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THE    PRIEST    IN    POLITICS. 


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The   "Priest A.u^y/r^^^^,'^ 


PHILIP    H.    BAGENAL, 

AUTHOR   OF 

'the   AMERICAN    IRISH    AND   THEIR   INFLUENCE 

ON    IRISH    POLITICS,"   ETC. 


LONDON : 
HUTCHINSON     AND     CO.. 

34,    PATERNOSTER   ROW. 
1893. 


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Printed  by  Hazell,  Watson,  &  Viney,  Ld.,  London  and  Aylesbury. 


PREFACE. 


'  I  ^HIS  book  has  been  called  forth  by  the  necessities 
of  a  great  crisis.  It  seemed  to  me  of  the  highest 
importance  that  some  connected  narrative  should  be 
given  of  the  action  of  the  Irish  Roman  Catholic  priest 
in  the  political  life  of  Ireland  during  recent  years.  I 
have  been  a  student  of  Irish  affairs  for  the  past  fifteen 
years,  and  I  can  claim  to  have  intimate  knowledge  of 
Irish  political  history  during  that  period.  Part  of 
the  time  I  was  engaged  in  conducting  a  weekly  news- 
paper in  Dublin,  and  the  events  which  I  relate,  passing 
as  they  did  before  my  very  eyes,  necessarily  became 
deeply  impressed  upon  my  mind. 

Viewed  in  its  true  perspective,  who  can  say  the 
political  attitude  to-day  of  the  Irish  Roman  Catholic 
hierarchy  is  not  fraught  with  tremendous  consequences  ? 
The  recent  protest  of  an  important  section  of  the 
Roman  Catholic  commiunity  demonstrates  that  there  is 


VI  PREFACE. 

grave  uneasiness  in  many  minds  outside  the  Protestant 
churches  at  the  unparalleled  position  and  conduct  in 
politics  of  the  Roman   Catholic  clergy. 

My  last  desire  has  been  to  attack  in  any  way  the 
tenets  or  religious  convictions  of  Roman  Catholics, 
and  I  wish  to  deprecate  in  the  strongest  possible  manner 
any  idea  that  such  is  the  aim  or  scope  of  this  publica- 
tion. My  sole  object  has  been  to  awaken  men's  minds 
in  Great  Britain  to  the  actual  facts  of  the  situation,  and 
to  show  what  has  been  said  and  what  has  been  done 
by  Irish  priests  in  Irish  politics  in  recent  years.  I 
hardly  think  the  Roman  Catholic  clergy  themselves 
at  all  appreciate  the  trend  and  logical_result  of  their 
own  action.  Perhaps  when  they  see  it  in  all  its 
startling  nakedness  they  may  be  awakened  to  a  sense 
of  the  dangers  which  surround  them. 

On  the  other  hand,  I  have  endeavoured  as  strongly 
as  I  can  to  emphasise  the  existence  of  two  distinct 
communities  in  Ireland,  and  to  show  the  depth  of 
the  earnestness  and  determination  which  animate  the 
Irish  Protestants  in  their  resistance  to  Home  Rule. 
Their  feelings  and  opinions  may  be  right  or  wrong,  but 
they  exist  largely,  because  of  the  action  of  the  priest  in 
politics,  and  it  is  riglit  their  attitude  should  be  fully 
appreciated. 


WW!^|Wi^iSSBSSft,J«J^"]"    i-tJJil" 


PREFACE.  Vll 

I  acknowledge  with  pleasure  my  indebtedness  in 
points  of  matter,  phrase,  expression  and  inspiration  to 
many  interesting  books  dealing  with  Irish  affairs 
— more  especially  to  Mr.  Harrison's  The  Scot  in 
Ulster,  Mr.  Gold  win  Smith's  Canada  and  the  Canadian 
Question,  and  his  IrisJi  History  and  Irish  Character; 
Mr.  Nassau  Senior's  Journals  and  Conversations  in 
Ireland;  to  Pictures  in  Ireland,  by  Terence  McGrath  ; 
Paddy  at  Home,  by  Baron  de  Mandat-Grancy  ;  last, 
but  not  least,  to  the  Right  Hon.  W.  E.  Gladstone's 
pamphlets  upon  Vaticanism  and  The  Vatican  Decrees, 
and  generally  to  the  various  publications  of  the  Irish 
Unionist  Alliance. 

P.  H.  B. 

48,  Edith  Road, 

West  Kensington,  W. 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER   I. 

PAGE 

INTRODUCTORY  I 

CHAPTER   H. 

THE   CHURCH   OF    ROME    IN    IRELAND. 

Policy  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church  under  Cardinals  Cullen 
and  McCabe.  Opposed  to  Revolutionary  Movement.  Change 
of  front  after  the  Death  of  Cardinal  McCabe.  The  Policy  of 
Archbishop  Walsh.  ........       4 

CHAPTER   in. 

THE   CLAIMS    OF    IRISH    SACERDOTALISM. 

The  Case  of  Messrs.  Cogan  and  Ryan.  Extraordinary  Claims  ot 
Archbishops  Walsh  and  Croke.  Cardinal  Logue  on  Parnell- 
ism.  The  Plan  of  Campaign.  Its  Reception  by  Archbishops 
Walsh  and  Croke.  The  Cases  of  Father  Keller  and  Father 
Ryan 13 

CHAPTER   IV. 
SOME   CATHOLIC   VIEWS    OF    IRISH    PROTESTANTISM. 

Mr.  Biggar's  Views.  The  Irish  World  on  Irish  Presbyterians. 
The  Jesuits  on  Home  Rule.  Extraordinary  Speech  by  Father 
Hughes.  Scotch  Children  Boycotted.  A  Meath  Priest  on 
Protestantism.     Mr.  Healy  on  Catholic  Claims.      .         .         .26 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER   V. 

POSITION    OF   THE    IRICH    PRIEST;    HIS    INFLUENCE,    AND 
HOW   HE    USED    IT. 

PAGE 

Birth  and  Education  of  the  Irish  Priest.     Early  Impressions  and 
Feelings.     Exceptional  Position.     His  Leadership  in  Local 
Politics.     The  National  League  Code  enforced  by  Priests. 
Instances  of  Action  of  Priests  in  carrying  out  the  Behests 
the  League.     ..........     39 

CHAPTER  VI. 
ACTION   OF   THE   IRISH    PRIESTS    IN    POLITICS. 

Violent  Language  of  an  American  Priest.  Cases  quoted  in 
Special  Commission.  Imprisonment  of  Two  Priests  for 
Breaking  the  Law.  Father  McFadden.  Intimidation  by 
Priests  in  Local  Elections.       .......     54 

CHAPTER   VII. 

THE    PARNELL    DIVORCE   CASE — AND    AFTER. 

Sketch  of  the  Episode.  Attitude  of  the  Irish  Roman  Catholic 
Hierarchy.  Their  Decision,  when  and  how  Given.  The 
New  Plan  of  Campaign.  Mr.  Leamy,  M.P.,  on  the  Bishops' 
Views 75 

CHAPTER   VIII. 
THE    PRIEST   AT    BYE-ELECTIONS,    189O-92. 

The  Kilkenny  Election.  The  Star's  Correspondent  thereon. 
The  North  Sligo  Election.  The  Carlow  Election.  Action 
of  Bishop  Lynch.  Descriptions  by  Parnellite  M.P.'s  of 
the  conduct  of  the  Election.  The  Cork  Election.  Canon 
O'Mahony's  Advice.     The  Waterford  Election       .         .         .84 

CHAPTER   IX. 
THE   GENERAL    ELECTION,    1 892. 

The  Cork  Election.  Extraordinary  Letters  of  Canon  O'Mahony. 
Mr.  W.  Redmond's  Correspondence  with  the  Canon.     Mr. 


CONTENTS.  XI 

PAGE 

Corbet,  M.P.,  on  the  Wicklow  Election.  The  South  Tipperary 
Election.  Mr.  J.  O'Connor's  Account.  The  North  Galway 
Election.  Priests  Rioting.  Archbishop  Croke  on  Home 
Rule 97 

CHAPTER   X. 
THE   SOUTH   MEATH   ELECTION,    1892. 

A  Clerical  Caucus.  The  Campaign  against  Independent  Political 
Opinion.  The  Bishop  of  Meath's  Thunder.  "The  Shadow 
of  Sin."  "Fire  to  their  Heels  and  Toes."  A  Group  of 
Startling  Utterances.  A  Scene  at  a  Death-bed.  How  the 
Petition  was  Treated.  Attachment  of  Father  Fay.  A  Com- 
parison with  Enghsh  Clergy.  112 

CHAPTER  XI. 

THE    NORTH    MEATH    ELECTION. 

Mr.  Davitt's  Plan  of  Campaign.  Bishop  Nulty's  Sermon.  Father 
Duffy's  Stick.  Father  Clarke  knocks  down  an  Old  Man.  A 
Priest  assaults  a  Child.    .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .121 

CHAPTER  Xn. 
MR.    GLADSTONE   ON    PRIESTS    IN    POLITICS. 

Mr.  Gladstone's  Pamphlets  in  1874 — "The  Vatican  Decrees" 
and  "Vaticanism."  His  Views  upon  the  Claims  of  the 
Papacy.  Description  and  Characterisation  of  the  Church  of 
Rome.     Definition  of  Independence  in  a  State.       .         .         .139 

CHAPTER   XIII. 
LESSONS   OF   HISTORY. 

Ireland  in  1642.     Action  of  Rinuccini,  the  Papal  Nuncio,  in  1645. 

The  Roman  Catholic  Parliament  in  Ireland  of  James  II.         .   150 

CHAPTER   XIV. 

THE   CANADIAN    PRIEST    IN    POLITICS. 

Sketch  of  the  Priestly  Authority  in  Quebec.  The  Incidence  of 
Taxation.     The  Claim  of  Ecclesiastical  Immunity.     Decisions 


Xll  CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

of  the  Courts  of  Law.     A  Canadian  Priest  on  Lay  Obedience. 
Parallel  of  Ireland. l6i 

CHAPTER   XV. 
THE   ATTITUDE    OF    IRISH    PROTESTANTISM. 

Mr.  Disraeli's  Curious  Prediction  in  1869.  What  the  Irish 
Protestants  Fear,  and  Why,  Views  of  the  Various  Protest- 
ant Churches.     Rev.  J.  Parker's  Admission.  .         .         •  171 

CHAPTER   XVI. 

THE   SCOT    IN   ULSTER. 

The  First  Scottish  Colonies.  The  Great  Plantation  of  Ulster. 
The  Fortunes  of  the  Colonists  in  the  17th  and  i8th  centuries. 
Ulster  since  the  Union.  .         .         .         .         .         .         .         ,182 

CHAPTER  XVII. 

THE    BELFAST    CONVENTION. 

The  Scene  at  the  Convention.  Composition  of  the  Demonstration. 
The  Character  of  Ulstermen.  Motive  of  the  Meeting.  Justi- 
fication of  the  Union.  Why  and  How  Ulster  will  fight. 
The  Resolutions  arrived  at.    .         .         .         .         .         .         -193 

CHAPTER   XVIII. 
SUMMARY    OF    CONCLUSIONS 2o8 


THE   PRIEST   IN    POLITICS. 


CHAPTER    I. 

INTRODUCTORY. 

"  T  T  is  the  peculiarity  of  Roman  theology,"  said  Mr. 
-■-  Gladstone  nineteen  years  ago,  "  that  by  thrusting 
itself  into  the  temporal  domain,  it  naturally,  and  even 
necessarily,  comes  to  be  a  frequent  theme  of  political 
discussion."  The  events  of  the  past  two  years  have 
confirmed  the  truth  of  the  view  expressed  by  the  Prime 
Minister  in  1874.  But  at  the  very  outset  it  is  most 
earnestly  to  be  desired  that  all  religious  bigotry  may  be 
eschewed  in  the  remarks  now  offered  upon  the  pre- 
sent crisis  in  Imperial  affairs.  Facts  hold  the  field — 
facts  of  current  history  and  facts  of  belief,  facts  v/hich 
must  necessarily  be  taken  into  account  in  dealing  with 
the  present  state  of  Ireland  and  the  divided  race  which 
inhabits  her  shores.  The  split  in  the  Nationalist  party ; 
the  attitude  thereon  taken  by  the  Roman  Catholic  hier- 
archy in  regard  to  Irish  politics,  and  its  bearing  upon 
the  civil  and  religious  liberties  of  mankind  at  large ; 
the  action  of  the  Bishop  of  Meath  and  the  priesthood 

I 


2  THE   PRIEST   IN    POLITICS. 

of  his  diocese,  and  the  judgments  of  the  Courts  esta- 
blished by  Parhament  to  try  election  petitions — all 
these  are  subjects  vvhich  go  to  the  root  of  the  problem 
of  "  the  priest  in  politics,"  and  as  such  demand  plain 
and  unsparing  treatment  at  the  hands  of  contempo- 
rary writers.  It  is  absolutely  necessary  to  ascertain 
the  "  climate  of  opinion  "  in  Ireland  at  the  present  day, 
to  trace  its  origin  and  its  results,  and  to  lay  some  con- 
clusions before  the  jury  of  British  public  opinion  before 
another  verdict  is  taken  upon  the  issue  of  Union  or 
Separation. 

Why  is  it  that  the  Irish  Nonconformists  of  all 
denominations  have  thrown  off  their  old  allegiance  to 
the  Liberal  party  ever  since  Mr.  Gladstone  adopted 
the  Home  Rule  programme  ?  Simply  because  they 
believe  that  under  a  Roman  Catholic  Parliament  in 
Dublin  civil  and  religious  liberty  would  become  a 
shadow  instead  of  a  reality.  Why  have  the  Irish 
Presbyterians  and  Methodists  and  Baptists  and  Con- 
gregationalists  supported  in  every  possible  way  Lord 
Salisbury's  Government  and  a  party  which  only  a  few 
years  ago  they  invariably  opposed  ?  Because  they 
are  convinced  by  special  local  knowledge  that  their 
only  guarantee  against  the  undue  ascendency  in  Church 
and  State  of  the  Roman  Catholic  hierarchy  is  the  con- 
tinued existence  of  an  Imperial  Parliament  at  West- 
minster. Rightly  or  wrongly,  moreover,  the  whole 
Protestant  community  of  Ireland,  Episcopalian  and 
Nonconformist,  are  strongly  of  opinion  that  in  the  event 


INTRODUCTORY. 

Of  the  establishment  of  a  Dubhn  Parhament  the  same 
mfluences    which    twelve    years    ago    brought    about 
revokitionary  violence,   chaos,    and    social   disorder   in 
Ireland  would   be    set   in    motion  to   make   the    lot  of 
Protestants,  as  a  political  community,  insupportable. 
•  I  propose  to  give  some  of  the  facts  on  which  these 
opmions  are  based.     Protestant  Ulster  will  never  sub- 
mit to  be  governed  by  a  Roman  Catholic  Nationalist 
majority  in  Dublin.     That  is  a  fact  which  should  be 
thoroughly  understood.     It  is  one  of  the  characteristics 
of  Mr.   Gladstone's  methods  of  getting  up  a  political 
subject  that  he  keeps  in  shadow  all  the  adverse  points 
and  slurs  over  the  most  important  arguments  againsi 
his  own  position. 

It  seems  impossible  for  him  either  to  believe  or  to 
realise  what  is  the  length  and  breadth  and  height  of 
the  Irish  Protestant  antagonism  to  Home  Rule. 

It  is  the  object  of  these  pages  to  lay  before  Mr 
Gladstone's  followers  and  the  public  generally  the  real 
nature  of  the  present  religious  and  political  crisis  and 
how  It  IS  viewed  by  over  a  million  and  a  half  of 
Protestant  Irish  people  who  resent  and  are  determined 
to  struggle  against,  amongst  other  things,  the  attempt 
of  priests  to  "trespass  on  ground  which  belongs  to  the 
civil  authority,  and  to  determine  by  spiritual  prerogative 
questions  of  the  civil  sphere."  * 

*  "The  Vatican    Decrees   in   their  Bearino-  on  Civil   and 
Rehg^ous  Liberty."     By  Right  Hon.  W.  E.  Gladston      M  P 
J.  Murray,  London,  1874:  pp.  9,  10. 


CHAPTER    II. 

THE   CHURCH   OF  ROME  IN  IRELAND 

Change  in  the  Policy  of  the  Roman  Catholic 

Church.' 

NOTHING  is  more  striking  than  the  complete 
change  of  front  which  has  taken  place  amongst 
the  representatives  of  the  Church  of  Rome  in  Ireland 
during  the  last  ten  years.  From  1853  to  1883  the 
efforts  of  the  Church  of  Rome  were  undoubtedly 
directed  towards  suppressing  secret  societies,  dis- 
couraging seditions,  and  checking  all  illegal  agitation 
in  Ireland.  Cardinal  Cullen  and  Cardinal  M'Cabe 
broke  down  Ribbonism,  opposed  Fenianism  and  all 
revolutionary  movements.  Cardinal  M'Cabe  discerned 
very  quickly  the  forces  of  violence  which  were  behind 
Mr.  Parnell,  and  denounced  the  Clan-na-Gael  and  the 
Irish-American  policy  of  Mr.  Davitt  and  the  Land 
League.  He  openly  opposed  Mr.  Parnell,  and  en- 
deavoured to  break  his  popularity  and  curb  his  power. 
The  object  of  the  Church  of  Rome  in  carrying  out 
this  policy  was,  no  doubt,  to  keep  in  its  hands 
without  ostentation,  and  yet  with  a  full  consciousness 

4 


THE   CHURCH   OF   ROME   IN    IRELAND.  5 

of  Strength,   political    power  at  the   polls,  as  well  as 
moral  suasion  over  the  people. 

It  must,  however,  be  said,  in  justice  to  such  ecclesi- 
astical statesmen  as  Cardinals  Cullen  and  M'Cabe,  that 
they  had  confidence  in  the  justice  of  the  men  who 
were  at  the  head  of  the  State,  and  beheved  that 
Ireland  could  obtain  what  she  wanted  in  the  region  of 
political  reform  much  more  safely  and  readily  if  only 
she  adopted  a  course  which  the  law  allowed,  and  if 
she  avoided  giving  cause  of  offence.  No  better  proof 
of  their  wisdom  could  be  given  than  the  present  dis- 
organisation of  political  and  religious  thought  in 
Ireland.  The  manifesto  of  the  Unionist  Roman 
Catholics  of  Ireland,  put  forth  in  March  1893,  proves 
conclusively  that  there  is  still  a  large  and  influential 
section  of  the  Irish  population  who  hold  to  the  older 
and  wiser  policy  of  the  Church  of  Rome  with  regard 
to  Irish  political  questions. 

Archbishop  Walsh's  New  Departure. 

The  success  of  Mr.  Parnell  in  spite  of  the  opposition 
of  the  Pope  and  of  Cardinal  M'Cabe  led  to  a  complete 
change  of  tactics  on  the  part  of  the  Roman  Catholic 
hierarchy.  On  the  death  of  Cardinal  M'Cabe,  in  1885, 
it  was  determined  by  Archbishops  Walsh  and  Croke 
to  capture  the  Nationalist  movement,  and  by  pretending 
to    head    it    to  regain    the    popularity  which    the    late 

*  Times,  March  15///,  1893. 


