dante, had met pure and freed from the imperfections of
this lower nature, there is no doubt that they would have
leen unit('d in the kiss of pardon, and the Papal Keys
would have been placed as a sign of peace on the volumes
of the Divina Commedia. This latter was the fruitful
source of Italian civilization. The Keys did not bring
forth the civil independence for the attainment of which
1511 Villani. Book 8, Chap. 48.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
30!)
Gregory VII and Innocent III exert
d themselves. God
rendered thenl barren in civil effects, in order to punish
tho
p who would have enjo.yed thenl. ßo
After having spoken of the wrath of poets, we now come
to that of princes. But it is necessary that we first dis-
miss that ineffective peacemaker, Charles of Valois. The
spring having set in, the tiIne appointed for the expedi-
tion to Sicily, Charles departed from Florence, loaded
with infamy, and set out for Xaples. After the defeat
of the army of the King of
aples at Fakoneria, the affail'
of war had taken a di
advantageous turn for the Church.
Hence Robert, Duke of Calabria, was forced to a
k a truce
from Frederick, which being obtained strengthened the
latter's sovereignty over Sicily. But they were to re-
sume tIleir arms with great ardor; for the new conditions
in which Boniface had placed affairs promised great vic-
tories. Genoa, vpry powerful in her navy, was finally de-
tached from Frederick, and joined her forces to those of
Charles. In the previous summer a treaty of peace was
signed between Xaples and this republic, which being
eminent1y commercial in its interests, suffered consider-
ably from its hostile relations with Xaples. For tbe ports
of Apulia and Calabria being closed against her, she
could not draw away the wheat and other grain with
which they al\ounded, for tIle sake of trading, and she
lost thereby immen
e profits. So among the conditions
introduced into the treaty in favor of Genoa, the princi-
pal were the fJ'
e entry into and departure from the ports
of ...\pulia and Calabria of the Genoese ship
, the privilpge
of exporting the cereals, and the assimilation of that re-
public to every other friendly and al1ied State in the
amount of custom duties. 61 The aid of the Genoese was a
eo" Entering Alagna, 10 the fleur-de-lis,
And in his Yicar Christ a captive led!
I see him mocked a second time ;-again
The vinegar and gall produced I see;
And Christ himself twixt robbers slain."
Purgatorio Canto XX, line 86, etc.
fl "' Dictus Dominus Carolus venit Florentiam, et facta est ibi magna
commotio, et spoliorum direptio, et domorum combustio in civitate, et in
comitatu qualis non fuit a tempore, quo Guelphi et Ghibellini Florentiae
fuerunt." Ptolemy de Lucca. Annals.
310 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
great help to the war. There waR gathered a fleet of fully
one hundred largf' vessels, with the flower of the cavalry
and a great number of French barons; 62 the Archbishop
f'leet of Salerno, Papal Legate, was endowed with the
faculty of absolving from censures, and of dispensing
graces. The army dpparted for Sicily. Roger of Loria,
who commanded, directed their course to "the Val of
:l\fazzara. In
Iay they reached the coast of Termini.
Having captured the city, they encamped there; for the
country was favorable' for movenlents 'of the cavalry,
which formed a considerahle part of the army. Then they
maile an attack on the cities of Polizzi and Cor1eonf'; but
as it was uself'ss and also injurious, they proceed('d after-
waròs towards the southf'J'n coasts, and laid siege to the
city of Sciacca. The walls were strong, and strongf'r still
were the defenders, and the besiegers with all their en-
f'rgy fought to conquer it. But it was in mid-.Ju1y; the
heat was scorching like in Africa, to which country this
was very neal', the snn darted its rays of fire over the
marshy ground, and there arose frOlll it putrid exhala-
tions. A frightful mortality decimated the horses, so that
in a few days there remained only five hundred of all the
large number. The men themselves suffering from the
effects of the bad air saw their ranks considerably df'-
creased from day to day. Charles of Valois despaired of
success,63 anò felt the necessity of a treaty; disgusted with
a war so unfortunately begun, he turned all his thoughts
towards empire. Altbough Robert, Duke of Calabria, was
opposed to f'very sort of treaty, lamenting the loss of
Ricily, as well as the treasures and the blood sbed RO
ahundantly and so uselessly to wrest it from Frederick,
nevertheless be was forced to suhmit, because the reverses
exacted it, anrl l)('cause Charles induced him. Thpy came
to a parley with Frederick on thp 24th of August in a
country house between CaItabellotta and Sciacca. Charles
spoke first alone without being heard by Rol)f'rt of Cala-
bria, who finished by taking part in the conversation.
There were present Roger of Loria, a witnpss for one f1irle,
and Palizzia, most ardent admirer of Aragon for the other,
621.etter of Boniface, Raynaldus, nos. 1 G and 17, J"ear 1307,
113 John Yillani, book 8, chap, 49-ptolemy of Lucca Annal.-St Anton-
inus 3. par. tit. 20, 16.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 311
and many other barons. For five da.r
they were delib-
erating. The treaty was concluded on the 29th of August
and sworn to on the 30th. In the annals of RaJTllaldus 64
is found the sUlnmary of the terms of peace. Frederick
was to retain the sovereignty over Sicily with the title of
king during his life, and was to marry Eleanor, daughter
of Charles; his children were to receive the kingdonls of
Cyprus and Sardinia, and failing in these, either they
were to retain Sicily as the dowry from their mother, or
would be recompensed with one hundred thousand ounces
of gold; there was to be a gratuitous and mutual libera-
tion of prisoners, a mutual restoration of the territory
seized by Charles in Sicily and by Frederick in Calabria;
the goods taken in the beginning of the wars in Sicily
were to be returned to the churches; and each prince
was to grant pardon to his respective reùels.
From these terms of peace it is clear that, apart from
that future and possible restoration of Sicily to be made
by the sons of Frederick in the event of not receiving
Cyprus and Sardinia, Charles, after his profuse outlay
of nloney, and after a long war, did not derive any nene-
fits; on the contrary he granted to the enemy that which
in open war he strove to take froln hiIn. Boniface, that is
to say the Church, fared worse. He was not summoned,
or consulted in drawing up the terms of peace. Charles
of Valois treated with Frederick about Sicily as if it were
a kingdom subject to the right of conquest, and completely
independent of the Papal See, which public opinion at
that time recognized as the rightful nlaster of that island.
This is the reason why Boniface, pressed by the ambassa-
dors of Frederick to approve the treaty, declan'd by l{'tter
that the conditions of agr<>el1wnt drawn up hy Charles
could not be approved by him without impugning his own
dignity and that of the Apostolic See; the substance of
the treaty being maintained, some cen
ure was necessary
for the honor and the recognition of the dominion of the
Chnrch. 65 From which it appears that Boniface out-
wardly complained only that the honor of the Church was
not uplwld, inasmuch as he had not taken part nor ev<>n
ð4 Nic Special. Book 6, cap. 6, cap. 8, cap. 10.-VilIani, Book 8, cnap. 50.
-Ptolemy of Lm>ca AmaI. R R. 1. T. XI, p. 1305.
tl5 Ra.rnaldus, 1:'02, 2, 3, 4, 6, 7.
312 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
was called to take part in the composition of tlw al'tirl
R
of agreement. Inwardly, however, an
r one can RurmiRe
whether he approved or not that surrender of the right
of the Church in Sicily into the hands of Frederick, and
for the same reason if in truth the sum and substance of
the treaty was pleasing to him. However he sent an an-
swer immediately, absolving tl1f' Sicilians frOlll the long-
imposed censures, and dispensed Frederick and Eleanor
from the impediment of consanguinity, in order that they
might wed, which they did. But we do not wish to paRR
over in silence a certain ohservation on the conduct of
Boniface in the matter of this treaty drawn up by Valois
without his authorization.
"Te now see Boniface changed into a new lnan. The
reader may remember how, having heard that Charles of
Naples, anxious to liberate his son Philip, the Duke of
Taranto, from the custody of the Sicilians, made overtures
of peace to Frederick without consulting him, Boniface
severely reprimanded the king and made hhn desist from
the overtures. Now CharleR of Yalois concluded a treaty
without the knowledge of Boniface, and Boniface say
nothing. He asks only the privilege of taking part in its
confirmation, not to change the suhstance of the agree-
ment, but only to save the honor of the Papal See, which
had been compromised, because it was not thought of in
the management of an affair, which was altogether its
own. ,,-rho then restrained Boniface? 'Yho made him in-
active and patient at this time? It is evident that it was
Philip the Fair, with whonl he had already a miRunder-
standing. Foreseeing the effect of this division wonld be
terrible, to avert it he carefully avoided every pretext that
could arouse the proud spirit of this prince, or lend a
color of justice to his violence. For Charles of Valois
was a French prince, and if the Pope punished llim and
sent him ùack in shame to his own country as he deserved,
this would have aroused and precipitated the anger of
Philip the Fair. Now if Boniface for these reasons re-
mained patient in affairs of his own, what fault was it
for him to be likewise patient in the affairs of the "TlIite
Guelphs for the same reasons? And this was why this
Charles of Yalois, called to establiRh peace in Florence,
and undertal
e a war in Sicily according to the will of the
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 3U
Pontiff,66 was allowed to continue the strife in Tuscany,
and to effect a peace detrimental to the Church in Sicily,
without Boniface speaking a word. And Boniface was
not a man to bear in silence such foreign impertinence.
Therefore that slander set upon the nlemory of Boniface
by certain pf'ople, who accuse hhn of causing Dante's
woes, appears to us to have no reasonable foundation.
To arrive at the truth, so far as it is possible for man to
do so, of events which happened at times far relllote from
us, and over which human passions had been greatly and
for a long while exercised, it seems to us that the his-
torian, to reach a right decision, had two solemn duties
to perform, in which if he fail, far from combating and
rectifying the error of others, he only confirms them by
his own. First of all, documents which others made use of
lJpforehand must be subn1Ïtted not only to the laws of
criticism, but also to the philosophy of history; and after-
wards lnen must be cooBy considered not so much in the
lnaterial as in the moral condition of their liyes which are
Jl13nifested in the circunlstances of times and places. Such
a study distinguished the chronicler from the historian.
The former narrates, the latter in narrating discusses,
that is, passes in reyiew the circUlllstances of which we
speak, and by this reflects a sure light on the indh'idual,
whom he treats, and not only brings to light the facts,
l)ut also their moral reason. The reader may clearly per-
ceive from these words that we are now approaching that
famous struggle of Boniface with Philip the Fail-. The
reader may also be certain that it is with a faltering heart
that we approach the subject, both because the mission
of the historian in the narration of facts of this nature is
a very difficult one, and because the love of truth forces
us to differ in opinion from many a worthy writer. Now
let us consider the characters of thesp two pprsonages,
Boniface and Philip the Fair, WhOID the fiery human
passions of their timps have handed down to us, clothed in
mystery. ,"Ye bave already spoken of Philip in the second
book of this history. But if the reader will allow, we
ee Rayna1dus 2302, p. 5 et Beq . . . . "in principalibus integra
remanente substantia, ad emendationem et reformationem ejus, secundum
aequam rationabilemque censuram, pro reverentia et honore, ac recognitione
debita nobis, et eidem ecc1ec;iap, tuum convertas animum."-
314 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
will recall his moral traits, because we come to a fact
which the prime cause of his confiuct, a conduct which
will confirm our assertion. There is no douht that Philip
was a man of unbounded ambition and of unbridled lust
for gold. And when we consider the laws enacted by him,
and the acts of his reign, we find that wearing the crown
meant to him no opposition whatever to his absolute and
despotic authority. Feudalism, which rested entirely in
the civil aristocracy and clergy, was an obstacle which he
resolved to remove, and to this end he fought vigorously
and with little opposition, for at that time in France
neither with the people nor the feudal lords was there a
legal means of resisting a possible derangement of the
royal win. The French kings fI'mll Charlen1agne down
to this time were absolute monarch
; hut that ilh-'ntifi-
cation of the monarch with the state was not for a per-
sonal but a public benpfit. Philip the Fair was the first
who united in himself all public authority to the deb'i-
ment of others, solely for his own use. He was the state,
and the state had to bear the weight of the yoke, and not
enjoy the favors of hhn who imposed it. He penetrated
the remotest part of French society to imprint there by
laws conceived in his brain, undisciplined by anyone, the
character of his absolute power, and to wr(>!':t power from
others. The right to coin money which was invested in
other lords in France, by him was reserved alone to the
king. This was right and proper, if it had been òone for
the public good, but wicked and improper if for private
and profligate gain, as was the case. Observe how, being
king, he was not m;;hamed of becoming a base ('ounter-
feiter of money; in other words guilty of the greatest ras-
cality, the consequence of which is that a people is separ-
ated from others, deprived of the benefits of commerce,
and conòemned to domestic miseries for a sole'mn betrayal
of a public trust. In his encounter with feudalism, he
had to face two enemies, the dvil and clerical aristocra-
cies. The former was overcome, because not being in-
vested with legal forms as a body, it was consequently
wanting in the power given by unity of rights and of
chiefs. The latter rpsisteò, because it was acknowledged
by public opinion of the time, and was vpry powprflll ow-
ing to the unity of its rightR and of its f)end, who was the
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 315
Roman Pontiff. The former being overcome, easily passed
from subjection to servitude, and strengthened the king.
The other resisting irritated the king, but it could not
long preserve inviolate its rights, because oppressed by
the king and the lords themselves, when the latter, it
seems, should have remained united to it by a community
of rights in a community of fiefs. The times were past of
pure barbarism in which the will of the conqueror im-
posed itself, inflexible and blood-stained like the point of
sword upon which it supported itself. The generations
once being civilized, princes hid their sword, and to the
eyes of the people, whom they desired no longer to intimi-
date, but to persuade, if they could, they displayed the
book of Law in order to create their power. There was
needed for this work not soldiers, nor an armed hand, but
jurists and subtleties. And as there are soldiers just de-
fenders of their own goods, and soldiers unjust despoil-
ers of the goods of others, so also there would be honest
jurists true interpreters of the law, and jurists without
honesty, who violated it under the mantle of justice. Our
readers may remember how Frederick Barbarm;;sa, in order
to have himself considered another Cæsar Augu
tus, and
as a consequence natural master of Italy, made use of
jurists, and especially of that kind of whom we have
spoken in the second place. Philip the Fair had a good
numher of this stamp to legitimize his attacks against the
rights of the Church. He could not openly strike the
Church, for he would not have had many followers or
companions, He bid himself behind the sublety of his
jurists, and chiefly Enguerrand de l\Iarigny, ",Yilliam de
Plessis, and those two adventurous ruffians Peter Flotte
and \Yilliam (]e N ogaret. They directed their efforts to
destroy the di8tinction of the different species of the goods
of the Church. Some were really offerings of the faithful,
anf1 b{'ing placed on the altar of God, every Jaw human
and divine forharle thpm to be touched by man, even were
he most powerful. Others were donations of Princes, in
title of fief
, and over this tJ1f' prince coull1 exercise rights,
as their suprPillP ffiastpr. The exercise of this right
Philip wantp(] to f'xtend WitllOut distinction to tIle goodc;;
of the rhurch of the first kill(l, and in thh;; lie was al)lv
assi
teù by th
jurist
who ('onfOllll(l
d the nature of th'e
316 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
patrimonies. In a word Philip desired to do in the matter
of the Church's property, what the emperors had done in
the affairs of the Investitures, In fact every disagree-
ment arising bet wen him and Boniface had its origin in
the usurpation of some sacred thing. At one time he
issued an edict in opposition to the constitution "Cler-
icis Laicos," preventing the pious offerings from being
sent to Rome for the expedition to the Holy Land; again
allowing his minister Count Robert of Artois to usurp
a part of the city of Cambrai, subject to the Bishop even
in temporalities; again delaying to restore to the Arch-
hishop elect of Rheims, Robert of Courtenay, the posses-
sions of thp Church, which he held in custody while the
see was vacant; 68 seizing the return of a year from all
the prebends and ecclesiastical benefices in France, during
the war in Flanders. Consulting the register of the letters
of thi
Pontiff one can see that other princes also had
from time to time been guilty of the same fault, but none
to !':uch a degree as Philip the Fair, who used every effort
to sanction by law usurpations of the goods and the rights
of the Church.
He with his ministers actually became indignant at the
complaints of Boniface, as if menaced by a robber, who
wanted to deprive him of his crown, and they raised the
cry that Boniface wished to make himself King of France.
From this it appears, he considered that to control the
ch urches was only to exercise his right as king, as over
any other part of his kingdom. l\Ioreover every way of
escape from the error was closed to the unfortunate King
by these jurists, who, interested in magnifying hi8 power
to
atisfy more fully their own covetousness, never tired
in their dishonest adulations and in the work of seeing the
king triumphant over the Pope. For thi
reason ever
whispering falsehoods into the ears of the I{ing, and nlis-
representing the words and actions of Boniface, they in-
jected into him the mania of authority; on account of
which poor Philip, like the Saul of Alfieri, enjoyed no
rest nor peace and at every turn the terrihle Pontiff ap-
peared to him striving to precipitate him from his throne.
The old story of the misery of Princes lulled to sleep by
flattery!
e1 John Villani, 5. 8. c. 49.
88 Raynaldus 1299, no, 22.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 317
A strong- support was given to his nefarious work by
Philip, in his convocation of the States General, which if
it was not the first time that the citizen class was called
to take part in public affairs, at least Philip did it more
often than other kings. It nlakes us smile when we hear
uf some, who think thenlSelyes well versed in political
econOIUY, lay open their hearts not to a mere hope, but to
an assured civil happiness if they see a prince assemble
parliaments; as if from these there should come forth
that mysterious means whereby liberty and order are
harmonized. PhiJip of France was greatly extolled by
some for his convocation of the States General, hut yet he
convinces us and he should convince those facile prom-
isers of good, that these assemblies in an absolute mon-
archy are not productive of good at all, but often of evil.
Called upon to deliberate they are either too free, and
then the royal power being subservient, lest tyrannies be
multiplied there is need of a check, which is however no-
where to be found; or else they are too servile like the
pal'lianlent of IIenry YIII in England, and then far from
tpIllpering. theJ7 incl'ease a thousandfold the power of the
prince, who u
ed them as Tile satellites. And since we
speak of France, we find among the French examples of
these two kinds, but we do not wish to speak to sueh re-
cent events. It is not to be doubted that the States Gen-
eral which Philip convoked were composed of servile men.
He deriver} fl'Oln thcm two of very great benefit. One was
that by his having invited the citizen class to take part
in public affairs, thereby gratifying their vanity, and as
it were making them participators of the royal power,
they were nlOst pliant in tIle imposition of thuse taxes
and subsidies, which he so ardently desired; and the other
advantage was, that being in a state of war either with
princes or Popes, the sight of him Lein
sUJ'I'oundpù l)y
all the people of the kingdmn, increased greatly respect
and rcycrence from without, as if fortified by the IllOral
force of th<> assistance of the entire people. Such was
Philip the Fair; such were the reasons of his actions; and
I,mch were the means he adopted, Xow we corne to Doni-
face.
Boniface was Supreme Pontiff, and therefore watehfnl
of the rights and the affairs of the Church, in a worù, of
318 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
hpr liberty, for which he could not be blamed. The timps
were very dangcrous especially for that liberty and as
time went on th(' danger bccame greater. The day had
pa
sed when the mere presence of the Sovereign Pastor
was sufficient to arrest the march of an Attila, and when
the brutal force of an invading army could be restraineò
hy the force of supernatural faith. .As monarchies took
refuge behind the bulwark of right, the Pope was obliged
to do likewise, for two objects in view; the one to
strengthen, or at least to maintain the rights of the
Church, such as follow from the constitution purely
divine of the Church; and the other was not to allow it
to lose the position which the public right had given in
the civil institutions of the
Iiddle Ages. The first of
these duties created for the Pope the necessity of a con-
tact with secular states by reason of the immediate rela-
tion between the spiritual society and the temporal; to
accomplish the second, a simple contact with these states
would not suffice, but it should penetrate to the inmost
df'pths of the States, in order to appeal to the justice of
public right. Now since the monarchies were absolute,
the request of the Pope, and consequently the severe meas-
ures which the denial of justice provoked, would have to
he addressed immediately to the King, and not to the
people. An excellent reason why we finò the Popes in
opposition to kings. If the latter little by little withdrew
the concpssions made to the Pope by them and the people,
(liminishing thus the benefit of the public right in favor
of the Church, the opposition of the Pope was reasonable;
hut if in the process the kings happened to strike at that
right altogether divine, which is the chief foundation of
the Church, any defence raised by the Pope was not only
reasonable but rigorously obligatory. So those Popes
wpre reasonable and just, who wished, for example, to
preserve the jud
ll1ent of the civil cases conceded to them
1'.v pI'inces and the consent of the people, and which was
('onsee-rated by puhlic opinion. But most just and bound
l.y duty were those Popes, who to rppair the loss of souls,
intruded tJwmsplves into states to prevent wars and to
punish tho
c prilltf'S, who, engaging in unjust wars, be-
(':tmc tlu' cam.;ps of so Jnar.
'" llla
S
i.Cres an(l J.aphws and
injnry to the ehul'ches. And IlPnce that absolution of
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 319
the people from the oath of obedience to princes became
just and necessary; no one being obliged to swear to de-
fend a wicked act, such being the obedience to a rascally
prince, because it would be binding oneself by oath to
co-operate in the wicked deeds of another. 'Ye speak of
those times.
Boniface saw snatched away by the French king not
only tLat which froln religious fervor had been conceded
by Pepin and flharlemagne, but also that which no king
could give or take away, the liberty of the Church, which
is a thing entirely divine. Therefore the Pope held out
against a downright robbery, and for that reason we are
not to wonder at the vigor of the resistance.
And in the quarrel with Philip the Fair if some one
finds Boniface excessive in Ids anger (which we have not
found), he mnst consider the temper of mind of the Pope,
and the ingratitude of Philip for all his benefits. That
magnanimous sinn('r, (as Benvenuto of Inlola, St. Anto-
ninus and even ViHani call him), shows us, that within
that Pontifical breast there was contained a strong and
generous heart. This firnlness it seems to us was rlis-
played morc hl'il1iantly in his self-control, than in his
holy pUI'snit of ju
ti('c. For froln the years 12!)G in which
the COllfo:titu1Ïon "Clericis" was pubJisllCf1, until 1300,
tllP ;\Tear of thc legation of the Bifo:hop of Pamiers, the be-
ginning of the quarrel, the Pope had been an example of
forhearance. To publish an offensive edict in opposition
to a Papal Con
titution, which was directed to weaken the
enemies of Philip, was an impertinence sufficient to
arouse the indignation of an anchoret; and yet Boniface
did every tIling to please Philip, favoring hinl with a be-
nign interpretation of the Constitution, by which the
French kings hegan to cnjoy a new priyih>ge. But favors
di(l not rec1aÏ111 Philip, they served only to make him more
rascally, and yet we find no re('ord of censures hurle(l
against hinl hy Boniface, hut in
teac1 he repeale(l those
whieh had already heen fuhninate(l in th(> hody of the law.
Boniface was not a man to b(> frightpnc(l, and foJ' this
l'cason this control of temper is won(lerful in a soul so
al'dl'nt and vigorous.
""e (10 not know if a personal friPIHlship unitrù noni-
fac(> to Philip the Fair, "'"e í1wl that up to this
.ear he
320 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
did everything to favor him, and refrained from every-
thing that would tend to hurt him. But since we are
speaking of persons placed in the highest offices, the dis-
covery of this friendship would be vain, as it may have
ceased on the lnorning of public life. There is no doubt
that the Pope loved the King of France. For that move-
Inent undertaken to restrain his enemies round about him,
at one time exhorting Edward of England, then Adolphus,
to. lay down their arms, and not disturb the peace of
France; that constancy in taking revenge upon Sicily for
Charles of Naples, a Frenchman; that confidence placed
in Charles of Valois, and the desire to elevate him to the
rank of Emperor; and finally that control of temper to-
wards Philip, who was in a fury, were most certain proofs
that the Pope wished the French King well. There can
be no dOlI bt of this loye. It was enshrined for a long time
in the counsels of the Papal Court, and it could never be
lessened. There are certain benefits in human life, which
can never be banished from the mind, such as we may
receive in youth, and whatever might be the offence com-
ing to us from a benefactor, our love even grows stronger.
Such were the benefits which the Popes had received in
the youth of the civi1 Pontificate from the French kings.
Unable to resist the power of the Lombards from with-
out, and the tyranny of the Romans from within they
found a liberator in Charlemagne, and he found in them
magnificent remunerators. In those times, we speak of
the eighth century, to be anointed and to receive a crown
from the hands of the Pope, and that cry: (( To Charles
most pious Augustus crowned by God, great and peaceful
Emperor, long life and victory," were truly worth an
empire. And from that time on account of this exchange
of friendly offices, France was always considered the
support of the Papal See, and as a defender to be invokeil
when serious civil difficulties aro!';e. 'Vhen the Pontifi-
cate wm; oppressed by the might of the Suabians, it was
relieved by the French family of Anjou. In the bound-
le!':s expansion of the monarchy of Charles Y, the Popes
never lost sight of France, and this country from time to
tinw they favored, in order to show respect for that lord
of such a vast domain. France was always a place of
refuge for per
ecllted Popes. Leo III, and Gelasius II,
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 321
so brutally treated by the proud Roman patricians, sought
an asylum and assistau(:e in France. That solemn Coun-
cil of Lyons, in which there was such a long deliberation
over sacred and ciyiI destinies, was hcld in France as a
place of safety. Therefore it was established in the coun-
els of the Papal C0urt, that France would be the de-
fender of the Church in tiIne of danger. The French bet-
ter than any other people suited this design, for although
they did not wed the intellect to a certain maturity of
judgment, frOlll which is generated a tenacity of purpos
,
'et they superabound in lin
Iiness of the heart, from which
deeds bun;;t forth rather than proceed, and in that gener-
osity of ROld by which on the very first meeting of ob-
stac1es thpy seem entirely superhuman, and hence n10st
powerful propagators of good and of eviI.68 And
o they
are found alwa
ys the first in those actions, in which the
heart plays a greatcr part than cold reason. The Crusade
l)('in
proclaimed, the French are the first to raise the
standard of the Cross and march. Is there a certain coun-
tr.y to ùe enlightened by the preaching of the Gospel, the
French are the first to hasten, lavish of tIlPir life. Is there
a society to be formed in the interest of the faith, or for
tII(> relief of distress, they are the first who COllie forward
lavish of their goods. The Catholic rpligion, which in
man likes to dwell in the fervid regions of the heart
rather than in the somhre recesses of the brain, will
always have nepr! of this race of men. For this reason
the faults of the French could never withdraw the Roman
Pontificate from that innate trust which it placed in them
in its human calami ties, and for the disrespect of these
sons it always holds in readiness a paternal forgiveness.
In fact whilst France, like one shipwrccked, was still
tossed about ill the tpmpest of that revolution, by wllich
Pope Pius YII, wrcsted from the sacred precincts of the
Yatican, was by French hands bot'n
across the Alps to
exiJe; France, WP Ray, threw herRelf prostrate at his feet
I'eY
ring him with imn1ense love, like l\Iagdalpll at the fpet
of Christ; and Pius wept with a holy joy. PiUR VI after
having endured thp philosophic tyranny of .Jospph II, was
induced to visit AUf'trÏa. Austria, however, did not revere
See Guizot. h IIislor
' of Ci\"ilization in Europp," par(> Hi.
322 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
him, nor do we find that Pius wept with joy; rather he
shed tears of grief. The reader will understand from this
comparison wl1at we tl1ink of France, and how sincere was
the love Boniface bore for Philip the Fail', as a successor
of Charlemagne, The 1110ral portraits of Boniface and
Philip the Fair bein
traced, there is no doubt that ap-
proaching thenl nearer in order to observe their conduct
in tile famous quarrel, the truth will be seen nlore plainly
and more easily. And since it is imp08siLle henceforth
to find the culpability in the substance of the acts of Boni-
face, our jUflgment will be restricted to the exan1ination
of the lUanneI' of action, that is to say, to see if he did not
sin by excess in the defence of justice; this will be clearly
shown in the narration upon which we are ahout to enter,
and in which we are about to refrcsh ol1rselvps after being
unncryed, as it were, by the judgment we have passed on
such great personages.
Philip up to the year 1302 had been most obstinate in
worIdng injury on the Church. Neither the favors, nor
the- threats of Boniface had been able to dissuade him
one iota fronl his purpose, on the contrary he proceeded
from had to worse. The tithes which he was allowed to
roJIect fronl the churches for the war in the Holy I
and, he
greedily seized. He kept the Clerics a long time deprived
of their prebends, and imprisoned them. lIe totally ig-
nored the sacred immunities.
Frmll the year 12!)8 Philip, exceeding all limits of jus-
tices pl'o,'oker1 Boniface to the severest exercise of his
power. The n1Ïnisters and courtiers knew the pain the
King suffered hy reason of the laws which forhade hhn
to steal the property of another and especially that conse-
crate(] to God; and therefore hetween the desire of m::su-
aging the royal ills, anil because the same malaòy had
attaek('(l thelll also, thpy shamefully pounced upon the
possessions of the churches. The Idngs of France en-
joypd tlIp privileges delegated from the Pope, of guarding
and holding in custody vacant benefices. Here was a right
that ha(1 !':prnng from a privilege. But whither did it
tend? FroD1 custody Philip passed on to robbery, anù he
('onfÌseatpd the pos
essions he guarded. If a bishop or
lIPllPfÌeial''y, not hy flpath but by 80lUe l'ea
on of absenec,
lpft the chun:h whi1e living, he on the strength of tllat
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
23
right of guar(1ianship Reized everything with a free hand.
His ministers did the same, and evpn worse.
Gazon, Dishop of Laon, for sonle fault or other, being
RURpended by the Pope frOIll the spil'itual and tenlpol'al
administration of his diocese, set out for Rome, in answt'r
to a SUlnmons to appear there. IIardly had ht' depal'tpd
than Philip enters, declares the see "Vacant, Iuakes him-
elf custodian of the same, and as such lnaster of evPI'Y-
thing he finds. Boniface warned him, but in vain: "Be
" most m::sul'ed that by an interdict of administration, hy
"suspension and even exconnnunication of a bishop, the
" see is by no means vacant." 69 Philip knew this. John,
Cardinal of the title of St. (lecilia, by his last will left
Rome of his property for pious works in France, aITIong
wllieh was the foundation of a college for poor tlcrics in
Pari
. Philip and his ministers seized these goods, pre-
sumably to guard thenl, but only to steal them. Boniface
Rent John, Cardinal of Sts. Peter and l\Ial'cellinuR, and
the Archbishop of Narbonne to exeeute the will of thr-
pious Cardinal, and prevent the goods from being stolen. 70
But he obtained nothing. Tbr- Count of ArtoiR, one nlOst
intimate in the counsels of Philip, declare(1 that a part
of the city of Cambria subject temporarHy and Rpiritually
to the Bishop, belonged to him, and without any forIn of
proceedings, took PORscssion of it in 12Ü9. Boniface ad-
moniRhpd and besought him at least to inform thcm by
what right he estahlishe(} hiR claim. 71 He refused. In
thp same yp3r the ArchhiRhop elect of Rhpims, RoLert de
(I(HI1'tenay, found that Philip had laid hands on the goods
of his church, under the pretext of guarding tllf'm. ITe
ref}uestf'd Philip to re1inquish his custody over tllf'm, Imt
he refused to do so. Boniface admoniRhed him, and wrote
to him that as the See of Rheims was no long-PI' v:1.cant,
there was no need of a custodian and a trustee for its
property.72 Rut 11(> spoke, as it were, to thp dead. The
royal ministel's baò alrpa(1y settl
f1 thcmselV
R tlwre, and
werp being pnl'if-h('(l tlwreby. Tlwn a cry was raised
throughout Franc(' h;\T all the clergy, that tlle lland of a
Pharaoh was upon them, and they implorpfl thp help of
ell Letter of Boniface to Philip, Raynaldus, 1298, no. 24.
'10 Raynaldu!'I. idem. '11 Ra
'na 1ùu!'l, ] 2f)!), no. 22,
12 Ra
'nalduB, 1299, no, 23. Letter of Boniface to Philip.
324 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
the Roman Pontiff. And in such circumstances was he to
do nothing else but weep over these violences?
And now we have come finally to thc lamentable quarrcl
with Philip the Fair. Certain controversies had arisen
hetwef>n the Archbishop of
arbonne, Egidius AsceIine
and the Ahnaric viscount of this city. Thf> former de-
clared that he held supreme dominion over the city; and
for this reason whatever the Count possessed in the city
and suburb, he held as a fief of tile See of Narbonne; but
the latter denied this, and said he was a vassal of the
I{ing. In support of this he had obtained letters frmll
Philip, which proved his pretensions, but they violatf>d
the agreement made before by his predecessors and the
Sce of Karbonne. At the end of October of 1299 the Arch-
l)ishop held a Council at Beziers, which was attended by
the Bishops of Beziers, Nimes, l\Iaguelone, Elne, Pamiers,
Agde, Lodeve, and by the Abbots of Grasse, St. Pons,
"'ïlliam of the Desert, and others. 73 The question of the
usurpation of the Count was debated, and it was decided
to send the I{ing a letter which would set forth the rights
of the See of Narbonne; and among thesf\ was the oath of
homage taken by the father of the Viscount. They com-
plained of the letters which the Viscount had obtained
from Philip.74 The Bishop of Bezier, an Abbot and a
Canon were the bearers of the complaints to Philip. If
Philip had given letters to the Viscount, by which he re-
mo"\ed him from the dominion of tbf> Bishop, it was not
hard to ÏInagine in what manner thesp complaints would
be received. Therefore the Archbishop of Narbonne had
recourse also to Boniface.
'There arosc another controversy, or better another
usurpation of Philip. The Bishop of the now destroyed
city of )Iaguelone, in N arbonnese France, possessed the
county of
Iaguelone as a fief of the Holy See. During
the reign of St. Louis IX, the royal nlinisters began to
invade the jurisdiction of the Bishop and undertook to
place this county under the dominion of the King. But
Pope Clement IV, being consulted by the I{ing, returned
such a wel]-reasoned reply, sustained by such an array of
documents,75 that the ministers desisted fronl the unjust
73 Colt Max. Concil. tom. II, page 1430. 76 The same.
16 See Ra
Tnaldus, year 1300, no. 30.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 325
invasion. During Philip's reign, the documents of Clen1-
ent were forgotten, and as a finished case, without pro-
ceedings, his lninisters deprived the .Apostolic See of the
county of )Iaglwlone. Boniface was aroused and he wrote
Philip a very ten1pPl'ate letter, which we collate among
the documents of this work. For from the writings of
this Pope one can form a more certain judglnent than that
which others have given of this famous quarrel. 76 In this
letter, after having mentioned Philip's grandfather, King
81. Louis IX; after having explained the rights of the
Church over the county of )Iaguelone; after having com-
plained how the churches, elevated to great splendor by
his predecessors, were by him and his ministers oppressed,
reduced to servitude, and ruined, he concluded in these
words: " Tolerating, my son, these abuses in the churches
"of your kingdom, you have good reason to fear that God,
" the Lord of judgment and King of Kings n1ay l)e aroused
" to vengeance, and that His Yicar will not rpmain silent
'to the end, leRt perhaps he may hear this sentence
"against him: 'A dumb dog is not fit to bark ;'-who
" although he waits patiently for a time, in order that the
"way of mercy may not be closed, yet one day he will
" arise for the punishment of the guilty and for the honor
"of the good. :May God grant that you may understand,
"and weigh wen the suggestions which are offered you
" as from bad angels; and pay no attention to the wicked
"counsellors, false prophets with honeyed lips who ll1ake
" you see false and foolish things.... Be careful,
" then, lest the counsel of those who have alrpady blinded
"you by flattery, may lead you to a wicked end."
To alJow Philip full reign any longer was on the part
of the Pope yiplding too much to prudence, and neglect-
ing his office of supreme guardian and defender of the
rights of the Church. Therefore Boniface thought to
restrain Philip by a legation, with the hope that the
things explained by letter might be more effectual in the
mouth of a Papal legate. IIe deputed Bernard de Saisset,
Bi
hop of Pamiers, who had been abbot of the monastery
of St. Antoninus, lord of Pamiers, whicb from being an
aLhatial was raised to an epi:5copal see, and he was ap-
78 See Document: Letter of Boniface to Philip about the county of
.Maguelone.
:
2G HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
pointed the first hi!':hop. This appointment of the legate
was displeasing to Philip, beeau:5e on a former occasion
he fOUllfl Bernard most tenacious of his right of dominiun
over the city, whieh he wished to usurp.
(1301) Bernard explained to tlte King the decision of
the Pope, hut Philip would 1l0t ahide by it. The LegaÜ>
threatened him with the usual Rpiritnal penalties, al1(1
those which ahyays obtained in those times. The authori-
ties of the time have not handed down to us any account
of what passed hetween the Legate and the King. Some
have conjectured that he went too far, eyen daring to re-
prove the King for iInprisoning Guy of Dampierre, Count
of Flanders, and his daughter, intimating that he should
liberate them. But there is no foundation for this con-
jecture. 77 Others said that the I..egate was excessive in his
threats. 78 But the only witnesses they could quote of tile
importunities of the Legate, would be Philip and his nlin-
isters; now in the proceedings which they afterwards iu-
Rtituted against the Legate, there is found no mention of
that crime of lese-Jnaj
sty. There is no doubt that thf'
flatterers who sU1'rounded Philip, being ever ready to do
his will in wrong or l'ight, and seeing him badly disposed
to the legation of the Bi!':l1op of Pa1niers, suddenly brought
up so many charges against l1im, as to nlake him guilty
of high treason. I t was n
cessary to find the ('rimes.
Philip had recourse to his jurists, who were truly om-
nipotent. They deputed the .Archdeacon of
\..uge and the
Yidanle 79 of A1lliens to ('ollert through the Seneschal's
Court of Toulouse secret information concerning the
Legate. so According to the desire of the jurists, twenty-
four witneRses were found, who with one arcord swore
to seven different charges, nmuel:v that he had published
how King St. Louis had prophpsied, that the kingdom of
France would go to ruin under the rule of Philip the Fair,
and fall into the hands of a foreignpr; that hf' had con-
spired with the Count of Fois (the reader win remember
7T Sismondi. History of France. T. VI, page 45.
78 Spondani, year 1301-Pag. 218. Brev. Gest. Pontif. Sec. XIII,
Tom. 111, page 335.
'III A ridame in France during the 1\liddle Ages was he who guarded the
temporal affairs of a bishop, and who defended them.
80 History of Languedoc, Book LXVIII, c. G3, p. 99. apud Sismondi.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
3 '>-
....,
that the Count was precisely that deadly enemy of Ber-
nard with WhOlU the latter had waged war for a long time
on aecount of bis usurpations) against the King, and bad
plotted with tbe sallie to remove the f'ounty of Toulouse
from ob{'dien
e to the King, and to prevent the luarriage
of tbe royal daughtpr to the son of Count Philip of ...\rtois,
in order to arrang'e it with the daughter of the King of
Aragon; that he bad reported that the dty of Pamiers
was not compriRed in tbe kingdOlll of Fl'an
p, and conse-
quently was not suhject to Philip; that he had declared
the King to be a hastard, and a falsifier of the coinage of
the reahn. As usual in addition he waR accused of heresy,
blasphelny and Rimony.81
The Legate kne\1" of the inquisition that was going on
in his diocese, and in order to escape the stornl which was
gathering about him, he decidel1 to set out for Ronle. But
the Yidame of ...\luiens on the night of the 12th of July
haYing- forced himself into the episcopal palacp, dragged
forth the Legate, to whom he gave notice to appear on the
first of the nlonth in the royal presence. He suhjectpd his
servan ts to crne 1 tortures in order to wrest from thenl
that which was ne
essary. Saisset presented a pitiable
sight broken down by infirlnities, enfeeùled by old age,
dragged by the master bowman to the court, and thrust
into a dark prison. Peter Flottp, a man accustomed to
thiR, acted as prosecutor.
Philip was furious OIl hparing of the felonies that were
imputed to th(> Legate, and on the 24th of )[ay 1301, hav-
ing orderpd the proofs to he collected, he decIarpd the ac-
cusations true. It was decided to proceed on the lines of
a trial, and in order to giye to the proceedings an honor-
ahle character by observing the ordinary ruleR of justice,
Philip summoned a council of the nobles of the kingdom
at Senlis, with many doctors of laws and derics. ...\ftel'
taking counsel from them he impriRonet1 the Legate and
proceeded against him. He was condemned to be de-
graded from tbe epis
opate, and left in tlw power of Hw
Prince. As a prisoner he was consigned to the custody of
EgidiuR, ...\rf'hhishop of Xarhonne. 82 In Raynaldm
wp find
thp chipf chargps against the Lpgate, whiC'h wpre spnt to
81Martene Thesaurus Anecdotorum T. I, page 131!)-1336-Continuat.
Chron. Nangii 1:301, page 54.
Rist. du Dill'er., rage (j:H.
328 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
the Pope by Philip, but we do not find an account of the
trial, in which these charges were proven to be true. (In-
stead we read in another author,83 not a Catholic in be-
li
f, but truly a philosopher, who exmnined the f1etails
of this trial, declared that it was an example of down-
right injustice and violence.) Yet Spondano, Page the
Younger, and Fleury agree in accepting with hands
joined this sentence of the most pious and most teluper-
ate Philip. And these Frenchmen had leisure and eyes
to read this trial, just as well as this other writer. Poor
History! Those crimes were not cOlumitted by the Bishop
on the exact day on which he exercised his office as legate
to Philip, they were (if true) committed at a time far
remote. "'"hy this sudden inquisition at the mon1ent in
which Bernard commenced the exercise of a mission which
demanded respect, and placed him under the safeguard
of all laws? Can one believe that the accusers at that time
only learned of these crimes? Should not they have
waited either until Bernard had fulfilled his legation, or
had been dismissed, in order not to drag to judgment the
person of an anlbassador, that is to say, the person of the
prince himself whom he represented, namely the Pope?
But we shall Soon see that Philip had sufficient spirit to
judge and condemn even the Pontiffs.
Peter Flotte, \Villiam de N ogaret and the other two
jurists, whom we named before, directed the affairs of the
parliament of Senlis, in order to make them proceed with
an appearance of justice. It was decided to send a mes-
senger to the Pope to report the resolution passed in the
assembly. He was to state humbly that although King
Philip had a right to condemn Bernard de Saisset to death
as convicted of grave crimes, yet he refrained from doing
so, in order to iIuitate the example of his ancestors, zealous
preservers of the rights of the Church, and above all the
Roman Church, their mother. The messenger was to be-
seech the sovereign pontiff to deprive the felon bishop
of the dignity of orders and every clerical privilege, in
order that he might be punished as an incorrigible crim-
inal. They instructed the messenger in the replies he waH
to make to all proposals of Boniface, and charged him to
III Guizot. "History of Civilization in France," 45th lesson, pnge 588,
Brussels edition, 1839.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 3:!H
point out the means of renewing the proceedings against
the accused, in case Bernard was not condemned at Rome.
'Ve are not certain if from this messenger Boniface
learned of the imprisonment of his legate, his trial awl
condemnation, or by son1e other wa
? However he was
very ready to receive with prudent firmness the embassy
of Philip defining in that con8i
tory of jurists, and the
following is that which by private letters he wished thenl
to know: That by divine and hUlllan ri
ht he is the guar-
dian of the liberty of clerics; that laynwn are power]p
s
over them; that the predecessors of Philip had known ana
acknowledged the same; that it pained him to learn, how
notwithstanding this pious example, he had sun1moned to
trial in his presence his venerable brother the Bishop of
Pamiers, and impl'isonerl him in the custody of the Arch-
bishop of :x arbonne, under the pretext of personal secur-
ity; that he
hould a]]ow the imp1'Ïsoned legate to come
to Rome; that he should restore all the patrimony he haiJ
sequestered; that he should know that he incurred the
penalty proclaimed by t11(1 ranons against those laying'
violent hands on clerics; tLat he wrote all this to the
Archbishop of Narbonne. 54 So n1uch privately. The pub-
lic insult offered the dignity of Bishop and Legate de-
manded a public reparation and Boniface publicly pro-
vided for it with the Bull (( Salcator mundi:' which he
sent to the king in a letter beginning: ((
"Tllper r{fJ raNon-
abilibus cala
i8.JJ In this lIe revoked an the pl'ivilpges and
fa VOl'S granted by the Roman SC'e to the King of Franc(\
which revocation was to laRt until the Prelates of France
assembled in Council in his preRen{'e, deliberated concern-
ing the same. 85 ...\llÙ on the Rame day the 15th of Ð('{'emhpl"
h.. published the famous Hull: (( A1.Uwlllta. JJ 86 " Listen,
" my son, to the precepts of a father and to tllf' instruc-
" tiom;; of a n1aster, who holds the place of llim who is tllP
"sole :\Iaster and Lord; open your heart to the arlmoni-
" tions of a most loving mother, the Church; dispose your-
" self to return to God from whom either by weakness, or
"by the bad advice of others you have strayed away.
" Let not the king flatter himself that he has no
" superior on earth but God, and that he is not subject to
8' Raynaldus, 28-History of Diff., page 661. 86 Raynaldus, 32.
M See Document at end of work.
330 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
" the power of the Pope. lIe who thinks thus is an infif1el"
-This preamùle is followed ùy an enlulleration of the
Sovereign Pontiff's eomplaints against the King of Fl'ancp,
whOln he charge8 with bestowing benefices without eon-
sulting the Holy See; of adulitting no judgulent ùut hi
OWll, either within or without h
s kingdonl, on the unju
t
and violent aets eonllnitted in his nanle; of arhitrari1y
srizing upon Church property; of appropriating to his own
n
e the revenues of vacant sees, which ahu
e was not s:xn:>tl
from odium by the specious nalllf' of 'rcgale). of his debaRe-
nlPnt of the eUrl'Pl 1 (')?; and of imposing on his suh-
jects intolerable Inn'dens. "'Ye have l'epl'ateùl
Y," con-
tinues the Pope, " but vainly, warned Philip to rpturn to
"justice. 'rlwrefore now we enjoin an the Archbishops,
" bishops, abhots and doctors in Francp to meet Us in the
"nlonth of Xoyelnber of next year (.A. D. 1302), that, by
" the help of the'ir counsel, We Jnay take nwasures for the
" reform of c IC'rical affairR in the kingdom and the ],e'8tor-
" ation of order." Bonifaee finally concludes with a lllost
pressing exhortation to give assistance to tlw Holy Lanf1.
This Bull although addreRsed to Philip, was sent hy Boni-
face' to all the Prelates of France,87 in orde'r that coming
to Rmne for the Synod, they should know in what condi-
tion the affairs of the King were, in order thp hettpr to
(leliherate on them. The multiplicity of copieR haR nlade
it possible for us to have the original words of thiR falllOl1R
docunlent in spite of the fact that it farec1 badly in that
hase and shaIueful ohliteration, obtained l)y Philip, of the
Hulls and letters of Bonifaee from the Yatican Registe'r,
chiefly those which stung him most. For thiR reason the
copies which we're at lland were not uniformly cOlnplete',
and we pl'efe'l.l'C'd that pu hlished hy Hossi. 88 because' it
seenled to us to be less deficient than that produced by
Raynaldus. 89
The tone of this Bull waR vigorous. hut ypt it was tem-
perate eyen in its reproaebeR. 'Ye do not find any cen-
sure
, an3Y threatened absolution of the Freneh from their
oath of obe(lience to their King, and no forfeiture of the
throne. Boniface pC'l'haps had no hope of it succeeding in
its intent. because it was hard to hplieye that one who for
a long timr llad progreRsed on a wicked path, would re-
87 Raynaldus, 32. 88 Life of Bonifacc. chap. 17, p. lü7. 89 No.5!.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 331
trace his steps. But he could not entirely persuade hiIn-
self, that Philip would arrive at such a degree of iniquity,
the like of which was not seen in past ages. Proud he
was, but still worse were those false prophets, as Boniface
called those counsellors, who with the nlost refined nlalice
placed themselves between him and the Pope, violaterl the
truth, published falsehoods, and aroused fatal quarrels.
But before we f'ome to speak of the effects produced in
France bJ? the Bull "Asculta," it is necessary for us to
tarr;v a moment, and rectify, or better set in right order
the facts disarranged through an innocent error hy Spon-
dani, and Pa
e the younger. The reader nlnst not forget
that when these facts are not viewed in their natural
order, an opinion founded on thell1 is always prrOIWOUS.
They relate,!Jo that Peter Flotte, had beC'n sent to Rome
hy Philip to uphold him, not previous to tlw puhlication
of the Bu II (, _111 .sclllta fi li,'
but instead after the leg-a tion,
which fonowed, of the Archdeacon of Narhonne, the
1,ea1'er of the solemn censures incurred by Philip through
hiH disohedience. They, or rather Spondani, a little later
contradicts himself, when he declarps that Flotte had fal-
sified the llnll "Au
culta I"ili," and had even substituted
instead a lll'i('f l('ttpr full of venOlll fl.onl Boniface to
Philip, and lwnce he was fonnel in Rome in 1301, the p1'C-
{'ise yeal' in which the Bull was writtcn and promulgated,
] [ow doe
he loeaÌl> Flotte the Inessenger of Pl1ilip, in
Romc>, after thc tl11'patening legation of the ;\.rchdeacon
of Narbonn(>, which took place in tlw following year?
Therefore Plotte the falsifier of the Bull was in ROnlf'
when it was written, for he could not falsify it, when it
had been already promulgated in France. Hence we can
say without any hesitation, that that lllf'SSenger sent to
tl1(' Pope hy Philip ancl the parliament of HC'nlis, was none
other than Peter Flotte; and to pre
C'nt himself before a
POpC' and a Pope snch as BonifacC', after the impl'isonmC'nt
of a If'gate, tlu>l'e was nef'dpd a countrnnnce not Irs:,; brazen
than that of Flotte, callpd by Xatalis Alexander: " diaboli-
Ú cum. rorCliticntrlJl rorpore. cacrulJl IJlcnte, arctoSUI7l.
(( fellitulll, hn(,J"('tir.ulJl, rli.
conli((p ]lr.'lr1}1 inter rt Ecdp-
(( .,inn1, ROtllmw rn in rrntoJ"cm." "Diaholieal, hlind in
" },ocly nnll l1linfl, full of ranf'01', a hpl'pt if', nnd a fOlllPnÌt'r
80 Spond. 1301. n. 7-Pagi. Brev. R. R. P. P. Bonif. VIII. n. 55.
332 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
of discord between the King and the Roman Church." The
reader may judge the Prince from this sort of an ambas-
sador. Now Flotte present in Ron1e, being sent, as was
said to clear Philip of the accusation of violence against
the Legate, understood to defend and justify every bad
action of his Prince, with an assurance the like of which
the most innocent of n1en would not have Rhown before
a most furious tyrant. Boniface contented himself with
only threatening to strike Philip with the sword of spiri-
tual censures, to which the impudent legate retorted with
this insulting reply: " Your sword is only verbal, but that
of my master is real and well-ten1pered." By this was
presaged even from that time how this controversy of
respective rights was to tern1Ïnate in Anagni by a violent
decision of ruffians. Our reader can iInagine whether
the iInpertinence of Flotte aroused the indignation of
Boniface; not to have resented it, would have been a fault
in a Pontiff. Then passing to fraud, Flotte, in order
perhaps to forestall the Bull (( Al.lsc1llta fili/' forged a cer-
tain brief letter n10st bitter in tone, addressed to Philip, to
which he attached the nan1e of Boniface as the author,
and which Spondani pulllished, taking it from the Victor-
ine manuscript: "Boniface, servant of the servants of
" God, to Philip King of the French: Fear God and keep
"His commandments. \Ye wish you to know that you
" are subject to us in both telnporal and spiritual things;
"that the granting of benefices and prebends belongs to
"
rou in no way; that if
'ou have in custody any vacant
" ones, you are bound to reserve their revenues for those
"who succeed to them; and that, if you have conferred
"any benefices, we pronounce such collations to be null
" and void. \Ye regard as heretics all who believe other-
wise." Now to lessen the guilt of Philip some think that
it was owing to these deceptions of his ministers that he
transgressed so far beyond the limits of reverence towards
Boniface. But Philip was not stupid; we admit that the
dissension was caused to a great extent by infamous min-
isters, such as Flotte, but that he allowed himself to be
controlled and led by them, we shall never concede.
Philip knew too well the virile style of Boniface, with
which in his letters he adnlonished him, to be led to attri-
bute to h!m thi
ickly note, f'0 devoid of vigor. It was
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 333
the whelping of a wanton cur compared to those noble
l'oarings that are heard in the Register of the Papal docu-
ments. But although the forgery was most evident, yet
it was not altogether without some result. These veno-
nlOUS writings, in \vhich Boniface was depicted as a rav-
isher of crowns, and a disturùer of peace, were circulated
alllong the people, who quick to believe and incapable of
criticising, decided unfairly and forIned that terrible
thing, \vhkh is called pubHc opinion, from whkh the
writers of the tinw, a little prejudiced as they were either
for party advantage or through private spleen, could not
withdraw tJ1('mselw.l
. IIence the Bun (( AU8culta fili."
was preceded awl foHowed by the eyil rumor that Boni-
face in
ane from amhition wished to dethrone Philip and
make 11Ïmself King of France.
James de :x ormans, Archdeacon of Narbonne, a notary
and Papal Legate, a man of approved worth, brought the
Bun into France, where Peter Flotte returned, the bearer
of the pretended brief, and a spreader of' the blackest
calumnies on the charaeter of Boniface. De Normans was
commissioned to support by word of mouth that which
the Bun had expressed. 'Ye know not where ITenry
pon(lani 91 had learned that he bad a secret order from
the Pope to dec1are the FrC'nch people ab
olved from their
oath of allegiance to Philip, and that the kingdom de-
volved to the Homan See, if Philip refusecl to conform to
this BuH. This was perhaps a calumny of Flotte. The
Legate then appeared hefore Philip, and explained to him
the contents of the Bull, which are reduced to the follow-
ing beads: that the Pope is superior to princes; it is clear
from that which follows that Boniface spoke of spiritual
dominion, since there is no word of temporal affairs, ex-
cept thp hint at the deba
ement of the pul)Iic money and
the oppression of the poor subjects; 92 that the king can-
not without the permi8
ion of the Roman See take the
l'f'VenlWS of vacant churches, and confer benefices; 93 that
81 Spondani, n. 7.
n Atque uti de mutatione monetae, aliisque gravaminibus, et injuriosis
proces!'ibus, per te, ae tuos magnis ae parvis regni eju!':dem in colis
irrogatis, Be habilis contra eos, quae proeessu temporis expli
ari poterunt,
taceamus . . . . . .
8B Quod in eccIC'f-iasticis di
nitatibus . . I. . Beneficiis . . . in
. Á
331
HISTORY Q:F' POPE BONIFACE VIII,
he should not take possession of the goods of the churches
as fif'fs, and for that reason he cannot by right of fief
summon clerics before his tribunal;!J4 that he should
only with moderation make use of his right of (( 'rcgalia "
over the revenues of vacant sees. 95 'Ye are not looking
now at the modifications which the civil laws made on the
rig-hts of the churches in later tÏInes; we are speaking of
them as they \yel'e in the beginning of the XIVth century,
as Boniface wished to maintain them and as they were
recognizeù everywhere, even in France.!J6 But Philip and
his 11linistel's and even BOSSlwt would not read in the
Bull the sentiments of the Pope, but interpreted them
according to their own liking. According to theln these
defellces were only an insane effort of Boniface to make the
kin
of France a vassa1. 97 So wlwn ùe :Korlnans had ex-
p1ained his legation and had read the Papal Bull, Philip
and his courtiers aIl1azed at the í'xcessive requests of
Boniface, showed thenlselves greatly disturbed. They
haHtily entered into a consultation in which flattery ex-
crted itself and they decided to convoke a parliament of
1 he It(1)]f'H of the king(lom, the Ahbots, the rf'ligious
ol..l('rH awl the Hl'('nhll' clel'g;y. In the IIH'antime Philip,
who ('onl.1 not 1)(':11' the sight of that Bull, on Februar:,-
11 tho 1302, 01'<1('1'('(1 it to 1Jc burned publiely in presence of
cnria. vel extra . . R. Pontifex: summam, et potiorem obtincat potsta-
tern: ad te tamen hujusmodi ecclesiarum digllitatum . . . bene-
1ìciorum collatio, non potest quomodo libet pertinere, nee pertinent: nee
per tuam collationcm, in ipsis, vel eorum aliquo, potest alieui jus acquiri,
sinc auctoritat et conscnsu Ap. Sedis.
94 rrelatos insurer, ct alias ecclesiasticas pcrsonas . . . etiam super
rNsonalibus actionibus, juribus, et immobilibus bonis, quae a te non tcn-
cntur in feudam ad tuum judicium protrahis, et eoarctas . . . licct
in clericos et personas ecclesiasticas nulla sit laicis attributa potestas.
5Yacalltium etiam regni Ecclesiraum redditus, et proventus, quos tu et
tui appellatio Regalia, per azusum, tu ac ipsi tui non moderate pcrcipitis
8è(1 imnwùcrate consumitio.
06 Let tIle reader consult among the Italians, Bianchi; "The Power and
PoliQ' of the Church," Book YI, sect. VI, Tom. II; and among the French,
.Antonille Thomas: "The Power of the Church," chap. XIII.
117 Tom. I, par. 2, lib. 7, cap. 24: Quas si valuissent, vel de regni regi-
mine R. Pontifex Romae, rege sive absente sive praesente, decerneret,
nempe re
naret Pontifex: ipse rex nudum nomen regis obtineret. Now
who would bf'licve that Bossuet from the Bull "Ausculta" could have
drawn this con:,;equence?
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 335
al1 the nobility then in Paris, and aftel'wards the news of
the act was pl'oclaimed by a public crier through the
streets. It was the Count of Artois who having snatched
the Bu]] frOIll the hands of the Legate, thl'cW it into the
fire. IIistory records only two public burnings of Papal
Buns. This one done by a French king, and the other h
y
a friar, namely )Iartin Luther at '''ïttenl)('rg. Everyone
knows the sad consequences which ensued from the sacre-
lig-ious insolence of the fl'iar; and the reader may imagine
what was in the minds of the people and French clergy as
a result of this act of Philip.flB The Legate was banished,
and the other I...egate tIle Bi
hop of Pamiers, waR allowed
to depart with him. Guards were placed at the frontier,
and Philip forbade any of the French clergy to go to
Rome, and to send money out of the country. An those
umlnoned to the memorable parliament nlet in the great
('hurch of Kotre Dame at Paris on April 10th, 1302. The
I(ing presided, and Peter Flotte arising forthwith spoke
aR fol1ows in his nan1C: " A certain letter fronl the Pope
"has been brought to us by the ArchbiRhop of Xarbonne,
"which declares that we are subject to hiIn in the tenl-
"pOl'al administration of this kingdom; and to him and
"not to God alone, as has always hepn believed, do Wp
"owe our crown." Th(,l1 snnnning np the cOlnplaints of
the gOYf'l'nment against the Sovereign Pontiff, he con-
dlJ(les: " fIe, the Pope, ainls at subjecting the King of
,. France to thp power of the IIoly See; but this monarch
"protests here before you all that he acknowledges no
"
upel'ior hut God alone; and he calls upon you, as your
"friend and so,'ereig-n, to lend yonI' parnest co-operation
" for the support of the ancient liberties of the nation and
" of its cl1urch; and yon should return an open and quick
"reply to these propositions."-The Barons and s
'ndicR
of the communes ha,'ing retired to deliberate, soon re-
turllC'd J'f'ady to do the I(ing's pleasure, and aR his nlost
ob('l1ient servants, to give to him not only their fortunes
hut alRo their lives, in assisting to resist the covetous
Pope. The spiritual lords took a longer time to deliber-
atp. ThpÏI' npcks were hound by an ugly haJtpr they were
unahle to ullloo
e. Ohf'(liC'J)cE' to the I
ing- nwant rpbplIion
to the Pope; rc.'fll
al to do tl)(
win of tliP IGng woul{l
:n't
8ó Ili:,l. <Iu DiITcr., Pl'. C8 au<l Ii!).
33G HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
a furious conflagration which would be Injurious to the
church of France for a long time. They returned to the
King not with offerings, but with counsel anù admonitions,
representing how the Pope did not think of offending the
liberty of the kingdom and the dignity of the Prince; and
how they should not endanger their necessary union with
the Roman See. But Philip and with him all the Barons
did not care to listen to more sermons, and they notified
tho
e prelates that if they did not at once give a satisfac-
tory answer, the clergy would be proclainled hostile to the
King and to the
tate. Then the prelates knowing they had
to deal with Philip, and with a flock of enslaved barons,
allowed it to be drawn from their lips, that either by
reason of the fiefs they held, or by reason of loyalty to the
lnng whkh was obligatory on all even the clerics they
were all disposed by counsPl and every other aid to de-
fend the King, in person and in dignity, and in the liberty
of the realm; but they besought him to allow them to go
to Rome, so as not to be wanting in obeùience to the Pope,
who called th('I11. He answered this request with positive
refusal. Such was the liberty of the Gallican church, for
the defence of which Philip was willing to offer both his
wealth, his life, his sons, his wife and we know not what
else.
The Barons reported the decisions of the assembly of
otre Dame to Boniface in a letter, which they addressed
to the College of Cardinals. The clergy wrote directly to
1 he Pope. The former wrote in the French language; and
Fleury remarks that they did this in order to show even
hy their words that their sentiments were French. They
did nothing- hut repeat what the King had said in the
a
sembly; they only adderl that the opinion of the Pope
was deplorahle, ånd worthy of the times of Antichrist.
They charged the cardinals to leave Philip in peace, that
he nlight be ahle to fight the infidels in the Holy Land.
Thirty-one lords, and the first men of the kingdom signed
their names to the letter. The prelates themselves being
astonished at the novelty of the doctrine of Boniface on
the subjection of the l{:ing to the sovereign Pontiff in
nlatters teInporal, besought him with tears to dispense
them from the obligation of going to Rome, and repre-
sented to him that censures would have little or no effect
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
337
on Philip and his abettors, These letters, which suffici-
ently manifest the shameful hnbecility of the clergy, were
brought to the Pope by the three Bishops of Koyon, Con-
stance and Bf'ziers. 99 Philip dispatched the Bishop of
Auxerre to obtain from the Pope a postponement of the
council. 100 This fact, which even Spondani relates al-
though he quotes falsely the monk continuator of
angis,
published bJ Achel'Y, clearly shows us that another letter
bearing the title of Philip to Boniface, in which that king
descends to the ,ile
t abuse against Boniface, was purely
the work of Flotte, tru]
y possessed ùy the devil. Although
unfit to appeal' on the page of history, yet for the informa-
tion of our readers we produce it. lOl "Philip, by the
" grace of God, King of the French, Boniface, who giveth
" himself out for sovercig'n Pontiff, little or no greeting.
"Let thy ExtrPllle Fatuity know that we are subject to
"no one in things telnporal, that the presentation of
"churches and prebends that are vacant belongeth to us
"by kingly right, and the revenues therefrom are ours:
" that the presentations already nlade and to be made are
"valid both now and hereafter, that we will firmly sup-
" port the possessor
of them, and that we hold as sense-
"less and demented those who think otherwise." The
French me
sengers, the bf'arpl's of these- lettprs, were re-
ceived in full consi
toT'Y. The C'ardinal of Porto, Friar
.John )Iinio of )lurro of the Friars :l\Iinor, arose and in the
presence of the Pope and all the Cardinals addressed
them, taking his text from Jeremias: "Lo, I have set
"thee this day over the nations and over kingdoms, to
" root up and to pull down, and to waste, and to destroy
"Jordan, MS, Vat. n. 1960.
100 Jordan: .. Rex quoque episcopum Antisidorensem mittit rogans ut
suspenderet usque ad tempus magis postea opportunum." Rayn. 1302,
n. II.
101" Philippus Dei gratia Francorum Rex Bonifacio gerenti se pro summo
pontifice, salutem modicam seu nullam, Sciat tua maxima fatuitas, in
temporalibus nos alicui subesse. Ecclesiarum ac praebendarum vacantium
collationem ad nos jure Regio pertinere, fructus earum nos tros facere:
collationes a nobis factas, et faciendas fore validas in proeteritum et
futurum, et earum posses:,>ores contra omnes virliter nos tueri: secuq
autem credentes fatuos et dementes reputamus. Datum ParisHs, et('."
bee Page Brev. Rom. Pont. ;3, page 53f)' Alsu it i:,> related in l'IIistoirf'
du Diff.
338 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
" and to build, and to plant. "-" How truly applicable to
"Peter and his successors are those divinely rev('aled
"words of the Prophet, that he was placed over all to
"destroy and to build up, just as one deputed for the
" degradation of the wicked and the exaltation of the good.
"There has arisen a quarrel between the Pope and the
"Roman Church on one side, and the King of France and
"his ministers on the other, which in truly slight and
"tridal causes had its origin. But if the causes of the
"irritation were slight, most serious were those which
"nlOyed the Papal u1Ïnd to resort to remedies. A long
"and serious coulplaint had been made to the Pontiff in
"relation to the disturbed state of affairs in the French
" king-dom, and of the oppression of the churches, There-
" fore a private letter ,vas written with the consent of the
"Pope and the Cardinals, which was read and reread
"often, pondered and considered in fun Consistory, and
" was full of charity and sweetness, and kind admonitions
" to the King. Some went about declaring that in it was
"containf'd that judgment that the I{:ing owes the crown
" he wears to the Church, whereas there was not a syna-
"ble of this either in that letter, or on the lips of the
"Pope or the Cardinals. The source whence a certain
"other letter came addressed to the King iR unknown;
"but let it be known positively that it was the work
" neither of the Pope nor the Cardinals. Philip is an hon-
"est and Catholic Prince, but it is to be feared that he
" is surrounded by evil advisers. 'Yhy did the I{:ing take
,,
o nluch to heart the calling of the French prelates to
" llOlne for consultation on most serious matters? It was
"not the summons of strangers, of rivals or of enemies,
" but of friends and Rervants, certainly most jealous of his
"honor, and of all the king-donl. To be called in fine to
" Home was not to he called to the extreme limits of the
"('al'th, nor to dwell there eterna]]y, but return after
" transacting busineRs. "'Thy did Philip show himself RO
" hadly diRposed to the pleasure of the Church in the mat-
" tel' of confprJ'Ïng prehpll(ls? The right of patronage and
"prPRPntation is admitted, but the bestowal and enjoy-
" Jlwnt of tbpm witùout ParmI approval difl not hpIong to
" a layulan. Philip claims the right by prescription. TIut
" this docs not e
ist DOl' does he prove he possesses it, as
I1ISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 339
"he m;ked the Pope for the priviJege of that which he
"now said was prescribeù. For he who has possession
" of a thing of right, does not ask a privilege. The Pon-
" tiff has the fullness of power, inheriting it frolH Christ,
" is a truth that is to be witnesspd to even b
y blood; and
" for this reason not only does he become judge in spiri-
"tual things, but also in temporal things whenevel' there
"enters the question of sin." Boniface him
elf tIwn fol-
lowed with a discourse, in which he displa;ved
llch Rweet-
ness of manner, such cogent reasoning, and such n1Ïldness
of temper, that it is really a wonder, when we con Rider
whom the legates represented, and the object of their mis-
sion.
\t first he recalled that holy bond by which France
truly could be said to have been wedded to the Roman See
in the baptism of Clovis, and how on the observance of
those espousals, according to St. Remigius, thf' whole pros-
perity of the kingùom and the king depended. This fact hp
had called to the attention of Philip, while he was a
legate in France, and this relnembrance Philip acknowl-
edged -with pl(>aRure and gratitude. A man of pprdition,
Peter Flotte, with his satellites the Counts of Artois, and
of St. Paul, in the worst spirit tried to sever this solemn
union, by so urging Philip to the most desperate project!ò!,
'Yhile the College of Cardinals were considering maturely
the Papal letters to Philip, Flotte had forged another,
which he presented to the I{:ing, in the beginning of which
he had inserted that it was the intention of the Pope to
Inake him a Papal va
sal. The Pope incensed at these
indignities, continued in a spirited manner: "During
" forty years we have studied Jaw, and hay{> It'arnerl that
" on earth two powers, the temporal and the spiritual bave
" heen ordained by God. 'Yho can bplieve that such fool-
"ishneRs can havp entf'rprl into our mind to unÏtp in the
" Pontiff OIlP supreme power? But on the other hand who
"can in nlattpl'S of sin? And coming to the question of
"the conferring of benefices, we have often de" lared to
"the messengers of the I{ing that it is our wish, for his
"
piritual good that he do licitly that which he had done
"illicitly, being most ready to gratify his every wish;
"for it is cprtain that the Canons forbid benefices to he
" confprred by a layman, as if he were inveRted with spiri-
" tual powpr. ",Ye have concederl to the King thp power to
340 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
" confer one canonry in each church of the kingdom; and
"to dispose of all the prebends in the church of Paris,
"provided they be conferred on Doctors of Divinity, or
"Law, or any other ecclesiastics distinguished for learn-
"ing. . . . . . . . 'Ye desire nothing more than peace and
"fl"Ïendship with the I{ing, as we have always haJ an
" affection for France, insonluch that we were considered
" more French than ItaJian. But if then Philip does not
"retrace his step
, and allow the prelates to conle, it is
"our duty not to al10w the affair to go unpunished." 102
The doctrine which the Cardinal of Porto and the Pope
expressed in full consistory, was confided to letters which
were to be carried to France by the Bishop Legates. The
Cardinals replied to the nobles, the Pope to the ßishops.103
Now if from the Bull U A'IJscl.llta filit the King and his
followers had apprehended the excessive amùition of
Boniface of wanting to rule France in temporal affairs,
those discourses and those letters which expressed the
contrary, should have removed all suspicion of such from
their minds. But Philip and his nlini
ters renewed their
as
ertions ani! their complaint
; very evident proofs that
these loud lamentations were only tactics and a pretext
with which they covered themselves that they lnight act
according to their own will in the things which concerned
the authority purely spiritual of the Pope. Here it is
necessary to enlighten the reader on a point without which
the subsequent acts of Boniface might appear in contra-
diction with the language we previously reported, especi-
ally when he will have hearù him speak, in full consistory
and in another Bull, of the dual power in the Pope and the
subjection of kings to the latter.
Boniface and the cardinals with him declared that they
had nothing to do with the temporal affairs of the French
kingdom, but that the King was subject to the Pope in
matters of sin. ""e do not wish to enter into a discussion
of that question of the Papal and royal powerl:', debated
hetween the partisans of the Pope and the satellites of
the King, hoth hecause the tinles have changed, and be-
cause we do not believe that the palm of martyrdom is
held in re
erve for hil:'torians who defend old truths, even
if indeed truth can grow olù. But we ought and we will
l021\1S. Vittorino. Spondani, fol. 82, 84. 101 Rist. du Diff. p. G5.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 3-11
explain the terms in order that the reader may knoW' what
happened between Boniface and Philip; and that briefly
and simply, that it may be understood by all. It was the
common and accepted opinion in the time of Boniface and
even now-a-days, it is believed that every faithful Chris-
tian was subject in spiritual things to the Vicar of Christ.
Prince or PleLeian if he desired to be a Catholic, should
relnain thus subjected. But from this truth, it did not
follow that the Prince, or the father of a family should
leave to the Pope the affairs of the kingdom 01' of the
home; (nor would the Popes have had the desire or lei-
sure to attend to these) ; however, it did fonow that when-
ever they departed from the evangelical law they becalne
subject to the decision, the admonitions and the punish-
nlentl'ì of the Pope, and should Lear them patiently. There-
fore the recognized Papal authority, and human peccabiJity
were the basis of the truth; that the Pope was superior to
everyone, who wished to be a Catholic. And since the
dogma is unchangeable and this world will never Le free
from this cursed proneness to sin, it necessarily followed
that this supremacy should be perpetual and unchange-
able. From this it is evident that inasmuch as not all
sins, or violations of the evangelical laws, are purely
spiritual, but sonle are concerned with material things,
the Pope who is the judge of them, indirectly touched the
object of the sinner's disorder. Thus for example, to a
robLeI' he did not only say, "you have acted wickedly in
"stealing," but he further added, "restore the booty."
Thus in short he judged the sin and indirectly the object
of the sin. This is the reason why a Prince in those timcs
wanting to be a Catholic, was subjected to the Pope not
only in things purely spiritual Lut also Juaterial, when
these lattcr were the oLjeet of his sin. So if one placp
himself in thc position, for example as Phi1ip, of falsify-
ing the puhlic Jnoney, of shedding the blood of his suh-
jects, and waging an unjust war, he should not l'cspnt the
voicc of the Pope, if he should say at first" you have done
"evil, return the good; hecausp you are a counterfciter
"and unjust," and then indirectly: "withdraw froIn cir-
culation that counterfeit money, restol'e the property of
others; do not slwd the blood of your ppople, whi('h does
not belong to you. And this is ho" the Pontiff exercised
342 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
over the King and kingdoms not a direct, Imt also an in-
direct supl'elnacy. All Catholics in the 3Iiddle Ages
thought thus, and in the same luanner that the species is
formed frOIll the individuals, and the genus from the
1)Peie
, so froln the unanÏ1nous con
ent of aU the individ-
uals was formed a g'pueral opinion, which became the
})ub1ic law, by which the POpl:' not only judged Pl'incp!':
in tpmporal affairs by reason of sin, hut al
o judgpfl thpm
wùen rpqupsted to do
o as a civil magistrate. In thosp
tinlPs lw who {lid not wisll to acknowledge this jwlgpsbip.
tl11'PW off at one toss also the evangelical yoke. 'Yhprefore
he who wished to be a f1atbo1ic, and would not accppt in
this fulness the Papal supremacy, was in oppn contradic-
tion with hÏ1nself and was guilty of two sins, one against
faith and one against reason. Thus Philip the Fair, who
ahove all wanted to be considered very Cll1'istian, was
IPH8 than a Christian, and less than reasonahle, when he
refused to subnlit to the Pope. On thp contrary, we citp
this fact for greater clparness, Henry VIII of England
sinned only against faith and not against reason. For
lmying changed the principles, he had all latitude to
change the consequences. TIe said: "I am the Pope"
(that was the principle). "That which is the more pleas-
ing to me to do, will be right," (this was the conseqnence.)
Ien have always dehated between the admission of a
principle and the rejection of the consequences, Juaking
always, by a sad vicissitude, a failure of one or the other.
rp to the XVlth century the failure had been in tlw couse-
(}uences, and principles were betrayed, though aflmittefl;
and these anOlnalies, or injuries to lllllnan reason, were
infected with her('sy, because they had occurred in matters
of religion. In the XYlth century when :l\Iartill Luther
preached reform, reason tired of the struggles, of these con-
tT'adictions, overturned the principles; the consequences
were logical, the here
ies were unalloyed, Imt not guilty
of an abuse of reason. In which of these two states do
we find ourselves now-a-days? We will not say, because
the mission of a historian is to narrate past, not present
events. "r e hope the learned will willingly he iu(lulgent
to the simplicity of our rp3soning, when they con
idel"
that it is not written by a doctor of laws, and that many:
win not be such who read these pages.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. R!3
This, however, will suffice to throw a little Jight on the
object of the cuntroyt>l'
y between Philip and Boni-
face. But we will not without comlnent, pa
ovpr tLo!':p
prelates of the parliament of Senlis, who Wf're HO weak
and cowardly as to l('t thems('lves he vanqui!':lled hy Philip.
