The Press-Gang
AFLOAT AND ASHORE
J. R.. HUTCHINSON
o, /-1-y
THE PRESS-GANG
THE PRESS-GANG
AFLOAT AND ASHORE
BY
J. R. HUTCHINSON
LONDON
EVELEIGH NASH
\ 1913
fuetm ^ oo ^<j <?
.•• -«. •*
CONTENTS
I. How THE Press-Gang came in
II. Why the Gang was necessary
III. What the Press-Gang was .
IV. Whom the Gang might take
V. What the Gang did Afloat
VI. Evading the Gang
VII. What the Gang did Ashore
VIII. At Grips with the Gang
IX. The Gang at Play
X. Women and the Press-Gang
XI. In the Clutch of the Gang
XII. How the Gang went out
19
54
77
106
143
172
202
233
257
280
3"
Appendix: Admiral Young's Torpedo
Index .
331
335
M94583
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
An Unwelcome Visit from the Press Gang Frontispiece
FACING PAGE
Manning the Navy ...... 56
Reproduced by kind permission from a rare print in the collection of
Mr. A. M. Broadlby.
The Press-Gang seizing a Victim . . . .80
Seizing a Waterman on Tower Hill on the Morning
OF his Wedding Day . . . . .116
Jack in the Bilboes ...... 130
From the Painting by Morland.
One of the Rarest of Press-Gang Records . . 188
A play-bill announcing the suspension of the Gang's operations on
" Play Nights," in the collection of Mr. A. M. Broadlkv, by
whose kind permission it is reproduced.
Sailors Carousing . . . . . .236
From the Mezzotint after J. Ibbbtson.
Anne Mills who served on board the Maidstone in 1740 258
Mary Anne Talbot . . . . . .266
Mary Anne Talbot dressed as a Sailor . . . 278
The Press Gang, or English Liberty Displayed . 306
Admiral Young's Torpedo ..... 332
Reproduced from the Original Drawing at the Public Record Office.
THE PRESS-GANG
CHAPTER I
HOW THE PRESS-GANG CAME IN
The practice of pressing men — that is to say, of
taking by intimidation or force those who will not
volunteer — would seem to have been world-wide in its
adoption.
Wherever man desired to have a thing done, and
was powerful enough to insure the doing of it, there
he attained his end by the simple expedient of com-
pelling others to do for him what he, unaided, could
not do for himself.
The individual, provided he did not conspire in
sufficient numbers to impede or defeat the end in
view, counted only as a food-consuming atom in the
human mass which was set to work out the purpose
of the master mind and hand. His face value in the
problem was that of a living wage. If he sought to
enhance his value by opposing the master hand, the
master hand seized him and wrung his withers.
So long as the compelling power confined the
doing of the things it desired done to works of con-
struction, it met with little opposition in its designs,
experienced little difficulty in coercing the labour
2 THE PRESS GANG
necessary for piling its walls, excavating its tanks,
raising its pyramids and castles, or for levelling its
rog,d[s: arid' b^ftt^rg its ships and cities. These were
jhe. cpiniTionprace achievements of peace, at which
;,\ bvjeinVt4? cOQrcecf/ijilght toil unafraid ; for apart from
the normal incidence of death, such works entailed
little danger to the lives of the multitudes who wrought
upon them. Men could in consequence be procured
for them by the exercise of the minimum of coercion
— by, that is to say, the mere threat of it.
When peace went to the wall and the pressed
man was called upon to go to battle, the case assumed
another aspect, an acuter phase. Given a state of
war, the danger to life and limb, the incidence of
death, at once jumped enormously, and in proportion
as these disquieting factors in the pressed man's lot
mounted up, just in that proportion did his opposition
to the power that sought to take him become the
more determined, strenuous, and undisguised.
Particularly was this true of warlike operations
upon the sea, for to the extraordinary and terrible
risks of war were here added the ordinary but ever-
present dangers of wind and wave and storm, sufficient
in themselves to appal the unacccustomed and to
antagonise the unwilling. In face of these superlative
risks the difficulty of procuring men was accentuated
a thousand-fold, and with it both the nature and the
degree of the coercive force necessary to be exercised
for their procuration.
In these circumstances the Ruling Power had no
option but to resort to more exigent means of attaining
its end. In times of peace, working through myriad
hands, it had constructed a thousand monuments of
HOW THE PRESS-GANG CAME IN 3
ornamental or utilitarian industry. These, with the
commonweal they represented, were now threatened
and must be protected at all costs. What more
reasonable than to demand of those who had built,
or of their successors in the perpetual inheritance of
toil, that they should protect what they had reared.
Hitherto, in most cases, the men required to meet
the national need had submitted at a threat. They
had to live, and coercive toil meant at least a living
wage. Now, made rebellious by a fearful looking
forward to the risks they were called upon to incur,
they had to be met by more effective measures.
Faced by this emergency, Power did not mince
matters. It laid violent hands upon the unwilling
subject and forced him, nolens volens, to sail its ships,
to man its guns, and to fight its battles by sea as he
already, under less overt compulsion, did its bidding
by land.
It is with this phase of pressing — pressing open,
violent and unashamed — that we purpose here to deal,
and more particularly with pressing as it applies to
the sea and sailors, to the Navy and the defence of an
Island Kingdom.
At what time the pressing of men for the sea
service of the Crown was first resorted to in these
islands it is impossible to determine. There is
evidence, however, that the practice was not only
in vogue, but firmly established as an adjunct of
power, as early as the days of the Saxon kings. It
was, in fact, coeval with feudalism, of which it may
be described as a side-issue incidental to a maritime
situation ; for though it is impossible to point to any
species of fee, as understood of the tenure of land,
4 THE PRESS-GANG
under which the holder was liable to render service at
sea, yet it must not be forgotten that the great ports
of the kingdom, and more especially the Cinque Ports,
were from time immemorial bound to find ships for
national purposes, whenever called upon to do so, in
return for the peculiar rights and privileges conferred
upon them by the Crown. The supply of ships
necessarily involved the supply of men to sail and
fight them, and in this supply, or, rather, in the mode
of obtaining it, we have undoubtedly the origin of the
later impress system.
With the reign of John the practice springs into
sudden prominence. The incessant activities of that
uneasy king led to almost incessant pressing, and at
certain crises in his reign commission after commis-
sion is directed, in feverish succession, to the sheriffs
of counties and the bailiffs of seaports throughout the
kingdom, straitly enjoining them to arrest and stay all
ships within their respective jurisdictions, and with the
ships the mariners who sail them.^ No exception was
taken to these edicts. Long usage rendered the royal
lien indefeasible.^
^ By a plausible euphemism they were said to be "hired." As a
matter of fact, both ships and men were retained during the royal
pleasure at rates fixed by custom.
2 In more modern times the pressing of ships, though still put
forward as a prerogative of the Crown, was confined in the main to un-
foreseen exigencies of transport. On the fall of Louisburg in 1760,
vessels were pressed at that port in order to carry the prisoners of war
to France {Ad.* i. 1491— Capt. Byron, 17 June 1760) ; and in 1764, again,
we find Capt. Brereton, of the Falmouth^ forcibly impressing the East
India ship Revenge for the purpose of transporting to Fort St. George,
in British India, the company, numbering some four hundred and twenty-
one souls, of the Siam, then recently condemned at Manilla as unsea-
worthy. — Ad. i. 1498 — Letters of Capt. Brereton, 1764.
* Ad.f in the footnotes, signifies Admiralty Records,
HOW THE PRESS-GANG CAME IN 5
In the carrying out of the royal commands there
was consequently, at this stage in the development of
pressing, little if any resort to direct coercion. From
the very nature of the case the principle of coercion
was there, but it was there only in the bud. The
king's right to hale whom he would into his service
being practically undisputed, a threat of reprisals in
the event of disobedience answered all purposes, and
even this threat was as yet more often implied than
openly expressed. King John was perhaps the first
to clothe it in words. Requisitioning the services of
the mariners of Wales, a notoriously disloyal body, he
gave the warrant, issued in 1208, a severely minatory
turn. " Know ye for certain," it ran, " that if ye act
contrary to this, we will cause you and the masters of
your vessels to be hanged, and all your goods to be
seized for our use."
At this point in the gradual subjection of the
seaman to the needs of the nation, defensive or the
contrary, we are confronted by an event as remarkable
in its nature as it is epoch-making in its consequences.
Magna Charta was sealed on the 15th of June 12 15,
and within a year of that date, on, namely, the 14th
of April then next ensuing, King John issued his
commission to the barons of twenty-two seaports,
requiring them, in terms admitting of neither mis-
construction nor compromise, to arrest all ships, and
to assemble those ships, together with their companies,
in the River of Thames before a certain day.^ This
wholesale embargo upon the shipping and seamen of
the nation, imposed as it was immediately after the
ensealing of Magna Charta, raises a question of great
^ Hardy, Rotuli Litterarum Clausarum^ 1833.
6 THE PRESS-GANG
constitutional interest. In what sense, and to what
extent, was the Charter of English Liberties intended
to apply to the seafaring man ?
Essentially a tyrant and a ruthless promise-breaker,
John's natural cruelty would in itself sufficiently
account for the dire penalties threatened under the
warrant of 1 208 ; but neither his tyranny, his faithless-
ness of character, nor his very human irritation at the
concessions wrung from him by his barons, can explain
to our satisfaction why, having granted a charter
affirming and safeguarding the liberties of, ostensibly,
every class of his people, he should immediately inflict
upon one of those classes, and that, too, the one least
of all concerned in his historic dispute, the pains of a
most rigorous impressment. The only rational ex-
planation of his conduct is, that in thus acting he was
contravening no convention, doing violence to no
covenant, but was, on the contrary, merely exercising,
in accordance with time-honoured usage, an already
well-recognised, clearly defined and firmly seated
prerogative which the great charter he had so recently
put his hand to was in no sense intended to limit
or annul.
This view of the case is confirmed by subsequent
events. Press warrants, identical in every respect
save one with the historic warrant of 12 16, continued
to emanate from the Crown long after King John
had gone to his account, and, what is more to the
point, to emanate unchallenged. Stubbs himself, our
greatest constitutional authority, repeatedly admits as
much. Every crisis in the destinies of the Island
Kingdom — and they were many and frequent — pro-
duced its batch of these procuratory documents, every
HOW THE PRESS-GANG CAME IN 7
batch its quota of pressed men. The inference is
plain. The mariner was the bondsman of the sea,
and to him the Nullus liber homo capiatur clause of
the Great Charter was never intended to apply. In
his case a dead-letter from the first, it so remained
throughout the entire chapter of his vicissitudes.
The chief point wherein the warrants of later times
differed from those of King John was this : As time
went on the penalties they imposed on those who
resisted the press became less and less severe. The
death penalty fell into speedy disuse, if, indeed, it was
ever inflicted at all. Imprisonment for a term of from
one to two years, with forfeiture of goods, was held to
meet all the exigencies of the case. Gradually even
this modified practice underwent amelioration, until at
length it dawned upon the official intelligence that a
seaman who was free to respond to the summons of
the boatswain's whistle constituted an infinitely more
valuable physical asset than one who cursed his king
and his Maker in irons. All punishment of the
condign order, for contempt or resistance of the press,
now went by the board, and in its stead the seaman
was merely admonished in paternal fashion, as in a
Proclamation of 1623, to take the king's shilling
*' dutifully and reverently" when it was tendered
to him.
In its apparent guilelessness the admonition was
nevertheless woefully deceptive. Like the subdued
beat of drum by which, some five years later, the
seamen of London were lured to Tower Hill, there to
be seized and thrown bodily into the waiting fleet, it
masked under its mild exterior the old threat of
coercion in a new form. The ancient pains and
8 THE PRESS-GANG
penalties were indeed no more ; but for the back of
the sailor who was so ill-advised as to defy the press
there was another rod in pickle. He could now be
taken forcibly.
For side by side with the negative change involved
in the abolition of the old punishments, there had been
in progress, throughout the intervening centuries, a
positive development of far worse omen for the hap-
less sailor-man. The root-principle of direct coercion,
necessarily inherent in any system that seeks to foist
an arbitrary and obnoxious status upon any consider-
able body of men, was slowly but surely bursting into
bud. The years that had seen the unprested seaman
freed from the dread of the yardarm and the horrors
of the forepeak, had bred a new terror for him.
Centuries of usage had strengthened the arm of that
hated personage the Press-Master, and the compul-
sion which had once skulked under cover of a threat
now threw off its disguise and stalked the seafaring
man for what it really was — Force, open and un-
ashamed. The dernier ressort of former days was
now the first resort. The seafaring man who refused
the king's service when ** admonished " thereto had
short shrift. He was "first knocked down, and then
bade to stand in the king's name." Such, literally
and without undue exaggeration, was the later system
which, reaching the climax of its insolent pretensions
to justifiable violence in the eighteenth century, for
upwards of a hundred years bestrode the neck of the
unfortunate sailor like some monstrous Old Man of
the Sea.
Outbursts of violent pressing before the dawn of
the eighteenth century, though spasmodic and on the
HOW THE PRESS-GANG CAME IN 9
whole infrequent, were not entirely unknown. Times
of national stress were peculiarly productive of them.
Thus when, in 1545, there was reason to fear a
French invasion, pressing of the most violent and
unprecedented character was openly resorted to in
order to man the fleet. The class who suffered most
severely on that occasion were the fisher folk of
Devon, ''the most part" of whom were ''taken as
marryners to serve the king." ^
During the Civil Wars of the next century both
parties to the strife issued press warrants which were
enforced with the utmost rigour. The Restoration saw
a marked recrudescence of similar measures. How
great was the need of men at that time, and how
exigent the means employed to procure them, may be
gathered from the fact, cited by Pepys, that in 1666
the fleet lay idle for a whole fortnight " without any
demand for a farthing worth of anything, but only to
get men." The genial diarist was deeply moved by
the scenes of violence that followed. They were, he
roundly declares, "a shame to think of."
The origin of the term "pressing," with its cognates
"to press" and "pressed," is not less remarkable than
the genesis of the violence it so aptly describes.
Originally the man who was required for the king's
service at sea, like his twin brother the soldier, was
not "pressed" in the sense in which we now use
the term. He was merely subjected to a process
called "presting." To "prest" a man meant to
enlist him by means of what was technically known
^ State Papers^ Henry vili. — Lord Russell to the Privy Council,
22 Aug. 1545. Bourne, who cites the incident in his Tudor Seamen^
misses the essential point that the fishermen were forcibly pressed.
V
10 THE PRESS-GANG
as " prest " money — " prest " being the English
equivalent of the obsolete French priest, now prH,
meaning "ready." In the recruiter's vocabulary,
therefore, "prest" money stood for what is nowa-
days, in both services, commonly termed the ** king's
shilling," and the man who, either voluntarily or under
duress, accepted or received that shilling at the
recruiter's hands, was said to be " prested " or "prest."
In other words, having taken the king's ready money,
he was thenceforth, during the king's pleasure, " ready "
for the king's service.
By the transfer of the prest shilling from the hand
of the recruiter to the pouch of the seaman a subtle
contract, as between the latter and his sovereign, was
supposed to be set up, than which no more solemn or
binding pact could exist save between a man and his
Maker. One of the parties to the contract was more
often than not, it is true, a strongly dissenting party ;
but although under the common law of the land this
circumstance would have rendered any similar con-
tract null and void, in this amazing transaction between
the king and his "prest" subject it was held to be
of no vitiating force. From the moment the king s
shilling, by whatever means, found its way into the
sailor's possession, from that moment he was the
king's man, bound in heavy penalties to toe the line of
duty, and, should circumstances demand it, to fight
the king's enemies to the death, be that fate either
theirs or his.
By some strange irony of circumstance there
happened to be in the English language a word —
" pressed " — which tallied almost exactly in pronuncia-
tion with the old French -word prest, so long employed,
HOW THE PRESS-GANG CAME IN 11
as we have seen, to differentiate from his fellows
the man who, by the devious means we have here
described, was made ** ready" for the sea service.
"Press" means to constrain, to urge with force —
definitions precisely connoting the development and
manner of violent enlistment. Hence, as the change
from covert to overt violence grew in strength,
** pressing," in the mouths of the people at large,
came to be synonymous with that most obnoxious,
oppressive and fear-inspiring system of recruiting
which, in the course of time, took the place of its
milder and more humane antecedent, " presting."
The "prest" man disappeared,^ and in his stead there
came upon the scene his later substitute the " pressed "
man, ** forced," as Pepys so graphically describes his
condition, ** against all law to be gone." An odder
coincidence than this gradual substitution of *' pressed "
iox prest, or one more grimly appropriate in its applica-
tion, it would surely be impossible to discover in the
whose history of nomenclature.
With the growth of the power and violence of the
impress there was gradually inaugurated another
change, which perhaps played a larger part than any
other feature of the system in making it finally
obnoxious to the nation at large — finally, because,
as we shall see, the nation long endured its exactions
with pathetic submission and lamentable indifference.
The incidence of pressing was no longer confined,
as in its earlier stages, to the overflow of the populace
^ The Law Officers of the Crown retained him, on paper, until the
close of the eighteenth century — an example in which they were followed
by the Admiralty. To admit his disappearance would have been to
knock the bottom out of their case.
12 THE PRESS-GANG
upon the country's rivers, and bays, and seas.
Gradually, as naval needs grew in volume and urgency,
the press net was cast wider and wider, until at
length, during the great century of struggle, when
the system was almost constantly working at its
highest pressure and greatest efficiency, practically
every class of the population of these islands was
subjected to its merciless inroads, if not decimated by
its indiscriminate exactions.
On the very threshold of the century we stumble
upon an episode curiously indicative of the set of the
tide. Czar Peter of Russia had been recently in
England, acquiring a knowledge of English customs
which, on his return home, he immediately began to
put in practice. His navy, such as it was, was
wretchedly manned.^ Russian serfs made bad sailors
and worse seamen. In the English ships thronging
the quays at Archangel there was, however, plenty of
good stuff — men who could use the sea without being
sick, men capable of carrying a ship to her destination
without piling her up on the rocks or seeking nightly
shelter under the land. He accordingly pressed every
ninth man out of those ships.
When news of this high - handed proceeding
^ The navy got together by Czar Peter had all but disappeared by
the time Catherine ii. came to the throne. " Ichabod" was written over
the doors of the Russian Admiralty. Their ships of war were few in
number, unseaworthy, ill-found, ill-manned. Two thousand able-bodied
seamen could with difficulty be got together in an emergency. The
nominal fighting strength of the fleet stood high, but that strength in
reality consisted of men " one half of whom had never sailed out of the
Gulf of Finland, whilst the other half had never sailed anywhere at all.''
When the fleet was ordered to sea, the Admiralty " put soldiers on
board, and by calling them sailors persuaded themselves that they really
were so." — State Papers^ Russia^ vol. Ixxvii. — Macartney, Nov. 16-27,
1766.
HOW THE PRESS GANG CAME IN 13
reached England, it roused the Queen and her
advisers to indignation. Winter though it was, they
lost no time in dispatching Charles Whitworth, a
rising diplomat of the suavest type, as ** Envoy
Extraordinary to our Good (but naughty) Brother the
Czar of Muscovy," with instructions to demand the
release, immediate and unconditional, of the pressed
men. Whitworth found the Czar at Moscow. The
Autocrat of All the Russias listened affably enough
to what he had to say, but refused his demand in
terms that left scant room for doubt as to his sincerity
of purpose, and none for protracted ''conversations."
" Every Prince," he declared for sole answer, '' can
take what he likes out of his own havens."^ The
position thus taken up was unassailable. Centuries
of usage hedged the prerogative in, and Queen Anne
herself, in the few years she had been on the throne,
had not only exercised it with a free hand, but had
laid that hand without scruple upon many a foreign
seaman.
The lengths to which the system had gone by the
end of the third quarter of the century is thrown into
vivid relief by two incidents, one of which occurred in
1726, the other fifty years later.
In the former year one William Kingston, pressed
in the Downs — a man who hailed from Lyme Regis
and habitually "used the sea" — was, notwithstanding
that fact, discliarged by express Admiralty order
because he was a " substantial man and had a landed
estate." 2
^ Ad. I. 1436 — Capt. J. Anderson's letters and enclosures ; State
Papers, Russia^ vol. iv. — V^hitworth to Secretary Harley.
2 Ad. I. 1473 — Capt Charles Browne, 25 March 1726, and
endorsement.
14 THE PRESS-GANG
The incident of 1776, known as the Duncan case,
occurred, or rather began, at North Shields. Lieu-
tenant Oaks, captain of the press-gang in that town,
one day met in the streets a man who, unfortunately
for his future, " had the appearance of a seaman."
He accordingly pressed him ; whereupon the man,
whose name was Duncan, produced the title-deeds of
certain house property in London, down Wapping
way, worth some six pounds per annum, and claimed
his discharge on the ground that as a freeholder and
a voter he was immune from the press. The lieutenant
laughed the suggestion to scorn, and Duncan was
shipped south to the fleet.
The matter did not end there. Duncan's friends
espoused his cause and took energetic steps for his
release. Threatened with an action at law, and averse
from incurring either unnecessary risks or opprobrium
where pressed men were concerned, the Admiralty
referred the case to Mr. Attorney- General (afterwards
Lord) Thurlow for "his opinion.
The point of law Thurlow was called upon to
resolve was, ** Whether being a freeholder is an
exception from being pressed ; " and as Duncan was
represented in counsel's instructions — on what ground,
other than his " appearance," is not clear — to be a man
who habitually used the sea, it is hardly matter for
surprise that the great jurist's opinion, biassed as it
obviously was by that alleged fact, should have been
altogether inimical to the pressed man and favourable
to the Admiralty.
" I see no reason," he writes, in his crabbed hand
and nervous diction, ** why men using the sea, and
being otherwise fit objects to be impressed into His
•
HOW THE PRESS-GANG CAME IN 15
Majesty's service, should be exempted only because
they are Freeholders. Nor did I ever read or hear
of such an exemption. Therefore, unless some use or
practice, which I am ignorant of, gives occasion to
this doubt, I see no reason for a Mariner being
discharged, seriously, because he is a Freeholder.
It's a qualification easily attained : a single house
at Wapping would ship a first-rate man-of-war. If
a Freeholder is exempt, eo nomine, it will be impossible
to go on with the pressing service.^ There is no
knowing a Freeholder by sight : and if claiming that
character, or even showing deeds is sufficient, few
Sailors will be without it."^
Backed by this opinion, so nicely in keeping with
its own inclinations, the Admiralty kept the man.
Its views, like its practice, had undergone an antipodal
change since the Kingston incident of fifty years
before. And possession, commonly reputed to be
nine points of the law, more than made up for the
lack of that element in Mr. Attorney-General's
sophistical reasoning.
In this respect Thurlow was in good company,
for although Coke, who lived before violent pressing
became the rule, had given it as his opinion that the
king could not lawfully press men to serve him in his
wars, the legal luminaries who came after him,
and more particularly those of the eighteenth century,
differed from him almost to a man. Blackstone,
^ It would have been equally impossible to go on with the naval
service had the fleet contained many freeholders like John Barnes.
Granted leave of absence from his ship, the Neptune, early in May, " in
order to give his vote in the city," he " return'd not till the 8th of
August." — Ad. I. 2653 — Capt. Whorwood, 23 Aug. 1741.
^ Ad, 7. 299— Law Officers' Opinions, 1756-77, No. 64.
16 THE PRESS-GANG
whilst admitting that no statute expressly legalised
pressing, reminded the nation — with a leer, we
might almost say — that many statutes strongly implied,
and hence — so he put it — amply justified it. In thus
begging the question he had in mind the so-called
Statutes of Exemption which, in protecting from
impressment certain persons or classes of persons,
proceeded on the assumption, so dear to the Sea
Lords, that the Crown possessed the right to press all.
This also was the view taken by Yorke, Solicitor-
General in 1757. "I take the prerogative," he
declares, "to be most clearly legal." ^
Another group of lawyers took similar, though
less exalted ground. Of these the most eminent was
that "great oracle of law," Lord Mansfield. "The
power of pressing," he contends, " is founded upon
immemorial usage allowed for ages. If not, it can
have no ground to stand upon. The practice is
deduced from that trite maxim of the Constitutional
Law of England, that private mischief had better
be submitted to than that public detriment should
ensue."
The sea-lawyer had yet to be heard. With him
"private mischief" counted for much, the usage of
past ages for very little. He lived and suffered in
the present. Of common law he knew nothing, but
he possessed a fine appreciation of common justice,
and this forced from him an indictment of the system
that held him in thrall as scathing in its truth, its
simplicity and its logic as it is spontaneous and
untutored in its diction.
"You confidently tell us," said he, dipping his
^ Ad. 7. 298— Law Officers' Opinions, 1733-56, No. 102.
HOW THE PRESS-GANG CAME IN 17
pen in the gall of bitterness, "that our King is
a father to us and our officers friends. They are so,
we must confess, in some respects, for Indeed they
use us like Children in Whiping us into Obedience.
As for English Tars to be the Legitimate Sons of
Liberty, it is an Old Cry which we have Experienced
and Knows it to be False. God knows, the Con-
stitution is admirable well Callculated for the Safety
and Happiness of His Majesty's Subjects who live
by Employments on Shore ; but alass, we are not
Considered as Subjects of the same Sovereign, unless
it be to Drag us by Force from our Families to Fight
the Battles of a Country which Refuses us Protection." ^
Such, in rough outline, was the Impress System
of the eighteenth century. In its inception, its
development, and more especially in its extraordinary
culmination, it perhaps constitutes the greatest
anomaly, as it undoubtedly constitutes the grossest
imposition, any free people ever submitted to.
Although unlawful in the sense of having no founda-
tion in law, and oppressive and unjust in that it yearly
enslaved, under the most noxious conditions, thousands
against their will, it was nevertheless for more than
a hundred years tolerated and fostered as the readiest,
speediest and most effective means humanly devisable
for the manning of a fleet whose toll upon a free
people, in the same "^period of time, swelled to more
than thrice its original bulk. Standing as a bulwark
against aggression and conquest, it ground under its
heel the very people it protected, and made them
slaves in order to keep them free. Masquerading
as a protector, it dragged the wage-earner from his
^ Ad. I. 5125 — Petitions of the Seamen of the Fleet, 1797.
2
18 THE PRESS-GANG
home and cast his starving family upon the doubtful
mercies of the parish. And as if this were not
enough, whilst justifying its existence on the score
of public benefit it played havoc with the fisheries,
clipped the wings of the merchant service, and sucked
the life-blood out of trade.
It was on the rising tide of such egregious con-
tradictions as these that the press-gang came in ; for
the press-gang was at once the embodiment and the
active exponent of all that was anomalous or bad in
the Impress System.
CHAPTER II
WHY THE GANG WAS NECESSARY
The root of the necessity that seized the British
sailor and made of him what he in time became,
the most abject creature and the most efficient
fighting unit the world has ever produced, lay in
the fact that he was island-born.
In that island a great and vigorous people had
sprung into being — a people great in their ambi-
tions, commerce and dominion ; vigorous in holding
what they had won against the assaults, meditated
or actual, of those who envied their greatness and
coveted their possessions. Of this island people, as
of their world-wide interests, the " chiefest defence"
was a ''good fleet at sea."^
The Peace of Utrecht, marking though it did
the close of the protracted war of the Spanish
Succession, brought"^ to the Island Kingdom not
peace, but a sword ; for although its Navy was
now as unrivalled as its commerce and empire, the
supreme struggle for existence, under the guise of
the mastery of the sea, was only just begun. De-
cade after decade, as that struggle waxed and waned
^ This famous phrase is used, perhaps for the first time, by Josiah
Burchett, sometime Secretary to the Admiralty, in his Observations on
the Navy^ 1700.
19
20 THE PRESS-GANG
but went remorselessly on, the Navy grew in ships,
the ships in tonnage and weight of metal, and with
their growth the demand for men, imperative as the
very existence of the nation, mounted ever higher
and higher. In 1756 fifty thousand sufficed for the
nation's needs. By 1780 the number had reached
ninety-two thousand; and with 1802 it touched high-
water mark in the unprecedented total of one
hundred and twenty-nine thousand men in actual
sea pay.^
Beset by this enormous and steadily growing
demand, the Admiralty, the defensive proxy of the
nation, had perforce to face the question as to
where and how the men vv^ere to be obtained.
The source of supply was never at any time in
doubt. Here, ready to hand, were some hundreds
of thousands of persons using the sea, or following
vocations merging into the sea in the capacity of
colliers, bargemen, boatmen, longshoremen, fisher-
men and deep-sea sailors or merchantmen, who
constituted the natural Naval Reserve of an Island
Kingdom — a reserve ample, if judiciously drawn
upon, to meet, and more than meet, the Navy's
every need.
The question of means was one more complicated,
more delicate, and hence incomparably more difficult
of solution. To draw largely upon these seafaring
classes, numerous and fit though they were, meant
detriment to trade, and if the Navy was the fist,
trade was the backbone of the nation. The suffer-
1 Ad. 7. 567— Navy Progress, 1 756-1 805. These figures are below
rather than above the mark, since the official returns on which they
are based are admittedly deficient.
WHY THE GANG WAS NECESSARY 21
ings of trade, moreover, reacted unpleasantly upon
those in power at Whitehall. Methods of procura-
tion must therefore be devised of a nature such as
to insure that neither trade nor Admiralty should
suffer — that they should, in fact, enjoy what the
unfortunate sailor never knew, some reasonable
measure of ease.
In its efforts to extricate itself and trade from
the complex difficulties of the situation, Admiralty
had at its back what an eighteenth century Beresford
would doubtless have regarded as the finest talent
of the service. Neither the unemployed admiral
nor the half-pay captain had at that time, in his
enforced retirement at Bath or Cheltenham, taken
seriously to parliamenteering, company promoting,
or the concocting of pedigrees as a substitute for
walking the quarter-deck. His occupation was
indeed gone, but in its stead there had come to
him what he had rarely enjoyed whilst on the active
service list — opportunity. Carried away by the
stimulus of so unprecedented a situation as that
afforded by the chance to make himself heard, he
rushed into print with projects and suggestions which
would have revolutionised the naval policy and
defence of the country at a stroke had they been
carried into effect. Or he devoted his leisure to
the invention of signal codes, semaphore systems,
embryo torpedoes, gun carriages, and — what is more
to our point — methods ostensibly calculated to man
the fleet in the easiest, least oppressive and most
expeditious manner possible for a free people.
Armed with these schemes, he bombarded the Ad-
miralty with all the pertinacity he had shown in
22 THE PRESS GANG
his quarter-deck days in applying for leave or
seeking promotion. Many, perhaps most, of the
inventions which it was thus sought to father upon
the Sea Lords, were happily never more heard of;
but here and there one, commending itself by its
seeming practicability, was selected for trial and
duly put to the test.
Fair to look upon while still in the air, these
fruits of leisured superannuation proved deceptively
unsound when plucked by the hand of experiment.
Registration, first adopted in 1696, held out un-
deniable advantages to the seaman. Under its
provisions he drew a yearly allowance when not
required at sea, and extra prize-money when on
active service. Yet the bait did not tempt him,
and the system was soon discarded as useless and
inoperative. Bounty, defined by some sentimentalist
as a "bribe to Neptune," for a while made a stronger
appeal ; but, ranging as it did from five to almost
any number of pounds under one hundred per head,
it proved a bribe indeed, and by putting an irresist-
ible premium on desertion threatened to decimate
the very ships it was intended to man. In 1795
what was commonly known as the Quota Scheme
superseded it. This was a plan of Pitt's devising,
under which each county contributed to the fleet
according to its population, the quota varying from
one thousand and eighty-one men for Yorkshire to
twenty-three for Rutland, whilst a minor Act levied
special toll on seaports, London leading the way with
five thousand seven hundred and four men. Like
its predecessor Bounty, however, this mode of re-
cruiting drained the Navy in order to feed it. Both
WHY THE GANG WAS NECESSARY 23
systems, moreover, possessed another and more
serious defect. When their initial enthusiasm had
cooled, the counties, perhaps from force of habit as
component parts of a country whose backbone was
trade, bought in the cheapest market. Hence the
Quota Man, consisting as he generally did of the
offscourings of the merchant service, was seldom
or never worth the money paid for him. An old
man-o'-war's-man, picking up a miserable specimen
of this class of recruit by the slack of his ragged
breeches, remarked to his grinning messmates as
he dangled the disreputable object before their
eyes : " 'Ere's a lubber as cost a guinea a pound ! "
He was not far out in his estimate.
As in the case of the good old method of re-
cruiting by beat of drum and the lure of the king's
shilling, system after system thus failed to draw into
its net, however speciously that net was spread,
either the class or the number of men whose services
it was desired to requisition. And whilst these
futilities were working out their own condemnation
the stormcloud of necessity grew bigger and bigger
on the national horizon. Let trade suffer as it
might, there was nothing for it but to discard all
new-fangled notions and to revert to the system
which the usage of ages had sanctioned. The
return was imperative. Failing what Junius stigma-
tised as the ''spur of the Press," the right men in
the right numbers were not to be procured. The
wisdom of the nation was at fault. It could find
no other way.
There were, moreover, other reasons why the
press-gang was to the Navy an indispensable ap-
24 THE PRESS-GANG
pendage — reasons perhaps of little moment singly,
but of tremendous weight in the scale of naval
necessity when lumped together and taken in the
aggregate.
Of these the most prominent was that fatal flaw
in naval administration which Nelson was in the
habit of anathematising as the " Infernal System."
Due partly to lack of foresight and false economy
at Whitehall, partly to the character of the sailor
himself, it resolved itself into this, that whenever a
ship was paid off and put out of commission, all on
board of her, excepting only her captain and her
lieutenants, ceased to be officially connected with
the Navy. Now, as ships were for various reasons
constantly going out of commission, and as the
paying off of a first- second- or third-rate automati-
cally discharged from their country's employ a body
of men many hundreds in number, the ''lowering"
effects of such a system, working year in, year out,
upon a fleet always in chronic difficulties for men,
may be more readily imagined than described.
To a certain limited extent the loss to the service
was minimised by a process called ''turning over";
that is to say, the company of a ship paying off was
turned over bodily, or as nearly intact as it was
possible to preserve it, to another ship which at the
moment chanced to be ready, or making ready, for
sea. Or it might be that the commander of a ship
paying off, transferred to another ship fitting out,
carried the best men of his late command, com-
monly known as "old standers," along with him.
Unfortunately, the occasion of fitting out did not
always coincide with the occasion of paying off; and
WHY THE GANG WAS NECESSARY 25
although turnovers were frequently made by Ad-
miralty order, there were serious obstacles in the
way of their becoming general. Once the men were
paid off, the Admiralty had no further hold upon
them. By a stretch of authority they might, it is
true, be confined to quarters or on board a guard-
ship ; but if in these circumstances they rose in a
body and got ashore, they could neither be retaken
nor punished as deserters, but — to use the good old
service term — had to be "rose" again by means of the
press-gang. Turnovers, accordingly, depended mainly
upon two closely related circumstances : the good-
will of the men, and the popularity of commanders.
A captain who was notorious for his use of the lash
or the irons, or who was reputed unlucky, rarely if
ever got a turnover except by -the adoption of the
most stringent measures. One who, on the other
hand, treated his men with common humanity, who
bested the enemy in fair fight and sent rich prizes
into port, never wanted for "followers," and rarely,
if ever, had recourse to the gang.^ Under such men
^ In his Autobiography Lord Dundonald asserts that he was only
once obliged to resort to pressing — a statement so remarkable, con-
sidering the times he lived in, as to call for explanation. The occasion
was when, returning from a year's " exile in a tub," a converted collier
that " sailed like a hay-stack," he fitted out the Pallas at Portsmouth
and could obtain no volunteers. Setting his gangs to work, he got
together a scratch crew of the wretchedest description ; yet so mar-
vellous were the personality and disciplinary ability of the man, that
with only this unpromising material ready to his hand he intercepted
the Spanish trade off Cape Finisterre and captured four successive
prizes of very great value. The Pallas returned to Portsmouth with
"three large golden candlesticks, each about five feet high, placed
upon the mast-heads," and from that time onward Dundonald's reputa-
tion as a " lucky " commander was made. He never again had occasion
to invoke the aid of the gang.
26 THE PRESS-GANG
the seaman would gladly serve "even in a dung
barge." ^ Unhappily for the service, such commanders
were comparatively few, and in their absence the
Infernal System drained the Navy of its best blood
and accentuated a hundred-fold the already over-
whelming need for the impress.
The old-time sailor,^ again, was essentially a
creature of contradictions. Notorious for a "swear-
ing rogue," who punctuated his strange sea-lingo with
horrid oaths and appalling blasphemies, he made the
responses required by the services of his Church with
all the superstitious awe and tender piety of a child.
Inconspicuous for his thrift or " forehandedness," it
was nevertheless a common circumstance with him
to have hundreds of pounds, in pay and prize-money,
to his credit at his bankers, the Navy Pay-Office ;
and though during a voyage he earned his money as
hardly as a horse, and was as poor as a church mouse,
yet the moment he stepped ashore he made it fly by
the handful and squandered it, as the saying went,
like an ass. When he was sober, which was seldom
enough provided he could obtain drink, he possessed
scarcely a rag to his back ; but when he was drunk
he was himself the first to acknowledge that he had
" too many cloths in the wind." According to his
1 Ad. I. 2733— Capt. Young, 28 Sept. 1776.
2 The use of the word " sailor " was long regarded with disfavour
by the Navy Board, who saw in it only a colourless substitute for the
good old terms " seaman " and " mariner." Capt. Bertie, of the A'udy
gunship, once reported the pressing of a "sailor," Thomas Letting by
name, out of a collier in Yarmouth Roads, and was called upon by
My Lords to define the new-fangled term. This he did with admirable
circumlocution. " As for explaining the word ' sailor,' " said he, " I can
doe it no otherwise than (by) letting of you know that Thomas Letting
is a Sailor."— ^^. i. 1468— Capt. Bertie, 6 May 1706.
WHY THE GANG WAS NECESSARY 27
own showing, his wishes in life were limited to
three : '* An island of tobacco, a river of rum, and
— more rum ; " but according to those who knew him
better than he knew himself, he would at any time
sacrifice all three, together with everything else he
possessed, for the gratification of a fourth and un-
confessed desire, the dearest wish of his life, woman.
Ward's description of him, slightly paraphrased, fits
him to a hair : *' A salt-water vagabond, who is never
at home but when he is at sea, and never contented
but when he is ashore ; never at ease until he has
drawn his pay, and never satisfied until he has spent
it ; and when his pocket is empty he is just as much
respected as a father-in-law is when he has beggared
himself to give a good portion with his daughter."^
With all this he was brave beyond belief on the deck
of a ship, timid to the point of cowardice on the back
of a horse ; and although he fought to a victorious
finish many of his country's most desperate fights,
and did more than any other man of his time to make
her the great nation she became, yet his roving life
robbed him of his patriotism and made it necessary
to wring from him by violent means the allegiance
he shirked. It was at this point that he came in
contact with what he hated most in life, yet dearly
loved to dodge — the press-gang.
That such a creature of contradictions should be
averse from serving the country he loved is perhaps
the most consistent trait in his character ; for here at
least the sailor had substantial grounds for his in-
consistency.
For one thing, his aversion to naval service was
^ Ward, Woodefi World Dissected^ 1 744.
28 THE PRESS GANG
as old as the Navy itself, having grown with its
growth. We have seen in what manner King John
was obliged to admonish the sailor in order to induce
him to take his prest-money ; and Edward iii., re-
ferring to his attitute in the fourteenth century, is said to
have summed up the situation in the pregnant words :
" There is navy enough in England, were there only
the will." Raleigh, recalling with bitterness of soul
those glorious Elizabethan days when no adventurer
ever dreamt of pressing, scoffed at the seamen of
King James's time as degenerates who went on board
a man-of-war " with as great a grudging as if it were
to be slaves in the galleys." A hundred years did
not improve matters. The sailors of Queen Anne
entered her ships like men ''dragged to execution."^
In the merchant service, where the sailor received
his initiation into the art and mystery of the sea, life
during the period under review, and indeed for long
after, was hard enough in all conscience. Systematic
and unspeakably inhuman brutality made the merchant
seaman's lot a daily inferno. Traders sailing out of
Liverpool, Bristol and a score of other British ports
depended almost entirely for their crews upon drugged
rum, so evil was their reputation in this respect
amongst seafaring men. In the East India Company's
ships, even, the conditions were little short of unen-
durable. Men had rather be hanged than sail to the
Indies in them.^
Of all these bitternesses the sailor tasted freely.
* Justice, Dominion and Laws of the Sea, 1705, Appendix on
Pressing.
2 Ad. I. 1463, 1472— Letters of Captains Bouler and Billingsley,
and numerous instances.
WHY THE GANG WAS NECESSARY 29
Cosmopolite that he was, he wandered far a-sea and
incurred the blows and curses of many masters, happy
if, amid his manifold tribulations, he could still call his
soul his own. Just here, indeed, was where the shoe
of naval service pinched him most sorely ; for though
upon the whole life on board a man-of-war was not
many shades worse than life aboard a trader, it yet
introduced into his already sadly circumscribed vista
of happiness the additional element of absolute loss of
free-will, and the additional dangers of being shot as
an enemy or hanged as a deserter. These additional
things, the littles that yet meant so much, bred in him
a hatred of the service so implacable that nothing less
drastic than the warrant and the hanger could cope
with or subdue it. Eradicated it never was.
The keynote to the sailor's treatment in the Navy
may be said to have been profane abuse. Officers of
all ranks kept the Recording Angel fearfully busy.
With scarcely an exception they were men of blunt
speech and rough tongue who never hesitated to call
a spade a spade, and the ordinary seaman something
many degrees worse. These were technicalities of the
service which had neither use nor meaning elsewhere.
But to the navigation of the ship, to daily routine and
the maintenance of that exact discipline on which the
Navy prided itself, they were as essential as is milk to
the making of cheese. Nothing could be done without
them. Decent language was thrown away upon a set
of fellows who had been bred in that very shambles of
language, the merchant marine. To them *' 'twas just
all the same as High Dutch." They neither understood
it nor appreciated its force. But a volley of thumping
oaths, bellowed at them from the brazen throat of a
30 THE PRESS-GANG
speaking-trumpet, and freely interlarded with adjec-
tives expressive of the foulness of their persons, and
the ultimate state and destination of their eyes and
limbs, saved the situation and sometimes the ship.
Officers addicted to this necessary flow of language
were sensible of only one restraint Visiting parties
caused them embarrassment, and when this was the
case they fell back upon the tactics of the commander
who, unable to express himself with his usual fluency
because of the presence of ladies on the quarter-
deck, hailed the foreyard-arm in some such terms as
these : " Foreyard-arm there ! God bless you ! God
bless you ! God bless you ! You know what I
mean I "
Hard words break no bones, and to quarter-deck
language, as such, the sailor entertained no rooted
objection. What he did object to, and object to with
all the dogged insistence of his nature, was the fact
that this habitual flow of profane scurrility was only
the prelude to what, with grim pleasantry, he was ac-
customed to describe as "serving out slops." Any-
thing intended to cover his back was "slops" to the
sailor, and the punishments meted out to him covered
him like a garment.
The old code of naval laws, the Monumenta
Juridica or Black Book of the Admiralty, contained
many curious disciplinary methods, not a few of which
too long survived the age they originated in. If, for
instance, one sailor robbed another and was found
guilty of the crime, boiling pitch was poured over his
head and he was powdered with feathers "to mark
him," after which he was marooned on the first island
the ship fell in with. Seamen guilty of undressing
WHY THE GANG WAS NECESSARY 31
themselves while at sea were ducked three times from
the yard-arm — a more humane use of that spar than
converting it into a gallows. On this code were based
Admiral the Earl of Lindsay's " Instructions" of 1695.
These included ducking, keel-hauling, fasting, flogging,
weighting until the ** heart or back be ready to break,"
and "gogging" or scraping the tongue with.hoop-iron
for obscene or profane swearing ; for although the
** gentlemen of the quarter-deck " might swear to their
heart's content, that form of recreation was strictly
taboo in other parts of the ship. Here we have the
origin of the brutal discipline of the next century,
summed up in the Consolidation Act of George 11.^ —
an Act wherein ten out of thirty-six articles awarded
capital punishment without option, and twelve death
or minor penalties.
Of the latter, the one most commonly in use was
flogging at the gangway or jears. This duty fell to
the lot of the boatswain's mate.^ The instrument
employed was the cat-o'-nine-tails, the regulation dose
twelve lashes ; but since the actual number was left to
the captain's discretion or malice, as the case might
be, it not infrequently ran into three figures. Thus
John Watts, able seaman on board H.M.S. Harwich,
Capt. Andrew Douglas commander, in 1704 received
one hundred and seventy lashes for striking a ship-
mate in self-defence, his captain meanwhile standing
by and exhorting the boatswain's mate to " Swinge
the Dog, for hee has a Tough Hide" — and
^ 22 George ii. c. 33. ^
"^ "As it is the Custom of the Army to punish with the Drums, so it
is the known Practice of the Navy to punish with the Boatswain's Mate."
— Ad. I. 1482 — Capt. (afterwards Admiral) Boscawen, 25 Feb. 1746-7.
32 THE PRESS GANG
that, too, with a cat waxed to make it bite the
harder.^
It was just this unearned increment of blows — this
dash of bitter added to the regulation cup — that made
Jack's gorge rise. He was not the sort of chap, it
must be confessed, to be ruled with a feather. " An
impudent rascal " at the best of times, he often
"deserved a great deal and had but little."^ But
unmerited punishment, too often devilishly devised,
maliciously inflicted and inhumanly carried out, broke
the back of his sense of justice, already sadly over-
strained, and inspired him with a mortal hatred of all
things naval.
For the slightest offence he was *' drubbed at the
gears"; for serious offences, from ship to ship. If,
when reefing topsails on a dark night or in the teeth
of a sudden squall, he did not handle the canvas with
all the celerity desired by the officer of the watch, he
and his fellow yardsmen were flogged en bloc. He
was made to run the gauntlet, often with the blood
gushing from nose and ears as the result of a
previous dose of the cat, until he fell to the deck
comatose and at the point of death.^ Logs of wood
were bound to his legs as shackles, and whatever the
nature of his offence, he invariably began his expiation
of it, the preliminary canter, so to speak, in irons. If
he had a lame leg or a bad foot, he was ** started"
with a rope's-end as a ''slacker." If he happened to
be the last to tumble up when his watch was called,
1 Ad. I. 5265— Courts-Martial, 1704-5.
2 Ad. I. 1472 — Capt. Balchen, 26 Jan 1716-7.
^ Ad. I. 1466 — Complaint of y^ Abuse of a Sayler in the Litchfield^
1704. In this case the man actually died.
WHY THE GANG WAS NECESSARY 33
the rattan^ raised weals on his back or drew blood
from his head ; and, as if to add insult to injury, for
any of these, and a hundred and one other offences, he
was liable to be black-listed and to lose his allowance
of grog.
Some things, too, were reckoned sins aboard ship
which, unhappily for the sailor, could not well be
avoided. Laughing, or even permitting the features
to relax in a smile in the official presence, was such a
sin. " He beats us for laughing," declare the company
of the Solebay, in a complaint against their commander,
*' more like Doggs than Men."^ One of the Nymph's
company, in or about the year 1797, received three
dozen for what was officially termed " Silent Con-
tempt"— ** which was nothing more than this, that
when flogged by the boatswain's mate the man
smiled."^ This was the "Unpardonable Crime" of
the service.
Contrariwise, a man was beaten if he sulked. And
as a rule the sailor was sulky enough. Works of
supererogation, such as polishing everything polish-
able — the shot for the guns, in extreme cases, not
even excepted — until it shone like the tropical sun at
noonday, left him little leisure or inclination for mirth.
"Very pretty to look at," said Wellington, when con-
fronted with these glaring evidences of hyper-discipline,
" but there is one thing wanting. I have not seen a
bright face in the ship."
A painful tale of discipline run mad, or nearly so,
is unfolded by that fascinating series of sailor-records,
^ Carried at one time by both commissioned and warrant officers.
^ Ad. I. 1435— Capt. Aldred, 29 Feb. 1703-4.
^ Ad. I. 5125 — Petitions, 1793-7.
3
34 THE PRESS-GANG
the Admiralty Petitions. Many of them, it must in
justice be owned, bear unqualified testimony to the
kindness and humanity of officers ; but in the great
majority of cases the evidence they adduce is over-
whelmingly to the contrary. And if their language is
sometimes bombastic, if their style is almost uniformly
illiterate, if they are the productions of a band of
mutinous dogs standing out for rights which they
never possessed and deserving of a halter rather than
a hearing, these are circumstances that do not in the
least detract from the veracity of the allegations they
advance. The sailor appealed to his king, or to the
Admiralty, ''the same as a child to its father"; and
no one who peruses the story of his wrongs, as
set forth in these documents, can doubt for a
moment that he speaks the truth with all a child's
simplicity.
The seamen of the Reunion open the tale of
oppression and ill-usage. " Our Captain oblidges us
to Wash our Linnen twice a week in Salt Water and
to put 2 Shirts on every Week, and if they do not
look as Clean as if they were washed in Fresh Water,
he stops the person's Grog which has the misfortune
to displease him ; and if our Hair is not Tyd to please
him, he orders it to be Cutt Off" On the Amphitrite
"flogging is their portion." The men of the
Winchelsea " wold sooner be Shot at like a Targaite
than to Remain." The treatment systematically
meted out to the Shannons crew is more than the
heart "can Cleaverly Bear" — enough, in short, to
make them "rise and Steer the Ship into an Enemies
Port." The seamen of the Glory are made wretched
by " beating, blacking, tarring, putting our heads in
WHY THE GANG WAS NECESSARY 35
Bags," and by being forced to " drink half a Gallon of
Salt Water " for the most trivial breaches of discipline
or decorum. On the Blanch, if they get wet and
hang or spread their clothes to dry, the captain ''thros
them overboard." The Nassau s company find it
impossible to put the abuse they receive on paper. It
is ** above Humanity." Though put on board to fight
for king and country, they are used worse than dogs.
They have no encouragement to ''face the Enemy
with a chearful Heart." Besides being kept ''more
like Convicts than free-born Britons," the Nymph's
company have an unspeakable grievance. "When
Engaged with the Enemy off Brest, March the 9th,
1797, they even Beat us at our Quarters, though on
the Verge of Eternity." ^
On the principle advanced by Rochefoucault, that
there is something not displeasing to us in the mis-
fortunes of our friends, the sailor doubtless derived
a sort of negative satisfaction from the fact that he
was not the only one on shipboard liable to the pains
and penalties of irascibility, brutality and excessive
disciplinary zeal. Particularly was this true of his
special friend the " sky-pilot" or chaplain, that super-
person who perhaps most often fell a victim to
quarter-deck ebullitions. Notably there is on record
the case of one John Cruickshank, chaplain of
H.M.S. Assurance, who was clapped in irons, court-
martialled and dismissed the service merely because
he happened to take — what no sailor could ever
condemn him for — a drop too much, and whilst in
that condition insisted on preaching to the ship's
company when they were on the very point of going
^ Ad. I. 5125 — Petitions, 1793-7.
36 THE PRESS-GANG
into action.^ There is also that other case of the
"saucy Surgeon of the Seahorse,'' who incurred his
captain's dire displeasure all on account of candles, of
which necessary articles he, having his wife on board,
thought himself entitled to a more liberal share than
was consistent with strict naval economy ; and who
was, moreover, so " troblesome about his Provisions,
that if he did not always Chuse out of y^ best in y*
whole Ship," he straightway got his back up and
" threatened to Murder the Steward."^ Such inter-
ludes as these would assuredly have proved highly
diverting to the foremast-man had it not been for the
cat and that savage litter of minor punishments await-
ing the man who smiled.
In the matter of provisions, there can be little
doubt that the sailor shared to the full the desire
evinced by the surgeon of the Seahorse to take blood-
vengeance upon someone on account of them. His
" belly-timber," as old Misson so aptly if indelicately
describes it, was mostly worm-eaten or rotten, his
drink indescribably nasty.
Charles ii. is said to have made his breakfast off
ship's diet the morning he left the Naseby, and to
have pronounced it good ; and Nelson in 1803 declared
it ''could not possibly be improved upon."* Such,
however, was not the opinion of the chaplain of the
Dartmouth, for after dining with his captain on an
occasion which deserves to become historic, he swore
that " although he liked that Sort of Living very well,
^ Ad. I. 5265 — Courts-Martial, 1704-5. His zeal was unusual. Most
naval chaplains thought " of nothing more than making His Majesty's
ships sinecures."
^ Ad. I. 1470 — Capt. Blowers, 3 Jan. 1710-11.
^ Ad. I. 580 — Memorandum on the State of the Fleet, 1803.
WHY THE GANG WAS NECESSARY 37
as for the King's Allowance there was but a Sheat of
Browne Paper between it and Hell."^ Which of
these opinions came nearest to the truth, the sequel
will serve to show.
On the face of it the sailor's dietary was not so
bad. A ship's stores, in 17 19, included ostensibly such
items as bread, wine, beef, pork, peas, oatmeal, butter,
cheese, water and beer, and if Jack had but had his
fair share of these commodities, and had it in decent
condition, he would have had little reason to grumble
about the king's allowance. Unhappily for him, the
humanities of diet were little studied by the Victualling
Board.
Taking the beef, the staple article of consumption
on shipboard, cooking caused it to shrink as much as
45 per cent., thus reducing the sailor's allowance by
nearly one-half.^ The residuum was often " mere
carrion," totally unfit for human consumption. " Junk,"
the sailor contemptuously called it, likening it, in
point of texture, digestibility and nutritive properties,
to the product of picked oakum, which it in many
respects strongly resembled. The pork, though it lost
less in the cooking, was rancid, putrid stuff, repellent
in odour and colour — particulars in which it found
close competitors in the butter and cheese, which had
often to be thrown overboard because they ''stunk
the ship." ^ The peas ''would not break." Boiled for
^ Ad. I. 1464 — Misdemenors Comited by Mr Edw^^ Lewis, Chapling
on Board H. M. Shipp Dartm°, i Oct. 1702.
^ Ad. I. 1495— Capt. Barrington, 23 Dec. 1770.
^ To disinfect a ship after she had been fouled by putrid rations or
disease, burning sulphur and vinegar were commonly employed. Their
use was preferable to the means adopted by the carpenter of the
Feversham, who in order to "sweeten ship" once "turn'd on the cock in
the hould" and through forgetfulness "left it running for eighteen
38 THE PRESS-GANG
eight hours on end, they came through the ordeal
** almost as hard as shott." Only the biscuit, apart
from the butter and cheese, possessed the quality of
softness. Damp, sea-water, mildew and weevil con-
verted "hard" into ''soft tack" and added another
horror to the sailor's mess. The water he washed
these varied abominations down with was frequently
"stuff that beasts would cough at." His beer was no
better. It would not keep, and was in consequence
both ''stinking and sour."^ Although the contractor
was obliged to make oath that he had used both malt
and hops in the brewing, it often consisted of nothing
more stimulating than "water coloured and bittered,"
and sometimes the "stingy dog of a brewer" even
went so far as to omit the "wormwood."
Such a dietary as this made a meal only an un-
avoidable part of the day's punishment and inspired
the sailor with profound loathing. " Good Eating is an
infallible Antidote against murmuring, as many a Big-
Belly Place-Man can instance," he says in one of his
petitions. Poor fellow ! his opportunities of putting it
to the test were few enough. On Mondays, Wednes-
days and Fridays, the so-called Banyan days of the
service, when his hateful ration of meat was withheld
and in its stead he regaled himself on plum-duff — the
"plums," according to an old regulation, "not worse
than Malaga"— he had a taste of it. Hence the
banyan day, though in reality a fast-day, became in-
delibly associated in his simple mind and vocabulary
howers," thereby not only endangering the vessel's safety, but inci-
dentally spoiling twenty-one barrels of powder in the magazine.— ^^.
I. 2653— Capt. Watson, 18 April 1741.
1 According to Raleigh, old oil and fish casks were used for the
storing of ship's beer in Elizabeth's reign.
WHY THE GANG WAS NECESSARY 39
with occasions of feasting and plenty, and so remains
to this day.
If the sailor's only delicacy was duff, his only
comforts were rum and tobacco, and to explore some
unknown island, and discover therein a goodly river of
the famous Jamaica spirit, flowing deep and fragrant
between towering mountains of " pig tail," is commonly
reputed to have been the cherished wish of his heart.
With tobacco the Navy Board did not provide him,
nor afford dishonest pursers opportunity to " make
dead men chew," ^ until 1798; but rum they allowed
him at a comparatively early date. When sickness
prevailed on board, when beer ran short or had to be
turned over the side to preserve a sweet ship, rum or
wine was issued, and although the Admiralty at first
looked askance at the innovation, and at times left
commanders of ships to foot the bill for spirits thus
served out, the practice made gradual headway, until
at length it ousted beer altogether and received the
stamp of official approval. Half a pint, dealt out each
morning and evening in equal portions, was the
regular allowance — a quantity often doubled were the
weather unusually severe or the men engaged in the
arduous duty of watering ship. At first the ration of
rum was served neat and appreciated accordingly ;
but about 1740 the practice of adding water was
introduced. This was Admiral Vernon's doing.
Vernon was best known to his men as ''Old Grog,"
a nickname originating in a famous grogram coat he
^ Said of pursers who manipulated the Muster Books, which it was
part of their duty to keep, in such a way as to make it appear that men
"discharged dead" had drawn a larger quantity of tobacco than was
actually the case, the difference in value of course going into their own
pockets.
40 THE PRESS GANG
affected in dirty weather ; and as the rum and water
now served out to them was little to their liking, they
marked their disapproval of the mixture, as well as of
the man who invented it, by dubbing it *'grog." The
sailor was not without his sense of humour.
The worst feature of rum, from the sailor's point
of view, worse by far than dilution, was the fact that
it could be so easily stopped. Here his partiality for
the spirit told heavily against him. His grog was
stopped because he liked it, rather than because he
deserved to lose it. The malice of the thing did not
make for a contented ship.
The life of the man-o'-war's-man, according to
Lord Nelson, was on an average '* finished at forty-
five years." ^ Bad food and strenuous labour under
exceptionally trying conditions sapped his vitals, made
him prematurely old, and exposed him to a host of
ills peculiar to his vocation. He ''fell down daily,"
to employ the old formula, in spotted or putrid fevers.
He was racked by agues, distorted by rheumatic
pains, ruptured or double-ruptured by the strain of
pulling, hauling and lifting heavy weights. He ate
no meal without incurring the pangs of acute
indigestion, to which he was fearfully subject. He
was liable to a "prodigious inflammation of the head,
nose and eyes," occasioned by exposure. Scurvy,
his most inveterate and merciless enemy, ''beat up"
for him on every voyage and dragged his brine-sodden
body down to a lingering death. Or, did he escape
these dangers and a watery grave, protracted disease
sooner or later rendered him helpless, or a brush with
the enemy disabled him for ever from earning his bread.
^ Ad. I. 580— Memorandum on the State of the Fleet, 1803.
WHY THE GANG WAS NECESSARY 41
His surgeons were, as a rule, a sorry lot. Not
only were they deficient in numbers, they commonly
lacked both professional training and skill. Their
methods were consequently of the crudest description,
and long continued so. The approved treatment for
rupture, to which the sailor was painfully liable, was
to hang the patient up by the heels until the prolapsus
was reduced. Pepys relates how he met a seaman
returning from fighting the Dutch with his eye-socket
** stopped with oakum," and as late at least as the
Battle of Trafalgar it "was customary, in amputations,
to treat the bleeding stump with boiling pitch as a
cauterant. In his general attitude towards the sick
and wounded the old-time naval surgeon was not un-
like Garth, Queen Anne's famous physician. At the
Kit Cat Club he one day sat so long over his wine
that Steele ventured to remind him of his patients.
" No matter," said Garth. '* Nine have such bad con-
stitutions that no physician can save them, and the
other six such good ones that all the physicans in the
world could not kill them."
Many were the devices resorted to in order to
keep the man-o*-war's-man healthy and fit. As early
as 1602 a magic electuary, invented by one ''Doctor
Cogbourne, fstmous for fluxes," was by direction of
the Navy Commissioners supplied for his use in the
West Indies.^ By Admiral Vernon and his com-
manders he was dosed freely with "Elixir of Vitriol,"
which they not only ''reckoned the best general
medicine next to rhubarb," but pinned their faith to
as a sovereign specific for scurvy and fevers.^ Lime-
^ Ad. I. 1464— Capt. Barker, 14 Oct. 1702.
^ Ad. I. 161 — Admiral Vernon, 31 Oct. 1741.
42 THE PRESS-GANG
juice, known as a valuable anti-scorbutic as early
as the days of Drake and Raleigh, was not added to
his rations till 1 795. He did not find it very palatable.
The secret of fortifying it was unknown, and oil had
to be floated on its surface to make it keep. Sour-
crout was much more to his taste as a preventive of
scurvy, and in 1777, at the request of Admiral
Montagu, then Governor and Commander-in-Chief
over the Island of Newfoundland, the Admiralty
caused to be sent out, for the use of the squadron on
that station, where vegetables were unprocurable,
a sufficient quantity of that succulent preparation to
supply twelve hundred men for a period of two
months.^
Rice the sailor detested. Of all species of "soft
tack" it was least to his liking. He nicknamed it
**strike-me-blind," being firmly convinced that its
continued use would rob him of his eyesight. Tea
was not added to his dietary till 1824, but as early as
1795 he could regale himself on cocoa. For the rest,
sugar, essence of malt, essence of spruce, mustard,
cloves, opium and ** Jesuits'" or Peruvian bark were
considered essential to his well-being on shipboard.
He was further allowed a barber — one to every
hundred men — without whose attentions it was found
impossible to keep him ''clean and healthy."
With books he was for many years ''very
scantily supplied." It was not till 181 2, indeed, that
the Admiralty, shocked by the discovery that he had
practically nothing to elevate his mind but daily
association with the quarter-deck, began to pour into
the fleet copious supplies of literature for his use.
^ Ad. I. 471 — Admiral Montagu, 28 Feb. 1777, and endorsement.
WHY THE GANG WAS NECESSARY 43
Thereafter the sailor could beguile his leisure with
such books as the Old Chaplains Farewell Letter,
Wilson's Maxims, The Whole Duty of Man, Seeker's
Duties of the Sick, and, lest returning health should
dissipate the piety begotten of his ailments, Gibson's
Advice after Sickness. Thousands of pounds were
spent upon this improving literature, which was dis-
tributed to the fleet in strict accordance with the amount
of storage room available at the various dockyards/
A fundamental principle of man-o'-war routine was
that the sailor formed no part of it for hospital
purposes. Hence sickness was not encouraged. If
the sailor-patient did not recover within a reason-
able time, he was ''put on shore sick," sometimes to
the great terror of the populace, who, were he supposed
to be afflicted with an infectious disease, fled from
him "as if he had the plague."^ On shore he was
treated for thirty days at his country's charges. If
incurable, or permanently disabled, he was then turned
adrift and left to shift for himself. A clean record
and a sufficiently serious wound entitled him to
a small pension or admission to Greenwich Hospital,
an institution which had religiously docked his small
pay of sixpence a month throughout his entire service.
Failing these, there remained for him only the streets
and the beggar's role.
His pay was far from princely. From 3d. a
day in the reign of King John it rose by grudging
increments to 20s. a month in 1626, and 24s. in
1797. Years sometimes elapsed before he touched
^ Ad. Accountant-General, Misc. (Various), No io6 — Accounts of
the Rev. Archdeacon Owen, Chaplain-General to the Fleet, 1 812-7.
2 Ad. I. 2732— Capt. Young, 24 June 1740.
44 THE PRESS-GANG
a penny of his earnings, except in the form of " slop "
clothing and tobacco. Amongst the instances of
deferred wages in which the Admiralty records abound,
there may be cited the case of the Dreadnought,
whose men in 1 7 1 1 had four years' pay due ; and
of the Dunkirk, to whose company, in the year
following, six and a half years' was owing.^ And at
the time of the Nore Mutiny it was authoritatively
stated that there were ships then in the fleet which
had not been paid off for eight, ten, twelve and in
one instance even fifteen years. " Keep the pay,
keep the man," was the policy of the century — a sadly
mistaken policy, as we shall presently see.