6  THE   PRIEST   IN    POLITICS. 

Cardinal's  action  had  so  seriously  jeopardised.  For 
some  years,  indeed,  as  will  be  presently  shown,  the 
priesthood  had  given  every  possible  assistance  to  the 
movement  against  British  law,  and  particularly  with 
regard  to  the  land  question.  But  the  bishops  had  not 
fully  and  finally  swallowed  the  principles  of  the  New 
Ribbonism,  or  adopted  blindly  the  leadership  of  Mr. 
Parnell.  It  was  not  until  after  Cardinal  M'Cabe's  death 
that  there  was  practically  a  conspiracy  set  on  foot 
between  the  Nationalist  press  and  the  Irish  hierarchy 
to  persuade  the  Pope  to  reverse  the  policy  of  the 
Cardinal,  and  to  allow  his  representatives  in  Ireland  to 
adopt  altogether  new  means  for  regaining  the  leader- 
ship of  Irish  political  opinion.  It  is  well  known  that 
the  Pope  desired  to  appoint  Dr.  Moran,  the  Archbishop 
of  Sydney,  and  now  a  Cardinal,  to  succeed  Cardinal 
M'Cabe;  but  the  pressure  from  Ireland  was  too  strong, 
and  Dr.  Walsh  was  made  Archbishop  of  Dublin.  How 
far  the  new  departure  would  have  been  successful 
had  Mr.  Parnell  not  fallen  from  his  high  estate,  no 
one  can  now  surmise.  But  recent  events  prove  beyond 
dispute  that  when  the  opportunity  of  getting  rid  of  so 
powerful  a  Protestant  leader  offered,  it  was  taken  and 
utilised  by  the  Roman  Catholic  hierarchy  in  a  manner 
which  was  quite  unmistakable. 

How,  then,  did  the  Irish  hierarchy  and  priesthood 
set  to  work  in  1885  ?  They  not  only  identified  them- 
selves more  and  more  closely  with  the  political  action 
of  the  Nationalist    party,   but    they  embarked  with  a 


THE   CHURCH   OF   ROME   IN    IRELAND.  / 

light  heart  in  the  social  war  which  was  then  raging 
in  Ireland.  And  this  was  done  in  the  very  teeth  of 
definite  commands  to  the  contrary  from  the  late  eccle- 
siastical authority. 

Broken  Conditions. 

In  1882,  after  the  terrible  tragedy  in  the  Phoenix 
Park,  Cardinal  M'Cabe  convened  the  hierarchy  in 
solemn  conclave  in  Dublin,  and  addressed  a  joint 
letter  to  the  Irish  people.  In  this  document  it  was 
clearly  laid  down  on  what  conditions  the  Irish  clergy 
undertook  to  countenance  the  cause  of  Irish  nationality. 
These  conditions  were  that  the  five  most  common 
means  of  promoting  Mr.  Parnell's  movement  should 
be  abandoned— viz.  :  (i)  refusal  to  pay  rent,  (2)  pre- 
venting others  from  paying  rent,  (3)  boycotting  and 
agrarian  crime,  (4)  resisting  bailiffs,  (5)  forming  secret 
associations  for  the  promotion  of  the  above  objects,  or 
obeying  the  orders  of  such  associations. 

Ever  since  Archbishop  Walsh  assumed  the  reins  of 
ecclesiastical  government  in  Ireland,  the  priesthood 
have  not  only  not  observed  the  above  conditions,  but 
have  supported  the  perpetration  of  these  illegal  deeds, 
and  in  many  cases,  as  we  shall  presently  show,  com- 
mitted them  in  person.  The  circular  letter  of  1882 
denouncing  these  practices  contained  the  following 
adjuration  : — 

"  Under  each  of  these  offences  we  solemnly  protest 
in  the  name  of  God  and  of  His  holy  Church  ;  and  we 


8  THE   PRIEST   IN    POLITICS. 

declare  it  to  be  your  duty  to  regard  as  the  worst 
enemy  of  your  creed  and  country  the  man  who  would 
recommend  or  justify  the  commission  of  any  of  them."  * 
In  spite  of  these  injunctions  and  subsequently  of  the 
still  more  precise  commandments  of  the  Pope  himself, 
the  Irish  priesthood  were  for  years  the  head  and  front 
of  every  form  of  resistance  to  the  law  of  the  land. 

Archbishop  Walsh  Repudiates  Statute  Law. 

Amongst  the  Irish  hierarchy  none  have  been  more 
outspoken  in  their  sympathy  with  resistance  to  the 
authority  of  the  State  than  Archbishop  Walsh  and 
Archbishop  Croke,  who  preside  respectively  over  the 
dioceses  of  Dublin  and  Cashel.  Perhaps  the  most 
truculent  remark  which  ever  fell  from  a  prelate's  lips 
came  from  Archbishop  Walsh  in  1887.  Referring  to 
the  Crimes  Act,  he  said : — 

"  I  can  only  say  of  it  that  whatever  may  be  its 
technically  binding  force  ...  it  commands  no  more 
respect  from  me  than  if  it  had  been  forced  through 
Parliament  by  means  of  a  resolution  passed  by  the 
majority  of  the  House  of  Commons,  withdrawing  the 
Constitutional  right  of  voting  from  every  member  of 
that  House  who  did  not  happen  to  sit  upon  the 
Ministerial  bench."  t 

•  See  my  article  in  Blackwood's  Magazine,  June  1888,  for 
text  of  this  state  paper  and  others  mentioned  in  the  course  of 
this  volume. 

t  Freemati's  Journal,  Nov.  25th,  1887. 


THE   CHURCH   OF   ROME   IN    IRELAND.  9 

Is  it  any  wonder  that  the  Irish  peasantry  are  law- 
less, and  that  social  order  has  barely  survived,  when 
the  head  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church  in  Ireland 
could  thus  write  to  a  public  journal  ?  Such  is  Dr. 
Walsh's  idea  of  the  subjection  he  owes  to  the  law. 

Archbishop  Croke's  Political  Record. 

But  Archbishop  Walsh  has  always  been  put  in  the 
shade  by  Archbishop  Croke.  This  prelate  admits  the 
soft  impeachment  that  when  he  was  a  young  man,  in 
1848,  he  helped  John  Mitchell  and  James  Fintan  Lalor, 
two  of  the  most  violent  patriots  of  that  day,  to  broach 
the  very  same  scheme  of  resistance  to  rent  which  was 
developed  forty  years  after  into  the  Plan  of  Campaign. 
Ever  since  the  Land  League  movement  commenced, 
in  1879,  Archbishop  Croke  has  aided  and  abetted  the 
most  violent  sections  of  the  Nationalist  party.  Mr. 
Parnell  was  his  "  white-haired  boy."  He  it  was  who 
set  on  foot  the  national  testimonial  to  the  Irish  leader 
in  1883.  The  movement  was  condemned  by  the 
Vatican,  and  Dr.  Croke  summoned  for  censure  to 
Rome.  Archbishop  Croke  helped  to  found  the  Gaelic 
Athletic  Association,  which  was  well  known  to  be  a 
physical-force  movement  in  disguise.  He  suhscribed 
in  1886  ^5  to  the  Manchester  Martyrs'  Memorial  Fund, 
and  accompanied  it  with  a  letter  declaring  that  the 
men  who  caused  the  death  of  Sergeant  Brett  were 
"wrongfully  arrested,  unfairly  tried,  and  barbarously 


10  THE   PRIEST   IN    POLITICS. 

executed,*'  and  went  like  "  heroes  to  their  doom." 
With  Fenianism  the  Archbishop  has  always  had  con- 
siderable sympathy,  and  he  recently  supported  a 
movement  to  raise  a  fund  to  pension  James  Stephens, 
the  old  revolutionary  Head-Centre  of  the  Irish  Re- 
publican Brotherhood. 

Whitewashing  the  Plan  of  Campaign. 

Both  these  prelates  helped  to  launch  the  Plan  of 
Campaign  in  1886.  Archbishop  Walsh,  interviewed 
by  the  Pall  Mall  Gazette,  thus  spoke  of  the  system 
of  "organised  embezzlement"  which  was  afterwards 
specifically  condemned  by  the  Court  of  Rome. 

"  I  confess,"  he  said,  "  that  at  first  I  was  a  Httle 
startled  at  it.  I  was  not  only  startled,  but  grieved. 
But  when  I  looked  into  the  matter  carefull}^,  my 
anxiety  was  relieved.  Of  course,  the  great  difficulty 
(indeed  I  may  say  the  only  one)  was  that  the  '  Plan 
of  Campaign '  leaves  it  practically  to  the  judgment  of 
the  tenants,  that  is  to  say,  to  the  judgment  of  one  of 
the  parties  to  the  contract  of  tenancy,  to  fix  the  terms 
on  which  that  contract  is  to  continue  in  force.  That, 
no  doubt,  in  the  abstract  seems  at  first  sight  a  formid- 
able difficulty ;  but  we  must  look  at  the  other  side  of 
the  question.  If  the  tenant  is  to  be  viewed  m.erely  as 
one  of  the  two  parties  to  the  rent  contract,  in  what 
other  light  are  we  to  view  the  landlord  ?  He,  too, 
is  only  one  of  the  contracting  parties,  and  he  has  had 
the  fixing  of  the  terms  of  the  contract  long  enough. 


THE   CHURCH   OF   ROME   IN    IRELAND.  II 

It  is  quite  clear  that  the  tenants  are  not  to  be  blamed 
if  they  claim  to  have  their  turn  now."* 

A  more  absurd  attempt  to  whitewash  the  Plan  of 
Campaign  could  not  be  imagined.  Contracts  depend 
upon  agreement  between  the  parties.  The  Cam- 
paigners used  the  land,  kept  the  rent  and  possession 
of  the  land,  and  refused  either  land  or  a  part  of  the 
produce  as  expressed  in  rent  to  the  owner.  And  an 
archbishop  of  the  Church  of  Rome  declared  under  such 
circumstances  he  was  quite  clear  that  the  tenant  who 
adopted  the  Plan  of  Campaign  was  not  to  be  blamed  ! 
The  Pope  took  a  different  view.  The  Plan  of  Cam- 
paign was  condemned  by  a  special  Court  of  Cardinals, 
and  Archbishop  Walsh's  chance  of  the  Red  Hat  was 
thereby  lost  for  ever. 

Pay  no  Taxes. 

It  is  hardly  necessary  to  say  that  Archbishop  Croke 
decided  to  "go  one  better"  than  his  brother  in  Dublin. 
The  Government  decided  to  test  the  legality  of  the 
Plan  of  Campaign  in  the  courts  of  law,  and  a  national 
subscription  was  immediately  set  on  foot.  Archbishop 
Croke  subscribed  both  money  and  political  advice. 
His  letter  on  the  subject  was  a  nine  days'  wonder  at 
the  time.j 

"  I  opposed,"  he  said,  "  the  No  Rent  Manifesto  six 
years  ago,  partly  because,  apart  from  other  reasons,  I 

*  Pall  Mall  Gazette,  Dec.  ist,  1886. 
t  Freeman'' s  Journal,  Feb,  iSth,  1887. 


12  THE   PRIEST   IN    POLITICS. 

thought  it  was  inopportune  and  not  Hkely  to  be  acted 
on.  Had  a  manifesto  against  paying  taxes  been  issued 
at  the  time,  I  should  certainly  have  supported  it  on 
principle." 

No  wonder  ^Ir.  Davitt  called  Dr.  Croke's  letter 
"  priceless "  !  The  fact  that  it  could  be  written  by  a 
Roman  Catholic  prelate  shows  how  easily  a  movement 
could  be  set  on  foot  against  the  payment  of  a  "  contri- 
bution "  to  England  under  a  Home  Rule  scheme  which 
was  not  exactly  drawn  on  the  financial  lines  approved 
by  the  Nationalist  party. 

When  priests  commit  and  condone  the  offences 
which  they  are  specially  enjoined  by  their  own  highest 
ecclesiastical  authority  to  denounce,  then  we  may 
fairly  say  they  are  demoralised ;  we  may  spurn  all 
paper  guarantees  against  abuse  of  their  spiritual  and 
temporal  powers ;  we  may  declare  that  it  is  impossible 
for  civil  and  religious  liberty  to  exist  when  they  are 
clothed  with  authority  over  the  lives  and  properties 
of  their  fellow-countrymen  who  differ  from  them  in 
religious  belief.  Nay,  more :  it  is  lawful,  and  may  be 
necessary,  to  oppose  physical  force  to  any  attempt  to 
place  the  neck  of  the  Protestant  community  underneath 
the  heel  of  an  authority  imbued  with  such  curious 
ideas  of  the  sanctity  of  the  law. 


CHAPTER   III. 

THE    CLAIMS    OF   IRISH    SACERDOTALISM 

The  Boycotting  of  Political  Opinion. 

ARCHBISHOP  WALSH  was  not  long  in  giving 
the  world  a  taste  of  his  quality.  The  general 
election  of  1885  gave  him  an  opportunity  which  he 
quickly  improved.  In  the  course  of  the  elections  two 
Catholic  laymen,  the  Right  Honourable  W.  Cogan, 
formerly  member  for  County  Kildare,  and  Mr.  George 
Ryan,  of  Inch — the  latter  a  LoyaHst  candidate  for 
Tipperary — ventured  to  criticise  in  severe  terms  the 
supporters  of  the  National  League.  Mr.  Cogan  wrote 
a  letter  to  the  Freemmis  Journal^  in  which,  after  allud- 
ing to  the  policy  and  principles  of  Archbishop  Murray 
and  Cardinals  Cullen  and  M'Cabe,  he  said  :  "  It  is 
the  duty  of  every  man  to  come  forward  and  take  his 
side  ;  it  is  the  part  of  a  coward  to  shirk  it.  One  must 
be  in  favour  of  law  and  order  and  loyalty,  and  the 
continuance  of  the  legislative  Union  of  this  country 
under  the  sovereignty  of  the  Queen,  or  in  favour  of  an 
illegal  conspiracy  against  law  and.  individual  liberty." 


14  THE   PRIEST   IN    POLITICS. 

To  the  ordinary  British  mind  there  is  nothing  par- 
ticularly remarkable  in  such  a  summing-up  of  the 
political  situation  in  1885.  But  Archbishop  Walsh 
thought  otherwise.  He  replied  in  a  letter  to  the  public 
press  in  a  manner  which  surprised  even  his  own  co- 
religionists. He  declared  that  Mr.  Cogan  had  publicly 
libelled  him,  and  he  complained  that  he  had  been 
criticised  in  a  manner  inconsistent  with  the  respect 
due  by  a  Catholic  to  his  archiepiscopal  office. 

Insulting  the  Archiepiscopal  Office. 

It  was  thus  clearly  laid  down  by  the  head  of  the 
Roman  CathoHc  Church  in  Ireland  that  to  criticise 
the  National  League  was  not  only  to  publicly  insult 
Dr.  Walsh  personally  as  a  politician  and  a  supporter 
of  the  League,  but  also  the  archiepiscopal  oflfice  itself! 
Could  anything  be  more  glaring  than  this  assumption  ? 
Does  it  not  declare  that  civil  rights  are  not  made  for 
Catholic  laymen  ?  and  is  it  not  a  distinct  attempt  upon 
the  part  of  Archbishop  Walsh  to  shelter  himself  behind 
his  sacerdotal  character  from  public  criticism  on  public 
acts  done  in  his  political  character  ?  Such  claims  must, 
if  admitted,  place  the  clerical  body  in  Ireland  above 
criticism,  and  make  the  Catholic  hierarchy  the  sole  and 
despotic  ruler  of  the  people.  They  mean  that  when 
an  archbishop  holds  certain  political  views  all  others 
who  differ  must  keep  silence.  This  is  the  boycotting 
of  political  opinion — nothing  more  and  nothing  less. 


THE   CLAIMS   OF   IRISH   SACERDOTALISM.  1 5 

The  infallibility  of  Archbishop  Walsh  in  politics  must 
be  admitted  on  pain  of  archiepiscopal  resentment. 

Political   Criticism    Inconsistent  with    Respect  to 

THE  Clergy. 

Archbishop  Croke  followed  suit  almost  immediately. 
Mr.  George  Ryan  did  not  even  criticise  or  reply  to  an 
archbishop.  He  exercised  his  right  of  attacking  Mr. 
Parnell's  party,  and  sketched  Mr.  Parnell  and  his 
followers  as  "  rogues "  and  "  mendicant  patriots  "  of 
the  League,  in  a  manner  which  was  undoubtedly  more 
vigorous  than  complimentary,  but  which  has  been  quite 
equalled  if  not  surpassed  during  the  past  two  years 
by  the  rival  factions  of  Nationalists  in  their  abuse  of 
one  another.  The  reply  came  not  from  the  politicians 
assailed,  but  from  the  Archbishop  of  the  diocese.  Dr. 
Croke  wrote  to  the  Freeman's  Journal  to  lay  down  the 
principle  that  the  criticism  of  a  body  of  politicians 
"  who  are  held  in  high  repute  by  the  overwhelming 
majority  of  the  bishops  and  priests  of  Ireland "  is 
inconsistent  with  the  respect  a  Catholic  layman  owes 
to  "  the  clergy  generally,  and  the  dignitaries  of  the 
Church."  The  monstrous  doctrine,  therefore,  put 
forward  by  these  two  prelates  was,  and  is,  that  when 
the  clergy  descend  into  the  political  arena  they  are 
not  only  entitled  ex  officio  to  exemption  from  the 
attacks  to  which  all  other  politicians  are  exposed,  but 
actually  the  whole  party  which  at  the  time  being  they 
may  patronise  is  to  be  hedged  round  with  the  reverence 


l6  THE    PRIEST   IN    rOLITICS. 

due   to  the    Roman    Catholic  bishops   and   priests   of 
Ireland.* 

"  No  Dividing  Line  between  Religion  and 
Politics." 

This  doctrine  is  in  full  swing  to-day  in  Ireland,  as 
we  shall  see  when  we  come  to  deal  with  the  Meath 
election.  Meanwhile,  it  should  be  noted  that  these 
views  were  never  before  put  forward  so  boldly  in 
Ireland  until  Archbishop  Walsh  came  to  the  front. 
He  has  on  several  occasions,  moreover,  declared  that 
it  passes  the  wit  of  man  to  discover  the  dividing  line 
between  morals  and  politics.  "  In  Ireland,"  he  said, 
"  the  line  between  religion  and  politics  is  a  line  by  no 
means  easy  to  draw.  I  have  some  experience  now  in 
critically  observing  such  matters,  and  I  have  never 
known  that  feat  to  be  accomplished  with  perfect 
success."  t 

Two  days  afterwards  Dr.  Walsh  claimed  that  the 
Roman  Catholic  clergy  in  Ireland  possessed,  "as 
priests,  and  independent  of  all  human  organisations,  an 
inalienable  and  indisputable  right  to  guide  their  people 
in  this  momentous  proceeding,  as  in  every  other  pro- 
ceeding where  the  interests  of  Catholicity  as  well  as 
the  interests  of  Irish  nationality  are  involved.  J 

*  For  a  full  account  of  these  extraordinary  episodes  see  Mr. 
T.  W.  RoUeston's  article  in  the  February  number  of  the 
Diihlin  University  Review,  1886. 

+  Freema7i' s  Journal ,  Sept.  18th,  1885. 

t  Ibid,  Sept.  20th,  1885. 


THE   CLAIMS   OF   IRISH   SACERDOTALISM.  1 7 

This  attitude  of  omniscience  and  omnipotence  taken 
up  by  the  Church  of  Rome  in  Ireland  with  regard  to 
poHtics  was  never  so  crudely  laid  before  the  country. 

Ex-OFFicio  Clerical  Franchise. 

