EXCHANGE
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'A 'N 'asnoBJ
The Pre-Socratic Use of
As a Term for the Principle of Motion
BY
SISTER M. THOMAS AQUINAS, O. S. IX, M. A
OF T;
SISTEI;- 01 UINT DOMINI- , StNsiNA
A DISSERTATION
Submitted to the Catholic Sixters College of the Catholic
< '// of America in Partial Fulfillment
of the Requirements for the Degree
Doctor of Philosophy
WASHINGTON, D. C.
JUNE, 1915
The Pre-Socratic Use of
As a Term for the Principle of Motion
BY
SISTER M. THOMAS AQUINAS, O. S. D., M. A.
OF THE
SISTERS OF SAINT DOMINIC, SINSINAWA, WISCONSIN
A DISSERTATION
Submitted to the Catholic Sisters College of the Catholic
University of America in Partial Fulfillment
of the Requirements for the Degree
Doctor of Philosophy
WASHINGTON, D. C.
JT-TNE, 1915
NATIONAL CAPITAL PRESS, INC
BOOK MANUFACTURERS
WASHINGTON, D. C
PREFACE
The general purpose of this study is to modify some of the effects
due to the necessities of language among the Greek philosophers
of the fifth and sixth centuries B. C. There can be no doubt
that ideas conceived at this time suffered from lack of adequate
forms of expression. Later thinkers, exhibiting a disregard for
the effects of inadequate terminology, have assigned to the pre-
Socratic philosophers theories inconsistent with true growth of
thought. A study of the word ^VM as standing for a kinetic
principle in the minds of philosophers preceding Socrates cannot
fail to emphasize the consideration of the need of terms as a factor
in the history of philosophy.
On the positive side, this study would suggest an adjustment of
the sources for Greek terms for the soul in an effort to account
for the vocabulary of later philosophers regarding ^uxi? proper.
The method adopted in the collection of pre-Socratic terms
would balance a too ready acceptance of words ascribed to early
thinkers and an absolute rejection of terms colored by Aristotelian
influence.
The scope of the study includes terms for apx^ for ^v\ij as
a kinetic principle, and for would-be agent causes as used during
the century and a half of Greek speculation from Thales (585 B.C.)
to Democritus (420 B. C.).
The frequent mention of Diels' Die Fragmente der Vorsokratiker
(abbreviated For.), of Diels' Doxographi Graeci (Dox.)9 of Ritter
and Preller's Historia Philosophiae Graecae (R. P.), and of Hick's
edition of Aristotle's De Anima indicates the free use of works
invaluable in this study.
To the Reverend William Turner, S. T. D., at whose suggestion
this thesis was written, is due grateful acknowledgement of
encouragement and assistance.
Sister Thomas Aquinas.
Feast of Saint Thomas Aquinas, O. P.,
March 7, 1915.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
PAGE
I. Introduction.
1. The Purpose of a Study of Terms for Kinetic foxy- - 7
2. The Method of Treatment of Pre-Socratic Terms. ... 11
II. Study of Terms for Kinetic
1. Early Ionian Terms .............................. 14
2. Early Pythagorean Terms ......................... 21
3. Terms of Heraclitus .............................. 25
4. Eleatic Terms ................................... 29
5. Summary of Terms of Pre-Socratic Dynamism ....... 33
6. Terms of Empedocles ............................. 36
7. Terms of Anaxagoras ............................. 39
8. Terms of the Successors of Anaxagoras ............. 43
9. Summary ....................................... 46
III. Bibliography.
I. INTRODUCTION
1. THE PURPOSE OF A STUDY OF TERMS FOR KINETIC
Aristotle, in the first chapter of De Anima, justified his treatise
on the soul when he said: "It would seem, too, that an acquaint-
ance with this subject contributes to the whole domain of truth."
Likewise a knowledge of the word 4/vxy as used in a particular
sense by the early Greek philosophers seems well worth while as
teaching that Truth is the First and the Last.
Since an understanding of the first attempts at a physical
system implies a first-hand rather than a traditional knowledge
of the words these thinkers used, a study of the kinetic fax?) is
proper to an investigation of the theories of the physicists before
Socrates.
The use of faxy in another sense than for the soul of man recurs
from Thales to Democritus. Commonly held to stand for a
principle of animation, in its earliest use it may have stood for
only the principle of motion. For these early thinkers life was not
necessarily coextensive with motion. Linguistic poverty accounts
for the use of this term to express now the idea of mere mobility
and again the quality of animation. According to an imperfect
analogy — "a likeness and a difference" (Theophratus III, 152
Winimer) — objects could have been thought of as e/^xa — en-
dowed with if/vxy — and the whole term could have been used
when only the attribute of motion was being predicated of things.
We cannot too often recall, in a study such as this, that the object
of speculation at this period was nature and that the purpose
of the so-called philosophers of these days was to find an under-
lying principle — a "one." Sometimes they cast the problem into
another form and set it in terms of change when they asked how
things were "moved."
It is fairly established that there was no definite speculation
regarding the human soul in the early days of philosophy. It goes
without saying that the three Aristotelian distinctions of ^ux1?
were not in the minds of the pre-Socratics. The first philosoph-
ical ^vxr] represented a kinetic principle rich in promise. The
physiologers took the term faxy out of popular phraseology
and raised it from its place in their Homeric and pre-philosophical
7
3 ' PRE-SGCRATIC PRINCIPLE OF MOTION
inheritance to stand for a would-be cosmothetic force somewhat
after the manner in which they adopted apxrj for philosophical
terminology.
The knowledge of pre-Socratic systems has suffered from a con-
founding of the term \f/vxn as used for a kinetic principle with
the old (and later the new-old) term \f/vx"n as used for the principle
of animation and for the soul of man. The identification of if/vxy
and apx*] has branded the earliest lonians with latent materialism.
The simplest explanation of the identification of these /terms is
by no means final. To decide that, after the physicist had reduced
all things to air, fire, or some other body, he postulated, by way of
a corollary, this primary element as the cause of vital function
is only to include \j/vxij taken as standing for the human soul,
in apx'n ^ the material substratum of all things. Commentators
were prone to read into a term the sense it held in their own time.
The only meaning of the term faxy in the mind of most later
thinkers was ^ux1? as it stood for the human soul and included
the principle of life. Again, the analysis of this equation which
discredits scepticism as a natural attitude is on the side of \f/vx~n as
a term for soul proper. The fact that the power of the mind gives
rise to processes mentally reproducing the nature of the object
known has been noted as potent enough to cause early thinkers to
infer that the soul is a mixture of all elements. If all things were
reduced to a primitive substance, then would the mind that knows
them be that substance; ^ux1?, the knowing part of us, becomes
identical with apx'n > the first principle. However satisfactory as
explanations of theories attributed to the philosophers who began
to give attention to mental science, for the early lonians at least,
who, as physicists, certainly used \f/vx~n in other than the old sense,
these solutions of the equation are strained. The formation of
what seems to us an equation was probably due to a lack of words,
while \f/vxr) as the original member of it was merely kinetic in force.
apx'n was the basis of all things and all things were moved, \f/vxn
being the principle of motion. If apx'n and faxy coexisted
hylokinetically, then \l/vxrj as a force in nature was the kinetic
aspect of apx'n- Philosophy from the first tended toward physical
dualism and fax*} buried in apx'n contained part of the efficient
cause in germ. The crude but prophetic half -concept ion of a
force causing things to move was impeded by a lack of words for
this new element of thought. The growth of the notion of trans-
INTRODUCTION 9
lent force culminated in vovs or vovs /ecu twh- Anaxagoras was
the true successor of the earlier thinkers; the Atomists were
unworthy heirs of Ionian philosophy.
Recalling that distinctions very clear in our own day had not
yet been made in philosophy at this time, we cannot project upon
the pre-Socratics a system of causes which was the outcome of a
synthesis of many threads of speculation. Nevertheless, the
philosopher of that day was the forerunner of both the cosmologist
and the scientist, whose conclusions can never be contradictory.
These early explanations due to natural processes of thought
carried phases belonging to separate fields of later philosophical
speculation. When studying Greek philosophy in its beginnings,
we must not overlook the fact that there was often mental dis-
crimination on the part of the early thinkers where we find identity
of term. Their lack of words for their new ideas should not convict
them of the ancient errors of modern times.
Besides its effect on our knowledge of the physical theories of
the pre-Socratics, a consideration of the exact sense of their use
of il/vx'n and its derivatives should discredit the assumption of
ethnological animism. Recent theorists, not emphasizing the
distinction of kinetic \J/vxy as a principle for inanimate objects
and ^UXT? as a principle of life and thought, have tried to convict
the earliest Greek philosophers of animism in support of the
* 'soul-theory" or "ghost-theory" of religion. This theory, which
attacks the integrity of the history of religion, is insecurely based
on evidence afforded by the mere necessity of language at a period
before philosophy distinguished immanent and transient motion.
Philology has offered opposition to this evolutionistic trend of
thought by pointing out that objects called living were so called
from a lack of words to represent qualities they were conceived as
possessing. (Cf. Max Miiller — Lectures on the Origin of Religion.)
Viewed in our perspective, many of the terms for qualitative
refinement and for quantitative indeterminateness applied to
ij/vxy as a term for the principle of motion, now in reference to
the kinetic aspect of apx'n and again to apx'n without regard to
its principle of motion, contributed to the vocabulary used to
describe fax*} proper when the heirs of Socrates began to turn
their minds to conscious psychological speculation. Philosophy
now easily passes from the notion of soul as a life-giving, animating
principle to the idea of a sensitive or of a rational soul. The
10 PRE-SOCRATIC PRINCIPLE OF MOTION
Greeks arrived at the complete notion of \l/vx"n by two lines of
thought. One line began in the earliest physical systems of the
pre-Socratics. Faintly drawn for themselves, it is almost obliter-
ated for us through their lack of words. We know only that they
used the term \l/vxh ; we do not know that they even perceived the
analogy which led them to use a term wider than the power they
intended to connote by it. We cannot regard the words gathering
around this natural force as the sole influence in the development
of terminology for iwxh proper. Kinetic \f/vxri may appear dis-
torted in the isolation to which it is subjected in an effort to balance
former lack of consideration of its claims as a factor in termi-
nological progress. In offsetting the decided tendency to indicate
the effect of the old popular term and idea and of the vague philo-
sophical \f/vxr] proper on the ^u%i? of the physicist, we cannot
disregard cross-lines of popular notions and terms with would-be
philosophically technical thought and expression. Yet, while
we admit this interaction as well as the unconscious subjective
element in speculation by which the power of thought is trans-
ferred to things, we would qualify for even the first Greek philos-
pher the assertion that inanimate were assimilated to animate
objects.
When philosophical speculation centered on the human soul,
attention turned first to the element of sensation, that other
source of knowledge and terms for if/vxy so often noted by Aris-
totle. (Cf. De Anima 403 b 2). There is no sharp definition of
the periods for the use of ^vx'n m physical and psychological
senses. When the time came to consider the element of motion
in the definition of the human soul and the ideas and terms for
il/vxy as an objective principle were in turn caught up for "our
soul," the use of the word faxy had completed an orbit in the
history of philosophy. In seeking to determine how part of the
vocabulary came to be at hand for the expression of Platonic and
of Aristotelian notions for the new-old power in man, we find at
least one source of terms in expressions for the force in nature for
which the old terms for power, human or divine, had been borrowed
by philosophy in its beginnings. The Homeric and popular
inheritance of terms for faxy was not directly transmitted to the
greatest Greek philosopher. The loan of terms was compensated
for with interest by the physiologers who had, on the way, ground
down many of these words to terms fitting the ideas of incorporeal-
INTRODUCTION 11
ity and of immortality as defined on the heights of philosophic
thought.
2. THE METHOD OF TREATMENT OF
PRE-SOCRATIC TERMS
We have aimed to follow a via media and to adopt in our method
a mean between over-ready acceptance of terms for the pre-
Socratics and a final rejection of all terms attributed to them on
the authority of those affected by Aristotelian form of expression.
Truth cannot be sacrificed to an exaggerated attitude of historical
insight. The words of those thinkers were pre- Aristotelian, but
the human mind philosophized even when the philosopher knew
nothing of the nature of his own mode of thought. We shall not
deny to the Greek thinkers before Socrates certain tendencies
natural to speculation in every age.
"When a given symbol which represents a thought has lain for
a certain length of time in the mind, it undergoes a change like
that which rest in a certain position gives iron. It becomes
magnetic in its relations — it is traversed by strange forces which
did not belong to it. The word, and consequently the idea it
represents, is polarized." (O. W. Holmes. The Professor at the
Breakfast Table.)