It is necessary for them to apppar heforf' us, in order that
their conduct with regard to the Pope in tllis controyPl'!':Y
may be shown aright. If the things previously statpd arp
true, as they seem to us to b(', it follows that the body of
bishops and other clerics in those times should have held
themselves as a most solid wall to defend not only the
direct authority of the Pope, but al
o the indirect, as the
latter is the legitimate and necessary con
ef(llPnCe of tlw
former. 104 And since they form a body 80 long as they
are joined to the head, it is evident, that in giving aid to
him who attempts the moral life of the head, is to attpmpt
their own lifp. "'Yc are 1110St devoted sons of the noman
Pontiff," said they, "and most faithful subjects of
"Philip." These were futile words. Filial devotion to
the Pope had been destroyed at once hy their suhnlission
to Philip, not as a Prince, but as an enemy of the Papal
supremacy. Their weak virtue did not bind thenl very
strongly to the Pope, anù they were wavering hetwecn
him and Philip. Obliged to dpcide they pl'cfprl'ed to throw
themselves into the arlllS of Philip, rather than on the
bosom of their head, becam;;e that wavering on their part
was already a separation from the Pope. They saw after-
wards the need of ju!':tifying their action by proclaiming
Philip a most patient Prince, Philip who had dc>prin>d
thpm of tlwir sacred patI'illlonie
, who would not even
allow them to repair to Rome, and who caused them to
cry out in desperation; and aftprwards they represented
Boniface m
an alubitious persecutor, who, as they wpll
knpw took action only to hold in the path of duty thpir
criminal henpfactor.
But this was not dpcisive, it left thpnl still wavering,
as the Prince was not their natural hea(l in the pxerci!':p
of their priestly power, and so a strange member they
106 By direct power the author means that which Jesus Christ has given
to the Church over consciences: and by the indirect power, that which
flow
from this power purely divine, in its rplation with temporal things.
(Note of the translator.)
344 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
could not receive from him the fooù of life, hut rather an
iInpu]se to death. Thus they remained in bad odor with
the POpE', and unfriendly with the King. Lpft in su('h a
manner dismembered, they should then provide for them-
selves the means to exercise their power. "Thence deri,p
the power? Not from the Pope whom they accused of
boundless pretensions, but rather frOln the Prince whoni
they considered their protector, whilst he drove them to
extreme!';, when he compelled then1 to desert the Pope.
Then it was they sought the royal privileges and pur-
chased them with that liberty, which is the life of the
power and which naturally flowed to them frOll1 the Pope.
Therefore enslaved, they called themsel,es free; and in
that slavery they scattered the seeds of that later lihert;v,
called Gallican. A striking proof that what are callec1
privileges of a particular church to liherate it f1'0111 the
Ronlan, and to exempt it from the dependence in which
the others are in relation to the mother and Jnistress of
churches, are not privileges at all but fatal occasions of
severing the salutary bond of unity. One God, oup
Church, one is the obligation of adhesion to the super-
natural truth, before which all are equal. In discussing
these things we wish to remark that if Philip a Catholic
committed a grave offence against human reason by re-
jecting the indirect power of the Pope over him as a secu-
lar prince, the French clergy transgressed much more
grievously by their shameful surrender to court influence.
\Ye speak not of the consequences, because all know them
and because it is dangerous to touch upon theln. In those
times there were very many, and even Frenchmen who
defended this lloman doctrine, among whom we finil Hugh
of St. Yictor,105 St. Thomas,to6 St. llonavellture,t07 and
Durandus. 108 :Moreover that ardent debater. Friar JO]ln
of Paris, of the Order of Preachers, in the work" De Hr-
[Jia potp,c.:tate rt Papali/' in which he defends Philip, g-ives
utterance to a certain opinion, which, if Boniface had ex-
pressed it, would have aroused a storm. 109 But among a11
105 Book 2, part 2, chap. 4. 106 In fine 2 Senten.
1117 De Eccles. Hierarch. Part. 2, cap. I. 108 De Origine Jurisd. Quest. 5.
109 "Papa vero. qui est supermum Caput non solum clericorum, sed et
genera liter omnium fidelium, ut fideles sunt, tanquam informntor fidei et
morum; in quo casu omnia bona fidelium sunt communia, et communi-
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
345
these special mention should be made of Blessed Egidius
Colonna, who educated in the wisdom of St. Thomas of
Aquin, was a singular defender of Boniface in his con-
troversy with Philip the Fair. IIe was born in Rome in
1247, or thereabouts, and being a member of that powerful
Colonna family, we may know if he had any love for
Boniface. At first he studied the sciences in his own
country, then having entered the Augustinian order, he
was sent to Paris in 1269 to prosecute his studies. He
had as teacher 81. Thomas of Aquin, whose doctrine he
afterwards defended again
t ",Yïlliam de :l\Iora, a Friar
Iinor of Oxford. Crevier 110 m
serts that Egidius became
the most famous doctor of his time in Paris. In fact ac-
cording to the cu
tom then prevailing, he was called hy
the splendid surnames of Prince of Theologians,111 the
l\Iost Profound Doctor. 1l2 He wa
appointed tutor to
Philip the Fair, to whon1 he dedicated his treatis
, (( De
Regimine Principllm," 113 a work different from that at-
tributed to St. Thomas. From the education he received,
according to Crevier, Philip derived his love for learn-
ing. 114 'Yhen after having bepn anointed as king at
Rheims, Philip was entering Paris, Egidius met him and
paid homage to him in a eulogistic speech. 115 This made
him very dear to the King. But perhaps he was even
dearer to Pope Boniface, in whose favor he wrote the
treatise U De Renunciatione Papae," when owing to the
singular renunciation of St. Peter Celestine, many were
undecided in relation to the If'gitimacy of thf' Papacy of
canda, etiam calices Ecclesiarum; habet bona exteriora fideIium dispen-
sare, et exponenda decernere, prout expedit necessitati communi fideL"
Chap. 7. And chap. 14; "Si princeps esset haereticus et incorrigibilis, et
contemptor ecclesiasticae censurae, posset Papa aliquod facere in populo,
ut privaretur ilJe seculari honore, et deponeretur a populo. Et boc
faceret Papa in crimine Eccle
iastico, cujus cognitio ad ipsum pertinet,
excommunicando, scilicet orones qui ei ut Domino obedirent." See Ordin.
de Script. Eccl. 75, page 635.
110 History of the University of Paris, Tom. 2, page 106.
nl Cave. Saec. Scholast. Sol. 658.
112 Labbe, de Script. Eccles. Tom. I, page 13.
118 Tiraboschi. Hist. of Literature. St. 74, page 114. See Oudin. de
Script. EccI. Seculo XII!., CoI. 139.
m Crevier. History of University of Paris, Tom. 2, page 113.
1111 GaIIia Christiana, Tom. 2, page 76.
346 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
Boniface. As a rewarù for this he was created Arch-
hiRhop of Bourges. A man of austere habits, he waR ('on-
sidered a saint, being always styled Blessed; anù he was
teJuperate in action in those stormy times. For we find
that besides the afoI'psaid proofs of his love for Philip, he
lweI manifested his bpnevolence in two synods hy con-
c('ding to him the ecelesiaRtical tithes. U6 On tIle other
hand, the terrible quarrel having broken out, he wrote un
the royal and papal power, deciding in favor of Uonifaec
against Philip. This opinion was not to be despisf'd inas-
much as he was a man dear to the two rivals, anfl he was
well acquainterl with the things he saw. 'Ye hayp sah1 the
things he saw, but he never felt them. For hy reason of
tithes and taxes his income was so reduceù, that from
being a very rich prelate, he was obliged for the necessi-
ties of life to serve as a simple canon in the Order, in
order to receÏ\'e a portion of the daiJy distrilmtionK The
continuator of N angis asserts that it was the Pope who
had so cruelly appropriated the patrimony of the ..\rch-
bishop of Bourges,117 Unfriendly to the Popes the writers
of the U Gallia Christiana J' seenl to accept this opinion. us
lIe died at A vignon in 1316, and was buried in the church
of his Augustinians in Paris. 119 The opinions favorable
to the doctrine of Boniface, as we have shown, which
caused so much comJl1otion in France, were not a scandal
to other Catholic churches of Christendom, but were re-
ceived as sacred. If we call to mind the provincial coun-
cils held at that time, we find scarcely any that did not
establish some canon affecting the ecclesiastical immuni-
ties in the same manner as they were regarded by Boni-
face. The English Church was a splendid exanlple of
what we here assert. 'Ye have seen with what reverence
the constitution" Clericis " was welcomed; and with what
great solemnity and vigor, the illustrious Robert, Arch-
bishop of Canterbury and Primate of England, set about
to promulgate it.
ow whilst the parliaments in Franc(\
were acting against tIle Pope, Rohert was ever the more
fortifying himself against Edward, taking refuge behind
the Papal authority, the only bulwark of liberty for the
116 GaUia Christiana, Tom. 2, col. 77.
m Spicil. Archery, Tom. 2, page 620.
110 See note at end.
118 The same place,
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 347
churches against the assaults of laymen. He did not
repair to the rOJal court to defend himself against an
imaginary Roman supremacy. ,Guided by the same pru-
(Ience and by the sallle views, his predecessors, and par-
ticularly the noblf' Stephen Langton had obtained frOlll
J(ing John for the English people the famous )Iagna
Charta, the foundation of their common rights. So that
the immunitif's of the Church were ever the parent of thosp
of the proplf'. Htephen with invincible conrage had fought
for the liberty of the clergy, and for this reason he also
with the same energy directed and led that warlike band
of Barons, known as tIle League of God and of the Holy
Chureh. He tl'Ïllluphrd in the sanctuary. and he tri-
umphf'd on the field; and fron1 the trelnbling hands of King
John the 3Iagna Charta fell into the hands of Stephen.
The rig'hts of the English people were established by this;
but the first articles of tlw agreement were an acknowl-
edgmrnt of the inviolability of tlw rights of the Church.
\J1d when this was confirmed in fnll parlian1ent in the
palace at ,,? estminster hy Henry III, the king who swore
to keep it as a man, a f1hristian, a knight and a king, more
than hy the arms of the Barons was he intimidated and
frightenf'd hy the artion of the bishops undf'r the leader-
hip of Langton, who extinguished anò threw on the
groun(1 the lighted candles they bore to indicate thereby
thf' malp(1Ïctions they pronounced against the violators
of the Charta, caIling down upon them the darkness and
confusion of Hell. Thus while the people obtained their
l"Ïghts through a victory of the Church, the latter enclosed
and strengthened herself within these rights. And the
ambitions of Rome only tpnded to compel the Prince to re-
spect the rights of his subjects and the Church. That e(Ii-
fice of EngIi:-;h rights, so venerable and so admirable, rested
in the hands (}f those bishops, who anointed by the God
of jUF::ti('e, had for a long timp exerted themselves in de-
fpnding it. ""e (10 not finù that the shameful imbecilitv
of tll(' Frpnch f.lprgy in subjecting thenu.;elves to PhiliÌ)
produced any (1harta for the ppople, unlt'ss we would
ad
nowh'dg:(' a
a worthy fruit of sH('h a plant, that lib-
('i't.r whi<'h is ('a1Jpd <1al1if'an.
Xot lp:-;s ,.ig:Ol.OHS was t ht' Íl'mppr3111Pnt of tlw Rpanish
clergy ill tllO
e timcs. They stood firlU a
a wall against
3:18
..,;
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
8ecuJar tyranny, and with brea
ts of bronze defended their
liberty. "Te read that precisely in the year 1302 Egidius,
.Arch bishop of Toledo, convened the Synod of Pennafield,
in which the bishops clamored loudly for the Í1nmunities
of the ('h111'ch(,8, and this was nothing else but an echo of
the yoice of Boniface. Canon XIII of this Synod is very
(,leal' and expre
RiYe. It eRtabJished and conunanded that
if anyone eyen of l'oyal birth violated the imlnunities of
the churches, the bishops and the dioceses in which it hap-
pened, were to notify theln to desist, and if they refused,
their lands were to be interdicted. And as those bishops
were in earnest, they proceeded against persons of high
degree with apostolic firn1ness, mentioning by name
Renr
v, son of the illustrious Ferdinand, King of Castile
and Leon, and also a certain Princess Infanta of Portu-
gal, cOlnmanding them to restore that which they had
wickedly usurped from the churches of Toledo, Segovia,
Lagunto, anfl Concha. 120 In the affairs of the Church of
France, that evil which more than any other to be de-
plored. was a certain cowardly feeling occasioned by the
fear of the roy-al power, that is to say, the most pitiful
consequence of the death of liberty and the triumph of
120 Item ('a quae Dh-ini juris saecubri non subjaceant potestati et non-
nulli potE'ntps, nescimus quo ducti spiritu, yel odii fomitE', vel cupiditatis
radice. Ecclesias infringerE', et earum libertates, et privilegia imminuere
mo1iuntur, eis earum lib(>rtates, et onera gravia imponendo, proinde nos,
qui ex ofBpii nostri debito, bnquam murum pro domo Israel opponere nos
dehpmns, hujnsmodi excessibus, quantum cum Deo possumus, resistere
cupi(>ntp<; : statuimus, et ordinamus, ut si Regina fuerit, quae facere
accpptaverit (forte attemptaverit vel prandia in debita exegerit, vel fi1ii
Regum: Episcopus, in cujus Diocesi atentare vel etiam perpetrari contig-
erit pis penitus dcnunciet, ut satisfaciant de commisso: et si requisiti
satisfacere noluerint infra mensem, juxta modum, et qualitatem culpae,
"pI damni dati, cujus aeitimatio Diocesani arbitrio relinquatur, prout
viderit expedire, terra eorum, si qua in sua Dioecesi habuerint. Eccle-
siastico subjaceat inter dicto . . . . . Verum quia quia Domini
Henrici fil1i illustristrissimi domini Ferdinandi quondam Regis Castellae,
et Legionis, qui ab Ecclesia Tolestana Passadicilam, et ab Ecclesia Sego-
biensi Riacamaldeas indebite detinet occupatas, nee non et Episcopa Se-
guntino quaedam mobilis postquam fuit de co provisum Seguntinae Ecc1E'siae
usurpayit, excessus est notorius; statuimus, et ordinamus, ut nominatim
requiratur, quor praedicta loca restituat-Seguntino Episcopo satisfaciat
de abIatis. Idem penitus statuentes de Infantissa Portugal1iae super
restitutione poenarum de Viana C'onchensi Ecclesiae facienda." Aguir
COIlC. IIisp.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
3:l!)
tyranny. 'Ve have said that Boniface wanted to hold
thf" Council in Rome, and he did hol(1 it. Philip feared
this 1l101'e than censures. He knew full wpll that those
prelates, who had been inclined towards him, if for how-
('vel'
hort a time they would have left France, and breathed
the air of Rome, their courage would be re\"Ïved, and they
woulrl acknowledge their unbecoming weaknes
, and feel-
ing a
bamed of themselves, would give a final blow to hi
projects. Spondani does not believe that Boniface held
the Council; but there is no doubt of it, as the anonymous
author of the life of Boniface 121 affirms it, and nlention
of this Council is founù in the great collection of )Ianf'i/ 22
and it was held on the 30th of October. It seems to be
true that not :;;;0 many Frenchnlen attended as this anony-
BIOUS writer would Lave us believe. He
ays that the
f'1ounril was held in the presence of tlle prelates of the
French kingdOln, and of all the Freueh Doctors of Divin-
ity and of Law. Philip had earpfu11y phH'ed
afe harriers
on a 11 the roads leading to Rome, and all tllOse Doctors
('ould not, nor do we believp would they carp to, e:;;;cape
froln France at thf'ir own peril. It is probahle that when
the author declarerl that the Council wa
held in presence
of prelate:;;;, he referred to the presence of the Frencll
legates in the consistory who listened to the discourses of
the Cardinal of Porto and of the Pope. Oreat was the
lnoderation of Boniface in this Synod. There were no
censures, and not even was Philip named in the fanlous
(.onstitution .. Ullam Sanctam ," whieh was the work of
this Council. ::\IoreovPl" this sanle anonymous author of
t he life of this POpf' had wonder(>d, writing: figuratively,
how amidst :;;;0 mueh lightning again
t the I{ing, thl'l'p (Url
not follow
howPl'S; 123 and ll.H'mml'es were not taken even
again
t gl'cat IH't'lates of tlw kill
(loll1, lnh,takpn through
love for their own interest, and solicitors only for them-
selvps for the time heing.
The f'ollstitution which begins" Una1}l
c:::(( 11 ('to 111 ," eman-
ated from this Council. In this Boniface ùid nothing
m Auctor vitae Bonif. Raynalùus, year 13G2, 12.
m CoHee. ConcH. Tom, 2f>, page 97.
123" Ibi corruscationibus muItis praeviis contra Regem, nulla pulvia
apparuit subsecuta; dpfeceruntque sibi Praelati rnagni in regno, quaerC'ntcs
<Iuae sua sunt, et sibil ipsis ad tcmrus tantummoùo consulcntes."-
3:>0 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
more than repeat that which he had heretofore said in
his Papal docunlents and in presence of the French leg-
ates. But since in that violent cOll1mand given to the
Bishops, in whieh Philip forbids them to repair to Rome,
and for this reason to conlmnnÏcate with the Pontiff, he
openly offended his ministry, Boniface more openly treats
of the Papal power. and its complete independence. H
says, that the Chureh is one; that it fornls one mystical
body; that it can have 1mt one head; the head is Christ,
through him Peter, and his successors, n
unely the PopeR,
and this iR of faith. That there are two powers in thp
Church, the spiritual and the tenlporal, figured by thosp
two swo1'(ls, which the ApoRtles preRented to Christ, saying
to Rim: ,. Behold, here are two swords," the material swo1'(1
to be uRed for the Church, and the Rpiritual sword by the
Church; the second in the hand of the priest, and the
firRt in the hand of the king, but according to the order
and direction of the Pope. Hence the lnaterial is subject
to the spiritual, and the spiritual power teachelb and
guides the temporal. He concludes by defining, that it is
neceRsary to Lelien" in order to he saved that every crea-
ture nlu
t be subjpct to the Pontiff. IN
"'e do not helipve that ever in tllP world anything
cau
p(l sueh contl'OVerHY, and arouspù snch great and
lasting commotion, as did tl('sP words of Boniface. The
('onrtiers and the theologians of the time of Philip wpre
aroused, and this is not I11nch to be wondered at. But
when in after tÍInes XataIÏs Alexander, Fleury and Ros-
supt, the famous bishop of )leaux, and so many otherR,
so unreaRonably have raised a diaholical disturhance in
the time of the most ChriRtian LouiR XIV, the reader can
easily perceive that nnder the garb of a zeal for the lih-
erty of particular churches, of a desire to restrain Ponti-
fical ambitions, there must be hidden some reason, which
evidently did not depend on times or circllnlstances, but
exiRted absolutely in the minds of the disturbers; and
thpy tlwmselves either did not know the final consequences
of tlwir thporips, or else tlll'Y wished to conceal thenl. TVe
win Rtatp hripfly what this rpaRon was. It was their re-
})ngnancf' to tlw ah
olntc> 1ll00WTThy of tlH
Church, and tlw
foo1i:.;h Ï(](>a of t('mpp]'ing: it eithC']. hy a f'oTIHiHtol'ial a1"Ïs-
12
ee document J at enù of work.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII, 3=>1
tocracy, or worse, by royal authority. If we would not
wish to penetrate the labyrinth of opinions concerning
the dual power, of which Boniface speaks, the task woul<1
he wearisome to Dle and of little service to the reader, and
not worth the tiIne whkh is so precious. But we have
come at length to the time of proeeeding to a considera-
tion of the canses of the great controversies, and of leav-
ing aside witb tJle grf'atest respect the two bodies of con-
ten(ling canonistso
ataJis Alexander especial1y sunl-
moned aronnfl hinl a host of writers, who were of his
opinion, and with the snperci1ions tone of a pedant de-
manded their opinion of the dual power, which hf' belif'w'<1
was fabricated by Boniface. They all replied that it is
an impertinence; it never existed, and is an e
cessiveness
of sovereignty on the part of Pope Boniface; and so he
triumphs. Even the partisans of the Pope or rather those
who, adoptin
thp principles, do not wish to resist the
consequences engendered thereby, speID to us to have
prred in thPir nlanner of dpfence. They also gather cham-
pions who agree with thpnl and thf'Y triumph. But it is
stiU undecidf'fl whieh of tl1ese two parties gained the
victory.
lany stn] continne to clamor, terming Boni-
face a rascal, and very fpw consi(ler him honest ancI justo
fIowever whi1st thp (1aUicans, Iik(' Xatalis Al<:>xand<:>l',
aJ>p consuming tim<:> in enumerating how many writers of
t lIe University of Paris coincide with them, and whether
Boniface had Inade a right or wrong usp of Scriptural
passages, we shall treat tbe reader to a short and simple
consideration which touches the ypry heart of the ques-
tion. and not of men who are engaged in quarrelling with
onp another.
In this constitntion Boniface had rpmindr<1 Philip of
thf' doctrine as old as the Catl101Ïc Chul'eb, nanwly that
the Pop<' is snp<'I'iol' to lay Princes 1.y rca:-:on of !':in. "... p
han' (
xplainc(l tll<' !':('n
(' an(] t1'uth of tlH'RC wor(]
. 1\0'"
in thp Con
titnti()n C( ('}lain F{rlllf"fam .. lw t1'ac('s this <10('-
frillP to tllP prindpl<, f1'om whi('h it is d('rÏvp(], by d<'Íining
hat tll<'r(
m o (' t,,'o quite distinct pOWl'l'S on p:l1,th, tlw
pi1"Ïtl1a] a])(l t hp tpmpol'al, and tlle lattel' i
al'rang;('d awl
litop(,t('(l hy tlJ(' fmompl'. If this hp nut ae1mitt.'d, Donif:Hop
h'.'ielpcl, 1 h('}'p wa
nothing ('I
(' to do but how th(' ])(':1(1
l1ul adopt tll<'
ralli<-hè.lf'an phantasy of two pl'Ïndples.
352 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
Noone is ignorant that there is one God, one power, one
order. Power and order a1l10ng men are derived from
God, to be multiplied accidentally, but remaining one and
ab
olute by nature. If there is a great nun1ber of beings
outside of God, these should be reunited by the bond of
subordination, as is evident fron1 the natural order of
things, which ascend to God by a succession of depend-
ence and empire. A similar law presides over the moral
order. Hence tracing all the various powers to their own
peculiar sources, we shall find the spiritual and temporal
powers supreme moderators of Catholic Christian society.
The question arises to which belongs the office of ruling
over the other, both not being able to exist independent.
The spiritual power is adjusted to an infallible and eternal
legislation, and to a head or determined master. There-
fore both by the law of which it is the custodian, and
through the person who is invested with it, this power
comes immediately fron1 God; there being nothing human
in it save the infirmity of hin1 who exercises it, as a Pope
is not transforn1ed into a God. The temporal power then
is established with a view to a temporary and fallible
legislation, owing to a diversity of times and of men, and
with a view to an undetermined master. Therefore the
temporal comes immediately from God, mediately as to
its forms. So if it is necessary to a civil Catholic society
that there should be a governing power, it is not however
necessary that by the immediate will of God this power
should be placed in the hands of an aristocracy or of a
n1onarch. This determination comes from men, and hence
is changeable like the civil laws, fallible and not per-
petual. On the contrary the spiritual power immediately
both in its substance and in its form comes froln God; as
it is not the office of men to determine into whose hands
it should be placed. The Bishop of Rome, as the successor
of St. Peter, is chosen by God to exercise it. He shall be
a perpetual, unchangeable minister of it, just as the law,
of which he lIas been designated custodian and master,
is perpetual, unchangeable and infallible. Hence the
Pope alone is rightly called the Vicar of Christ, and to
no republican form of government or monarchy has this
appellation been given. l\Ioreover the Pope applies an
infallible law to faith and morals, and he is the head
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 333
of an infallible society, which is the governing Church,
There are two sources of infallibility, faith and morals,
that raise the Vicar of Christ so high, as to make him un-
accountable to anyone on earth in those judgments with
a view to which his power has been established.
Therefore just as the infallibility of the Church in the
Pope elevates him so high that he has no superior, so the
fallibility of a Prince calls for some other power superior
to him, except in case of his immediate deputation re-
ceived from God. If therefore no things outside of God
are perfect equality with one another, and if besides, the
Papal and the civil powers are both derived from God,
the reason by which one of the two is more nobly derived,
will furnish at once a reason for its preeminence. De-
stroy this preeminence and the civil power will clash with
the laws of nature, which as they will not have independ-
ence even in power, will be destructive of the society over
which they are exercised, and will be rebellious against
God who confided his power to the head of His Church.
Therefore if the court of appeal be closed to the society
ruled by the fal1iLility of a Prince, and to the faults of the
ruling power, the governed will reply with brutal force,
which can never be sanctioned by right. Then when the
combatants have become wearied of the strife there will
arise the necessity of absolute justice, which is not to be
found in the bosom of a convulsed society, must be im-
plored from the spiritual power, or else the combatants
will become delirious over the sovereignty of the people or
the rights of man. These are phantasies which give birth
to princes intolerant of restraint, and nurtured by the
people under the pressure of a nloral and terrible neces-
sity. It is true that the civil power is not derived fr0111
the spiritual, but equally strong and equally free both
come from God to reign, the latter over the Church, and
the former over the people. So that the spiritual power
freely unfolds itself, and is not restrained by a superior;
and the tenlporal is directed and rpgulated by the former,
as there can be no subjf'ction without the direction of a
superior. The power for example of a father over his
{'hilùrpn is not destroyed in a republic by the subjection
of thf' parf'nts to the state government. This direction,
or order is manifested every time the ch'U government is
334 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
in disorder, that is sins. Its fault is always a violation
of cUlnmutative justice, which imposes on the rulers and
the people, an equal command of mutual preservation.
One of the contracting parties, which fails in its duty,
l'eleases witb good reason the other from its obligation.
But inasmuch as that right can resolve itself into a fact,
there is always need of a judge, to be chosen either by the
conS('l1t of the parti('s, or aIr('ady in tbe selection of a
R('Jigion infallible in her laws, and in those who expound
thenl. And here again we behold, as a consequence of
the two power
, the one subordinate to the other, the pre-
eminence of the Pope over other ch.n rulers by reason of
in. And therefore there i
not a creature, as Boniface
defined, which is not subject to the Pontiff. A king or a
president of a republic, who desires to be a Catholic Chri
-
tian, can never withdraw from this subjection, unless he
wishes to subject himself to God in a mauneI' different
frOlli that established by Christ, or prefers rather to try
the benefits of tyranny or anarcby, which wrestling in the
bosom of soci('ty increase the miseries of this short jour-
ney of life. The
e theories were not the production of
the human brain, but of the Christian religion, as soon as
Dlen embraced it not only as individuals, but also as lnem-
hers of a civil society. Therefore those who Blake Boni-
face the author of them eithf'r do not know, or do not care
to know that they were always defined by Popes his pre-
decessors, confirmed by Greek and Latin Fathers, and de-
f('nded hy Doctors, eyen Frenchm('n. In fact that which
w(' haye calh:.d a " directive" or " administrative" power
of the Pope over Princes, was a long time previous con-
sidered as suell and called such by Gerson, a French-
Inan. 125 The application of the Scriptural pa
sages, e
pe-
dally thp one of the two swords as a symbol of the two
powers, the one subordinate to the other, was not alto-
gether the wm.k of Boniface. It was first discovered by
a holy Fr(,l1ch Doctor, St. Bernard. 126 The application
to the Pope of the words spoken by God to Jeremias, was
a thing much oldpr than the time of Boniface both in the
(1 r('ek and Latin Churches. 127 Boniface has bf'en accused
125 LJe PotC'state Ecclesiae. Consid. 12. ue Book 4. De Consid. all
]
ugf'nium P3p3m. 1278ee Bianchi. On the Indirect Power of the
Church. Book VI, 7, Tom. 2.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 3j5
of a violent distortion of Scriptural pas
age
, and of t]10
fabrication of an unlimited ecdpsia
til'al rib'ht, becau
c
he had to resist ÍJllmcdiatcly the tran
greHsOI.s of the RaIne.
But in this precisely we discover hh; g'.C'ê.lÌness of sonl.
FOI" when a man COllleS to be identified with a theory, in
such a n1anne!' that war against the theory means war
against him who defends it, it mURt be that the soul of
this nlan is capable of comprehending it, and able to de-
fend it alone. Hence hatreds have survived against Boni-
face, because the truth he defended has survived. .\.nd
when eyer the hand of the powerful attacks the Church in
her rights, it digs up from the tomb the ashes of that 111ag-
nanimous soul in order to execrate them. Foul' centuries
have elapsed since the death of Boniface, and yet Bossuet
ru
hed against him with the same fury aR was rlispla
'ed
against him in the assemhly of SenJis.
...\.fter the definition of l"ight Boniface procpeded to ac-
tion. He published sentence of excommunication on the
same day X ovenlher 18th against all, and even cro,,-ned
lwa<ls, who would dare to molest, hinder, 01' imprison
t hosp going to the Roman See or returning. In this Bull
he could have struck PhiJip heavily, by naming him, since
hp was guilty of this kind of violence, but he held to gpn-
eralities. For in all those barefaced proceedings of Philip
against him, Boniface never dismissed from his 1llind the
hope of being ahle to lead him by reason to a better course.
lIe desired peace. But he could not endure those puhlic
violations of the liberty of the Church, of which be was
the supreme guardian and defender. He negotiatp<1 with
(1harIes of Valois, that he might use his good influence
with his Lrother, King Philip, to recol1cih. him with Rome.
Charles pron1ised, but as we bave seen in Florence, this
peaef'n1aker was fit for everything else, except to make
peace. 128
In this Roman Synod where thp Bull ,( Fnam Saurtam "
waH pu hJislwd, John Lemoine, Cardinal of the title of
ts.
)IarceHinus and Petpr, a Frenchman, was sent to France
as It'gate in OI'ùer not to give ulnLrage to Philip. lIe was
a man of gl'avp character, endowed with many virtne
,
of tl'if'd prud(>nce and also a mo
t cOl1ragf'OnR man, for
cOIl
idering the fatp of thp other l('gate
in their dea1ings
12S na
rnaldus, 1302, D. 15.
33G HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
with the brutal Prince, there was much reason to fear.
The Pope had granted him the amplest faculty to release
Philip from censures, if he requested such.
But before we come to speak of the outcome of that
legatipn, we must narrate the doings of Boniface else-
where. For the affairs of France, although most grave,
were not so important as to take his attention from other
{:hurches and other states of the universal Church.
The kingdoln of Hungary at this time was in great dis-
orùer owing to factional fights over the uncertainty of its
ruler. Ladislaus III, surnamed Cumano, King of H un-
gary dying childless in 1290, left only his wife :\Iary,
ùaughter of Charles I of Anjou, King of
aples. Thf'
Juajority of the Hungarian nobles greeted as their king
Andrew, the third of that name, called the Venetian, be-
cause born in Venice of Thomassina
Iorosini, and he was
crowned in August, 1290. But )Iary, the sister of the dead
I..adislaus, the wife of Charles II, the LaIne of Naples, be-
li
ved that her son Charles :L\Iartel deserved by right of
succession the crown, and Popes
icholas IV and Celes-
tine V, ever ready to promote the interests of the house
of Anjou, twice in Naples had crowned Charles 1Iartel,
I{ing of Hungary. In the meantime Andrew reigned in
fact. In 1295 Charles :Martel died prematurely leaving
his rights to the crown to his son Charles Robert, short-
ened into Carobert, who, supported in his claims by the
Papal Court, disputed with Andrew the throne of Hun-
gary. The question was, which was of greater weight in
the establishment of legitimacy, the selection by the nobles
or the succession of heredity'? Boniface, endowed as he
was with a keen knowledge of human affairs, saw clearly
that since this people was only half-civilized, and menaced
round about by a most fierce tribe, as the Cuman Tartars
were, to leave to them the selection of a king, would have
given a lasting occasion for war within, and invasions
from without. As Pope he saw a way closed to extend the
power of the house of the .Angevines of Xaples, the recog-
nized defenders of Papal rights. 1\Ioreover the kings of
IT ungary were never elective, but the nearest relative of
the dead king inherited the crown. Therefore his ward
Carobert had the best right to succeed Ladislaus; nor
could a party of nobles by making a selection destroy a
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 357
law prescribed by a long period of years. Boniface there-
fore took the part of Carobert according to justice. He
set to work with great ardor, negotiating not only in the
interests of one man, but of the whole kingdom, and of the
IIungarian Church. The former was in great disorder,
the result of factional fights, the latter was disturbed in
its liberty and oppressed.
On the 13th of )Iay, 1301, Boniface had appointed Xicho-
las, Cardinal Bishop of Ostia and Velletri as his Legate to
settle the affairs in Hungary by establishing Carobert on
the throne. He had given him the fullest power to nego-
tiate also as his Legate in Poland, in Croatia, in Dalmatia,
and in othcr regions. I t is well to remark here how he
expressed to Nicholas the nature and the duties of his
mission: "'Y e send you as an Angel of peace: 129 enjoin-
" ing you that, in that kingdom and in the aforesaid prov-
"inces, you consult with the clergy and laity, whatever
"may be their rank and dignity, on all things which con-
" cern the divine worship, the honor of the Apostolic See,
" the observance of the ecclesiastical canons, the restora-
"tion of the Uberty of the Church, the prosperity of the
"kingdom and those provinces, the decorum of divine
" worship, the return of peace, spiritual health and bodily
"tranquillity." The Legate hrought with him from the
Pope very important letters to all the Prelates of Hun-
gary exhorting them to receive the Legate as himself in
person, to give him whatever he needed and a kind recep-
tion. But in July of the same year, 1301, Andrew III had
died and the nobles of Hungary having heard of the near
arrival of the Papal Legate, feared that they might suffer
the loss of their liberty, if they allowed Boniface to choose
a king for them. So they appealed at once to Wences-
1aus, King of Bohemia, son of Anna, a daughter of Belo
IV, King of Hungary, who died in 1271, beseeching him to
accppt the crown of Hungary. The Bohemian king far
advanced in years did not wish to leave his old kingdom,
and relinquished to his son ".. enceslaus the throne to
which he wa
invited by the IIungarians. ""encpslaus
was crowned king by John, Archbishop of Colocza in
\JLa-Heale, as the see of Strigonia was vacant, upon the
Ar('hbi
hop of which devolved by right that ceremony.
12\) .. Tanquam pads Angelum destinamus!' Raynaldus, 1301, n. 4.
338 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
\!'; soon as Boniface beard of tbis f'lHlden coroIJation,
lIe oyel'took the Legate" Hh Iptte1's, aH he wa
about t'lltpr-
ing the kingdom. The affairs of I"l'ante had embittered
his mind, and rendered him nlOl'e jpalous of the Papal
power; for which reason froln the time of the open rup-
ture with Philip he adopted in letters more solelnn lan-
guage to magnify the supreme power of the Church, as
we see in this letter which he dif'patched to the I...egate,
Cardinal of Ostia. It began: " The Roman Pontiff estab-
"lished by God over kings and kingdoms is the supreme
"high-priest in the Church militant; and prince over all
"luen, being seated on the throne of judgment, he judges
"quietly, and with one glance he cau
es all nlanner of
"evils to disappear." He then relninds him of the care
with wbich the Apostolic See had protected IInngary frollI
the fury of barbarians, and says that not departing frollI
the custOIU of his predecessors, lw designated hÍln Legate
to that kingdom so violently disturbed. lie ('ondemns
the rashness of the Archbishop of Colocza, for having
dared to place the crown of n ungary upon the head of
'Yenceslaus, since Carobert had been already crowned,
and he sunlmons him to appear before him ,,'ithin the
period of four months, and give a reason for his conduct.
To 'Yenceslaus the elder, the aged King of Bohemia, he
complained by letter, and demanded that he annul at once
the things done with sUl:h little prudence. lIe asked by
what right of succession or by what title his son had ap-
propriated the kingdom of IIungary; and what reason
was there for the temerity of the Arch bishop of Colocza
to meddle in an affair in which lIe had no right. That he
should not have despised the
\.postolic See, the mother
and teacher of all, and that in caf'es of doubt, and affairs
of great moment he should have had recourse to her. The
kingdom of II ungary was bronght almost to nothing by
the fury of the Cumans, the Tartars, the Pagans and the
schismatics, and this rash act will
erve only to open a
way to further lacerate her. That if his son had any rights
in Hungary, he should expose them before the Holy8ee,
and if proven, they will be presenTed whole and intact. 13o
In the meantime having arrived in IIungary, the Car-
dinal Legate assembled the nobles of the kingdom. He
130 Raynaldus, year 1301, no. 10.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 339
tried every means to reconcile thenl, and have them recog-
nize Carobert as king, but all in vain. Then be left that
country, and repaired to Yienna, whence he di
patched a
Ine
senger to the Pope to acquaint hin1 of the unsuccess-
ful result of hi
llli
ion. On the other hand 'Venceslaus,
I(ing of Bohemia, replied to the Papal letter, and <<leclared
that bis SOIl bad been legitimately ('lected I(ing of Hun-
gary. Boniface did not yield; he insisted and undertook
to present thp rigllts of :\Ial'ia, mother of Carobert, to the
IIungarian throne. He invited the King of Bohen1ia,
.:\IaJ'Ïa and hel' son Caro 1>ert to appear before him to dis-
cuss the affair. And since in his letter Wencl'slaus had
taken also the title of King of roland, in the strongest
terms he exhorted ltiln to ahandon it, telling him that
that was a crime of state, as roland was a fief of the
ROlnan See. He wrote to this effect in June 1302; and the
Cardinal Legate according to his cOlllJnand citpd the pre-
tenders to the throne of Hung-ary.131
3Iaria and Carobert dispatched their procurators to the
Papal Court, 'Yenceslaus deputed thl'ee not as exponents
lmt as dpfenders, against any decision of the rights of
thpir lord. Boniface decided with the advice of the Cardi-
nah;, that the throne of II ungary was hereditary and not
elective, and to Carobert the crown belonged. lie pub.
lished this decision in a Bull, beginning "S pcctatvr
Omnium," given at .A.nagni on .:\lay 30th, 1302, and or-
dered the Archbishop of Colocza and the Bishop of Zagra-
hiense to announce it to the Bohemian elected king. 132
This decision was followed by an enc
yc1i('al to all the H un-
gaI'ians, cummanding thenl under the pain of censure to
yield obedience to Ca1'obert; and a letter to this young
man exhorting hÍIll to the practise of virtue, written also
at ...\..nagni on June 31'd, 1302. The care exercised by Boni-
faee oyer Hungary hrought the desired peace to that king
dOlll. ...\ll acknowledged Carohe1't as their king; the two
'YPllccslaus of nohemia renounced their claims, and II un-
gal'Y was quieted, and was goyerned very well by that
princp.
Thp firmness of this Pontiff, as it appears from the nar-
ration of the affairs of IInng-ary, did not always bring dis-
aster. ...\8 in ùefence of the loight
of his wmod ral'oLcl't he
1.11 Raynaldus, year 1302, no. 20, 22. 132 Raynaldus, ;);ear I
03, no. 17.
360 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
showed himself a most tenacious observer of justice, so
afterwards in the affairs of Germany he showed that he
knew how to moderate himself with prudence in affairs of
great difficulty. 'Ve have already seen how strenuously
J1e opposed Albert, son of Rudolph of Hapsburg. This
prince violated his oath to Adolph, King of the Romans,
and having raised a rebellion against him, slew him in
the battle of Spires. Up to this year, 1303, Boniface had
been inexorable to the entreaties of Albert, who sought
his approval wherewith to acquire the Imperial crown.
)Ioreover as we have seen he had aroused the ecclesiasti-
cal Electors of Germany to carryon war against the
usurper, which they did. He was induced to this rigor,
both because justice was wronged by ...\.lbert rebelling
against and slaying his lord Adolph; and because of the
violation of the rights of the Papal See, as it is the right
of the Pontiff to examine the person selected as King of
the Romans, to consecrate him, to crown him, and if un-
worthy of the office to reject him. The :first reason, as it
was a fact that violated, but did not make sacred, a right,
would disappear, as soon as the consent of the Electors
and the Pontiff made that fact legitimate.
The second, although it was a violation of a right, also
would cease, as soon as reparation for the same was made.
And both ceased when Albert submitted to the judgment
of Boniface, and confessed that he had wickedly acquired
the crown of King of the Romans and had ignored the
rights of the Roman See. )Ioreover it must be further
added, that an unbending spirit would have prolonged still
more the damage of the intestine wars and quarrels in
Germany, and would have deprived the Pope of a support
in his stormy controversies with Philip the Fair. There-
fore Albert sent ambassadors to the Pope to express how
willing he was to do his pleasure, seeking not judgment
but mercy.133 They promised in his name :fidelity and
183 Raynaldus, year 1303, no, 4 . . . . . . "tu devoti et prudentis
more filii, de solita patris benignitate confidens, super iis non judicium,
sed misericordiam humiliter implorasti. Praestitisti quoque nobis et
eidem sedi fideJitatis et obedientiae juramentum et nonnulla alia etiam
promisisti, et juramento firmasti, quae tam a praedicto patre tuo, quam
a praedecessoribus elgus Romanorum Regibus jurata, promissa facta,
recognita et concei>sa fuerunt sicut haec et alia in duabus patentibus lit-
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 361
oiJeùience to the _\postolic See; and they promised also
under oath to stand by what his predecessors, the Kings
of the Romans, had conceded to the Popes. From this it
is evident, that it was not through fear of Philip that
Boniface had recognized as just the usurpation of Albert,
anù ratified it after having condemned it. The change of
sentinlents in this prince who craved pardon for his in-
justice, and promised obedience to the Holy See, induced
the Pope to change his dispositions. The letters of Albert
to Boniface, found in the annals of Raynaldus, afford
pleasant reading. In these not only does he mention his
obligation to the Roman Pontiffs, but he discussed at
length with a solemn profession (profiteor) how the Im-
perial crown had been transferred by the Apostolic See
from Greece to Germany in the person of Charlemagne.
Hence the chief duty of the emperors was to defend the
Church; to swear never to take sides against her, but ever
to guard her; and strenuously to uphold her liberty and
her rights. This did Albert of :Xuremburg write on Au-
gust 17th, 1303. 134 And Boniface in reply to that which
the ambassadors had reported, solemnly confirmed hi!';
election as King of the Romans,135 in a document which
begins: (( Patris aeterni filius/' and which he concludps
with a beautiful exhortation to be grateful to the Church:
"'Ve advise and beseech you by the Son of God the Father,
"to fix the eyes of your body and mind respectfully on
"God and on the Church, if you desire to rule nobly;
" meditate piously in your soul on the kindness of us and
"of that holy
Iother, who, you should not forget, had
"anticipated you; engrave it in the inmost recesses of
"your heart, and there let it remain as a perpetual re-
"mindel' of favors received."
teris tuo sigillo signatis, quae in ipsius Archivio conservantur Ecclesiae,
plenius continuentur." (Letter of Boniface to Albert, King of the
Romans) . 136 Raynaldus, year 1303, no. 9,
11$ Raynaldus, year 1303, no. 2. See document at end of book.
BOOK YI.
SU
Il\L\RY.
1303-1314.
Philip renews the war with the Flemish.-The defeat of the French at
Courtrai.-Reparation demanded of Philip by the I..egate, Cardinal Le-
moine.-Philip's reply.-l\Iission of Kicholas Bpnefratte to Philip.
who imprisons him.-Parliament in the Louvre Palace.-Charge8
against Boniface -The wretched picture the bishops present us.-A
consistory in Rome; and punishments proclaimed against Philip anù
France.-Of appeals to the Council.-Certain rufIians cross the Alps to
seize the Pope.-Their number is increased b
7 the soldiers of Charles
of Valois, and Sciarra Colonna is at their head.-They lay siege to
Anagni, and the inhabitants rebel against the Pope.-They enter the
town and invade the Papal palace.-How Boniface received them, de-
serted by every on e.-Low insolence of Sciarra Colonna and Nogaret,
-The people of Anagni return to their senses.-Magnanimity of Boni-
face.-He goes to Rome.-His death.-Judgment of his actions.-His
body is found after three centuries almost incorrupt.-Philip the Fair,
after the death of Boniface.-Benedict XL-His indulgence to the
French, he tries to bring Philip to his senses.-His prophecy concern-
ing the affair of Anagni.-He wishes to punish the guilty.-He dies of
poison.-The Conclave, and how it happened that Bertrand de Got,
Clement V, became Pope.-PhiIip the Fair interferes with him, and
the Papal See is transferred to France.-Clement is urged by Philip to
proceed against the memory of Boniface.-The lamentable position of
Clement in the clutches of Philip at Poitiers.-The Templars.-Philip
wants to plunder them, he demands their death from Clement.-They
are burned at the stake.-After the burning of the Templars, thet'e
was a demand to burn the bones of Boniface.-Proceedings against
Boniface in presence of the Pope.-End of the proceedings.-Heaven
punishes Philip; his last days and his death,-A calamity visited on
Anagni.-Conclusion.
IT seeIned that Heaven wanted to allure the hlinded
Philip from the precipice by an awful di
a
ter, that fined
aU France with RhaIue anù mourning. When Edward of
England and Philip the Fair haù agreed to submit to thp
judgmpnt of the Pope, as a private man, the rpason of their
362
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 363
dis:-.(>nsion
, the English I\::ing had included in the treaty
of arn1Ïstice, which followed the Papal decision, Guy of
Flanders, his ally. But Boniface in his decision, in order
not to give offence to Philip, made no mention of Guy and
his Flemings. Being protected by Edward they were
guaranteed against annoyance by Philip. But having for
some unknown reason come to a misunderstanding with
the English who were as
isting them in guarding the city
of Ghent, it happened that thf'ir allies withdrew frOlll
Flanders, and thereby they were left exposed to the anger
of Philip who longed for the moment to fall upon them.
In the beginning of 13aO the truce between England and
France expired, under the shadow of which the Flemings
rf'po
ed; when suddenly there appears in the field the
French army moving against them under the leadership of
Charles of Ya]ois. In two hattles Robert of Bethune, the
eldest son of the Count of Flanders, was defeated, and in
a short tinw all Flanders was under the power of the
Frf'nch. There still remained well fortified the city of
Ghent and Count Guy within. who had the courage and
resources to aI'rest the pl'ogrl'ss of the conquerors by a
long resistance.!
This resistance irritatf'd Charlf's of Yaloi
. who wished
to subdue his enemy without fatigue. He proposed arti-
cles of capitulation to Guy, and that he should tru
t hÎIl1-
self to the generosity of the King of France, and to the
justice of the court of Paris, of which he was the chief
member: he should lay down his arms, and should come
unarmed with all his family, and some fifty Flemish no-
LIes and deliver himself into his hands ;-besides he should
pre
l'nt to Philip in writing his sincere desire of being
reconciled to him. Charles in return promised that he
would protect him at the court of Philip; and have hi1n
rf'stored to the sovereignty of all his provinces. the dignity
of fir
t Count, and have him nlade a Peer of France; and
as a gnarantef' of his promi
l's llf' staked his own honor
and 10:yaJt
y. Guy then sUI'1'endered: and thf' port of
Ollf'nt, and an the other fOl'h'f'S
f'S opened tlwir gates to
the Fl'pndl. But Ouy anf! his
ons and ("hipf hm'ons went
to France to f'xpprience in pI'i
olls tbf' gf'nf'ro
ity of
Philip, and the inyiolah
good faith of Charles. This is
1 Chron. K angii.
364 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
the Charles of Valois who afterwards went to Florence, of
whom Dante well said, (( that he fought with the anns of
Judas."
All Europe was stupefied at this infamous treachery,
and the suspicion that Philip had put to death the unfor-
tunate daughter of Guy whom he had held imprisoned
for a long time, became a certainty. Philip went to view
his new conquest, and appointed as governor James of
Chatilon, brother of the Count of St. Paul, and he was
a very cruel governor of the poor Flemings: he was the
Verres of Flanders. But like Sicily, Flanders also had its
Yespers. Robert, Count of Artois, hastened with chosen
troops to. create the storm. Guy of Flanders, the younger,
and ",Yilliam, the grand-nephew of Guy the elder, led the
Flemish force and encountered the French at Courtrai.
Some mysterious hand must have guided them to the
bank of a river. They chose their position skilfully be-
hind a narrow canal, which concealed the view of the
water from the opposing forces. The attack was begun by
the French archers and foot soldiers, but the barons and
knights, imagining in their contempt for the popular
troops that the victory would be easily gained, and afraid
that the foot soldiers should have the honor of it, ordered
t hem to fall back on the flanks, and maI;::e way for the
ea valry to charge. Almost immediately the whole line of
the French cavalry dashed at full gallop, and swept down
npon the Flemings. But in their imprudent haste they
had not made themselves acquainted with the existence of
the canal, and were only made aware of it by falling over
into itR deep bed. The whole mass of the cavalry waR
rushing forward with such impetuosity that it waR im-
possible to stop, and as one line rolled over the other, con-
tinually pushed forward by those l)ehind, who knew noth-
ing of what had happened in front, the confusion became
fearful, and multitudes were crushed or suffocated under
the weight of their own horses. The Flemings at this mo-
ment, separating into two bodies, crossed the canal at
opposite points, and fell upon the flanks of the French,
whom they found incapable of defence. The Flemings
attacked all indiscriminately, sparing no one. It was not
a hattle, but a carnage, Among the slain was Robert,
Count of Artois, who was pierced with more than thirty
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 365
wounds; Peter Flotte, the Chancellor, whom the reader
knows; the Duke of Brabant and his son; and the son of
the Count of llainault; Raoul de :x esle, the constable of
France, and his brother Guy, marshal of the army; thp
Count of Tancarville; J ame
of St. Paul, governor of Flan-
ders, the cause of the war; together with two hundred
other barons, and six thousand cavaliers who perished in-
gloriously on that day. "This defeat humiliated greatly
"the honor, the rank, and the fame of the ancient French
"nobility and prowess, as the flower of the world's cavalry
"was defeated and humbled by as Iowa class of people as
"were in the world, weavers and fullers. . . . . and as a
" result of this victory their pride was raised to such high
" rlegree, that one Fleming foot-soldier with spear in hand
"would have met two French cavaliers on horseback."
Thus writes ViIIani. 2 This stroke of divine vengeance
hould have brought Philip the Fair to his sen
es, or at
kaRt have made him suspect that his attacks upon the
Church were displeasing to God. He did not see return-
ing from Courtrai, his cousin and close adviser, the Count
of _\.rtois; nor Peter Flotte his chief minister; nor the
flower of the French cavalry; and this affair taught him a
salutary but a bitter lesson. This was a time in his reign
when he employed cunning more than tyranny. Flanders
was victorious, Ed ward was restless, the French people
were irritated, and Rome was threatening, yet he knew
how to navigate the ship of state on these troubled waters.
""e shall not speak of the way he did it, as that would
('ause us to digress, but we shall nlPntion only that mali-
dous cunning with which he manifested his most tender
compassion for the distress of the people, not in the reduc-
tion of taxes, nor the free ('our
e of justice, but in the
hypocritical cry raised against the Inquisitors of heresy.3
""e would not declare that these latter walkerl imlnaculate
before the Lord, but we will say undeniably that these
same Inquisitors a short time previous had been piously
exhorted by Philip the Fair to deal severely with heretics,
because it helped to make him appear zealous in the eyes
of Boniface. :Kow hf' compassionates his dear and faithftll
2.John Vi1l9.ni.. L. vnI, c, 5b.
I Martene. f'ollpct. amplis, Tom. V, " 5'11 et øeq.
366 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
subjects tortured by these same Inquisitors. Philip
wanted to estrange the people from the clergy.
Cardinal John Lemoine had been received in audience
on December 24th. He was sent as Legate to Philip with
the power of releasing him from censures, published not
against him in particular, but in general against all those
who had hindered the French prelates from going to
Rome. But before the Legate nloyed in the nlatter, Boni-
face in Rome negotiated with Charlrs of Valois and the
ambassador of Philip, to whom having presented twelye
accu
ations against the King, ohtained a pronlise fronl
them that to pach of the chargeR Philip would give the re-
quired sati
faction. The Legate
et out for France bearing
with him tIle twelve acrusations and the promise of
CharIeR and the amba
a(lor, if this promise at the end of
a month's time was not fulfil1ed, the Pope threatened to
resort to spiritual and temporal chastisements.
The Legate presented him
elf to Philip, and explainell
under twelve specifications the rpquests of the Pope, wllich
were the folJowing: 1st. The King should recan his pro-
hibition, direct or indirect. again
t the French Prelates
and Doctors repairing to llmne to attend the Synod con-
vened by the Pope ;-2nd, he should admit that the 'Pon-
tiff has the suprpme and chief power to confer any vacant
eccle
iastical benefice within or without the Roman Curia;
and in the bestowal of the same a layman coulf1 not obtain
the right without the tacit or expressed consent of the
Apostolic See ;-3rd, that the Roman Pontiff can senrl at
wiII Nuncios and I..egates to Princes in any empire or
kingdom, inrleppndently of any petition or consent ;-4th,
in spite of contrary usage anrl customs the adnIinistration
of pcclesia
tical gooòs shoulò only he in the hands of
clerics and not laymen, and the supreme administration
and di
pensation of them rested with the Apo
tolic See,
which with a certain nece
ary consent can di
po
e of
them, and impoRe a hunf1redth part, tithes or any oUlPr
tax ;-5th, that the I{ing and otlwr princes are forhidden
to
eize ecclesiastical goods and rights except tho
e con-
('l
ded by right or granted by the TIoly SPp, 31H1 to summon
hpforc his own tl'ilmnal pc('lesiastical per
;ons by reason
of proprrt:v or rights, wlwn they ar(' not hpld in fipf;-fith,
that thp King
hou]ù restore to the Prelates, and especially
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 367
to the monasteries, OYer which he had the right of custody,
the us
of the spiritual sword, and free jurisdiction, no
matter what privileges had been granted to the King and
his ministprs ;-7th, that the King should send to the Pope
his procurator with Rufficient power, and prepared in his
name to do the will of the Pontiff by apologizing for the
most gJ'Îf'VOUS insult to the Apostolic See, when he allowed
the Papal Bulls to he burned; anrl he should know that
he had determined to recall all the privileges formerly
g-ranted by the Apostolic See to the King, to his sons, to
his brothers, and to his nlinisters, that the punishmpnt for
such wickedness might serve as an example for posterity;
-8th, that the King should not abuse the rights of Re-
galia, and of custody over vacant sees; but the usual ex-
pf'nses bf'ing taken, the remainder of the revenues should
he faithfully resprved for future prelates.-9th, that he
should nlade amends for injuries, especially his adultera-
tion of tlu:> public money, of which within hrief intervals
he harl thrice l)f'en guilty of;-lOth, that he should remind
the I{ing of other abuses committed by him or hy Ids
ministers, and contained in sealed letters of which the
legate Janles de Kormans had been the hearer,-llth,
that the city and borough of Lyons with all jurisdiction,
and pure and nlixed government beIon
ed not to the I{ing.
hnt rather the Church of Lyons; ann he conunands hiln to
repair the injuries and offences given to tIle Archhishop,
the clerics, and their vassals; 12th, and finally if within
the space of tinle agreed to by Charlps his brothel' and his
amhassadors he difl not begin to correct the above men-
tioned abuses, and satisfy the ApostoJic See, he the Sn-
prelllf' Pontiff, would proceec1 to spiritual and tenlporal
ehastisements. 4 Kow anyone can see from these articles
how rigorously Boniface entrenched himself in the right
of the Church recognized by the puùlic ch-n law of the
times; and how he revoked that which his predecessors
had granted as a privilege to the Fl'l>nch kings in the
matter of the bestowal of ecch'siaHtical heupfÌ<'es.
Philip met tlwRe charges WitIl that lllalltJe whit'h the
artifices of lawyers and th(' cunning of ('oul.tiel'H have evpr
ready to throw over a Prince, when he is intent on plun-
· Brov. Ann. Raynaldus. year 1303, n. 34.
368 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE ;VUI.
del'. lie replied, as Natalis Alexander says, with incred-
ible modesty: That the war against the Flemings in diffi-
cult anù trouùlesome times had hindered the transport of
money, arms, and horses outside of his kingdom; and in
this he made use of a right which he believed he held in
common with other princes.
It should not displease the Pontiff, in case he truly
loved the King and the realm, if he had opposed the Prel-
ates leaving France, because they should be near him to
assist him by word and deed in his defence of both Church
and State in such troublesome times; and yet he had never
drnied permission to those who lawfully and honestly
wished to go to the Roman Curia. lIe provided that those
having gone to Rome contrary to his wishes should have
a free passage, and that when they would return to their
sees, their benefices should be restored to them out of
reverence for the Apostolic See. By right and custom
regarding the bestowal of benefices, he conferred them like
his predecessors from remote times. He granted a free
entry to Papal Nuncios and Legates, so long as they were
not suspected by the I{ing, and there were not other just
reasons for preventing them. He took possession of the
goods of the Church in cases only where they were granted
either by custom or by right; he sumnloned clerics to his
tribunals only in those cases in which it had been lawful
to his predecessors. He had never prohibited nor would
he prohibit the exercise of the spiritual sword hy the prel-
ates whenever right. and custom justified it. It was true
the Papal letters were burned, but not in contempt of the
Holy See; it was commonly admitted that, not relating to
spiritual but purely material things in the court of the
King, this Bull was without value, and consequently had
been thrown into the flames as useless so that none might
abuse it. He made no innovation regarding the Regalia!
he made use of them without abuse like St. Louis and his
other predecessors. Acting within his rights, for the needs
and urgent defence of the kingdom, he had changed the
public money, but he made reparation forthwith on peti-
tion of his subjects. Concerning the grievances set forth
ill the lettel's given to James de Norlnans, he was most
reac1y to indemnify the churches, the bishops, the barons
and thp people for all the damages which his officers
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 369
might have caused them; he would make a rigorous in-
quiry into the past, and to prevent others in the future,
he had published most salutary ordinances. If the Arch-
bishop of Lyons had suffered in any way, it was his own
fault, because he had refused to swear fidelity to the King;
still he was about to negotiate with him concerning the
di
puted rights, in order that everyone may know that
content within the limits of his own power, he respects
those of the Church. Finally he entreated the Roman
Pontiff not to injure the liberty, the privileges, and the
royal induIts, and not to sever those kind relations which
always existed between the French kingdom and the
Roman See. )Ioreover if his replies were not satisfactory
to his Holiness, and if there still lay hiddpll a spark of dis-
cord, he would be willing to a bide by the decision of the
Dukes of Burgundy and Brittany, being accepted by him
as arbiters, owing to their honesty and devotion to the
Roman Ree.
A prince who believed that without a scruple he could
falsify the public money, and doing so was acting within
his rights; and that he could, like a miscreant, throw into
the fire without a shadow of sin, the Papal letters, under
the pretext that they did not treat of spiritual things, cer-
tainly could not understand that princes had no right over
the goods of churches, or in the collation of benefices; and
finally that what his predecessors had done by virtue of
Papal concessions and privileges, could be denied him by
the Pope by the withdrawal of these privileges. That
Boniface had excellent reasons for withdrawing them,
everyone will know who peJ'ceives, up to this time, Philip
pa:-5S f]'om violence to the holùest impudence and to a hypo-
crisy. sufficient to weary the patif'nce of a saint. So for
p:ood reason, when Boniface had received the answers of
Philip, and after having them well examined and discussed
in his pl'P
ence by distinguished prelates and doctors of
(livinity and law, he wrote to the Legate: 5 that some of
the an
wers did not agree with the truth; others were so
ohseuJ'pd llY verbosity as to be worthless, and others ex-
preH
f'd such evasion and delay that they held the mind
uHelessly in suspense. But that in order to manifest the
Ii Letter of Rubeus, Life of Boniface VIII, page 201.
370 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
purity of his intentions, and that he acted openly, and not
in the dark, he proposed to have recourse to the advice of
the Dukes of Bretagne and Burgundy, according as his
own honor and that of the Apostolic See would permit.
He wrote these things from the Lateran Palace April 15th,
and ended the letter by threats of spiritual and temporal
chastisements, and exhorted the Legate to acquaint him
by person and not by letter of the result of the negotia-
tions.
This letter contained threats of particular censures, but
not a sentence of excommunication. Now why does Nata-
lis Alexander, place in the hand of Boniface the thunder-
bolt of excommunication, and have him hurl it against
Philip while he was trying to effect an agreement? He
was learned in history, and why this location of events,
or rather dislocation of them, unless it is from a desire to
incriminate the Pope by accusing him of having used un-
justly and inopportunely his authority against Philip '?
These are not the times of canonical disputes, nor the
times to sacrifice historical truth for the friendship of
Cæsar. Let u.s proceed more orderly. Boniface did not
resort to extreme measures until the 13th of April, that is
two months after he had received the royal reply, and
forty-nine days after he had written a letter to Charles,
the brother of Philip, in which he exhorted him to prevail
upon Philip to moderate that reply. 'Vith the letters of
the Pontiff under one's eyes, it is easy, from the date of
their issue, to place his.acts in an orderly series. Could
not the learned disputant Natalis Alexander have done
this, or was he unwiUing to do so?
l\Ioreover it is not to be denied that the above men-
tioned letter to the Legate, and another addressed to the
Dukes of Burgundy and Brittany,6 where there was still
question of an agreelnent, were carried into France by
:Nicholas Benf'fratte, Archdeacon of Constance. To this
letter was joined a solemn sentence of excommunication
against the King, to be published in all the provinces of
tlH
kingdom. This envoy was also charged to summon
again to his tribunal aU those prp]atps and doctors, who
had refused to come to Rome at the time of the first con-
6 History of Diff., page 95.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
371
vocation; and to pronounce a special sentence of deposi-
tion and deprivation of every dignity against any hi
hops
who would not appear in his presence at a stated time. 7
But the excommunication and the other punishments w(>r
to be resorted to only when all means of agreeInent and
su bmission faiJed. So that Benefratte carried two kinds
of documents, one gentle in tone in hope of peace, the
other severe in despair of a remedy. "T e shall tell later on
how these arts at the same time were given publicity.
The time was finally conle when the tightened knot was
ither to be loosened by reason, or broken by force. Nicho-
las Benefratte entered France, and as soon as he arrived
at Troyes he was set upon by the satellites of the King,
who probably were placed there for that purpose. They
robbed him of the Papal letters, and then violently cast
him into prison. 8 The Legate Lemoine would have liked
to protest strongly against this violence, but it was better
to remain silent, because Philip was more powerful than
hp, and was moreover in this matter disposed to mak
use
of his rights, like the rights which the robber feels in the
dagger and the wild beast in its claws. :Kay more, sur-
I'oun(led a
he was by spies, perhaps so as not to pollute
the respected majesty of an aInbassador with the obscene
contact of spies, and convinced by the brutal violence ex-
ercised against Benefratte that all hope of harmony was
gone, he fled secretly to return to Rome.
\fter the departure of the Legate and the imprisonment
of Benefratte, Philip remained alone with the stolen
letters of Boniface, hesitating what to do on the brink of
a pt.ccipice \yhich he had constructed with his own hands.
A perm
al of the letters mad
known to him his condemna-
tion. He could not disguise the fact that the terrible hur-
den of excommunication, with which he had hitherto heen
only threatened, at last rested heavily on his soul. How
7 History of Diff.. page 9B.
8 Natalis Alexander who accused Boniface of bf'ing too hasty with ex-
communication, narrates this infamous imprisonment with the greatest
coolnesR: "Qui (Xicolaus) Pontificis diploma tibus interceptis, Trecis
comprehensu"l in carcerem conjectus est Regia jussione, frustra postulante
Legate ut libertate donaretur." We believe in truth that if the article
was not ended there, Alexander would have extolled Philip for this. He
had the buldne"", to do RO.
372 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
this anathellla was likely to be to him a source of a mo
t
cruel elnbarrassment before the eyes of a nation oppressed
and impoverished by his robberies. The Barons and the
Bishops, seizing the opportunity, could at the same time
harass him, and take revenge upon him for curtailing
their power. There came perhaps to his mind the memory
of Henry of Germany who was driven from his throne,
and had anathemas hurled against him by Gregory VII.
But Philip ruled a people in whom the most exalted love
of country swiftly succeeded to the ardent desire of do-
mestic revenge; a people who although rent, oppressed
and divided by most furious factions, yet when attacked
from without presented a bold and undivided front to
repel the foreigner. A malicious report was spread that
Boniface in his defence of ecclesiastical liberty intended
to injure that of the French kingdom, and subject it as a
:fief of the Church, Boniface was thus made to appear
in the eyes of the French an ambitious Pontiff, who mak-
ing his spiritual authority subservient to his temporal in-
terests, attacked their country in order to enslave it, and
forcibly drive their king fronl the throne in order to make
it his footstool. And even if any idea of fear had existed
in Philip's mind, the thought prevailed that when a prince
is so well entrenched in injusticp, those who could restrain
him, sooner t ban oppose a generous resistance, choose
:rather to aid him, in order to enjoy in the tranquillity of
servitude the shameful honors he thrusts upon them.
Philip did not remain long undecided. He was not
wanting in advisers, nor was he devoid of expedients when
he was intent on usurpation. lIe assembled the orders of
the kingdom in the palace of the Louvre on the 13th of
June. The reader "ill remember what we have said else-
where ahout these assemblies under a king of the charac-
ter of Philip. The ordinary purpose of this assembly of
the States General was to take counsel for the safety of
the state, to obtain money, or to submit to their delibera-
tions similar matters. On the present occasion they were
not summoned around the throne of Philip for any other
purpose but to judge the Pontiff, to wrest from his hands
the holy Keys, to gain time by an appeal to Councils and
future Popes, and to evade the power of the Church which
could not be destroyed, because divine, nor made to yield,
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 373
because it was exercised by a most vigorous hand. All
the acts of this assembly were decided in advance, all that
remained was to justify the arbitrary violence by the forms
of a false justice. Seated with the Barons in that assem-
bly were the Bishops and .\..bbots, and they presented a
pitiful appearance. They came fronl the churches which
they had surrendered to the custody of a prince, even sold
them, either through abject fear, or through courtly blan-
dishments which had softened th
m. They knew by WhOlll
and for what purpose they had been called to that place;
they knew that fronl the rock of the Yatican the Vicar
of Christ was observing them. They heard the lamenta-
tions of the churches despoiled of that liberty, which had
ùeen defended by the sweat and blood of so many priests;
ùut one voice ran through that assemùly! "If you do not
release unto us Barrabas,
you are no friend of Cæsar."
-and at these words, deserting the sanctuary, they at-
tached themselves to a throne established, not on a firm
rock, but on the changeable and unsteady foundation of
human vicissitudes.
'Yilliam de Plasian a knight, advanced to the centre of
that assemùly, with his hand perhaps over his heart to
check its throbbings; his head bent in horror of the vile
aeensations he was to beget; and his eyes perhaps suffused
with some tears of compassion for Holy )lother Church.
He bad at his sides as agents, to sustain the accusations,
Louis, Count of Evreux, brother of the King; Guy, Count
of St. Paul; and John, Count of Dreix. He commenced
his harangue by a venomous diatribe against Boniface, in
which frolll torrent of villainous abuse the following accu-
sations against the Pontiff are collected: 9 Boniface was
tainted with heresy; he did not believe in the immortality
of the soul nor in the life to come, nor in the Real Pres-
ence of Jesus Christ in the Eucharist. He practised the
diabolical art of sorcery and enchantments; he had pub-
lidy preached that the Roman Pontiff can not be guilty
of the sin of simony; he was an intruder in the Papal See,
being thp murderer of Pope Celestine; hp indulged in
II God be praised; N atalis Alexander when he wrote the IVth artic1e of
the IVth dissprtation, was in such a state of reason and justice as to find
that these accusations were black calumnies "immania accusationum,
immo calumniarum capita."
374 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
heinou
sins; he was a hideous defender rather than a
reprover of fornication; he was a jesting violator of fast-
ing and abstinence; he was insatiable of riches acquired
hy simony, for the advancement of his relation
; he con-
demned ecclesiastical cerelnonies and all holy things; he
was a calumniator of prelates and the religions orders; he
was guilty of blind implacable hatred against the King
and the kingdom of France; he was the fomenter of re-
bellion against the majesty of the King. In confirmation
of these charges he cited the forged indictment of 'YIIlialll
ogaret against the Pope, and boldly placed his hand on
the Rook of the Gospels, swearing solemnly to the truth
of a11 the charges. Silence reigned in the hall; even the
clergy remained silent. De Plasian continued in a loud
voire, that he was moved to these accusations not out of
any hatred for Boniface, but by ardent zeal for the Faith,
and by devotion to Holy :Mother Church; that he appealed
to a general council, to the IIoly and Apostolic See, and
to all those to whom it appertained, saving always the
l'ights and honor of the Holy See. (Surely at this, me-'
thinks, the holy man should have crossed his arms on his
hreast, and bowed his head). Then turning towards the
I
ing, he besought hinI, in his quality as defender of
IIoly
Iother Church, and of the Catholic Faith, and the
prelates who should sit as judges in the council, to use
their every endeavor to convoke the council. Such was
the result of the first two meetings of the States. 10
In that a
semLly there were five Archbishop
, namely
of Nicosia in Cyprus, of Rheims, of Sens, of X arbonlle, of
Tours; twenty-one hishops; eleven abbots, alnong them
thosp of Cluny, of Premontre, and of Citeaux. These
were horrifipd at the calumnies of Plasian, and hence they
refusf'd to be a party to the accusations; but condescend-
ing to the demands of the King and the Barons, they
favored the convocation of a council, to lnake clearer, (as
they said) the innocence of the Pope. Their words were
accompanied by the ardent and usual formulas of devotion
to the 1I0ly See, and they invoked a rigorons oùservance of
the Canons and the statutes of the Fathers. :\Ioreover
because they feared the Pope, and they had good reason
10 Hist. du Diff. 107.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 375
for it, in order to evade just puni
hlnent for their lliighty
tlnd shameful (1pfeetion, on the 15th of June they pre
pnte(l
to the King a documpnt with thirty-two seals attachpd,
in which they promiRed him aid and favors in case Boni-
face proceede(l against their insolent appeal. The King
pl'onlised his protection to them and all who would attach
themselves to his cause. And behold in the twinkling of
an eye the ramparts of the Church levelled to the ground,
and Episcopate enfeoffed to the King, the sacrifice of
ecclesiastical Uberties consummated, the Pontiff enchainpd
hy his brethren. and ignominiously hetrayed to the tribu-
nal of a Council convoked by Philip the Fair, and in which
be proposed to take part. 1l
On the 24th of Junp an immense crowd of laymen and
eec lesiastics flocked to the garden of the royal palace. The
King there acknowledged his acts. He ordered the seques-
tration of the goods of all the prelates and other members
of tbe clergy who were found outside of the kingdom; be
published the appeal to a Council; and this was the Lirth-
day of the inviolable liberties of the Gallican Church. The
royal edict was scattered profusely througbout the king-
dom; and all Lowed the head to this most Christian King,
crying out that they appealed to a future Ecumenical
Council to he convened, and to the legitimate Pope tbat
was to he chosen. The Church of Paris appealed, the
eniversity of Paris appealed, the Friars Preachers ap-
pealed, and we know not how nlany others, for this nlost
reasonable and most holy purpose of not incurring the
resentment of the King. 12 Some religious of )Iontpellh
l',
sustained and encouraged by Fra Raymond, thpir provin-
cial, refused to appeal and were hanished by Pl1ilip. The
same fate befell tbo
e few others who haò the conrage to
re8i
t the will of the insensate dpspot.
u('h Wf're all the
Italian bishops, who were in France, and tIle Abbot of
Citeaux, whoni he imprisoned. In order that the reader
may know what tbis appeal to a council signified, (the
learned will paròon us; we write al
o for those ignorant
of thesp things), it is np('essary for us first to hear what
a reprobate Boniface was in the eyes of the Frpnch.
11 Persona liter intendit interesse. Nat. Alexanrler, Art. IY, n. l.
12 Rist. duo Diff. Iü3. "Ke indignationem Domini nostri Regis incur-
rere . . . . . . possitis."-
376 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
The news of scandalous conventicles held in France, and
an appeal made to a general council and to his successor,
was made known to Boniface not by the legatrs, ùut proù-
ably by SOlne victims who escaped from the hands of
Philip. Accused by an infamous calumny of the grosse
t
depravity, he an old nIan, a more than octog'pnarian; ac-
cused of disbelieving the dogmas which he had so long and
so strongly defpnded, he felt his heart pierced by grief,
not so nluch through dangpr to his reputation, as through
the excesses and irreverence of a ppople, which still called
itself Christian and Catholic. N either times nor circum-
stances permitted him to remain silent. Duty ohligpd
hÎIn to speak, not so much to defend himself, as to show
that his sovereign dignity was not lowered nor crushed
by the vile slanders of a mad prince. On the 15th of
August in a sermon in full consistory he cleared himself
with a solemn oath of all the crimes with which he was
charged in France. Then he dispatched various constitu-
tions, one of which, in order to provide against the violence
of Philip, declared that the citations to appear before the
Apostolic See made to kings and emperors, or any other
persons whatever, even if intercepted or not received,
would have their full effect, as they would be affixed to the
A postolic Palace, and to the doors of the principal church
of the place where the Papal Court then resided. It be-
gan with these words: (( Rent non noram ag.r;redimllr. JJ
And ùy two others he deprived the Doctors of the Univer-
sity of Paris of the faculty of teaching and conferring
degrees of the licentiate and doctorship; and he l'e8erved
to hÎInself the provision of all the vacant churches in
France, until Philip would suùmit to the Holy See. On
the 1st of Septemùpr be published from Anagni for a per-
petual memorial of the thing, the following: "'Ve have
"been inforlued of the acts committed in France on St.
"John's day in the garden of the ro
ral palace; we know
"the crÎIlles of which we have been accused; we know of
"the rpqupstf'd conyocation of a Council, and of the ap-
"peal to this same council, in order to prev('nt us frOln
" pl'oceeding against the King, the harons, and the French
" prelates. "T e know of the league entered into hetween
" PhiJip and the prelates, to relieve them of all subjection
" to us; we know the friendly welcome extended to Stephen
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 377
"Colonna, our enemy. Reflecting upon the
e things, it
"will be seen that by men, whose tongue was in mire
"whilst their eyes were fixed on Heaven, we have been
"accused of heresy, our reputation has been blackened
" with as many crimes as their imagination could invent."