Even  in  the  smallest  details  Archbishop  Walsh  was 
determined  to  carry  out  his  policy.  On  September 
4th,  1888,  when  he  returned  to  Ireland  from  Rome, 
one  of  his  first  acts  was  to  rescind  the  rule  enforced 
by  his  predecessors,  forbidding  the  clergy  to  take  any 
part  in  any  political  demonstrations.  That  perhaps 
was  a  small  matter.  But  the  next  step  was  a  "bolt 
from  the  blue."  He  suggested,  and  the  suggestion  was 
adopted,  that  at  all  the  political  conventions  held  in 
the  various  Irish  counties  an  ex-officio  vote  in  the  pro- 
ceedings was  given  to  the  Roman  Catholic  clergy. 
This  franchise  could  have  had  but  one  meaning.  It 
embodied  the  principle  in  virtue  of  which,  if  Mr. 
Gladstone's  Home  Rule  Bill  became  law,  the  priests  of 
Ireland  would  become  endowed  with  civil  privileges 
which  would  make  them  de  facto  and  dc  jure  the 
absolute  rulers  of  Ireland. 

Cardinal  Logue's  View. 

It  may  be  said  that  Archbishop  Walsh  is  discredited 
at  Rome,  and  that  these  proceedings  and  utterances  of 
his  may  be  liberally  discounted.     But  the  new   Irish 
cardinal.  Archbishop  Logiie,  of  Armagh,  has  said  sub- 
stantially the  same  thing,  and  claims  absolute  obedi- 

2 


1 8  THE   PRIEST  IN   POLITICS. 

ence   in    political   matters   from    the   members   of    his 
Church. 

"  We  are  face  to  face,"  he  said  two  3'ears  ago,  "  at 
the  present  moment  with  a  great  disobedience  to  eccle- 
siastical authority.  The  doctrines  of  the  present  day 
are  calculated  to  wean  the  people  from  the  priests' 
advice,  to  separate  the  priests  from  the  people — to  let 
the  people  use  their  own  judgment.  If  that  teaching 
goes  on  it  will  succeed  in  effecting  what  all  the  perse- 
cutions of  England  could  never  effect — it  will  succeed 
in  destroying  the  faith  of  the  Irish  people.* 

The  disobedience  alluded  to  was  the  refusal  of  Mr. 
Redmond's  political  party  to  desert  the  leadership  of 
Mr.  Parnell  during  his  life,  and  after  his  death  to  obey 
the  command  of  the  Church  with  regard  to  their 
political  conduct. 

Canon  Keller  and  Judge  Boyd. 

The  claims  of  the  hierarchy  were  fully  supported  by 
the  priesthood.  The  Plan  of  Campaign  was  a  political 
engine  invented  and  set  in  motion  by  Messrs.  Dillon 
and  O'Brien  in  October  1886.  The  idea  was  an  old 
one  revived,  the  scheme  being  simply  to  use  the 
resources  of  the  landowner  to  fight  a  battle  on  the  part 
of  the  tenant  against  paying  rent,  and  thus  to  create 
a  land  war,  which  would  force  on  a  policy  of  coercion  ; 
this  it  was  fully  expected  would  divide  the  Unionists, 
and  so  make  government  in  Ireland  impossible.  Mr. 
*  National  Press,  April  7th,  1891. 


— «-,^l*~^-J»l— l«irJ-U*- 


THE   CLAIMS   OF   IRISH   SACERDOTALISM.  IQ 

W.  O'Brien,  M.P.,  admitted  in  cross-examination  in 
Cork,  in  1888,*  that  he  had  got  ^^"4,000  in  America 
to  launch  the  social  war.  Mr.  Harrington  and  other 
Parnellites  have  since  admitted  the  whole  thing  was 
a  political  move.  As  we  have  seen,  the  Plan  of  Cam- 
paign was  blessed  by  Archbishops  Croke  and  Walsh 
at  the  outset.  It  was  powerfully  aided  by  the  priests 
throughout  the  country.  One  of  the  earliest  cases  was 
the  Ponsonby  estate,  in  the  county  of  Cork.  The  facts 
are  clear.  A  tenant  on  the  estate  was  adjudicated  a 
bankrupt.  Rev.  Mr.  Keller,  the  priest  of  Youghal,  was 
summoned  to  give  evidence  in  Dublin  before  Judge 
Boyd.  He  appeared  in  court  accompanied  by  Arch- 
bishop Walsh,  and  was  sworn.  Being  asked  whether 
he  remembered  being  in  the  Mall  House,  Youghal,  on 
November  i6th,  1886,  he  declined  to  answer,  on  the 
ground  that  he  would  not  disclose  any  confidential 
statement  made  to  him  as  a  priest,  and  the  drift  of  the 
question  appeared  to  him  to  be  to  gain  information  of 
that  kind.  There  was  no  suggestion  in  the  case  that 
Rev.  Mr.  Keller  received  information  as  to  the  where- 
abouts of  the  embezzled  rent  of  the  Ponsonby  estate. 
He  was  a  party  to  the  breaking  of  the  law,  and  his 
refusal  to  answer  the  question  of  the  assignees  in 
backruptcy  was  a  direct  contempt  of  Court.  Rev.  Mr, 
Keller  was  accordingly  committed  to  jail.  The  scene 
on  his  removal  is  probably  unparalleled.  Seated  in  a 
cab,  the  recalcitrant  priest,  accompanied  by  Archbishop 
*  Cork  Constitutiun,  July  25th,  1S88. 


20  THE   PRIEST   IN    POLITICS. 

Walsh,  was  dragged  by  a  vast  mob  to  Kilmainham,  the 
people  shouting  and  singing,  "  We'll  hang  Judge  Boyd 
on  a  sour  apple  tree." 

Here  we  have  the  claim  of  the  Roman  Catholic 
priest  stoutly  made  in  a  court  of  law  that  he  is  above 
the  law,  that  it  is  his  right  and  duty  in  civil  cases 
to  answer  or  not  as  pleases  him.  It  is  no  longer 
limited  to  the  secrets  of  the  confessional.  Like  Rev. 
Mr.  Keller,  any  priest  may  join  a  criminal  conspiracy, 
may  become  the  trustee  of  rents  due  to  the  landlord 
or  any  other  creditor ;  but  his  honour  as  a  priest 
forbids  him  to  answer  any  question  that  might  even 
tend  to  a  disclosure  of  the  truth  !  The  discipline  of 
the  Roman  Church  is  above  the  law  of  the  land,  and 
a  priest's  duty  is  relegated  from  a  "  higher  source  than 
the  after-dinner  wisdom  of  Westminster  majorities." 

Bishop  M'Carthy  Approves. 

Rev.  Mr.  Keller's  conduct  was  endorsed  by  his  own 
bishop.  Dr.  M'Carthy,  who  wrote  as  follows:  "As  I 
am  quite  sure  that  you  did  nothing  that  you  did  not 
feel  morally  justified  in  doing,  I  am  equally  sure  that 
any  course  you  may  adopt  in  consequence  of  it  will 
be  one  that  will  meet  with  my  approval."  *  Such  a 
case  as  this  roused  the  passions  of  the  people  to  a 
terrible  pitch.  Cartoons  were  issued  showing  the 
prelates  in  vestments  blessing  the  contumacious  priest, 

*  Freeman'' s  Journal,  March  9th,  1887. 


I 

I 


-5'WWpcv:a--»?h.  _;»MTgw-v^ 


THE   CLAIMS  OF   IRISH   SACERDOTALISM.         21 

and  the  action  of  the  Archbishop  was  quoted  as  proving 
the  innocence  of  the  priest  and  people. 

The  EngHsh  Press  took  a  very  different  view.     Even 
the  Daily  News  jibbed. 

"  Rev.  Mr,  Keller  was  summoned,  not  because  he 
was  a  priest  (an  Irish  judge  would  be  mad  who 
attempted  to  extract  the  secrets  of  the  confessional), 
but  because  he  is  suspected  of  holding  property  be- 
longing to  the  creditors  of  a  bankrupt.  He  was 
committed  for  refusing  to  say  whether  he  remem- 
bered being  in  the  Mall  House  at  Youghal  on  the  i6th 
of  November.  It  is  quite  pbvious  that  the  law  of 
bankruptcy  cannot  be  administered  if  a  priest  may 
take  charge  of  a  bankrupt's  money,  and  may  not  be 
compelled  to  answer  any  questions  about  it.  The 
prospects  of  Home  Rule  are  excellent,  and  the  Govern- 
ment is  materially  assisting  them.  Nothing  can  injure 
them,  except  the  suspicion  that  English  Home  Rulers 
are  favourable  to  anarchy."  * 

English  Roman  Catholics  were  scandalised  at  these 
proceedings  of  their  Church  in  Ireland.  Mr.  de  Lisle, 
who  then  sat  for  a  division  of  Leicestershire,  was  very 
outspoken  in  his  opinion.  "  I  shall  be  told,"  he  wrote, 
"  that  the  new-born  Celticism  which  defies  the  Queen's 
Law  in  Ireland  has  the  blessing  of  two  archbishops, 
half  a  hierarchy,  a  crowd  of  clergy,  and  some  three 
millions  of  people,  represented  by  eighty-five  Nationa- 
lists in  the  Imperial  Parliament.  So  much  the  worse 
*  Daily  News,  March  2ist,  18S7. 


22  THE   PRIEST   IN    POLITICS. 

for  them  from  the  moral  point  of  view,  if  in  the  pursuit 
of  an  object,  even  if  in  itself  it  be  laudable,  the}' 
transgress  the  ordinances  of  legitimate  authority,  where 
these  ordinances  are  just  and  legal.  The  more  sacred 
the  office,  the  more  scandalous  the  breach  of  the  law." 

In  a  letter  to  a  Roman  Catholic  paper  Mr.  de  Lisle 
also  declared  that  "it  is  sedition  to  defy  the  law  and 
to  denounce  legal  obligation.  Sedition  may  become 
sacrilegious.     It  cannot  be  sanctified.'* 

Father  Ryan's  Case. 

Of  course.  Rev.  Mr.  Keller's  example  was  im- 
mediately followed.  A  notorious  priest,  Rev.  Matthew 
Ryan,  of  Hospital,  County  Limerick,  surnamed  "  The 
General "  in  his  district,  from  his  warlike  propensities, 
was  summoned  under  similar  circumstances  to  the 
Court  of  Bankruptcy,  and  refused  to  give  any  infor- 
mation regarding  the  disposal  of  the  money  of  the 
Herbertstovvn  tenantr}-.  Speaking  at  a  public  meeting 
in  Dublin  before  his  appearance  in  court,  he  said  : — 

"  The  people  among  whom  he  lived  called  him  *  The 
General,'  but  he  was  a  general  in  command  under  the 
man  who  wielded  the  marshal's  baton  so  ably  and 
so  skilfully — William  O'Brien.  His  first  duty  was  to 
thank  them  from  his  heart  of  hearts  for  the  more  than 
royal  welcome  they  had  given  him  that  evening.     He 

♦  Article  by  Edward,  de  Lisle,  M.P.,  on  "Shall  England 
Rule  ?  "  Union,  March  26th,  1887.  See. also  his  letter  to  the 
Universe,  March  5th,  1887. 


THE   CLAIMS   OF   IRISH   SACERDOTALISM.         23 

hoped  to  be  in  Kilmainham  Prison  to-morrow,  and  it 
had  always  been  his  hope  to  be  allowed  the  honour  of 
suffering  in  the  cause  of  Irish  nationality.  He  could 
assure  them  that  Judge  Boyd  would  not  wring  any 
evidence  from  him.  He  might  be  guilty  of  contempt  of 
court  if  he  declined  to  answer  Judge  Boyd  to-morrow, 
but  if  he  did  answer  he  would  be  guilty  of  contempt 
of  the  Court  of  Heaven,  and  with  these  alternatives  he 
need  not  tell  them  the  one  he  would  adopt.  He  would 
be  guilty  of  contempt  of  Judge  Boyd's  Court.  .  .  . 
He  was  consoled,  comforted,  and  strengthened  by  the 
approbation  of  the  great  and  good  Archbishop  of 
Dublin,  and  his  own  beloved  Archbishop  of  Cashel, 
as  well  as  of  his  own  conscience.  He  was  ready  to 
speak,  to  do,  to  dare,  and  to  suffer  for  the  sacred 
cause  of  Ireland."  * 

The  bellicose  priest  was  as  good  as  his  word.  He 
defied  the  law  and  refused  to  speak  in  the  witness  box  as 
to  his  part  in  the  Plan  of  Campaign.  After  his  committal 
Rev.  Mr.  Ryan  was  driven  to  prison,  while  the  Lord 
Mayor  of  Dublin  and  Archbishop  Croke  stood  waving 
their  hats  and  cheering  amongst  the  mob.  The  National 
press,  in  commenting  upon  the  case,  declared  that  the 
priests  of  the  Church  were  only  vindicating  ecclesias- 
tical privilege.  Archbishop  Croke  subsequently  coun- 
tenanced Rev.  Mr.  Ryan's  escape  from  justice  when  the 
messenger  of  the  Court  of  Bankruptcy  came  to  seize 
him  in  his  own  parish  on  a  second  contempt  of  court. 
*  Freeman' s  Journal,  March  29th,  1887. 


24  THE   PRIEST   IN    POLITICS. 

On  Sunday,  May  29th,  1887,  Rev.  Mr.  Ryan  addressed 
a  meeting  at  Herbertstown,  when  he  gave  utterance  to 
the  following  political  forecast :  "  The  mettle  of  those 
around  him  would  be  put  to  a  severe  test  in  a  few 
months.  The  Coercion  Bill  introduced  by  Balfour  of 
the  Long  Legs  would  have  passed  into  law  unless  the 
Great  Campaigner  in  Heaven,  who  struck  down  the 
sub-sheriff  with  epilepsy  at  Bodyke  the  other  day, 
would  still  the  limbs  and  deprive  the  governors  of  the 
countr}^  of  their  power."  * 

Lord  Selborne's  Opinion. 

These  facts  are  forgotten  now  by  the  vast  bulk  of 
the  people  in  England.  But  they  made  deep  impres- 
sion upon  thinking  men  at  the  time.  The  claims  of  the 
Roman  Catholic  priesthood  to  dispense  with,  to  super- 
sede and  to  overrule  the  law  of  the  land  first,  and  then 
every  other  law  or  moral  obligation  when  it  may  in  the 
natural  course  of  events  be  auxiliary  to  the  law,  came 
upon  many  statesmen  with  a  shock  of  surprise.  Lord 
Selborne  is  not  a  man  of  rash  judgment  or  of  hasty 
utterance,  but  he  protested  against  these  extraordinary 
claims  with  all  the  force  at  his  command,  "  I  am  not 
sure,"  he  said,  "  that  such  a  pretension  as  this  would 
have  been  made  even  in  the  days  of  those  extravagant 
claims  to  exemption  from  civil  jurisdiction  which  were 
advanced   in  the  middle  ages  on  behalf  of  clergymen 

*  Co7'k  Daily  Herald,  May  31st,  1887. 


THE   CLAIMS   OF   IRISH   SACERDOTALISM.         25 

accused  of  crimes  and  from  which  it  took  centuries  to 
dehver  our  national  jurisprudence."  * 

A  hundred  years  ago  Blackstone  said  that  "  however 
in  times  of  ignorance  and  superstition  that  monster  in 
true  policy  may  for  a  while  subsist,  of  a  body  of  men 
residing  in  the  bowels  of  a  State,  and  yet  independent 
of  its  laws,  yet,  when  learning  and  rational  religion  have 
a  little  enlightened  men's  minds,  society  can  no  longer 
endure  an  absurdity  so  gross  as  must  destroy  its  very 
fundamentals." 

Nevertheless,  at  the  close  of  the  nineteenth  century, 
a  body  of  men  was  found  eager  and  willing  to  claim  the 
right  to  live  in  Ireland,  and  yet  be  independent  of  the 
laws  passed  by  the  Imperial  Parliament.  The  Irish 
Protestants  know  these  claims  have  been  put  forward, 
and  will  be  put  forward  again  when  occasion  offers. 
Can  any  one  blam.e  the  Ulster  Protestants  for  believ- 
ing that  Ireland,  under  a  Home  Rule  Roman  Catholic 
Parliament,  would  be  a  miniature  Papal  State  ?  They 
know  something  by  history  and  experience  of  the  fires 
that  lie  slumbering  beneath  the  ashes. 

*  See  his  article  in  the  Liberal  Uiiionist,  April  i6th,  18S7. 


CHAPTER    IV. 

SOME  CATHOLIC   VIEWS  OF  IRISH  PROTESTANTISM 

IT  is  almost  unnecessary  to  say  what  Irish  Protestants 
have  done  for  the  empire.  Derry  walls  attest  the 
strength  of  the  conviction  which  animated  the  hearts  and 
minds  of  their  forefathers  ;  and  the  trumpet  note  of  the 
Belfast  Convention  on  the  eve  of  the  General  Election  of 
1892,  repeated  in  the  manifesto  of  the  Ulster  Defence 
Union  in  1893,  proves  that  the  same  spirit  lives  and 
glows  as  ardently  as  ever  in  the  men  of  the  North  of 
Ireland  at  the  present  day.  What  we  desire  rather  to 
show  is  the  feelings  and  sentiments  which  are  enter- 
tained against  Irish  Protestantism  by  a  section  at  least 
of  the  Church  of  Rome  in  Ireland,  as  expressed  by 
some  of  those  entitled  to  speak  for  it.  We  do  this 
not  for  the  purpose  of  perpetuating  religious  rancour. 
There  are  hundreds  of  thousands  of  Irish  and  English 
Roman  Catholics  as  loyal  to  the  Crown  to-day  as  Lord 
Howard  of  Effingham  was  loyal  to  Queen  Elizabeth 
when  he  led  her  fleets  against  the  Spanish  Armada. 
Irish  Protestants  do  not  pretend  to  have  any  monopoly 

of  loyalty,  and  the  views  now  to  be  quoted  are  given 

26 


CATHOLIC   VIEWS   OF   IRISH    PROTESTANTISM.      2/ 

merely  to  show  why  Irish  Protestants  are  alarmed  at 
the  trend  of  political  events  in  Ireland. 


Mr.  Biggar's  Views. 

Mr.  Biggar,  M.P.,  at  the  very  commencement  of  the 
Land  League  movement,  1879,  gave  his  views  of  Irish 
Protestants.  Speaking  in  Bermondsey  on  the  "  Future 
of  the  Irish  Race,"  he  said :  "  By  the  *  Irish  race '  he 
meant  to  include  all  Irishmen  of  the  Roman  Catholic 
faith,  wherever  they  were  to  be  found.  Protestants  he 
did  not  consider  Irishmen  at  all.  They  were  merely 
West  Britons,  who  had  been  by  accident  born  in  Ireland, 
and  from  his  own  experience  he  could  say  they  were 
the  bitterest  enemies  of  Ireland."  * 

It  is  hardly  likely  that  such  a  speech  would  ever  be 
forgotten  by  Irish  Protestants,  and  the  bare  memory  of 
it  is  quite  enough  to  make  Ulster  laugh  at  the  idea  of 
any  paper  guarantees  for  civil  and  religious  liberty  and 
equality  under  Home  Rule. 

Again,  there  are  over  600,000  Presbyterians  in 
Ireland,  and  their  congregations,  numbering  359, 
adopted  resolutions  in  1886  denouncing  the  project  of 
establishing  Home  Rule  in  their  country.  Whereupon 
the  organ  of  the  Irish  in  America  declares — "The 
assumption  that  these  people  are  Irish  is  preposterous. 
They  are  not  Irish.  Their  fathers  went  to  Ireland  to 
plunder    and    exterminate    the    native    race,  and    they 

*  Times,  March  4th,  1879. 


28  THE   PRIEST   IN    POLITICS. 

inherit  and  retain  the  spirit  of  their  fathers.  They 
are  an  alien  element  in  the  Irish  population,  and 
their  resolutions  against  Home  Rule  are  of  no  more 
account  than  similar  resolutions  passed  in  Scotland 
or  England."  * 

Here,  then,  we  have  in  1886  the  same  view  laid 
down  by  the  Queen's  Irish  enemies  in  America  as 
Mr.  Biggar  when  a  member  of  Parliament  maintained 
on  an  English  platform  in  the  heart  of  London. 