An appreciation of the early Ionian standpoint often demands
that words attributed to Ionian thinkers be subjected in the days
of developed terminology to a process of depolarization. The
early philosophers themselves, though scarcely realizing its need,
were unconsciously influenced by some such process when com-
pelled to adopt for their new ideas terms in use as forms of religious
and popular expression. The terms of religion suggested them-
selves through the evident relativity of the new philosophical
notions and of the old conceptions of the attributes of the gods,
who, while not then in philosophy, were deep in the lives of these
philosophers. The tendency of thinkers to stop on the brink of
the great conclusion just short of a great contribution and to fall
the lower for their ascent often accounts for a falling back on old
catch-phrases and popular expressions.
The terms for kinetic ^v\ii used by the philosophers of the
principal schools before the time of Socrates fall into two general
classes: (1) the terms found at first hand in the fragments of the
early thinkers themselves and (2) the terms occurring in mediate
12 PRE-SOCRATIC PRINCIPLE OF MOTION
and secondary sources which state opinions attributed to these
thinkers.
Where we have an immediate and first-hand source in an authen-
tic fragment, we must further consider the philosopher's termino-
logical inheritance, whether popular or philosophical, as well as
his attitude of mind in using his words. Later thinkers were often
inclined to overrate an unscientific, popular, or casual use of a
term. An unphilosophical expression remains in the class which
Aristotle would call a mere oi/ojua. On the other hand, there was
sometimes an effort for exactness in an attempt to express a
thought which was ahead of current terminology. An old term
had then taken on a new content or inner sense — Stawta, as
Aristotle would call it. Again, even when the use of the term was
scientific, the philosopher's temperament often dictated his form
of expression, and style, or Xe£is, regulated the adoption of one
word above another, as in the case of Empedocles and of Heraclitus.
The point of view of the age and of the philosopher consciously
using these terms largely determined the inner sense of the word.
Philosophy in that age was taking for granted all things but apxrj-
While turning full attention on the sense of faxy in one place,
the philosopher could have accepted, as his age accepted, tvx*l
with other terms as mere ovonara.
We may locate the second class of terms in two principal mediate
sources: Aristotle and the Doxographers. The Doxographers
include Theophrastus, the authors of the Placita, who, for the
most part, drew from him, Plutarch, Simplicius and the other
historians of opinions. Plato, whose references to pre-Socratic
thinkers are comparatively few, can scarcely be regarded as a
fruitful source for this period. To the Pythagoreans and Parmen-
ides he gave some attention, presenting them, however, not as
historical characters but as his own creations.
Aristotle has been accused of reading his own views into the
theories of early philosophers. In the first chapter of De Anima
and in the first book of Metaphysics he has given a synopsis of the
opinions of those who went before him. It is true that this
account is in his own terms, and yet he seemed to recognize the
frequent attempts of the other seekers to bring their phraseology
up to the level of their new ideas. While he censured, in some
cases, it would seem, undeservedly, he did not fail to praise as well.
In cautious qualifications, here and there, of his own terms in
INTRODUCTION 13
explaining the theories of his predecessors (Cf . De An. 404 and 405),
Aristotle was evidently conscious that he was himself speaking
on the heights of his own system.
We must observe a cautious discrimination of sources when
accepting terms occurring in the Doxographers. (Cf. Fairbanks
p. 263). An et7T€p or a X&ycrat were often dropped in the tradi-
tion to which the words of Aristotle and of others were subjected.
These historians of opinions, failing to depolarize the terms they
cited, exhibit tendencies of "accommodation," of false inference,
and of inaccurate listing of philosophers. In many cases the
historian of philosophy has accepted doxographic tradition on
faith. It should not be necessary to note that distinctions familiar
enough today were contributed by periods subsequent to the fifth
century B. C. The pre-Socratics did not deal in the full-grown
ideas and much less in the words often attributed to them. The
method of Theophrastus (and of those drawing on him as a source)
of casting into Aristotelian terms the naive solutions offered in
pre-Socratic times was sometimes responsible for distorted tradi-
tion. We shall endeavor, then, not to transform a pre-Socratic
thinker into a post-Aristotelian, but thus forewarned, we may
accept the potent fact that the philosophers themselves strove for
new words and that their minds "compelled by truth itself "
(Arist. Met. 984, b 8) spoke words other than those afforded by
their language.
II. STUDY OF TERMS FOR KINETIC
1. EARLY IONIAN TERMS
The early lonians were physicists; they were neither meta-
physicians nor psychologists in the sense these words bear today.
The method of each early Ionian philosopher might be described
as corresponding to the method of Thales, who was led to his con-
clusion about a first principle by things that appear to the senses.
(Simpl. Phys. 23, 21 Dox. 475.) A recollection of this objective
view-point discredits over-drawn deductions regarding Ionian
theories. If the problem of change furnished by the senses was
the problem these thinkers set out to solve, in their solutions they
began, in a certain sense, to lay down a doctrine of causality.
The word then used for "cause" was not atria but apx'n- By
this was meant a principle approaching Aristotelian "material
cause,'* and yet the Ionian said no more than that apx'n furnished
the ground for the existence of other things. That a material
cause should be held as actually giving being to its effect had not
yet suggested itself to these early thinkers. Saint Thomas noted
that those of the ancient philosophers who acknowledged motion
in things admitted motion only as to accidents, as in rarity and
density, aggregation and disgregation. (Summa Theolog. I, Q.
LXIV, a. 2.) Yet while they were looking beneath the surface
for a fundamental principle, they were at the same time developing
a principle of motion. Aristotle (Met. 984 b I) seemed to see in
the ideas of Parmenides the first recognition of the nature of
such a cause. If we trust to the natural mode of thought and go
back even of Parmenides, we find traces of the crude conception
and of the imperfect and confused expression of some kind of
force, which for the pre-Socratics averaged into an expression
indicating kinetic power. To the Ionian physiologers at this
point in the development of philosophy we leave wide margin
for the unquestioning acceptance of the idea of a moving force.
The popular god was dropped from the world of the physicists,
who were considered adeoi (Cf. Simplicius, Phys. Dox. 475), but
their habits of thought were not so easily changed since their
need of words caused them to revert to the term 6e6s for this
newly conceived force. Words heretofore used in quite another
sphere, yet bearing for pre-Socratic thinkers a suggestive analogy,
were frequently heard in the childish accents of their speculations.
14
EARLY IONIAN TERMS 15
The early Ionian inheritance of foxy as a general term for the
source of human activity was strong enough to keep that word
prominently before a thinker groping for a form of expression for
his latent agent cause. Granting that the first agents for the
human language were human agents, we may maintain that the
anthropological element, and with it the element of life, was drop-
ped when the old word foxy was retained by the physicist.
The two statements most directly attributed to Thales have
reference to foxy in its kinetic sense, as the energizing force
and the source of motion, //he said that the magnet has foxy be-
cause it moves iron, said Aristotle (De An. 405 a. 19), then Thales
conceived the soul as something having the power of motion —
KLvyriKov n. Aristotle, consciously treating irepi foxy*, thus
cited an instance of the early use of the term foxy- In this passage
Aristotle was calling attention to the element of motion in the
definition of the human soul which he was himself constructing.
Thales would have regarded the soul as KivyrLKov TL since he used
the word foxy for his moving force, yet it is quite possible that
he would not recognize himself in the De Anima. His outlook
was in quite another direction when he used the significant form
foxy.
Perhaps, said Aristotle (De An. 411 a. 7), Thales said that all
things are full of gods, because, "as some say,'* foxy is interfused
(/z€ju€ix0cu) in things throughout (tv ro> 6Xo>). iravra here was
for Thales the merest unification of the world of phenomena. The
expression 0€ooi> ir\ypy iravTa, which has been elaborated for him
as apxy Mto, Kai KivovfjL&y (Simpl. Phys. Dox. 475), further bespeaks
the need of terms.
Plato (Leg. X, 899 B) decided to include foxai under the
term 6eoL whether they order (/COOT/CIV) the whole heavens as
living beings in bodies or whether they accomplish this in some
other form and manner. Plato further showed that he was here
only repeating the apothegm of Thales. We cannot explain
the form and manner in which the moving force acted on the
elementary water for the first Ionian philosopher. Plato himself,
on the strength of the statement that things are full of gods, in
Platonic phraseology called foxy y fox^ • • • amcu. This mov-
ing force, hylokinetically present in things, is an instance of a
prophetic conception held by the Greek mind.
Diogenes Laertius (1. 27) asserted that Thales held the world
endowed with foxy (^fox°^) and full of Scu/zom in place of
16 PRE-SOCRATIC PRINCIPLE OF MOTION
the 6eoi of the apothegm quoted by Plato and Aristotle. Thales
was* again (Cf. Aetius, Dox. 301) noted as holding TO irav as
entvxov and full of daifjuovcs, but the tradition was too hard
pressed by Stoic influence when it attributed to Thales the identi-
fication of God with the mind of the universe, (vovs rov Kofffwv 6
0e6s). Cicero fell in with this doxography (Cf. Burnet p. 46)
and even raised this tvx'h to the level of a full grown agent cause.
(Cf . D. Deor. N. 10, 15 — earn mentem quae ex aqua cuncta fingeret.)
Since Thales in no conscious sense distinguished matter and its
opposite, the heirs of Aristotelian thought and terminology have
overdrawn decidedly in such statements as: "He supposed soul
to be unsubstantial form." (Cf . Simpl. in Arist. De An. 8 r 31, 32).
Tradition has assigned to Thales a fuller vocabulary than he
possessed and thoughts that are beyond his highest conceptions.
Although his first principle was "one and moved" (/ua KCU
KLvovnevy) , his if/vxrj was a most elementary cause, the form and
manner of whose activity is all hidden in the one word KIV&V. To
say that for him a divine moving power (Swa/us 0ela /aprjri/o?)
pervaded (drfKeiv) the elementary water (Aet. Dox. 301) is to
distort the thought and much more the words of Thales. Yet
when he said that the world was full of gods, Thales had fallen
behind his own thought through need of words.
It can better be said what this first philosophical \l/vxy was not
than what it was. It was not water nor was it the popular deity.
The first principle, the object of speculation was one and moved.
Everything came from water, but everything was full of gods.
The dpxi? was determined and its /aVrjo-is was if/vx^l-
Aside from the inferences of his commentators, there is no
evidence of an attempt on the part of Thales himself to give any
terms to the human soul. We have noted that later efforts to fix
\l/vxi) proper were significant in their appeal to the quality of
motion which the physicists were forced to express in the old
terms €%etv tvxfy-
The process of how things came out of the elementary water
has been described for Thales as the purely accidental process of
solidifying and melting. (Cf. irrjyvvffBat, and diavlevBaL of Hipp.
Dox. 555.)
The point of transition from Thales to Anaximander is in the con-
ception of a first principle. Thales was one of those who said
that the material substratum of things was one and moved, but
EARLY IONIAN TERMS 17
he said also that it was limited. (TreTrepao-nevn — Simpl. Phys.
Dox. 475.) Anaximander's first principle could not be quanti-
tatively designated by any word then in use and so he adopted for
philosophy a word to signify the boundlessness or the endlessness
of his apxrj- He first imported (/co/afci?) the term aireLpos. (Cf.
Simpl. Phys. Dox. 476). It is not so probable that Anaximander
was the first to employ the term apx'n (Hipp. Dox. 559) in a
philosophical sense. (Cf . Burnet p. 52.)
While there is no evidence for the qualitative determination of
Anaximander's principle, we cannot doubt that he unquestioningly
regarded it as material. Commentators tried qualitatively to
determine this apx'n which was TO aireLpov by fixing it between
air and water and again between air and fire on the strength of
false interpretations of Aristotle, De Caelo 303 b. (Cf . R. P. 16 b.)
To Anaximander, among others, was attributed the statement
(Theodoret Dox. 387) that the nature of ^vx'h is depots.
This is perhaps significant as bringing into some relation the
falsely determined apx'n and the element of motion within it,
which Anaximander likewise may have expressed by the
term fax*]-
In the consideration of the "process" as explained by early
thinkers we find traces of the kineticism, general or particular,
for which they seem to have made ^vx'n stand. Anaximander
was not ready with words to describe this "process." Theo-
phrastus (Dox. 476) has noted his poetic form of expression where
it is said that things return of necessity (Kara TO xp^v) to
that from which they spring, "paying the penalty to one another
according to the order of time." The process for him was one
requiring a separation of the opposites (airoKpivoiikvuv TUV
havrluv) and this separation took place through eternal motion
(5td TTJS cuStou /ai^o-ccos). This "eternal motion," postulated in
addition to TO airtipov (Hipp. Dox. 559), is prominent in doxo-
graphic tradition for Anaximander. Hermippus (Dox. 653)
represented Anaximander asserting that apx'n w&s older (Trpe<rj3vT€pa)
than water and was eternal motion (cu5ios KLVTJO-LS) by which (ravTy)
things came to be and were destroyed.