" But," continues the distressed Pontiff, " when was it ever
"heard that we were tainted with heresJ? 'Yho shall
"say that our family, and all Canlpania whence We'
"
prung, were ever suspected of such? I t is certain that
"yesterday and before, as long as we were indulging him
" with favors, we were considered as Catholic by this same
"king, but to-day he covers us with infamy. Whence
" comes this sudden change? 'Yhence this irreverence of
"a son? Let the whole world know that the relnedies
"which we wished to prescriùe for his correction, for the
" cure of the wounds ef his sins, and the bitterness of the
"penance by which we wished to cleanse them, put in his
" hands the arnlS of fraud, and have cast hiIn into the fire
"of infidelity. Certainly we are greater than a Bishop
" of
Iilan, and a king of France is less than a Yalentinian
" Augustus; yet this humble and Catholic emperor was not
" ashamed to submit, as a sinner, to the bishop of l\Iilan,
"and to accept, the remeòies which the charity of the
"holy bishop had offered. But Philip, this new 8en-
" l1acherib tossing his head in derision, let him tremble at
" the words addressed to Sennacherib :-' 'Vhom clost thou
"dishonor? ",Yhom dost thou blaspheme? Against whom
" hast thou raised thy proud face and voice? _\gainst the
"Holy One of Israel.'-This holy one of Israel is the
" Yicar of God, the successor of Peter, to whom was said:
í( Thou art Peter and 'Upon this rock I will build my
" C'hurch, and the gates of Hell shall not pre'Cail against
(( it
. and 'lChaÜwever thO'lt shalt bind 'Upon parth shall be
,( bound in HeaDen." -Hence he who will not follow the'
" hark of Peter will be lost in the storn1, and he who fol-
"lows should submit to the orùers of the pilot. Lately
"in his letters he called us most holy Father in Christ;
" now whereas the voice of conscience and the 0 hligation
" of our pa
tol'al office will not allow us to defer correc-
"tion any longer, tlns well-hploved but vain Ron, puffed
" up and arrogant, reùel
against us, anù adds to former,
" new and viler abuse. "\Yhat! Has the state of the Church
378 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
" changed? Has the authority of the Roman Pontiffs
"sunk into the mire, that thi
waJ? will henceforth hp
"wide open to kings and princes? In a Rhort courRe of
" time it would occur that to escape the chastisenlf'nts of
"the Homan Pontiff to humble his sovereign power, he
"would be treated as a heretic, as soon as he raised hi
"hand to keep them in bounds. Prompt Inust be the remp.
"diPR for such contagious errors; promptly must the
"sword be drawn to suppress the wicked example, other-
"wise kings and princes at each tightening of the rein,
" would not refrain from blaspheming the Sovereign Pon-
"tiff, and appealing to the convocation of councils with-
" out a head. Punishment must be promptly given. if all
" hope of repentance is lost, so that God n1ay not demand
"their blood from our hands."-These were the last words
that were uttered by the mouth of Boniface. 13
On the 8th of September Boniface published finally the
bull of excon1munÏcation against Philip. and the first
words were the following: "Seated by divine dispensa-
"tion on the high throne of Peter, we hold the place of
"IIim to whom the Father said: Thou art Iny son, thiR
" day have I begotten thee. Ask of me and I will give thee
"as a heritage, and place in thy power the utmost parts
" of the earth; thou shalt rule then1 with a rod of iron, and
"shall break them in pieces like a potter's vessel. "-Anù
this to admonish kings, and teach the judges of the earth;
Then he mentioned the faults of Philip, and excommuni-
cated him, and ordered the Papal Bull to be affixed to the
doors of the Church of Anagni.
The reader will observe, that even if Philip and all the
crowd of courtiers, clerics and laymen, had erred in noth-
ing but in an appeal to a Council, he deserved to be ex-
communicated, because in breaking with the Pontiff, he
fell into schism and dragged with him into the abyss the
entire Church of Francp. Certain authors, theologians 01"
lawyers, we know not how to call thPIn, have often dis-
puted the question of an appeal from the PopP to a coun-
cil, and have been divided as to whether the one is supe-
rior to the other, from which opinion is derived the other
of the legitimacy or illegitin1acy of these appeals.
II See document Q.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 379
"re shall repeat here what we have said elsewhere on
another point, namely that we do not wish to swell the
ranks of either one of the two parties in dispute; but
rather turning aside we prefer to ask human reason, what
teachings flow from this truth: that the true Church of
Christ has a 8upreme head, who is the Vicar of Christ
himsplf. The two parties agree on this trnth, and how
then do they arrive at opposite consequences? The reader
will see this in the explanation we propose to give, not as
a theologian or a jurist, hut only as a reasonable Inan.
The fallibility of judges in every society concedes the
right of appeal to a superior tribunal. But the necessity
of not arresting the course of justice, and the fear of de-
stroying the force and dignity of the laws, has placed a
necessary limit to successive appeals, and has constituted
a judge from whom there is no possible appeal, and when-
ever done, this appeal is considered an open rebellion
against the laws. This supreme judge then should be
invested with permanent authority, and always ready to
receive the appeals, so that injustice be not allowed to
triumph, nor power to languish in a scandalous inaction
through tlle uncertainty of law and the want of a decision.
In fact, not to go out of France, if a Frenchman injured
in his goo(ls or rights by a sentence of the King would
have appealed to a tribunal or judge higher than the King
himself, Philip certainly would have imposed silence on
this rash appellant by delivering him to the gibbet. For
by the fact of appeal he would have questioned the title
of the Prince as the sovereign head of the kingdom, and
would ba,e robbed hinl of his power. :x ow a Catholic,
who of his own free will is a Catholic, freely believing that
the Church is a human society endowed by God in its rul-
ing body with an infallihle authority, although the in-
dividuals charged with its dil'petion luay bp subject to
error, if on account of this fallibility this Catholic recog-
nizes that he and his core1igionists have the right of ap-
ppal to a superior judgp, then Jikewise h(' ought to believe
tlmt tllel'e is in th(' [1hur('h also a supreme judge, before
whom this right resolyes its('lf into hlind submission. So
fa [' t lIP opposing tJwologians ngr(>e. Rut they commence
10 sf'pm'atp ns soon ns thpy Un(lpl"takp to flf>("id(' who is this
suprenle judge. Some hold he is th(' f':over
ign Pontiff,
380 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
while others say it is a future council. 14 But we think
that in the opinion of the latter there is a contradiction.
He who appeals, submits himself and the judge) with whom
he is dissatisfied, to the judge to whom he appeals; there-
fore before the council, the appellant and the Pontiff are
equally amenable, and in this condition the Pontiff will be
and will not ùe at the same time the supreme Pastor of
the Church. If, at the first cry of appeal he lowers him-
self to the condition of party, how can he at the same time
raise the voice of pastor and sovereign judge to convoke
an assembly of pastors who could not stir if he were
silent? Besides a future council to be convoked, (we
speak of a general council), is wanting in the quality and
principal characteristic of a sovereign judge of appeal,
that is to say, it is not invested with an authority perma-
nent and uninterrupted which permits it to reply to the
first request of the appellant. A council is a very uncer-
tain tribunal, and events sometimes render it impossible.
A\ plague, a war and other circumstances which would
hinder a convocation of bishops, would close for a long
time this tribunal to the appellant; and in the meantime
the authority of the Church would remain mute and un-
certain, the laws would be violated, and crime would go
unpunished. If then the opinion of appealing to a coun-
cil was true, either the bishops would be obliged to re-
main perpetually in session in order to judge and define,
or the faithful be ever fluctuating on points of faith and
morals, But Christ established the bishops to rule the
particular churches, and not to form permanent councils.
He has constituted a judge, who, by the universality of
hi
power, sits at the pinnacle of the Church, and arrests
the course of ascending appeals, and he is the Sovereign
Pontiff.
If someone, alarmC'd at the human peccahility of this
judge and forgetting that he liveR among men and not
angels, would wish to appeal to a higher tribunal, we
would advise him for the love of God and of r('a
on to
submit in the same manner that he would submit to a
civil prince through fear of the haltf'r or guillotine.
Hence, in that which concerns Boniface, PhiJip did not
14 This work was written before the Vatican Council, in which the
question who is the supreme judge was forever settled,-Translator's note.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 381
appeal to a Council, but he himself judged and condemned
the Pontiff. lIe invoked the Council and the future legi-
timate Pope, because he judged Boniface whom he already
considered a false Pope. Now, this sentence of the ille-
gi1 imacy of the Papacy of Boniface, from whom did it
emanate? If it came from a legitimate tribunal, why
appeal to a Council, whence it might emanate? If on the
contrary from a illegitimate tribunal, that is to say, from
the asselnbly of the Louvre, it should have judged and
condemned Philip, and by no means Boniface, who in the
opinion of these same Gallicans, did not cease to be thp'
legitimate Pope, until pronounced so by an unappealable
trihunal. Among the defenders of Philip, Bossuet was an
appf'llant. Once there lived in Italy a King called Theo-
doric, a Goth, and consequently considered a barbarian, an
Arian in religion, beset by the followers of the anti-pope
Lawrence, who accused Symmachus, the legitimate Pope
of heinous crimes, and besought the King to send a bishop
to inquire into the affairs of the Pope. The King sent on
this mission, Peter bishop of Altina. But Symmachus
convoked a synod of all the bishops of Italy, not for the
sake of being judged, but of being solemnly vindicated.
The Arian king coöperated actively in this convocation,
and admonished the bishops that they were as
embled pre-
cisely because be did not wish to intrude in the affairs of
the Church. 'Yhen they were all assembled before him,
th('y boldly asked him why they were summoned, they
who were so infirm and so worn out by years. The Arian
replied: "To establish the innocence of Symmachus by
your judgment." Strangely surprised, the holy prelates
protested that they could not be called together except by
the order of that Pope who was accused, and pleaded their
incompetence to judge his Apostolic see, which was above
them. Rut reassureù by Symmachus, who appeared among
then}, that it was he who assembled them, they imnledi-
at('ly restored the Pontiff to the dignity of which he had
ùe('n deprived by the Schismatics,15 and they would not
even examine the charges against him, If'aving it to him-
Rl'lf whethpI" to answer or not the complaints of his ene-
nlips. Theodoric, informed of tIle facts, approved of them
Ii Council Rom. apud. Labbc, Tom. 5, concH. colI. 501-502,
382 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
fully, and pronounced this sentence which should be en-
graved on the crown of all the kings of the earth: (( In
,( ecclesia:$ticol affairs 1 hare no other right but 're'Ver-
" (''/lee.'' 16 These Italians bishops came out of the sanctu-
ary, and not from the royal court; and this prince although
a heretic, had however a deep sense of justice and right.
'Ye offer this explanation as pertinent to the appeal of
the French to a general council.
Philip was aware that he could lodge the cry of an ap-
peal, but could not assemble a general council to receive
him as an appellant. The Church is not confined to the
fron tiers of France. 'Yherefore if the French bishops
were dragged to a council by the royal satellites, notwith-
standing the
ilence and without the order of the pontiff,
the remainder of the episcopate could not bf? SUlllIDOned;
and then Philip would have to be contented with his coun-
cil in thf' garden of the Louvre. He wished to seize a
right, but he found in his hands the sword, ,vhich is the
right of forcf', and he resolved to use it. He entered into
a diabolic counsel with N ogaret and
ciarra Colonna, a
most profligate wretch, in which a nefarious crime was
planned, which we would not have the courage to narrate,
were it not that others had done so previously.
A handful of
atellites sent by Philip crossed the Alps
into Italy. At their head marchC'd Nogaret, Du Plasian
and Sciarra Colonna, animated by the sanle fury of the
I{jng, and thirsting for revenge. To hidf' their purpose
they falsely announced that they had come to negotiate a
pf'ace between the Pope and Philip. Believing that the
money they carrierl was insufficif'nt, they brought with
them royal letter
of credit on the Petrnccis, Florentine
bankers. 17 Ro true is it that it is in the destiny of our
unfortunate country, that the foreign treacheries of which
it is the victim, have been bought by gold, anrl achieved
hy the treason of her own children. They arrived in Tus-
cany, and assenlLled near Siena in the casth
of Staggia,
1 he property of
I usaccio Franzese, who had come from
France, says Yillani,18 to serve as guide for Charlf's, and
hy his eonnsf'ls h
l(l powerfully contributed to the ruin
of affairs at FI01'enCf'. Although the author
who Lf'-
U!" N"ec aliquid ad se prater reyerentiam de ecclesiasticis negotiis
pertinere." . . . . 17 Rossi. Life of Boniface. 18 Book 8. chap. 48.
I
.....
.-.
-
'1'111: 01 TH.\(;J.: .\'1' .\:\.\1;:\1, I:O:\IF.\(,I-: \"111 .\:'\11 111:-' .\S:-'.\II..\:\TS,
-:-1
I
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 383
lieved l\Iusaccio to be French are contradicted by Bail-
let,19 we are not allowed to follow their opinion, owing to
the clear and precise terms of Villani. In that castle a
,yicked council was held; and there is not doubt that the
death of Boniface was plotted. From the height of that
fortress the dastardly satellites of Philip of France, took
otcasion to plan their crÏIne and prepared the means.
Three of their accomplices John
Iouchet, Thier d'Biri-
con, and James di G,esserin, traversed the cities of the
patrimony of St. Peter to sound the dispositions of the
I)('ople, anf} pI'Ppare their minds in favor of the Kings,
whence tlwy would he less amazed at what was about to
happen. They called in aid the Ghibellines; they won oyer
the wicked by nloney, and they quieted the good with the
lying pretpxt of conling as ambassadors of peace. The
sons of John of Cessano, imprisoned by Boniface; those
of
Iaffeo of Anagni; Hinaldo of Snpino, governor of Fer-
entino, and other barons of the province of Campania,
offered their services to the French. 'Y]}iIe still dispersed
throngh Tuscany there rpmained the dishonorable soldiers
of Charlps of ''''alois, called into Italy at so great a price,
and with promises by Boniface, not having anything better
to do thf'Y of1'ere(} their servicf's to
ogaret to coöperate
in his horrible sacrilege; and those arms so d('arly bought
for the dpfenee of the Holy See, now ar(' turned against
the pontifical breast of Boniface. A terrible proof that
tlw assistance of a stranger is always fatal to those who
l'ek it in their own home.
Nogaret had at his disposal a good number of soldiers.
8darra had collected three hundred cavalry, and some
companies of infantry, to which werf' added two hundred
more of cavalry, detached from the army of Valois; and
tlw number in all was about eight hundred armed men.
Th(' gold of France flowed at Anagni, where the Pontiff
was holding his court; and this shameful motive power
of so many actions there exercised its fatal influence on
hearts.
Iany of the chief men of the town, sonle cardinals
of the Ghibelline party, the vpry domestics and servants
of th(' Pope entered into the dpsignR of thf> ('on
piratOJ'R.
Unrelenting history sllOnh1 nwntion among these second-
1. Hist. d{> Demelez, page 211.
38-! HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
ers, Richard of Siena, and Napoleon Orsini; she should
tie them to the pillory and dishonor them before all ages;
loaded with benefits by Boniface they betraJTed him with
the most barefaced ingratitude. It is easy to explain the
mystery and the rapidity with which corruption had crept
into the pontifical palace, when we reflect that elective
governments greatly arouse ambitions and the love of
novelty; that the inflexible severity of Boniface had per-
haps re
trained some wrongdoers too much; and finally
the most holy counsels of religions and honesty, are pow-
erless in factional hatreds.
Thirsting the most for vengeance, and knowing better
the locality, Sciarra Colonna with three hundred cavalry
and a small company of infantry, was the first to advance,
and he secretly reconnoitred the environs of Anagni. 20
Boniface noticed nothing for the reason that he did not
believe that the bloody era of Nero, in which the Pontiffs
were persecuted by the sword, could possibly return.
During the night, the gates of the town were opened and
the French entered Anagni, displaying the banner of the
lilies of France, and shouting-: "Death to Boniface, long
live the King of France." The people of Anagni betray-
ing this Pontiff, their countryman, followed them, and re-
peated their cries. The house of Peter Gaetani, nephew
of the Pope was taken and plundered, On the 7th of
Septenlber at the break of day, the brutal satellites rushed
against the doors of the palace, where a venerable old
man, protected by the sanctity of his office of supreme
Pastor, was quietly sleeping. The noise of the tumult,
and the influence of money had left his palace deserted.
The Cardinals fled in disguise to save their lives; only two
rc>nlained, whose courage showed itself greater than this
nnheard of and terrible misf.ortune; they were Nicholas
Boecassini, Bishop of Ostia, and Peter of Spain, Bishop of
Raùina. Thus aroused and startled by the approach of
danger, the troubled Pontiff looked around and found
himself almost alone. But he remained himself, and that
sufficed. He asked a truce from Sciarra, and he obtained
only nine hours, during which he strove to prevail upon
the inhabitants of Anagni to liberate him, but in vain.
:10 Ferreti, Vie. Rist. Book 3.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 385
Then, he delllanded of the proud Colonna what he wanted
of hinl. Thirsting for vengeance, and gratified at the
plight of the Pontiff, he replied in writing: "Let my
" brothel', Iny uncle, and an the memhers of our family be
" restored to their former rank, and let you renounce the
"Papacy." The noble Pontiff refused; then he remained
silent, his heart being moved by the thought of the extremi-
ties to whit:h the cruel Sciarra would be carried. In fact
the French de
pairing of succeeding in their purpose by in-
timidation, furiously had recourse to violence.
The doors of the Pontifical palace had been closed, and
fortified as it was it resisted the attacks of the assailants.
Rut as it was joined to the Cathedral of Anagni, in order
to {'nter, tlwy opened a way through the Church, which
thpy HPt OIl fi1'(,. Gaptani, a npphew of Boniface, hore the
firHt shoek, llUt after having fought courageously he and
his retainprs were obliged to Hurrenfler. The rehels ad-
yan('pd, Ipaving ùehind the pl'ofan('fl cathpdl'aI; tIl(, flmnes
which w(,l'e cOllsun1Ïng it, cast a weird light on the bodies,
lying dead around, of those who perished in the fray,
anlon
whom was the Archbishop elect of Strigonia. The
evening of this infernal clay arrived; and the darkness of
the night favored thi
horde of robbers who invested the
palace. The venerahle Pontiff retired to his apartments,
and there awaited death. SOlne tears trickled down his
ehp{'lu;; but scarcely had lIe heard the windows and doors
of his palaee hrok('n, and had seen the light of the con-
lIagl'ation, than feeling a!';hmned of his tears, he dried
them, and said to two eccle
iastics who were beside hinl:
'
ow since I have heen hetrayed like
Tesus Christ, and
"fleIivered into th(' ]1alH18 of my enemies to be put to
"death, I desire and wi
h to die as Sovereign Pontiff."
..\nd after saying thi
, he put on the pontifical cloak; he
placed the tim'a on his head, he heIrl the holy key
in his
1lands, together with the cross which he ki
sea and pressed
to his heart, in order that he might draw from it that
power and strength which Christ gave to it to overcome
error and injustice. So clothed in the Pontifical robe!'!,
and prepared to Ine(\t death, he a!'!cended his throne and
thf're
at; the two ('ardinals shi('Jded him with their rohes.
There waR not founa ('ven one ItaHan! The white lo('ks
of the veneralJle old man; the consciousne:5s of the lihel'ty
3
G
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
of the Church, for which he was to die a martyr; the
Leauty of this great soul, as depicted on his countenance,
and in his entire personality; and that lllysterious and
touehing dignity which surrounds the man on the brink of
the grave, restrained for an instant the arm of the angry
Hdarra, who, after having battered down the door, entered
the apartment of the Pope to strike him in that tremen-
dous Jl1ajesty. The roup:h and proud Sogaret fonowed
him, and with the insolence of a butcher, said to the Pon-
tiff: "1Ye are come to lead
you captive to Lyons, to de-
" prive you of the dignity of Pope, in a council to be con-
"yened in that city to judge you;" and then he dragged
hiln violently from his throne. Boniface replied to hiln
with incredihle courage: "Here is my head, here is my
" npck; I, a Catholic, legitilnate Pontiff, VIcar of
Tesus
"Christ, am willing cheerfuUy to be depospd and con-
"clpmned hy the Patarini. I long to die for the Faith of
" .J e
u
Christ, and for the Church." These words were
more loud-
onnding than a thunderbolt to that ruffian.
Boniface was unarnled; but a superhuman strength shone
in his eyes and appeared in his words, that strength of
God, who never abandons his ministers in time of persecu-
tion. Ah! would to God that people were always con-
vinced of thi
, and never dishonor the venerable dignity of
t be priesthood, by stooping to the great ones of this earth
to bep- for that support which is so frail, that an infuriated
people shatters it at every toss of the head. N ogaret,
tartIed and a
hamed, because the word Patarini l'ecaUed
the menlory of his grandfather who was burned as a
heretic, could make no reply.21 But the brutal Sciarra
found words 3nd means worthy of him; he loaded the
venerable Pontiff witb abuse, and went so far as to strike
bim in the face with his glove. 22 Despairing of subduing
:/1 Baillet. 225.
:n Violent]y opposed though hp .was to Boniface, Dante relented at its
contemplation, and indignantly sang of his enem)":
"Entering Alagna; 10 the fleur-de-lis,
And in his vicar. Christ a captive led;
I see him mocked a second time ;-43.gain
The vinegar and gall produced I see;
And Christ himself twixt living robbers slain."
\Vright's translation. Purgatory, canto XX.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 3
7
the indomitable spirit of the Pope by force, these ruffiall
left him guarded by soldiers, and they returned to their
foJ]owers who were sacking the palace. The treasury was
plundered; the relics of the saints were scattered and the
precious reliquaries stolcn; and the archives and privi-
leges of the Roman Church were torn to shreds. For thref'
days this whirlwind ravaged the Papal palace. Durin
all this time Boniface took no food of any kind, eithpr
because distress of mind over these misfortunes removed
the desire for it, or because his jailers desiring l1i
death,
refused to give him any. The inhabitants of Anagni had
committed a sacrilegious betrayal. A man, their country-
man, the universal father of the faithful, had been not
only abandoned by them, but was also perfidiously sold
to his encmics, at a time when, sojourning among them, he
confided in their care and fidelity. Treason needs no
avenger; it is itself its own judge and its own executioner.
The third day of the French invasion, the inhabitants of
Anagni, aroused by Cardinal Fieschi di Lavagno, were
seized with a lively and sudden feeling of repentancp and
shame, and in view of the crime of which they "Tere guilty,
they flew to arms, and rushed against the French, crying
out: "Long live the Pope, death to the traitors,"
lany
were slain; all were put to flight; a great part of the treas-
urc was recovere(]; and the standard of the fleur-de-lis was
trailed in the mire.
The tempest having subsided, and those robbers dis-
persed, the venerable Pontiff presented himself at the head
of the stairs lcading to the palace worn and exhausted,
and with serene countenance spoke words of parùon awl
of peace. Be pardoned all thoRP who llad betraypd him,
and those who had held hinl a prisoner, and the Cardinals
Richard of Siena. and Xapoleon Orsini, and even Rinaldo
of ..\nagni, the chief and leader of the domestic treason,
whom the ppople brought to hinl, bound in ('hain
with
his sons. That soul wbich had heen ahle to
tand like a
rock in the nlidst of daggers, knew how to rcsist fault-
lpssly the fury of revenge.
'Vlwn the npw
of the da
taI'dly crime at Anaf!ni rpacheù
Ronle, the in]la ùitant
arosp in great indirrnation at tlIp
injury (lonp to tlw Pontiff, ani! forthwith spnt fonr hun-
dred knights under the leadership of )Iatthp". all(l Jam(':;;
3SS HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
Orsini. Under the protection of these, he departed, leav-
ing Anagni plunged in grief. The inhabitants besought
hiIll not to leave and aHow tht'ln to have time to efface
their illfaIny by unequivocal marks of repentance. "Then
he arrived in Rome, lIe was met by a vast concourse of
people who came to fête and applaud him, so that the
entry an(} reception partook of the nature of that of a
conqueror; an(1 yet the Pontiff wa!'; returned from the
greatf'st tribulation, in wllich lw appeared hunliJiated and
vanquished. ThiR tea('he
u
that 1 he ruin of the Inatt'l.ial
forcf' of the Church, far frOIll wf'3kening her, on the con-
trary strengthens and elevate!'; her power in the hearts of
the people. Cardinal Napoleon Orsini followed him; and
the Pontiff, in order to show that he had sincerely par-
(loned him, g1'3ciou!';ly invited hinl to his table. Rut that
1)00rish man, fancyin
that the Pope may have been en-
feebled not nlerely in body but also in lnind hy the in-
juries inflicted on him, had the audacity to say to him
with .a proud air: " that it was at length tinle for him to
"restore tlw Colonnas to favor; and grant aU that had
"bt'en taken by force." It is certain that this language
in view of the recent crimes of Sciarra Colonna, was a
piece of outragpous insolence. Boniface answered thf'
haughty Orsini by a refusal. TIe would be wining to
pardon, but without compulsion, as his dignity of sover-
eign demanded. And at that tiIne we believe there hap-
pened that which Ferrettus of Yineenza, and the Ch]'on-
ieJt:'I' of ParIno narrate, that the Orsinis held the Pope in
Hl1ch rigorous seclusion, that it served as a second impris-
onlllent to him.
Bonifa('e perceived, from the audacity of the Cardinal.
that the !';canòals of Anaglli had greatly injul'pd his
authority; that the angel' of Philip not sufficiently ap-
lwased, would hecome wOl'!';e; and that thf' Or!';inis also
would offer their Sf'ITÏces to thiR prince. Bence he wrote
a letter to CharI('!'; II, King of N apIes, hf'!';eecbing him to
come to his aid; but the letter was intercepter} by Cardinal
01'!';ini. These new injurie!'; on the part of the Cardinal,
greatly favored by him, and generously receiver1 at Anagni,
pierced his heart, and convinced him that he plotted his
(If'ath. He was so grieved thereby, that he was at the
point of death. A horrible fact, according to Ferretus,
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 389
made memoraùle the last moments of Pope Boniface, who
died, says this historian, in the transports of despair. Be
narrates that thi
great Pontiff, having become mad by a
dose of poison admillistf'rcd to him, and having sent away
his servant J o11n Campano, shut himself up alone in his
room, gnawed his staff, dashed his head against the wall,
so as to imbrue his gray hairs with blood, and then
strangled himself with the bedclothes, calling on Beelze-
1mb. When we consider that Boniface had reached an
extreme old age, and was altogether broken hy misfortune;
that ùeing shut up alone in his room, there were not wit-
nesses to bring to Ferretus those disgusting details; and
that the death of this magnanimous Pope is quite iliffer-
ently narrated by eye-witnesses, we do not know for what
sort of readers Sismondi believed he was writing, when
he spoiled his history with the fables of Ferretlls. 23 It is
beyond douùt that Boniface died a peaceful death in the
Vatican Palace. The testimony of Cardinal Stephanes-
chi, who was present, and the process afterwards drawn up
on the acts of this Pontiff, admit of no doubt. 24 Eight
cardinals and other honorable personages surrounded the
bed of the dying Pope. In a feeble voice he made to thenl
a profession of faith according to the custom of his pre-
decessors, affirn1Ïng that he had always lived in the
Catholic faith, and in it he wished to die. Then fortified
by the Holy Viaticum, on the 7th of Octoher, thirty-five
days after his imprisonment at Anagni he surrendered to
God that soul wearied after the long combat it endured for
the rights of the Church, saddened by the wickedness of
man, but unconquered, and unsullied in its grandeur.
His body was borne to the tomb, which he while living had
prepared in the Vatican Basilica, near to the altar of St.
Andrew. His obsequies were Papal. Among the many
illustrious personages who were present was seen Charles
II of Naples. He had come too late to succor the hf'sieged
Pope while living, but opportunely to assist at the honors
21 History of the Italian Republics.
:.K . . . . . . "Lecto prostratus anhelus
Procubuit, fassusque fidem, curamque professus
Romanae 1<
cclesiae, Christo tunc redditur almus
Spiritus, et saevi nescit jam judicis iram,
Sed mitem placidamque patris cui credere fas est."
390 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
shown after death. In fact when we reflect that Heaven
had punished the too great human confidence of the Po peR
in the French house of Anjou by the ingratitude and secrpt
plots of this family, we undpl'
tand how ne('e
ary it was
that a prince of Anjou should heal' to the sepulchre Pope
Boniface, in whose 1)1'e38t, as in a 8anctuar
? of apostolic
stability, the civil Homan Pontifi('ate wa
lmripd. So
Cl1arles came rather to the funpl'al honors of that Ponti-
ficate, than to those of the POlltiff. 25
During the life of princes, fear restrains the opinion of
people. But when they are laid away in the tomb, the
doors of their palaces being' open to the people permit
them to examine and judge their actions. Now liberty at
this time too unrestrained compromises the truth. For
we know that sovereigns on their departure froln this
world leave in the custody of their court a secret or mys-
tery which reveals itself only to the severe and patient
investigation of history. I1pnce this was the cause of so
many and unrestrained jndgnwnts at the tonlh of Boni-
face. The resistanee with which he opposed all manner
of injustices,
easing at his death, oIwued a way to resent-
ment which fUJ.ion8l
y :u;;saiJed his Inemory and oppressed
it. The chronieJers of the tinw werf> not historians; their
tendencies being in favor of {'ither the Guelph or Ghibel-
Hne party, they porh'ayeù the actions of this Pontiff ac-
cording to their own point of view, and according as puh-
lic rUlllor expressed them, en:'ryone knows transforms
everything whpn it is al10wed to run uncIwcked. :N OJ'
were there philosophers, strong enough to arrest and grasp
with the arms of criticism, the truth which was distorted.
Philip the Fair in France, the Colonnas in Italy, the proud
Ronlan patriciate, and all those who had experipnced the
strong tempermnent of Boniface in anger, al10wed the
stone of the sppulchre to be lowered upon the head, and
upon this they did not raise a complaint, but a cry of exe-
cration and veng-eance.
They were ashamed of their acts of violence by the aid
of which they shortened the life of this Pontiff, and they
found it necessary to dishonor his memory in order to ex-
culpate themselves, and give to their wickedness an ap-
25 Here there is no question of the spiritual Pontificate, which is per-
petual like the Church.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 391
pearance of a just defense. During all his Pontificate
Boniface aimed at nothing else but to preserve intact the
rights of thf' Chu1"l'h not only in the sanctuary, but also
in thf' Iwart of civil society itself, over the tcnlporal des-
tinies of which h(> could no more cease to preside than the
soul oyer the purely material functions of the body.
Hf'nce for this r(>a
on he was a l110st valiant defend('l' of
her interior and extf'rior rights, amI f'very prince who
overstf'ppf'd his bound:,; to mf'ddle in the affair!': of tIle
Church, or bf',vond his own authority, always found Boni-
face standing hefore him as a rock to impede his progre!':s.
For this reason he was a zealous prf'server of the sacrf'a
patrimonies, and of the juris(1Ïction of the Church; he
was an indefatigable peacemaker; vigilant in preventing
quarrels, and in ending them b
T agreel11Pnts, in which he
offered himself as mediator in his quality of pastor and
universal father, rather than by war which wastes the
goods and the blood of the people. He was an inexora l,le
reformer of princes who founded their pprversity on the
weakness of their subjects. The proof of onr assertion is
that some kings, and !':ome cities trusted spontaneously to
his judgment the settlenwnt of their differences, and his
decisions were always models of justice. X 0 other pope
showed sueh zeal as Boniface for the propagation of th(>
Gospel among barbarous and distant nations; he enriched
ehurches, especiaIly the Yatican and Lateran ba!':i1ica!':;
he founded n
w academie!':, assigning them revenues; he
wagpd wars to preserve Sicily, at that time a patrimony
of the Church. X ow to bring all these great affairs to a
succes!':ful is!':lW there was needed large pecuniary 1'e-
sources. As his life was full and entirely composed of
these honorablf' actions, he was always open to contradic-
tions, and those who would wish to attack him, would
ha ve to find in these actions themselves the arms wi th
which to strike him. Anù hence besides his simoniacal in-
trusion into the Papacy, his assassination of St. Peter
Celestine, bis zeal for the rights of th(> Church was called
thirst for empire; his punishment of those whOln he wished
to despoil was called tyranny; hi
apostolic fil'lnTleS
was
fooJish pri(h
; his oppoRition to the excess(>s of Philip, a
pas
ion for a nnivp\':,;al monar('hy, and the Rpit.it of prn.
dence which he displayed in gathcriug rieb()R
gross ayar-
392 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE :VIII.
Îce. But Boniface appears under far different colors from
:the facts in this book which we have dedicated to him,
and the moral portrait which we have traced here is ad-
miraùly confirmed hy some contemporaneous historians
and especially by Villani.
Boniface was a man most remarkable in his time for
magnanimity; and as the office which he filled was great,
he adnlinistered it so attentively and so energetically, that
he identified himself with it. And as the estimate which
he had of this ministry did not allow him to endure words
or deeds against it, so possession of it aroused within him
every human passion to resist these attacks. For this
reason equal to every other Pope in the greatness of his
conception of the Roman Pontificate, he surpassed them
all by the ardor with which he displayed his power.
Knowing that the Pontifical edifice is not supported by
material means like the thrones of other princes, he raised
from the crowd, for the sake of using them, those whose
mental acumen and learning broug-ht them to his notice,
and he loaded them with favors and riches to attach them
to hÏIn. The people were accustomed to distinguish power
by the splendor of its forms; he presented himself to them
in the glitter of worldly pomp; and as he was superior to
Idngs l)y reason of his double power direct and indirect so
he wished to surpass them in the outward signs of au-
thority. As his views were so were his actions. In the
times when he lived princes were ashamed of the unaf-
fected piety of their infancy and their ancient inability to
govern the people, so that whereas in formpr tinles they
laid even their crown on the altar of St. Peter, they with-
drew it in these times with great violence, and in with-
drawing it they shook the foundations of the Church. It
was by reason of this that Boniface appeared angry and
proud; that his voice resenlbled that of a roaring lion; and
that his shoulders were as of bronze to sustain the totter-
ing edifice in guard of which he had been placed. ,"Yon-
derful in his quickness of perception, in comparing and in
judging momentous affairs; very clever and prudent in
the way of conducting them, he employed, in their order,
and with an unbending spirit, the means capable of assur-
ing success.
lost courageous against others, he was not
weak regarding himself; so that during the impulse of
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIIl. 393
passion and anger, his heart not only remained unmoved
ùut even opened itself to generosity, of which the pardons
at Anagni are of proof. Profoundly versed in the science
of law both human and divine, he interpreted them with
eloquence in his discourses, with elegance in hi
writing
,
and he defended them with a courage superior to all. Hi
haughty and disdainful nature, his many and important
occupations, the vigilance and hatred of his enen1Ïes had
humanely rendered him chaste, while religion made him
pure. He celebrated mass regularly and with great piety;
and the tremendous sanctity of the sacrifice made him shed
abundant tears; 26 it preserved him from those stains with
which his enemies in accusing- him dishonored rather thenl-
selves than him. His tall figure corresponded to his
grandeur of soul; his limùs were robust and in perfect
harmony; and his every movement and pose revealed a
man Iuade for the throne. His forehead was high and
llroad; his cheeks full, and the interior majesty of his
soul disclosed itself in the calm severity of his gaze, and
his countenance. In a word, from qualities of both mind
and body he was what Petl'arch judged him to be: "The
wonder of the world." 27
The common people are credulou
; the strange and the
impossible arouse their eager curiosity. :l\Iany perhaps
helieved on the authority of Ferretus that the proud Pon-
tiff lay in his sepulchre with gnawed wrists and a frac-
tured skull; and perhaps no one could approach that sepul-
chre without a certain feeling of horror, on thinking that
it enclosed so much pride and despair.
Three hundred and two years had elapsed since the
death of Boniface, when Paul Y captivated by the gigan-
tic project which Pope Julius II had devised, of raising a
basilica over the tOlnb of the
\postl('s, entered upon the
execution of it. "... e could pardon .J ulius for destroying
an ancient and venerable church through love of the great;
he had engaged Bl'amante and )Iichelangelo to make
his thought magnificent. But Paul would ever be held
inexcusable if he had taken the initiative, because Bernini
and Borromini were not the men to reproduce, by the
power of genius, that mysterious beauty which ever sits
-Justinian, in Chron. Riccar. Ab. S. Just in Reg. S. Ben. See Docu-
ment 2 R. :n De otio Religiosorum.
3D! HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
as qneen over the rugged works of our ancestors. But the
impetuous de la Hovere had already deillolished a great
pal't of the au(.ient Basilica to build that striking cupola,
the sight of which would serve to frighten thf' barbarians
whonl he wished to drive out of Italy; and so Panl Y was
forced to complete the destruction of the ancient part HO
that the new would not be left unfini
hed. 'Yhprefore in
the first year of his Pontificate on the 2Gth of RepteIUbf'I',
Paul after having' ohtained in a consistory the advÌf'e of
the Cardinals and skilled architects, resolved to demoli
h
that which remaÌlwd of the ancient basili('a. 'Ye do not
know whether a certain remorse of conscience for that ir-
reverent yiolpllCe to ancient walls determined the archi-
tects to say that there existed a deviation of fiye palms
between the top and the base of the walls, that the timbers
had rotted, amI that the roof and the entire edifice weI'f'
threatened with ruin; or whether the òanger was real and
certain. Howeyer, it is a fact that on the 28th of the same
nlonth Cardinal Pallotta, archpriest of St. Peter's ordere<<l
all the altars in the great nave of the Basilica to be re-
moved. These works of renloval, always detrimental,
lwought the worknlen to the chapel of the Gaetani family.
The altar was surmounted by a Gothic tabernacle of ex-
quisite. design which Boniface had ordereò made: (ells-
pidum operis Germanici); the forms were sharp and se-
vere, and the top was in shape like an arrow. The chapel
itself had been huilt by Boniface VIII after the design of
the architect Arllolpho, who left his name inscriheò in it.
A remarkahle picture in mosaic by Charles Conti contri-
buted to its ornanlentation, in which was s('el1, in those
holy forms and styles now a long thne lost, the blessed
Virgin, at one side of whom was Rt. Peter, presenting
Boniface to her,28 and at the other St. Paul with Rt.
Boniface. The entire work was roughly carried away and
afterwarrls lost. The tomb was placed on the wall in such
a way as to be always visible to the priest who celehrated.
It was of nlarble of the most unpretending kind,
mch as it
is still seen in the Yatican Basilica. This mausoleum hav-
ing heen built òuring the life of Boniface, we consid('r it
right to observe that in it there is found no indication of
28 The Pontiff was probably kneeling, and of smaller proportions, ac.
cording to the custom of the times.
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u;:
.
z
o
......
50
"
.
, ...
...
1 .;
.., ...... ...
. ,..
\
-.1
"\
..
.....
.......
1/'
;'.
I:.
,
\.
--l
:....
7_
:....
;...
:.::
:.-;
;.J
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ô
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 393
an immoderate love of display. It is a simple sarcophagus
on which reposes the statue of the Pontiff in a sleeping
attitude, and èlothed in the priestly vestments; the head is
covered by the tiara, and the hands are joined in the form
of a cross and rest on the lower part of the stomach. Two
cushions sli
htly elevate his head; a coverlet placed undcr
the prostrate figure and displaying the coat of arms of the
Gaetani family, falls in natural and graceful folds over
the face of the luonulnent. 'Yho would not have imagined
to find on that sepulchre signs and emblems indkating
the houndless alubition and pride of him whose remains
lay within '? As soon as the despoilers reached the tomb,
t hey stopped, as they wished the Gaetani fan1Ïly to be pl'es-
ent at the opening. The three Gaetani brothers, Anthony,
Archbishop of Capua, Boniface, Bishop of Cessano, and
Peter, duke of Sel'lllOneta, were prespnt with all thp can-
ons of the Basilica and other prelates. The cover having
been raised a wooden coffin was found within which con-
tained the hOlws of the Pontiff, and this was opened on
Oetob('1' 2Gth, the anniversary of his death. All present
were struck with wonder at seeing how well preserved the
corpse was, and how lifelike and sound the flesh looked.
The head was not den uded of skin, the upper and lower
membranes of the eyelids and the nlemhranes of ears
were intact; the cheeks were full; ani! with the exception
of two teeth lost during life all the other teeth were firmly
set in the gums; the nose and the lips alone showpd marks
of decay. The countenance was severE'. His body was
seven palms and three quarters in length; his hands were
long and so hpautiflll, " as to fill with adnliration all who
saw them," the nails on them had grown; and from the
nerves and the ('0101' of the veins, one would believe thpln
full of life, amI that blood still circulated through them.
All tlw vestnwnts wpre entire and well preserved. The
hOJ'df'r of the al1., r('presentin
flifferpnt suhjects taken
from Holy 'Yrit, was composed of a rich and wonderful
('mbroidpry in silk and gold. Such was the state of the
hody of Bonifaf'e. ".. e have entered upon these details, not
hef'ausp we considt'r('d nlaITelIons the perfect preserva-
tion of the corpse of Boniface; for that could happpn either
1),v the hody not },eing decomposed and tl1(> humors viti-
ated hy a long inness, aud hy a perfect exclusion from the
39G HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
tomb of the air, the principal cause of putrefaction. But
we wished to show by the integrity of the skull and the
fingers, by the calm pose of the entire corpse, how very
calm also had been the departure of the soul which once
vivified it.
)len ordinarily are gracious to tombs; their hatred ends
there and is appeased, and vengeance is disarmed; be-
cause those who rest there become something sacred. But
such were not the hatred and vengeance of Philip the Fair.
He had been st.ruck Lya spiritual sword, not of a Gaetani,
but of a Sovereign Pontiff, who although dead, had left as
a heritage to his successors, the duty of punishing, as an
example to others, the Frcnch prince, a violator of the
sacred rights of the Church, and a brutal persecutor of her
head. The thundering voice of Boniface was silent. but
the scandal of
\.nagni cried for vengeance, and Philip
wished to stifle that cry. So after having cast upon the
agents of his fury the culpability, froln which they were
to be purified by some spiritual penance, he intended to
present himself before the new Pope and the council, not
as guilty and deserving of condelunation, but as a man
injurerl in his honor and in his rights, to whom a just
reparation was due. Not only did he hope to succeed in
his purpose, but he believed it certain upon the arrival of
the messengers coming in all haste to apprise him of the
death of Boniface. This information filled him with joy,
and for the tinle to conlC unopposed, he promised himself
a most brilliant future. But if the runlor then current is
not false, a certain Bishop of )Iorienne met in the Alps
the messenger bringing the news of the taking of Boniface
and by a sudden and divine inspiration broke forth into
cries; "Alas! PhiJip will rejoice greatly over this infor-
" mation, but 1Jis joy will be followed by a great cause for
" sorrow. Ah! that judgment will fall on his head and
"that of his children." If the Bishop whether humanly
or supernaturally spoke the truth in those words, the
course of this history will prove. 29
The nine òays of mourning having passed, the Cardinals
assembled for the election of a DPW Pope. Still terrified
by the misfortune of Boniface, they felt their spirits were
too feeble to hold th'e reins of government which Boniface
29 John Villani, Book 8, c. G4.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 397
had managed with so much vigor; their hearts palpitated
between the apostolic resolution of continuing the work
of the magnanimous deceased, and the arguments of pru-
dence, which counselled peaceful concessions. By firm-
ness one courted martyrdom; by concessions a not distant
invasion, and the enslavement of the entire Catholic
priesthood would ensue. If, through the imperfections
and weakness of humanity, ambitions for the tiara were
aroused in that assenlbly, they should have been curbed
by the thought that he who would be chosen to direct the
bark of Peter, should descend ignominiously from the
hdghts of the pontifical dignity where Boniface had
courageously held it, that is to say, either make criminal
arrangenwnts with Philip, or suffer the violence of some
otlwr
ogaret. After one day of conclave, all the suf-
frages united on Cardinal Xicholas Boccasini, Bishop of
O
tiaJ a religious of the order of St. Dominic, who was of
humble extraction, of pnre Inorals, and of a sweet dispo-
sition. "Te s)wlI not speak at length of his pontificate,
nor of the one that followed, but we shall narrate only
those facts which have a bearing on the affairs of Boni-
face. And here we are forced to rf'mark to the reader
that we enter upon an epoch far different fronl the ancient
times, and frOlu those which have been subject of our
narration, rrhe tragedy of Boniface put an end to that
glorious era of the Papacy. Therefore such kings as
Henry, Frederick Barbarossa,
lanfred and Philip the
Fair will not be seen again; princes restrained by the
Hf'Verity of command, but managed by arrangements
which contain a certain equality of power. The Papacy,
surrounded and defended by the nloral power of the priest-
hood, which at first had solemnly opposed thr laws, now
negotiates by treaties, which prudf'llce dictates. It did
not fear martyrdom hut the inefficacy of the spiritual
arms despised by the people, as if Christ ill placing theln
in the hands of his Vicars, bJd not thought to temper
them so as not to rf'nrler tlwm useless in the lasting de-
frnce of the Church. However, in view of the prosperous
situation in whi('h thf' policies of govrrnment have placed
tlIP rights and the liberty of the Church, one can easily
judgf' wbrtber pl'udencf' has succeeded better than force.
One of the first acts of TIenedict W:lS to raise his yoice
398 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
against those who pillaged the treasury of Boniface, and
to threaten them with censures. He entrusted his chap-
lain, Bernard Riardi, with the difficult mission of recov-
ering it. The bells were tolled, the candles were lighted,
anathemas were hurled; but not one of the plunderers
restored the booty. 30 The cause of the scandals con-
tinued; Nogaret still hovered around the environs of
Anagni, his heart full of anger, because of the disgrace-
ful expulsion of the French from that town. As soon as
he heard of the death of Boniface, he sought Rinaldo of
Supino, in the town of Ferentino, to renew his courage
for new crimes, offering him men, money and royal favors.
11e remembered the events of Anagni, and he resolved
at any cost on revenge. 31 In the nleantiIne another mes-
senger of Philip, Peter of Peredo, a prior, being sent into
Italy to arouse the people against Boniface and fill Rome
with the usual conlplaints against him, had arrived in
the city a day before the death of the Pope. IIardly was
Benedict seated on the Pontifical throne, than Peredo be-
gan to complain, in his presence and before the Cardinals,
of the injury which the dead Pope had done to the Church.
lIe related to the new Pope all that had passed in the
State
general; he renewed the appeals to the council and
to the Pope; he entreated hiIn to convoke a council at
l,yons, or in any other place not dangerous to the French;
and he concluded by execrating the memory of Boniface,
'fhe envoy did not have credential letters; and for thi!'
reason Benedict replied that he could not deliberate on
the affairs in consistory, and he also made Nogaret l('av('
I taly, with the prolnise of pacifying and reconciling
France with the Ronlan Church.
:N ogaret returned to France opportunely to aid Philip
IIY bis counsel
of which he was in great need. It was not
prudent to wait until Benedict notified the I{ing, accord-
ing to custom, of his elevation to the Pontificate through
the mediulll of a Nuncio. For in case this KUlH.io did not
come, Philip heing excomnlunicated, Benedict would thu!'
show clearly that he confirmed the Bulls of Boniface. It
was of no value to await the coming of any Legate bear-
ing arrangements, because it could not he foresepn with
10 Ra)'nalduB, no. 37.
II Process, p. 174: apud Baillet, p. 233.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 399
what instructions he would be charged by Benedict; and
supposing that Philip did not accept them, he would he
forced to prolong the hostility against the new Pope also,
from whom he expected benign concessions. Therefore,
with the advice of Nogaret he anticipated Benedict by
ending to him three ambassadors, Berardo, lord of
Ier-
{'ueil, 'Yilliam Plasian, lord of Yezenobre, and Peter of
Bellepercho, a canon of Chartres, and a most renowned
lawYf'r. They had the nlost extensive power to conclude
a peace with the Pope, and a procuration from Philip to
recf'ive absolution from the censures imposed on the King,
and the kingdonl of France, :K ogaret was to accompany
them, but. he could not take part in the affair of the cen-
sure
, because he had been personally struck by the
anatlu"ma of Boniface. But, either being afraid of the
rf'lative
of Boniface, and of the impression which the
sight of him would produce on the Pontiff, or because his
presence was useful to the prince, he renlained in France,
wh(>rp he occupied himself in preparing the particulars
of the suit that was to be instituted against the lnemory
of Boniface. 32 The ambassadors departed; the French
pt'ople followed them with these acclaluations: "The
"liberty of their country consistf'd in acknowledging in
"the temporal matters no one superior to the king, ex-
"('('pt God. Boniface sllOuld be declared a heretic, for
"having nlaintained the contrary; this should be sup-
"mitted to a council or the new Pope; and that his con-
"flemnation would ju
tify France in the eyes of poster-
" ity." In the meanwhile the French understood how
ad,'antageous it was to them that Philip had no one but
God above him, when thf'Y saw what respect he had for
their liberty. Benedict found himself navigating in diffi-
cult waters. He had been one of the Cardinals faithful to
Boniface; the memory of that terrible night at Anagni
evpr present in his mind, reminded him that it would cost
Philip and his ministers vrry little to renew the horrible
acts of violencp of which he had been a witness. Guided
pither by these fears or by prudence, he resolved to come
to a peaceful
ettlemf'nt with Philip. But in order that
by this he would not he con
idf'rf'd as wanting in couragp,
· Process. p. 174 apud. B:lillet, p
ge 239.
400 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
and his indulgence would not have the appearance of
eonstl'aint, he sent to Philip the absolution from the ex-
conul1unication, before the aITival of the ambassadors,
and before any previous l'eque8t of this prin(:e. An act,
whieh the fear of sOlnething worse t:ounselled, assumed
thus the appearance of generosity. On April 2nd he pub-
Jishpd two do(:ument
, one for the perpetual memorial of
the thing, and the other aùdressed to Philip, by which he
l'emoved the cen
n]'es against Philip and the chul'eh in
Fl'allt'e, and "thi
to avoid scandal, because it is neces-
.,
al'Y to relax a little of the rigor in the interest of the
., multitude. H
l'pvoked all the other acts of his pre-
d
eessor against Philip, he accorded new privileges; but
alwa;ys excluded formally from the general favor \Yilliam
de
ogaret, whose absolution" we reserve to ourselves,
and to the ..lpo
tolk See." Benedict also wished, in order
to soften Philip, to modify the ('onstitution "Clerici
Jaicos,'. by tempering the penalties. It condemned
o]emn]y, not only those who without permission of the
Holy 8ee, exacted subsidies fronl the clergy, but also those
who, on reqnest, consented to thpse exactions, and to the
eolleetion of tith('s, and other taxes. Benedict released
tb('se latter from all penalty.
The amllas
adors not having arrived as yet at Rome,
tbe
e absolution
and pardons were received in the name
of the King, hnt without deputation by 'Yilliam Chaste-
llay and Hugh de Celles, two of the numerous agents
whom Philip kept in Italy in order to press the affair of
tlIP conllciI, to which he wished to appeal. Sp
ing that
pverything wa
progressing' wonderfully we]], they took
with them a notary of Rome; and six days after the pub-
Iication of the Bull of pardon, they went to see different
Cardinals successively, in ord
r to prevail upon them to
('nter into the views of the King regarding a Council.
Fh'e of the ten there declared that they were in favor of
calling a council, whereas th
other five would abide by the
(lecision of the Pope. Bnt Benedict wonld not hear of a
Council and appeals. lIe had sacrificed even too much
for peace. 33
The royal envoys arrived bearing a letter from Philip
33 Bai11et, 242, 243.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 401
to the Pope. It was full of congratulations on his eleva-
tion to the Papacy; of hopes; of abuse against his pre-
decessor; then followed excessive and hypocritical praise
of Benedict. He called him a man of brilliant qualities,
a mirror of virtue, a model of sanctity, a man after his
own heart, who did not seek his own glory, but only that
of God, the interests of the Church, and the prosperity of
Christianity in the Holy Land. IIe reconlmended himself
and the whole Gallican church to his IIoliness. ""'e have
said that these praises were hypocritical; because if the
hopes failed in their intent, Benedict would be another
Boniface to him. Hypoeri
y is always the nlost poison-
ous and most dangerous weapon of usurpers. 34 Benedict
replied in most polite term
, striving to bring back by
gentleness this prince, against whom all rigorous meas-
ures had failf'd. Passing over in 8ilence Boniface and the
excommunication emanating from him, he said: ",Judge
" of our tenderness in releasing you from all censures be-
"fore you canle or sent to ask it; 35 we have wel
omed
" ,vith joy and benevolence your envoys and your letters.
" And far from rppenting of our indulgence, we feel it a
"duty as Yicar of that good Shepherd, who having l<.>ft
" in the de
ert the ninety-nine
heep, goes to sf'ek the one
"hundredth, and after having found it places it joyful1y
" on his
houlders, in 01'(1er to return it to the fold." And
he conchulf's hy re
alIing the example of Joas, King of
J uda, who r<.>ignf'd gloriously and practi
ed virtue as lon
as he folIow<.>d the counsel
of tbe high-priest Joad, but
when he d<.>partf'd frOlll them he fell into disgrace and was
finally assassinatf'd hy his own servants. "Listen to your
father,"
aid he, " in order that God may strengthen yonI'
"kingdonl and render it glorious." But Boniface bad
u
ed similar language lwfore he had recourse to rigor; it
cau
<.>d a violent death to this Pontiff and we shall se
what kind of death it procured fOl" Benedict. Anyone
can notice that, in all these act
, the prudent Pontiff, in
pardoning the King of France, did not condt'mn Boniface.
On the contrary the pal'doll granted to Philip the FaÏ1
and to France, suppost's their revolt again
t the Apostolic
M RaynaldU!
, 1304, 8.
SII" Tibi absenti et non petcnti."--Pagi Brev. Pont, Rom. Tom. III,
p. 553.
40
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
Se
, and the justice of the chastisements by which they
bad heen punished. He called Philip an illustrious, a
noble, a distinguished, but always a lost and a stray
sheep.36
The Colonnas did not lose time; they exerted them-
selves greatly, in order to turn to their advantage such
indulgent dispositions. The good Pontiff, who was clem-
ency itself, released them from the enormous weight of
xcommunications, suspensions, and interdicts which they
llad deserved; 37 allowed them to return home, extending
his indulgence so far as to restore them to their family
privileges, and their civil rights. But he refused to re-
store to the two Cardinals the hat and the ecclesiastical
benefices; and forbade the rebuilding of the fortifications
of Palestrina. By these restrictions he acknowledged the
Colonnas to have been truly seditious, and men dangerous
to the state and Church. 38 ",yith these favors the Colon-
nas showed themselves apparently satisfied yet the two
deposed Cardinals did not cease their agitations. They
a(hlressed to Philip, their friend, a memorial, in which
they entreated him to continue his former protection to
them, to unite his efforts to theirs, in order to finish the
proceedings against Boniface. "The cause of a Cardinal,"
they remarked, "could be tried only in an Eculnenical
"Council. Leaving to the Pope the power to dispose and
"banish a cardinal, is to expose to ruin the government
"of the Church. The cardinals are a salutary counter-
"pose to the Papal power. They form the counsel of the
"Pope, they sit in judglnent with him, and are members
" of the same body. It is a destruction of the kingdom of
"Jesus Christ to deprive the cardinals of the right and
"liberty of opposition to the Pope, in cases where it is
"necessary to defend truth and justice against him, and
"where he would overstep the limits of his ministry.
"They had been neither denounced, nor cited, nor con-
"victed of any crime which merited such chastisement.
" They hoperl that his :l\1ajesty by his favors would obtain
"in entir
ty for them, from Benedict, the justice which
"this Pontiff had already begun to render them." 39
38 )r amquid bnt" m ovem, tu cs, sic N obilem, praecepuam, et praeclaram
relinquemus. PRgi TIrpv. Pont. Rom. Tom. lIT, p. 553.
3T Preuves du Diff., page 227, '8 Baillet, 248. III Baillet, 249.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 403
Up to the end of )lay, Benedict followed the inspiratiolls
of his kind alid indulgent heart; but then a seeret voiec
sounded in his heart and urged him to resume a little of
that courage becoming to a Pontiff; ùecause justice has
some duties which clemency must not forget. The par-
ùons granted were so many revocations of penalties sanc-
tioned by Boniface when alive. But there were enornlOUS
crimes to be punished, which, from the depth of the tomù
of that Pontiff cried for and deserved vengeance. 'Ye
speak of those who had com1nitted, or favored the incrpd-
ihle c1'Ïuw of Anagni. Silence and impunity would bave
bef'n considcred a sort of approbation.
So this excellent Pope then determined finally to act,
and on June 7th 40 he wrote and published a Bull in which
there was ùetokened the grandeur and n1ajesty of a
prophet; after having recalled the tragic event of Anaglli,
and named an the leading conspirators, among WhOlll wer
X ogaJ'et anù Rciarra, he burst forth and allowed to es-
cape, in bi
grief, some fiery words: "And these crimes
" we1'p committed publicly and under our very eyes. . . .
"crimes of lese-majesty, of rebellion, of sacrilege, of
"felony, of theft, of rapine, the mere thought of which
"excites hor1'01.. 'Yho would be so cruel as not to shed
" tears; so spiteful as not to ùe moved to compassion?
"'Ybat judge would be so negligent as not to be eager to
" proceed; or so merciful or clement as not to becon1e
"severe? Security has been violated, immunity offended.
"One's own country has not been a protection; the do-
" me
tie firesiùe has not been a refuge; a Sovereign Pon-
"tiff has bf>en outraged; and with her sponse a captive,
"the Chul"eb herself has been a captive. "There hence-
"forth find a safe place? "That sanctuary will be re-
"fò;Iwcted, after the violation of that of the Roman Pon-
" tiff? 0, inexpiable crime! 0, unfortunate Anagni!
" .:\Iay the rain and dew fall on thee no more, but descend-
"ing on other mountains pass to the side of thee. Be-
h C3Ufò;f> the hero has fallen; that which was invesh.fl with
"
trength has bren overcome under thy eyes, and thou
"('oulrlfò;t have prevented it. 0, most wretched 1nalefac-
" tors! In your actions you would not imitate the ex-
.0 Rayn., 1304. 13.
40:1
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
"ample of holy David, who not only refuseù to lay a hand
" on the anointed of the Lord, altllough his eneIllY, perse-
" cutor, and riyal, but even ordered to be struck ùown ùy
"the sword the one who had dared to do so. For it is
" written: "Touch not my anointed." Inexpressible
" grief! lamelltaùle action! pernicious example! inexpi-
"able fault! Intone, 0 Church, the nlournful chant of
" lamentations; let tears course down thy cheeks; and as
"ahlers in thy vengeance let thy I';ons conle frOln afar,
" and tby daughters rush to tllY side."
He ended the Bull ùy heaping on tbe beads of the nlale-
factors, and all their aÜlers and abettors, ùy favor or ad-
vice, all the censures descriùed in the holy canons, and
ci ted them to appear lwfore him in the short space of
twenty-two days.41 There is a reason to believe that after
so many indulgences, the malf'factors considered them-
selves safe. But Benedict thought of them, and if lIe was
slow in punishing theln until this tiIne, it was because he
was hindered ùy just reasons. 42
Philip was not mentioned but he was comprised among
the abettors, counsf'llors, and supporters of the crimp;
he was included indirectly among the nanled chiefs; be-
cause there was no Dlan in the world who did not be-
lieve that the treachery of .Anagni was entirely his work.
Spondano with the ingenuity of a child thinks that
the King npitber knew nor approved of those wicked
crimes. But it would be uspless to contradict him. Tbf'
simple reflection that Nogarf't and Sciarra Colon a would
not have dared to comn1Ït such an enormous erinle with-
out the power and the wealtb of the King, is a cOlllplete
refutation of this charitahle ancl ingenuom;; assertion.
Dante assigns the rôle of Pilate to Philip the Fair in that
tragedy.43 This rôle did not satisfy him, for the reason
that proudly trampling under foot the holiest laws, he
1 See Document 2 S. 42 "Puniendum prosequi ex justis causis."
S" See the modern Pilate, whom avails
No cruelty to sate, and who, unbidden,
Into tlle temple sets his greedy sails.
o thou, my Lord! when shan I joyful1y,
BellOld the vengeance, which profoundly hidden
Makes sweet thy anger in thy mystery?"
Purgatory, canto XX. Wright's translation.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 40:>
forced himRelf into the sanctuary of the Church, and thpre
hpld sway. Did the publication of that Bull, whieh was
rec('ived with joy hy the multitude, cause theRe thou
hts
to arise in his mind? Let the reader not ask us, cOllsider-
ing that this pious and clement Pope on July 7th (onp
month only after the publication of the Bull) passed out
of this world by poi80n which was adn1inistered to him.
Philip was not near, hut the Colonnas, Napoleon Orsini,
and his other mORt faithful mini8ters were very clu
e at
hand. Some contemporary writers aCCU8e them of poison-
illg the Pope. 44 Ferretus of Yincenza goes right to the
point and flatly accuses Philip the Fair. 45
Pardons, and Popes precipitated into their sepulchres
did not 8atisfy the fury of Philip. These were only tri-
umphs oyer men materially weaker than he; he wished
to triumph over right, that is to say, he wished to give
to his actions an appearance of justice, by proving that
Boniface had ùeen an illegitimate Pope, a heretic, a mon-
ter of iniquity, while he himself was guiltless of any
fault, and a victim of his wickedness. Now it is here
precisely that one distinguishes the comnlon brigand from
the tyrant. The former by force deprives you of your
money and your life; he violates justice, but he dops not
profane it by changing its nature. The tyrant rohs you
of both life and possessions, he crushes you und{'l' foot
down to the gr_ave, and drags along justice in order to
sanctify his wickpdnf'ss. Benedict having ùeen poiROIwd,
PhHip had recoursp to oth('r measurPR in order to Rllcrepd
in his design. Tired of acts of violence, anò pel'hapR de-
Hpairing of their f'flkacy, because dead Popes havp suc-
ef'HROrS he tried corruption. 'Ye now come to another pro-
fanation of the Apostolic See.
If there wa
f'ver a time, in which, considering only men.
and not Heavf'n which governs the things of this world, it
was practicaHy impossible to elect a Pontiff on aeeoun1 of
disspnsions among the electors, it was pred
e]y this tiuw.
The ob
tacles to a prompt and peacpful elt'ction do not
romp only from that weaknf'ss of human natuI'f', whirll is
not cured hy the sanctity of tbp office, but rathcr (a R
Hl
thing to Ray) from ff'at, within, and t
'Tanny witbout. The
.. Jobn Villani. L. 8. c. 80,-Dino Compo Lib. 3.-Fran. Pipino. T,ib. 4.
c. 49. "s. R. 1. Tom. 9. page 1013.
406 HISTORY 01<' POPE BONU'ACE VIII.
one prolonged the widowhood of the Church; the other
prepared chains, whi<.h the diabolic inventive genius of
the Cæsars of pagan Home had not found. A Pope per-
secuted by Nero, and hidden in the Catacombs, at the
Juost was at the summit of l1Ïs moral majø;;:ty and power.
A Pope imprisoned .by a most Christian king. and sweetly
dragged within his Idngdom, was and will always be the
nlost shameful despoliation of power and dignity. There-
fore the stake and the gallows rather than perfidious
caresses. PhiHp knew it well, and he aspired to this de-
gradation of the Pontificate by favors.
The cardinal electors wpre divided into two parties, the
one favoraùle to the French, and the other to the Italians.
31atthew Orsini and Francis Gaetani, nephew of Pope
BOlliface, werp the chiefs of the latter, while
apoleon
Orsini and de Prato, who as relative anf1 friend of the
Colonnas desired their restOl'ation, were the heads of thl
latter. Scandalous dissensions: thpy asspmùled, they ad-
journed, they nlet again Witllout doing anything; thp
people were indignant; the Church sOl'rowpd; Philip was
npgotiating. Tired of these skirmishes, De Prato and
Gaetani one day met in secret, and agreed that the Italian
party should choose at their pleasure, three French prel-
ates, from WhOll1 the French party would make their
selection witl}.in the period of forty da;ys, and the othpr
would abide by the choice. The combination conciliated
all interests; because if the French faction had the advan-
tage of obtaining a Pope of that nation, the Italian fac-
tion had the privilege of proposing three prelates devotpd
to thp nlenlory of Boniface, and enemies of Philip the
Fair. Gaptani and his adherents chose three archbishops
who owed their prolllotion to Bonifal'e, and whonl Philip
had ostpllsibly persecuted; Cardinal di Prato, with his
followers, chose frolll al110ng the three, as Pontiff, Ber-
trand de Got, a native of Bordeaux, and the Archbishop
of that sep. De Prato speedily acquainted Philip of the
(.hoice, the arf'hhishop being as yet ignorant of the fact,
in order that the I{ing might negotiate, and take posses-
sion of him. Phi1ip was shrewd and he knew that the
Pope plect was alllbitious and greedy for honors. He made
an appointInent with him in a forest, near the Abbey of
St JoIlll d' Angely. In the first place he requested him to
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 407
be reconciled to Charles of Valois, against whom he en-
tertained an old aversion; then showing him the letter of
de Prato, he said, that the Papal Keys were in his hands,
and if he wished to obtain thelll he would have to promi
e:
1st, to reconcile him fully to the Church; 2nd, to absolve
hiIn and his partisians from the cen
mre of eXl"OmIllUni-
cation; 3rd, to condemn the melllory of Boniface; 4th, to
restore the two Colonnas to the dignity of car(linal. 5th,
to grant him the tithes of all the French ('hul'ches for five
years; the Gth favor was to remain a secret until the king
deemed the time opportune for its disclosure. And 111any
conjectured, not incorrectly that it was the removal of thp
Papal See to A vignon. Dazzled by the glitter of the tiara,
the Archbishop opened his mouth only to swear on tlle
holy Eucharist that he would oùserve faithfully a1] that
Philip wished hhn to promise to do. After having given
to the King aN a guarantee his brother and two nephews
as hostages, the prelate departed; some n1cssengers sent
by Philip, went qukkly to inform de Prato of the conclu-
sion of the shameful compact. 46 Faithful to their prom-
ise, and ignorant of this secret intprview, the Italians cast
their votes for the Archbishop, who was solpu1nly electetl
sovereign Pontiff. He took the name of Clell1ent Y. The
Cardinal electors announced to the faithful this election,
but they kept silent on the compromise agreed to by thp
chiefs of the two factions, and the artifices of the FreDeh
party.47 The Italians perceived the ruse, as soon as tlw
new Pope ordered them to come to him in Lyons, where
he wished to be crowned. They manifested IOlHlly thpir
surprise, and chagrin, but they were already in the trap,
from which they would not escape, so that turning' to
Cardinal de PI'ato,
Iatth('w Orsini, dean of the sacred
College, said to him: " You succeeded in leading us into
"the trap; the Roman Court had erosspd the mountains;
" it will not be seen
oon again in Italy; I know something
"of the temperament of the Gascous." Clement was a
Gascon. 48
'Yhih:\ the Cardinals were striving in Perugia to elect
a Pope, Philip and :K ogaret were not losing time in
France. The latter, notwithstanding his harangups and
toe John Villani L. 8, c. 80. .7 Raynaldus, 1305, 130G.
61 Villani, ibidem, c. 81.
408 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII,
]Jlustering, was :severely tormented by the censures im-
posed on hinl. Those of Beneùict especially weighed very
hea,Tily on him, an<1 ll(
aw clearly that, as time calmed
the resenÌIllent against Boniface, he would end b
y showing
a disgraceful rôle with his calumnies and his robbery of
Anagni. So in order to free him
elf from the excommuni-
cations, and rehabilitate hiInself in the public favor, he
is
ued Inanifestoes, in which he justified his acts. lIe
addressed five of theln to the officials of the Church of
Paris; and aB could be reduced to the following: "Be
"should not be surprised to see him ask absolution from
" censures; sent to negotiate with the Roman See, he
"asked only for greater security. The decrees of Boni-
"face were not binding before God or men. IIe did not
"retract one single word of his grievances against this
" Pontiff; he was ever ready to accuse him of heresy, of
"schism, of idolatry, and this for the instruction of prel-
" ates and too indulgent kings, through love for his coun-
" try, so horrihly n1altreated by that Pope. Sent to Rome.
"by his n1ajesty to urge the convocation of a council, to
"which all France appealed, he had employed succe
-
" fully all n1('3ns of avoiding extreme nlf'3SUreS, which th('
"obstinacy of the Pontiff haò voluntarily provoked. Hp
"lwd nothing- to reproach himself with in the events of
"Anagni with regard to a Pope, who by hi
contumacy
"was acknowledged guilty of heresy, and all other crime
"imputed to him. 'VhiJe there prudence and humanity
"had been the rule of hi
conduct; he had forbidden the
" pillage of the Papal palace and treasury; but the fury of
" the soldiers exceeded the command of the chief, and if
"Boniface harl escaped alive from their hands. he owed
"it to him, N ogaret, alone. Restored to liberty, that
" Pontiff had pardoned all those who had lnaltreated hiIn,
"and he found himself named among those pardoned.
"
\fter the death of that Pontiff he had interrupted his
"proceedings against him only through defel'encp for
"Pope Benedict, hut he renewed thell1 now more vigor-
"ow
Iy than ever; he was well prepared to justify him-
"
eIf, and prove the truth of his accu
ation. either in a
" full Council, or even before the convocation of thi
coun-
"cil, before the Holy See, provided there would be suffi-
"dent protection again
t the resentInent of the relatives
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. '409
"and partisans of Boniface." He complained in the other
documents, of the injustice of Benedict, who had excom-
municated him; and he asked, as a measure of precaution.
for a1Jsolution fron1 the censures, in order that he might
proceed more fref'ly against the memory of Boniface, not
through hatred, but for the glory of God, the good of the
Church, and the preser,ation of the public right. 49
N ogaret was depresRed and agitated. But the elevation
of the Archbishop of Bordeaux to the sovereign Pontifi-
cate raised his hopes, and those of Philip. TheRe hopes
were manifested at the feasts of Lyons. Clement deRirpfl
to be crowned in this city and not at Rome. He invited to
this grand ceremony the King of France, and the King
of England, of whom he was a subject, being a Gascon,
who could not come, as he was detained in his kingdom
by the affairs of Scotland. "Then Cardinal ::\Iatthew
Rossi Orsini, who as we remarked was the first to foresee
the long exile of the HOITIan Pontiffs, had placed the crown
on hiR head, Clement set out triumphantly with a caval-
carle for hiR palace. Philip the Fair for a part of the time
appeared on foot in the procession holrling the bridle of
the horse on which the Pontiff was mounted; the two
brothers of the King, Charles of Valois, and Louis of
Evreux, and John, Duke of Brittany performed the same
office successively for the Pope. Speaking of ...\. ,ignon, we
do not know whether it was in triumph or to prison that
Philip It'd Clenlent. The feast was marred by a sad acci-
dent. An olrl wall which lined the way of the procession,
fell under the weight of the numerous spectators with
which it was ladpn, at the very mOluent the Pope was
passing; Clement was not inj ured, but only thrown to
the ground, and his crown, fallen froin his head, rolled
in the mire. Twelve peJ'Rons within the compass of it
were mortally wounded, and died a few days afterwards;
among the number was the Duke of Brittany; the Duke of
Valois was badly injured. The Italian cardinals con-
sidered this lamentahle accident a bad omell. The fes-
tivities were followed by the fulfilment of the promises
made hy Bertrand de Got. In December the two Colon-
nas were reinstated in the dignity of cardinal, became
.. Preuves, pp. 237, 239, 252, 269, 274.
.110 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
again electors and elegi1Jle to the Papacy themselves; ten
other cardinals were created, all Frenchmen; the sen-
tence of Boniface against Philip and his ministers was
revoked, and tithes were granted for five years. The Pope
as yet was not pre8sed to condemn the memory of Boni-
face, and in the nlPanwhile Philip and Clelnel1t partpd
very well pleased. Philip went home, Clement could not,
and he went to Bordeaux. Either the secret favor which
Philip has asked from him was not to leave France, or
Clenlent, fearing the anger of the Gaetani, did not want
to go to Rome.
Clement found himself in a difficult and an embarras
-
ing position. He was a Frenchman, and a French prinee,
if he had not placed him in the Pontifical chair, at lea
t
aided him to arrive there; therefore, although the voice of
duty of his high office spoke strongly to hiIn interiorly,
it was stifled by the love of country, and a feeling of
gratitude towards Philip. Benedict also would have
granted him the tithes, and would have given him absolu-
tion from censures, and we have seen how that good Pontiff
in all the indulgences he lavished on Philip, avoided, with
wonderful cleverness, all that which would appear as a re-
vocation of the acts of Boniface. Past and present reasons
imppIled Clement to revoke the Papal constitution of
Boniface, and it came to that. The most vexatious to
PhiJip were the constitution "Clericis la icos," and the
one which began by the words: Unarn sanctam,. they were
nightmares which made sleep impossible to Philip. Clem-
ent published two decretals the 1st of Fehruary; 50 one of
them ahrogated the first of these BuIls, as a cause of dis-
sension, and condemned all the subsequent acts of Boni-
face in defence of it, recaIling however the faithful to the
observance of the regulations of the councils, especially
of the Coundl of the Lateran relative to the taxes which
laymen levied on ecclesiastical property. The other de-
cretal did not revoke but rather renewed the constitution
rnul1
sanctum. TIere are the words: "The entire and
" sincere affection of our dear son Philip, iIlustrious King
" of France, towards us and towards the Roman Church;
"the briIliant deserts of his ancestors; the pure and sin-
110 BeT. Guido. Chron. R. Pontif.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 411
"cere devotion of his subjects, merit for him and his king-
"dom signal favors. 'Ye wish accordingly, and intend
" that the dispositions of the Bull Unam Sanctum of Pope
" Boniface VIII, our predecessor of happy memory, bear
" to them no prejuùice whatever; that they do not subject
"them more strictly than before to the Roman Church;
" but that everything remains, regarding the Church, the
"King, the kingdom and its inhabitants, in the state in
"which it was previously." 51
X ow supposing that the constitution Unum Sanctum
waR here revoked, there is no denying the fact, that the
revocation rf'garded only France, and it effected the letter
rather than the spirit. In fact in speaking before of this
Bull, we remarked that Boniface had not put forth any
thing new. IIencf' recalling to Philip (as in the abroga-
tion of the Rull clericis) the old rules, Clement did nothin
but bind this prince tacitly to the very constitutions which
he believed were aholished. But Philip was pleased by
appearances; hence notwithstanding the praises given
him for his merit!':, his dpvotion, and his ardent love for
tbe Roman See, he could not bear the epithet happy ap-
plied to the memory of Boniface VIII. It disturbed his
own happineRs, and turned into bitterness the sweet and
paternal concessions; he wanted his name cancelled from
the Papal writings and from the hearts of all faithful
rhristians. He vigorously importuned the Pope to con-
demn Boniface, as he had sworn to do. Pressed by the
ambassadors of the King, Clement was in torture. To
nse the keys g-ivf'n to St. Pf'ter to open the gateR of Heaven,
for the opening of a tomb wherein a Vicar of Christ re-
posed, to revive his memory; to drag it before the bar of
a tribunal instituted to protect justice; and to immolate
bim with infamy by weapons furnished by a brutal prince
-such were the series of enormities which a sovereign
Pontiff was ('aIled upon to sanction. Clement felt his
position aR Pontiff, and full of horror, he tried to tempor-
ize; hut that expedient has ever been ruinous to the weak
against a violent enemy. For it is always necessary to
reply to force hy force and not by weakness. Philip cut
sbort tbese evasions and delays, by inviting him to an
111 Raynaldus, 1306.
412 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
interview at Poitiers in the spring of 1307. Strongly im-
portuned by Pl1ilip the Pope had to obey. He went to
Poi tiers, and the King repaired thither with a splendid
court; Charles of Valois, and his sons accompanied him.