In another important article of contentment the
sailor was hardly better off. The system of deferred
pay amounted practically to a stoppage of all leave
for the period, however protracted, during which the
pay was withheld. Thus the Monmouth's men had
in 1706 been in the ship "almost six years, and had
never had the opportunity of seeing their families but
once."^ In Bosca wen's ship, the Dreadnought, there
were in 1744 two hundred and fifty men who ''had
not set foot on shore near two year." Admiral
Penrose once paid off in a seventy-four at Plymouth,
many of whose crew had " never set foot on land for
six or seven years " ; ^ and Brenton, in his Naval
History, instances the case of a ship whose company,
after having been eleven years in the East Indies, on
returning to England were drafted straightway into
1 Ad. I. 1470— Capt. Bennett, 8 March 1710-11. Ad. i. 1471 —
Capt. Butler, 19 March, 1711-12.
2 Ad. I. 1468— Capt. Baker, 3 Nov. 1706.
* Penrose (Sir V. C, Vice-Admiral of the Blue), Observations on
Corporeal Punishment, Impressment, etc., 1824.
WHY THE GANG WAS NECESSARY 45
another ship and sent back to that quarter of the
globe without so much as an hour's leave ashore.
What was true of pay and leave was also true
of prize-money. The sailor was systematically kept
out of it, and hence out of the means of enjoyment
and carousal it afforded him, for inconscionable periods.
From a moral point of view the check was hardly
to his detriment. But the Navy was not a school
of morals, and withholding the sailor's hard-earned
prize-money over an indefinite term of years neither
made for a contented heart nor enhanced his love for
a service that first absorbed him against his will, and
then, having got him in its clutches, imposed upon
and bested him at every turn.
Athough the prime object in withholding his pay
was to prevent his running from his ship, so far from
compassing that desirable end it had exactly the
contrary effect. Both the preventive and the disease
were of long standing. With De Ruyter in the
Thames in 1667, menacing London and the kingdom,
the seamen of the fleet flocked to town in hundreds,
clamouring for their wages, whilst their wives besieged
the Navy Office in Seething Lane, shrieking : " This
is what comes of not paying our husbands ! "
Essentially a creature of contradictions, the sailor
rarely, if he could avoid it, steered the course laid
down for him, and in nothing perhaps was this
idiosyncrasy so glaringly apparent as in his behaviour
as his country's creditor. He '* would get to London
if he could." ^ '* An unaccountable humour" impelled
him "to quit His Majesty's service without leave." ^
^ Ad. I. 2732— Capt. Young, 12 Dec. 1742.
2 Ad. I. 480— Shirley, Governor of Massachusetts, 12 Sept. 1746.
46 THE PRESS-GANG
Once the whim seized him, no ties of deferred pay or
prize-money had power to hold him back. The one
he could obtain on conditions ; the other he could
dispose of at a discount which, though ruinously
heavy, still left him enough to frolic on.
The weapon of deferred pay was thus a two-edged
one. If it hurt the sailor, it also cut the fingers of
those who employed it against him. So exigent
were the needs of the service, he could "run" with
impunity. For if he ran whilst his pay was in arrears,
he did so with the full knowledge that, barring
untimely recapture by the press-gang, he would
receive a free pardon, together with payment of all
dues, on the sole condition, which he never kept if he
could help it, of returning to his ship when his money
was gone. He therefore deserted for two reasons :
First, to obtain his pay ; second, to spend it.
The penalty for desertion, under a well-known
statute of George i.,^ was death by hanging. As time
went on, however, discipline in this respect suffered
a grave relapse, and fear of the halter no longer served
to check the continual exodus from the fleet. If the
runaway sailor were taken, *' it would only be a whip-
ping bout." So he openly boasted.^ The "bout,"
it is true, at times ran to si::, or even seven hundred
lashes — the latter being the heaviest dose of the cat
ever administered in the British navy ; ^ but even
this terrible ordeal had no power to hold the sailor to
his duty, and although Admiral Lord St. Vincent,
better known in his day as "hanging Jervis," did his
^13 George i., art. 7.
2 Ad. I. 1479 — Capt. Boscawen, 26 April 1743.
^ Ad. I. 482 — Admiral Lord Colvill, 12 Nov. 1765.
WHY THE GANG WAS NECESSARY 47
utmost to revive the ancient custom of stretching the
sailor's neck, the trend of the times was against him,
and within twenty-five years of the reaffirming of
the penalty, in the 22 nd year of George 11., hanging
for desertion had become practically obsolete.
In the declining days of the practice a grim game
at life and death was played upon the deck of a king's
ship lying in the River St. Lawrence. The year was
1760. Quebec had only recently fallen before the
British onslaught. A few days before that event, at
a juncture when every man in the squadron was
counted upon to play his part in the coming struggle,
and to play it well, three seamen, James Mike,
Thomas Wilkinson and William M'Millard by name,
deserted from the Vangtmrd. Retaken some months
later, they were brought to trial ; but as men were
not easy to replace in that latitude, the court, whilst
sentencing all three to suffer the extreme penalty of
the law, added to their verdict a rider to the effect
that it would be good policy to spare two of them.
Admiral Lord Colvill, then Commander-in-Chief,
issued his orders accordingly, and at eleven o'clock
on the morning of the i2tii of July the condemned
men, preceded to the scaffold by two chaplains, were
led to the Vanguard's forecastle, where they drew lots
to determine which of them should die. The fatal lot
fell to James Mike, who, in presence of the assembled
boats of the squadron, was immediately *' turned off "
at the foreyard-arm.^
Encouraged in this grim fashion, desertion assumed
alarming proportions. Nelson estimated that when-
^ Ad. I. 482 — Admiral Lord Colvill, lo July 1760; Captains' Logs,
1026 — Log of H.M.S, Vanguard,
48 THE PRESS-GANG
ever a large convoy of merchant ships assembled at
Portsmouth, at least a thousand men deserted from
the fleet.^ This was a " liberty they would take," do
what you could to prevent it.
Of those who thus deserted fully one-third, accord-
ing to the same high authority, never saw the fleet
again. " From loss of clothes, drinking and other
debaucheries" they were "lost by death to the
country." Some few of the remainder, after drinking
His Majesty's health in a final bowl, voluntarily
returned on board and ** prayed for a fair wind " ; but
the majority held aloof, taking their chances and their
pleasures in sailorly fashion until, their last stiver gone,
they fell an easy prey to the press-gang or the crimp.
While the crimp was to the merchant service what
the press-gang was to the Navy, a kind of universal
provider, there was in his method of preying upon the
sailor a radical difference. Like his French compeer,
the recruiting sergeant of the Pont Neuf in the days
of Louis the Well-Beloved, wherever sailors congre-
gated the crimp might be heard rattling his money-
bags and crying: ''Who wants any? Who wants
any .'* " Where the press-gang used the hanger or the
cudgel, the crimp employed dollars. The circumstance
gave him a decided "pull " in the contest for men, for
the dollars he offered, whether in the way of pay or
bounty, were invariably fortified with rum. The two
formed a contraption no sailor could resist. " Money
and liquor held out to a seaman," said Nelson, "are
too much for him."
In law the offence of enticing seamen to desert
His Majesty's service, like desertion itself, was punish-
1 Ad. I. 580 — Memorandum on the State of the Fleet, 1803.
WHY THE GANG WAS NECESSARY 49
able with death ; ^ but in fact the penalty was either
commuted to imprisonment, or the offender was dealt
with summarily, without invoking the law. Crimps
who were caught red-handed had short shrift. Two of
the fraternity, named respectively Henry Nathan and
Sampson Samuel, were once taken in the Downs.
** Send Nathan and Samuel," ran the Admiralty
order in their case, " to Plymouth by the first con-
veyance. Admiral Young is to order them on board
a ship going on foreign service as soon as possible."
Another time an officer, boarding a boat filled with
men as it was making for an Indiaman at Gravesend,
found in her six crimps, all of whom suffered the
same fate.^
Men seduced by means of crimpage bounty were
said to be ** silver cooped," and the art of silver coop-
ing was not only practised at home, it was world-wide.
In whatever waters a British man-o'-war cast anchor,
there the crimp appeared, plying his crafty trade.
His assiduity paid a high compliment to the sterling
qualities of the British seaman, but for the Navy it
spelt wholesale depletion.
In home ports he was everywhere in evidence.
No ship of war could lie in Leith Roads but she lost
a good part of her crew through his seductions.
"M'Kirdy & M'Lean, petty-fogging writers," were
the chief crimps at Greenock. Sheerness crimps
gave ** great advance money." Liverpool was infested
with them, all the leading merchant shippers at Bristol,
London and other great ports having '' agents " there,
^ 22 George n. cap. 33.
^ Ad. I. 1542— Capt. Bazeley, 7 Feb. 1808. Ad. i. 1513— Capt.
Bowater, 12 June 1796.
4
50 THE PRESS-GANG
who offered the man-o'-war's-man tempting bounties
and substantial wages to induce him to desert his
ship. A specially active agent of Bristol shipowners
was one Vernon Ley, who plied his trade chiefly at
Exeter and Plymouth, whence he was known to send
to Bristol, in the space of six months, as many as
seventy or eighty men, whom he provided with post-
chaises for the journey and £S per man as bounty.
James White, a publican who kept the " Pail of Barm "
at Bedminster, made a close second in his activity and
success. Spithead had its regular contingent of crimps,
and many an East India ship sailing from that famous
anchorage was ** entirely manned" by their efforts, of
course at the expense of the ships of war lying there.
At Chatham, crimpage bounty varied from fifteen to
twenty guineas per head ; and at Cork, a favourite
recruiting ground for both merchantmen and privateers,
the same sum could be had any day, with high wages
to boot.
In the Crown Colonies a sifhilar state of things
prevailed. Queen's ships visiting Jamaica in or about
the year 17 16 lost so heavily they scarce dared venture
the return voyage to England, their men having
''gone a-wrecking " in the Gulf of Florida, where one
armed sloop was reputed to have recovered Spanish
treasure to the value of a hundred thousand dollars.^
Time did not lessen desertion in the island, though
it wrought a change in the cause. When Admiral
Vernon was Commander-in-Chief there in the forties,
he lost five hundred men within a comparatively short
time — "seduced out," to use his own words, ''through
the temptations of high wages and thirty gallons of
1 Ad. I. 1471— Capt. Balchen, 13 May 17 16.
WHY THE GANG WAS NECESSARY 51
rum, and conveyed drunk on board from the punch-
houses where they are seduced."^
At Louisberg, in the Island of Cape Breton, the
North American Squadron in 1746 lost so many men
through the seductions practised by New England
skippers frequenting that port, that Townsend, the
admiral in command, indited a strongly worded protest
to Shirley, then Governor of Massachusetts ; but the
latter, though deploring the " vile behaviour " of the
skippers in question, could do nothing to put a stop
to it.^ As a matter of fact he did not try.
On the coast of Carolina many of the English
merchantmen in 1743 paid from seventeen to twenty
guineas for the run home, and in addition ** as many
pounds of Sugar, Gallons of Rum and pounds of
Tobacco as pounds in Money." ^
The lust for privateering had much to answer for
in this respect. So possessed were the Virginians by
the desire to get rich at the expense of their enemies
that they quite "forgot their allegiance to the King."
By the offer of inordinately high wages and rich
prizes they did their utmost 'to seduce carpenters,
gunners, sailmakers and able seamen from His
Majesty's ships.* Any ship forced to winter at Rhode
Island, again, always counted upon losing enough men
to *' disable her from putting to sea " when the spring
came. Here, too, the privateering spirit was to
^ Ad. I. 233 — Admiral Vernon, 5 Sept. 1742. A rare recruiting
sheet of 1780, which has for its headpiece a volunteer shouting : " Rum
for nothing ! " describes Jamaica as "that delightful Island, abounding
in Rum, Sugar and Spanish Dollars, where there is delicious living and
plenty of Grogg and Punch."
2 Ad. I. 480 — Townsend, 17 Aug. ; Shirley, 12 Sept. 1746.
^ Ad. I 1479— Capt. Bladwell, i July 1743
* Ad. I. 1480— Capt. Lord Alexander Banff, 21 Oct. 1744.
52 THE PRESS GANG
blame, Rhode Island being notorious for its enterprise
in that form of piracy. Another impenitent sinner in
her inroads upon the companies of king's ships was
Boston, where "a sett of people made it their
Business" to entice them away.^ No ship could
clean, refit, victual or winter there without '' the loss
of all her men." Capt. Young, of the Jason, was in
1753 left there with never a soul on board except
** officers and servants, widows' men, the quarter-deck
gentlemen and those called idlers." The rest had
been seduced at £7,0 per head.^
So it went on. Day in, day out, at home and
abroad, this ceaseless drain of men, linking hands in
the decimation of the fleet with those able adjutants
Disease and Death, accentuated progressively and
enormously the naval needs of the country. For the
apprehension and return of deserters from ships in
home ports a drag-net system of rewards and conduct-
money sprang into being ; but this the sailor to some
extent contrived to elude. He ''stuck a cockade in
his hat " and made shift to pass for a soldier on leave ;
or he laid furtive hands on a horse and set up for an
equestrian traveller. In the neighbourhood of all
great seaport towns, as on all main roads leading to
that paradise and ultimate goal of the deserter, the
metropolis, horse-stealing by sailors ''on the run"
prevailed to an alarming extent ; and although there
was a time when the law strung him up for the crime
of borrowing horses to help him on his way, as it had
1 Ad. I. 1440— Capt. Askew, 27 Aug. 1748.
2 Ad. I. 2732— Capt Young, 6 Oct. 1753. The "widows' men"
here humorously alluded to would not add much to the effectiveness of
the depleted company. They were imaginary sailors, borne on the
ship's books for pay and prize-money which went to Greenwich Hospital.
WHY THE GANG WAS NECESSARY 53
once hanged him for deserting, the naval needs of the
country eventually changed all that and brought him
a permanent reprieve. Thenceforth, instead of send-
ing the happy-go-lucky, devil-may-care felon to the
gallows, they turned him over to the press-gang and
so re-consigned him, penniless and protesting, to the
duty he detested.
CHAPTER III
WHAT THE PRESS-GANG WAS
From the standpoint of a systematic supply of men
to the fleet, the press-gang was a legitimate means
to an imperative end. This was the official view.
In how different a light the people came to regard
the petty man-trap of power, we shall presently see.
Designed as it was for the taking up of able-
bodied adults, the main idea in the formation of
the gang was strength and efficiency. It was ac-
cordingly composed of the stoutest men procurable,
dare-devil fellows capable of giving a good account
of themselves in fight, or of carrying off their un-
willing prey against long odds. Brute strength
combined with animal courage being thus the first
requisite of the ganger, it followed — not perhaps as
a matter of course so much as a matter of fact —
that his other qualities were seldom such as to
endear him to the people. Wilkes denounced him
for a ''lawless ruffian," and one of the newspapers
of his time describes him, with commendable candour
and undeniable truth, as a ''profligate and abandoned
wretch, perpetually lounging about the streets and
incessantly vomiting out oaths and horrid curses."^
The getting of a gang together presented little
^ Londofi Chronicle^ i6 March 1762.
54
WHAT THE PRESS-GANG WAS 55
difficulty. The first business of the officer charged
with its formation was to find suitable quarters, rent
not to exceed twenty shillings a week, inclusive of
fire and candle. Here he hung out a flag as the sign
of authority and a bait for volunteers. As a rule,
they were easily procurable. All the roughs of the
town were at his disposal, and when these did not
yield material enough recourse was had to beat of
drum, that instrument, together with the man who
thumped it, being either hired at half-a-crown a day
or " loaned " from the nearest barracks. Selected
members of the crowd thus assembled were then
plied with drink '' to invite them to enter " — an
invitation they seldom refused.
It goes without saying that gangs raised in this
manner were of an exceedingly mixed character. On
the principle of setting a thief to catch a thief, sea-
faring men of course had first preference, but
landsmen were by no means excluded. The gang
operating at Godalming in 1782 may be cited as
typical of the average inland gang. It consisted
of three farmers, one weaver, one bricklayer, one
labourer, and two others whose regular occupations
are not divulged. They were probably sailors.^
Landsmen entered on the express understanding
that they should not be pressed when the gang broke
up. Sailor gangsmen, on the contrary, enjoyed no
such immunity. The most they could hope for, when
their arduous duties came to an end, was permission
to ''choose their ship." The concession was no mean
one. By choosing his ship discreetly the gangs-
man avoided encounters with men he had pressed,
^ Ad. I. 1502 — Capt. Boston, Report on Rendezvous, 1782.
56 THE PRESS-GANG
thus preserving his head unbroken and his skin
intact.
Ship-gangs, unlike those operating on land, were
composed entirely of seamen. For dash, courage
and efficiency, they had no equal and few rivals.
Apart from the officers commanding it, the
number of men that went to the making of a gang
varied from two to twenty or more according to the
urgency of the occasion that called it into being and
the importance or ill-repute of the centre selected
as the scene of its operations. For Edinburgh and
Leith twenty-one men, directed by a captain, two
lieutenants and four midshipmen, were considered
none too many. Greenock kept the same number
of officers and twenty men fully employed, for here
there was much visiting of ships on the water, a fast
cutter being retained for that purpose. The Liver-
pool gang numbered eighteen men, directed by seven
officers and backed by a flotilla of three tenders, each
under the command of a special lieutenant. Towns
such as Newcastle-upon-Tyne, Great Yarmouth,
Cowes and Haverfordwest also had gangs of at
least twenty men each, with boats as required ; and
Deal, Dover and Folkstone five gangs between
them, totalling fifty men and fifteen officers, and
employing as many boats as gangs for pressing in
the Downs.
In the case of ship-gangs, operating directly from
a ship of war in harbour or at sea, the officers in
charge were as a matter of course selected from the
available ward- or gun-room contingent. Few, if
any, of the naval men whose names at one time or
another spring into prominence during the century.
1
o
<
• , • e e e
• • * « ««
• • • • • •
• •••
• •• •
" •«
• •• •
•••••
WHAT THE PRESS-GANG WAS 57
escaped this unpleasant but necessary duty in their
younger days. But on shore an altogether different
order of things prevailed.
The impress service ashore was essentially the
grave of promotion. Whether through age, fault,
misfortune or lack of influence in high places, the
officers who directed it were generally disappointed
men, service derelicts whose chances of ever sporting
a second "swab," or of again commanding a ship,
had practically vanished. Naval men afloat spoke
of them with good-natured contempt as ''Yellow
Admirals," the fictitious rank denoting a kind of
service quarantine that knew no pratique.
Like the salt junk of the foremast - man, the
Yellow Admiral got fearfully " out of character "
through over-keeping. With the service he lost all
touch save in one degrading particular. His pay
was better than his reputation, but his position was
isolated, his duties and his actions subject to little
official supervision. With opportunity came peculiar
temptations to bribery and peculation, and to these
he often succumbed. The absence of congenial
society frequently weighed heavy upon him and
drove him to immoderate drinking. Had he lived
a generation or so later the average impress officer
ashore could have echoed with perfect truth, and
almost nightly iteration, the crapulous sentiment in
which Byron is said to have toasted his hosts when
dining on board H.M.S. Hector at Malta: —
" Glorious Hector, son of Priam,
Was ever mortal drunk as I am ! " ^
^ The authenticity of the anecdote, notwithstanding the fact that
it was long current in naval circles, is more than doubtful. When
58 THE PRESS-GANG
A lieutenant attached to the gang at Chester is
responsible for a piece of descriptive writing, of a
biographical nature, which perhaps depicts the im-
press officer of the century at his worst. Addressing
a brother lieutenant at Waterford, to which station
his superior was on the point of being transferred,
** I think but right," says he, " to give you a
character of Capt. P., who is to be your Regulating
Captain. I have been with him six months here,
and if it had not been that he is leaving the place,
I should have wrote to the Board of Admiralty to
have been removed from under his command. At
first you'll think him a Fine old Fellow, but if it's
possible he will make you Quarrel with all your
Acquaintance. Be very Careful not to Introduce
him to any Family that you have a regard for, for
although he is near Seventy Years of Age, he is
the greatest Debauchee you ever met with — a Man
of No Religion, a Man who is Capable of any
Meanness, Arbitrary and Tyrannicall in his Disposi-
tion. This City has been several times just on the
point of writing against him to the Board of Ad-
miralty. He has a wife, and Children grown up
to Man's Estate. The Woman he brings over with
him is Bird the Builder's Daughter. To Conclude,
there is not a House in Chester that he can go into
but his own and the Rendezvous, after having been
Six Months in one of the agreeablest Cities in
England." ^
Bryon visited Malta in 1808 the Hector was doing duty at Plymouth
as a prison-ship, and naval records disclose no other ship of that
name till 1864.
^ Ad, I. 1500 — Lieut. Shuckford, 7 March 1780.
WHAT THE PRESS-GANG WAS 59
Ignorant of the fact that his reputation had thus
preceded him, Capt. P. found himself assailed, on
his arrival at Waterford, by a **most Infamous
Epitaph," emanating none knew whence, nor cared.
This circumstance, accentuated by certain indis-
cretions of which the hectoring old officer was
guilty shortly after his arrival, aroused strong hos-
tility against him. A mob of fishwives, attacking
his house at Passage, smashed the windows and
were with difficulty restrained from levelling the
place with the ground. His junior officers conspired
against him. Piqued by the loss of certain per-
quisites which the newcomer remorselessly swept
away, they denounced him to the Admiralty, who
ordered an inquiry into his conduct. After a hearing
of ten days it went heavily against him, practically
every charge being proved. He was immediately
superseded and never again employed — a sad ending
to a career of forty years under such men as Anson,
Boscawen, Hawke and Vernon.^ Yet such was the
ultimate fate of many an impress officer. A stronger
light focussed him ashore, and habits, proclivities and
weaknesses that escaped censure at sea, were here
projected odiously upon the sensitive retina of public
opinion.
Of the younger men who drifted into the shore
service there were some, it need scarcely be said,
who for obvious reasons escaped, or, rather, did not
succumb to the common odium. A notable example
of this type of officer was Capt. Jahleel Brenton, who
for some years commanded the gangs at Leith and
^ Ad. I. 1500— Capt. Bennett, 13 Nov. 1780, and enclosures con-
stituting the inquiry.
60 THE PRESS GANG
Greenock. Though a man of blunt sensibilities and
speech, he possessed qualities which carried him out
of the stagnant back-water of pressing into the swim
of service afloat, where he eventually secured a
baronetcy and the rank of Vice- Admiral. Singularly
enough, he was American-born.
The senior officer in charge of a gang, commonly
known as the Regulating Captain, might in rank be
either captain or lieutenant. It was his duty to hire,
but not to "keep" the official headquarters of the
gang, to organise that body, to direct its operations,
to account for all moneys expended and men pressed,
and to ** regulate " or inspect the latter and certify
them fit for service or otherwise. In this last-named
duty a surgeon often assisted him, usually a local
practitioner, who received a shilling a head for his
pains. One or more lieutenants, each of whom had
one or more midshipmen at his beck and call, served
under the Regulating Captain. They ''kept" the
headquarters and led the gang, or contingents of the
gang, on pressing forays, thus coming in for much
of the hard work, and many of the harder knocks,
that unpopular body was liable to. Sometimes, as
in the case of Dover, Deal and Folkestone, several
gangs were grouped under a single regulating officer.
The pay of the Regulating Captain was /^i
a day, with an additional 5s. subsistence money.
Lieutenants received their usual service pay, and
for subsistence 3s. 6d. In special cases grants were
made for coach-hire^ and such purposes as ''enter-
^ Capt. William Bennett's bill for the double journey between
Waterford and Cork, on the occasion of the inquiry into the conduct
of the Regulating Officer at the former place, over which he presided,
WHAT THE PRESS-GANG WAS 61
tainments to the Mayor and Corporation, the
Magistrates and the Officers of the Regulars and
the Mihtia, by way of return for their civiHties and
for their assistance in carrying on the impress." The
grant to the Newcastle officers, under this head, in
1763 amounted to upwards of ^93/
'* Road-money" was generally allowed at the rate
of 3d. a mile for officers and id. a mile for gangers
when on the press ; but as a matter of fact these
modest figures were often largely exceeded — to the
no small emolument of the regulating officer. Lieut.
Gaydon, commanding at Ilfracombe, in 1795 debited
the Navy Board with a sum of ^148 for 1776 miles
of travel; Capt. Gibbs, of Swansea, with ;!^i90 for
1 56 1 miles; and Capt. Longcroft, of Haverfordwest,
with ^524 for 8388 miles — a charge characterised
by Admiral M 'Bride, who that year reported upon
the working of the impress, as "immense."^ He
might well have used a stronger term.
An item which it was at one time permissible to
charge, possesses a special interest. This was a bonus
of IS. a head on all men pressed — a bonus that was in
reality nothing more than the historic prest shilling
of other days, now no longer paid to pressed men,
amounted to forty-three guineas — a sum he considered "as moderate
as any gentleman's could have been, laying aside the wearing of my
uniform every day." Half the amount went in chaise and horse hire,
" there being," we are told, " no chaises upon the road as in England,"
and " only one to be had at Cork, all the rest being gone to Dublin
with the Lawyers and the Players, the Sessions being just ended and
the Play House broke up" {Ad. i. 1503 — Capt. Bennett, 24 March
1782). Nelson's bill for posting from Burnham, Norfolk, to London
and back, 260 miles, in the year 1789, amounted to £ig, 5s. 2d. {Ad.
Victualling Dept., Miscellanea, No. 26).
^ Ad. I. 1493 — Capt. Bover, 6 March 1763, and endorsement.
2 Ad. I, 579 — Admiral M'Bride, 19 March 1795.
62 THE PRESS-GANG
diverted into the pockets of those who did the
pressing. The practice, however, was short-lived.
Tending as it did to fill the ships with unserviceable
men, it was speedily discontinued and the historic
shilling made over to the certifying surgeon.
The shore midshipman could boast but litde
affinity with his namesake of the quarter-deck. John
Richards, midshipman of the Godalming gang, had
never in his life set foot on board a man-of-war or
been to sea. His age was forty. The case of
James Good, of Hull, is even more remarkable. He
had served as " Midshipman of the Impress " for
thirty years out of sixty-three.^ The pay of these
elderly youths at no time exceeded a guinea a week.
The gangsman was more variously, if not more
generously remunerated. At Deal, in 1743, he had
IS. per day for his boat, and "found himself," or,
in the alternative, " ten shillings for every good
seaman procured, in full for his trouble and the hire
of the boat." At Dover, in 1776, he received 2s. 6d.
a day ; at Godalming, six years later, los. 6d. a
week ; and at Exeter, during the American War of
Independence, when the demand for seamen was
phenomenal, 14s. a week, 5s. for every man pressed,
and clothing and shoes '* when he deserved it." Pay
and allowances were thus far from uniform. Both
depended largely upon the scarcity or abundance of
suitable gangsmen, the demand for seamen, and the
astuteness of the officer organising the gang. Some
gangs not on regular wages received as much as
"twenty shillings for each man impressed, and six-
^ Ad. I. 1455— Capt. Acklom, 6 Oct. 1814. Ad. i. 1502— Capt.
Boston, Report on Rendezvous, 1782.
WHAT THE PRESS GANG WAS 63
pence a mile for as many miles as they could make
it appear each man had travelled, not exceeding
twenty, besides (a noteworthy addition) the twelve-
pence press-money " ; but if a man pressed under
these conditions were found to be unserviceable after
his appearance on shipboard, all money considerations
for his capture were either withheld or recalled. On
the whole, considering the arduous and disagreeable
nature of the gangsman's calling, the Navy Board can-
not be accused of dealing any too generously by him.
" If ever you intend to man the fleet without being
cheated by the captains and pursers," Charles ii. is
credited with having once said to his council, **you
may go to bed." What in this sense was true of
the service afloat was certainly not less true of that
loosely organised and laxly supervised naval depart-
ment, the impress ashore. Considering the repute
of the officers engaged in it, and the opportunities
they enjoyed for peculation and the taking of bribes
— considering, above all, the extreme difficulty of
keeping a watchful eye upon officers scattered through-
out the length and breadth of the land, the wonder is,
not that irregularities crept in, but that they should
have been, upon the whole, so few and so venial.
To allow the gangsmen to go fishing for sea-fish
or dredging for oysters, as was commonly done when
there was little prospect of a catch on land, was no
more heinous than the custom prevailing — to every-
body's knowledge — at King's Lynn in Norfolk, where
the gang had no need to go a-fishing because, regu-
larly as the cobbles came in, the midshipman attached
to the gang appeared on the quay and had the
** insolence to demand Three of the Best Fysh for
64 THE PRESS-GANG
the Regulating Captain, the Lieutenant and himself."^
And if, again, rating a gangsman in choicest quarter-
deck language were no serious offence, why should
not the Regulating Captain rate his son as midship-
man, even though " not proper to be employed as
such." And similarly, granting it to be right to
earn half a sovereign by pressing a man contrary
to law, where was the wrong in "clearing him of
the impress " for the same amount, as was commonly
done by the middies at Sunderland and Shields.^
These were works of supererogation rather than sins
against the service, and little official notice was taken
of them unless, as in the case of Liverpool, they were
carried to such lengths as to create a public scandal.*
There were, as a matter of course, some officers
in the service who went far beyond the limits of such
venial irregularities and, like Falstaff, ** misused the
king's press damnably." Though according to the
terms of their warrant they were " to take care not
to demand or receive any money, gratuity, reward,
or any other consideration whatsoever for the sparing,
exchanging or discharging any person or persons
impressed or to be impressed," the taking of "gratifi-
cations" for these express purposes prevailed to a
notorious extent. The difficulty was to fasten the
offence upon the offenders. " Bailed men," as they
were called, did not "peach." Their immunity from
the press was too dearly bought to admit of their
indulging personal animus against the officer who
^ Ad. I. 1 546— Petition of the Owners of the Fishing Cobbles of
Lynn, 3 March 1809.
* Ad. I. 1557 — Capt. Bell, 27 June 1806, enclosure.
* Ad. I. 579— Admiral Child, 30 Jan. 1800.
WHAT THE PRESS-GANG WAS 65
had taken their money. It was only through some
tangle of circumstance over which the delinquent
had no control that the truth leaked out. Such a
case was that of the officer in command of the Mary
tender at Sunderland, a lieutenant of over thirty
years' standing. Having pressed one Michael
Dryden, a master's mate whom he ought never to
have pressed at all, he so far "forgot" himself as
to accept a bribe of ;^I5 for the man's release, and
then, ''having that day been dining with a party of
military officers," forgot to release the man. The
double lapse of memory proved his ruin. Repre-
sentations were made to the Admiralty, and the
unfortunately constituted lieutenant was ''broke" and
black-listed.^
Another species of fraud upon which the Ad-
miralty was equally severe, was that long practised
with impunity by a certain regulating officer at Poole.
Not only did he habitually put back the dates on
which men were pressed, thus "bearing" them for
subsistence money they never received, he made it
a further practice to enter on his books the names
of fictitious pressed men who opportunely " escaped "
after adding their quota to his dishonest perquisites.
So gencx^al was misappropriation of funds by means
of this ingenious fraud that detection was deservedly
visited with instant dismissal.^
Though to the gangsman all things were reputedly
lawful, some things were by no means expedient.
He could with impunity deprive almost any able-
bodied adult of his freedom, and he could sometimes,
^ Ad. I. 2740— Lieut. Atkinson, 24 June 1798, and endorsement.
* Ad. I. 1526 — Capt. Boyle, 2 Oct. 1801, and endorsement.
5
66 THE PRESS GANG
with equal impunity, add to his scanty earnings by
restoring that freedom for a consideration in coin of
the realm ; but when, like Josh Cooper, sometime
gangsman at Hull, he extended his prerogative to
the occupants of hen-roosts, he was apt to find
himself at cross-purposes with the law as interpreted
by the sitting magistrates.
Amongst less questionable perquisites accruing
to the gangsman two only need be mentioned here.
One was the "straggling-money" paid to him for
the apprehension of deserters — 20s. for every deserter
taken, with "conduct" money to boot; the other, the
anker of brandy designedly thrown overboard by
smugglers when chased by a gang engaged in
pressing afloat. Occasionally the brandy checked
the pursuit; but more often it gave an added zest
to the chase and so hastened the capture of the
fugitive donors.
To the unscrupulous outsider the opportunities
for illicit gain afforded by the service made an
irresistible appeal. Sham gangs and make-believe
press-masters abounded, thriving exceedingly upon
the fears and credulity of the people until capture
put a term to their activities and sent them to the
pillory, the prison or the fleet they pretended to
cater for.
Their mode of operation seldom varied. They
pressed a man, and then took money for "dis-
charging " him ; or they threatened to press and
were bought off. One Philpot was in 1709 fined
ten nobles and sentenced to the pillory for this fraud.
He had many imitators, amongst them John Love,
who posed as a midshipman, and William Moore,
WHAT THE PRESS-GANG WAS 67
his gangsman, both of whom were eventually brought
to justice and turned over to His Majesty's ships.
The role adopted by these last-named pretenders
was a favourite one with men engaged in crimping
for the merchant service. Shrewsbury in 1780
received a visit from one of these individuals — "a
Person named Hopkins, who appeared in a Lieutenant's
Uniform and committed many fraudulant Actions and
Scandalous Abuses in raising Men," as he said, ''for
the Navy." Two months later another impostor of
the same type appeared at Birmingham, where he
scattered broadcast a leaflet, headed with the royal
arms and couched in the following seductive terms :
" Eleven Pounds for every Able Seaman, Five
Pounds for every ordinary Seaman, and Three
Pounds for every Able-bodied Landsman, exclusive
of a compleat set of Sea Clothing, given by the
Marine Society. All Good Seamen, and other
hearty young Fellows of Spirit, that are willing to
serve on board any of His Majesty's Vessels or
Ships of War, Let them with Chearfulness repair to
the Sailors' Head Rendezvous in this Town, where
a proper Officer attends, who will give them every
encouragement they can desire. Now my Jolly Lads
is the time to fill your Pockets with Dollars, Double
Doubloons & Luidores. Conduct Money allowed,
Chest and Bedding sent Carriage Free." Soon after,
the two united forces at Coventry, whither Capt.
Beecher desired to "send a party to take them," but
to this request the Admiralty turned a deaf ear. In
their opinion the game was not worth the candle.^
Ex-midshipman Rookhad, who when dismissed
1 Ad. I. 1500 — Letters of Capt. Beecher, 1780,
68 THE PRESS-GANG
the service took to boarding vessels in the Thames
and extorting money and liquor from the masters
as a consideration for not pressing their men, did not
escape so lighdy. Him the Admiralty prosecuted.^
It was in companies, however, that the sham
ganger most frequendy took the road, for num-
bers not only enhanced his chances ot obtaining
money, they materially diminished the risk of capture.
One such gang was composed of ** eighteen desperate
villians," who were nevertheless taken. Another, a
"parcel of fellows armed with cutlasses like a press-
gang," appeared at Dublin in 1743, where they boldly
entered public-houses on pretence of looking for
sailors, and there extorted money and drink. What
became of them we are not told ; but in the case
of the pretended gang whose victim, after handing
over two guineas as the price of his release, was
pressed by a regularly constituted gang, we learn
the gratifying sequel. The real gang gave chase to
the sham gang and pressed every man of them.
According to the '' Humble Petition of Grace
Blackmore of Stratford le Bow, widow," on Friday
the 29th of May, in an unknown year of Queen
Anne's reign, " there came to Bow ffaire severall
pretended pressmasters, endeavouring to impress."
A tumult ensued. Murder was freely "cryed out,"
apparently with good reason, for in the mel6e peti-
tioner's husband, then constable of Bow, was ** wounded
soe that he shortly after dyed." ^
There were occasions when the sham gang
^ Ad. 7. 298 — Law Officers' Opinions, 1733-56, No. 12. Process
was by information in the Court of King's Bench, for a misdemeanour.
2 State Papers Domestic^ Anne, xxxvi. No. 17.
WHAT THE PRESS-GANG WAS 69
operated under cover of a real press- warrant, and
for this the Admiralty was directly to blame. It
had become customary at the Navy Office to send
out warrants, whether to commanders of ships or
to Regulating Captains, in blank, the person to whom
the warrant was directed filling in the name for
himself. Such warrants were frequently stolen and
put to irregular uses, and of this a remarkable instance
occurred in 1755.
In that year one Nicholas Cooke, having by some
means obtained possession of such a warrant, "filled
up the blank thereof by directing it to himself, by
the name and description of Lieutenant Nicholas
Cooke, tho' in truth not a Lieutenant nor an Officer
in His Majesty's Navy," hired a vessel — the Provi-
dence snow of Dublin — and in her cruised the coasts
of Ireland, pressing men. After thus raising as many
as he could carry, he shaped his course for Liverpool,
no doubt intending, on his arrival at that port, to sell
his unsuspecting victims to the merchant ships in the
Mersey at so much a head. Through bad seamanship,
however, the vessel was run aground at Seacombe,
opposite to Liverpool, and Capt. Darby, of H.M.S.
Seahorse, perceiving her plight, and thinking to render
assistance in return for perhaps a man or two, took
boat and rowed across to her. To his astonishment
he found her full of Irishmen to the number of
seventy-three, whom he immediately pressed and
removed to his own ship. The circumstance of the
false warrant now came to light, and with it another,
of worse omen for the mock lieutenant. In the hold
a quantity of undeclared spirits was discovered, and
this fact afforded the Admiralty a handle they were
70 THE PRESS-GANG
not slow to avail themselves of. They put the Excise
Officers on the scent, and Cooke was prosecuted for
smuggling.^
The most successful sham gang ever organised
was perhaps that said to have been got together by
a trio of mischievous Somerset girls. The scene of
the exploit was the Denny- Bowl quarry, near Taunton.
The quarrymen there were a hard-bitten set and great
braggarts, openly boasting that no gang dare attack
them, and threatening, in the event of so unlikely a
contingency, to knock the gangsmen on the head and
bury them in the rubbish of the pit. There happened
to be in the neighbouring town " three merry maids,"
who heard of this tall talk and secretly determined to
put the vaunted courage of the quarrymen to the test.
They accordingly dressed themselves in men's clothing,
stuck cockades in their hats, and with hangers under
their arms stealthily approached the pit. Sixty men
were at work there ; but no sooner did they catch
sight of the supposed gang than they one and all
threw down their tools and ran for their lives.
Officially known as the Rendezvous, a French
term long associated with English recruiting, the
headquarters of the gang were more familiarly, and
for brevity's sake, called the " rondy." Publicans
were partial to having the rondy on their premises
because of the trade it brought them. Hence it was
usually an alehouse, frequently one of the shadiest
description, situated in the lowest slum of the town ;
but on occasions, as when the gang was of uncommon
strength and the number of pressed men dealt with
proportionately large, a private house or other suit-
^ Ad. 7. 298— Law Officers' Opinions, 1733-56, No. loi.
WHAT THE PRESS-GANG WAS 71
able building was taken for the exclusive use of the
service. It was distinguished by a flag — a Jack —
displayed upon a pole. The cost of the two was
27s., and in theory they were supposed to last a year ;
but in towns where the populace evinced their love
for the press by hewing down the pole and tearing
the flag in ribbons, these emblems of national liberty
had frequently to be renewed. At King's Lynn as
much as ;^i3 was spent upon them in four years —
an outlay regarded by the Navy Board with absolute
dismay. It would have been not less dismayed,
perhaps, could it have seen the bunting displayed by
rendezvous whose surroundings were friendly. There
the same old Jack did duty year after year until,
grimy and bedraggled, it more resembled the black
flag than anything else that flew, wanting only the
skull and cross-bones to make it a fitting emblem of
authorised piracy.
The rondy was hardly a spot to which one would
have resorted for a rest-cure. When not engaged
in pressing, the gangsmen were a roistering, drinking
crew, under lax control and never averse from a row,
either amongst themselves or with outsiders. Some-
times the commanding officer made the place his
residence, and when this was the case some sort of
order prevailed. The floors were regularly swept,
the beds made, the frowsy ''general" gratified by
a weekly **tip" on pay-day. But when, on the other
hand, the gangsmen who did not "find themselves"
occupied the rondy to the exclusion of the officer,
eating and sleeping there, tramping in and out at all
hours of the day and night, dragging pressed men
in to be " regulated " and locked up, and diverting
72 THE PRESS-GANG
such infrequent intervals of leisure as they enjoyed
by pastimes in which fear of the " gent overhead "
played no part — when this was the case the rondy
became a veritable bear-garden, a place of unspeak-
able confusion wherein papers and pistols, boots
and blankets, cutlasses, hats, beer-pots and staves
cumbered the floors, the lockers and the beds with
a medley of articles torn, rusty, mud-stained, dirt-
begrimed and unkept.
Amongst accessories essential to the efficient
activity of gangs stationed at coast or river towns
the boat had first place. Sometimes both sail and
row-boats were employed. Luggers of the old type,
fast boats carrying a great press of sail, served best
for overhauling ships ; but on inland waterways,
such as the Thames, the Humber or the Tyne, a
" sort of wherry, constructed for rowing fast," was
the favourite vehicle of pursuit. The rate of hire
varied from is. a day to two or more guineas a
week, according to the size and class of boat. At
Cork it was " five shillings Irish " per day.
Accessories of a less indispensable nature,
occasionally allowed, were, at Dartmouth and a few
other places, cockades for the gangsmen's hats,
supplied at a cost of is. each; at Tower Hill a
messenger, pay 20s. a week ; and at Appledore an
umbrella for use in rainy weather, price 12s. 6d.
The arms of the gang comprised, first, a press-
warrant, and, second, such weapons as were necessary
to enforce it.
In the literature of the eighteenth century the
warrant is inseparably associated with the short,
incurvated service sword commonly known as the
WHAT THE PRESS-GANG WAS 73
cutlass or hanger ; but in the press-gang prints of
the period the gangsmen are generally armed with
stout clubs answering to Smollett's ''good oak plant."
Apart from this artistic evidence, however, there is
no valid reason for believing that the bludgeon ever
came into general use as the ganger's weapon. As
early as the reign of Anne he went armed with the
" Queen's broad cutlash," and for most gangs, certainly
for all called upon to operate in rough neighbourhoods,
the hanger remained the stock weapon throughout
the century. In expeditions involving special risk or
danger, the musket and the pistol supplemented what
must have been in itself no mean weapon.
As we have already seen, the earliest recorded
press-warrants emanated from the king in person,
whilst later ones were issued by the king in council
and endorsed by the naval authorities. As the need
of men became more and more imperative, however,
this mode of issue was found to be too cumbersome
and inexpeditious. Hence, by the time the eighteenth
century came in, with its tremendously enhanced
demands on behalf of the Navy, the royal prerogative
in respect to warrants had been virtually delegated
to the Admiralty, who issued them on their own
initiative, though ostensibly in pursuance of His
Majesty's Orders in Council.
An Admiralty warrant empowered the person to
whom it was directed to "impress" as many *' sea-
men " as possibly he could procure, giving to each
man so impressed is. "for prest money." He was
to impress none but such as " were strong bodies and
capable to serve the king " ; and, having so impressed
such persons, he was to deliver them up to the officer
74 THE PRESS-GANG
regulating the nearest rendezvous. All civil authori-
ties were to be "aiding and assisting" to him in the
discharge of this duty.
Now this document, the stereotyped press-warrant
of the century, here concisely summarised in its own
phraseology, was not at all what it purported to be.
It was in fact a warrant out of time, an official
anachronism, a red-tape survival of that bygone
period when pressing still meant "presting" and
force went no further than a threat. For men were
now no longer '*prested." They were pressed, and
that, too, in the most drastic sense of the term. The
king's shilling no longer changed hands. Even in
Pepys' time men were pressed " without money," and
in none of the accounts of expenses incurred in press-
ing during the century which followed, excepting only
a very few of the earlier ones, can any such item
as the king's shilling or prest-money be discovered.
Its abolition was a, logical sequence of the change
from presting to pressing.
The seaman, moreover, so far from being the sole
quarry of the warrant-holder, now sought concealment
amongst a people almost without exception equally
liable with himself to the capture he endeavoured to
elude. Retained merely as a matter of form, and
totally out of keeping with altered conditions, the
warrant was in effect obsolete save as an instrument
authorising one man to deprive another of his liberty
in the king's name. Even the standard of ''able
bodies and capable " had deteriorated to such an
extent that the officers of the fleet were kept nearly
as busy weeding out and rejecting men as were
the officers of the impress in taking them.
WHAT THE PRESS-GANG WAS 75
Still, the warrant served. Stripped of its obsolete
injunctions, it read: **Go ye out into the highways
and hedges, and water-ways, and compel them to
come in " — enough, surely, for any officer imbued with
zeal for His Majesty's service.
Though according to the strict letter of the law
as defined by various decisions of the courts a
press-warrant was legally executable only by the
officer to whom it was addressed, in practice the
limitation was very widely departed from, if not
altogether ignored ; for just as a constable or sheriff
may call upon bystanders to assist him in the execu-
tion of his office, so the holder of a press-warrant,
though legally unable to delegate his authority by
other means, could call upon others to aid him in
the execution of his duty. Naturally, the gangsmen
being at hand, and being at hand for that very purpose,
he gave them first preference. Hence, the gangs-
man pressed on the strength of a warrant which in
reality gave him no power to press.
While the law relating to the intensive force of
warrants was thus deliberately set at naught, an
extraordinary punctiliousness for legal formality was
displayed in another direction. According to tradi-
tion and custom no warrant was valid until it had
received the sanction of the civil power. Solicitor-
General Yorke could find no statutory authority for
such procedure.^ He accordingly pronounced it to be
non-essential to the validity of warrants. Neverthe-
less, save in cases where the civil power refused its
endorsement, it was universally adhered to. What
was bad law was notoriously good policy, for a
^ Ad. 7. 298— Law Officers' Opinions, 1733-56, No. 102.
76 THE PRESS-GANG
disaffected mayor, or an unfriendly Justice of the
Peace, had it in his power to make the path of the
impress officer a thorny one indeed. " Make unto
yourselves friends," was therefore one of the first
injunctions laid upon officers whose duties unavoid-
ably made them many enemies.
CHAPTER IV
WHOM THE GANG MIGHT TAKE
In theory an authority for the taking of seafaring
men only, the press- warrant was in practice invested
with all the force of a Writ of Quo Warranto requir-
ing every able-bodied male adult to show by what
right he remained at large. The difference between
the theory and the practice of pressing was conse-
quently as wide as the poles.
While the primary and ostensible objective of the
impress remained always what it had been from the
outset, the seaman who had few if any land-ties
except those of blood or sex, from this root principle
there sprang up a very Upas tree of pretension, whose
noxious branches overspread practically every section
of the community. Hence the press-gang, the em-
bodiment of this pretension, eventually threw aside
ostence and took its pick of all who came its way, let
their occupation or position be what it might. It
was no duty of the gangsman to employ his
hanger in splitting hairs. ** First catch your man,"
was for him the greatest of all the command-
ments. Discrimination was for his masters. The
weeding out could be done when the pressing was
over.
The classes hardest hit by this lamentable want
77
78 THE PRESS-GANG
of discrimination were the classes engaged in trade.
** Mr. Coventry," wrote Pepys some four years after
the Restoration, "showed how the medium of the
men the King hath one year with another employed
in his navy since his coming, hath not been above
3000 men, or at most 4000 ; and now having
occasion for 30,000, the remaining 26,000 must be
found out of the Trade of the Nation.'' Naturally.
Where a nation of shopkeepers was concerned it
could hardly have been otherwise. They who go
down to the sea in ships and do business in great
waters, returning laden with the spoils of the com-
mercial world, have perforce to render tribute unto
Caesar ; but Mr. Commissioner Coventry little
guessed, when he enunciated his corollary with such
nice precision, to what it was destined to lead in the
next hundred years or so.
Under the merciless exactions of the press-gang
Trade did not, however, prove the submissive thing
that was wont to stand at its doors and cry : ** Will
you buy t will you buy ? " or to bow prospective
customers into its rich emporiums with unctuous
rubbing of hands and sauve words. Trade knew its
power and determined to use it. "Look you! my
Lords Commissioners," cried Trade, truculently cock-
ing its hat in the face of Admiralty, " I have had
enough. You have taken my butcher, my baker,
my candlestick-maker, nor have you spared that
worthy youth, the prentice who was to have wed my
daughter. My coachman, the driver of my gilded
chariot, goes in fear of you, and as for my sedan-chair
man, he is no more found. My colliers, draymen,
watermen, the carpenters who build my ships and
WHOM THE GANG MIGHT TAKE 79
the mariners who sail them, the ablest of these my
necessary helpers sling their hammocks in your fleet.
You have crippled the printing of my Bible and
the brewing of my Beer, and I can bear no more.
Protect me from my arch-enemy the foreigner if you
must and will, but not, my Lords Commissioners, by
such monstrous personal methods as these." *'Your
servant ! " said Admiralty, obsequious before the only
power it feared — "your servant to command!" and
straightway set about finding a remedy for the evils
Trade complained of.
Now, to attain this end, so desirable if Trade
were to be placated, it was necessary to define with
precision either whom the gang might take, or whom
it might not take ; and here Admiralty, though
notoriously a body without a brain, achieved a stroke
of genius, for it brought down both birds with a
single stone. Postulating first of all the old lex sine
lege fiction that every native-born Briton and every
British male subject born abroad was legally press-
able, it laid it down as a logical sequence that no man,
whatever his vocation or station in life, was lawfully
exempt ; that exemption was in consequence an
official indulgence and not a right ; and that apart
from such indulgence every man, unless idiotic, blind,
lame, maimed or otherwise physically unfit, was not
only liable to be pressed, but could be legally pressed
for the king's service at sea.^ Having thus cleared
the ground root and branch. Admiralty magnani-
mously proceeded to frame a category of persons
whom, as an act of grace and a concession to Trade,
^ Ad. 7, 300 — Law Officers' Opinions, 1778-83, No. 26 ; and Ad. i.
581— Admiral Berkeley, 14 Feb. 1805, well express the official view.
80 THE PRESS-GANG
it was willing to protect from assault and capture by
its emissary the press-gang.
These exemptions from the wholesale incidence
of the impress were not granted all at once.
Embodied from time to time in Acts of Parliament
and so-called acts of official grace — slowly and
painfully wrung from a reluctant Admiralty by the
persistent demands and ever-growing power of Trade
— they spread themselves over the entire century of
struggle for the mastery of the sea, from which they
were a reaction, and, touching the lives of the common
people in a hundred and one intimate points and
interests, culminated at length in the abolition of that
most odious system of oppression from which they
had sprung, and in a charter of liberties before which
the famous charter of King John sinks into insig-
nificance.
As a matter of policy the foreigner had first place
in the list of exemptions. He could volunteer if he
chose,^ but he must not be pressed.^ To deprive him
of his right in this respect was to invite unpleasant
diplomatic complications, of which England had
already too many on her hands. Trade, too, looked
upon the foreigner as her perquisite, and Trade must
be indulged. Moreover, he fostered mutiny in the
fleet, where he was prone to *'fly in the face" of
authority and^to refuse to work, much less fight, for an
^ Strenuous efforts were made in 1709 to induce the "Poor Palatines"
— seven thousand of them encamped at Blackheath, and two thousand
in Sir John Parson's brewhouse at Camberwell — to enter for the navy.
But the "thing was New to them to go aboard a Man of Warr," so they
dechned the invitation, "having the Notion of being sent to CaroHna." —
Ad. I. 1437— Letters of Capt. Aston.
* 13 George II. cap. 17.
The Press-Gaxg seizing a Victim.
i • * •
• • • • •
• • • • •
• • • •«
• • •
• • • «
• • • • «
I
WHOM THE GANG MIGHT TAKE 81
alien people. If, however, he served on board British
merchant ships for two years, or if he married in
England, he at once lost caste, since he then became
a naturalised British subject and was liable to have
even his honeymoon curtailed by a visit from the
press-gang. Such, in fact, was the fate of one
William Castle of Bristol in 1806. Pressed there in
that year on his return from the West Indies, he was
discharged as a person of alien birth ; but having
immediately afterwards committed the indiscretion of
taking a Bristol woman to wife, he was again pressed,
this time within three weeks of his wedding-day, and
kept by express order of Admiralty.^
For some years after the passing of the Act
exempting the foreigner, his rights appear to have
been generally, though by no means universally
respected. '' Discharge him if not married or settled
in England," was the usual order when he chanced
to be taken by the gang. With the turn of the
century, however, a reaction set in. Pressed men
claiming to be of alien birth were thenceforth only
liberated "if unfit for service."^ For this untoward
change the foreigner could blame none but himself.
When taxed with having an English wife, he could
seldom or never be induced to admit the soft im-
peachment. Consequently, whenever he was taken
by the gang he was assumed, in the absence of proof
to the contrary, to have committed the fatal act of
naturalisation.^ Alien seamen in distress through
^ Ad. I. 1537— Capt. Barker, 23 July 1806.
^ Ad. I. 2733— Capt. Young, 11 March 1756, endorsement, and
numerous instances.
^Ad.i. 581— Admiral Phillip, 26 Feb. 1805.
6
82 THE PRESS-GANG
shipwreck or other accidental causes, formed a humane
exception to this unwritten law.
The negro was never reckoned an alien. Looked
upon as a proprietary subject of the Crown, and
having no one in particular to speak up for or defend
him, he "shared the same fate as the free-born white
man."^ Many blacks, picked up in the West Indies
or on the American coast " without hurting com-
merce," were to be found on board our ships of war,
where, when not incapacitated by climatic conditions,
they made active, alert seamen and ** generally
imagined themselves free."^ Their point of view,
poor fellows, was doubtless a strictly comparative one.
Theoretically exempt by virtue of his calling,
whatever that might be, the landsman was in reality
scarcely less marked down by the gang than his
unfortunate brother the seafaring man ; for notwith-
standing all its professions to the contrary, Admiralty
could not afford to ignore the potentialities of the
reserve the landsman represented. Hence no occu-
pation, no property qualification, could or did protect
him. As early as 1705 old Justice, in his treatise on
sea law, deplores bitterly the "barbarous custom of
pressing promiscuously landsmen and seamen," and
declares that the gang, in its purblind zeal, "hurried
away tradesmen from their houses, 'prentices and
journeymen from their masters' shops, and even
housekeepers (householders) too." By 1744 the
practice had become confirmed. In that year Capt.
Innes, of His Majesty's armed sloop the Hind,
applied to the Lords Commissioners for "Twenty
1 Ad. I. 482— Admiral Lord Colvill, 29 Oct. 1762.
* Ad. I. 585— Admiral Donnelly, 22 Feb. 181 5.
WHOM THE GANG MIGHT TAKE 83
Landsmen from Twenty to Twenty-five years of
Age." The Admiralty order, *' Let the Regulating
Captains send them as he desires," ^ leaves no room
for doubt as to the class of men provided. They
were pressed men, not volunteers.
Nor is this a solitary instance of a practice that
was rapidly growing to large proportions. Many a
landsman, in the years that followed, shared the fate
of the Irish "country farmer" who went into Water-
ford to sell his corn, and was there pressed and sent
on board the tender ; of James Whitefoot, the Bristol
glover, "a timid, unformed young man, the comfort
and support of his parents," who, although he had
"never seen a ship in his life," was yet pressed whilst
"passing to follow his business," which knew him no
more ; and of Winstanley, the London butcher, who
served for upwards of sixteen years as a pressed
man.^ Wilkes' historic barber would have entered
upon the same enforced career had not that astute
Alderman discovered, to the astonishment of the
nation at large, that a warrant which authorised the
pressing of seamen did not necessarily authorise the
pressing of a city tonsor.
Amongst landsmen the harvester, as a worker
of vital utility to the country, enjoyed a degree
of exemption accorded to few. Impress officers had
particular instructions concerning him. They were
to delete him from the category of those who might
be taken. Armed with a certificate from the minister
^ Ad. I. 1983— Capt. Innes, 3 May 1744, and endorsement.
2 Ad. I. 1501— Capt. Bligh, 16 May 1781. Ad. i. 1531— Duchess of
Gordon, 14 Feb. 1804. Ad. i. 584— Humble Petition of Betsey Win-
stanley, 2 Sept. 1 8 14.
84 THE PRESS-GANG
and churchwardens of his parish, this migratory
farm-hand, provided always he were not a sailor
masquerading in that disguise, could traverse the
length and breadth of the land to all intents and
purposes a free man. To him, as well as to the
grower of corn who depended so largely upon his aid
in getting his crop, the concession proved an inestim-
able boon. There were violations of the harvester's
status,' it is true ; ^ but these were too infrequent to
affect seriously the industry he represented.
So far as the press was concerned, the harvester
was better off than the gentleman, for while the
former could dress as he pleased, the latter was often
obliged to dress as he could, and in this lay an
element of danger. So long as his clothes were as
good as the blood he boasted, and he wore them with
an aplomb suggestive of position and influence, the
gentleman was safe ; but let his pretensions to
gentility lie more in the past than in the suit on his
back, and woe betide him ! In spite of his protesta-
tions the gang took him, and he was lucky indeed if,
like the gentleman who narrates his experience in the
Review for the loth of February 1706, he was able
to convince his captors that he was foreign born by
" talking Latin and Greek."
To the people at large, whether landsmen or sea-
farers, the Act exempting from the press every male
under eighteen and over fifty-five years of age would
have brought a sorely needed relief had not Admiralty
been a past-master in the subtile art of outwitting the
law. In this instance a simple regulation did the
trick. Every man or boy who claimed the benefit of
^ Ad. I. 5125 — Memorial of Sir William Oglander, Bart., July 1796.
WHOM THE GANG MIGHT TAKE 85
the age-limit when pressed, was required to prove
his claim ere he could obtain his discharge.^ The
impossibility of any general compliance with such a
demand on the part of persons often as ignorant of
birth certificates as they were of the sea, practically
wiped the exemption off the slate.
In the eyes of the Regulating Captain no man
was older than he looked, no lad as young as he
avowed. Hence thousands of pressed men over
fifty-five, who did not look the age they could not
prove, figured on the books of the fleet with boys
whose precocity of appearance gave the lie to their
assertions. George Stephens, son of a clerk in the
Transport Office, suffered impressment when barely
thirteen ; and the son of a corporal in Lord Elkinton's
regiment, one Alexander M'Donald, was 'listed in
the same manner while still ''under the age of
twelve."^ The gang did not pause by the way to
discuss such questions.
Apprentices fell into a double category — those
bound to the sea, those apprenticed on land. Nomi-
nally, the sea apprentice was protected from the
impress for a term of three years from the date of his
indentures, provided he had not used the sea before ; ^
while the land apprentice enjoyed immunity under
the minimum age-limit of eighteen years. The
proviso in the first case, however, left open a loop-
hole the impress officer was never slow to take
advantage of; and the minimum age-limit, as we
"^ A(i. 7. 300— Law Officers' Opinions, 1778-83, No. 43: "It is
incumbent on those who claim to be exempted to prove the facts."
^ Ad. I. 583— Vice-Admiral Hunter, 10 May 1813.- Ad. i. 1503—
Capt. Butchart, 22 Jan. 1782, and enclosure.
' 2 & 3 Anne, cap. 6, re-affirmed 13 George 11. cap. 17.
86 THE PRESS GANG
have just seen, had little if any existence in fact.
Apprentices pressed after the three years' exemption
had expired were never given up, nor could their
masters successfully claim them in law. They
dropped like ripe fruit into the lap of Admiralty. On
the other hand, apprentices pressed within the three
years' exemption period were generally discharged,
for if they were not, they could be freed by a writ of
Habeas Corpus, or else the masters could maintain
an action for damages against the Admiralty.^
'Prentices who "eloped" or ran away from their
masters, and then entered voluntarily, could not be
reclaimed by any known process at law if they were
over eighteen years of age. On the whole, the
position of the apprentice, whether by land or sea,
was highly anomalous and uncertain. Often taken
by the gang in the hurry of visiting a ship, or in
the scurry of a hot press on shore, he was in effect
the shuttlecock of the service, to-day singing merrily
at his capstan or bench, to-morrow bewailing his
hard fate on board a man- o'- war.
When it came to the exemption of seamen. Ad-
miralty found itself on the horns of a dilemma. Both
the Navy and the merchant service depended in a very
large degree upon the seaman who knew the ropes —
who could take his turn at the wheel, scud aloft without
going through the lubber-hole, and act promptly and
sailorly in emergency. To take wholesale such men as
these, while it would enormously enhance the effective-
nessof His Majesty's ships ofwar,must inevitably cripple
sea-borne trade. It was therefore necessary, for the
well-being of both services, to discover the golden mean.
* Ad. 7. 300— Law Officers' Opinions, 1778-83, No. 25.
WHOM THE GANG MIGHT TAKE 87
According to statute law ^ every person using the
sea, of what age soever he might be, was exempt from
the impress for two years from the time of his first
making the venture. The concession did not greatly
improve the situation from a trade point of view. It
merely touched the fringe of the problem, and Trade
was insistent.
A further concession was accordingly made. All
masters, mates, boatswains and carpenters of vessels of
fifty tons and upwards were exempted from the impress
on condition of their going before a Justice of the Peace
and making oath to their several qualifications. This
affidavit, coupled with a succinct description of the
deponent, constituted the holder's " protection " and
shielded him, or was supposed to shield him, from mol-
estation by the gang. Masters and mates of colliers,
and of vessels laid up for the winter, came under this
head ; but masters or mates of vessels detected in
running dutiable goods, or caught harbouring deserters
from the fleet, could be summarily dealt with notwith-
standing their protections. The same fate befell the
mate or apprentice who was lent by one ship to another.
In addition to the executive of the vessel, as
defined in the foregoing paragraph, it was of course
necessary to extend protection to as many of her
"hands" as were essential to her safe and efficient
working. How many were really required for this
purpose was, however, a moot point on which ship-
masters and naval officers rarely saw eye to eye ; and
since the arbiter in all such disputes was the ''quarter-
deck gentlemen," the decision seldom if ever went in
favour of the master.
^ 13 George ii. cap. 17.
88 THE PRESS-GANG
The importance of the coal trade won for colliers
an early concession, which left no room for differences
of opinion. Every vessel employed in that trade was
entitled to carry one exempt able-bodied man for each
hundred units of her registered tonnage, provided it
did not exceed three hundred. The penalty for
pressing such men was ^lo for each man taken.^
On the coasts of Scotland commanders of war-
ships whose carpenters had run or broken their leave,
and who perhaps were left, like Capt. Gage of the
Otter sloop, "without so much as a Gimblett on
board," ^ might press shipwrights from the yards on
shore to fill the vacancy, and suffer no untoward
consequences ; but south of the Tweed this mode
of collecting •* chips" was viewed with disfavour.
There, although ship-carpenters, sailmakers and men
employed in rope-walks were by a stretch of the
official imagination reckoned as persons using the sea,
and although they were generally acknowledged to be
no less indispensable to the complete economy of a
ship than the able-bodied seaman, legal questions of
an extremely embarrassing nature nevertheless
cropped up when the scene of their activities under-
went too sudden and violent a change. The pressing
of such artificers consequently met with little official
encouragement.^
Where the Admiralty scored, in the matter of
ship protections, and scored heavily, was when the
protected person went ashore. For when on shore
the protected master, mate, boatswain, carpenter,
^ 2 & 3 Anne, cap. 6.
2 Ad. I. 1829— Capt. Gage, 29 Sept. 1742.
' Ad, 7. 300— Law Officers' Opinions, 1778-83, No. 2.
WHOM THE GANG MIGHT TAKE 89
apprentice or seaman no longer enjoyed protection
unless he was there *'on ship's duty." The rule was
most rigorously, not to say arbitrarily, enforced. Thus
at Plymouth, in the year 1746, a seaman who pro-
tested in broken English that he had come ashore
to ''look after his master's sheep,'' was pressed
because the naval officer who met and questioned
him " imagined sheep to have no affinity with a
ship!"^
Any mate who failed to register his name at the
rendezvous, as soon as his ship arrived in port, did
so at his peril. Without that formality he was " not
entitled to liberty." So strict was the rule that when
William Tassell, mate of the Elizabeth ketch, was
caught drinking in a Lynn alehouse one night at ten
o'clock, after having obtained "leave to run about
the town " until eight only, he was immediately
pressed and kept, the Admiralty refusing to declare
the act irregular.^
In many ports it was customary for sailors to sleep
ashore while their ships lay at the quay or at moor-
ings. The proceeding was highly dangerous. No
sailor ever courted sleep in such circumstances, even
though armed with a "line from the master setting
'^ Ad. I. 2381— Cskpt. John Roberts, ii July 1746. Capt. Roberts
was a very downright individual, and years before the characteristic had
got him into hot water. The occasion was when, in 17 12, an Admiralty
letter, addressed to him at Harwich and containing important instruc-
tions, by some mischance went astray and Roberts accused the Clerk of
the Check of having appropriated it. The latter called him a liar,
whereupon Roberts "gave him a slap in the face and bid him learn
more manners." For this exhibition of temper he was superseded and
kept on the half-pay list for some six years. Ad. i. 147 1 — Capt. Brand,
8 March 1711-12. Ad. i. 2378, section 11, Admiralty note.
^ Ad. I. 1546 — Capt. Bowyer, 25 July 1809, and enclosure.