The  people  of  Ulster  believe  that  the  object  of  a 
large  section  of  the  Nationalist  Party  is  to  replace 
an  extinct  Protestant  ascendency  by  a  new  Roman 
Catholic  ascendency,  engineered  by  the  Roman  Catholic 
bishops  and  priests  in  an  Irish  Parliament  manned  by 
the  nominees  of  the  hierarchy  of  the  Church  of  Rome. 

This  view  may  be  wrong,  but  it  is  founded  on  facts 
established  and  sentiments  expressed,  which  cannot  be 
denied  and  ought  not  to  be  blinked.  In  1891  the 
population  of  Ireland  was  4,700,000.  Of  this  number, 
the  census  returns  show  that  some  3,500,000  are 
Roman  Catholics,  and  from  these  the  bulk  of  the  Home 
Rule  party  is  recruited.  Mr.  Biggar,  as  we  see,  in 
1879  denied  even  the  name  of  Irishmen  to  the  minority 
of  1,200,000  Protestants. 

"Contemptible    Dastards." 

The  same  sentiment  was  almost  as  nakedly  avowed 
in    1888    by  a    Roman   Catholic   priest   from   a   public 
*  Irish  World,  Feb.  27th,  1886. 


J 


CATHOLIC   VIEWS   OF   IRISH   PROTESTANTISM.      29 

platform  in  County  Kildare.  Speaking  at  Monaster- 
evan  in  that  year,  the  Rev.  Mr.  Hughes  said  :  "  But 
though  '  All's  well '  is  the  defiant  cry  that  rings  along 
our  line  of  battle,  still  we  all  feel  that  the  strain  is 
very  severe,  and  that  now,  in  the  last  hours  of  the 
struggle  that  has  been  going  on  for  seven  centuries, 
Ireland  needs  the  helping  hand  of  all  her  children. 
Now,  that  help  Ireland  does  not  receive  from  her 
Protestant  children.  (A  voice — They  are  only  step- 
children.) Where  are  the  Protestant  farmers  of  this 
parish  ?  Are  they  here  to-day,  as  they  ought  to  be  ? 
No,  they  are  not.  I  have  just  been  informed  that  there 
are  three  or  four  present.  I  ahi  very  glad ;  but,  taking 
them  as  a  body,  we  have  a  right  to  complain  of  their 
base  conduct.  I  can  admire  consistency  in  any  man. 
If  these  farmers  showed  a  hatred  for  all  the  works  and 
pomps  of  the  National  League,  I  could  understand  it ; 
but  these  Protestant  fellow-countrymen  of  ours,  who 
do  not  stir  a  hand  or  contribute  a  penny  in  sustain- 
ment  of  the  land  war,  are  amongst  the  first  to  enjoy 
the  spoils  of  the  victory  we  win.  I  say  they  are 
contemptible  dastards  !  (Cheers.)  I  say  they  are  im- 
beciles, if  they  hope  that  by-and-by,  when  the  fight  is 
over  and  the  battle  won,  their  refusal  to  help  us 
shall  not  be  remembered.  (Hear,  hear,  and  cheers.) 
Let  no  man  dare  to  say  that  this  is  bigotry."  * 

What,   then,    is    bigotry?     The    Rev.    Mr.    Hughes 
endeavoured,  in   the  latter   portion    of  his  speech,  to 
*  Leinstcr  Leader,  Dec.  15th,  1888. 


30  THE  PRIEST  IN   POLITICS. 

minimise  his  first  statement  by  mentioning  the  names 
of  Protestants  who  had  been  Nationalists.  He  might  as 
well  have  contended  that  because  Mr.  Bradlaugh  was 
an  Atheist,  therefore  Englishmen  as  a  body  endorsed 
his  views  of  religion.  In  this  case  the  Protestant 
farmers  of  the  district  were  few  and  far  between,  and 
the  object  and  effect  of  this  priest's  speech  were  to 
intimidate  and  force  them  into  the  ranks  of  a 
Nationalist  organisation.  Bigotry  is  the  boycotting 
of  opinion ;  and  that  was  the  aim  of  the  Rev.  Father 
Hughes's  speech. 

A    New   View   of    Protestantism. 

Just  before  Mr.  Gladstone  openly  declared  his  adop- 
tion of  Home  Rule,  at  that  time  the  leading  organ  of 
Catholicity  and  Home  Rule  in  Ireland  gave  vent  to  the 
following  views  about  Protestant  England  : — 

"  We  contend  that  the  good  government  of  Ireland 
by  England  is  impossible,  not  so  much  by  reason  of 
natural  obstacles,  but  because  of  the  radical,  essential 
difference  in  the  public  order  of  the  two  countries. 
This,  considered  in  the  abstract,  makes  a  gulf  profound, 
impassable — an  obstacle  no  human  ingenuity  can 
remove  or  overcome.  It  is  that  the  one  people  is 
Christian  and  the  other  non-Christian.  .  .  .  To  put  the 
contrast  again  in  the  plainest  form — the  one  order  of 
civilisation  is  Christian,  the  other  non-Christian ;  the 
one  people  has  not  only  accepted,  but  retained  with 
inviolable  constancy  the  Christian  faith ;  the  other  has 


CATHOLIC   VIEWS  OF   IRISH   PROTESTANTISM.      3 1 

not  only  rejected  it,  but  has  been  for  three  centuries 
the  leader  of  the  great  apostasy,  and  is  at  this  day  the 
principal  obstacle  to  the  conversion  of  the  world."* 

In  this  marvellous  expression  of  Roman  Catholic 
public  opinion  in  Ireland,  it  should  be  particularly 
noted  that  even  the  name  of  Christians  is  denied  to 
Protestants.  How,  then,  would  they  be  treated  under 
a  Home  Rule  Government  ?  Might  it  not  be  said  that 
if  the  sentiment  expressed  by  the  organ  of  the  Roman 
Catholic  Church  in  Ireland  were  accepted,  the  logical 
conclusion  must  be  persecution  ?  The  principal  "  ob- 
stacle "  to  Roman  Catholic  ascendency  in  three  provinces 
of  Ireland  would  be  Protestantism.  Ergo^  drive  the 
"  contemptible  dastards,"  the  "  West  Britons,"  the 
"  alien  element,"  right  out.  In  Ulster,  no  doubt,  where 
the  Protestants  are  well  able  and  ready  to  take  care  ot 
themselves,  the  spirit  of  religious  persecution,  latent 
or  patent,  would  be  powerless.  But  how  about  the 
sequestered  Protestants  in  the  rest  of  Ireland  ?  Their 
position  under  Home  Rule  would  be  intolerable, 
exposed  to  the  malignity  and  the  predatory  instincts 
of  their  ancient  foes.  Nothing  but  the  aegis  of  an 
Imperial  Parliament  could  protect  themselves  and  their 
property  from  the  attacks  of  an  Irish  Parliament. 

Boycotting   Scotch    Children. 
Here  again  facts  confront  the  Northern  Protestants. 

*  Freemaii's  Journal,  Feb.  i8th,  1886. 


32  THE   PRIEST   IN    POLITICS. 

Two  instances  may  be  given.  In  1888,  the  children 
who  attended  Barrowhouse  National  School,  near  Athy, 
County  Kildare,  declared  that  they  would  not  associate 
with  the  children  of  a  Scotch  Presbyterian  caretaker 
who  lived  close  by  on  a  farm  from  which  the  tenant 
was  evicted.  This  tenant  had  joined  the  Plan  of 
Campaign,  and  had  held  the  land  for  three  years 
without  paying  any  rent.  He  was  then  evicted.  The 
children,  no  doubt,  were  egged  on  by  their  parents  to 
desert  the  school :  in  any  case,  Lord  Lansdowne's 
agent,  Mr.  J.  T.  Trench,  received  the  following  remark- 
able letter  from  the  Roman  Catholic  priest  of  Athy 
upon  the  subject : — 

"Athy,  December  z^th,  1888. 

"  Sir, — I  wish  to  bring  under  your  notice  a  diffi- 
culty which  has  recently  arisen  at  Barrowhouse,  and 
which  you  alone  can  remedy.  A  caretaker  living  in 
Mr.  D.  Whelan's  house  has  two  boys  whom  he  sends 
to  the  school  there  at  the  chapel.  Their  presence 
dispersed  the  other  children,  who  will  not  associate 
with  the  strangers.  The  result  is  that  the  school  is 
broken  up.  If  I  may  suggest  a  remedy  for  this 
disorder,  it  is  to  ask  you  to  order  these  children  to 
come  into  the  Model  school  at  Athy,  where  they  will 
meet  their  own  co-religionists,  the  Scotch.  It  is  not 
too  far — three  miles.  Otherwise  the  school  must  be 
abolished  altogether,  and  the  disorder  spread  and 
perpetuated.  This  is  more  simple  and  reasonable  than 
to  ask  you  to  withdraw  those  Scotch  boys.     For  the 


CATHOLIC   VIEWS  OF   IRISH    PROTESTANTISM.      33 

interests  of  peace  and  harmony  I  ask  you  to  interfere 

in  this  urgent  case,  and  am, 

"James  Doyle,  P.P. 
"J.  T.  Trench." 

This  letter  ought  to  open  the  eyes  of  the  blindest 
partisan  to  the  demoralisation  of  the  Irish  priesthood. 

The  National  system  of  education  in  Ireland  is  to 
throw  the  schools  equally  open  to  all.  The  priest 
for  political  purposes  proposed  to  teach  the  children 
to  set  at  defiance  the  rules  of  the  National  Education 
Board,  and  to  allow  them  to  assume  the  government 
of  the  school.  He,  in  fact,  proposed  to  allow  the 
children  to  decide  who  should  attend  the  school, 
and  asked  Mr,  Trench  to  co-operate  with  him  in 
abandoning  his  authority  as  a  man  and  a  priest,  and 
in  giving  a  marked  sanction  to  the  principle  of  boy- 
cotting. The  suggestion  in  the  Rev.  Mr,  Doyle's  letter 
should  be  noted  that  the  reasons  for  the  objections  to 
the  children  were — (i)  that  they  were  strangers,  (2) 
that  they  were  Presbyterians,  and  (3)  that  they  were 
Scotch.  These  sentiments  are  sufficient  in  themselves 
to  account  for  the  rooted  distrust  of  the  Ulster  popula- 
tion, which  is  largely  of  Scotch  origin,  to  any  system 
of  Home  Rule.  Can  any  one  doubt  that  with  a  Roman 
Catholic  Parliament  dominant  in  Ireland  the  priesthood 
would  have  it  in  their  power  to  impose  conditions  of 
education  to  the  parents  of  Irish  Protestants  outside 
Ulster  ?     This,  at  all  events,  is  the  firm  conviction  of 

3 


34  THE   PRIEST   IN    POLITICS. 

Irish   Loyalists,  and  it  is  worthy  of  consideration  by 
British  Nonconformists. 


"What  is  Pure    Protestantism?" 

But  it  may  be  asked,  What  do  the  priests  in  Ireland 
fear  in   Protestantism  ?     Why  are    they  likely,  when 
they   have    the    power,    to    boycott    Protestants   and 
Protestant   opinion    in    the   provinces   where    Roman 
Catholics  are  in  the  majority  ?     The  answer  is  to  be 
found  written  with  a  bold  hand  in  the  evidence  given 
in  the  South  Meath  election.     The  same  reason  which 
has  impelled   the  Roman   Catholic  bishop  and  priest- 
hood of  the  diocese  of  Meath  to  boycott  the  opinions 
of  Mr.   Redmond  and    his  party  will  impel    them  to 
boycott  Protestants  when  their  views  or  their  actions 
become  obnoxious  to  them.      And  that  reason  is  the 
claim  advanced  by  Protestant  laymen  to  exercise  the 
right  of  private  judgment.      Michael   Brien,  a  South 
Meath  voter,  swore  that  he  heard  Rev.  Mr.  Buchanan 
preach  a  sermon  in   Dangan  Church  on   the  Sunday 
before  the  South  Meath  election.     He  spoke  from  the 
altar,  and  read  the  following  extract  from  the  Parnellite 
newspaper,  the  T)\x\Ain  Independent : — "Any  man  voting 
at  an  election  should  vote  according  to  his  own  con- 
science, no  matter  what  Dr.  Nulty  (or  it  might  be  any 
bishop)   might   say."     Then   Rev.   Mr.  Buchanan   said 
"  that  this  is  pure  Protestantism  ;  now,  that  is  Protes- 
tantism   pure  and  simple."     Rev.  Mr.  Buchanan  was 


CATHOLIC   VIEWS   OF   IRISH   PROTESTANTISM.      35 

cross-examined  upon  this  point,  and  his  evidence  is 
worthy  of  notice  : — 

" '  You  said  that  was  preaching  the  doctrine  of 
private  judgment  ?  '     '  Yes.' 

" '  And  you  said  that  was  pure  Protestantism  ?  '  'I 
may  have  used  those  words.' 

" '  That  is  to  say,  you  won't  contradict  the  witness 
who  swears  you  did  ?  '     'I  will  not.' 

"  Witness — '  I  didn't  say  that  Parnellism  was  "  pure 
Protestantism."  ' 

"  '  That  for  the  Parnellites  to  vote  was  "  pure  Protes- 
tantism." Is  not  that  the  sum  and  substance  of  it  ? ' 
*  No  ;  I  was  referring  to  the  teaching  in  the  Independent 
paper.  I  said  when  I  read  that  that  it  was  the 
Protestant  doctrine  of  pure  private  judgment — that  is, 
to  act  on  a  false  conscience,  and  not  to  follow  or  inquire 
into  the  teachings  of  the  bishops  and  priests.' 

"  '  Would  you  mean  a  false  conscience  was  this — to 
inquire  into  the  teachings  of  the  bishops  and  priests, 
and  if  a  man  agreed  with  them,  then  he  had  a 
right  conscience,  and  if  he  disagreed,  he  had  a  false 
conscience  ?  '     *  No.' 

"  '  What  do  you  mean  by  a  false  conscience  ?  '     No 


answer." 


Here  is  the  condemnation   of  the  right  of  private 
judgment    as    exercised    by    Protestants    in    political 

*"The  South  Meath  Election."  Verbatim  Report.  Pub- 
lished by  the  Irish  Inde;I)eiident  Printing  Co.,  Ltd.,  College 
Green,  Dublin,  1892.     8vo.,  284  pages.  ■ 


36  THE   PRIEST   IN    POLITICS. 

questions.  Their  conscience  is  termed  false  and  their 
action  must  necessarily  be  denounced  as  contrary  to 
faith  and  morals.  These  are  the  facts  and  opinions 
which  have  been  startling  more  and  more  the  feelings 
of  Irish  Protestants.  Nor  is  there  any  withdrawal  by 
the  Irish  hierarchy  of  their  claims. 

The  Claims  of  the  Church  of  Rome  Defined 
BY  Mr.  Healy. 

The  claim  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church  in  Ireland 
to  make  every  political  question  one  of  morals  was 
expressly  urged  and  reiterated  by  Mr.  Healy,  M.P., 
as  counsel  for  Mr.  Fulham.     These  are  his  words  : — 

"  His  learned  friends  might  not  like  the  Roman 
Catholic  doctrine, — the  State  might  not  like  the  Roman 
Catholic  doctrine ;  but  the  Roman  Catholic  doctrine 
would  not  be  changed  for  them.  The  rude  peasants  at 
Clonard  gates  said,  '  If  you  want  private  judgment  go 
to  Roper.'  *  But  for  those  who  held  with  the  doctrines 
of  an  Infallible  Church,  for  those  who  held  with 
Episcopacy  descendant  and  traced  from  the  apostles, 
for  those  who  held  that  into  almost  all  the  relations  of 
life  questions  of  morality  thrust  themselves  at  every 
chink  and  cranny,  -for  such  persons  that  Church,  when 
such  questions  arose,  would  declare  and  would  pro- 
nounce upon  them.  They  might  view  with  jealousy 
the  concerted  action   of  an  organised  priesthood,   and 

*  Mr.  Roper  was  the  Protestant  rector  of  a  parish  in  South 
Meath, 


CATHOLIC   VIEWS   OF   IRISH   PROTESTANTISM.      37 

enact  laws  to  punish  that  priesthood  ;  they  might  view 
with  horror  the  doctrine  which  imported  a  binding 
sanction  on  the  minds  of  the  people  to  listen  to  the 
teaching  of  the  pastorate.  Let  them  root  out  that 
Church  ;  they  had  the  power.  But  so  long  as  the  State 
sanctioned  toleration,  so  long  as  it  was  indifferent  to 
the  doctrine  that  was  preached,  so  long  the  question  of 
the  truth  or  the  untruth  of  that  doctrine  would  not  be 
questioned  in  a  court  of  law,  but  so  far  as  the  Roman 
Catholic  Church  was  concerned  it  would  be  a  question 
for  the  Court  of  Rome." 

CAuses  OF  Protestant  Disquietude. 

With  such  claims  openly  made  and  avowed  in  a 
court  of  law,  it  is  not  surprising  that  the  Protestants 
look  forward  with  dread  to  the  time  when  the  State 
will  be  in  the  hands  of  a  body  of  men  who,  either 
directly  or  indirectly,  can  command  the  decision  of  an 
Irish  Parliament.  Mr.  Davitt  in  an  interview  with  the 
Pall  Mall  Gazette  on  May  12th,  1885,  when  asked  how 
he  proposed  to  deal  with  the  question  of  Ulster  : — 
"  Leave  them  alone  to  us,"  he  said,  "  and  we  will  make 
short  work  of  these  gentry.  They  are  not  Irish  ;  they 
are  only  English  and  Scotch  who  are  settled  among  us  ; 
and  it  is  preposterous  that  they  should  be  allowed  to 
dictate  to  Irishmen  how  Ireland  should  be  governed." 

The  question  of  education,  of  the  subsidising  of  the 
priesthood,  of  the  resumption  of  churches — all  these 
questions  have  only  to  be  declared  questions  of  morality, 


38  THE   PRIEST   IN    POLITICS. 

and  the  Church  of  Rome  in  Ireland  would  have  the 
power  and  the  will  to  "pronounce  upon  them."  The 
Irish  Catholics  comment  upon  the  judgment  in  the 
South  Meath  case  is  full  of  significance : — 

"  Mr.  Justice  O'Brien's  decision  may  have  been  as 
creditable  to  him  as  a  lawyer  as  it  was,  in  the  tone  and 
matter  of  many  of  its  passages,  discreditable  to  him  as 
a  Roman  Catholic ;  but  we  have  no  hesitation  in  saying 
that  if  those  at  whose  demand  it  was  pronounced  fancy 
that  it  will  act  as  any  deterrent  to  Irish  priests  from 
discharging  their  duties  as  electors  and  as  citizens, 
as  well  as  the  friends  and  advisers  of  their  people,  they 
forget  the  courage,  the  constancy,  and  the  patriotism  of 
the  unconquerable  and  devoted  clergy  of  Ireland."  * 

When  the  Church  of  Rome  has  the  power  the 
hierarchy  seek  under  Home  Rule  it  will  practically 
include  the  appointment  of  the  judiciary.  With  Mr. 
Healy  on  the  bench,  there  would  be  no  fear  of  an}^ 
judgments  impugning  the  claims  of  the  Irish  hierarchy. 

*  Irish  Catholic ,  Dec.  loth,  1892. 


CHAPTER    V. 