Robert Count of Flanders; Charles II of Sicily, and the
alnbassadors of Edward 1,52 by their presence added eclat
to this a
sembly. Hayton, an envoy from the King of Ar-
menia, was also present, through the report circulated by
Philip that the affairs of the Holy Land would ùe treated
in that lneeting. But the sole affair was the condemnation
of Boniface, By his own presence and that of so many
princes Philip wanted to wrest from Clement the fulfil-
ment of his sworn prOluise. The Pope tremùled, and the
Cardinals were no more tranquil. The latter advised the
Pope to flee in disguise from Poitiers; but Philip inter-
cppted hiIn, and forced him to remain. 53
The ass;;auIts of the King were terrible, and horrible were
his den1ands. lIe demanded that the proceedings against
the memory of Boniface, which he considered had already
been begun, be ùrought to an end; and the truth of the
cI'in1es alleged by S ogaret having been established, the
l)ody of that Pope should ùe dragged from the tomb, and
he puùlidy consigned to the flames. Philip insisted, and
he reminded the Pope of his oath in the forest of St. John
d'Angply. In these straightened circumstances the soul
of Clement was perplexed, and he tried to influence Philip,
now Ly magnifying the difficulty of such a procedure
which could not be had without the advice of the Car-
dinah
, now by lessening the enormity of the faults im-
putpd to his predpce
sor, and persuading the King to
exer('i
e moderation in this affair, by checking the ÏIn-
petuo!':ity. of the accu
prs, and not e lose the way to justi-
fication. 54 But Philip was deaf to every entreaty, and
angered by the obstacles he pur
ued hiR project with
greater ardor. Clement believed himeIf 10Rt. Cardinal
de Prato came to his assistance, and suggested an expe-
dient. Although French in spirit, yet a
a Cardinal and
a creature of Boniface he could not bear to allow that
prince to proceed unchecked not only against the memory
Yillani, L. 8, c. 91.
M Vita Clem. Joan. S. Vie. apud. Baluz, Tom. 3, p. 452,
It Raynaldus, 130i, no, 10.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 413
of a Pontiff, but directly against the Apostolic See. "\Vith
great cleverness he advised Clement to represent to the
King the inconvenience of proceeding directly to a trial,
in a consistory composed of cardinals, who, for the most
part fond of Boniface, would not fail to oppose and defeat
his design; the advantage there would be of entrusting
the affair to a council which he could convoke at Vienne
in Dauphiny, in which the sentence, being- of greatpr
wpight and more authoritative, would thus afford greater
satisfaction to the I{ing. Tile Cardinal further added
that Vienne being a neutral city. the French would not
predominate in the as!';emhly, in which it would he easy
to save the memory of the detested Pontiff. 55 Clenlent
hasten<>d to represent these things to Philip in the sweet-
est possible manner, and if he did not sl]('reed in subduing
that proud and fiery nature, he calmed it a little, and
gained time, which is almost a salvation to pusillanimous
men.
The announcement of a Council quieted Philip; which
idea since the assenlbly of the Louvre, was a dream of hi
and inspired him with the hope of a more splendid tri-
umph, and thus moderated the fury of his impetuous re-
venge. This was rather a truce than a peace. The more
CJpment trie(l to dear hÏIn and his ministers from the
infamy of thpir evil deeds, so much the n10re this obstin-
ate prince clamored and strived to have the corpse of
Boniface exhumed. 56 Courage began to leave Clement;
he sa \V by experience that in a foreign country a Roman
Pontiff was ahvays a slave; that to the cry of alarm no
one would reply in France; and that the will of a king
who had no regard for the Papal dignity, imposed it on
him as a yoke to hind him in an injustice. In times of old
on the contrary when the voice of a Pope was freely heard
from the Vatican hill, the voice of the entire Church
always rpspondefl with aid, and before he could rearh him
to disturh him on llis throne, a prinre had first to trample
upon dust consecrated by the hloorl of n1artyrs, and fronl
which therfl' arost' as fire a se('ret power of memoI'Îes,
whÌ<'h was more destrurtive than a sreptre. ITe had ex-
haustea the treasury of Pontifical favors; the assembly
01 VilJani, L. 8, c. 92.
10 Raynaldus, 1307, no. 10.
414 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
of Poitiers had been a triumph to Philip. Charles of
Yalois whose character we have seen from the affairs of
Sicily and Tuscany, appeared in that assembly as the
Emperor of Byzantium chosen hy Clement. 57 The latter
had previously granted hhn the tithes of all the churches
of France for two years, and indulgences to all those who
would accompany him in tIle war against the Greeks.
:Kow although Charles of Yalois, being contented with the
sacred money thought very little of Byzantium, yet Clem-
ent, for the sake of his dpar
on Philip, to whom at any
cost he wanted to be agreeable, spoke strongly to the
faithful to arouse them to a Crusade apparently against
the Turks who threatened Andronico, but in reality to
òislodge Andronico and place Yalois on the throne. 58 The
relllal'k that Clement wanted to ùe agreeable to Philip, re-
lieves us of the necessity of declaring that neither the
Pope nor the faithful had the Turk
in view. Philip
wanted to place his son, Louis Ie-Rutin (the quarreller)
on the throne of Xavarre, and Clement gave him a help-
ing hand,59 aß(1 tll(' young princp took p08session at Pam-
}wlnna.-6O Philip l'equpstf>d Clen1ent to confirm Carobert,
f'on uf his cousin Charles I [ of Sicily. in his possession of
the ('1'own of IIungary, and this he did. by striking with
anathema Otho of Bavaria, his l'iva1. 61 Philip asked that
the deùt of 360,000 ounces of gold which his cousin owed
to the Holy See he remitted, and Ckment remitted a
third, intending the relnainder for the expense of the
Crn
ade of Charl('s of Valois. 62 Philip triumphed, hut
Clpment deceived hin1s('}f if he believed that he was satis-
fied. There was one glory lacking in bi
triumph, and
that was that the Pope should descena into the tomb, and
earch for the ghost of Boniface in order to condemn it.
This Sanl of the XIYth century wished to change by force
a Roman Pontiff into a pythoness.
'Ve haT'e seen that the primary cause of the quarrel
between Philip and Boniface had been the rapacity of the
King and his ùemanùs on the property of the churches.
This hu
t for gold was not
atisfied, but increased frmn
day to day, both because of his cupidity, and because the
57 RaynaJdus, 1306. no. 2. 18 Raynaldus, 1307. 6.
r;g R ayna Mus, 1307. 14. 80 Conti N'" angii, p. 60.
81 Ra
'na1dus. 130ï, 15-21. e2 Ra
'naIdus. 130ï. 23.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 41:>
long and oh
tinate wars in Flanders had exhau
ted the
sourees of the public re"ennes. Philip in his search for
money had re('ourse to quick expedients; and he had no
cruples regarding the means he adopted; to wish with
hÏJn was the same as to have. The counterfeiting 63 of the
puhlic nlOney was a holy measure justified by necessity;
the spoliation of the churches was a venerable exercise of
the ro
ral rights; and when the monies were wpary of these
repeated falsifications, (for Philip had committed thelll
often), and when the churchC's pither ('ould not or would
not gratify his wi
hes, he pounced upon whoevpl' had
money to e
tOI't it from them, always covering his royal
dignity with tbe mantle of justice. In 1201 on the same
day he J'obbe(1 all the Italian merchants residing in
France; he accused thC'm of usury. In 1306 he treated tbe
.I ews in the same lnannC'r. 64 And since in thos(' times to
1'C'n(ler an action commendable and justifiable in the eyes
of the people, there was ne(>d of the intervention of re-
ligion, luany thnes this wretch dragged the clergy in bis
train and exactC'd their coöperation in his roùbC'rÏes. .A.
trong proof of this is that which we ha\e narrated of his
in
ol()nce to Clement in his endeiH'Ol' to have the boneR
of Boniface burned. If he had lived after the reformation
of 3Iartin Luther, and tbe revolt of Henry VIII, it is not
to be douhtC'ò that in order to extirpate the scandals of
the monks and the clergy, be wouhl have piously confis-
cated their property. having alt'ea(ly proved that Bulls
and canons of f'oullcils arf> small oh
tacles in the way of a
king who is re
olutely intent on his purpose. But the
times wC're not ripe for actions of this nature. lIe oper-
atl'd in detail, and always on sociC'ties. For just as tbC'y
('ou1<1 more ea
iJy bC'ar calumnies than indidduals, so it
was likewise more C'ilSY to bestow on the blo,,, that struck
them a
(,1llb]an('(' of justice and morality. ...\ftpr having
l.ohLf"<1 tIw Italians and the Jpws, he ca
t his eyes on a
sO<'Ìpty, I'pmarkablc for its ill11l1C'use wpalth, and which,
"y r('a
()ll of thp faults of s.ome of its nl('mh('r
, could
wit hout (Ion ht p1'(>
ent the af01'(>
aid appea1'ance of ju
ticp
and 1llol'a]it:v to hi
atta('k
. to he
anf.tion('d alway
hy a
jn<1gnH'nt of tlw ('hn1'("h. 'Ye h(,1'(' ]'efC'1' to thp fam()u
68 Rismondi Hist. of Fran('e, chap xxr, Tom. G, pap-(' 8ï. Brussels 1839.
Sf SisIDonùi. ni
t. of France, chap. XXII, page 122.
416 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE ;VUI.
Templars. The reader will bear with us while we narrate
briefly the story of this holy militia, whose ruin was allied
to that with which Philip threatened the memory of
Boniface.
The pious pilgrimages in former times to the holy
places in Palestine originated, as it appears, by Helena,
mother of Constantine in the fourth century, were the
first causes of the Crusades, and of the
Iilitary Orders.
:No one can read without emotion the recital of the dan-
gers to which the pilgrims were exposed on the way, and
the affronts they had to bear from the avarice of the in-
fidels, the guardians of the Holy Places. 65 The afflictions
of these devoted people touched the heart of all Christen-
dom; and just as some took up arms for the conquest of
the IIoly Land, so some societies were armed in defence
of those who desired to visit it. These societies were the
3Iilitary Orders, deputed either for the care of sick pil-
grims, or for the protection of pilgrims against the Turks
during the jonrney. The Templars were chosen for this
noble purpo
e. Their Order was founded by five knights
who took part in the first Crusade, and all the names of
whom are lost with the exception of two, Hugh de Payens,
and Ganfl'ed of St. Alden1ar. 66 They bound themselves,
in the presence of the Patriarch of J erusaleln and of other
bishops, for the remission of their sins, to hold and guard
against robbers the roads on which the devout pilgrims
would travel, and to observe perpetual chastity, obedience
and poverty.67 They were called Templars, from the
name of the place, which Baldwin, King of Jerusalem,
first assigned them as a residence, which was near the
temple of Solomon; for which reason afterwards all their
houses in France and England were called Templars. 68
In the year of 1123 Hugh de Payens, with some of his
knights, appeared before the council of Troyes, presided
over by the Legate of Honorins II, and asked for a rule to
6
Guil. Ty. Rist. Bell. sac. lib. I, c. 10. Sed qui in itinere cuncta
perdiderant, et vix eum incolumitate rnembrorum ad loca pervenerant
optata, unde tributum solverent, non habebant. Sic enim fiebat,
ut ante urbem ex tali bus mille vel plures collecti, et expect antes
introeundi licentiam, fame et nuditate consumpti deficerent.
66 Guill. Rist. bell. Sac. L. ib. 12, c. 7.
67 The same and MaUh. Paris-Jac. de Vetri. Rist. Rier, c. 65.
68 Du Fresne Gloss.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. -117
follow. St. Bernard was deputed to write it, who was
most enthusiastic in all matters relating to the Holy
Land, and recognized in the Templars a most powerful
aid sent to the faithful from Heaven. 69 It is pleasant to
read hO"T the holy
\.bbot with a fertility of imagination
extols the nobility of the Temple of knights which he even
elevates above that of Solomon. 7o They received from
this Coundl a common habit of white color. Later in
1145 Pope Eugenius III made them place on their cloak a
cross of red cloth. 71 Thus the whiteness of the habit in-
(Heated the innocence and candor of their lives, and the
cross of red, martyrdom for which they should be pre-
pared by the defence of the Holy Land, and by the de-
struction of the enemies of the cross. 72 The field of their
escutcheon was colored equally with white and black, to
signify kindness towards friends, and severity towards
enemies. 73 In principle they were an
horites in military
dress, and one does not know which to admire in thenl the
more, the observances of eyangelical perfection or their
formidable nliJitary virtue. They were most obedient ana
respectful to the Patriarch of Jerusaleln; 74 they prac-
th-:ed poverty to such a high degree that their founders
IT ugh and Ganfred had but one horse between them; so
that in memory of this poverty and singular humility,
they had engraved on their seal the figure of two knights
seated on the one same horse. 75 The integrity of their
morals was such that they observed in word and laughter
the most austere reserve. 76 YaJiant in war, closely and
prudently united to their <.:hief, they were always the first
to adyance in the line of battle, they were the last to re-
treat and in retreating they never turned their heads to
the enemy; nor without obeying thf' orders of their chiefs.
In a word they were the wonder and delight of all Chris-
tians. Such is the statement of Jallles de Vitry,77 \Yilliam
· Exort. ad milit., c. 1.
'10 The same C. 8 . . . . . . "Pro candelabris, thuribulis, atque
urceolis, domus undique frenis, sellis ac lanceis communitur."
11" UT intf>r caetero8 es!>ent nobiliores." \Yil. Tyri. 1. 12, c. 7.
n Jac. de Vitriaco, c. 65. '1S Idem de Vitriaco.
'1. St. Bernard e:-..hort, ad militf's, c. 4.
Intth, Paris. (,hron.
'16 St. Bernard. Exhort. ad milites.
'17" Kulli molf':'Iti erant, sed ab omnibus propter humilitatem et relig-
ionem amabantur."
418 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
of Tyr declares that their wpa1th and numbers were im-
luense in his time, and James de yitry said that their
nUlnLer had increased indefinitely. This wealth was at
first a temptation, and later it Lecame a scandal. Now it is
undeniable that the object which these pious knights had
in view in the beginning was most holy; and we do not
doubt that the head ones who showed the way acted under
the holy impulse of faith; but just as the Crusades them-
selves were soon profaned hy the ambitions of the chiefs,
and the licentiousness of the nlultitude, so the knightly
orders wandered a way frol11 the sublime purpose of their
institution. The monastic orders ran the same risks, but
the rigor of lnaterial discipline, the separation from the
world, the indiyidnal poverty, the authority of supedol's,
3n(1 thf' ahsence of hope of fIver acquiring a brilliant repu-
tation, were a harbor which welcomed on its bosom the
shipwrecked nlem ùers; and if all did not feel themselves
sufficiently strong to renew their noble and dangerous
career, all at least renlained hidden, that is to say, the
cloisters cast their charitable shadows over the deformi-
ties and infirmities of hUlnan nature. So although having
lost their first fervor, the nlonastic orders had the means
to revive it, and to hide the lukewarm spirits; scandals
hegan with the ending of this discipline. Similar to the
monks in the first glow of faith, thf' Tenlplars, and with
thclll all the sacred militia, differed from the nlonks
throngh lack of llleans which would sustain them on the
:'mpernatural road on which they walked, and which would
aid them to arise from their falls. They were servants of
Christ, hut clothed in armor, anr1 obliged hy rluty to fight
3etively in a country in which the fervor of religion could
not always triumph over the unfavorable conditions in
which they fonnd themselves placed; we speak of the con-
tact with their enemies and also of the climate. The
tumult of camps, the passions of war, the joy of victory,
and the sweet thonght of hooty, could not hut oppress the
spirit, and canse it to fall from that suhlime mysticism
in which tlw solitaries of Thehais had maintained them-
8P]V('8 with so much effort, and at thf' price of the priva-
tion of all C'arthJy things. J{Ol'eovpl' in tbis epocl1 {'bival-
1'On8 exploits callprl fm"th more esteel11 and consirleration
than any science; anò as these were sung in verse, they
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 419
arou
ed the warlne
t and liv
liest affections in the hearts
of those who had nlo
t capacity for PO(
tl"'y; awl heIH'p
between these hparts and a knight who l"pturned ft'OtH the
Holy Land narrating his cOlnLats with the Sat'acens, there
would course such a strong feeling of Hympathy again
t
which the strongest coat of mail of a Templar woula Le
a powerless protection. .A monk wa::-; never expo
('d to
such dangers as theHe. If thpn the Tel1lplar
, by pre
('rv-
ing the bonds which b('hl tbel11 in Hubjection to their
Grand 31aster, coula persevere in thp conditions of a l'f'gu-
lar militia, they howevpI' with difficulty remained monks.
'Yilliarn of Tyr 78 dpcIarC's that in his time thpy had
aIrpady departed frOln thpir first intent, and
latthC'w of
Paris nlakes the patriareh of JeruHal(>lll say again
t thPHP
knights tJlP
e words of the BiLle: " J have nourishpd an(l
"exalted my children and they ha\'e despised mp."
But even though the T('mplar
had continued in thpir
first discipline, they would always han
aroused the jeal-
ousy of the prince in who
e country they resided. In fact
if the Church hy only th(' moral power
he exercised o'\"er
the people, aroused the jealousy and cupidity of kings, the
latter should for a stronger reason feel the same senti-
Inents with regard to a Hociety of men, not only respected
by the people hy reaHon of the holiness of their institute,
and of the red cross they wore on their mantles, hut feared
hy reason of the Illaterial force of their weapon
, the
Illigbty power of their wealth, and their relations with
perS011S of high degree. A Pope could he imprhmned hy
open force, hut a Grand-31aster of the Templars could only
he by cunning, and by means of deceitful forms which
were called at that time criminal right. Gregory X
thought to reform them, and he wanted to unite them to
the Knights HOHpitalers. 79 Pope Nicholas IV wishf'd to
do the same in 1289, and he wrote to the Grand-)IaHtf'rs
of the two ordpr
hut nothing came of it. 80 The violation
of their vow of chastity did not disturb Philip of France,
hut their poverty heing changed to immense wealth, and
their obe(liencp into a proud command forcihly aron
ed
him; hp had morpover through his own fault. just reasons
to fear them. He had succeeded in PHtaLJi!':hing his do-
TS Book 12, c. 7. 'III
rag'n. Chr. Belg. ap. Pistor, Tom. III, p. 2GO.
80 Annal EJJerhard, apud. ('anis, T. I.
420 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
minion over the rights of the lay and clerical feudalities,
but he was not able, for reasons we have given, to dominate
the formidable militia of the Temple, more numerous in
France than in any other country, and who, intrenched in
their privileges, defied the royal authority. 'Ve found
bishops and barons in the assemblies of Notre Dame and
of the Louvre, but not Templars; we heard everywhere, in
the churches and nlonasteries, the cry of appeal to a coun-
cil, but in -the temples of the holy militia all was silence;
and for that reason we must conclude that tbe Templars
viewed these hnpieties of the King with fierceness and in-
dependence, hiding their hatred and contf'mpt within theÍ1'
In'easts, and perhaps lllanifesting it secretly. Philip
feared them, but to the fear of their power was united the
desire for their wealth. He determined then to destroy
with the appearance of a legal trial, and confisf'ate their
possession. He must commence through the Pope.
Clement forced by Philip to a nlost outrageous and
lnost deadly act against the Roman Pontificate, that is,
the condemnation of the dead Boniface, resembled those
travellers, who, surrounded by brigands in a dense forest
to be assassinated, beseech, and deliver up everything in
order to save their lives. 'Ye have seen all that he had
conceded to Philip to escape from his importunate de-
mands against Boniface. N ow, the cunning prince, avail-
ing himself of the sad position of Clf'ment, and kno"\ying
that compared to the monstrous condemnation of a sov-
ereign Pontiff all concessions would appear trifling, mul-
tiplied and enlarged his demands in proportion as the
council of YÏenne drew near. So, whi1st asking, he nnr-
hu'ed in the breast of the unhappy Pope the hope of
escaping this supreme difficulty, he took advantage and
proceeded towards tJle object he had in vie"\y. So then
at the difficult meeting at Poitif'rs, the I{ing demanded of
the Pope the abolition of the sacred militia of the Temple.
James de
Iolay assisted at this princely meeting; he came
expressly from Cyprus. This Grand-:Uaster of the Tern-
pIal's had heen loaded with caresses hy the King and by
Clement. The reason for the suppression of the Templars
was the horrible unnatural crimes of which the Ternplars
81 John Villani, L. 8, c. 92.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 421
were accused, and which were disclosed by the confessions
of the priors of )Iontfaucon in Toulouse, and a certain
Naffodeus of Florence, most execrable members of the
Order. Imprisoned by the Grand-
Iaster on account of
their crin1es, they offered, in order to gain their freedoln,
to say everything that would please Philip the Fair. s1
Clement had to remain in suspense; for Philip having de-
parted, the Templars appeared before him and entreated
him to do justice to their order, and not to proceed against
them except according to the usual forms. But whilst the
Pope was wavering between Philip and the Grand-
laster,
the former gained his point in an expeditious way that
was characteristic of him. On the 13th of October the
knights in all France were suddenly imprisoned and all
their possessions were confiscated by the officers of the
King, in virtue of secret orders to all the governors of the
provinces. If someone asked if the knights had truly been
guilty of the fa uIts for which they had been suddenly
punished, we would not be able to answer, as the proof:,;
of the truth of the faults were wanting even to contem-
poraries. The punishment preceded the trial, and the judg-
ment and trial which followed, did not deserve the name;
they were but a continuation of the punishlnent, namely
torture. The torments to which the Templars were sub-
jected, to wring from them a monstrous and irrational
confession, show that the judges searched eagerly for
grounds of conviction, which they did not have, and con-
sequently the crimes were not manifest. 'Ye leave it to
anyone whomsoever, not devoid of reason and hunlanity,
to judge whpther the dislocation of their bones would
serve to manifest and prove the guilt of o the prisoners.
Torture was always the nlost stupid debasement of the
human reasons in those things which closely concerned the
preservation of society, that is to say, the administration
of justice. \YlIen sufferings triumphed, that was nearly
always, o,'er the courage of the victim, a confession of the
nlost ahsurd crimes escaped from his lips; but this was
not a confession of guilt, hut rather a confession of that
natural instinct in man to repel pain, and the destructive
causes of life. ""'hence a confession in the mhlst of suffer-
ing, and a retraction afterwards; and so there arose on
the founòation of a very natural contraòiction, a judg-
422
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII,
llwnt contrary to nature and to 1'ea
on. That the Tem-
plat's in that epoch were rplax in diseiplinl' and wickpd,
we shall always helieve, both on th<--, authorit.r of tlw his-
torians who recount it, and from rational eonjectul'es; hut
that they were guilty of all the crimes of whieh tlwy werf'
accused by Philip the Fair, solely because sueh was the
judglnent of their torturers, we shall IH'Vpr })('lien:'. Du-
puy has compiled from original documents tlw history
of the condemnation of the rr('mplal's.82 In l'f'ading it
one call get a knowledge of the nlonstI'osity of the jlHlg-
ment, but not of the guilt of the accused. 'Ye shall have
to go elsewhere to be convinced of the truth of the last
point. 'Ve shall conclude, by saying that in this affair
the condemnation was just, the procedure unjust, the pun-
ishment too severe.
Philip gave to his brutal procedure a certain ecclesi-
astical character, by charging his confessor, Friar "Tillimn
Humbert of Paris, Grand Inquisitor, to proceed against
the Templars. The intervention of a Friar in these bar-
harous trials, and the sudden confiscation of the goods of
the l\:nights grieved Clement, who was Pontiff, and who
rpmemberpd that in France the Church enjoyed hnmuni-
ties by virtue of which it was forbidden to d('spoil, to
suppress, and to torture any religious soeiety without the
judgment of the Pope. lIe complain('d of th(' indf'pend-
('nee which Philip assumed r('garding the IToly See; 83 but
aftprwards pithpr hecause the spontaneous conf('ssion of
their faults, maòe in his presenee hy sixty-two Tc>m-
pIal's 84 had convinced him; or hecause he dirl not wish
Philip to deprive hiln of his jurisdiction; or hc>callse he
would not withstand Philip's noisy insinuations, I1f' sum-
nloned them also, and hegan an inquiry himsf'lf. 85 He
would have the chiefs of the sacred militia appear hefore
]lim, but they wpre so infirm that they could not ride horse-
back, by reason of their hones being displaced on the
rack. 86 In consequencf' he deputed three Cardinals to
82 History of the Condem. of the Templars. Paris. 1654. n. 4.
sa Dupuy. Condemnation of Templars, p. 11. 84 Raynaldus, 1308. 5.-
sa Bulla Clement. apud. Raynaldum: "Clamosa insinuatione dicti
Regis."
86 Idem num. 6. "Sed quoniam quidam ex eis sic infirmabantur tunc
temporis, quod equitare non poterant, nec ad nostram praesenti am quo-
quomodo adduci."
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 423
examine and interrogate thf'lll, before wùom thf'Y con-
fesRed under oath, and without a shadow of c<wl'eion, to
the truth of their fauJts.87 By his or(}eJ', the bishoIJR thenl-
selvf's proceeded against the Telnplars, and the ...\.1'eh-
bishops of Treves, Cologne, and )Iagdeburg were <.-hosen
to take charge of their property.
At the Round of so many royal and Papal il1quiripR, in
the fa('e of the indignation which the iniquitips of the
Templars exc-Ïteel, who could restrain the zeal of the
Christian Princes? Tlwy all followed the exalnple of the
I
ing of France, and took pOHsesRion of the rich property
of the Templars. The spoliation would have heen a Rl1laU
a1Iair, but they foIlowf'd it hy pxecutlolls at the stakl
.
Fifty-six Templars were burnPf] hy a slow fire out
itle of
Paris, and dierl appeaÌing to Jesus Christ and the Holy
Yirgin for aid, and pl'otesting their innocPllce with
shrieks of despair. f'lement was still at Puitif'rs. The
f;acrifice being consumnlated, he retired to Bordeaux,
afterwards he ,,"ent to e:staLlish his l'f'
if]enef' at ...\vignol1.
If Bonifacf' had liverl, the Templars would not have
been hurned. In fact the provincial councils which Cleln-
ent and Philip bad convoke(] in France, conc1emned the
Telllplars, those in Oernlany, Spain and Italy ahsolved
them not finding tbem guiJty, nor were they put to tor-
ture. 88
The abolition of a knightly Order could have been ac-
complished in an age, in which the intellectual life nlore
mature would bave ùf'en able to study it under its own re-
ligious covering. In the beginning of the XIYtb century
this wa
a prelnature act. Clement did not act as a Pon-
tiff, but as a prelate reduced to slavery by Philip. The
funeral piJes and the l)ones of the knights were as yet
snloking, hut Philip still pursuerl Clement, b<'cause he
wanted to see the bones of BOllifacp ahm in thf' flames.
The POpf' had 1)I'omisf'd the I(ing to treat th(' caRe of
Boniface in the approaching Council of Yienne, hut this
was for Philip too long a delay; he preRsed tIle Pope so
hard that he was fOI'('ed to begin the procepdings. Thf'l'f'-
fore on Rf'ptem LeI' 1 r)t h 11(' wrotp from _\. vigl10n for the
certainty of t 11f' prf'Rent, and the lllemory of posterity, an
Irf Idem. 7. "Libere ac spontp, absque coactione qua 1ibpt pt timore
deposuerunt." 88 Labbe. Cone-il. Gene. Tom. XI, p. II, p. 1533.
424 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
act in which we read these words: 80 " From the time that
"we assumed the Supreme Apostolate, our very dear son
"in Jesus Christ, Philip I{ing of France, urged by his
"zeal, (as we believe and as. he has shown) for the ol'tho-
"dox faith 90 and piety, ha
entreated us at Lyons and
"Poitiers, to lend ear to Louis of Evreux, Guy Count of
"Saint Paul, John Count of Dreux, and 'VilJiam, who
"declared that Pope Boniface died tainted with heresy,
" and that they have the proof, in order that we lllay con-
" demn legalJy the menlOry of this Pontiff, we find it diffi-
"cult to believe that Boniface was a heretic, born of a
"Catholic family, raised in the Roman Court, sent by
" Popes :l\Iartin and Adrian as legate to France and Eng-
"land, honored with the office of advocate and notary of
"the same court, created Cardinal, and finalJy raised to
"the sovereign Pontificate. Yet as heresy is the most
" detestable of crinles, and the accu
mtion which is made
" against anyone should not rest without an examination,
"especialJy when the dignity of the accused renders the
"fault most grievous, we have resolved, at the instance
" of the King, and in the interest of the orthodox faith, to
"give a hearing to the aforesaid accusers. We fix the
"coming Lent as the time within which they should ap-
"pear before us, the King and the said lords who know
" so much about the actions of Boniface."
The memory of a Pontiff dragged before the tribunal of
another Pontiff, as that of a heretic, was a thing unheard
of; for that reason, at this publication of the Pope, all
Christendom was seized with a just horror. The Kings
of Castile and Aragon dispatched legates to Clement,
C'omplaining of the scandal given to the faithful by imput-
ing heresy to a sovereign Pontiff. 91 In Germany, in Bel-
gium and in Italy a cry of execration was raised against
the outrages of Philip.92 It was impossible, however, to
break the chains which l)ound Clement. He nalned the
commissioners to receive the deposition, and commit to
public writing that which the witnesses related against
Boniface; 93 the witnesses were guaranteed against every
· Raynaldus, 1309. 2.
110" Zelo ut credimus et ipse promebat, fidei orthodoxae et devotionie
accensus credensque ecclesiae statuii plurium expedire." 111 Rg. 1310.-37.
113 Surita Annal. Book 5, chap. 87. III Albert Mussatus, Book 1, c. 3.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
2:>
offence or obstacle on the part of their adversaries,94 after
which the scandalous debates began. The accusers and
defenders of Boniface appeared before Clelnent seated in
full consistory. Philip, considering himself dishonored
if he appeared there as an accuser, (the Pope had sum-
moned the princes also) refused to appear, and obtained
from Clelnent a Bull in which it was declared that the
King was not considered a party in this affair, but only a
prOllloter of the glory of God, and the good of the
Church. 95 After his example, Louis Count of Evreux,
Guy of St. Panl, and John, Count of Dreux, exempted
themselves from attending. Only N ogaret, -n7'illiam di
PJasian, Peter Galal'd, Peter di Blanase, appeared as
representatives of the king, with the Archbishop of Saint-
Brieux, Alain de J.ÆmbaIle, a clerk of the King. TheRe
were the accusers. The defenders were Francis, son of
the Count Peter Gaetani; Theohald, son of Vernazzo, a
gentleman of Anagni, nephew of Bonifacf'; Gotto of Rim-
ini; Baldred Riseth; Thomas
I urror ; James of l\Iodena;
Blaise of Piperni; Crescentins of PaIliano; Nicholas of
IVeroIi; .J alnes of Firmineto; Conrad of Spoleto, all doc-
tors in law. The two parties were accompanied by a nu-
merous escort of men-at-arms. They mutually feared
each other. 96 The proceedings opened on )Iarch 16th.
'Ve shall speak briefly of the accusations, and the final
sentence, then, of the manner in which the affair ended.
For if we would descend to particulars, the torture to
which Clenlent was put, and the cruelties that entered into
trials at this epoch. would disgust the reader, without any
benefit to the truth of history.97
The nlunerous accusation were reduced to two chiefly:
heresy, and enmity to Philip tllf' Fair. The first was
clearly expressed in these words: Boniface had been an
atheist, and guilty of an the actions, a natural conse-
quence of this monstrous error. The other had been
already expressed by the Constitutions puhlished by Boni-
face against Philip the Fair. )Iany were the witnesses of
the crimes of Boniface; and to consider only those who
related that Boniface, in the year of the juhilee, denied
.. Idem 38. iii BailIet. Dpme]ps, 2R2. H Baillet t 289.
IT See in Dupuy the original acts of this trial.
42U HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
puhlicly, in the presence of the amhassadoI'R of Lu('ca, of
Florence, and of Bolog'lla, the immortality of the soul, the
future di:ssolution of the world, and the divinity of Jesus
Christ,98 clearly show how the gold of the Tenlplars
dropped into the hands of these witnesses. If Boniface
was jealous of power, and if this pow('r was founded en-
tirely on Religion, no one will ever believe that he would
shake this foundation. ,,-re do not find in the statenlent
of the facts of Anag-ni that there was any accusation of
madneRS against Boniface.
The two partips {'ontpluled before Clement tin the win-
ter of tllP following year 1311. The Pope was wearied,
and hegan to fear the anger of tIle defenders of Boniface;
he entreated the King to free him frOln this anguish, and
to subnlit to his pl"Ívate judglnent the conclusion of this
affair; and to ensure success he interposed the gooù offices
of Charles of Valois. Philip still refused to yield; but
finally, both by the influence of Valois, his brother, which
was very powerful over hinl, and because the greater part
of the noblemen of the kingòOll1 were tired of these scan-
dals and wanted thenl ended, he yielùed to the entreaties
of the Pope. Nevertheless it must not be passed over in
silence that the despair of obtaining a sentence which
would declal.e the truth of all the faults imputed to Boni-
face, was also a factor in this d('termination. The al)sence
of proofs and the disposition of the judges lnade him fore-
ùode the infamy due the calumniatOl's. This presenti-
ment had already entered French minds, in such a man-
ner that Yalois delnanded the blood of Enguerrand of
Iarigny, whom he accused of being the canse of the differ-
ences that arose between Boniface and the King, and con-
sequently of tlJe dh;graceful stain thus cast on the royal
name. 99 Both parties became silent; Clenlent had a11 the
evidence of the trial coJIected, so as to be preserved in the
Vatican Archives, showing thereby that he did not want
to desist frOln that inquiry, in which his dignity would
lose not a little ùy not concluding an affair undertaken
with so much solemnity. IIe afterwards wrote a Bull, the
greater part of which is given by Rinaldus, and over
whi('h a faithful Catholic can not cast his eyes without
118 Dupuy, pages 550, 5GB, 570.
119 Paulus Emil. in Luù. Hutino apud. Raynaldum, 1311, 30.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
4 "'-
...d
h
dding tearR, on seeing th
re the usurpation of a prince
tdumphing over the indolalJle power of the Church. loo
Philip the Fair is represented in this Bull as the great-
est defender the Church ever had; and all his acts against
Boniface proceeded from sincere, pure and JURt zeal, and
fronl the fervor of his Catholic faith. He was innocent of
all the outrages at Anagni, because Xogaret had said so.
lIe praised the King, beyond all expression, for his royal
mildness, his devotion, and his respect. and to discharge
hiR obligations to hinl, he abrogated all the suspensions of
privileges, censures and other Papal constitutions pronl-
ulgated after Novelnher lRt, 1300. hy Boniface, and by
Benf'dict XI. whieh could displease his l\lajesty. FinalJy
Clement ordered that all theRe Bulls be stricken fronl the
rep:i
try of Papal lettf'rs; that no one should retain copies
of them, not even the notaries an(1 th
jlHlges, nnder pain
of excoml11unication. and th
t all copies should be burned.
The two cOllstitutions (( Fnam Sanctum" and (( Rem
nonnn" were nlo(1ifi
d, with this c1eclaration that they
would have thf' force of law in all Christendom, except in
France, in which country things would remain as they
were before the pubJication of these two decretals of Boni-
face. TIC' reRern
d to himself, for four nlonths, the ex-
amination of the witnessC's, or the accusers of BonifacC',
and his defenders, provided it did not contain anything
which concerned the King and all France.
The pages of the registry upon which w
re inscribed
the detested documents were carefully erased, but all of
the copies w
re not destroyed; some of them have come
down to US. 10l
Philip being dC'clared innocent, and entirely content
d.
there remained X ogaret, and with hinl all those who had
rontrilmtt'd to the inlprisonment of Boniface, to the rap-
ture of his place, and the pillage of his trC'asures; they
wC're Reginald of Rupino, Thomas of )101'010. RohC'rt-Pf'tC'r
of G
llnazzano, StC'phf'n Adenolfo,
ieholas Oiffrf'd
flus!'ia, Orlando and Peter of Luparia. Sciarra nolonna,
.John of Landolfo, Go(lfrey amI .John of C
ccano, )Taximus
of TrC'vps, and all the inhahitallts of Anagni who had givf'n
tlwlll a
istance. The con
ei('nce of rl{
Illent had a repug-
100 See Document 2. T.
lOt See Document 2. t".
428 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
nance to releasing from censures those men who merited
even additional punishments; in fact he excluded them
from the pardon. 102 But Philip did not want even these
wretched men punished. An accusing witness, their
punishment would always remind him of what he himself
had merited, and which he escaped only by violence. He
encompassed Clement to secure their pardon, and he
granted it because of their love for the King of France,
and because tbey had sworn that they had not taken part
in the events of Anagni with any bad intentions. Nogaret
with hands joined received pardon as a safeguard, as none
knew whether he was a good or bad Christian, nor whether
or not he had overstepped the orders of Philip in relation
to Boniface. However Clement imposed on him certain
penances of which he was the only witness, such as to visit
the most fanlous sanctuaries of France, that of St. James
of Conlpostella, and to go and fight in the Holy Land with
the first expedition setting out, and stay there for the re-
mainder of his life. 103
Thus the proceedings at Avignon ended. There was no
8entence that declared Boniface to have been heretical
and simoniacal; but Philip had succeeded in his design of
defaming his memory. The shameful accusations which
were prolonged for seven months; the bought testimony
sufficed to accredit and sustain the bad reports circulated
about that Pontiff, whom the King wished to cover with
disgrace in order to shield himself. The slowness of the
trial proved clearly how repugnant were these scandals to
Clement, but it could not palliate the deadly wound it
gave to the Pontificial dignity. FroIn the summit of the
high throne on which he was seated, he dominated all the
faithful; Vicar of Jesus Christ, sovereign Teacher of jus-
tice, he knew full well that anlong the gems of the tiara
there protruded the thorns of the crown of martyrdom.
His mission was supernatural, the Ineans to accOlnpliBh
it supernatural; he should, if he wished to be Pope, arm
himself with supernatural courage. His vestments, his
body, his liberty, could fall into the power of tyrants, but
his soul never could. But alas! he was at Avignon and to
fortify himself he had not even the sight of the tomb of
'102 RaYD
ldu8, 1300, 50.
103 Raynaldus, ibidem.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 4
!)
those, who knew how to transport the church of Golgotha
to the Capitol by the double virtue of the apostolate and
of nlartyrdom.
Thesf' things should have powerfully agitated the soul
of Clement; and although the slavery to which Philip had
reduced hinl hindered him from acting differently, never-
theless he nourished within the thought of repairing what
was done, as soon as he was a little Inore free. In the year
1307 he had intimated the con vocation of an Ecumenical
Council in the Bull Regnans in Coelis, written on August
12th,104 to be held at Vienne in Dauphiny in October,
1309. Philip was anxious for this council in order to
present his appeal to it, and the accusations that were ex-
amined at A vignon. Clement also desired it, both because
the Church needed to be reformed in its menlbers, and
because his own conscience needed to be quieted concern-
ing Boniface, by a final judgment, emanating freely and
unrestrained from the tribunal of last resort. Having
then renewed the convocation of the council, Clenlent re-
paired to Vienne in the middle of Septelnber, 1311. A
large number of Bishops, about 300, answered the call; 105
they were nlen en1Ïnent in learning and virtue. The Pope
in a discourse Ina(le known the three principal reasons for
convening the prelates namely; the judglllent of the Tern-
pIal's, affairs in the Holy Land, and the restoration of ec-
clesiastical discipline. IIe said nothing about Boniface,
probably so as not to give ulnbrage to Philip, but he kept
him in mind. Pagi does not believe that tbf' memory of
Boniface 106 was discussed in this council, both because
that affair had already been ended in .\ vignon, and be-
cause fully six historians of the Hfe of Boniface say abso-
lutely nothing of the renewed examination. However in
spi
e of their silence, anù although we cannot be enlight-
ened by the acts of that Council, which have not come
down to us, yet .we cannot without rea!'
on deny the testi-
mony of ViIlani,t07 Rt. Antoninus, Friar Frands Pipino 108
and otherI'!. The cansf' of Boniface was agitated. and the
validity of his election by reason of the valid abdication
of Celestine V. Cardinals Richard of Ripna, Peter of
101 Raynaldus, 1307. 106ViUani lih. 9, e. 22.
100 Brev. Rom. Pontiff. 101 VilJani ib,
10'1 Cbron, R R. I. T. t. 9,
430
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
Spain, and Francis Gaetani, gloriously refuted the charges
of heresy. The latter esppdally undertook to defend him
in nlatters concerning the Colonnas. There is good reason
to believe that the speech of defence of Gaetani published
hy Paterini 109 from the Yatiean Archives, is precisely the
same one he delivered in the
uundl of Y"ienne. In spite
of the clamors of Philip, the Bishops, not being in France,
decided that Boniface had been a legitimate Pope, and
pure in his faith. l1O Public indignation against the anger
of a prince trying to tarnish the memory of a magnani-
UlOUS Pontiff hegan to appear. 1Ye have a splendid proof
of it in the action of two Catalonian knights, whoRe names
Yillani has preserved for UR, Caroccio and 'Villimll
d'Ehule. 'Yhen the cardinal defenders had fought with
the arlllS of reason, these braye and valiant knightR, de-
Rirous of defending the memory and innocence of Boni-
face by a trial of arms, appeared before Philip chaI1eng-
ing to a single combat two of the enemies of Boniface. An
expression of a nohle and a g-enerous devotion! It was as
it were the discharge of a holy debt which the knightly
piI'it paid to the menlory of a Pope, who was the last
prop of that Roman Pontificate which excited in the gen-
erations the life of the heart, the one and only source of
the sentiments of loyalty, honor and glory. The coura-
geous defence of the cardinals, the dC'finition of the coun-
cil, and the In'avel.y of the knights, "\vhich savored of the
ancient, revealed to Philip and his ministers an the dC'-
fOl'lnity of t1wil' lwarts whkh tlley had so much dishon-
ol'e(l hy thf' infamy of calumnies and perjuries. The
ICing an(1 hiR ministC'rs, says Yillani, were confusC'd. But
the confuRion of the wicked, especialJy when they m'e
powerful, iR never a sign of repentance, hut rather tIle
1011 :Uenn Praenes. :Monu. 53.
110 Yi11ani lib. 2!>, 22. "It wac; declar('d in this ('ounci1 that PopP Boni-
face lmd been a Catholic, and innocent of the crime of heresy of wllich
the King of France accused him; and this for many reasons ath"anced, in
presence of the King- and hi" counsel by Cardinal Richard of Sipna."
St. Antoninus. Page 3, tit. 21. c. 3: U ('um Clpmens de delenda memoria
RonifacÏi ex ecdesia, cum praelatis Concilii tractaret, quia rex illum
}1aereticum fuisse probare intendebat, Conci1ium nullo modo assentiri
yoluit, s('d contrarium dcclaravit, scilicet illum fuisse catholicum, et in-
dubitatum poutificem,"
.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 431
indication of a fury which abateR its force, and is only to
be feared the more.
At last the bones of the wearied Boniface were at rest.
If the ignorance and the partisanship of the chronic1erR
and the historians defiled the stone of his sepulchre by
new injuries, still the truth was not to he so subjected by
tyrants, that its free and sincere lovers could not gain it.
It rejoices us to think that the first one who dared to ap-
proach Boniface with a nlind free from prejudice, to re-
count his life, was a Benedictine, John RORs who lived in
the XYI century. He an Englishman saw in Bonifacp a
calumniated Pontiff; we Italian, havf' spen n10re in Boni-
face, the Inag-n
nin10us Italian tramplerl under foot hy
that fate, which diRturhs this land, where not even the
memory of its old grandeurs remains inviolate.
,,-re have spoken of the things done by men on earth, we
shan now say a word on what God did in Heayen. Philip
was secure on his throne, and the fear of the punishmf'nts,
which for his crimes against Boniface could have been in-
flicted on hiln and his children by the Roman See, was diR-
Ripated by the indulgent measures of Clement, who, in the
coundl of Yil'nne, bad forbidden hilu or any of his de-
sl'endants to be disturbed, on account of that affair. But
the trial of a df'ad Pontiff, and that of the sacr('(l militia
of the Templf', conducted hy torture, and ended by the
t01'ments of RO many }uen burn('(l at the stake, left in his
mind thoRe frightful images, which in a malefactor, though
unpunishp(l, take the place of human justice. 'Yhen James
)folay, Orand-)Iaster of the Templars condemned to death
hy fire, mounÌf'd the funeral pile with the aRpect of a man
who is no longer of this world, hut sees and lives in the
next, lle appealed from the judgment of men to tl1P trup
and Jiying God who is in Heaven, and Rummoned to hiR
tribunal Clf'ment and Philip, to reply, at the end of a
year and a day, to his accuRations. This fact is rpcountf'd,
not only hy Ferl'ptns,111 hut alRo hy Godfrey of Paris, an
f'yewitneSR. 11 2 The conRtancy with which this man suf-
f('rf'(l df'ath; JliR prayer with joiup(} handR; the petition he
nmdp that his face he turned to\\'ar(ls the Yirgin
Iary,
111 S. R. 1. T. IX, ('oJ. 1017, loHt
J.12 Chron. de Oodofsoide, Paris, publi
hed by :M. Buchon, lR27.
432 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE ;VIII.
from whom Jesus Christ was born,113 that is to say,
towards the church of Notre Danle; and this formidable
appeal, considering the age in which these things hap-
pened, must have sent a shock of terror into the souls of
the spectators, and especially that of Philip.l14 Super-
stition caused the crinles true or false of the Templars to
be considered worthy of such cruel punishment; but re-
ligion still spoke in the venerable virtue of l\Iolay, in his
profession of a sacred knight, and in his words which dis-
c10serl a pure soul. If then to those feelings of a dis-
turbed heart of the King there was joined a secret remorse
of conscience, one can easily conjecture that the spectres
of the unhappy Tenlplars must have haunted the palace of
Philip. Heaven seemed to answer the appeal of )Iolay.
He had expired on l\Iarch 11th, 1314, in the nlidst of
flames with the chief knights of the sacred militia. Forty
days afterwards Pope Clement passed out of this life to
the next. At this sad news Philip Inust have thought of
the Grand-l\Iaster, and must have felt the ground giving
way under him. In the meanwhile the people impov-
erished by taxes, and by the falsification of the money,
whieh still continued, became riotous; and nobles for the
same reasons were excited and besides by reason of their
dhl1inished power; from without the Flemings were em-
boldened by a truce very disgraceful to France; in fine a
cry of Inaledidion and horror was raised against him for
the blood which superstition and cruelty had caused to
flow in torrents throughout the kingdom. 115 The mind of
the unfortunate prince was obscured. But the chastise-
ment was but beginning; the infamy of his own family yet
awaited him. True or false as it might have been, the
adulteries of the wives of his three sons were revealed to
hhn. The defilement of the princely beds filled him with
an incredible rage, the last of his life. Public and solemn
judgments displayed to the face of the world the ignominy
of his race; and a great multitudf' of victims were cruelly
113 (Idem) . . . . . . H et je TOUS prie
Que devers la Vierge Marie
Dont notre Seignor Christ fust nez
l\'Ion visage vous me tornez."
114 Contino William Nangi., p. 67.
1111 Sismondi. IIist of France, T. G, 17G, 177.
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HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 433
immolated by fire and sword to his rage and to the dis-
grace of his children. The fear of the dead, the suspicions
of the living, the infamy of his children broke his spirit;
struck by that anathema which God plants secretly in
certain hearts, and which he afterwards conceals by the
purple, his soul in pain and restless, reacted on his body,
and silently consumed it. Philip fell ill in the month of
November, eight months after the appeal of the Grand-
l\laster. K either wound, nor fever consumed him; in ap-
pearance he seemed healthy; something was gnawing at
his vitals with dpadly effect; everybody was astounded,
and knew not what to say. Philip died of that death of
the spir'it, caused by certain mysterious chastisements
rarely dealt out by Heaven! 116
Although the Ponitfical acts which were displeasing to
Philip, had been erased and burned, that malediction pro-
nounced by the holy Pope Benedict against Anagni, struck
with terrible force that unfortunate town, guilty of so
great a treason. Leander of Bologna 117 passing there in
1616 found it all in ruins, and in such squalor as to strike
the heart with pity. Amid this great scene of desolation,
the remains of the palace where Boniface had dwelt, and
in which he had been in imprisoned by the treason of the
inhabitants of Anagni, still were standing as accusing
witnesses of the crimes they had seen, and as guardians,
so to speak, of these ruins. The traveller interrogated
sOllle of the oldest inhabitants of Anaglli as to the cause
of this devastation, and they told him that, from the time
of tlw captivity of Boniface, they had had nothing but
nlisfortunes to deplorp. Plagues, famine, the exile of her
dtizens had diminished the number of inhabitants; the
walls had fallen hy fire and sword during civil wars. The
country had been plunged into this abyss of evils by her
own children. And continuing they said that, dismayed
by the la
tillg calamities, and almost giving up hope, the
118" Philippus rex Franciae diuturna detent us infirmitate, cujus causa
lIledicis erat incognita, non solum ipsis et aliis multis multi stupor is
materiam et admirationis inducit: praesertim cum infirmitatis aut mortis
pent'uluUl nee pulsus ostenderet nec Ul'ina. Tandem apud fontem Blulldi,
uncle et oriundus. Be deferri praecepit." Contin, Chron. Nangii ape Acbery,
Tom, III, p. GO.
l1T See Ciac{'onio for the year 12Ð4, Col. 302.
434 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
few remaining citizens had met in counsel to discover the
cause of this continual misfortune; and they all agreed
that it was the wickedness of their forefathers towards
Pope Boniface VIII. And so they concluded to entreat
Pope Clelllent VII to send them a bishop to absolve them
again, and in the meantin1e the people would pray and im-
plore divine n1ercy. So whilst in France there was placed
on the head of Philip a stone, upon which there could not
be recorded what kind of a death had brought hin1 to the
tOlnh, a cloud of mysterious and long.enduring calamities
gathered over unhappy Anagni.
Onr story is now at length drawing to a close, and it is
time to return at the end, to that which was said in the
beginning. "Te have said, the reader will remember, that
the Pontificate of Boniface VIII was a generating fact so
personified by this Pope, that after his fall the principle
defended by him could no longer offer resistance to the
contrary principle, hut rather had to confess itself con-
quered, and to yield little by little to the victor. "Te come
to the sad den10nstration of what has been affirmed; and
seated on that sepulchre which still resounds with that
divine
entence, U e'Ccry creature 18 subject to the Roman
Pontiff'," let us raise the n1ind to the consiòeration of the
con
equences which procee(1('(1 only too rapi(Uy frol11 the
failure of the efforts of Boniface anò the victory of his
enemies. Because the present generation is taught by the
past, it will be permitted to hope, if not for us, at lea
t for
posterity, a future equipment of civil llappiness founòed
on a just conciliation of contrary principles which dis-
pute the mastery of the world. This conciliation is not in
the sword of the conqueror, nor hidden in the mutable
wisdom of hUlnan legislators, but is a thing of God the
ecret of which rf'sts in the bosom of the Vicar, where
God hin1
(>lf deposited it.
Some Pontiffs have l)een persecuted, and tortured for
the faith, the fury of the people or the tyranny of Chris-
tian Kings have made others
uffer the tribulation and
sorrows of exile; not onp had been judged and conden1ned.
The first one to be put to this
ad ordeal was Boniface.
The first and the spcond in persecution and in blood ob-
tainf'fl the paInl of martyrdom, and were raise(l up to
Heaven from the throne on which they sat. Boniface did
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 435
not find ('ven compassion in his ignominy; he descended
from his throne, and with him the Pontificate, or rather
he was dragged from it and led into the Sanhedrin of law-
yers and sophists, to force him like Jesus Christ to tell
what truth is. All classes of believers in the Gospel once
reverently stopped at the doors of the Church, and they
did not dare to ask how far their limits extended, what
was the book of their rights, nor of what temper was the
sceptre he carried in hand. But Boniface dead, they did
not merely enter into the sanctuary of God, they rather
invaded it, and they pounced upon the Church to show
her that the limits of her inheritance were no longer the
limits of the earth, but precisely those that men marked
out accordingly to their will arounò her; that her code of
laws were obsolete, powerless, and had no light or value
ex'cept from the will of lnen; in fine this sceptre by whose
touch human societies had been constituted and the
throne of a hundred kings had been raised and cast down,
,'?as only spiritual, purely spiritual. We come now to
how how this limitation of the liberty or rather the life
of the C'hurch came about.
Beaven wished to punish the sacrilege of Anagni, and
to teach posterity hy the severity and hitterness of the
ehastisements. Although the principal actors in this
frightful drama, Philip and his satellites, were French,
Yf't Sciarra Colonna, and the traitors of the Campagna
who had taken part in it, were Italian, and Anagni was
an Italian city. For thi
I'pason then Philip having been
punished in his family, which became extinct, Italy must,
as the particular seat of the Pontificate, submit to a more
rigorous chastisement, and be punished wherein it had
!'ìinnpd. To the astonishment of the whole world the chair
of St. Peter was seen transferrerl from Rome to Avignon,
a town in Provence. This removal was rendered necessary
not by an incursion of barbarians, nor by the ravages of
pla
nes or wars, but it was thp work of an invisible hand,
which disconcprts the mind hy an occurrence the causes
and the lueaning of which it does not perceive. The terror
excited l)y the violent acts of Philip and those of the
Orsini family, acts which hastened the òpath of a gener-
ons Popp, tIlf
expf'ctation of the futurp prpvented the
Romans from pprceiving all the eviIs that were engcn-
436 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
(lel'ed by the prolonged exile of Clement V in France, due
to Philip the Fair. 'rhe Pontifical palace was silent and
deserted; the Basilica of the Apostles was bereft of its
Pontiff; and that virtue, which rose from their sepulchres,
and from the sacred sand of the amphitheatre, returned
to disappear through berea yemen t, not finding the heart
to which it had been united for thirteen centuries. Rome
was like a conquered city for the Roman patriciate, who,
not feeling any longer the weight of the hand of Boniface
on their heads, became possessed of excessive pride, with-
out ever ennobling it by a thought of honest ambition.
The clergy were many, but poor; the people employed
by the patricians in dishonorable work, showed all the
evils of want of government. Cardinal Napoleon Orsini,
in 1314 after the death of Clement V, wrote some letters
to Philip the Fair, which describe to us sufficiently the
conditions of Rome. us He and his Italian colleagues pur-
sued at Carpentras with hostile cries, and threatened with
daggers in the hands of Gascons who shouted: " Death
to the Italian Cardinals, }'loriantur Cardinales Italici," 119
experienced what it was to create a Pope in a foreign
country. IIence in these letters he bre3.ks forth into la-
mentations at the sight of Rome and Italy reduced to such
a deplorable condition. Two things are to be ren1arked
in these letters: the avowal that the see of St. Peter, nay
of Christ himself, had gone to wreck; 120 and the particu-
lar grief which Orsini seemed to feel at the sight of so
n1ucb misery, as if he was the cause of it. 121 The Cardinal
sa w with tears in his eyes, th(> calamities which had
fallen on the Church, becau
e his own firmness bad not
equalled that of Boniface, and he recognized perhaps the
fault he had committed in cooperating to
horten the days
of that Pontiff. N everthele
s the evils which he deplored
were only a prelude to Rarldf>r ones that wpre to come.
Public worship lost its splendor; the clergy were corrupt
and simoniacal; the churches were falling into ruin; the
118 Baluz. conect. Aucto, Vet. Tom, II, p. 289.
tIll Idem. Epist. Encycl. Cardinal. !talo, de incendio urbis Carpentora-
tensis post obitum Clements V. Pape.
120" Sedes B. Petri, immo domini nostri. J. Christi disrupta est." Idem.
121 "0 quot dolores sustinuimus ista yidentes, et maxine ego. . . . .
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 437
bonds of all discipline were lwoken, although the bishop
of Orvieto, delegated by the absent Popes to take their
place in the spiritual things of the Church, appeared still
to hold these bonds in their hands. And in order that not
even the nlenlory of civil grandeur might remain, the
monuments of old ROlne were wretehedly demoli
hed and
lost. The fury of the citizens made of theln a rampart for
the con1batants, and avarice an object of traffic. Let the
reader glance at the letters of Frands Petrarch, that truly
Latin pprsonage, and he will find there the sad history of
these calami ties.
Italy could not have been in a worse state at the period
when deprived of the Roman Pontiff. If Heaven per-
haps had not dpstined this country for a future civil and
reJigious resurrection, this then was truly the time in
which it could have been ruined forever, and have allowed
the proud throne of some Emperor of the ROInans estab-
lish itself on the ruins of her liberty. The Italian cities
bad arrived at that stage, in which the republican forms
of governn1ent were changing into principalities. They
werp not constituted into republics after the anterior de-
signs of some clever legislator who had known how to
regulate the opposing parties in the state, in such a man-
ner as to prevent them frOln transforming themselves into
anarchy, or a tyrannical monarchy; hut necessity deter-
n1Ïned their choice. The republics, in fact, were forlned
amid barbarism and the devastation of the country, inas-
much as there did not exist among them, on account of the
general po,'erty, great riches, which incorporated into
the hands of a few, or one alone, could have been able to
make the civil-organization degenerate into a aristocracy,
or monarchy (as riches are the first foundation of power).
Venice alone, enriched by hpr commerce with distant coun-
tries, was able to e
tablish hirse1f solidly, and give to her
government the character of a powerful aristocracy. So
a certain equality of rights anlong the citizpns directed
the political organization of the Ita1ian citips, but as soon
as the inequality of weaIt]} arose, the jealous love of
litwl'ty advi
ed the entrusting of the government of these
citie
for a year, to a foreign governor; an advice wllich
revealed the ab
pncp of a flOlnestic virtue
uffici(ìllt to prc-
vent the inconveniences which they thought to remedy by
J3
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
means of a transient, and very short, it is true, but a for-
eign government.
The Popes noticed full well the decadence and the
brevity of the life of the republics, and before entering
upon the work of their civil reorganization, they thought
of averting the present dangers to which the violent
Gern1an domination exposed them. Alexander III inter-
posed hetween the LOlnbards and Barl.>arossa, arresting
him in the conquest of Lombardy, aiding those there to live
in the rp}}ublican league until the Popes would be able to
establish themselves as the peaceful arbiters of the future
destinies of the
e repu hlics. But the vices of the democ-
racy increased with the inahility to remedy them, and the
need of a foreign conciliator increasing also, by reason of
their domestic quarrels, the cities had recourse, no longer
to governors, but to princes who had in their hands more
power, such as Charles of Anjou, and the Emperor of
Germany. The imperial vicars, and those of the Ange-
vine prince, represented the principality and not the pro-
tectorate in the Italian republics; so that the immediate
and first effect of this was the aggrandizement of the aris-
tocracy in the democratic cities. And inasllluch as the
house of Anjou of Naples and the Emperors fought with
pqual strpngth on Italian territory, it fell to the lot of the
Popes, and the young Italian aristocracy, the mission of
receiving within their arms the dying republics; the one
powerful by reason of its moral, and the other by reason
of its material strength. The former tended to a certain
lnagistracy of preservation, the latter to an absolute prin-
cipality, which would rob the common country of her in-
dpppndence, by excluding the Papal supremacy. Popes
:Kicholas III and Nicholas IV were fully cognizant of this
mission, the accomplishment of which should have been
the work of Boniface VIII, as the succession to the throne
of Germany was uncertain and Charles II of Naples was
narrow-minded, and short-sighted.
But the aforesaid Popes created for themselves, by
the disastrous elevation of their own families, obsta-
('les to the execution of this plan. The Colonnas and the
Orsini, by their seditious movements, annoyed and kept
the Popps husy at home; and far from leaving them free
in their laborious struggle with kings for the liberty of
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 439
the Church, tied their hands and furnished their enemies
additional weapons. The whole I)ontificate of Boniface
was a proof of that which we assert.
loreover, the en-
counter of a king such as Philip the Fair, with a Pope such
as Gaetani contributed also to interrupt quièkly the
course of this tutelary mission. It was inevitaùle that the
increasing right of pl'Ïnces should one day clash with the
in1mutable right of the Church. But if the encounter had
been so delayed as to allow the Popes tÏ1ne to make them-
selves the Sovereign arbiters and protectors of all Italy
and to estaùlish this arbitration and this protectorate ùy
the force of puùlic right, we do not doubt that the Italian
country and the Church would have succeeded in the con-
quest of a COlnmon individuality, and the Alps and the
sea would have been bulwarks of Italian and ecclesiastical
liberty. A pl'ompt and decisive war between men of the
character of Boniface and Philip the Fair was necessary;
Boniface was defeated, and with him fell mortally
wounded the hope of this double independence.
If the defeat was stranger, the effects of it were no less
so. For many years Rome was bereft of the Pope, and
Italy of the Pontificate. The last acts of Boniface with
regard to Florence were followed ùy sad con
equences.
The Ghibelline party increased by the persecution; it in-
carnated in itself the thought of those who, despairing
of all other means, turned to the Gernlan emperors. Con-
sidering only the present, and competely blind to the
future, the exile
, together with the more steady and calm
spirits made of these emperors their cherished dream;
the former, through partisan passion, and with a hope of
per
onal ùenefit, and the latter through a desire of civil
order. For this reason there was revived in Italy, the
imperial principle once overthrown in Rudolph, by the
power of Chal'1es of Anjou, and which wa
confronted by
the nascent Italian aristocracy already very powerful,
although in its infancy; the one 01' the other had to settle
the destinies of Italy; the first ùy tran
forming our coun-
try into a German province; the latter, by òivi(1ing it into
many principalitie
. The imperial idea threatened it with
a certain loss of all civil independencp; with the aristoc-
racy the same loss was easy, hut yet easy to he regained.
The impel'ial idpa, whose character is unity, was ere
440 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
long personified by Henry VII of Luxemburg; the aristoc-
racy by the Visconti of :Milan, by the Estes of :l\Iodena, by
the princes of Savoy, and by the :Mal'quises of l\Iont-
ferrato. These representatives of the aristocracy were
many, and consequently were jealous of one another; they
rose upon the ruins of the republics and were consequently
badly established in their dOlllinions. \Yherefore elllulous
of power and desirous of retaining it, instead of combining
like the old republics, they wel'e divided and strove to
strengthen then1selves separately. Unfortunately the love
of their family, and not that of country, was uppermost
in their thoughts. For this reason being obliged to have
recourse to son1e one more powerful, they allied them-
selves as vassals to the German emperor, in order to re-
tain on their heads that crown, which if leagued together,
they could have retained more honestly, and with greater
advantage to their common country.
But this confe(1eration was impossible. For they
lacked altogether unity of a centre around which to assem-
ble; they lacked a judge who could define the justice of
their rights; they lacked the Supreme Priest, who could
have blessed them, like in the time of the Lonlbard league,
in a word they lacked the Pope. However, Italy at that
time received, frOl11 the House of Anjou of Naples, an
unexpected benefit. Robert, a nlan infinitely superior
to his father Charles II, both in courage and in shrewd-
ness, reigned in Naples. Placed at the head of the
Guelph party, acknowledged by many of the Italian
cities, if not as master, at least as their protector; invited
]ike his grandfather Charles I to constitute the Italian
principality for his own benefit; nay even better treated
than his grandfather by fortune, since the Pope was no
longer at Rome, to hinder, like Nicholas IV the realiz-
ation of this ambitious design, Robert succeeded in check-
ing Henry VII, who moreover died suddenly; but he did
not succeed in grasping the reins of that principality. He
drove off an enemy, Henry of Luxemburg, but he could
not bring the Italians, his friends, to suhmit to his sov-
ereignty. The new Italian princes were not heads of fac-
tions, but of a state; whence they consiilered Rohert a
rival, and a rival so much the more f1angerous as he was
powerful who could, with the aid of the Guelph party,
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 4401
crush their infant sovereignties. And hence at th
first
movement of Luxemburg, the princes all Lecalne GhiLel-
lines. AnIadeus Y, and Philip prince of Achaia, lords of
Savoy, voluntarily opened tbe way into Italy. They had
been Guelpbs, and were even the mainstay of that party;
now not only did they allow the German Emperor to freely
pass, but also assisted him by their good offices at the
court of Avignon to have his election as emperor con-
firmed, and also furnish him arms. Luxemburg bad with
him Germans, BurgundianR, and Fr
nch, who could re-
store the times of the infancy of Frederick II; in front
rnarched the revived Ghibellines. Breseia arrested the
course of Henry; it destroyed three fourths of his army,
and gave time to Robert and the Guelplls of Florence to
oppose efficaciously the invasion of the German Emperor.
A signal benefit for which the present and the future gen-
erations of this peninsula can never be too grateful to that
king and that republic.
At the time of IIenry's death, the aristocracy had al-
ready accomplislwd the transforluation of the republics
into principalities. The Guelphs became stronger and
stronger; but they did not posseRs their former life, for
they were only an instrument of the aIllhitions of Robert.
Henry being dead, tbis prince llad hinIself declared by
f'1lement the vicar of the empire in Italy, and renewed the
undertaking of the conquest of the Italian principality.
But in place of the unstable democracies of old, he en-
countered ronnd about him firnI sovereignties, the most
powerful of which was that of the YiRconti in
Iilan, who
could find no reason for allowing Robert to do that which
they should and ought to do to prevent thenI frOln her om-
ing vassals of the IIonse of .Anjou. The GhiheUines and the
Yhs('onti presented a bold front to tlw daring- Angevine, and
the former under the leadership of U guccionp of Fagginola
defeated the army of Robert at )Iontecatini; "and the lat-
ter hemmed in this prince so cloRely in Genoa, that al-
though the city waR not slll'relHlered, yet they gave a
mortal Llow to his material power and to his reputation.
This siege, which by contemporaries baR be('n likened to
that of Troy, put an end to the hopes of that of Robert,
and to the fears of th(' npw Italian princl'
; and t1lPn be-
gan the parcelling of Italy into a numher of snIalI sov-
442 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
ereignties, or seignorie
, rivals of one another, enen1ies of
concorll, blind to the interest of the common country, see-
ing only their distinctive individuality, hence powerful
for intestine feuds, powerless to repulse the attacks of
strangers, and bartering their own independence and that
of all Italy for the princely interests of the families who
governed and personified them,
"''lien Gregory XI returned to Rome from A vignon, the
old Roman Pontificate did not return with him. This
Pontificate, after being seen in opposition with foreign
princes, now was also in strife with the Italian princes;
and the Italian people, who under other forms of govern-
ments, had been, from the time of Alexander III, the chief
source of its temporal power, were unaùle to assist it, be-
cause their own individuality had been absorbed by that
of the princes. So then as Italy had to n10urn the loss of
the Pontificate, the Pontificate was saddened at the loss of
the devotion of Italy to its See; hut her impotence seemed
to n1ake her forget her civil mission.
Ioreover the Popes
who then ruled Christendom, acting exclusively in their
capacity as princes, determined, after the example of
other sovereigns, to elevate their relations and create prin-
cipalities for them. They also, yielded to hopes and fears
which were neither patriotic nor Italian, but purely in-
dividual, aHowed themselves to be drawn towards the
great foreign potentates, and contributed to the greater
division of their country, a division like the one with
which Charles V and Francis I tlll'eatened it. Thus Italy
seemed the prey of foreigners, the prey consecrated and
sanctified by the Popes, who consoled themselves with the
heautiful domains of the
Iedicis and the Farneses. A
powerful voice made itsf'lf heard, that of Julius II, and
called for the expulsion of the barbarians from Italy. But
the sound of this voice was not reechoed in the courts of
the princes, who were equaHy barbarians with foreign-
ers; and it was not heard by the people, hecause it came
from the breast of a prince, and not from a Pontiff. )[en
of the time in whkh these things happenef1 and posterity
have cursed the work of the Popes, and wished to make
the Roman Pontificatf' responsil:le and persecute it; l'ut
in this they were deceivpd. The Pontipcate
tood no
longer in the low regions in which the political destinies
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 443
of Italy, conducted b;y human wisdom, moved, but in the
sublime regions in whkh divine providence accomplished
the n1ystery of the catholicity of its Church. Like JesuR
Christ its author, whom the Jews threatened to stone, be-
lieving that II e aRpired to royalty, the civil Pontificate
had hidden itself, aud it went out fron1 that temple in
which a douhle unity assemhled the people; unity of faith
which still assemble them and will ever assemble them;
and that unit,v of filial confidence with which they intrust
to the Pontificate the direction of their civil destinies.
The proceedingl:'; of Philip the Fair against Boniface drove
it from the States, and ren<lered it invisible; it no longer
existed in the temple of civil justice.
1Ye have said that Jesus. Christ was the author of the
civil Pontificate. N ow as He is also the author of the
eternal Pontificate which governs visibly the Church mili-
tant, it followed that believers having been removed, aR
citizens of the 8tat
, from thp civil empire of the Roman
Church, were nliserably confused as the faithful after-
wards; and tlwy began to be wanting in charity, which
is the hond of hearts; in faith which is that of the soul,
and aft
rwards in the civil order, which is the social
hond. For the civil Pontificate is only a necessary con-
sequence of the f'ternal Pontificate. For forty years, that
is frOll1 1378 to 1418 the Church was torn by the most
formidahle of 8('hisms; which drew its strength from the
douht and the uncertainty of the trne Yicar of Christ; and
while the minds were struggling in the search of the trlw
Pontiff, 'Vyclif, supported by his satellite John Huss, was
laying the foundation of all modf'rn heresy, with which
the ancient ones had nothing in common but error; but
the rem
on of the error was altogether his own, and up to
that time was unknown. From Simon 3Iagus up to the
XV century, tll(' heresif's, although they were distinguished
hy the different aberrations of human intellects which
cOllceived them, y('t they an possessed one only substan-
tial in <lividuaJity, namely the df'nial and rf'jection of thf'
infallihle jlldgnwnt of the Church in hf'r <lefinitiollH. But
fl'om ""yclif down to our days hf'rpsy is distinguished from
an Iwpcp(ling- here
i('s by a cprtain suhstantial in<1ividn-
a lit.r, which eOllsiRtR in tlw 811 hstitntion of r(>ason, not of
humanity but of man takf'n separately, for the infalliblf'
444 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
authority of revelation. The ancient heresies would only
destroy; modern heresy raised on the ruins of revelation,
a throne to reason defining. This 'Yycliff was a terrible
man, and a real giant of error. 'Ve shall not speak in
detail of his heresy condemned by the Fathers of the
Council of Constance, but rather of that which, accord-
ing to us, constitutes its own individuality, and that of
the later heresies. The prolific germ of so much and ruin
is in the "Trialogue" the principal book of -nTycliff. In
that work he introduces as disputing, Truth, the symbol
of the good, Error, the symLol of the bad Theology, and
Science, which is a figure of 'Vyclif himself. 122 Here is
the throne erected to individual reason, and the first to
sit upon it is 'Yycliff, a place which he bequeathed later
to Luther. He d
fines; and the judgnlent could not be
anything else hut the negation of truth, atheism. 123 :K ow,
this man who, as infallible judge, made himself deposi-
tory of the truth, did not view it, did not call it atheism,
but he preached it implicitly, and gave it, included in the
immediate consequences of his principles, as the founda-
tion of the reformed Church in Germany.
The king
had freed themselves frOln all civil allegiance
to the Roman Pontificate; they considered themselves
fref> and independent of that which they called the fetters
of the Roman court; they were alone on their thrones and
thpy acl{nowledged no one superior to them but Almighty
God. Human reason defied by 'Vycliff did not make them
fear; on the contrary whilst they were displaying grief,
like the Emperor Sigismund at Constance, over the harm
which it did to Catholic dogma, they perceived with in-
terior joy that this individual reason had secured an
infallibility which could at once guarantee theln against
the important supervision of the Supreme Priesthood, and
the inlpertinent inquiry of the people. They learned later
and too late that the ppople also had an individual reason.
This is why Luther, who concealed under the hypocritical
authority of the Bible, the only and infallible authority
of his own reason, found fa VOl' in the courts of Germany,
hecause he gen
rously rnac1e nse of this reason towards
the Princes; who up to that time held within the limits of
122 Book IV.
123 Bossuet, History of Variations. Book II.
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 445
Catholic morality now saw this heresiarch open to them,
and also sanctify all tlie wicked paths, which it pleased
thenl to purs11e. The hpl'esy of Luther first infected the
princes, and afterwards the people. It infected especially
the former, hecause they had much to gain by the e
clu-
sion of the Papacy.
The Reformation accomplished two sad results, the one
mortal, which was the separation of a large number of
princes with their subjects frOln the ROlnan Church; and
the other contag'ious, wllÍch was to chill more and more
the devotion of an the other princes to the Papal See.
The latter continued to adore Jesus Christ in the Eu-
charist; to believe in free will and Purgatory; they con-
tinued to say and show themselves, in all that did not offend
their pride, loving children in Christ of the Pope; but,
acting as not very affectionate children, they expelled
him fro In their states, and they repelled the Church,
forcing hel" to confine herself to the invisible sanctuary of
her doglllas. They did not proclaim, like Luther that the
Church was invisihle; but they deprived her of her visi-
bility, scarcely allowing her the sensi1Jle forms of her
exterior worship. The Church is visible not only in the
C'xplicit confPHsioll of her dogmas, in the use of her sacra-
ments, 1111t also in that which is the essence of her visi-
hility, su1Jjection to tlie Pontiff, the Yicar of Jesus Christ.
lIe presides over every Catholic man in the complenlCnt
of his individuality, that is to say, in his reason.
ow as
the social lifp is thc life of man, precisely because he is
rational, the Yicar of Jesus Christ cannot rule every man
with out touching, with his authority, civil society in
which there exists the complcment of luan. The princes
expened the Pope from this society, they confined him in
the Church; and while they callpd thpmselves Catholic,
and 1110st Christian, political atheism (1ishonored the ad-
ministration of their States. Fr0111 political to religious
atheism was only a stpp, and the follies of Henry VIII
conld be nnlltiplif'd in othp}" courts. He had heen scan-
dalized by the errors of Luther, lip had won the beautiful
title of Ðpfender of the Faith, having defended it even by
his writings, against the (1p]'man novplties; and ypt with-
out atta('king at first any dogma, only 1!pcallsP hp fonna
the Papal authority D.l'ln as a wall against his beastly pas-
44G HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
sions, he severed frOln the Church, England that choice
portion of Christendom, not with the sword of the syl-
logh:m, ùut with the axe of the executioner. This sepa-
ra tion was not preceded by any new doctrines nor by any
disputes, but only by the deep roaring of a heart, stun
hy the Pontificate in the wound which a criminal lust had
inflicted. The Christian kings were surprised and scan-
dalized by the brutal wantonness of the English King, and
by his furious schism. They attached themselves more
closely to the Roman See; but they no longer believed
rightly in its supremacy, and hence prepared the way for
new and dangPl'ous schisms.