90 THE PRESS GANG
forth his business," without grave risk of waking to
find himself in the bilboes. The Mayor of Poole once
refused to " back " press- warrants for local use unless
protected men belonging to trading vessels of the
port were granted the privilege of lodging ashore.
*' Certainly not!" retorted the Admiralty. "We
cannot grant Poole an indulgence thai other towns do
not enjoy y ^
In spite of the risk involved, the sailor slept ashore
and — if he survived the night — tried to steal back to
his ship in the grey of the morning. Now and then,
by a run of luck, he made his offing in safety ; but
more frequently he met the fate of John White of
Bristol, who was taken by the gang when only " about
ninety yards from his vessel."
The only exceptions to this stringent rule were
certain classes of men engaged in the Greenland
and South Seas whale fisheries. Skilled harpooners,
linesmen and boat-steerers, on their return from a
whaling cruise, could obtain from any Collector of
Customs, for sufficient bond put in, a protection from
the impress which no Admiralty regulation, however
sweeping, could invalidate or override. Safeguarded
by this document, they were at liberty to live and work
ashore, or to sail in the coal trade, until such time as
they should be required to proceed on another whaling
voyage. If, however, they took service on board any
vessel other than a collier, they forfeited their protec-
tions and could be "legally detained."^
In one ironic respect the gang strongly resembled
^ Ad. I. 2485 — Capt. Scott, 4 Jan. 1780, and endorsement.
* 13 George II. cap. 28. Ad. i. 2732— Capt. Young, 14 March 1756.
Ad. 7. 300 — Law Officers' Opinions, 1778-83, No. 42.
AVHOM THE GANG MIGHT TAKE 91
a boomerang. So thoroughly and impartially did it
do its work that it recoiled upon those who used it.
The evil was one of long standing. Pepys complained
of it bitterly in his day, asserting that owing to its
prevalence letters could neither be received nor sent,
and that the departmental machinery for victualling
and arminor the fleet was like to be undone. With
o
the growth of pressing the imposition was carried to
absurd lengths. The crews of the impress tenders,
engaged in conveying pressed men to the fleet, could
not ** proceed down " without falling victims to the
very service they were employed in.^ To check
this egregious robbing of Peter to pay Paul, both the
Navy Board and the Government were obliged to
" protect " their own sea-going hirelings, and even
then the protections were not always effective.
Between the extremes represented by the lands-
man who enjoyed nominal exemption and the
seaman who enjoyed none, there existed a middle or
amphibious class of persons who lived exclusively on
neither land nor water, but habitually used both in
the pursuit of their various callings. These were the
wherry or watermen, the lightermen, bargemen,
keelmen, trowmen and canal-boat dwellers frequent-
ing mainly the inland waterways of the country.
In the reign of Richard ii. the jurisdiction of
Admirals was defined as extending, in a certain
particular, to the ''main stream of great rivers nigh
the sea." ^ Had the same line of demarcation been
observed in the pressing of those whose occupations
lay upon rivers, there would have been little cause for
^ Ad. I. i486 — Capt. Baird, 27 Feb. 1755, and numerous instances.
^ 15 Richard 11. cap. 2.
92 THE PRESS GANG
outcry or complaint. But the Admiralty, the suc-
cessors of the ancient " Guardians of the Sea " whose
powers were so clearly limited by the Ricardian
statute, gradually extended the old-time jurisdiction
until, for the purposes of the impress, it included all
waterways, whether "nigh the sea" or inland, natural
or artificial, whereon it was possible for craft to
navigate. All persons working upon or habitually
using such waterways were regarded as '* using the
sea," and later warrants expressly authorised the
gangs to take as many of them as they should be able,
not excepting even the ferryman. The extension
was one of tremendous consequence, since it swept
into the Navy thousands of men who, like the Ely
and Cambridge bargemen, were "hardy, strong
fellows, who never failed to make good seamen."^
Amongst these denizens of the country's water-
ways the position of the Thames wherryman was
peculiar in that from very early times he had been
exempt from the ordinary incidence of the press on
condition of his periodically supplying from his own
numbers a certain quota of able-bodied men for the
use of the fleet. The rule applied to all watermen
using the river between Gravesend and Windsor,
and members of the fraternity who " withdrew and
hid themselves " at the time of the making of such
levies, were liable to be imprisoned for two years and
"banished any more to row for a year and a day."^
The exemption he otherwise enjoyed appears to have
conduced not a little to the waterman's proverbial
joviality. As a youth he spent his leisure in " dancing
^ Ad I. i486— Capt. Baird, 29 April 1755.
2 2 & 3 Philip and Mary, cap. 16.
WHOM THE GANG MIGHT TAKE 93
and carolling," thus earning the familiar sobriquet of
** the jolly young waterman." Even so, his tenure of
happiness was anything but secure. With the naval
officer and the gang he was no favourite, and few
opportunities of dashing his happiness were allowed
to pass unimproved. In the person of John Golden,
however, they caught a Tartar. To the dismay of
the Admiralty and the officer responsible for pressing
him, he proved to be one of my Lord Mayor's
bargemen.^
Apart from the watermen of the Thames, the
purchase of immunity from the press by periodic
levies met with little favour, and though the levy was
in many cases reluctantly adopted, it was only because
it entailed the lesser of two evils. The basis of such
levies varied from one man in ten to one in five — a
percentage which the Admiralty considered a " matter
of no distress " ; and the penalty for refusing to
entertain them was wholesale pressing.
The Tyne keelmen, while ostensibly consenting
to buy immunity on this basis, seldom levied the quota
upon themselves. By offering bounties they drew
the price of their freedom to work in the keels from
outside sources. Lord Thurlow confessed that he
did not know what " working in the keels " meant."
There were few in the fleet who could have enlight-
ened him of their own experience. The keelmen
kept th'eir ranks as far as possible intact. In this
they were materially aided by the Mayor and
Corporation of Newcastle, who held a " Grand Pro-
tection " of the Admiralty, and in return for this
^ Ad, I. 2733 — Capt. Young, 7 March 1756.
* Ad. 7. 299 — Law Officers' Opinions, 1752-77, No. 70.
94 THE PRESS-GANG
exceptional mark of their Lordships' favour did all
they could to further the pressing of persons less
essential to the trade of the town and river than were
their own keelmen.
On the rivers Severn and Wye there was plying
in 1806 a flotilla of ninety-eight trows, ranging in
capacity from sixty to one hundred and thirty tons,
and employing five hundred and eighty-eight men, of
whom practically all enjoyed exemption from the
press. It being a time of exceptional stress for
men, the Admiralty considered this proportion ex-
cessive, and Capt. Barker, at that time regulating
the press at Bristol, was ordered to negotiate terms.
He proposed a contribution of trowmen on the basis
of one in every ten, coupling the suggestion with
a thinly veiled threat that if it were not complied
with he would set his gangs to work and take all
he could get. The Association of Severn Traders,
finding themselves thus placed between the devil
and the deep sea, agreed to the proposal with a
reluctance they in vain endeavoured to hide under
ardent protestations of loyalty.^
In the three hundred "flats " engaged in carrying
salt, coals and other commodities between Nantwich
and Liverpool there were employed, in 1795, some nine
hundred men who had up to that time largely escaped
the attentions of the gang. In that year, however,
an arrangement was entered into, under duress of the
usual threat, to the effect that they should contribute
one man in six, or at the least one man in nine, in return
for exemption to be granted to the remainder.^
1 Ad. I. 1537 — Capt. Barker, 24 April and 9 May 1806, and enclosure.
^ Ad. I. 578— Admiral Pringle, Report on Rendezvous, 2 April 1795.
WHOM THE GANG MIGHT TAKE 95
Turf-boats plying on the Blackwater and the
Shannon seem to have enjoyed no special conces-
sions. The men working them were pressed when-
ever they could be laid hold of, and if they were not
always kept, their discharge was due to reasons of
physical unfitness rather than to any acknowledged
right to labour unmolested. Ireland's contribution
to the fleet, apart from the notoriously disaffected,
was of too much consequence to be played with ; for
the Irishman was essentially a good-natured soul, and
when his native indolence and slowness of movement
had been duly corrected by a judicious use of the
rattan and the rope's-end, his services were highly
esteemed in His Majesty's ships of war.
In the category of exemptions the fisheries
occupied a place entirely their own. They were
carefully fostered, but indifferently protected.
Previous to the year 1729 the most important
concession granted to those engaged in the taking of
fish was the establishing of two extra " Fishe Dayes "
in the week. The provision was embodied in a
statute of 1563, whereby the people were required,
under a penalty of ^3 for each omission, *'or els
three monethes close Imprisonment without Baile or
Maineprise," to eat fish, to the total exclusion of
meat, on Fridays and Saturdays, and to content
themselves with ''one dish of flesh to three dishes
of fish" on Wednesdays.^ The enactment had no
religious significance whatever ; but in order to avoid
any suspicion of Popish tendencies it was deemed
advisable, by those responsible for the measure, to
saddle it with a rider to the effect that all persons
1 5 Elizabeth, cap. 5.
96 THE PRESS-GANG
teaching, preaching or proclaiming the eating of fish,
as enjoined by the Act, to be of *' necessitee for the
saving of the soule of man," should be punished as
"spreaders of fause newes." The true significance
of the measure lay in this. The abolition of Romish
fast-days had resulted, since the Reformation, in an
enormous falling off in the consumption offish, and this
decrease had in turn played havoc with the fisheries.
Now the fisheries were in reality the national incubator
for seamen, and Cecil, Elizabeth's astute Secretary of
State, perceiving in their decadence a grave menace
to the manning of prospective fleets, determined, for
that reason if for no other, to reanimate the dying
industry. The Act in question was the practical
outcome of his deliberations.^
An enactment which combined so happily the
interests of the fisher classes with those of national
defence could not but be productive of far-reaching
consequences. The fishing industry not only throve
exceedingly because of it, it in time became, as Cecil
clearly foresaw it would become, a nursery for seamen
and a feeder of the fleet as unrivalled for the
excellence of its material as it was inexhaustible in
its resources. Its prosperity was in fact its curse.
Few exemptions were granted it. Adventurers after
whale and cod had special concessions, suited to the
peculiar conditions of their calling ; but with these
exceptions craft of every description employed in the
taking or the carrying of fish, for a very protracted
period enjoyed only such exemptions as were grudg-
ingly extended to sea-going craft in general. The
1 S/a^e Papers Domestic^ Elizabeth, vol. xxvii. Nos. 71 and 72,
comprising Cecil's original memoranda.
WHOM THE GANG MIGHT TAKE 97
source of supply represented by the leviathan industry
was too valuable to be lightly restricted.
On the other hand, it was too important to be
lightly depleted. Therefore under Cecil's Act estab-
lishing extra *' Fishe Dayes," no fisherman "using
or haunting the sea " could be pressed off-hand to
serve in the Queen's Navy. The "taker," as the
press-master was at that time called, was obliged to
carry his warrant to the Justice^ inhabiting the place
or places where it was proposed that the fishermen
should be pressed, and of these Justices any two were
empowered to " choose out such nomber of hable
men" as the warrant specified. In this way
originated the "backing" or endorsing of warrants
by the civil power. At first obligatory only as
regards the pressing of fishermen, it came to be
regarded in time as an essential preliminary to all
pressing done on land.
No further provision of a special nature would
appear to have been made for the protecting of fisher
folk from the press until the year 1729, when an
exemption was granted which covered the master,
one apprentice, one seaman and one landsman for
each vessel.^ In 1801, however, a sweeping change
was inaugurated. A statute of that date provided
that no person engaged in the taking, curing or selling
of fish should be impressed.^ The exemption came too
late to prove substantially beneficial to an industry
which had suffered incalculable injury from the then
recent wars. The press-gang was already nearing
its last days.
Prior to the Act of 1801 persons whose sole
^ 2 George n. cap. 15, ^ /\i George iii, cap. 21.
98 THE PRESS-GANG
occupation was "to pick oysters and mussels at low
water" were accounted fishermen and habitually
pressed as "using the sea."
The position of the smaller fry of fishermen is
thrown into vivid relief by an official communique of
1709 as opposed to an incident of later date. *' These
poor people," runs the note, which was addressed to
a naval commander who had pressed a fisherman out
of a boat of less than three tons, " have been always
protected for the support of their indigent families,
and therefore they must not be taken into the service
unless there is a pressing occasion, and then they will
be all forced thereinto r^ Captain Boscawen, writing
from the Nore in 1745, supplies the antithesis. He
had been instructed to procure half a dozen fishing
smacks, each of not less than sixty tons burden, for
transport purposes. None were to be had. "The
reason the fishermen give for not employing vessels
of that size," he states, in explanation of the fact, "is
that all the young men are pressed, and that the old
men and boys are not able to work them."^
Conditions such as these in time taught the fisher-
man wisdom, and he awoke to the fact that exemption
for a consideration, as in the case of workers on rivers
and canals, was preferable to paying through the nose.
The Admiralty was never averse from driving a
bargain of this description. It saved much distress,
much bad blood, much good money. In this way
Worthing fishermen bought exemption in 1780. The
fishery of that town was then in its infancy, the people
engaged in it "very poor and needy." They em-
1 Ad. I. 2377— Capt. Robinson, 4 Feb. 1708-9, and endorsement.
* Ad, I. 1481— Capt. Boscawen, 23 Dec. 1745.
WHOM THE GANG MIGHT TAKE 99
ployed only sixteen boats. Yet they found it
cheaper to contribute five men to the Navy, at a cost
of ^40 in bounties, than to entertain the gang/
The Orkney fisherman bought his freedom, both
on his fishing-grounds and when carrying his catch
to market, on similar terms ; but being a person of
frugal turn of mind, he gradually developed the
habit of withholding his stipulated quota. The un-
expected arrival in his midst of an armed smack,
followed by a spell of vigorous pressing, taught him that
to be penny-wise is sometimes to be pound-foolish.^
On the Scottish coasts fishermen and ferrymen —
the latter a numerous class on that deeply indented
seaboard — offered up one man in every five or six on
the altar of protection. The sacrifice distressed them
less than indiscriminate pressing. A prosperous
people, they chose out those of their number who
could best be spared, supporting the families thus
left destitute by common subscription. Buss fisher-
men, who followed the migratory herring from fishing-
ground to fishing-ground, were in another category.
Their contribution, when on the Scottish coast,
figured out at a man per buss ; but as they were for
some inscrutable reason called upon to pay similar
tribute on other parts of the coast, they cannot be said
to have escaped any too lightly. Neither did the
four hundred fishing-boats composing the Isle of Man
fleet. Their crews were obliged to surrender one
man in every seven.^
1 Ad. I. 1446— Capt. Alms, 2 Jan. 1780.
2 Ad. I. 2740— Lieut. Abbs, 11 May 1798, and Admiralty note.
^ Ad. I. 579— Admiral Pringle, Report on Rendezvous, 2 April 1795 5
Admiral Philip, Report on Rendezvous, i Aug. 1801,
100 THE PRESS GANG
Opinions as to the value of material drawn from
these sources differed widely. The buss fisherman
was on all hands acknowledged to be a seasoned
sailor ; but when it came to those employed in smaller
craft, it was held that heaving at the capstan for a
matter of only six or seven weeks in the year could
never convert raw lads into useful seamen, even though
they continued that healthful form of exercise all
their lives. This was the view entertained by the
masters of fishing-smacks smarting from loss of
- hands." ^
x^dmiralty saw things in quite another light.
" What you admit," said their Lordships, expressing
the counter-view, "it is our business to prevent. We
will therefore take these lads, who are admittedly of
no service to you save for hauling in your nets or
getting your anchors, and will make of them what
you, on your own showing, can never make — able
seamen." The argument, backed as it was by the
strong arm of the press-gang, was unanswerable.
The fact that the fisherman passed much of his
time on shore did not free him from the press any
more than it freed the waterman, or the worker in
keel or trow. In his main vocation he ''used the
sea," and that was enough. For the use of the sea
was the rule and standard by which every man's
liability to the press was supposed to be measured
and determined.
Except in the case of masters, mates and ap-
prentices to the sea, whose affidavits or indentures
constituted their respective safeguards against the
press, every person exempt from that infliction,
1 Ad. I. 1497 — Thomas Hurry, master, 3 March 1777.
WHOM THE GANG MIGHT TAKE IQI
whether by statute law or Admiralty indulgence, was
required to have in his possession an official voucher
setting forth the fact and ground of his exemption.
This document was ironically termed his " pro-
tection."
Admiralty protections were issued under the hand
of the Lord High Admiral ; ordinary protections, by
departments and persons who possessed either dele-
gated or vested powers of issue. Thus each Trinity
House protected its own pilots ; the Customs protected
whale fishermen and apprentices to the sea ; impress
officers protected seamen temporarily lent to ships
in lieu of men taken out of them by the gangs. Some
protections were issued for a limited period and lapsed
when that period expired ; others were of perpetual
"force," unless invalidated by some irregular acton
the part of the holder. No protection was good
unless it bore a minute description of the person to
whom it applied, and all protections had to be carried
on the person and produced upon demand. Thomas
Moverty was pressed out of a wherry in the Thames
owing to his having changed his clothes and left his
protection at home ; and John Scott of Mistley, in
Suffolk, was taken whilst working in his shirtsleeves,
though his protection lay in the pocket of his jacket,
only a few yards away.^
The most trifling irregularity in the protection
itself, or the slightest discrepancy between the personal
appearance of the bearer and the written description
of him, was enough to convert the protection into so
much waste paper and the bearer into a naval seaman.
^ Ad. I. 1479— Capt. Bridges, 11 August 1743. Ad. i. 1531— Capt.
Ballard, 15 March 1804, and enclosure.
102: ;•:,•.•; : THEi-PRESS-GANG
North-country'* apprentices, whose indentures bore
a 14s. stamp in accordance with Scottish law,
were pressed because that document did not bear
a 15s. stamp according to English law. A sea-
man was in one instance described in his protec-
tion as "smooth-faced," that is, beardless. The
impress officer scrutinised him closely. " Aha ! " said
he, "you are not smooth-faced. You are pock-
marked " ; and he pressed the poor fellow for that
reason.
To be over-protected was as bad as having no
protection at all. Thomas Letting, a collier's man,
and John Anthony of the merchant ship Providence,
learnt this fact to their cost when they were taken out
of their respective ships for having each two pro-
tections. In short, the slightest pretext served. If
a protection had but a few more days to run ; if the
name, date, place or other essential particular showed
signs of "coaxing," that is, of having been "on
purpose rubbed out " or altered ; if a man's description
did not figure in his protection, or if it figured on the
back instead of in the margin, or in the margin instead
of on the back ; if his face wore a ruddy rather than
a pale look, if his hair were red when it ought to
have been brown, if he proved to be " tall and remark-
able thin " when he should have been middle-sized
and thick-set — in any of these, as in a hundred and
one similar cases, the bearer of the protection paid
the penalty for what the impress officer regarded as
a "hoodwinking attempt" to cheat the King's service
of an eligible man.
Notwithstanding the fact that the impress officer
regarded every pressable man as a person who made
WHOM THE GANG MIGHT TAKE 103
it his chief business in life to defraud the Navy of his
services on the ''miserable plea of a protection," it by
no means followed that his zeal in pressing him on
that account had in every case the countenance or
met with the unqualified approval of the Admiralty.
Thousands of men and boys taken in this irresponsible
fashion obtained their discharge, though with more
or less difficulty and delay, when the facts of the case
were laid before the naval authorities ; and in general
it may be said, that although the Lords Commissioners
were only too ready to wink at any colourable excuse
whereby another physical unit might be added to the
fleet, they nevertheless laid it down as a rule, inviol-
able at least on paper, ** never to press any man
from protections," since it brought " great trouble and
clamour upon them."^ To assert that the rule was
generally obeyed would be to turn the truth into a lie.
On the contrary, it was almost universally disregarded.
Both officers and gangs traversed it on every possible
occasion, leaving the justice or injustice of the act to
the arbitrament of the higher tribunal. Zeal for the
service was no crime, and to release a man was always
so much easier than to catch him.
*' Pressing from protections," as the phrase ran in
the service, did not therefore mean that the Admiralty
over- rode its own protections at pleasure. It merely
signified that on occasion more than ordinarily
stringent measures were adopted for the holding-up
and examining of all protected persons, or of as many
of them as could be got at by the gangs, to the end
that all false or fraudulent vouchers might be weeded
out and the dishonest bearers of them consigned to
1 Ad. 3. 50— Admiralty Minutes, 26 Feb. 1744-5.
104 THE PRESS-GANG
another place. And yet there were times when
"pressing from protections" had its plenary signi-
ficance too.
Lovers of prints who are familiar with Hogarth's
** Stage Coach ; or, a Country Inn Yard," date 1747,
will readily recall the two "outsides" — the one a
down-in-the-mouth soldier, the other a jolly Jack-tar
on whose bundle may be read the word *' Centurion."
Now the Centurion was Anson's flag-ship, and in
this print Hogarth has incidentally recorded the fact
that her crew, on their return from that famous
voyage round the world, were awarded life- protections
from the press. ^
The life-protection was an indulgence extended
to few. Samuel Davidson of Newcastle, sailor, aged
fifty, who had " served for nine years during the late
wars," in 1777 made bold to plead that fact as a reason
why he should be freed from the attentions of the
press-gang for the rest of his life. But the Lords
Commissioners refused to admit the plea "unless he
was in a position not inferior to that of chief mate."
On the other hand, Henry Love of Hastings, who
had merely served in a single Dutch expedition, but
had the promise of Pitt and Dundas that both he and
those who volunteered with him should never be
pressed, was immediately discharged when that
calamity befell him.^
The granting of extraordinary protections was
thus something entirely erratic and not to be counted
upon. Captain Balchen in 1708 had special pro-
tections for ten of his ship's company whom he
^ Ad. I. 1440— Capt. Anson, 24 July 1744.
^ Ad. I. 1449 — Capt. Columbine, 21 July 1800.
WHOM THE GANG MIGHT TAKE 105
desired to bring to London as witnesses in a suit then
pending against him ; but the building of tfhe three
earlier Eddystone lighthouses was allowed to be
seriously impeded by the pressing of the unprotected
workmen when on shore at Plymouth, and the keepers
of the first erection of that name were once carried
off bag and baggage by the gang.
Smeaton, who built the third Eddystone, protected
his men by means of silver badges, and his store-
boat enjoyed similar immunity — presumably with the
consent of Admiralty — by reason of a picture of the
lighthouse painted on her sail. Other great con-
structors, as well as rich mercantile firms, bought
protection at a price. They supplied a stipulated
number of men for the fleet, and found the arrange-
ment a highly convenient one for ridding themselves
of those who were useless to them or had incurred their
displeasure.^
Private protections, of which great numbers saw
the light, were in no case worth the paper they were
written on. Joseph Bettesworth of Ryde, Isle of
Wight, Attorney-at-Law and Lord of the Manor of
Ashey and Ryde, by virtue of an ancient privilege
pertaining to that Manor and confirmed by royal
Letters Patent, in 1790 protected some twenty sea-
faring men to work his " Antient Ferry or Passage
for the Wafting of Passengers to and from Ride, Ports-
mouth and Gosport, in a smack of about 14 tons, and
a wherry." The regulating captain at the last-named
place asked what he should do about it. '' Press every
man as soon as possible," replied their Lordships.^
^ Ad. I. 583— Admiral Thornborough, 30 Nov. 18 13.
^ Ad. I. 1506 — Capt. John Bligh, June 1790, and enclosure.
CHAPTER V
WHAT THE GANG DID AFLOAT
**A MAN we want, and a man we must have," was
the naval cry of the century.^
Nowhere was the cry so loud or so insistent as on
the sea, where every ship of war added to its volume.
In times of peace, when the demand for men was
gauged by those every-day factors, sickness, death
and desertion, it dwindled, if it did not altogether
die away ; but given a war-cloud on the near horizon
and the cry for men swelled, as many-voiced as there
were keels in the fleet, to a sudden clamour of for-
midable proportions — a clamour that only the most
strenuous and unremitting exertions could in any
measure appease.
Every navy is argus-eyed, and in crises such as
these, when the very existence of the nation was
perhaps at stake, it was first and principally towards
the crews of the country's merchant ships that the
eyes of the Navy were directed ; for, shipboard life
and shipboard duty being largely identical in both
services, no elaborate training was required to con-
vert the merchant sailor into a first-rate man-o'-war's-
man. The ships of both services were sailing ships.
Both, as a rule, went armed. Hence, not only was
1 Ad. I. 1531 — Deposition of John Swinburn, 28 July 1804.
106
WHAT THE GANG DID AFLOAT 107
the merchant sailor an able seaman, he was also
trained in the handling of great guns, and in the use
of the cutlass, the musket and the boarding-pike. In
a word, he was that most valuable of all assets to a
people seeking to dominate the sea — a man-o'-war's-
man ready-made, needing only to be called in in
order to become immediately effective.
The problem was how to catch him — how to take
him fresh and vigorous from his deep-sea voyaging —
how to enroll him in the King's Navy ere he got ashore
with a pocketful of money and relaxed his hardened
muscles in the uncontrolled debauchery he was so
partial to after long abstention.
A device of the simplest yet of the most elaborate
description met the difficulty. It was based upon the
fact that to take the sailor afloat was a much easier
piece of strategy than to ferret him out of his hiding-
places after he got ashore. The impress trap was
therefore set in such a way as to catch him before he
reached the land.
With infinite ingenuity and foresight sea-gangs
were picketed from harbour to harbour, from head-
land to headland, until they formed an almost un-
broken chain around the coasts and guarded the
sailor's every point of accustomed approach from
overseas. This was the outer cordon of the system,
the beginning of the gauntlet the returning sailor had
to run, and he was a smart seaman indeed who could
successfully negotiate the uncharted rocks and shoals
with which the coast was everywhere strewn in his
despite.
The composition of this chain of sea-gangs was
mixed to a degree, yet singularly homogeneous.
108 THE PRESS-GANG
First of all, on its extreme outer confines, perhaps
as far down Channel as the Scillies, or as far north
as the thirteen-mile stretch of sea running between
the Mull of Kintyre and the Irish coast, where the
trade for Liverpool, Whitehaven, Dublin and the
Clyde commonly came in, the homing sailor would
suddenly descry, bearing down upon him under press
of sail, the trim figure of one of His Majesty's fri-
gates, or the clean, swift lines of an armed sloop.
The meeting was no chance one. Both the frigate and
the sloop were there by design, the former cruising to
complete her own complement, the latter to complete
that of some ship-of-the-line at Plymouth, Spithead or
the Nore, to which she stood in the relation of tender.
Tenders were vessels taken into the king's service
"at the time of Impressing Seamen." Hired at
certain rates per month, they continued in the service
as long as they were required, often most unwillingly,
and were principally employed in obtaining men for
the king's ships or in matters relative thereto. In
burden they varied from thirty or forty to one
hundred tons,^ the smaller craft hugging the coast
and dropping in from port to port, the larger cruising
far beyond shore limits. For deep-sea or trade-route
cruising the smaller craft were of little use. No ship
of force would bring-to for them.
While press-warrants were supplied regularly to
every warship, no matter what her rating, the supply
of tenders was less general and much more erratic.
It was only when occasion demanded it, and then
^ This was the maximum tonnage for which the Navy Board paid,
but when trade was slack larger vessels could be had, and were as a
matter of fact frequently employed, at the nominal tonnage rate.
WHAT THE GANG DID AFLOAT 109
only to ships of the first, second and third rate, that
tenders were assigned for the purpose of bringing
their crews up to full strength. The urgency of the
occasion, the men to be "rose," the diplomacy of the
commander determined the number. A tender to
each ship was the rule, but however parsimonious the
Navy Board might be on such occasions, a carefully
worded appeal to its prejudices seldom failed to pro-
duce a second, or even a third attendant vessel.
Boscawen once had recourse to this ingenious ruse
in order to obtain tender number two. The Navy
Board detested straggling seamen, so he suggested
that, with several tenders lying idle in the Thames,
his men might be far more profitably employed than
in straggling about town. " Most reprehensible
practice ! " assented the Board, and placed a second
vessel at his disposal without more ado. Lieut.
Upton was immediately put in charge of her and
ordered seawards. He returned within a week with
twenty-seven men, pressed out of merchantmen in
Margate Roads.^
The tender assigned to Boscawen on this occasion
was the Galloper, an American-built vessel, ''rigged
in the manner the West Indians do their sloops."
Her armament consisted of six 9-pounders and
threescore small-arms, but as a sea-boat she belied
her name, for she was hopelessly sluggish under sail,
and the great depth of her waist, and her consequent
liability to ship seas in rough weather, rendered her
"very improper" for cruising in the Channel.
For her company she had a master, a mate and
six hands supplied by the owners, in addition to
1 Ad. I. 1478— Letters of Capt. Boscawen, July and August 1743.
110 THE PRESS-GANG
thirty-four seamen temporarily drafted into her from
Bosca wen's ship, the Dreadnought. It was the duty
of the former to work the vessel, of the latter to do
the pressing ; but these duties were largely inter-
changeable. All were under the command of the
lieutenant, who with forty-two men at his beck and
call could organise, on a pinch, five gangs of formid-
able strength and yet leave sufficient hands, given
fair weather, to mind the tender in their temporary
absence. Tender's men were generally the flower of
a ship's company, old hands of tried fidelity, equal to
any emergency and reputedly proof against bribery,
rum and petticoats. Yet the temptation to give duty
the slip and enjoy the pleasures of town for a season
sometimes proved too strong, even for them, and we
read of one boat's-crew of ei^ht, who, overcome in
this way, were discovered after many days in a
French prison. Instead of going pressing in the
Downs, they had gone to Boulogne.
On the commanders of His Majesty's ships the
onus of raising men fell with intolerable insistence.
Nelson's greatest pleasure in his promotion to
Admiral's rank is said to have been derived from the
fact that with it there came a blessed cessation to the
scurvy business of pressing ; and there were in the
service few captains, whether before or after Nelson's
day, who could not echo with hearty approval the
sentiment of Capt. Brett of the Roebuck, when he
said : " I can solemnly declare that the getting and
taking care of my men has given me more trouble
and uneasiness than all the rest of my duty."^
Commanders of smaller and less effective ships
^ Ad. I. 1478— Capt. Brett, 27 Oct. 1742.
WHAT THE GANG DID AFLOAT 111
found themselves on the horns of a cruel dilemma did
they dare to ask for tenders. Beg and pray as they
would, these were rarely allowed them save as a
special indulgence or a crying necessity. To most
applications from this source the Admiralty opposed
a front well calculated ''to encourage the others."
" If he has not men enough to proceed on service,"
ran its dictum, " their Lordships will lay up the ship." ^
Faced with the summary loss of his command, their
Lordships' high displeasure, and consequent inactivity
and half-pay for an indefinite period, the captain
whose complement was short, and who could obtain
neither men nor tender from the constituted authority,
had no option but to put to sea with such hands as
he already bore and there beat up for others. This,
with their Lordships' gracious permission, he accord-
ingly did, thus adding another unit to the fleet of
armed vessels already prowling the Narrow Seas on
a similar errand. It can be readily imagined that
such commanders were not out for pleasure.
To the great and incessantly active flotilla got to-
gether in this way, the regulating captains on shore
contributed a further large contingent. Every seaport
of consequence had its rendezvous, every seaport
rendezvous its amphibious gang or gangs who ranged
the adjacent coast for many leagues in swift bottoms
whose character and mission often remained wholly
unsuspected until some skilful manoeuvre laid them
aboard their intended victim and brought the gang
swarming over her decks, armed to the teeth and
resolute to press her crew.
^ Ad. I. 1471 — Capt. Boyle, i March 1715-6, endorsement, and
numerous instances.
112 THE PRESS GANG
We have now three classes of vessels, of varying
build, rig, tonnage and armament, engaged in a
common endeavour to intercept and take the homing
sailor. Let us next see how they were disposed
upon the coast.
Tenders from Greenwich and Blackwall ransacked
the Thames below bridge as far as Blackstakes in
the river Medway, the Nore and the Swin channel.
Tenders from Margate, Ramsgate, Deal and Dover
watched the lower Thames estuary, swept the Downs,
and kept a sharp lookout along the coasts of Kent
and Sussex, of Essex and of Norfolk. To these
tenders from Lynn dipped their colours off Wells-on-
Sea or Cromer, whence they bore away for the mouth
of Humber, where Hull tenders took up the running
till met by those belonging to Sunderland, Newcastle-
upon-Tyne and Shields, which in turn joined up the
cordon with others hailing from Leith and the Firth
of Forth. Northward of the Forth, away to the
extreme Orkneys, and all down the west coast of
Scotland through the two Minches and amongst the
Hebrides, specially armed sloops from Leith and
Greenock made periodic cruises. Greenock tenders,
again, united with tenders from Belfast and White-
haven in a lurking watch for ships making home ports
by way of the North Channel ; or circled the Isle of
Man, ran thence across to Morecambe Bay, and so
down the Lancashire coast the length of Formby
Head, where the Mersey tenders, alert for the
Jamaica trade, relieved them of their vigil. Dublin
tenders guarded St. George's Channel, aided by
others from Mil ford Haven and Haverfordwest.
Bristol tenders cruised the channel of that name,
WHAT THE GANG DID AFLOAT 113
keeping a sharp eye on Lundy Island and the
Holmes, where shipmasters were wont to play them
tricks if they were not watchful. Falmouth and Ply-
mouth tenders guarded the coast from Land's End
to Pordand Bill, Portsmouth tenders from Pordand
Bill to Beachy Head, and Folkestone and Dover
tenders from Beachy Head to the North Foreland,
thus completing the encircling chain. Nor was
Ireland forgotten in the general sea-rummage. As a
converging point for the great overseas trade-routes
it was of prime importance, and tenders hailing from
Belfast, Dublin, Waterford, Cork and Limerick, or
making those places their chief ports of call, exercised
unceasing vigilance over all the coast.
In this general scouring of the coastal waters of
the kingdom certain points were of necessity subjected
to a much closer surveillance than others. Particularly
was this true of the sea routes followed by the East
and West India, and the Baltic, Virginia, Newfound-
land, Dutch and Greenland trades, where these con-
verged upon such centres of world-commerce as
London, Poole, Bristol, Liverpool and the great
northern entrepots on the Forth and Clyde, the
Humber and the Tyne. A tender stationed off
Poole, when a Newfoundland fish-convoy was ex-
pected in, never failed to reap a rich harvest. At
Highlake, near the mouth of the Mersey, many a
fine haul was made from the sugar and rum-laden
Jamaica ships, the privateers and slavers from which
Liverpool drew her wealth. Early in the century
sloops of war had orders "to cruise between Beechy
and the Downs to Impress men out of homeward-
bound Merchant Ships," and in 1755 Rodney's lieu-
8
114 THE PRESS-GANG
tenants found the Channel "full of tenders." Except
in times of profound peace — few and brief in the
century under review — it was rarely or never in any
other state. An ocean highway so congested with
the winged vehicles of commerce could not escape the
constant vigilance of those whose business it was to
waylay the inward-bound sailor.
A favourite station in the Channel was **at y'' west
end of y*" Isle of Wight, near Hurst Castle," where
the watchful tender, having under her eye all ships
coming from the westward, as well as all passing
through the Needles, could press at pleasure by the
simple expedient of sending gangs aboard of them.
At certain times of the year such ports as Grimsby,
Great Yarmouth, Lowestoft and Brixham came in for
similar attention. When the fleets were due back
from the " Great Fishery " on the Dogger Banks,
tenders cruising off those ports netted more men than
they could find room for ; and so heavy was the
tribute paid in this way by the fishermen of the last-
named port in 1805, that ''not a single man was to
be found in Brixham liable to the impress." Every
unprotected man, out of a total of ninety-six fishing-
smacks then belonging to the place, had been snapped
up by the tenders and ships of war cruising off the
bay or further up-Channel.^
The double cordon composed of ships and tenders
on the cruise by no means exhausted the resources
called into play for the intercepting of the sailor afloat.
Still nearer the land was a third or innermost line
composed of boat-gangs operating, like so many of
1 Ad. I. 581— Admiral Berkeley, Report on Rendezvous, 15 Sept.
1805.
WHAT THE GANG DID AFLOAT 115
the tenders, from rendezvous on shore, or from ships
of war lying in dock or riding at anchor. Less con-
tinuous than the outer cordon, it was not less effective,
and many a sailor who by strategy or good luck had
all but won through, struck his flag to the gang when
perhaps only the cast of a line separated him from
shore and liberty.
It was across the entrance to harbours and navig-
able estuaries that this innermost line was most
frequently and most successfully drawn. Pill, the
pilot station for the port of Bristol, threw out such a
line to the further bank of Avon and thereby caught
many an able seaman who had evaded the tenders
below King Road. On Southampton Water it was
generally so impassable that few men who could in
the slightest degree be considered liable to the press
escaped its toils.^ Dublin Bay knew it well. A
press **on float" there, carried out silently and swiftly
in the grey of a September morning, 1801, whilst the
mists still hung thick over the water, resulted in the
seizure of seventy-four seamen who had eluded the
press-smacks cruising without the bay ; but of this
number two proving to be protected apprentices, the
Lord Mayor sent the Water Bailiff of the city, ''with
a detachment of the army," and took them by force
out of the hands of the gang.^ On the Thames, not-
withstanding the ceaseless activity of the outer
cordons, the innermost line of capture yielded enor-
mously. The night of October the 28th, 1776, saw
three hundred and ninety-nine men, the greater part
^ Ad, I. 581— Admiral Berkeley, Report on Rendezvous, 5 Aug.
1805.
* Ad. I. 1526— Capt. Brabazon, 16 Sept. 1801.
116 THE PRESS-GANG
of them good seamen, pressed by the boats of a single
ship — the Princess Augusta, Captain Sir Richard
Bickerton commander, then fitting out at Woolwich.^
Such a raid was very properly termed a "hot press."
The amazing feature of this exploit is, that it
should have been possible at all, in view of what was
going on in the Thames estuary below a line drawn
across the river's mouth from Foulness to Sheerness-
reach. Seawards of this line lay the two most famous
anchorages in the world, where ships foregathered
from every quarter of the navigable globe. Than the
Nore and the Downs no finer recruiting-ground could
anywhere be found, and here the shore-gangs afloat,
and the boat-gangs from ships of war, were for ever
on the alert. No ship, whether inward or outward
bound, could pass the Nore without being visited.
Nothing went by unsearched.^ The wonder is that
any unprotected sailor ever found his way to
London.
Between the Nore and the North Foreland the
conditions were equally rigorous. Through all the
channels leading to the sea, channels affording
anchorage to innumerable ships of every conceivable
rig and tonnage, the gangs roamed at will, exacting
toll of everything that carried canvas. Even the
smaller craft left high and dry upon the flats, or
awaiting the tide in some sand-girt pool, did not
escape their hawk-like vigilance.
In the Downs these conditions reached their
climax, for thither, in never-ending procession, came
the larger ships which were so fruitful of good hauls.
^ Ad. I. 1497 — Capt. Bickerton, 29 Oct. 1776.
* Ad. I. 2733— Capt. Young, 7 March 1756.
Seizing a Waterman on Tower Hill on thi
Morning of his Wedding Day.
I
WHAT THE GANG DID AFLOAT 117
With the wind at north, or between north and east,
few ships came in and little could be done. But when
the wind veered and came piping out of the west or
sou'-west, in they came in such numbers that the
gangs, however numerous they might be, had all their
work cut out to board them. A special tender, swift
and exceedingly well-found, was accordingly stationed
here, whose duty it was to be "very watchful that no
vessel passed without a visit from the impress boats." ^
In such work as this man-o'-war boats were of little
use. Just as they could not negotiate Deal beach
without danger of being reduced to matchwood, so
they could not live in the choppy sea kicked up in the
Downs by a westerly gale. Folkstone market boats
and Deal cutters had to be requisitioned for pressing
in those waters. Their seaworthiness and speed
made the Downs the crux of inward-bound ships,
whose only means of escaping their attentions was
to incur another danger by ** going back of the
Goodwins."
The procedure of boat-gangs pressing in harbour
or on rivers seldom varied, unless it were by accident.
As a rule, night was the time selected, for to catch
the sailor asleep conduced greatly to the success
and safety of the venture. The hour chosen was
consequently either close upon midnight, some little
time after he had turned in, or in the early morning
before he turned out. The darker the night and the
dirtier the weather the better. Surprise, swiftly and
silendy carried out, was half the battle.
A case in point is the attempt made by Lieut.
^ Ad. I. 2733 — Orders of Vice- Admiral Buckle to Capt. Yates, 29
April 1778.
118 THE PRESS-GANG
Rudsdale, of H.M.S. Licorne, "to impress all men
(without exception) from the ships and vessels lying
at Cheek Point above Passage of Waterford," in the
year '79. Putting-off in the pinnace with a picked
crew at eleven o'clock on a dark and tempestuous
October night, he had scarcely left the ship astern ere
he overtook a boatload of men, how many he could
not well discern in the darkness, pulling in the direc-
tion he himself was bound. Fearful lest they should
suspect the nature of his errand and alarm the ships at
Passage, he ran alongside of them and pressed the
entire number, sending the boat adrift. Putting back,
he set his capture on board the Licorne and once
more turned the nose of the pinnace towards Passage.
There, dropping noiselessly aboard the Triton brig,
he caught the hands asleep, pressed as many of them
as he had room for, and with them returned to the
ship. Meanwhile, the master of the Triton armed
what hands he had left and met Rudsdale's second
attempt to board him with a formidable array of
handspikes, hatchets and crowbars. A fusillade of
bottles and billets of wood further evinced his deter-
mination to protect the brig against all comers, and
lest there should be any doubt on that point he swore
roundly that he would be the death of every man in
the pinnace if they did not immediately sheer off and
leave him in peace. This the lieutenant wisely did.
No further surprises were possible that night, for by
this time the alarm had spread, the pinnace was half-
full of missiles, and one of his men lay in the bottom
of her severely wounded.^ As it was, he had a very
fair night's work to his credit. Between the occupants
^ Ad, I. 471— Deposition of Lieut. Rudsdale, 24 Oct. 1779.
WHAT THE GANG DID AFLOAT 119
of the boat and those of the brig he had obtained close
upon a score of men.
The expedients resorted to by commanders of
ships of war temporarily in port and short of their
tale of men are vividly depicted in a report made to
the Admiralty in 171 1. ''Three days ago, very
privately," writes Capt. Billingsley, whose ship, the
Vanguard, was then lying at Blackstakes, " I Sent
two fishing Smacks with a Lieutenant and some Men,
with orders to proceede along the Essex Coast, and
downe as far as the Wallet, to the Naze, with direc-
tions to take all the men out of Oyster Vessels and
others that were not Exempted. The project suc-
ceeded, and they are return'd with fourteen men, all fit,
and but one has ever been in the Service. The coast
was Alarm'd, and the country people came downe and
fir'd from the Shore upon the Smacks, and no doubt
but they doe still take 'em to be privateers." ^
Pressing at sea differed materially in many of its
aspects from pressing on the more sheltered waters of
rivers and harbours. Carried out as a rule in the
broad light of day, it was for that very reason accom-
panied with a more open and determined display of
force than those quieter ventures which depended so
largely for their success upon the element of surprise.
Situated as we are in these latter days, when anyone
who chooses may drive his craft from Land's End to
John o' Groats without hindrance, it is difficult to
conceive that there was ever a time when the whole
extent of the coastal waters of the kingdom, as ranged
by the impress tender, was under rigorous martial law.
Yet such was unquestionably the case. Throughout
^ Ad. I. 1470— Capt. Billingsley, 5 May 171 1.
120 THE PRESS GANG
the eighteenth century the flag was everywhere in
armed evidence in those waters, and no sailing master
of the time could make even so much as a day's run
with any certainty that the peremptory summons :
** Bring to ! I'm coming aboard of you," would not be
bawled at him from the mouth of a gun.
The retention of the command of a tender depended
entirely upon her success in procuring men. As a
rule, she was out for no other purpose, and this being
so, it is not to be supposed that the officer in charge
of her would do otherwise than employ the means
ordained for that end. Accordingly, as soon as a sail
was sighted by the tender's lookout man, a gun was
loaded, shotted with roundshot, and run out ready for
the moment when the vessel should come within
range.
The first intimation the intended victim had of the
fate in store for her was the shriek of the roundshot
athwart her bows. This was the signal, universally
known as such, for her to back her topsails and await
the coming of the gang, already tumbling in ordered
haste into the armed boat prepared for them under
the tender's quarter. And yet it was not always easy
for the sprat to catch the whale. A variety of factors
entered into the problem and made for failure as often
as for success. Sometimes the tender's powder was
bad — so bad that in spite of an extra pound or so
added to the charge, the shot could not be got to
carry as far as a common musket ball.^ When this
was the case her commander suffered a double morti-
fication. His shot, the symbol of authority and
coercion, took the water far short of its destined goal,
* Ad, I. 2485 — Capt. Shirley, 5 Nov. 1780, and numerous instances.
WHAT THE GANG DID AFLOAT 121
whilst the vessel it was intended to check and in-
timidate surged by amid the derisive cat-calls and
laughter of her crew.
Even with the powder beyond reproach, ships did
not always obey the summons, peremptory though it
was. One pretended not to hear it, or to misunder-
stand it, or to believe it was meant for some other
craft, and so held stolidly on her course, vouchsafing
no sign till a second shot, fired point-blank, but at a
safe elevation, hurtled across her decks and brought
her to her senses. Another, perhaps some well-armed
Levantine trader or tall Indiaman whose crew had
little mind to strike their colours submissively at the
behest of a midget press-smack, would pipe to quarters
and put up a stiff fight for liberty and the dear delights
of London town — a fight from which the tender,
supposing her to have accepted the gage of battle,
rarely came off victor. Or the challenged ship,
believing herself to be the faster craft of the two,
clapped on all sail, caught an opportune "slatch of
wind," and showed her pursuer a clean pair of heels,
the tender's guns meanwhile barking away at her
until she passed out of range. These were incidents
in the chapter of pressing afloat which every tender's
commander was familiar with. Back of them all lay
a substantial fact, and on that he relied for his supply
of men. There was somehow a magic in the boom of
a naval gun that had its due effect upon most ship-
masters. They brought-to, however reluctantly, and
awaited the pleasure of the gang. But the sailor had
still to be reckoned with.
In order to invest the business of taking the sailor
with some semblance of legality, it was necessary that
122 THE PRESS-GANG
the commander of the tender, in whose name the
press-warrant was made out, or one of his two mid-
shipmen, each of whom usually held a similar warrant,
should conduct the proceedings in person ; and the
first duty of this officer, on setting foot upon the deck
of the vessel held up in the manner just described,
was to order her entire company to be mustered
for his inspection. If the master proved civil, this
preliminary passed off quickly and with no more con-
fusion than was incidental to a general and hasty
rummaging of sea-chests and lockers in search of
those magic protections on which hung the immediate
destiny of every man in the ship, excepting only the
skipper, his mate and that privileged person, the
boatswain. The muster effected, the officer next
subjected each protection to the closest possible
scrutiny, for none who knew the innate trickery of
seamen would ever "take their words for it."^ Men
who had no protections, men whose papers bore
evident traces of "coaxing" or falsification, men
whose appearance and persons failed to tally exactly
with the description there written down — these were
set apart from their more fortunate messmates, to be
dealt with presently. To their ranks were added
others whose protections had either expired or were
on the point of expiry, as well as skulkers who sought
to evade His Majesty's press by stowing themselves
away between or below decks, and who had been by
this time more or less thoroughly routed out by
members of the gang armed with hangers. The two
contingents now lined up, and their total was checked
by reference to the ship's articles, the officer never
* Ad. I. 1482 — Capt. Boscawen, 20 March 1745-6.
WHAT THE GANG DID AFLOAT 123
omitting to make affectionate inquiries after men
marked down as " run," *' drowned," or *' discharged " ;
for none knew better than he, if an old hand at the
game, how often the " run " man ran no further afield
than some secure hiding-place overlooked by his
gangers, or how miraculously the ** drowned" bobbed
up once more to the surface of things when the gang
had ceased from troubling. If the ship happened to
be an inward-bound, and to possess a general pro-
tection exempting her from the press only for the
voyage then just ending, that fact greatly simplified
and abbreviated the proceedings, for then her whole
company was looked upon as the ganger's lawful prey.
In the case of an outward-bound ship, the gang-
officer's duty was confined to seeing that she carried
no more hands than her protection and tonnage per-
mitted her to carry. All others were pressed. Cowed
by armed authority, or wounded and bleeding in a lost
cause as hereafter to be related, the men were hustled
into the boat with *' no more violence than was
necessary for securing them."^ Their chests and
bedding followed, making a full boat ; and so, having
cleared the ship of all her pressable hands, the gang
prepared to return to the tender. But first there was
a last stroke of business to be done. The gunner
must have his bit.
Up to this point, beyond producing the ship's
papers for inspection and gruffly answering such
questions as were put to him, the master of the vessel
had taken little part in what was going on. His turn
now came. By virtue of his position he could not be
pressed, but there existed a very ancient naval usage
1 Ad. I. 1437— Capt. Aldred, 12 June 1708.
124 THE PRESS GANG
according to which he could be, and was, required to
pay for the powder and shot expended in inducing him
to receive the gang on board. In law the exaction was
indefensible. Litigation often followed it, and as the
century grew old the practice for that reason fell into
gradual desuetude, a circumstance almost universally
deplored by naval commanders of the old school,^
who were ever sticklers for respect to the flag ; but
during the first five or six decades of the century
the shipmaster who had to be fired upon rarely
escaped paying the shot. The money accruing from
his compliance with the demand, 6s. 8d., went to the
gunner, whose perquisite it was, and as several shots
were frequently necessary to reduce a crew to becom-
ing submissiveness, the gunners must have done very
well out of it. Refusal to "pay the shot" could be
visited upon the skipper only indirectly. Another
man or two were taken out of him by way of reprisals,
and the press-boat shoved off — to return a second, or
even a third time, if the pressed men numbered more
than she could stow.
From this summary mode of depriving a ship of a
part or the whole of her crew two serious complica-
tions arose, the first of which had to do with the
wages of the men pressed, the second with what was
technically called "carrying the ship up," that is to
say, sailing her to her destination.
According to the law of the land, the sailor who
was pressed out of a ship was entitled to his wages in
full till the day he was pressed, and not only was
every shipmaster bound to provide such men with
^ Ad. I. 1511— Capt. Bowen, 13 Oct. 1795, ^^^ Admiralty endorse-
ment
WHAT THE GANG DID AFLOAT 125
tickets good for the sums severally due to them,
tickets drawn upon the owners and payable upon
demand, but it was the duty of every impress officer
to see that such tickets were duly made out and
delivered to the men. Refusal to comply with the
law in this respect led to legal proceedings, in which,
except in the case of foreign ships, the Admiralty
invariably won. Eminently fair to the sailor, the
provision was desperately hard on masters and
owners, for they, after having shipped their crews for
the run or voyage, now found themselves left either
with insufficient hands to carry the ship up, or with
no hands at all. As a concession to the necessity
of the moment a gang was sometimes put on board a
ship for the avowed purpose of pressing her hands
when she arrived in port ; but such concessions were
not always possible,^ and common equity demanded
that in their absence ample provision should be made
for the safety of vessels suddenly disabled by the
gang. This the Admiralty undertook to do, and
hence there grew up that appendage to the impress
afloat generally known as "men in lieu" or "ticket
men."
The vocation of the better type " man in lieu " was
1 Nor were they always effective, as witness the following :
"Tuesday the 15th, the Shandois sloop from Holland came by this place
(the Nore). I put 15 men on b** her to secure her Comp^ till their
Protection was expired. Soon after came from Sheerness the Master
Attendant's boat to assist me on that service. I immediately sent her
away with more Men and Armes for the better Securing of the Sloop's
Company, but that night, in Longreach, the Vessel being near the Shore,
and almost Calme, they hoisted the boat out to tow the Sloop about, and
all the Sloop's men, being 18, got into her and Run ashore, bidding
defiance to my people's fireing." — Ad. i. 1473 — Capt. Bouler, H.M.S.
Argyle^ 18 Feb. 1725-6.
126 THE PRESS-GANG
a vicarious sort of employment, entailing any but
disagreeable consequences upon him who followed it.
At every point on the coast where a gang was
stationed, and at many where they were not, great
numbers of these men were retained for service afloat
whenever required. The three ports of Dover, Deal
and Folkestone alone at one time boasted no less than
four hundred and fifty of them, and when a hot press
was in full swing in the Downs even this number was
found insufficient to meet the demand. Mostly fisher-
men, Sea-Fencibles and others of a quasi-seafaring
type, they enjoyed complete exemption from the im-
press as a consideration for '* going in pressed merr's
rooms," received a shilling, and in some cases eighteen-
pence a day while so employed, and had a penny a
mile road-money for their return to the place of their
abode, where they were free, in the intervals between
carrying ships up, to follow any longshore occupation
they found agreeable, save only smuggling. The
enjoyment of these privileges, and particularly the
privilege of exemption from the press, made them, as
a class, notorious for their independence and insolence
— characteristics which still survive in not a few of
their descendants. Tenders going a-pressing often
bore a score or two of these privileged individuals as
supers, who were drafted into ships, as the crews were
taken out, to assist the master, mate and few remain-
ing hands, were any of the latter left, in carrying them
up. Or, if no supers of this class were borne by the
tender, she "loaned" the master a sufficient number
of her own company, duly protected by tickets from
the commanding officer, and invariably the most un-
serviceable people on board, to work the ship into the
WHAT THE GANG DID AFLOAT 127
nearest port where regular **men in lieu " could be
obtained.
Had all **men in lieu" conformed to the standard
of the better class substitute of that name, the system
would have been laudable in the extreme and trade
would have suffered little inconvenience from the
depredations of the gangs ; but there was in the
system a flaw that generally reduced the aid lent to
ships to something little better than a mere travesty
of assistance. That flaw lay in the fact that
Admiralty never gave as good as it took. Clearly,
it could not. True, it supplied substitutes to go in
*' pressed men's rooms," but to call them ''men in
lieu" was a gross abuse of language. In reality the
substitutes supplied were in the great majority of
cases mere scum in lieu, the unpressable residuum of
the population, consisting of men too old or lads too
young to appeal to the cupidity of the gangs, poor
creatures whom the regulating captains had refused,
useless on land and worse than useless at sea.
In the general character of the persons sent in
pressed men's rooms Admiralty thus had Trade on
the hip, and Trade suffered much in consequence.
More than one rich merchantman, rusty from long
voyaging, strewed the coast with her cargo and
timbers because all the able seamen had been taken
out of her, and none better than old men and boys
could be found to sail her. Few seaport towns were
as wise as Sunderland, where they had a Society of
Shipowners for mutual insurance against the risks
arising from the pressing of their men.^ Elsewhere
masters, owners and underwriters groaned under the
1 Ad. I. 1541— Capt. Bligh, 8 Jan. 1807, enclosure.
128 THE PRESS GANG
galling imposition ; but the wrecker rejoiced exceed-
ingly, thanking the gangs whose ceaseless activities
rendered such an outrageous state of things possible.
Whichever of these two classes the ticket man
belonged to, he was an incorrigible deserter.
" Thirteen out of the fifteen men in lieu that I sent
up in the Beaufort East-Indiaman," writes the dis-
gusted commander of the Comet bombship, from the
Downs, "have never returned. As they are not
worth inquiring for, I have made them run."^ Such
instances might be multiplied indefinitely. Once the
ticket man had drawn his money for the trip, there
was no such thing as holding him. The temptation
to spend his earnings in town proved too strong, and
he went on the spree with great consistency and
enjoyment till his money was gone and his protection
worthless, when the inevitable overtook him. The
ubiquitous gang deprived him of his only remaining
possession, his worthless liberty, and sent him to the
fleet, a ragged but shameless derelict, as a punish-
ment for his breach of privilege.
The protecting ticket carried by the man in lieu
dated from 1702, when it appears to have been first
instituted ; ^ but even when the bearer was no
deserter in fact or intention, it had little power to
protect him. No ticket man could count upon re-
maining unmolested by the gangs except the undoubted
foreigner and the marine, both of whom were much
used as men in lieu. The former escaped because his
^ Ad. I. 1478 — Capt. Burvill, 4 Sept. 1742. A man-o'-war's-man was
"made run" when he failed to return to his ship after a reasonable
absence and an R was written over against his name on the ship's books.
2 Ad. I. 1433— Capt. Anderson, 5 April 1702.
\
WHAT THE GANG DID AFLOAT 129
alien tongue provided him with a natural protection ;
the latter because he was reputedly useless on ship-
board. In the person of the marine, indeed, the
man in lieu achieved the climax of ineptitude.
It was an ironical rule of the service that
persons refusing to act as men in lieu should suffer
the very fate they stood in so much danger of in the
event of their consenting. Broadstairs fishermen
in 1803 objected to serving in that capacity, though
tendered the exceptional wage of 27s. for the
run to London. "If not compelled to go in that
way," they alleged, ** they could make their own terms
with shipmasters and have as many guineas as
they were now offered shillings." Orders to press
them for their contumacy were immediately sent
down.^
By the year 1 8 1 1 the halcyon days of the man
in lieu were at an end. As a class he was then
practically extinct. Inveterate and long-continued
pressing had drained the merchant service of all
able-bodied British seamen except those who were
absolutely essential to its existence. These were
fully protected, and when their number fell short of
the requirements of the service the deficiency was
supplied by foreigners and apprentices simil^y
exempt. So few pressable men were to be found
in any one ship that it was no longer considered
necessary to send ticket men in their stead when they
were taken out, and as a matter of fact less than
a dozen such men were that year put on board ships
passing the Downs.^ Pressing itself was in its decline,
^ Ad. I. 1450 — Capt. Carter, i6 Aug. 1803.
2 Ad. I. 1453— Capt. Anderson, 31 Aug. 181 1.
9
130 THE PRESS-GANG
and as for the vocation of the man in lieu, it had gone
never to return.
Ships and tenders out for men met with varied
fortunes. In the winter season the length of the
nights, the tempestuous weather and the cold told
heavily against success, as did at all times that factor
in the problem which one old sea-dog so picturesquely
describes as ** the room there is for missing you."
Capt. Barker, of the Thetis, in 1748 made a haul of
thirty men off the Old- Head of Kinsale, but lost his
barge in doing so, *'it blowed so hard." Byng, of
the Sutherland^ grumbled atrociously because in the
course of his run up-Channel in '42 he was able to
press "no more than seventeen." Anson, looking
quite casually into Falmouth on his way down-Channel,
found there in '46 the Betsey tender, then just recently
condemned, and took out of her every man she
possessed at the cost of a mere hour's work, ignorant
of the fact that when pressing eight of those men
the commander of the ^etsey had been " eight hours
about it." It was all a game of chance, and when
you played it the only thing you could count upon
was the certainty of having both the sailor and the
elements dead against you.
But if the " room there is for missing you," con-
spiring with other unfavourable conditions, rendered
pressing afloat an uncertain and vexatious business,
the chances of making a haul were on the other hand
augmented by every ship that entered or left the
Narrow Seas, not even excepting the foreigner. The
foreign sailor could not be pressed unless, as we have
seen, he had naturalised himself by marrying an
English wife, but the foreign ship was fair game for
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WHAT THE GANG DID AFLOAT 131
every hunter of British seamen. An ancient assump-
tion of right made it so.
From the British point of view the '' Right of
Search" was an eminently reasonable thing. Here
was an island people to whose keeping Heaven had
by special dispensation committed the dominion of
the seas. To defend that dominion they needed
every seaman they possessed or could produce. They
could spare none to other nations ; and when their
sailors, who enjoyed no rights under their own flag,
had the temerity to seek refuge under another, there
was nothing for it but to fire on that flag if necessary,
and to take the refugee by armed force from under
its protection. This in effect constituted the time-
honoured *' Right of Search," and none were so
reluctant to forego the prerogative, or so keen to
enforce it, as those naval officers who saw in it a
certain prospect of adding to their ships' companies.
The right of search was always good for another
man or two.
It was often good for a great many more, for the
foreign skipper was at the best an arrant man-stealing
rogue. If a Yankee, he hated the British because he
had beaten them ; if a Frenchman or a Hollander,
because they had beaten him. His animus was all
against the British Navy, his sympathies all in favour
of the British sailor, in whom he recognised as good,
if not a better seaman than himself. He accordingly
enticed him with the greatest pertinacity and hid him
away with the greatest cunning.
Every impress officer worth his salt was fully alive
to these facts, and on all the coast no ship was so
thoroughly ransacked as the ship whose skipper
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WHAT THE GANG DID AFLOAT 131
every hunter of British seamen. An ancient assump-
tion of right made it so.
From the British point of view the *' Right of
Search" was an eminently reasonable thing. Here
was an island people to whose keeping Heaven had
by special dispensation committed the dominion of
the seas. To defend that dominion they needed
every seaman they possessed or could produce. They
could spare none to other nations ; and when their
sailors, who enjoyed no rights under their own flag,
had the temerity to seek refuge under another, there
was nothing for it but to fire on that flag if necessary,
and to take the refugee by armed force from under
its protection. This in effect constituted the time-
honoured " Right of Search," and none were so
reluctant to forego the prerogative, or so keen to
enforce it, as those naval officers who saw in it a
certain prospect of adding to their ships' companies.
The right of search was always good for another
man or two.
It was often good for a great many more, for the
foreign skipper was at the best an arrant man-stealing
rogue. If a Yankee, he hated the British because he
had beaten them ; if a Frenchman or a Hollander,
because they had beaten him. His animus was all
against the British Navy, his sympathies all in favour
of the British sailor, in whom he recognised as good,
if not a better seaman than himself. He accordingly
enticed him with the greatest pertinacity and hid him
away with the greatest cunning.
Every impress officer worth his salt was fully alive
to these facts, and on all the coast no ship was so
thoroughly ransacked as the ship whose skipper
132 THE PRESS-GANG
affected a bland ignorance of the English tongue or
called Heaven to witness the blamelessness of his
conduct with many gesticulations and strange oaths.
Lieut. Oakley, regulating officer at Deal, once boarded
an outward-bound Dutch East-Indiaman in the Downs.
The master strenuously denied having any English
sailors on board, but the lieutenant, being suspicious,
sent his men below with instructions to leave no part
of the ship unsearched. They speedily routed out
three, " who discovered that there were in all thirteen
on board, most of them good and able seamen."^
The case is a typical one.
Another source of joy and profit to the gangs
afloat were the great annual convoys from overseas.
For safety's sake merchantmen in times of hostilities
sailed in fleets, protected by ships of war, and when
a fleet of this description was due back from Jamaica,
Newfoundland or the Baltic, that part of the coast
where it might be expected to make its land-fall
literally swarmed with tenders, all on the qui vive
for human plunder. They were seldom disappointed.
The Admiralty protections under which the ships had
put to sea in the first instance expired with the home
voyage, leaving the crews at the mercy of the gangs.
If, that is to say, the commanders of the convoying
men-o'-war had not forestalled them, or the ships'
companies were not composed, as in one case we read
of, of men who were all "either sick or Dutchmen."
The privateer had to be approached more warily
than the merchantman, since the number of men and
the weight of metal she carried made her an ugly
customer to deal with. She was in consequence
^ Ad. I. 3363 — Lieut. Oakley, 8 Dec. 1743.
WHAT THE GANG DID AFLOAT 133
notorious for being the sauciest craft afloat, and
though *' sauce" was to the naval officer what a red
rag is to a bull, there were few in the service who did
not think twice before attempting to violate the armed
sanctity of the privateer. At the same time the hands
who crowded her deck were the flower of British
seamen, and in this fact lay a tremendous incentive
to dare all risks and press her men. Her commission
or letter of marque of course protected her, but when
she was inward-bound that circumstance carried no
weight
Against such an adversary the tender stood little
chance. When she hailed the privateer, the latter
laughed at her, threatening to sink her out of hand,
or, if ordered to bring to, answered with all the
insolent contempt of the Spanish grandee : " Manana ! "
Accident sometimes stood the tender in better stead,
where the pressing of privateer's-men was concerned,
than all the guns she carried. Capt. Adams, cruising
for men in the Bristol Channel, one day fell in with
the Princess Augusta^ a letter of marque whose crew
had risen upon their officers and tried to take the
ship. After hard fighting the mutiny was quelled
and the mutineers confined to quarters, in which
condition Adams found them. The whole batch,
twenty-nine in number, was handed over to him,
** though 'twas only with great threats " that he could
induce them to submit, "they all swearing to die to
a man rather than surrender." ^
A year or two prior to this event this same ship,
the Princess Augusta, had a remarkable adventure
whilst sailing under the merchant flag of England.