POSITION  OF  THE  IRISH  PRIEST 

WHAT  part  did  the  priests  play  in  the  terrible  social 
war  which  raged  in  Ireland  from  1879  to  1882, 
and  also  in  the  later  years  of  the  National  League  ? 
The  answer  is  writ  large  in  the  newspaper  press  of  the 
period.  Not  only  did  they  neglect  their  duty  in  the 
making  of  peace  amongst  their  flock,  but  they  became 
active  agitators,  often  fierce  political  firebrands,  rousing 
the  worst  passions  of  ignorant,  and  often  superstitious, 
people,  and  leading  them  on  to  action  which  was 
subsequently  condemned  by  a  tribunal  of  British 
judges  as  contrary  to  law,  and  by  the  Pope  himself  as 
subversive  of  morality. 

To  make  intelligible  the  whole  influence  of  the  Irish 
priest,  direct  and  indirect,  it  is  necessary  here  to  give 
some  brief  account  of  his  condition  and  the  circum- 
stances of  his  Hfe  and  education.  Unless  his  peculiar 
position  is  understood  and  appreciated  it  is  impossible 
to  realise  the  power  he  wields  in  Irish  society.  In  the 
first  place,  as  a  rule,  he  is  in  full  sympathy  with  the 
narrow,    limited   ideas,    impressions,    and    tastes   that 

39 


40  THE   PRIEST    IN    POLITICS. 

surround  him.  In  France  a  young  peasant  who  has 
become  a  priest  is  no  longer  a  peasant.  His  nature 
has  been  transformed  during  the  years  he  has  passed 
at  college.  He  returns  to  his  cure  of  souls  a  new 
being  salaried  by  the  State,  and  a  public  official.  In 
Ireland  a  young  curate  or  even  a  parish  priest  (nearly 
always  the  son  of  a  small  farmer)  differs  very  little 
from  his  neighbour  and  former  comrades. 

Education  and  Breeding. 

As  a^oy  he  had  drunk  in  at  his  father's  hearth  the 
stories  of  the  penal  laws,  and  had  heard  the  burden  of 
Ireland's  wrongs  and  woes  reiterated  year  in  and  year 
out  until  it  had  become  part  of  his  being.  Any  litera- 
ture that  he  had  absorbed  would  have  been  a  one- 
sided history  of  Ireland  and  the  poetry  of  the  days 
of  '98  and  '48.  Then,  entering  Maynooth  College,  he 
found  himself  amongst  a  throng  of  students  of  his 
own  class,  all  leavened  with  the  same  prejudices  and 
conversing  and  thinking  from  the  same  point  of  view. 
What  wonder,  then,  that  on  returning  to  take  up  his 
duties  as  a  priest  he  was  ready  to  engage  with  ardour 
in  the  political  struggles  of  the  time  ?  The  principal 
educators  in  Ireland  have  been  the  priests ;  their 
influence,  and  the  direction  in  which  it  is  exercised, 
depend  largely  on  their  intellectual  and  moral  cultiva- 
tion, and  still  more  on  the  relation  in  which  the  priest 
stands  to  his  flock.     When  he  belongs  to  the  mass  of 


POSITION    OF   THE   IRISH    PRIEST.  41 

the  people  by  birth  ;  when  his  only  experience  of  life 
has  been  the  cabin,  the  village  school,  the  ecclesiastical 
seminary  and  the  parochial  cure ;  when  he  is  dependent 
on  his  flock  for  society,  sympathy,  and  income,  he  is 
not  likely  to  teach  any  opinions  except  those  which  his 
flock  approve. 

Unacquainted  with  men  outside  his  own  narrow 
range,  in  all  probability  profoundly  ignorant  of  the 
political  systems  of  the  world,  unable  and  unwilling  to 
conceive  the  true  relation  of  Ireland  to  the  Empire,  and 
ravished  with  the  sounding  phrases  of  patriotic  dema- 
gogues, the  young  priest  is  bound,  if  for  no  other 
reason,  by  the  force  of  his  birth,  breeding,  and  edu- 
cation, to  swim  with  the  stream,  and  if  possible  to  keep 
ahead  of  the  current. 


Exceptional  Condition  of  Ireland. 

But  there  are  other  potent  reasons  why  the  Irish 
priest  should  adopt  the  popular  cause.  There  is  prac- 
tically no  middle  class  in  Ireland.  The  priest,  there- 
fore, finds  himself  in  a  position  to  direct  the  social 
and  political  movement  of  his  district,  and  has  done  so 
without  a  rival  until  the  appearance  of  Mr.  Parnell  and 
that  class  of  Irish-American  agitators  and  journalists 
who  have  of  late  become  so  troublesome  to  the  Church 
of  Rome.  The  situation,  therefore,  in  Ireland  until 
very  recently  has  been  quite  exceptional.  No  other 
country  in  the  world  furnishes   the   same  social  con- 


42  THE   PRIEST   IN    POLITICS. 

ditions  which  render  the  position  of  the  priest  in 
temporal  affairs  so  unapproachably  powerful.  The 
only  vulnerable  point  is  his  entire  dependence  upon 
the  people  for  his  maintenance. 

Payment  of  Priests. 

A  clergy  maintained    on    the  voluntar}^   principle  is 
exposed  to  the  temptation  of  preaching  doctrines  palat- 
able to  the  prejudices  and  passions  of  their  congrega- 
tions.   They  are  tempted  to  take  a  strong  part  in  local 
politics  for  the  purpose  of  maintaining  their  local  in- 
fluence.    They  are  induced  to  wield  their  ecclesiastical 
authority  to  enforce  the  payment  of  contributions.    The 
Irish   priest  lives  by  magnifying  his  office,  by  repre- 
senting himself  as  holding  the  keys  of  salvation,  and 
by  making  salvation  depend  on  the  work  and  observ- 
ances which  give  him  power  and  profit.     The  stipends 
of  the  Roman  Catholic  clergy  are  entirely  dependent 
on  the  congregations.     Two  collections  are  made  every 
year,  and  their  income  is  further  supplemented  by  fees 
on  births,  deaths,  marriages,  and  other  offerings  of  a 
freewill   character.     A  parish    priest   usually   receives 
from  ;^250  to  ;^400  a  year,  a  curate  ;6^i20  to  £i6o. 
Hence   his   sentiments,  education,    and    parentage   all 
jump  with  his   material  interests,  and  there  have  not 
been  wanting  signs  of  late  years  that  unless  the  priest 
in  Ireland    "goes  with   the  people"  he  will  suffer  in 
purse  as  well  as  in  reputation. 


POSITION   OF   THE   IRISH   PRIEST.  43 

Threats  to  Withhold  Dues. 

The  following  is  an  example  : — 

"  Ballylaneen  Branch, 

"January  30//;,  1887. 

"  Mr.  R.  A.  Power  presided. 

"Mr,  Power  proposed  the  following  resolution  : — 
"  Resolved — '  That,    as    Catholics    are    bound     by 
command  to  pay  dues  to  their  pastors  towards  their 
support  and  maintenance,  the  members  of  the  Bally- 
laneen  branch  of  the  Irish    National    League   are   of 
opinion    that   CathoHcs  are   not  bound    by  command- 
ment to  pay  dues  to  priests  to  aid  and  assist  grabbers 
to    oppress    the    evicted    poor.      And,    whereas    the 
Rev.  • ,  and  the    Rev.    ,    were  known    to  in- 
spect Mrs.  Walshe's  evicted  farm  at  Carrigcastle,  and 
aid    the   now  notorious  grabber  (the   brother  of  one 
Michael  Walsh)  in  taking  same, — we,  the  members  of 
the  Ballylaneen  branch  of  the  Irish  National  League, 
are    of    opinion    that    the    parishioners    of  whatever 
parishes  in  the  dioceses  of  Waterford  and  Lismore,  in 
which    the   above-named  priests  are    located,   are  not 
bound    by  the  commandments  of  their  Church   until 
Michael  Walsh  gives   back  possession  of  the  evicted 
farm  of  Mrs.  Walsh  at  Carrigcastle,  and  that  copies 
of  this  resolution    be    printed    and    forwarded    to    the 
different  branches  of  the  League   in    the   dioceses   of 
Waterford  and  Lismore,  the  unions  of  Kilmacthomas, 
Waterford,  Lismore,  and  Carrick-on-Suir,  for  adoption. 


44  THE   PRIEST   IN   POLITICS. 

"  Mr.  Jeftry  Sullivan,   P.L.G.,  seconded  the  resolu- 
tion, which  was  passed  with  acclamation."* 

The  Power  of  the  Confessional. 

Such,  then,  is  the  Irish  priest.  But,  above  and 
beyond  all,  he  holds  the  power  of  the  confessional-box. 
All  the  thoughts  and  acts  of  his  congregation  are 
known  to  him,  and  in  his  mind  are  all  the  secrets  of 
the  people.  Absolutely  obliterated  is  the  secrecy  of 
the  ballot  by  the  operation  of  the  confessional.  Un- 
approached  in  authority,  he  uses  it  without  stint.  The 
theory  of  his  Church  is  based  upon  an  attitude  of 
submission  to  the  ecclesiastical  powers  claiming  to 
rule  by  Divine  power,  and  nine-tenths  of  the  Roman 
Catholic  population  yield  that  submission  gladly  and 
as  of  right.  Some  idea  can  now  be  formed  of  the 
force  which  such  a  man  represents  in  every  Irish 
parish.  His  word  is  accepted  in  lay  matters  as  well 
as  in  spiritual.  His  example  is  followed  eagerly,  and 
where  he  goes  the  people  follow,  assured  of  comfort  and 
support  in  this  world  and  forgiveness  in  the  next.  Let 
us  see  how  the  Irish  priesthood  used  this  tremendous 
influence  during  the  crisis  of  Ireland's  latest  revolution. 

The  Priests  and  the  Land  League. 

If  there  is  one  fact  more  thoroughly  established  than 
another  in  the  history  of  the  Irish  Nationalist  organisa- 
tions of  the  past  fourteen  years,  it  is  that   coercion 
*  Minister  Express,  Feb.  5th,  1887. 


POSITION   OF   THE   IRISH   PRIEST.  45 

was  daily  exercised  on  the  peaceable  and  law-abiding 
inhabitants  of  Ireland  by  means  of  outrages,  intimida- 
tion, and  boycotting.  To  this  system  of  organised 
tyranny  Roman  Catholic  priests  not  only  gave  the 
weight  of  their  countenance,  but  too  often  of  their 
active  sympathy  and  co-operation.  Mr.  Gladstone,  in 
his  speech  in  the  House  of  Commons,  May  24th,  1882, 
thus  described  boycotting  : — 

"What  is  meant,"  said  he,  "by  boycotting?  In 
the  first  place,  it  is  combined  intimidation.  In  the 
second  place,  it  is  combined  intimidation  made  use  of 
for  the  purpose  of  destroying  the  private  liberties  of 
choice  by  fear  of  ruin  and  starvation.  In  the  third 
place,  that  being  what  *  boycotting '  is  in  itself,  we 
must  look  to  this :  that  the  creed  of  *  boycotting,' 
like  every  other  creed,  requires  a  sanction,  and  that 
the  sanction  of  '  boycotting  ' — that  which  stands  in  the 
rear  of  '  boycotting,'  and  by  which  alone  *  boycotting ' 
can  in  the  long  run  be  made  thoroughly  effective — is 
the  murder  which  is  not  to  be  denounced." 

The  Penal  Code  Enforced  by  the  Priest. 

Sir  Edward  Clarke  once  hit  the  nail  on  the  head 
when  he  described  boycotting  as  "the  application  of  a 
name  which  was  not  Christian  to  a  practice  which  is  not 
a  Christian  practice."  Strange  it  is  that  in  Ireland,  the 
island  of  saints,  this  unchristian  practice  was  largely 
carried  on  by  Christian  clergymen.  The  penal  code 
of  the  Land  League  and  of  its  successor,  the  National 


46  THE   PRIEST  IN   POLITICS. 

League,  was  framed  exactly  on  the  lines  of  the  penal 
code  of  Ribbonism,  and  the  sanctions  were  the  same. 
One  of  the  most  extraordinary  revelations  of  modern 
history  is  that  practically  the  very  same  system  of 
agrarian  terrorism  and  outrage  which,  when  secretly 
organised  and  carried  out  by  small  groups  of  Irishmen 
up  to  1879,  was  bitterly  denounced  and  opposed  by 
the  Roman  Catholic  clergy,  was  encouraged  and 
patronised  by  many  of  them  when  it  came  into  the 
open  light  of  day,  and  was  developed  and  headed  by 
Mr.  Parnell,  Mr.  Davitt,  and  the  rest  of  the  Irish 
parliamentary  party. 

There  is  hardly  an  item  in  the  whole  penal  codes 
of  the  Leagues  which  has  not  been  supported  on 
public  platforms  or  deliberated  upon  with  a  view  to 
punishment  in  private  meetings  by  Irish  priests.  The 
offences  to  which  the  coercion  of  outrage,  boycotting, 
and  intimidation  applied  were  as  follows  : — 

I,  Caretaking  ;  2,  Herding;  3,  Being  unpopular  as  a 
landlord ;  4,  Acting  as  an  agent  ;  5,  Associating  with 
boycotted  persons  ;  6,  Supplying  the  police  when  on 
unpopular  duty ;  7,  Accommodating  obnoxious  persons  ; 
8,  Not  joining  the  National  League ;  9,  Being  related 
to  a  boycotted  person  ;  10,  Having  given  evidence  in 
a  case  of  prosecution;  11,  Driving  the  police  in  the 
execution  of  their  duty;  12,  Not  voting  for  Nationalist 
candidates  at  Poor-law  Guardian  elections;  13,  Being 
appointed  teacher  of  a  National  School  contrary  to 
the  wishes  of  the  people  ;   14,  Having  caused  a  wife 


POSITION   OF   THE   IRISH   PRIEST.  47 

to  change  her  rehgion  ;  15,  Being  suspected  of  having 
paid  rent ;  16,  Not  paying  rent  to  local  trustees  ;  and  17, 
Having  obtained  compensation  for  having  been  shot  at. 

The  New  Inquisition. 

The  National  League  spread  a  network  of  branches 
all  over  the  country,  and  in  a  vast  number  of  cases 
the  president  was  the  Roman  Catholic  priest  or  curate. 
In  1886  the  Cowper  Commission  presented  to  Parlia- 
ment evidence  and  a  report,  which  contains  a  mine  of 
information  upon  the   methods    and  practices   of  the 
priest  in  politics.     The  whole  social  and  political  life 
of  the  country  was  at  that  time,  and  until  Mr.  Balfour 
assumed  office,  under  the  thumb  of  the  League,  which, 
in    its    turn,   was    in    almost   every  village    aided  and 
abetted  by  the   ecclesiastical   power.     The   unwritten 
law  of  the  League  was  for  the  time  as  supreme  in 
Ireland   as   though   a   Nationalist    Parliament   existed 
in  Dublin.     The  village  tribunals  met  regularly,    and 
decided  the  conditions  of  life   for  all  classes  of  men 
in  the  district.     The  chair  was  taken  by  the  priest ; 
men  were    summoned   to  appear    before  him    to  give 
account  of  their  works.     Condemned  in  their  absence, 
his  presence  and  action  gave   a  religious  sanction  to 
his  ukases.     The  best  way  to  bring  home  the  working 
of  Home  Rule   under  the   National   League,    and   the 
part  played  by  the  priest  in  Irish  politics,  is  to  give 
illustrations    of  cases    where    the    priests  presided   at 
League  committees  and  carried  out  the  lex  loci. 


48  THE  PRIEST  IN   POLITICS. 

The  perusal  of  the  following  group  of  cases,  fully 
verified  all,  taken  from  the  Irish  press,  gives  an 
insight  into  the  working  of  the  political  and  revo- 
lutionary work  which  the  Irish  priests  helped  to  do 
even  so  recently  as  1887.  In  each  case  the  priest 
presided  over  a  political  meeting,  gave  his  sanction 
to  sentiments  of  the  organisation,  and  joined  in  the 
crusade  against  the  civil  liberties  of  his  fellow-subjects. 

"Mark  Him  Well." 

Mullinavat  Branch,  Jan.  9th,  1887  :  Rev.  P.  Meaney, 
C.C.,  in  the  chair  : — 

"  We  request  that  those  who  have  not  as  yet  paid 
in  the  subscriptions  will  do  so  immediately,  thereby 
becoming  members.  He  who  has  said,  *  He  who  is 
not  with  Me  is  against  Me,'  cannot  err.  Applying 
this  test  to  our  organisation,  we  are  forced  to  believe 
that  every  man  who  stands  aloof,  and  assists  not 
morally  and  materially  the  National  League,  is  an 
enemy  of  that  association.  Go,  mark  him  well.  By 
the  first  of  next  month  a  list  of  the  members  will 
be  published,  for  the  information  of  every  person 
interested.  If  it  be  not  too  much  we  invite  the  atten- 
tion of  merchants  and  shopkeepers  generally  to  the 
list." — Mitmter  Express,  }a.n.  15th,  1887. 

"  Miserable  Individuals." 

TuUa,  Sunday,  Feb.  20th :  Rev.  Mr.  Ouinn,  and 
subsequently  Mr.  W.  Molony,  presided. 


POSITION   OF   THE  IRISH  PRIEST.  49 

"The  reverend  president  addressed  the  meeting  on 
the  necessity  of  a  strict  observance  of  the  rules  and  reso- 
lutions of  the  organisation,  and  scathingly  denounced 
the  conduct  of  several  miserable  individuals  who  are 
constantly  infringing  on  them.  Rev.  Mr.  Quinn  put 
it  to  the  Committee  if  they  would  in  future  receive 
lying  excuses  from  such  persons ;  and  the  Committee 
most  emphatically  asserted  that  no  excuses  would  in 
future  be  taken,  and  the  members  of  the  organisation 
were  called  on  to  show  those  persons  how  deeply 
their  conduct  is  felt,  by  leaving  men  to  enjoy  life  in 
a  world  of  their  own." — Clare  Examiner^  March  5  th. 
1887. 

A  Vote  of  Censure. 

Moynalty  and  Newcastle :  Rev.  P.  Gallagher,  presi- 
dent, in  the  chair  : — 

"  A  vote  of  censure  was  passed  on  a  family  named 
Gearty  for  their  scandalous  intercourse  with  a  local 
emergency  man." — United  Ireland,  Feb.  12th,  1887. 

Warning  to  Those  not  in  Sympathy. 

Gurteen,  Sunday,  Feb.  27th,  1887  :  the  Very  Rev. 
Canon  O'Donohoe,  president,  in  the  chair : — 

"  Resolved  that  a  collection  for  the  defence  of 
Messrs.  Dillon  and  O'Brien  be  made  during  the  ensuing 
week  in  this  locality,  and  that  not  less  than  sixpence 
be  accepted  from  any  person.    Any  one  not  subscribing 

4 


50  THE   PRIEST   IN    POLITICS. 

will  be  considered  not  in  sympathy  with  the  branch." — 
S//^o  Chainpton,  March  5  th,    1887. 

Apology  and  Absolution, 

Ballyadams  and  Wolfhill,  Jan.  30th,  1887  :  Rev. 
Maher,  vice-president,  presided  : — 

"  E.  Bulger,  who  was  employed  as  Trenelis's  house- 
keeper, came  forward  to  announce  that  she  had  given 
up  the  position,  and  said  she  wished  to  apologise  to 
the  committee  for  not  doing  so  sooner.  She  was 
taken  in,  inasmuch  as  she  was  unaware  that  the  parties 
lately  come  were  emergency  men.  Chairman :  '  It 
affords  me  no  pleasure  to  have  to  condemn  any  one. 
I  have  to  act  according  to  principle,  irrespective  of 
persons ;  but  I  will  add  that  it  now  affords  me  the 
greatest  possible  pleasure  to  receive  you  back  again, 
and  to  hear  you  say  you  were  mistaken  ;  and  the 
committee,  I  am  sure,  are  equally  pleased.'  " 

Posting  Names. 