Two fragments attributed to Anaximander occur in Aristotle's
Physics (203 b) where Aristotle himself assumed TO aireLpov as
the subject of irepitxew airavra Kal iravra, Kv&epvav. Of whatever
the power to surround all and to direct all was predicated, it is
18 PRE-SOCRATIC PRINCIPLE OF MOTION
significant that these words are found in a verbal citation of one
of those thinkers who, as Aristotle noted, gave no other cause
than TO aTreipov. The Ionian was doubtless giving in these terms
directive power to the kinetic aspect of TO aireipov. (Cf . Tannery
p. 98). Aristotle further assumed TO aireipov to be TO Belov, be-
cause it was for Anaximander and his contemporaries adavaTov
/cat avu\edpov. However, in this passage Aristotle did not fail
to cite vovs and <£iXia as instances of the progress of philosophy
whereby the full grown if/vx'n cause came into its own.
Hippolytus (Dox. 559) repeated irepikxtw for Anaximander
and gave to apx*) the aidios of the Kivrjais. He added for apxn the
term ayrjpcos as kindred of the dfldz/aros and the d*>a>Xe0pos quoted
by Aristotle for Anaximander. To these may be added the
terms cos aytvrjTov re KCLL &<J)6apTov attributed by Simplicius (Phys.
465, 13 D) to the apxy of Anaximander. This apxy Simplicius
called 6elov TO aiTiov. The use of the term Qtlov may indicate
Anaximander's reversion to a form of the word deos for his partly
inherent force. In the days of Anaximander apxh was elevated
from popular to philosophic terminology according to the same
principle by which ^vxh took on its new sense.
The "eternal motion" of Anaximander passed on to Anaximenes.
With Anaximenes we have the continuance of the use of the term
&7T€tpo$ as found in his predecessor, but to the qualitative deter-
mination of the apx^i this philosopher seems to have given most
of his attention. Since we find with him the most definite apxy,
we may here endeavor to determine what these thinkers meant
by that term.
Aristotle (Met. 983 a 27), in giving his own definition of "mater-
ial cause," said (983 b) that most of the early philosophers thought
that only first principles in the form of matter were the sources of
things, (kv vX??* eifct . . . dpxcu.) (Cf. R. P. 10 a.) Aristotle,
attempting in the same passage to define what early thinkers
meant by apxy, decided that e£ ov 'tariv airavTa TO, OVTO, best
fitted their principle, however the TrXrjflos and the ddos may have
differed for the individual thinker.
Anaximenes identified his apxh with ar)p, a word said to have
been used by him synonymously with Trvev^a. (Cf . Act. Dox. 278.)
Simplicius (De Caelo 615 Heiberg) said that di?p was chosen
as apx^i by Anaximenes because it was sufficiently adaptable to
change. (euaXXotcoros Trpos ju
EARLY IONIAN TERMS 19
Conscious of the need of words, Anaximenes (Aet. Dox. 278)
reverted to irepLexew of Anaximander to express the activity of
arjp. Plutarch (de prim. frig, c 7, 947 F) gave x^Xapos as a
new term for Anaximenes in attributing to him the statement
that the relaxed state of matter is from heat.
Wherever arip-apx'h is assigned to Anaximenes, Klvijais is found
with it. Theophrastus (ap. Simpl. Phys. Dox. 476) recorded
that Anaximenes held an "underlying nature" (viroKeLnevrj <£ixris)
which was fj.'ia and aTretpos. After describing the varying rarity
and density of arip, Theophrastus added: "And he, too, posits
eternal motion (idvrjo-Ls <U5ios) through which change takes place.
(5t' f)v Kai rr\v fjLerapo\riv yivtaBai). We have as another form
of expression for this eternal motion of Anaximenes Klvrjffis
e£ aiavos. (Ps. Plut. Strom. Dox. 579.)
Olympiodorus (Berthelot, Collection des anciens alchimistes
grecs, p. 83), introducing the false fragment for Anaximenes
tanv 6 ar)p rov acr^ndrov) said piav 5e KLVovfjLevrjV aireipov
iravr&v r&v ovrwv . . . rbv depa.
Hippolytus (Dox. 560) repeated aweipos afip for Anaximenes
and included 8tol Kai 6ela among the things of which the Ionian
made it the source. Continuing, Hippolytus gave motion as
one of the causes why air becomes perceptible and represented
Anaximenes as having named motion with other changes, but as
having had a special place for it in his mind when he added
KLvtlffdai 8t ael. However, the remark that things would not
change (/*era/3dXXe«') unless arjp were in motion (el M dvoi.ro} is
evidently the statement of the doxographer himself.
In place of being the principle from which the gods and divine
beings came, arjp was identified with 0eos by Anaximenes accord-
ing to Aetius (Dox. 302) who especially noted the term 0e6s.
The fragment attributed to Anaximenes (Aet. Dox. 278)
(olov 17 ifrvx'n V flUtTepa ar)p ovaa avYKparel was, KCLL 6\ov rov Koa^ov irvev-
jua Kai arjp Treptex^t.) is especially noteworthy as marking off
17 \f/vx~n T? fintrepa from the new philosophical principle ^vx'n-
The term for the human soul was used here only in a casual com-
parison and is seen to be the same dpxi? as 6eol and all other
things. Whence its power (rwyKparelv rmas if not frornihe funda-
mental kinetic \fsvxy was a question that remained to be asked.
The (rvjKparclv statement can scarcely be made significant as
20 PRE-SOCRATIC PRINCIPLE OF MOTION
describing a function of the old ^vx'n not yet an object of philos-
ophy. For Anaximenes arip-apxr) was the real subject of irtpikyjuv .
The terms depia (Dox. 214) and depots (Dox. 287) assigned
to Anaximenes as descriptive of fax*} were doubtless derived by
direct inference if they refer to if/vxy proper. All things were
arjp: then the soul must have been like d^p. Again, they may
have been affected by the survival of the relation of arip-apx'h
to fax?) as the kinetic aspect of d^p.
The fact that he postulated a qualitatively determined apxr) in no
wise convicts Anaximenes of a retrogression. We have seen him
taking advantage of the direipos of Anaximander to express the
lack of quantification of his first principle. In the accounts of
the process by which things came from "air-mist" he seems to
have made an effort for words to describe differences demanding
a higher complexity of expression than the terms for the "separa-
tion" process of Anaximander.
Theophrastus (Dox. 476) described the process of "thickening
and thinning," by which the nature of things was made to differ
for Anaximenes, when he said that arjp becomes apaiovpevos and
again irvwoviJLtvos. The forms dpcucoffis and TTVKVUO-IS are also
used to describe the states of Ionian dpx*?. (Ps. Plut. Dox. 579).
Diogenes of Apollonia (423 B. C.) is found in the company of the
lonians of this century as holding dpxi? identical with difa (Cf.
Aristotle, Met. 984 a 5). Aristotle assigned the refinement of
the arip-apx'n of Diogenes, which was iravTuv XeTrroMCpeo-raros, as
the cause of the moving power of soul proper for those who
identified ^ux^ with "air-mist." (Cf. De An. 405 a. 21— ^ux^
. . . 37 dt \eirT6TdTov KLVTJTLKOV elvai). Anaximenes had given a
new turn to things by all unconsciously posing as a representative
of immateriality. He appears to have sought a first principle from
which all things including motion could in reality come. The
criticism (Aet. Dox. 278) which rejected the semi-monism of
Anaximenes is, of course, out of place. dXXd KCU TO TTOIOVV alnov
vwoTiSkvai was not intelligible to an early Ionian philosopher.
2. TERMS OF THE EARLY PYTHAGOREANS
In a treatment of terms for the Pythagoreans the difficulty
lies in keeping earlier and later Pythagorean doctrines and terms
distinct. In most statements of opinions for "the Pythagoreans"
Neo-Pythagorean influence is strong. The doctrine of opposites,
the idea of harmony, and the substantiality of number colored
many of their opinions, and yet the earlier thinkers of this school
were working in the same direction as the early lonians.
The question of the human soul must have been for the Pytha-
goreans, as members of an ethical society, a vital one. Few of
these doctrines, however rich in significant phraseology, were
connected with scientific speculation. One of the traditional
works of Pythagoras himself is irepi ^ux*7* (Cf. Diog. L. VIII-7).
Brotinos, a Pythagorean preceding Hippasus, has been credited
with a work irepi vov KOLL Stadias. (Cf. lamblich. Vor. p. 29.)
Some of the early terms of the Pythagoreans for the faculties of
perception and knowledge would be in place in a study of the
growth of terms for the element of sensation in the definition of the
soul proper.
The possible emphasis with which the "soul of man" was dis-
tinguished from any other fax*] in statements for the Pythago-
reans draws a line between the popular term and the term for a
kinetic principle. This distinction occurred in the traditional
oath: "By him who transmitted to our soul the tetraktys, which
has the spring and root of ever flowing nature." (For the
apeTepa. $VX<L cf. avOpuirov ^vx'h of Herodotus, II, 123 where he
ascribed the doctrine of immortality to the Egyptians and to the
Pythagoreans. A further instance occurs in a statement of
Pythagorean divisions of the soul — Alex. Polyh. ap. Diog. VIII,
30.)
The term Ke<£aXd replaces \l/vxa. in one form of the oath.
(Cf. Aet. Dox. 280 and R. P. 65 (a).) (Od. 2, 237 has /ce<£aXcu
for \l/vxal of Od. 3, 74.) For the iraya aevaov </>u<rea?s 'plfana T'
of the oath cf. 71-77777 KCU apx^ Kivriffews of Plato. (Phaedr. 245 C.)
The terms aBavaros (Hipp. Dox. 557) and a<£0apros (Dox. 392)
were traditionally ascribed to Pythagoras for ^vx"h- The term
aevaos of the oath contributes to the notion of "eternity" so
often connected with the Ionian concept of motion.
21
22 PRE-SOCRATIC PRINCIPLE OF MOTION
Doxographic tradition (Act. Dox. 280) assigned to Pythagoras
dpxat . . . 01 apidjioi /cat <7U/-t/zerptat at kv rourots, as Kat apfjiovias
KaXet. Of the dpxal, continued the doxographer, one tends
toward the creative and form-giving cause which is intelligence,
that is god (kiri TO TroirjTLKov CUTIOV Kat eldutov, oirep kariv vovs 6
0e6s) and the other tends toward the passive and material cause,
which is the visible universe, (tiri TO TraOrjTiKdv TC Kat V\IKOV,
OTTep kffTlV 6 OpCLTOS KOO-jUOS.)
Although we may question this assertion for Pythagoras him-
self, the words of the early representatives of this school indicate a
tendency toward dualism and a probable use of the term ^u%i?
for the principle of motion.
If we allow for doctrines peculiar to the philosophers in the west
(Cf. Arist. Met. 987 a. 15), we find a decided correspondence
between early Pythagorean and early Ionian terminology. For
Pythagoras daijjMves were ^uxiKat ouoiat. (Aet. Dox. 307.) Ac-
cording to secondary sources, Hippasus of Metapontum held
TreTrepaffjj.€vov tlvai TO irav Kat detKt^ryrov. (Diog. L. VIII, 84.)
For Hippasus (and Heraclitus) we have from Aristotle (Met.
984, a. 7) the word xup as his dpxr/. Theophrastus (Dox. 475)
filled in with ev Kat Kivovptvov Kat TrtTrepaffjjievov. Hippasus was
again named with Heraclitus in a statement containing for
TTVP the term deos (Cf. Clem. Protr. Vor. p. 31.) Aetius (Dox.
388) added to these the name of Parmenides in the statement
17 if/vxy - • • TrupcbSrjs.
A recurrence of thought gives an apx'n one and moved and here
and there identified with Beds', the term ^xh then partakes of
the qualitative determinateness of the double first principle. A
recognition of the growing ideas of the early Pythagoreans should
release them from the class of hylozoistic monists.
An instance of the use of ^ux1? at this time as a philosophical
term to connote life may be found in the words of Epicharmus
(480 B. C.). In the following first hand fragment (Vor. p. 91)
Epicharmus marked a transition later to be noted :
dXX' 6<T<ra irep £77, TravTa Kat yv&jjLrjv <=x€t "
OV TtKT€t
f COPT (a) dXX' €7rto£et Kat Trotet
The context here differs from that in which the expression
is found as a citation for Thales. When \f/vx"n is
EARLY PYTHAGOREAN TERMS 23
used in a statement regarding man, the element of motion is for
us covered by the element of life, but for pre-Socratic philosophers
there was as yet no formal distinction of immanent and transient
activity.