^ Ad. I. 1440— Capt. Adams, 28 June 1745.
134 THE PRESS-GANG
On the homeward run from Barbadoes, some fifty
leagues to the westward of the Scillies, she fell in
with a Spanish privateer, who at once engaged and
would undoubtedly have taken her but for an extra-
ordinary occurrence. Just as the trader's assailants
were on the point of boarding her the Spaniard
blew up, strewing the sea with his wreckage, but
leaving the merchantman providentially unharmed.
Capt. Dansays, of H.M.S. the Fubbs yacht, who
happened to be out for men at the time in the chops
of the Channel, brought the news to England.
Meeting with the trader a few days after her
miraculous escape, he had boarded her and pressed
nine of her crew.^
From the smuggling vessels infesting the coasts
the sea-going gangs drew sure returns and rich booty.
In the south and east of England people who were
"in the know" could always buy tobacco, wines and
silks for a mere song ; and in Cumberland, in the
coast towns there, and inland too, the very beggars
are said to have regaled themselves on tea at sixpence
or a shilling the pound. These commodities, as well
as others dealt in by runners of contrabrand, were
worth far more on the water than on land, and none
was So keenly alive to the fact as the gangsman who
prowled the coast. Animated by the prospect of
double booty, he was by all odds the best "preventive
man " the country ever had.
There was a certainty, too, about the pressing of
a smuggler that was wanting in other cases. The
sailor taken out of a merchant ship, or the fisherman
out of a smack, might at the eleventh hour spring
1 Ad. I. 1439— Capt. Ambrose, 7 Feb. 1741-2.
WHAT THE GANG DID AFLOAT 135
upon you a protection good for his discharge. Not
so the smuggler. There was in his case no room for
the unexpected. No form of protection could save
him from the consequences of his trade. Once caught,
his fate was a foregone conclusion, for he carried with
him evidence enough to make him a pressed man
twenty times over. Hence the gangsman and the
naval officer loved the smuggler and lost no opportunity
of showing their affection.
** Strong Breezes and Cloudy," records the officer
in command of H.M.S. Stag, a twenty-eight gun
frigate, in his log. " Having made the Signal for
Two Strange Sail in the West, proceeded on under
Courses & Double Reeft Topsails. At i sett the
Jibb and Driver, at 3 boarded a Smugling Cutter,
but having papers proving she was from Guernsey,
and being out limits, pressed one Man and let her go." ^
** Friday last," says the captain of the Spy sloop of
war, '' I sail'd out of Yarmouth Roads with a Fleet
of Colliers in order to press Men, & in my way fell
in with Two Dutch Built Scoots sail'd by Englishmen,
bound for Holland, one belonging to Hull, call'd the
Mary, the other to Lyn, call'd the Willing Traveller.
I search'd 'em and took out of the former ^64 14, and
out of the latter ^30 o 6, all English Money, which
I've deliver'd to the Collector of Custome at Yarmouth.
I likewise Imprest out of the Two Vessells seven men." ^
** In the execution of my orders for pressing,"
reports Capt. Young, from on board the Bonetta sloop
^ Ad. I. 2734— Log of H.M.S. Stag, Capt. Yorke commander,
5 Oct. 1794.
^ Ad. I. 1438 — Capt. Arnold, 29 May 1727. The exporting of coin
was illegal.
136 THE PRESS-GANG
under his command, *' I lately met with two Smuglers,
& landing my boats into a Rocky Bay where they
were running of Goods, the Weather came on so
Violent I had my pinnace Stove so much as to be
rendered unservisable. They threw overboard all
their Brandy, Tea and Tobacco, of which last wee
recover'd about 14 Baggs and put it to the Custom
house. In Endeavouring to bring one of them to Sail,
my Boatswain, who is a very Brisk and Deserving Man,
had his arm broke, so that tho' wee got no more of
their Cargo, it has broke their Voyage and Trade this
bout." '
On the 13th of December 1703, George Messenger,
boatswain of the pyo// armed sloop, whilst pressing
on the H umber descried a *' keel " lying high and dry
apart from the other shipping in the river, where it
was then low water. Boarding her with the intention
of pressing her men, he found her deserted save for the
master, and thinking that some of the hands might be
in hiding below — where the master assured him he
would find nothing but ballast — he *' did order one of
his Boat's crew to goe down in the Hold and see
what was therein " ; who presently returned and
reported **a quantity of wool conceal'd under some
Coales a foot thik." The exportation of wool being
at that time forbidden under heavy penalties, the
vessel was seized and the master pressed — a course
frequently adopted in such circumstances, and uni-
formly approved.^
1 Ad. I. 2732— Capt Young, 6 April 1739.
* Ad. I. 1465 — Deposition of George Messenger, 20 Dec. 1703.
Owling, ooling or wooling, as the exportation of wool contrary to law
was variously termed, was a felony punishable, according to an enact-
ment of Edward iii., with " forfeiture of life and member." So serious
WHAT THE GANG DID AFLOAT 137
While the gangs afloat in this way lent their aid
in the suppression of smuggling, they themselves were
sometimes subjected to disagreeable espionage on the
part of those whose duty it was to keep a special
lookout for runners of contraband goods. An amus-
ing instance of this once occurred in the Downs. The
commanding officer of H.M.S. Orford, discovering
his complement to be short, sent one of his lieutenants,
Richardson by name, in quest of men to make up the
deficiency. In the course of his visits from ship to
ship there somehow found their way into the lieu-
tenant's boat a fifteen-gallon keg of rum and ten
bottles of white wine. Between seven and eight
o'clock in the evening he boarded an Indiaman and
went below with the master. Scarcely had he done
so, however, when an uproar alongside brought him
hurriedly on deck — to find his boat full of strange
faces. A Customs cutter, in some unaccountable way
getting wind of what was in the boat, had unexpectedly
**clapt them aboard," collared the man-o'-war's-men
for a set of rascally smugglers, and confiscated the
unexplainable rum and wine, becoming so fuddled on
the latter, which they lost no time in consigning to
bond, that one of their number fell into the sea and
was with difficulty fished out by Richardson's disgusted
gangsmen.^
was the offence considered that in 1 565 a further enactment was form-
ulated against it. Thereafter any person convicted of exporting a live
ram, lamb or sheep, was not only liable to forfeit all his goods, but to
suffer imprisonment for a year, and at the end of the year " in some open
market town, in the fulness of the market on the market day, to have his
right hand cut off and nailed up in the openest place of such market."
The first of these Acts remained in nominal force till 1863.
^ Ad. I. 1473 — Capt. Brown, 30 July 1727, and enclosures.
138 THE PRESS-GANG
The only inward-bound ship the gangsmen were
forbidden to press from was the " sick ship " or vessel
undergoing quarantine because of the presence, or the
suspected presence, on board of her of some ** catch-
ing" disease, and more particularly of that terrible
scourge the plague. Dread of the plague in those
days rode the country like a nightmare, and just as
the earliest quarantine precautions had their origin
in that fact, so those precautions were never more
rigorously enforced than in the case of ships trading
to countries known to be subject to plague or reported
to be in the grip of it. The Levantine trader suffered
most severely in this respect. In 1721 two vessels
from Cyprus, where plague was then prevalent, were
burned to the water's edge by order of the authorities,
and as late as 1800 two others from Morocco, sus-
pected of carrying the dread disease in the hides
composing their cargo, were scuttled and sent to the
bottom at the Nore. This was quarantine in excelsis.
Ordinary preventive measures went no further than
the withdrawal of "pratique," as communication with
the shore was called, for a period varying usually from
ten to sixty-five days, and during this period no gang
was allowed to board the ship.
The seamen belonging to such ships always got
ashore if they could ; for though the penalty for
deserting a ship in quarantine was death,^ it might
be death to remain, and the sailor was ever an
opportunist careless of consequences. So, for that
matter, was the gangsman. Knowing well that Jack
would make a break for it the first chance he got, he
hovered about the ship both day and night, alert for
^ 26 George ii. cap. 6.
WHAT THE GANG DID AFLOAT 139
every movement on board, watchful of every ripple on
the water, taunting the woebegone sailors with the
irksomeness of their captivity or the certainty of their
capture, and awaiting with what patience he could the
hour that should see pratique restored and the crew at
his mercy. Whether the ship had ''catching" disease
on board or not might be an open question. There
was no mistaking its symptoms in the gangsman.
Stangate Creek, on the river Medway, was the
great quarantine station for the port of London, and
here, in the year 1744, was enacted one of the most
remarkable scenes ever witnessed in connection with
pressing afloat. The previous year had seen a re-
crudescence of plague in the Levant and consequent
panic in England, where extraordinary precautions
were adopted against possible infection. In December
of that year there lay in Stangate Creek a fleet of not
less than a dozen Levantine ships, in which were
cooped up, under the most exacting conditions imagin-
able, more than two hundred sailors. At Sheerness,
only a few miles distant, a number of ships of war,
amongst them Rodney's, were at the same time fitting
out and wanting men. The situation was thus charged
with possibilities.
It was estimated that in order to press the two
hundred sailors from the quarantine ships, when the
period of detention should come to an end, a force of
not less than one hundred and fifty men would be
required. These were accordingly got together from
the various ships of war and sent into the Creek on
board a tender belonging to the Royal Sovereign.
This was on the 15th of December, and quarantine
expired on the 22nd.
140 THE PRESS-GANG
The arrival of the tender threw the Creek into a
state of consternation bordering on panic, and that
very day a number of sailors broke bounds and fell a
prey to the gangs in attempting to steal ashore.
Seymour, the lieutenant in command of the tender,
did not improve matters by his idiotic and unofficer-
like behaviour. Every day be rowed up and down
the Creek, in and out amongst the ships, taunting the
men with what he would do unless they volunteered,
when the 22 nd arrived, and he was free to work his
will upon them. He would have them all, he assured
them, if he had to "shoot them like small birds."
By the 22 nd the sailors were in a state of " mutin-
ous insolence." When the tender's boats approached
the ships they were welcomed ''with presented arms,"
and obliged to sheer off in order to obtain " more
force," so menacing did the situation appear. Seeing
this, and either mistaking or guessing the import
of the move, the desperate seamen rushed the cabins,
secured all the arms and ammunition they could lay
hands on, hoisted out the ship's boats, and in these
reached the shore in safety ere the tender's men, by
this time out in strength, could prevent or come up
with them. The fugitives, to the number of a hundred
or more, made off into the country to the accompani-
ment, we are told, of ''smart firing on both sides."
With this exchange of shots the curtain falls on the
" Fray at Stangate Creek." ^ In the engagement two
of the seamen were wounded, but all escaped the
snare of the fowler, and in that happy denouement
our sympathies are with them.
Returning transports paid immediate and heavy
1 Ad. I. 1480— Capt. Berkeley, 30 Dec. 1744, and enclosure.
WHAT THE GANG DID AFLOAT 141
tribute to the gangs afloat. Out of a fleet of such
vessels arriving at the Nore in 1756 two hundred and
thirty men, "a parcel of as fine fellows as were ever
pressed," fell to the gangs. Not a man escaped from
any of the ships, and the boats were kept busy all next
day shifting chests and bedding and putting in ticket
men to navigate the depleted vessels to London.^ A
similar press at the Cove of Cork, on the return of the
transports from America in '79, proved equally pro-
ductive. Hundreds of sailors were secured, to the
unspeakable grief of the local crimps, who were then
offering long prices in order to recruit Paul Jones, at
that time cruising off the Irish coast. ^
The cartel ship was an object of peculiar solicitude
to the sea-going gangsman. In her, after weary
months passed in French, Spanish or Dutch prisons,
hundreds of able-bodied British seamen returned to
their native land in more or less prime condition for
His Majesty's Navy. The warmest welcome they
received was from the waiting gangsman. Often
they got no other. Few cartels had the extraordinary
luck of the ship of that description that crept into Rye
harbour one night in March 1800, and in bright moon-
light landed three hundred lusty sailor-men fresh
from French prisons, under the very nose of the
battery, the guard at the port head and the Clinker
gun-brig.^
Of all the seafaring men the gangsman took, there
was perhaps none whom he pressed with greater relish
than the pilot. The every-day pilot of the old school
1 Ad. I. 1487— Capt. Boys, 6, 7 and 8 July 1756.
2 Ad. I. 1499— Letters of Capt. Bennett, 1779.
^ Ad. I. 1449-— Capt. Aylmer, 9 March 1800.
142 THE PRESS GANG
was a curious compound. When he knew his business,
which was only too seldom, he was frequently too
many sheets in the wind to embody his knowledge in
intelligent orders ; and when he happened to be sober
enough to issue intelligent orders, he not infrequently
showed his ignorance of what he was supposed to
know by issuing wrong ones. The upshot of these
contradictions was, that instead of piloting His
Majesty's ships in a becoming seamanly manner, he
was for ever running them aground. Fortunately for
the service, an error of this description incapacitated
him and made him fair game for the gangs, who lost
no time in transferring him to those foremast regions
where ship's grog was strictly limited and the captain's
quite unknown. William Cook, impressed upon an
occasion at Lynn, with unconscious humour styled
himself a landsman. He was really a pilot who had
qualified for that distinction by running vessels
ashore.
In the aggregate this unremitting and practically
unbroken surveillance of the coast was tremendously
effective. Like Van Tromp, the vessels and gangs
engaged in it rode the seas with a broom at their
masthead, sweeping into the service, not every man,
it is true, but enormous numbers of them. As for
their quality, " One man out of a merchant ship is
better than three the lieutenants get in town."^ This
was the general opinion early in the century ; but as
the century wore on the quality of the man pressed in
town steadily deteriorated, till at length the sailor
taken fresh from the sea was reckoned to be worth six
of him.
^ Ad. I. 2379— Capt. Roberts, 27 June 1732.
CHAPTER VI
EVADING THE GANG
As we have just seen, it was when returning from
overseas that the British sailor ran the gravest risk
of summary conversion into Falstaffs famous com-
modity, "food for powder."
Outward bound, the ship's protection — that
"sweet little cherub" which, contrary to all Dibdinic
precedent, lay down below — had spread its kindly
aegis over him, and, generally speaking, saved him
harmless from the warrant and the hanger. But
now the run for which he has signed on is almost
finished, and as the Channel opens before him the
magic Admiralty paper ceases to be of "force" for
his protection. No sooner, therefore, does he make
his land-fall off the fair green hills or shimmering
cliffs than his troubles begin. He is now within the
outer zone of danger, and all about him hover those
dreaded sharks of the Narrow Seas, the rapacious
press-smacks, seeking whom they may devour. Con-
ning the compass-card of his chances as they bear
down upon him and send their shot whizzing across
his bows, the sailor, in his fixed resolve to evade the
gang at any cost, resorted first of all to the most
simple and sailorly expedient imaginable. He "let
go all " and made a run for it. That way lay the line
»43
144 THE PRESS-GANG
of least resistance, and, with luck on his side, of
surest escape.
Three modes of flight were his to choose between
— three modes involving as many nice distinctions,
plus a possible difference with the master. He could
run away in his ship, run away with her, or as a last
resort he could sacrifice his slops, his bedding, his
pet monkey and the gaudy parrot that was just begin-
ning to swear, and run from her. Which should it
be? It was all a toss-up. The chance of the
moment, instantly detected and as instantly acted
upon, determined his choice.
The sailor's flight in his ship depended mainly
upon her sailing qualities and the master's willingness
to risk being dismasted or hulled by the pursuer's
shot. Granted a capful of wind on his beam, a fleet
keel under foot, and a complacent skipper aft, the
flight direct was perhaps the means of escape the
sailor loved above all others. The spice of danger
it involved, the dash and frolic of the chase, the joy
of seeing his leaping " barky" draw slowly away from
her pursuer in the contest of speed, and of watching
the stretch of water lying between him and capture
surely widen out, were sensations dear to his heart.
Running away with his ship was a more serious
business, since the adoption of such a course meant
depriving the master of his command, and this again
meant mutiny. Happily, masters took a lenient view
of mutinies begotten of such conditions. Not in-
frequently, indeed, they were consenting parties,
winking at what they could not prevent, and assum-
ing the command again when the safety of ship and
crew was assured by successful flight, with never a
EVADING THE GANG 145
hint of the irons, indictment or death decreed by law
as the mutineer's portion.
These modes of flight did not in every instance
follow the hard-and-fast lines here laid down. Under
stress of circumstance each was liable to become
merged in the other ; or both, perhaps, had to be
abandoned in favour of fresh tactics rendered
necessary by the accident or the exigency of the
moment. The Triton and Norfolk Indiamen, after
successfully running the gauntlet of the Channel
tenders, in the Downs fell in with the Falmouth man-
o'-war. The meeting was entirely accidental. Both
merchantmen were congratulating themselves on
having negotiated the Channel without the loss of a
man. The Triton had all furled except her fore
and mizen topsails, preparatory to coming to an
anchor ; but as the wind was strong southerly, with
a lee tide running, the Falmouth! s boats could not
forge ahead to board her before the set of the tide
carried her astern of the warship's guns, where-
upon her crew mutinied, threw shot into the man-o'-
war's boats, which had by this time drawn alongside,
and so, making sail with all possible speed, got clear
away. Meantime a shot had brought the Norfolk
to on the Falmouth's starboard bow, where she was
immediately boarded. On her decks an ominous
state of things prevailed. Her crew would not assist
to clew up the sails, the anchor had been seized to
the chain-plates and could not be let go, and when
the gang from the Falmouth attempted to cut the
buoy ropes with which it was secured, the *' crew
attacked them with hatchets and treenails, made sail
and obliged them to quit the ship." Being by that,
lo
146 THE PRESS-GANG
time astern of the Falmouth's guns, they too made
their escape.^
Never, perhaps, did the sailor adopt the expedient
of running away, ship and all, with so malicious a
goodwill or so bright a prospect of success, as
when sailing under convoy. In those days he seldom
ventured to *'risk the run," even to Dutch ports and
back, without the protection of one or more ships of
war, and in this precaution there was danger as well
as safety ; for although the king's ships safeguarded
him against the enemy if hostilities were in progress,
as well as against the ** little rogues" of privateers
infesting the coasts and the adjacent seas, no sooner
did the voyage near its end than the captains of the
convoying ships took out of him, by force if necessary,
as many men as they happened to require. This was
a quid pro quo of which the sailor could see neither
the force nor the fairness, and he therefore let slip
no opportunity of evading it.
" Their Lordships," writes a commander who had
been thus cheated, *'need not be surprised that I
pressed so few men out of so large a Convoy, for the
Wind taking me Short before I got the length of
Leostaff (Lowestoft), the Pilot w'^ not take Charge
of the Shipp to turn her out over the Stamford in y*
Night, w^^ Oblig'd me to come to an Anchor in
Corton Road. This I did by Signal, but y* Convoy
took no Notice of it, and all of them Run away and
Left me, my Bottom being like a Rock for Rough-
ness, so that I could not Follow them."^
Supposing, however, that all these manoeuvres
1 Ad. I. 1485— Capt. Brett, 25 June 1755.
2 Ad. I. 2732— Letters of Capt. Young, 1742.
EVADING THE GANG 147
failed him and the gang after a hot chase appeared
in force on deck, the game was not yet up so far as
the sailor was concerned. A ship, it is true, had
neither the length of the Great North Road nor yet
the depth of the Forest of Dean, but all the same
there was within the narrow compass of her timbers
many a lurking place wherein the artful sailor, by a
judicious exercise of forethought and tools, might
contrive to lie undetected until the gang had gone
over the side.
About five o'clock in the afternoon of the 25th
of June 1756, Capt. William Boys, from the quarter-
deck of his ship the Royal Sovereign, then riding at
anchor at the Nore, observed a snow on fire in the
five-fathom channel, a little below the Spoil Buoy.
He immediately sent his cutter to her assistance, but
in spite of all efforts to save her she ran aground
and burnt to the water's edge. Her cargo consisted
of wine, and the loss of the vessel was occasioned by
one of her crew, who was fearful of being pressed,
hiding himself in the hold with a lighted candle. He
was burnt with the ship.^
Barring the lighted candle and the lamentable
^ Ad. I. 1487 — Capt. Boys, 26 June 1756. Oddly enough, a some-
what similar accident was indirectly the cause of Capt. Boys' entering
the Navy. In 1727, whilst the merchantman of which he was then mate
was on the voyage home from Jamaica, two mischievous imps of black
boys, inquisitive to know whether some liquor spilt on deck was rum
or water, applied a lighted candle to it. It proved to be rum, and when
the officers and crew, who were obliged to take to the boats in
consequence, were eventually picked up by a Newfoundland fishing
vessel, unspeakable sufferings had reduced their number from twenty-
three to seven, and these had only survived by feeding on the bodies
of their dead shipmates. In memory of that harrowing time Boys
adopted as his seal the device of a burning ship and the motto :
" From Fire, Water and Famine by Providence Preserved."
148 THE PRESS-GANG
accident which followed its use, the means of evading
the gang resorted to in this instance was of a piece
with many adopted by the sailor. He contrived
cunning hiding-places in the cargo, where the gangs-
men systematically ''pricked" for him with their
cutlasses when the nature of the vessel's lading
admitted of it, or he stowed himself away in seachests,
lockers and empty "harness" casks with an ingenuity
and thoroughness that often baffled the astutest
gangsman and the most protracted search. The
spare sails forward, the readily accessible hiding-hole
of the green-hand, afforded less secure concealment.
Pierre Flountinherre, routed out of hiding there,
endeavoured to save his face by declaring that he
had ''left France on purpose to get on board an
English man-of-war." Frenchman though he was,
the gang obliged him.^
In his endeavours to best the impress officers and
gangsmen the sailor found a willing backer in his
skipper, who systematically falsified the ship's articles
by' writing "run," "drowned," "discharged" or
"dead" against the names of such men as he par-
ticularly desired to save harmless from the press.^
This done, the men were industriously coached in the
various parts they were to play at the critical moment.
In the skipper's stead, supposing him to be for some
reason unfit for naval service, some specially valuable
hand was dubbed master. Failing this substitution,
which was of course intended to save the man and
not the skipper, the ablest seaman in the ship figured
as mate, whilst others became putative boatswain or
1 Ad. I. 1 510 — Capt. Baskerville, 5 Aug. 1795.
* Ad. I. 1525— Capt. Berry, 31 March 1801.
EVADING THE GANG 149
carpenter and apprentices — privileged persons whom
no gang could lawfully take, but who, to render their
position doubly secure, were furnished with spurious
papers, of which every provident skipper kept a
supply at hand for use in emergencies. When all
hands were finally mustered to quarters, so to speak,
there remained on deck only a "master" who could
not navigate the ship, a "mate" unable to figure out
the day's run, a "carpenter" who did not know how
to handle an adze, and some make-believe apprentices
''bound" only to outwit the gang. And if in spite
of all these precautions an able seaman were pressed,
the real master immediately came forward and swore
he was the mate.
Such thoroughly organised preparedness as this,
however, was the exception rather than the rule, for
though often attempted, it rarely reached perfection
or stood the actual test. The sailor was too childlike
by nature to play the fraud successfully, and as for
the impress officer and the gangsman, neither was
easily gulled. Supposing the sailor, then, to have
nothing to hope for from deception or concealment,
and supposing, too, that it was he who had the rough
bottom beneath him and the fleet keel in pursuit,
how was he to outwit the gang and evade the pinch ?
Nothing remained for him but to heave duty by the
board and abandon his ship to the doubtful mercies
of wind and wave. He accordingly went over the
side with all the haste he could, appropriating the
boats in defiance of authority, and leaving only the
master and his mate, the protected carpenter and the
apprentices to work the ship. Many a trader from
overseas, summarily abandoned in this way, crawled
160 THE PRESS-GANG
into some outlying port, far from her destination, in
quest — since a rigorous press often left no others
available — of "old men and boys to carry her up."
There is even on record the case of a ship that passed
the Nore " without a man belonging to her but the
master, the passengers helping him to sail her." Her
people had "all got ashore by Harwich." ^
Few shipowners were so foolhardy as to incur the
risk of being thus hit in the pocket by the sailor's
well-known predilection for French leave when in
danger of the press. Nor were the masters, for they,
even when not part owners, had still an appreciable
stake in the safety of the ships they sailed. As
between masters, owners and men there consequently
sprang up a sort of triangular sympathy, having for
its base a common dread of the gangs, and for its
apex their circumvention. This apex necessarily
touched the coast at a point contiguous to the ocean
tracks of the respective trades in which the ships
sailed ; and here, in some spot far removed from the
regular haunts of the gangsman, an emergency crew
was mustered by those indefatigable purveyors, the
crimps, and held in readiness against the expected
arrival.
Composed of seafaring men too old, too feeble,
or too diseased to excite the cupidity of the most
zealous lieutenant who eked out his pay on impress
perquisites ; of lads but recently embarked on the
adventurous voyage of their teens ; of pilots willing,
for a consideration, to forego the pleasure of run-
ning ships aground ; of fishermen who evaded His
Majesty's press under colour of Sea-Fencible, Militia,
1 Ad. I. 1473— Capt. Bouler, 18 Feb. 1725-6.
EVADING THE GANG 151
or Admiralty protections ; and of unpressable
foreigners whose wives bewailed them more or less
beyond the seas, this scratch crew — the Preventive
Men of the merchant service — here awaited the pre-
concerted signal which should apprise them that their
employer s ship was ready for a change of hands.
For safety's sake the transfer was generally
effected by night, when that course was possible ; but
the untimely appearance of a press-smack on the
scene not infrequently necessitated the shifting of the
crews in the broad light of day and the hottest of
haste. On shore all had been in readiness perhaps
for days. At the signal off dashed the deeply laden
boats to the frantic ship, the scratch crew scrambled
aboard, and the regular hands, thus released from
duty, tumbled pell-mell into the empty boats and
pulled for shore with a will mightily heartened by a
running fire of round-shot from the smack and of
musketry from her cutter, already out to intercept the
fugitives. Then it was : —
" Cheerily, lads, cheerily ! there's a ganger hard to wind'ard ;
Cheerily, lads, cheerily ! there's a ganger hard a-lee ;
Cheerily, lads, cheerily ! else 'tis farewell home and kindred,
And the bosun's mate a-raisin' hell in the King's Navee.
Cheerily, lads, cheerily ho ! the warrant's out, the hanger's drawn !
Cheerily, lads, so cheerilee ! we'll leave 'em an i? in pawn ! " ^
The place of muster of the emergency men thus
became in turn the landing-place of the fugitive crew.
Its whereabouts depended as a matter of course upon
^ When Jack deserted his ship under other conditions than those
here described, an R was written against his name to denote that he had
" run." So, when he shirked an obligation, monetary or moral, by run-
ning away from it, he was said to " leave an R in pawn."
162 THE PRESS GANG
the trade in which the ship sailed. The spot chosen
for the relief of the Holland, Baltic and Greenland
traders of the East Coast was generally some wild,
inaccessible part abutting directly on the German
Ocean or the North Sea. London skippers in those
trades favoured the neighbourhood of Great Yar-
mouth, where the maze of inland waterways constitu-
ting the Broads enabled the shifty sailor to lead the
gangs a merry game at hide and seek. King's
Lynners affected Skegness and the Norfolk lip of
the Wash. Of the men who sailed out of Hull not
one in ten could be picked up, on their return, by the
gangs haunting the H umber. They went ashore at
Dimlington on the coast of Holderness, or at the
Spurn. The homing sailors of Leith, as of the ports
on the upper reaches of the Firth of Forth, enjoyed
an immunity from the press scarcely less absolute
than that of the Orkney Islanders, who for upwards
of forty years contributed not a single man to the
Navy. Having on either hand an easily accessible
coast, inhabited by a people upon whose hospitality
the gangs were chary of intruding, and abounding
in lurking-places as secure as they were snug, the
Mother Firth held on to her sailor sons with a per-
tinacity and success that excited the envy of the
merchant seaman at large and drove impress officers
to despair. The towns and villages to the north of
the Firth were ''full of men." On no part of the
north coast, indeed, from St. Abb's Head clear round
to Annan Water, was it an easy matter to circumvent
the canny Scot who went a-sailoring. He had a
trick of stopping short of his destination, when home-
ward bound, that proved as baffling to the gangs as
EVADING THE GANG 153
it was in seeming contradiction to all the traditions of
a race who pride themselves on ''getting there." ^
In the case of outward-bound ships, the disposition
of the two crews was of course reversed. The scratch
crew carried the ship down to the stipulated point of
exchange, where they vacated her in favour of the
actual crew, who had been secretly conveyed to that
point by land.^ Whichever way the trick was worked,
it proved highly effective, for, except from the sea, no
gang durst venture near such points of debarkation
and departure without strong military support.
There still remained the emergency crew itself.
The most decrepit, crippled or youthful were of
course out of the question. But the foreigner and
our shifty friend the man in lieu were fair game.
Entering largely as they did into the make-up of
almost every scratch crew, they were pressed without
compunction whenever and wherever caught abusing
their privileges by playing the emergency man. To
keep such persons always and in all circumstances
was a point of honour with the Navy Board. It had
no other means of squaring accounts with the scratch
crew.
The emergency man who plied " on his own "
was more difficult to deal with. Keepers of the
Eddystone made a *' great deal of money" by putting
inward-bound ships' crews ashore ; but when one of
their number, Matthew Dolon by name, was pressed
as a punishment for that offence, the Admiralty,
^ Ad. I. 579 — Admiral Pringle, Report on Rendezvous, 2 April
1795, and Captains' htXXtrs, passim.
2 Ad. I. 580 — Admiral Lord Nelson, Memorandum on the State of
the Fleet, 1803.
154 THE PRESS-GANG
having the fear of outraged Trade before its eyes,
ordered his immediate discharge.^
The pilot, the fisherman and the longshoreman
were notorious offenders in this respect. Whenever
they saw a vessel bound in, they were in the habit
of putting off to her and of first inciting the crew to
escape and then hiring themselves at exorbitant rates
to work the vessel into port. On such mischievous
interlopers the gangsman had no mercy. He took
them whenever he could, confident that when their
respective cases were stated to the Board, that body
would " tumble " to the occasion.
Any attempt at estimating the number of seafar-
ing men who evaded the gangs and the call of the
State by means of the devices and subterfuges here
roughly sketched into the broad canvas of our picture
would prove a task as profitless as it is impossible of
accomplishment. One thing only is certain. The
number fluctuated greatly from time to time with the
activity or inactivity of the gangs. When the press
was lax, there arose no question as there existed no
need of escape ; when it was hot, it was evaded
systematically and with a degree of success extremely
gratifying to the sailor. Taking the sea-borne coal
trade of the port of London alone, it is estimated that
in the single month of September 1770, at a time
when an exceptionally severe press from protections
was in full swing, not less than three thousand collier
seamen got ashore between Yarmouth Roads and
Foulness Point. As the coal trade was only one of
many, and as the stretch of coast concerned comprised
but a few miles out of hundreds equally well if not
1 Ad. I. 2732— Capt. Yeo, 25 July 1727.
EVADING THE GANG 155
better adapted to the sailor's furtive habits, the total
of escapes must have been little short of enormous.
It could not have been otherwise. In this grand
battue of the sea it was clearly impossible to round-
up and capture every skittish son of Neptune.
On shore, as at sea, the sailor's course, when the
gang was on his track, followed the lines of least
resistance, only here he became a skulk as well as a
fugitive. It was not that he was a less stout-hearted
fellow than when at sea. He was merely the victim
of a type of land neurosis. Drink and his recent
escape from the gang got on his nerves and rendered
him singularly liable to panic. The faintest hint of
a press was enough to make his hair rise. At the
first alarm he scuttled into hiding in the towns, or
broke cover like a frightened hare.
The great press of 1755 affords many instances
of such panic flights. Abounding in ''lurking holes"
where a man might lie perdue in comparative safety,
King's Lynn nevertheless emptied itself of seamen
in a few hours' time, and when the gang hurried to
Wells by water, intending to intercept the fugitives
there, the "idle fishermen on shore" sounded a fresh
alarm and again they stampeded, going off to the
eastward in great numbers and burying themselves in
the thickly wooded dells and hills of that bit of Devon
in Norfolk which lies between Clay-next-the-Sea and
Sheringham.^
A similar exodus occurred at Ipswich. The day
the warrants came down, as for many days previous,
the ancient borough was full of seamen ; but no
sooner did it become known that the press was out
1 Ad. I. i486— Capt. Baird, 29 March and 21 April 1755.
156 THE PRESS-GANG
than they vanished like the dew of the morning.
For weeks the face of but one sailor was seen in the
town, and he was only ferreted out, with the assist-
ance of a dozen constables, after prolonged and none
too legal search.^
How effectually the sailor could hide when dread
of the press had him in its grip is strikingly illustrated
by the hot London press of 1740. On that occasion
the docks, the riverside slums and dens, the river
itself both above and below bridge, were scoured by
gangs who left no stratagem untried for unearthing
and taking the hidden sailor. When the rigour of
the press was past not a seaman, it is said, was to be
found at large in London ; yet within four-and-twenty
hours sixteen thousand emerged from their retreats.^
The secret of such effectual concealment lay in
the fact that the nature of his hiding-place mattered
little to the sailor so long as it was secure. Accus-
tomed to quarters of the most cramped description on
shipboard, he required little room for his stowing.
The roughest bed, the worst ventilated hole, the
most insanitary surroundings and conditions were all
one to him. He could thus hide himself away in
places and receptacles from which the average lands-
man would have turned in fear or disgust. In
quarry, clay-pit, cellar or well ; in holt, hill or cave ;
in chimney, hayloft or secret cell behind some old-
time oven ; in shady alehouse or malodorous slum
where a man's life was worth nothing unless he had
the smell of tar upon him, and not much then ; on
isolated farmsteads and eyots, or in towns too remote
1 Ad. I. i486— Capt. Brand, 26 Feb. 1755.
^ Griffiths, Impressment Fully Considered.
EVADING THE GANG 157
or too hostile for the gangsman to penetrate — some-
where, somehow and of some sort the sailor found
his lurking-place, and in it, by good providence, lay
safe and snug throughout the hottest press.
Many of the seamen employed in the Newfound-
land trade of Poole, gaining the shore at Chapman's
Pool or Lulworth, whiled away their stolen leisure
either in the clay-pits of the Isle of Purbeck, where
they defied intrusion by posting armed sentries at
every point of access to their stronghold, or — their
favourite haunt — on Portland Island, which the
number and ill-repute of the labourers employed in
its stone quarries rendered well-nigh impregnable.
To search for, let alone to take the seamen frequent-
ing that natural fortress — who of course ''squared"
the hard-bitten quarrymen — was more than any gang
durst undertake unless, as was seldom the case, it
consisted of some '' very superior force." ^
With the solitary exception of Falmouth town,
the Cornish coast was merely another Portland Neck
enormously extended. From Rame Head to the
Lizard and Land's End, and in a minor sense from
Land's End away to Bude Haven in the far nor'-east,
the entire littoral of this remote part of the kingdom
was forbidden ground whereon no gangsman's life
was worth a moment's purchase. The two hundred
seins and twice two hundred drift-boats belonging
to that coast employed at least six thousand fisher-
men, and of these the greater part, as soon as the
fishing season was at an end, either turned "tinners"
and went into the mines, where they were unassail-
^ Ad. I. 581 — Admiral Berkeley, Report on Rendezvous, 5 Aug.
1805.
\
158 THE PRESS-GANG
able/ or betook themselves to their strongholds at
Newquay, St. Ives, Newland, Mousehole, Coversack,
Polpero, Cawsand and other places where, in
common with smugglers, deserters from the king's
ships at Hamoaze, and an endless succession of
fugitive merchant seamen, they were as safe from in-
trusion or capture as they would have been on the
coast of Labrador. It was impossible either to hunt
them down or to take them on a coast so " completely
perforated." A thousand ''stout, able young fellows"
could have been drawn from this source without being
missed ; but the gangs fought shy of the task, and
only when they carried vessels in distress into Fal-
mouth were the redoubtable sons of the coves ever
molested.^
On the Bristol Channel side Lundy Island offered
unrivalled facilities for evasion, and many were the
crews marooned there by far-sighted skippers who
calculated on thus securing them against their return
from Bristol, outward bound. The gangs as a rule
gave this little Heligoland a wide berth, and when
carried thither against their will they had a discon-
certing habit of running away with the press-boat,
and of thus marooning their commanding officer,
that contributed not a little to the immunity the
island enjoyed.^
The sailor's objection to Lundy was as strong as
the gangsman's. From his point of view it was no
ideal place to hide in, and the effect upon him of
1 Ad. I. 581— Admiral Berkeley, Report on Rendezvous, 28 Sept.
1805.
^ Ad. I. 579— Admiral M'Bride, 9 March 1795. ^^' i- 57^ —
Petition of the Inhabitants of the Village of Coversack, 31 Jan. 1778.
^ Ad. I. 1439— Capt. Aylmer, 22 Dec. 1743.
EVADING THE GANG 159
enforced sojourn there was to make him sulky and
mutinous. Rather the shore with all its dangers
than an island that produced neither tobacco, rum,
nor women! He therefore preferred sticking to his
ship, even though he thereby ran the risk of impress-
ment, until she arrived the length of the Holmes.
These islands are two in number. Steep Holme
and Flat Holme, and so closely can vessels approach
the latter, given favourable weather conditions, that
a stone may be cast on shore from the deck. The
business of landing and embarking was consequently
easy, and though the islands themselves were as
barren as Lundy of the three commodities the sailor
loved, he was nevertheless content to terminate his
voyage there for the following reasons. Under the
lee of one or other of the islands there was generally
to be found a boat-load of men who were willing, for
a suitable return in coin of the realm, to work the
ship into King Road, the anchorage of the port of
Bristol. The sailor was thus left free to gain the
shore in the neighbourhood of Uphill, Weston, or
Clevedon Bay, whence it was an easy tramp, not to
Bristol, of which he steered clear because of its gangs,
but to Bath, or, did he prefer a place nearer at hand,
to the little town of Pill, near Avon-mouth.
A favourite haunt of seafaring men, fishermen,
pilots and pilots' assistants, with a liberal sprinkling
of that class of female known in sailor lingo as
"brutes," this lively little town was a place after
Jack's own heart. The gangsmen gave it a wide
berth. It offered an abundance of material for him
to work upon, but that material was a trifle too rough
even for his infastidious taste. The majority of the
Z-'
160 THE PRESS-GANG
permanent indwellers of Pill, as well as the casual
ones, not only protected themselves from the press,
when such a course was necessary, by a ready use of
the fist and the club, but, when this means of exemp-
tion failed them, pleaded the special nature of their
calling with great plausibility and success. They
were "pilots' assistants," and as such they enjoyed
for many years the unqualified indulgence of the
naval authorities. The appellation they bore was
nevertheless purely euphemistic. As a matter of fact
they were sailors' assistants who, under cover of an
ostensible vocation, made it their real business, at the
instigation and expense of Bristol shipowners, to
save crews harmless from the gangs by boarding
ships at the Holmes and working them from thence
into the roadstead or to the quays. They are said to
have been ** very fine young men," and many a long-
ing look did the impress officers at Bristol cast their
way whilst struggling to swell their monthly returns.
So essentially necessary to the trade of the place
were they considered to be, however, that they were
allowed to checkmate the gangs, practically without
molestation or hindrance, till about the beginning
of the last century, when the Admiralty, suddenly
awaking to the unpatriotic nature of a practice that
so effectually deprived the Navy of its due, caused
them to be served with a notice to the effect that
"for the future all who navigated ships from the
Holmes should be pressed as belonging to those
ships." At this threat the Pill men jeered. Relying
on the length of pilotage water between King Road
and Bristol, they took a leaf from the sailor's log and
ran before the press-boats could reach the ships in
EVADING THE GANG 161
which they were temporarily employed. For four
years this state of things continued. Then there was
struck at the practice a blow which not even the
Admiralty had foreseen. Tow-paths were constructed
along the river-bank, and the pilots' assistants, ousted
by horses, fell an easy prey to the gangs.^
Bath had no gang, and was in consequence much
frequented by sailors of the better class. In 1803 —
taking that as a normal year — the number within its
limits was estimated at three hundred — enough to
man a ship-of-the-line. The fact being duly reported
to the Admiralty, a lieutenant and gang were ordered
over from Bristol to do some pressing. The civic
authorities — mayor, magistrates, constables and watch-
men— fired with sudden zeal for the service, all came
forward ''in the most handsome manner" with offers
of countenance and support, in the purlieus of the
town, however, the advent of the gang created panic.
The seamen went into prompt hiding, the mob turned
out in force, angry and threatening, resolved that no
gang should violate the sanctuary of a cathedral city.
Seeing how the wind set, the mayor and magistrates,
having begun by backing the warrant, continued
backing until they backed out of the affair altogether.
The zealous watchmen could not be found, the eager
constables ran away. Dismayed by these untimely
defections, the lieutenant hurriedly resolved " to drop
the business." So the gang marched back to Bristol
empty-handed, followed by the hearty execrations of
the rabble and the heartier good wishes of the mayor,
who assured them that as soon as he should be able
^ Ad. I. 581 — Admiral Berkeley, Report on Rendezvous, 14 April
1805.
II
162 THE PRESS-GANG
to clap the skulking seamen in jail "on suspicion of
various misdemeanours," he would send for them
again.^ We do not learn that he ever did.
To Bristol no unprotected sailor ever repaired of
his own free will, for early in the century of pressing
the chickens of the most notorious kidnapping city in
England began to come home to roost. The mantle
of the Bristol mayor whom Jeffreys tried for a " kid-
napping knave " fell upon a succession of regulating
captains whose doings put their civic prototype to
open shame, and more petitions and protests against
the lawlessness of the gangs emanated from Bristol
than from any other city in the kingdom.
The trowmen who navigated the Severn and the
Wye, belonging as they did mainly to extra-parochial
spots in the Forest of Dean, were exempt from the
Militia ballot and the Army of Reserve. On the
ground that they came under the protection of inland
navigation, they likewise considered themselves
exempt from the sea service, but this contention the
Court of Exchequer in 1798 completely overset by
deciding that the "passage of the River Severn
between Gloucester and Bristol is open sea." A
press-gang was immediately let loose upon the
numerous tribe frequenting it, whereupon the whole
body of newly created sailors deserted their trows
and fled to the Forest, where they remained in hiding
till the disappointed gang sought other and more
fruitful fields.^
Within Chester gates the sailor for many years
1 Ad. I. 1528— Capt. Barker, 3 and 11 July 1803.
^ Ad. I. 581 — Admiral Berkeley, Report on Rendezvous, 14 April
1805.
EVADING THE GANG 163
slept as securely as upon the high seas. No house-
holder would admit the gangsmen beneath his roof ;
and when at length they succeeded in gaining a foot-
hold within the city, all who were liable to the press
immediately deserted it — ''as they do every town
where there is a gang " — and went " to reside at Park-
gate." Parkgate in this way became a resort of sea-
faring men without parallel in the kingdom— a "nest"
whose hornet bands were long, and with good reason,
notorious for their ferocity and aggressiveness.^ An
attempt to establish a rendezvous here in 1 804 proved
a failure. The seamen fled, no "business" could be
done, and officer and gang were soon withdrawn.
In comparison with the seething Deeside hamlet,
Liverpool was tameness itself. Now and then, as in
1745, the sailor element rose in arms, demanding
who was master ; but as a rule it suffered the gang,
if not gladly, at least with exemplary patience.
Homing seamen who desired to evade the press in
that city — and they were many — fled ashore from
their ships at Highlake, a spot so well adapted to
their purpose that it required "strict care to catch
them." From Highlake they made their way to
Parkgate, swelling still further the sailor population
of that far-famed nest of skulkers.
Cork was a minor Parkgate. A graphic account
of the conditions obtaining in that city has been left
to us by Capt. Bennett, of H.M.S. Lennox, who did
port duty there from May 1779 till March 1783.
" Many hundreds of the best Seamen in this
Province," he tells us, " resort in Bodys in Country
Villages round about here, where they are maintained
1 Ad. I. 1446— Capt. Ayscough, 17 Nov. 1780.
164 THE PRESS-GANG
by the Crimps, who dispose of them to Bristol,
Liverpool and other Privateers, who appoint what
part of the Coast to take them on Board. They go in
Bodys, even in the Town of Cork, and bid defiance to
the Press-gangs, and resort in houses armed, and laugh
at both civil and military Power. This they did at
Kinsale, where they threatened to pull the Jail down in
a garrison'd To wn. "^ These tactics rendered the costly
press-gangs all but useless. A hot press at Cork,
in 1796, yielded only sixteen men fit for the service.
Space fails us to tell of how, owing to a three
days' delay in the London post that brought the
warrants to Newhaven in the spring of '78, the
"alarm of soon pressing" spread like wildfire along
that coast and drove every vessel to sea ; of how
*' three or four hundred young fellows " belonging to
Great Yarmouth and Gorleston, who had no families
and could well have been spared without hindrance
to the seafaring business of those towns, thought
otherwise and took a little trip of ** thirty or forty
miles in the country to hide from tbe service " ; or
of how Capt. Routh, of the rendezvous at Leeds,
happened upon a great concourse of skulkers at
Castleford, whither they had been drawn by reasons
of safety and the alleged fact that
"Castleford woman must needs be fair,
Because they wash both in Calder and Aire,"
and after two unsuccessful attempts at surprise, at
length took them with the aid of the military. These
were everyday incidents which were accepted as
matters of course and surprised nobody. Neverthe-
1 Ad. I. 1502— Capt. Bennett, 12 and 26 April 1782.
EVADING THE GANG 165
less the vagaries of the wayward children of the
State, who chose to run away and hide instead of
remaining to play the game, cost the naval authorities
many an anxious moment. They had to face both
evasion and invasion, and the prevalence of the one
did not help to repel the other.
His country's fear of invasion by the French
afforded the seafaring man the chance of the century.
Pitt's Quota Bill put good money in his pocket at
the expense of his liberty, but in Admiral Sir Home
Popham's great scheme for the defence of the coasts
against Boney and his fiat-bottomed boats he scented
something far more to his advantage and taste.
From the day in 1796 when Capt. Moriarty, press-
gang-officer at Cork, reported the arrival of the
long-expected Brest fleet off the Irish coast,^ the
question how best to defend from sudden attack so
enormously extended and highly vulnerable a sea-
board as that of the United Kingdom, became one
of feverish moment. At least a hundred different
projects for compassing that desirable end at one
time or another claimed the attention of the Navy
Board.^ One of these was decidedly ingenious. It
aimed at destroying the French flotilla by means of
logs of wood bored hollow and charged with gun-
powder and ball. These were to be launched against
the invaders somewhat after the manner of the
modern torpedo, of which they were, in fact, the
primitive type and original.^
^ Ad. I. 162 1— Capt. Crosby, 30 Dec. 1796.
2 Ad. I. 581— Admiral Knowles, 25 Jan. 1805.
^ Ad. I. 580— Rear- Admiral Young, 14 Aug. 1803, and secret
enclosure, as in the Appendix. The Admiral's " machine," as he termed
it, though embodying the true torpedo idea of an explosive device to be
166 THE PRESS-GANG
Meantime, however, the Admiralty had adopted
another plan — Admiral Popham, already famous for
his improved code of signals, its originator. On
paper it possessed the merits of all Haldanic substi-
tutes for the real thing. It was patriotic, cheap,
simple as kissing your hand. All you had to do was
to take the fisherman, the longshoreman and other
stalwarts who lived " one foot in sea and one on
shore," enroll them in corps under the command (as
distinguished from the control) of naval officers, and
practise them (on Sundays, since it was a work of
strict necessity) in the use of the pike and the cannon,
and, hey presto ! the country was as safe from
invasion as if the meddlesome French had never
been. The expense would be trivial. Granting
that the French did not take alarm and incontinently
drop their hostile designs upon the tight little island,
there would be a small outlay for pay, a trifle of a
shilling a day on exercise days, but nothing more —
except for martello towers. The boats it was proposed
to enroll and arm would cost nothing. Their patriotic
owners were to provide them free of charge.
Such was the Popham scheme on paper. On a
working basis it proved quite another thing. The
pikes provided were old ship-pikes, rotten and worth-
less. The only occasion on which they appear to
have served any good purpose was when, at Gerrans
and St. Mawes, the Fencibles joined the mob and
propelled against an enemy's ship, was not designed to be so propelled
on its own buoyancy, but by means of a fishing-boat, in which it lay
concealed. Had his inventive genius taken a bolder flight and given us
a more finished product in place of this crudity, the Whitehead
torpedo would have been anticipated, in something more than mere
principle, by upwards of half a century.
EVADING THE GANG 167
terrified the farmers, who were ignorant of the actual
condition of the pikes, into selling their corn at
something less than famine prices/ Guns hoary with
age, requisitioned from country churchyards and
village greens where they had rusted, some of them,
ever since the days of Drake and Raleigh, were
dragged forth and proudly grouped as "parks of
artillery."^ Signal stations could not be seen one
from the other, or, if visible, perpetrated signals no
one could read. The armed smacks were equally
unreliable. In Ireland they could not be "trusted
out of sight with a gun."^ In England they left the
guns behind them. The weight, the patriotic owners
discovered, seriously hampered the carrying capacity
and seaworthiness of their boats ; so to abate the
nuisance they hove the guns overboard on to the
beach, where they were speedily buried in sand or
shingle, while the appliances were carried off by those
who had other uses for them than their country's
defence. The vessels thus armed, moreover, were
always at sea, the men never at home. When it was
desired to practise them in the raising of the sluice-
gates which, in the event of invasion, were to convert
Romney Marsh into an inland sea, no efforts availed
to get together sufficient men for the purpose.
Immune from the press by reason of their newly
created status of Sea-Fencibles, they were all else-
where, following their time-honoured vocations of
fishing and smuggling with industry and gladness of
heart. As a means of repelling invasion the Popham
^ Ad. I. 579— Capt. Spry, 14 April 1801.
^ Ad. I. 1 5 13— Capt. Bradley, 21 Aug. 1796.
^ Ad. I. 1529— Capt. Bowen, 12 Oct. 1803.
168 THE PRESS-GANG
scheme was farcical and worthless ; as a means of
evading the press it was the finest thing ever
invented/ The only benefits the country ever drew
from it, apart from this, were two. It provided the
Admiralty with an incomparable register of seafaring
men, and some modern artists with secluded summer
retreats.
It goes without saying that a document of such
vital consequence to the seafaring man as an
Admiralty protection did not escape the attention of
those who, from various motives, sought to aid and
abet the sailor in his evasion of the press. Protections
were freely lent and exchanged, bought and sold,
•* coaxed," concocted and stolen. Skilful predecessors
of Jim the Penman imitated to the life the signatures
of Pembroke and Sandwich, Lord High Admirals,
and of the lesser fry who put the official hand to
those magic papers. ''Great abuses" were "com-
mitted that way." Bogus protections could be
obtained at Sunderland for 8s. 6d., Stephenson and
Collins, the disreputable schoolmasters who made
a business of faking them, coining money by the
** infamous practice." In London ''one Broucher,
living in St. Michael's Lane," supplied them to all
comers at jf3 apiece. Even the Navy Office was
not above suspicion in this respect, for in '98 a clerk
there, whose name does not transpire, was accused of
adding to his income by the sale of bogus protections
at a guinea a head.^
^ Ad. I. 581 — Admiral Berkeley, Reports on Sea-Fencibles, 1805 ;
Admiral Lord Keith, Sentiments upon the Sea-Fencible System, 7
Jan. 1805.
* Ad. I. 2740— Lieut. Abbs, 5 Oct. 1798.
EVADING THE GANG 169
American protections were the Admiralty's pet
bugbear. For many years after the successful issue
of the War of Independence a bitter animosity
characterised the attitude of the British naval officer
towards the American sailor. Whenever he could be
laid hold of he was pressed, and no matter what
documents he produced in evidence of his American
birth and citizenship, those documents were almost
invariably pronounced false and fraudulent.
There were weighty reasons, however, for refusing
to accept the claim of the alleged American sailor
at its face value. No class of protection was so
generally forged, so extensively bought and sold,
as the American. Practically every British seaman
who made the run to an American port took the
precaution, during his sojourn in that land of liberty,
to provide himself with spurious papers against his
return to England, where he hoped, by means of
them, to checkmate the gang. The process of
obtaining such papers was simplicity itself. All the
sailor had to do, at, say. New York, was to apply
himself to one Riley, whose other name was Paddy.
The sum of three dollars having changed hands,
Riley and his client betook themselves to the retreat
of some shady Notary Public, where the Irishman
made ready oath that the British seaman was as much
American born as himself. The business was now as
good as done, for on the strength of this lying
affidavit any Collector of Customs on the Atlantic
coast would for a trifling fee grant the sailor a certifi-
cate of citizenship. Riley created American citizens
in this way at the rate, it is said, of a dozen a day,^
^ Ad. I. 1523 — Deposition of Zacharias Pasco, 20 Jan. 1800.
170 THE PRESS GANG
and as he was only one of many plying the same lucra-
tive trade, the effect of such wholesale creations upon
the impress service in England, had they been allowed
to pass unchallenged, may be readily conceived.
The fraud, worse luck for the service, was by no
means confined to America. Almost every home
seaport had its recognised purveyor of '* false
American passes." At Liverpool a former clerk to
the Collector of Customs for Pembroke, Pilsbury by
name, grew rich on them, whilst at Greenock, Shields
and other north-country shipping centres they were
for many years readily procurable of one Walter
Gilly and his confederates, whose transactions in this
kind of paper drove the Navy Board to desperation.
They accordingly instructed Capt. Brown, gang-
officer at Greenock, to take Gilly at all hazards, but
the fabricator of passes fled the town ere the gang
could be put on his track.^
Considering that every naval officer, from the
Lord High Admiral downwards, had these facts
and circumstances at his fingers' ends, it is hardly
surprising that protections having, or purporting to
have, an American origin, should have been viewed
with profound distrust — distrust too often justified,
and more than justified, by the very nature of the
documents themselves. Thus a gentlemen of colour,
Cato Martin by name, when taken out of the Dolly
West-Indiaman at Bristol, had the assurance to
produce a white man's pass certifying his eyes, which
were undeniably yellow, to be a soft sky-blue, and his
hair, which was hopelessly black and woolly, to be of
that well-known hue most commonly associated with
Ad. I. 1549— Capt. Brown, 22 Aug. 1809.
EVADING THE GANG 171
hair grown north of the Tweed. It was reserved,
however, for an able seaman bearing the distinguished
name of Oliver Cromwell to break all known records
in this respect. When pressed, he unblushingly
produced a pass dated in America the 29th of May
and visdd by the American Consul in London on the
6th of June immediately following, thus conferring on
its bearer the unique distinction of having crossed the
Atlantic in eight days at a time when the voyage
occupied honester men nearly as many weeks. To
press such frauds was a public benefit. On the other
hand, one confesses to a certain sympathy with the
American sailor who was pressed because he ** spoke
English very well."^
Believing in the simplicity of his heart that others
were as gullible as himself, the fugitive sailor sought
habitually to hide his identity beneath some temporary
disguise of greater or less transparency. That of
farm labourer was perhaps his favourite choice. The
number of seamen so disguised, and employed on
farms within ten miles of the coast between Hull
and Whitby prior to the sailing of the Greenland and
Baltic ships in 1803, was estimated at more than a
thousand able-bodied men.*^ Seamen using the New-
foundland trade of Dartmouth were "half-farmer, half-
sailor." When the call of the sea no longer lured them,
they returned to the land in an agricultural sense, re-
sorting in hundreds to the farmsteads in the Southams,
where they were far out of reach of the gangs.^
1 Ad. I. 2734— Capt. Yorke, 8 March 1798.
2 Ad. I. 580— Admiral Phillip, Report on Rendezvous, 25 April 1804.
^ Ad. I. 579— Admiral M'Bride, Report on Rendezvous, 28 Feb.
1795-
CHAPTER VII
WHAT THE GANG DID ASHORE
In his endeavours to escape the gang the sailor
resembled nothing so much as that hopelessly-
impotent fugitive the flying-fish. For both the sea
swarmed with enemies bent on catching them. Both
sought to evade those enemies by flight, and both,
their ineffectual flight ended, returned to the sea
again whether they would or not. It was their fate,
a deep-sea kismet as unavoidable as death.
The ultimate destination of the sailor who by
strategy or accident succeeded in eluding the triple
line of sea-gangs so placed as to head him off from
the coast, was thus never in doubt. His longest
flights were those he made on land, for here the
broad horizon that stood the gangs in such good
stead at sea was measurably narrower, while hiding-
places abounded and were never far to seek. All
the same, in spite of these adventitious aids to self-
effacement, the predestined end of the seafaring man
sooner or later overtook him. The gang met him
at the turning of the ways and wiped him off the
face of the land. In the expressive words of a
naval officer w^ho knew the conditions thoroughly
well, the sailor's chances of obtaining a good run
for his money " were not worth a chaw of tobacco."
WHAT THE GANG DID ASHORE 173
For this inevitable finish to all the sailor's attempts
at flight on shore there existed in the main two
reasons. The first of these lay in the sailor himself,
making of him an unconscious aider and abettor in
his own capture. Just as love and a cough cannot
be hid, so there was no disguising the fact that the
sailor was a sailor. He was marked by character-
istics that infallibly betrayed him. His bandy legs
and rolling gait suggested irresistibly the way of a
ship at sea, and no " soaking " in alehouse or tavern
could eliminate the salt from the peculiar oaths that
were as natural to him as the breath of life. Assume
what disguise he would, he fell under suspicion at
sight, and he had only to open his mouth to turn
that suspicion into certainty. It needed no Sherlock
Holmes of a gangsman to divine what he was or
whence he came.
The second reason why the sailor could never
long escape the gangs was because the gangs were
numerically too many for him. It was no question
of a chance gang here and there. The country
swarmed with them.
Take the coast. Here every seaport of any
pretensions in the way of trade, together with every
spot between such ports known to be favoured or
habitually used by the homing sailor as a landing-
place, with certain exceptions already noted, either
had its own particular gang or was closely watched
by some gang stationed within easy access of the
spot. In this way the whole island was ringed
in by gangs on shore, just as it was similarly ringed
in by other gangs afloat.
"If their Lordships would give me authority to
174 THE PRESS GANG
press here," says Lieut. Oakley, writing to the Sea
Lords from Deal in 1743, ** I could frequently pick up
good seamen ashoar. I mean seamen who by some
means escape being prest by the men of war and tenders y
In this modest request the lieutenant states the
whole case for the land-gang, at once demonstrating
its utility and defining its functions. Unconsciously
he does more. He echoes a cry that incessantly
assailed the ears of Admiralty : ** The sailor has
escaped ! Send us warrants and give us gangs, and
we will catch him yet."
It was this call, the call of the fleet, that dominated
the situation and forced order out of chaos. The
men must be *'rose," and only method could do it.
The demand was a heavy one to make upon the
most unsystematic system ever known, yet it survived
the ordeal. The coast was mapped out, warrants
were dispatched to this point and that, rendezvous
were opened, gangs formed. No effort or outlay
was spared to take the sailor the moment he got
ashore, or very soon after.
In this systematic setting of land-traps that vast
head- centre of the nation's overseas trade, the metro-
polis, naturally had first place. The streets, and
especially the waterside streets, were infested with
gangs. At times it was unsafe for any able-bodied
man to venture abroad unless he had on him an
undeniable protection or wore a dress that unmis-
takeably proclaimed the gentleman. The general
rendezvous was on Tower Hill ; but as ships com-
pleting their complement nearly always sent a gang
or two to London, minor rendezvous abounded. St.
Katherine's by the Tower was specially favoured by
WHAT THE GANG DID ASHORE 175
them. The ** Rotterdam Arms " and the ** Two
Dutch Skippers," well-known taverns within that
precinct, were seldom without the bit of bunting
that proclaimed the headquarters of the gang. At
Westminster the "White Swan" in King's Street
usually bore a similar decoration, as did also the
♦'Ship" in Holborn.
A characteristic case of pressing by a gang using
the last-named house occurred in 1706. Ran-
sacking the town in quest of pressable subjects of
Her Majesty, they came one day to the '' Cock and
Rummer" in Bow Street, where a big dinner was
in progress. Here nothing would suit their tooth
but mine host's apprentice, and as ill-luck would
have it the apprentice was cook to the establishment
and responsible for the dinner. Him they never-
theless seized and would have hurried away in spite
of his master's supplications, protests and offers of
free drinks, had it not been for the fact that a mob
collected and forcibly prevented them. Other gangs
hurrying to the assistance of their hard-pressed com-
rades— to the number, it is said, of sixty men — a
free fight ensued, in the course of which a burly
constable, armed with a formidable longstaff, was
singled out by the original gang, doubtless on account
of the prominent part he took in the fray, as a fitting
substitute for the apprentice. By dint of beating the
poor fellow till he was past resistance they at length
got him to the " Ship," where they were in the very
act of bundling him into a coach, with the intention
of carrying him to the waterside below bridge, and
of their putting him on board the press - smack,
when in the general confusion he somehow effected
176 THE PRESS-GANG
his escape.^ Such incidents were common enough
not only at that time but long after.
At Gravesend sailors came ashore in such
numbers from East India and other ships as to
keep a brace of gangs busy. Another found enough
to do at Broadstairs, whence a large number of
vessels sailed in the Iceland cod fishery and similar
industries. Faversham was a port and had its gang,
and from Margate right away to Portsmouth, and
from Portsmouth to Plymouth, nearly every town of
any size that offered ready hiding to the fugitive
sailor from the Channel was similarly favoured.
Brighton formed a notable exception, and this cir-
cumstance gave rise to an episode about which we
shall have more to say presently.
To record in these pages the local of all the gangs
that were stationed in this manner upon the seaboard
of the kingdom would be as undesirable as it is
foreign to the scope of this chapter. Enough to
repeat that the land, always the sailors objective
in eluding the triple cordon of sea-borne gangs,
was ringed in and surrounded by a circle of land-
gangs in every respect identical with that described
as hedging the southern coast, and in its continuity
almost as unbroken as the shore itself. Both sea-
gangs and coast-gangs were amphibious, using either
land or sea at pleasure.
Inland the conditions were the same, yet materially
different. What was on the coast an encircling line
assumed here the form of a vast net, to which the
principal towns, the great cross-roads and the arterial
bridges of the country stood in the relation of reticular
1 "A Horrible Relation," Review^ 17 March 1705-6.
WHAT THE GANG DID ASHORE 177
knots, while the constant ''ranging" of the gangs,
now in this direction, now in that, suppHed the
connecting filaments or threads. The gangs com-
posing this great inland net were not amphibious.
Their most desperate aquatic ventures were confined
to rivers and canals. Ability to do their twenty miles
a day on foot counted for more with them than a
knowledge of how to handle an oar or distinguish
the "cheeks" of a gaff from its *'jaw."
Just as the sea-gangs in their raids upon the land
were the Danes and " creekmen " of their time, so
the land-gangsman was the true highwayman of
the century that begot him. He kept every strategic
point of every main thoroughfare, held all the bridges,
watched all the ferries, haunted all the fairs. No
place where likely men were to be found escaped his
calculating eye.
He was an inveterate early riser, and sailors
sauntering to the fair for want of better employ-
ment ran grave risks. In this way a large number
were taken on the road to Croydon fair one morning
in September 1743. For actual pressing the fair
itself was unsafe because of the great concourse
of people ; but it formed one of the best possible
hunting-grounds and was kept under close observa-
tion for that reason. Here the gangsman marked
his victim, whose steps he dogged into the country
when his business was done or his pleasure ended,
never for a moment losing sight of him until he
walked into the trap all ready set in s*- ne wayside
spinny or beneath some sheltering bridge.
Bridges were the inland gangsman's favourite
haunt. They not only afforded ready concealment,
12
178 THE PRESS GANG
they had to be crossed. Thus Lodden Bridge, near
Reading, accounted one of the *' likeliest places in
the country for straggling seamen," was seldom
without its gang. Nor was the great bridge at
Gloucester, since, as the first bridge over the Severn,
it drew to itself all the highroads and their users
from Wales and the north. To sailors making for
the south coast from those parts it was a point of
approach as dangerous as it was unavoidable. Great
numbers were taken here in consequence.^
So of ferries. The passage boats at Queensfefry
on the Firth of Forth, watched by gangs from
Inverkeithing, yielded almost as many men in the
course of a year as the costly rendezvous at Leith.
Greenock ferries proved scarcely less productive.
But there was here an exception. The ferry between
Glenfinart and Greenock plied only twice a week,
and as both occasions coincided with market - days
the boat was invariably crowded with women. Only
once did it yield a man. Peter Weir, the hand in
charge, one day overset the boat, drowning every
soul on board except himself. Thereupon the gang
pressed him, arguing that one who used the sea so
effectively could not fail to make a valuable addition
to the fleet.