Kilshelan  Branch,  Feb,  13th,  1887  :  Rev.  P.  Dunphy, 
C.C,  in  the  chair : — 

"  That  all  members  who  have  not  yet  paid  their 
subscriptions  on  or  before  the  next  meeting,  which 
will  be  held  on  the  last  Sunday  of  this  month,  their 
names  will  be  published  and  posted  on  the  chapel 
gate  for  two  consecutive  Sundays." — Munster  Express, 
Feb.  19th,  1887. 


POSITION    OF   THE   IRISH    PRIEST.  5 1 

No  Supplies  to  the  Police. 

Miltown-Malbay,  Sunday,  March  13th,  1887:  Rev. 
P.   White,  P.P.,  in  the  chair:— 

"  That  from  this  day  forward,  any  person  who  sup- 
plies the  pohce,  while  engaged  in  work  which  is 
opposed  to  the  wishes  of  the  people,  with  drink,  food, 
or  cars,  be  censured  by  this  branch,  and  that  no  inter- 
course be  held  with  them." — United  Ireland,  March  19th, 
1887. 

"  Blacklegs  to  the  Cause." 

Bohola  Mayo:  Rev.  John  O'Grady,  P.P.,  in  the 
chair : — 

"  That  any  member  who  buys  or  sells  to  any  grabber, 
or  to  any  persons  who  assist  at  evictions,  be  expelled 
from  this  branch,  and  his  name  be  published  as  a 
blackleg  to  the  cause." — United  Ireland,  Feb.  12th,  1887. 

Hunting  to  be  Stopped. 

Aghaboe  Branch,  Feb.  13th,  1887:  Rev.  T.  J. 
Phelan,  C.C,  vice-president,  presided  : — 

"  That  any  master  of  hounds  allowing  obnoxious 
parties  to  hunt  with  him,  and  who,  on  receiving  notifi- 
cation of  same,  fails  to  have  those  parties  removed 
from  the  hunting-field,  be  no  longer  himself  permitted 
to  hunt." — Leinster  Leader,  Saturday,  Feb.  19th,  1887. 

Denouncing  a  Bank. 

Shelburne  (Tenants'  Defence  Association),  March 
13th,  1887:  Rev.  Canon  Doyle,  P.P.,  presiding: — 


52  THE   PRIEST   IN    POLITICS. 

Proposed  by  P.  Clery,  P.L.G.,  seconded  by  M.  Fur- 
long : — 

"That  as  the  National  Bank — the  bank  of  the  people 
— has  refused  to  accommodate  the  oppressors  of  the 
poor  evicted  victims  of  landlord  cruelty — viz.,  the  emer- 
gency vice-guardians — we  call  upon  the  friends  of  the 
people  to  give  their  custom  to  that  bank,  and  when 
the  Bank  of  Ireland  paper  is  offered  them  to  demand 
gold.  The  Bank  of  Ireland  has  ranged  itself  in  the 
ranks  of  our  enemies." — Wexford  People,  March  19th, 
1887. 

A  List  of  Proscribed  Names. 

Causeway  Branch.  A  large  meeting  of  this  branch 
was  held  on  Sunday  last,  Jan.  30th,  1887  :  Rev.  T. 
Enright,  P.P.,  president,  in  the  chair  : — 

"  The  farmers  of  two  neighbouring  estates  came 
before  the  meeting  to  consider  the  rent  they  could  pay 
in  those  trying  and  depressed  times.  The  conduct  of 
several  members,  who  had  not  renewed  their  sub- 
scriptions for  last  year,  was  strongly  condemned, 
the  reverend  president  giving  orders  to  have  a 
list,  with  their  names,  sent  to  him  before  the  next 
meeting." — Keny  Sentinel^  Feb.  4th,  1 887. 

Boycotting  the  Purchase  of  Land. 

MuUahoran,  Sunday,  March  6th,  1887:  Rev.  J.  Cor- 
coran, P.P.,  in  the  chair: — 

"After   some   routine   business,    a    body   of  tenant 


POSITION   OF   THE   IRISH   PRIEST.  53 

farmers  were  admitted,  whose  landlord  offered  to  sell, 
and  who  came  to  ask  the  advice  of  the  chairman  on  the 
subject  of  purchase.  The  reverend  chairman  gave  a 
practical  instruction  on  this  subject,  dwelling  on  the 
certain  ruin  of  farmers  who  will  buy  on  the  landlord's 
present  demands  of  seventeen  and  eighteen  years' 
purchase,  and  advising  the  greatest  caution  in  buying 
at  all  under  present  circumstances." — Anglo-Celt,  March 
I2th,  1887. 

Here  we  have  the  system  which  was  denounced  by 
the  Pope  in  1885,  and  subsequently  in  1888,  in  full 
working  order.  The  chapel  doors  are  used  as  the 
sounding-boards  of  boycotting.  The  priest  insists  on 
the  necessity  of  breaking  the  law,  and  sits  in  judgment 
to  condemn  those  who  dare  to  disobey  his  commands. 
The  people  are  forced  into  the  ranks  of  the  League, 
and  a  bag  of  money  is  made  for  the  defence  of  a  certain 
set  of  politicians.  These  cases  can  be  multiplied  ad 
infinitum.  They  give  an  excellent  illustration  of  the 
power  and  influence  of  the  priest  in  Irish  affairs,  and 
show  how  easily  it  can  be  expanded  to  cover  every 
department  of  human  life  and  intercourse. 


CHAPTER   VI. 

ACTION  OF  THE  IRISH  PRIESTS  IN  POLITICS. 

THE  effect  of  the  claims  of  the  Irish  Hierarchy  to 
stand  above  the  law  which  came  into  such  pro- 
minence in  1886  was  soon  apparent  in  the  language 
and  acts  of  the  priests  all  over  Ireland. 

Incendiary  Language  of  an  American  Priest. 

An  American  priest,  Rev,  Mr.  Hayes,  who  intro- 
duced himself  to  a  meeting  at  Youghal  during  the 
Keller  imbroglio,  made  use  of  the  following  language : 
"  Render  a  voluntary,  prompt,  and  universal  obedience 
to  the  behests  of  the  National  League,  and  if  this  don't 
free  you  from  the  tyrant  that  is  trampling  you  down, 
we  have  something  in  America  to  complete  the  business. 
The  present  English  atrocities  in  Ireland  are  greater 
crimes  against  God  than  the  use  of  dynamite  or  political 
assassination  to  put  an  end  to  them.  If  England  and 
the  landlords  did  the  same  thing  in  America,  and  would 
despise  our  appeals  for  justice,  we  would,  if  we  could, 
pelt  them,  not  only  with  dynamite,  but  with  the  light- 
nings of  heaven  and  the  fires  of  hell,  till  every  British 

54 


i 


ACTION    OF   THE   IRISH   PRIESTS   IN    POLITICS.      55 

bulldog,  whelp,  and  cur  would  be  pulverised  and  made 
topdressing  for  the  soil."  * 

A  reference  to  the  evidence  of  the  Special  Commission 
proves  that  such  language  as  this  has  been  almost 
paralleled  any  time  in  Ireland  since  1879.  Here  are 
some  samples. 

"  Cooking  the  Land-grabber." 

Rev.  Mr.  Murphy,  at  Curragh,  County  Kerry,  on 
Sept.  nth,  1881,  said:  "We  have  been  fooled  out 
of  our  rights  for  the  last  two  hundred  years,  and  it 
is  much  better  to  fight  against  our  enemies  on  the 
battlefield  than  starve  in  the  workhouse.  I  think  the 
cause  has  made  great  progress.  One  good  thing  you 
have  done :  you  have  cooked  the  small  land-grabber. 
He  is  done  brown.  But  you  have  got  to  cook  the  big 
land-grabber.  I  should  think  there  are  plenty  of  night- 
boys  about  to  see  to  them." 

The  "  land-grabber  "  referred  to  directly  was  named 
Brown,  which  gave  particular  point  to  the  remark. 
Nothing  could  be  plainer  than  this  allusion  to  the 
connection  between  "land-grabbing"  and  the  sanction 
of  the  moonlight  brigade,  and  even  Archbishop  Walsh, 
in  his  evidence,  was  obliged  to  say  that  the  speech 
was  "  monstrous." 

Again,  the  evidence  of  Rev.  Mr.  Considine,  of 
Ardrahan,  County  Galway,  is  interesting,  as  giving 
point  to  the  feehngs  and  convictions  of  the  Irish  Protes- 
*  Daily  Ex;press,  Nov,  8th,  1886, 


56  THE   PRIEST   IN    POLITICS. 

tant  minority.  This  reverend  gentleman  was  presi- 
dent of  the  branch  of  the  League  in  his  parish.  The 
regular  meetings  were  held  in  the  sacristy  of  his  chapel 
every  Sunday  after  Mass ;  and  what  their  deliberations 
were  like  may  be  gathered  from  the  admitted  sentiments 
of  Rev.  Mr.  Considine.  He  admitted  having  said  on 
one  occasion,  "  I  tell  you  the  wretch  who  does  not  join 
the  League,  that  man  deserves  to  go  down  to  the  cold, 
dead  damnation  of  disgrace."  On  another  occasion 
Rev.  Mr.  Considine  referred  to  land-grabbers  as  rene- 
gades, and  he  had  the  extraordinary  audacity  to  justify 
these  expressions  as  moderate,  and  partaking  of  the 
nature  of  "  moral  suasion." 

A  Rebel  Priest. 

Many  other  instances  of  the  influence  of  priests  in 
Irish  politics  cropped  up  during  the  trial,  but  we  may 
quote  a  passage  from  a  speech  by  Rev.  Mr.  Sheehy 
(who  was  mentioned  favourably  by  Archbishop  Walsh) 
as  a  very  good  illustration  of  the  inflammatory  cha- 
racter of  Irish  ecclesiastical  oratory.  On  April  12th, 
1885,  when  the  Prince  and  Princess  of  Wales  were  in 
Ireland,  great  Nationalist  demonstrations  were  held  in 
County  Cork  for  the  purpose  of  protesting  against  "  any 
parleying  with  the  representatives  of  foreign  rule." 
Rev.  Mr.  Sheehy  spoke  on  this  occasion  at  Kilmallock. 
"  There  was  no  need,"  he  said,  "for  a  foreign  prince  to 
come  to  Ireland.     The  Irish  people  had  nothing  to  say 


ACTION    OF   THE   IRISH   PRIESTS   IN    POLITICS.      57 

to  the  Prince  of  Wales.  He  had  no  connection  with 
the  people  of  Ireland,  except  that  link  of  the  Crown 
that  had  been  formed  for  this  country,  and  that  was  the 
symbol  of  Ireland's  slavery.  He  advised  the  farmers 
and  labourers  to  be  united,  and  denounced  land-grabbing. 
There  was  but  one  land-grabber  he  liked,  and  that  was 
the  White  Czar — this  Muscovite  gentleman  who  had 
put  his  head  over  the  Afghan  border  and  declared,  in 
violation  of  all  law  and  order,  that  he  would  have  that 
little  slice  of  English  territory."  At  this  allusion  a 
voice  cried  out,  "  Let  the  Czar  send  to  Ireland,  and  he 
will  get  plenty  of  volunteers."  It  is  quite  evident  that 
the  union  of  hearts  was  a  sentiment  quite  strange  to 
Rev.  Mr.  Sheehy  a  year  before  Mr.  Gladstone  surren- 
dered to  Mr.  Parnell. 

Bound  to  Bury  Them. 

At  a  meeting  at  Crosspatrick,  in  County  Kilkenny, 
on  Oct.  31st,  1884,  attended  by  Mr.  Marum,  M.P., 
Rev.  Mr.  Duggan,  of  Kilkenny,  speaking  of  bailiffs 
and  land  agents,  said  :  "  He  could  not,  of  course, 
recommend  them  to  boycott  them,  because  the  Crimes 
Act  was  in  being  now  ;  but  he  would  tell  them  what 
they  could  do.  They  were  not  bound  to  walk  with 
them,  or  to  marry  them ;  but  he  would  tell  them  what 
they  were  bound  to  do  in  charity :  they  were  bound 
to  bury  them."  * 

*  Evening  Mail,  Oct.  31st,  1884. 


58  THE   PRIEST  IN    POLITICS. 

The  simple  moonlighter  would  naturally  infer  that 
before  burying  began  there  would  have  to  be  some 
shooting.     Why  talk  of  burying  without  a  corpse  ? 

On  St.  Patrick's  Day,  1884,  Rev.  B.  O'Hagan, 
in  company  with  Mr.  W.  O'Brien,  M.P.,  went  to 
Newcastle-on-Tyne  and  made  a  flaming  speech,  in 
which  the  following  passage  occurred : — 

"  They  had  two  classes  of  landlords,  in  brief.  They 
had  the  royal  scoundrels  who  got  the  confiscated  soil 
of  his  ancestors.  He  asked  any  of  these  noble  ruffians 
to  show  him  the  title  by  which  they  laid  claim  to  the 
land  of  his  forefathers.  Then  they  had  the  class  of 
landlords  who  purchased  their  estates  in  the  Land 
Courts.  But  they  purchased  stolen  goods,  and  they 
knew  that  the  land  was  stolen.  In  the  first  place,  they 
would  have  to  get  rid  of  the  landlords ;  and,  in  the 
second  place,  they  would  acquire  national  independ- 
ence." 

Here  both  the  owner  who  claimed  in  descent  and 
the  purchaser  who  bought  in  open  market  were  equally 
denounced.  What  chance  would  the  land  question 
have  of  being  equitably  settled  in  a  parliament  nomi- 
nated by  such  men  ? 

Hell  Not  Hot  Enough. 

On  Jan.  26th,  1885,  Mr,  Parnell  made  a  cele- 
brated speech  at  Milltown-Malbay,  County  Clare,  and 
the  chair  was  occupied  by  Rev.  P.  White,  P.P.     One 


ACTION   OF   THE   IRISH   PRIESTS   IN    POLITICS.     59 

of  the  most  violent  speeches  was  made  by  Rev. 
Mr.  M'Kenna,  C.C.,  who  said  :  "  He  had  been  asked 
to  say  a  few  words  about  land-grabbing.  He  could 
not  think  how  it  was  possible  for  a  land-grabber  to 
be  amongst  them  at  the  present  moment.  The  land- 
grabber  was  a  man  of  whom  he  would  use  the  words 
a  great  Irishman  had  applied  to  another  class  of  people, 
and  say  that  to  punish  a  land-grabber  'hell  was  not 
hot  enough,  nor  eternity  long  enough.' "  * 

Priests  Denounce  Poor  Law  Guardians. 

In  the  year  1887  there  was  a  conference  of  the 
Roman  Catholic  clergy  of  Cork,  Bishop  O'Callaghan 
presiding.  After  the  passing  of  a  resolution  against 
the  Crimes  Act,  the  following  significant  resolution 
was  unanimously  adopted  : — 

"  That  the  action  of  certain  Catholic  magistrates  of 
this  city,  who  secured  by  their  votes  the  election  of 
an  avowed  Orangeman  as  chairman  of  the  Cork  Board 
of  Guardians,  was  at  variance  with  Catholic  principles, 
and  deserves  our  strong  condemnation." f 

What  becomes  of  the  free  franchises  of  the  ratepayers 
if  a  religious  body  censures  individuals  for  exercising 
their  legal  rights  ?  The  claim  put  forward  in  this  by 
the  Roman  Catholic  Hierarchy  is  utterly  destructive 
of  civil  liberty. 

*  Freeman's  Journal^  Jan.  27th,  1885. 
t  Dublin  Evening  Mail,  April  20th,  1887. 


6o  THE   PRIEST   IN    POLITICS. 

Two  Priests  Jailed. 

In  1888  two  priests — Rev.  L.  Farrelly  and  Rev. 
M.  Clarke,  of  Arklow — were  prosecuted  by  the  Crown 
on  a  charge  of  unlawfully  inciting  to  an  unlawful 
conspiracy  to  boycott  a  Mr.  John  O'Connor  in  the 
ordinary  course  of  his  business,  and  sent  to  prison  for 
so  doing.  Their  language  should  be  noted.  Rev.  Mr. 
Farrelly  in  a  public  speech  said  : — 

"  My  friends,  it  will  not  do  if  you  don't  hunt  the 
land-grabber  and  hoot  the  landlord  exterminator.  As 
long  as  you  don't  make  the  place  hot  for  those  parties, 
so  long  will  they  reign  and  rule  in  your  midst.  Why, 
would  you  give  your  money  to  your  enemies  ?  It 
is  treason,  I  think,  for  any  English  person  to  sell 
ammunition  to  a  power  at  war  with  Great  Britain. 
Therefore,  it  is  treason  to  the  Irish  cause  for  you  to 
give  money  to  any  one  who  is  not  united  with  your 
cause.  Let  him  be  Protestant  or  Catholic,  and  if  he  be 
not  united  with  me,  none  of  my  money  will  he  ever 
possess." 

Rev.  Mr.  Clarke  used  similar  language,  and  referred 
to  the  possibility  of  Mr.  O'Connor  dying  suddenly 
and  without  receiving  the  last  rites  of  his  Church. 
Both  priests  were  found  guilty,  and  the  judgment  was 
affirmed  on  appeal  by  the  Exchequer  Division. 

A  Judge  Condemns  the  Priest  of  his  own  Church. 
Chief  Baron  Palles,  himself  a  Roman  Catholic,  in  his 


ACTION   OF  THE  IRISH   PRIESTS  IN    POLITICS.      6 1 

judgment,  emphasised  the  position  of  the  priest  in 
every  department  of  Irish  life.  He  pointed  out  that 
Rev.  Mr.  Farrelly  was  addressing  the  people  not  alone 
on  the  subject  of  the  law  of  the  land,  but  he  was 
referring  also  to  the  law  of  God,  of  which  he  was  the 
sacred  exponent,  and  to  whose  words,  as  the  exponent 
of  the  moral  law,  the  people  were  entitled,  and  indeed 
bound,  to  give  reverence  almost  as  if  he  were  the  Deity 
whom  he  represented.  With  what  subject  was  he 
dealing?  He  was  dealing  with  a  question  of  justice, 
with  a  question  of  truth.  And  here  they  found  the 
anointed  priest  of  God,  who  from  his  pulpit  on 
Sundays  inculcated  upon  his  parishioners  the  para- 
mount duty  of  charity  and  justice  to  all,  telling  the 
people  that  they  ought  by  combined  action  to  boycott 
O'Connor,  that  they  ought  to  join  in  resolutions  for 
carrying  out  that  object,  and  make  the  place  too  hot 
for  land-grabbers.  Of  course,  an  educated  man,  or  a 
man  of  intelligence,  would  be  able  to  separate  the  two 
characters  which  were  filled  on  that  occasion  by  the 
reverend  gentlemen,  and  to  discriminate  between  Rev. 
Mr.  Farrelly  the  citizen  and  Rev.  Mr.  Farrelly  the 
clergyman  ;  but  how  could  they  suppose  that  the  people 
of  the  Church  of  those  whom  the  reverend  gentleman 
was  addressing  could  .separate  these  two  characters  ? 

Rev.  J,  M'Fadden. 