An epigram of Epicharmus (Vor. p. 100) may be noted for a
possible identification of 777 and 6eos. Again, his terms in a
fragment (Vor. p. 93) wherein vovs was distinguished from all
else command attention as expressions for faxy proper on the
side of perception.
Even in his so-called monism, the Pythagorean divided the
underlying substratum of things sometimes into two and sometimes
into ten principles. dpt0/*6s, said Aristotle (Met. 986 a. 15) the
Pythagoreans considered dpx*?, and of number the elements
(oTotxeta) were TO &PTLOV KCLL TO TrepLTTov (Cf. Met. 985, b. 25.)
Aristotle placed Alcmaeon among those who held at dpxat dixa.
Aside from this doctrine peculiar to himself as a Pythagorean
("and they seemed to be speaking about another heaven and other
bodies than those perceived by senses" Met. 1090, a. 34) Alcmaeon
continued in the same direction as the lonians. A term for per-
petual motion occurs in De Anima (405 a 29) where Aristotle
assigned to Alcmaeon a reason for the immortality of \f/vx"n- There
if/vx'n is aj9a.va.Tos on account of its resemblance to ot d0d*>arot and
it possesses this likeness by reason of being ever in motion
(cbs dei Kivov^kvrf}. Aristotle further said that Alcmaeon had
held Kiveladai, yap /cat TO, 0eta TravTa avvex&s det. The term TO. dela
as standing for the heavenly bodies (De An. 405 b. I) is the
evident contribution of popular belief.
Aristotle noted (De. An. 404 a. 18) that "some of the Pythago-
reans" identified if/vxy and TO. kv T<# dept £u<r/-iara while others
again called \f/vx"n TO TCLVTCL KLVOVV.
To Alcmaeon was assigned the opinion 0eot . . . . ot do-repes
etcrt e^vxoL ovTes. (Clem. Protr. Vor. p. 102.) Built on the
De Anima statement for Alcmaeon is the assertion of Aetius
(Dox. 386) which repeats dittos Kivrjcns and gives ^vxrj as <£uerts
avTOKlvr)Tos. The term <f>vai,s here recalls Plato's speculation
(Cratyl. 399 D-400 A) that the word i^uxi? is derived from the
expression 77 fyvviv 6x€t KGU €x«. Diog. Laert. VIII, 83 said
that Alcmaeon held ^x1? to be aBavaTos and Kivelvdai (rvvexus-
It is doubtful whether we have in Philolaus an instance of a
purely kinetic fax*]- The term occurs with the conventional
24 PRE-SOCRATIC PRINCIPLE OF MOTION
force in several fragments of Philolaus. (Cf. Vor. 243, 244, 254.)
We meet with interesting and prophetic forms of expression in a
doubtful citation for Philolaus regarding Oeos. (Cf. Vor. 247.)
Worthy of note for us is the fragment of Philolaus (Vor. 239)
which says: a Averts 5' ev ro> /coo^ico apfjLoxOrj e£ airelpuv re /cat
TrepdLvovTuv. (Cf. Act. Dox. 283.)
\ further instance of the harmony idea which illustrates the
natural demand for a directive and harmonizing principle occurs
in a statement of Philolaus (Vor. 241) which granted to dtStos
evcra /cat aura a (f>v<n,s a certain 0cta /cat OVK avOpuTrivi] yvuais. He
significantly added here: advvaTov rjs /ca aurats (rats dpxats)
Koo'iJL'rjdrjvai, el JJLT) apjAovla eireyevro. We meet the term Kparelv also
in another expression of the idea of the harmonizing and ordering
force of Philolaus. (Procl. in Tim. Vor. 234.)
The harmony notion was brought to bear on \f/vx"fi proper in
Aristotle's account of "a certain other opinion." (Cf. De An.
407 b. 30). ^vx'h is there ap^ovia TLS — that is Kpaons /cat
(rvvdeais evavriuv. Plato (Phaedo 85 E) identified if/vxy of Philo-
laus with apuovLa TLS wav and he further said (Polit. 1340 b. 18)
that some of the "wise men" held that the soul has harmony
and others that it was itself harmony.
A new term for Philolaus is found (Theol. Arith. Vor. 235)
as \I/vxw-s & «£dSt, following Aristotle's identification of ^ux?7
Kal vovs with TWV apiB^v irddos (Cf. Met. 985 b 30).
The false fragment for Philolaus (Stob. Eel. Vor. 247), lending
itself to the doctrine of the world soul, contains the expression
dpxd rds KivfjffLos re /cat juera/3oXas and the significant combina-
tion vovs /cat \^ux^-
Ecphantus of Syracuse, if faithfully represented by Hippolytus
(Dox. 566), must be added to the number of those using the
term if/vx'n as a kinetic force. In him too we see the combination
vovs /cat -^vxh- For Ecphantus (Dox. 566) ra ff^nara were moved
HTjre UTTO jSdpous fji^re Tr\rjj^s but vw6 Oelas Si^djuecos which Ecphan-
tus, according to the doxographer, called vovs /cat ^vx^- (Cf.
Plut. Dox. 217 where for Pythagoras, Plato and Aristotle
vovs 6 KIVOVV was said to be do-co/iaros.)
Although the terms ascribed to the early Pythagorean philos-
ophers are often doubtful or colored, yet they bear evidence of
the survival of ^vx~n as a term for a kinetic principle, at the same
time foreshadowing the terminology of an actual distinction of
matter and force.
3. TERMS OF HERACLITUS
The history of Ionian philosophy after 504 B. C. can be traced
in first-hand sources as well as in the records of opinions. The
terms in the fragments of Heraclitus, proverbially obscure, are
influenced by the two phases of a theory more than half in line with
the early Ionian solutions and yet carrying a new element of
thought. The vague and figurative expression of a force apart
from things appears to have begun with Heraclitus.
In a confession of his own effort for precision of expression
Heraclitus says (Frag. 2 (Bywater) Vor. p. 61): "Men seem un-
skilled when they make trial of words and matters such as I am
setting forth in my effort to discriminate each thing according to
its nature and to tell what its state is."
The fragments of this heir of the early lonians offer terms for
the material principle, for the element of motion, and for the
process by which things came from fire. ^vx"n in a kinetic sense
appears to have been used by Heraclitus.
The directive phase of irvp is shown in Frag. 28 (Vor. p. 71) where
the thunderbolt is said to direct the course of all things, (oicudfav)
(Cf. Frag. 21, Vor. 67 where TrpTjarrjp is one of the irvpos rpowaL)
The term oicud£eLV derived from ota£, the handle of the rudder,
recalls the Kv^pvdv of Anaximander. Heraclitus himself used
Kvpcpvav in relation to yvco^rj of Frag. 19 (Vor. 68). A further
attempt to unfold two principles out of irvp was seen by Hip-
polytus in the use by Heraclitus (Frag. 24, Vor. 71) of the words
XprjvfMxrvvri and Kopos. Hippolytus thought that "want" was the
process of arrangement (Sia/c60>c?7(7is) by fire and that "satiety"
was the tKirvpuais, and so this commentator decided that irvp
was <f)p6vLiJ.os and called it TTJS Stouiycreajs ruv 6Xcoj> atrtos. The
activity of irvp may have been further described in Frag. 26
(Vor. 71). Heraclitus characteristically expressed his pan-
metabolism in Frags. 41-42 (Vor. 64).
Frag. 20 (Vor. 66) offers important terms: "Order (KOCT/XOS) the
same for all things, no one of the gods or men has made, but it
always was and is and ever shall be an ever living fire — wvp
dei^coof." For the oure rts Qeuv cure avBp&Truv e-jroLrjae of this frag-
ment cf. Frag. 65 (Vor. 67) where wisdom (TO ao<t>ov) is tv and is
willing and yet unwilling to be called by the name of Zeus. The
25
26 . PRE-SOCRATIC PRINCIPLE OF MOTION
"process" is found in the same fragment (20) in the terms
aTTTOjuej'os and aTroa^evvv]ji,€vos and this "kindling and quenching"
took place according to fixed measure. (p.krpa). Frag. 77 (Vor
66) gives the same words for the process where Heraclitus said
that man like a light (<j>aos) is kindled and put out. Frag. 78
(Vor. 74) also emphasizes the subjective view-point and applies
directly to the phases of mortal life the universal law of change.
The words of Heraclitus so far noted mark a tendency on the
part of the philosopher to draw out the note of efficiency in irvp,
and it remains to be seen whether he ever expressed this aspect
of a.px'n m terms of faxy- Heraclitean terms for the definition
of \f/vx'n proper on the side of sensation occur in several fragments
where the conventional force of \f/vxr) became philosophical. How-
ever, the term ^vx'h was evidently employed in a kinetic sense
by Heraclitus. In the spurious fragment (131 Bywater) faxy
would undoubtedly bear that sense. (Cf. Diog. L. IX, 7—
Travra \f/vx&v elvai KCLI daipovuv 7r\rjprj.) Frag. 71 (Vor. 68)
ifsvxfis ireipaTo, OVK av c£cup6io may hold a survival of kinetic
\l/vxrj- (Cf. dTTctpos . . . apx-f) of Anaximander.) Frag. 68
(Vor. 67) states that it is death (da.va.Tos) to ^uxdt to become
water, for e£ u5aros 5e ^vx'n (ylvtTai). (Oavaros here stands for
17 eis 'drepov aroix^-ov /ieraj3o\i7 according to Philo. R. P. 38 a.)
With this we take Frag. 25 (Vor. 73) where fire lives in the death
of earth and air lives in the death of fire : water lives in the death
of air, and air in that of water, (ftj irvp rbv yys davarov K. r, X.
(Cf. Plut. de E. 18, 392 C-Vor. 73). A reconciliation of Frag. 68
and Frag. 25 is found in Frags. 41-42 (Vor. 64) where Heraclitus
uses the new term avadvfjLLacrdai.
In his elementary attempt to fix psychological values, Heraclitus
may have been affected in his use of tvx'h by the terms for the
process. (Cf. Frags. 77-78.) Arius Didymus (Dox. 471) ascribed
to Heraclitus a theory for \j/vxr) proper showing this tendency.
"Wishing to make it clear that at if/vxat- aJ'aflu/ucojuepcu voepai ael
ylvovTCLL, he likened them to rivers." Moreover, we have (Dox.
471) the inference for Heraclitus that \l/vxy was CUO-^TIKT)
It seems clear that the term \l/vxn will bear our interpretation
in this later Ionian thinker. Standing for the principle of motion,
was seemingly identified with one of the four elements just
TERMS OF HERACLITUS 27
as the material principle seemed to have been identified with
irvp. (R. P. 38 b notes the explanation of Philoponus for whom
the Heraclitean irvp was 17 £rjpa di>a0ujuia<ns and who also said
Aristotle's statement (De An. 405 a 25) for Heraclitus takes
over for faxy proper the earlier thinker's terms for kinetic faxy-
Here Aristotle, as in the case of Thales, qualified his assertion
that Heraclitus identified apxrj and ^vxr) by the words "if he
identifies it with 17 dya0u/ua<ns from which he derives all other
things." Aristotle added the terms do-wjuarcbTaros and 'peov det
for the if/vx'n-o-PX'n of Heraclitus. Aetius (Dox. 389) represented
Heraclitus distinguishing between 17 rov KOCT/XOU $vx"n (which he
called avadv^iaffLS kit ruv vypuv) and the ^vx'n & ™Zs T4x>ts-
Theodoret (Dox. 386) gave for the \J/vxt of Heraclitus the term
Further secondary authorities keep Heraclitus in line with the
early lonians. Aristotle (Met. 984 a. 7) named him with Hippasus
as holding irvp for his apxrj- (Cf. also Aet. Dox. 292.) Theo-
phrastus (Dox. 475) elaborated this statement with the terms ev
and KWoviJLtvos and TreirepaffiJievos, with TTVKUV<TI,S and with navuffis
as terms for the process. The Heraclitean process was thus
described by Aetius (Dox. 283) : "As this (TTUP) is quenched all
things come into order. (KO(7juo7roieZ<r0cu)." In the description of
the origin of earth, water and air from fire, as conceived by Hera-
clitus, Aetius (Dox. 283) offered a repetition of the new term
dva0u/ua(70ai found in Frags. 41-42.