Subjection to the Roman Pontiff, as Vicar of Jesus
Christ, not only in all that affects faith and morals,
hut also in that which affects indirectly civil society, is
for Catholics a dogma like those of the Trinity and the
Eucharist. And as this dogma is proposed to our helief
l)y an absolute revealing principle, not liahle to a human
eonting-eney, so the belief ought to he ahm absolute, il1-
variaùle and one. N ow to say that some believe in a
greater, and others in a lesser supremacy in the Roman
Pontiff, is absurd, just as it would be absurd to speak of
greater or less affirmation of the dogma of the Trinity.
Dogma is one like God; it is so rigorously concentrated in
unity, that it allows no roon1 for a diversity of opinions.
lIenee unless they ,,,ish to renounce the Catholic principle,
or while admitting the principle illogically deny the con-
sequenee,-the faithful should always be subject to the
Popes as they once were to Gregory VII, exception being
lllade of political influence, which the modern puhlic right
no longer accords the sovereign Pontiff. Therefore the
Papal eondeseensions at the price of w11ich a deceitful
peace was hought, should SOOlH'r or later engender open
war against the essence of the dogma of the Pontifical su-
premacy. The.
prm of these hostilitips is always in the
character of the tin1es and of the mpn.
ow when the
first of these ('oneessions was ma(lc, the times were alrea(ly
mature, an(] they awaited the men, with the aid of whom
they would be ahle to produce thpi!' venomous ???
The rouncil of Constan('c and t1H
Reformation of
Ll1t lwr nlatul'ed the tinH's, anfl Louis XIY was the man
that the times looked for. Thanks to the removal of the
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 447
Holy See to Avignon by the intrigue of Philip the Fair,
the Church had fallen into such a deplorable condition,
that, during forty years, no Pope had won the universal
suffrage for the supreme power with which he was vested,
The people and the kings were divided, not on the legiti-
macy of the right of Papal supremacy, but on the legiti-
macy of the fact, that is to say, on the person in which
this supremacy resided. It was in the midst of such great
diver!':ity of opinions in a thing in which the life of Catho-
lic unity entirely rested, that the Council of Constance was
convoked. Its legitimacy depended on that of the Pope
who convoked it. N ow. as John XXIII, Gregory XII and
Benedict XIII, all called themselves Pontiffs, this fact
kept the luinds of thf\ Fathers undecided, and wavering
and in this fram(l of n1Ïnd they took their seats in the
Council of Constance. They had to decide the legitimacy
of the three Pontiffs, and as an three had followers
throughout Christendom, here was the exmnple of a Pope
judged by a Council. Their judgment referred to the fact,
and not to the right; it concerned the three men who
called themselves Popes, and not the legitimate succes-
sors of St, Peter; therefore they assembled, although di-
vided in opinion, to decide that all the faithful, even those
vested with Papal authority, should submit to their
df'crees. 124 'rhat which was decided by reason of the cir-
(,lun
tan('es of the thnes, and affecting the three pretend-
ers to the Papacy, was regarded and received by some as
a decision universal, absolute, and affecting all the legi-
timate successors of St. Peter. For such it did not suffice
as an argument to the contrary, that the very Fathers of
the Council of Constance, in their condemnation of the
heresies of "\Vycliff, proclaimed the independence of the
Papal supren1acy; and that l\fartin V, in a consistory held
31arch 10th, 1418, dpcided and ò(lclared in a Bull, that
there could be no appeal from a Pope to a Council. Ger-
on wrote against the Papal decision founded as it was
on thp tradition of fonrtf\en centuri(\
. and on reason; and
in France especially, where the tradition of the acts of
Philip the Fair was preserved, the opinion of Gerson W:lS
124 CoIl. ConcH1. Cone. Const, Sf'SS, 4, Vide Schelestrate de ConeIl.
l'onstrmt. Dissert. 2, e, 2.
448 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
received, and believed infallibly on account of the decis-
ion of the Council of Constance.
This decree of the Council of Constance eased the con-
science of French kings as often as the Papal authority ap-
peared to thenl importunate and excessive. Luther taught
them to do things with a certain order. As this heresiarch
had admitted a thousand times in his writings, the su-
premacy of the Roman Church, and had denied it after-
wards, in order to escape the reproach of contradiction,
he established the distinction between the Roman Church
and the Ronlan Court. A precious distinction for the Gal-
Hcans, and one to which they adhered with great eager-
ne
s. For as the Council of Constance removed them
froin the immediate authority of the Pope, who could err
and he summoned, as a party, before the council, so the
distinction of Luther increased their independence as long
as no voice came from Heaven to tell them when the voice
of the Pontiff emanated from tlw Church, and when from
the Court. Snch was the maturity of the times, we now
COlne to that of the TIlen.
France, although tainted with the heresy of Calvin, re-
mained attached to the Papal See. But unhappily Jan-
senisln, assuming much of the reformations of Luther and
Calvin, especially what touched Papal supremacy, was a
peaceful vehicle of those poisonous consequences, which
we have mentioned, and on account of which all France,
while remaining Catholic, did not remain over tolerant of
the infallible authority of the Roman Pontificate. The
clergy from the tinle of Philip the Fair had been always
looked upon with bias by the body of civil magistrates,
who, believing in power, did not want an intermediary
power betwe
n their own and that of the King'. So, the
jealousy of the jurists and the despotism of the Princ
combined to fight against the liberty of the clergy and th
Papal authority in France. Arrived at the zenith of
power, feared by all Europe, surrounded by the highest
intelligences of his age. deified by the poets, and by a
court, which in the worship of the prince partook some-
what of idolatry, Louis XIV, was calIed the Great. Facts
corresponded to th
title, so was it easy for Louis to con-
c
ive in hhnself a greatne
s which llnfortnnatel:v over-
powered his reason. He could not broaden his mind suffi-
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 449
cientIy to see by whom he was surrounded, that is the peo-
pIe; nor who was placed above hiIn, that is God, reigning
visibly over him by his Yicar; and concentrating it all in
himself, he found in himself only the principle and
Jllorality of all his actions. IIe appeared Catholic, because
he aSf'isted at l\Im:;s, communicated and fasted; and to
confirm the appearances, he revoked the edict of Nantes,
persecuted the IInguenots, and spent much money to con-
yert them. Rut Louis, exalted by the courtiers, in the ex-
pansion of his power, was to encounter God and men. The
encounter with men was reserved for the unfortunate
Louis XVI, that with God was experienced by himself,
He quarrelled with Pope Innocent XI for the same rea-
sons that Philip the Fair disagreed with Boniface VIII;
nanwly, on account of the immunity of the sacred patri-
monies to which I.-ouis opposed the rights of the Regalia,
supported in his pretensions by his pride, and by Colbert,
who did not find sufficient wealth in the public treasury
for the royal conquests, for the convC'rsion of the Hugue-
notf', and also for certain other domestic expenses of
Louis. The discussion of a particular right opened the
wa;r to that of the general right of the Church. The mag-
iSÌl'atC's were the flower of the royal forces in this combat;
h('hind theme were grouped the J ansenists, who furnished
them with arms, hut hidden, because Louis detested theln
for their rigor. (Louis was great in everything, even in
the weaknesses of human nature) ; the ecclesiastics formed
the rearguard. We shall relate briefly how the clergy
came to be found in the ranks of the defenders of the royal
power. Louis distrihuted according to his will some very
rich prebends, and chose the pastors from among the no-
hleHt families that surrounded his throne; so that the
hig-her clergy for]1w<1 one brilliant mass with the civil
aristocracy. Thus the riches, the favors of the Prince,
and the feeling which the French call cntll'lv;:iasm, and
which so readily took possession of a French soul in
pr('sence of the greatness of Louis, and a certain pride in
seeing the French Chul'ch distinguished from the others,
hy that which they believed to be privileges, and a particu-
lar liberty; in fine a leaning to,,"arrls the J an8('nistic
thpories. had, though with not a few exceptions, rendered
the clergy most docile to Louis. During the ten years
430 HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
that he lived at court in educating the Dauphin, Bossuet,
witness of all that transpired there, and which we will not
mention, Bossuet whom La Bruyere has called a Father
of the Church, did nut utter a non liect, in order to shield
at least his disciple from the scandals of his father.
In the beginning of the year 1681, all the clergy of
France assembled at Paris under the presidency of the
.ArehLishop of that city. Bossuet, then Bishop of :Meaux,
IH"pached Lefore that asselllùly; he attempted to prove the
supremacy given hy Jesus [1hrist to St. Peter over the
Church, and proved fronl the faults of that Apostle, the
nf'cessity for the sovereign Pontiffs to link to their great
powers an equally great 1111l11i1ity and condescension. This
doetrine clearly indicatf'd the purpose for which tlley
wpre a
sl'nlbled. The French prelates convoked by the
King, proceeded to the compilation of the famous four
articlf's, and decided: 1st, that the Pope invf'sted with
sovereign power over spiritual thing's, concerning- eternal
salvation, has no power whatever over temporal things;
hence he cannot depose kings, or aLsolve their subjects
frOlll their oath of fidelity; 2nd, that the power of the
successors of St. Peter can not disparage the decrees of
the fourth and fifth session of the Council of Constance
]'f'lative to the authority of general councils; 3rd, that
this power is restricted and lhnitf'd by the canons, and by
the rules and llsages adopted by the various churches, and
especially by tl1at of France; 4th, finally although it be-
longs to the Pope to decide all controversies relative to
faith, and these decisions are binding on all the churches,
yet these decisions can be reformed so long as they have
not been sanctioned by the consent of the Universal
Church. Here then is the Pontiff despoiled by these
Catholics of that sovereign authority given to him by
Jesus Christ; here are the faithful abandoned to thenl-
selves in the affairs of eternal salvation, and continually
in the expectation of general councils; here was Catholic
dogma conciliated with the invisiLility, or better the nul-
lity of the sovereign Pontifical power; llere as a conse-
quence was tIle work accomplished, not of Lutherans but
of Catholics, that was l)egun from the time of Gregory
VII, and conducted in such a prosperous manner after the
death of Boniface VIII. The...\ postolic Church groaned,
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 4:>1
but the grief she then felt at the recent loss of a oeloved
daughter, England, counselled prudence and consiùer-
ation. Louis th
Great was always conRidN'f'd a Catholic
notwithstanding the increase and aùuse of his rights of
RegaJia. France was considered Catholic notwithstand-
ing the liberties of hpr Church. )Iany of IIPr prelates ùe-
plored the evils of the wicked
po('h, and especially that
most amiable Fenelon, who beheld his beloved Fl'ancf' in
danger of following the example of unfortunate Eng-
Iand. 125
Because the Popes refrained from hurling anathemas
against France, many thought that this waR ('aused by
fear or by a feeling of impotence. But no, their lllOdt'r-
ation was the work of God. He wanted to hring back to
the truth, this illm;;trious dergy, whkh 11ad llipritetl so
well of the Church, hy a way wl1ich the cOlnpilers of the
four articles had undoubtedly not foreseen. Louis taught
the parJiament!'!, hy his war!'! against the Church, the use
of that individual reason, which 'Vydif and the Reforma-
tion had, as we mentioned before, proclaimed an infalIible
queen, deciding the truth between the just and the unjust.
He, with the cooperation of the clergy, banished from the
kingdom the detested supremacy of the Pope and the
Church, and taught minds a liberty of thought which did
not admit the belief in the existence of an absolute and
unchangeable order; and each one decided between truth
and error. In a word in the joy of his triunlph he invited
the proud philosophy of the XVIII Century, to behold fronl
the height of his throne, his conquests oyer the [Ihurch;
and whilst )IassiJIon, sighing over the bier of the King,
exclaimed that God alone was great, that XVIII century
philosophy ridiculed hoth Louis and God.
God could have allowed that poison to eseape, which the
four articles had stored up in the body of the French na-
tion, by the sharp and penetrating sword of anathema,
but he would not. He wiJIed that France should hf' pun-
ished l)y her own hands, and that the punisJlment would
125" Quae quidem infelicissima TPrum Rpiritualium conditio, quod
praesagit pro futuris temporibus, si minus principes regnent, nisi apertam
galJicanae defectionem a Sede apostolica? Quod in Anglia contigit, hoc,
idem apud nos eventurum valde metuo." Fenelon de Summi Pontif
anctoritate t cap. 40.
4;)
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII.
ùe profitable to all Europe. The philosophers ùorn in the
shadow of the Reformation, grown up and taught in the
shadow of the free Gallican Church, were the instruments
of divine vengeance. They demolished, with the sanlP
stroke, botIl the throne and the altar. Heayen plungefl
France in the fire of a great tribulation, purified bel', and
in the a
hes of that conflagration sowpd the seedR of an
nniver
al gelwration. TbiR Ì('l'rible re,'olution waR a
deRign wbieh God 8el('('ted fJ'om the trea
ul'ps of hi:;; anger;
hut a deRign wonderfully prolific of good, becau
e God i
the
oYereign good. The puny milH1R of men tllOught that
all good morals would ùe entirely lost; yet from that time
the pagan lasciviousness of the court of Louis the Great
no 10ngC'r defiled royal ('ourts and corrupted the people.
Religion and worship were Inourlwd as dead, and yet re-
ligion and worship lived and win live. The ke;\TR of St.
Peter were thought to have been ùroken forever, and the
Roman Church reduced to slavery by t11e cl'Ï1nes of
France; and yet frOln that moment the clergy of St.
Relny, and St. Hilary were ashan1ed of their liberties, as
of chains of disgrace; forgetting the four artides, they
atoned for their faults by the blood of an astounding
martyrdon1; the Spouse Jesus Christ. through the French
priesthood, re
ulned her vestment of purple, and pre-
sented hel'spIf to her SpOl1RC' dC'lightfuHy adorned a
in t11e
nohle days of pagan persecutions. An imlnense good re-
sulted from an imlnense evil. The Church and the Refor-
mation of Luther trif'd their strength in this suhversion
of human and divine thingR. The Hpformation petrified.
has seen th
Bible in its hands pC'rused hy Strauss; and
the Church ever young, standing ahove the ruins heaped
np about her, chants the hymn of victory: (( Sclutcm ('.r
-inimici8 nostris."
The FrC'nch Revolution was the encounter of indi-
vidual reasons, that of the people againRt that of the
kings. Both of them were inimical to the infallible rea-
son of God, which speaks and judges through the Ponti-
ficate; and therefore in their quarrels, both are indirectly
beneficial to that san1e infallible reason. Long has been
the war which the latter has sustained since God placed
her among men; her enen1ies succeeded one anothC'r bf'-
cause they were weary and powerless. No one succeeded
HISTORY OF POPE BONIFACE VIII. 453
her, because she is eternal and inlmutable like the mind of
God. Since this struggle goes on still, between her ene-
mies, and there is seen no possibility or hope of a peace-
ful settlement between them, should we not foresee the
return of that civil Pontificate, which like a father may
pardon the ingratitude of his ehildren, and be reconciled
with thelu in the kiss of love '?
'Ye do not know if this poor history has succeeded in
removing from Boniface, the Italian, that infamy with
which hoth his countr
rmen and foreigners wished to
darken his name. But if, thanks to it, his nlemory appears
to some readers in a n10re favorable light. let then1 frame
a wish with ns; it will find no doubt on the Papal Chair,
a heart to welcome it ;-Let the ashes of the brave and
courageous Gaetani appear in the light of the immense
basilica of St. Peter. The obscure crypts of the Yatican
where they rest would seem the refuge of a disgraceful
greatness. Let them appear in the Jight, in order that
the Jineaments of hi8 funeral statue be, before the whole
world, a monnn1ent of ItaJian firn1ne
s. Let them appear
in the light, in order that the civil Pontificate on its rp-
turn, may find a throne not unworthy of its n1ission, the
tom b of the magnanimous Bonifaf'P. "T e feel it conling, it
is returning. )[ay certain readers pardon the presenti-
ment we have of so great a return. If it be an error on our
part, it is a fault not of the Inind but of the heart, and
faults of the heart are always pardoned.
FINIS.
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS.
DOCUMENT (A).
BRIEF OF POPE ALEXANDER IV IN FAVOR OF BEXEDICT GAETANJ.
(Extract from the archives of the Church of Todi.)
Alexander Episcopus Servus Servorum Die Dilectis FiJiis Priori
et Capitulo Ecc1esiae Tudertinae salutem et Apostolicam bene-
dictionem. V olentes DiJecto FiJio Benerlicto Cajetani Canoni('o
Anagnino gratiam facere specialem r{>cipienòi eum in Ecc1esia vestra,
in qua praebendarum coHatio ad vos pertinere dicitur, in Canoni('um
et fratrem. {>t providencE ei de praebenda, si vacet ibidem ad praesens,
vel quamprimum ad id obtulerit se facu1tas, non obstante statuto
ipsius Ecc1{>siae òe certo Canonicorum numero, et iUo quo ordinatur
quod nuHum recipiatis nisi sit in Sacris Orrlinibus constitutus,
etiamsi statuta hujusmodi sint juramento confÌrmata Seelis Apos-
tolicae, sive quacumque fÌrmitate va1Jata, . . . . . . . . . . . . .
per aHa scripta nostra quibus nolumus ante praesentem. . . , . . .
. . . . seu si vobis ab eadem Sede indu1tum existat quod ad recep-
tionem vel provisionem a1icujus minime teneamini per literas prae-
dictas . . . . . quae de indu1to hujusmodi plenam et express am
non fecrit mentionem secundum. . . . . . . . . indulgentia dictae
Sedis, de qua circa tenorem oporteat in nostris literis plenam et
expressam mentionem facere, et per quam effectus anni gratiae
impediri valeat vel differdi, libera auctoritate concedimus ante prae-
sentem facultatem statutis..... per receptionem ipsius....
nihilominus roboratis. Datum Anagni YI. Idus J unii Pontificatus
nostri Anno VI.
DOCUMENT (B).
DECREE OF THE CANONS OF TODI IN FAVOR OF BE
EDICT G.\.ETANY.
In Nomine Domini Amen. Anno ejm
dem Nativitate 1260 In-
di('tion{> III, tempore D. A]pxamlri PP. IV die 14 exscrlentis mensis
Augustis in Choro Ecc1e.siae coram DD. Goffrido Archidiacono
Tud{>rtino D. Bartolo Juris Civilis professore, D. Ja('obo Cajetani et
Maccabril10 Canc. S. Joannis de Platea, D. J ustinus Prior, D. Bonae-
455
456
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS,
:fidanza Archipresb
.ter S. Terentiana. D. lTgolinus Bonifazi, D.
Bonavera, D. Ugolinus Lucii, et D. Uffredutius Canonici Ecclesiae
Tudertinae volentes vener, patri D. Pietro Episcopo Tudertino
gratiam facerf' specialem ac sibi, placere Benedictum N epotem ipsius
D. Epigcopi, Priorem S. Illuminatae communiter concord iter ac
liberaliter recipiunt in ipsa Ecclesia in eorum canonicum ac fratrem.
et per pacis osculum ac etiam per pan nos Altaris de ipso Canonicatu
f't juribus canonicatus eundem corporaliter investierunt, a Summo
Pontifice eisdem super receptione hujusmodi tributa licentia occasione
juramenti quo tenebantur de nn recipiendo aliquem nisi esset in
Sacris Ordinibus constitutus, et supra aliis quae in ipsis Literis Apos-
tolicis continentur.
NOTE (0).
NOTE RELATIVE TO THE DUEL BETWEEX PETER OF ARAGON AXD CHARLES OF
AN.JOU AGAINST THE INSINUATIOXS OF POTTER.
Whilst narrating the embassy confided to Gaetani with the inten.
tion of restraining Charles from fighting a duel with Peter of
Aragon, there was brought to our notice a book by Potter, an erudite
historian, but of notoriously bad faith. who seems to have under-
taken the task, not of expounding the truth, but of making history
accessory to his own hatred against the Church and the sovereign
Pontiffs. The base and dishonorable passion, whose tendency is to
build and obscure reason, which it inebriates with a sweet re-
venge, failed of its intent. For when he arrives at the end of his
chapters, inebriated b;y revenge which he relished and resting with
an air of triumph on the thousand quotations from authors devoid
of sound judgment, he inspires us with only one feeling for him,
that of pity. Describing that duel he decIare
, " according to writers
of the times," (there were no others but "Villani 1), that the ambassa-
dors of Peter swore in the presence of Pope Martin, for their master,
to observe the conditions of the duel, and he condemns the annalist
Oderic Rinaldi, who declares on the contrary that Pope :Martin for-
bade the duel under pain of excommunication. Finally in order to
lead the simple minded into the snare, he gives us to understand that
Rinaldi wrote four years after the event, and for that reason he can-
llot be an authority; and besides his account, said he, is contrary to
the BuII of :Martin published against Peter of Aragon, precisely be-
cause he failed to arrive at the place fixed for the combat. Now
to decide with an assurance so magisterial, Potter should learn some
facts he did not know.
Without doubt the authority of ViIIani is not to be despised in
that which concerns the events which happened in his time; but
on the other hand we are not to believe blindly the testimony of a
1 Lib. 7, c. 85. 86.
NOTES AND DOCU:ME
TS.
457
man when proofs contradict him. Authentic documents are alwaJ's
an authority superior to that of any author whatsoever, because' they
are facts, and facts are undeniable. N ow the letter of Martin IV to
Charles, which we have already mentioned. is such as to warrant us
not to believe the account of Vi11ani. The oath of agreement to
the duel taken in the presence of the Pope, and the confirmation of it
by the same cannot be reconciled with <C duellum . . . . . . . Tepro-
bamus, irritamus ac penitus vacuamus,. th(> yery duel the Pop(> <1(>-
clares that U non sit omnino ab Ecclesia tolerandum,." nor can it bp
reconciled with the sudden mission elltrusteò to Caetani, to prevent
the two princes from fighting a dm:>!. Inasmuch RR Potter and the
others have not succeeded in proving the falsity of the Pope's lettel.
and the mission of Gaetani, it will be impossible for us to accept tIle
statement of Villani without contradicting sound reason. Rinaldi
then is not to be judged as a writer who narrates of four hundr(>(l
years after the event, but rather after h(> had (>xamined the l(>tt(>f
of Pope Martin, and the authors he quotes. We may add that t1u:>
contemporary writers say absolutely nothing about thp oath taken in
the presence of the Pope, and approved by him, William N angis, a
Frenchman, who lived in that age, mentions the challenge, but has
nothing to say of the Papal approbation; there is no mention of it
by Matthew of 'Vestminster, by the English Friar Trivett in his
chronicle,2 by Ptolemy of Lucca,3 Ferrettus of Vicenza,4 by Nicholas
Speciale, Bartholomew of N eocastro, by Fazello, Si('ilians and en-
emies of ::Martin IV, these last three would have unmercifully as-
sailed him, if they had known that he approved of the duel.
Potter perhaps would not yield to these reasons; but he should
acknowledg the letter of Pope Martin, unless he wishes to call it
spurious. And although he should succeed in proving it false, would
he succeed in suppressing the stubborn testimony of other docu-
mf'nt<! ? 'Ve entreat Potter especially to open V 01. 35 of Burmann,
and let him stop at page 61 of the collection of Ricilians matters, and
he will read this title: <C Acta de pugna Burdegalensi indicta intrr
<C Petrum Aragoniae et Carolum Siciliae Telles." These acts beg-in
with a letter of },f artin IV to Charles of Ricily which agrees exa('tl:y,
as regards the sense, with that publisherl by Rinaldi, and contains
the express disapproval of the duel. This l(>tter was not taken from
the Papal archives, but from a :MS. of the Colbertian Library in
Paris. Lpt Pottf'r r(>ad it. and let him tell us if :Martin IV dould
forbid more enNgetically the disgraceful duel, and if he should swear
so blindly by the testimony of one writer, such ao; Villani was, who
mentions the Papal approval of the duel; and finally let him tell us
from this example, whether the infallibility of the historian consist<!
in a multitude of quotations, or in the rigor of his judgment as
critic.
2 Ad annum 1282-1283-
· Rist. Eee!. Book XXIV, c. 7, 8, S. R. I. T., p. 1188.
· Rist. Eee!. Book L. S. R. I. T., p. 953. 6 Thesaurus antiquitat, etc.
458
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS,
If Potter is still unconvenienced, let him consult the letters .:)f
Peter of Aragon and Charles of Anjou, inserted also in Burmann
in the chapter we have mentioned, which treat extensively of that
duel; and he wiII not find a syllable mentioning the Pope being
present and approving the personal encounter between the two
princes.
When Peter of Aragon and Charles of Anjon agreed to the condi-
tions of the- duel, they were not in the same city. The former was at
J\,fessina, and the latter at Reggio in Calabria, and so they {'hallenged
by letters. The one of Peter ends thus: U Datum },f essanae tertio
U Kalendas Jannarii anno ab Incarnatione Domini millesimo ducen-
U tesimo octuagesimo secundo, regno'rum nostrorum Aragoniae anno
U septimo, Siciliae '/:ero primo." That of Charles: U Dafum Regii
U penultima die mensis Decembris, undecÙna indictione, onno Domini
U millesimo decentesimo tertie, regnorum J ernsalem anno se:rto, Sici7
U iae vero decimo octavo." And the oath was taken neither by
Charles nor by the ambassadors of Peter, but instead by forty
knights deputed by both parties. "N os autem praefati quadragin fa
U milites, 't,idelicef. etc., ad preces et requisitionem dicti regis Petri
'
. . . . . . . (and in the other of Charles) .. Bona et spontanea
U voluntate nostra promittimus et juramus tactis Evan.r;eliis sacro-
U sanctis nos legaliter ac bona fide proposse facf1.ws et curaturos quod
U ipse rex Petrw;" (and in the other, "Carolus") U praedicta omnia
U per eum promissa et jurata firmiter adimplebit et inviolabiliter
.. observabit." It is evident the oath was not made in presence of
the Pontiff.
Villani relating how Peter failed to fight the duel, says: "Pope
":Martin having learned that king Peter had failed to keep his en-
"gagement, deprived him of and expelled him from his kingdom aR
"excommunicated. a perjurer, a rebel and an unjust retainer of the
"goods of the Church; and he excommunicated all who would obey
"him or can him king." Potter concludes from these words that
Pope Martin hurled the BuII of excommunication against Peter in
order to punish him for having failed to fight the duel he so much
desired. Nothing could be more false. The Bull against Peter was
fulminated, according to the statement of Rinaldi, in the month
of March, and the duel was to have taken place in June.
N ow these are the pure lies upon which Potter established his
theory that the Roman Church approved of the duel. In fact in a
note written at the end of the second chapter of the book 5th, and
to which he sweetly leads the reader, after having convinced him of
the approbation given by the Pope to the duel, he with the greatest
authority advances this proposition: "The single combats were made
"part of the judgments of God; and they were not only tolerated
"and approved, but even counselled, preached and prescribed by the
"Church. . ."
Let the reader not wonder; for the facts related by Potter in con-
firmation of his statement are not the result of great erudition. If
we be not mistaken, they were found by him all arranged in a certain
NOTES AND DOCU:\IENTS.
459
-.:ork called: It The Code of Humanity/' under the word It Duel ".
But what are these facts? For example, that in the year 983 the
Emperor Otho II, assisted by the great prelates of the Empire, pub-
(ished laws regarding duelling, and commanded that the authenticity
of titles should be proved by a single combat; that in the beginning
of the XI century the monks of St. Denis asked and obtained from
King Robert the power to defend their property by judicial duels;
that in the year 1020 the Archbishops of Ravenna, :Milan and Treves
approved of the laws of the emperor Henry regarding duelling:
that a certain cleric of the diocese of Saintes had fought a duel with
'Yilliam, a monk of V endome. We tarry here to tell the reader, that
the last fact found in the letters of Godfrey, abbot of Vendome, and
Cardinal, was immediately condemned by this same Godfrey. Pot-
ter himself relates this condemnation: "Godfrey condemns this
doubly, at first as being, said he, contrary to ecclesiastical law, and
secondly to the decrees of the Holy See." Potter should have omit-
ted this condemnation which completely reverses his statement
of the duel, It approved. counselled, preached and prescribed Ly the
Church." The fact that two clerics had fought a duel; that a cer-
tain number of bishops, taken separately, had approved of duelling;
that certain churches and abbeys had recourse to this means of de-
fending their rights, do not suffice to prove that the Roman Church
sanctioned and prescribed this cruel and brutal custom. Among
numerous other citations at the end of the chapter mentioned, Potter
<}uoted also from Du Cange; but we doubt if he read the article; uDu-
I'llurn et lJlonomar;hia," of this writer. He would have found there that
duelling as a proof of right had sprung from barbarism, and it was
not sanctified as a law by any Pope, or by any council, but by princes
f;till barbarous. And since in the civil court there had been no other
way than duelling to guarantee his interests and prove his right of
possession, it is no wonder that persons even consecrated to God
huld use the duel employing to fight in their stead, substitutes whom
they caned It Vicedomini." If then, in a time of universal barbarism,
the clergy had profaned their holy calling by the ferocity of duelling,
one cannot conclude from these particular or even general facts that
the Church sanctioned and prescribed duels. How many other de-
testible habits had crept in among the clergy, concubinage, for ex-
ample, and simony ? Yet who will venture to say that this wickedness
was sanctioned by the Church?
Potter in his supplementary note speaks also of the prohibition of
the Church against these single combats, but we do not know how he
succeeds in finding the first example of this prohibition only at the
late date of the Fourth council of the Lateran, held in 1215. At
that time he seems to have had before his eyes the article, "Duel ",
of the U Oode of 11 umanity/' and in it he could have read that duels
had been condemned in the Council of Valcncia in 855. Why not
relate a prohibition so old?
And to go back to times even more remote, it will be sufficient to
read the .canon of this council. This is the beginning: .. Et quia ex
460
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS,
U hujusmodi juramentorum, immo perjuriorum, contentione etiam
U 'usque ad armorum certamina solet prorumpi, et crudelissimo spec-
u taculo effunditur cruor belli in pace, statuimvs,
juxta antiq'llUm
U Ecclesiae obvservationis morem/ ut quicumque tam inigua et
U Christianae paci tam inimica pugna alterum occiderit, seu vul-
U nerib'lls debilemredidderit, velut homicida nequissimus et latro
U cruent'llS ab Ecclesiae et omnium fidelium coetu separatus, ad
U agendam legitimam poenitentiam modis omnib'lls compellatur."
Potter then should admit in the first place that the Roman Church
never preached, counselled, and prescribed duelling; that on the con-
trary she has always expelled from her communion duellists as crim-
inal homicides and sanguìnary robbers; secondly, that this sentence
was not promulgated so late as the Lateran Council, but from the
IX century in the Council of Valencia; and finally that the ancient
custom acknowledged in the IX century U Antiquum ecclesiasticae
observationis morem," means that the Church always abominated
and condemned duellists.
From all these we draw a painful consequence for Potter, which is
that he has erred through bad faith or through ignorance. The first
fault is unpardonable; the other can be pardoned provided he is will-
ing to know it, and promises resolutely never again to undertake to
write the facts of history without knowing them. Let Potter know
that we address these words to him not only as a Oatholic, but as an
Italian. For as his Roman Church. defamed by him, is the special
support and glory of Italy, in reviling her, he stabs to the heart our
innocent and beloved country.
NOTE (D).
NOTE RELATIVE TO THE MASTER OF THE COURT (DmII
US CURIAE) A TITLE
GIVEN TO BENEDICT GAETANI BY PTOLEMY OF LUCCA.
Friar Ptolemy of Lucca relates, in his Annals that the first Oardi-
nals to hasten to Aquila, were James Colonna, Peter Orsini, and Hugh
Sequin; and he adds that they became masters of the court: "Interim
" autem Dominus Jacobus de Colonna, et Dominus Petrus (no other
"but Orsini was called by that name) et Dominus Ugo de Bellioneo
"Aquilam vadunt, factique sunt domini curiae." He continues:
"Quod alii cardinales videntes. Aquilam properant. Tunc venit
"Aquilam Dominus Benedictus Cajetani, qui postea Bonifacius se-
"quens, de quo credebatur, quod non gratiose videretur ibidem, eo
"quod regem Carolum Perusiis plurimum exasperasset, qui statim
"suis ministeriis et a<:;tutiis factus est Dominus curiae et amicus
"regis." There were then according to Ptolemy, four masters of
the court, Colonna, Orsini, the Frenchman, and Gaetani, who ar-
rived too late to dominate, because the former three had already
C S. R. I. tom. XI, p. 1300.
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS.
461
taken the place, But then many do not dominate, or at least it is
necessary that these many should agree. Now the reader will re-
member, that in the conclave at Perugia, Colonna and Orsini were
the heads of the opposing parties; Villani says it clearly: "And
"after the death of Nicholas IV, the Papal chair remained vacant
"for eighteen months, by reason of the division among the Cardi-
"nals, one party of which, wanting a Pope to the liking of King
"Charles, had for its chief Matthew Rosso Orsini; and the other
"party opposed to this, had as head James Colonna." N ow how
could they agree in dominating under a Pope acceptable to Orsini,
since he wanted a Pope friendly to Charles, and not agreeable to
Colonna? Colonna then could not be numbered among the masters
of the Court, nor could Gaetani for the same reason. The latter's
ironical interrog::ttion addressed to Cardinal Latino in the conclave
at Perugia in regard to the visions of Peter Morrone; his slow and
all but forced departure for Aquila, evidently prove that he was not
well satisfied with the election of Celestine. As the enmity was still
strong between him and Charles the Lame, who will believe that
suddenly by those II ministm'iis et astutiis JJ he had become such a
friend of the King as to make him yield the mastership of the
court (Curia). Charles was the true II Dominus Curiae," and not
Gaetani. The account of Stefaneschi appears to us to be more worthy
of credence. Two cardinals said he, came :first to Aquila: . . . . .
. . . . . geminos ex ordine Fratrum. Nom missos gravitate patrum,
sed sponte ruentes." They were Hugh, the Frenchman, and Matthew
Orsini, . . . . . . . Ugonem. Scilicet Alvernum ac Ursino stipite
natum." Let us notice the expression: "non missos sed sponte
ruentes." This indicates the discord that existed between these two
cardinals and the others who remained, and especially Gaetani, the
last one to arrive. These two men took charge of affairs, since the
first being maòe bi'3hop of Ostia, is clearly declared by Stephaneschi
to have entered into the secret of Charles with regard to the promo-
tion of new cardinals, as also doubtless the other two Roman cardi-
nals, who were :Matthew and Napoleon Orsini, partisans of Charles
the Lame. But Colonna for the reasons given was not among these.
Stephaneschi says nothing at all of the influence of Gaetani at
court, nor of his reconciliation with King Charles. We can conclude
then from the testimony of Stephaneschi and Ptolemy of Lucca.
that the Papal court was divided into two parties, the one led by Hugh
Sequin and Peter Orsini, the :first to arrive in Acquila, and the
other by Benedict Gaetani. Thus is explained and reconciled, the
numerous masters of the court that existed according to the testi-
mony of Ptolemy of Lucca. As regards that II factus amicus regis"
of his, it is only a conjecture founded on the belief the chronicler
of Lucca had, that Boniface owed his election to Charles. He had
to reconcile these two personages in order to justify himself in saying
that thC' one favored the ambitious projects of the other. But, be-
sides the reasons we have shown, subsequent facts belie this reconcil-
iation,
462
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS.
If there was an affair to be conducted by the master of the court
(Curia), it was assuredly the creation so important of new cardinals.
N ow the reader may see how, Stephaneschi afterwards Cardinal of
St. George, relates what happened:
C'Venerat ecce dies, ignota ad culmina tollens
"Qua Caelestinus proceres augere senatus
"Flagitat, et votum complet: nam his repetitos
"Sex creat, et Gallos septem, paucosque Latinos;
"Quinque tamen: Binos Fratres sub lego morantes
"Instituit propria; nullum quem subdita sedi
"Immediata parit tellus, ex ordine Patrum
"]\furro dedit. Quae causa fuit, quae forma creandi
"Hos proceres, si no sse cupis, depromere gratum est.
"Fertur, ut annuimus, Carolum scripsisse futuros
"Pene omnes proceres; Regique placere volentem
"Hos Gallos statuisse viros splendere Galeris
"Murronem, reliquosque Duces celasse rubentes
"Hoc; tribus exceptis, quos jussit operta tenere;
"Scilicet Alverno, qui longe proescius horum
"Extiterat cum Rege patre, ducibusque duobus or
" Romanis. Alios proceres non certus habebat
"Rumor adusque diem Veneris, quae proxima cursu
"Sabbata praecessit. Tunc omnes advocat una
" Pastor; et ut structus fuerat, suadente ministro I
"Astuto, pI"ocessia Herus, dans nomina scriptis
"Certa sibi procerum, votumque requirit in illis
"Consiliumque Patrum semotum. Gaudet ab inde
"Sc fecisse duos Rex; mire turbidus autem
.. RE'dditur Alvernus,9 dum sperat ad ardua certum
"Assumi, hec scripta legi, proh! nomina cernit, etc."
If the surlden and unexpected election of those to the dignity of
the Cardinalate should have provoked the other cardinals, what must
have been the indignation of Benedict Gaetani, when he learnerl
that the leader of that cabal was king Charles, whom he had ex-
pelled in disdain from the conclave in Perugia. On the other hand
the more Gaetani had of knowledge and skill in affairs, the more
he must have felt piqued at being cast aside in this affair, as a man
of mediocrity, one who could be beg-uiled with the others. We lay
stress upon all this, in order to place the mind of the reader on
guard against the pretended compact, which, according to Villani,
was made between Gaetani and Charles after the abdication of Celes.
tine.
7 Matthew Rosso and James Colonna. 8 Bartholemew of Capua.
II Nam iste Hugo fecerat inscribi unum amicum suum inter alios qui
futuTÏ erant Cardinales: et subito, cum facta esset publicatio aliorum
c&rdinalium, non audivit suum nominari: de quo fuit dictus Hugo valda
:.tupcfactufO.
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS.
463
NOTE (E).
CONCERNL.,G THE ABDICATION OF POPE ST. PETER CELESTINE.
If in the course of our narration we have not spoken of that blar-
ing trumpet, nor those other ingenious impositions employed by
Cardinal Gaetani to intimidate St. Peter Celestine and make him ab-
dicate, it was out of respect for the dignity of history; but as cer-
tain readers might suppose there was no other reason, we propose
to return to these calumnies. This is the version of Ferrettus of
Vicenza : 10 The Cardinals were informed of the resolution of Celes-
tine: "Quod prudens et astutus Benedictus Cajetanus mente con-
"cipiens, et ad id decus animum suum audacter extollens, illi se
"familiarem et gratum soli to magis exhibuit, et, ut, perhibent, in
"obsequis studiosum. Atque interea. dum saepe sibi laudatum vitae
" so1itariae otium inte1ligeret, rite judicasse credebat, ipsumque magis
" ceremoniis et templorum ministerio. quam rei susceptae vocitabat
" apti.ssimum: cujm; persuasione major subibat impetus resignandi.
"Ferunt etiam et hunc virum dolosum, quatenus arlhoc illum flag-
"rantius incitaret, dum somno incitatus noctu Deum con tempI are-
"tur, per foramen, quod arte fabricaverat, voce tenui saepe dixisse,
"se coeli nuntium advenisse il1i, ut i11ecebris falsi nundi relictis,
"soli Deo servire disponeret. Quamobrem idem Papa degener ac
" trepidus, et in proposito consepto persistens, coram fratrum suorum
" aspectu claves sacros sponte projecit, et Chlam;ydem sacram exuens,
"honori summo renunciavit." ThuB wrote Ferrettus Thirty-two years
after the event"! he narrates,l1 and far from the place where they
happened. N ow let us see how it is related by historians clo.ser to
the times and place, some of whom were eye-witnesses.
There exists in the secret archives of the Vatican,12 a manuscript en-
titled: A treatise on his entire life (St. Peter Celestine's) by a man
who was greatly attached to him, In this is described the interview
hetween Gaetani and the Saint: "Coepit (Celestinus) cogitare de
"onere quod portabat, et quomodo posset iUud abjicere absque peri-
"culo et discrimine suae animae. Ad hos suos cogitatus advocavit
"unum sagacissimum atque probatissimum cardinalem Benedictum,
"qui ut hoc audivit, gavisus est nimium et respondit et dicens,
"quod posset papatui libere renunciare, et dedit idem exemplum
"aliquorum ponti:ficum qualiter o1im renunciaverant. Hoc il10 au-
"dito quod posset papatui libere renunciare, ita in hoc :firmavit cor
"
;uum. quod nul1us illum ab i1l0 potu it removere." This observa-
tion that the advice of Gaetani connrmed the Raint in his resolu-
tion to abdicate is false, because it is contrary to facts. If the advice
of Gaetani had exerci
d such an influence over Celestine he would
10:-;. R. I. Tom. IX. p. 9G6.
11 See
furatori. introduction to the history of Ferrettus R. R. I. T. IX,
p. 939. 12 Armar VII, c. 1, n. 1.
464:
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS.
not have asked the advice of other cardinals, as he is reported to
have done by Stephaneschi:
. . . . . . . . . . . Vocat inde alium, quo certius esset.
Consilium.
Attamen ab!;consi pandet secreta cubilis
Nonnullis procerum, quorum consulta reposcit
His super.
Gaetani then was but a simple counseI1or caned like the others to
give his opinion. Peter d'Ail1y of Compiegne, a strong enemy of
Boniface, relates the fact of the abdication as fonows: "Ibi ergo
" assidue cogitare coppit qualiter hujusmodi pontificaJi honore, vell1t
"importabili onere deposito, abjectaque temporali sollicitudine. ad
":mtiquam solitm1inem repeteret. Cumque peritorum consillio id
"jure ac sine animae suae discrimine fieri posse comperisset, ita in
" hoc cor suum animumque firruayit, ut ab ino proposito nullus hunc
"dimovere potuerit." 13 Here Gaetani is not even named, so much
was his way of giving it similar to that of the others. The au-
thor of the History of Florence 14 states that: Gaetani presents
llimself "to the Holy Father, pel"ceiving that he had a wish of re-
ðigning the papacy." Oaetani then did not suggest this desire to
Celpstine, but he learned it from him, And the reason why this
c1psire entered the mind of Celestine, the annalist of Milan clearly
states: 15 "Qui videns suam insufficientiam papatui renullciavit."
It was from a feeling of his own unfitness. Peter dena V oragine in
the Chronicle of Genoa affirms the same: 16 "Quocirca ipse videns
"suam inexperientiam, salubri ductus consilio, Constitutionem fecit,
"quo(1 si aliquis Papa insufficiens inveniretur, posset papatum libere
" rf'signare. Quo facto, ('urn papatum per sex menses vel circa re-
"tinuisset, in festo S. Luciae libere resignavit." Not one word
nbont Gaetani. Therefore if this constant feeling of his own unfit-
IlC
S for the Papacy, which made itself more manifest by the sad turn
of affairs; if the fear of the loss of his soul urged him to resign,
Gaetani Rhould not be held responsible for this determination, The
yersps addressed to the Saint by J acopone, whilst he was sighing
ardently to return to his hermitage. precipitated the execution of his
project. By these verses he wished to intimidate Celestine. The
complaint which J acopone poured into the ears of the Saint was very
unhecoming; this unhappy man felt only too well the weight of pre-
lJPnders, barterers and other such, of whom the friar speaks, anrl
against whom the Pope did not know how to defend himself. In fact
. his anguish was clearly expressed in those words which came from
his heart in the cen that had been erected in the castle at Naples.
Let the reader not think that we or Stephaneschi have forged these
II Apud. Surium, Tom. 3. die 19 Maii.
IIi
\.nna1. Mediol. S. R. I. T. IG, p. 683.
Ii S. R. I. T. XVI t, 683.
18 S. R. I. T. 9, p. 54.
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS.
465
words. The Saint realIy uttered them, and repeated them himself to
this very author, who affirms them in the following verses:
. . . . . Et meditans sibimet lacrymabilis inquit
(Ut nos viva patris docuit vox).
In the presence of the testimony of numerous writers of incon-
testable authorit
T; in the face of the true reasons which moved Peter
Celestine to abdicate, it seems to us that the account of Ferrettus, so
greedily taken up by many, cannot be considered as an expression of
the truth. The reader will remark that the recital of Ferreto rest." on
the wordR U 1.d pe-rhibent: ferunt." on the rumors then current. Now
we ask what value they would have as testimony at the time when a
false opinion was formed by the defamatory libel of the Colonnas
and the proceedings begun by Philip the Fair against the memory of
Boniface. The Colonnas, and especially James, the Cardinal, who
was at Naples and assiste(l at the abdication of Celestine, would
they have been ignorant of the artifices of Gaetani? And if they
had knwn them, would their charity towards the implacable Boniface
ha ve allowed them to pass them over in silence, when they believed
strongly that he was a false Pope?
DOCUME
T (F).
PROFESSIO
OF FAITH OF BE
EDICT GAETAXI BEFORE HIS ELEVATIO
TO THE
P \PACY.
In Nomine Sanctae, et lndividuae Trinitatis, Anno Dominicae
IncarnationiR 1294. lndictione viij. Ego Benedictus Gaietanus
Presbyter Cardinali
. et electuR, ut fiam per Dei gratiam hujus
8anctae Sedis ApostoJicae humilis :Minister. profitc>or tibi, B. Petre
Apostolorum Princeps, cui Claves Regni Cælestis ad ligandum,
atque solvendum in Coelo, at(]ue in Terra Creator, atque Redemptor
omnium Dominus Jesus tradidit, inquiens: "Quaecumque ligaveris
super terram, erunt ligata et in Coelis, et quaecumque solveris super
terram erunt soluta et in Coelis," sancteque tuae Ecc1esiae, quam
hodie tuo præsidio regendam suscipio, quod quanòiu in hac misera
vita constitutus fuero, ipsam non deseram, non abnegabo, non abdi-
cabo aliquatenus, neque ex quacumque causa, cuiusque metus, vel
periculi occasione dimittam, vel me segregabo ab ea; sed verae Fidei
rectitudinem, quam Christo auctore tradente, per te, et beatissimum
Coapostolum Paulum, perque successores vestros uRque ad exiguita-
tern meam perlatam in tua sancta Ecclesia reperi, totis conatibus
meis, usque ad all imam, et sanguinem custodiam, tam de sanctae,
et individuae Trinitatis .uysterio, quae unus est Deus, quam dis-
pensatione, quae secundum carnem est, Flligpniti Filii Domini
N ostri J esu Christi, et de ceteris Ecclesiae Dei dogmatibus sicut in
universalibus COllciliis, ct Constitutionibu
Apostolicorum Pon-
466
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS,
tificum, probatissimorumque Ecclesiae Doctorum scriptis sunt com-
mendata, id est quaecumque ad rectitudinem vestrae rectae Ortho-
òoxae Fidei a te traditionem recipiunt, conservare. Sancta quoque
octo universalia Concilia, idest Nicenum, Constantinopolitanum,
Ephesinum, Primum Calcedonense, Quintum, et Sextum item Con-
stantinopolitanum, ad unum apicem immutilata servare, et pari
honore, et veneratione digna habere, et quae praedicaverunt, et stat-
uerunt, omnimode sequi, et praedicare. et quaecumque condemna-
verunt, condemnare ore, et corde, Diligentius autem, et vivacius
Apostolicorum N ostrorum Pontificum, quaecumque Synodaliter con-
stituerunt, et probata sunt, confirmare, et indeminuta servare, et
sicut ab iis satuta sunt, in sui vigoris sublimitate custodire: quaeque,
vel quandiu vixero, omnia Decreta Canonum Praedecessorum
quos condemnaverunt, et abdicaverunt, simili condemnare sententia,
vel abdicare: disciplinam, vel Ritum Ecclesiae sicut inveni a sanctis
Praedecessoribus meis traditam, et servatam reperi, non diminuere,
vel mutare, aut aliquam novitatem admittere, sed ferventer, ut eorum
hic vere discipulus, et sequipedem totius mentis meae conatibus,
quae tradita canonice comperio, servare, ac venerari. Si quae vero
emerserint contra Canonicam disciplinam filiorum meorum S. R. E.
Cardinalium, cum quorum consilio, con sensu, directione, et memora-
tione ministerium meum geram, et peragam. consilio emendare. aut
patienter, excepta fidei, aut Christianae Religionis gravi offensione,
tua, ac beatissimi Coapostoli tui Pauli patrocinante intercessione
tolerare, sacrosque Canones. et canonica instituta Pontificum, ut
divina, et coelestia mandata, Deo auxiliante, custodire, utpote Deo, et
tibi sciens redditurum me de omnibus, quae profiteor, et quandiu
vixero, egero, vel oblitus fuero, districtam in divino judicio rationem;
cujus sanctissimae Sedi diurna dignatione, te patrocinante, praesideo,
et vicem tuis intercessionibus Bdimpleo. Eris Butem in illa terri-
bili die propitius haec conanti, et diligenter servare curanti. Adju-
torium quoque ut præbeas obsecro in hac corruptibili vita constituto.
irreprehensibilis ante conspectum Judicis omnium Domini N ostri
.Tesu Christi, dum terribiliter de commissis advenerit judicare, ut
faciat me dextrae partis participem, et inter fideles Discipulos, et
Successores consortem. Hanc autem Professionem per N ortarium, et
Scriniarium S. R. E. me jubente scriptam, propria manu subscripsi,
et tibi, beate Apostole Petre, Apostolorum Principi pura mente et
devota conscientiB super sanctum Corpus, et Altare tuum sinceriter
offero.
DOCUMENT (G).
ENCYCLICAL OF BONIFACE WITH REGARD TO HIS PONTIFICATE.
Bonifacius, etc. venerabilibus fratribus archiepiscopo Senonensi et
eius suffraganeis salutem. etc,
Gloriosus et mirabilis in operibus suis Deus, qui cum sit in
misericordia copiosus, in hujus orbis orbita plena malis, conferta
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS.
467
dissidiis, innumeras miserationes exercet; Ecclesiam suam, quam
ipse summus opifex rerum instituit, ac supra :fidei :firmam petram
aIta, et solida fabrica stabilivit, opportunis favoribus prosequi non
desistit. Assistit enim illi miserator et propitiator assiduus, non
obdormiens, nec dormitans in suarum opportunitatum eventibus
pervigil custos eius. Ipse siquidem sibi est in turbatione pacatio, in
tribulatione solamen, in necessitate succursus. Tuncque maxime in
adjutorium ejus sua pietas larga diffunditur, cum adversus illam
mundi nubiJa tempore calligante levantur, quae inter molestias et
affiictiones intrepida, colligens in vexatione vigorem. in ipsa malornm
instantia convalescit. N am divino semper rnunita praesidio, nee
comminationum strepitu deterretur, nec adversitatum superatur in-
cursu; sed in terroribus tutior, et constantior in adversis, pressa
praevalet, passa triumph at. Haec est arca, quae per confluentias et
mu1tiplicationes aquarum elevatur in altum, et subactis culminibu
montium, libera et secura profundas importuosi diluvii calcat undas.
H aee est utique navis, quae, vento contrario irruente. strepentis
maris furibundis rnotibus agitatur: :firma tamen et solida fragoribus
non dissipatur aequoreis, nec marini furoris rapiditate sorbetur; sed
elatas procellas obruens, ac spumosa et tumida freta sternens, trium-
phanter exequitur suae navigationis incessum, quae ad vitalem Crucis
salvi:fica{' arborem rectae intention is alis totaliter elevatis, in coelum
semper intenta procellosum intrepide mundi pelagus peragrat, eo
quod secum habet seduli gubernatoris auxilium marium praeceptoris.
Uncle regente illo et clirigent{' salubriter. ac Spiritu sancto flante,
adversitatum quarnmlibet nebulis dissipatis, victorosa peregrinationis
libernm agit iter ad patriae coelestis portum supernis nutibus feliciter
perducenda: cumque sic adversis innumeris prematur, et turbetur
Ecclesia, iHa in intimis ipsam acerbius sauciat, duriusque ferit
adversitas, cum pastore utiJi et provido viduatur. Sed licet saepius
Ecclesia eadem, pastoris regimine destituta, longe viduitatis lamenta
pertraxerit, expectando gemebunda diutius consolationem plenariam
successoris; in hujusmodi tamen moeroris nubilo dignanter illi
clementia divinae pietatis iUuxit, doloribus et necessitatibus suis
opportune subveniens per substitutionem optatam et delectabi1em novi
sponsi, ac earn de amissione prioris interdum inutiJis per prornotionem
mulcebrem accommodi successoris instaurans.
Sane vacante Romana Ecclesia per liberam et spontaneam dilecti
filii fratris Petri de }furrone, olim Romani Ponti:ficis, cessionem
coram venerabilibus fratribml episcopis, et dilectis :filiis nostris pres-
byteris et diaconis Cardinalibus, de quorum numero tunc eramus, ex
('ertis rationabilibus et legitimis ('ausis factam ab ipso in festo beatae
IÆcia{' virginis proximo praeterito. et a Cardinalibus proedictis
edmissam; cum illam posse sic legitime :fieri, et primorum gesta
Pontificum, et constitutio dec1ararent apertius, et ad earn etiam
faciendam expressus accesserit Cardinalium praedictornm assensus;
Caròinales ipsi, considerantes attentius quam sit onusta dispendiis,
quam gravia malo rum incommoda R{'('um trahat urolixa ecdesiae
memoratae vacatio; et propterea votis ardentibus cupientes per
468
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS.
efficacia et accelerata remedia hujusmodi periculis obviare, die jovis
X. Kalen. januarii post festum subsequentem praedictum, lliissarum
solemniis ad honorem Sancti Spiritus celebratis, hynmoque Bolito
cum devotione cantato, se in quodam conclavi apud Castrum novum
civitati Neapolitanae contiguum, ubi tunc idem frateI' Petrus cum
sua residebat familia, incluserunt, ut per mutui commoditatem col-
loquii ecclesiae praedictae provisio, superna cooperante virtute.
('elerius proveniret. Die vero veneris immediate seqnente praefati
Cardinales, mentis oculis prectis ad Dominum, pia desideria benignius
prosequentem, in electionis negotio ferventibus studiis, ut praedicta
vitarentur incommoda, procedentes; et tandem, cum divina clementia
ecclesiae praelibatae compatiens, earn nollet ulterioris vacation is
periculis subjacere; ad personam nostram. licet immeritam, intentum
ani mum dirigentes, quamquam inter eos quamplures magis idonei, et
digniores etiam haberentur, nos tunc tituli S. :Martini presbyterum
Cardinalem in summum Ponti:ficem canon ice elegerunt, gravis oneris
sarcinam nostris debilibus humeris imponendo Nos autem profunda,
('t sedula meditatione pens antes difficuItatem officii pastoraIis, con-
tinui Iaboris ang-ustias, et praeceUentiam apostolicae dignitatis, quae
sicut honoris titulis aItioris attolIit, magnitudine ponderis deprimit
gravioris; attendentes insuper nostrae muItiplicis imperfectiollis in-
stantiam, expavimus et haesitavimus vehementer. nimioque concus-
sum extitit stupore cor nostrum. N am cum ad tolerandas particulares
vigilias vix nobis possibilitas nostra sufficiat. ad universalis speculae
soIicitudinem vocamur. et intolerabile apostolici ministerii jugum
instanter dcbiIitatis nostrae cervici, jugiter supportandum, ac meri-
tormn non suffulti praesidio, ad suscipiendas apostolorum principis
Petri claves, et gerendum super omnes ligandi et solvendi ponti:ficium
angebamur. Verumtamen ne divinae providentiae opus impedire
forsitan videremur, aut nolle nostrae voluntatis arbitrium suo bene-
placito conformare; ac etiam ne corda electorum concordia per
nostrae dissension is objectum ad discordiam verteremus, voluntati-
bus tandem acquievimus eorumden, ad subeundum jugum hujusmodi
nostros impotentes humeros submittendo: non quod de aliqua nostrae
probitatis virtute :fiduciam habeamus, sed quia in ejus speramus
clementia, qui con:fidentes in se non deserit; sed eis propitius oppor-
tunis auxiliis semper adest, quique de sublimi polorum solio Ecclesiam
sponsam suam intuetur misericorditer et tuetur, suaeque illam exal-
tare non desinit copiosis bene:ficiis pietatis,
Vestris igitur et aliorum suffragiis propter imperfectum nostrum
propensius indigentes, universitatem vestram affectuose rogamus,
hortamur attentius, et requirimus con:fidenter, quatenus assidua nos
apud aeterni Regis clementi am intercessione juvetis, humilitatem
nostram sibi devotis supplicationibus commendando, ut super nos
gratiae suae dona multiplicet, et rorem uberem solitae benignitatis
effundat, ut actus nostros ad ipsum devotissime dirigentes, Ecclesiam
suam, quam nobis committi voluit, salubriter reg-ere, as de universo
ipsius greg-e. nostrae vigilantiæ credito. curam gerere debitam, sicnt
expedit, valeamus. Nos vero stabiliter in animo gerimus vobis et
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS,
469
vestris ecclesiis benignis adesse praesidiis, ac vestrum et earum pro-
fectum condignis favoribus promovere. Dat. Laterani IX. kal. febr.
pont. nostri anno 1.
DOCUMENT (H).
LETTER OF BONIFACE TO PHILIP THE FAIR.
Celsitudinem regiam rogamus et hortamur attente, ac obspcramuq
in Domino J esu Christo, quatenus diligenti meditatione considerans,
quod judicium di1igit Regis honor, metas justitiae curiosus observes,
illamque sincere diligere studeas, aequitatpm non deserens, c1emen-
tiam non omittens; ut subjectus tibi populus copiosus in pacis pul-
chritudine sed eat, et in requie opulenta quiescat. Ecclesiam insuper
matrem tuam et ipsius praelatos, nostri utique Salvatoris ministros,
caetera
que personas ecclesiasticas ejus obsequiis dedicatas; quin
potius in iIIis Regem coelorum et dominum, per quem regnas et reg-
eris, incessanter et solerter honorans, ipsos reg-ii favoris ope confoveas,
et in plenitudine libertatum, aliorumque suornm jurium efficaciter
protegere studeas et tueri, sicque in iis, tamquam filius benedictionis
et gratiae te geras et dirigas, quod c1arae mpmoriae progenitores
tuos, qui erga praefatam Ecc1esiam summae devotionis et reverentiae
titulis, dum viverent, c1aruerunt, non solum imitari soli cite, se<1
etiam evidenter excedere dignoscaris ad laudem et gloriam Dei Patris,
et celebre magnumque tui honoris et nominis incrementum. Dp
nobis autem utpote patre benevolo et sincero, qui te in minori etiam
officio constituti affectuose dileximus, et diligere non cessamus, spem
certam, et fiduciam firmam gerens in tuis, et ejusdem regni negotiis t
et opportunitatibus quae occurrent, ad nos recurrere non postponas.
Nam in iis super quibus ex parte regia fuerimus requisiti, libenter,
quantum cum Deo poterimus, votis regiis annuemus, tam et ejusdem
regni prosperitatem omnimodam, non solum studiis conservare solic-
itis, sed etiam plenis augumentare favoribus intendentes. Datum ut
supra,
NOTE AND DOCUMEXT (I).
IMPRISONMENT A!\D DEATH OF ST. PETER CELESTINE.
Stephaneschi, an eyewitness, relates the imprisonment of Celestine
thus: ". . . . . . . . Ut littoribus Vestiae civitatis maris Adriatici
"inventum (Celestinum) fore comperit (quafenus orbis sui eccles-
U iaeque discrimina vitaret) solemnioribus a se Siciliaque Carolo
" Secundo Rege transmissis nuntiis, consentienfem Anflgniam menre
" fecit; blande suscipit, laudemque exhibuit a('quitescputi Prap
ulis
"monitis Castro Fumonis Campaniae provinciae morari. Ubi as'Iue-
" tam, sicuit prius, vitam ageru; Eremiticam, nolens laxioribus, quilHis
470
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS,
U poterat, uti, anno millesimo ducentesimo monagesimo sexto snacte
"religiose defunctus . . . . . ."
Ptolemy of Lucca, a contemporary writer and an eyewitness, says,
". . . . . . . . in custodia poni tur ac tenetur pro cavendo scandalo
U Romanae Ecclesiae, quia apud aliquos dubitabatur, an cedere
"potuisset, et sic poterat schisma in Ecclesia generari. Tentus
u, igitur in custodia, non quidem libere, honeste tamen." 1'1 The
account of John Villani also a contemporary is almost the samE':
" He was kept in the castle of Fumone in a pleru;ant captivity," 18 HE'
says nothing at all about harsh treatment or the famous nail. GE'orge
Stella, an enemy of BonifaC'e, in his annals writes: "Ipsum
(Coelestinum) jubens custodire ad evitanda scandala." 19 Now with
this array of testimon
' of the writers of the times, can any reliance
be placed in the words of authors writing long after the times in
which the evens happened? The cruelities practi.sed by Boniface on
St. Peter Celestine were related at great length and in a most pitiable
tone by Peter d' Ailly, who was born fifty years after the death of
Celestine, and who was a Frenchman. Now would he know anything
clear and truthful on this question, in the country of N ogaret and
Philip the Fair? The reader will find an admirable proof of the
innocence of Boniface, and the confirmation of that which we have
said on the abdication, captivity and death of Cele
tine, in some
chapters of the life of the Saint, as yet unpublished, but which exists
in the Vatican library.
It is a very beautiful book, in manuscript, in quarto of double
columned pages, and from its style of characters is judged to be a
work of the XV century. The preface and the narration evidently
prove that the author was a disciple of St. Peter Celestine. The life
is divided into three parts: U Ad honorem S. Trinitatis, cui vita
.e Petri placuit, et confusionem hostis tr1.plicis. quem idem Petrus
U triumphal1do vicit." Then he continues: U Primam vero partem
U ipsius l't"belli idem pater sanctus (Coelestinus) propria manu scripis
" ad aedificationem proximi et Christi laudem, cujus gloriae militavit."
These are the chapters that relate to the above facts. The reader will
decide whether confidence can be placed in a disciple of the Saint
and whether it can be presumed that the wickednp_<;s of Bonifa<>e
would have been palliated by a man, who undoubtedly deplored the
retirement of the founder of his order from the Papacy.
IllS RENUNCIATION OF THE PAPACY.
CAP. XVII.
"Erat ei temporalis vita fastidio: deformis et squalida videbatur
"species terrenorum: et ad sol am pulchritudinem J esu Christi con-
"templandam pariter et habendam, toto mentis rapiebatur excessu.
11 Hist, Eccl., cap. 34. U Cap, V.
111 Annal. Geno. S. R. I, p. 1026.
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS.
471
"At vero beatus hic vir mirae simplicitatis, et in spectantibus ael
"regimen Ecclesiae inexpertus, utpote qui a teneris annis usque ad
"senium elongatum a mundo cor suum mundanis rebus non accom-
" odaverat sed divinis, prudenter reflectens suae considerationis intime
" oculum ad seipsum, cogitavit oneri papatus et honori cedere; ne ob
"praedicta posset ex regimine suo quodcumqup universali Eccle<;iaf'
"periculum proven ire ; et ut..........,..... vacare pos..<;et secus
"pedes Jesu contemplans ocio cum :Maria. Ad suos ergo ('ogitatn
"quendam Cardinalem nomine Benedictum, litteraIi scientia valdp
"redimitum convocavit; cui tantum s('creta sui cordis sub sigiHo
"poenitentiae revelavit. Cumque respondisset llictus dominus
"Cardinalis quod libere renunciare posset, dans ('i ('xempla aliorum
"pontificum qui renunciaverant, ita cor ejus in hoc confirmatl1m
"est, quod nunquam ab ipso proposito per dictum alicujus amoveri
"potuisset. Unde cum isto Cardinali omnia praedicta occulte ae
"solicite tractans et ordinans, fecit sibi renuciationem scribi et
"doceri. Qui tandem ad talia preparatus. consistorium ingrediebatur;
"et sedens in throno pontificali summum f;ilentil1m, ne sibi con-
"tradicerent, omnibus imponebat. Et accepta charta, l('g('m statuit
"decretalem ut quilibet papa possit papatui libere renunciare. Hoc
"autem ipse prior volebat observare. Deposito namque ornato
"pontificali, pronus in terra sedens cessit papatus oneri et honori.
"Videntes autem Cardinales quae numquam antea viòerant, in fietum
" et suspiria singuli prorumpebant. Cl1jus enim vel cor arrogans vel
" durum istius humilitas ad humilitatis et mansuetudinis non fieetat
" exemplum? Consideravit namque difficile esse sine cordis elatione
"aliis praesse, et terrenas occupationes absque peccati fomite
" ministrare. Maluit autem in Domo Domini abjectus esse, quam
"in diversoriis hujus saeculi gloriosus habitare. N ec poterat ipsum
" totus mundus erigere quem se ips(' dejecerat solus. Porro sicut ejus
"electio ex divina providentia noscitur evenisse, non minus credendum
"est de illius humillima renunciatione.
HIS RETURN TO HIS CELL ON MT. MORRONE.
CAP. XVIll.
"Hac itaql1e renunciatione per acta, Petrus non post multos dies
"ad cellam ejus, ad quam ante renunciationem redire protestatus
"fuerat, regressus est occulte. Statim autem ut illam ingressus est,
"prostravit se coram altari, gratias Dco referens eo quod ipsum
"taliter reduxisset. Qui projectis vestibus delicatis, induit se
"vilioribus illis quibus ante papatum vestitus fuerat, sperans de
"cetero illic pacifice r-emanere. Quod al1dientes cives Sulmontini
" occurrerunt ei omnes, et illum videntes, nimio repleti sunt gaudio;
" gratias Deo referentes eo quod ipsum revidere meruissent. Et illum
" ad cell am perduxerunt.
472
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS.
THE SEARCH AFTER HIM.
CAP. XIX.
"Bonifacius qui post ipsum ad summum pontificatum provectus
"est, cum audisset Petrum ad cell am ejus reversum, statim
"Camerarium suum misit, praecipiens ei ut ubicumque illum in-
"veniret, licet invitum, ad se reduceret abseque mora." 'Vhy this
command of Boniface to bring back, even by force, St. Peter
Celestine ? We ha\Te already given the reason, founding our opinion
on the testimony of contemporary writers and of eyewitnesses who
related the facts. It was through fear of a schism, possible not cer-
tainly through the ambition of the Saint, for he had none, but
through the admiratin for his piety and the renown of his miracles:
" Cum ergo ille abiens appropinquaret ad cellam Petri, intimatum est
"hoc viro Dei. Qui timens abscondit se in quadam latebra illius
"cellae, ut ab ipso minime posset inveniri:' Thf're are but two
possible hypotheses of the causes of the fear which induced Celestine
to hide himself. It arose either from the rumor that was spread of
the imprisonment that Boniface had in store for him, or from the
opinion that the unexpected arrival of the messenger had for an object
to make him reascend the Papal throne. As for the imprisonment he
could not dread it, since Boniface decided on enclosing him in the
castle of Fumone only after he saw that it was dangerous to himself
and to the Church to keep the Saint secluded in the Papal palace,
which fact is related by the anonymous writer. The Saint then hid
himself through fear of losing, by his new elevation, the blessed
solitude, which he preferred to all honors: "Cum autem dictus
"Camerarius cellam esset ingressus, et nec alibi Petrum invenisset,
"anxiatus est in eo spiritus ejus et perturbatus, quia mandatum
"Domini sui ad effectum perdu cere non posset; et furore replatus
"quemdam frat rem simplicem in cella Petri repertum secum
" abducens, carceri compeditum mancipavit. Qui sic in carcerem cum
" compedibus retrusus defunctus est." Boniface is not responsible for
the rage of the Chamberlain, nor for the shameful imprisonment of
the innocent monk. The best princes can have the worst executors
of their orders, and when a moral inability prevents them from
anticipating and stopping the wickedness of the latter, they should
not be held accountable. Boniface had ordered the Saint to be con-
ducted to him even against his will; his apprehensions render this
unquestionable; but all that was done beyond this was the work of
the Chamberlain. Is it rare to see the zeal of a too officious agent
overstep its bounds, and transform itself into severity? :Moreover
we are reluctant to believe that a simple imprisonment was of a
nature as to cause so suddenly the death of the monk which the
author, we have cited, relatæ; unless the Chamberlain in his "fury
of the wolf," (the words of the author) had added blows and cruelties:
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS.
473
"0 magna crudeIitas! J n sanctum Patrem lupus desaevire non
., valens, desaevit in fiIios, ut hunc frat rem carcerando, irae suae
t' furonem de beati Patri amissione placeret. Et quid forte fecerat
" frater iIIe ut tali poena plecteretur? N umquid Sancti Petri amissio
" causa fuit? Verum non est ambigendum quod poena iIIa sine causa
"meritorum irrogata in meritorum augmentum conversa fuerit. De
" Petro autem celebris inquisitio facta est in diversis mundi partibus."
JUS FLIGHT ACROSS THE SEA.
CAP. xx.
"Sanctus igitur iste cum per spacium duorum mensium in ejus
" ceIIa latitasset, fugam iniit de node uno cum socio versus quandam
"sylvam in partibus ApuIiae, per dies quatuor a }'Iurrone distantem,
"ut ibi soIitarius ab hominibus ignotus permaneret. Sed audi mirum.
"Quanto magis per viam occuItare se studuit, eo amplius cunctis
"fiebat plebibus notus. Retulit namque frater iIIe qui cum ipso
"ambulabat. Dum sero quodam hospitium quererent in casteIIo
"quodam, pueri in vicis et plateis solito serotino tempore ludentes,
" viso Petro, portinus exclamaverunt: Ecce frater Petrus de Murrone.
"Tandem ad memoratam sylvam veniens ingressus est cum socio in
" ceIIam duorum fratum. Qui cum in eum respicerent, quem nunquam
"antea viderant, optime cognoverunt dicentes: Vere tu es frater
"Petrus de Murrone; et repleti gaudio glorificaverunt Deum. Erat
"autem tunc temporis Quadragesima major. Petrus ergo in quadam
"cella iIIius nemoris se incIudens, sanctum Pasch a jejuniis artis et
"orationibus assiduis expectabat. At veniente dominica in ramis
"Palma rum, quidam abbas Monasterii, quod de Corata nuncupatur,
"Ordinis S. Benedicti. ibat cum septem sociis per sylvam hue atque
" iIIuc, ipsum quanto devotius tanto velocius inquirendo. Yidens ergo
" tentabat. Idcirco fratrem suum quendam ad priorem monasterii
"sanctus iIIe se abscondi minime posse, ad partes uItramarinas pergere
" sancti Joannis in pIano praecipiendo misit, ut hoc factum cum
"nauc1eris, mora postposita, clam pertractaret. Quod et factum pst.
"Parata igitur nave, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. pater sanctus ad praefatllm
" coenobium ad requisitionem dominicam venit. Qui cum iIIic spatio
" unius mensis moram latenter traxi
set, navig:mdi congrnum tempus
"praestolando, abiit ad mare navigaturus. Et ecce subito maris
"proceIIa valida insurgente, ae si aperte mare patefaceret se iIIum
"recipere none, coactus est ibi moram trahere sex diebus. Post haec
"flante prospero vento navem ascendit Petrus cum sociis ejus; et
"data nave flatibus navigare coeperunt. Et iterum tempestate non
"exigua imminente. vix iIIo die miliaria quindecim facientes, ejecti
"sunt ad Iittus maris non muItum distans a cÏvitate quae Vestia
"nuncupatur. Qui in eodf'm loco novem mensibus manserunt.
" \ entum prosperum expectantes. Sic rever a divinae placuit disposi-
474
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS.
"tioni, ut patria tam preciosum taIentum sibi creditum non amitteret,
"sed potium divinitus inde lucrum multiplex reportaret.
HIS CAPTURE AND CONFINEMENT IN THE CASTLE OF FUMONE.
CAP. XXI.
"His ita que moram ibi dacientibus, intellexit Captaneus praedictas
"civitalis per quorundam relationem, virum Dei tali adesse loco;
"abiens cum populi comitiva duxit illum ad civitatem praedictam; et
"tenuit, donec rem gestam Bonifacius, cum omni dilatione post-
"posita, missis exercitibus, fecit praedictum Dei famulum ad se
"Anagniam, ubi tunc moram traxerat, accersiri, et in quodam
"domicilio juxta ipsius cameram clam incIudi. Quantas quippe
"miracuIorum virtutes aImis ejus meritis, dum per viam duceretur,
"ostenderit Deus in conspectu populi, nequaqam poterit explicari
" sermonibus. Saltern tamen aliqua ipsorum quae Patriarcha
"Hierosolimitanus, Prior sanctae J'vlilitiae Dominus Ludovicus, et
"Dominus Stendardus, ipsum deducentes oculata fide vederant et
"scribi fecerant, in tertia hujus libeIIi particula decIarabo. Multi
"autem tam de Cardinalibus quam de aliis in Curia existentibus
"ipsum videre desiderabant; sed prohibente Bonifacio, ad ilIum
" ingredi non valebant. Tanta namque plebis devotio in eum dictitur
"viguisse, ut ipso vivente, Bonifacius verU3 pastor Ecclesiae a multis
"minime crederetur esse. Dum per viam duceretur ad Papam,
"sequebatur eum multitudo gentium clamans et suadens ut omnino
" sibi resumeret Pontificatum. Quibus iIIe constanti ræpondit animo:
" Absit hoc a me, ut talem in Ecclesia Dei faciam dissensionnem: non
" enim renui causa resumendi papatus honorem; sed illam quam tunc
"habui, eamdem nunc, si faciendum esset, habeo voluntatem." If
we look back to the end of XIII century, it will be impossible for us
not to understand what great danger would be to the Church not only
that a multitude of people clamoring and advising Celestine to resume
the Pontificate U 1J/ultitudo gentium clamans and suadens ut omnino
.. sibi resumeret Pontificatum," but also many of the Cardinals, and
members of the Curia: U multi de Oardinalibus et de aliis in curia,
.. existenhvus." There was not question of suspicions, or jealousies of
state, but rather of clear and most dangerous facts, which Boniface
had to provide against, if he did not want to see the Church disturbed
and torn by schism. Boniface confined the Saint in an apartment
close to his own in order to save him from the indiscreet and dangerous
devotion of the people. But as a great number of the cardinals and
members of the Papal court would not refrain from approaching the
Saint to urge him to resume the Pontificate, and as the devotion of
the people went so far as to declare and publish that Boniface was
not the legitimate pastor, he was obIiged to put Celestine in more
strict confinement, and he shut him up in the castle of Fumone.
Aware of his own unfitness, convinced of the validity of his resign a-
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS.
475
tion, and as a consequence of the legitimacy of the pontificate of
Boniface, the Saint repudiated the scandalous exhortations of his
partisans, not only because they offended his modesty, but also because
they were wicked. He submitted with pleasure, as we have seen, to
the Pope, who wished to keep him in the castle of Fumone. "Post-
"quam autem praefatus Bonifaciis Papa ipsum fere duobus mensibus
" apud se tenuisset, fecit eum ad castrum Fumonis nocte transportari;
" et in turri ejus taliter includi, ut nullus omnino, praeter custodes ad
"hoc positos, cum viro Dei loqui potuisset, aut etiam illum intueria.