Inland towns traversed by the great highroads
leading from north to south, or from east to west,
were much frequented by the gangs. Amongst these
Stourbridge perhaps ranked first. Situated midway
between the great ports of Liverpool and Bristol,
it easily and effectually commanded Birmingham,
^ Ad. I. 581 — Admiral Berkeley, Report on Rendezvous, 14 April
1805.
WHAT THE GANG DID ASHORE 179
Wolverhampton, Bridgnorth, Bewdley, Kidder-
minster and other populous towns, while it was too
small to afford secure hiding within itself. The
gangs operating from Stourbridge brought in an
endless procession of ragged and travel - stained
seamen.^
From ports on the Bristol Channel to ports on
the English Channel, and the reverse, many seamen
crossed the country by stage-coach or wagon, and
to intercept them gangs were stationed at Okehamp-
ton, Liskeard and Exeter. Taunton and Salisbury
also, as "great thoroughfares to and from the west,"
had each its gang, and a sufficient number of sailors
escaped the press at the latter place to justify the
presence of another at Romsey. Andover had a
gang as early as 1756, on the recommendation of
no less a man than Rodney.
Shore gangs were of necessity ambulatory. To
sit down before the rendezvous pipe in hand, and
expect the evasive sailor to come of his own accord
and beg the favour of being pressed, would have been
a futile waste of time and tobacco. The very essence
of the gangman's duty lay in the leg-work he did.
To that end he ate the king's victuals and wore the
king's shoe-leather. Consequently he was early afoot
and late to bed. Ten miles out and ten home made
up his daily constitutional, and if he saw fit to exceed
that distance he did not incur his captain's displeasure.
The gang at Reading, a strategic point of great im-
portance on the Bath and Bristol road, traversed all
the country round about within a radius of twenty
miles — double the regulation distance. That at
^ Ad. I. 1500 — Letters of Capt. Beecher, 1780.
180 THE PRESS-GANG
King's Lynn, another centre of unmeasured possi-
bilities, trudged as far afield as Boston, Ely,
Peterborough and Wells-on-Sea. And the Isle of
Wight gang, stationed at Cowes or Ryde, now and
then co-operated with a gang from Portsmouth or
Gosport and ranged the whole length and breadth
of the island, which was a noted nest of deserters
and skulkers. "Range," by the way, was a word
much favoured by the officers who led such expedi-
tions. Its use is happy. It suggests the object
well in view, the nicely calculated distance, the steady
aim that seldom missed its mark. The gang that
** ranged " rarely returned empty-handed.
On these excursions the favourite resting-place
was some secluded nook overlooking the point of
crossing of two or more highroads ; the favourite
place of refreshment, some busy wayside alehouse.
Both were good to rest or refresh in, for at both
the chances of effecting a capture were far more
numerous than on the open road.
The object of the gang in taking the road was
not, however, so much what could be picked up by
chance in the course of a day's march, as the execu-
tion of some preconcerted design upon a particular
person or place. This brings us to the methods of
pressing commonly adopted, which may be roughly
summarised under the three heads of surprise,
violence and the hunt. Frequently all three were
combined ; but as in the case of gangs operating
on the waters of rivers or harbours, the essential
element in all pre-arranged raids, attacks and pre-
datory expeditions was the first-named element,
surprise. In this respect the gangsmen were genuine
WHAT THE GANG DID ASHORE 181
" Peep-o'-Day Boys." The siege of Brighton is a
notable case in point.
The inhabitants of Brighton, better known in the
days of the press-gang as Brighthelmstone, consisted
largely of fisher-folk in respect to whom the Admiralty
had been guilty of one of its rare oversights. For gen-
erations no call was made upon them to serve the king
at sea. This accidental immunity in course of time
came to be regarded by the Brighton fisherman as his
birthright, and the misconception bred consequences.
For one thing, it made him intolerably saucy. He
boasted that no impress officer had power to take
him, and he backed up the boast by openly insulting,
and on more than one occasion violently assaulting
the king's uniform. With all this he was a hardy,
long-lived, lusty fellow, and as his numbers were
never thinned by that active corrector of an excessive
birth-rate, the press-gang, he speedily overstocked the
town. An energetic worker while his two great
harvests of herring and mackerel held out, he was
at other times indolent, lazy and careless of the
fact that his numerous progeny burdened the rates.^
These unpleasing circumstances having been duly
reported to the Admiralty, their Lordships decided
that what the Brighton fisherman required to correct
his lax principles and stiffen his backbone was a good
hot press. They accordingly issued orders for an
early raid to be made upon that promising nursery
of man-o'-war's-men.
The orders, which were of course secret, bore
date the 3rd of July 1779, and were directed to
^ Ad. I. 580— Admiral Berkeley, Report on Rendezvous, 31 Dec.
182 THE PRESS-GANG
Capt. Alms, who, as regulating officer at Shoreham,
was likewise in charge of the gang at Newhaven
under Lieut. Bradley, and of the gang at Litde-
hampton under Lieut. Breedon. At Shoreham there
was also a tender, manned by an able crew. With
these three gangs and the tender's crew at his back,
Alms determined to lay siege to Brighton and teach
the fishermen there a lesson they should not soon
forget. But first, in order to render the success of
the project doubly sure, he enlisted the aid of Major-
General Sloper, Commandant at Lewes, who readily
consented to lend a company of soldiers to assist in
the execution of the design.
These preparations were some little time in the
making, and it was not until the Thursday immedi-
ately preceding the 24th of July that all was in
readiness. On the night of that day, by preconcerted
arrangement, the allied forces took the road — for the
Littlehampton gang, a matter of some twenty miles —
and at the first flush of dawn united on the outskirts
of the sleeping town, where the soldiers were without
loss of time so disposed as to cut off every avenue
of escape. This done, the gangs split up and by
devious ways, but with all expedition, concentrated
their strength upon the quay, expecting to find there
a large number of men making ready for the day's
fishing. To their intense chagrin the quay was
deserted. The night had been a tempestuous one,
with heavy rain, and though the unfortunate gangs-
men were soaked to the skin, the fishermen all lay
dry in bed. Hearing the wind and rain, not a man
turned out.
By this time the few people who were abroad on
WHAT THE GANG DID ASHORE 183
necessary occasions had raised the alarm, and on
every hand were heard loud cries of " Press-gang ! "
and the hurried barricading of doors. For ten hours
"every man kept himself locked up and bolted."
For ten hours Alms waited in vain upon the local
Justice of the Peace for power to break and enter the
fishermen's cottages. His repeated requests being
refused, he was at length " under the necessity of
quitting the town with only one man." So ended the
siege of Brighton ; but Bradley, on his way back to
Newhaven, fell in with a gang of smugglers, of whom
he pressed five. Brighton did not soon forget the
terrors of that rain-swept morning. For many a long
day her people were " very shy, and cautious of
appearing in public." The salutary effects of the
raid, however, did not extend to the fishermen it was
intended to benefit. They became more insolent than
ever, and a few years later marked their resentment
of the attempt to press them by administering a sound
thrashing to Mr. Midshipman Sealy, of the Shoreham
rendezvous, whom they one day caught unawares.^
The surprise tactics of the gang of course varied
according to circumstances, and the form they took
was sometimes highly ingenious. A not uncommon
stratagem was the impersonation of a recruiting party
beating up for volunteers. With cockades in their
hats, drums rolling and fifes shrilling, the gangsmen,
who of course had their arms concealed, marched
ostentatiously through the high-street of some sizable
country town and so into the market-place. Since
nobody had anything to fear from a harmless recruit-
ing party, people turned out in strength to see the
1 Ad. I. i445-46--Letters of Capt. Alms.
184 THE PRESS-GANG
sight and listen to the music. When they had in this
way drawn as many as they could into the open, the
gangsmen suddenly threw off their disguise and seized
every pressable person they could lay hands on.
Market-day was ill-adapted to these tactics. 1 1 brought
too big a crowd together.
A similar ruse was once practised with great
success upon the inhabitants of Portsmouth by Capt.
Bowen of the Dreadnought, in connection with a
general press which the Admiralty had secretly ordered
to be made in and about that town. Dockyard towns
were not as a rule considered good pressing-grounds
because of the drain of men set up by the ships of
war fitting out there ; but Bowen had certainly no
reason to subscribe to that opinion. Late on the
night of the 8th of March 1803, he landed a company
of marines at Gosport for the purpose, as it was
given out, of suppressing a mutiny at Fort Monckton.
The news spread rapidly, drawing crowds of people
from their homes in anticipation of an exciting
scrimmage. This gave Bowen the opportunity he
counted upon. When the throngs had crossed Haslar
Bridge he posted marines at the bridge-end, and as the
disappointed people came pouring back the ** jollies "
pressed every man in the crowd. Five hundred are
said to have been taken on this occasion, but as the
nature of the service forbade discrimination at the
moment of pressing, nearly one-half were next day
discharged as unfit or exempt.^
Sometimes, though not often, it was the gang that
was surprised. All hands would perhaps be snug in
bed after a long and trying day, when suddenly a
* Ad. I. 1057 — Admiral Milbanke, 9 March 1803.
WHAT THE GANG DID ASHOKE 185
thunderous knocking at the rendezvous door, and
stentorian cries of: ''Turn out! turn out there!"
coupled with epithets here unproducible, would bring
every man of them into the street in the turn of a
handspike, half-dressed but fully armed and awake to
the fact that a party of belated seamen was coming
down the road. The sailors were perhaps more road-
weary than the gangsmen, and provided none of them
succeeded in slipping away in the darkness, or made
a successful resistance, in half-an-hour's time or less
the whole party would be safe under lock and key,
cursing luck for a scurvy trickster in delivering them
over to the gang.
The sailor's well-known partiality for drink was
constantly turned to account by the astute gangsman.
If a sailor himself, he laid aside his hanger or cudgel
and played the game of '' What ho ! shipmate " at
the cost of a can or two of flip, gently guiding his
boon companion to the rendezvous when he had
got him sufficiently corned. Failing these tactics, he
adopted others equally effective. At Liverpool, where
the seafaring element was always a large one, it was
a common practice for the gangs to lie low for a time,
thus inducing the sailor to believe himself safe from
molestation. He immediately indulged in a desperate
drinking bout and so put himself entirely in their
power. Whether rolling about the town " very much
in liquor," or "snugly moored in Sot's Bay," he was
an easy victim.
Another ineradicable weakness that often landed
the sailor in the press-room was his propensity to
indulge in ''swank." Two jolly tars, who were
fully protected and consequently believed themselves
186 THE PRESS-GANG
immune from the press, once bought a four-wheeled
post-chaise and hired a painter in Long Acre to
ornament it with anchors, masts, cannon and a variety
of other objects emblematic of the sea. In this ornate
vehicle they set out, behind six horses, with the
intention of posting down to Alnwick, where their
sweethearts lived. So impatient were they to get
over the road that they could not be prevailed upon,
at any of the numerous inns where they pulled up for
refreshment, to stop long enough to have the wheels
properly greased, crying out at the delay : ** Avast
there ! she's had tar enough," and so on again. Just
as they were making a triumphal entry into Newcastle-
upon-Tyne the wheels took fire, and the chaise, satur-
ated with the liquor they had spilt in the course
of their mad drive, burst into flames fore and aft.
The sailors bellowed lustily for help, whereupon the
spectators ran to their assistance and by swamping
the ship with buckets of water succeeded in putting
out the fire. Now it happened that in the crowd
drawn together by such an unusual occurrence there
was an impress officer who was greatly shocked by
the exhibition. He considered that the sailors had
been guilty of unseemly behaviour, and on that
ground had them pressed. Notwithstanding their
protections they were kept.
In his efforts to swell the returns of pressed men
the gangsman was supposed — we may even go so far
as to say enjoined — to use no more violence than
was absolutely necessary to attain his end. The
question of force thus resolved itself into one of the
degree of resistance he encountered. Needless to
say, he did not always knock a man down before
WHAT THE GANG DID ASHORE 187
bidding him stand in the king's name. Recourse to
measures so extreme was not always necessary. Every
sailor had not the pluck to fight, and even when he
had both the pluck and the good-will, hard drinking,
weary days of tramping, or long abstinence from food
had perhaps sapped his strength, leaving him in no
fit condition to hold his owrl in a scrap with the well-
fed gangsman. The latter consequently had it pretty
much his own way. A firm hand on the shoulder, or
at the most a short, sharp tussle, and the man was
his. But there were exceptions to this easy rule, as
we shall see in our next chapter.
Hunting the sailor was largely a matter of informa-
tion, and unfortunately for his chances of escape
informers were seldom wanting. Everywhere it was
a game at hide-and-seek. Constables had orders to
report him. Chapmen, drovers and soldiers, persons
who were much on the road, kept a bright lookout
for him. The crimp, habitually given to underhand
practices, turned informer when prices for seamen
ruled low in the service he usually catered for. His
mistress loved him as long as his money lasted ; when
he had no more to throw away upon her she perfidi-
ously betrayed him. And for all this there was a
reason as simple as casting up the number of shillings
in the pound. No matter how penniless the sailor
himself might be, he was always worth that sum at
the rendezvous. Twenty shillings was the reward paid
for information leading to his apprehension as a
straggler or a skulker, and it was largely on the strength
of such informations, and often under the personal
guidance of such detestable informers, that the gang
went a-hunting.
188 THE PRESS-GANG
Apart from greed of gain, the motive most
commonly underlying informations was either jealousy
or spite. Women were the greatest sinners in the
first respect. Let the sailorman concealed by a
woman only so much as look with favour upon
another, and his fate was sealed. She gave him away,
or, what was more profitable, sold him without regret.
There were as good fish in the sea as ever came out.
Perhaps better.
On the wings of spite and malice the escapades of
youth often came home to roost after many years.
Men who had run away to sea as lads, but had after-
wards married and settled down, were informed on
by evil-disposed persons who bore them some grudge,
and torn from their families as having used the sea.
Stephen Kemp, of Warbelton in Sussex, one of the
many who suffered this fate, had indeed used the sea,
but only for a single night on board a fishing-boat.^
In face of these infamies it is good to read of how
they dealt with informers at Newcastle-upon-Tyne.
There the role was one fraught with peculiar danger.
Rewards were paid by the Collector of Customs, and
when a Newcastle man went to the Customs- House
to claim the price of some sailor's betrayal, the people
set upon him and incontinently broke his head. One
notorious receiver of such rewards was " nearly
murther'd." Thereafter informers had to be paid in
private places for fear of the mob, and so many
persons fell under suspicion of playing the dastardly
game that the regulating captain was besieged by
applicants for " certificates of innocency."^
^ Ad. I. 1445 — Capt. Alms, 9 June 1777.
' Ad. I. 1497 — Letters of Capt. Bover, 1777.
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AHAM. y \
One of the Rarest of Press-Gang Records.
A play-bill announcing the suspension of the Gang's operations on
"Play Nights"; in the collection of Mr. A. M. Broadley,
by whose kind permission it is reproduciqdki , .-
;, [. (Km. !: i
1 1; u 0'. I.I /.
WHAT THE GANG DID ASHORE 189
Informations not infrequently took the form of
anonymous communications addressed by the same
hand to two different gangs at one and the same time,
and when this was the case, and both gangs sallied
forth in quest of the skulker, a collision was pretty sure
to follow. Sometimes the encounter resolved itself
into a running fight, in the course of which the poor
sailor, who formed the bone of contention, was pressed
and re-pressed several times over between his hiding-
place and one or other of the rendezvous.
Rivalry between gangs engaged in ordinary press-
ing led to many a stirring encounter and bloody
fracas. A gang sent out by H.M.S. Thetis was once
attacked, while prowling about the waterside slums
of Deptford, by ** three or four different gangs, to the
number of thirty men." ^ There was a greater demand
for bandages than for sailors in Deptford during the
rest of the night.
The most extraordinary affair of this description
to be met with in the annals of pressing is perhaps
one that occurred early in the reign of Queen Anne.
Amongst the men-of-war then lying at Spithead were
the Dorsetshire, Capt. Butler commander, and the
Medway. Hearing that some sailors were in hiding
at a place a little distance beyond Gosport, Capt.
Butler dispatched his ist and 2nd lieutenants, in
charge of thirty of his best men, with instructions to
take them and bring them on board. It so happened
that a strong gang was at the same time on shore
from the Medway, presumably on the same errand,
and this party the Dorsetshires, returning to their
ship with the seamen they had taken, found posted in
1 Ad. I. 1502— Capt. Butcher, 29 Oct. 1782.
190 THE PRESS-GANG
the Gosport road for the avowed purpose of re-pressing
the pressed men. By a timely detour, however, they
reached the waterside " without any mischief done."
Meanwhile, a rumour had somehow reached the
ears of Capt. Butler to the effect that a fight was in
progress and his i st lieutenant^killed. He immediately
took boat and hurried over to Gosport, where, to his
relief, he found his people all safe in their boats, but
on the Point, to use his own graphic words, " severall
hundred People, some with drawn Swords, some with
Spitts, others with Clubbs, Staves & Stretchers.
Some cry'd ' One & All ! ' others cry'd ' Medways ! '
and some again swearing, cursing & banning that they
would knock my People's Brains out. Off I went
with my Barge to the Longboat," continues the gallant
captain, *' commanding them to weigh their grappling
& goe with me aboard. In the meantime off came
about twelve Boats full with the Medways men to lay
my Longboat aboard, who surrounded us with Swords,
Clubbs, Staves & divers Instruments, & nothing
would do but all our Brains must be Knock't out.
Finding how I defended the Longboat, they then
undertook to attack myselfe and people. One of
their Boats came upon the stern and made severall
Blows at my Coxwain, and if it had not been for the
Resolution I had taken to endure all these Abuses,
I had Kill'd all those men with my own Hand ; but
this Boat in particular stuck close to me with only six
men, and I kept a very good Eye upon her. All
this time we were rowing out of the Harbour with
these Boats about us as far as Portsmouth Point, my
Coxwain wounded, myselfe and People dangerously
assaulted with Stones which they brought from the
Jit
WHAT THE GANG DID ASHORE 191
Beech & threw at us, and as their Boats drop'd off
I took my opportunity & seized y^ Boat with the Six
Men that had so attack'd me, and have secured them
in Irons." With this the incident practically ended ;
for although the Medways retaliated by seizing and
carrying off the Dorsetshire^ s coxwain and a crew who
ventured ashore next day with letters, the latter were
speedily released ; but for a week Capt, Butler —
fiery old Trojan ! who could have slain a whole boat's-
crew with his own hand — remained a close prisoner
on board his ship. " Should I but put my foot
ashoar," we hear him growl, '* I am murther'd that
minute." ^
With certain exceptions presently to be noted,
every man's hand was against the fugitive sailor, and
this being so it followed as a matter of course that in
his inveterate pursuit of him the gangsman found
more honourable allies than that nefarious person, the
man-selling informer. The class whom the sailor
himself, in his contempt of the good feeding he never
shared, nicknamed ** big- bellied placemen" — the
pompous mayors, the portly aldermen and the county
magistrate who knew a good horse or hound but
precious little law, were almost to a man the gangs-
man's coadjutors. Lavishly wined and dined at
Admiralty expense, they urbanely " backed " the
regulating captain's warrants, consistently winked at
his glaring infractions of law and order, and with the
most commendable loyalty imaginable did all in their
power to forward His Majesty's service. Even the
military, if rightly approached on their pinnacle of
lofty superiority, now and then condescended to lend
1 Ad. I. 1467— Capt. Butler, i June 1705.
192 THE PRESS-GANG
the gangsman a hand. Did not Sloper, Major-General
and Commandant at Lewes, throw a whole company
into the siege of Brighton ?
These post-prandial concessions on the part of
bigwigs desirous of currying favour in high places on
the whole told heavily against the sorely harassed
object of the gangsman's quest, rendering it, amongst
other things, extremely unsafe for him to indulge in
those unconventional outbursts which, under happier
conditions, so uniformly marked his jovial moods. At
the playhouse, for example, he could not heave empty
bottles or similar tokens of appreciation upon the
stage without grave risk of incurring the fate that
overtook Steven David, Samuel Jenkins and Thomas
Williams, three sailors of Falmouth town who, merely
because they adopted so unusual a mode of applaud-
ing a favourite, were by magisterial order handed
over to Lieut. Box of H.M.S. Blonde, with a per-
emptory request that they should be transferred forth-
with to that floating stage where the only recognised
" turns " were those of the cat and the capstan.^
Luckily for the sailor and those of other callings
who shared his liability to the press, the civil author-
ities did not range themselves on the gangsman's side
with complete unanimity. Local considerations of
trade, coupled with some faint conception of the
hideous injustice the seafaring classes groaned under,
and groaned in vain, here and there outweighed
patriotism and dinners. Little by little a cantankerous
spirit of opposition got abroad, and every now and
then, at this point or at that, some mayor or alderman,
obsessed by this spirit beyond his fellows and his
^ Ad. I. 1537— Capt. Ballard, 13 Dec. 1806.
WHAT THE GANG DID ASHORE 193
time, seized such opportunities as office threw in his
way to mark his disapproval of the wrongs the sailor
suffered. Had this attitude been more general, or
more consistent in itself, the press-gang would not
have endured for a day.
The role of Richard Yea and Nay was, however,
the favourite one with urban authorities. Towns at
first not ** inclinable to allow a pressing," afterwards
relented and took the gang to their bosom, or enter-
tained it gladly for a time, only to cast it out with
contumely. A lieutenant who was sent to Newcastle
to press in 1702 found **no manner of encouragement
there " ; yet seventy-five years later the Tyneside
city, thanks to the loyal co-operation of a long
succession of mayors and of such men as George
Stephenson, sometime Deputy- Master of the Trinity
House, had become one of the riskiest in the kingdom
for the seafaring man who was a stranger within her
gates. ^
The attitude of Poole differed in some respects
from that of other towns. Her mayors and magistrates,
while they did not actually oppose the pressing of
seamen within the borough, would neither back the
warrants nor lend the gangs their countenance. The
reason advanced for this disloyal attitude was of the
absurdest nature. Poole held that in order to press
twenty men you were not at liberty to kill the twenty-
first. That, in fact, was what had happened on
board the Maria brig as she came into port there,
deeply laden with fish from the Banks, and the
corporation very foolishly never forgot the trivial
incident.
1 Ad. I. 1498— Capt. Bover, ii Aug. 1778.
194 THE PRESS-GANG
It did not, of course, follow that the Poole sailor
enjoyed freedom from the press. Far from it. What
he did enjoy was a reputation that, if not all his
own, was yet sufficiently so to be shared by few.
Bred in that roughest of all schools, the New-
foundland cod fishery, he was an exceptionally
tough nut to crack.
*' If Poole were a fish pool
And the men of Poole fish,
There'd be a pool for the devil
And fish for his dish,"
was how the old jibe ran, and in this estimate of the
Poole man's character the gangs fully concurred.
They knew him well and liked him little, so when
bent on pressing him they adopted no squeamish
measures, but very wisely "trusted to the strength of
their right arms for it." Some of their attempts to
take him make strange reading.
About eight o'clock on a certain winter's evening,
Regulating Captain Walbeoff, accompanied by Lieut.
Osmer, a midshipman and eight gangsmen, broke
into the house of William Trim, a seafaring native of
the place whom they knew to be at home and had
resolved to press. Alarmed by the forcing of the
door, and only too well aware of what it portended,
Trim made for the stairs, where, turning upon his
pursuers, he struck repeatedly and savagely at the
midshipman, who headed them, with a red-hot poker
which he had snatched out of the fire at the moment
of his fl'ght. He was, however, quickly overpowered,
disarmed and dragged back into the lower room,
where his captors threw him violently to the floor and
with their hangers took effective measures to prevent
WHAT THE GANG DID ASHORE 195
his escape or further opposition. His sister happened
to be in the house, and whilst this was going on the
lieutenant brutally assaulted her, presumably because
she wished to go to her brother's assistance. Mean-
while Trim's father, a man near seventy years of age,
who lived only a stone's-throw away, hearing the
uproar, and being told the gang had come for his son,
ran to the house with the intention, as he afterwards
declared, of persuading him to go quietly. Seeing
him stretched upon the floor, he stooped to lift him to
his feet, when one of the gang attacked him and
stabbed him in the back. He fell bleeding beside
the younger man, and was there beaten by a number
of the gangsmen whilst the remainder dragged his son
off to the press-room, whence he was in due course
dispatched to the fleet at Spithead. The date of this
brutal episode is 1804; the manner of it, ''nothing
more than what usually happened on such occasions "
in the town of Poole.^
For this deplorable state of things Poole had none
but herself to thank. Had she, instead of merely
refusing to back the warrants, taken effective measures
to rid herself of the gang, that mischievous body
would have soon left her in peace. Rochester wore
the jewel of consistency in this respect. When Lieut.
Brenton pressed a youth there who ** appeared to be
a seafaring man," but turned out to be an exempt city
apprentice, he was promptly arrested and deprived of
his sword, the mayor making no bones of telling him
that his warrant was " useless in Rochester." With
this broad hint he was discharged ; but the people
1 Ad. I. 580— Admiral Phillip, Inquiry into the Conduct of the
Impress Officers at Poole, 13 Aug. 1804.
196 THE PRESS-GANG
proved less lenient than the mayor, for they set about
him and beat him unmercifully/
Save on a single occasion, already incidentally
referred to, civic Liverpool treated the gang with
uniform kindness. In 1745, at a time when the rebels
were reported to be within only four miles of the city,
the mayor refused to back warrants for the pressing
of sailors to protect the shipping in the river. His
reason was a cogent one. The captains of the South-
sea Castle, the Mercury and the Loo, three ships of
war then in the Mersey, had just recently "manned
their boats with marines and impressed from the
shore near fifty men," and the seafaring element of
the town, always a formidable one, was up in arms
because of it. This so intimidated the mayor that he
dared not sanction further raids "for fear of being
murder'd."^ His dread of the armed sailor was not
shared by Henry Alcock, sometime mayor of Water-
ford. That gentleman ** often headed the press-
gangs " in person.^
Deal objected to the press for reasons extending
back to the reign of King John. As a member of the
Cinque Ports that town had constantly supplied the
kings and queens of the realm, from the time of
Magna Charta downwards, with great numbers of able
and sufficient seamen who, according to the ancient
custom of the Five Ports, had been impressed and
raised by the mayor and magistrates of the town,
acting under orders from the Lord Warden, and not
* Ad, 7. 301 — Law Officers' Opinions, 1784-92, No. 42 : Deposition
of Lieut. Brenton.
^ Ad. I. 1440 — Letters of Capt. Amherst, Dec. 1745.
3 Ad. I. 1500— Capt. Bennett, 13 Nov. 1780.
WHAT THE GANG DID ASHORE 197
by irresponsible gangs from without. It was to these,
and not to the press as such, that Deal objected. The
introduction of gangs in her opinion bred disorder.
Great disturbances, breaches of the peace, riots,
tumults and even bloodshed attended their steps and
made their presence in any peaceably disposed com-
munity highly undesirable. Within the memory of
living man even, Deal had obliged no less than four
hundred seamen to go on board the ships of the fleet,
and she desired no more of those strangers who
recently, incited by Admiral the Marquis of Car-
marthen, had gone a-pressing in her streets and
grievously wounded divers persons.^
In this commonsense view of the case Deal was
ably supported by Dover, the premier Cinque Port.
Dover, it is true, so far as we know never embodied
her objections to the press in any humble petition to
the Queen's Majesty. She chose instead a directer
method, for when the lieutenant of the Devonshire
impressed six men belonging to a brigantine from
Carolina in her streets, and attempted to carry them
beyond the limits of the borough, " many people of
Dover, in company with the Mayor thereof, assembled
themselves together and would not permit the lieu-
tenant to bring them away." The action angered the
Lords Commissioners, who resolved to teach Dover a
lesson. Orders were accordingly sent down to Capt.
Dent, whose ship the Shrewsbury man-o'-war was
then in the Downs, directing him to send a gang
ashore and press the first six good seamen they should
meet with, taking care, however, since their Lordships
^ State Papers Domestic^ Anne, xxxvi. No. 24 : Petition of the
Mayor, Jurats and Commonalty of the Free Town and Borough of Deal.
198 THE PRESS-GANG
did not wish to be too hard upon the town, that the
men so pressed were bachelors and not householders.
Lieut. O'Brien was entrusted with this delicate
punitive mission. He returned on board after a
campaign of only a few hours' duration, triumphantly-
bearing with him the stipulated hostages for Dover's
future good behaviour — "six very good seamen,
natives and inhabitants, and five of them bachelors."^
The sixth was of course a householder, a circumstance
that made the town's punishment all the severer.
Its effects were less salutary than the Admiralty
had anticipated. True, both Dover and Deal there-
after withdrew their opposition to the press so far as
to admit the gang within their borders ; but they kept
a watchful eye upon its doings, and every now and
then the old spirit flamed out again at white heat,
consuming the bonds of some poor devil who, like
Alexander Hart, freeman of Dover, had been irregu-
larly taken. On this occasion the mayor, backed by
a posse of constables, himself broke open the press-
room door. A similar incident, occurring a little later
in the same year, so incensed Capt. Ball, who aptly
enough was at the time in command of the Nemesis,
that he roundly swore **to impress every seafaring
man in Dover and make them repent of their
impudence."^
Where the magistrate had it most in his power to
make or mar the fugitive sailor's chances was in
connection with the familiar fiction that the English-
man's house is his castle. To hide a sailor was to steal
^ Ad. I. 1696— Capt. Dent, 24 Aug. 1743.
2 Ad. 7. 301— Law Officers' Opinions, 1784-92, No. 44 ; Ad. i. 1507
— Capt. Ball, 15 April 1791.
WHAT THE GANG DID ASHORE 199
the king's chattel — penalty, £s forfeited to the parish ;
and if you were guilty of such a theft, or were with
good reason suspected of being guilty, you found
yourself in much the same case as the ordinary thief
or the receiver of stolen goods. A search warrant
could be sworn out before a magistrate, and your
house ransacked from cellar to garret. Without such
warrant, however, it could not be lawfully entered. In
the heat of pressing forcible entry was nevertheless
not unusual, and many an impress officer found him-
self involved in actions for trespass or damages in
consequence of his own indiscretion or the excessive
zeal of his gang. The defence set up by Lieut. Doyle,
of Dublin, that the '* Panel of the Door was Broke by
Accident," would not go down in a court of law, how-
ever avidly it might be swallowed by the Board of
Admiralty.
More than this. The magistrate was by law
empowered to seize all straggling seamen and lands-
men and hand them over to the gangs for consign-
ment to the fleet. The vagabond, as the unfortunate
tramp of those days was commonly called, had thus a
bad time of it. For him all roads led to Spithead.
The same was true of persons who made themselves
a public nuisance in other ways. By express magis-
terial order many answering to that description
followed Francis Juniper of Cuckfield, **a very
drunken, troublesome fellow, without a coat to his
back," who was sent away lest he should become
"chargeable to the parish." The magistrate in this
way conferred a double benefit upon his country. He
defended it against itself whilst helping it to defend
itself against the French. Still, the latter benefit was
200 THE PRESS-GANG
not always above suspicion. The "ignorant zeal of
simple justices," we are told, often impelled them to
hand over to the gangs men whom "any old woman
could see with half an eye to be properer objects
of pity and charity than fit to serve His Majesty."
" Send your myrmidons," was a form of summons
familiar to every gang officer. As its tone implies,
its source was magisterial, and when the officer re-
ceived it he hastened with his gang to the Petty
Sessions, the Assizes or the prison, and there took
over, as an unearned increment of His Majesty's
fleet, the person of some misdemeanant willing to
exchange bridewell for the briny, or the manacled
body of some convicted felon who preferred to swing
in a hammock at sea rather than on the gallows
ashore.
A strangely assorted crew it was, this overflow of
the jails that clanked slowly seawards, marshalled by
the gang. Reprieves and commutations, if by no
means universal in a confirmed hanging age, were yet
common enough to invest it with an appalling same-
ness that was nevertheless an appalling variety. Able
seamen sentenced for horse-stealing or rioting, town
dwellers raided out of night-houses, impostors who
simulated fits or played the maimed soldier, fishermen
in the illicit brandy and tobacco line, gentlemen of
the road, makers of " flash " notes and false coin,
stealers of sheep, assaulters of women, pickpockets
and murderers in one unmitigated throng went the
way of the fleet and there sank their vices, their
roguery, their crimes and their identity in the number
of a mess.
Boys were in that flock of jail-birds too — youths
WHAT THE GANG DID ASHORE 201
barely in their teens, guilty of such heinous offences
as throwing stones at people who passed in boats upon
the river, or of ** playing during divine service on
Sunday " and remaining impenitent and obdurate
when confronted with all the ''terrific apparatus of
fetters, chains and dark cells" pertaining to a well-
equipped city jail/ The turning over of such young
reprobates to the gang was one of the pleasing duties
of the magistrate.
^ Ad. I. 1534, 1545 — Capt. Barker, i March 1805, 20 Aug. 1809, and
numerous instances.
CHAPTER VlII
AT GRIPS WITH THE GANG
When all avenues of escape were cut off and the
sailor found himself face to face with the gang and
imminent capture, he either surrendered his liberty
at the word of command or staked it on the issue of
a fight.
His choice of the latter alternative was the pro-
verbial turning of the worm, but of a worm that was
no mean adversary. Fear of the gang, supposing
him to entertain any, was thrown to the winds. Fear
of the consequences — the clink, or maybe the gallows
for a last land-fall — which had restrained him in less
critical moments when he had both room to run and
opportunity, sat lightly on him now. In red realism
there flashed through his brain the example of some
doughty sailor, the hero of many an anchor-watch
and forecastle yarn, who had fought the gang to its
last man and yet come off victor. The swift vision
fired his blood and nerved his arm, and under its
obsession he stood up to his would-be captors with
all the dogged pluck for which he was famous when
facing the enemy at sea.
In contests of this description the weapon perhaps
counted for as much as the man who wielded it, and
as its nature depended largely upon circumstances
i
AT GRIPS WITH THE GANG 203
and surroundings, the range of choice was generally
wide enough to please the most elective taste. Press-
ing consequently introduced the gangsman to some
strange weapons.
Trim, the Poole sailor whose capture is narrated
in the foregoing chapter, defended himself with a
red-hot poker. In what may be termed domestic
as opposed to public pressing, the use of this homely
utensil as an impromptu liberty-preserver was not at
all uncommon. Hot or cold, it proved a formidable
weapon in the hands of a determined man, more
especially when, as was at that time very commonly
the case, it belonged to the ponderous cobiron or
knobbed variety.
Another weapon of recognised utility, particularly
in the vicinity of docks, careening-stations and ship-
yards, was the humble tar-mop. Consisting of a
wooden handle some five or six feet in length, though
of no great diameter, terminating in a ball of spun-
yarn forming the actual mop, this implement, when
new, was comparatively harmless. No serious blow
could then be dealt with it ; but once it had been
used for " paying " a vessel's bottom and sides it
underwent a change that rendered it truly formidable.
The ball of ravellings forming the mop became then
thoroughly charged with tar or pitch and dried in
a rough mass scarcely less heavy than lead. In this
condition it was capable of inflicting a terrible blow,
and many were the tussels decided by it. A remark-
able instance of its effective use occurred at Ipswich
in 1703, when a gang from the Solebay, rowing up
the Orwell from Harwich, attempted to press the
men engaged in re-paying a collier. They were
204 THE PRESS-GANG
immediately *' struck down with Pitch-Mopps, to the
great Peril of their Lives." ^
The weapon to which the sailor was most partial,
however, was the familiar capstan-bar. In it, as in
its fellow the handspike, he found a whole armament.
Its availability, whether on shipboard or at the water-
side, its rough-and-ready nature, and above all its
heft and general capacity for dealing a knock-down
blow without inflicting necessarily fatal injuries,
adapted it exactly to the sailor's requirements,
defensive or the reverse. It was with a capstan-bar
that Paul Jones, when hard pressed by a gang on
board his ship at Liverpool, was reputed to have
stretched three of his assailants dead on deck. Every
sailor had heard of that glorious achievement and
applauded it, the killing perhaps grudgingly excepted.
So, too, did he applaud the hardihood of William
Bingham, that far-famed north-country sailor who,
adopting pistols as his weapon, negligently stuck a
brace of them in his belt and walked the streets of
Newcastle in open defiance of the gangs, none of
which durst lay a hand on him till the unlucky day
when, in a moment of criminal carelessness that could
never be forgiven, he left his weapons at home and
was haled to the press-room fighting, all too late,
like a fiend incarnate.
Not to enlarge on the endless variety of chance
weapons, there remained those good old-standers the
musket, the cutlass and the knife, each of which, in
the sailor's grasp, played its part in the rough-and-
tumble of pressing, and played it well. A case in
point, familiar to every seaman, was the last fight
1 Ad. I. 1436— Capt. Aldred, 6 Jan. 1702-3.
AT GRIPS WITH THE GANG 205
put up by that famous Plymouth sailor, Emanuel
Herbert, another fatalist who, like Bingham, believed
in having two strings to his bow. He accordingly
provided himself with both fuzee and hanger, and
with these comforting bed-fellows retired to rest in
an upper chamber of the public-house where he lodged,
easy in the knowledge that whatever happened the
door of his crib commanded the stairs. From this
stronghold the gang invited him to come dow^n. He
returned the compliment by inviting them up, assur-
ing them that he had a warm welcome in store for
the first who should favour him with a visit. The
ambiguity of the invitation appears to have been
thrown away upon the gang, for "three of my
people," says the officer who led them, "rushed up,
and the gun missing fire, he immediately run one of
them through the body with the hanger " — a mode of
welcoming his visitors which resulted in Herbert's
shifting his lodgings to Exeter jail, and in the
wounded man's speedy death.^
Here was a serious contingency indeed ; but what-
ever deterrent effect the fatal issue of this affair, as
of many similar ones, may have had upon the sailor's
use of lethal weapons when attacked by the gang,
that effect was largely, if not altogether, neutralised
by the upshot of the famous Broadfoot case, which,
occurring some sixteen years later, gave the scales
of justice a decided turn in the sailor's favour and
robbed the killing of a gangsman of its only terror,
the shadow of the gallows. The incident in question
opened in Bristol river, with the boarding of a merchant-
man by a tender's gang. As they came over the side
1 Ad, I. 1473— Capt. Brown, 4 July 1727.
206 THE PRESS-GANG
Broadfoot met them, blunderbuss in hand. Being
there to guard the ship, he bade them begone, and
upon their disregarding the order, and closing in upon
him with evident intent to take him, he clapped the
blunderbuss, which was heavily charged with swan-
shot, to his shoulder and let fly into the midst of them.
One of their number, Calahan by name, fell mortally
wounded, and Broadfoot was in due course indicted
for wilful murder.^ How he was found not guilty on
the ground that a warrant directed to the lieutenant
gave the gang no power to take him, and that he
was therefore justified in defending himself, was
well known to every sailor in the kingdom. No
jury thereafter ever found him guilty of a capital
felony if by chance he killed a gangsman in self-
defence. The worst he had to fear was a verdict
of manslaughter — a circumstance that proved highly
inspiriting to him in his frequent scraps with the
gang.
There was another aspect of the case, however,
that came home to the sailor rather more intimately
than the risk of being called upon to " do time "
under conditions scarcely worse than those he habitu-
ally endured at sea. Suppose, instead of his killing
the gangsman, the gangsman killed him ? He re-
called a case he had heard much palaver about. An
able seaman, a perfect Tom Bowling of a fellow,
brought to at an alehouse in the Borough — the old
''Bull's Head" it was — having a mind to lie snug
for a while, 'tween voyages. However, one day,
being three sheets in the wind or thereabouts, he
risked a run and was made a prize of, worse luck, by
^ iVestminster Journal^ 30 April 1743.
AT GRIPS WITH THE GANG 207
a press-gang that engaged him. Their boat lay at
Battle Bridge in the Narrow Passage, and while they
were bearing down upon her, with the sailor-chap in
tow, what should Jack do but out with his knife and
slip it into one of the gangers. 'Twas nothing much,
a waistcoat wound at most, but the ganger resented
the liberty, and swearing that no man should tap his
claret for ni'., he ups with his cudgel and fetches Jack
a clip beside the head that lost him the number of
his mess, for soon after he was discharged dead along
of having his head broke.^
Risks of this sort raised grave issues for the
sailor — issues to be well considered of in those serious
moments that came to the most reckless on the wings
of the wind or the lift of the waves at sea, what time
drink and the gang were remote factors in the problem
of life. But ashore! Ah! that was another matter.
Life ashore was far too crowded, far too sweet for
serious reflections. The absorbing business of pleasure
left little room for thought, and the thoughts that
came to the sailor later, when he had had his fling and
was again afoot in search of a ship, decidedly favoured
the killing of a gangsman, if need be, rather than the
loss of his own life or of a berth. The prevalence of
these sentiments rendered the taking of the sailor a
dangerous business, particularly when he consorted
in bands.
In that part of the west country traversed by the
great roads from Bristol to Liverpool, and having
Stourbridge as its approximate centre, ambulatory
^ Ad. I. i486— Lieut. Slyford, 24 Nov. 1755. "Discharged dead,"
abbreviated to " DD," the regulation entry in the muster books against
the names of persons deceased.
208 THE PRESS-GANG
bands proved very formidable. The presence of the
rendezvous at Stourbridge accounted for this. Sea-
men travelled in strength because they feared it.
Two gangs were stationed there under Capt. Beecher,
and news of the approach of a large party of seamen
from the south having one day been brought in, he
at once made preparations for intercepting them.
Lieut. Barnsley and his gang marched direct to Hoo-
brook, a couple of miles south of Kidderminster, a
point the seamen had perforce to pass. His instruc-
tions were to wait there, picking up in the meantime
such of the sailor party as lagged behind from foot-
soreness or fatigue, till joined by Lieut. Birchall and
the other gang, when the two were to unite forces
and press the main body. Through unforeseen circum-
stances, however, the plan miscarried. Birchall, who
had taken a circuitous route, arrived late, whilst the
band of sailors arrived early. They numbered, more-
over, forty-six as against eleven gangsmen and two
officers. Four to one was a temptation the sailors
could not resist. They attacked the gangs with such
ferocity that out of the thirteen only one man returned
to the rendezvous with a whole skin. Luckily, there
were no casualties on this occasion ; but a few days
later, while two of Barnsley's gangsmen were out on
duty some little distance from the town, they were
suddenly attacked by a couple of sailors, presumably
members of the same band, who left one of them
dead in the road.^
Owing to its close proximity to the Thames, that
remote suburb of eighteenth century London known
as Stepney Fields was much frequented by armed
^ Ad. I. 1501 — Capt. Beecher, 12 July and 4 Aug. 1781.
AT GRIPS WITH THE GANG 209
bands of the above description, who successfully-
resisted all attempts to take them. The master-at-
arms of the Chatham man-o'-war, chancing once to
pass that way, came in for exceedingly rough usage
at their hands, and when next day a lieutenant from
the same ship appeared upon the scene with a gang
at his back and tried to press the ringleaders in that
affair, they "swore by God he should not, and if he
offered to lay hands on them, they would cut him
down." With this threat they drew their cutlasses,
slashed savagely at the lieutenant, and ** made off
through the Mobb which had gathered round them." ^
A spot not many miles distant from Stepney Fields
was the scene of a singular fray many years later.
His Majesty's ship S^mrre / happGn^d at the time to
be lying in Longreach, and her commander, Capt.
Brawn, one day received intelligence that a number
of sailors were to be met with in the town of
Barking. He at once dispatched his ist and 2nd
lieutenants with a contingent of twenty-five men
and several petty officers, to rout them out and take
them. They reached Barking about nine o'clock in
the evening, the month being July, and were not
long in securing several of the skulkers, who with
many of the male inhabitants of the place were at
that hour congregated in public-houses, unsuspicious
of danger. The sudden appearance in their midst
of so large an armed force, however, coupled with the
outcry and confusion inseparable from the pressing of
a number of men, alarmed the townsfolk, who poured
into the streets, rescued the pressed men, and would
have inflicted summary punishment upon the intruders
1 Ad. I. 2579 — Capt. Townshend, 21 April 1743.
210 THE PRESS-GANG
had not the senior officer, seeing his party hopelessly
outnumbered, tactfully drawn off his force. This he
did in good order and without serious hurt ; but just
as he and his men were congratulating themselves
upon their escape, they were suddenly ambushed, at
a point where their road ran between high banks, by
a " large concourse of Irish haymakers, to the number
of at least five hundred men, all armed with sabres^
and pitchforks," who with wild cries and all the
Irishman's native love of a shindy fell upon the un-
fortunate gangsmen and gave them almost severe
beating." 2
Attacks on the gang, made with deliberate intent
to rescue pressed men from its custody, were by no
means confined to Barking. The informer throve in
the land, but notwithstanding his hostile activity the
sailor everywhere had friends who possessed at least
one cardinal virtue. They seldom hung back when
he was in danger, or hesitated to strike a blow in his
defence.
There came into Limehouse Hole, on a certain day
in the summer of 1709, a vessel called the Martin
galley. How many men were in her we do not
learn ; but whatever their number, there was amongst
them one man who had either a special dread of the
press or some more than usually urgent occasion for
wishing to avoid it. Watching his opportunity, he
slipped into one of the galley's boats, sculled her
rapidly to land, and there leapt out — ^just as a press-
gang hove in sight ahead! It was a dramatic
moment. The sailor, tacking at sight of the enemy,
^ So in the original, but " sabres " is perhaps an error for " scythes."
* Ad. I. 1529— Capt. Brawn, 3 July 1803.
AT GRIPS WITH THE GANG 211
ran swiftly along the river-bank, but was almost
immediately overtaken, knocked down, and thrown
into the press-boat, which lay near by. *' This
gather'd a Mob," says the narrator of the incident,
'* who Pelted the Boat and Gang by throwing Stones
and Dirt from the Shoar, and being Pursued also by
the Galley's men, who brought Cutlasses in the Boat
with them to rescue their Prest Man, the Gang
was at last forc'd to betake themselves to a Corn-
lighter, where they might stand upon their Defence.
The Galley's men could not get aboard, but lay with
their Boat along the side of the Lighter, where they
endeavouring to force in, and the Gang to keep them
out, the Boat of a sudden oversett and some of the
Men therein were Drown'd. Three of the Press-
Gane were forc'd likewise into the Water, whereof
'tis said one is Drown'd and the other two in Irons in
the New Prison. The remaining part of the Gang
leapt into a Wherry, the Galley's men pursuing them,
but, not gaining upon them, they gave over the
Pursuit." The pressed man all this while was
laughing in his sleeve. "He lay on the other side of
the Lighter, in the Tender's boat, whence he made
his escape."^
In their efforts to restore the freedom of the
pressed man, the sailor's friends did not confine their
attention exclusively to the gang. When they turned
out in vindication of those rights which the sailor
did not possess, they not infrequently found their
diversion in wrecking the gang's headquarters or in
making a determined, though generally futile, on-
slaught upon the tender. Respectable people, who
^ Ad. I. 1437 — Capt. Aston, lo Aug. 1709.
212 THE PRESS-GANG
had no particular reason to favour the sailor's cause,
viewed these ebullitions of mingled rage and mischief
with dismay, stigmatising those who so lightheartedly
participated in them as the ** lower classes" and the
''mob."
Few towns in the kingdom boasted — or repro-
bated, as the case might be — a more erratically
festive mob than Leith. As far back as 1709 Bailie
Cockburn had advised the inhabitants of that burgh to
"oppose any impressor," and seizing the occasion of
the " Impressure of an Apprentice Boy," had set them
an example by arresting the pinnace of Her Majesty's
ship Rye, together with her whole crew, thirteen in
number, and keeping them in close confinement till
the lad was given up.^ The worthy Bailie was in
due time gathered unto his fathers, and with the
growth of the century gangs came and went in endless
succession, but neither the precept nor the example
was ever forgotten in Leith. Much pressing was
done there, but it was done almost entirely upon the
water. To transfer the scene of action to the strand
meant certain tumult, for there the whim of the mob
was law. Now it pulled the gang-officer's house
about his ears because he dared to press a ship-
wright ; again, it stoned the gang viciously because
they rescued some seamen from a wreck — and kept
them. Between whiles it amused itself by cutting
down the rendezvous flag-staff; and if nothing better
offered, it split up into component parts, each of which
became a greater terror than the whole. One night,
when the watch had been set and all was quiet, a
party of this description, only three in number,
1 Ad. I. 2448— Capt. Shale, 4 Jan. 1708-9.
AT GRIPS WITH THE GANG 213
approached the rendezvous and respectfully requested
leave to drink a last dram with some newly pressed
men who were then in the cage, their quondam
shipmates. Suspecting no ulterior design, the
guard incautiously admitted them, whereupon they
dashed a quantity of spirits on the fire, set the
place in a blaze, and carried off the pressed men amid
the hullabaloo that followed.^
If Leith did this sort of thing well, Greenock, her
commercial rival on the Clyde, did it very much
better ; for where the Leith mob was but a sporadic
thing, erupting from its slummy fastnesses only in
response to rumour of chance amusement to be had
or mischief to be done, Greenock held her mob
always in hand, a perpetual menace to the gangsman
did he dare to disregard the Clydeside ordinance
in respect to pressing. That ordinance restricted
pressing exclusively to the water ; but it went
further, for it laid it down as an inviolable rule
that members of certain trades should not be pressed
at all.
It was with the Trades that the ordinance
originated. There was little or no Greenock
apart from the Trades. The will of the Trades
was supreme. The coopers, carpenters, riggers,
caulkers and seamen of the town ruled the burgh.
Assembled in public meeting, they resolved unani-
mously '* to stand by and support each other" in the
event of a press ; and having come to this decision
they indited a trite letter to the magistrates, intimat-
ing in unequivocal terms that "if they countenanced
^ Ad. I. 1 5 16-9— Letters of Capt. Brenton, 1797-8; Lieut. Pierie,
2 Feb. 1798.
214 THE PRESS-GANG
the press, they must abide by the consequences," for
once the Trades took the matter in hand " they could
not say where they would stop." With the worthy
burgesses laying down the law in this fashion, it is
little wonder that the gangs "seldom dared to press
ashore," or that they should have been able to take
"only two coopers in ten months."
For the Trades were as good as their word. The
moment a case of prohibited pressing became known
they took action. Alexander Weir, member of the
Shipwrights' Society, was taken whilst returning from
his "lawful employ," and immediately his mates, to
the number of between three and four hundred,
downed tools and marched to the rendezvous, where
they peremptorily demanded his release. Have him
they would, and if the gang-officer did not see fit to
comply with their demand, not only should he never
press another man in Greenock, but they would seize
one of the armed vessels in the river, lay her along-
side the tender, where Weir was confined, and take
him out of her by force. Brenton was regulating
captain there at the time, and to pacify the mob he
promised to release the man — and broke his word.
Thereupon the people " became very riotous and
proceeded to burn everything that came in their way.
About twelve o'clock they hauled one of the boats
belonging to the rendezvous upon the Square and
put her into the fire, but by the timely assistance of
the officers and gangs, supported by the magistrates
and a body of the Fencibles, the boat was recovered,
though much damaged, and several of the ringleaders
taken up and sent to prison." The affair did not end
without bloodshed. " Lieut. Harrison, in defending
AT GRIPS WITH THE GANG 215
himself, was under the necessity of running one of
the rioters through the ribs."^
Though Bailie Cockburn once ''arrested" the
pinnace of a man-o'-war at Leith, the attempted
burning of the Greenock press-boat is worthy of more
than passing note as the only instance of that form of
retaliation to be met with in the history of home
pressing. In the American colonies, on the other
hand, it was a common feature of demonstrations
against the gang. Boston was specially notorious for
that form of reprisal, and Governor Shirley, in one of
his masterly dispatches, narrates at length, and with
no little humour, how the mob on one occasion burnt
with great ^clat what they believed to be the press-
boat, only to discover, when it was reduced to ashes,
that it belonged to one of their own ringleaders.^
The threat of the Greenock artificers to lay along-
side the tender and take out their man by force of
arms was one for which there existed abundant, if by
no means encouraging precedent. Long before, as
early, indeed, as 1742, the keelmen frequenting
Sunderland had set them an example in that respect
by endeavouring, some hundreds strong, to haul the
tender ashore — an attempt coupled with threats so
dire that the officer in command trembled in his
shoes lest he and his men should all '' be made
sacrifices of." ^ Nothing so dreadful happened,
however, for the attempt, like that made at Shoreham
a few years later, when there ''appear'd in Sight,
from towards Brighthelmstone, about two or three
^ Ad. I. 1508— Letters of Capt. Brenton, 1793.
2 Ad. I. 3818— Shirley to the Admiralty, i Dec. 1747.
^ Ad. I. 1439— Capt. Allen, 13 March 1741-2.
216 THE PRESS-GANG
Hundred Men arm'd with different Weapons, who
came with an Intent to Attack the Dispatch sloop,"
failed ignominiously, the attackers being routed on
both occasions by a timely use of swivel guns and
musketry.^
Similar disaster overtook the organisers of the
Tooley Street affair, of which one Taylor, lieutenant
to Capt. William Boys of the Royal Sovereign, was
the active cause. At the " Spread-Eagle " in Tooley
Street he and his gang one evening pressed a pri-
vateersman — an insult keenly resented by the master
of the ship. He accordingly sent off to the tender,
whither the pressed man had been conveyed for
security's sake, two wherries filled with armed seamen
of the most piratical type. The fierce fight that
ensued had a dramatic finish. " Two Pistols we took
from them," says the narrator of the incident, in his
quaint old style, "and three Cutlasses, and Six Men ;
but one of the Men took the Red Hott Poker out of
the Fire, and our Men, having the Cutlasses, Cutt
him and Kill'd him in Defence of themselves."^
In attacks of this nature the fact that the tender
was afioat told heavily in her favour, for unless
temporarily hung up upon a mud-bank by the fall of
the tide, she could only be got at by means of boats.
With the rendezvous ashore the case was altogether
different. Here you had a building in a public street,
flaunting its purpose provocatively in your very face,
and having a rear to guard as well as a front. For
these reasons attacks on the rendezvous were generally
attended with a greater measure of success than
1 Ad. I. 1482— Lieut. Barnsley, 25 March 1746.
2 Ad. I. 1488— Lieut. Taylor, i April 1757.
AT GRIPS WITH THE GANG 217
similar attempts directed against the tenders. The
face of a pressed man had only to show itself at one
of the stoutly barred windows, and immediately a
crowd gathered. To the prisoner behind the bars
this crowd was friendly, commiserating or chaffing
him by turns ; but to the gangsmen responsible for
his being there it was invariably and uncompromis-
ingly hostile, so much so that it needed only a
carelessly uttered threat, or a thoughtlessly lifted
hand, to fan the smouldering fires of hatred into a
blaze. When this occurred, as it often did, things
happened. Paving-stones hurtled through the curse-
laden air, the windows flew in fragments, the door,
assailed by overwhelming numbers, crashed in, and
despite the stoutest resistance the gang could offer
the pressed man was hustled out and carried off in
triumph.
The year 1755 witnessed a remarkable attack of
this description upon the rendezvous at Deal, where
a band of twenty-seven armed men made a sudden
descent u' on that obnoxious centre of activity and
cut up the gang most grievously. As all wore masks
and had their faces blackened, identification was out
of the question. A reward of ;^200, offered for proof
of complicity in the outrage, elicited no information,
and as a matter of fact its perpetrators were never
discovered.
In Capt. McCleverty's time the gang at Water-
ford was once very roughly handled whilst taking in
a pressed man, and Mr. Mayor Alcock came hurry-
ing down to learn what was amiss. He found the
rendezvous beset by an angry and dangerous
gathering. '* Sir," said he to the captain, ** have you
218 THE PRESS-GANG
no powder or shot in the house ? " McCleverty
assured him that he had. "Then, sir," cried the
mayor, raising his voice so that all might hear, *'do
you make use of it, and I will support you." The
crowd understood that argument and immediately
dispersed.^
Had the Admiralty reasoned in similar terms
with those who beat its gangsmen, converted its
rendezvous into match-wood and carried off its
pressed men, it would have quickly made itself
as heartily feared as it was already hated ; but in
seeking to shore up an odious cause by pacific
methods it laid its motives open to the gravest
misconstruction. Prudence was construed into timid-
ity, and with every abstention from lead the sailor's
mobbish friends grew more daring and outrageous.
One night in the winter of 1780, whilst Capt.
Worth of the Liverpool rendezvous sat lamenting the
temporary dearth of seamen, Lieut. Haygarth came
rushing in with a rare piece of news. On the road
from Lancaster, it was reported, there was a whole
coach-load of sailors. The chance was too good to
be lost, and instant steps were taken to intercept the
travellers. The gangs turned out, fully armed, and
took up their position at a strategic point, just
outside the town, commanding the road by which the
sailors had to pass. By and by along came the
coach, the horses weary, the occupants nodding or
asleep. In a trice they were surrounded. Some of
the gangsmen sprang at the horses' heads, others
threw themselves upon the drowsy passengers.
Shouts, curses and the thud of blows broke the
1 Ad. I. 1 500— Deposition of Lieut. M'Kellop, 1780.
AT GRIPS WITH THE GANG 219
silence of the night. Then the coach rumbled on
again, empty. Its late occupants, fifteen in number,
sulkily followed on foot, surrounded by their captors,
who, as soon as the town was reached, locked them
into the press-room for the rest of the night, it being
the captain's intention to put them on board the
tender in the Mersey at break of day.
In this, however, he was frustrated by a remark-
able development in the situation. Unknown to him,
the coach-load of seamen had been designed for the
Stag privateer, a vessel just on the point of sailing.
News of their capture reaching the ship soon after
their arrival in the town, Spence, her ist lieutenant,
at once roused out all his available men, armed them,
to the number of eighty, with cutlass and pistol, and
led them ashore. There all was quiet, favouring
their design. The hour was still early, and the
silent, swift march through the deserted streets
attracted no attention and excited no alarm. At the
rendezvous the opposition of the weary sentinels
counted for little. It was quickly brushed aside, the
strong-room door gave way beneath a few well-
directed blows, and by the time Liverpool went to
breakfast the Stag privateer was standing out to sea,
her crew not only complete, but ably supplemented
by eight additional occupants of the press-room who
had never, so far as is known, travelled in that
commodious vehicle, the Lancaster coach. ^
The neighbouring city of Chester in 1803
matched this exploit by another of great audacity.
Chester had long been noted for its hostility to the
gang, and the fact that the local volunteer corps —
^ Ad. 7. 300— Law Officers' Opinions, 1778-83, No. 19.
220 THE PRESS-GANG
the Royal Chester Artillery — was composed mainly
of ropemakers, riggers, shipwrights and sailmakers
who had enlisted for the sole purpose of evading the
press, did not tend to allay existing friction. Hence,
when Capt. Birchall brought over a gang from
Liverpool because he could not form one in Chester
itself, and when he further signalised his arrival by
pressing Daniel Jackson, a well-known volunteer,
matters at once came to an ugly head. The day
happened to be a field-day, and as Birchall crossed
the market square to wait upon the magistrates at
the City Hall, he was *' given to understand what
might be expected in the evening," for one of the
artillerymen, striking his piece, called out to his
fellows : " Now for a running ball ! There he
goes ! " with hissing, booing and execrations. At
seven o'clock one of the gang rushed into the
captains lodgings with disquieting news. The
volunteers were attacking the rendezvous. He
hurried out, but by the time he arrived on the
scene the mischief was already done. The enraged
volunteers, after first driving the gang into the City
Hall, had torn down the rendezvous colours and
staff, and broken open the city jail and rescued their
comrade, whom they were then in the act of carrying
shoulder-high through the streets, the centre of a
howling mob that even the magistrates feared to
face. By request Birchall and his gang returned to
Liverpool, counting themselves lucky to have escaped
the " running ball "they had been threatened with
earlier in the day.^
Another town that gave the gang a hot reception
* Aci. I. 1529 — Capt. Birchall, 29 Dec. 1803.
AT GRIPS WITH THE GANG 221
was Whitby. As in the case of Chester the gang
there was an importation, having been brought in
from Tyneside by Lieuts. Atkinson and Oakes. As
at Chester, too, a place of rendezvous had been
procured with difficulty, for at first no landlord could
be found courageous enough to let a house for so
dangerous a purpose. At length, however, one
Cooper was prevailed upon to take the risk, and the
flag was hung out. This would seem to have been
the only provocative act of which the gang was
guilty. It sufficed. Anticipation did the rest; for just
as in some individuals gratitude consists in a lively
sense of favours to come, so the resentment of mobs
sometimes avenges a wrong before it has been inflicted.
On Saturday the 23rd of February 1793, at the
hour of half-past seven in the evening, a mob of a
thousand persons, of whom many were women,
suddenly appeared before the rendezvous. The first
intimation of what was about to happen came in the
shape of a furious volley of brickbats and stones,
which instantly demolished every window in the
house, to the utter consternation of its inmates.
Worse, however, was in store for them. An
attempt to rush the place was temporarily frustrated
by the determined opposition of the gang, who,
fearing that all in the house would be murdered,
succeeded in holding the mob at bay for an hour and
a half ; but at nine o'clock, several of the gangsmen
having been In the meantime struck down and
incapacitated by stones, which were rained upon the
devoted building without cessation, the door at length
gave way before an onslaught with capstan-bars, and
the mob swarmed in unchecked. A scene of in-
222 THE PRESS-GANG
describable confusion and fury ensued. Savagely
assaulted and mercilessly beaten, the gangsmen and
the unfortunate landlord were thrown into the street
more dead than alive, every article of furniture on
the premises was reduced to fragments, and when the
mob at length drew off, hoarsely jubilant over the
destruction it had wrought, nothing remained of His
Majesty's rendezvous save bare walls and gaping
windows. Even these were more than the townsfolk
could endure the sight of. Next evening they
reappeared upon the scene, intending to finish what
they had begun by pulling the house down or burning
it to ashes ; but the timely arrival of troops frus-
trating their design, they regretfully dispersed.^
Out at sea the sailor, if he could not set the tune
by running away from the gang, played up to it with
great heartiness. To sink the press-boat was his
first aim. With this end in view he held stolidly on
his course, if under weigh, betraying his intention by
no sign till the boat, manoeuvring to get alongside of
him, was in the right position for him to strike.
Then, all of a sudden, he showed his hand. Clapping
his helm hard over, he dexterously ran the boat
down, leaving the struggling gangsmen to make
what shift they could for their lives. Many a knight
of the hanger was sent to Davy Jones in this
summary fashion, unloved in life and cursed in the
article of death.
The attempt to best the gang by a master-stroke
of this description was not, it need hardly be said,
attended with uniform success. A miss of an inch
or two, and the boat was safe astern, pulling like
1 Ad. I. 2739— Lieut. Atkinson, 26 Feb. and 27 June 1793.
AT GRIPS WITH THE GANG 223
mad to recover lost ground. In these circumstances
the sailor recalled how he had once seen a block fall
from aloft and smash a shipmate's head, and from
this he argued that if a suitable object such as a
heavy round-shot, or, better still, the ship's grind-
stone, were deftly dropped over the side at the
psychological moment, it must either have a some-
what similar effect upon the gangsmen below or sink
the boat by knocking a hole in her bottom. The
case of the John and Elizabeth of Sunderland, that
redoubtable Holland pink whose people were ** re-
solved sooner to dye than to be impressed," affords
an admirable example of the successful application of
this theory.
As the John and Elizabeth was running into
Sunderland harbour one afternoon in February
1742, three press-boats, hidden under cover of the
pier-head, suddenly darted out as she surged past
that point and attempted to board her. They met
with a remarkable repulse. For ten minutes, accord-
ing to the official account of the affair, the air was
filled with grindstones, four-pound shot, iron crows,
handspikes, capstan-bars, boat-hooks, billets of wood
and imprecations, and when it cleared there was not
in any of the boats a man who did not bear upon his
person some bloody trace of that terrible fusillade.
They sheered off, but in the excitement of the
moment and the mortification of defeat Midshipmen
Clapp and Danton drew their pistols and fired into
the jeering crew ranged along the vessel's gun whale,
"not knowing," as they afterwards pleaded, *'that
there was any balls in the pistols." Evidence to the
contrary was quickly forthcoming. A man fell dead
224 THE PRESS-GANG
on the pink's deck, and before morning the two
middies were safe under lock and key in that
"dismal hole," Durham jail. It was a notable
victory for the sailor and applied mechanics.^
The affair of the King William Indiaman, a ship
whose people kept the united boats'-crews of two
men-of-war at bay for nearly twenty-four hours,
carried the sailor's resistance to the press an appreci-
able step further and developed some surprising
tactics. Between three and four o'clock in the after-
noon of a day in September 1742, two ships came
into the Downs in close order. They had been
expected earlier in the day, and both the Shrewsbury
frigate and the Shark sloop were on the lookout for
them. A shot from the former brought the headmost
to an anchor, but the second, the King William,
hauled her wind and stood away close to the
Goodwins, out of range of the frigate's guns. Here,
the tide being spent and the wind veering ahead, she
>vas obliged to anchor, and the warships' boats were
at once manned and dispatched to press her men.