"Motion" for Heraclitus was variously described by the second-
ary authorities. Plato (Cratyl. 402 A) said that for Heraclitus
TTOLvra x^P^ K^ °^v M^ci. To the followers of Heraclitus
(ot *pkovrts) he ascribed the doctrine iravTa Kivtlrai (Cf. Theaet.
180 D-181 A.) Again, Aristotle (De An. 405 a. 28) said that
Heraclitus thought that all things were in idvrivis. Aetius (Dox.
320) distinguished for Heraclitus between eternal motion (dtStos
KLvriffis) and ^Qapr-q /averts. Aetius (Dox. 303) offered for irvp
the term d(5tos.
Up to this point Heraclitus had not departed from the old order,
but the personification of a dual activity in some of the fragments
of his work marks a turning point in the early efforts of Greek
philosophy. The term epts and apuovla vaguely expressed the
notion of a force apart from things.
28 PRE-SOCRATIC PRINCIPLE OF MOTION
Frags. 20 and 65 would put Heraclitus philosophically among
the aOtoi. In Frag. 36 (Vor. 71) 6 0eos was roXe/zos dp^vrj by
one phase of the power there ascribed in the term dXXotouo-flai. In
Frag. 44 (Vor. 69) we find TroXejuos TTCLVTUP pev Trarrjp tan iravruv
51 P<HTL\€vs. Frag. 62 (Vor. 73-74) gives both terms epis and
TroXejuos and all things arise /car' epiv. (6(^77 is here identified
with epis.) Frag. 46 (Vor. 63) combines both harmony and strife.
"Opposition unites and from differences comes the most beautiful
harmony." (xaXXto-rr/ apuovia.) Aristotle (Eud. Eth. 1234 a. 25)
named Heraclitus as blaming Homer (S107) for his wish that strife
would pass away.
Heraclitus himself was probably unconscious of the implications
of the notion he conveyed in thus imperfectly speaking in terms of
dualism. His other force, ^vxn inherent in dpx^> was not yet
supplanted in his mind and survived here and there in his term-
inology as the kinetic phase of his irvp-apxr}. Frag. 18 (Vor.
77) where ao<J>6v is TTCLVTUV Kex^piff^vov and Frag. 19 (Vor. 68)
by the words yv^rj ore?? eKvpepvrjve iravra. 6td TTOLVTUV foreshadow
later terms for a real second cause which will arise with the passing
of kinetic \f/vxr) into vovs.
4. ELEATIC TERMS
Before tracing the idea of an external force as developed by the
lonians, it is worth while to examine the terms of the Eleatic
philosophers for the notion of efficient cause and for the ever
growing tendency toward immateriality. These philosophers
furnished terms for the powers of ^vxh proper on the side of
knowledge and perception, but it is doubtful whether there is
any trace in their writings of the term \l/vx"h in a kinetic sense.
Xenophanes was radical in his differences with the earlier
philosophers. For him there was no change, and the unity was
God. He was the first to philosophize on the Deity. Aristotle
and Theophrastus have noted his method as unusual. Aristotle
criticized Xenophanes for failing to make things clear. "Looking
up into the broad heavens," Xenophanes asserted that unity is
God. (Cf. Met. 986 b. 22.) Theophrastus admitted, according
to Simplicius (Phys. Dox. 480), that the record of the opinion of
Xenophanes came from some other source than to-ropia -rrepl
The effort of Xenophanes was strongest toward ideas and terms
that would take away false notions of the deity that was being.
Since for him there was no motion, a second principle, even as an
aspect of apxri, should have been out of place. In some of the
fragments, however, we find a reversion to the Ionian attitude.
The terms 71-77717 and yeverup in Frag. 11 (Karsten) (Vor. p. 51)
and the eK 7(1(775 iravra statement of Frag. 8 indicate a physi-
ologer's interest. Earth and water form the twofold source in
Frags. 9-10. In Frag. 9 we are all sprung (eKyevonevBa) from earth
and water. In Frag. 10 all things oaa. ylvovr' rjdt (frvovrai are
earth and water. In Frag. 12, offering forms for the limitation of
one phase of the source, we find the terms TreZpas and aireipov.
The doctrine peculiar to Xenophanes and his school is found in
Frag. 4 where he said Being or God always abides in the same
place, not at all moved, (mvovnevos ovbkv). A strong effort for
a term for incorporeality is found in a fragment usually accredited
to Xenophanes. (Frag. 2.) The climax of the theodicy of
Xenophanes is reached in the magnificent hexameter of Frag. 3:
"Without effort (God) swings all things by the power of thought."
(v6ov <t>ptvi) (Cf. Diog. L. IX, 19).
29
30 PRE-SOCRATIC PRINCIPLE OF MOTION
The sole instance of the use of fax*! by Xenophanes occurs
in Frag. 18 where he attested the acceptance of the doctrine of
metempsychosis by Pythagoras. Diog. L. IX, 19 ascribed to
Xenophanes the term irvev^a for his ^vx'fj-
Parmenides, striving to distinguish things according to opinion
from things according to truth, although affected by the ideas and
terms of Xenophanes, still reverted to old notions and time-worn
terms. In his "metaphysics" according to reason (/card rov
\6yov), as a consistent Eleatic denying all movement, he would
have been excluded from the ranks of thinkers whose terms offer
evidence for if/vx^i as a principle of motion. Nevertheless, an
examination of the terms in which he expressed his "cosmology
of the apparent" discloses a tendency to give to his irvp-apx'h an
aspect of force.
Aristotle, censuring Xenophanes and Melissus for crudeness,
said (Met. 986 b. 27) that Parmenides seemed to speak in some
places with more care. OuaXXoj> fiKkiruv) "But being compelled
to account for phenomena," continued Aristotle, "he assumed that
things are one from the standpoint of reason (/card rov \byov) but
plural from the standpoint of sense, (/card TT\V ai<r6r}(TLi>) "
Parmenides (Verses 83-84, Vor. p. 120) said that true belief
completely rejected generation (7 kvevis) and destruction (6Xe0pos).
Again in v. 77 generation is extinguished (dTreo-jSeorai) and des-
truction is incredible. (dTruoros) Parmenides (v. 100) included
generation (ylveadai) and destruction (6XXu<r0ai) among those
things which mortals believed true but which he would himself
consider but a name, (ow/za).
In the poem of Parmenides entitled rd Trpos a\rjdeLav we find
the privative terms ayevrjTos and av&XeOpos (v. 59), drpc/z^s (v.
60), aKtvijTOS (v. 82), dreXeo-ros (v. 60), dreXeurrjros (v. 88),
airavaros (v. 83), avapxos (v. 83) — all applied to TO kbv. His
other expressions describing Being are important as terms later
to be adopted generally by philosophy. (Cf . Verses 60, 62, 78-80,
and 89).
The terms applied by Parmenides in his philosophy rd Trpos
bbfrv to a new force on the way to the clear expression of the
idea of efficient cause may be regarded as the results of the efforts
of Ionian thinkers for terms for their principle of motion. Aris-
totle's assertion (Met. 984 b. I) that none of those who affirmed
that all is one understood the nature of an apxh rijs K<,vr)<reus ex-
ELEATIC TERMS 31
cepted Parmenides in so far as this Eleatic in reality held two
causes. Aristotle (Met. 986 b. 33) especially noted the terms wvp
and 777 used by Parmenides for his two air Lai. Parmenides
himself (v. 113) said that there are two /uop<£ai which men have
determined to name. These he described (vv. 116-117) as ethereal
flame of fire (fine, (TJTTIOS), rarefied (dpcuos), and everywhere
identified with itself) and (v. 119) flameless darkness, dense and
heavy in character. (Cf. v. 122 for the terms <£dos and vv£).
In v. 125 he gave to 5cu/ioji/ the term Kvftepvav.
In v. 120 Parmenides proposed to tell every seeming arrange-
ment (5iaKo<rjuos) of his two principles. Aristotle (Met. 984 b.
25) cited the verse of Parmenides (132) which names "Epcos as
the first of all deal. This "Desire" Aristotle called an airLa
the activity of which he expressed by the words Kivclv and
Parmenides (v. 127) mentioned a bainuv rj TTCLVTCL
Simplicius (Phys. 39, 12) noted the TTOLTJTLKOP element
of thought here. However correct may be the identification
(Cf. Aet. Dox. 335) of AI/CT? (v. 69) and of 'AvayKrj (v. 86)
with this dalnuv (v. 127), the doxographer saw in this bai^v
(which he called Ku/Sep^rts /cat /cXTjpouxos) a source of motion
and generation for all things.
The tendency of the Doxographers (cf . tradition for Pythagoras
and for Heraclitus) to give an efficient aspect to one phase of the
dpxr? may be seen in a statement of Theophrastus (Dox. 482) for
Parmenides where TTVP is regarded as TTOLOVV. (Cf. also Hippolytus
Dox. 564.) It is a question whether these statements are quite
consistent with the concessions of Parmenides to popular opinion.
He appears to have tended toward a second cause in his dalfju^v
and at the same time to have emphasized the double aspect
of apx*) by the terms irvp and 777.
The term irvp^dijs was attributed to Parmenides for ^i/xr?.
(Cf. Aet. Dox. 388). Elsewhere (Aet. Dox. 443 and Theophr.
Dox. 500) there is some evidence of the confusion of \l/vxh as a
physical principle and \l/vxh perceptive and animate.
As a pupil of Xenophanes and a contemporary of Heraclitus,
Parmenides possibly fell heir to terms by which he expressed his
vague idea of a second cause, but that later division of philosophy
which treated of \f/vx^i proper is particularly indebted to him for
the distinction of truth and opinion.
32 PRE-SOCRATIC PRINCIPLE OF MOTION
Zeno, the double-tongued Eleatic dialectician (Cf. Simpl.
Phys. 30 r 138, 30), confined himself to proofs of the unity of
being by a method earning Aristotle's irapo\oyi^a6ai. (Cf.
Physics 239 b. 5.) Zeno brought out nothing peculiar to himself,
but he started further difficulties. (Cf. Plut. Dox. 581.) Diog.
L. IX, 72 noted Zeno's Eleaticism in his superficial denial of motion.
The earlier terms dittos and aTreipos are attributed (Aet. Dox.
303) to Zeno and to Melissus. The doxographer there also as-
signed to Zeno the term deia for his ^ux1?- In one of the apeo-Kovra
of Zeno (Diog. L. IX. 29) we find ^vxy called /cpdjua.
Although consistent with true Eleaticism, Melissus offered
interesting and significant terms. The fragments of the work
Trepi <£u(recos fj Trepi TOV ovros bring out his method and indicate
his inheritance of terminology. The Eleatic denial of motion
was expressed by him in Frag. 10 (Vor. p. 149) thus: (TO kbv)
Kivoviievov 5£ OVK av elrj. Discussing KOCTJUOS in Frag. 6, Melissus
used the terms erepoioDo-fleu and ^ra.Koan.r]Sriva.L.
Simplicius, significantly prefacing Frag. 8 (Vor. 149), affirmed
that Melissus meant Being to be aff&jjLarov. This fragment
seems to indicate a very vague notion of incorporeality, and yet
we cannot read the expression del crcbjua w exw as the contem-
porary of Melissus read it. Olympiodorus (Vor. 142) represented
Melissus employing as terms for his apxy the words /ua, cudvijTos,
aTreipos (Cf. Parmenides v. 104) and 0eZos. (Cf. Aet. Dox. 303.)
The Eleatic philosophers, not so far from the world of sense as
their own apparent efforts and the traditional titles of their works
would imply, nevertheless enriched philosophic terminology and
laid up for later thinkers modes of expression which could fairly
convey newly conceived ideas. The field of philosophy had already
begun to widen and the growth of tendencies in speculation
concerning nature, in minds not wholly unaccustomed to notions
shading into the idea of the incorporeal, could not fail to be influ-
enced by terms for the activity that was first expressed by kinetic
5. SUMMARY OF TERMS OF PRE-SOCRATIC DYNAMISM
Allowing always for the fact that we are analyzing philosophy
alive in men's minds when put out in certain terms, we find the
dynamism of the predecessors of Anaxagoras expressed in three
answers to the first question of philosophy. In one sense we may
say that these early thinkers found three ways of avoiding the
question of causality. The simplest course was the one taken
by the early lonians who, "not at all displeased with themselves,"
said ev TO inroKtlntvov (Cf. Arist. Met. 984 a. 30), including an
unexplained motion in the substratum of things. The Eleatics
avoided the question for the time by altogether denying motion.
Aristotle saw in this course the method of those who saw the
difficulty and were conquered by it. (Cf. Met. 984.) Heraclitus
took yet another course in his assertion that all is motion.