" Petrus itaque sic inc1usus gratias egit Deo dicens: Christe noscens
"occulta cordium, mei nosti tu desiderium. Pro te pati set mihi
" gaudium, mori lucrum; haec vita taedium. Ex ejus quippe fratribus
"duo ad ipsius petitionem dabantur ei quorum adjutorio dicere
"possit officium Dei. Sed fratres illi arctationem turris et careris
" sufferre non valentes infirmabantur saepius, et extractis illis, alii in
"eorum cambium sani "debantur. Tanta enim erat illius turris
arctatio quod ubi pedes ipse tenebat dum missam diceret, ibi cervicem
" captis reclinabat dum dormiret." And why this so narrow prison?
'Va'3 the tower so small that it could hold only one man? Certainly
not, because there was room in it for the guards and two brothers:
"custodes positos, fratibus . . . . . . . . duo." "r e must then say
that either Boniface locked the Saint in a corner of the castle to
smother him, or that the Saint himself with his own free will chose
this narrow space through love of penance. If Boniface wanted to
suffocate Celestine, he would have employed more expeditious means t
which the gloom of the fortress would conceal; moreover, the very ad-
vanced years of Celestine, his greatly emaciated body, would suffice to
allay suspicion, in explaining his death. If then we may be obliged to
admit these details of the biography of the saint, we should reasonably
believe that he who sighed ardently for the dark grotto and the
mortified life of l\ft. :Morrone, had chosen this narrow abode. The
above mentioned passage of Stephaneschi clearly proves this:
. Ubi
.. asstletam, sicut prius, vitam agens eremiticam, nolens laxiribus,
.. quibus poterat uti." N ow if the Saint wanted to fast, to sleep on
the Ilround, to scourge himself, could Boniface be blamed for that?
Our anonymous monk finds us equally a little incredulous with regard
to that strange succession of religious, his confrerf'S, who assisted the
Saint in the horrible fortress, and who were obliged to leave half
dead from time to time, on account of the intolerable life they were
forced to lead. 'Vhat? young and full of life when they entered, and
in a dying condition on leaving. And the holy old man of seventy-
five :rears, worn out by austerities, principal object of the anger of
Boniface, remained a healthy witm>ss of these successive replace-
ments of young and vigorous men? No, it is incredible. ., Verum
" quia fratribus erat nimin difficile sic manere, semper illos admonens
"confortabatur ut patienter sufferrent J esu Christi pro amore.
" Et sic . tþ . " . . . . . . . . . . ."
476
NOTES A..
D DOCUMENTS.
HIS DEATH AND :MIRACLES THEREAT.
CAP. XXII.
"Opportunum tempus advenit in quo sudores et lab ores ejus
"reponerentur in requie coelesti; et quotidiani agones illius, quod
"in palestra monochatus mitis belligerator exegerat, dignis debebant
"a Domino compensationibus praemiari. Missa namqne per ipsum
"devotissima celebrata in die Dominica Sanctae Pentecostes,
" coeperunt membra ejus debilia languore ingravescere: Et praelibans
"animo menteque degustans dulcedinem spiritualium gaudiorum,
"mortis futurae praescius sibi faciebat extremam unctionem con-
"ferri. In dextro siquidem latere ipsius quodam apostema
" pullulaverat, quod ipsum graviter afHigere non cessabat," It is seen
that St. Peter Celestine died from an abscess, not from hunger, nor
blows, nor suffocation. N ow where is the famous nail by which he
was killed? This ferocious Boniface, was he obliged to make use of
this singular means of assassinating a man, because poison, a rope and
other means were not at hand? The above mentioned writers, even
Peter d' A illy himself, say nothing of a nail. The Colonnas and
Philip the Fair are silent on this point. 'Vho then had found it?
Perhaps the hole that was seen in the withered head of the Saint,
and the impression of the cruel character of Boniface, well capable
of such cruelty, gave color to the suppositions: " Aspirabat ad aeterna
" solatia qui temporalium fuerat contemptor. Inn.rmus jacebat in sola
"tabula qui mundanas oderat honores: et ad messem perennis gaudii
" capiendam sanctus ille medullitus aestuabat. Per totam autem illam
.. hebdomadam usque ad sabbatum ab oratione ferenti spiritum non
" relaxabat. Trahabatur ad odorem coelestium unguentorum; et
" quantum poterat armis coelestibus muniebat finem suum. Succensa
., quippe fuerant ejus praecordia J esu Christi dulcedine pariter et
.. amore et capiens jam dissolvi et esse cum eo, ad sabbatum, in quo
"ab omni labore quiesceret, plenis desideriis ferebatur. Die ergo
"sabbati hora vespertina. aegritudine corporis invalescente, inter
"verba orationis, ejus anima de merore ad gaudium, de labore ad
" requiem mcruit transire sempiternan. . . . . . . ."
DOCUMENT (K).
LETTER OJ:o' BONIFAUE TO THE
ICILIANS, URGING THEM TO RETURN TO
SUBMISSION TO THE CHURC'H.
Bonifacius, etc., universis hominibus Panormi, aliisque per insulam
Siciliae constitutis, spiritum consilii sanioris.
Inter caetera tractatus ab Aragonum rcge completa juxta ipsius
tractatus seriem insulam Siciliae, quae Romanae Ecclesiae juris et
proprietatis existit, cnm omnibus juribns et pf'rtinelltis suis praefatus
Rex per suas patcntes literas nobis et Ecclesiae praefatae restituit, et
.
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS.
477
ad cautelam nostram et ejusdem Eec1esiae cira hoc se nobis iortius et
firmius obligavit. Et cum fuerit in ipso tractatu, et sit cordi nostro
cura praecipua de reparaticne status vestri, et securitate plenaria,
more consulti Patrisfamilias, et superioris domini, ad quem spectat
praecipue de vobis, sicut de subjectis Ecclesiae, providere ex nostrae
praeeminentia potesta tis, quam habemus sicut superior, obsolefacta
corl'igere, et liberare confractos ab angustiis, ut quiescant, nec minus
ex posse nobis ab eodem Rege Siciliae tradito; disposuimus firm iter
Iibrato judicio tenere vos in manibus nostris, et ejusdem Ecclesiae, et
vestro statui animarum, et corporum securitati, et tranquiIIitati
pacifìce, efficaciter, et utiliter providere.
Yerum cum populus de facili corruat, ubi deficit gubernator,
pro vestra gubernatione utili et humano regimine Cardinalem unUDl
vobis gratum et placitum ad dictam insulam, annuente divina pro-
videntia, disponimus destinare: propter quod quis de fratribus nostris
per hoc sit vobis acceptus, nobis describite: curabimus enim de ipso
vestris effectibus complacere. Et pro cuI dubio redeuntibus vobis ad
devotionem sanctae matris Ecclesiae sic in vos, qui longe demeriti
fuistis ab oIim, ubera maternae dilectionis effundet, ac si prope gratae
òevotionis impendiis fuissetis; peccatorum enim laudanda conversio
in co(>Iis etiam justifìcatione justorum gratius et jucundius acceptatur,
ete, Dat Romae apud S. Pet rum IV non. januarii anno 1.
AXOTHER LETTER TO FREDERICK OF ARAGOY TO PREVAIL UPON HIM TO
LEAVE SICILY.
Friderico nato quondam Petri oIim Regis Aragonum spiritum con-
cilii sanioris.
De sinu patris in te spargenda semina prodeunt, fructum ger-
min
tura multiplicem commodi, honoris et gloriæ, si devotus ilIa
susceperis, et ad susceptionem ipsorum velut agrum purgatum spinis
('t tribulis paraveris mentem tuam. N osti quidem, ut credimus t et
latcndi locum non invenit tantæ veritatis essentia, quod post
apostolatus apicem assumptum a nobis, licet immeritis, inter cæteros
nostri cordis aflectus, fuit iHe profundus, et fervens, quod clarissimum
in Christo filium nostrum J acobum Aragonum regem ilIustrem
gcrmanum tuum, tunc in devio positum, et te in umbra mortis sedentes
et tenebriR, nostra provisio revocaret a lapsu, et paterna charitas cum
præsidio favoris et gratiæ ad sanctæ matris EccIesiæ, unde immensus
error vos traxerat, reduceret unitatem.
Et ut hujusmodi noster affectus votivum consequeretur effectum,
mOllitis exhortationibusque paternis te ad præsentiam nostram per-
duximus, mutuoque tractavimus, ut charissima in Christo filia nostra
Catharina Imperatrix Constantinopolitana cum certis subsidiis
faciendis per nos, tibi matrimonialiter jungeretur, ad Imperatricem
ipsam venerabilem fratrem nostrum G. Aniciensem Episcopum, et
dilectum filium religiosum virum 1. abbatem S. Germani de Pratis.
speciales nuncios nostros, destinare curantes. inducturos eamdem art
complementum matrimonii memorati. Quæ per eos pr01l.irne redeuntcs
478
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS.
ad nos super hoc responsum nobis exhibuit, quod cum tu terram non
habeas, et ipsa patrimonii sui sit possessione privata, incongruum sibi
videretur et indecens, quod tantae nobilitatis homines carerent
domicilio proprio et opportunis aliis, qualitate habita personarum:
sed si fieret tibi in terra provisio, unde tu et ipsa saltern usque ad
recuperationem terræ sure convenientem vitam possetis habere, circa
perfectionem præfati tractatus libenter se nostris inductionibus et
beneplacitis coaptaret. Nos vero nostrum salubre propositum pro-
sequentes, et quod cæptum est jam forti et fundato principio, finem
prosperum et Deo placitum cupientes habere, cum ipsius paeis
Auctore, cujus vices portamus in terris, perfecta sint opera Ecclesiæ,
ac nobis onus adjicimus ut cum effectu perfecti operis te ad gregem
dominicum revocemus; sicque ortum ex bello Siculo rancorem et
scandalum in omnibus suis partibus succidamus ex toto, quod ex
eorum reliquiis mIllum supersit residuum, et laeta pax et tranquiHitas
in locum adveniat odiorum. Ecce quidem ad dictam Imperatricem
certos, et speciales nuncios nostros instanter transmittimus, ut cum
præfati sui voti concordia per omnes, quos possumus, tramites ejus
affectum expeditum et liberum perfectioni dicti matrimonii coaptemus.
Considera Ígitur, fili, considera paternæ pietatis affectum, et
proventurum tibi ex ipsius monitione profectum, et paternis profecto
monitis acquiescens. Non enim patris charitas continere se potest
quin præcipitem filium, sicut fama, immo infamia volitat, a manifesta
ruina retrahat, in qua, ut dicitur, post cessionem et abdicationem
occupations et detentionis illicitæ prædicti germani tuni, lauda-
bilite ad gremium redeuntis Ecclesiæ, assumendo falsum titulum
occupationis, injuste, rationis metas exiliens, prosilire proponis, et a
Creatoris tui gratia, graviter ipsum offendendo, decidens præceps
cadis. Cohibe igitur motus tuos, expect a patris salubre consilium t et
obventurum ex eo tibi præ foribus fructuosæ ac honori:ficæ reparation is
effectum: nec uUa te maligna suggestio retrahat, vel avertat astutia,
quin nostris monitis aures intentas adhibeas, et realiter filialis ac-
comodes promptitudinis intellectum. Proculdubio quidem, si semina
nostra sicut verus cultor exceperis, fructus tibi uberes gratre pros-
peritatis adducent. Sed si ut adversus negligendo saltern suscipere
ilIa contempseris, sieut errantem et perditum expositum te videmus
periculis, ut in te tanquam præteritarum culparum excessum suc-
cessorem vibrans gladium ultionis divina sententia spiritualibus
et temporalibus jaculis tarditatem pænæ compenset judicii gravitate.
Et ecce quod venerabilem fratrem nostrum G. episcopum U rgellensem
et diJectum filium religiosum virum fratrem Bonifacium de Cala-
mandrana generalem præceptorem sancti Joannis J erosolymi tani in
partibus cismarinis ad te propter ea providimus destinandos, quos
præmissis devotio tua humane recipiat, patienter audiat, et relata per
ipsos ad terminos votivæ executionis adducat. Dat. Romæ apud S.
Petrum IV. non. Januarii anno 1.
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS.
479
DOCUMENT (L).
LETTER OF BONIFACE TO THE PROVINCHL OF THE FRIARS MINOR WITH.
REGARD TO THE CONVERSION OF GUY OF MONTEFELTRO.
Dilecto filio fratri N. Ordinis lrlinoTum Provinciæ Marchiæ anco-
nitanæ ministro.
}'ilius nobilis vir Guido Comos :Montis- Feltri itam per seipsum,
quam per fide dignas personas, aperiens votum suum nobis pluries
intimare curavit, quod ipse reversus ad cor, desiderat et proponit pro
diluendis peccatis suis, quibus Deum, et Romanam Ecclesiam matrem
suam offendit, sub Religionis habitu :finire in Dei servitio dies suos,
maxime cum conjugis suæ prout dicitur, volentis votume emittere per-
petuæ castitatis, ad hoc accedate assensus. Nos itaque devotion em
suam, quæ prudenter spiritum consilii velle videtur admittere, in
Domino commendante.s, ut votum suum hujusmodi libentius prose-
quatur, volumus ut de bonis mobilibus quæ nunc habet, suam possit
remunerare familiam, et de immobilibus conjugis suæ tantum supra
sortem suarum dotium assignare, quod centum libras Ravennatum,
quod vixerit, habeat annuatim; prius inter ipsum et eamdem conjugem,
ut moris est, ea solemnitate qua decet, post votum castitatis emissum,
divortio celebrato, prædicta vero mobilia quæ remunerationi familiæ
suæ supererunt in quacumque materia, vel forma, in aliquo loco securo,
et apud :fideles personas interim deponi volumus, et servari; donec tam
de mobilibus, quam de immobilibus, quæ in præsentiarum possidet,
aliud duxerimus ordinandum. V olumus etiam, præfatam conjugen
suam propter annosa insuspicabilis ætatis seæ tempora, posse in statu,
in quo nunc est, si ad Religionem induci non valeat, licite permanere.
Quocirca discretioni tuæ præsentium tenore committimus et manda-
mus, quatenus ad eumdem nobilem te personaliter, si in hujusmodi
proposito, sicut credimus, perseverans religionem velit intrare, recipias
et facias in manibus, et per manus tuas omnia, quæ circa emissionem
votorum, et celebrationem divortii prædictorum conjugum, recep-
tionem ipsius Guidonis ad Religionem, prædictorum dispositionem,
ip!';orum mobilium requirentur, et alia quæ circa id videris facienda,
nobis per tuas litteras rescripturus, quod factum et ordinatum fuerit
in præmissis. Cæterum licet sibi nostra præsentia constituto dixeri-
mus, quod sive in Fratrum Militantium sive in 1\{inorum Ordinem
vellet intrare, opportunam sibi viam et auxilium præberemus, et in
utroque ipsorum salutarem et devotum Domino posse impendere
famulatum; de l\Iinorum tamen sibi potius, quam 1\filitantium
Ordinum per te nolumus suaderi quidquam; quia, quamvis l\Iinorum
Rf'gula dignoscatur asperior, personarum tamen {'onditioni, qualitati
mentis et 3"'tati, plenius melius ill omnibus et per omnia 4 integra
Iibertas cond{'scendit, Datum Anagniæ X. KaI. Augusti, Pontificatus
anno 11.
480
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS.
DOCUMENT (M).
CONSTITUTION ON THE ECCLESIASTICAL IMMUNITIES.
Clericis Laicos infestos oppido tradit antiquitas, quod et præsentium
experimenta temporum manifeste declarant, dum suis fÌnibus non
contenti nituntur in vetitum, ad ilIicita frena relaxant, nec prudenter
attendunt, quam sit eis in Clericos Ecclesiasticasve personas et bona,
interdicta potestas: Ecclesiarum Prælatis, Ecclesiis, Ecclesiasticisque
personis Regularibus et Secularibus imponunt onera gravia, ips os que
talliant, et eis collect as imponunt, ab ipsis suorum proventuum vel
bonorum dimidiam, decimam, seu vicesimam, vel quamvis aliam por-
tionem aut quotam exigunt et extorquent, eosque moliuntur multifarie
subjicere servituti, suæque submittere ditioni: et (quod dolenter
referimus) nonnulli Ecclesiarum Prælati, Ecclesiasticæquæ personæ
trepidantes ubi trepidandum non est, transitorlam pacem quærentes,
plus timentes
fajestatem temporalem offendere, quam æternam,
talium abusibus non tam temerarie, quam improvide acquiescunt,
Sedis Apostolicæ auctoritate seu licentia non obtenta.
Nos igitur talibus iniquis actibus obviare volentes, de Fratrum
nostrorum consilio, Apostolica auctorÏtate stntuimus, quod quicumque
Prælati, Ecclesiasticæque personæ, Religiosæ vel Seculares, quorum-
cunque Ordinum, conditionis seu status, collect as vel tallias, decimam,
vicesimam, seu centesimam suo rum et Ecclesiarum proven tuum vel
bonorum Laicis solverint vel promiserint, vel se soluturos consenserint,
aut quamvis aliam quantitatem, portionem aut quotam ipsorum pro-
ventuum vel bonorum æstimationis vel valoris ipsorum sub adjutorii,
mutui, subventionis, subsidii vel doni nomine, seu quovis alio titulo,
modo, vel quæsito colore, absque auctoritate Sedis ejusdem: necnon
Imperatores, Reges, seu Principes, Duces, Comites, vel Barones,
Potestates, Capitanei, vel Rectores, quocunque nomine censeantur,
civitatum, castrorum, seu quorumcunque locorum constitutorum
ubilibet: et quivis alii, cujuscunque praeeminentiae, conditionis et
status, qui talia imposuerunt, exegerint, vel receperint, aut apud aedes
sacras depositas Ecclesiarum, vel ecclesiasticarum personarum
ubilibet, arrestaverint, saisiverint, seu occupare præsumpserint, vel
arrestari, saisiri aut occupari mandaverint; aut occupata saisita seu
arrestata receperint; nec non omnæ qui scienter dederint in prædictis
auxilium, consilium, vel favorem publice vel occulte, eo ipso sentent-
iam excommunicationis incurrant. Universitates quoque quæ in his
culpabiles fuerint, Ecclesiastico supponimus interdicto: Pralatis et
personis Ecclesiasticis supra dictis, in virtute obedientiæ, et sub de-
position is prena, districte mandantes, ut talibus absque expræsa
licentia dicte Sedis nullatenus acquiescant: quodque prætextu
cujuscunque obligationis permissionis, et confessionis factarum
hactenus, vel faciendarum in antea, priusquam hujusmodi constitutio;
prohibitio. seu præceptum ad notitiam ipsorum pervenerit; nihil sol-
vant, nee supradicti Seculares quoquo modo recipiant. Et sis 01-
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS.
481
verint, vel prædicti receperint, in excommunicationis sententiam
incidant ipso facto. A supradiétis autem excommunicationum et
interdicti sententiis nullus absolvi valeat, præterquam in mortis
articulo, absque Sedis Apostolicæ auctoritate et licentia speciali;
cum nostræ intentionis existat tam orrendum Secularium potes-
tatum abusum nullatenus sub dissimulatione transire.
Non obstantibus quibuscunque tenoribus, formis, seu modis, aut
verborum conceptione concessis Imperatoribus, Regibus, et aliis
supradictis, quæ contra præmissa in nullo volumus alicui vel aliquibus
suffragari.
DOCUMENT (N).
LETTER OF BON IF ACE TO PHILLIP THE FAIR.
Regi Francorum Illustri
IneffabiIis am oris dulcedine sponso Suo, qui Christus est, Sancta
:Mater Ecclesia copulata, dotes et gratias ab ipso suscepit amplissimas,
ubertate fæcundas, et specialiter inter eas beni:ficium libertatis. V oluit
enim peramabilem sponsam ejus libere fidelibus populis præesse
dominio, ut velut in filios haberet more matris in singulos potestatem,
ac earn cuncti cum filiali reverentia tamquam universalem matrem
et dominam honorarent. Quis itaque ilam offendere vel provocare
injuriis non pavescet? Quis ausum credulitatis assumet, sponsum in
sponsæ contumelia non offendi ? Quis Ecclesiasticæ libertatis infractor
contra Deum et Dominum cujusvis defensionis clypeo protegetur, ut
supernæ virtutis malleo comminui, et redigi nequeat in pulverem et
favillam? Non avertas, 0 fiJi, a voce patris auditum, quoniam ad
te paternus sermo de dulcedine pectoris cum amaricatione dirigitur,
quam audita novi casus emersio introduxit. Tua enim interesse con-
spicimus, attenta mente suscipere (juæ scribuntur. Ad nostrum
siquidem nuper, non sine grandi admiratione quinimo turbatione,
pervenit auditum, quod tu consilio deceptibili ductus, ut credimus, et
maligno, et constitutionem tal em iis diebus, ut asseritur, edidisti,
cujus et si patenter verba non exprimant, suadentium tamen earn
fieri (utinam non edcntis fuisse videtur intentio) impingere in Eccle-
siasticam Iibertatcm, ipsamque in re
no tuo, ubi vigere solet ab olim
quoad Ecclesias et EcC'lesiasticarum personarum bona (ut de nobis et
fratribus nostris sub silentio taceamus ad præsens) voluisse subvertere,
non sine gravi tua nota, mag'Iloque discrimine, ac tuorum gravamine
subjectorum, et aliorum etiam qui solent in regno prædicto hactenus
conversari.
Cum igitur intersit veri patris consilium pro filiis capere, bonique
pastoris erralltes oves a devio revocare, dilig-entis amici suadere
salubria, et in summo militantis Ecclesiæ justitiæ solio præsidentis,
non solum omne malum, sed et mali speC'iem in subditis dissipare; nos
qui Pastoris pastorum, et J esu Christi Filii summi Patris æterni,
482
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS.
licet immeriti, ejus favente clementia, gerimus vices in terris, et in
exceIso solio, summi apostolatus videlicet, præsidemus; teque præcipua
sinceritate prosequimur et prosecuti sumus ab olim, dum nos minor
status haberet; horum circa te officia pio affectu, et efficaci studio
providimus exequenda, pro te filio prædilecto salubre capiendo con-
silium, teque ab invio revocando, in quod consilii te deviasse creditur
impulsio fraudolentis, ac dissipando omne malum et mali speciem,
quod consulentium malignorum temerarius ausus induxit; præsertim
si ad hoc constitutionis præmissæ referatur intentio, ad quod lata
creditur, secundum eorum intentum, qui earn fieri dolose ac improvide
suaserunt.
Non debuit, filii, anima tanti Regis in tale venire consilium.
non decuit excellentiæ tuæ prudentiam abire in consilio taIium
impiorum, qui ut flagitant, et te ut demergaris impingunt: sed
saltern postquam super hoc tuos oculos paterno lumine aperimus,
stare non debes in via talium peccatorum; sed attentius præcavere te
convenit, ne impulsu pravorum actuum tui solii cathedra pe.stilentiæ
did possit. N ec licuit, nec etiam e:xpedivit, quod ad tuam considera-
tionem pateret in
ressus, tua et dicti regni moderni temporis qualitate
pensata, tam insolitæ quam indebitæ novitati, per quam de regno non
oriundis eodem conversandi in ipso, mercimonia licita, et actus non
prohibitos cum libertate solita exercendi via præcluditur, et aditus
denegatur in multorum et etiam subditorum tuorum non leve dis-
pendium et gravamen.
Ipsi quidem subditi adeo sunt diversis oneribus aggravati, quod
eorum ad te solita subjectio multum putatur refriguisse devotio; et
quanto amplius aggravantur, tanto potius in posterum refrigescet:
nec parum amisisse censetur, qui corda perdit subjectorum. Habet
interdum usus sæcularium principum, vel abusus, hostibus de suis
terris subtrahere commoda, et ut ad inimicorum terras subjecti non
transeant, nec suarum terrarum bona portentur ad ilIos; sed sic gen-
eralem proferre sententiam, ut tulisti, non solum reprobatur in
subditos, sed etiam in exteros cujuslibet nationis. Non videtur oculatæ
fuisse prudentiæ, qui præteritorum non meminit, præsentia non re-
spicit, nec habet ad futura respectum: et si, quod absit, fuerit con-
dentis intentio, ut ad nos et fratres nostros, ecclesiarum prælatos
ecclesiasticasve personas, et ipsas ecclesias, ac nostra et ipsorum bona
non solum in regno tuo, sed constitutorum ubilibet extendatur, hoc
non solum fuisset improvidum, sed insanum, veIIe ad ilIa temerarias
manus extendere in quibus tibi sæcularibusque principibus nulla est
attributa potestas; quin potius ex hoc, contra libertatem eamdem
tern ere veniendo, in excommunicationis sententian promulgati canon is
incidisses.
Vide, fili, ad quod præmissi tui consiliarii te duxerint, ut sacra-
mentorum ecclesiasticorum percepitione ac participatione privatus
ad tam periC'ulosi status ignominiam devenires. Vitavit hoc pro-
g-enitorl1m tuorum sancta devotio ad ccclesiastica sacramenta, et
promptitudo rcverentiæ ad Apostolicam sedem, et a te his temporibus
maximc vitanda fuissellt du:m circa tua, et ipsius regni tui honores et
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS.
483
commoda procuranda, et evitanda dispendia sic attente, sic laboriose,
sic sollieite vigilamus: ad quod enim venerabiles fratres nostros
Bernardum Albanensem et Simonem Prænestinum Episcopos, nobilia
uti que Romanæ membra ecclesiæ, ad te ae tuum ae Angliæ regem et
regna transmisimus : ad quod etiam Senensem, et Papiensem
episeopos, ae bonæ memoriæ Regin. Arehiepiseo pum ad Alemanniæ
regem duximus destinandos; multiplicatis nihilominus aliis nuntiis.
ad diversas partes propterea destinatis. N onne pro tua et regni tui
proeuranda salute, ac adversitate vitanda noctæ insomnes duximus
et subdivimus intollerabiles quasi laboræ, postquam ad apostolatus
apicem eælestis dispositio nos vocavit? N onne quotidianis tractati-
hus et sollicitudinibus pro tuis agendis insistimus sinen intermissione
laborum? Certe non eondignum pro iis, nobis offers retributionis
effeetum, non Eeclesiæ matri tuæ pro grandibus tibi, et progenitoribus
tuis impensis muneribus gratiarum, et grata animi vieissitudine eor-
respondcs, si prædictæ constitutioni credita ingeratur intentio:
quinimmo nobis et ipsi mala pro bonis, et amara pro duleibus red-
didisses . . . . . . . . . . ut a te provocaremur injuriis, et provoeati
colluetaremur ad in invicem in querclis, ae si etiam Dei et Ecclesiæ
ndversantia non eurares; non eonsiderans provide eireumposita regno
tuo regiones et regna, voluntatem et statum præsidentium in eisdem.
neque tuorum conceptus forsitan subditorum constitutorum in
diversis partibus regni tui.
Leva in eireuitu oeulos tuos, et vide: eogita et repensa Roma-
norum, Angliæ, Hispaniarum regna, quæ quasi undiquet te eireum-
dant, eorumque potentias, ae strenuitatem, et multitudinem ineolarum,
et patenter agnosces, quod non fuit tempus aceeptabile, non dies
salutis, diebus istis nos et ipsam eeclesiam talibus punetionibus
tangere, talibus perturbare punC'turis: nee revoC'are debuisses in
dubium, quod nostri et eeclesiæ adjutorii et favoris sola subtractio
in tantum debilitaret te ac tuos, quod, ut eætera tua perinde
omittamus incommoda, persecutiones adversas ferre non posses. At
ubi nos tibi et eamdem ecclesiam adversarios efficeres principales, adeo
nostra et ejusdem ecclesiæ, ae aliorum prædictorum provocationis
gravior tibi sarcina redderetur, quod ad ejus pondus tui efficerentur
humeri impotentes. Absit quod insolentia eonsiliariorum tuorum ad
tantum exterminii præcipitium te deducat. Absit tuis sensibus
quævis incalescat durities ad tali a prorumpenrli. Absit quod gratus
olim filius tam graviter matri reddatur exosus, et quod suis demeritis
solita dulcedinis ubere subtrahere sibi ex necessitate cogatur, et qui-
busvis periculosis eventibus exponere vel relinquere non adjutum.
Præpara in judicio, :fili charissime, men tern tuam, et discerne ac
judica quid Apostolicæ sedi conceptus consideration is advenerit,
dum diebu
istis circa discussioncm et examinationem miraculorum,
quæ aù invocationem claræ memoriæ Ludovici avitui facta dicuntur,
cum nostris fratribus vacaremus, talia nobis xenia præsentasti, talia
præmisisti dona, quibus Dominum ad iram provocas. et indignationem
non solum nostram, sed et ipsius ecclesiæ promereris? Cur dcgenerat
tuæ clementia juventutis a fclicibus actihns progcnitorum tuorum,
484
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS,
f)uibu8 dictam sedem fide pura, et devotione sincera summis ao antiquo
studiis coluerint, se ipsius beneplacitis coaptando? Succede virtutibus
qua-sumus, qui succedis et regno, null am immixturus maculam ex-
cellentis tui luminis claritati.
Quod si forsan ad iniquæ suggestionis instantiam assumpseris
C:1Usam edendæ constitutionis, quam nuper pro ecclesiastica edidimus
libertate, talis profecto tam suggestorum quam suggesti motus nullus
fulgitur auxilio rationis: constitutio enim nostra, si ad rivalem sen-
sum, postposito congruo, non trahatur, id, si bene perpenditur, statuit,
quod alias per sanctiones canonicas est statutum, Iicet pænas contra
trans gressores adjecerit, nonnullis excommunicatis, quasi vitio pec-
care desinentibus potius formidine pænæ, quam amore virtutis. Non
enim præcise statuimus, pro defensione ac necessitatibus tuis vel
regni tui ab eisdem prælatis, ecc1esiasticisve personis pecuniarium
subsidium non præstari: sed adjecimus id n()'1 fieri sinp nostra licentia
speciaIi, adductis in considerationem nostram exactionibus intole-
rabilibus ecclesiis et personis ecclesiasticis, rpligiosis et secularibus,
dicti regni ab officialibus tuis auctoritate tua impositis atque factis;
de futuris potius verisimiliter formidantes. cum expraeteritis certi-
tudo præsumi valeat de futuris: sed te non novimus ad tales exac-
tiones auctoritate fulcitum, cujus auctoritatis abusum in te ac quoIi-
bet principe seculari divina et humana jura, quinimo judicia de-
testantur: cum tibi sit et eis taIis penitus auctoritas interdicta, quod
tibi pro tua, et successorum tuorum salute ad perpetuam rei memor-
iam præsentibus nuntiamus; nullique suggerenti contrarium fidem
adhibeas, quinimo nec præstes auditum.
Objicias, si quando per te vel progenitores tuos pro necesitati-
bus dicti regni ad eamdem sedem habitus sit recursus, et inanis
pertransierit petitio anres ejus, quin fueritis efficaciter exauditi.
Ubi regni nempe gravis, quod absit, prædicti necessitas immineret,
nedum ab ipsius prælatis, et person is ecclesiasticis tibi vel ipsi sedes
eadem concederet, ac faceret subveniri; verum etiam, si exigeret
casus, ad calices, cruces, aliaque propria vasa sacra manus exten-
deret, priusquam tan turn et tale regnum, tam ipsi se charum, immo
charissimum et ab antiquo devotum exponeret minoris curæ defectui,
quo minus ab ea efficacis defensionis præsidia sortiretur.
Nunc autem, amantissime :fili, considera quis Rex, quisve princeps
regnum tuum non impugnatus a te, vel non offensus impugn at.
N onne Rex Romanorum fuisse occupatas a te tuisque prædecessori-
bus, seu occupatas teneri civitates et terras seu limites ad Imperium
pertinentes cum instantia conqueritur, et speciaIiter Burgundiæ comi-
tatum, quod notum est fore feudum descendens ab Imperio, et
recognoscendum ab ipso? Nonne charissimus in Christo filius noster
Rex Angliæ illustris de nonnullis terris Guasconiæ asserit illud idem?
N umquid super iis dicti Reges denegant stare juri? N umquirl
Apostolicæ sedis, quæ Christicolis omnibus præeminet, judicium vel
ordinationem recusant? Dumque in eos super iis ipsi peccare te
asserunt, de hoc judicium ad sedem eamdem non est dubium per-
tinere. Profecto qui contra dictos Reges assumptionis, et prosecu-
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS,
485
tionis malum dederunt consulendo vel inducendo consilium, dant
periculosiorem progressum: nee est habenda fiducia super hoc veris-
imiliter boni finis, cum ea, quæ mala sunt inchoata principio, ut
frequentius vix bono exitu peragantur. Pone in recta stater a ani-
marum pericula, corporum cædes, expensarum voragines, damna
rerum, quæ occasione assumption is et tuorum processum evenerint,
rationis sequens judicium, et non impetum voluntatis, a malorum
consiIiariorum insidiis elongatus, et tunc manifeste eognosces, te
fuisse deeeptum, nee expedivisse te talia assumpsisse.
Quid ergo tibi accideret, si, quod absit, sedem ipsam offenderes
graviter, eamque hostium tuorum constitueres adjutricem, quin
potius contra te faceres principalem
Cum nos et fratres nostri, si
Deus ex alto concesserit, parati simus non solum persecutiones, damna
rerum, et exilia sustinere: sed et corporalem ipsam mortem sub ire
pro ecclesiastica libertate. Sunt et alii, sicut ad nostram notitiam
est deductum, qui maligne surrepunt, dicentes: Jam non poterunt
prælati et personæ ecclesiasticæ regni tui servire de feudis, vel sub-
ventianes facere, in quibus feudorum ratione tenentur: jam non
poterunt unum sciphum, unum equum dare liberaliter Regi suo. Non
fertur ad tales et consimiles interpretationes subdolas dictæ nostrro
constitutionis intentio: tam falsidicos interpretes non admittit, sicut
hæe plenius aliquibus tuis nunciis et familiaribus vivæ vocis oraculo
sæpius duximus exponenda.
Quantumlibet autem per subdolos impulsus versatus sis, ut caderes
ob prædicta, et ea nos turbaverint, et ad indig-nationem non sine
ratione moverint, nos tamen patemi amoris soliti, ae eadem ecclesia
te sui uteri filium oblivisci non possumus, qUill, suspenso rigore, te
in benedictionibus præveniendo dulcedinis, et via mansuetudinis
prosequendo, experiamur primitus quam reverenter, quam efficaciter
monita paterna suscipies, et medicamenta curantis illius periti medici
Samaritani vicarii, qui super vulnera hominis cujusdam de Jerusalem
descendentis in Jericho, qui inciderat in latrones, et fuerat spoliatus,
ac relictus plagis impositis semivivus: misericordia motus oleum et
vinum apposuit.
Igitur tali exemplo a fomel1tis olei benignius inchoantes, ecce
venerabilem fratrem nostrum Vivariensem episcopum, virum quidem
probatæ reIigionis, scientiæ eminentis, circumspection is maturæ, ex
conversatione diutina nobis et fratribus nostris notum et charum, ae
tui honoris et eommodi zelatorem, qui et de regno et terra tua trahxit
originem, ad te providimus destinandum, ut præmissa solerter et clare
celsitudini regiæ oraculo vivæ vocis exponat, et exprimat. ut præ-
mittitur, men tern nostram, quem super his et ùe contingentibus plene
duximus informandurn. Serenitatem itaque regiam monemns, roga-
mus, et hortamur attente, per apostolica tibi scripta mandantes,
quatenus non ad animum revoces, sed gratanter accipiens, quod et
instanter reducere nitimur ad salutem, paterna medicamina suscipias
reverenter, nostrisque tibi et tuo regno salubribus monitis acquies-
eens, errata sic corrigens per te ipsum, nec permittens in antea per
Ialsa contagia te seduci; ita quod a Deo præmium exinde consequaris,
486
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS.
nostram et dictæ ecclesiæ benevolentiam tibi conserves et gratiam, et
apud homines bonam famam; nec operteat nos adalia et minus usitata
remedia, perseveranter instante, ac pulsante, nec non cogente, justitia,
extendere manus nostras, quamvis hoc inviti, et involutarii faceremus.
Dat. Anagniæ VII. kal. octobris anno, II.
DOCUMENT (0).
DIVISION OF THE FIEFS AMONG THE COLONNAS.
(From the archives of Oonstable Oolonna, in Patrini Mon. 19).
In nomine Domini. Anno Dominicae Incarnationis 1252. Indic-
tione X. Mense Februarii die 7. N os Petrus de Colupna natus qm.
D. Oddonis de Columna, Landulphus, et Oddo nati ipsius Petri pro
nobis, et pro Petro, Leone, et Fortisbrachia :fiIiis mei Petri, et ipsorum
nomine pro quibus promittimus nos facturos, et curaturos, quod ipsi
omni tempore omnia, et singula, quae in hoc contractu dicentur rata,
et firma habebunt, et contra ea non venient, facient, adimplebunt,
ratificabunt expresse propriis nostris voluntatibus in praesenti a re-
ligiosi viri Fratris Joannis de Oolumna Ordinis Praedicatorum
Prioris totius Romanae Provinciae in ipso Ordine, et ipsius arbitrio,
seu arbitratu in praesenti a DD. J udicum, scilicet Consolini qm.
Petri Judicis, Bartholomaei Petri Judicis, Petri Oddonis de Insula,
Angeli Com. Baroncii Petri Consulum, Petri Nicoli Albigellae, et
Pauli Petri Pauli Rubei, et N otariorum Joannis Nicolai, Jacobi, et
Rodulphi damus, et concedimus, renunciamus, et refutamus, cedimus,
et mandamus tibi Domino Oddoni de Columna nato qm. D. Jordani
de Colupna consobrino mei Petri tuisque heredibus, et successoribus
perpetuo etc. totam partem nostram, quam habemus, habere, seu
vendicare possemus in Civitate Penestre, ][onte, et Rocëa ipsius, et
in ejus Territorio, seu Tenimento, et Castris Zagaroli, Colupnae,
Capranicae, et medietatis castri Prati Porcorum, et in Roccis, et
Territoriis, seu Tenimentis ipsorum, et :M:unitionibus Augustae, et
Montis Acceptorii. Quae pars contingens me ipsius Petrum in
praedictis Civitate, Castris, et Territoriis, seu Tenimentis ipsorum,
et 1tfunitionibus, est medietas ipsorum pluris, vel minoris cum medie-
tatibus vassallorum tam mi1itum, quam peditum, et jurisdictionum
in ipsos vassallos, et edi:ficiorum novorum, et antiquorum, terrarum
cult arum, et non cultarum, sylvarum, pratorum, pantanorum, vin-
earum, ortorum, canapinarum, et omnium aliorum jurium, utilitatum,
et pertinentium ipsorum Civitatis, et Castrorum, Roccarum, et
1tfunitionum. Quae pars nostra unita est pro indiviso, cum medie-
tate, seu residuis, partibus tui Domini Oddonis, et ad te D. Oddonem
pertinentibus in praedictis Civitate, Castris, Roccis, et ipsorum Ter-
ritoriis, et :Munitionibus. Item damus, cedmus, mandamus, concedi-
mus, renuntiamus, et refutarnus tibi dicto D. Oddoni omnia jura, et
ration is general iter, quae mihi dicto Petro, et praedictis filiis meis,
vel alicui ipsorum competunt, competere possunt, aut poterunt quo-
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS.
487
cumque modo, et quocumque jure in predictis civitate, Castris, et
Roccis, territoriis, et Munitionibus praedictis tam in ipsa parte per
nos nunc data, et concessa tibi D. Oddoni, quam in aliis residuis
partibus ad te, dictum D. Oddonem spectantibus, et in totis ipsis
civitate, castris, roccis, et ipsorum territoriis, et munitionibus prae-
dictis, et in omnibus, et singulis praedictis occasione arbitrii, seu
arbitratuum latorum dudum inter nos per D. Petrum Praefecturn
Urbis, et occasione quarumcumque sententiarum, consiliorum, inves-
timentorum facto rum pro nobis, vel aliquo nostrum contra te D.
Oddonem in praedictis civitate, castris, roccis, et ipsorum ter-
ritoriis, et munitionibus, et generaliter quibuscumque aliis oc-
casionibus, et modis ipsa jura nobis, vel alicui nostrum competunt,
competere possunt in praediC'tis omnibus, et singulis, vel ex suc-
cessione Parentum meorum Petri, scilicet patris, et avi, vel quo-
cumque alio modo, ita quod penes nos, vel aliquem nostrum nihil
juris in praedictis aliquo tempore, quoquo modo reservatur, imo in
te D. Oddonem ipsa jura per praesentia penitus, et in solidum tras-
ferantur. Item damus, cedimus, concedimus, et mandamus tibi jam
dicto D. Oddoni pro nobis, et dictis filiis mei Petri omnia jura, et
actiones, quae nobis, vel alicui nostrum competunt, competere possunt,
aut poterunt praenominatis occasionibus, et quibuscumque aliis in
castris Sancti Viti, 1fontis :Uanni, Castri N ovi, et Pisciani, et ip-
sorum territoriis contra possessores, et detentores ipsorum. Item
damus, et concedimus, renunciamus, et refutamus tibi jam dicto D.
Oddoni omnia jura, et actiones, quae nobis, vel alicui nostrum com-
petunt, competere possunt, aut poterunt contra te, et in bonis tuis
occasione fructuum, proventuum, et reddituum perceptorum, seu
qui percepi potuerunt per te dictum D. Oddonem de praedictis civi-
tate, castris, et eorum territoriis a te mihi datis, et concessis, ut in
instrumentis meis plene poterit contineri, et constituimus te dictum
D. Oddonem procuratorem in rem tuam in praedictis omnibus juri-
bus, et actionibus, ut succedas in locum, et privilegium nostrum, ut
cujuslibet nostri, et proprio nomine agas pro praedictis juri bus, petas,
excipias, et defendas, et facias, quae tibi perpetuo placuerit; nulla
nobis, et alicui nostrum in praedictis omnibus, et singulis, aliquo
tempore reservatione factor. Tenutam quoque et possessionem, quam
confitemur te D, Oddonem habere de praedictis civitate Penestra,
Rocca et :Monte, et Territorio ipsius vassallis, et vassallorum ju-
ribus, et de castris Zagarolo, Colupna, et Capranica Roccis et Terri-
toriis ipsorum, vassallis, juribus, vassalorum, et de l\Iunitionibus
praedictis integram, pacificam, et tranquillam, et vacuam, seu vacan-
tern, tibi per omnia confirmamus, et corroboramus, ut quemadmodum
tenes nunc praedicta in solidum, ita semper perpetuo teneas, et
possideas. Civitatis praedicta cum Rocca, et :Monte cum Territorio
ipsius posita est in distructu Urbis in contrata, quae dicitur Ro-
mangna Fines hii sunt, est Tcnimentum Cavae, et Roccae Cavae, est
tenimentum Vallismontonis, et Tenimentum Lariani, et Teni-
mentum AIigidi, et Tenimentum Zagaroli. et Tenimentum 081-
licani, et Sancti Joannis Camporacii, et Tenimentum Poli, et Teni-
488
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS.
mentum 1\Iontis :Uanni. Castra autem praedicta Zagaroli, et Capran-
icae posita sunt in Dioecesi dictae civitatis cum ipsorum territoriis.
Fines ad Castrum Zagaroli, et ejus territorii sunt ii. Ab uno latere
est Tenimentum Pen est rae, Tenimentum Gallicani, Tenimentum
Colupnae, et Tenimentum S. Cesarei. Fines Capranicae, et ejus
Territorii sunt hii, videlicet Tenimentum Oastelli N ovi, et :Montis
Manni, et Genazzani, Sancti Viti, et Penestrae Reliquum autem
castrum Columnae positum est in Dioecesi Tusculana, cujus fines
hii sunt, scilicet Tenimentum Zagaroli S. Cesarei, Roccae Pejurae,
}fontis de Compatris, 1tfontis porcii, et Pratri porae, Passarani, et
Castilionis. Munitiones autem praedictae positae sunt in Urbe. Fines
ad Augustam ab uno Flumen. ab alio via, qua itur a Sancto Blaso,
et exit in viam, qua itur usque Urbem, et est via, qua itur ad Flumen
a S. 1\farina. Fines ad 1tfontem Acceptorium hii sunt. Domus Ro-
manucciarum, et Synibaldorum, ab alio Domus 1\facellariorum,
et Domus Cesarlinorum, ab alio sunt Domus Zarlonum, et Teoder-
inorum. Praedictam autem dationem, et coneessionem, et omnia, et
singula, quae supradicta sunt tibi domino Oddoni faeimus ex causa
transaetionis inter nos praesenti aliter, et plaeabiliter initae de multis
litibus, et controversiis, et diseordiis, quaestionibus gtlerris, et o:fÌensis
hinc in de invicem inter nos habitis, et ventilatis occasione dictorum
civitatis, Castrorum, Roccarum, et J\.funitionum dividendo ipsa inter
nos; et pro eo quod tu dominus Oddo similiter causa transaetionis
dedisti, et concessisti mihi dicto Petro Castra Gallicani, Sancti
Joannis, et Sancti Cesarei cum suis Tenimentis, ut in istrumentis
me is plene eontinetur; nec non ex arbitrio, seu arbitratu inter nos
latis per dictum religiosum virum Fratrem J oannem de Columna
occasione dictarum quaestionum et o:ffensarum, in quo dicta Civitas,
Castra, Roccae, Territoria, 1\lunitiones omnes tibi sunt adjudieatae,
ut seriatim in dicto arbitrio, et alias plene continetur. Praeterea
promi ttimus tibi domino Oddoni, quod praedictam partem nostram
Civitatis, et Castrorum, et Roecarum, et 1\Iunitionum, et eorum ter-
ritorii, et tenimentorum, et praedictarum Munitionum, et jura nobis,
et alicui nostrum competentia, et quae in futurum competere poterunt
nulli alii personae, vel loco, seu Collegia dedimus, concessimus, vel
alienavimus, nee eontractum, seu quasi contractum fecimus nos, nee
Pater mei, Petri; et si contrarium apparuerit, et tu dominus Oddo
in damnum incurreris, et expensas feeeris propterea. seu occasione
praedicta, vel quia prnedicti Petrus, Leo, et Fortisbrachia filii mei
Petri non ratifieaverint omnia, et singula, quae dicta sunt. vel contra
pa quoquo modo venerint, omnia ipsa, damna, et expensas tibi domino
Oddoni quilibet nostrum in solidum redere, et solvere, et reficere
promittimus. Aliter autem de evictione praedictorum datorum, et
coneessorum tibi, per nos teneri tibi volumus, nisi de facto nostro,
vel D. Oddonis Patris mei Petri, et tu ipse D. Oddo sic actum, pac-
tum, et conventum inter nos esse, et fuisse vis, et eonfiteris. Pro
quibus omnibus, et singulis observandis, et firmiter, et plenarie adim-
plendis omnia bona nostra mobilia, et immobilia, praesenti a, et
futura tibi D. Oddoni obligamus, quae quantum ad praedicta perti-
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS.
489
nent tuo nomine possidere constituimus, dantes tibi potestatem lib-
eram ipsa bona tibi obligata auctoritate propria intrare, tenere, et
possidere, vendere, obligare, et facere quod tibi perpetuo placet donee
praedictis omnibus, et singulis tibi fuerit per nos, et quemlibet
nostrum plenariae satisfactum. Haee omnia, et singula, quae super-
ius dicta sunt nos dictus Petrus de Columna, Landulphus, et Oddo
:filii ipsius Petri pronobis, et pro Petro, Leone, et Fortisbrachia
:filiis mei Petri pro nobis, et nostris, et praedictorum haeredibus, et
successoribus in perpetuum tibi D. Oddoni pro te, :filiis, et haeredibus
tuis, et successoribus in perpetuum facere, attendere, observare, et
implere promittimus sub poena trium milIium marcharum argenti;
qua poena soluta, vel non, praedicta semper :firma durent: praesti-
toque a nobis corporali juramento de praedictis omnibus :firmiter ob-
servandis, et adimplendis tibi D. Oddoni, ut superius dictum est.
Quam scribere rogavimus J oannem Nicoli Sacri Romani Imperii
J udicem, et Scribam in mense, et Indictione X. suprascripta.
Fr. Yldibrandus de ord. Praedicatorum Testis
Fr. Paparonus de ord. Praedicatorum Testis
Stephanus Pappa Clericus S. Laurentii in Lucina Testis
Praesbyter Petrus Sublasii ejusdem Ecc. Praesbyter Testis
Dominus Jacobus Guidonis Clericus ejusdem Ecc. Testis
Dominus Conradus
Ialabranca Testis
Dominus Leonardus Clericus ejusdem Ecc. Testis
J oannes Brenna Testis
Jacobus Petri Sinibaldi Testis
Stephanus Cintii Sinibaldi Testis
Tebaldinus Testis
J oannes Nicoli Sacri Romani Imperii Judex, et scriba rogatus
scripsi, publicavi, complevi, et absolvi.
Loco Sigilli.
DOCUMENT (P).
ACT APPOIKTlNG CARDIXAL JAMES COLONNA, ABSOLUTE ADMINISTRATOR OF
THE PROPERTY OF THE COLONNAS.
(From the Barberini archives, in Petrini ltlon, 21).
In nomine etc. Anno Domini 1292 Sede vacante, die lunae 28
Aprilis in presentia mei Joannis etc. Parlatoris etc. N obiles viri
DD. J oannes, Oddo, Matthejus, et Laudulphus de Columna fratres
:filii quondam D. J ordani de Columna et<". commiserunt pro set et
heredibus etc. D. Jacobo S. Mariae in Via lata Diacono Cardinali
fratri eorum praesenti etc. gubernationem, curam, regimen, administra-
tionem, tenuatam, f't possessionem infrascriptarum terrarum, locorum,
et rerum suarum, et ipsius D. Carùinalis, vassallorum, et hominum
490
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS.
ipsarum terrarum etc. ita quod ea possit per se, et per alium etc,
exercere etc. et fructus, redditus, et proventus praedictorum petere,
sibi placueri etc., voluerunt etiam, et potestfltem dederunt ipsi D. Car-
percipere etc. ac inter eos, et ipsum D. Cardinalem distribuere sicut
dinali quod etc. possit sua auctoritate etc. terras, res, Ioca ipsa, et
Roccas etc, intrare, accipere, custodire etc., hoc pact etc. quod ipse D.
Cardinalis, et sui heredes, et successores nullo modo teneantur ad red-
ditionem ration is dictae administrationis etc., et quidquid ipsum D.
Cardinalem occasione dictae administrationis, et divisionis deb ere
contigerit etc. eisdem nobilibus etc., nunc ipsi N obiles per pactum ex-
pressum remiserunt.
Res autem, et terrae, et loca sunt haec: Oivitas Penestrina, Mons
Penestrinus, Castrum Oapranicae Penestrinensis dioecesis, Castrum
Zagaroli ejusdem dioecesis, Castrum Oolumnae Tusculanae dioecesis,
et medietas Castri, seu viUae Petraporti Tnsculanae dioecesis etc.,
nec non tenimenti Algidi, et omnia, et singula jura, quae ipsi habent
etc. in ipso teni mento Algidi, et Castello Algidi Acta sunt praedicta
Romae in Domibus S. Laurentii in Lucina etc.
Ego J oannes dictus Parlator de Secia apostolicae Sedis auctor it ate
Judex, et notarius etc.
DOCUMENT (Q).
PROCEEDINGS AGAINST THE CO LONNAS.
Bonifacius, etc. ad perpetuam rei memoriam.
Praeteritorum temporum nefandis Columensium actibus, et
praesentium pravis operibus recidivis, ac futuris, de quibus ve-
resimiliter formidabatur, in considerationem prudenter adductis, venit
patenter in lucem, quod Columnensium domus exasperans, amara
domesticis, molesta vicinis, Romanorum reipublicae impugnatrix,
sanctae Ecclesiae Romanae rebellis, U rbis et patriae pertubatrix,
consortis impatiens, ingrata beneficiis, subesse nolens, humilitatis
ignara, plena furoribus, Deum non metuens, nec volens homines
revereri, habens de Urbis et orbis turbatione pruritum, studuit charis-
simum in Christo filium nostrum J acobum Aragoniae Regem
iUustrem, tunc hostem eccIesiae ac rebellem, Siculisque perfidis
praesidentem de facto, in nostrum et charissimi in Christo filii nostri
Siciliae Regis illustris grave praeiudicium, et gravamen Chris-
tianitatis et Terrae sanctae succursus gran de dispendium in rebellione,
tenere, tam sibi quam nobili juveni Friderico nato quondam Petri
olim Regis Aragoniae, in crimine criminoso favendo. Ut illud
notissimum omittamus, qual iter quondam J oannes de Columna tit.
S. Praxedis praesbyter Cardinalis, et Oddo de Columna nepos ipsius,
pater Jacobi S. 1fariae in Via lata, et avus Petri de Columna S. Eus-
tachii diaconorum Cardinalium, tempore felicis recordationis Gregorii
Papae IX. praedecessoris nostri fuerunt dure et graviter ipsam
ecclesiam persecuti, cum damnatae memoriae Friderico olim Roman-
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS.
491
orum Imperatori, supradictae ecclesiae publico persecutore et hoste,
tempore, quo quondam :M:attheus Rubeus de domo filiorum U rsi
sororius dicti Oddonis senatus in Urbe regimen exercebat ad honorem
et obsequium ecelesiae memoratae: a cujus Matthaei domo dictus Car-
dinalis et Oddo et eorum posteri multa beneficia reeeperunt: praeser-
tim a sanctae memoriae Nicolao III. praedeeessore nostro, qui dictum
J aeobum juvenem satis et inscium, perniciosum tamen postmodum,
hypocrisim tunc temporis periculose gerentem, ad Cardinalatus
prevexit honorem: quod utinam non fecisset, quia nec sedi Apostolicae,
nec Christianitati, nee dicti praedecessoris Nicolai domui talis
promotio expedivit, quam dicti Jacobus et Petrus ac sui, velut
ingratitudinis filii, et benefieiorum immemores, multipliciter im-
pugnarunt. Terras etiam subiectas ecclesiae sibique rebelles in re-
belliolle fovebant in hoc, dantes eisdem auxilium et favorem.
N ovissimis vero temporibus dicti juvenis Friderici, latenter discur-
rentibus nunciis per L rbem et loca vieina, ut immissis scandalis ea
possent ipsius subjicere ditioni, licet id procurarent homines dictae
òomus Columnensis, et ad hoc eis ministrarent auxilia et favores;
mansuetudinis tamen Apostolieae sedis benigna sinceritas, quae
libentius emendat in subditis peccata, quam puniat, nec exprit íerrum
praecisionis in morbos, quos sanare potest mulcebris lenitas medieinae;
eos studuit nunc paterna lenitatis dulcedine alloqui, nunc verbis
f'haritativae correctionis inducere, ut a talibus abstinerent, ipsorumque
elatam pertillaeiam, immo effrapuem superbiam, non semel sed pluries
in fulgore terrifico commination is increpavit, tendens ante ipsos arcum
justitiae in rigore, quo sagitta perpetuae dejectionis, solita non
converti retrorsum, emittitur, ut formidabilis vindictae significationis
clementer exhibita stupori eorum sensum timoris incuteret, et fugam
ad misericordiam per compendium poenitentiae suaderet. Sed nee sic
profecimus apud eos: traxit enim illos in desperationis laqueum
moles praeponderans peecntorum, ut nec rationibus nec correctionibus,
monitionibus, sive minis reduei potuerint ad salutem: quin potius
vC']llt aspis surda suarum aurium obstruxerunt auditum, eligentes
quasi pro gloria confusionis opprobrium, et irreparabilis ruinae
periculum pro tutela.
Periculis vero obviare volentes, dictis Jacobo et Petro Cardinalibus
òistricte mandavimus, ut terras, quas Stephanus ipsius J aeobi nepos,
pt frater Petri praefati tenere vulgariter dieebatur, videlicet civitatem
Perusin. ('astra Columna et Zagaroli, procurarent eustodipllda ad
nostrum beneplacitum assignari, ne per ea "Lrbis et patriae possent
quies pt tranquillitas impediri, et ut ex eis posset praestari auxilium
dicto Friderico hosti ecclesiae memoratae; utque ipse hostis, et vali-
to res, seu adjutores ipsius non receptarentur in eis assignationem
quorum non revocabatur in dubium ab ipsorum J 8cobi et Petri vol un-
tate pendC're, quae confiC'to seu quaesito colore teneri per dictum
Rtephanum dieebantur, ne dilecto filio Matthaeo praeposito ecclesiae
de sando Andumaro Morinen
;ig dioecesis, et nohilibm;; viris Oddoni
et Landulpho fratibus dieti T. filii saf'pedicti Oddonis assignretur
paterna et hcreditaria portio, quae in dictis civitate et castris com-
492
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS.
petebat eisdem, quam propter duritiem et crudelitatem dictorum
Jacobi et Joannis defuncti Petri et fratrum suorum nequi verunt
habere, licet quadraginta anni et amplius sint elapsi, quod obiit dictus
Oddo; quamvis etiam nos pietate moti, pro bono pacis inter eos
interposuerimus solicite partes nostras, ut unusquisque de civitate
et castris suam portionem haereditariam obtineret, oblationibus
magnis factis nepotibus dicti Jacobi in avantagium, ut hujusmodi
concordia proveniret; considerantes fore indignum, ut quibus de una
substantia com petit aequa successio, alii abundanter affiuant, alii
paupertatis incommodis ingemiscant, quos tamen rationibus, precibus,
sive minis nequivimus emollire. Ipsi vero Jacobus et Petrus Car-
dinales, a nostra praesenti a recedentes non facta hujusmodi as-
signatione, quae ab eorum beneplacito dependebat, nunquam ad nos
postea redierun t.
Nos igitur attendentes ipsorum Columnensium adeo incaluisse
duritiem, adeo fore nequitiam induratam, quod non rationibus dirigi,
non blandimentis allici, non fomentis reduci, nec minis etiam in-
clinari potuerunt ab bonum, ex quo blandimenta non potuerant, nec
fomenta valebant; deliberavimus apponere manus ad fortia, et ferro
abscindere vulnera, quae, medicamenta non senserunt lenitiva: ac
praemissis et aliis, quae nobis et fratribus nostris rationabi1iter oc-
currerunt, provida deliberatione discussis, providimus non solum
contra filios dicti Joannis, qui peccabant apertius, verum etiam
contra J acobum et Petrum praefatos, ex quorum adipe praedicta
iniquitas et superbia procedunt, juste procedere, qui consentiebant
ipsis peccantibus, praestando fomentum, favorem, praesidium, et tuta-
men; quia culpa non caret, et delicti efficitur particeps, qui non pro-
hibet delinquentem, dum potest: et negligere, cum quis potest, per-
tubare perversos, nihil aliud est quam favere; nec caret scrupulo
societatis occultae, qui manifesto facinori desinit obviare.
Cumque dictorum Jacobi et Petri Cardinalatus et status dictae
ecclesiae, ejusque fidelibus esset in scandalum, eorumque potestas non
in aedificationem, sed in destructionem; ipsique obessent, quibus
prod esse debebant, nec nos tram relevarunt, per suam particularem,
solicitudinem, qua vocati. sumus a Deo in plenitudinem potestatis,
immo potius impugnarent; quantumlibet venerabilibus fratribus
nostris episcopis, et dilectis filiis presbyteris etdiaconibus S. R. E.
Cardinalibus, quantum cum Deo possumus, deferamus, ipsorumque
collegium honoremus, eorumdem Jacobi et Petri elegimus domare
superbiam in robore virtu tis Altissimi, arrogantiam et praesump-
tionem elatam conterere, eos tamquam oves morbidas a dominico
ovi1i abjicere, ipsosque, ut culpa supplicium timeat, et virtus proem-
ium retributionis expectect, a loco quantumcumque sublimi perpetuo
amovere, tam ex eorum culpis et demeritis ac suorum, quam ex
causis rationabilibus, quae nos movent; praesertim explorati divini
et humani iuris existat, unum pro aItero interdum ex causa puniri.
:EOl'ulll Ngo absentiam Dei replellte praesentia, ad honorem Dei
ornnipoteutis. B. :l\lariae semppr Virginis. bf'atorum Apostòlorum
Petri et Pauli, et Romanae Ecclesiae saepedictae praefatos Iacobum
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS.
493
s. ]'Iariae in Via lata et Petrum S. Eustachij diaconos Cardinales de
ipsorum fratrum nostrorum consilio a Cardinalatibus ips is sanctae
Romanae ecclesiae et praedictarum ecclesiarum deponimus etc.
Excomunicamus insuper praedictos J acobum et Petrum, et etiam
omnes illos, qui de caetero scienter et deliberate pro Cardinalibus
ipsos vel aliquem eorum habuerint; et assensum praestiterint, quod
pro Cardinalibus habeantur, et quod eos vel ipsorum aliquem in
electione Romani Pontificis ad aliquem actum ut Cardinales admis-
erint, vel vocis eorum suffragium, aut alicuius ex eis. Omnes etiam
et singulos cuiuscumque eminentiae fuerint, dignitatis, ordinis, con-
ditionis, aut status, etiam si fuerint S. R. E. Cardinales, qui ipsis
Jacobo et Petro, vel eorum alteri postquam, quod absit, in haeresim,
vel in schisma, et rebellionem ceciderint, in haeresi, vel schismate,
aut rebellione stantibus scienter et deliberate praestiterint auxilium,
consilium, vel favorem, publice vel occulte, omni statu ecclesiastico,
Praelatura, et honore privamus; omnes civitates, castra, terras, et
loca, quae ipsos vel aliquem eorum in haeresim, schisma, vel rebel-
Honem lapsos scienter susceperint, tenuerint, ecclesiastico supponimus
interdicto, etc. Actum Romae apud S. Petrum in publico consistorio
nostro VI. id, maji Pontificatus nostri anno III.
DOCUMENT (R).
THE COLONNA LIBEL AGAINST BONIFACE.
Universis praesens instrumentum publicum inspecturis, cujus-
cumque praecellentiae, dignitatis, status, vel conditionis existant,
ecclesiasticae vel mundanae, miseratione divina Jacobus S. Mariae in
Via lata, et Petrus S. Eustachii diaconi Cardinales salutem, etc.
Respondemus ad ultimum verbum inter alia in mandato nobis facto
propositum, si tamen mandatum dici debcat quod volebatis scire,
utrum essetis Papa, quod vos non credimus legitimum Papam esse,
sacroque coetui dominorum Cardinalium denuntiamus, suamque pro-
visionem et remedium super hoc exposcimus, cum hoc expediat uni-
versali ecclesiae et fidei fundamento, ut loco domini nostri Jesu
Christi et in ejus vices non nisi verus et legitimus vere et legitime
pastor praesit, curamque gregis sibi commissi legitime gerat:
ne, si (quod absit) non verus pastor insurgeret. seu etiam re-
maneret, non lcvem jacturam sed fundamenti talis subversionem
reciperet sancta catholica et universalis ecclesia, ecclesiasticis sacra-
mentis indigne (proh dolor!) prophanatis, dum per eum indigne,
indebite, et illegitime ministrarentur, qui potestatem et auctoritatem
ministrandi legitimam non habere: non enim sacramenta dare pos-
sunt, qui ea dandi potestatem non habent; nec ministros creare, qui
non sunt. Frequenter Ilamque audivimus a plurimis non levis anctor-
itatis viris ecclesiastici et saecularis status, et dignitatis dubitari
verosimiliter, an renunciatio facta per sanctae mcmoriaC' dominum
CoelestinUlll Papam Y. tenuerit et legitime et canonice facta fuerit:
494
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS.
cum verosimi1iter contrarium videtur ex eo, quod Papatus a solo
Deo est: et quae a Deo vel ab alio superiori eommittuntur, a nullo
possunt inferiori removeri. Et sie papalis potestas, quae a solo Deo
committitur, a nullo iníeriori removeri posse videtur.
Item ex eo, quia nullus potest auetoritatem et potestatem aliquam
spiritualem auíerre, quam eonferre non potest. Sed auctoritatem
papalem Dullus eonferre potest nisi Deus: ergo neque earn auferre.
Sed si teneret renunciatio, auferretur papalis potestas. Ergo re-
nunciatio non videtur fieri posse.
Item etiam deeretalis. Inter corporalia, expresse innuit, quod de-
positio Episcoporum, translatio eorum, et absolutio per cessionem soli
Papae est reservata, nce etiam ipsi coneeditur, nisi in quantum Papa
quodammodo Deus est, id est Dei viearius, ut patet ex textu. Ergo
remotio Papae, quia Papatus omnes dignitates exeellit, per super-
iorem Papa voluit ipse Deus tantummodo fieri, id est per semetipsurn
nulla cnim ratio capit, quod Deus voluerit inferiores dignitates per
ipsum Deum tantum aut per harum superiorem dignitatum tolli
posse, nee per ipsum superiorem nisi in quantum ipse superior,
f'ciIicet Papa est Dei Vicari us; et tamen voluerit ipsum Papatum,
quae est summa dignitas, proprie Christi est, nedum per inferiorem
Deo, sed etiam per inferiorem seipsa dignitate tolli posse: et sic
solus Deus videtur tollere posse Papatum, et nullus alter, Bieut
multiplieiter viddur eolligi ex textu praedietae deeretalis.
Item ex eo, quod summa virtus ereata per nullam virtu tern ereatam
videtur posse tolli. Scd Papatus est summa potestas in ereatura.
Ergo per nullam virtutem ereatam tolli posse videtur.
Iterum ex eo, quod nee Papa, nee tota ereaturarum universitas
potest faeere, quod aliquis Pontiíex non sit Pontifex. Ergo mt:lto
magis non videtur posse facere, quod summus Pontifex non sit sum-
mus Pontifex. N am minus est tollere simpliciter Pontificem, quam
summum Pontifieem. Ergo cum simpliciter Pontifieem nullus possit
tollere nisi Deus, nee summum Pontificem videtur aliquis posse
tollere nisi Deus quod fieret, si renuntiare posset ita, quod valeret.
Item ex eo, quod Papa non est Papa nisi per legem divinam, et
non per legem alieuju8 ereaturae, nee omnium ereaturarum simu!.
Ergo nullo modo videtur, quod Papa possit eximi, quin sit Papa: nee
enim ex quo eonsensit et subjeeit se legi sponsae potest esse non
Papa per aliquam ereaturam neque per omnes simul, ut videtur.
Item ex eo, quod nullus potest tollere votum alieujus seu ab ipso
absolvere nisi ille, qui est supra votum. Sed papatus est quoddam
votum maximum super omnia vota; nam vovet Papa de facto ipsi
Deo, quod curam habebit universaliter gregis sui totius, scilicet
universalis secclesiae; et quod de ipsis reddet rationem. Ergo ab
is to voto solus eum Deus absolvere posse videtur. Ergo de Papa nul-
Ius videtur posse fieri non Papa, nisi omnino a solo Deo aliqua ra-
tione: nullus enim alieui obligatus potest ab obligatione seipsum ab-
solvere, qua tenetur obnoxious, maxime superiore obligatus. Sed
Papa nullum habet superiorem nisi Deum, et per Papatum se Deo
obligavit. Ergo a nullo posse videtur absolvi nisi a Deo.
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS,
495
Item ex eo, quod nullus videtur se ipsum absolvere posse. Sed si
valeret renuntiatio, videtur quod seipsum posset absolvere.
Item ex eo, quod papalis obligato non videtur posse tolli nisi per
majorem potestatem, quam papalis sit. Sed nulla potentia creata
est major quam papalis. Ergo fieri non potest per Papam nee per
aliquid aliud nisi per Deum ut qui semel est Papa, non sit semper
Papa, dum vivit, ut videtur. Item ex eo quod nulla dignitas eccles-
iastica post legitimam confirmationem potest tolli nisi per ejus su-
periorem. Sed Papa solus Deus est major. Ergo a solo Deo tolli
posse videtur.
Item ex eo, quod Apostolus vult et probat sacerdotium Christi esse
aeternum; et ad vivere in aeternum in sacerdotio, sequitur ipsum esse
sacerdotem in aeternum. Ergo nullo modo potest esse vita summi
Pontificis et summi sacerdotis sine summo sacerdotio. Ergo re-
nuntiare non potest, ut videtur. Et nimis extraneum et a ratione
remotum apparet, quod summus Pontifex, qui est verus successor et
vicarius J esu Christi, qui est sacerdos in aeternum possit absolvi
ab alio quam ab ipso Deo; et quod quandiu vixerit non maneat sum-
mus Pontifex: et quod aliquo modo possit esse vita summi sacerdotis
sine summo sacerdotio, ut videtur.
Item ex eo, quod si diceretur, quod vita summi sacerdotis esset sine
summo sacerdotio, argumentum Apostoli, ubi dicit; Secundum legem
Mosaicam plures facti sunt sacerdotes; penitus nullum videretur esse,
sed falsitatem contineret; nam posset argui contra ipsum, quia
Christus sempiternum habet sacerdotium. Respondet Apostolus:
Eo quod manet in aeternum; dico tibi, beate Apostole, non est verum,
quia potest in vita sua renuntiare. et non erit sacerdos amplius. Ex
hac positione quod Papa renuntiare posset totius Scripturae sacrae et
verbi Apostoli falsitas sequi videretur: et ex multis aliis rationabili-
bus et evidentibus causis hoc ipsum videtur verisimile et iustissime
in dubitationem deduci.
Item ex eo, quod in renuntiatione ipsius multae fraudes et doli,
{'onditiones pt intendimenta et machinamenta, et tales et talia in-
tervenisse multipliciter offerentur, quod esto, quod posset fieri re-
nunciatio, de quo merito dubitatur, ipsam vitiarent et redderent il-
legitimam, inefficacem, et nullam.
Item ex eo, quod esto quod renunciatio tenuisset (quod nullo modo
asseritur, neque creditur) plura postea intervenerunt quae electionem
postmodum subsecutam nullam et inefficacem reddiderunt omnino:
ex quo vos, qui principaliter tangimini, merito dubitatis, et in
quaestionem deducitis dicendo, vos velIe scire. utrum sitis Papa,
prout in mandato per vos facto, si mandatum dici debet, per magis-
trum J oannem de Penestre clericum camerae continebatur expresse,
demodo nos, qui ex vera fide asserimus et illumillata conscientia
:fÌrmiter credimus, vos non Pap am, tuta conscientia sHere non pos-
sumus, quin in tanto negotio, quod sic universalem medullitus tangit
ecclesiam, veritaR dcclaretur. Propter quod petimus instanter et
hmniliter g-enerale Concilium congreg-ari, ut in eodem de his omnibus
veritas declarctur, omllisque error abscedat. Et si quidem universale
496
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS.
Con cilium, auditis et pensatis supradictis et aliis negotium con-
tingentibus, decIaraverit renunciationem legitime et canonice pro-
cessisse, et electionem legitime et canon ice postea subsecutam; eidem
cleclarationi, cui stare et parere 110S offerimus, a nobis et ab aliis
humiliter deferatur et pareatur om nino. Si vero vel renuntiationem
]10n legitime nee canonice processisse, vel election em minus legitime
et canonice subsecutam, dicti conciIii declaratione aut deliberatione
claruerit, cedat error, et de vero sponso provideatur legitime et
canonice universali ecclesiae sponsae Christi, etc. Sub anno Domini
:MCCXCVII indictione X. die veneris, X. mensis maji.
DOCUMEKT (S).
SENTENCE OF BOXIFACE AGAINST THE COLONNAS.
Bonifacius, et ad perpetuam rei memoriam.
Lapis abscissus de monte sine manibus, ab aedificantibus repro-
batus, et factus in caput anguli, duos et diversos parietes copulans,
pastores a J udaea, et magos ab oriente producens, in se reconcilians
ima summis, et ordinans in sancta Romana apostolica et catholica
ecclesia chari tatem, ipsam sponsam suam statuit esse unam, sicut
scriptum est: TTna est columba mea electa mea, perfecta mea: una
est matris suae, electa genitricis suae; per inconsutilem tunicam
Domini designatam, desuper contextam per totum. Hanc diviserunt
milites, sed sortiti sunt earn. Hanc impugnaverunt haeretici et
8chismatici, ac blasphemi a juventute sua: sed non praevaluerunt ad-
versus eam divina virtute protectam, et ut castrorum acies ordin-
atam. Sed nondum haereticis, schismaticis, ac blasphemis adeo est
finis impositus, quin velut viperei :filii, natique degeneres in senectute
positum, ejus sabbatum perturbare, et unitatem scindere moliantur.
De quorum n umero fore noscuntur Jacobus de Columna et Petrus
nepos eius, quondam dictae ecclesiae Cardinales, quos, eorum culpis
et demeritis exigentibus ac suorum, pridem VI. idus maii Ponti:ficatus
nostri anno III. ex rationabilibus causis moti, de fratrum nostrorum
eoncilio Cardinalatu privavimus perpetuo, et deposuimus ab eisdem,
variis processibus et sententiis, comminationes et poenas eontinenti-
bus, contra ipsos habitis; nec non et contra natos quondam Joannis
de Columna fratris dicti Jacobi et patris Petri praefati, ae contro
omnes, qui per masculinam et foemininam Iineam descenderunt hac-
tenus, et descendunt ab ipso Joanne.
Ipsi namque Jacobus et Petrus intraverunt eccIesiam sub pene
ovina, operibus tamen et fructibus se exhibuerunt quasi lupos ra-
paces; et graves, non parcentes gregi dominico, et in reprobum sen-
Bum dati, et oculis excaecati malitia, ita ut lumen coeli non viderent,
nec videant; descendentes in malorum profundum, et contemnentes,
exurreXf'runt loqui perversa: et acuentes ut gladium linguas suas, in
blasphema vcrba, et schislllatica proruperunt, aperte monstrantea
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS.
497
quod licet ex nobis prodierint, tamen non erant ex nobis: nam si ex
nobis fuissent, utique permansissent nobiscum. Quibus verbis re-
dactis in scriptis, ipsa scripta in divcrsarum ecclesiarum Urbis ostiis
affigi, et super Basilicae principis Apostolorum de Urbe altari poni
fccerunt: quae quidem scripta eorum ab olim praecogitatam et prae-
conceptam nequitiam patenter indicant, ipsosque J acobum atque
Petrum blasphemos atque schismaticos fore manifeste declarant,
sanctae Dei ecclesiae Romanae catholicae et apostolicae molientes
scindere unitatem, et Columnam Dei viventis pene adnutationem
deducere, ac sagenam summi Piscatoris procellis intumescentibus ad
naufragii profunda submergere, si, quod absit, eis facultas adesset.
In hujusmodi namque scriptis, quae universis eadem inspecturis
cujuscumque praeeminentiae, dignitatis, status, vel conditionis ex-
istant, ecclesiasticae vel mundanae, a Jacobo et Petro praedictis
mittuntur sub modo scribendi, quo ante depositionem suam uti sole-
bant, et sub sigillis, quibus antea utebantur; inter caetera continen-
tur, nos divina providentia ad summi apostolatus apicem secundum
scita canonum, licet immeritos, evocatos, et non solum ab omnibus
fratribus nostris et ab ipsis praevia electione canonica, immo ab
ECf'le5Ìa universali receptos in Papam, consecratos, eis assistentibus,
secundum approbatum morem Romanae ecclesiae, et etiam coronatos,
Papam non esse; haec et alia confingentes, quae non solum sunt blas-
phesma et schismatica, sed insana, prout eorum scripta indicant man-
ifeste.