Against this eventuality the latter appear to have
been primed " with Dutch courage," as the saying
went, the manner of which was to broach a cask
of rum and drink your fill. On the approach of the
press-boats pandemonium broke loose. The mad-
dened crew, brandishing their cutlasses and shouting
defiance, assailed the on-coming boats with every
description of missile they could lay hands on, not
excepting that most dangerous of all casual am-
munition, broken bottles. The Shrewsbury's mate
fell, seriously wounded, and finding themselves
1 Ad. I. 1439— Capt. Allen, 13 March 1741-2, and enclosure.
AT GRIPS WITH THE GANG 225
unable to face the terrible hail of missiles, the boats
drew off. Night now came on, rendering further
attempts temporarily impossible — a respite of which
the Indiaman's crew availed themselves to confine
the master and break open the arms-chest, which
he had taken the precaution to nail down. With
morning the boats returned to the attack. Three
times they attempted to board, and as often were
they repulsed by pistol and musketry fire. Upon
this the Shark, acting under peremptory orders from
the Shrewsbury, ran down to within half-gunshot of
the Indiaman and fired a broadside into her,
immediately afterwards repeating the dose on finding
her still defiant. The ship then submitted and all
her men were pressed save two. They had been
killed by the Shark's gun-fire.^
With the appearance of the gang on the deck of
his ship there was ushered in the last stage but one
of the sailor's resistance to the press afloat. How,
when this happened, all hands were mustered and
the protected sheep separated from the unprotected
goats, has been fully described in a previous chapter.
These preliminaries at an end, '* Now, my lads," said
the gang officer, addressing the pressable contingent
in the terms of his instructions, " I must tell you that
you are at liberty, if you so choose, to enter His
Majesty's service as volunteers. If you come in in
that way, you will each receive the bounty now being
paid, together with two months' advance wages
before you go to sea. But if you don't choose to enter
volunteerly, then I must take you against your wills "
^ Ad. I. 1829— Capt. Goddard, 22 Sept. and 16 Oct., and his
Deposition, 19 Oct. 1742.
15
226 THE PRESS-GANG
It was a hard saying, and many an old shellback
— ay ! and young one too — spat viciously when he
heard it. Conceive the situation ! Here were these
poor fellows returning from a voyage which perhaps
had cut them off from home and kindred, from all
the ordinary comforts and pleasures of life, for
months or maybe years ; here were they, with the
familiar cliffs and downs under their hungry eyes,
suddenly confronted with an alternative of the cruellest
description, a Hobsons choice that left them no
option but to submit or fight. It was a heartbreak-
ing predicament for men, and more especially for
sailor-men, to be placed in, and if they sometimes
rose to the occasion like men and did their best to
heave the gang bodily into the sea, or to drive them
out of the ship with such weapons as their hard situ-
ation and the sailor's Providence threw in their way —
if they did these things in the gang's despite, they must
surely be judged as outraged husbands, fathers and
lovers rather than as disloyal subjects of an exacting
king. They would have made but sorry man-o'-war's-
men had they entertained the gang in any other way.
Opposed to the service cutlass, the sailor's emer-
gency weapon was but a poor tool to stake his liberty
upon, and even though the numerical odds chanced
to be in his favour he often learnt, in the course of
his pitched battles with the gang, that the edge
of a hanger is sharper than the corresponding part of
a handspike. Lucky for him if, with his shipmates,
he could then retreat to close quarters below or
between decks, there to make a final stand for his
brief spell of liberty ashore. This was his last ditch.
Beyond it lay only surrender or death.
AT GRIPS WITH THE GANG 227
The death of the sailor at the hands of the
gang introduces us to a phase of pressing technically
known as the accidental, wherein the accidents were
of three kinds — casual, unavoidable, and "dis-
agreeable."
The casual accident was one that could be neither
foreseen nor averted, as when Capt. Argles, return-
ing to England on the breaking up of the Limerick
rendezvous in 1814, was captured by an American
privateer "well up the Bristol Channel," a place
where no one ever dreamed of falling in with such
an enemy/
To the unavoidable accident every impress officer
and agent was liable in the execution of his duty. It
could thus be foreseen in the abstract, though not
in the instance. Hence it could not be avoided.
Wounds given and received in the heat and turmoil
of pressing came under this head, provided they did
not prove fatal.
The accident "disagreeable" was peculiar to
pressing. It consisted in the killing of a man, by
whatever means and in whatever manner, whilst en-
deavouring to press him, and the immediate effect of
the act, which w^as common enough, was to set up a
remarkable contradiction in terms. The man killed
was not the victim of the accident. The victim was
the officer or gangsman who was responsible for
striking him off the roll of His Majesty's pressable
subjects, and who thus let himself in for the conse-
quences, more or less disagreeable, which inevitably
followed.
While it was naturally the ambition of every
1 Ad. I. 1455— Capt. Argles, 17 Aug. 1814.
228 THE PRESS-GANG
officer engaged in pressing ** to do the business with-
out any disagreeable accident ensuing," he preferred,
did fate ordain it otherwise, that the accident should
happen at sea rather than on land, since it was on
land that the most disagreeable consequences accrued
to the unfortunate victim. These embraced flight
and prolonged expatriation, or, in the alternative,
arrest, preliminary detention in one of His Majesty's
prisons, and subsequent trial at the Assizes. What
the ultimate punishment might be was a minor,
though still ponderable consideration, since, where
naval officers or agents were concerned, the law was
singularly capricious.^ At sea, on the other hand,
the conditions which on land rendered accidents of
this nature so uniformly disagreeable, were almost
entirely reversed. How and why this was so can be
best explained by stating a case.
The accident in point occurred in the year 1755,
and is associated with the illustrious name of Rodney.
The Seven Years War was at the time looming in
the near future, and England's secret complicity in
the causes of that tremendous struggle rendered
necessary the placing of her Navy upon a footing
adequate to the demands which it was foreseen would
be very shortly made upon it. In common with a
hundred other naval officers, Rodney, who was then
in command of the Prince George guardship at Ports-
mouth, had orders to proceed without loss of time to
the raising of men. One of his lieutenants was ac-
cordingly sent to London, that happy hunting-ground
^ As in Lacie's case, 25 Elizabeth, where a mortal wound having
been inflicted at sea, whereof the party died on land, the prisoner was
acquitted because neither the Admiralty nor a jury could inquire of it.
AT GRIPS WITH THE GANG 229
of the impress officer, while two others, with picked
crews at their backs, were put in charge of tenders to
intercept homeward-bounds. This was near the end
of May.
On the I St of June, in the early morning, one
of these tenders — the Princess Augusta, Lieut. Sax
commander — fell in, off Portland Bill, with the
Britannia^ a Leghorn trader of considerable force.
In response to a shot fired as an intimation that she
was expected to lay-to and receive a gang on board,
the master, hailing, desired permission to retain his
crew intact till he should have passed that dangerous
piece of navigation known as the Race. To this
reasonable request Sax acceded and the ship held on
her course, closely followed by the tender. By the
time the Race was passed, however, the merchant-
man's crew had come to a resolution. They should
not be pressed by *'such a pimping vessel" as the
Princess Augusta. Accordingly, they first deprived
the master of the command, and then, when again
hailed by the tender, ''swore they would lose their
lives sooner than bring too." The Channel at this
time swarmed with tenders, and to Sax's hint that
they might just as well give in then and there as be
pressed later on, they replied with defiant huzzas and
the discharge of one of their maindeck guns. The
tender was immediately laid alongside, but on the
gang's attempting to board they encountered a resis-
tance so fierce that Sax, thinking to bring the infuri-
ated crew to their senses, ordered his people to fire
upon them. Ralph Sturdy and John Debusk, armed
with harpoons, and John Wilson, who had requisi-
tioned the cook's spit as a weapon, fell dead before
230 THE PRESS GANG
that volley. The rest, submitting without further
ado, were at once confined below.
Now, three questions of moment are raised by
this accident: What became of the ship? what was
d^e with the dead men ? and what punishment was
meted out to the lieutenant and his gang ?
The crew once secured under hatches, the safety
of the ship became of course the first consideration.
It was assured by a simple expedient. The gang
remained on board and worked the vessel into Ports-
mouth harbour, where, after her hands had been taken
out — Rodney the receiver — '' men in lieu " were put on
board, as explained in our chapter on pressing afloat,
and with this make-shift crew she was navigated to
her destination, in this instance the port of London.
As persons killed at sea, the three sailors who lay
dead on the ship s deck did not come within the juris-
diction of the coroner. That official's cognisance of
such matters extended only to high-water mark when
the tide was at flood, or to low-water mark when it
was at ebb. Beyond those limits, seawards, all acts
of violence done in great ships, and resulting in may-
hem or the death of a man, fell within the sole pur-
view and jurisdiction of the Station Admiral, who on
this occasion happened to be Sir Edward Hawke,
commander of the White Squadron at Portsmouth.
Now Sir Edward was not less keenly alive to the
importance of keeping such cases hidden from the
public eye than were the Lords Commissioners.
Hence he immediately gave orders that the bodies
of the dead men should be taken "without St.
Helens" and there committed to the deep. Instead
of going to feed the Navy, the three sailors thus went
AT GRIPS WITH THE GANG 231
to feed the fishes, and another stain on the service
was washed out with a commendable absence of pub-
licity and fuss.
There still remained the lieutenant and his gang
to be dealt with and brought to what, by another
singular perversion of terms, was called justice. On
shore, notwithstanding the lenient view taken of such
accidents, an indictment of manslaughter, if not of
murder, would have assuredly followed the offence ;
and though in the circumstances it is doubtful whether
any jury would have found the culprits guilty of the
capital crime, yet the alternative verdict, with its con-
sequent imprisonment and disgrace, held out anything
but a rosy prospect to the young ofificer who had still
his second ''swab" to win. That was where the
advantage of accidents at sea came in. On shore
the judiciary, however kindly disposed to the naval
service, were painfully disinterested. At sea the
scales of justice were held, none too meticulously, by
brother officers who had the service at heart. Under
the judicious direction of Admiral Osborn, who in
the meantime had succeeded Sir Edward Hawke in
the Portsmouth command, Lieut. Sax and his gang
were consequently called upon to face no ordeal more
terrible than an " inquiry into their proceedings and
behaviour." Needless to say, they were unanimously
exonerated, the court holding that the discharge of
their duty fully justified them in the discharge of their
muskets.^ When such disagreeable accidents had to
1 Ad. I. 5925— Minutes at a Court-Martial held on board H.M.S.
Prince George at Portsmouth, 14 Nov. 1755. Precedent for the pro-
cedure in this case is found in Ad. 7. 298— Law Officers' Opinions,
1733-56, No. 27.
232 THE PRESS-GANG
be investigated, the disagreeable business was done —
to purloin an apt phrase of Coke's — ** without prying
into them with eagles' eyes."
But it is time to leave the trail of blood and turn
to a more agreeable phase of pressing.
CHAPTER IX
THE GANG AT PLAY
The reasons assigned for the pressing of men who
ought never to have made the acquaintance of the
warrant or the hanger were often as far-fetched as
they are amusing. "You have no right to press a
person of my distinction ! " warmly protested an
individual of the superior type when pounced upon
by the gang. " Lor love yer ! that's the wery reason
we're a-pressin' of your worship," replied the grinning
minions of the service. "We've such a set of black-
guards aboard the tender yonder, we wants a toff
like you to learn 'em manners."
The quixotic idea of inculcating manners by means
of the press infected others besides the gangsman.
In a Navy whose officers not only plumed themselves
on representing the ne plus ultra of etiquette, but
demanded that all who approached them should do
so without sin either of omission or commission, the
idea was universal. Pride of service and pride of
self entered into its composition in about equal pro-
portions ; hence the sailing-master who neglected to
salute the flag, or who through ignorance, crass
stupidity, or malice aforethought flew prohibited
colours, was no more liable to be taught an ex-
emplary lesson than the bum-boatman who sauced
233
234 THE PRESS-GANG
the officer of the watch when detected in the act of
smuggling spirits or women into one of His Majesty's
ships.
For all such offenders the autocracy of the quarter-
deck, from the rigid commander down to the very
young gentleman newly joined, kept a jealous lookout,
and many are the instances of punishment, swift and
implacable, following the offence. Insulted dignity
could of course take it out of the disrespectful fore-
mastman with the rattan, the cat or the irons ; but
for the ill-mannered outsider, whether pertaining to
sea or land, the recognised corrective was His
Majesty's press. A solitary exception is found in
the case of Henry Crabb of Chatham, a boatman
who rejoiced in incurable lameness ; rejoiced because,
although there were many cripples on board the
Queen's ships in his day, his infirmity was such as
to leave him at liberty to ply for hire '' when other
men durst not for feare of being Imprest." He was
an impudent, over-reaching knave, and Capt. Balchen,
of the Adventure man-o'-war, whose wife had suffered
much from the fellow's abusive tongue and extortion-
ate propensities, finding himself unable to press him,
brought him to the capstan and there gave him
"eleven lashes with a Catt of Nine Tailes."^
A letter written in the early forties — a letter as
breezy as the sea from which it was penned — gives
us a striking picture of the old-time naval officer as
a teacher of deportment. Cruising far down-Channel,
Capt. Brett, of the Anglesea man-o'-war, there fell
in with a ship whose character puzzled him sorely.
He consequently gave chase, but the wind falling light
^ Ad. I. 1466 — Capt. Balchen, 10 March 1703-4.
THE GANG AT PLAY 235
and night coming on, he lost her. Early next morning,
as luck would have it, he picked her up again, and
having now a " pretty breeze," he succeeded in drawing
within range of her about two o'clock in the after-
noon, when he fired a shot to bring her to. The
strange sail doubtless feared that she was about to
lose her hands, for instead of obeying the summons
she trained her stern-chasers on the Anglesea and
for an hour and a half blazed away at her as fast
as she could load. "They put a large marlinespike
into one of their guns," the indignant captain tells
us, " which struck the carriage of the chase gun upon
our forecastle, dented it near two inches, then broke
asunder and wounded one of the men in the leg, and
had it come a yard higher, must infallibly have killed
two or three. By all this behaviour I concluded she
must be an English vessel taken by the Spaniards.
However, when we came within a cable's length of
him he brought to, so we run close under his stern
in order to shoot a little berth to leeward of him, and
at the same time bid them hoist their boats out. Our
people, as is customary upon such occasions, were
then all up upon the gunhill and in the shrouds,
looking at him. Just as we came under his quarter
he pointed a gun that was sticking out a little abaft
his main-shrouds right at us, and put the match to it,
but it happened very luckily that the gun blew. A
fellow that was standing on the quarter-deck then
took up a blunderbuss and presented it, which by its
not going off must have missed fire. As it was almost
impossible, they being stripp'd and bareheaded, besides
having their faces besmeared with powder, for us to
judge them by their looks, I concluded they must be
236 THE PRESS-GANG
a Parcell of Light-headed Frenchmen run mad, and
thinking it by no means prudent to let them kill my
men in such a ridiculous manner, I ordered the
marines, who were standing upon the quarter-deck
with their musquets shoulder'd, to fire upon them.
As soon as they saw the musquets presented they fell
flat upon the decks and by that means saved them-
selves from being kill'd. Some of our people at the
same time fired a 9-pounder right into his quarter,
upon which they immediately submitted. I own I
never was more surprised in all my life to find that
she was an English vessel, tho' my surprise was
lessened a good deal when I came to see the master
and all his fighting men so drunk as to be scarce
capable of giving a rational answer to any question
that was asked them. I was very glad to find that
none of them were hurt ; but I found out the man
who presented the blunderbuss, and upon his behaving
saucily when I taxed him with it, I took him out of
the vessel''^
So abhorrent a condiment was " sauce " to the
naval palate, whether of officer or impress agent, that
its use invariably brought its own punishment with
it. " You are no gentleman ! " said Gangsman Dibell
to one Hartnell, a currier who accidentally jostled
him whilst he was drinking in a Poole taproom.
"No, nor you neither!" replied Hartnell. The
retort cost him a most disagreeable experience.
Dibell and his comrades collared him and dragged
'^ Ad. I. 1479 — Capt. Brett, 17 April 1743. The captain's use of
gender is philologically instructive. Not till later times, it seems, did
ships lose the character of a " strong man armed " and take on, uni-
formly, the attributes of the skittish female.
• • • «•
THE GANG AT PLAY 237
him off to the rendezvous, where he was locked up
in the black-hole till the next day.^
At Waterford Capt. Price went one better than
this, for a man who was totally unfit for the service
having one day shown him some trifling disrespect,
the choleric old martinet promptly set the gang upon
him and had him conveyed on board the tender,
" where," says Lieut. Collingwood, writing a month
later, **he has been eating the king's victuals ever
since." ^ Punishment enough, surely !
One night at Londonderry, as Lieut. Watson was
making his way down to the quay for the purpose of
boarding the Hope tender, of which he was com-
mander, he accidentally ran against a couple of
strangers.
"Hallo! my lads," cried he, ''who and what
are you.^*"
" I am what I am," replied one of them, insolently.
The lieutenant, who had been dining, fired up
at this and demanded to know if language such as
that was proper to be addressed to a king's officer.
'' As you please," said he of the insolent tongue.
*' If you like it better, I'll say I'm a piece of a man."
'' So I see by your want of manners," retorted the
lieutenant. " Come along with me, my brave piece !
I know those who will make a whole man of you
before they're done."
With that he seized the fellow, meaning to take
him to his boat, which lay near by, but the pressed
man, watching his chance, tripped him up and made
^ Ad. I. 580 — Inquiry into the Conduct of the Impress Officers at
Poole, 13 Aug. 1804.
2 Ad. I. 1 501— Lieut. Collingwood, i8 March 1781.
238 THE PRESS-GANG
off. Next day there was a sequel. The lieutenant
** was taken possession of by the Civil Power " on
a charge of assault.^
Another officer who met with base ingratitude
from a pressed man whose manners he attempted
to reform was Capt. Bethel of the Phoenix. At the
Nore he was once grossly abused by the crew of a
Customs-House boat, and in retaliation took one of
their number and carried him to sea. Peremptory
orders reaching him at one of the Scottish ports,
however, he discharged the man and paid his passage
south. He was immediately sued for false imprison-
ment and cast in heavy damages.^
Capt. Brereton, of the Falmouth, was *'had" in
similar fashion by the master of an East-Indiaman
whom he pressed at Manilla because of his insolence,
and who afterwards, by a successful suit at law, let
him in for ;^400 damages and costs.^
This was turning the tables of etiquette on its
professors with a vengeance.
Such costly lessons in the art of politeness, how-
ever, did not in the least abash the naval officer or
deter him from the continued inculcation of manners.
Young fellows idly roystering on the river could not
be permitted to miscall with impunity the gorgeous
admiral passing in his twelve-oared barge,^ nor irate
shipmasters who flouted the impress' service of the
Crown as a ** pitiful" thing and its officers as ''little
scandalous creatures," be allowed to go scot-free.^
^ Ad.i
''Ad. I
^ Ad. I
^ Ad. I
1 531 — Lieut. Watson, 27 Oct. 1804.
1493— Capt. Bethel, 29 Aug. 1762.
1494 — Capt. Brereton, 18 Oct. 1765.
577 — Admiral the Marquis of Carmarthen, 24 June 17 10,
2379 — Capt. Robinson, 21 Feb. 1725-6.
THE GANG AT PLAY 239
At whatever cost, the dignity of the service must be
maintained.
Nowhere did the use of invective attain such
extraordinary perfection as amongst those who plied
their vocations on the country's busy waterways.
Here "sauce" was reduced to a science and vitu-
peration to a fine art. Thames watermen and Tyne
keelmen in particular acquired an astounding pro-
ficiency in the choice and application of abusive
epithets, but of the two the keelman carried off the
palm. The wherryman, it is true, possessed a ripe
vocabulary, but the fact that it embraced only a
single dialect seriously handicapped him in his race
with the keelman, who had no less than three to
draw upon, all equally prolific. Between *'keelish,"
**coblish" and " sheelish," the respective dialects
of the north-country keelman, pilot and trades-
man, he had at his command a source of supply
unrivalled in vituperative richness, abundance and
variety. With these at his tongue's end none could
touch, much less outdo him in power and scope of
abusive description. He became in consequence of
these superior advantages so " insupportably im-
pudent " that the only known cure for his complaint
was to follow the prescription of Capt. Atkins of
the Panther, and ** take him as fast as you could
ketch him " ; ^ but even this drastic method of curbing
his tongue was robbed of much of its efficacy by the
jealous care with which he was ''protected."
Failure to amain, that is, to douse your topsail or
dip your colours when you meet with a ship of war
— the marine equivalent for raising one's hat — con-
1 Ad, I. 1438— Capt. Atkins, 23 Dec. 1720.
240 THE PRESS-GANG
stituted a gross contempt of the king's service. The
custom was very ancient, King John having instituted
it in the second year of his reign. At that time, and
indeed for long after, the salute was obligatory, its
omission entailing heavy penalties ; ^ but with the
advent of the century of pressing another means of
inspiring respect for the flag, now exacted as a courtesy
rather than a right, came into vogue. The offending
vessel paid for its omission in men.
If you were anything but a king's ship, and flew
a flag that only king's ships were entitled to fly, you
were guilty, in the eyes of every right-seeing naval
officer, of another piece of ill manners so gross as
to be deserving of the severest punishment the press
was capable of inflicting upon you. You might fly
the " flag and Jack white, with a red cross (commonly
called St. George's cross) passing quite through the
same"; likewise the ''ensign red, with the cross in
a canton of white at the upper corner thereof, next
to the staff" ; but if you presumed to display His
Majesty's Jack, commonly called the Union Jack, or
any other of the various flags of command flown by
ships of war or vessels employed in the naval service,
swift retribution overtook you. Similarly, the in-
advertent hoisting of your colours " wrong end
uppermost," or in any other manner deemed incon-
sistent with the dignity of the service which permitted
you to fly them, laid you open to reprisals of the most
^ A copy of the original proclamation may be seen in Lansdowne
MSS,, clxxi, f. 218, where it is also summarised in the following
terms : ^^ Anno 2 regni Johannis regis: F rends not amaining at the
j sumons but resisting the King his lieutenant^ the L. Admirall or
his lieutenant^ to lose the ship and goods, 62 theire bodies to be
imprisoned,"
THE GANG AT PLAY 241
summary nature. Before you realised the helnousness
of your offence, a gang boarded you and your best
man or men were gone beyond recall. The joy of
waterside weddings — occasions prolific in the display
of wrong colours — was often turned into sorrow in
this way.
Inability to do the things you professed to do
involved grave risk of making intimate acquaintance
with the gang. If, for example, you were a skipper
and navigated your vessel more like a 'prentice than
a master hand, some one belonging to you was bound,
in waters swarming with ships of war, to pay the
piper sooner or later. " A few days ago," writes
Capt. Archer of the Isis, "a ship called the Jane,
Stewart master, ran on board of us in a most lubberly
manner — for which, as is customary on such occasions,
I took four of his people." ^
Ability to handle a musical instrument sometimes
proved as fatal to one's liberty as inability to handle
a ship. Queen Anne was directly responsible for this.
Almost immediately after her accession she signed
a warrant authorising the pressing of "drummers, fife
and haut boys for sea and land."^ Though the
authorisation was only temporary, the practice thus
set up continued long after its origin had been
relegated to the scrap-heap of memory, and not only
continued, but was interpreted in a sense much broader
than its royal originator ever intended it should be.
This tendency to take an ell in lieu of the stipulated
inch was illustrated as early as 1705, when Lieut.
Thomson, belonging to the Lichfield, chancing to
^ Ad. I. 1448— Capt. Archer, 17 May 1795.
* Home Office Military Entry Books, clxviii, f. 406.
16
242 THE PRESS-GANG
meet one Richard Bullard, fiddler, "persuaded him to
go as far as Woolwich with him, to play a tune or
two to him and some friends who had a mind to dance,
saying he would pay him for it " — which he did, when
tired of dancing, by handing him over to the press-
gang.'
In 1 78 1, again, a ''stout lad of 1 7 " was pressed
at Waterford because, as a piper, he was considered
likely to be ** useful in amusing the new-raised men " ; ^
and as late as 1807 a gang at Portsmouth, acting
under orders from Capt. Sir Robert Bromley, took
one Madden, a blind man, because of his "qualification
of playing on the Irish bagpipes." His affliction
saved him. He was discharged, and the amount of
his pay and victualling was deducted from Sir Robert's
wages as a caution to him to be more careful in
future.*
Perhaps the oddest reasons ever adduced in justi-
fication of specific acts of pressing were those put
forward in the cases of James Daily, a Gosport ferry-
man who was pressed on account of his " great
inactivity," and of John Conyear, exempt passenger
on the packet-boat plying between Dartmouth and
Poole, subjected to the same process because, as the
officer responsible ingenuously put it when called to
book for the act, if Conyear had not been on board,
** another would, who might have been a proper person
to serve His Majesty."'^
An ironical interest attaches to the pressing of
1 Ad. I. 1467— Capt. Byron, 13 July 1705.
2 Ad. I. 1 501 — Lieut. Collingwood, 18 March 1781.
3 Ad. I. 1544— Capt. Sir Robert Bromley, 2 Dec. 1808.
* Ad. I. 145 1— Capt. Argles, 4 May 1807 ; Ad. i. 2485— Capt. Scott,
13 March 1780.
THE GANG AT PLAY 243
John Hagin, a youth of nineteen who cherished an
ambition to go a-whaling. Tramping the riverside at
Hull one day in search of a ship, he accidentally met
one of the lieutenants employed in the local impress
service, and mistaking him for the master of a Green-
land ship, stepped up to him and asked him for a berth.
** Berth?" said the obliging officer. "Come this
way ; " and he conducted the unsuspecting youth to the
rendezvous.^
Before you took a voyage for the benefit of your
health in those days it was always advisable to satisfy
yourself as to the nature of the cargo the vessel carried
or intended to carry, otherwise you were liable to be
let in for a longer voyage than health demanded.
Richard Gooding of Bawdsey, in the county of Suffolk,
a twenty-one-year-old yeoman who knew nothing of
the iniquities practised in ships, in an evil hour acted
on the advice of his apothecary and ran across to
Holland for the sake of his health, which the infirmities
of youth appear to have undermined. All went well
until, on the return trip, just before Bawdsey Ferry
hove in sight, down swooped a revenue cutter's boat
with an urgent request that the master should open up
his hatches and disclose what his hold contained.
He demurred, alleging that it held nothing of interest
to revenue men ; but on their going below to see for
themselves they discovered an appreciable quantity of
gin. Thereupon the master wickedly declared Gooding
to be the culprit, and he was pressed on suspicion of
attempting to run a cargo of spirits.^
Into the operations of the gang this element of
1 Ad. I. 1455— Capt. Ackton, 23 March 18 14.
^ Ad. I. 1530— Capt. Broughton, 20 April 1803, and enclosure.
244 THE PRESS-GANG
suspicion entered very largely, especially in the press-
ing of supposed sailors. To carry about on your
person any of the well-known marks of the seafaring
man was to invite certain disaster. When pressed, like
so many others, because he was " in appearance very
much like a sailor," John Teede protested vehemently
that he had never been to sea in his life, and that all who
said he had were unmitigated liars. ''Strip him,"
said the officer, who had a short way with such cases.
In a twinkling Teede's shirt was over his head and
the sailor stood revealed. Devices emblematic of
love and the sea covered both arms from shoulder
to wrist. '* You and I will lovers die, eh ? " said the
officer, with a twinkle, as he spelt out one of the
amatory inscriptions. *'Just so, John! I'll see to
that. Next man ! " ^
Bow-legged men ran the gravest of risks in this
respect, and the goose of many a tailor was effectually
cooked because of the damning fact, which no pro-
testations of innocence of the sea could mitigate, that
long confinement to the board had warped his legs
into a fatal resemblance to those of a typical Jack-tar.
Harwich once had a mayor who, after vowing that he
would "never be guilty of saying there was no law
for pressing sailors," as a convincing proof that he
knew what was what, and was willing to provide it
to the best of his ability, straightway sent out and
pressed — a tailor ! ^
The itinerant Jewish peddler who hawked his
wares about the country suffered grievously on this
^ Ad. I. 1522— Description of a Person calling himself John Teede,
28 Dec. 1799.
* Ad I. 1436— Capt. Allen, 26 March 1706.
THE GANG AT PLAY 245
account. However indisputably Hebraic his name,
his accent and his nose might be, those evidences of
nationality were Anglicised, so to speak, by the fact
that his legs were the legs of a sailor, and the bandy
appendages so characteristic of his race sooner or
later brought the gang down upon him in full cry and
landed him in the fleet.
In the year 1780 the fishing town of Cromer was
thrown into a state of acute excitement by the
behaviour of a casual stranger — a great, bearded man
of foreign aspect who, taking a lodging in the place,
resorted daily to the beach, where he walked the sands
''at low water mark," now writing with great assiduity
in a book, again gesticulating wildly to the sea and
the cliffs, whence the suspicious townsfolk, then all
unused to "visitors" and their eccentricities, watched
his antics in wonder and consternation. The principal
inhabitants of the place, alarmed by his vagaries, con-
stituted themselves a committee of safety, and with the
parson at their head went down to interview him ; and
when, in response to their none too polite inquiries,
he flatly refused to give any account of himself, they
by common consent voted him a spy and a public
menace, telling each other that he was undoubtedly
engaged in drawing plans of the coast in order to
facilitate the landing of some enemy ; for did not
the legend run : —
" He who would Old England win,
Must at Weybourn Hope begin?"
and was not the " Hoop," as it was called locally,
only a few miles to the northward ? No time was to
be lost. Post-haste they dispatched a messenger to
246 THE PRESS GANG
Lieut. Brace at Yarmouth, begging him, if he would
save his country from imminent danger, to lose not a
moment in sending his gang to seize the suspect and
nip his fell design in the bud. With this alarming
request Brace promptly complied, and the stranger
was dragged away to Yarmouth. Arraigned before
the mayor, he with difficulty succeeded in convincing
that functionary that he was nothing more dangerous
than a stray agriculturist whom the Empress Catherine
had sent over from Russia to study the English
method of growing — turnips ! ^
The unhandsome treatment meted out to the
inoffensive Russian is of a piece with the whole aspect
of pressing by instigation, of which it is at once a
specimen and a phase. The incentive here was
suspicion ; but in the fertile field of instigation
motives flourished in forms as varied as the weak-
nesses of human nature.
Thomas Onions, respectable burgess of Bridg-
north, engaged in working a trow from that place
to Bristol, fell under suspicion owing to the mysterious
disappearance of a portion of the cargo, which con-
sisted of china. The rest of the crew being meta-
phorically as well as literally in the same boat, the
consignee's agent, on the trow's arrival at Bristol,
hinted at a more than alliterative connection between
china and chests, which he was proceeding to search
when Onions objected, very righdy urging that he
had no warrant. '* Is it a warrant you're wanting ? "
demanded the baffled agent. '' Very well, we'll see if
we cannot find one." With that he stepped ashore and
hurried to the rendezvous, where he knew the officers,
^ State Papers^ Russia^ cv. — Lieut. Brace, i8 Aug. 1780.
THE GANG AT PLAY 247
and within the hour the gang added Onions to the
impress stock-pot.^
Much the same motive led to the pressing of
Charles M 'Donald, a north-country youth of education
and property. His mother wished him to enter the
army, but his guardians, piqued by her insistence,
" had him kidnapped on board the impress tender at
Shields, under pretence of sending him on a visit." ^
An '* independent fortune of fourteen hundred
pounds," bequeathed to him by his " Aunt Elizabeth,"
was instrumental in launching John Stillwell of
Clerkenwell upon a similar career. His step-mother
and uncle desired to retain possession of the money,
of which they were trustees ; so they suborned the
gang and the young man disappeared.^
A more legitimate pastime of the gang was the
pressing of incorrigible sons. George Clark of
Birmingham and William Barnicle of Margate, the
one a notorious thief, the other the despair of his
family because of his drunken habits, were two out of
many shipped abroad by this cheap but effectual
means, the instigator of the gang being in each case
the lad's own father.* The distracting problem,
" What to do with our sons ? " was in this way
amazingly simplified.
In thus utilising the gang as a means of retaliating
upon those who incurred their displeasure, both naval
officers and private individuals, had they been arraigned
^ Ad. I. 1542 — Memorial of the Inhabitants and Burgesses of
Bridgnorth, 12 March 1808.
^ Ad. I. 1537 — Capt. Bland, 29 Nov. 1806, and enclosure.
^ Ad. I. 1539 — Capt. Burton, 25 April 1806, and enclosure.
^ Ad. I. 1537— Jeremiah Clark, 30 July 1806; Ad. i. 1547— Lieut.
Dawe, 4 Sept. 1809.
248 THE PRESS GANG
for the offence, could have pleaded in justification of
their conduct the example of no less exalted a body
than the Admiralty itself. The case of the bachelor
seamen of Dover, pressed because of an official animus
against that town, was as notorious as their Lordships'
futile attempt to teach the Brighton fishermen respect
for their betters, or their later orders to Capt. Culver-
house, of the Liverpool rendezvous, instructing him
** to take all opportunities of impressing seafaring men
belonging to the Isle of Man," as a punishment for
the "extreme ill-conduct of the people of that Island
to His Majesty's Officers on the Impress Service." ^
The Admiralty method of paying out anyone against
whom you cherished a grudge possessed advantages
which strongly commended it to the splenetic and the
vindictive. For suppose you lay in wait for your
enemy and beat or otherwise maltreated him : the
chances were that he would either punish you himself
or invoke the law to do it for him ; while if you
removed him by means of the garrot, the knife or the
poisoned glass, no matter how discreetly the deed was
done the hangman was pretty sure to get you sooner
or later. But the gang — it was as safe as an epidemic !
The fact was not lost upon the community. People
in almost every station of life appreciated it at its
true worth, and, encouraged by the example of the
Admiralty, availed themselves of the gang as the
handiest, speediest and safest of mediums for wiping
out old scores.
On shipboard, where life was more cramped and
men consequently came into sharper contact than
on shore, resentments were struck from daily inter-
^ Ad. 3. 148— Admiralty Minutes, 11 Oct. 1803.
THE GANG AT PLAY 249
course like sparks from steel. Like sparks some
died, impotent to harm their object ; but others,
cherished in bitterness of spirit through many a lonely
watch, flashed into malicious action with that hoped-
for opportunity, the coming of the gang. John Gray,
carpenter of a merchant ship, in a moment of anger
threatened to cut the skipper down with an axe.
This happened under a West-Indian sun. Months
afterwards, as the ship swung lazily into Bristol river
and the gang came aboard, the skipper found his
opportunity. Beckoning to the impress officer, he
pointed to John Gray and said : *' Take that man ! " ^
Gray never again lifted an axe on board a merchant
vessel.
Certain amenities which once passed between the
master and the mate of the Lady Shore serve to
throw an even broader light upon the origin of quarrels
at sea and the methods of settling them then in vogue.
The Lady Shore was on the passage home from
Quebec when the master one day gave certain sailing
directions which the mate, who was a sober, careful
seaman, thought fit to disregard on the ground that
the safety of the ship would be endangered if he
followed them. The master, an irascible, drunken
brute, at this flew into a passion and sought to ingraft
his ideas of seamanship upon the mate through the
medium of a handspike, with which he caught him a
savage blow *'just above the eye, cutting him about
three inches in length." It was in mid-ocean that
this lesson in navigation was administered. By the
time Scilly shoved its nose above the horizon the
skipper's "down" on the mate had reached an
^ Ad, I. 1542— Capt. Barker, 22 June 1808, and enclosure.
250 THE PRESS-GANG
acute stage. His resentment of the latter's being the
better seaman had now deepened into hatred, and
to this, as the voyage neared its end, was added
growing fear of prosecution. At this juncture a
man-o'-war hove in sight and signalled an inspection
of hands. " Get your chest on deck, Mr. Mate,"
cried the exultant skipper. "You are too much
master here. It is time for us to part." Taken out
of the ship as a pressed man, the mate was ultimately
discharged by order of the Admiralty ; but the
skipper had his revenge.^
A riot that occurred at King's Lynn in the year
'55 affords a striking instance of the retaliatory use
of the gang on shore. In the course of the disturb-
ance mud and stones were thrown at the magistrates,
who had come out to do what they could to quell it.
Angered by so gross an indignity, they supplied the
gang with information that led to the pressing of
some sixty persons concerned in the tumult, but as
these consisted mainly of ''vagrants, gipsies, parish
charges, maimed, halt and idiots," the magisterial
resentment caused greater rejoicings at Lynn than it
did at Spithead, where the sweepings of the borough
were eventually deposited.^
There is a decided smack of the modern about the
use the gang was put to by the journeymen coopers
of Bristol. Considering themselves underpaid, they
threatened to go on strike unless the masters raised
their wages. I n this they were not entirely unanimous,
however. One of their number stood out, refusing to
join the combine ; whereupon the rest summoned the
^ Ad. I. 583— Matthew Gill to Admiral Moorsom, 15 Jan. 1813.
* Ad. I. 920— Admiral Sir Edward Hawke, 8 June 1755.
THE GANG AT PLAY 251
gang and had the ''blackleg" pressed for his con-
tumacy.^
In pressing William Taylor of Broadstairs the
gang nipped in the bud as tender a romance as ever
flourished in the shelter of the Kentish cliffs, which
is saying not a little. Taylor was only a poor fisher-
man, and when he dared to make love to the pretty
daughter of the Ramsgate Harbour-Master, that
exalted individual, who entertained for the girl social
ambitions in which fishermen's shacks had no place,
resented his advances as insufferable impertinence.
A word to Lieut. Leary, his friend at the local
rendezvous, did the rest. Taylor disappeared, and
thoucrh he was afterwards discharo^ed from His
Majesty's ship Utrecht on the score of his holding a
Sea-Fencible's ticket, the remedy had worked its cure
and the Harbour-Master was thenceforth free to
marry his daughter where he would.^
So natural is the transition from love to hate that
no apology is needed for introducing here the story
of Sam Burrows, the ex-beadle of Chester who fell
a victim to the harsher in much the same manner as
Taylor did to the gentler passion. Burrows' evil
genius was one Rev. Lucius Carey, an Irish clergy-
man— whether Anglican or Roman we know not, nor
does it matter — who had contracted the unclerical
habit of carrying pistols and too much liquor. In this
condition he was found late one night knocking in a
very violent manner at the door of the *' Pied Bull,"
and swearing that, while none should keep him out,
any who refused to assist him in breaking in should
^ Ad. I. 1542 — Capt. Barker, 20 Aug. 1808, and enclosure.
2 jid j_ 1450— Capt. Austen, 23 Sept. 1803.
252 THE PRESS GANG
be shot down forthwith. Burrows, the ex-beadle,
happened to be passing at the moment. He seized
the drunken cleric and with the assistance of James
Howell, one of the city watchmen, forcibly removed
him to the watch-house, whence he was next day
taken before the mayor and bound over to appear
at the Sessions. Now it happened that certain
members of the local press-gang were Carey's boon
companions, so no sooner did he leave the presence
of the mayor than he looked them up. That same
evening Burrows was missing. Carey had found him
a "hard bed," otherwise a berth on board a man-
o'-war.^
In the columns of the Westminster J ou7'nal, under
date of loth May 1743, we read of a sailor who,
dying at Ringsend, was brought to Irishtown church-
yard, near Dublin, for burial. "When they laid
him on the ground," the narrative continues, "the
coffin was observed to stir, on which he was taken
up, and by giving him some nourishment he came to
himself, and is likely to do well." Whether this
sailor was ever pressed, either before or after his
abortive decease, we are not informed ; but there is
on record at least one well-authenticated instance of
that calamity overtaking a person who had passed
the bourne whence none is supposed to return.
In the year 1723 a young lad whose name has
not been preserved, but who was at the time ap-
prentice to a master sailmaker in London, set out
from that city to visit his people, living at Sandwich.
He appears to have travelled afoot, for, getting a
"lift" on the road, he was carried into Deal, where
1 Ad. I. 1532— Capt Birchall, 17 July 1804, and enclosures.
THE GANG AT PLAY 253
he arrived late at night, and having no money was
glad to share a bed with a seafaring man, the boat-
swain of an Indiaman then in the Downs. From this
circumstance sprang the events which here follow.
Along in the small hours of the night the lad
awoke, and finding the room stuffy and day on the
point of breaking, he rose and dressed, purposing to
see the town in the cool of the morning. The catch
of the door, however, refused to yield under his hand,
and while he was endeavouring to undo it the noise
he made awakened the boatswain, who told him that
if he looked in his breeches pocket he would find a
knife there with which he could lift the latch. Acting
on this hint, the lad succeeded in opening the door,
and thereupon went downstairs in accordance with
his original intention. When he returned some half-
hour later, as he did for the purpose of restoring the
knife, which he had thoughtlessly slipped into his
pocket, the bed was empty and the boatswain gone.
Of this he thought nothing. The boatswain had
talked, he remembered, of going off to his ship at
an early hour, in order, as he had said, to call the
hands for the washing down of the decks. The lad
accordingly left the house and went his way to Sand-
wich, where, as already stated, his people lived.
Meantime the old inn at Deal, and indeed the
whole town, was thrown into a state of violent com-
motion by a most shocking discovery. Going about
their morning duties at the inn, the maids had come
to the bed in which the boatswain and the apprentice
had slept, and to their horror found it saturated with
blood. Drops of blood, together with marks of
blood-stained hands and feet, were further discovered
254 THE PRESS-GANG
on the floor and the door of the chamber, down the
stairs, and along the passage leading to the street,
whence they could be distinctly traced to the water-
side, not so very far away. Imagination, working
upon these ghastly survivals of the hours of darkness,
quickly reconstructed the crime which it was evident
had been committed. The boatswain was known to
have had money on him ; but the youth, it was re-
called, had begged his bed. It was therefore plain
to the meanest understanding that the youth had
murdered the boatswain for his money and thrown
the body into the sea.
At once that terrible precursor of judgment to
come, the hue and cry was raised, and that night the
footsore apprentice lay in Sandwich jail, a more than
suspected felon, for his speedy capture had supplied
what was taken to be conclusive evidence of his gfuilt.
In his pocket they discovered the boatswain's knife,
and both it and the lad's clothing were stained with
blood. Asked whose blood it was, and how it came
there, he made no answer. Asked was it the boat-
swain's knife, he answered, **Yes, it was," and
therewith held his peace. In face of such evidence,
and such an admission, he stood prejudged. His
trial at the Assizes was a mere formality. The jury
quickly found him guilty, and sentence of death was
passed upon him.
The day of execution came. Up to this point
Fate had set her face steadfastly against our apprentice
lad ; but now, in the very hour and article of death,
she suddenly relented and smiled upon him. The
dislocating "drop" was in those days unknown.
When you were hanged, you were hanged from a
THE GANG AT PLAY 255
cart, which was suddenly whisked from under you,
leaving you dangling in mid-air like a kind of death-
fruit nearly, but not quite, ready to fall. Much de-
pended on the executioner, and that grim functionary
was in this case a raw hand, unused to his work, who
bungled the job. The knot was ill-adjusted, the rope
too long, the convict tall and lank. This last circum-
stance was no fault of the executioner's, but it helped.
When they turned him off, the lad's feet swept the
ground, and his friends, gathering round him like
guardian angels, bore him up. Cut down at the end
of a tense half-hour, he was hurried away to a
surgeon's and there copiously bled. And being young
and virile, he revived.
Trudging to Portsmouth some little time after,
with the intention of for ever leaving a country to
which he was legally dead, he fell in with one of the
numerous press-gangs frequenting that road, and was
sent on board a man-o'-war. There, in course of time,
he rose to be master's mate, and in that capacity,
whilst on the West-India station, was transferred to
another ship. On this ship he met the surprise of
his life — if life can be said to hold further surprises
for one who has died and lived again. As he stepped
on deck the first person he met was his old bed-
fellow, the boatswain.
The explanation of the amazing series of events
which led up to this amazing meeting is very simple.
On the evening of that fateful night at Deal the boat-
swain, who had been ailing, was let blood. In his
sleep the bandage slipped and the wound reopened.
Discovering his condition when awakened by the
apprentice, he rose and left the house, intending to
256 THE PRESS-GANG
have the wound re-dressed by the barber-surgeon who
had inflicted it, with more effect than discretion, some
hours earlier. At the very door of the inn, however,
he ran into the arms of a press-gang, by whom he
was instantly seized and hurried on board ship.^
* Watts, Remarkable Events in the History of Man^ 1825.
CHAPTER X
WOMEN AND THE PRESS-GANG
The medieval writer who declared women to be
"capable of disturbing the air and exciting tempests "
was not indulging a mere quip at the expense of that
limited storm area, his own domestic circle. He ex-
pressed what in his day, and indeed for long after,
was a cardinal article of belief — that if you were so
ill-advised as to take a woman to sea, she would surely
upset the weather and play the mischief with the ship.
To this ungallant superstition none subscribed
more heartily than the sailor, though always, be it
understood, with a mental reservation. Unlike many
landsmen who held a similar belief, he limited the
malign influence of the sex strictly to the high-seas,
where, for that reason, he vastly preferred woman's
room to her company ; but once he was safe in port,
woman in his opinion ceased to be dangerous, and he
then vastly preferred her company to her room.
For her companionship he had neither far to seek
nor long to wait. It was a case of
"Deal, Dover and Harwich,
The devil gave his daughter in marriage."
All naval seaports were full of women, and to pre-
vent the supply from running short thoughtful parish
officials — church-wardens and other well-meaning but
17
258 THE PRESS-GANG
sadly misguided people — added constantly to the
number by consigning to such doubtful reformatories
the undesirable females of their respective petty
jurisdictions. The practice of admitting women on
board the ships of the fleet, too — a practice as old
as the Navy itself — though always forbidden, was
universally connived at and tacitly sanctioned.
Before the anchor of the returning man-of-war was
let go a flotilla of boats surrouuded her, deeply laden
with pitiful creatures ready to sell themselves for a
song and the chance of robbing their sailor lovers.
No sooner did the boats lay alongside than the last
vestige of Jack's superstitious dread of the malevolent
sex went by the board, and discipline with it. Like
monkeys the sailors swarmed into the boats, where
each selected a mate, redeemed her from the grasping
boatman's hands with money or blows according to
the state of his finances or temper, and so brought
his prize, save the mark ! in triumph to the gangway.
It was a point of honour, not to say of policy, with
these poor creatures to supply their respective
"husbands," as they termed them, with a drop of
good-cheer; so at the gangway they were searched
for concealed liquor. This was the only formality
observed on such occasions, and as it was enforced
in the most perfunctory manner imaginable, there was
always plenty of drink going. Decency there was
none. The couples passed below and the hell of the
besotted broke loose between decks, where the orgies
indulged in would have beggared the pen of a Balzac.^
During the earlier decades of the century these
conditions, monstrous though they were, passed
^ Statement of Certain Immoral Practices, 1822.
fie
Anne Mills.
Who served on board the Maidstone in 1740.
cc c «
WOMEN AND THE PRESS-GANG 259
almost unchallenged, but as time wore on and their
pernicious effects upon the morale of the fleet became
more and more appalling, the service produced men
who contended strenuously, and in the end success-
fully, with a custom that, to say the least of it, did
violence to every notion of decency and clean living.
In 1746 the ship's company of the Sunderland cowi-
plained bitterly because not even their wives were
''suffer'd to come aboard to see them."^ It was a
sign of the times. By the year '78 the practice had
been fined down to a point where, if a wherry with
a woman in it were seen hovering in a suspicious
manner about a ship of war, the boatman was im-
mediately pressed and the woman turned on shore.^
Another twenty years, and the example of such men
as Jervis, Nelson and Collingwood laid the evil for
good and all. The seamen of the fleet themselves
pronounced its requiescat when, drawing up certain
** Rules and Orders " for their own guidance during
the mutiny of '97, they ordained that " no woman
shall be permitted to go on shore from any ship, but
as many come in as pleases."^
An unforeseen consequence of thus suppressing
the sailor's impromptu liaisons was an alarming in-
crease in the number of desertions. On shore love
laughs at locksmiths ; on shipboard it derided the
boatswain's mate. To run and get caught meant at
the worst " only a whipping bout," and, the sailor's
hide being as tough as his heart was tender, he ran
1 Ad. I. 1482— Capt. Brett, 22 Feb. 1745-6.
2 Ad. I. 1498— Capt. Boteler, 18 April 1778.
^ Ad. I. 5125 — A Detail of the Proceedings on Board the Queen
Charlotte in the Year 1797.
260 THE PRESS-GANG
and took the consequences with all a sailor's stoicism.
In this respect he was perhaps not singular. The
woman in the case so often counts for more than the
punishment she brings.
Few of those who deserted their ships for amatory
reasons had the luck — viewing the escapade from the
sailor's standpoint — that attended the schoolmaster
of the Princess Louisa. Going ashore at Plymouth to
fetch his chest from the London wagon, he succumbed
to the blandishments of an itinerant fiddler's wife,
whom he chanced to meet in the husband's temporary
absence, and was in consequence ** no more heard of." ^
Had it always been a case of the travelling
woman, the sailor's flight in response to the voice of
the charmer would seldom have landed him in the
cells or exposed his back to the caress of the ship's
cat. Where he was handicapped in his love flights
was this. The haunt or home of his seducer was
generally known to one or other of his officers, and
when this was not the case there were often other
women who gladly gave him away. "Captain
Barrington, Sir," writes " Nancy of Deptford " to the
commander of a man-o'-war in the Thames, ** there is
a Desarter of yours at the upper water Gate. Lives
at the sine of the mantion house. He is an Irishman,
gose by the name of Youe (Hugh) MackMullins, and is
trying to Ruing a Wido and three Children, for he has
Insenuated into the Old Woman's faver so far that she
must Sartingly come to poverty, and you by Sarching
the Cook's will find what I have related to be true and
much oblidge the hole parrish of St. Pickles Deptford."^
1 Ad. I. 1478— Capt. Boys, 5 April 1742.
^ Ad. I. 1495 — Capt. Barrington, 22 Oct. 1771, enclosure.
WOMEN AND THE PRESS-GANG 261
A favourite resort of the amatory tar was that
extra-parochial spot known as the Liberty of the
Fleet, where the nuptial knot could be tied without
the irksome formalities of banns or licence. The fact
strongly commended it to the sailor and brought him
to the precinct in great numbers.
'' I remember once on a time," says Keith, the
notorious Fleet parson, '' I was at a public-house at
Ratcliffe, which was then full of Sailors and their
Girls. There was fiddling, piping, jigging and eat-
ing. At length one of the Tars starts up and says :
* Damn ye, Jack ! I'll be married just now ; I will
have my partner,' The joke took, and in less than
two hours Ten Couples set out for the Flete. They
returned in Coaches, five Women in each Coach ;
the Tars, some running before, some riding on the
Coach Box, and others behind. The Cavalcade
being over, the Couples went up into an upper Room,
where they concluded the evening with great Jollity.
The landlord said it was a common thing, when a
Fleet comes in, to have 2 or 3 Hundred Marriages
in a week's time among the Sailors."^
In the ** Press-Gang, or Love in Low Life," a
play produced at Covent Garden Theatre in 1755,
Trueblue is pressed, not in, but out of the arms of
his tearful Nancy. The situation is distressingly
typical. The sailor's happiness was the gangsman's
opportunity, however Nancy might suffer in conse-
quence.
For the average gangsman was as void of senti-
ment as an Admiralty warrant, pressing you with
^ Keith, Observations on the Act for Preventing Clandestine
Marriages, 1753.
262 THE PRESS-GANG
equal avidity and absence of feeling whether he
caught you returning from a festival or a funeral.
To this callosity of nature it was due that William
Castle, a foreign denizen of Bristol who had the
hardihood to incur the marital tie there, was called
upon, as related elsewhere, to serve at sea in the
very heyday of his honeymoon. Similarly, if four
seamen belonging to the Dundee Greenland whaler
had not stolen ashore one night at Shields " to see
some women," they would probably have gone down
to their graves, seawards or landwards, under the
pleasing illusion that the ganger was a man of like
indulgent passions with themselves. The negation
of love, as exemplified in that unsentimental in-
dividual, was thus brought home to many a seafaring
man, long debarred from the society of the gentler
sex, with startling abruptness and force.
The pitiful case of the ** Maidens Pressed," whose
names are enrolled in the pages of Camden Hotten,^
is in no way connected with pressing for naval pur-
poses. Those unfortunates were not victims of the
gangsman's notorious hardness of heart, but of their
own misdeeds. Like the female disciples of the
'* diving hand " stated by LutterelP to have been
"sent away to follow the army," they were one and
all criminals of the Moll Flanders type who ''left
their country for their country's good " under com-
pulsion that differed widely, both in form and pur-
pose, from that described in these pages.
To assert, however, that women were never
^ Hotten, List of Persons of Quality, etc., who Went from England
to the American Plantations.
^ Lutterell, Historical Relation of State Affairs, 12 March 1706.
WOMEN AND THE PRESS-GANG 263
pressed, in the enigmatic sense of their being taken by
the gang for the manning of the fleet, would be to do
violence to the truth as we find it in naval and other
records. As a matter of fact, the direct contrary was
the case, and there were in the kingdom few gangs
of which, at one time or another in their career, it
could not be said, as Southey said of the gang at
Bristol, that '' they pressed a woman."
The incident alluded to will be familiar to all who
know the poet as distinguished from the Bard of
Avon. It is found in the second " English Eclogue,"
under the caption of the " Grandmother's Tale," and
has to do with the escapade, long famous in the more
humorous annals of Southey 's native city, of blear-
eyed Moll, a collier's wife, a great, ugly creature
whose voice was as gruff as a mastiff's bark, and who
wore habitually a man's hat and coat, so that at a
few yards' distance you were at a loss to know
whether she was man or woman.
"There was a merry story told of her,
How when the press-gang came to take her husband
As they were both in bed, she heard them coming,
Drest John up in her nightcap, and herself
Put on his clothes and went before the captain."
A case of pressing on all-fours with this is said
to have once occurred at Portsmouth. A number of
sailors, alarmed by the rumoured approach of a gang
while they were a-fairing, took it into their heads, so
the story goes, to effect a partial exchange of clothing
with their sweethearts, in the hope that the hasty
shifting of garments would deceive the gang and so
protect them from the press. It did. In their parti-
garb make-up the women looked more sailorly than
264 THE PRESS-GANG
the sailors themselves. The gang consequently
pressed them, and there were hilarious scenes at the
rendezvous when the fair recruits were " regulated "
and the ludicrous mistake brought to light.
It was not only on shore, however, or on special
occasions such as this, that women played the sailor.
A naval commander, accounting to the Admiralty for
his shortness of complement, attributes it mainly to
sickness, partly to desertion, and incidentally to the
discharge of one of the ship's company, "who was
discovered to be a woman." ^
His experience is capped by that of the master of
the Edmund and Mary^ a vessel engaged in carrying
coals to Ipswich. Shrewdly suspecting one of his
apprentices, a clever, active lad, to be other than
what he seemed, he taxed him with the deception.
Taken unawares, the lad burst into womanly tears
and confessed himself to be the runaway daughter of
a north-country widow. Disgrace had driven her to
sea.^
These instances are far from being unique, for
both in the navy and the mercantile marine the
masquerading of women in male attire was a not
uncommon occurrence. The incentives to the adop-
tion of a mode of life so foreign to all the gentler
traditions of the sex were various, though not inade-
quate to so surprising a change. Amongst them un-
happiness at home, blighted virtue, the secret love of
a sailor and an abnormal craving for adventure and
the romantic life were perhaps the most common and
the most powerful. The question of clothing pre-
1 Ad. I. 1503— Capt. Burney, 15 Feb. 1782.
* Naval Chronicle^ vol. xxx. 1813, p. 184.
WOMEN AND THE PRESS-GANG 265
sented little difficulty. Sailors' slops could be pro-
cured almost anywhere, and no questions asked. The
effectual concealment of sex was not so easy, and
when we consider the necessarily intimate relations
subsisting between the members of a ship's crew, the
narrowness of their environment, the danger of un-
conscious betrayal and the risks of accidental dis-
covery, the wonder is that any woman, however
masculine in appearance or skilled in the arts of
deception, could ever have played so unnatural a
part for any length of time without detection. The
secret of her success perhaps lay mainly in two assist-
ing circumstances. In theory there were no women
at sea, and despite his occasional vices the sailor was
of all men the most unsophisticated and simple-
minded.
Conspicuous among women who threw the dust of
successful deception in the eyes of masters and ship-
mates is Mary Anne Talbot. Taking to the sea as a
girl in order to " follow the fortunes " of a young
naval officer for whom she had conceived a violent
but unrequited affection, she was known afloat as John
Taylor. In stature tall, angular and singularly lacking
in the physical graces so characteristic of the average
woman, she passed for years as a true shellback,
her sex unsuspected and unquestioned. Accident at
length revealed her secret. Wounded in an engage-
ment, she was admitted to hospital in consequence of
a shattered knee, and under the operating knife the
identity of John Taylor merged into that of Mary
Anne Talbot.^
It is said, perhaps none too kindly or truthfully,
^ Times^ 4 Nov. 1799.
266 THE PRESS-GANG
that the lady doctor of the present day no sooner sets
up in practice than she incontinently marries the
medical man around the corner, and in many instances
the sailor-girl of former days brought her career on
the ocean wave to an equally romantic conclusion.
However skilled in the art of navigation she might
become, she experienced a constitutional difficulty in
steering clear of matrimony. Maybe she steered
for it.
A romance of this description that occasioned no
little stir in its day is associated with a name at one
time famous in the West- India trade. Through
bankruptcy the name suffered eclipse, and the un-
fortunate possessor of it retired to a remote neighbour-
hood, taking with him his two daughters, his sole
remaining family. There he presently sank under his
misfortunes. Left alone in the world, with scarce a
penny-piece to call their own, the daughters resolved
on a daring departure from the conventional paths of
poverty.
Making their way to Portsmouth, they there
dressed themselves as sailors and in that capacity
entered on board a man-o'-war bound for the West
Indies. At the first reduction of Cura^oa, in 1798,
as in subsequent naval engagements, both acquitted
themselves like men. No suspicion of the part they
were playing, and playing with such success, appears
to have been aroused till a year or two later, when one
of them, in a brush with the enemy, was wounded
in the side. The surgeon's report terminated her
career as a seaman.
Meanwhile the other sister contracted tropical
fever, and whilst lying ill was visited by one of the
Mary Anne Talbot,
.•^
WOMEN AND THE PRESS-GANG 267
junior officers of the ship. Believing herself to be
dying, she told him her secret, doubtless with a view
to averting its discovery after death. He confessed that
the news was no surprise to him. In fact, not only
had he suspected her sex, he had so far persuaded him-
self of the truth of his suspicions as to fall in love with
one of his own crew. The tonic effect of such avowals
is well known. The fever-stricken patient recovered,
and on the return of the ship to home waters the
officer in question made his late foremast hand his
wife.^
Of all the veracious yarns that are told of girl-
sailors, there is perhaps none more remarkable than
the story of Rebecca Anne Johnson, the girl-sailor of
Whitby. One night a hundred and some odd years
ago a Mrs. Lesley, who kept the " Bull" inn in Half-
moon Alley, Bishopsgate Street, found at her door
a handsome sailor-lad begging for food. He had
eaten nothing for four and twenty hours, he declared,
and when plied with supper and questions by the
kind-hearted but inquisitive old lady, he explained that
he was an apprentice to the sea, and had run from his
ship at Woolwich because of the mate's unduly basting
him with a rope's-end. *'What! you a 'prentice?"
cried the landlady ; and turning his face to the light,
she subjected him to a scrutiny that read him through
and through.
Next day, at his own request, he was taken before
the Lord Mayor, to whom he told his story. That he
was a girl he freely admitted, and he accounted for
his appearing in sailor rig by asserting that a brutal
father had apprenticed him to the sea in his thirteenth
^ Naval Chronicle^ vol. viii. 1802, p. 60.
268 THE PRESS-GANG
year. More astounding still, the same unnatural
parent had actually bound her, the sailor-girl's, mother,
apprentice to the sea, and in that capacity she was not
only pressed into the navy, but killed at the battle
of Copenhagen, up to which time, though she had
followed the sea for many years and borne this child
in the meantime, her sex had never once been called
in question.^
While woman was thus invading man's province
at sea, that universal feeder of the Navy, the press-
gang, made little or no appeal to her as a sphere of
activity. On Portland Island, it is true, Lieut.
M'Key, who commanded both the Sea-Fencibles and
the press-gang there, rated his daughter as a midship-
man ; ^ but with this exception no woman is known to
have added the hanger to her adornment. The three
merry maids of Taunton, who as gangsmen put the
Denny Bowl quarrymen to rout, were of course
impostors.
But if the ganger's life was not for woman, there
was ample compensation for its loss in the wider
activities the gang opened up for her. The gangs-
man was nothing if not practical. He took the poetic
dictum that '* men must work and women must weep "
— a conception in his opinion too sentimentally one-
sided to be tolerated as one of the eternal verities of
human existence — and improved upon it. By virtue
of the rough-and-ready authority vested in him he
abolished the distinction between toil and tears,
decreeing instead that women should suffer both.
^ Naval Chronicle^ vol. xx. 1808, p. 293.
* Ad. I. 581— Admiral Berkeley, Report on Rendezvous, 15 April
1 806.
WOMEN AND THE PRESS-GANG 269
*' M'Gugan's wife?" growled Capt. Brenton, gang-
master at Greenock, when the corporation of that
town ventured to point out to him that M'Gugan's
wife and children must inevitably come to want unless
their bread-winner, recently pressed, were forthwith
restored to them, — '' M'Gugans wife is as able to get
her bread as any woman in the town I " ^
For two hundred and fifty years, off and on — ever
since, in fact, the press-masters of bluff King Hal
denuded the Dorset coast of fishermen and drove the
starving women of that region to sea in quest of
food^ — the press-gang had been laboriously teaching
English housewives this very lesson, the simple
economic truth that if they wanted bread for them-
selves and their families while their husbands were
fagging for their country at sea, they must turn to
and work for it. Yet in face of this fact here was
M'Gugan's wife trying to shirk the common lot. It
was monstrous !
M'Gugan's wife ought really to have known better.
The simplest calculation, had she cared to make it,
would have shown her the utter futility of hoping to
live on the munificent wage which a grateful country
allowed to M'Gugan, less certain deductions for
M'Gugan's slops and contingent sick-benefit, in return
for his aid in protecting it from its enemies ; and
almost any parish official could have told her, what
she ought in reason to have known already, that she
was no longer merely M'Gugan's wife, dependent
upon his exertions for the bread she ate, but a
^ Ad. I. 151 1 — Capt. Brenton, 15 Jan. 1795.
2 State Papers Domestic^ Henry viii. : Lord Russell to the Privy
Council, 22 Aug. 1545.
270 THE PRESS GANG
Daughter of the State and own sister to thousands
of women to whom the gang in its passage brought
toil and poverty, tears and shame — not, mark you,
the shame of labour, if there be such a thing, but the
bedraggled, gin-sodden shame of the street, or, in the
scarce less dreadful alternative, the shame of the
goodwife of the ballad who lamented her husband's
absence because, worse luck, sundry of her bairns
"were gotten quhan he was awa'."
Lamentable as this state of things undoubtedly
was, it was nevertheless one of the inevitables of
pressing. You could not take forcibly one hundred
husbands and fathers out of a community of five
hundred souls, and pay that hundred husbands and
fathers the barest pittance instead of a living wage,
without condemning one hundred wives and mothers
to hard labour on behalf of the three hundred children
who hungered. Out of this hundred wives and
mothers a certain percentage, again, lacked the ability
to work, while a certain other percentage lacked the
will. These recruited the ranks of the outcast, or
with their families burdened the parish.^ The direct
social and economic outcome of this mode of manning
the Navy, coupled with the payment of a starvation
wage, was thus threefold. It reversed the natural
sex-incidence of labour ; it fostered vice ; it bred
paupers. The first was a calamity personal to those
who suffered it. The other two were national in their
calamitous effects.
In that great diurnal of the eighteenth-century
^ Ad. I. 5125 — Memorial of the Churchwardens and Overseers of
the Poor of the Parish of Portsmouth, 3 Dec 1793, ^"^ numerous
instances.