The early lonians reduced the many to a "one" in terms of
physical matter and took for granted as their primitive substance
a physical substratum which was eternally moved. Their genius
for relations had, very probably, not so far exercised itself as to
combine with their first principle physical things and the move-
ment observed in qualitative change (not then so much as reduced
to physical energy). This gap, if at all evident to them, they
bridged by terms, old or new, for purely accidental change. A
set of terms for the mode of action of their dynamic "one" is
found along with the set of terms for the "one" itself, and the
formula ^vxy-apx'n covers mere hylokineticism.
The phase of the notion of causality to which efficient action is
in last analysis reduced was presented by the Pythagoreans, who
left the sense-perceived world to answer the same question which
had proposed itself to the early lonians. The Pythagoreans
raised the quantitative property of things into that other sphere
where Plato was to find his "Idea" and Aristotle his "Form."
We have no means of knowing from the words of the Pythagoreans
the nature of the contents of the quantity expressed by the earlier
of these philosophers in terms which hold them in regions of
matter. As physical speculation widened, that mode of action
expressed in the condition of proportion was accounted for by the
Pythagoreans in terms for "harmony." The union of the opposites
of which their first principle was composed called for expression
33
34 PRE-SOCRATIC PRINCIPLE OF MOTION
supplied here and there by ^vx'h and even by \j/vxri *ai vovs
denoting only a physical condition.
Before the Eleatics began in any way to develop the notion of
cause, they struck a note of criticism. Before they attempted
to account for things they tried to reduce the object of their inquiry
by excluding from philosophy what they called non-Being.
Although they fixed no ground for the distinction of truth and
opinion, yet their efforts in this direction served to raise and to
leave open a future question for philosophy. If judged by their
terms, the attempt of the philosophers of Elea to get away from
sense in knowledge and from physical in object was far from
successful. From the "all" of Thales to the "unity" and "Being"
of Parmenides there was certainly an advance in terms, and yet
notions transcendent at first sound were probably on the level
with the Eleatic concept of Being akin to our idea of space.
However certainly the ideas of being and of bodilessness are
reduced, on evidence afforded by their own words, to physical
counterparts, philosophy cannot but be grateful for the contribu-
tion of such terms as those of Parmenides for his "Being." There
should have been for the Eleatics no chasm from the many to the
one, and yet in their inconsistency or in their concessions to popular
thought they, too, accounted for plurality in terms of accidental
change. Parmenides may have been merely describing physical
conditions of union for the two phases of his primitive substance
in words that now seem to carry the true note of efficiency.
The time had not yet come for philosophy to see the final
relation of things and their ultimate cause, but meanwhile thinkers
here and there were defining a less inadequate notion of the Deity.
The early Ionian (to adapt the words of Saint Augustine (De Civ.
Dei VIII, 2) for Anaximenes) "nee . . . negavit aut tacuit,
non tamen ab (Ipso) . . . factum . . . credidit." If, in
the eyes of the old religion, to be a philosopher was to be cifleos,
Truth soon supplied itself as an object for the mind of the philos-
opher without a God. A study of the growth of terms for the
"Deity" and for "mind" shows the Pythagorean and the Eleatic
philosophers at their best in these regions of thought.
Heraclitus addressed himself to the genetffc as opposed to the
static phase of things. No longer primarily concerned with
that from which things originated, philosophic speculation now
began to ask how the world came to be what it is, the very question
SUMMARY OF TERMS OF PRE-SOCRATIC DYNAMISM 35
that would compel these thinkers to arrive at the true notion of
efficiency and all that it implies. Heraclitus was critical in his
acceptance of sense evidence, but, although he looked beneath
for reality, from his terms we may conclude that he saw only
physical reality. For him the mode of activity expressed in the
order that remains was as real as the continual passing of the
individual, the truth of which he arrived at by a Greek guess.
Ultimately a dynamist, Heraclitus spoke for mechanism the
strongest words thus far found in philosophical terminology. So
long as the relation of the material cause and its activity was
expressed as Heraclitus expressed the relation of "fire" and its
motion, kinetic faxy had still survived. Although he seemed to
raise "fire" above the other elements which he postulated with it,
his terms sometimes indicate that he conceived \f/vxrj in the
sense of a more special energy. If there was a definite sense in
his use of the term aelfaov for irvp — an actual introduction of
the element of life in the motion of his dpxi? — and if he used
if/vx'n as another term for the activity of apxrj, philosophy in the
person of Heraclitus was on the point of seeing for the first time
the immanent character of \f/vxr} as a physical activity. (Cf.
Alcmaeon who, on secondary authority (Aet. Dox. 386), gave
to $ueris the term avTOKlvrjTos). The element of immanency of
the KlvrjffLs aldios of the first apxr} was not immediately evident
to the first philosophers. The force directly combined with
matter, which they called through dearth of words 6e6s and ^uxi?> still
continued as a \f/vxr} principle of motion. Dynamism or hylo-
kineticism we may call a system inaccurately described as
hylozoism.
The notion of efficient cause may have entered with Heraclitus.
He may have meant to convey by his epts a new idea of which
he half saw the need, and yet this "Strife" might have been for
him but a phase of deos (Frag. 36) in the sense of merely describing
a physical condition. His conception of TTUP as de# uov is most
noteworthy. If kinetic ^u%?7 had up to this time for the early
thinkers no immanency, we take it as an evidence of the sincerity
of their quest that they henceforth strove to separate matter and
its motion.
6. TERMS OF EMPEDOCLES
From a glimmer of the idea of efficiency in the figurative forces
epis and appovia existing for Heraclitus along with the dynamic
aspect of his first principle irvp, we pass to Empedocles who, in
his efforts to reconcile Heraclitus and the Eleatics, was the first
(if we accept the word of Aristotle, Met. 985 a. 21) to express the
notion of efficiency.
In his endeavors to determine true knowledge, Empedocles
aimed at accuracy of expression. He believed that it is hard to
get at the mind of man (vv. 367-368 Stein) and he realized that
custom often dictates forms of expression. (Cf. v. 44.) He
bade his hearers look with the eye of the mind (wos) at the well
pointed report (v. 363) which he assumed they demanded from him
as from an oracle. His effort appears again in his desire to speak
forcefully in case there had been in his former words anything
defective, (v. 96.)
Aristotle fixed the method of study of the philosophy of Empe-
docles when he advised (Met. 985 b. 32) that we heed the Siawua of
the pre-Socratic rather than a ^eXXi£"erai \kyuv. Although his
expression was characteristically poetical and mythological,
Empedocles has been placed for us in Aristotle's Poetics (1447 b. 17)
as a <f>vai,o\6yos rather than a TTOITJTTJS.
Trying to work out a system where things are one and many
(TroXXd re KO.L ev) (Cf. Plato Sophist. 242 D and Arist. Phys.
187, a. 20), Empedocles, in a reaction against prevailing thought,
said that "fools" and those to whom far-reaching thoughts (v. 45)
are denied think that "mingling" is coming into being and that
"separation" is destruction. (Cf. vv. 36-39.)
Empedocles postulated the four elements as his material cause.
The term 71-77777 occurs with him in v. 128 and the form dp%77 in
v. 130. The elements are named in mythological terms in vv.
33-35. In vv. 104-107 Empedocles asserted that mortals and
even OeoL arise from these elements which appear to have been
also the means of the power <t>povelv. (Cf. v. 336-337.)
Aristotle's statement (Met. 985 a. 23) that Empedocles set irvp by
itself (/ca0' auro) is witness to the tendency of those who are still
dynamists to limit the activity of the material cause of one element
and to make the rest of the apxy passive. Although Empedocles
36
TERMS OF EMPEDOCLES 37
seems to have made one of these elements predominant by setting
"fire" over against the other three, still here and there he gave
them all equal power. (Cf. vv. 87-89 and v. 112.) To "fire" in
particular belong powers contained in the term Kparelv (Cf. v.
112). In v. 263 "fire" separating (KPLVO^VOV) caused men and
women to arise (avayciv) . A doctrine peculiarly Empedoclean
(vv. 265-267) maintains that irvp through its desire to reach its
like, caused ouXcx^uels TVTTOL to spring up out of the earth. In a
special application of the "elemental fire" (dry 67 iov irvp) to the
theory of vision he used the term ravawrepos (v. 325) to denote
the refined character of his irvp. However, although "fire" is
more important than the other elements, it, too, plays a sub-
ordinate part. (Cf. vv. 215-216.)
The mention of KuTrpts (v. 215) brings us to a consideration of
the forces of Empedocles which Aristotle (Met. 985 a. 21) named
as 3>iXta and NeZ/cos. Empedocles usually introduced these forces
along with the elements and may even have used them as modes of
expression for mere physical conditions of repulsion and attraction
as Heraclitus used the terms "Strife" and "Harmony." (Cf. vv.
102-103, 66-68, 248-251.)
The activity of his own "Strife" and "Love" in the "process"
was brought out by Empedocles in w. 171-175. Terms for the
motion of things coming into being are found in vv. 69-73 where he
tried to reconcile continual change and immobility. The terms
for the forces of Empedocles vary. He usually expressed them by
the words Net/cos and ^L\6rrjs (171-172). V. 250 has the term
epis coupled with $1X67775 of v. 248. Again, in w. 190-195 he
used 'AQpodiTT] and NcZicos "which wrought the birth of things."
"Love" under the names of Aphrodite and Kypris doubtless held
the strongest note of efficiency for Empedocles. (Cf. v. 213, 215-
216, 240-241.) Empedocles himself was probably one of those
whom he mentioned (405-407) as having had no 6eb<s but Kvpins
Bao-t'Xeta.
The element of chance enters in v. 196 and again in v. 174 and
v. 255. The term rvxy occurs in v. 195 where by the IOTTJS of
TVXIJ all things Tre(f>p6vrjKev. (Cf. v. 231 where it is the property of
all things to have (frpbv^ais and a share of j>w/*a.)
Plato (Leg. X 889 B) named Empedocles among those who relied
on 06(7ts and rvxn rather than on rkx^i or vovs or any 0eos. (We
note in this passage the term fyvxos which Plato applied to the
elements of Empedocles.)
38 PRE-SOCRATIC PRINCIPLE OF MOTION
Aristotle (De gen. et corr. 333 b. 20) said that for Empedocles
"Love" separated the elements, which were before 0eos in origin.
Empedocles himself identified these with Otoi (Cf. vv. 104-107.)
A noteworthy attempt on the part of Empedocles to fix the notion
of a deity is found in vv. 137-138 where a sphere rejoicing in
solitude is said to have been fixed in a vessel of harmony. Nearest
to incorporeality of all his notions and recalling a like attempt on
the part of Xenophanes are the ideas conveyed by the terms of
vv. 344-351 where a divine being is defined as sacred and ineffable
mind alone. (<t>prjv tepi? KCU d0eo-$aros.)
The term ^uxi? is not found in the extant fragments of Empe-
docles. His commentators used it when giving his doctrine of
metempsychosis (Cf. Hipp. Ref. Dox. 558), but dv^os is his own
word for the life of animals (v. 414) and of men (v. 435) who have
changed their nop<f>*l (v. 430). The word (twos is found in v. 32
for the spirit in Hades.
The verses 333-335 of Empedocles were quoted by Aristotle
(De An. 404 b. 11) as authority for the statement that for Emped-
ocles the elements were apxr) and each element was ^vx'n- (Cf
Theophr. Dox. 478 where six apxai were credited to Empedocles.)
The terms of Empedocles could not have been omitted in an
examination of the growth of words expressing the earliest notion
of a real moving cause.
7. TERMS OF ANAXAGORAS.
Aristotle's assertion (Met. 984 a. 11) that Anaxagoras preceded
Empedocles in age but followed him in works places Anaxagoras
for our purpose. Difficult as it is to fix the dates of the later
Ionian philosophers, it is quite impossible exactly to determine the
influence and the dependence of each on the ideas and terms of the
other. The task of all who followed Heraclitus and the Eleatics
was to synthesize the elements of truth in both systems. Anaxa-
goras, a true successor of the early lonians, inherited and developed
the tendency of Heraclitus to advance toward ideas and terms
which would destroy the identification of apxr] and its motion.
Anaxagoras was for Aristotle (Met. 984 b. 15) the first "sober
thinker," and yet by their "random talking" his predecessors had
assisted him in the way of making the terms for his new ideas
less inadequate than they would otherwise have been.
His effort for precision of expression, even in a particular instance,
shows that Anaxagoras realized the value of accurate terminology.
(Cf. Frag. 17, Diels. Vor. 320.) His critical tendency of method
may be seen in the apothegm ascribed to him by Aristotle (Met.
1009 b. 25) : "Just such things as men assume will be real for them."