Post depositionem etiam et privationem processus et sententiac;
supradictos, Cardinales se nominant, et Cardinalitia portant insignia.
annul is et rubeis capellis utentes, et Cardinalitos actus exercent, sicut
antequam per nos de fratrum nostrorum consilio essent depositi
iaciebant et hactenus utebantur: ut illud taceamus ad praesens, quod
fere per triennium obedientiam nobis et reverentiam exhibuerunt lit
Papae, participantes una nobiscum, revercntiam exhibuerunt ut
Papae, participantes una nobiscum reverendum dominici Corporis et
Ranguinis sacramentum, ac ministrantes nobis in missarum solemniis
et divinis, prout ab antiquo solent Cardinales saepedictae Romanae
ecclesiae Romanis Pontificibus ministrare; in ecclesiarum provisioll-
ibus et diffinitionibus per nos fact is consilia sua dantes, et se in
concf'ssis a nobis pri vilegiis subscribentes, alia faciebant nobiscum
et recipiebant nobiscum et recipiebant a nobis, quae cum homine et
ab homine cujus non habuissent ingressum canonicum, nec fieri nec
recipi debuissent. Nec possent supradicta metu proponere se feci sse,
qui nos in scrutinio, more memo rate ecclesiae Cardinalium, elegerent
et nominaverant eligendum in Paparo quando de nobis, timendum non
erat: et post electionem, receptionem, consecrationem, et coronationem
praemissas facta::; de nobis, in castro tunc ipsorum, quod Zagarolum
dicitur, et quod perdictum J acobum tunc temporis tenebatur, cum
pluribus ex fratribus nostris hopitati fuerimus confi den ter, et ipsi
ac sui tunc ibidem exhibuerunt nobis papalem reverentiam et hon-
orem, ubi nuHa aderat eis causa timoris.
K os igitur super his et aliis, quae hujusmodi negotium contingunt,
498
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS.
vel contingere possunt, habita cum dictis fratribus nostris deliber-
atione matura, omnes processus, omnesque sententias, comminationes,
et poenas; et special iter dictam sententiam depositionis et privationis
Cardinalituum, et cuncta alia quae in nostris super hoc confectis
literis continentur, de eorumdem fratrum nostrorum consilio rata
habentes et grata; confirmamus, ratificamus, et approbamus, et etiam
innovamus; et propter adauctam eorum contumaciam, Bchisma, atque
blasphemiam, de dictorum frat rum consilio ipsos J acobum et Pe-
trum sententiando pronuntiamus esse schismaticos, et blasphemos,
et excommunication is sententia innodamus; ipsosque, in hujusmodi
blasphemia et schismate perdurantes, tamquam haereticos puniendos;
et tam dictam depositionis et privationis cardinalatuum sententiam,
quam omnia, quae contra ipsos et alios feeimus, et pronuntiavimus,
de novo facimus, sententiamus, atque proferimus, et robur habere
decernimus perpetuae firmitatis. Omnibus insuper canonicatibus
praebendi, dignitatibus, personatibus, officiis, et beneficiis cum cura
vel sine cura; pensionibus, ecclesiastic is reditibus seu proventibus,
quae praedicti Jacobus et Petrus, et unusquisque eorum habebant,
tenebant, et possidebant in quibuscumque seu a quibuscumque ec-
cIesiis, monasteriis hospitalibus religiosis et saecularibus vel speciali-
bus personis, cujuscumque eminentiae, conditonis, ordinis, dignitatis,
et status, eccIesiastici vel mundani; ipsos omnino privamus, ipsaque
collationi sed is Apostolicae reservamus; decernentes irritum, et inane,
si secus a quoquam super iis scienter vel ignoranter contigerit at-
tentari.
Eosdem quoque J acobum et Petrum, quondam Cardinales; J oan-
nem dictum de sancto Vito, et Oddonem filios quondam Joannis de
Columna fratris dicti Jacobi, et patris Petri praefati omnibus iuri-
bus, et bonis mobilibus et immobilibus ecclesiasticis; et tam ipsos
quam Agapitum, Stephanum, et J acobum dictum Seiarram, filios
Joannis de Columna praedicti, et alios filios ejusdem Joannis, si
qui alii sunt filii eorumdem vel alicuius eorum, omnibus iuribus, et
bonis, et rebus mobilibus et immobilibus, hereditariis seu quomodoli-
bet acquisitis, quibuscumque ratione, causa, vel titulo ad eos vel ip-
sorum aliquem seu aliquos pervenerint, seu obvenerint, obvenire vel
pervenire possent; nee non communitatibus, baroniis, comitatibus,
civitatibus, sive castris, ubicumque ilIa habeant, teneant, vel ob-
tineant, vel quomodolibet ad ipsos pertineant, privamus omnino il-
Jaque omnia et singula publicamus, et etiam confiscamus; ita quod
ad ipsos vel eorum aliquem, heredes ipsorum vel alicuius eorum nulIo
umquam tempore revertantur, eosque ac unumquemque ipsorum
active et passive intestabiles reddimus; ita quod eis et eorum uni-
cuique ex testamento, vel quavis ultima voluntate, seu ab intestato
nullus succedere possit, nee ipsi, aut eo rum aliquis ex testamento
seu ultima voluntate, vel ab intestato succedere, aut aliquod capere
possint; nihiIque eis, et eorum alicui ratione legati, institutionis, aut
substitutionis, seu quovis titulo vale at quomodolibet obvenire: eosque
pronuntiamus infames, et legitimis actibus prorsus indignos; stat-
uentes quod nulli eorum portae alicuius pateant dignitatis eccles-
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS.
499
iasticae vel mundanae, et si secus fieret, nullum robur habere, ipsisque
civilitatem et incolatum et habitatione Urbis, circumpositae region is,
et quorumvis civitatum, castrorum, terra rum atque locorum dictate
ecclesiae subiectorum prorsus interdicimus: eosque omnes et singulos
ab Urbe, eiusque territorio et districtu, et ab omnibus civitatibus,
castris, terris seu locis subiectis eidem Romanae eccIesiae forbanni-
mus: ipsosque Agapitum, Stephanum, J acobum dictum Scirram,
J oannem de Sancto Vito, et Oddonem excommunicationis sententia
innodamus; statuentes firmiter, et mandantes, ut null us dictos J aco-
bum et Petrum, et praefatos Agapitum, Stephanum, J acobum dictum
Sciarram, J onnanem, et Oddonem fratres, eos vel eorum aliquem aut
aliquos rpcipiat vel receptat; nullusque eis aut ipsorum alicui, vel
aliquibus praestet auxilium, consilium vel iavorem; eos, qui secus
fecerint, excommunication is sententia innodantes. Praecipimus
etiam sub excommunicationis sententia, quam contrarium facientes
incurrere volumus ipso facto, ut nunus ab ipsis Jacobo et Petro, et
praedictis fratribus, vel eorum altero, in schismate vel rebellione
huiusmodi existentibus, nuntium vel literas recipiat, aut mittat ad
eos vel ad alterum eorumdem.
Reddimus quoque praedictos Jacobum et Petrum, Agapitum,
Stephanum, et J acobum dictum Sciarram, J oannem de S. Vito et
Oddonem, et alios si qui sunt :filii dicti Joannis de Columna, et
:filios eorumdem inhabiles ad honorem seu regimen, vel officium pub-
licum, ecclesiasticum vel mundanum, quaeIibet et quocumque nomine
censeantur, per se, vel alium, aut alios quomodolibet exercenda; ita
quod nee ad ilIa vocari, eIigi, vel assumi valeant, vel ad aliquod eor-
umdem; nec ipsi, vel aliquis eo rum, seu aIiqui ea valeant exercere;
et si secus factum fuerit, illud dece.rnimus irritum et inane. Si qui
vero ex eis, vel ipsorum aIiquis, vel qui vis per eas, vel pro eis,
vel ipsorum aliquem, vel aliquos in protestatariae, capitaniae,
consulatus regimine, vel quovis officio publico hactenus, ubi-
cumque positi, electi, assumpti iuerint, vel recepti; praesertim quor-
umcumque provinciae, civitatum, castrorum, terrarum, atque locorum
memoratae eccIesiae subiectorum; ilIos ab eis penitus amovemus,
executionibus ipsis penitus interdictis, eosque praecipimus nulla tenus
reassumi; et si secus factum fuerit, illud decernimus nullius existere
firmi ta tis.
Civitatis vero, castra, seu loca, quae scienter dictos J acobum et
Petrum, et praedictos fratres receperint, receptaverint, sive tenuerint,
autin quibus publice moram contraxerint, quandiu ipsi vel aIter
eorum inibi morabuntur, eccIesiastico supponimus interdicto: et per-
sonas ipsorum Jacobi, et Petri, et fratrum capiendas exponimus
quibuscumque fideIibus, detinendas et custodiendas diligenter,
quousque per dictem sedem aliud fuerit ordinatum, etc. Actum
Romae in Basilica supradicta, (nimirum S, Petri) in die Ascensionis
Domini, pontificatus nostri anno III.
500
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS.
DOCUMENT (T).
BRIEF OF BONIFACE ENTRUSTING THE DIRECTION OF THE WAR AGAINST THE
COLONNAS, TO LANDOLPH COLONNA.
Bonifacius etc. Dilecto filio nobili viro Landulpho de Columna civi
romano salutem, et apostolicam benedictionem. Ut depressio, et
confusio Columnen, Schismaticorum, et Ecc1esiae Romanae Rebel-
lium eo celerius, et facilius executioni mandetur, quoad id plurium
proborum virorum fuerit ministerium deputatum. N os de tuae
nobilitatis industria plenarie confidentes, volumus, et praesentium tibi
auctoritate committimus, ut una cum nobili viro... Capitaneo mili-
turn Talliae Tusciae adversus scismaticos, et rebel1es praedictos, et
adjutores, et fautores eorum ad captiones castrorum, terra rum, loco-
rum, et bonorum, ac etiam personarum ipsorum, destructionem
quoque, et devastationem domorum, vinearum, et arborum eorumdem,
et alias in omnibus, et per omnia, quae in hac parte, ad honorem, et
exa1tationem Ecc1esiae Romanae videris expedire, procedeas viriliter,
et potenter, et nomine nostro, et ejusdem Ecc1esiae, Castra, terras,
Ioca, et Personas ipsorum, quae capi contigerit, custodias et con-
serves, seu custodiri, et conservari facias, et procures ad nostrum
beneplacitum disponenda.
Dat. apud Urbem Veterem secundo Donas Septembris Pontificatus
nostri anno tertio.
DOCUMENT (U).
REPLY OF BONIFACE TO THE ROMAN PEOPLE.
Bonifacius etc. di1ectis filiis nobi1i viro Pandulpho de Sabel10
Senatori, et Populo U rbis salutem, et apostolicam benedictionem,
Romanum Populum peculiares, et pracdi1ectos filios praecipua cari-
tate constringimus, et specialiori prosequimur prerogativa favoris.
Sane dilectos filios Ambasciatores vestros ex parte vestra solemn iter
in quantitate non modica nuper ad nostram praesentiam accedcntes
paterna benignitate recepimus, et quae tam verbo, quam scriptuTa
nobis exponere voluerunt attendimus diligellte, ipsi namcue coram
nobis, et Fratribus nostrÏs tam oretemus, quam in scriptis ex
parte vestra proponere curaverunt, quod iidem Ambasciatores de
mandato tuo, Senator, et ex deliberatione Consilii generalis, et
specialis, et quamplurium aliorum proborum virorum in ipso con-
gregatorum. et parlamenti more soli to publice congregati ad Colup-
nenses tam clericos, quam laicos scismaticos, nostros et Ecclesiae Ro-
manae rebel1es, et hostes nuperrime accessenmt, et ex parte vestra,
Senator et Popule, praedictis suaserunt Clericis et induxel'unt eos-
NOTES AND DOCUl\lENTS,
501
dem, et praefatis Laicis mandarunt, quod ad pedes nostros reverenter
venirent nostra, et ipsius Rumanae Ecclesiae absolute, ac libere man-
data facturi; ad quae praefati scismatici, et rebelles ipsis ambasciato-
ribus responderunt, quod ipsi parati erant; et offerebant se venturos
ad pedes nostros, ac nostra, et praefatae Ecclesiae mandata facturos;
qua responsione a praedictis Columpnensibus Ambasciatores ipsi
audita, redeuntes ad Urbem ipsaque relata a te Senatore, sicut ex
dicti consilii, et nostra popule ut asserebant ordinatione concesserat
(sic) suscepere mandatum quod iidem Ambasciatores ad praesentiam
nostram accederent, ac nobis ex parte vestra, Senator et Popule,
supplicarent, ut intuitu Dei, et consideratione vestra dignaremur
praefatos Columpnenses, ut praemittitur venientes benigne recipere,
ac misericorditer pertractare, Nos igitur illius vices gerentes qui
mortem non fecit, nec delectatur in perditionem vivorum, et filios
abeuntes in devium regionis dissimi1itudinis (sic) humiliter rever-
tentes, suaque recognoscentes peccata ad poenitentiam libenter ad-
mittit, praefatis scismaticis, hostibus, atque rebelIibus si suas recog-
noscentes culpas, et scelera humili spiritu, et contrito ad nostra, et
prefatae Ecclesiae mandata pure, absolute, absque intendimento ali-
quo, alte, basse, ac ad pedes nostros reverenter, et personal iter absque
morae dispendio venire euraverint, et tam Personas suas, quam Civi-
tatem, Arces, et Castra, quae detinent, detinentur pro eis, in manibus,
et posse nostris, ac eorum, quibus mandabimus, posuerint cum effectu,
gremium non claudemus quin eos taliter redeuntes, sic misericorditer
et benigne tractemus, quod sit gratum Deo, honorabile nobis, et ipsi
Ecc1esiae, et ex nostris, et ipsius Ecclesiae actibus exemplum laudabile
posteris relinquamus
Nee voIumus vos latere, quod per verda dila-
tionis deduci nolentes, non intendimus abstinere, quin interim contra
eos, ac sequaces, et fautores ipsorum. et terras quae pro ipsis tenentur,
temporaliter, et spiritualiter procedatur. Caeterum gratanter audivi-
mus, et quod nobis per ambasciatores supplicastis eosdem ut ad
U rbem, moraturi in ea, in istanti hiemali tempore, veniremus: super
quo tenere nos volumus, quod alia caetera loca preter illud ubi nostri
sedes apostolatus existit minus gratanter incolimus; Dam sicut jam
vera presagia manifestant nedum vi vi, sed etiam post praesentis vitae
decursum eupirous in urbe ipsa quiescere. constructa jam in basilica
Principis Apostolorum de U rbe specali cappella ubi nostram elegimus
sepulturam; sed adhuc de veniendo, vel non veniendo' ad praesens am-
basciatoribus ipsis responsum certum non dedimus, sed ex causa in
suspenso tenemus, ut videre possimus qualiter praedicta procedant, et
d..... am quam ad nos gessistis, et geritis effectivis valeamus operibus
expcriri.
Datum apud U rbem Veterem tertio Kalen Octobris pontificatus
nostri anno tertio.
502
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS.
DOCUMENT (V).
TWO SERMONS OF BONIFACE VIII, DELIVERED AT ORVIETO, IN PRESENCE OF
THE CARDINALS.. ON THE OCCASION OF THE CANONIZATION OF LOUIS
IX, KING OF FRANCE.
"Reddite quae sunt Caesaris Caesari, et quae sunt Dei Deo."
fat. XXII. c. Notandum quod reddit Deus, et reddit homo, Deus
reddit bonis bona, ma1is supplicia, utrisque iusta. De malis in
Psalmo dicitur: "Reddet retributionem superbus," De bonis etiam
in Psalmo: "Redde mihi laetitiam salutaris tui;" id est, gloriam
aeternam, quae est laetitia sempiterna. De utrisque dicit Apostolus
II. Cor. 5. "Omnes nos manifestari oportet ante tribunal Christi,
ut recipiat unusquisque propria corporis prout gessit, sive bonum,
sive malum."
Item reddit homo Deo, reddit proximo, Primo debet reddere
Deo, ina quae vovit. U nde in Psalmo: "V ovete et reddite Domino
Deo vestro, etc." Hoc intelligitur tam de voto tacito, quam ex-
presso. De voto tacito, sicut de illis. quae in baptismo. licet tacite,
promittuntur. De expresso dicitur Lucae XVI. "Redde rationem
viIlicationis tuae," Hoc specialiter dicitur de iUis, qui ex voto seu
promisso expresso obligati sunt Deo specialiter servire. Secundo red-
dit homo proximo carita tern et concordiam. U nde Apostolus Rom.
XIII. "Nemini cuiquam debeatis, nisi ut invicem diligatis." Istud
vero debitum est, quod quantumcunque, et quotienscumque redditum,
semper nihilominus hominem detinet debitorem:
Ista vero verba primo proposita accipi possunt in persona summi
Pontificis, et totius Ecc1esiae miliantis, ut dicatur eis pro santae
memoriae Rege Ludovico. "Reddite quae sunt Caesaris Caesari. etc,"
Ut per Caesarem intelligamus istum sanctum Regem, cui honor
merito debetur. Unde concluditur Rom. XIII. "Reddite ergo om-
nibus debita; cui tribl1tum, tributum; cui vectigal. vectigal; cui
timorem, timorem; cui honorem, honorem." Et ita debemus reddere
unicuique quod suum est, tam Deo quam homini, et maxime illi
sancto Regi de quo agitur, Reddendo enim honorem homini, red-
ditur etiam Deo, qui est laudabilis in Sanctis suis. ende in Psalmo t
"
firabilis Deus in Sanctis suis etc." Item ibidem, "Laudate Dom-
inum in sanctis ejus etc," Accedamus ergo ad propositum negotium
venerandum, honorandum, et desiderandum, quod jam per XXIIII.
annos vel amplius stetit in fornace examinis Curiae Romanae, sue
sedis Apostolicae. U nde notandum, quod multi vestrum viderunt,
et nos etiam vidimus sanctum illum Reg-em Ludovicum. cuis
vita inclyta cunctas illustrabat Ecc1esias. Et sicut nos in parte
vidimus, et per probata audivimus, e scimus, vita eius non fuit
sahlm vita hominis sed super hominem; non fuit interrupt a ;
sed ab infantia continuata, de bono in melius semper procedens,
semper augmentata, Secundum id quod dicitur im Psalmo. " Ibunt
sancti de virtute in virtutem, videbitur Deus Deorum in Sion." Ipse
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS.
503
enim sic procedens, jam de regno terreno Franciae ascendit ad regnum
aeternum gloriae, ut possit dicere illud Psalmi: "Ego enim consti-
tutus sum Rex ab eo super Sion montem sanctum ejus, etc." Et quia
dicitur in Proverb. "J ustorum semita quasi lux splendens procedit,
et crescit usque in perfectum diem: " Idcirco non est passus Dominus,
ut lucerna isto poneretur sub modio; sed super candelabrum, ut
luceret his qui in domo Dei sunt. Unde voJuit Dominus manifestare
hominibus qua1is iste Sanctus erat, et est coram eo; et hoc tam per
testimonium Dei, quam hominum.
Testimonium enim hominum requiritur ibi sicut testimonium verit-
atis, quantum ad certitudinem vitae suae sandal', quam in hoc mundo
gessit. Vita vero ejus sancta omnibus fuit manifesta, facÏem ejus
aspicientibus, quae plena erat gratiarum, sicut dicitur Hester XV.
Quantum vero ad opera, fuit manifesta specialiter in eleemosynis
pauperum, in fabicationibus hospitalium, in aedificiis Ecclesiarum et
caeterjs misericordiae operibus, quae omnia enumerare longum esset.
N E'C fuenmt ista momentanea seu parvo tempore durantia, sed usque
ad mortem continua. Item quantae fuerit justitiae, apparuit evidE'll-
ter non solum per exempla, imo etiam per tactum. Sedebat enim
quasi continue in terra super lectum, ut audiret causas, maxime
pauperum et orphanorum, et eis faciebat exhiberi justitiae comple-
mentum. Unicuique etiam reddebat quod suum est. Unde potest
dici de ipso, quod dicitur Eccles. XVI. "Opera justitiae ejus quis
enunciabit?" quasi dicat, enumerari non possent. Et ideo in pace
et quiete magna tenuit regnum suum. Coneordes enim sunt pax et
justitia. Et ideo sieut sedit in justitia, ita regnum ejus quievit in
pace. Unde veri:ficatum est de ipso quod dieitur Proverb. XX. ":Mis-
ericordia et veritas custodiunt Regem, et roborabitur clementia
thronus ejus." V oluit insuper Dominus manifestare sibi, quod erat
vas electionis ad portandum verbum suum coram gentibus, et Regi-
bus, et filiis Israel. Et ideo ostendit illi, quanta oportebat eum pro
nomine suo pati: quia licet tot divitiis, deliciis, et honoribus abun-
daret, relinquens omnia, corpus suum et vitam suam exposuit pro
Christo, mare transfretando, et contra inimicos Crucis Christi et
fidei Catholicae decertando, usque ad captionem et incarcerationem
proprii corporis, uxoris, et fratrum suorum.
Quantam vero animi constantiam, et quale exemplum justitiae et
bonitatis ostenderit in
dversitate praedicta, hoc sciunt illi fide digni,
qui ab illis, qui interfuerunt, veritatem diligenter inquisierunt. N am
cum captus esset a Soldano, et fratres sui, et certa summa pecuniae
deberant redimi; volebat Soldanus quod illa pactio seu processio pe-
cuniae tali pacto firmaretur, ut si dictus Soldanus a promisso reced-
eret, legem suam et Deos suos abnegaret, Ipse vero Rex e converso,
si pactum non teneret, fidem Christi negaret. Pius vero Rex et
Catho1icus haec audiens, exhorruit, et monitus a fratribus suis ut
hoc faceret, dicentibus quod hoc satis Ii cite poterat promittere, post-
quam non intendebat a pacto seu conventione recedere. rE'spondit eis
sic: Dominu
faciet id quod voluerit tam de me, quam de vobis. Vos
ut fratrcs diligo, me etiam ut me diligo. Sed hoc avcrtat Deus, quod
504
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS.
tale verbum de ore Regis Franciae unquam exeat, quicquid inde deb-
eat accidere. Soldanus vero videns ejus magnam constantiam tam
in gestibus quam in responsis, credidit verbo suo simplici, et ipsum ac
fratres suos, ac etiam omnes reliquos, quos tenebat, dimisit. Miracula
etiam tempore captionis suae plurima acciderunt, inter quae unum
fuit praecipuum, et relatione dignum. Quidam enim ReIigiosus, qui
eum secutus fuerat, et cum eo captus, dum staret secum in una
camera secreta, coepit Rex devotus multum conqueri et condolere
propeter hoc, quod Breviarium non habebat, ubi posset dicere Horas
suas Canonicas. Respondit frater ilIe, eum consolando: Non est
curandum in tali articulo: sed dicamus nihilominus "Pater noster,"
et alia quae poterimus. Sed cum multum affiigeretur super isto, in-
venit iuxta se subito Breviarium suum proprium, divinitus, ut
credimus, sibi et per miraculum est apportatum.
Item postquam a carcere fuit Iiberatus, non vixit, nec indutus fuit
sicut prius: 1icet vita et conversatio eius prius fuisset satis honesta.
Vestes enim, quas postea habuit non erant Regiae, sed Re1igiosae:
non erant militis, sed viri simp1icis. Vitam etiam eius, qualiter in
aedificationibus Ecc1esiarum, et visitationibus infirmorum, caecorum,
et leprosorum continuaverit, nulIus enarrare sufficit.
Inter caetera vero, hoc exemplum notabile recitatum fuit nobis a
fide dignis, dum essemus in Francia; quod apud Abbatiam Regalis-
montis erat quidam Monachus lepra abominabiliter infectus, in tan-
turn quod propter foetorem et abominationem ulcerum, vix invenie-
batur, qui ad eum accedere vel1et: sed quae necessaria erant a Jonge
eidem projiciebantur seu dabantur. Rex vero pius audiens hoc de
iHo, pluries visi tavi t eum, et eidem humiJi ter ministravit; saniem
ulcerum ejus studiose detergendo, et eidem cibum et potum propriis
manibus ministrando. Talia namque et consimilia consuevit facerp
in dominus Dei et Leprosariis, et specialiter in domo Dei Paris, quod
multi et :multotiens viderunt. Unde in ta1ibus apparet, quantae com-
passionis et pietatis fuerit iste Rex factus.
Item quantarum eleemosynarum fuerit ipse sanctus homo, apparet
per mos, qui statuta dandi eleemosynas suas noverunt. Inter alia
namque statuit, quod quotienscumque de novo intrabat Paris. nouae
eleemosynae darentur ReIigiosis, et specialiter "1Iendicantibus, et ideo
frequentius exibat, ut saepius eleemonsinae hujusmodi redderentur.
Praetera non suffecit ei dare sua, sed volens plus reddere Deo, re-
1iquit mundum, uxorem, et regnum, exposuit filios suos, et reliquit
siepsum, iterum in Terram sanctam peregrinando. Poterat dicere
Domino cum beato Petro et reliquis Aposto1is, id quod dixit Petrus
:Matt, XX. "Ecce reliquimus omnia, et secuti sumus te." Et in
tanta perfectione, qua secutus fuerat, vitam finivit sanctissime. N am
secundum quod testificatum est ab assistentibus, iste non fuit finis
hominis humanitati, sed quodam modo iam sanctificati servL Quod
apparuit in verbis, et monitionibus Sanctis quas in lecto mortis dice-
bat: et in sign is, quae tunc temporis evidenter in ipso apparuerunt.
Quam vero salubria exempla et monita rpliquit posteris, indicant
maxi me documenta sancta, quac pius Rex ante mortem fiIio suo
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS,
505
primogenito, et filiae suae Reginae N avarrae scripsit, et quasi pro
testamento eis reliquit. Cum etiam signis evidentibus appropin-
quaret ad finem, de nullo erat sollicitus, nisi de iis, quae ad solum
Deum propric pertinebant, et ad exaltationem fidei Christianae.
Unde in fine dixit: Amodo nullus loquatur mecum. Et sic stans per
magnum spacium, quasi nullus permissus est loqui sibi, nisi, Sacerdos
sive Confessor proprius. Et sic ad extremall horam veniens, spiritum
reddidit Creatori.
Istum vero sanctum Regem merito vocavimus Caesarem, qui pos-
sessor Principatus, seu possidens Principes interpretatur. Ipse enim
Principatum, seu Principem huius rnundi possedit: tres inimicos
humanae naturae, mundum, carnem, et diabolum prosternendo. Vicit
enim mundum, quia stants in mundo rnundum prostravit et calcavit.
contemnendo, et Deo subdidit; terrena, quae mundi sunt, in eleemosy-
nis distribuendo. Diabolum etiam calcavit, seipsum sicut superius
dictum est, summe et perfectissime humiliando; et signo crucÏs, quod
assumpsit, et tamdiu portavit, ipsum prosternendo. Carnem nihilo-
minus vicit et domavit, earn spiritui subjiciendo. Maxime quia sicut
constat ex testimonio plurimorum, este numquam carnem suam divisit
in plures, nec cum aliqua peccatum commisit. Ita quod ipsemet,
excepta uxore propria, virgo ab aliis perman sit.
Videns ergo Deus istum talem et tantum virium sic bene ingres e
sum, sic melius progressum, sic sanctissime de mundo egressum;
voluit quod non staret amplius lucerna sub modio, sed per grandia
et multa miracula voluit eum manifestare, et quasi super candela-
brum ponere. N am sicut invenimus, vidimus, et nosmetipsi die
propria examinavimus per plures inquisitiones a nobis, et a nostris
fratribus, ac etiam pluribus summis Pontificibus approbatas: sexa-
ginta tria miracula, inter caetera, quae Dominus evidenter ostendit,
certitudinaliter facta cognovimus.
Quia, sicut alias dictum est, actus iste, scilicet ascribere in catalogo
Sanctorum per canonizationem Romani Pontificis, singularis excel-
lentiae reputatur in Ecclesia militante, et ad solum Romanum Ponti-
ficem pertineat hoc agere: idcirco summam gravitatem in facto tam
singulari Sedes Apostolica voluit observare. Quamvis et vita sua
fuisset ita manifesta, et multa miracula visa, sicut superius dictum
est, preces etiam Regiae, Earonum, et etiam Praelatorum pluries
accessissent: nihilominus cum inquisitionibus privatis pluribus iam
factis, adhuc voluit inquisitiones solemnes per non parum tempus
facere. Duravit istud negocium iam per XXIV. annos, vel amplius.
Et licet Dominus Nicolaus III. ante dixisset, quod ita nota erat sibi
vita istius sancti, quod si vidisset duo vel tra miracula, eum canon-
izasset; sed morte praeventus non potu it hoc perducere ad effectum.
Ex abundanti tamen fuit adhuc éommissum ncgocium inquisitionis
viris venerabilibus et discretis, Archiepiscopo scilicet Rothomagensi,
et Episcopo Antisiodorensi, et magistro Rolando de Palma Episcopo
Spoletano. Et isti de sexaginta tl'ibus rniraculis testes receperunt,
examinaverunt. rubri('averunt: et lam sexdecim annis transactis ad
Curiam remiserunt, Insuper per illos sexdecilll annos continue aliqui
506
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS.
ex parte Regis Franciae, necnon Praelatorum, et principum, et spec-
iaIiter Frater J oannes de Samessio, continue institerunt.
Tandem prodicto negotio, tempore domini ]\{artini commissum est
negotium tribus Cardinalibus ad examinandum, qui viderunt, exam-
inaverunt, et pro magna parte rubricaverunt. Sed cum ante mortem
domini Martini non fuisset facta relatio negotii, pervenit tandem
ad tempora Domini Honorii. Et tunc Iecta sunt plura miracula,
et coram fratribus nostris CardinaJibus diligenter discussa. Sed dum
ventilaretur negotium, superveniente morte Domini Honorii, nego-
tium siluit.
Tempore vero domini Nicolai IV. commissum est negotium tribus
aliis Cardinalibus, domino scilicet Hostensi, domino Portuensi, et
nobis in statu Cardinalatus adhuc existentibus: quia mortui erant illi
Cardinales, quibus negotium prius fuerat commissum. Postea etiam
mortuo domino Hostiensi, subrogatus fuit sibi dominus Sabinensis.
Et ita per tot, et totiens examinatum est, rubricatum, et discussum
negotium; quod de hoc facta sit copia scripturarum, Nos et de manU'
propria scripsimus, et diIigenter examinavimus multa miracula fuisse
sufficienter probata.
Temporibus autem nostris non sunt mutati examinatores, sed tamen
iterum lecta sunt plura miracula, examinata, et rubricata, non solum
per illos predictos examinatores, sed etiam plures alios Cardinales.
Et voluimus, ut quilibet sigillatim daret consilium suum in scriptis,
ne odio, vel amore, seu etiam timore aliquo aliquis taceret.
Ex istis ergo, et pluribus aIiis potest evidenter concludi, quod
servata fuit maturitas et plus quam maturitas in praedictis. Et ideo
de tam manifesto viro, et sic in sanctitate vitae et miraculorum pro-
bato, secure possumus asserere, quod non debet ampIius Iama sancti-
tatis eius sub modio Iatere, sed debemus ei dicere: Amice, ascende
superius, ut sit tibi gIoria in EccIesia militante coram simuI discum-
bentibus. Et ideo quasi ex ore Dei dicta sunt nobis et Ecclesiae
militanti verba proposita in principio, "Reddite quae sunt Caesaris
Caesari, etc." ut in hoc reddatur Deo quod suum est qui laudatur in
Sanctis auis. Reddatur Caesari isti quod suum est, scilicet honor,
et gloria debita, Sanctis reddatur, et matri nostrae EccIesiae tn-
umphanti quod suum est, silicet debitum laudis: et hoc in isto
saneto, qui connumerari debet merito cum aliis sanctis, quia civis
effectus est patriae caelestis. Et sic cum matre nostra debemus con-
laetari, et istum tanquam sanctum honorare: ut sic per consequens
exemplis vitae eius in Ecclesia militanti recitatis, :fides Catholica
roboretur, Reges et principes ad bonum animentur, et omnes univer-
saliter in bonis suis operibus et exemplis aedi:ficentur, et ad majora
bona provocentur, quod nobis praestare dignetur, qui vivit et regnat,
etc, amen.
"Rex pacificus magnificatus est," quia eodem Spiritu Bancto, quo
locuti sunt et illuminati patres veteris Testamenti, Patriarchae vide-
licet et Prophetae, locuti sunt etiam sancti novi Testamenti. Propter
quod dicit Apostolus I. Cor. XII. "Divisiones gratiarum sunt, idem
autem spiritus, dividens singuIis prout vult." Unde militans Ec-
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS.
507
cIesia eodem spiritu }oquens, quasi exu1tando assumit verbum pro-
positum, quo ad sententiam de tertio libro Reg. X. et de secundo
Paralip. IX. et tamen mutat verba, quae licet ad literam dicta sunt
de Rege Salomone in veteri Testamento; tamen quia de exaItatione
EccIesiae loquitur, propter magnificationem et exaltationem sanc-
tissimi Regis Ludovici, possumus eodem spiritu de ipso verba
proposita exponere, in quibus sanctus Rex Ludovicus intribus com-
mendatur, primo de excellenti statu, quia Rex; secundo adonis et
virtutibus, quia pacifi('us; tertio apraemiis et renumerationibus, quia
magnificatus in EccIesiae, scilicet militanti.
De primo notandum, quod qui bene regit seipsum et subditos, Suos,
ipse vere Rex est. Sed qui nescit regere se et subditos, audacter
dicendum est, quod falsus Rex est. iste vero Rex fuit in veritate, quia
seipsum et subditos vere, inste, et sancte regebat. Seipsum enim
rexit, quia carnem subjecit spiritui, et omnes motus sensualitatis
rationi. Item subditos bene regebåt, quia in omni justitia et aequi-
tate ipsos custodiebat. Rexit etiam EccIesias, quia jura EccIesiastica,
et Iibertates EccIesiae iIIaesas conservabat. Sed qui de facto bene
non regunt, vere Reges non sunt.
Secundo, commendatur adonis et virtutibus, cum dicitur pacificus,
id est pacem faciens. Per istud enim donum, et per istam virtutem
intelliguntur caetera dona et virtutes. Fuit autem pacificus in 5e,
et quoad omnes non solum subditos, sed extraneos. In se fuit paci-
ficus. Habuit enim pacem temporis, pacem pectoris, et idcirco tan-
dem consecutus est pacem aeternitatis. Qualiter vero pacifice tenuit
regnum suum, hoc sciunt omnes, qui sunt iIIius temporis. Ista vero
pax non est sine justitia. Sequitur enim justitiam. Et quia iste
justus fuit quoad se, quoad Deun, et quoad proximum, ideo pacem
habuit.
Ex istis sequitur tertium, quod magnificatus est, id est magnus
factus non solum in præsenti EccIesia, sed etiam in patriae N otan-
dum vero, quod vuIgariter Ioquendo aliquis dicitum magnus quad-
rupIici ratione, secundum quadruplicem dimensionem: videlicet primo
quia longus, secundo quia latus, tertio quia profundus, quarto quia
altus, sive elatus. Ista habuit sanctus Rex spiritual iter. Fuit enim
longus per perseverantiam et longanimitatem in bono, Ab infantia
enim cæpit bene vivere, et usque in fin em perseveravit. Unde potest
exponi de ipso, quod dicitur de Isaac Genes. XXVI. "Benedixit
ei Dominus, et Iocupletatus est: et ibat proficiens atque succrescens,
donec vehementer magnus effectus est." Iste spiritua1iter loquendo
fuit Isaac, qui risus interpretatur, quem peperit Sara iam vetula, per
quam potest significari EccIesia istius temporis in senio novissimorum
temporum constituta, quæ nobis peperit istum Isaac, qui nobis merito
debet esse materia risus et gaudij. Sequitur," ibat pronciens, etc."
ut possit dicere cum Apostolo, II, ad Tim. IV. "Bonum certamen
('(.rtavi, cursum consummavi: in reliquo reposita est mihi corona
jw;;titiæ, et('."
('cundo dicitur magnus. quia latus, sive amplus; et hoc per chari-
tatem. 1! nde Eccl. XLVI. "Fortis in bello Jesus Nave," et Beq:
508
NOTES AND DOCU
IENTS.
qui fuit magnus secundum verbum suum, maximus in sa1utem elec-
torum Dei, Non enim est memoria apud homines, ut credimus, quod
inventus fuit isti similis nostris temporibus, qui tantum zelaret pro
salute aliorum. Quod bene apparuit, quando ipse et fratres sui capti
fuerunt a Saracenis. Non enim sustinuit liberatinem suam, nec
fratrum suorum, donec omnes alii quotquot fuerunt capti, prius
fuerint liberati.
Tertio dicitur magnus, quia profundus, hoc per humilitatem.
Quanto enim magis profunde se humiliat homo, tanto major apud
Deum reputator, secundum id quod dicitur Luc. XIV. "Omnis qui
se exaltat humiliabitur, et qui se humiliat exaltabitur." Et quia iste
profundissime se humiliavit, ideo apud Dominum merito magnus ex-
titit. Unde potes exponi de ipso quod dicitur J, Reg. II. de Samuele,
"1Iagnificatus est Samuel apud Dominum." Ipse vero humiliavit se
intus et extra, in lingua, in corde, in veste, in orationibus. Et hoc
possumus secure asserere, quod facies sua benign a et plena gratiarum
docebat eum esse supra hominem. Intelligitur vero congrue per
Samuelem, quod interpretatur, Obediens Deo. Obedivit enim Deo
usque ad mortem.
Quarto dicitur magnus, quia altus, sive elevatus fuit per inten-
tioncm rectam ad Deum, omnia quæ agebat Deo attribuendo, et ei
gratias agendo; secundum quod dicitur in Psalmo: "N on nobis
Domine, non nobis; sed nomini tuo da gloriam." U nde de ista
rnagnitudine loquitur Judith XVI. Ioquens Deo, "qui timent te,
magni erunt apud te per omnia.
Apparet igitur qualiter isti sancto competunt verba primo proposita
"Rex pacificus rnagnificatus est." Et quia sic quadrupliciter fuit
magnus in terris, sicut dictum est, idcirco omnino tenere deb emus,
quod etiam sit magnificatus in cælis. Hoc enim pertinet ad divinam
justitiam, quod qui bonus et justus fuit in vita, magnificetur et ex-
altetur in gloria. Quod apparet de isto per multa et magna miracula:
quæ Dominus per iptmm ostendit. Et ideo merito ipsum glorificatum
et magnificatum credimus in cælis, et ideo eum catalogo Sanctorum
ascribimus, præcipientes omnibus :fidelibus Christianis, quod ipsum
tanquam sanctum, et per plura miracula notificatum veneretur, et
eius patrocinia corde devoto sibi postulet suffragari. Quod nobis
præstare dignetur qui vivet et regnat, etc. amen.
DOCUMENT (2A).
ARBITRAL DECISION OF BONIFACE IN THE PROCEEDINGS PEXDlKG BETWEEN
EDWARD OF ENGLAND AND PHILIP THE FAIR.
In nomine Domini Amen. Anno Domini MCCXCVIII. indictione
XI. pontificatus domini Bonifacii papae VIII. anno IV. die XXVII.
rnensis junii, sanctissimus pater et dominus, dominus BonÏfacius
divina providentia Papa VIII. arbitrium, laudum, diffinitionem,
rbitralem sententiam, amicabilcm compositionem, mandatum, ordi-
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS.
509
nationem, et alia infrascripta recitavit, legi fecit, dedit, et protulit in
hunc modum: Dudum inter charissimos filios nostros Philippum
Francorum ex parte una, et Eduardum Angliae Reges iIIustres ex
altera, suggerente inimico hum ani generis pacis aemulo, super di-
versis articulis materia discordiae ac dissensionis exorta, tandem
iidem Reges per speciales nuntios et procuratores ipsorum, ad hoc
ab eis mandatum habentes, in nos Bonifacium, divina providentia
papam VIII, tanquam in privatam personam, et dominum Bene-
òictum Gaytanum tamquam in arbitrum et arbitratorem, laudatorem
diffinitorern, arbitralem sententiatorem, amicabilem compositorem,
praeceptorem, arbitratorem, et dispositorem, et procuratorem super re-
formanda pace et concordia inter ipsos Reges, ac super iis, quae ad
pacem pertinent; et super omnibus, et singuIis discordiis, guerris, liti-
bus controveriis, causis, quaestionibus, damnis et injuriis, petitionibuB
et actionibus, realibus et personalibus atque mixtis, quae fuerant, et
erant seu vertebantur, et esse vel verti possent inter ipsos Reges oc-
casione quacumque; de alto et basso absolute et libere compromittere
cu ra verun t .....................................................
Pronuntiamus hac vice, ut inter eosdem Reges fiat et sit perpetua
et stabilis pax; et quod tregllae vel sufferentiae voluntariae dudum
indictae, initae ac firmatae inter eos, eo modo et forma, ac omnibus,
et iIIis personis ct terris, et sub iIIis poenis, conditionibus, et tem-
poribus sub quibus indictae, initae, ac firmatae fuerent inviolabiliter
observentur. Ad hujusmodi autem pacem confirmandam, roborandam
atque servandam infra tempus, et quod duxerimus moderandum,
praefatus Rex Angliae :Margaretam sororem praedicti Regis Franciae
recipere ac ducere cum dotalitio quindecim miIIium librarum Tu-
ronensium, assignando per ipsum regem Angiliae in locis compenti-
bus, de quibus inter partes fuerit concordatum, vel (ubi partes ipsae
non concordarent per nos arbitratum fuerit, in uxorem: et idem
Rex Franciae eamdem sororem suam eidem Regi Angliae in uxorem
dare, et tradere cum dispensatione Sedis Apostolicae teneatur: quod-
que Isabella filia praelibati Regis Francia, quae infra annum sep-
tennem dicitur constituta suo tempore Eduardo praedicti Regis an-
gliae fi1io, qui jam XIII, aetatis suae annum exegit, cum simili dis-
pensatione matrimonialiter cum dotalitio decem octo miIIium lib-
rarum Turonensium, simiIi tcr assignando per eundem Regem Angliae
pro dicto filio suo in competentibus locis, dc quibus concordaverint
ipsae partes, òe quibus nos duxerimus arbitrandum, si super hoc inter
cos non provenit concordia, copulentur, idque firmetur atque valletur
ex nunc modis inferius annotatis; ,.....,.........................
I tern dicimus, laudamus, arbitramur, seu etiam diffinimus, quod
de omnibus bonis mobilibus vel se moventibus, ablatis vel alias male
subtractis et de omnibus damnis datis hinc inde ante tempus motae
vel ortate guerrae praesentis; primo de omnibus, quae extant et con-
sumpta non sunt praesertim in tcrra, quod Rex Angliae omnia, quae
de praedictis extant et consumptu non sunt, praesertim de navibus,
510
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS.
et aIiis quibuscumque bonis per Anglicos, et Vascones, et eorum com-
plices ante guarram occupatis in mari vel in terra, quod Rex AngIiae
omnia, quae de praedictis extant bona fide sine lite et absque figura
judicii, omni fraude cessante, ad requisitionem Regis Franciae vel
nuntii sui statim faciat ad plenum restitui: et Rex Franciae sim-
iliter, si qua talia ante dictam guarram capta vel ablata apud ip-
sum, vel in sua potestate extantia reperta fuerint, similiter ad
plenum restitui faciat a praefato Rege Angliae vel ejus nuntio re-
quisitus. De ablatis vero non extantibus, sed deperditis, et consump-
tis, laudamus, arbitramur, seu etiam di:ffinimus, quod Rex Angliae
ad requisitionem Regis Franciae vel nuntii ejus satisfieri faciat; et
ad hoc faciendum etiam teneatur sine lite ac figura judicii, bona fide,
et omni fraude cessante: et Rex Franciae similiter, si qua per gentes
suas ablata, deperdita, seu consumpta inventa fuerint, ad requisi-
tionem Regis Angliae vel nuntii sui faciat satisfieri, taxatione nobis
circa praedictorum aestimationem contra utramque partem; ubi per
concordiam partium negotium super praedictis sopitum non esset,
plenarie reservata.
Item dicimus. laudamus, arbitramur, seu etiam di:ffinimus, quod
idem Rex Angliae de omnibus terris, vassallis, et bonis, quae ipse
nunc habet, et tenet in regno Franciae, seu tenebat aute motam
guarram praesentem, habeat illam quantitatem et illam partem ter-
rarum, vassallorum, et bonorum eorumdem quam sibi ex virtute com-
promissorum praedictorum laudaverimus, et mandaverimus assignari,
vel inter Reges ipsos fuerit concordatum, et sub illis fidelitate, hom-
agio, modis, et conditionibus habeat, sub quibus ipse ac pater suus
habuisse hactenus, et tenuisse noscuntur, modis, et temperamentis per
nos adhibendis in abusu, si quis ex parte gentis Regis Franciae
hactenus commissus inventus fuerit in exercitio resorti; modis etiam
et temperamentis, per nos adhibendis in abusu partis alterius, si
quis videlicet ex parte Regis AngIiae vel suo rum hactenus commissus
contra jus resorti fuerit inventus, ne talia in poster urn commit-
tantur, conditionibus etiam, modis, et securitatibus per nos impon-
endis et adhibendis in terris, vassallis, bonis, et aliis, quae per nos-
tram pronuntiationem, seu concordiam partium praefatus Rex Ang-
liae vel successores ejus contra Regem Franciae vel successores ip-
sius valeant rebellare.
Dicimus etiam, laudamus, et arbitramur, seu etiam di:ffinimus, quod
ex nunc omnes terrae, vassalii, et bona praedicta, et alia tam quae
tenet Rex Franciae de iis, quae tenebat Rex Angliae ante guerram
presentem; quam quae tenet Rex Angliae in regno Franciae, bona
fide, ac sine omni fraude, absolute ac libere in manibus et posse nos-
tris ponantur, et assignantur, tenenda nomine Regis Franciae, quae
ex parte sua et nomine Regis Angliae, quae ex parte ejusdem nobis
fuerint assignata; ita tamen, quod per hoc in possessione vel proprie-
tate nil novi juris accrescat alterutri part1um, vel antiqui decrescat:
super quorum assignatione, si qua fuerit exorta dubitatio vel ambig-
. uitas intpr partes, illam nostrae declarationi et arbitrio reservamus.
Quod si forsan dicti Reges de ipsis terris, et bonis ad invicem concol'-
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS.
511
daverint, volumus, laudamus, et arbitramur, ex nunc id, in quo con-
cordaverint, perpetuo et inviolabiliter observari, alioquin nos ex
compromissi praedicti virtute apponemus ad id illud remedium, quod
Dominus ministrabit, et ex tradita nobis potestate licebit. Si vero
casu aliquo contingente hoc fa cere non possemus, volumus, dicimus,
et arbitramur, quod utrique parti pristina jura sua salva remaneant
et illaesa, etc. Acta, lata, et pronuntiata fuerunt arbitrium, laudum,
arbitralis sententia, mandatum, diffinitio, ordinatio, dispositio, et
omnia supradicta per eundem dominum Papam, ut supcrius enarran-
tur, anno, indictione. mense, ac die praedictis, Romae apud S. Pet-
rum in palatio papali, in consistorio publico, facto in sala majori,
praesente ibi gentium multitudine copiosa; et presentibus reverendis
patribus dominis, Dei gratia. Gerardo Sabinensi, fratre Mattheo Por-
tuensi et S. RufEnae, et Joanne Tusculano episcopis; Joanne tit. et.
DOCU
IENT (2B).
THE EnL COlTKREL OF cry OF
[oNTEFELTRO.
There has not bepn a single historian who, having occasion to
speak of Boniface VIII, has failed to remark that this Pontiff, fol-
lowing the counsel of Guy of MontefeItro, by solemn perjury enticed
the Colonnas out of fortified Palestrina, and vented his anger on
them.
There is no doubt that the first one to relate the evil advice of Guy
was Dante, and everyone else only quoted him, in so much that the
truth of the fact does not rest on the testimony of an eyewitness, of a
contemporary writer, nor of an earnest aU3list, but on that of a poet,
such as Dante, who wrote verses to satisfy his rancor. Here are the
words which he put in the mouth of Guy, buried in Hell:
C, A soldier once,-I ne'Ü around me tied
St. Francis' cord, in hope to expiate crime;
And truly had those hopes becn verified,
But that the mighty Priest (whom evil take)
Allured me to my sins a second time;
And how, and why, I will disclosure make.
\Vhi1e yet a form of flesh and bone was mine,
:My mother's gift, my deeds resembled less
Those of the lion than the fox ;-so fine
The artifice with which I plaJ'ed my game,
So exquisite my cunning and address,
The world's fair limits sounded with my fame.
But when I saw that time of life begin,
'When every man, the port approaching, OUg-1It
To coil the ropes, and take the ('am'as in;-
'''hat fil st had pleased me, irksome seemed to grow;
And to repentance and C'onfpssion brought,
512
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS.
I had been blest ;-alas, now plunged in woe!
The haughty prince of Modern Pharisees,
\Vho near the Lateran his warfare waged,
And not 'gainst Moors or Jewish enemies
(For all were Christians whom his vengeful hand
Opposed; and now at Acre had engaged,
Or e're had trafficked in Sultan's land,)
Regarded not his own exalted state
And holy office, nor my sacred cord,
Which should the form it girds attenuate,
But, as of old, to cure his leprosy,
Sylvester was by Constantine implored;
So in commanding tone he called on me
To mitigate the fever of his pride:
He asked my counsel, but I answered not,
Deeming his words to drunkenness allied.
Again he said to me; "Be not afraid-
I do absolve thee ;-tell me by what plot
May Palestrina in the dust be laid.
Heaven, as thou know est, I have the power at will
To lock or unlock; hence the keys are twaint
What erst by predecessor prized so ill."
"Then had his cogent arguments full sway,
For silence could procure me little gain;
And I: '0, Father, since you wash away
The sin I am about to perpetrate,-
Large by your promise-your performance slack,
Thus will you triumph in your high estate: "
Now to summarize the words of Dante. Guy of J\fontefeltro (for he
means no other man) famous more for his cunning than for his
bravery, became a religious towards the end of his life. The prince
of modern Pharisees, Boniface VIII, made him unfaithful to his
pious resolution to lead a holy life. This Pontiff was at war with the
Colonnas, who lived in the Lateran quarter of the city of Rome, and
he could not conquer them, because they were entrenched in Pales-
trina, a strongly fortified town. He consulted Friar Guyon the
means to accomplish his end. The religious remained deaf to the
entreaty, because he considered it unreasonable, and that of an in-
toxicated man. But Boniface pressed him, granting him in advance
absolution from every evil expedient, that he could advise for the
destruction of Palestrina. Guy then assured in advance of the pardon
of his sin gave utterance to his famous counsel, which was to promise
everything and to fulfil nothing. All clear Boniface of this double
iniquity, believing that it is sufficient to remark the Dante was a
poet, and wrote according to the dictates of his imagination; and
that besides he was a Ghibelline and hence an implacable enemy of
Boniface. But this one remark which is easy for anyone to make,
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS,
513
cannot persuade everybody that Boniface was innocent. For even as
a poet and GhibelIine Dante could relate some truths. Let us how-
ever examine the fact historically and morally.
Boniface proclaimed the crusade against the Colonnas the 14th of
December, 1297, as is evident from his Brief in the register of his
letters 21: "Dantum Romae apud St. Pet-rum decimo no no kalendas
J anua-rii, anno tertio. u Consequently the crusaders could not mo.e
against Palestrina sooner than the year 1298. After having seized,
in a few days, all the fiefs of the Colonnas, they reached the walls of
Palestrina, which they considered impregnable, by reason of the stout
resistance of Agapi tus Sciarra, and the two Cardinals James and
Peter Colonna. Francis Pepino,22 and Ferrettus of Vicenza,23 relate
that Boniface sent for Guy of J\fontefeItro, a professed religious of
the Order of St. Francis in the monastery at Ancona, and entrusted
to him the leadership of the army; but Guy after a complete examina-
tion of the fortifications of Palestrina, declared them impregnable.
Then adhering closely to the account of Dante, using his very words,
they relate that Guy being consulted, gave the Pope the wicked advice
in question.
The reader will notice, that before the surrender of Palestrina, we
must admit necessarily three periods of time; the one commencing
from the publication of the crusade, that is, from the middle of
December, 1297, and ending with the assembling of the troops, and
their movement against the Oolonnas; in fact it is impossible to
assemble an army in a day; the second from the movement of the
troops to the seizure of all the fiefs of the Colonnas; the third in fine,
from these conquests up to the time the capture of Palestrina by
force was despaired of. So from January, 1298, to September of the
same year, when the city surrendered, the troops were assembled, the
fiefs of the Colonnas were conquered, and Palcstrina was besieged
without result. Guy was not summoned until the war against the
Oolonnas had already commenced, as Dante relates:
"The prinec of modern Pharisees
\Vho near the Lateran his warfare waged."
That is, against the Colonnas who lived in that quarter.
0' He asked my counsel."-
Ferrettus of Vicenza affirms the same; after having said that the
Colonnas were intrenched in Palestrina, he adds: "Turbatus autem
"Bonifacius, quod in contemptu apostlicae Sedis arma sumpsisset,
"illico adversus rebe]]es suos bellum indixit; assumptisque viris et
"armis circiter oppidum hoc (Palestrina) ubi hostes sui repugna.
"bant, 10ngae obsidionis castra disposuit, multorumque cruori
21 Reg. Vat. MS. Anno III, Vaticano. Epist. 700.
22 C'hron. Cap. 21, S. R. I., tom. 9, page 741.-
sa S. R. I., tom. 9, page 9iO, lit. c.
514
NOTES A
D DOCUME:NTS.
"utrinque dimicando cominus haustum est. Donee Apostolicus
"segnem moram increpans, quod expugnati hostes diu non succum-
"berent eos dolis et astu, non viribus superare jam statu it. Tune
"Guidonem de Monteferetro . . . . sedulus advocat."
Guy was then called by Boniface, when this Pontiff despairing of
rapturing Palestrina by force, desisted from assaults, changing the
siege into a blockade, as we perceive from the words: "Longae obsi-
" dionis castra disposuit," Guy, according to Ferrettus conferred with
the Pope, who was at Rieti, as we learn from the dates of the letters
of the latter; and he set out for Palestrina to examine affairs in com-
pany with the Pontifical captain. He studied the walls and the moats
of the city and found them impregnable. He told this to the Pope,
and then upon request gave him the treacherous counsel. Let us fix
our attention on this counsel.
Guy did not advise a military stratagem which would require a
long time to execute, but simply to promise much and fulfil nothing,
that is to say, to entice the Oolonnas out of the citadel by fair
promises, and afterwards not keep them. The execution of this plan
òpmanded only an exchange of couriers, There was no necessity of
long comings and goings; for the treachery being already in the heart
of the Pope, these promises were of such a nature as to lead the
rebels easil,y and quickly into the trap. The time is fixed by Ferrettus
himself: "Deinòe illis, qui hostes, fuerant, (to the Oolonnas) trium
" dierum spatium benigne constituents, ut intra illud coram suo prin-
"cÏpe devenirent." Now Palestrina surrendered in September, 1298,24
and consequently the counsel of Guy and the capture of the town can
he ronsiòered as happening in the same month. Let us now see
where Guy was in this September.
Guy becmne a religious in 1296, at Ancona. J acobi1Ii, in his work
on The Saint.3 and Blessed of Umbria, says in speaking of Guy of
:)r ontefeltro: "As he was in the world a celebrated and renowned
"warrior, so he was ill religion a true knight of Jesus Christ; his
"life was holy, and a great example to posterity. He received the
"holy habit of the Friars :Minor from the hands of the Provincial of
" the Marches, ill the city of Ancona, on August 17th, 1296. He lived
"in continual prayer, humility and edification; afterwards he was
" transfC'rred to the city of Assisi in order to gain the indulgence of
" the Portiuncula . . . Being stationed in the convent of St. Francis,
" at Assisi, he there died a holy death in the Lord, September 23rd,
12D8. 25 'Vading in his annals of the Friars :Minor, produces the
testimony of Jerome R.ossi, who, in his history of Ravenna, writes
of the :year 1298. "Tertio kalendas octobris Guido :Montis Feltrii
"Oome
, Franciscano jam abitu, ut supra memoravimus, inductus,
" Anconae migravit ex hac vita." According to Rossi, Guy died, not
on the 23rd, but on the 29th of September, but always in September
of that year. 26
2
See Patrini, :!\iemorie Prenestine for year 1298.
Riposati Della Zecca di Gubbio, e de Duchi de Urbino T. T., p. 86.
26 Lombardi in llÍs commentary on the Inferno says of Guy: "A man
.
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS.
515
It seems then that Guy, who was said to have been summoned from
Assisi, where he happened to be on August 2nd, for the indulgence of
the Portiuncula, and who died in September, the month in which
Palestrina was surrendered, must have been dying at the "ery time
he was declared to be conferring with the Pope, afterwards to be on
a tour of inr:;pection of the fortifications of Palestrina, and then to
have given his detestable counsel; unless one wishes to believe (which
could happen) that he died suddenly afterward.
. But if he did not
die suddenly during the time he was on his military inspection, and
when he had given this evil counsel, Guy must have been ill, and
preparing himself for death like the good Christian all declare him;
and as a consequence we must admit also that hp was unable for these
military expeditions, aud incapable of giving any counsel.
rore-
over, immediately before his death he was in Assisi, where he died,
and where his body reposed until his son Frederick had it transferred
to the Church of St. Donatus, afterwards caBed St. Bernardine, out-
side of Lrbino. The reader will see then that Gny in the month of
September was dying at Assisi, and not at all admitting the Papal
army into Palestrina by treason.
We know that the reader, trusting in conjectures, can find that the
entire month of September was long enough for Guy to have acted
towards Palestrina as he was said to have done, and then have fallcn
ill of the disease which carried him off. Hence we intended up to
this only to cast a doubt on the account of Dante, and afterwards by
clear proofs change the doubt into a certainty. 'Ve now come to
these proofs.
It is certain that the Colonnas surrendered Palestrina into the
hands of Boniface; it is certain that this town was not takffil by
storm. If faith is to be placed in Dante, it surrendered on conditions
violated later by the Pope, after the advice of Guy. Now if we see,
as clear as day, that the surrender of Palestrina was made to the
discretion of the victor, and not under conditions, will it sti1l be pos-
sible to believe in anterior promises of conditions, in their violation,
and in fine in the wicked counsel of the poor Friar Guy?
During the time the Colonnas were proudly resisting Boniface,
they Ehowed themselves nevertheless accessible to a project of peace
and reconciliation with him, provided they were not deprived of their
fortress, to which the Pope was far from consenting. 'Ve have seen
brave in war, and of a mind .very penetrating for poetical times; in his
old age, wishing to do penance for his sins, he assumed the Franciscan
habit, died in the holy convent of Assisi and was buried in this patri-
archal BasHica." The commentator supports his opinion by a passage
from a book of the Convent of Assisi. "Guy of :Montefeltro, count of
Urbino and prince . . . . . . entered piously and humbly in the
order j he effaced his faults by tears and by fasts, and (notwithstanding
the poetical license permitted the sarcastic Dante), he dicd a very holy
death in the sacred house of Assisi v. here he was buried.
Iarianus and
Jacobi, who lived in his time, denied all that Dante relates."-
516
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS.
how, from the month of September of the preceding year, 1297, the
Senator interposed, after a deliberation of the municipality of Rome,
as a peacemaker between the Colonnas and the Pope, exhorting the
former to make an absolute submission: "Suaserunt.... in-
"duxerunt . . . . et mandarunt, quod ad pedes nostros reverenter
"venirent, nostra et ipsius Romanae Ecclesiae absolute ac libere
"mandata facturi: ad quae praefati schismatici et rebelles ipsis am-
"bascoatoribus desponderunt, quod ipsi parati erant; et offerebant
" ae venturos ad pedes nostros ac nostra et praefatae Ecclesiae man-
"data facturos." This is what Boniface wrote to Pandolpho Savelli
and the Roman people from Orvieto, the 29th of September, 1297. It
is evident then that the surrender of the Colonnas to the Pope, which
happened a year later, and which was fully and simply at the discre-
tion of the I>ope, was not sudden nor the result of perfidious prom-
ises of Boniface. It was already a year since Senator Save11i inter-
posed to prevail upon the Colonnas to trust to the clemency of the
Pope; and the Pope in the year 1297, was disposed to receive them:
" Intuitu Dei et consideratione vestri . . . . praefactos Colulllllenses
"venientes benigne recipere ac misericordi ter pertractare." But as
the Pope demanded besides their submission, the surrender also of
the towns, fortresses and castles they possessed: "tam personas suas,
U quam civitates, arces et castm quae detinent, vel detientur pro eis,
U in manibus, et posse nostris, ac eorum, quibus mandabimus, posuer-
U int cum effectu, gremium non claudemus, quin eos . . . ." The
Colonnas refused to consent, and they continued to wage war for a
year. 'Vhen they had lost their fiefs, their last intrenchment, we
find that town fallen at last into the power of the Pope, and. destroyed
after a desperate resistance. Row did the Colonnas leave? 'V ere
they taken out by force, did they surrender on conditions, or at the
discretion of the victod There are but these three ways of becoming
master of a fortress, and only the second of these can coincide with
the treason counselled by Guy. Let us see then if the Colonnas sur-
rendered on conditions. Now, this is how their coming over to Boni-
face is described in a passage of the Chronicles of Orvieto; presented
by Cardinal Garambi to Peter Anthony Petrini':
1 and quoted by him
in his çç },[emoirs of Palestrina." "Dominus Jacobus, D, Petrus,
" Agabitus, et Sciarra de Columna, et rebelles huic summo Pontifici
"venerunt facturi et parituri mandatis Domini Papae cum multa
"reverentia et humilitate magna, qui recepti fuerunt a Romana
"Curia cum laetitia mu1ta. Et statim post Camerarius D. Papae
" possessionem et tenutam habuit arcis Penestrinae, et aliarum terra-
"rum nobilium praedictorum." Paulinus de Piero relates the same
fact, in his Chronicle for the year 1298, as fol1ows: "At this time,
"and in the month of September, Pope Boniface being with his court
"at Rieti . . . . Messer James and Messer Peter, sons of :Me.sser
" John Colonna, with all the other Colonnas, came to crave mercy
"from the Pope, who pardoned them kindly and graciously, and
21 Mon. 25, pag. 422.
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS.
517
"granted them absolution from excommunication; then Palestrina
"surrendered, but less than a year from that time they severed their
"bonds of obedience and the Pope excommunicated them again."
The Chronicles of Orvieto and Paulinus of Piero speak then only of
surrender at discretion. The nrst one expressed this clearly:
U Venerunt fachlri et par'ituri mandatis Domini Papae cum muUa
ureverentia et lwmilitate magna." The terms of the second are no
less formal: "The
'
mne craving mercy." But why, the reader
may ask, place faith in these two Chronicles in preference to Ferrettus
of Vicenza? 'Ve flllswer, because their narration is connrmed by
other proofs. When the cause of Boniface was pleaded before
Clement V. in France, the Colonnas, ranged among the number of the
accusers, having declared that they had not been humiliated before
Boniface by a confession of their faults, that it to say, that they had
not surrendered at discretion, and as a consequence Boniface had
treacherously destroyed Palestrina, Cardinal Francis Gaetani, nephew
of Boniface, replied thus to these lies: "Falsum est, quia dum D.
"Bonifacius PP. VIII. Reate moraretur, in consistorio publico in
"praesentia Dominorum Cardinalium, ac omnium Praelatorum, qui
"tunc erant prae3entes in Curia, necnon Domini Principis Tarentini,
"qui nunc praesens hic extat, quique posset de praedictis verum
" testimonium perhibere, BC etiam aliorum, clericorum et laicorum
"praesente ibidem mutitudine copiosa, dicti Column. tunc humilia-
"tionis spiritum praetendentes, non insidendo equis sed pedes (sic)
" a portis civitatis Reatin, usque ad conspectum praefati Summi Pon-
"tificis, tunc in trono sedentis et coronam gestantis in capite, quam
"nullus nisi solus verus et legitimus PP. gestavit unquam, nec
"gestare debet, personaliter accesserllnt; et tandem ad pedes ejus
"humiliter provoluti ipsum Dominum Bonif. per devota pedum
"oscula, ac per verborum expression em, ex quibus contriti cordis et
"humiliati spiritus indicia praeferebant, verum Catholicum ac
"legitimum Papam publice recognoverunt, et professi sunt; et
"denique suos excessus et culpas longe lateque per orbem notorios
"tunc ibidem sponte recognoscentes, et confitentes expresse se dignos
"poena non gratia, misericordiam sibi fieri non judicium humiliter
"postularunt. Altero quidem ipsorum Dominorum Colomn. illud
"verbum evangelicum proponente, quod scribitur de nlio patris-
" familias profugo: " Peccavi, Pater, in coelum et corum te, jam non
"sum dignus vocari filius tuus."-Reliquo vero impsorum verbum
"propheticum subjungente, quod scribitur ;-" affixisti nos propter
"nostra scelera."- Videant ergo qui veritatem diligunt, si ex talium
"prolatione verborum, suos fatebantur vel diffitebantur excessus.
"Quanta ergo fides eisdem Dominos Columnensibus super aliis ad-
"hiberi, quando super praedictis, quae tot et tan tis fuere notoria,
"immo per orbem jam ubisque vulgata, eos nogare non pudet, sic
"publicam et notoriam veritatem ex ipsorum manifesta calumnia
"satis coI1igitur evidenter."
Therc can be no doubt of the truth of what Cardinal Gaetani
affirms. He speaks of things which happened not in secret, nor in
518
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS.
past ages, but in sight of all, and only a few years previous; and the
witnesses of these events, such as the Prince of Tarentum, to whom
Gaetano appeals, could confirm them. N ow was the surrendering on
conditions this: appearing before the Pontiff, prostrate at his feet,
and suing for mercy? 'Vas this a case of men presenting themselves
before a victorious Pontiff and still relying on the conditions of any
treaty? Was it not rather the spectacle of men at bay, despairing of
every means of defence, and trusting to the clemency of the Pope?
If this is surrendering on conditions, what shall we call surrendering
at discretion? And if the Oolonnas surrenùered at discretion, what
then becomes of the perfidious counsel of Guy?
The same reply of Oardinal Gaetani to the accusations of the
Oolonnas, make known to us clearly, the kind of treason with which
they reproached Boniface. They accused him not only of having
expelled them from Paletrina, but also of having destroyed that town,
after promising them, in case they surrendered, to leave it in their
custody, being satisfied if they raised the Papal standard over the
walls.-" De his quae dicunt per . . . . numcios papales fuisse trac-
"tata, et de eo quod dicunt de ponendis vexillis D. Bonifacii in
"civitate Penestrae et aliis castris, remanente custodia ipsis
"Oolumnensibus . . .." Gaetano denied these assertions and proved
his denial. "Quomodo enim verisimile, nondum verum est, quod
"praedicti Column. qui post professionem propriorum excessum et
"culparum, et post I'ecognitionem aberrationis suae, solius miseri-
" cordiae Deneficium postulabant, et qui confessi erant se justae puni-
"tionis sententiam exceptisse pro pactis aliquibus institissent." In
fact the Oolonnas, to prove the possibility of treason on the part of
Boniface, denied their humiliations at Rieti, their appeals for mercy
and pardon not coinciding with the conditions of treaty whose exist-
ence they wanted to prove.
And here let us remark the precautions of Ferrettus. He admits the
treason; he admits consequently a prior conditional treaty concludeù
between the belligerents; and he admits the fact of their intention
of coming over to Boniface; but he does not make them arrive in his
presence, because he would have been compelled to put in their mouths
either words of pity and mercy, or a request for the observance of
conditions. But who could believe that the 0010nna8 would have
gone themselves to demand the fulfilment of the conditions of the
surrender, and place themselves in the hands of a Pope whom they
were far from considering as a saint? If they asked for mercy and
pardon, then there would not have been either any conditions or
treachery. To evade the difficulty Ferrettus says, that on their way
to meet Boniface they were warned by one who knew, secreti con-
scius or perhaps by divine inspiration, divina inspiratione, that they
would be treacherously murdered, and as a consequence they :fled.
Then according to Ferretto, the treason of Boniface consisted in
:finding means of putting the Oolonnas to death after having driven
them from Palestrina. But the Oolonnas themselves declared in the
presence of Clement that they did not have to leave Palestrina, but
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS.
519
merely raise the Papal standard over the walls. Their journey to
Rieti, to ask for mercy, they formally denied; and if they had left
Palestrina to implore pardon, Boniface would certainly not have
allowed them to escape. It was difficult to make them come forth;
if they once left it was easy to surround them by the vast body of
soldiers which Boniface had amassed. According to Ferretto, the
Colonnas went out full of confidence in Boniface, afterwards they
fled on the advice that was given them. In that first moment of
abandonment of the promises of the Pope, they could have been
imprisoned, and imprisoned immediately by the soldiers that still in-
vested Palestrina. They fled, and whither did they go
If the promise
of pardon was as yet not granted, we cannot believe that the Colonnas
wouJd leave Palestrina deprived of her garrison. If their kindred
were still there, why did they not return and confine themselves
within
If they could not, they should have renewed the hostilities
in the environs of Palestrina. Now we do not see that such a thing
happened. And moreover, what were the conditions of surrender?
According to the Colonnas on the part of Pope he was to grant
pardon; on their part they were to raise the standard of the Pope on
the walls. And what benefit was this to Boniface after such ex-
pense, after such an armament, and after a year of obstinate warfare?
If any conditions existed, they should have been equally beneficial
to both parties. But such were not those which were invented by the
Colonnas.
But here the reader can stop us and say that, even supposing a
surrender at discretion, there could have been treachery on the part
of Boniface, because this kind of submission, among civilized nations,
always calls for clemency on the part of the victor. This is 311 very
well; but what was the act of Boniface that we can caB treason
towards the Colonnas
Perhaps, the occupation of Palestrina, and
the subsequent destruction of it? No, assuredly. For if the Pope
had the obligation of being clement, he had also the obligation of de-
fending himself. To leave Palestrina in the power of the Colonnas
after a year of war, would have been an act of stupidity and not of
clemency. He showed clemency by welcoming them kindly, by par-
doning them graciously, as di Pietro says, and by absolving them
from excommunication; and he provirled for his own defence and that
of the State by taking from them Palestrina and destroying it. If
he had put to death, or imprisoned the Colonnas, after their sur-
render, there could be found in this a lack of due clemency, and
hence treason; but not so in his disarming them, and depriving them
of the means of doing harm. The other punishments inflicted on the
Colonnas were after their second rebellion, one year after their sur-
render,28 The Colonnas most assuredly were rebels, and there is an
enormous difference between the submission of an honest enemy and
that of a rebel, whenever there are no conditions agreed and sworn to
by both parties. The Colonnas had been pardoned, absolved frm ex-
18 See Petrini for the year 1300.
520
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS.
communication, left free, and hence they should have blessed the
clemency of the Pope, like any honest enemy who surrenders himself
to the mercy of the victor.
After all then, the Colonnas did not surrender under condition; and
:for this reason there could be no violation of a treaty with regard to
them. Although they surrendered at the discretion of the Pope, the
1atter by the destruction of Palestrina, may be accused of excessive
harshness to the people of Palestrina, yet he cannot be accused of
treachery to the Colonnas. Therefore there was no perfidious counsel
given by Guy of Montefeltro to Boniface.
But it is incumbent on us here to reply to the question of how could
Dante have imagined the entire account of the things which passed
between Guy and Boniface, without some foundation of reality of
the facts; inasmuch as there is always some element of truth in even
the strangest fables of the poets. The question is reasonable, and we
cannot reply to it with the same certainty and with such strong
proofs as those by which we believe have cleared both Guy and Boni-
face of rascality. For it is not a question here of proYÌng a truth,
but of showing how an error gained an entrance into the mind of a
sublime poet. We may be pardoned then a conjecture. The war
against the Colonnas, their surrender, and the destruction of Pales-
trina were three manifest events known to everyone, and which no
one doubted. The reason and the manner of the surrender could be
known to all at the time the event happened, but obscure to those in
far distant times, and from this reason springs the liberty to suspect
the treacherous Boniface. Those near at hand could see with their
own eyes that a town so far distant from the sea as Palestrina was,
could not possibly be reprovisioned except by land, and that being
entirely surrounded by crusaders, would be obliged to surrender
through famine or through a lack of arms. Those at a distance could
be ignorant of these circumstances, and doubt the reason of the sur-
render and the manner in which it was effected. The Colonnas
revolted again, and spread the rumor that they had been betrayed by
Boniface. The misery of these fugitives, the hatred of the Ghibel-
Jines against Boniface gave credence to it, and the proceedings begun
in France against Boniface confirmed it. Dante, a sworn enemy of
this Pope, accepts this evil rumor, and from this gives full scope to
the wildest fancy in the Divine Comedy. It is not incredible that
some counsel was asked of Guy by Boniface in the matter of conduct-
ing the siege, provided however the former was alive and not dying
at the time of the storming of Palestrina. This circumstance could
transpire and be known by Dante. When the rumor of the treachery
had spread, it was easy to surmise that the astute Montefeltro had
suggested it to the Pope. Dante asserts that the thing really hap-
pened; but he asserts it not as a historian who strives to deceive, but
as a poet who wishes to lash in a bloody manner, not Guy but Boni-
face. In fact he had praised Guy in his work, "il Convite/' (the
Banquet), saying: "The knight Lancelot and our illustrious Latin
:' Guy of Montefeltro would not enter, with sails spread, into the
NOTES AND DOCU1\IENTS.
521
"harbor of eternity. These noble men lowered their sails of worldly
" operations by becoming religious in their old age, and by renouncing
"an worldly affection and works." N ow how afterwards did he cast
him so shamefuny into Hen in the Divine Comedy? It win be said
that il Convite was written before the deeds of Palestrina. But is
this certain? Do all agree in admitting this? Balbo and other
writers before him declare, for good reasons, that this work was
wri tten when he was in exile.
Was it then possible that Guy, of such noble sentimpnts, Guy, a
religious, changed so quickly, and made himself the counsellor of a
vile treason, especiany when his advanced age anowed him nothing
further to hope for in this world ? Was he so stupid as to be1ipvp
that a crime could be forgiven before it was committed? And if
these odious interviews did take place between Guy and Boniface,
were they in pub1ic or in secret? If they were in public, both wpre
crazy; if in secret neither one would have revealed it, because both
would be defamed. And besides, what then was this perfidious ancl
cunning counsel, for which it was necessary to disturb and torment
a poor Friar?-" To promise much and fulfil nothing."-This
sort of behavior is very we]] known to even the least cunning of
rogues, and if Boniface was such a man as to receive and adopt thiR
1ine of action, he was also capable of discovering it without the aid
of Guy. The assault of Dante is surprising from a poetical but not
from a historian point of view. And Alighieri could not strike Boni-
face with a more subtle weapon than that which he made from the
reports of the treahcery of which the Colonnas were the victims, and
the evil advice asked from that most clever captain, Guy of Monte-
feltro.
DOCUMENT (2C).
BULL INSTITUTING THE JCBILEE.
Bonifacius Episcopus. etc.