No   Irish   priest,   perhaps,   has   had    more    publicity 
than  Rev.  J.    M'Fadden,   of  Gweedore.     He  was  an 


62  THE   PRIEST   IN    POLITICS. 

advocate  of  the  Plan  of  Campaign,  and  urged  its  adop- 
tion on  the  people  in  a  speech  from  the  altar.  He 
was  sentenced  on  Jan.  30th,  1888,  to  three  months' 
imprisonment,  which  was  increased  on  appeal  to  six 
months,  the  judge  describing  Rev.  Mr.  M'Fadden's 
declaration,  "  I  am  the  law  in  Gweedore,"  as  an  im- 
pudent and  arrogant  assumption.  The  celebrated 
Colonel  Dopping,  who  was  Captain  Hill's  agent  at 
Gweedore,  thus  described  a  rencontre  which  he  had  one 
day  on  the  estate  where  he  was  engaged  in  resuming 
possession  of  a  small  cottage  : — 

"The  door  was  open,  and  no  one  in.  I  was  con- 
templating the  taking  of  peaceable  possession  of  the 
premises  when  Mr.  M'Fadden  rushed  in.  I  told  him 
civilly  he  had  no  right  to  come  in  on  those  lands — that 
they  were  in  Captain  Hill's  possession  ;  and  I  there  and 
then  warned  him  off  all  lands  that  were  then  in  Cap- 
tain Hill's  possession.  He  turned  on  me  in  a  fury, 
and  called  me  a  'tyrant  and  a  bully.'  I  told  him  if 
he  repeated  these  remarks  I  would  put  him  out.  He 
continued,  and  accordingly  I  proceeded  to  endeavour  to 
put  him  out.  Unfortunately  for  me  he  had  on  a  water- 
proof coat  or  Inverness  cape,  and  when  I  caught  him 
by  the  arm  I  could  not  retain  hold  sufficiently  to  put 
him  out,  when  he  made  the  remark,  '  Take  your 
polluted  hands  off  my  consecrated  body,'  which  high- 
flown  language  induced  the  retort,  '  Your  consecrated 
body  be  hanged.'  Flesh  and  blood  could  not  stand 
this    reverend    gentleman's     impertinence.      He    was 


ACTION   OF  THE   IRISH   PRIESTS   IN   POLITICS.      6-}, 

always  before  me  or  after  me  wherever  I  went,  advising 
or  directing  the  resident  magistrates  as  if  they  were 
mere  tools  of  his."  * 

Colonel  Dopping,  as  Mr.  Gladstone  knows,  is  a  man 
of  honour  and  of  truth,  and  the  above  description  is 
an  excellent  sketch  of  Rev.  Mr.  M'Fadden's  tone  and 
manner. 

Firebrand  Priests. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  bludgeoning  to 
death  of  District-Inspector  Martin  was  the  result  of 
covert  incentives  to  violence  repeated  over  and  over 
again  by  the  leaders  of  the  Nationalist  party  in 
Donegal.  Rev.  Daniel  Stephens,  of  Falcarragh,  in 
that  county,  had  been  sent  to  jail  for  breaking  the 
law.  On  his  release  from  Derry  on  July  20th,  1888, 
he  returned  to  his  parish  amidst  great  demonstra- 
tions of  delight.  Rev.  J.  J.  Doherty,  C.C.,  who  was 
acting  for  Rev.  Mr.  Stephens,  addressed  the  Clougha- 
neely  contingent  at  the  League  Rooms,  "  and  told 
them  he  was  glad  to  see  them  all  armed  with  sticks, 
and  assured  them  if  the  police  used  any  unnecessary 
interference  he  w^ould  tell  them  how  to  use  them. ' 
He  then  formed  the  crowd  into  fours  in  military  order, 
and  marched  them  off  to  Dunfanaghy.  Later  in  the 
day  Rev.  Daniel  Stephens  declared  "he  was  as  ready 
for   the  fray   as   ever."     Another  clergyman  said    the 

*  The  Union,  Sept.  28th,  1888. 


64  THE   PRIEST  IN    POLITICS. 

time  had  come  when  all  people  should  be  treated 
either  as  friends  or  foes,  and  that  a  second  party  could 
not  be  tolerated,  let  alone  a  third  or  fourth  party,  but 
"  all  should  be  cut  off  like  rotten  branches."  One 
speaker  said  that  informers  should  not  be  tolerated, 
and  that  they  should  not  be  let  live.  He  assured 
them  that  the  Irish  in  America  would  supply  the 
sinews  of  war.* 

With  such  language  common  amongst  the  clerical 
leaders  of  the  people  in  Donegal  for  six  months  pre- 
vious, it  is  not  surprising  that  an  ignorant  and  super- 
stitious people  were  inflamed  to  wreak  their  vengeance 
on  an  officer  who  dared  to  attack  the  "  anointed  body  " 
of  Father  M'Fadden. 

Father   M'Fadden    and   the   Murder   of    District- 
Inspector  Martin. 

It  was  when  District-Inspector  Martin  was  engaged 
in  enforcing  a  warrant  of  ,  arrest  against  Father 
M'Fadden,  who  had  refused  to  obey  a  summons  under 
the  Crimes  Act,  that  this  unfortunate  officer  was 
barbarously  murdered.  The  scene  was  thus  described 
at  the  time  : — 

"The  reverend  gentleman,  after  the  manner  of  modern 
Irish  patriots,  hid  himself  away  when  he  heard  of  the 
issue  of  the  warrant,  and  the   police  were  obliged  to 

*  Londo7iderry  Sentinel,  Feb.  7th,  1889. 


ACTION    OF   THE   IRISH    PRIESTS   IN    POLITICS,      65 

lie  in  wait  for  him  for  some  days  before  getting  an 
opportunity  of  enforcing  the  process  of  the  law.  '  At 
last  he  appeared  to  celebrate  Mass  in  the  chapel  of 
Gweedore.  When  the  service  was  over,  he  emerged 
from  the  chapel  accompanied  by  a  crowd,  described  as 
a  body-guard,  three  hundred  in  number.  It  was  a 
gang  of  these  persons,  who,  five  minutes  later,  with 
heavy  paling  stakes,  literally  smashed  District-Inspector 
Martin's  head  into  pieces,  cracking  his  skidl  from  ear  to 
ear,  reducing  his  brains  to  a  pulp,  and,  in  fact,  inflict- 
ing blows  enough  to  have  killed  an  ox.  He  had 
defended  his  life  as  long  as  he  could  with  his  sword 
against  the  overwhelming  number  of  his  assailants, 
and  sought  at  last  to  gain  the  priest's  house,  either  for 
shelter  or  to  regain  his  hold  of  the  escaped  prisoner ; 
but  the  door,  at  which  Miss  M'Fadden  had  stood,  was 
closed  the  moment  her  brother,  the  priest,  with  the 
tattered  remains  of  his  clerical  soutane  upon  him, 
entered  it,  and  District-Inspector  Martin  succumbed  to 
the  violence  of  the  mob  within  a  few  yards  of  the 
house.  The  few  policemen  with  him  did  their  best  to 
defend  themselves  and  to  save  him,  but  in  vain,  and 
they  were  all  injured." 

Such  was  the  tragical  result  of  the  intervention  of 
one  priest  in  politics. 

A  Holy  War. 

Throughout  Ireland  the  action  of  the    priests    led 

5 


66  THE  PRIEST   IN    POLITICS. 

the  people  to  believe  that  a  holy  war  might  be  waged 
against  the  authority.  The  Commission  presided  over 
by  Lord  Cowper  had  revealed  in  1887  a  terrible  state 
of  things  in  Ireland.  The  National  League  had 
obtained  the  upper  hand  over  the  people.  Outrage 
followed  disobedience  to  its  commands,  and  no  jury  in 
the  country  districts  dared  to  convict.  The  people  dared 
not  help  the  police,  and  murders  were  committed  with 
impunity  unless  witnessed  by  the  police.  For  the 
fifteen  months  ending  March  31st,  1887,  there  were  : — 

Crimes.  Convictions. 

II  murders         ......        i 

23  cases  of  firing  at  the  person    .         .         .       i 
44  assaults  .         .         .         .         .         .18 

84  outrages  on  cattle  .....       o 

51  cases  of  firing  into  dwellings  .  .  .        i 

175  cases  of  injury  to  property      ...       7 


388  28 


A  Priest's  Idea  of  Crimelessness. 

These  are  facts  not  be  gainsaid,  and  yet  the  priest- 
hood did  not  scruple  to  declare  that  there  was  no  need 
to  strengthen  the  law  in  the  face  of  increasing  crime 
and  intimidation.  The  usual  weekly  meeting  of  the 
Lixnaw  (County  Kerry)  branch  was  held  on  Sunday, 
April  17th,  1887,  the  same  locality  where  the  brutal 
murder  of  Fitzmaurice  took  place  some  time  later. 


ACTION    OF   THE   IRISH    PRIESTS   IN    POLITICS.      6"] 

Rev.  T,  Nolan,  P.P.  (president  of  the  branch),  took 
the  chair,  and  spoke  as  follows  : — 

"The  Jubilee  Coercion  Bill  is  a  disgrace  to  England, 
with  all  its  renown,  its  cultivation,  and  its  boasted  love 
of  constitutional  liberty.  We  condemn  the  measure  : 
first,  on  account  of  its  '  causelessness,'  there  being 
nothing  in  the  shape  of  disturbance  or  crime  calling  for 
special  legislation ;  and  we  condemn  it,  secondl}',  on 
account  of  its  exceptionally  wicked  nature.  If  the 
fiends  of  hell  conspired  to  frame  a  law  for  the  complete 
extirpation  of  every  vestige  of  liberty,  they  could  not 
devise  a  measure  better  calculated  to  achieve  their 
infamous  object  than  the  Coercion  Bill  at  present 
before  the  House  of  Commons."* 

The  Priests  Elect  a  Coroner. 

Even  in  the  field  of  local  politics  instances  have 
occurred  very  recently  to  show  how  the  civil  liberties 
of  the  Irish  people  are  interfered  with  and  made  the 
subject  of  ecclesiastical  dictation.  Both  coroners  and 
poor-law  guardians  in  Ireland  are  supposed  to  be 
elected  by  the  ratepayers.  As  a  matter  of  fact  they 
are  too  often  nominated  by  the  priests.  There  was 
a  vacancy  for  the  office  of  coroner  in  County  West- 
meath  early  in  1892,  and  seven  candidates  were 
in  the  field,  among  them  being  one  Protestant,  and 
another   a    prominent    Parnellite.      At   first    Mass   in 

*  Kerry  Weekly  Reporter,  April  23rd,  1887. 


68  THE   PRIEST   IN    TOLITICS. 

Mulliiigar  on  the  Sunday  before  the  election  Most 
Rev.  Dr.  Nulty  referred  to  the  forthcoming  election 
of  coroner  for  County  Westmeath.  In  the  course 
of  his  remarks  his  lordship  reiterated  the  statements 
made  by  him  on  Sunday  week  with  regard  to  political 
matters.  He  admitted  that  Parnellites  had  some  in- 
telligence, but  he  said  they  had  just  that  small  amount 
of  knowledge  which  is  dangerous.  The  bishops  had 
spoken  on  the  recent  political  crisis,  and  when  they 
did  so  it  was  the  duty  of  Roman  Catholics  to  obey 
and  follow  them.  Parnellites  persevering  in  their  pre- 
sent course  of  action  were  forfeiting  their  Catholicity. 
His  lordship  then  went  on  to  refer  to  the  election  of 
coroner,  stating  that  at  all  the  chapels  in  the  county 
the  feeling  of  the  people  was  being  taken  by  the  priests 
with  regard  to  the  different  candidates,  and  whichever 
the  majority  elected  the  priests  would  support.  Was 
there  ever  such  a  mockery  of  popular  election  ? 

The  announcement  made  by  the  bishop  at  first  Mass 
was  repeated  by  the  priests  at  the  succeeding  Masses, 
and  after  last  Mass  two  priests  attended  in  the  lecture 
hall  and  proceeded  to  take  the  votes  of  the  few  who 
attended  by  some  original  system  of  ballot.  There  are 
ii,ooo  voters  in  the  county.  Four  names  out  of  the 
list  of  candidates  were  only  allowed  to  be  voted  for 
by  the  priest — viz.,  those  of  Drs.  Shiel,  White,  and 
Moorhead,  and  Mr.  Gaynor.  The  others  were  omitted, 
for  no  stated  reason,  by  Dr.  Nulty.* 

*   United  Ireland,  Feb.  6th,  1892. 


ACTION   OF   THE   IRISH   PRIESTS   IN    POLITICS.      69 

Where  is  the  civil  and  rehgious  Uberty  of  a  country 
where  local  elections  can  be  treated  in  such  a  manner 
by  a  Roman  Catholic  bishop  ?  The  Act  of  Parliament 
which  provides  the  machinery  for  ascertaining  the 
opinion  of  the  ratepayers  is  absolutely  nullified  by 
clerical  influence.  "  My  mouth,"  said  Bishop  Nulty  in 
effect,  "  shall  be  the  Parliament  of  England." 


Priestly  Intimidation  at  a  Poor-law  Election. 

Again,  an  inquiry  was  opened  at  Castlebar  on 
May  1st,  1892,  by  the  Local  Government  Board 
inspector,  into  allegations  of  intimidation  at  a  poor- 
law  election,  in  which  a  Parnellite  named  Quinn 
and  an  anti- Parnellite  named  M'Cormack  were  the 
candidates.  Evidence  was  given  that  Rev.  Mr. 
O'Flaherty  had  said  the  light  of  heaven  might  never 
shine  on  those,  and  they  might  never  prosper  on  earth, 
who  voted  for  Quinn.  At  the  collection  of  dues  Rev. 
Mr.  O'Flaherty  had  asked  him  whom  he  was  going  to 
vote  for.  The  witness  said  for  Quinn,  and  then  the 
priest  said,  "Take  back  your  money  if  you  are  going 
to  vote  for  Quinn."  The  witness  voted  for  M'Cormack  ; 
but  he  had  intended  to  vote  for  Quinn  if  the  priest  had 
not  interfered  with  him.  A  man  who  could  not  write 
and  did  not  fill  in  his  voting-paper  sent  it  to  be  filled 
in  by  the  priest.  Others  who  could  not  write  ad" 
mitted  that  they  had  got  the  priests  to  fill  up  and  mark 
their  voting-papers,  as  if  they  were  illiterate ;  while  a 


70  THE   PRIEST  IN    POLITICS. 

number  of  voting-papers  were  not  forthcoming  at  all. 
The  inquiry  was  postponed  for  a  day  to  enable  the 
reverend  gentleman  to  complete  a  deposition  he  had 
begun  on  the  first  day ;  but  the  inspector  received  a 
letter  from  Rev.  Mr.  O' Flaherty,  dated  the  same  day, 
from  the  presbytery  in  the  town,  saying  he  could  not 
attend,  as  he  had  made  other  arrangements.* 

A  Priest  Incites  to  Rebellion. 

The  attitude  of  the  Irish  priesthood  towards  the  law 
of  the  land  Vv?as  well  illustrated  in  a  letter  addressed 
by  Father  Arthur  Ryan,  of  Thurles,  to  the  Tablet,  an 
English  Roman  Catholic  newspaper,  which  has  in- 
variably opposed  the  Separatist  party.  The  letter  was 
naturally  quoted  with  great  prominence  in  United 
Ireland,  and  we  give  an  extract : — 

"  Ever  since  the  Union  the  best  and  most  honour- 
able of  Irishmen  have  looked  on  rebellion  as  '  a  sacred 
dut}','  provided  there  were  a  reasonable  chance  of  success. 
It  was  the  absence  of  this  reasonable  chance  of  making 
rebellion  successful  that  alone  bound  wise  and  brave 
Irishmen  to  conscientiously  oppose  armed  resistance 
to  the  Government  of  this  country.  It  has  never 
occurred  to  me  to  consider  acquiescence  to  the 
Government  of  England  •  as  a  moral  obligation  or  as 
other  than  a  dire  necessity.  .  .  .  We  have  never,  thank 
God,  lied  to  our  oppressors  by  saying  we  were  loyal 

*  Daily  Express,  June  3rd,  1892. 


ACTION   OF   THE   IRISH   PRIESTS   IN    POLITICS.      7 1 

to  them.  And  when  we  have  condemned  the  rebels 
whose  heroism  and  whose  self-sacrifice  we  have  loved 
and  wept  over,  we  condemned,  not  their  want  of 
loyalty,  but  their  want  of  prudence.  We  thought  it 
wrong  to  plunge  the  land  into  the  horrors  of  war  with 
no  hope  of  success.  But,  in  common  with  humanity 
itself,  we  have  rejected  what  O'Connell  led  himself  to 
say  if  not  to  think — that  the  liberty  of  our  country  is 
not  worth  our  blood  if  our  blood  could  win  it." 

The  apostle  of  peace  then  goes  on  to  give  a  reasoned 
defence  of  the  Plan  of  Campaign  on  the  avowed  ground 
that  it  is  an  act  of  insurrection  : — 

"  If,  then,  the  Legislature  in  London,  having  declined 
to  protect  the  homes  and  property  of  the    tenants  in 
Ireland,    and    the    Government    having,    despite    soft 
words,  threatened  brute  force  and   imprisonment,  its 
time-worn   plan    of  campaign,   against   us ;    if,   under 
these  circumstances,  we  find  that  our  new  plan  in  self- 
defence    is    likely    to  succeed, — why    should    we   care 
whether  it  be  an  act  of  rebellion  or  not  ?     Its  chance 
of    success   is,    indeed,    all    we    look    to.      Rebellion, 
with  the  chance  of  being  successful,  rebellion  against 
tyrannous  misgovernment,  is,  the  wide  world  over,  a 
sacred  duty.     Englishmen  have  blessed  it  in  their  own 
case — in    the   case   of    every   nation   except    Ireland. 
Irishmen  bless  it,   and  Irish  priests  and  Irish  bishops 
bless  it,  and  declare  it  to   be   high   and  unassailable 
morality — a   holy  war   in   the  cause  of  the  poor  and 
oppressed,  a  struggle  for  hearths  and  homes.     Rebels 


']2  THE   PRIEST   IN    POLITICS. 

we  are,  almost  to  a  man,  against  the  injustice  and 
misgovernment,  the  hollow  mockery,  we  see  and  touch 
on  every  side,  but  which  our  pious  critics  cannot 
or  will  not  recognise.  True,  we  have  been  up  to 
this  '  inopportunists '  in  the  matter  of  rebellion  ;  but 
now  our  opportunity  has  come,  and  we  give  our  glad 
*  God-speed '  to  what  promises  to  be,  at  long  last,  a 
successful  plan  of  campaign.  Whether  or  not  that 
plan  be  constitutional  may  be  an  interesting  question 
of  politics,  but  it  is  no  question  of  morals."* 

A  Priest  Assists  a  Prisoner  to  Break  Prison 

Rules. 

These  are  only  a  few  samples  from  the  bulk  of 
priestly  dictation,  arrogance,  and  turbulence  in  Ireland. 
They  could  be  indefinitely  multiplied.  Priests  broke 
the  law  of  the  land  in  every  conceivable  manner. 
Several  were  dismissed  from  their  posts  as  chaplains 
to  prisons  because  they  smuggled  out  communica- 
tions from  the  lawbreakers  to  the  Press.  Even  Mr. 
Conybeare,  M.P.,  an  English  member,  did  not  scruple 
to  use  a  priest  for  this  object.f     Nothing  was  left  by 

*   United  Ireland,  Jan.  ist,  1S87. 

t  "On  Tuesday,  Rev.  John  Doherty,  Adm.,  the  Catholic 
chaplain  of  Derry  Prison,  was  dismissed  from  the  office  by 
the  written  order  of  the  Prisons  Board.  It  appears  that 
during  last  month  several  letters  were  published  in  some 
English  newspapers  relating  to  the  prison  treatment  of  Mr. 
Conybeare,  M.P.,  and  under  the  signature  of  that  gentleman, 


ACTION   OF   THE   IRISH   PRIESTS   IN    POLITICS.      "J^^^ 

them  undone  for  six  years  to  make  the  Government 
of  Ireland  impossible.  Failing  in  that  unscrupulous 
and  scandalous  task,  they  have  only  injured  the  religion 
which  they  profess,  and  brought  contempt  upon  the 
sacred  calling  of  the  religious  teacher. 