Aristotle (Met. 989 b. 4) recognized the efforts of Anaxagoras for
terms and noted that while Anaxagoras did not speak rightly or
clearly, yet he meant almost the same thing as those who spoke
later with greater clearness.
In a study of the terms of Anaxagoras, we find safety only in
his own words since the whole tendency of his commentators has
been to identify his term vovs with vovs as it came into meaning
after Socrates. We have seen a growing tendency on the part of
philosophers to fix epistemological values, and yet we find nothing
of this in the extant fragments of Anaxagoras. By raising the
notion of vovs, semi-popular and particular, to the idea of a
directive cause is one way by which Anaxagoras may have come
to postulate an efficient force. However, this seems a big step
for a thinker at this stage of the development of thought. He
might have taken out the if/vxy which was the dynamic term for
the motion of the apxr] and have made it the separate cosmothetic
force under a kindred term. By some such process as this, we
think, Anaxagoras postulated vovs. He did not all at once arrive
39
40 PRE-SOCRATIC PRINCIPLE OF MOTION
at a full realization of the implication of his new idea, and so we
find with him \l/vxn remaining in things as a cause of motion (and
possibly restricted to animate being) while at the same time its
powers had already passed over into vovs.
Before giving attention to the idea peculiar to Anaxagoras, we
shall make the transition from the other lonians to him through
his terms for what would correspond to the former apxy and
Kivrjcris. Terms for the "surrounding mass" (TO irtpikxov) of Anax-
agoras are found in Frag. 2 (Vor. 314) and Frag. 14 (Vor. 320).
"Air and aether" (arjp /cat al6rjp) occur in Frags. 1 (Vor. 313),
2 (Vor. 314), 12 (Vor. 319). The terms nvclv, airoKpiveaOai,
diCLKpiveffdai for "motion" occur in Frag. 13 (Vor. 319). Motion
is frequently expressed in terms of "rotation" or "whirling"
(Cf. Frag. 12 Vor. 318). Force (Biry) and swiftness
as sources of motion are found in Frag. 9 (Vor. 317).
One phase of the process of how things came from air and aether
is described in Frag. 15 (Vor. 320) as a avyxupelv and an
ixxwpelv. (Cf. also Frag. 16 Vor. 320 and Frag. 12 Vor. 319.)
Anaxagoras appears sometimes to have overlooked vovs as a
source of special activity and to have substituted for it physical
conditions. However, vovs as an omnipresent TTJS Kivfoeus alnov
was at all times very real for him. (Cf. Frag. 8 Vor. 317 and
Frag. 14 Vor. 320.) In his analysis of things as they now are,
Anaxagoras insisted that, excepting vovs, nothing is absolutely
separate or capable of existing apart or of itself. Many of his
negative statements served only to emphasize the attributes of
vovs. He frequently reverted to wavra TTCLVTOS iiolpav juerexci of
Frag. 6 (Vor. 316). When things were all together, nothing was
clear and distinct by reason of their smallness (UTTO o-^t/cpor^ros) ,
but finally of whatever "seeds" there were the most (pruv TrXetcrra)
each object became and remained distinctly (evdrj\6rara) qualified
by their character. (Cf . Frag. 1 Vor. 313 and Frag. 12 Vor. 319.)
In the answer to the question at once suggested by OTUV TrXeZcrra
we come upon the notion of a "world of erTrcp/jara" peculiar to
Anaxagoras. (0-Trepjuara became for Aristotle TO, 6/zoiojuepr;) .
These are described in Frag. 4 (Vor. 315) where Anaxagoras said
that in every compound there existed o-irepfiara iravruv xPWaruv.
Anaxagoras, explaining nepl rrjs CLTTOK pier LOS in Frag. 4, made
certain mystifying references to another world or another order.
Simplicius (Phys. 157, 9) noted this erepa TLS Sta/coo^o-is as
TERMS OF ANAXAGORAS 41
not CU0-077T17 and considered that Anaxagoras spoke cos irepi
and that his Sid/cpio-is was voepd. (Cf. Anaxagoras on "other
world swiftness" in Frag. 9 Vor. 317.)
It is safe to say that the fragments of Anaxagoras containing
references to vovs itself are the most important words spoken
thus far in philosophy. The phraseology is still far from strict
terms for the incorporeal, but we can almost see the efforts of
Anaxagoras in his emphasis on the simplicity of vovs as he aims
to confer upon it powers yet new.
In Frag. 11 (Vor. 318) vovs is set apart from all other things.
The end of Frag. 12 (Vor. 319) contains the same thought.
There Anaxagoras maintained that vovs is mixed with no other
thing but is ftovos CLVTOS eir' COJTOU. The significant term avroKpar^s
occurs in Frag 12. (Cf. Plato, Cratyl. 413 C who gave to
the vovs of Anaxagoras the terms auro/cpdrcop, ovOevi fjLeneiyfjLevos,
Further terms for vovs are: aireipos and Kparelv and
eyicrTOV (Frag. 12). The words XCTTTOTCLTOV iravruv XPV'
fjLaTuv Kal KaOapuTCLTov of Frag. 12 indicate that the old striv-
ing toward immateriality continued in Anaxagoras.
At this point we may compare with vovs the Heraclitean
\6yos and TO (ro<j>6v and yvkw, which are not always clear.
In Frag. 2 (Vor. 61) Heraclitus attested to the ignorance of men
regarding \6jos and further said that all things ylvevdai Kara TOV
\6yov. He complained (Frag. 18 Vor. 77) that no one had yet
reached the conclusion that TO cro<j>6v is TTCLVTUV Kexupivntvov.
He mentioned yvuM in Frag. 19 (Vor. 68), which Diels renders:
"In Einen besteht die Weisheit, die Vernunft zu erkennen, als
welche alles und jedes zu lenken weiss." In Frag. 65 (Vor. 67)
Heraclitus represented TO ao<t>6v as willing and yet unwilling to
be called by the name of Zeus.
If Anaxagoras took up for vovs the ideas of Heraclitus, it cannot
but be seen that the yv&n-ri of Anaxagoras is something distinct
from vovs itself. However much vovs, through the power by
which it €7?co and bitKOffwat, excelled an unthinking agency,
it cannot be reduced to one of its own attributes, even to the
highest power it possesses.
The only instances of the use of $vxh by Anaxagoras lend them-
selves to the interpretation of $vxh as a term for the principle of
motion. Frag. 4 (Vor. 315) gives aiBpuiroL Kal TO. aXXa froa
off a. x?)* exct. If iK\i? was here actually used in a restricted
42 PRE-SOCRATIC PRINCIPLE OF MOTION
sense as the principle of animation, we may conclude that it was
at the point where vovs took its place in the terminology of
cosmology that \f/vxrj became peculiar to animate being. The
other instance of the Anaxagorean \f/vx~n (Frag. 12) repeats the
expression 6aa if/vxyv exet. ^X5? may have been restricted in
Frag. 4, but oaa \f/vxr)v exet (Frag. 12) has an extension as wide
as ovrjv eKLvrjcrev 6 vovs of Frag. 13 (Vor. 319).
We cannot say how definitely vovs superseded \j/vxr) in the
mind of Anaxagoras. In particular applications of vovs to the
cosmological process the old way of thinking may have led him
to couple \l/vxr) with vovs in portions of his work that have
never reached us. Plato (Cratyl. 400 A) cited Anaxagoras as
holding that the <£ixns of all things was vovs and that it was
faxy which arranged (biaKoa^dv} and controlled (exeu>) all things.
(Cf. Doxographic tradition for Ecphantus.) Aristotle's difficulty
over the relation of faxy and vovs of Anaxagoras is well known.
(Cf. De Anima 404 b 1, 405 a 13, 429 a 18).
It was natural that Plato and Aristotle, whose minds were
ruled by Socratic standards and fixed conditions of knowledge,
should have been disappointed at the failure of Anaxagoras to
apply his doctrine of vovs. The new agency, vovs, was not yet
alight with finality for Anaxagoras. It remained for Socrates to
quicken vovs into a final cause. In the act of abandoning \f/vxv as
a kinetic principle philosophy began to speak in such terms as
t&v, €fj.\f/vxos, a\I/vxos and ^VX^CTLS. The real substitute for kin-
etic il/vxy would appear only when Greek philosophy had reached
its height.
8. TERMS OF THE SUCCESSORS OF ANAXAGORAS.
It is a question whether Anaxagoras deserved the reproach of
Aristotle (Met. 985 a. 18 ff .) to the effect that, when he had used
vovs as a wxavri irpos T-qv KOffnowouav, he reverted to it only
when at a loss for a cause, in other cases accounting for things by
any other cause rather than vovs. Philosophy at this period
found new life in the doctrine of the vovs of Anaxagoras. Greek
thought had been advancing all the way from Thales to Anaxagoras,
but the heirs to the terms and ideas of the great pre-Socratic
were unable or unwilling to take advantage of their heritage.
There are no extant fragments of the works of Archelaus.
Diogenes Laertius (11, 16) has placed him for us as an Athenian
or a Milesian, a pupil of Anaxagoras and a teacher of Socrates.
Aetius, Dox. 331, attributed a doctrine to him in these terms:
UTTO depfJLov Kal kfjL^vx't'CLS (rv&Trjvai rov KOGIJLOV. For him ayp and
vovs were 6 Qeos (Aet. Dox. 302), but the doxographer qualified
0eos as not KOOTXOTTOIOS.
The influence of Anaxagoras on Archelaus is apparent in the
statement (Philop. de an. 71, 17 Hayd.) that Archelaus was among
those who said that the all was moved UTTO rov vov. (We note in
this passage rfj \f/vxy TO KLvelv.) A tendency to employ vovs in a
particular sense appears in a statement attributed to Archelaus by
Hippolytus wherein he granted vovs to all living things (Dox. 563) .
If the system of Anaxagoras were to be judged only by the
representation it received at the hands of Diogenes of Apollonia,
then Plato would have been justified in his assertion (Phaedo 98 B)
that Anaxagoras made no use of vovs but treated "air" and
"aether'* as causes. (Cf. Plato's word aroira as descriptive of
these causes.)
Aristotle's statements regarding the aWrjp of Anaxagoras are in
place in a consideration of the system of Diogenes. Aristotle
(De Caelo 302 a. 31) noted that Anaxagoras used the words irvp
and aWrip synonymously.
In an effort to explain the phenomena of animate life, Diogenes
limited to living things the vovs of Anaxagoras which Aristotle
(De An. 405 a. 13) has called the Anaxagorean dpx^- The term
used by Diogenes is vorj<ns and vorjffis was for Aristotle himself
(De An. 407 a. 20) vov Kivr)<ns.
43
44 PRE-SOCRATIC PRINCIPLE OF MOTION
Simplicius (Vor. 335) ascribed to Diogenes (Frag. 4 (Diels)
Vor. 335) an arjp-apxrj which was the source of life as well as
of \f/vxri *cu voxels. In the words of Diogenes (Frag. 4) ^u%i?, the
same for all living things, was a^p. (Cf. Frag. 5.)
Frag. 5 (Vor. 335) contains as significant terms for d^p-vo^o-is
Kvftepvav, Kparelv, Beds. Frag. 7 (Vor. 339) describes the first
principle as aldi-ov KO.L adavarov ao>jua. (Cf. also Frag. 8 Vor. 339.)
Theophrastus (Dox. 477) gave to the arjp of Diogenes the terms
aTreipos and aldios.
Aristotle's statement (De An. 405 a. 21) has been given for
Anaximenes as one of those included under "certain others," but
Diogenes is deservedly the only one there named as identifying
\l/vxh and di7p. di7p is there described as TTOLVTUV XeTrTojucpedraros.
Aetius (Dox. 392) said that for Anaximenes, Anaxagoras, Arche-
laus, and Diogenes ov<rla ^uxrjs was aepudrjs. However, Diogenes
is the only one whose words convict him of that charge. Of
Diogenes it can be said as of no other philosopher before him that
to have faxy was to be tfj,\l/vxos. In Diogenes we find true
hylozoism. Whereas Anaxagoras caught his vovs from above
by a brilliant stroke that did not fully succeed in bringing it
down to things, Diogenes postulated vorjcrus inhering in arjp.
He outlined his monistic system with open eyes in contrast to
Xenophanes whose pantheism probably never presented itself
to his own mind.
While on the one hand the strivings of Anaxagoras were wasted
on Diogenes and their results appropriated by conscious dynamism,
vovs failed equally of development with the Atomists. Leucippus
is credited (Aet. Dox. 321) with a work irepi vov of which we
have no fragments. In the fragments of the works of Democritus
we find terms new and significant, ^vxt as a term for "our soul"
was frequently used by Democritus (Cf. Frags. 171, 159, 187
Diels). Frag. 1 (Vor. 385) contains the term ^uxcoois.