Antiquorum habet fide relatio, quod accedentibus ad honorabilem
Basilicam Principis Apostolorum de Urbe, concessae sunt magnae
remissiones, et indulgentiae peccatorum.
Nos igitur qui juxta officii nostri debitum salutem appetimus et
procuramus libentius singulorum, hujusmodi remissiones et indul-
entias omnes et singulas, ratas et gratas habentes, ipsas auctoritate
\postolica confirmamus, et approbamus, et etiam innovamus, et
presentis scripti patrocinio communimus.
lit autem Beatissimi Petrus et Paulus Aposto1i, eo amplius hono-
rf'ntur, quo eorum Basilicae de Urbe devotius fuerint a fidelibus
frequentatae, et fideles ipsi spiritualium largitione munerum, ex
hujusmodi frequentatione magis senserint se rcfertos. N os de omni-
potcntis Dei misericordia, et eorumdem Apostolorum ejus meritis et
auctoritate confisi, de fratrum nostrorum consilio, et Apostolicae
522
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS.
plenitudine potesta tis, omnibus in praesentis anno miUesimo trecen-
tesimo, a festo N ativitatis Domini nostri J esu Christi praeterito
proxime inchoato, et in <]uolibet anno centesimo secuturo, ad Basilicas
ipsas accedentibus reverenter; vere poenÌtentibus et confessis, vel
qui vere poenitebunt, et confitebuntur, in hujusmodi pmesenti, et
quo]ibet centesimo secuturo annis, non solum plenam et ]argiorem,
imo plenissimam omnium suorum concedemus et concedimus \Teniam
pecca torum.
Statuentes, ut qui voluerint hujusmodi indulgentiae a nobis con-
cessae fieri participes, si fuerint Romani, ad minus triginta diebus,
seu interpolatis, et saltern semel in die, si vero peregrini fuerint aut
forenses, simiJi modo diebus quindecim, ad Basilicas easdem accedal1t.
Unuquisqne tamen plus merebitur, et indulgentimn efficacius con-
Requetur. qui Basilicas ipsas amplius et devotius frequentabit. Nulli
ergo, etc.
Datum Romae apud S. Petrum, 8 Kal. Martii, Pont. nostri
Anno VI.
DOCillIENT (2D).
EXCLUSION OF THE SICILIANS AND THE COLON:NAS FROM THE I!\DIJLGEXC'ES
OF THE .JUBILEE.
BonifacÏus Episcpus servus servorum Dei ad perpetuam rei memo-
riam. Nuper per alias nostras 1iteras omnes remissiones et indul-
gentias peccatorum concessas accedentibus ad honorabilem Basilicam
Principis Apostolorum de Urbe ratificandas et approbandas duximus,
et etiam innovandas, ut tamen beatissimi Petrus et Paulus Apostoli,
eo amplius honorentur, quo ipso rum Basilicae de Urbe devotius
forent, et fidelius frequentatae: et fide]es ipsi spiritualium largitione
munerum, et hujusmodi frequentatione, magis se senti rent refectos.
Nos de omnipotentis Dei misericordia, eorundem Apostolorum ejus
meritis et auctoritate confisi, de fratrum nostrorum consilio, et Apos-
tolicae plenitudine potestatis, omnibus in praesenti miIIesimo tresen-
tesimo, a festo nativitatis Domini nostri J esu Christi praeterito,
proxime inchoato, et in quolibet alio centesimo sequuturo anno, ad
Basilicas ipsas accedentibus reverenter, vere poenitentibus et con-
fessis: vel qui vere poenitebunt et confitebuntur, in hujusmodi
praesenti, et quolibet centesimo sequuturo annis, non solum plenam
et largiorem, imo plenissimam omnium suorum concessimus veniam
peccatorum, prout in istis aliis nostris literis continetur. Verum quia
multi indulgentiarum gratia se reddunt indignos, declaramus ex-
presse, et dicimus manifeste, quod ilIos fa]sos et impios Christianos,
qui portaverint, vel portabunt merces, seu res prohibit as Saracenis
vel ad terras eorum reportaverunt, vel reportabunt ab eis, nec non
Frederiem natura quondam Petri, olium Regis Aragonum: Ac
Siculos nobis et Ecclesiae Romanae hostes, et Apostalicae sedis
rebeBes: et qui receptabunt Co]umucnses eosdem, et generaliter
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS.
523
omnes et singulos publicos hostes et rebelIes praesentes, et futuros
Ecclesiae memoratae, et impugnatores ipsius: et qui dabunt scientes
supradictis, eorum alicui, vel aIiquibus auxilium, consilium, vel
favorem, publice, vel occulte dum in sua malitia perstiterint, ad
dictae Sedis mandata sua malitia redire curaverint, indulgentiarum
hujusmodi cum non sint capaces, nolumus esse participes, ipsosque
poenitus excIudimus ab eisdem. N uUi ergo hominum omnino Iiceat
hanc paginam nostrae decIarationis voluntatis et exclusionis infrigere,
ei ausu temerario contraire. Si quis autem hoc attentare praesump-
serit, indignatiol1em omnipotentis Dei et beatorum Petri et Pauli
Apostolorum ejus, se noverit incursurum. Datum Romae apud
sanctum Petrum KaI. Martij Pontificatus nostri anno sexto.
DOCIDJENT (2E).
THE OFFERIKGS OF THE JrBILEE.
ALL the chroniclers of this epoch speak of the vast crowds of the
faithful who flocked to Rome from all parts to gain the indulgences
of the Jubilee; and they all speak in the highest terms of the ad-
mirable for(>sight of the Pontiff, by which such a vast number of peo-
ple were wen provided with food and lodll'ment. Paulinus di Piero,
who :Manni 29 surmises was present at the Jubilee says: " The City of
"Rome supported and provided with lodgings this innumerable mul-
" titude of people, and with everything else they needed for a year."
Yillani more diffuse, expresses it thus: "A great part of the Chris-
., tians living at that time made the same pilgrimage, women as well
"as men from distant and different countries, both near and far;
., and the most wonderful thing that was ever seen was that, during
"the entire
'ear, Rome supported constantly, besides the Roman
,. people 200,000 pilgrims, without counting those who were on the
., way coming and returning; and that an were abundantly provided
"with food, horses as well as human beings. I can bear testimony
"because I was present and saw all this. The offerings made by the
"pilgrims increased considerably the treasury of the Church, and
" the Romans an became rich from the sale of their wares." ',ilIiam
Ventul'a, author of the chronicle of Asti adds some particular details
concerning the pious offerings: "lIirandum est quod passim ibant
"viri et mulieres, qui anno ilJo Romae fucrunt, qui ego fui ibi, et
"per dies XV. steti. De pane, vino, carnibus, piscibus, et avena
"bonum mercatum ibi erat. foenum carissimum ibi fuit; hospicia
cl carissima; taIiter quod lectus meus, et equi mei super foeno et
"avena constabat mihi tornesium unum grossum. Exiens de Roma
"in Vigilia Nativitatis Christi, vide turbam magnam quam dinu-
"merare nemo poterat; et fama erat inter Romanos, quod ibi fuerant
"plus quam viginti centum millia virorum et muIierum. Pluries
Preface to the Chronide S. R. I., Tom. II of the continuation.
524
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS.
"ego vidi ibi tam vires quam mulieres conculcatos sub pedibus
" aliorum; et etiam ego met in eodem periculo plures vices evasi.
" Papa innumerabilem pecuniam ab eisdem recepit, quia die ac nocte
"clerici stab ant ad altare Sancti Pauli tenentes in eorum manibus
"rastellos rastellantes pecuniam infinitam." These three eyewit-
nesses narrate three remarkable circumstances which signalized the
unusual event of the Jubilee; the immense multitude of the faithful
that :flocked to Rome to gain the indulgences; the abundance of
provisions; and finally the vast gifts of money given by the pilgrims.
The first is a splendid proof of the liveliness of faith which still
reigned in the heart of those generations, and of the opinion which
they had of Pope Boniface: although his reputation had received
some injury by the imprisonment and death of St. Peter Celestine,
and by the abusive libels of the Colonnas, still it was not so much
sullied as to prevent his voice of sovereign Pontiff from having a
powerful effect on the minds of the faithful. The Jubilee was a
new affair, its institution was not one of the ordinary acts of the
Pontifical office which the faithful were accustomed to judge more
in the public than in the private person of the Pontiff. The novelty
of the publication of these indulgences, the call to Rome of such a
multitude; the lively impulse given, so skilfully and so aptly, to
piety and in consequence to the pious offerings by exterior pomp of
worship, should, in calling attention to the private individuality of
Boniface, inspire them at least with doubts of the honesty of his
purpose, and the holiness of his object. To his call all responded;
and they were not only those of humble life, but the most brilliant
intellects of the time who went to gain the indulgences accordingly
by Boniface. If this Pontiff had been truly a man like Tiberius and
J\fahomet, people would have answered his invitation with a smile,
indicating that they were on their guard so as not to fall into a
snare. Whence we must conclude that the calumnies uttered against
the acts of Boniface obtained a certain consistency only from the
scandalous proceedings undertaken against this Pontiff by Philip the
Fair.
The second circumstance remarked by the chroniclers on the occa-
sion of the Jubilee, namely, the wise provisional measures effected
by Boniface, by which so great a multitude did not want for the neces-
saries of life, reveals to us not only the lofty mind of this Pope, but
also his generosity, so great were the expenses that he was obliged
to bear in order that a great abundance might continue to exist for
the entire year. In fact the high price of things having begun to be
felt, as Rtephaneschi says,30 it was prescribed that all the wheat
of the neighboring country should be carried to Rome, and that the
pilgrims arriving should bring with them a certain quantity of bread.
This last measure concerned only the people of the neighborhood and
not those who came from afar. The great multitude which during the
entire year visited Rome and which reached, according to Ventura,
30 De ,Jubil, anllO, cap, V. .Max Biblioth. Patrum, Lyons, Tom. XXV.
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS.
525
the number of two millions (not incredible), were nourished by that
which was collccted from the Campagna of Rome, and what was
transported from the kingdom of Naples. Nothing came from Sicily,
because that island was at that time at war with the Church. Now
this wonderful abundance of provisions could be brought to the city
only because of large franchises granted to foreign traders; the cer-
tainty of selling their wares in Rome not being sufficient to attract
them, the Pontiff had them come by buying himself their cereals at a
price much higher than at what he gave the same to the hungry
crowd. We rcmark that Yentura complains of the scarcity of fodder
and lodgings. for which he had to pay dearly during his stay in Rome.
Those who know the statistics of Rome at this epoch, and the condi-
tions of the habitable part of this city with its population, can judge
of the truth of the words of the chronicler of Asti, when they
remember that, according to Villani, 200,000 pilgrims resided daily
in the city. But this scarcity of fodder makes us conjecture that
the fields which to-day around Rome are uncultivated and produce
only grass, were in XIIlth century carefully cultivated and very
fertile in grain. Ventura complains of the scarcity of hay, but not
of wheat. Stephaneschi 31 himself speaks of the abundant harvest
gathered that year. If these details are true, they would induce us
to believe that the inhabitants of Rome and the Campagna were at
that time more numerous than in our day. :Moreover, the abundance
of wheat and the dearness of fodder assures us of a greater popula-
tion. For thc human race increases by toil; and the benefited land,
responds to lavish care bestowed on it by the purity of the air which
preserves life. and makes it cheerful and prolific.
Finally we must say a word on the immense sums of money
recehoed by the Pope, during the Jubilee year, because the aforesaid
writers speak of this as one thing which could have made the Pope
a veritable Croesus. Ventura especially distinguishes himself by his
malice; after having regaled the eyes of the readers with the heaps
of money raked in by the two clerics, he adds: ""('"nde sciant Chris-
"tiani venturi, quod praedictus Bonifacius et ejus cardinales in
., aeternum praedictam indulgentiam omni anno centesimo venturo
"firmaverunt et decretum fecerunt." That Ventura had seen these
two cler
cs day and night raking up countless money offered by the
pilgrims at the feet of the altar of the Apostle St. Paul; that Yil-
lani, (Ie Pif'ro, and all those who were witnesses at Rome, of this
f'oncourse of faithful, had heard of these treasures, we do not doubt.
nut Stephaneschi engages us to moderate the report of these riches by
throwing light upon the fact of the offerings. We regret very much
that the ignorance of the scribe. or the errors of the manuscript, did
not allow the cditors of Lyons to publish the treatise composed by
this author on the Jubilee, in a manner more favorable to the under-
standing of the text. Here are his words: " Et nequicquam intactum
"oblivioni deseratur temporalis Basilica emolumenti, aliquod devo-
81 Dp JulJil, anno, C:1p. Y.
Iax Biblioth, Pat rum, L
'ons, Tom. XXV.
526
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS.
"tionis signum aecreverit. N amque quae celeberrima toto terrarum
"orbe aItaria singulis jamdudum annis ex peregrinantium obIatis
"Apostolorum principis florinorum auri XXX. m, IIIL c. V. :flori-
"norum . . . . auferebant miIIia triginta principis circiter annum,
"et viginta miIIia doctoris hoc centesimo retulere, non ex amgnis
"auri vel argenti donis, sed ex usuaIis monetae provinciae cujusque
"minutiis, licet non omnium oblationes pressura vel paupertate
" praepediente injectae sint, devote oblata, devote dispensantur castris
"casaIibus, praediis, ex ea pecunia, ipso summo pontifice jubente ad
" jus et proprietatem Basilicarum comparandis, ae deinde ex ipsorum
" reditibus divinis, Apostolorumque augendis cultibus officiisque . . . .
"Erubescant itaque eo vehemtius nostri temporis reges, quod se a
"modicis personarum laboribus numerunque donis superatos norunt,
"qui nequaquam primitias gentium reges lIagos imitari, non in-
"fantem, sed ad dexteram Dei patris sedentem J esum, in ejus Apos-
"tolos visere, sibique offerre munera venire, Heu! illis eeclesiarum
"exigere decimas ut paulatim Deo ab attavis concessa nanciseantur
"sat est, sicque parentum, de quibus gloriantur gesta dum ab eis
deviant, ignominia sunt . . . ."
Not wishing then to omit the temporal advantages which the
basilicas would receive from the Jubilee, Stephaneschi assures us
that the offerings made at the altars of Sts. Peter and Paul amounted
each year to about 30,405 florins, and that in the Jubilee year, if this
meaning is given to the words U hoc centesimo/' there was given at the
altar of St. Peter 30,000 and at that of St. Paul 20,000, so that adding
to the annual 30,000 florins the 50,000 received during the Jubilee we
arrive at a total of 80,000. 32 Stephaneschi remarks that poverty
prevented smile from offering anything, (pressllra vel pallpertate
pmepedienfe), and that these thousands of florins were not of gold or
silver, but tbe sman coins in use in each province: "Non ex magnis
"auri vel argeuti donis, sed ex usualis monetae provinciae cujusque
minutiis." In reducing then these :florins into sman coins. one easily
understanlls how Ventura saw this heap of money at the foot of the
altar, and the two clerics who were engaged night and day in co11ect-
ing this mass of small coins.
The Pope used a11 this money to increase the revenue of the
Basilicas and for the splendor of divine worship. The parcimony
of the kings who were not ashamed to allow themselves to be out-
done in generosity and piety by the common people, shows us that
the invitation of the Pope to the indulgences, being entertained by
the masses found no echo in the l'oyal courts; an evident sign that
the venerable and mystical authority of the Pontificate had already
begun to lose its life in the heart of those who were making against
it a tactical war, but one destructive beyond measure.
32 This sum changed into English money amounts to about :.e40,OOO,
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS.
527
DOCUMENT (2F).
LETTER OF BOKIF ACE TO CHARLES II REPROVn
.G HIM FOR HIS IMPUDENCE.
Carolo Regi Siciliae illustri.
Actus tuos praeteritos recensentes, et recolentes tractatus, quos in
tuis agendis interdum hactenus tenuisti, de iis, quos tenes, vel tenebis
in antea, merito formidamus. Nee sine ratione timemus: non enim
excidit a nostra memoria qualiter, dum essemus in minori officio
constituti nos et venerabilis frater noster Gerardus episcopus Sabin-
ensis in adjutorium tuum missi, quando tempore felicis recordationis
icolai Papae IV. praedecessoris nostri obsidebatur Cajeta, tibique
vicinis nobis irrequisitis et insciis, tractasti cum charissimo in
Christo filio nostro Jacobo, nunc Rege Aragonum, et perfecisti
tractatum; contemptis in hoc non solum nobis et dicto episcopo sed
et Romana Ecclesia matre tua.
Non sumus obliti quam providos, quam discretos et utiles habuisti
et firmasti tractatus cum praefato Jacobo: tunc hoste praedictae
Ecclesiae atque tuo, pro tua et tuorum liberatione natorum. Ex
quibus, et aliis quae memoriter retinemus, experientia longa didici-
mus, quod te proprio in arduis innitente tibi male success it, et hoc
processus habiti circa missionem dilecti filii Philippi Tarantini
principis nati tui, in Siciliam nuper missi, manifeste declarant. Et
utinam ex erroribus habitis in praemissis tu solus detrimenta senti res,
et nos et Ecclesia supradicta, et Christianitas non sentiremus ex
talibus nocumenta. Quae prudentia, fili, fuit; quam reverentiam ad
nos, et dictam ecclesiam habuisti, si, prout accepimus, nuper in
quod am galione Frederici nostri hostis ac tui nuntios recepisti, ip-
sosque remiseris, quid petierint quidve responderis ad nostram no-
titiam non perducto?
V olentes igitur futuris ex tua praeceptiatione et subitatione peri-
culis obviare, celsitudinem tuam monemus et hortamur attente, per
apostolica scripta tibi sub debito fidelitatis, quo nobis et Ecclesiae
Romanae teneris, et excommunicationis poenas quam, si secus
feceris, te incurrere volumus ipso facto, districte praecipiendo man-
dantes, quatf>nus cum Frederico praedicto, vel ejus nuntiis nullum
tratatnm habitum, vel habendum firmare, aut executioni mandare
praesmnas ahsque nostro speciali consensu, per nostras bullatas literas
apparente. Nos enim quicquid secus feceris ex nunc omnino cas-
sam us. et cassum et irritum decernimus et inane.
Caeterum pro certo tenere te volumus, quod si te aliter, quam
hactenus feceris, nostris beneplacitis, non coaptes; et si salubria
mandata nostra contemnas, quantumcumque pro tuis relevandis oneri-
bus, et periculis eyitandis innumerabiles quasi effuderimus pecuniae
quantitates, exqlliremus vias et mod os, per quos, quamvis cum danno
tuo pax nobis cum praefato hoste proveniat, ne diutius Terra Sancta
in mauibus hostium fidei teneatur. Dat, Later. v. ide januarii anno v.
528
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS.
DOCUMENT (2G).
LETTER OF BONIFACE TO CARDL
AL ACQUASPARTA CHARGIKG HIM TO PACIFY
FLORENCE.
Considerantes attentius, et infra claustra pectoris meditatione
solicita revolventes, quod nefanda hostis antiqui nequitia, qui semper
quaerit ut noceat, semper in circuitu ambulat ut offendat, in plerisque
locis Lombardiae, Tusciae, et Romandiolae provinciarum; Aquilejen-
sis, et Gradensis patriarchatuum, Ravennatis, Mediolanensis, J anuen-
sis, et Pisani archiepiscopatuum, Marchiae Tervisinae, Venetiarum,
Bononiensis, et Ferrariensis civitatum, earumque dioecesum et ter-
ritoriorum, locisque vicinis eisdem, discordiarum zizaniam seruit,
ingessit lites, commovit scandala, odia suscitavit; grandi utique desi-
derio dueimur, curisque mu1timodis excitamur, ut malis hujusmodi,
molestis quamplurimum votis nostris, efficacibus et opportunis reme-
diis obvietur; et ecclesiasticis, religiosis, saecularibusque personis,
in partibus 10cisque degentibus memoratis, Apostolicae sedis benigna
visitatione praeventis, deformata inibi providam reformationem re-
cipiant, prava et noxia procul penitus profligentur.
Attendentes igitur quod gratiarum dator Altissimus personam tuam
scientiae magnitudine, providentiae dono, discretionis virtute, in-
dustriae munere, circumspectionis gratia, et aliarum virtutum titulis
decoravit, humeros tuos fortitudinis robore muniendo, ut onera
grandia faeilius supportares; plenam quoque, immo plenissimam de
tuis laudabilibus meritis fidueiam obtinentes, licet apud sedem Apos-
tolicam ex tui maturitate consilii tua non modicum opportuna prae-
sentia dignoscatur, nosque ilIa careamus inviti; te tamen ob honorem
et exaltationem Ecclesiae, ae reformationem, et directionem necessar-
ias, ae desideratam quietem partium praedictarum, de fratrum nos-
trorum consilio illuc tamquam paeis angelum duximus destinandum;
fraternitati tuae in provineiis, patriarchatibus. archiepiscopatibus
nee non civitatibus memoratis, earumque dioecesibus, districtibus, ae
territoriis, et 10cis, ae partibus supradictis plenae legationis offieium
eommittentes, ut evel1as et destruas, dissipes et disperdas, aedifices
et plantes, ac facias auctoritate nostra quaecumque ad honorem Dei,
prosperum statum partium earumdem, ac reformationem pacis fidel-
ium videris expedire, etc. Datum Anagniae x. kal. junii anno vi.
DOCU11ENT (2H).
LETTER TO THE FRENCH CLERGY RELATIVE TO THE APPEAL OF CHARLES OF
VALOIS.
. . . . Ecce quidem fratres et :filii, non latet in abditis, sed per
diversos orbis angulos innotescit, qualiter jam fere viginti annorum
spatio quondam Petrus olim Rex Aragonum, subdolus nequitiae
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS,
529
perpetrator; et subsequenter diversis temporibus nati ejus, sibi suc-
cedentes in vitio contra nos et eandem ecclesiam, et charissimum
in Christo filium nostrum Carolum Siciliae, Regem illustrem insulam
Siciliae occuparunt ac tenuerunt, et adhuc etiam pro majori parte
detinent nequiter occupatam. Quarum occupationis et detention is
occasione et causa contigit olim perditio Terrae sanctae; sed nec ei
potuit opportunum ministrari subsidium de partibus cismarinis. Et
quamvis inopinatis auxiliis, ac insperatis operibus, illucescente illi
gratia Salvatoris, sit ipsi Terrae Sanctae via recuperationis, repara-
tionis, inhabitationis, et munitionis civitatum et locorum dudum ibi-
dem deperditorum, aperta; tamen ob induratam antiquatae jam
rebellionis nequitiam praf'dictorum Siculorum et Frederici nati
praedicti quondam Petri olim Regis Aragonum, sub cujns devio in
tenebris et umbra mortis obdormiuut, et propter alia scandala quae
insurgunt, praefata mater ecclesia in adhibendis opportunis eidem
terrae subsidiis imperlitur. Status insuper Tusciae impetitur ad-
modum fluctibus scandalorum: civitates, loca, et incolae ipsi matri
ecclesiae subjecta rebellant. nequitiae venena fundentia et laborantia
ingratitudinis vitio contra earn: et nisi eorum insolentiae compes-
cantur, invalescent plurimum ribelIiones ipsorum, et periculose suc-
crescen t.
Et ideo non solum de prope, sed etiam de longe sub spe divinae
potentiae ad obviandum tot fluctibus totque malis, et peri cuI is re-
sistendum, et ad rebellantium superbiam edomandam auxilium, juva-
men. et fortitudinem invocare compulsi, dilectum :fÌlium nobiIem
virum Carolum comitem Andegavensem, clarae memoriae Philippi
Regis Francorum natum virum utique nobilitatis et generis excel-
lentia praefulgentem, potentia praeditum, exercitatum in armis, et
ecclesiae praefatae devotum, per quem speramus et credimus, honores
et commoda ipsius ecclesiae in hac parte posse viriliter, potenter, et
feliciter promoveri, et satis:fÌeri utiliter votis nostl'is; advocare provid-
imus in opportunum auxilium et juvamen ipsius ecclesiae matris
suae, ordinato jam, ut decuit, cum eodem, ut usque ad festum puri-
ficationis B. Virginis proximo futurum iter arripiat cum magna et
honorabili armatorum, militum et equitum comitiva venturus conti-
nuatis dietis, et intraturus personaliter ill ItaIiam, ac mansurus in
ips ius Italiae provinciis sive locis, de quibus ApostoIica sedes duxerit
ordinandum: ut ad vindictam malefactorum, laudem vero bonorum
adventus et mora ejus Domino auxi1iante persistant et tranquiIlato
statu Siciliae. aIiisque ltaliae rebellibus subjugatis, ac ad nostra, et
dictae. sedis mandata redactis, de opportuno ipsius Terrae Sanctae
succursu possit utili us et efficacius provideri, et universalis occident-
alis ecclesiae sabbatum procuretur, etc. Dat. Laterani 11. kal. decem-
bris anno vi.
530
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS.
DOCUMENT (21).
LETTER TO CARDINAL ACQUASPARTA, LEGATE TO RESTRAIN CHARLES oP
VALOIS.
Venerabi1i fratri Portuensi episcopo.
Cum nobi1is provincia Tusciae multis foret confossa doloribus,
guerrarum consitata dissidiis, civi1ibus bellis licentiae laxatis habenis,
ac deformata ruinis, decuit nos ad animarum, corporum, et rerum
vitanda pericula in ipsa prosequi vias pacificas, et ad unitatem re-
ducere discordantes, ne se mutuo lacerarent, impeterent, ac moles-
tarent injuste: ut tam nobi1is tantaque provincia in tabernaculis
fiduciae requiesceret, et in paeis dulcedine habitaret; et per hoc in ea
purgaretur haeretica pravitas, cohiberetur praedonum audacia, honor-
aretur sancta Romana ecc1esia, et fide1ium devotio nutriretur. Ad
nos namque relatio :fide digna perduxerat, quod nonnu1li de dicta
provincia cum malitiae suae consciis atque consortibus habentes de
ipsius turbatione pruritum ma1ignitatis suae, in favorem nostrorum
et Apostolicae sed is rebellium suos i11icitos conatus moliebantur ex-
tendere, ut non cuiquam sua confirmaretur justitia, non cuiquam
status suis debitus meritis servaretur. Unde cum fratribus nostris
habita deliberatione matura, attendentes quod Romanum vacat im-
perium, cujus ad nos, praesertim hoc tempore pacifica conservatio
dignoscitur pertinere; di1ectum fi1ium nobi1em virum Carolum natum
clarae memoriae Philippi Regis Francorum, comitem Andegavensem;
de cujus strenuitate, armorum experientia, et bonitate confidimus;
eonservatorem pacis in ea parte ipsius Tusciae, quae praedicto Im-
perio subjacet, de fratrum eorumdem consilio duximus deputandum.
Qui provinciam ipsam potenter et prudenter ingressus, hujusmodi
commissum sibi paciariatus, seu conservandae pacis officium, divina
sibi assistente virtute, coepit laudabiliter exercere: ita quod devoti
et fide]es ecc1esiae saepedictae de ipsa provincia habere poterunt,
dante Domino, bonum statum, eruntque prava in directa, et viae
asperae planabuntur. Verum, ut haec salubrius et efficacius implean-
tur cum quiete ac pace, te de cujus legalitate. bonitate, circumspec-
tione, et experientia matura confidimus, ad partes easdem providimus
destinare, in eadem provincia nostra tibi auctoritate concessa; per
cujus dictus comes favorem protectus, directus consilio, et maturitate
adjutus, commissum sibi officium, juxta beneplacitum divinum et
nostrum, cum moderatione ac mensura tranquillius et utilius possit
dcbitae executioni mandare.
Quocirca fraternitatem tuam rogamus, Inonemus, et hortamur at-
tente, per apostolica tibi scripta amandantes, quatenus celeriter te
accingens, et ad partes illas personaliter festinus accedas et ad ea,
quae comiti memorato commissimus, efficaciter promovenda et lauda-
Liliter consumanda in provincia saepedicta per te et alios, de quibns
expedire videris. ipsum solerter inducas, et tam tu quam ipse vestra
studia cOllvertatis ad seminandum in ea semen charitatis, et paeis;
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS.
531
ut sedatis guerrarum et dissensionum turbinibus, qui nimis invaluer-
unt ibidem, provincia ipsa tot impulsibus agitata quasi post noctis
tenebras floridum diei lumen aspiciat; post glaciei frigus hyemis
aurea sibi tempora et serena succedant, in quibus afHicti non solum
temporalem Jaetitiam, sed aeternam auctore Domino consequantur,
contradictores et rebel1es auctoritate nostra per te, vel per alium, seu
alios per spirituales poenas, appel1atione postposita, compescendo, etc.
Datum Laterani vi. non. decembris anno vii.
DOCUMENT (2K).
LETTER OF BONIFACE TO PHILIP THE FAIR REGARDING THE ARCHBISHOPRIC OF
NARBONNE AND THE COUNTY OF MAGUELONNE.
Recordare, Rex inclyte, progenitorum tuorum actus strenuos, meri-
taque praeclara intuere, ac respice quod Deus regnantium honor et
gloria beatum Ludovicum avum tuum Regibus dedit in speculum, et
populis in exemplum, quae ipsius nepos, quasi charissimus filius imi-
teris; prudenter attendens, quod tantam habebat conscientiae puri-
tatem, quod non solum scienter, sed nec ignoranter dispendium aliis
volebat in ferre, causam quam ignorabat adinstar sancti Job dili-
gentius investigans. Unde cum super comitatu }'fergoglii Maga-
Jonensis diocesis nonulla auribus instillarentur ipsius, in tantum ut
ad quem pertineret comitatus hujusmodi haesitaret; nolens ex
abrupto procedere, vel incerto felicis recordation is Clementis Papae
IV. praedecessoris nostri, quem super hoc putabat habere notitiam,
requisivit consilium, tam humiliter quam prudenter, sicut ex tenore
literarum praedecessoris ejusdem, quem praesentibus tibi mittimus
interclusum, colligere poteris evidenter. Post cujus praedeccssoris
Clementis responsum l\Iagalonensis ecclesia a regalium exactionibus
conquievit, quae ab olim tenuit et tenet in feurlum ab Apostoli('a
sede comitatum eumdem, prout constat ex vetustissimis documentis,
et ex iis, quae in ejusdem sed is conservantur archivio, ac ex praedeces-
sorum nostrorum Romanorum Pontificum literis, quae de dicto com i-
tatu faciunt mentionem. Quapropter dolemus non immcrito, et tur-
bamur, si relatibus facta respondeant, quod sicut accepimus, officiales
tui venerabilem fratrem nostrum Gerardum episcopum, et dilC'ctum
filium capitulum }'Iagalonense super comitatu praedicto, et homini-
bus comitatus, immo nos et Apostolican sedem gravant, impetunt,
et molestant.
Cum igitur Deus per suam misericordiam, non sine multimodis
nostris et sedis ejusdem praesidiis, adeo dilataverit funiculos et
Jimitcs rcgni tui juriumque tuorulll, ut nec tibi expcdiat ad occu-
panda bona aliorum et jura; praesertim nostra et pracdictae sedis, ac
}'fagalonensis ecclesiae memoratae, super comitatu praefato, qui tene-
tur a nobis et sede praedicta, manus occupatrices extendere; cir-
cumspectionem regiam tenore praesentium hortamur et rogamus at-
tente, tibique paternis affectibus salubriter suac1elUus, ut senescaUis,
532
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS.
officialibus, et balivis tuis districte praecipias, quod de caetero a dic-
torum episcopi et capituli ac vassallorum super dicto comitatu mo-
lestatione desistant: exhortationes et preces nostras hujusmodi sic
efficaciter impleturus, quod a Deo premium consequaris, nobisque et
sanctae - Romanae Ecclesiae matri tuae, te praecipuum filium re-
praesentes, quicquid super hoc faciendum duxeris nobis tuis literis
responsurus.
Ad baec praemissis adiicitur grandis injuria, et amara querela, qua
ad nostrum pervenit auditum, quod nobilis vir Amalricus vicecomes
N arbonae, antiquorum progenitorum suorum, qui ecclesiam N arbo-
nensem et alias eidem subjectas, quantum et quamdiu potuerunt, mul-
tipliciter impugnarunt, vestigiis inhaerens pestiferis; jurisdictionem
et omnia, quae dicta N arbonensis ecclesia teneat vel habeat in civitate
ac burbo N arbonae et pertinentiis eorumdem, et quae indubitanter
tenebat, ac tenere debebat in feudum ab eadem ecclesia N arbonensi;
quaeve parentes sui a centum fere annis citra continue archiepis-
copis, qui pro tempore ipsi ecclesiae praefuerunt, et pater istius vice-
comitis eodem praesente, sciente, et intelligente N arbonensi arch-
iepiscopo, qui nunc praeest, cum sacramento :fidelitatis et homagio,
praesente quoque multitudine hominum, clericorum et laicorum, no-
bilium et ignobilium copiosa, ante majus altare in ipsa ecclesia N ar-
bonensi, ut moris erat praedecessorum eorumdem, publice recognov-
erant a dictis archiepiscopo et ecclesia N arbonensi, se tenere in feu-
dum, ut indubitatis constat Regum Franciae praedecessorum tuorum _
privilegiis, vicecomitum N arbonensium 1iteris eorumdem vicecomi-
turn sigiJIis signatis, et alíis etiam luce clarioriòus documentis, et
haec ipse idem vicecomes procuratorio nomine patris sui, dum vive-
bat, in tua curia fuit manifeste confess us; a paucis citra temporibus
maligno ductus spiritu, in magnum contemptum, praejudicium et
injuriam non solum praefatae N arbonensis ecclesiae, verum etiam
a1iarum ecclesiarum totius provinciae N arbonensis, a te recognovit in
feudum: et in damnationis suae cumulum, et evidentius saepedictate
Narbonensis ecclesiae nocumentum, non solum ea ate, ut praedicitur,
recognovit; sed ut Gallicano utamur vocabulo, advocavit, immo etiam
ea a dicto archiepiscopo, et ecclesia N arbonensi deavocavit expresse.
Fili charissime, talia mentem nostram amaricant, et perturb ant, et
ut ad apponenda remedia convertamur, excitant et instigant: nec
possumus, nec debemus tam grandia detri menta ac exheredationem
quandam N arbonensis ecclesiae supradictae sub dissimulatione tran-
sire: nec talia pati debuerat dignitatis. Regiae rectitudo, et prudentia
circumspecta. Ab olim ecclesia, Regum lactata mamillis. excrevit in
potestatem, dignitatem, libertatem, celsitudinem, et gloriam secu-
lorum: nunc, proh dolor! a regibus eorumque officia1ibus premitur,
ancillatur, spernitur, et multipliciter expugnatur.
Haec, :fiJi. tolerando in ecclesiis regni tui, habes merito formidare,
quod ulcisetur baec Deus judicii dominus, et Rex regum, ejusque
yicarius fin aliter non tacebit, ne forsitan audiat: Canis mutus latrare
non valens; qui etsi patienter ad tempus expectet, ut locus miseri-
cordiae non claudatur, tandem exurget ad vindictam malefactorum,
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS.
533
Jaudem vero bonorum. Utinam saperes et intelligeres, et novissima
provideres, ac plene discuteres immissiones, quae quasi per malos
angelos tibi fiunt et susurronibus, ac pravis consilariis facilem non
praeberes auditum; et solerter cognosceres, quod quasi mali prophetae,
loquentes placentia, vident tibi falsa et stulta, assumptiones falsas et
ejectiones; nec attendunt, quod inter naturam et gloriam est media
gratia, sine qua a prima ad tertiam non transitur. Caveas igitur dili-
genter, ne ad stultum finem consilia talium, qui adulatione decipiunt
te, deducant.
Nos nibilominus, ne tantum dispen(lium memoratae N arbonensis
Ecclesiae transeat impunitum, neve aliis praebeatur exemplum tam
nefanda similia attentandi; contra Almaricum ipsum (>t alios, quos
negotium istud contingit, ex officio nostro et de apostolicae plenitudine
potestatis deliberavimus procedere summarie, de pIano sine strepitu
ct figura judicii, prout justitia exiget, et videbimus expedire; ip-
sumque Almaricum mandamus sub certa forma ad nostram praesen-
tiam evocari. Caeterum excellentiam regiam volumus non latere,
quod ex quo stimulamur in tantum, nec blandimenta proficiunt, ne('
corriguntur errata; literas nostras, quas super talibus et similibus
tibi dirigimus, jam ordinavimus regestrari ad perpetuam rei memo-
riam. Quis autem ex eis et aliis, necnon ex illis, quae nuperrime per
solemnes nuntios tibi significanda decrevimus, subsequetur, effectus,
novit ille, qui secretorum est cognitor, et praescius futurorum. Dat,
Anagniae xv. kal. augusti anno vi.
DOCUMENT (2L).
LETTER TO PHILIP 'fHE FAIR, ANKEXED TO THE BULL AUSCULTA,
Carissimo in Christo filio Philippo Regi Franciae illustri.
N uper ex rationabilibus causis moti, praesertim ad relevanda grav-
amina, et quasi importabilia onera ecclesiarum, praelatorum, et ec-
clesiastiearum personarum, regularium et saeeularium, regni tui,
literas infraseripti tenoris fieri feeimus, et bulla nostra bullari,
quarum tenorem ad tuam providimus notitiam praesentibus dedueen-
dum. Tenor autem talis est, Bonifacius, etc. ad perpetuam rei me-
mOl'iam. Salvator mundi etc. ut in proxima superiori usque in finem
. . . . . . . . . . . . . Tu igitur sicut filius praedilectus in iis,
quae rationabiliter et pro utili tate publica feeimus, non turberis:
sed ea aequanimiter toleres; prudenter attendens, quia ut praemitti-
tur, terminum assignamus, quo privilegia, indulgentiae, gratiae, et
concessiones praedictae, nostro conspectui praesententur, et ad nos-
tram et dictae sedis notitiam deducantur, ut consideratis ipsis et
visis provideri possit, si dicta suspensio fuerit in aliquo vel aliquibus
moderanda. Datum Laterani non. decembris an no vii.
Bonifacius, etc. charissimo in Christo filio Philippo Regi Franciae
iIlustri.
Ausculta, fili charissime, praecepta patris, et ad doctrinam mag-
534
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS.
istri, qui gerit i11ius vices in terris, qui solus est magister et domi-
nus, aurem tui cordis inclina; viscerosae sanctae matris ecclesiae
admonitionem libenter excipe, et cura efficaciter adimplere. . . . . .
Ad te igitur sermo noster dirigitur, tibi paternus am or exprimitur,
et dulcia matris ubera exponuntur. Campum siquidem militiae hu-
manae mortalitatis ingressus, renatus sacri fonte baptismatis, re-
nuntians diabolo et pompis ejus, non quasi hospes et advena, sed
jam domesticus fidei et civis sanctorum effectus, ovile dominicum
intravisti, colluctaturus non solum contra carnem et sanguinem, sed
etiam contra aereas potestates, mundique rectores praesentium tene-
brarum. Sic veri N oe es arcam ingressus, extra quam nemo sal-
vatur, catholicam scilicet Ecclesiam, unam columbam immaculatam,
l.mici Christi sponsam, in qua Christi vicari us Petrique successor
primatum noscitur obtinere: qui sibi collatis clavibus regni coelorum,
judex a Deo vivorum, et mortuorum constitutus agnoscitur; ad quem,
sedentem in judicii solio, dissipare pertinet suo intuitu omne malum.
Hujus profecto sponsae quae de coelo descendit a Deo parata sicut
sponsa ornata viro suo, Romanus Pontifex caput existit: nee habet
plura capita monstruose, cum sit sine macula, sine ruga, nec habens
aliquod inhonestum. . . . . . . . . . ............................
Ad haec, ne Terrae sanctae negotium, quod nostris et tuis et
aliorum fidelium debet charius insidere praecordiis, nos putes obliv-
ioni dedisse memorare, :fili, et discito, quod progenitores tui Christian-
issimi principes, quorum debes laudanda vestigia solerti studio, et
claris operibus imitari, exposuerunt olim personas et bona in sub-
sidium dictae terrae. Sed Saracenorum invalescente perfidia Chris-
tianorum ac. . . . . . . . . Tua et aliorum Regum et principum
devotione solita tepescente, terra eadem tuis utique temporibus, heu!
deperdita noscitur et prostrata. Quis itaque canticum Domini can-
tat in ea
Quis assurgit in ejus subsidium et recuperation is oppor-
tunae juvamen adversus impios Saracenos, malignantes et operantes
iniquitatem, ac debacchantes in illa? Ad ejus quippe succursum
arma bellica periisse videntur, et abjecti sunt clypei fortium; qui
contra hostes fidei dimicare solebant: enses et gladii evaginati in
domesticos fidei, et saeviunt in effusionem sanguinis Christiani: et
nisi a populo Dei domesticae insolentiae succidantur, et pax ei proven-
iat salutaris terra illi, foedata actibus malignorum, a periculo desola-
tionis et miseriae per ejusdem populi ministerium non resurget.
Si haec et similia iis benevola mente revolvas, invenies quod ob-
scuratum est aurum, et est color optimus immutatus. An non ig-
nominia et confusio magna tibi et aliis Rf'gibus et principibus Chris-
tianis adesse dignoscitur, quod versa est ad alienos hereditas J esu
Christi, et sepulcrum ejus ad extraneos devolutum? Qualem ergo
retribution is gratiam merebuntur apud Dominum Reges et principes,
et coeteri Christiani, in quibus terra quaerit respirare praedicta;
sed non est qui sustentet earn ex omnibus filiis, quos genuit ipse Deus,
nec est qui supponat manum ex omnibus quos nutrivit? Clamat enim
ad Dei filios civitas Jerusalem, et suas exponit angustias, et in reme-
dium doloris ejus filiorum Dei implorat affectus. Si ergo filius Dei
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS.
535
es, dolor!'s ejus excipias, tristare et dole cum ipso, si diligis bonum
ejus. Tartari quidem, pagani, et alii infideles eidem terrae succur-
runt, et ei non subveniunt in ea Christi sanguine pretioso redempti;
nec est qui consoletur earn ex omnibus charis ejus. Hoc a dissidiis
privatis obvenit, dum utilitas publica cupiditatis ardore consumitur,
nonnullis quae sunt sua quaerentibus, non quae Christi, quorum pec-
cata Deus ultionum dominus non solum in ipsis vindicat, sed etiam
in progenies eorumdem.
Tremenda sunt itaque Dei judicia et timenda, ante quae non par-
entes justitiam damnabuntur: justus autem de allgustia liberabitur,
et cadet impius in laqueum, quem tetendit. Tu vero, fili, communiens
in tribus temporibus vitam tuam, ordinando praesenti a, et commem-
orando praeterita, et providendo futura, sic te praepares in praemis-
sis . . . . ut in praesenti divinam gratiam, et in futuro salvationis
et retributionis aeternae gloriam merearis. Datum Laterani non.
decembris ann. vii.
DOCUMENT (2M).
ON THE WORKS OF EGIDIUS COLONNA.
The work U de Regia Potestate ef Papali:' was published in Paris
in 1506, in one volume quarto; Goldast0 33 was vaunted wrongfully as
having first edited it. That de Regimine Principllm was also trans-
lated into Italian by Deusdedit Florentino; this translation on
parchment manuscript exists in the Magliabecchi library.34 At the
end of it we read: "Here ends the book of the government of kings
" and princes, which friar Egidius of Rome, of the order of St. Aug-
"ustine, composed. This book has been translated, with the assist-
ance of God, from the Latin into French by Messer Ari de Granci,
"by the order of the noble King of France, and I have translated
" it from the French into the Tuscan, neither adding nor suppressing
" one word. Blessed be Jesus Christ. Done and completed this 16th
" day of June in the year of our Lord lICCLXXXVIII." There is
also another copy, but without the name of the translator in the
Riccardi library.35
Cave has prepared a most exact catalogue of the works of Friar
Egidius. The latter having studied closely the physics of Aristotle
on which he has also commented, wrote a book entitled" De forma-
.. tione corporis humani." Since the occasion is given us, we will
remark here that Friar Egidius is also the author of another work
mentioned in the learned preface to the life of Ambrose Traversari
written by the Abbe lfehus. 36 It is a commentary on the verses of
13l\fonarchiae, Tom. II, page 107. M Class XXX, cod. I in folio.
15 N. IV, Num. XXII. See the life of Ambrose Traversari. Tom, I,
page 159. sa Page 124.
536
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS.
Guido Cavalcante. What was the subject of this poem of CavaI-
('ante? Philip Villani in his lives of the illustrious men of Flor-
ence, a precious manuscript in the :11edici-Iaurenti library, discours-
ing on Guido Cavalcante, inforIIl8 us that, Egidius Colonna, a Ro-
man, an eminent philosopher, commented on his song. "This Guido,"
says he, "having written a very long and a most profound disserta-
" tion on the nature, the motions, the affections, and the passions of
"popular love, by which through natural instinct we are led to love
"the female sex, he composed an elegant and a delightful song in
"which he introduces like a philosopher the most ingenious and
" novel. thoughts. Struck by the perfection of this treatise, by the
"the grace of its conception, Dino de Garbo, whom I mentioned be-
"fore, Egidius Colonna, a Roman, an eminent philosopher, and
"Hugh de Corno, inferior to none of them, deigned to comment on
" it."
DOCUMENT (2N).
LETTER TO THE CLERGY OF FRANCE, ANNEXED TO THE BULL "UNAM
SANCTAM."
Verba delirantis filiae, quantumcumque desideriis maternis infesta,
quantavis enormitate foedata, nequeunt puritatem inficere piae mat-
ris, et affectum in filiationis odium provocare maternum: cum in ipsa
miseratione amor inveniatur matemalis, qui licet de miseratione
doleat, naturae legibus compatiendo filiis, in ipsa miseria consolatur.
Sane conturbata sunt universa ecclesiae pia praecordia in auditu
verborum, quae sub fictae consolationis pallio, recitando quodam-
modo composita sunt, ut credimus, nomine praedilectae filiae ec-
clesiae Gallicanae in matris immaculatae opprobrium grande malum,
quasi ab amico causam quaereret recedendi. Sed legitur quod frustra
rete jacitur ante oculos pennatorum. Ecce collect is ex parlamento,
Parisi is convacto, mendicais suffragiis, ne ad vocationem sed is
Apostolicae venirent, eorum verborum compositores necessario con-
cludere voluerunt, damna rerum, et minas corporum praecipue
praetendendo. Scimus equidem multorum relatione fidelium, nec
latet Apostolicae sed is notitiam, quae et quanta fuerint in eadem
concione narrata, et maxime, quae Belial Petrus Flote semividens,
et mente totaliter excaecatus, et quid am alii praedicaverint, sangui-
nem sitientes. Christiani, qui charissimum Philippum Francorum
Regem illustrem trahere nituntur in devium, proh dolor! propinquum,
cum tantae Christianitatis sublimitas erroneo ducatu submergitur,
cui ducatus a coecis miserabiliter ad mentis interitum, nisi ex alto
succurrat divina pietas, propinquatur, quod amare luget mater Ec-
clesia, circa salutem ejus quaerens remedium; et meditatione solicita
contra tantae majestatis naufragium querit portum.
Verum vos, fratres et filii, si professionis vestrae debitum circum-
spectis considerationibus attendatis, cujus venenosae fictionis sug-
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS.
537
gesto incontemptum tantae matris obedientiae filialis nervum vide-
fillll contundere, ac debitum pervertere statum ordinis clericalis:
videmini siquidem secundum dicta eorum spem ponere in terrenis,
si timore terrenorum contemnitis coelestia, vel seponitis propter ti-
morem judicum, Christi jugum. :Multa praeterea superba, iniqua, et
schismatica in eadem :fideli concione narrata fuerunt per oratores
ejusmodi, per quae velIe videbantur distrahere unitatem Ecc1esiae,
inconsutilem tunicam Domini nostri . . . In vestram verumtamen
excusationem advertimus, qualiter detractatores praefati, ut coeptum
venenum aspidum festinanter evomerent, in corde et corde loquentes
aliqui vix inter se moras loquendi gerebant: verum praecipiti in
momento temporis responderunt manna dulcedinis, et venenum as-
pidis infundentes in Ecclesiae matris opprobrium, et status proprii
detrimentum: quia si verba eorum justo librentur examine, eos esse
praelatos non indicant, sed indignos quibuslibet praelaturis; nec
digni sunt regere, verum non immerito corrigendi. Restat ut collig-
amus ex verbis, quae gesta fuerunt absque nostra scientia machina-
tionibus venenosis, ut et vos :fìctis coloribus ab unione universalis Ec-
c1esiae abducerent nequiter, vosque contra nos, quos iniquitatis eo-
rum volebant habere complices, provocarent. Sed in vanum labo-
rant, et deficient iniquo scrutantes scrutinio sequaces tantae super-
biae exequendo, disponentes ab Aquilone sedem erigere contra Vicar-
ium J esu Christi. Sed quoniam, ut primus Lucifer, cui non fuit huc
1.1sque secundus, cum sequacibus suis cecidit, corruet, quantacllmque
fulciatur potentia, et secundus. Nonne diu nituntur principia ponere,
qui dicunt temporalia spiritualibus non subesse? Hic jam dictis
finem imponimus, fraternitatem vestram in Domino exhortantes,
utspretis temporalibus, et contemptis minis judicum, nobiscum as-
cendatis ad cor altum: et exaltabitur Deus, qui dissipat consilia
principum, et reprobat cogitationes popuIorum; pro :fìrmo Bcientes,
quod obedientes gratiose videbimus, et contumaces pro qualitate
criminis puniemus.
Ad perpetuam rei memoriam.
Un am sanctam Ecclesiam catholicam, et ipsam apostolicam, ur-
gente fide, credere cogimur et tenere, nosque hanc :firm iter credimus,
et simpliciter confitemur; extra quam nec salus est, nec remissio
peccatorum, sponso in can tic is proclamante: Una est columba mea,
perfecta mea: una est matris suae elect a genitricis suae; quae unum
corpus mysticum repraesentat, cujus corporis caput Christus, Christi
vero Deus: in qua unus dominus, una fides, unum baptisma. Una
nempe fuit diluvii tempore arca N oe, unam Ecclesiam prae:figurans,
quae in uno cubito consummata, unum N oe videlicet gubernatorem
habuit, et rectorem, extra quam omnia subsistentia super terram
legimus fuisse deIeta. Hanc autem veneramur, et unicam, dicente
Domino in prophet a : Erue a framea Deus animam meam, et de manu
canis unicam meam. Pro anima enim, id est pro seipso capite simuI
oravit et corpore: quod corpus, unicam scilicf't Ecc1eRiam nominavit
propter sponsi fidei sacramentorum, et charitatis Ecclesiae unitatem.
Haec est tunica illa Domini inconsutilis, quae scissa non fuit; sed
538
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS.
forte provenit. Igitur Ecclesiae, unius, et unicae unum corpus, unum
caput, non duo capita quasi monstrum, Christus scilicet et Christi
vicarius Petrus, Petrique successor, dicente Domino ipsi Petro;
Pasce oves meas. 1'tleas, inquit, generaliter non singulariter has vel
illas, per quod commisisse sibi intelligitur nuiversas. Sive igitur
Graeci, sive alii se dicant Petro ejusque successoribus non esse com-
missos, fateantur necesse est, se de ovibus Christi non esse, dicente
Domino in Joanne, unum ovile, unum et unicum esse Pastorem.
In hac ejusque potestate duos esse gladios, spiritualem videlicet et
temporal em evangelicis dictis instruimur. N am dicentibus Apostolis:
Ecce gladii duo hic; in Ecclesia scilicet, cum Apostoli loquerentur,
non respond it Dominus nimis esse, sed satis. Certe in potestate Petri
temporalem gladium esse negat, male verbum attend it Domini pro-
ferentis: Converte gladium tuum in vaginam. Uterque ergo in potes-
tate Ecclesiae, spiritualis scilicet gladius, et material is : sed is quidem
pro Ecclesia, ille vero ab Ecclesia, exercendus: ille Sacerdotis, is
manu Regum et militum; sed ad nutum et patientiam Sacerdotis.
Oportet autem gladium esse sub gladio, et temporalem auctoritatem
spirituali subjici potestati: nam cum dicat Apostolus: Non est po-
testas nisi a Deo: quae autem a Deo sunt, ordinata sunt; non ordinata
essent, nisi gladius esset sub gladio, et tamquam inferior reduceretur
per alium in suprema: nam secundum beatum Dionysium lex divi-
tatis est infima per media in suprema reduci. N on ergo secundum
ordinem universi omnia aeque ac immediate, sed infima per media,
inferiora per superiora ad ordinem reducuntur; spiritualem autem
et dignitate et nobi1itate terrenam quamlibet prnecellere potestatem,
opportet, tanto clarius nos fateri, quanto spiritualia temporalia ante-
cellunt: quod etiam ex decimarum datione, et benedictione, et sancti-
ficatione, ex ipsius potestatis acceptionp, ex ipsarum rerum guber-
natione claris oculis intuemur; nam veritate testante, spiritualis po-
testas terrenem potestatem instituere habet et judicare, si bona non
fuerit: sic de Ecclesia et ecclesiastica potestate verificatur vaticinium
J eremiae: Ecce constitui te hodie super gentes, et regna, etc. quae
sequuntur,
Ergo si deviat terrena potestas, judicabitur a potestate spirituali:
sed si deviat spiritual is minor a suo superiori: si vero suprema a solo
Deo, non ab homine poterit judicari, testante Apostolo: "Spiritualis
"homo judicat omnia; ipse autem a nemine judicatur." Est autem
haec auctoritas, etsi data sit homini, et exerceatur per hominem,
non humana, sed potius divina potestas, ore divino Peato data, sibique
suisque successoribus in ipso Christo, quem confess us fuit, petra
firmata; dicente Domino ipsi Petro: "Quodcumque ligaveris, etc."
Quicumque igitur huic potestati a Deo sic ordinatae resistit, Dei
ordinationi resistit, nisi duo, sicut Manichaeus, fingat esse principia,
quod falsum et haereticum esse judicamus: quia testante ]'foyse, non
in principiis, sed in principio coelum Deus creavit et terram. Porro
subesse Romano Pontifici omni humanae creaturae declaramus, di-
cimus, et diffinimus omnino esse de necessitate salutis. Dat. Laterani
XIV. Kal. decembris anno VIII.
NOTES AND DOCUl\1ENTS.
539
DOCUMENT (20).
AN OBSERVATION ON THE CONSTITUTION" UN AM SANCTAM," AND ON THE
BOOK QIt' DANTE
DE :MONARCHIA.
\Ve venture an observation on the famous constitution Unam
Sanctam. It seems that this Bull had for its opponents only the
jurists, and the Gallican defenders of the Regalia, such as John of
Paris in the time of Philip the Fair, a N atalis Alexander and a
Bossuet nearer our time. Still if our conjectures have any founda-
tion, a popt, a very great poet, Dante Alighieri, was also among
this number. We wi11 touch but lightly on the question, leaving to
others, if agreeable, the labor of examining it deeply.
It is certain that hardly had this constitution been published, than
it created a great stir; and for this reason there was not one who did
not know it. In this constitution Boniface, adhering to the ancient
doctrines of the universal Church, defines that this Church is one,
that its head is one and is endowed with a double power, symbolized
by the two swords of St. Peter, which aroused so much fear in Philip
the Fair. "\Ve have already spoken of this temporal power indirectly
exercised by the Pope over kings by reason of sin. The principle of
the Guelph party is entirely centered in this doctrine. Dante, an
exile and transformed into a GhibeIIine, took his exile mucQ. to heart;
and as he placed an his hope of return to Florence in the Emperor
Henry of Luxemburg, no one desired more than he the reestablish-
ment of the Empire in Italy. He was a Ghibe1line, because he was
an exile; and so the love for his far away country, the hatred for
those who governed it, and closed its gates against him, nourished
in him the desire of seeing Henry of Luxemburg become the new
hope of a better period for Italy.37 His letter to the Emperor c1earJy
proves that Dante, formerly a Guelph, became a Ghibe11ine, not
heartily and by conviction, but because he was an exile, and was such
on account of Boniface, The spirit of Dante, proud and opposed to
slavery, even in the hospitable court of the Scaligers who sheltered
him, was not so weak as to kiss the ground before the feet of Luxem-
burg, nor to call the German the successor of Caesar and Augustus.
The love of country and the hatred for his enemies, enslaved the
imagination of the Italian Homer in his Divinp Comedy, and his
reason in his book on the Monarchy.
Having returned from Paris into Italy, enticed by the hopes with
which Henry of Luxemburg inspired him he wrote three books " De
]f onarchia/
\Ve shan not speak either of the possibility or the jus-
17 Letter of Dante to Emperor Henry of Luxemburg. To the most
glorious and happy victor, and ilJustrious I.ord, Messer Henry, by di-
vine providence king of the Romans, and ever prosperous, his vf>ry
dC'voted, Dante Alighieri, a Florentine, unjustly banished, and in general
all the Tuscans wllo want peace. kiss the earth before your feet.
540
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS.
tice of the project of an universal monarchy conceived by Dante; we
will content ourselves by calling the attention of the reader to the
third book of this treatise. Dante tries to show that the temporal
power, centered by him entirely in the Empire and in that of Henry
of Luxemburg, depends immediately on God, and not mediately on
any other divine power on earth. If one will take the pains to peruse
this book, of a rough and almost barbarously scholastic nature, and
contrast it with the constitution Unam Sanctam, he can without
doubt easily and reasonably surmise that Dante had really this Bull
in view when he wrote his three books of the Monarchy. In the be-
ginning of the third book he alludes to the Pope in the following:
" Oujus quidem veritas, quia sine rub ore aliquorum emergere nequit,
"forsitan alicujus indignationis causa in me erit." Afterwards he
enumerates the different classes of those who do not agree with him
in his opinion of the nature of the Monarchy: "Officium lIonarchae
"sive imperii dependet a Deo immediate." He arraigns Boniface,
not expressly but in a transparent manner: "Sunt et tertii quos
Decretalistas vocant, Theologiae et Philosophae cujus1ibet inscii et
"expertes, suis Decretalibus (quas profecte venerandas existimo)
"tota intentione innixi, de illarum praevalentia credo sperantes, im-
"perio derogant." Ilis intention is more clearly revealed in the
refutation he makes of the appJication of the text: " Eeee duo gladii
hie, to the double power of the Pope. The 'defenders of the RegaJia
have found that all the venom of the theories of Boniface regarding
his Papa] power over kings, was hidden in the :figurative sense at-
tributed by this Pontiff to the two famous swords of St. Peter. It is
curious to read how Dante interprets the passage: U Eee duo gladii
U hie /' and the other: U Quodeumque ligaveris; n to see how that lofty
soul had been depressed by exile, and was unfortunate in its efforts
to recover the power of its reason: . . . . " Under the shadow of the
" holy wings."
NOTE (2P).
A LETTER TO ALBERT, KING OF THE ROMANS.
Alberto Regi Romanorum illustri ad perpetuam rei memoriam.
Patris aeterni Filius Dominus Jesus Ohristus, cujus licet immeriti
vices in terris gerimus, misericordiae benignitatem exercens, ut in
ejus beneplacita feramus jugum apostolicae servitutis, viam nos hu-
militatis edocuit, nosque suorum doctrinis mandatorum instruxit, ut
ipsius vestigia, qui patiens et humilis est acque misericors, quantum
patitur humana fragilitas imitemur. Nos itaque ipsius exemplo
dirigi cupientes, quos ad nos fiducia devota reducit, libenter brachiis
paternae benignitatis amplectimur, illis(IUe sin urn mansuetudinis et
misericordiae non negamus, dum eis, praesertim devotionis et humili-
tatis instantia suffragatur .......................................
Ad gloriam igitur omnipotentis Dei Patris, et Filii, et Spiritus
NOTES AND DOCUl\IENTS.
541
sancti, et beatae ac gloriosae semperque virginis Mariae, beatorum
quoque apostolorum Petri, et Pauli; et ad honorem et exaltationem
sanctae Romanae ecclesiae ac Imperii praedictorum, et prsperum
statum mundi; de fratrum nostrorum consilio, praesente quoque
praelatorum et aliorum copiosa multitudine curialium, auctoritate
apostolica, et de apostolicae plenitudine potestatis, te in specialem
filium nostrum recipimus et ecclesiae memo rate, ae in Regem Roma-
norum assuminus, in Imperatorem, auctore Domino, promovendum;
volentes et statuentes, ut de caetero talis filius Rexque Romanorum
existas, in Imperatorem, ut praemittitur, promovendus; et quod pro
tali ab aliis habearis, tibique sicut Romanorum Regi electo legitime,
et Aquisgrani coronato obedire debere ab omnibus, et singulis sacro
Romano subjectis Imperio, sicut pareri solet et debet praedecessoribus
tuis Romanorum Regibus, legitime intrantibus, et a praefata sede
hactenus approbatis: supplentes omnem defectum, si quis aut ratione
formae, aut ratione tuae vel tuorum electorum personarum, seu ex
quavis alia ratione vel causa, sive quocumque modo in hujusmodi tua
electione, coronatione, ac administratione fuisse noscatur, Omnia
insuper et singula, per te vel alios de mandato tuo facta et habita in
administratione praedicta, quae alias justa et licita extitissent, ita
valere decernimus et tenere, sicut si administratio ipsa tibi eompe-
tisse legitime n osceretur. . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. ...... ...... ... ... ... ... ... .. ... ......... ......................
DOCU1.fENT (2Q).
CONSTITUTION OF BONIFACE REGARDIKG HIS CONFLICT WITH
PHILIP THE FAIR,
Ad perpetuam rei memoriam. Rem non novam aggredimur, neque
viam insolitam ambulamus, sed anterioris juris calcatam vestigiis
praesentis constitutionis indubitato roboramus suffragio, et incon-
cusso munimine stabilimus. . . .
Praemissis igitur in debitam considerationem deductis....
declaramus de fratrum nostrorum consilio, et nihilominus hoc edicto
perpetuo valituro firmamus et statuimus, ut citationes auctoritate.
apostolic a de quibuscumque personis, undecunque et ubicumque sint,
cujuscumque status, dignitatis, vel praeeminentiae, ecclesiasticae vel
mundanae, etiam si imperiali aut regali fulg-eant dignitate; prae-
sertim si impediant, vel faeiant per se vel alies quoquomodo ne cita-
tiones ipsae ad eos perveniant, ex quacumque causa faciendo ut citan-
dorum, domicilia sive loca tute vel lib ere adiri non possint; cum,
prout scriptum est, existimare debeamus an eo ire liceat ubi est citatio
fa('ienda; provide ad instar edictorum praefatorum propositorum in
albo praetoris etiam extra solemnes dies, in quibus Romani Pontifices
suos faC'pre consueverunt generales processus publice id nobis spe-
cialiter et ex certa scientia jubpntibus, factae in audientia literarum
nostrarum, aut in aula nostri palatii postmodum affigendae januis
542
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS.
majoris ecclesiae loci, in quo Romana communis omnium Christi ani
populi nationum residebit curia, ut cunctis possint pater
, et ita de-
Jerri citatis sic valeant, ac arctent citatos post terminum lapsum,
quem considerata locorum distantia volumus citationibus ipsis com-
pententem apponi, sicut si ipsos personaliter apprehendissent; non
obstantibus aliquibus priviIegis, indulgentiis, et literis apostolicis,
generalibus aut speciliabus quibuscumque personis pontificali, im
perali, regali, vel alia ecclesiastica seu mundana dignitate praeditis,
aliisque inferioribus, seu ecclesiis, monasteriis, locis, collegiis et uni-
versitatibus in quacumque verborum forma concesssi, per quae talium
citationum effectus possit quomodolibet impediri, etiam si de ips is et
eorum totis tenoribus de verbo ad verbum aut de propriis nominibus
personarum, et infra, oporteat in nostris literis fieri mentionem.
NulIi ergo, etc. Dat. Anagniae XYIII. KaI. septembris anno IX.
NOTE (2R).
THE PIETY OF BONIFACE.
God alone can judge interior piety, because he alone can search the
hearts and reins. In judging, men have no other criterion but that of
works, which though fallible always suffices on earth to distinguish
good men from bad. We have said that it is fallible because hypoc-
risy hides itself cleverly and so carefully that it is often impossible
(not always, however), to discover its shameful nakedness. We have
found a proof of the piety of Pope Boniface, in a manuscript in the
library of the Dukes of Urbino, numbered 1675, entitled: "Life,
U habits, manners of Pope Boniface VIII., events of his Pontificate,"
and which we have mentioned elsewhere, In this work, after a great
amount of abuse against this Pope, we read these words: . . . . "And
" nevertheless, aU these iniquities had not increased. because showing
"much devotion and humility in the churches, and devotion to the
" Holy Virgin, he never failed to repair to the church of the Lateran,
" and the church named after the Crucifix, where he remained to pray
"two full hours daily." Two prayers composed by this Pontiff, the
one in honor of Jesus crucified, and the other to the glory of our Lady
of Sorrows, very short prayers, but full of tender and sincere piety,
admirably confirm the words of this anonymous author, The former
being known in Latin, we will produce it from the translation made
in XIII. century, probably by Boniface himself. In pemsing the
manuscript 4839 in the vatican Library, which dates from the XIII.
century, and which belonged to Viero dei Vieri, we found on page 94
the foIIowing words: "This prayer written here below was composed
"by Pope Boniface VIII., and he who recites it each day for thirty
"days. who fasts one day devoutly, who repents and confesses his
"sins, will receive pardon from an his sins on the part of the said
Pope,"
NOTES AND DOCUlIIENTS,
543
lC 0 Lord God, who for our Redemption, was pleased to be
lC reproved by the Jews. to be betrayed by the kiss of Judas, to be
"bound with cords, to be led as to a sacrifice, innocent and faultless
"conducted into the presence of Annas, Caipas, Pilate and Herod,
"to be accused by false witnesses, to be pierced by sharp nails, to be
" scourged, to be loaded with opprobrium, crowned with thorns. to
"be struck with the hands, to be raised on the Cross between two
"thieves, to be given gall and vinegar to drink, to be pierced by a
" lance; 0 Lord God, by these most holy sufferings, to which I have
"recourse, thy unworthy servant, and by the holy Cross. deliver me
"from all dang-er, assist me in my necessities whilst I livc in this
II world; and at my ileath deliver me from the pains of hell, and
"deign to lead me a poor sinner to that place where thou didst lead
"the crucified thief, and where thou livcst and reign est with the
"Father and the Holy Ghost, true God forever and ever. Amen."
The other prayer to the Blessed Virgin is in verse. It was found
by Jerome Amati in an old codex in the Vatican librar;y, and pub-
lished by }>erticari in his treatise on The defence of Dante, in chapter
XXVI. In this codex it is stated that these verses, which we here
produce, were recited, in the XVth century, in the Basilica of
t. Panl
outside the waIls; whereby Perticari proves that the Pope favored the
devplopment of our infant language by consecrating it to the serYÏce
of the Church. In this manuscript we read: l' Holy Pope Bonifa('e
" VIII. composed the following prayer, and granted to those who wi1l
re('ite it. deliverance from a sudden death." "The Virgin stood
"beneath the Cross, she beheld J e..sus, the true light, suffer; mother of
"the King of the whole universe, she beheld His head which was
"bowed, and all his body which was tortured for the redemption
"of this wi ('ked worlc1. Rhe beheld her Son who looked upon her and
" said: 0 9fflicted woman, fun of bitterness and unhappiness, behold
" thy son, and He pointed out John to her. She beheld vinegar mixed
l' with gall given to the sweet Jesus Christ to drink, and a big lance
"pierce His heart.
he heheld her Son having suffered everything
" say with the scriptures: It is consummated. A flood of tears suf-
"fused her eyes. The Yirgin :Mother weeps for the Redeemer of
"Heaven and earth. The grief of thy heart was intense, Virgin
":Mother, beholding thy dear Ron expire, This suffering was so ex-
"treme that it surpassed a thousand times the suffering of aU the
"martyrs, martyred for thee. :Mother of 1.[erc;y, humble and com-
"passionate, tbe only hope of my soul. grant me victory over the
"enemy." These verses which Perticari caUs poor verses. and which
we :find were not so paltry, are an abridgment of that most tender
elel!Y, the Slabat ]{aler. The readf'r can judge humanly speaking.
from these two prayprs, whether the heart of Boniface was, as it was
accused, a filthy pool, or whether, on the ('ontrary, it was tempered
hy sweet and holy affections, which revealed a man nourished by the
things of God,
544
NOTES A
D DOCUME
TS.
DOCUMENT (28).
Bl"LL OF BEXEDIC'T XI AGAIXST THE PERSECUTORS OF BONIFACE.
Benedictus, etc. ad perpetuam rei memoriam.
Flagitiosum scelus, et scelestum flagitium, qud quidam scerat-
issimi viri. summum au dentes nefas, in personam bonae memoriae
Bonifacii Papae VIII. praedecessoris nostri, non sine gravi perfidia
commiserunt, puniendum prosequi ex justis causis hucusque distu-
limus: sed ulterius sustinere non possumus, quin exurgamus, immo
Deus in nobis exurgat, ut dissipentur inimici ejus, et ab ipsius facie
fugiant, qui oderunt eum: dissipentur dicimus, si "ere poenitent,
sicut ad praedicationem Jonae, Ninive con versa est: aUas ut Jerico
subvertantur Olim siquidem, dum idem Bonifacius Anagniae pro-
priae originis loco cum sua curia resideret, ipsum nonnnlIi perditionis
filii, primogeniti sathanae, et iniquitatis alumni, omni pudore post-
posito, et reverentia retrojecta, praelatum subditi. parentem liberi, et
vassaIIi dominum GuiIIelmus scilicet de N ogareto, Renaldus de 8u-
pillO, etc. et alii factionis ministri armati hostiliter et injuriose coepe-
runt, manus in eum injecerunt impias, protervas erexerunt cerYÍces,
Be blasphemiarum ,oces funestas ignominiose jactarunt. Eodem
etiam facto et opera per ejusdem factionis complices et alios thesaurus
Romanae ecclesiae ablatus violenter extitit, et nequiter asportatus.
Haec palam, haec publice, haec notorie, et in nostris etiam ocuIis
patrata fuerunt. In his laesae majestatis, perdueIlionis, sacrilegii,
legis J uliae de vi publica, Corneliae de sicariis, privati carceris, et
rapinae, furti, et tot alia, quot ex hujusmodi facto facinora secuta
sunt, crimina, et ielloniae etiam delictum commissa notamus:
in iis stupidi facti sumus. Quis crudelis hie a lacrymis temperet?
Quis odiosus compassionem non habeat
Quis deses, aut remissus
judex ad procedendum non surgat? Quis pius sive miserieors non
efficiatur seyerus? Hic violata securitas, hic immunitas temerata.
Propria patria tutela non fnit, nee domus refugium: summum Pon-
tificium dehonestatum est; et, suo capto sponso, Ecclesia quodam-
modo captivitata. Quis locus reperietur amodo tutus? Quae sancta,
Romano violato Pontifice, poterunt invenire? 0 piaculare flagitium,
o inauditum facinus, 0 Anagnia misera. quae talia in te fieri passa
es! Ros et pluvia super te non cadant, in alios descendant montes, te
autem transeant, quia te vidente, et prohibere valente, fortis cecidit,
et accinctus rob ore superatus est. 0 infelicissimi patratores, non
imitati quem nos imitari volumus David sanctum, qui in Christum
Domini. etiam inimicum, persecutorem et aplTIulum suum, quia dictum
('rat: Noli tangere ('hristos meos; manum extenòere nouit, et in
extendentem irrui gladio juste fecit. Infandus dolor, lamentabile
factum. perniciosum exemplum, inexpiabile malum. et confusio mani-
festa! Sume lamentum EccIesia, ora tua fletibus rigent, et in adju-
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS.
545
torium debitae ultionis filii tui de longe veniant, et filiae de latere
surgant.
Verum quia scriptum est: Feci judicium et justitiam; et Honor
Regis judicium diligit; nos in praedictis sic judicium, quod ad ho-
norem nostrum pertinet, faeere eupimus. quod a justitia minime
divertamus Actull1 Perusivii. ide junii pontificatus nostri anno 1.
NOTE (2T).
THE I
FA}lOUS ERASURES :MADE IX THE REGISTER OF THE LETTERS OF
BO:XIFACE.
Thanks to the obliging kindness of the illustrious prefect of the
secret archives of the Vatican,
fonsignor "Morini, to whom we shall
be ever grateful. we had every facility to consult the magnificent
register manuscript containing the letters of Boniface VIII. It was
with no little anxiety of mind that we read, in the second register,
for the seventh year of the Pontificate, on page 140, the protest of the
X otary Apostolic, against the erasure of all the writings of this
Pontiff which offended Philip, and which this prince had tyrannieally
ilemanded. These are the words: "Ego Oddo de sermineto, Pub.
"Apostolica auctoritate notarius ae litterarum apostolicarum re-
"g-istrator de expresso mandato reverendissimorum Patrum D.
"Berengarii Episeopi Tusculani, ae D. Arnaldi, tituli S. Priscae,
"Presb. Cardinalis S. R. E. Vice-Cancel1arii facto mihi per eos ex
"parte SSe Patris Domini nostri D. Clementis Divina providentia
"PP. V. qui hoc eis pluries mandaverat. ut dicebant, feci, seu in
"praesentia mea et magistrorum Andreae de Setia et Emmanue1is
"de Parma fieri feci rasuras vacuas quae sunt in quarto, quinto et
"sexto foliis proxime praecedentibus, quarum primum immediate
"praecedit quaedam littera, quae incipit; De statu terrarum, et se-
"C)uitur alia quae ineipit: N'uper ex rationalibus. Secunda vero
"rasura facta in litera, quae ineipit A useulta: incipit immediate
"post verba efficaeiter adimplere et infra: et finit ante verba ilIa Ad
u te igitur. Tertia autem rasnra in eadem 1itera facta, ineipit im-
"mediate post verba nee habens aliq1lod inhonest1lm et infra. Et
"finit ante ,'erba ilIa Ad ],aec ne Terrae sandae negotium. Ibidem
" in quarta linea subsequenti facta una alia rasura unius tantummodo
"òietionis. Ultima quoque rasura incipit proxime post ilIa ut in
It praesenti divinam gratiam. Ideoque praedicta de eodem mandato
"in rei ge""tae testomonium scrip...i sub so1ito signo meo. Viennae in
"hospitio Domini Cardina1is Viee-Cancellarii supradieit, vivae vocis
" oraculo."
1':t ego An(lreas Taccanius de Setia. public. imperiali auetoritate
notarius ae Literarum Apo""tol. Regestrator. praedicta omnia per
eundem modum ut praedictus :Magister Odrlo de eodem mandato feci,
seu ficri feci. Ideoque de mandato praedicto hie in rei gestae te.-
225032
546
NOTES A
D DOCUMENTS:
timonium in domo praedicti D. Vice-Cancellarii me subscripsi sub
solito signo meo.
These pages erased by the violent order of Philip the Fair were sad
to behold. ".,. e gazed on them for a long time and thinking of these
words: "Ex parte Domini 110stri D Clementis PP. V.," we deplored
more the weakness of this Pontiff than the wickedness of the King.
'T ()R T i, T. .
"Df"\V
u
749
History of Pope Boniface VIII.T67.
and his times