WOMEN AND THE PRESS-GANG 271
navy, the Captains' Letters and Admirals' Dispatches,
no volume can be opened without striking the broad
trail of destitution, misery and heart-break, to mention
no worse consequences, left by the gang. At nearly
every turn of the page, indeed, we come upon recitals
or petitions recalling vividly the exclamation in-
voluntarily let fall by Pepys the tender-hearted when,
standing over against the Tower late one summer's
night, he watched by moonlight the pressed men sent
away : '* Lord! how some poor women did cry."
A hundred years later and their heritors in sorrow
are crying still. Now it is a bed-ridden mother
bewailing her only son, "the principal prop and stay
of her old age " ; again a wife, left destitute '* with
three hopeful babes, and pregnant." And here, bring-
ing up the rear of the sad procession — lending to it,
moreover, a touch of humour in itself not far removed
from tears — comes Lachlan M 'Quarry. The gang
have him, and amid the Stirling hills, where he was
late an indweller, a motley gathering of kinsfolk
mourn his loss — "me, his wife, two Small helpless
Children, an Aged Mother who is Blind, an Aged
Man who is lame and unfit for work, his father in
Law, and a sister Insane, with his Mother in Law who
is Infirm." 1 The fact is attested by the minister and
elders of the parish, being otherwise unbelievable ; and
Lachlan is doubtless proportionately grieved to find
himself at sea. Men whose wives "divorced" them
through the medium of the gang — a not uncommon
practice — experienced a similar grief.
Besides the regular employment it so generously
^ Ad. I. 1454 — The Humble Petition of Jullions Thomson, Spouse to
Lachlan M 'Quarry, 2 May 18 13,
272 THE PRESS-GANG
provided for wives bereft of their lawful support, the
press-gang found for the women of the land many an
odd job that bore no direct relation to the earning of
their bread. When the mob demolished the Whitby
rendezvous in '93, it was the industrious fishwives ot
the town who collected the stones used as ammunition
on that occasion ; and when, again, Lieut. M'Kenzie
unwisely impressed an able seaman in the house of
Joseph Hook, inn-keeper at Pill, it was none other
than " Mrs. Hook, her daughter and female servant"
who fell upon him and tore his uniform in shreds, thus
facilitating the pressed man's escape "through a back
way."^
The good people of Sunderland at one time
indulged themselves in the use of a peculiar catch-
phrase. Whenever any feat of more than ordinary
daring came under their observation, they spoke of it
as " a case of Dryden's sister." The saying originated
in this way. The Sunderland gang pressed the mate
of a vessel, one Michael Dryden, and confined him
in the tender's hold. One night Dryden's sister,
having in vain bribed the lieutenant in command to
let him go, at the risk of her life smuggled some
carpenter's tools on board under the very muzzles of
the sentinel's muskets, and with these her brother and
fifteen other men cut their way to freedom.^
A tender lying in King Road, at the entrance to
Bristol River, was the scene of another episode of
the '' Dryden's sister " type. Going ashore one morn-
ing, the lieutenant in command fell from the bank and
broke his sword. It was an ill omen, for in his
1 Ad. I. 1534 — Lieut. M'Kenzie, 20 Oct. 1805.
2 ^^ I 2740 — Lieut. Atkinson, 24 June and 10 July 1798.
WOMEN AND THE PRESS-GANG 273
absence the hard fate of the twenty pressed men who
lay in the tender's hold, "all handcuft to each other,"
made an irresistible appeal to two women, pressed
men's wives, who had been with singular lack of
caution admitted on board. Whilst the younger and
prettier of the two cajoled the sentinel from his post,
the elder and uglier secured an axe and a hatchet and
passed them unobserved through the scuttle to the
prisoners below, who on their part made such good
use of them that when at length the lieutenant
returned he found the cage empty and the birds
flown. The shackles strewing the press-room bore
eloquent testimony to the manner of their flight. The
irons had been hacked asunder, some of them with as
many as "six or seven Cutts."^
Never, surely, did the gang provide an odder job
for any woman than the one it threw in the way of
Richard Parker's wife. The story of his part in the
historic mutiny at the Nore is common knowledge.
Her's, being less familiar, will bear retelling. But
first certain incidents in the life of the man himself,
some of them hitherto unknown, call for brief
narration.
Born at Exeter in or about the year 1764, it is not
till some nineteen years later, or, to be precise, the 5th
of May 1783, that Richard Parker makes his debut
in naval records. On that date he appears on board
the Mediator tender at Plymouth, in the capacity of
a pressed man.^
The tender carried him to London, where in due
* Ad. I. 1490— Capt. Brown, 12 May 1759.
2 Ad. Ships' Musters, i. 9307— Muster Book of H.M. Tender the
Mediator.
18
274 THE PRESS-GANG
course he was delivered up to the regulating officers,
and by them turned over to the Ganges, Captain the
Honourable James Lutterell. This was prior to the
30th of June 1783, the date of his official "appearance"
on board that ship. On the Ganges he served as a
midshipman — a noteworthy fact ^ — till the 4th of
September following, when he was discharged to the
Bull-Dog sloop by order of Admiral Montagu.^
His transfer from the ^92^//-/^^^ banished him from
the quarter-deck and sowed within him the seeds of
that discontent which fourteen years later made of
him, as he himself expressed it, ** a scape-goat for the
sins of many."^ He was now, for what reason we do
not learn, rated as an ordinary seaman, and in that
capacity he served till the 15th of June 1784, when he
was discharged sick to Haslar Hospital.*
At this point we lose track of him for a matter of
1 Though one of rare occurrence, Parker's case was not altogether
unique ; for now and then a pressed man by some lucky chance " got
his foot on the ladder," as Nelson put it, and succeeded in bettering
himself. Admiral Sir David Mitchell, pressed as the master of a
merchantman, is a notable example. Admiral Campbell, " Hawke's
right hand at Quiberon," who entered the service as a substitute for a
pressed man, is another ; and James Clephen, pressed as a sea-going
apprentice, became master's-mate of the Doris, and taking part in
the cutting out of the Chevrette, a corvette of twenty guns, from Cameret
Bay, in 1801, was for his gallantry on that occasion made a lieutenant,
fought at Trafalgar and died a captain. On the other hand, John
Norris, pressed at Gallions Reach out of a collier and " ordered to walk
the quarter-deck as a midshipman," proved such a " laisie, sculking, idle
fellow," and so " filled the sloop and men with vermin," that his promoter
had serious thoughts of "turning him ashore." — Ad. i. 1477 — Capt.
Bruce, undated letter, 1741.
2 Ad. Ships' Musters, i. 10614— Muster Book of H. M.S. Ganges.
^ Ad. I. 5339— Dying Declaration of the Late Unfortunate Richard
Parker, 28 June 1797.
* Ad. Ships' Musters, i. 10420, 10421— Muster Books of H.M. Sloop
Bull-Dog.
WOMEN AND THE PRESS-GANG 275
nearly fourteen years, but on the 31st of March
1797, the year which brought his period of service
to so tragic a conclusion, he suddenly reappears at
the Leith rendezvous as a Quota Man for the county
of Perth. Questioned as to his past, he told Brenton,
then in charge of that rendezvous, ''that he had been
a petty officer or acting lieutenant on board the
Mediator, Capt. James Lutterell, at the taking of five
prizes in 1783, when he received a very large pro-
portion of prize-money."^ The inaccuracies evident
on the face of this statement are unquestionably due
to Brenton's defective recollection rather than to
Parker's untruthfulness. Brenton wrote his report
nearly two and a half months after the event.
After a period of detention on board the tender
at Leith, Parker, in company with other Quota and
pressed men, was conveyed to the Nore in one of the
revenue vessels occasionally utilised for that purpose,
and there put on board the Sandwich^ the flag-ship
for that division of the fleet. At half-past nine on
the morning of the 12th of May, upon the 2nd
lieutenant's giving orders to ''clear hawse," the ship's
company got on the booms and gave three cheers,
which were at once answered from the Director,
They then reeved yard-ropes as a menace to those
of the crew who would not join them, and trained the
forecastle guns on the quarter-deck as a hint to the
officers. The latter were presently put on shore, and
that same day the mutineers unanimously chose
Parker to be their " President" or leader.^ The fact
^ Ad. I. 1 5 17 — Capt. Brenton, lo June 1797.
^ Ad. I. 5339 — Court - Martial on Richard Parker: Deposition of
Lieut. Justice.
276 THE PRESS-GANG
that he had been pressed in the first instance, and
that after having served for a time in the capacity of
a "quarter-deck young gentleman" he had been
unceremoniously derated, singled him out for this
distinction. There was amongst the mutineers,
moreover, no other so eligible ; for whatever Parker's
faults, he was unquestionably a man of superior
ability and far from inferior attainments.
The reeving of yard-ropes was his idea, though
he disclaimed it. An extraordinary mixture of
tenderness and savagery, he wept when it was
proposed to fire upon a runaway ship, the Repulse,
but the next moment drove a crowbar into the muzzle
of the already heavily shotted gun and bade the
gunner **send her to hell where she belonged." "■ I'll
make a beefsteak of you at the yard-arm " was his
favourite threat.^ It was prophetic, for that way, as
events quickly proved, lay the finish of his own
career.
At nine o'clock on the morning of the 30th of
June Parker, convicted and sentenced to death after
a fair trial, stood on the scaffold awaiting his now
imminent end. The halter, greased to facilitate his
passing, was already about his neck, and in one of
his hands, which had been freed at his own request,
he held a handkerchief borrowed for the occasion
from one of the officers of the ship. This he
suddenly dropped. It was the preconcerted signal,
and as the fatal gun boomed out in response to it he
'^ Ad. I. 5339— Court - Martial on Richard Parker: Depositions of
Capt. John Wood, of H.M. Sloop Hound, William Livingston, boat-
swain of the Director, and Thomas Barry, seaman on board the
Monmouth.
WOMEN AND THE PRESS-GANG 277
thrust his hands into his pockets with great rapidity
and jumped into mid-air, meeting his death without
a tremor and with scarce a convulsion. Thanks to
the clearness of the atmosphere and the facility with
which the semaphores did their work that morning,
the Admiralty learnt the news within seven minutes.^
Now comes the woman's part in the drama on
which the curtain rose with the pressing of Parker in
'83, and fell, not with his execution at the yard-arm
of the Sandwich, as one would suppose, but four days
after that event.
In one of his spells of idleness ashore Parker had
married a Scotch girl, the daughter of an Aberdeen-
shire farmer — a tragic figure of a woman whose fate
it was to be always too late. Hearing that her
husband had taken the bounty, she set out with all
speed for Leith, only to learn, upon her arrival there,
that he was already on his way to the fleet. At
Leith she tarried till rumours of his pending trial
reached the north country. The magistrates would
then have put her under arrest, designing to examine
her, but the Admiralty, to whom Brenton reported
their intention, vetoed the proceeding as superfluous.
The case against Parker was already complete.^
Left free to follow the dictates of her tortured heart,
the distracted woman posted south.
Eating his last breakfast in the gun-room of the
Sandwich, Parker talked affectionately of his wife,
saying that he had made his will and left her a small
estate he was heir to. Little did he dream that she
was then within a few miles of him.
1 Trial and Life of Richard Parker, Manchester, 1797.
2 Ad. I. 1517— Capt. Brenton, 15 June 1797, and endorsement.
278 THE PRESS-GANG
The Sandwich lay that morning above Black-
stakes, the headmost ship of the fleet, and at the
moment when Parker leapt from her cathead scaffold
a boat containing his wife shot out into the stream.
He was run up to the yard-arm before her very eyes.
She was again too late.
He hung there for an hour. Meantime, with a
tenacity of purpose as touching as her devotion, the
unhappy woman applied to the Admiral for the body
of her husband. She was denied, and Parker's
remains were committed to the new naval burial
ground, beyond the Red- Barrier Gate leading to
Minster. The burial took place at noon. By night-
fall the grief-stricken woman had come to an amazing
resolution. She would steal the body.
Ten o'clock that night found her at the place of
interment. Save for the presence of the sentinel at
the adjoining Barrier Gate, the loneliness of the spot
favoured her design, but a ten-foot palisade sur-
rounded the grounds, and she had neither tools nor
helpers. Unexpectedly three women came that way.
To them she disclosed her purpose, praying them for
the love of God to help her. Perhaps they were
sailors' wives. Anyhow, they assented, and the four
body-snatchers scaled the fence.
The absence of tools, as it happened, presented
no serious impediment to the execution of their
design. The grave was a shallow one, the freshly
turned mould loose and friable. Digging with their
hands, they soon uncovered the coffin, which they
then contrived to raise and hoist over the cemetery
gates into the roadway, where they sat upon it to
conceal it from chance passers-by till four o'clock in
Mary Anne Talbot.
Dressed as a sailor.
WOMEN AND THE PRESS-GANG 279
the morning. It was then daylight. The neigh-
bouring drawbridge was let down, and, a fish-cart
opportunely passing on its way to Rochester, the
driver was prevailed upon to carry the ''lady's box"
into that town. A guinea served to allay his
suspicions.
Three days later a caravan drew up before the
"Hoop and Horseshoe" tavern, in Queen Street,
Little Tower Hill. A woman alighted — furtively,
for it was now broad daylight, whereas she had
planned to arrive while it was still dark. A watch-
man chanced to pass at the moment, and the woman's
strange behaviour aroused his suspicions. Pulling
aside the covering of the van, he looked in and saw
there the rough coffin containing the body of Parker,
which the driver of the caravan had carried up from
Rochester for the sum of six guineas. Later in the
day the magistrates sitting at Lambeth Street Police
Court ordered its removal, and it was deposited in
the vaults of Whitechapel church.^
Full confirmation of this extraordinary story,
should any doubt it, may be-found in the registers
of the church in question. Amongst the burials
there we read this entry: '' 4 July, //p/, Richard
Parker, Skeerness, Kent, age jj. Cause of death,
execution. This was Parker, the President of the
Mutinotis Delegates on board the fleet at the Nore.
He was hanged on board H.M,S. Sandwich on the
sot h day of June y^
^ Trial and Life of Richard Parker, Manchester, 1797.
* Burial Registers of St. Mary Matfellon, Whitechapel, 1797.
CH APTE R XI
IN THE CLUTCH OF THE GANG
Once the gang had a man in its power, his immediate
destination was either the rendezvous press-room or
the tender employed as a substitute for that indis-
pensable place of detention.
The press-room, lock-up or '* shut-up house," as it
was variously termed, must not be confounded with
the press-room at Newgate, where persons indicted
for felony, and perversely refusing to plead, were
pressed beneath weights till they complied with that
necessary legal formality. From that historic cell the
rendezvous press-room differed widely, both in nature
and in use. Here the pressed men were confined
pending their dispatch to His Majesty's ships. As a
matter of course the place was strongly built, heavily
barred and massively bolted, being in these respects
merely a commonplace replica of the average bride-
well. Where it differed from the bridewell was in its
walls. Theoretically these were elastic. No matter
how many they held, there was always room within
them for more. As late as 1806 the press-room at
Bristol consisted of a cell only eight feet square, and into
this confined space sixteen men were frequently packed.^
^ Ad. I. 581— Admiral Berkeley, Report on Rendezvous, 14 March
1806.
IN THE CLUTCH OF THE GANG 281
Nearly everywhere it was the same gruesome
story. The sufferings of the pressed man went for
nothing so long as the pressed man was kept.
Provided only the bars were dependable and the
bolts staunch, anything would do to *' clap him up in."
The town '* cage " came in handy for the purpose ; and
when no other means of securing him could be found,
he was thrust into the local prison like a common
felon, often amidst surroundings unspeakably awful.
According to the elder Wesley, no '' seat of woe "
on this side of the Bottomless Pit outrivalled Newgate
except one.^ The exception was Bristol jail. A
filthy, evil-smelling hole, crowded with distempered
prisoners without medical care, it was deservedly
held in such dread as to ''make all seamen fly the
river " for fear of being pressed and committed to it.
For when the eight-foot cell at the rendezvous would
hold no more, Bristol pressed men were turned in
here — to come out, if they survived the pestilential
atmosphere of the place, either fever-stricken or
pitiful, vermin-covered objects from whom even the
hardened gangsman shrank with fear and loathing.^
Putting humane considerations entirely aside, it is well-
nigh inconceivable that so costly an asset as the
pressed man should ever have been exposed to such
sanitary risks. The explanation doubtless lies in the
enormous amount of pressing that was done. The
number of men taken was in the aggregate so great
that a life more or less was hardly worth considering.
Of ancient use as a county jail, Gloucester
Castle stood far higher in the pressed man's esteem
^ London Chronicle^ 6 Jan. 1761.
2 Ad. I. 1490 — Capt. Brown, 4 Aug. 1759.
282 THE PRESS GANG
as a place of detention than did its sister prison
on the Avon. The reason is noteworthy. Richard
Evans, for many years keeper there, possessed a
magic palm. Rub it with silver in sufficient quantity,
and the " street door of the gaol " opened before you
at noonday, or, when at night all was as quite as the
keeper's conscience, a plank vanished from the roof
of your cell, and as you stood lost in wonder at its
disappearance there came snaking down through the
hole thus providentially formed a rope by the aid of
which, if you were a sailor or possessed of a sailor's
agility and daring, it was feasible to make your escape
over the ramparts of the castle, though they towered
"most as high as the Monument."^
In the absence of the gang on road or other
extraneous duty the precautions taken for the safety
of pressed men were often very inadequate, and this
circumstance gave rise to many an impromptu rescue.
Sometimes the local constable was commandeered as
a temporary guard, and a story is told of how, the
gang having once locked three pressed men into the
cage at Isleworth and stationed the borough watch-
man over them, one Thomas Purser raised a mob,
demolished the door of the cage, and set its delighted
occupants free amid frenzied shouts of : ** Pay away
within, my lads ! and we'll pay away without. Damn
the constable ! He has no warrant." ^
In strict accordance with the regulations governing,
or supposed to govern, the keeping of rendezvous,
the duration of the pressed man's confinement ought
never to have exceeded four-and-twenty hours from
^ Ad. I. 1490— Capt. Brown, 28 April and 26 May 1759.
2 Ad. 7. 298— Law Officers' Opinions, 1733-56, No. 99.
IN THE CLUTCH OF THE GANG 283
the time of his capture ; but as a matter of fact it
often extended far beyond that limit. Everything
depended on the gang. If men were brought in
quickly, they were as quickly got rid of; but when
they dribbled in in one's and two's, with perhaps
intervals of days when nothing at all was doing,
weeks sometimes elapsed before a batch of suitable
size could be made ready and started on its journey
to the ships.
All this time the pressed man had to be fed, or,
as they said in the service, subsisted or victualled,
and for this purpose a sum varying from sixpence to
ninepence a day, according to the cost of provisions,
was allowed him. On this generous basis he was
nourished for a hundred years or more, till one day
early in the nineteenth century some half-score of
gaunt, hungry wretches, cooped up for eight weary
weeks in an East-coast press-room during the rigours
of a severe winter, made the startling discovery that
the time-honoured allowance was insufficient to keep
soul and body together. They accordingly addressed
a petition to the Admiralty, setting forth the cause
and nature of their sufferings, and asking for a
"rise." A dozen years earlier the petition would
have been tossed aside as insolent and unworthy of
consideration ; but the sharp lesson of the Nore
mutiny happened to be still fresh in their Lordships'
memories, so with unprecedented generosity and
haste they at once augmented the allowance, and that
too for the whole kingdom, to fifteen-pence a day.^
It was a red-letter day for the pressed man. A
^ Ad. I. 1546— Petition of the Pressed Men at King's Lynn, 27 Jan.
1809, and endorsement.
284 THE PRESS-GANG
single stroke of the official pen had raised him from
starvation to opulence, and thenceforward, when
food was cheap and the purchasing power of the
penny high, he regaled himself daily, as at Limerick
in 1 8 14, on such abundant fare as a pound of beef,
seven and a half pounds of potatoes, a pint of milk,
a quart of porter, a boiling of greens and a mess of
oatmeal ; or, if he happened to be a Catholic, on fish
and butter twice a week instead of beef. The quantity
of potatoes is worthy of remark. It was peculiar to
Ireland, where the lower classes never used bread. ^
Though faring thus sumptuously at his country's
expense, the pressed man did not always pass the
days of his detention in unprofitable idleness. There
were certain eventualities to be thought of and
provided against. Sooner or later he must go before
the "gent with the swabs" and be "regulated," that
is to say, stripped to the waist, or further if that
exacting officer deemed it advisable, and be critically
examined for physical ailments and bodily defects.
In this examination the local " saw-bones " would
doubtless lend a hand, and to outwit the combined
skill of both captain and surgeon was a point of
honour with the pressed man if by any possibility it
could be done. With this laudable end in view he
devoted much of his enforced leisure to the rehearsal
of such symptoms and the fabrication of such defects
as were best calculated to make him a free man.
For the sailor to deny his vocation was worse
than useless. The ganger s shrewd code — " All as
says they be land-lubbers when I says they baint, be
liars, and all liars be seamen " — effectually shut that
^ Ad. I. 1455— Capt. Argles, i March 1814.
IN THE CLUTCH OF THE GANG 285
door in his face. There were other openings, it is
true, whereby a knowing chap might wriggle free,
but officers and medicoes were extremely "fly." He
had not practised his many deceptions upon them
through long years for nothing. They well knew
that on principle he *' endeavoured by every stratagem
in his power to impose " — that he was, in short, a
cunning cheat whose most serious ailments were to be
regarded with the least sympathy and the utmost
suspicion. Yet in spite of this disquieting fact the old
hand, whom long practice had made an adept at
deception, and who, when he was so inclined, could
simulate *' complaints of a nature to baffle the skill of
any professional man,"^ rarely if ever faced the ordeal
of regulating without ** trying it on." Often, indeed,
he anticipated it. There was nothing like keeping
his hand in.
Fits were his great stand-by,^ and the time he
chose for these convulsive turns was generally night,
when he could count upon a full house and nothing
to detract from the impressiveness of the show.
Suddenly, at night, then, a weird, horribly inarticu-
late cry is heard issuing from the press-room, and at
once all is uproar and confusion. Unable to make
himself heard, much less to restore order, and fearing
that murder is being done amongst the pressed men,
the sentry hastily summons the officer, who rushes
down, half-dressed, and hails the press-room.
** Hullo ! within there. What's wrong? "
Swift silence. Then, ** Man in a fit, sir," replies
a quavering voice.
1 Ad. I. 1540— Capt. Barker, 5 Nov. 1807.
2 Ad. I. 1534 — Capt. Barker, 11 Jan. 1805, and many instances.
286 THE PRESS-GANG
" Out with him ! " cries the officer.
Immediately, the door being hurriedly unbarred,
the " case " is handed out by his terrified companions,
who are only too glad to be rid of him. To all
appearances he is in a true epileptic state. In the
light of the lantern, held conveniently near by one of
the gangsmen, who have by this time turned out in
various stages of undress, his features are seen to be
strongly convulsed. His breathing is laboured and
noisy, his head rolls incessantly from side to side.
Foam tinged with blood oozes from between his
gnashing teeth, flecking his lips and beard, and when
his limbs are raised they fall back as rigid as
iron.^
After surveying him critically for a moment the
officer, if he too is an old hand, quietly removes the
candle from the lantern and with a deft turn of his
wrist tips the boiling-hot contents of the tallow cup
surrounding the flaming wick out upon the bare arm
or exposed chest of the "case." When the fit was
genuine, as of course it sometimes was, the test had
no particular reviving effect ; but if the man were
shamming, as he probably was in spite of the great
consistency of his symptoms, the chances were that,
with all his nerve and foreknowledge of what was in
store for him, the sudden biting of the fiery liquid
into his naked flesh would bring him to his feet dancing
with pain and cursing and banning to the utmost
extent of his elastic vocabulary.
^ Almost the only symptom of le grand mal which the sailor could
not successfully counterfeit was the abnormal dilation of the pupils so
characteristic of that complaint, and this difficulty he overcame by
rolling his eyes up till the pupils were invisible.
IN THE CLUTCH OF THE GANG 287
When this happened, ** Put him back," said the
officer. '' He'll do, alow or aloft."
Going aloft at sea was the true epileptic's chief
dread. And with good reason, for sooner or later
it meant a fall, and death.
In the meantime other enterprising members of
the press-room community made ready for the scru-
tiny of the official eye in various ways, practising
many devices for procuring a temporary disability and
a permanent discharge. Some, horrible thought !
*' rubbed themselves with Cow Itch and Whipped
themselves with Nettles to appear in Scabbs " ;
others ''burnt themselves with oil of vitriol" to
induce symptoms with difficulty distinguishable from
those of scurvy, that disease of such dread omen to
the fleet ; whilst others emulated the passing of the
poor consumptive of the canting epitaph, whose
"legs it was that carried her off." Bad legs, indeed,
ran a close race with fits in the pressed man's sprint
for liberty. They were so easily induced, and so
cheaply. The industrious application of the smallest
copper coin procurable, the humble farthing or the
halfpenny, speedily converted the most insignificant
abrasion of the skin into a festering sore.^
Here and there a man of iron nerve, acting on
the common belief that if you had lost a finger the
Navy would have none of you, adopted a more
heroic method of shaking off the clutch of the gang.
Such a man was Samuel Caradine, some time in-
^ Ad. I. 1439 — Capt. Ambrose, 20 June 1741 ; Ad. i. 1544— Capt.
Bowyer, 18 Dec. 1808 ; Ad. i. 145 1 — A. Clarke, Examining Surgeon
at Dublin, 18 May 1807 ; Ad. i. 15 17 — Letters of Capt. Brenton, March
and April 1797? and many instances.
288 THE PRESS-GANG
habitant of Kendal. Committed to the House of
Correction there as a preHminary to his being turned
over to the fleet for crimes that he had done, he
expressed a desire to bid farewell to his wife. She
was sent for, and came, apparently not unprepared ;
for after she had greeted her man through the iron
door of his cell, ''he put his hand underneath, and
she, with a mallet and chisel concealed for the pur-
pose, struck off a finger and thumb to render him
unfit for His Majesty's service."^
A stout-hearted fellow named Browne, who hailed
from Chester, would have made Caradine a fitting
mate. " Being impressed into the sea service, he
very violently determined, in order to extricate him-
self therefrom, to mutilate the thumb and a finger
of his left hand ; which he accomplished by repeatedly
maiming them with an old ha^tchet that he had
obtained for that purpose. He was immediately
discharged."^ Such men as these were a substantial
loss to the service. Fighting a gun shoulder to
shoulder, what fearful execution would they not have
wrought upon the '' hereditary enemy " !
It did not always do, however, to presume upon
the loss of a forefinger, particularly if it were missing
from the left hand. Capt. Barker, while he was
regulating the press at Bristol, once had occasion to
send into Ilchester for a couple of brace of convicts
who had received the royal pardon on condition of
their serving at sea. Near Shepton Mallet, on the
return tramp, his gangsmen fell in with a party armed
with sticks and knives, who "beat and cut them in
a very cruel manner." They succeeded, however,
^ Times, 3 Nov. 1795. ^ Liverpool Advertiser, 6 June 1777.
IN THE CLUTCH OF THE GANG 289
in taking the ringleader, one Charles Biggen, and
brought him in; but when Barker would have dis-
charged the fellow because his left forefinger was
wanting, the Admiralty brushed the customary rule
aside and ordered him to be kept/
The main considerations entering into the dispatch
of pressed men to the fleet, when at length their
period of detention at headquarters came to an end,
were economy, speed and safety. Transport was
necessarily either by land or water, and in the case
of seaport, river or canal towns, both modes were
of course available. Gangs operating at a distance
from the sea, or remote from a navigable river or
canal, were from their very situation obliged to send
their catch to market either wholly by land, or by
land and water successively. Land transport, though
always healthier, and in many instances speedier and
cheaper than transport by water, was nevertheless
much more risky. Pressed men therefore preferred
it. The risks — rescue and desertion — were all in
their favour. Hence, when they " offered chearfully
to walk up," or down, as the case might be, the
seeming magnanimity of the offer was never per-
mitted to blind those in charge of them to the need
for a strong attendant guard.^ The men would have
had to walk in any case, for transport by coach,
though occasionally sanctioned, was an event of rare
1 Ad. I. 1528— Capt. Barker, 28 July 1803, and endorsement.
2 In the spring of 1795 a body of Quota Men, some 130 strong,
voluntarily marched from Liverpool to London, a distance of 182
miles, instead of travelling by coach as at first proposed. Though all
had received the bounty and squandered it in debauchery, not a man
deserted ; and in their case the danger of rescue was of course absent.
Ad. I. 151 1— Capt. Bowen, 21 April 1795.
19
290 THE PRESS-GANG
occurrence. A number procured in Berkshire were
in 1756 forwarded to London "by the Reading
machines," but this was an exceptional indulgence
due to the state of their feet, which were already
"blistered with travelling."
Even with the precaution of a strong guard, there
were parts of the country through which it was highly
imprudent, if not altogether impracticable, to venture
a party on foot. Of these the thirty-mile stretch of
road between Kilkenny and Waterford, the nearest
seaport, perhaps enjoyed the most unenviable repu-
tation. No gang durst traverse it ; and no body
of pressed men, and more particularly of pressed
Catholics, could ever have been conveyed even for
so short a distance through a country inhabited by
a fanatical and strongly disaffected people without
courting certain bloodshed. The naval authorities in
consequence left Kilkenny severely alone.^
The sending of men overland from Appledore to
Plymouth, a course frequently adopted to avoid the
circuitous sea-route, was attended with similar risks.
The hardy miners and quarrymen of the intervening
moorlands loved nothing so much as knocking the
gangsman on the head.^
The attenuated neck of land between the Mersey
and the Dee had an evil reputation for affairs of this
description. Men pressed at Chester, and sent across
the neck to the tenders or ships of war in the Mersey,
seldom reached their destination unless attended by
an exceptionally strong escort. The reason is briefly
^ Ad. I. 1529— Capt. Bowen, 12 Oct. 1803.
* Ad. I. 581 — Admiral Berkeley, Report on Rendezvous, 22 Sept.
1805.
IN THE CLUTCH OF THE GANG 291
but graphically set forth by Capt. Ayscough, who
dispatched three such men from Chester, under con-
voy of his entire gang, in 1780. '*On the road
thither/' says he, ''about seven miles from hence, at
a village called Sutton, they were met by upwards
of one Hundred Arm'd Seamen from Parkgate, be-
longing to different privateers at Liverpool. An
Affray ensued, and the three Impress'd men were
rescued by the Mobb, who Shot one of my Gang
through the Body and wounded two others." ^ Park-
gate, it will be recalled, was a notorious *' nest of
seamen." The alternative route to Liverpool, by
passage-boat down the Dee, was both safer and
cheaper. To send a pressed man that way, accom-
panied by two of the gang, cost only twelve-and-
six.^
Mr. Midshipman Goodave and party, convoying
pressed men from Lymington to Southampton, once
met with an adventure in traversing the New Forest
which, notwithstanding its tragic sequel, is not with-
out its humorous side. They had left the little
fishing village of Lepe some miles behind, and were
just getting well into the Forest, when a cavalcade
of mounted men, some thirty strong, all muffled in
greatcoats and armed to the teeth, unexpectedly
emerged from the wood and opened fire upon them.
Believing it to be an attempt at rescue, the gang
closed in about their prisoners, but when one of these
was the first to fall, his arm shattered and an ear shot
off, the gangsmen, perceiving their mistake, broke
and fled in all directions. Not far, however. The
1 Ad. I. 1446 — Capt. Ayscough, 17 Nov. 1780.
* Ad. I. 580— Admiral Phillip, 14 Sept. 1804.
292 THE PRESS-GANG
smugglers, for such they were, quickly rounded them
up and proceeded, not to shoot them, as the would-be
fugitives anticipated, but to administer to them the
" smugglers' oath." This they did by forcing them
on their knees and compelling them, at the point of
the pistol and with horrible execrations, to "wish
their eyes might drop out if they told their officers
which way they, the smugglers, were gone." Having
extorted this unique pledge of secrecy as to their
movements, they rode away into the Forest, unaware
that Mr. Midshipman Goodave, snugly ensconced in
the neighbouring ditch, had seen and heard all that
passed — a piece of discretion on his part that later on
brought at least one of the smugglers into distressing
contact with the law.^
Just as the dangers of the sea sometimes rendered
it safer to dispatch pressed men from seaport towns
by land — as at Exmouth, where the entrance to the
port was in certain weathers so hazardous as to bottle
all shipping up, or shut it out, for days together — so
the dangers peculiar to the land rendered it as often
expedient to dispatch them from inland towns by
water. This was the case at Stourbridge. Handed
over to contractors responsible for their safe-keeping,
the numerous seamen taken by the gangs in that
town and vicinity were delivered on board the tenders
in King Road, below Bristol — conveyed thither by
water, at a cost of half a guinea per head. This sum
included subsistence, which would appear to have
been mainly by water also. To Liverpool, the
alternative port of delivery, carriage could only be
^ Ad. 7. 300 — Law Officers' Opinions, 1778-83, No. 18 : Informations
of Shepherd Goodave, i Oct. 1779.
IN THE CLUTCH OF THE GANG 293
had by land, and the risks of land transit in that
direction were so great as to be considered insuper-
able, to say nothing of the cost.^
At ports such as Liverpool, Dublin and Hull,
where His Majesty's ships made frequent calls, the
readiest means of disposing of pressed men was of
course to put them immediately on ship-board ; but
when no ship was thus available, or when, though
available, she was bound foreign or on other pro-
hibitive service, there was nothing for it, in the case
of rendezvous lying so far afield as to render land
transport impracticable, but to forward the harvest
of the gangs by water. In this way there grew up
a system of sea transport that centred from many
distant and widely separated points of the kingdom
upon those great entrepots for pressed men, the
Hamoaze, Spithead and the Nore.
Now and then, for reasons of economy or expedi-
ency, men were shipped to these destinations as
''passengers" on colliers and merchant vessels, their
escort consisting of a petty officer and one or more
gangsmen, according to the number to be safeguarded.
Occasionally they had no escort at all, the masters
being simply bound over to make good all losses
arising from any cause save death, capture by an
enemy's ship or the act of God. From King's
Lynn to the Nore the rate per head, by this means
of transport, was £2, 15s., including victualling ; from
Hull, £2, I2S. 6d. ; from Newcastle, los. 6d. The
lower rates for the longer runs are explained by the
fact that, shipping facilities being so much more
numerous on the Humber and the Tyne, competi-
1 Ad. I. 1500— Letters of Capt. Beecher, 1780.
294 THE PRESS-GANG
tion reduced the cost of carriage in proportion to
its activity.^
In spite of every precaution, such serious loss
attended the shipping of men in this manner as to
force the Admiralty back upon its own resources.
Recourse was accordingly had, in the great majority
of cases, to that handy auxiliary of the fleet, the hired
tender. Tenders fell into two categories — cruising
tenders, employed exclusively, or almost exclusively,
in pressing afloat after the manner described in an
earlier chapter, and tenders used for the double
purpose of ** keeping" men pressed on land and of
conveying them -to the fleet when their numbers grew
to such proportions as to make a full and consequently
dangerous ship. In theory, "any old unmasted hulk,
unfit to send to sea, would answer to keep pressed
men in." ^ In practice, the contrary was the case.
Fitness for sea, combined with readiness to slip at
short notice, was more essential than mere cubic
capacity, since transhipment was thus avoided and
the pressed man deprived of another chance of taking
French leave.
One all-important consideration, in the case of
tenders employed for the storing and detention of
pressed men prior to their dispatch to the fleet, was
that the vessel should be able to lie afloat at low
water ; for if the fall of the tide left her high and dry,
the risk of desertion, as well as of attack from the
shore, was enormously increased. Whitehaven could
make no use of man-storing tenders for this reason ;
^ Ad. I. 579 — Admiral Phillip, 3 and 11 Aug. 1801 ; Admiral
Pringle, 2 April 1795.
2 Ad. I. 579— Admiral Pringle, 2 April 1795.
IN THE CLUTCH OF THE GANG 295
and at the important centre of King's Lynn, which
was really a receiving station for three counties, it
was found "requisite to have always a vessel below
the Deeps to keep pressed men aboard," since their
escape or rescue by way of the flats was in any
anchorage nearer the town a foregone conclusion/
On board the tenders the comfort and health of
the pressed man were no more studied than in the
strong-rooms and prisons ashore. A part of the hold
was required to be roughly but substantially parti-
tioned off for his security, and on rare occasions this
space was fitted with bunks ; but as the men usually
arrived ''all very bare of necessaries" — except when
pressed afloat, a case we are not now considering —
any provision for the slinging of hammocks, or the
spreading of bedding they did not possess, came to
be looked upon as a superfluous and uncalled-for
proceeding. Even the press-room was a rarity, save
in tenders that had been long in the service. Down
in the hold of the vessel, whither the men were turned
like so many sheep as soon as they arrived on board,
they perhaps found a rough platform of deal planks
provided for them to lie on, and from this they were at
liberty to extract such sorry comfort as they could during
the weary days and nights of their incarceration.
Other conveniences they had none. When this too
was absent, as not infrequently happened, they were
reduced to the necessity of " laying about on the
Cables and Cask," suffering in consequence "more
than can well be expressed."^ It is not too much
1 Ad. I. i486— Capt. Baird, 27 Feb. 1755.
2 Ad. I. 1439— Capt. A'Court, 22 April 1741 ; Ad. i. 1497— Capt.
Bover, 11 Feb. 1777, and Captains' Letters, passim.
296 THE PRESS-GANG
to say that transported convicts had better treat-
ment.
Cooped up for weeks at a stretch in a space
invariably crowded to excess, deprived almost entirely
of light, exercise and fresh air, and poisoned with bad
water and what Roderick Random so truthfully called
the "noisome stench of the place," it is hardly
surprising that on protracted voyages from such
distant ports as Limerick or Leith the men should
have "fallen sick very fast."^ Officers were, indeed,
charged "to be very careful of the healths of the
seamen " entrusted to their keeping ; yet in spite of
this most salutary regulation, so hopelessly bad were
the conditions under which the men were habitually
carried, and so slight was the effort made to ameliorate
them, that few tenders reached their destination with-
out a more or less serious outbreak of fever, small-pox
or some other equally malignant distemper. Upon
the fleet the effect was appalling. Sickly tenders
could not but make sickly ships.
If the material atmosphere of the tender's hold
was bad, its moral atmosphere was unquestionably
worse. Dark deeds were done here at times, and
no man "peached" upon his fellows. Out of this
deplorable state of things a remarkable legal proceed-
ing once grew. Murder having been committed in
the night, and none coming forward to implicate the
offender, the coroner s jury, instead of returning their
verdict against some person or persons unknown,
found the entire occupants of the tender's hold,
seventy-two in number, guilty of that crime. A
* Ad. I. 1444— Capt. Allen, 4 March 1771, and Captains' Letters,
passim.
I IN THE CLUTCH OF THE GANG 297
warrant was actually issued for their apprehension,
I though never executed. To put the men on their
f trial was a useless step, since, in the circumstances,
they would have been most assuredly acquitted/
Just as assuredly any informer in their midst would
have been murdered.
The scale of victualling on board the tenders was
supposed to be the same as on shore. '* Full allowance
daily " was the rule ; and if the copper proved too
small to serve all at one boiling, there were to be as
many boilings as should be required to go round.
Unhappily for the pressed man, there was a weevil in
his daily bread. While it was the bounden duty of
the master of the vessel to feed him properly, and of
the officers to see that he was properly fed, '* officers
and masters generally understood each other too well
in the pursery line." ^ Rations were consequently
short, boilings deficient, and though the cabin went well
content, the hold was the scene of bitter grumblings.
Nor were these the only disabilities the pressed
man laboured under. His officers proved a sore trial
to him. The Earl of Pembroke, Lord High Admiral,
foreseeing that this would be the case, directed that
he should be ** used with all possible tenderness and
humanity." The order was little regarded. The
callosity of Smollett's midshipman, who spat in the
pressed man's face when he dared to complain of his
sufferings, and roughly bade him die for aught he
cared, was characteristic of the service. Hence a
later regulation, with grim irony, gave directions for
his burial. He w^as to be put out of the way, as soon
1 Aii. 7. 300— Law Officers' Opinions, 1778-83, No. 20.
2 Ad. I. 579— Admiral M'Bride, 19 March 1795.
298 THE PRESS-GANG
as might be after the fatal conditions prevailing on
board His Majesty's tenders had done their work,
with as great a show of decency as could be extracted
from the sum of ten shillings.
Strictly speaking, it was not in the power of
the tender's officers to mitigate the hardships of the
pressed man's lot to any appreciable extent, let them be
as humane as they might. For this the pressed man
himself was largely to blame. An ungrateful rogue,
his hide was as impervious to kindness as a duck's
back to water. Supply him with slops ^ wherewith
to cover his nakedness or shield him from the cold,
and before the Sunday muster came round the
garments had vanished — not into thin air, indeed,
but in tobacco and rum, for which forbidden luxuries
he invariably bartered them with the bumboat women
who had the run of the vessel while she remained in
harbour. Or allow him on deck to take the air and
such exercise as could be got there, and the moment
your back was turned he was away sans cong4. Few
of these runaways were as considerate as that Scotch
humorist, William Ramsay, who was pressed at Leith
for beating an informer and there put on board the
tender. Seizing the first opportunity of absconding,
" Sir," he wrote to the lieutenant in command, '•' I am
so much attached to you for the good usage I have
received at your hands, that I cannot think of ventur-
ing on board your ship again in the present state of
affairs. I therefore leave this letter at my father's
^ The regulations stipulated that slops should be served out to all
who needed them ; but as their acceptance was held to set up a contract
between the recipient and the Crown, the pressed man was not un-
naturally averse from drawing upon such a source of supply as long as
any chance of escape remained to him.
IN THE CLUTCH OF THE GANG 299
to inform you that I intend to slip out of the
way."^
When that clever adventuress, Moll Flanders,
found herself booked for transportation beyond the
seas, her one desire, it will be recalled, was ** to come
back before she went." So it was with the pressed
man. The idea of escape obsessed him — escape
before he should be rated on shipboard and sent
away to heaven only knew what remote quarter of
the globe. It was for this reason that irons were so
frequently added to his comforts. " Safe bind, safe
find " was the golden rule on board His Majesty's
Renders.
How difficult it was for him to carry his cherished
design into execution, and yet how easy, is brought
home to us with surprising force by the catastrophe
that befell the Tasker tender. On the 23rd of May
1755 the Tasker sailed out of the Mersey with a full
cargo of pressed men designed for Spithead. She
possessed no press-room, and as the men for that
reason had the run of the hold, all hatches were
securely battened down with the exception of the
maindeck scuttle, an opening so small as to admit of
the passage of but one man at a time. Her crew
numbered thirty-eight, and elaborate precautions were
taken for the safe-keeping of her restless human
freight. So much is evident from the disposition of
her guard, which was as follows : —
{a) At the open scuttle two sentries, armed with
pistol and cutlass. Orders, not to let too
many men up at once.
^ Ad. I. 1524.— Capt. Brenton, 20 Oct. 1800.
300 THE PRESS-GANG
{d) On the forecastle two sentries, armed with
musket and bayonet. Orders, to fire on any
pressed man who should attempt to swim
away.
(c) On the poop one sentry, similarly armed, and
having similar orders.
(d) On the quarter-deck, at the entrance to the
great cabin, where the remaining arms were
kept, one sentry, armed with cutlass and
pistol. Orders, to let no pressed man come
upon the quarter-deck.
There were thus six armed sentinels stationed
about the ship — ample to have nipped in the bud any
attempt to seize the vessel, but for two serious errors
of judgment on the part of the officer responsible for
their disposition. These were, first, the discretionary
power vested in the sentries at the scuttle ; and, second,
the inadequate guard, a solitary man, set for the
defence of the great cabin and the arms it contained.
Now let us see how these errors of judgment affected
the situation.
Either through stupidity, bribery or because they
were rapidly making an offing, the sentries at the
scuttle, as the day wore on, admitted a larger number
of pressed men to the comparative freedom of the
deck than was consistent with prudence. The number
eventually swelled to fourteen — sturdy, determined
fellows, the pick of the hold. One of them,
having a fiddle, struck up a merry tune, the rest fell
to dancing, the tender's crew who were off duty
caught the infection and joined in, while the officers
stood looking on, tolerantly amused and wholly un-
IN THE CLUTCH OF THE GANG 301
suspicious of danger. Suddenly, just when the fun
was at its height, a splash was heard, a cry of '* Man
overboard ! " ran from lip to lip, and officers and crew
rushed to the vessel's side. They were there, gazing
into the sea, for only a minute or two, but by the
time they turned their faces inboard again the fourteen
determined men were masters of the ship. In the
brief disciplinary interval they had overpowered the
guard and looted the cabin of its store of arms. That
night they carried the tender into Redwharf Bay
and there bade her adieu.^ To pursue them in so
mountainous a country would have been useless ; to
punish them, even had they been retaken, impossible.
As unrated men they were neither mutineers nor
deserters,^ and the seizure of the tender was at the
worst a bloodless crime in which no one was hurt save
an obdurate sentry, who was slashed over the head
with a cutlass.
The boldness of its inception and the anticlimaxical
nature of its finish invest another exploit of this
description with an interest all its own. This was the
cutting out of the Union tender from the river Tyne
on the 1 2th April 1777. The commander, Lieut.
Colville, having that day gone on shore for the
'^ Ad. I. 920 — Admiral Sir Edward Hawke, 3 June 1755, and
enclosures.
2 By 4 & 5 Anne, cap. 6, pressed men could be apprehended and
tried for desertion by virtue of the Queen's shilling having been forced
upon them at the time they were pressed, but as the use of that coin fell
into abeyance, so the Act in question became gradually a dead-letter.
Hay, Murray, Lloyd, Pinfold and Jervis, Law Officers of the Crown,
giving an opinion on this important point in 1756, held that "pressed
men are not subject to the Articles (of War) until they are actually rated
on board some of His Majesty's ships." — Ad. 7. 299 — Law Officers'
Opinions, 1756-77, No. 3, Case 2,
302 THE PRESS-GANG
** benefit of the air," and young Barker, the midship-
man who was left in charge in his absence, having
surreptitiously followed suit, the pressed men and
volunteers, to the number of about forty, taking
advantage of the opportunity thus presented, rose and
seized the vessel, loaded the great guns, and by dint
of threatening to sink any boat that should attempt to
board them kept all comers, including the commander
himself, at bay till nine o'clock in the evening. By
that time night had fallen, so, with the wind blowing
strong off-shore and an ebb-tide running, they cut the
cables and stood out to sea. For three days nothing
was heard of them, and North Shields, the scene of
the exploit and the home of most of the runaways, was
just on the point of giving the vessel up for lost when
news came that she was safe. Influenced by one
Benjamin Lamb, a pressed man of more than ordinary
character, the rest had relinquished their original
purpose of either crossing over to Holland or running
the vessel ashore on some unfrequented part of the
coast, and had instead carried her into Scarborough
Bay, doubtless hoping to land there without inter-
ference and so make their way to Whitby or Hull.
In this design, however, they were partly frustrated,
for, a force having been hastily organised for their
apprehension, they were waylaid as they came ashore
and retaken to the number of twenty-two, the rest
escaping. Lamb, discharged for his good offices in
saving the tender, was offered a boatswain's place if
he would re-enter ; but for poor Colville the affair
proved disastrous. Becoming demented, he attempted
to shoot himself and had to be superseded.^
1 Ad. I. 1497— Capt. Bover, 13 April 1777, and enclosures.
IN THE CLUTCH OF THE GANG 303
All down through the century similar incidents,
crowding thick and fast one upon another, relieved
the humdrum routine of the pressed man's passage
to the fleet, and either made his miserable life in
a measure worth living or brought it to a summary
conclusion. Of minor incidents, all tending to the
same happy or unhappy end, there was no lack.
Now he sweltered beneath a sun so hot as to
cause the pitch to boil in the seams of the deck
above his head ; again, as when the Boneta sloop,
conveying pressed men from Liverpool to the
Hamoaze in 1740, encountered '' Bedds of two or
three Acres bigg of Ice & of five or Six foot
thicknesse, which struck her with such force 'twas
enough to drive her bows well out," he '' almost
perished " from cold.^ To-day it was broad farce.
He held his sides with laughter to see the lieutenant
of the tender he was in, mad with rage and drink,
chase the steward round and round the mainmast
with a loaded pistol, whilst the terrified hands, fearing
for their lives, fled for refuge to the coalhole, the
roundtops and the shore.^ To-morrow it was tragedy.
Some "little dirty privateer" swooped down upon
him, as in the case of the Admiral Spry tender from
Waterford to Plymouth,^ and consigned him to what
he dreaded infinitely more than any man-o'-war — a
French prison ; or contrary winds, swelling into a
sudden gale, drove him a helpless wreck on to some
treacherous coast, as they drove the Rich Charlotte
^ Ad. I. 2732 — Capt. Young, 8 Feb. 1739-40.
2 Ad. I. 1498 — Complaint of the Master and Company of H.M.
Hired Tender Speedwell^ 21 Dec. 1778.
' Ad. I. 1500 — Dickson, Surveyor of Customs at the Cove of Cork,
20 April 1780.
304 THE PRESS-GANG
upon the Formby Sands in 1745,^ and there remorse-
lessly drowned him.
Provided he escaped such untoward accidents as
death or capture by the enemy, sooner or later the
pressed man arrived at the receiving station. Here
another ordeal awaited him, and here also he made
his last bid for freedom.
Taking the form of a final survey or regulating,
the ordeal the pressed man had now to face was
no less thoroughgoing than its precursor at the
rendezvous had in all probability been superficial
and ineffective. Eyes saw deeper here, wits were
sharper, and in this lay at once the pressed man's
bane and salvation. For if genuinely unfit, the fact
was speedily demonstrated ; whereas if merely sham-
ming, discovery overtook him with a certainty that
wrote " finis " to his last hope. Nevertheless, for this
ordeal, as for his earlier regulating at the rendezvous,
the sailor who knew his book prepared himself with
exacting care during the tedium of his voyage.
No sooner was he mustered for survey, then,
than the most extraordinary, impudent and in many
instances transparent impostures were sprung upon
his examiners. Deafness prevailed to an alarming
extent, dumbness was by no means unknown. Men
who fought desperately when the gang took them, or
who played cards with great assiduity in the tender's
hold, developed sudden paralysis of the arms.^ Legs
which had been soundness itself at the rendezvous
^ Ad. I. 1440 — Capt. Amherst, 4 Oct. 1745.
^ Ad. I. 1464— Capt. Bloyes, Jan. 1702-3; Ad. i. 1470 — Capt.
Bennett, 26 Sept. 171 1. An extraordinary instance of this form of
malingering is cited in the " Naval Sketch- Book," 1826.
IN THE CLUTCH OF THE GANG 305
were now a putrefying mass of sores. The itch broke
out again, virulent and from all accounts incurable.
Fits returned with redoubled frequency and violence,
the sane became demented or idiotic, and the most
obviously British, losing the use of their mother
tongue, swore with many gesticulatory sacrds that
they had no English, as indeed they had none for
naval purposes. Looking at the miserable, disease-
ridden crew, the uninitiated spectator was moved to
tears of pity. Not so the naval officer. In France,
when a prisoner of war, learning French there with-
out a master, he had heard a saying that he now
recalled to some purpose : Vin de grain est plus doux
que nest pas vin de presse — ''Willing duties are
sweeter than those that are extorted." The punning
allusion to the press had tickled his fancy and fixed
the significant truism in his memory. From it he
now took his cue and proceeded to man his ship.
So at length the pressed man, in spite of all his
ruses and protestations, was rated and absorbed into
that vast agglomeration of men and ships known as
the fleet. Here he underwent a speedy metamor-
phosis. It was not that he lost his individuality and
became a mere unit amongst thousands. Quite the
contrary. Friends, creditors or next-of-kin, concoct-
ing petitions on his behalf, set forth in heart-rending
terms the many disabilities he suffered from, together
with many he did not, and prayed, with a fervour
often reaching no deeper than their pockets, that
he might be restored without delay to his bereaved
and destitute family. Across the bottom right-hand
corner of these petitions, conveniently upturned for
that purpose, the Admiralty scrawled its initial order :
306 THE PRESS GANG
" Let his case be stated." The immediate effect of
this expenditure of Admiralty ink was magical. It
promoted the subject of the petition from the ranks,
so to speak, and raised him to the dignity of a
"State the Case Man."
He now became a person of consequence. The
kindliest inquiries were made after his health. The
state of his eyes, the state of his limbs, the state of
his digestion were all stated with the utmost minute-
ness and prolixity. Reams of gilt-edged paper were
squandered upon him ; and by the time his case had
been duly stated, restated, considered, reconsidered
and finally decided, the poor fellow had perhaps voy-
aged round the world or by some mischance gone to
the next.
In the matter of exacting their pound of flesh
the Lords Commissioners were veritable Shylocks.
Neither supplications nor tears had power to move
them, and though they sometimes relented, it was
invariably for reasons of policy and in the best
interests of the service. Men clearly shown to be
protected they released. They could not go back
upon their word unless some lucky quibble rendered
it possible to traverse the obligation with honour.
Unprotected subjects who were clearly unfit to eat
the king's victuals they discharged — for substitutes.
The principle underlying their Lordships' gracious
acceptance of substitutes for pressed men was beauti-
fully simple. If as a pressed man you were fit to
serve, but unwilling, you were worth at least two
able-bodied men ; if you were unfit, and hence unable
to serve, you were worth at least one. This simple
rule proved a source of great encouragement to the
The Press-Gang, or English Liberty displayed.
IN THE CLUTCH OF THE GANG 307
gangs, for however bad a man might be he was
always worth a better.
The extortions to which the Lords Commissioners
lent themselves in this connection — three, and, as in
the case of Joseph Sanders of Bristol,^ even four
able-bodied men being exacted as substitutes — could
only be termed iniquitous did we not know the dupli-
city, roguery and deep cunning with which they had
to cope. Upon the poor, indeed, the practice en-
tailed great hardship, particularly when the home
had to be sacrificed in order to obtain the discharge
of the bread-winner who had been instrumental in
getting it together ; but to the unscrupulous crimp
and the shady attorney the sailor's misfortune
brought only gain. Buying up *'raw boys," or Irish-
men who "came over for reasons they did not wish
known " — rascally persons who could be had for a
song — they substituted these for seasoned men who
had been pressed, and immediately, having got the
latter in their power, turned them over to merchant
ships at a handsome profit. At Hull, on the other
hand, substitutes were sought in open market. The
bell-man there cried a reward for men to go in that
capacity.^
Even when the pressed man had procured his
substitutes and obtained his coveted discharge, his
liberty was far from assured. In theory exempt
from the press for a period of at least twelve months,
he was in reality not only liable to be re-pressed at
any moment, but to be subjected to that process as
often as he chose to free himself and the gang to
^ Ad. I. 1534 — Capt. Barker, 4 Jan. 1805, and endorsement.
2 Ad. I. 1439— George Crowle, Esq., M.P. for Hull, 28 Dec. 1739.
308 THE PRESS GANG
take him. A Liverpool youth named William Crick
a lad with expectations to the amount of " near
;^4000," was in this way pressed and discharged by
substitute three times in quick succession/ Intend-
ing substitutes themselves not infrequently suffered
the same fate ere they could carry out their intention.^
The discharging of a pressed man whose petition
finally succeeded did not always prove to be the
eminently simple matter it would seem. Time and
tide waited for no man, least of all for the man who
had the misfortune to be pressed, and in the interval
between his appeal and the order for his release his
ship, as already hinted, had perhaps put half the
circumference of the globe between him and home ;
or when the crucial moment arrived, and he was
summoned before his commander to learn the gratify-
ing Admiralty decision, he made his salute in
batches of two, three or even four men, each of
whom protested vehemently that he was the original
and only person to whom the order applied. An
amusing attempt at "coming Cripplegate " in this
manner occurred on board the Lennox in 171 1. A
woman, who gave her name as Alice Williams,
having petitioned for the release of her "brother,"
one John Williams, a pressed man then on board that
ship, succeeded in her petition, and orders were sent
down to the commander, Capt. Bennett, to give the
man his discharge. He proceeded to do so, but to his
amazement discovered, first, that he had no less than
four John Williamses on board, all pressed men ;
^ Ad. I. 579 — Rear-Admiral Child, 8 Aug. 1799.
^ Ad. I. 1439 — Lieut. Leaver, 5 Jan. 1739-40, and numerous in-
stances.
IN THE CLUTCH OF THE GANG 309
second, that while each of the four claimed to be the
man in question, three of the number had no sister,
while the fourth confessed to one whose name was
not Alice but " Percilly " ; and, after long and patient
investigation, third, that one of them had a wife
named Alice, who, he being a foreigner domiciled by
marriage, had ''tould him she would gett him cleare"
should he chance to fall into the hands of the press-
gang. In this she failed, for he was kept/
Of the pressed man's smiling arrest for debts which
he did not owe, and of his jocular seizure by sheriffs
armed with writs of Habeas Corpus, the annals of his
incorporation in the fleet furnish many instances.
Arrest for fictitious debt was specially common. In
every seaport town attorneys were to be found who
made it their regular practice. Particularly was this
true of Bristol. Good seamen were rarely pressed
there for whom writs were not immediately issued on
the score of debts of which they had never heard.^
To warrant such arrest the debt had to exceed twenty
pounds, and service, when the pressed man was
already on shipboard, was by the hands of the Water
Bailiff.
The writ of Habeas Corpus was, in effect, the only
legal check it was possible to oppose to the impudent
pretensions and high-handed proceedings of the gang.
While H.M.S. Amaranth lay in dock in 1804 and
her company were temporarily quartered on a hulk in
Long Reach, two sheriff's officers, accompanied by a
man named Cumberland, a tailor of Deptford, boarded
the latter and served a writ on a seaman for debt.
^ Ad. I. 1470— Capt. Bennett, 2 Dec. 171 1.
2 Ad. I. 579— Admiral Philip, 5 Dec. 1801.
310 THE PRESS-GANG
The first lieutenant, who was in charge at the time,
refused to let the man go, saying he would first send
to his captain, then at the dock, for orders, which he
accordingly did. The intruders thereupon went over
the side, Cumberland ** speaking very insultingly."
Just as the messenger returned with the captain's
answer, however, they again put in an appearance,
and the lieutenant hailed them and bade them come
aboard. Cumberland complied. " I have orders from
my captain," said the lieutenant, stepping up to him,
" to press you." He did so, and had it not been that
a writ of Habeas Corpus was immediately sworn out,
the Deptford tailor would most certainly have ex-
changed his needle for a marlinespike.^
Provocative as such redemptive measures were,
and designedly so, they were as a rule allowed to pass
unchallenged. The Lords Commissioners regretted
the loss of the men, but thought " perhaps it would be
as well to let them go." ^ For this complacent attitude
on the part of his captors the pressed man had reason
to hold the Law Officers of the Crown in grateful
remembrance. As early as 1755 they gave it as their
opinion — too little heeded — that to bring any matter
connected with pressing to judicial trial would be
"very imprudent." Later, with the lesson of twenty-two
years' hard pressing before their eyes, they went still
further, for they then advised that a subject so conten-
tious, not to say so ill-defined in law, should be kept, if
not altogether, at least as much as possible out of court.^
1 Aii. I. 1532— Lieut. Collett, 13 Feb. 1804.
2 Ad. 7. 302— Law Officers' Opinions, 1783-95, No. 24.
* Ad. 7. 298— Law Officers' Opinions, 1733-56, No. 99 ; Ad. 7. 299
— Law Officers' Opinions, 1756-77, No. 70.
CHAPTER XII
HOW THE GANG WENT OUT
Not until the year 1833 did belated Nemesis overtake
the press-gang. It died the unmourned victim of its
own enormities, and the manner of its passing forms
the by no means least interesting chapter in its extra-
ordinary career.
Summarising the causes, direct and indirect, which
led to the final scrapping of an engine that had been
mainly instrumental in manning the fleet for a hundred
years and more, and without which, whatever its im-
perfections, that fleet could in all human probability
never have been manned at all, we find them to be
substantially these : —
(a) The demoralising effects of long-continued,
violent and indiscriminate pressing upon the
Fleet ;
(d) Its injurious and exasperating effects upon
Trade ;
(c) Its antagonising effect upon the Nation ; and
(d) Its enormous cost as compared with recruiting
by the good- will of the People.
Frederick the Great, it is related, being in one of
his grim humours after the dearly bought victory of
312 THE PRESS-GANG
Czaslaw, invited the neighbouring peasantry to come
and share the spoil of the carcases on the field of
battle. They responded in great numbers ; whereupon
he, surrounding them, pressed three hundred of the
most promising and ** cloathed them immediately from
the dead." ^ In this way, Ezekiel-like, he retrieved
his losses ; but to the regiments so completed the
addition of these resurrection recruits proved demoral-
ising to a degree, notwithstanding the Draconic
nature of the Prussian discipline. In like manner the
discipline used in the British fleet, while not less
drastic, failed conspicuously to counteract the dry-rot
introduced and fostered by the press-gang. In its
efforts to maintain the Navy, indeed, that agency came
near to proving its ruin.
On the most lenient survey of the recruits it
furnished, it cannot be denied that they were in the
aggregate a desperately poor lot, unfitted both
physically and morally for the tremendous task of
protecting an island people from the attacks of power-
ful sea-going rivals. How bad they were, the
epithets spontaneously applied to them by the out-
raged commanders upon whom they were foisted
abundantly prove. Witness the following, taken at
random from naval captains' letters extending over
a hundred years : —
" Blackguards."
** Sorry poor creatures that don't earn half the
victuals they eat."
" Sad, thievish creatures."
^ State Papers Foreign^ Germany^ vol. cccxl. — Robinson to Hyndford,
31 May 1742.
HOW THE GANG WENT OUT 313
** Not a rag left but what was of such a nature as
had to be destroyed."
"150 on board, the greatest part of them sorry-
fellows."
" Poor ragged souls, and very small."
*' Miserable poor creatures, not a seaman amongst
them, and the fleet in the same condition."
" Unfit for service, and a nuisance to the ship."
** Never so ill-manned a ship since I have been
at sea. The worst set I ever saw."
** Twenty-six poor souls, but three of them sea-
men. Ragged and half dead."
*' Landsmen, boys, incurables and cripples. Sad
wretches great part of them are."
'* More fit for an hospital than the sea."
'' All the ragg-tagg that can be picked up."
In this last phrase, "All the rag-tag that can be
picked up," we have the key to the situation ; for
though orders to press *'no aged, diseased or infirm
persons, nor boys," were sufficiently explicit, yet in
order to swell the returns, and to appease in some
degree the fleet's insatiable greed for men, the gangs
raked in recruits with a lack of discrimination that for
the better part of a century made that fleet the most
gigantic collection of human freaks and derelicts under
the sun.
Billingsley, commander of the Ferme, receiving
seventy pressed men to complete his complement in
1708, discovers to his chagrin that thirteen are lame
in the legs, five lame in the hands, and three almost
blind. ^ Latham, commanding the Bristol^ on the
^ Ad. I. 1469 — Capt. Billingsley, 5 May 1708.
314 THE PRESS GANG
eve of sailing for the West Indies can muster only
eighteen seamen amongst sixty-eight pressed men
that day put on board of him. As for the rest, they
are either sick, or too old or too young to be of
service — " ragged wretches, bad of the itch, who have
not the least pretensions to eat His Majesty's bread."
Forty of the number had to be put ashore.^ Admiral
Mostyn, boarding his flagship, the Monarch, ** never
in his life saw such a crew," though the Monarch had
an already sufficiently evil reputation in that respect,
insomuch that whenever a scarecrow man-o'-war's
man was seen ashore the derisive cry instantly went
up: "There goes a Monarch V So hopelessly bad
was the company in this instance, it was found
impossible to carry the ship to sea. " I don't know
where they come from," observes the Admiral, hot
with indignation, ''but whoever was the officer who
received them, he ought to be ashamed, for I never
saw such except in the condemned hole at Newgate.
I was three hours and a half mustering this scabby
crew, and I should have imagined that the Scum of
the Earth had been picked up for this ship."^ The
vigorous protest prepares us for what Capt. Baird
found on board the Duke a few years later. The
pressed men there exhibited such qualifications for
sea duty as ** fractured thigh-bone, idiocy, strained
back and sickly, a discharged soldier, gout and sixty
years old, rupture, deaf and foolish, fits, lame,
rheumatic and incontinence of urine." ^
That most reprehensible practice, the pressing of
^ Ad. I. i6i — Admiral Watson, 26 Feb. 1754.
2 jifi I, 480 — Admiral Mostyn, rand 6 April 1755.