Frag. 11 (Vor. 389), describing the two kinds of yv^rj as
and ffKorirj, indicates a critical attitude and recalls
56£a of Empedocles (v. 343). The term aij/vxos
(Frag. 164 Vor. 414-415) occurred for the first time with Demo-
critus. (Cf. also the term a\oyos of this fragment (164) and the
terms ejui/^xos and a\f/vxos of the introduction to the fragment
by Sextus Empiricus.)
TERMS OF THE SUCCESSORS OF ANAXAGORAS 45
The phrase oaaa. if/vx^ ex« (Cf. Anaxagoras) recurs in Frag.
278 (Vor. 435). Here ^vxy is confined to mortals and other £coa.
We are indebted for the most part to Aristotle for the physical
doctrines of the Atomists. He gave as their orotxeta the terms
TO 7r\?7pes /cat TO Kevov. Simplicius (Phys. 36, 1) (Vor. 346) used
the term arojua in describing the doctrine peculiar to cosmological
atomism. Aristotle contributed the account regarding the
"natural necessity" according to which the atoms came together.
<£i>crts was given as the principle of motion. (Cf. Phys. 265 b. 24.)
Simplicius (Phys. 327, 14 Vor. 364) criticized the Atomists for
giving no atrt'a but airo rauro/idrou /cat Tvxns (Cf. Aristotle, Phys.
196 a. 24.) Cicero (De Deor. Nat. 1, 24, 66) in the words "sed
concursu quodam fortuito" may have drawn on the apparent
identification of CLVTOHCLTOV and TUXT? (Cf. Arist. Met. 984 b. 8).
The latent materialism of Democritus was brought out by
Aristotle (De Resp. 471 b. 30) where 17 \f/vx"n was TO Bep^ov and
certain fl-x^a^a in the air were called vovs /cat faxy- As a
statement of Democritus we have (Plac. Dox. 390) the assertion
that all things juerexet tvxw TTOIO.S. The "incorporeality" of the
TTUP of the Atomists was described by Philoponus (Vor. 369) as
ev ffujJuiffLV affunaTov Stct \eTTTOfJLepeiav.
Democritus received much attention from Aristotle in the
De Anima. Although Aristotle admitted (405 a. 13) that Anax-
agoras meant by vovs something different from \f/vxri, he seemed
certain that Democritus used vovs and if/vx^ as interchangeable
terms (Cf. 404 a. 28). ^i>xi? proper is for Democritus
TTVP rt /cat depfiov (404 a. 1). "The spherical atoms," continued
Aristotle, "Democritus called irvp /cat ^vx"n- These spherical soul-
atoms most easily find their way through things and, being
themselves in motion, they set other things in motion, for the
Atomists assumed 17 \j/vxr) as that which furnished motion to
living things." No such sharp lines as Aristotle drew around vovs
existed for the Atomists whose use of the term was probably akin
to its force in the phrase €/c TTCLVTOS voov of Herodotus (8, 97) .
Aristotle (De An. 405 a. 8) commended Democritus for neatness
of expression. Perhaps the greatest contribution of systems
that failed to develop the idea of vovs was the contribution of
more precise and accurate terminology for ideas already in the
mind of philosophy.
9. SUMMARY.
It remains to review in these systems, all of which were incom-
plete, the instances of the use of \l/vxri as a term for motion. The
early lonians, for the most part oblivious of the real problem,
included motion in the generic notion of cause. In particular
instances they used the expression \f/vx^ exew as merely equiv-
alent to KLvrjriKov won. Again, when speaking of beings of a
limited sphere, they expressed the property of life by the same
phrase — ^vxhv 'extiv. \f/vxy possibly came to stand with some
for the general principle of Klvrjcris which, while it had not yet
worked itself out into a separate force, was nevertheless on the
way to becoming a specific cause.
In the period of transition, when \f/vxr] as a dynamic force was
passing into if/vxri KCLL i>ovs and into vovs as a term by itself for a
mechanical and a final cause, whether through an over hasty
advance or through a reaction, thinkers in all good faith gave the
power of thought even to all things. \l/vxy in their minds had not
yet fully separated from things when, with Heraclitus, a material
principle that was falfwov replaced the apx?) which had before
been aeiKtvrjTov. \l/vxh had not so much narrowed as it had con-
tinued, almost in a faded sense, as the principle of motion for
all things to which the term $uov had been extended. Thus
"whatever has ^ux^" stood now for all things whatsoever and
again for all things with life. Moreover, from philosophers yet
lacking sharp distinctions of the power of life and the power of
thought we may expect such statements as those of Epicharmus
to the effect that all living being is endowed with thought and
attempts such as those of Philolaus to distinguish the power of
thought in man and in nature. Heraclitus and Empedocles were
marked by this tendency to grant <j>povr)<ris to all things.
The pivotal idea of all philosophy before Socrates is the vovs of
Anaxagoras. This cosmothetic force, vovs, was for him the only
thing absolutely separate and unmixed, but his language at
that time offered no better terms for it than XeTrroraros and
Kadapuraros . The idea of an efficient force was for Anaxagoras
paralleled by the notion of true immateriality. Empedocles had
veiled the aspects of the separate moving power under poetical
and figurative terms. The genius of Diogenes of Apollonia was
46
SUMMARY 47
not great enough for his inheritance and so, in the answer
v6r)<ns-br]p he returned to a position which philosophy had
outgrown and in his self-satisfied cosmological monism he can be
rated only below the early lonians. The philosophers before
Anaxagoras had all tended towards a separation of force from
matter and in their hylokineticism may be regarded as the fore-
runners of dualism in a sense in which the acknowledged hylozoist
can never be so considered. At this point it took genius to see
that the problem was not solved by the mere naming of yv&fjLrj or
voi>s as a separate force.
While philosophy, rising to the distinction of the element
of thought and the element of life, was separating a rational force
from "first substance," it did not all at once desert its old position,
but left the element of life inhering in all matter. At this time
terms for life and terms for distinctions of powers came to be used
in a more conscious sense.
In Diogenes of Apollonia we find frequent use of the terms for
life and a distinction of \f/vxr] and vorj<ns. txtiv vorjcriv took on
with him definite meaning, while there seems to have been in his
mind a complete identification of the ideas connoted by the phrases
eijuf/vxov elvai and ^vxrjv txw-
The inestimable value of the Anaxagorean vovs was ceded away
and its true development was again thwarted when philosophy, in
the system of the Atomists, turned into the lane that must lead
to a dead wall. However, the appearance, at this point, of the
first systems of latent panpsychism on the one hand and of latent
materialism on the other can be regarded as part of the growth of
philosophy in the sense that, while the natural tendency of the
sincerely philosophizing mind is in neither direction, these systems,
evolved before adequate notions or terms for the immaterial order
had been advanced, in the light of the system of Aristotle would
serve as instances of cast-off hypotheses.
Among the words of Democritus we find the terms £"0)77, \f/vx<*)<Ti>s
and the noteworthy use of aXcryos and of a^vxos. The ova a
x«t phrase recurring in Democritus is equivalent to
without the uncertainty attending its use by Anaxagoras.
As the extension of the term \f/vxy became more restricted by
lines of demarcation separating the regions of speculation, active
specialization in one sphere attached more definite sense to terms
hitherto used with a vague meaning. No clear notions of imma-
48 PRE-SOCRATIC PRINCIPLE OF MOTION
nent and of transient motion had yet been conceived. </>u<ns and
eaaa had appeared as terms of Philolaus, and Plato tells us, in a
characteristic speculation on the derivation of the term ^vxn, that
it was a refinement of the expression 17 fyvaiv b\el KCLL ex**- The
Atomists, less inexcusably than the philosopher of today, thought
to solve the problem of motion by the doctrine of "natural neces-
sity" or self -movement. We have noted the terms </>u<ns and
TO avTOfjLaTov ascribed to them by Aristotle. On secondary
authority Alcmaeon has been credited with <£u<7is auro/d^ros
KCLT' aidiov K.(vi}aiv. The term aeifaov for the dpxi? of Heraclitus,
who attributed natural energy to his TrDp-dpx??, appeared simul-
taneously with an incipient effort to separate original motion from
original matter. A fragment occurring in Stobaeus (Flor. 1,
180 a.) and credited to Heraclitus by Diels (Vor. 78) reads: ^UXTJS
kffTi \6yos eavTov av&v. Anaxagoras, refusing to other things
existence c<£' eauroj, demanded an unmixed and separate char-
acter for a vovs which was avroKparr]s. Aristotle (De. An. 404
a. 8) credited the Atomists with KLVov^eva KO.L CLVTCL as a term for
their first principles. The language of all these attempts fore-
shadows Plato's terms for the definition of ^vx'n proper (Cf.
Phaedrus 245 C) — TO O.VTO eauro KIVOVV.
The "natural necessity" explanation, complete only when sup-
plemented by the theory of matter and form, did not satisfy the
Greek physicist whose science must be crowned by his cosmology.
The first Greek thinkers set the problem in a question which for
us would read: To what shall we refer the activity of transient
material energy and the immanent principle of animation? This
question later widened to include: To what shall we refer the
spiritual activity within us which is but extrinsically dependent on
its organism? faxy activity had from the first demanded Aris-
totle's /w>p0i7. The connotation of kinetic \f/vxri in objective sys-
tems which held no adequate notion of immateriality determines,
from a certain standpoint, the position of each pre-Socratic phil-
osopher.
The charge that the earliest of these thinkers endowed a\f/vxa
with \l/vxy (Diog. L. I, 24) is unfair in the sense in which
it is made. Out of his wealth of thought and term Aristotle
(De. gen. an. 762 a. 18) could guardedly say: irai>Ta
SUMMARY \ : ..; &Q.
The subsequent history of Greek philosophy may be written
in outline in the words of three men. The true development of
the vovs of Anaxagoras came only in the doctrine, advanced on
empirical principles by Socrates, that whatever exists for a useful
purpose must be the work of an Intelligence. (Cf. Xen. Mem. 1,
4,4.)
Plato (Timaeus-29 D) on the way to truth said that 6 K6<7/zos
was foios €{JL\l/vxos evvovs through the Trpovoia rov Beov.
Philosophy made a transition in the words of Aristotle (De Caelo
271 a. 33): 6 dt 6eos /ecu 17 <f>v<ns ovdev ^arrjv TTOLOIXTLV. There ever
remains the a^oBavfjiaaroTepos of Socrates (Mem. 1, 4) regarding
the Creator of foja en<j>pova /ecu evepya. Nature must seek the
source of its laws in God. When the genius of Aristotle, never
deserting his position in passing from kingdom to kingdom in
philosophy, had contributed a irpurov KLVOVV aKivrjTov (Phys. 256 a.)
and a v6rj<rt,s vojffeus (Met. 1071 b. 20), it remained for Christian
philosophy to complete this last word of pagan thought with the
necessary ideas of the providence and the personality of God.
Christian philosophy in turn is complete only when religion binds
the world of the physicist and the psychologist back to God, Who
has endowed His creature man with a mind having as its object
Truth, the First and the Last.
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1908).
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BEARE, Greek Theories of Elementary Cognition. (Oxford, 1906).
MILLERD, On the Interpretation of Empedocles. (Chicago, 1908).
FAIRBANKS, The First Philosophers of Greece. (London, 1898).
BAKEWELL, Source-book in Ancient Philosophy. (New York, 1907).
ROHDE, Psyche. (Leipsig, 1898).
MULLER, Lectures on the Origin of Religion. (London, 1878).
TURNER, History of Philosophy. (Boston and London, 1903).
STOCKL, Lehrbuch der Geschichte der Philosophic. (Ed. Ill, Mainz, 1888).
(Trans, by Finlay, Dublin, 1887).
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50
BIBLIOGRAPHY 51
EISLER, Worterbuch der Philosophischen Begriffe. (Berlin, 1910).
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VITA
The author of this dissertation, Sister Mary Thomas Aquinas
O'Neill, O. S. D., was born March 7, 1884, in Madison, Wisconsin.
She pursued her elementary studies in Saint Raphael's parochial
school of her native city under the direction of the Sisters of
Saint Dominic of Sinsinawa, Wisconsin. She was graduated from
the Madison High School in 1902. In 1904 she entered the
novitiate of the Sisters of Saint Dominic, at Sinsinawa, Wisconsin.
From 1906 to 1911 she taught in Saint Clara Academy, Sinsinawa,
and worked at intervals in the University of Chicago and in
Saint Clara College. In 1911 she began work at the Catholic
University of America, receiving the A. B. degree in 1912 and the
M. A. degree in 1913.
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