3 Ad. I. 1490— Capt. Baird, 22 May 1759.
HOW THE GANG WENT OUT 315
cripples for naval purposes, would appear to have had
its origin in the unauthorised extension of an order
issued by the Lord High Admiral, in 1704, to the
effect that in the appointment of cooks to the Navy
the Board should give preference to persons so
afflicted. For the pressing of boys there existed
even less warrant. Yet the practice was common,
so much so that when, during the great famine of
1800, large numbers of youths flocked into Poole in
search of the bread they could not obtain in the
country, the gangs waylaid them and reaped a rich
harvest. Two hundred was the toll on this occasion.
As all were in a "very starving, ragged, filthy
condition," the gangsmen stripped them, washed
them thoroughly in the sea, clad them in second-hand
clothing from the quay-side shops, and giving each
one a knife, a spoon, a comb and a bit of soap, sent
them on board the tenders contented and happy. ^
These lads were of course a cut above the "scum of
the earth " so vigorously denounced by Admiral
Mostyn. Beginning their career as powder-monkeys,
a few years' licking into shape transformed them, as
a rule, into splendid fighting material.
The utter incapacity of the human refuse dumped
into the fleet is justly stigmatised by one indignant
commander, himself a patient long-sufferer in that
respect, as a "scandalous abuse of the service." Six
of these poor wretches had not the strength of one
man. They could not be got upon deck in the night,
or if by dint of the rope's-end they were at length
routed out of their hammocks, they immediately
developed the worst symptoms of the "waister" —
^ Ad. I. 579 — Capt. Boyle, 2 June 1801.
316 THE PRESS-GANG
seasickness and fear of that which is high.^ Bruce,
encountering dirty weather on the Irish coast, when
in command of the Hawke, out of thirty-two pressed
men *' could not get above seven to go upon a yard
to reef his courses," but was obliged to order his
warrant officers and master aloft on that duty.^
Belitha, of the Scipio, had but one man aboard him,
out of a crew of forty-one, who was competent to
stand his trick at the wheel ;^ Bethell, of the Phoenix^
had many who had "never seen a gun fired in their
lives " ; * and Adams, of the Bird-in-hand, learnt the
fallacy of the assertion that that vara avis is worth
two in the bush. Mustered for drill in small-arms,
his men "knew no more how to handle them than
a child." ^ For all their knowledge of that useful
exercise they might have been Sea-Fencibles.
Yet while ships were again and again prevented
from putting to sea because, though their complements
were numerically complete, they had only one or no
seaman on board, and hence were unable to get their
anchors or make sail ; ^ while Bennett, of the Lennox,
when applied to by the masters of eight outward-
bound East-India ships for the loan of two hundred
and fifty men to enable them to engage the French
privateers by whom they were held up in the river
of Shannon, dared not lend a single hand lest the
pressed men, who formed the greater part of his crew,
* Ad. I. 1471— Capt. Billop, 26 Oct. 1712.
* Ad. I. 1477— Capt. Bruce, 6 Oct. 1741.
* Ad. I. 1482— Capt. Belitha, 15 July 1746.
* Ad. I. 1490— Capt. Bethell, 21 Aug. 1759.
* Ad. I. 1440— Capt. Adams, 7 Oct. 1744.
^ Ad. I. 1478— Capt. Boys, 14 April 1742; Ad. i. 1512— Capt.
Bayly, 21 July 1796, and Captains' \.^\X.txs, passim.
• HOW THE GANG WENT OUT 317
should rise and run away with the ship ; ^ Ambrose,
of the Rupert, cruising off Cape Machichaco with
a crew of ''miserable poor wretches" whom he feared
could be of *' no manner of use or service " to him,
after a short but sharp engagement of only an hour's
duration captured, with the loss of but a single man,
the largest privateer sailing out of San Sebastian —
the Duke of Vandome, of twenty-six carriage guns
and two hundred and two men, of whom twenty-nine
were killed ; ^ and Capt. Amherst, encountering a
heavy gale in Barnstable Pool, off Appledore, would
have lost his ship, the low-waisted, over-masted
Mortar sloop, had it not been for the nine men he
was so lucky as to impress shortly before the gale.*
Anson regarded pressed men with suspicion. When
he sailed on his famous voyage round the world his
ships contained only sixty-seven ; but with his
complement of five hundred reduced by sickness to
two hundred and one, he was glad to add forty of
those undesirables to their number out of the India-
men at Wampoo.* These, however, were seamen
such as the gangs did not often pick up in England,
where, as we have seen, the able seaman who was
not fully protected avoided the press as he would
a lee shore.
In addition to the sweepings of the roads and
slums, there were in His Majesty's ships many who
trod the decks "wide betwixt the legs, as if they had
the gyves on." Peculiar to the seafaring man, the
1 Ad. I. 1499— Capt. Bennett, 22 Sept. 1779.
2 Ad. I. 1439 — Capt. Ambrose, 7 July and 26 Sept. 1741.
^ Ad. I. 1440 — Capt. Amherst, 12 Dec. 1744.
* Ad. I. 1439— Capt. Anson, 18 Sept. 1740, and 7 Dec. 1742.
318 THE PRESS-GANG
tailor and the huckstering Jew, the gait of these
individuals, who belonged mostly to the sailor class,
was strongly accentuated by an adventitious circum-
stance having no necessary connection with Israelitish
descent, the sartorial board or the rolling deep.
They were in fact convicts who had but recently
shed their irons, and who walked wide from force
of habit. Reasons of policy rather than of mercy
explained their presence in the fleet. The prisons
of the country, numerous and insanitary though they
were, could neither hold them all nor kill them ;
America would have no more of them ; and penal
settlements, those later garden cities of a harassed
government, were as yet undreamt of. In these
circumstances reprieved and pardoned convicts were
bestowed in about equal proportions, according to
their calling and election, upon the army and the navy.
The practice was one of very respectable antiquity
and antecedents. By a certain provision of the
Feudal System a freeman who had committed a
felony, or become hopelessly involved in debt, might
purge himself of either by becoming a serf. So, at
a later date, persons in the like predicament were
permitted to exchange their fetters, whether of debt
or iron, for the dear privilege of ''spilling every drop
of blood in their bodies " ^ on behalf of the sovereign
whose clemency they enjoyed. Broken on the wheel
of naval discipline, they ''did very well in deep
water." Nearer land they were given, like the jail-
birds they were, to "hopping the twig."^
^ Ad. I. 5125— Petition of the Convicts on board the Stanislaus
hulk, Woolwich, 18 May 1797.
2 Ad. I. 2733— Capt. Young, 21 March 1776.
HOW THE GANG WENT OUT 319
The insolvent debtor, who in the majority of cases
had studied his pleasures more than his constitution,
was perhaps an even less desirable recruit than his
cousin the emancipated convict. In his letters to the
Navy Board, Capt. Aston, R.N., relates how, im-
mediately after the passing of the later Act ^ for the
freeing of such persons from their financial fetters, he
" gave constant attendance for almost two years at
the sittings of the Courts of Sessions in London and
Surrey," lying in wait there for such debtors as should
choose the sea. From the Queen's Bench Prison,
the Clink, Marshalsea, Borough Compter, Poultry
Compter, Wood Street Compter, Ludgate Prison
and the Fleet, he obtained in that time a total of
one hundred and thirty-two, to whom in every case
the prest-shilling was paid. They were dear at the
price. Bankrupt in pocket, stamina and health, they
cumbered the ships to the despair of commanders and
were never so welcome as when they ran away.^
The responsibility for jail-bird recruiting did not
of course rest with the gangs. They saw the shady
crew safe on board ship, that was all. Yet the odium
of the thing was theirs. For not only did association
with criminals lower the standard of pressing as the
gangs practised it, it heightened the general disrepute
in which they were held. For an institution whose
hold upon the affections of the people was at the bes^
positively negative, this was a serious matter. Every
convict whom the gang safeguarded consequently
drove another nail in the coffin preparing for it.
The first and most lasting effect of the wholesale
^ 4 & 5 Anne, cap. 6.
^ Ad. I. 1436 — Letters of Capt. Aston, 1704-5.
320 THE PRESS-GANG
pumping of sewage into the fleet was to taint the
ships with a taint far more deadly than mere inepti-
tude. A spirit of ominous restlessness prevailed.
Slackness was everywhere observable, coupled with
incipient insubordination which no discipline, how-
ever severe, could eradicate or correct. At critical
moments the men could with difficulty be held to
their duty. To hold them to quarters in '97, when
engaging the enemy off Brest, the rattan and the
rope's-end had to be unsparingly used.^ In no
circumstances were they to be trusted. Given the
slightest opening, they *' ran " like water from a
sieve. To counteract these dangerous tendencies the
Marines were instituted. Drafted into the ships in
thousands, they checked in a measure the surface
symptoms of disaffection, but left the disease itself
untouched. The fact was generally recognised, and
it was no uncommon circumstance, when the number
of pressed men present in a ship was large in propor-
tion to the unpressed element, for both officers and
marines to y/alk the deck day and night armed,
fearful lest worse things should come upon them.^
What they anticipated was the mutiny of individual
crews. But a greater calamity than this was in store
for them.
In the wholesale mutinies at Spithead and the
Nore the blow fell with appalling suddenness, not-
withstanding the fact that in one form or another it
had been long foreseen. Fifty-five years had elapsed
since Vernon, scenting danger from the existing mode
^ Ad. I. 5125— Petition of the Company of H. M.S. Nymph^ 1797.
* Ad. I. 1499 — Capt. Bennett, 22 Sept. 1799, ^^^^ Captains' Letters,
passim.
HOW THE GANG WENT OUT 321
of manning the fleet, had first sounded the alarm.
He dreaded, he told the Lords Commissioners in so
many words, the consequences that must sooner or
later ensue from adherence to the press.^ Though
the utterance of one gifted with singularly clear
prevision, the warning passed unheeded. Had it
been made public, it would doubtless have met with
the derision with which the voice of the national
prophet is always hailed. Veiled as it was in service
privacy, it moved their Lordships to neither comment
nor action. Action, indeed, was out of the question.
The Commissioners were helpless in the grip of a
system from which, so far as human sagacity could
then perceive, there was no way of escape. Let its
issue be what it might, they could no more replace
or reconstruct it than they could build ships of
tinsel.
Other warnings were not wanting. For some
years before the catastrophic happenings of '97 there
flowed in upon the Admiralty a thin but steady stream
of petitions from the seamen of the fleet, each of them
a rude echo of Vernon's sapient warning. To these,
coming as they did from an unconsidered source,
little if any significance was attached. Beyond the
most perfunctory inquiry, in no case to be made
public, they received scant attention. The sailor, it
was thought, must have his grievances if he would
be happy ; and petitions were the recognised line for
him to air them on. They were accordingly relegated
to that limbo of distasteful and quickly forgotten things,
their Lordships' pigeon-holes.
Yet there was amongst these documents at least
^ Ad. I. 578 — Vice-Admiral Vernon, 27 Jan. 1742-3.
21
322 THE PRESS GANG
one which should have given the Heads of the Navy
pause for serious thought. It was the petition of the
seamen of H.M.S. Shannon,^ in which there was
conveyed a threat that afterwards, when the mutiny
at the Nore was at its height, under the leadership
of a pressed man whose coadjutors were mainly
pressed men, came within an ace of resolving itself
in action. That threat concerned the desperate
expedient of carrying the revolted ships into an
enemy's port, and of there delivering them up.
Had this been done — and only the Providence that
watches over the destinies of nations prevented it —
the act would have brought England to her knees.
At a time like this, when England's worst enemies
were emphatically the press-gangs which manned her
fleet with the riff-raff of the nation and thus made
national disaster not only possible but hourly imminent,
the ** old stander " and the volunteer were to her
Navy what salt is to the sea, its perpetual salvation.
Such men inculcated an example, created an esprit
de corps, that infected even the vagrant and the jail-
bird, to say nothing of the better-class seaman, taken
mainly by gangs operating on the water, who was
often content, when brought into contact with loyal
men, to settle down and do his best for king and
country. Amongst the pressed men, again, desertion
and death made for the survival of the fittest, and in
this residuum there was not wanting a certain savour.
Subdued and quickened by man-o'-war discipline,
they developed a dogged resolution, a super-capacity
not altogether incompatible with degeneracy ; and to
"^ Ad. I. 5125 — Petition of the Ship's Company of the Shannon^
16 June 1796.
HOW THE GANG WENT OUT 323
crown all, the men who officered the resolute if
disreputable crew were men in whose blood the salt
of centuries tingled, men unrivalled for sea-sagacity,
initiative and pluck. If they could not uphold the
honour of the flag with the pressed man's unqualified
aid, they did what was immeasurably greater. They
upheld it in spite of him.
Upon the trade of the nation the injury inflicted
by the press-gang is rightly summed up in littles.
Every able seaman, every callow apprentice taken
out of or forcibly detained from a merchant vessel
was, ipso facto, a minute yet irretrievably substantial
loss to commerce of one kind or another. Trade, it
is true, did not succumb in consequence. Possessed
of marvellous recuperative powers, she did not even
languish to any perceptible degree. Nevertheless,
the detriment was there, a steadily cumulative factor,
and at the end of any given period of pressing the
commerce of the nation, emasculated by these con-
tinuous if infinitesimal abstractions from its vitality,
I was substantially less in bulk, substantially less in
' pounds sterling, than if it had been allowed to run its
course unhindered.
British in name, but Teutonic in its resentments,
trade came to regard these continual '* pin-pricks" as
an intolerable nuisance. It was not so much the loss
that aroused her anger as the constant irritation she
was subjected to. This she keenly resented, and the
stream of her resentment, joining forces with its
confluents the demoralisation of the Navy through
pressing, the excessive cost of pressing and the
antagonising effects of pressing upon the nation at
large, contributed in no small degree to that final
,824 THE PRESS-GANG
supersession of the press-gang which was in essence,
if not in name, the beginning of Free Trade.
To the people the impress was as an axe laid at
the root of the tree. There was here no question, as
with trade, of the mere loss of hands who could be
replaced. Attacking the family in the person of its
natural supporter and protector, the octopus system
of which the gangs were the tentacles struck at the
very foundations of domestic life and brought to
thousands of households a poverty as bitter and a
grief as poignant as death.
If the people were slow to anger under the
infliction it was because, in the first place, the gang
had its advocates who, though they could not extol
its virtues, since it had none, were yet able, and that
with no small measure of success, to demonstrate to
a people as insular in their prejudices as in their
habitat that, but for the invincible Navy which the
gang maintained for their protection, the hereditary
enemy, the detested French, would most surely come
and compel them one and all to subsist upon a diet
of frogs. What could be seriously urged against the
gang in face of an argument such as that ?
Patriotism, moreover, glowed with ardent flame.
Fanned to twofold heat by natural hatred of the
foreigner and his insolent challenge of insular supe-
riority, it blinded the people to the truth that liberty of
the subject is in reality nothing more than freedom
from oppression. So, with the gang at their very
doors, waiting to snatch away their husbands, their
fathers and their sons, they carolled '' Rule Britannia"
and congratulated themselves on being a free people.
The situation was unparalleled in its sardonic humour ;
HOW THE GANG WENT OUT 325
and, as if this were not enough, the " Noodle of
Newcastle," perceiving vacuously that something was
still wanting, supplied the bathetic touch by giving
out that the king, God bless him ! could never prevail
upon himself to break through the sacred liberties of
his people save on the most urgent occasions/
The process of correcting the defective vision of
the nation was as gradual as the acquisition of the
sea-power the nation had set as its goal, and as
painful. In both processes the gang participated
largely. To the fleet it acted as a rude feeder ; to
the people as a ruder specialist. Wielding the cut-
lass as its instrument, it slowly and painfully hewed
away the scales from their eyes until it stood
visualised for what it really was — the most atrocious
agent of oppression the world has ever seen. For
the operation the people should have been grateful.
The nature of the thing they had cherished so blindly
filled them with rage and incited them to violence.
Two events now occurred to seal the fate of the
gang and render its final supersession a mere matter
of time rather than of debate or uncertainty. The
mutiny at the Nore brought the people face to face
with the appalling risks attendant on wholesale
pressing, while the war with America, incurred for
the sole purpose of upholding the right to press,
taught them the lengths to which their rulers were
still prepared to go in order to enslave them. In
the former case their sympathies, though with the
mutineers, were frozen at the fountain-head by fear of
invasion and that supposititious diet of frogs. In the
latter, as in the ancient quarrel between Admiralty
^ Newcastle Papers — Newcastle to Yorke, 27 Feb. 1749-50.
326 THE PRESS-GANG
and Trade, they went out to the party who not
only abstained from pressing but paid the higher
wages.
While the average cost of 'listing a man "volun-
teerly " rarely exceeded the modest sum of 30s., the
expense entailed through recruiting him by means of
the press-gang ranged from 3s. gd. per head in 1570^
tO;^ii4 in 1756. Between these extremes his cost
fluctuated in the most extraordinary manner. At
Weymouth, in 1762, it was at least ;^ioo; at Deal,
in 1805, £>Z'^ odd; at Poole, in the same year, £%o}
From 1756 the average steadily declined until in
1795 it touched its eighteenth century minimum of
about £^? A sharp upward tendency then developed,
and in the short space of eight years it soared again
to ;^20. It was at this figure that Nelson, perhaps
the greatest naval authority of his time, put it in
1803.*
Up to this point we have considered only the
prime cost of the pressed man. A secondary factor
must now be introduced, for when you had got your
man at an initial cost of ;^20 — a cost in itself out of
all proportion to his value — you could never be sure
of keeping him. Nelson calculated that during the war
immediately preceding 1803 forty-two thousand sea-
men deserted from the fleet.* Assuming, with him,
that every man of this enormous total was either a
1 state Papers Domestic^ Elizabeth^ vol. Ixxiii. f. 38 : Estimate of
Charge for Pressing 400 Mariners, 1570.
2 London Chronicle^ 16-18 March, 1762 ; Ad. i. 581— Admiral
Berkeley, 14 Feb. and 5 Aug. 1805.
^ Ad. I. 579 — Average based on Admirals' Reports on Rendezvous,
1791-5.
* Ad. I. 580— Memorandum on the State of the Fleet, 1803.
\
HOW THE GANG WENT OUT 327
pressed man or had been procured at the cost of a
pressed man, the loss entailed upon the nation by their
desertion represented an outlay of ;^840,ooo for raising
them in the first instance, and, in the second, a further
outlay of ;^840,ooo for replacing them.
In this estimate there is, however, a substantial
error ; for, approaching the question from another
point of view, let us suppose, as we may safely do
without overstraining the probabilities of the case,
that out of every three men pressed at least one ran
from his rating. Now the primary cost of pressing
three men on the ;f 20 basis being ;^6o, it follows
that in order to obtain their ultimate cost to the
country we must add to that sum the outlay incurred
in pressing another man in lieu of the one who ran.
The total cost of the three men who ultimately
remain to the fleet consequently works out at ;^8o ;
the cost of each at £26, 13s. 4d. Hence Nelsons
forty-two thousand deserters entailed upon the nation
an actual expenditure, not of ^1,680,000, but of nearly
two and a quarter millions.
Another fact that emerges from a scrutiny of
these remarkable figures is this. Whenever the
number of volunteer additions to the fleet increased,
the cost of pressing increased in like ratio ; whenever
the number of volunteers declined, the pressed man
became proportionally cheaper. Periods in which
the pressed man was scarce and dear thus synchronise
with periods when the volunteer was plentiful ; but
scarcity of volunteers, reacting upon the gangs, and
conducing to their greater activity, brought in pressed
men in greater numbers in proportion to expenditure
and so reduced the cost per head. In this logical
328 THE PRESS-GANG
though at first sight bewildering interrelation of the
laws of supply and demand, we have in a nutshell
the whole case for the cost of pressing as against the
gang. Taking one year with another the century
through, the impress service, on a moderate estimate,
employed enough able-bodied men to man a first-rate
ship of the line, and absorbed at least enough money
to maintain her, while the average number of men
raised, taking again one year with another, rarely if
ever exceeded the number of men engaged in obtain-
ing them. With tranquillity at length assured to the
country, with trade in a state of high prosperity, the
shipping tonnage of the nation rising by leaps and
bounds and the fleet reduced to an inexigent peace
footing, why incur the ruinous expense of pressing
the seaman when, as was now the case, he could be
had for the asking or the making ?
For Peace brought in her train both change and
opportunity. The frantic dumping of all sorts and
conditions of men into the fleet ceased. Necessity
no longer called for it. No enemy hovered in the
offing, to be perpetually outmanoeuvred or instantly
engaged. Until that enemy could renew its strength,
or time should call another into being, the mastery
of the seas, the dear prize of a hundred years of
strenuous struggle, remained secure. Our ships,
maintained nevertheless as efficient fighting-machines,
became schools of leisure wherein — a thing impos-
sible amid the perpetual storm and stress of war — the
young blood of the nation could be more gradually
inured to the sea and tuned to fighting-pitch.
Science had not yet linked hands with warfare.
Steam, steel, the ironclad, the super- Dreadnought
HOW THE GANG WENT OUT 329
and the devastating cordite gun were still in the
womb of the future ; but the keels of a newer fleet
were nevertheless already on the slips, and with the
old order the press-gang, now for ever obsolete, went
the way of all things useless.
Its memory still survives. Those who despair of
our military system, or of our lack of it, talk of con-
scription. They alone forget. A people who for
a hundred years patiently endured conscription in its
most cruel form will never again suffer it to be lightly
inflicted upon them.
APPENDIX
ADMIRAL YOUNG'S TORPEDO
Dear Nepean, — I enclose a little project for
destroying the Enemy's Flatboats if they venture
over to our Coast, which you may shew, if you please,
to your Sea Lords as coming from some anonymous
correspondent. If they can improve upon it so as to
make it useful, I shall be glad of it ; and if they think
it good for nothing, and throw it in the fire, there is
no harm done. As the conveying an Army must
require a very great number of Boats, which must
be very near each other, if many such vessels as I
propose should get - ^ong them, they must necessarily
commit great havoc. I cannot ascertain whether the
blocks or logs of wood would be strong enough to
throw the shot without bursting, or whether they
would not throw the shot though they should burst.
I think they would not burst, and so do some Officers
of Artillery here ; but that might be ascertained by
experiment at any time. This sort of Fire-vessel
will have the advantage of costing very little ; and of
being of no service to the Enemy should it fall into
their hands.
W. YOUNG.
Lewes, 14 Aug. 1803.
331
332 THE PRESS-GANG
Secret
** The success of an attempt to land an Army on
an Enemy's Coast, whose Army is prepared to
prevent it, will depend in a great degree on the
regularity of the order in which the Boats, or Vessels,
are arranged, that carry the Troops on Shore ; every-
thing therefore which contributes to the breaking of
that order will so far contribute to render success
more doubtful ; especially if, in breaking the order,
some of the Boats or Vessels are destroyed. For this
purpose Fireships well managed will be found very
useful ; I should therefore think that, at all the King's
Ports, and at all places where the Enemy may be
expected to attempt a landing with Ships of War
or other large Vessels, considerable quantities of
materials for fitting Fireships according to the latest
method should be kept ready to be put on board any
small Vessels on the Enemy's approach ; but, as such
Vessels would have little or no effect on Gunboats or
Flatboats, machines might be made for the purpose
of destroying them, by shot, and by explosion. The
Shot should be large, but as they will require to be
thrown but a short distance, and will have only thin-
sided Vessels to penetrate. Machines strong enough
to resist the effort of the small quantity of Powder
necessary to throw them may probably be made of
wood ; either by making several chambers in one
thick Block, as No. i , or one chamber at each end of
a log as No. 2, which may be used either separately,
or fastened together. The Vents should communicate
with each other by means of quick Match, which
10 0 4
!
— TT py" 77 — T
^f; -f/ ^'^ I
^
ri
.^/.
f^-::
;>
Ci>L _i!^
Admiral Young's Torpedo.
From the Original Drawing at the Public Record Office.
• • •
•
•
•
•
•
• t •
APPENDIX 333
should be very carefully covered to prevent its sus-
taining damage, or being moved by things carried
about. Such Machines, properly loaded, may be kept
in Fishing boats or other small vessels near the parts
of the Coast where the Enemy may be expected to
land ; or in secure places, ready to be put on board
when the Enemy are expected. The Chambers should
be cut horizontally, and the Machine should be so
placed in the Vessel as to have them about level with
the surface of the water ; under the Machine should
be placed a considerable quantity of Gunpowder ; and
over it, large Stones, and bags of heavy shingle, and
the whole may be covered with fishing nets, or any
articles that may happen to be on board. Several
fuses, or trains of Match, should communicate with
the Machine, and with the powder under it, so
managed as to ensure those which communicate with
the Machine taking effect upon the others, that
the shot may be thrown before the Vessel is blown
up. The Match, or Fuses, should be carefully con-
cealed to prevent their being seen if the Vessel should
be boarded. ... If these Vessels are placed in the
front of the Enemy's Line, and not near the
extremities of it, it would be scarcely possible for
them to avoid the effects of the explosion unless,
from some of them exploding too soon, the whole
armament should stop. Every Machine would prob-
ably sink the Boat on each side of it, and so do
considerable damage to others with the shot ; and
would kill and wound many men by the explosion
and the fall of the stones. ... As the success of
these Vessels will depend entirely upon their not
being suspected by the Enemy, the utmost secrecy
334 THE PRESS-GANG
must be observed in preparing the Machines and
sending them to the places where they are to be kept.
A few confidential men only should be employed to
make them, and they should be so covered as to
prevent any suspicion of their use, or of what they
contain."
Printed by Morrison & Gibb Limited, Edinburgh
INDEX
22
INDEX
Adams, Capt., 133, 134.
Admiral Spry tender, 303.
Adventure^ H.M.S., 234.
Ages below eighteen and over fifty-
five exempt, 84, 85.
Alcock, Henry, Mayor of Water-
ford, 196, 21.7, 218.
Alms, Capt., 182, 183.
Afnaranth, H.M.S., 309.
Ambrose, Capt., 317.
Amherst, Capt., 317.
Amphitrite, H.M.S., 34.
Andover, the press-gang at, 179.
Angksea, H.M.S., 234.
Anne, Queen, impresses foreign
seamen, 13.
arms of press-gang under, 73.
drummers and fifers pressed for
navy in her reign, 241.
sailors unwilling to serve, 28.
Anson, Admiral Lord, 104.
Anthony, John, pressed with two
protections on him, 102.
Appledore, press-gang at, 72, 290.
Apprentices, exempt from impress-
ment only in some circum-
stances, 85, 86.
in North - country pressed be-
cause their indentures bore
Scotch 14s. stamp instead of
English 15s., 102.
Archer, Capt, 241.
Arms of the press-gang, 72, 7^.
Assurance, H.M.S., 35.
Aston, Capt., 319.
Atkinson, Lieut., 221.
Ayscough, Capt., 291.
Baily, James, a ferryman, pressed
for his inactivity, 242.
Baird, Capt., 314.
Balchen, Capt., 104, 234.
Ball, Capt., 198.
Banyan days, 38.
Bargemen impressed in thou-
sands, 92.
Barker, Capt., regulating officer at
Bristol, 94, 288.
midshipman, 302.
Barking, the press-gang at, 209,
210.
Barnicle, William, 247.
Barnsley, Lieut., 208.
Barrington, Capt., 260.
BathjBristol gang's fruitless attempt
at, 161.
Bawdsey, 243.
Beaufort, East Indiaman, 126.
Beecher, Capt., 67, 208.
Bennett, Capt., 59, 60, 163, 308,
316.
Bertie, Capt., 26.
Bethell, Capt., paid damages for
wrongfully impressing, 238,
316.
Bettesworth, John, claims privi-
lege of granting private pro-
tections to Ryde and Ports-
mouth ferrymen, 105.
Biggen, Charles, 289.
Billingsley, Capt., 119, 313.
Bingham, William, 204.
Birchall, Lieut., 208, 220.
Bird-in-hand, H.M.S., 316.
Birmingham, sham gangs at, 67.
Black Book of the Admiralty,
30.
Blackstone, Sir W., 15, 16.
Black water, men working turf boats
on, not exempt, 95.
Blanche, H.M.S., 35.
Blear-eyed Moll, 263.
'Blonde, H.M.S., 192.
f Boats for the press-gang, 72.
337
338
INDEX
Boat steercrs on whalers exempt
from impressment, 90.
Boatswains, conditions of exemp-
tion, 87-9.
Bonetta sloop, 135, 303.
Boscawen, Capt., 98, 109, 1 10.
Boston, Mass., 215.
s^ounty system, the, 22.
Bowen, Capt., 184.
Box, Lieut, 192.
Boys, Capt., 147, 216.
Brace, Lieut., 246.
Bradley, Lieut., 182.
Brawn, Capt., 209.
Breedon, Lieut., 182.
Brenton, Capt. Jahleel, afterwards
Vice-Admiral, 59,214, 269 ,275.
Brenton, E. P., Naval History, 44.'
Brenton, Lieut., 195.
Brereton, Capt., 238.
Brett, Capt., 1 10, 234.
v'Bridges a favourite haunt of the
press-gang, 177.
Brighton, the press-gang at, 18 1-3,
248.
Bristol, the press-gang at, 81, 83,
94, 114, 162, 246, 249, 262,
272, 288.
Bristol jail as press-room, 281.
Bristol, H.M.S., 313.
Britannia trading vessel, three
of the crew shot in resisting
• the press-gang, 229 ; the ship
captured and taken to port,
the affair not within the
coroner's purview, the bodies
buried at sea, 230 ; court-
martial acquits officers, 23 1 .
Brixham, the press-gang at, 114.
Broadfoot case, the, 205, 206.
Broadstairs fishermen, 129.
the press-gang at, 176.
Bromley, Capt. Sir Robert, 242.
Bullard, Richard, a fiddler per-
suaded to go to Woolwich to
play and for payment was
handed to the gang, 242.
Bull-Dog sloop, 274.
Burchett, Josiah, Observations on
the Navy, 19.
Burrows, Sam, 251.
Butler, Capt., 189, 190.
Byron, Lord, 57.
Calahan, a gangsman, killed in
attempting an arrest, 206.
Cambridge bargemen, press-gang
among, 92.
Campbell, Admiral, 274.
Cape Breton, 51.
Caradine, Samuel, 287, 288.
Carey, Rev. Lucius, 251.
Carmarthen, Admiral the Marquis
of, 197.
Carolina, 51.
Carpenters, conditions of exemp-
tion, 87, 89.
on warships on coast of Scot-
land could be replaced by
shipwrights pressed from the
yards, 88.
Carrying the ship up, 124-9.
Cartel ships, 141.
Castle, William, an alien, impressed
on his honeymoon, 81, 262.
Castleford, the press-gang at, 164.
Cawsand safe from the press-gang,
158.
Cecil,|William, Lord Burleigh, 96, 97.
Centurion, H.M.S., Anson's flag-
ship, whose crew on their
return had life-protection from
the press, 104.
Chaplains, 35-7.
Charles li., 36, 63.
Chatham, crimpage at, 50.
Chatham, H.M.S., 209.
Chester, the press-gang, at 58, 163,
219, 220, 251, 290.
Chevrette corvette, 274.
Clapp, Midshipman, 223.
Clark, George, 247.
Clephen, James, 274.
Clincher gun-hrig, 141.
Cockburn, Bailie, of Leith, 215.
Cogbourne's electuary, 41.
Coke, Sir E., 15.
Collingwood, Admiral Lord, 59.
Lieut., 237.
Colvill, Admiral Lord, 47.
Colville, Lieut., 301, 302.
Convoys, 132, 146.
Conyear, John, 242.
Cooper, Josh, 66.
Cork, crimpage at, 50, 164.
the press-gang at, 72, 141, 163,
164, 165.
INDEX
339
Comet bomb ship, 128.
Cornwall, the press-gang in, 157.
Coversack, safe from the press-
gang, 158.
Coventry, Mr. Commissioner, 78.
Coventry, sham gangs at, 67.
Cowes, press-gang at, 56, 180.
Crabb, Henry, 234.
vCrews depleted by the press-gang,
124-9.
J Crick, William, 308.
'' Crimps, 48-50, 151, 164.
as sham gangsmen, 67.
Cromer, the suspicions of the in-
habitants bring the press-gang
to take a noted Russian, 246.
Crown Colonies, desertions in,
50-2.
Croydon, the press-gang around,
177.
Cruickshank, John, chaplain, 35.
Culverhouse, Capt., 248.
Customs, Board of, loi.
Dansays, Capt., 134.
Danton, Midshipman, 223.
Darby, Capt., 69.
Dartmouth^ H.M.S., 36, 37.
Dartmouth, press-gang at, 72.
Davidson, Samuel, of Newcastle,
applies for life protection, 104.
" DD," discharged dead, in muster
books against names of persons
deceased, 207.
Deal, press-gang at, 56,60, 62, 174,
196-8, 217, 255-6.
cutters, 117.
T^eath of sailor in resisting impress
"accidental," 227.
Debusk, John, shot by the press-
gang on the Britannia^ 229.
Dent, Capt., 197.
Deptford, the press-gang at, 189,
260.
Desertion from the Navy, 46-9,
259, 260.
Devonshire^ H.M.S., 197.
Dipping the flag, 239-40.
Director^ H.M.S., 275.
Discipline in the Navy, 30-5.
Disinfecting a ship, 37.
Dispatch sloop, 216.
Dolan, Edward, 153.
Dominion and Laws of the Sea.
See Justice, A.
Dorsetshire^ H.M.S., 189-91.
Douglas, Capt. Andrew, 31.
Dover, press-gang at, 56, 60, 62,
197-8, 248.
Downs, crimpage in the, 49.
press-gang in, 13, 56, 116, 145,
224, 225.
Doyle, Lieut., 199.
Dreadnought^ H.M.S., 44, no, 184.
Drummers pressed for the Navy,
241.
Dryden, Michael, illegally pressed,
65, 272.
Dryden's sister, 272.
Dublin, sham gangs at, 68, 69, 199.
the press-gang at, 115.
Duke, H.M.S., 314.
Duke of Vandome, H.M.S., 317.
Duncan case, the, 14.
Dundas, Henry, 104.
Dundonald, Lord, Autobiography^
25.
Dunkirk, H.M.S., 44.
^•Eccentricity leads to impressment,
245, 246,
Eddystone lighthouse, building de-
layed through impressment of
workmen, 105.
builders of the third, protected,
105.
keepers at, put inward-bound
ships' crews ashore, 153.
Edinburgh, press-gang at, 56.
Edmund and Mary collier, 264.
Edward III. on the Navy, 28.
EHzabeth, Queen, 96.
Elizabeth ketch, 89.
Ely bargemen, press-gang among,
/ 92.
-/Emergency crews of men unfit for
pressing supplied to merchant-
men by the crimps, 150-3.
Emergency men working on their
own account, 153, 154.
places of muster for, 152.
English Eclogues. See Southey, R.
Evading the press-gang. See under
Press-gang, How it was evaded.
Evans, Richard, keeper of Glou-
cester Castle, 282.
S40
INDEX
•.
Exemption from impressment, not
a right, 79.
of foreigners, 80, 81.
negroes not included, 82.
of landsmen only theoretical, 80.
property no qualification for ex-
emption, 80.
of harvesters, 83, 84.
of gentlemen, judged by appear-
ances, 84,
below 1 8 and over 5 5 years, 84, 8 5.
of apprentices dependent on cir-
cumstances, 85, 86.
/of merchant seamen dependent
on circumstances, 86, 87.
^of masters, mates, boatswains,
and carpenters dependent on
circumstances, 87-9.
of some of crew of whalers, 90.
of Thames wherrymen by quota
system, 92.
of Tyne keelman by the same, 93.
of Severn and Wye trow-men by
10% levy, 94.
did not extend to turf boats on
Shannon and Blackwater, 95.
special for four on each fishing
vessel, and later for all engaged
in taking, curing, and selling
fish, 97.
of Worthing fishermen for a levy,
98-9.
of Scottish and Manx fishermen,
t on similar terms, 99.
'^ worthless without a document of
protection, 100-2.
Exeter, the press-gang at, 62, 179.
Falmouth^ H.M.S., 145, 146, 238.
Falmouth, press-gang at, 192.
Faversham, the press-gang at, 176.
Fermey H. M.S., 313.
Ferries, a favourite haunt of the
press-gang, 178.
Fevers haniy H.M.S., 37.
Fifers pressed for the Navy, 241.
Fire on ship board, 147.
Fisheries, carefully fostered, three
fish days made compulsory, 95.
became a great nursery for sea-
men, few exemptions granted, at
first special concessions only to
the whale and cod fisheries, 96.
Fisheries, continued—
later only such number as the
warrant specified might be ^
taken, and these the Justices ^
chose ; in 1 801 no person em-
ployed in taking, curing, or
selUng fish could be impressed,
.97-
with their best men impressed,
only small smacks could be
worked, 98.
a quota system preferred by the
fishermen of some ports, 98, 99.
in Cornwall, the men turned tin-
ners in the off-season, 157.
Flags, flying without authority, 240.
omission to dip, 239-40.
Fleet, Liberty of, 261.
Folkstone market-boats, 117.
Folkstone, press-gang at, 56, 60.
Forcible entry by the press-gang
illegal, 199.
Foreigners impressed, 13, 81, 148.
theoretically exempt, 80, 81.
married to English wives con-
sidered naturalised, 81.
in emergency crews, 153.
Frederick the Great, 311, 312.
'Freeholders at one time exempt
from impressment, 13-15, 82.
Fubbsy H.M.S., 134.
Gage, Capt., 88.
Galloper^ tender to the Dread-
nought^ 119.
Ganges, H.M.S., 274.
Garth, Dr., 41.
Gaydon, Lieut., 61.
Gentlemen exempt from the im-
press, but j udged by appearance
and manner, 84.
Gibbs, Capt., 61.
Glory, H.M.S., 34.
Gloucester, the press-gang at, 178.
Gloucester Castle used as press-
room, 281^ 282.
the keeper's magic palm, 282.
Godalming, the press-gang at, 55,
62.
Golden, John, Lord Mayor's barge-
man, wrongfully impressed, 93.
Good, James, midshipman, 62.
Goodave, Midshipman, 291, 292.
INDEX
341
Gooding, Richard, 243.
Gosport, the press-gang at, 184,
189, 190, 242.
Gravesend, the press-gang at, 176.
Gray, John, 249.
Great Yarmouth, press-gang at, 56,
114, 164, 246.
Greenock, crimpage at, 49.
press-gang at, 56, 60, 213-5.
Trades Guild, 213-5.
Greenock ferries, the press-gang at,
178.
Greenwich Hospital, 43.
Grimsby, the press-gang at, 1 14.
Habeas Corpus, writs of, as means
of arresting, and so freeing,
pressed men for debts not
owing, 309.
Half-pay officers, their projects
and inventions, 21.
Hamoaze, the, an entrepot for
pressed men, 293.
Harpooners exempt from impress-
ment, 90.
Harrison, Lieut., 214.
Hart, Alexander, 198.
Harwich^ H.M.S., 31.
Haverfordwest, press-gangat, 56,61.
Hawke, Admiral Sir Edward, 230,
231.
Hawke, H.M.S., 316.
Haygarth, Lieut., 218.
Health and illness, 40, 41.
Hector, H.M.S., 57.
Herbert, Emanuel, 205.
Hind armed sloop, 82.
Historical Relation of State Affairs.
See Lutterell, N.
Hogarth's " Stage Coach," 104.
Hook, Joseph, 272.
Hope tender, 237.
Hotten, J. C, List of Persons of
Quality, etc., who went from
England to the American
Plantations, 262.
Hull, press-gang at, 62, 66.
Humber, the press-gang on, 136.
Hurst Castle, the press-gang at, 1 14.
Ilfracombe, the press-gang at, 61.
Impressment. See Pressed labour.
Informers, 188.
Inland waterways and the gang
72.
at one time without the juris-
diction of the admirals, 90-1.
Innes, Capt, 82.
Ipswich, the press-gang at, 203.
Isis, H.M.S., 241.
Isle of Man fishermen, 99.
Jackson, Daniel, pressed from the
Chester Volunteers, 220.
Jamaica, 50, 51.
Jason, H.M.S., 52.
Jervis, John, Earl of St. Vincent, 259.
Jews, pressed on account of bandy
legs, 244.
John and Elizabeth pink, 223, 224.
John, King, impressment under, 4-
7, 28, 80.
Johnson, Rebecca Anne, 267.
Jones, Paul, 141, 204.
Justice, A., Dominion and Laws of
the Sea, 28, 82.
Keith, A., parson of the Fleet, 261.
Observations on the Act for
Preventing Clandestine Mar-
riages, 261.
Kilkenny, the press-gang at, 290.
King's Lynn, press-gang at, 63, 71,
89, 142, 156, 180, 250.
Kingston, William, case of, 13.
King William, Indiaman, 224, 225.
Lady Shore, the, 249.
Landsmen exempt only in theory,
82, 83.
Latham, Capt., 313.
Law officers' opinions on pressing,
14-6, 68, 70, 75> 79, 88, 93, 196,
198, 219, 282, 292, 297, 301,
310.
eave, stoppage of, 44, 45.
Leeds, the press-gang at, 164.
Leith, crimpage at, 49.
press-gang at, 56, 59, 212, 213,
215.
Lennox, H.M.S., 163, 316.
Letting, John, pressed with two
protections on him, 102.
Lewis, Edward, chaplain, 37.
Libraries, ships', 43.
Lichfield, H.M.S., 241.
■-i,i
842
INDEX
Marines, 128, 129.
Marooned crews on Lundy Island,
158, 159.
Martin galley, 210.
Mary smuggler, 135.
Masters, conditions of exemption,
87-9.
Mastery of the sea, a necessity for
, England, 19.
Mates, conditions of exemption,
87-9.
Medway, press-gang on, 139-40.
yMedway^ H.M.S., 189, 190.
the press-gang at,,^en in lieu, 125-9, 153.
''^Merchant seamen, conditions
Ucorm, H.M.S., 118.
Limehouse Hole, the press-gang at,
210-1.
Lindsay, Admiral the Earl of,
Instructions^ 31.
Linesmen on whalers exempt from
impressment, 90.
Liskeard, the press-gang at, 179.
List of Persons of Quality^ etc., who
went from England to
the
See
American Plantations.
Hotten, J. C.
Litchfield, H.M.S., 32
Littlehampton
1/ 182.
" Liverpool, crimpage at, 49.
press-gang at, 56, 64, 163, 185,
196, 204, 218, 219, 220, 248.
Lodden Bridge, the press-gang at,
178.
London, the press-gang in, 174,
175, 206, 216.
Londonderry, the press-gang at,
237.
Longcroft, Capt., 61.
Loo, H.M.S., 196.
Love, Henry, gets life protection as
promised by Pitt and Dundas,
104.
Lowestoft, the press-gang at, 114.
Lulworth, 157.
Lundy Island, safe from the press-
gang, but not to the sailors'
liking, 158.
crews marooned on, 158.
Lutterell, N., Historical Relation of
State Affairs, 262.
Capt. Hon. Jas., 274, 275.
Lymington, the press-gang at, 294.
M 'Bride, Admiral, 61.
M'Cleverty, Capt, 217, 218.
M 'Donald, Alexander, impressed
under the age of twelve, 85.
Charles, 247.
M'Gugan's wife, 269.
M'Kenzie, Lieut., 272,
M'Quarry, Lachlan, 271.
Magna Carta, its provisions con-
trary to impressment, 5-7.
Mansfield, Lord, 16.
Margate, the press-gang at, 176.
Maria brig, 193.
\
of
exemption, 86-9.
unprotected when sleeping ashore,
89-91.
the most valuable asset to the
1/ Navy, 107.
•Merchant service, hard conditions
of crews, 28.
Mercury, H.M.S., 196.
Messenger, George, 136.
Mike, James, hanged for desertion,
47.
Moll Flanders, 299.
Monarch, H.M.S., 314.
Monmouth, H. M.S., 44.
Monumenta furidica, 30.
Morals in the Navy, 258-9.
improved by Jervis, Nelson, and
Collingwood, 259.
Moriarty, Capt., 165.
Mortar sloop, 317.
Mostyn, Admiral, 314.
Mediator tender, 273, 275.
Mitchell, Admiral Sir D., 274.
Montagu, Admiral, 42.
Mousehole, safe from the press-
gang, 158.
Moverty, Thomas, pressed, not
having protection on him, loi.
Nancy of Deptford, 260.
Naseby, H.M.S., 36.
Nassau, H.M.S., 35.
Naval History. See Brenton, E. P.
Navy, the growth of, in i8th
century, 20.
natural sources of supply of
crews, 20.
hard conditions of service in, 29.
INDEX
343
Navy, continued—
discipline in, 30-5.
provisions in, 36-8.
comforts in, 39-40.
Negroes not exempt from im-
pressment, 82.
Nelson, Admiral Lord, 24, 40, 47,
48,61, 110,259.
Nemesis^ H.M.S., 198.
Newcastle-upon-Tyne, press-gang
at, 56, 61, 94, 186, 188, 193, 204.
grand protection enjoyed by, 93.
New England, 51.
Newgate compared with the press-
room, 280, 281,
Newhaven, the press-gang at, 164,
182,
Newland, safe from the press-gang,
158.
Newquay, safe from the press-
gang, 158.
Nore, the press-gang at the, 116,
141.
the mutiny at, 273-9.
an entrepot for pressed-men, 293.
Norfolk^ Indiaman, 145.
Norris, John, 274.
North Forland, press-gang at, 116.
Nymph, H.M.S., 33, 35.
Oakley, Lieut., 174.
Oaks, Lieut., 14, 221.
O'Brien, Lieut., 198.
Observations on Corporeal Punish-
ment^ Impressment, etc. See
Penrose, Admiral Sir V. C.
Observations on the Act for Pre-
venting Clandestine Marriages.
See Keith, A.
Observations on the Navy. See
Burchett, J.
Okehampton,the press-gang at, 179.
Onions, Thomas, 246.
Orford, H.M.S., 137.
Orkney fishermen, 99.
Osborne, Admiral, 231,
Osmer, Lieut., 194.
Otter sloop, 88.
Oyster vessels, 119.
Pallas, H.M.S., 25.
Parker, Richard, president of the
mutineers at the Nore, 273-9.
Parkgate, a resort of seamen, 163,
291.
Paying off discharged entire crews,
24.
Paying the shot, 124.
Pay of sailors, 43-5.
deferred, 44-6.
Pembroke, Earl of. Lord High
Admiral, 297.
Penrose, Admiral Sir V. C, Ob-
servations on Corporeal Punish-
ment, Impressment, etc., 44.
Pepys, S., 9, 11,41,74,78,271.
Peter the Great, Czar of Russia,
12, 13.
Petitions of seamen of the Fleet
and others, 17, 34, 35, 68, 83,
197, 271, 283, 304, 305, 308,
318, 320, 322.
Phoenix, H.M.S., 238, 316.
Pill, a favourite haunt of sailors, and
shunned by gangsmen, 159-
61, 272.
Pilots, 141, 142, 154.
Pitt, William, 104, 165.
Plymouth, the press-gang at, 89,
176, 205, 273.
Polpero, safe from the press-gang,
158.
Poole, press-gang at, 65, 90, 157,
194, 195, 203, 236, 242.
mayor refuses to back press-
warrants, 90, 193.
Popham, Admiral Sir Home, his
schemefor coast defence, 165-
168.
Portland Bill, press-gang off, 229.
Portland Island, 157.
Portsmouth, desertions at, 48.
the press-gang at, 176, 184, 228,
242, 263.
Post-chaise, sailors in, 185, 186.
Press-boats sunk at sea, 222-5.
Pressed labour (see also Press-
gang), antiquity of, i, 3.
for civil occupations, i.
for warfare, 2.
means of enforcing, 2, 3, 5,
7-9-
contrary to the spirit of Magna
Carta, 5, 6.
penalties for resistance, 7.
derivation of the term, 9, 10.
844
INDEX
Pressed labour, continued—
the classes from which drawn,
II, 12.
exemptions from, 1 3.
necessity of, in English Navy,
19-53.
its crippling effect on trade, 20.
Press-gang, the—
why it was a necessity for the
Navy, 23-52.
its services not needed by some
captains, 25.
what it was, 54-76.
the official and the popular
views, 54.
the class of men it was com-
posed of, 54, 55.
its quarters, landsmen joining
the land force not to be
pressed for sea service, 55.
ship-gangs entirely seamen,
varying numbers in gang, 56.
the officers, 56, 57.
the shore service the grave of
promotion, 57.
general character of officers
ashore, 58-9.
duties of the Regulating Cap-
tain, 60.
pay and road money, etc., 60-2.
perquisites, peculation, and
bribery in the service, 63-6.
sham-gangs, 66-70.
the rendezvous, 70-2.
boat's arms, 72.
press warrant, 73-6.
whom the gang might take,77-io5.
primarily those who used the
sea, 77.
later on trade suffers from the
gang, 78.
exemption granted as an in-
dulgence, 79.
the foreigner first exempted, 80.
but not if he had an English
wife, and was soon assumed
to have one, 81.
negroes not exempt, lands-
men theoretically only, 82.
harvesters were exempt if hold-
ing a certificate, 83, 84.
gentlemen exempt if dressed
as such, 84.
Press-gang, whom the gang might
take, continued—
only those proved to be between
eighteen and fifty-five, 84.
the position of apprentices was
uncertain, 85, 86.
to press merchant seamen was
resented by trade, 86, 87.
masters, mates, boatswains,
and carpenters were exempt,
87.
colliers were exempt up to a
certain proportion, 88.
ship protections did not count
on shore, 89.
mate was not entitled to liberty
unless registered at the
rendezvous, 89.
harpooners were protected out
of season on land or on
colliers, 90.
the press-gang preyed upon its
fellows, 91.
watermen, bargemen, and canal
boat-dwellers were con-
sidered to use the sea, 91, 92.
Thames watermen and some
others exempt if certain
quota of men supplied, 92-4.
large numbers pressed from
Ireland, 95.
fishermen indifferently pro-
tected, but fisheries fostered,
95-100.
all protected persons bound to
carry their protection on
them, 100-2.
an error in protection invali-
dated it, 102.
protections often disregarded,
103.
* special protections, 104-5.
•/its activities afloat, 106-142.
the merchant seamen the prin-
cipal quest, 106.
the chain of sea-gangs, 107-19.
the outer rings, frigates press-
ing for their own crews and
armed sloops as tenders to
ships of the line, and the
vessels employed by regulat-
ing captains at the large
ports, 108-13.
INDEX
345
Press-gang, its activities afloat,
continued —
the inner ring of boat-gangs in
harbour or on rivers, 114-9 >
their methods, 117, 118.
methods of pressing at sea, 1 19-
24.
complications arising from
pressing at sea, 1 24-9.
their varied success, 130.
and the right to search foreign
vessels for English seamen,
131. 132.
and convoys, 132.
and privateers, 132-4.
and smugglers, 134-6.
smuggling by, 137.
and ships in quarantine, 138-40.
and transports, 140, 141.
and cartel ships, 141.
and pilots, 141, 142.
how it was evaded, 143-71.
in the ship, with her or from
her, 144.
or a combination, 145, 146.
hiding on board from, 147.
evasions assisted by the skip-
per, 148, 149.
and men in lieu and foreigners
in emergency crews, 153.
pilots and fisherman taken by,
when acting as emergency
men, 154.
evaded by desertion from the
ship, 154, 155.
evaded by hiding on land and
changing quarters, 155-7.
Cornwall dangerous for, 157.
safe retreats from, 158-61, 163.
empowered to take Severn and
Wye trow-men, 162.
unsuccessful efforts of, 163-5.
evaded by borrowed, forged,
and American protections
^ and by disguises, 168-71.
Vwhat it did ashore, 172-201.
the sailor betrayed by marked
characteristics ; sailors out-
numbered on shore by the
gang, 173.
its object the pressing of
sailors who escaped the sea-
gangs, 174.
Press-gang, what it did ashore,
continued —
its London rendezvous and
taverns used, 174, 175.
the inland distribution of, 176,
180.
the class of places selected for
operations of, 176, 177.
the land-gangs necessarily am-
bulatory, 179, 180.
its resting and refreshment
places chosen for purposes
of capture, the methods
adopted, 180.
V'^-hot press at Brighton, 18 1-3.
a ruse at Portsmouth, 184.
how the sailors' liking for drink
was turned to account,
185.
the amount of violence used,
186.
outside assistance to, 187-9.
rivalry between gangs, 189-
91.
assisted by mayors and county
magistrates, 191.
assisted by the military, 191,
192.
townsmen who sided with the
sailors against, 192, 193.
brutal behaviour of, at Poole,
194-5.
resisted at Deal and Dover,
196-8.
forcible entry by, illegal, 199.
magistrates consign vagabonds
and disorderly persons to,
199-201.
how it was resisted, 202-32.
various weapons used against*
203, 204.
gangs-men killed by sailors re-
sisting them, 206.
sailors killed by gangsmen,
206, 207.
by armed bands of seamen,
208-210.
by the populace in attempting
to impress, 210.
pressed-men recaptured from,
211-20.
tenders attacked, 215-7
rendezvous attacked, 217-22.
346
INDEX
Press-gang, resisted, continued—
press-boats attacked and sunk,
222-5.
resistance when the press-gang
had come abroad, 225-32.
the hardship of impressment on
arrival from long voyage,
225, 226.
the only means of resistance,
226.
a sailor's death in such case
" accidental," casual, un-
avoidable, or disagreeable,
227.
a case in point, 228-32.
at play, 233-56.
humorous reason given for im-
pressing a person, 206.
inculcating manners by means
of the press, 233.
the respect due to naval officers,
234-8.
the outsider liable to be pressed
for breach of naval etiquette,
234-8.
rudeness to the press-
gang treated the same
way, 236-7, 238.
damages from officers for
wrongful impressment, fail-
ure to dip the flag, or flying an
unauthorised flag, might lead
to pressing from that crew,
239, 240.
unseanianlike management of
a ship laid the crew open to
pressing, 241.
pipers and fiddlers, etc., im-
pressed, 242.
ridiculous reasons given
for impressing, 242.
unsuspecting passenger in a
smuggler declared owner of
contraband and pressed, 243.
tattoo marks and bandy legs
lead to pressing, 244.
any eccentricity sufficient to
ensure the attention of the
press-gang, 245, 246.
used by trustees to keep heirs
from their money, and by
parents to rid them of incor-
rigible sons, 247.
Press-gang, at play, continued—
used for purposes of retaliation,
247-50.
used by strikers to get rid of a
"blackleg," 250-1.
used by stern parent to part his
daughter and her lover,
251.
a drunken cleric's revenge by
means of, 251-2.
by pressing a sailor, causes his
late bedfellow to be hanged
as his murderer, 252-6.
and women, 257-79.
of women and sailors in
general, 257-61.
lack of sentiment in gangsmen,
261.
women impressed by, 263, 264.
women masquerading as men
to go to sea, 264, 268.
women in the gang, 268.
the hardship brought on women
by the gang, 268, 271.
fostered vice and bred paupers,
270.
women who released sailors
from the press-gang, 272,
273-
the devotion of RichardParker's
wife, 273-9.
In the clutch of, 280-310.
the press-room, what it was ;
strongly built and small as it
might be, could hold any
number, 280.
Bristol gaol and Gloucester
Castle used as press-rooms,
281.
inadequate precautions for re-
taining pressed men on the
road, regulations for rendez-
vous, 282.
victualling in the press-room,
283, 284.
regulating or examining for fit-
ness for service, 284.
fabricated ailments and defects,
284-9.
dispatching pressed men to
the fleet, 289-94.
tenders hired for transport of
pressed men, 294.
INDEX
347
Press-gang, In the clutch of, con-
tinued—
comfort and health of pressed
men on tenders, 295, 296.
the victualling of pressed men
on tenders, 297.
prevention of escape, 299-301.
an attempt to escape — with the
Tasker tender escapes from,
300, 301.
The (jnion tender cut out from
the Tyne by the pressed
men, 301, 302.
various excitements aboard,
303-
a final exammation, 304, 305.
petitions, 305, 306, 308.
substitutes, 306-7.
How the gang went out, 311-29.
causes of withdrawal of press-
gang, 311.
the increasingly bad quality of
the product, 312-9.
the spirit of restlessness and
mutiny engendered, 320,
321.
the injury to trade, 323.
only continued so long by the
apathy of the people, 324-5.
the cost of impressing, 326-8.
Press-Gang, or Love in Low Life^
The, 261.
Press warrants, 73-6, 90, 97, 108,
122,
forged, 69.
Presting, the original term and its
meaning, 9, 10.
Prest money, 10, 61, 74.
Price, Capt, 237.
Prince George guardship at Ports-
mouth, 228.
Princess Augusta, a letter of
marque, 133, 134.
Princess Augusta tender, 229.
Princess Louisa, H.M.S., 260.
Privateers, loss of seamen by, 50-
2, 146.
pressing from, 132-4.
recapture of pressed crew of,
219.
Prize money, 45.
Profane abuse of crews by officers,
29.
Protections, for masters, mates,
boatswains, and carpenters, 87.
worthless, if the holder were
ashore, 88.
bound to be always carried, 100-2.
sHghtest error in description
invalidated, 102.
were often disregarded, 103.
special, 104, 105.
for men in lieu, 128.
for crews of convoys and priv-
ateers expired on arrival in
home waters, 132, 143.
lent, bought, and exchanged, 168.
American, 169-71.
Provisions in the Navy, 36-8.
Quarantine, 138, 140.
Queensferry, the press-gang at, 178.
Quota men, 22, 92-4, 98, 99, 165,
275, 289.
^ R " for " run » in ships' books to
denote deserter, 151.
Raleigh, Sir Walter, 28, 38.
Ramsgate, the press-gang at, 251.
Reading, the press-gang at, 179.
Registration of seamen, 22.
Regulating, i,e. examination of
pressed-men for fitness, 284.
ailments and defects fabricated
or assumed, 284-9.
Regulating captains, 60, 85.
character of a, 58, 59.
Repulse, H.M.S., 276.
Rendezvous, 55, 70-2, 213.
attacked, 217-22, 272.
regulations of, 282, 283.
Rescue of pressed men from the
gang, 211-20.
Reunion, H.M.S., 34.
Rhode Island, 51.
Rice, 42.
Richard IL, 90.
Richards, John, midshipman, 62.
Richardson, Lieut., 137.
''Right of search, 131, 132.
Roberts, Capt. John, 89.
Rochester, the press-gang at, 195.
Rodney, Admiral Lord, 179, 228.
Roebuck, H.M.S., no.
Romsey, the press-gang at, 179.
Routh, Capt., 164.
348
INDEX
Royal Sovereign, H.M.S., 139, I47>
216.
Ruby gunship, 26.
Rudsdale, Lieut., 118.
Rum, 39, 40.
/?tt/^r/, H.M.S., 317.
Russia, impressment in, 12, 13.
Russian Navy, 12.
Ryde, the Lord of the Manor,
claimed the privilege of pri-
vate protections for his ferry-
men to Portsmouth and Gos-
port, 105.
the press-gang at, 180.
Rye, H.M.S., 212.
Rye, the press-gang at, 141.
Sailor, the word disfavoured by
Navy Board, 26.
a creature of contradictions, 26,
27, 45.
St. Ives, safe from the press-gang,
158.
St. Lawrence River, deserters in, 47.
St. Vincent, Earl of. See Jervis, J.
Salisbury, the press-gang at, 179.
Sanders, Joseph, 307.
Sandwich, H.M.S., flag-ship at the
Nore, 275, 277, 278.
Sax, Lieut., 229.
Scipio, H.M.S., 316.
Scott, John, pressed when his pro-
tection was lying in his coat
beside him, loi.
Scottish fishermen, 99.
Seahorse, H.M.S., 36, 69.
" Serving out slops," 30.
Severn trow-men, exempted from
impress by 10% levy, 94.
Court of Exchequer rules the
reverse, 162.
Seymour, Lieut., 140.
Sham gangs, 66-70, 268.
Shandois sloop, 125.
Shannon, H.M.S., 34, 322.
Shannon, men working turf boats
on, not exempt, 95.
Shark, sloop, 224, 225.
" She " applied to a ship, a recent
use, 236.
Sheerness, crimpage at, 49.
Shields, press-gang at, 14, 64, 247,
262.
Ships, impressment of, 4, 5.
Shipwrights in Scotch yards could
be pressed as carpenters on
warships, 88.
Shirley, Governor, 215.
Shoreham, the press-gang at, 182.
Shrewsbury, H.M.S., 197, 224, 225.
Shrewsbury, sham gangs at, 67.
Sloper, Major-General, 182, 192.
Smeaton, John, 105,
Smugglers, crew of, pressed, 136.
unsuspecting passenger declared
owner and pressed, 243.
Solebay, H.M.S., 33, 203.
Southampton, the press-gang at,
115.
Southey, Robt., English Eclogues,
263.
Southsea Castle, H.M.S., 196.
Spithead, crimpage at, 50.
an entrepot for pressed men, 293.
Spy sloop of war, 135.
Squirrel, H.M.S., 209.
Stag, H.M.S., 135.
Stag privateer, 219.
Stangate Creek, the fray at, 140.
Stephens, George, impressed at
thirteen, 85.
Stephenson, George, 193.
Stepney Fields, press-gang at, 208,
209.
Stillwell, John, 247.
Stourbridge, the press-gang at, 178,
207, 208, 292.
Strike-me-blind. See Rice.
Sturdy, Ralph, shot by the press-
gang on the Britannia, 229.
Sunderland, press-gang at, 64, 65,
215,223,224,272.
Surgeons, 36, 41, 60.
Swansea, 61.
Tailors pressed on account of bandy
legs, 244.
Talbot, Mary Anne, 265.
Tasker tender, 299.
Tassell, William, a protected mate,
pressed ashore, 89.
Taunton, Denny-Bowl quarry, near
— three girls as sham gang, 70,
268.
the press-gang at, 179.
Taylor, Lieut., 216.
INDEX
349
Taylor, William, 251.
Teede, John, undone by tattoo
marks, 244.
'lenders, 108-10, 112-5.
attacked, 215-7.
Vliired for transport of pressed
men, 294.
the health and comfort of pressed
men on, 296.
their victualling, 297.
attempts to escape from and
with, 300-3.
Thames, press-gang on the, 115,116.
wherrymen exempted by levy of
one in five, 93.
Thetis, H.M.S., 189.
Thomson, Lieut., 241.
Thurlow, Lord, 14, 93.
Ticket men. See Men in lieu.
Tobacco, 39.
Trading classes the greatest
sufferers from impressment, 78.
not without resentment, 78, 79.
various trades gradually ex-
empted, 80-100.
Tramps. See Vagabonds.
Transports, 140, 141.
Travelling, cost of, 60, 61.
Trial and Life of Richard Parker^
2775 279-
Trim, WiUiam, 194, 203.
Trinity House, loi.
Triton brig, 118.
Triton, Indiaman, 145.
Turning over of crews, 24, 25.
Tyne keelman exempt from im-
press by levy — the men sup-
pHed being obtained by them
by bounties, 93.
Union tender, 301.
Utrecht, H.M.S., 251.
Vagabonds handed over to the
press-gang, 199.
Vanguard, H.M.S., 47, 119.
Vernon, Admiral, 39, 41, 50, 319.
Victualling in the press-room, 283,
284.
Virginia, 51.
\/ Wages due to sailors to date of
impressment, 124, 125.
Walbeoff, Capt., 194.
Ward, Ned, Wooden World Dis-
sected, 27.
Waterford, press-gang at, 58, 59,
83, 118, 196, 217, 218, 237, 242.
Watermen's language, 239.
Watson, Lieut., 237.
Watts, John, punished with 170
lashes, 31.
Weapons used against the press-
gang, 203, 204, 216.
Weir, Alexander, 214.
Wellington, Duke of, 33.
Whalers, some of crew of, exempt
from impressment, 90.
Whitby, the press-gang at, 221, 272.
White, John, pressed at Bristol
ninety yards from his vessel,
90.
Whitefoot, James, impressed at
Bristol, 83.
Whitworth, Charles, Envoy to
Russia, 13.
" Widows' men," 52.
Williams, John, 308.
Willing Traveller smuggler, 135.
Wilson, John, shot by the press-
gang on the Britannia, 229.
Winchelsea, H.M.S., 34.
Winstanley, London butcher,
served as pressed man 16
years, 83.
Wolf 2LX\x\edi sloop, 136.
Women and the Press-gang, 159,
188. See also under Press-
gang, "The Press-gang and
Women," 257-79.
Wooden World Dissected. See
Ward, Ned.
Wool, illegal export of, 136.
Worth, Capt., 218.
Worthing fishermen, 98.
Wye trow-men exempted from
impress by 10% levy, 94.
Court of Exchequer rules the
reverse, 162.
Yarmouth Roads, the press-gang
in, 135.
" Yellow Admirals," 57.
Yorke, Sol.-Gen., 75.
Young, Admiral, 49.
his torpedo, 165, 331-4.
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