This  harsh  verdict  must  perforce  be  given  of  the 
great  majority  of  the  Irish  priesthood.  That  a  small 
minority  existed  in  Ireland  who  loathed  and  abhorred 
the  practices  of  the  League,  and  the  part  taken  by  their 
brethren  in  carrying  them  out,  need  hardly  be  stated. 
The  Bishop  of  Limerick  denounced  the  Plan  of  Cam- 
paign as  "  politically  foolish  and  morally  wrong." 
Individual  priests  throughout  Ireland  have  had  the 
courage  of  their  convictions,  and  spoke  out  God's  truth 
with  regard  to  boycotting  fearlessly  and  plainly  to  the 
people.  Peradventure  if  there  had  been  a  few  more 
such  in  the  high  places  of  the  hierarchy,  Ireland  might 
have  been  spared  the  scourges  and  plagues  which  have 

who  is  at  present  undergoing  a  sentence  of  four  months' 
imprisonment  in  the  jail.  These  letters  came  under  the 
notice  of  the  Prisons  Board,  and  an  inspector,  Mr.  Joyce, 
was  instructed  to  hold  an  inquiry  as  to  how  the  letters  reached 
the  newspapers  in  which  they  appeared.  On  August  31st 
the  inspector  arrived  at  the  prison  and  sent  a  note  to  Father 
Doherty,  asking  him  to  meet  him  at  the  jail  for  a  few 
moments.  Father  Doherty  accordingly  called,  and  was  in- 
formed that  the  business  on  which  he  was  required  was  to 
give  evidence  on  oath  in  reference  to  certain  letters  appearing 
in  the  Star  newspaper  over  the  signature  of  Mr.  C.  A.  V. 
Conybeare,  M.P.  *  I  will  answer  no  questions,'  said  the 
chaplain." — Freeman's  Journal,  Sept.  nth,  1889. 


74  THE   PRIEST   IN    POLITICS. 

made  her  a  by-word  amongst  the  nations,  and  brought 
her  into  her  present  chaotic  plight.  But  facts  are  facts, 
and  history  must  be  written  to  square  with  the  rule 
and  not  with  the  exception.  The  priests  in  Irish 
politics  have  been  a  scandal  for  many  years,  and  their 
cloth  must  be  judged  by  the  public  acts  done  under 
its  shelter  and  sanction. 


CHAPTER   VII. 

THE  PARNELL  DIVORCE   CASE— AND  AFTER. 

ON  Nov.  17th,  1890,  the  verdict  in  the  divorce 
action  of  O'Shea  v.  O'Shea  and  Parnell  was 
given.  Ten  months  had  elapsed  between  the  issue 
of  the  writ  and  the  trial ;  and  as  the  charges  in  general 
form  had  been  for  nearly  a  year  before  the  public,  it  is 
quite  certain  that  even  in  the  sublimated  atmosphere 
of  the  Irish  Hierarchy  some  speculation  must  have 
taken  place  as  to  what  effect  an  adverse  verdict  might 
have  upon  the  political  situation.  The  actual  result,  as 
we  know  it,  can  be  traced  to  several  causes. 

Causes  of  the  Revolt  against  Mr.  Parnell's 
Leadership. 

The  most  powerful,  no  doubt,  was  what  has  been 
called  "  the  Nonconformist  conscience."  The  second- 
ary causes  were  undoubtedly  the  recent  disaffection 
towards  Mr.  Parnell  of  the  Church  of  Rome  at  home 
and  abroad,  and  of  a  considerable  section  of  his  own 
followers.  Mr.  Parnell,  a  Protestant,  had  beaten  the 
Irish    Hierarchy   and    the    priesthood    on    their   own 

75 


'jd  THE   PRIEST   IN    POLITICS. 

ground.  He  was  their  master,  and  they  knew  it. 
Chafe  as  they  might  in  secret,  they  had  found  it 
absolutely  necessary  to  acknowledge  his  power  and 
authority,  and  the  very  last  sign  of  submission  had 
been  to  deliver  into  the  hands  of  the  Protestant  leader 
the  care  in  Parliament  of  Roman  Catholic  education. 
What  Cardinal  M'Cabe  would  have  thought  of  this 
final  step  we  can  easily  judge.  In  1881  Mr.  Parnell 
went  to  Paris,  and  was  entertained  at  dinner  by  Victor 
Hugo,  M.  Henri  Rochefort,  M.  Lockroy,  and  other 
avowed  haters  of  priests  and  admirers  of  Garibaldi. 
In  a  Lenten  pastoral  the  cardinal  deplored  this  occur- 
rence. "A  calamity,"  he  said,  "more  terrible  and 
humiliating  than  any  that  has  yet  befallen  Ireland 
seems  to  threaten  our  people  to-day.  Allies  for  this 
country  in  her  struggle  for  justice  are  sought  from  the 
ranks  of  impious  infidels,  who  have  plunged  their  own 
unhappy  land  into  misery,  who  are  sworn  to  destroy 
the  foundations  of  all  religions.  Will  Catholic  Ireland 
tolerate  such  an  indignity  ?  Will  she  give  her  confi- 
dence to  men  who  have  wickedly  planned  it  ?  Will 
she  break  from  all  the  holy  traditions  which  during 
ages  commanded  for  her  the  veneration  of  the  Chris- 
tian world  ?  Let  us  pray  that  God  in  His  mercy  may 
forbid  it."  * 

The  late  Cardinal's  queries  have  all  been  answered 
by  Archbishop  Walsh  in  the  affirmative.  He  not  only 
tolerated    the  ParnelUte   indignity ;  he    bowed  to  the 

*  Daily  Telegraph,  Feb.  23rd,  1881. 


THE   PARNELL   DIVORCE   CASE —AND   AFTER,     ^y 

Parnell  whirlwind ;  subscribed  to  Nationalist  testi- 
monials, accepted  the  associate  of  Atheists  and  Com- 
munists, placed  the  care  of  Catholic  education  in  his 
hands,  and  trusted  to  the  chapter  of  accidents  to  enable 
him  to  carry  out  his  aims  and  objects  in  the  future. 
Nay  more,  the  Irish  priest  in  almost  every  parish  in 
the  country  became  the  willing  henchman  of  Mr. 
Parnell,  and  until  the  hierarchy  decided  what  course 
to  pursue  was  by  no  means  certain  what  line  to  adopt 
when  the  decision  in  the  O'Shea  case  was  flashed  to 
every  village  in  Ireland. 

The  verdict  was  delivered  on  Nov.  17th,  1890,  and 
the  dramatic  incidents  that  followed  will  not  easily 
be  forgotten.  At  first  the  whole  of  Mr.  Parnell's 
followers  remained  outwardly  loyal  to  him.  In  Dublin 
the  National  League  met  on  the  19th,  and  the  Irish  party 
expressed  their  unswerving  allegiance  to  their  leader. 
On  the  same  day  Messrs.  W.  O'Brien,  M.P.,  and 
T.  P.  O'Connor,  M.P.,  at  that  time  in  America,  cabled 
their  resolve  to  keep  Mr.  Parnell  at  the  head  of  the 
party.  Two  days  later,  on  Nov.  20th,  a  great 
meeting  was  held  in  the  Leinster  Hall,  Dublin,  at 
which  Mr.  Justin  M'Carthy,  M.P.,  and  Mr.  T.  Healy, 
M.P.,  moved  and  seconded  a  resolution  declaring  that 
Mr.  Parnell  possessed  the  confidence  of  the  Irish 
nation,  and  that  the  whole  party  would  stand  by  their 
leader. 

Mr.  Healy  stated  at  the  time  to  Mr.  Harrington,  M.P., 
that   he  had    been  to  County  Meath  imm.ediately  after 


78  THE   PRIEST   IN    TOLITICS, 

the  verdict  was  published,  and  had  seen  Bishop  Nulty 
on  the  subject.  The  prelate  told  Mr.  Healy  that  the 
only  course  open  to  the  Irish  party  was  to  stick  to 
Mr.  Parnell.*  A  convention  in  County  Meath,  largely 
attended  by  priests,  and  other  public  meetings,  gave 
their  adherence  to  Mr.  Parnell's  leadership.  On 
Nov.  25th  Mr.  Parnell  was  re-elected  in  London 
chairman  of  the  party  by  a  unanimous  vote,  amid  much 
handshaking  and  vows  of  continued  allegiance.  Up  to 
this  date,  eight  days  after  the  verdict  had  been  pub- 
lished, the  Roman  Catholic  Hierarchy  had  said  not  a 
word  in  public. 

The  Nationalist  cat  had  jumped  to  Mr.  Parnell. 
Would  he  carry  the  day  even  now,  as  he  had  done 
against  the  Pope  in  1883  ?  Archbishop  Walsh  decided 
to  wait  a  little  longer.  "  There  are  few  dangers,"  he 
wrote  subsequently  in  defence,  "  more  seriously  to  be 
avoided  than  precipitancy  in  action."  Especially,  it 
may  be  remarked,  when  you  do  not  know  exactly  what 
to  do. 

The   Ecclesiastical   Cat   Jumps. 

Then  came  Mr.  Gladstone's  letter  of  Nov.  26th. 
The  Old  Parliamentary  Hand,  ever  since  the  verdict, 
had  been  feeling  with  tender  care  and  solicitude  the 
pulse  of  the  Nonconformist  body  throughout  Great 
Britain.     The  National  Liberal  Federation  was  sitting 

*  National  Independent,  Dec.  13th,  1892! 


THE   PARNELL   DIVORCE   CASE — AND   AFTER.       79 

at  Sheffield  by  a  lucky  coincidence  on  the  Thursday 
and  Friday  after  the  verdict,  and  Mr.  Gladstone,  no 
doubt,  received  both  light  and  leading  from  that  august 
body.  On  Sunday,  Nov.  23rd,  the  Nonconformist 
chapel  bell  rang  in  tones  not  to  be  denied,  and  the 
sacrifice  of  Mr.  Parnell  instantly  came  within  the 
"  range  of  practical  politics."  The  pirate  captain  must 
walk  the  plank  he  had  so  often  prepared  for  others.  On 
Saturday,  the  29th,  Mr.  Parnell's  manifesto  appeared. 
The  following  Wednesday,  Dec.  3rd,  sixteen  days 
after  the  verdict  of  the  Divorce  Court,  after  the  whole 
moral  conscience  of  the  Protestant  Church  had  revolted 
and  expressed  its  opinion,  the  Roman  Catholic  Hier- 
archy in  Ireland  pronounced  an  opinion  on  the  subject. 
The  terms  of  the  address  are  remarkable.  It  declared 
that  Mr,  Parnell  was  not  fit  to  be  the  leader  of  the 
Irish  people.  "As  pastors  of  the  Catholic  nation,  we 
do  not  base  this  judgment  and  solemn  declaration  on 
political  grounds,"  said  the  bishops  ;  but  they  went  on 
to  contradict  their  own  saving  clause.  "  We  cannot 
but  be  influenced,"  said  the  bishops'  address,  "  by  the 
conviction  that  the  continuance  of  Mr.  Parnell  as  a 
leader  of  even  a  section  of  the  Irish  party  must  have 
the  effect  of  disorganising  our  ranks,  and  ranging,  as 
in  hostile  camps,  the  hitherto  united  forces  of  our 
country.  Confronted  with  the  prospects  of  contin- 
gencies so  disastrous,  we  see  nothing  but  inevitable 
defeat  at  the  approaching  general  election,  and,  as  a 
result,  Home  Rule  indefinitely  postponed,  coercion  per- 


8o  THE   PRIEST    IX    TOLITICS. 

petuated,  the  hands  of  the  evictor  strengthened,  and 
the  tenants  already  evicted  without  a  shadow  of  a  hope 
of  ever  being  restored  to  their  homes."* 

The  main  point  in  this  address  may  not  be  poHtical, 
but  it  reads  very  hke  it.  If  Mr.  Parnell  was  retained 
as  leader,  the  Liberal  party  would  be  defeated  at  the 
general  election.  That  seems  the  ordinary  inference. 
Mr.  Parnell  adopted  that  line,  and  Sir  Charles  Russell 
himself  has  confessed  that  such  was  the  actuating 
motive  of  the  Irish  Hierarchy.  In  any  case  there  can 
be  no  doubt  that  there  was  singular  delay  on  the  part 
of  the  bishops  in  denouncing  Mr.  Parnell's  moral 
delinquency. 

The  Hierarchy  and  Mr.  W.  O'Brien's  Breeches. 

How  did  they  act  on  a  former  occasion  not  of  trans- 
cendent importance?  On  Saturday,  Feb.  2nd,  1889, 
the  Freeman's  Journal  announced  in  large  type  "  the 
outrage  on  Mr.  O'Brien's  breeches."  The  Freeman  of 
Monday,  Feb  4th,  contained  "  a  noble  protest  from 
the  Irish  Hierarchy,"  signed  by  twenty-six  bishops 
and  archbishops,  denouncing  the  Government  in  the 
following  language  for  "this  infamous  outrage"  : — 

"  We,  the  undersigned  archbishops  and  bishops  of 
Ireland,  feel  imperatively  called  upon  to  join  in  a 
solemn  protest  against  the  shameful  indignities  and 
inhuman  violence  which,  as  we  have  learned,  have  been 

*  Freeman' s  yournal,  Dec.  4th,  1891. 


THE   PARNELL  DIVORCE  CASE— AND  AFTER.      8 1 

inflicted  upon  Mr.  William  O'Brien,  M.P.,  in  Clonmel 
Jail,  to  the  manifest  peril  of  his  life  and  the  danger  of 
the  public  peace.  In  the  interest  alike  of  humanity 
and  order  we  deem  it  our  duty  to  declare  that  Her 
Majesty's  Government  should  not  suffer  a  moment  to 
be  lost  in  securing  the  discontinuance  of  maltreatment, 
which  is  shocking  to  adherents  of  all  political  parties 
and  opposed  to  the  usages  of  civilisation."  * 

It  took  the  Irish  bishops  forty-eight  hours  in  1889  to 
get  out  a  protest  against  the  Conservative  Government 
about  the  rape  of  Mr.  O'Brien's  breeches,  while  they 
waited  sixteen  days  before  drafting  and  signing  a 
political  manifesto,  denouncing  what  they  called  "  the 
shocking  infamy  laid  bare  to  the  world  by  the  reported 
evidence  of  the  O'Shea  divorce  case." 

The  Parnellite  View  of  the  Situation. 

The  question  whether  the  ecclesiastical  demonstration 
was  a  moral  or  a  political  move  has  been  trenchantly 
dealt  with  by  Mr.  Parnell's  followers. 

Mr.  E.  Leamy,  M.P.,  addressing  the  Central  National 
League  from  the  chair  on  March  loth,  dealt  at  length 
with  the  positions  of  the  archbishops  and  bishops. 
He  said  : — 

'*  Let  the  bishops  make  up  their  minds  as  to  what 
is  the  real  character  of  our  offence  before  they  con- 
demn us.     They  offer  an  excuse  for  remaining  silent  for 

*  Freeman' s  Journal,  Feb.  4th,  1889. 

6 


82  THE   PRIEST   IN    POLITICS. 

weeks,  some  couple  of  weeks,  after  the  Divorce  Court 
proceedings  were  published.  Yet  during  these  weeks 
Ireland  was  rallying  to  the  standard  of  the  chief,  who 
up  to  that  time  was  assailed  only  by  Englishmen  and 
the  colleagues  who,  at  the  bidding  of  Englishmen,  had 
deserted  him.  During  that  time  you,  and  men  like  you 
throughout  the  country,  were  meeting  at  the  Boards 
of  Guardians  and  the  Town  Commissioners'  rooms 
everywhere.  In  your  National  League  you  were  all 
pledging  your  fidelity  to  Parnell.  If  you  are  guilty  of 
a  crim.e  in  standing  by  him  now,  you  were  guilty  of  a 
crime  in  standing  by  him  then  ;  and  I  ask  the  Irish 
bishops  how  can  they  claim  to  be  the  watchful  guardians 
of  the  people's  morals,  how  can  they  claim  to  be  the 
men  whom  we  are  to  look  to  in  trust  and  confidence, 
if  they  could  stand  idly  by  for  a  whole  fortnight  when 
their  nation  was  running  to  perdition  and  ruin  ?  "  * 

Whatever  the  motive  reason,  the  fact  remains  that 
once  the  Irish  Hierarchy  put  their  hand  to  the  plough 
they  never  looked  back.  The  most  unsparing  crusade 
was  preached  against  the  Parnellite  party.  It  was 
quite  clear  that  if  Mr.  Parnell  could  be  driven  out  of 
politics,  Archbishop  Walsh  would  hold  the  key  of  the 
situation.  The  private  enemies  of  the  Irish  leader 
joined  hands  with  the  clergy.  Then  came  scenes  in 
Committee  Room  15,  and  a  plan  of  campaign  was  soon 
mapped  out.  The  mot  cCordre  went  out  that  all  who 
supported  Mr.  Parnell  and  his  candidates  opposed  the 
*  Freemiui's  Journal,  March  nth,  1891. 


' 


THE   PARNELL   DIVORCE   CASE — AND   AFTER.      St, 

Church.  The  struggle  was  based  or  a  question  of 
morals.  It  was  a  sin  to  go  against  the  Church  in  a 
matter  of  morals,  and  all  who  did  so  were  sinners,  and 
must  be  dealt  with  accordingl3\  How  the  campaign 
was  carried  out  remains  to  be  seen. 


CHAPTER   VIII. 

THE    PRIEST   AT   BYE-ELECTIONS. 

The  Kilkenny  Election,   1890. 

IT  was  not  long  before  the  two  new  factions  in  Irish 
politics  which  sprang  out  of  the  great  political 
divide  of  1890  found  a  battlefield  on  which  to  expend 
their  fury.  Mr.  Marum,  the  member  for  North  Kil- 
kenny, died  suddenly.  Sir  John  Pope  Hennessy  was 
put  forward  as  the  priests'  candidate,  and  Mr.  Vincent 
Scully  as  Mr.  Parnell's  choice.  Both  were  Roman 
Catholics — both  were  Nationalists ;  and  the  result  was 
everywhere  regarded  as  a  trial  of  strength.  The 
Roman  Catholic  Hierarchy  gave  their  orders,  and 
ecclesiastical  electioneering  was  reduced  to  a  pitch  of 
scientific  accuracy  seldom  before  equalled,  though  it 
has  been  subsequently  excelled.  The  modus  operandi 
of  the  election  was  admirably  described  by  the  Star 
special  correspondent,  who  may  be  taken  as  a  hostile 
witness  : — 

The  "Star"  on  Black-coated  Electioneering. 

"  The  note  of  this  Irish  election  is  not   devilment, 

84 


THE   PRIEST   AT   BYE-ELECTIONS.  85 

but  black-coated  electioneering.  There  has  been 
plenty  of  this.  The  most  interesting  electioneering 
reminiscence  in  the  Sfar  man's  life  is  the  sight  of 
Canon  Cody,  the  parish  priest  of  Castlecomer,  standing 
at  the  door  of  the  principal  polling-booth  taking  voters 
in  hand  as  they  came  up  to  record  their  votes,  and 
impressing  on  each  as  he  entered  a  last  word  of 
paternal  instruction.  It  was  a  great  spectacle.  .  .  . 
At  Ballyragget,  voters,  as  they  came  up  to  the  station, 
were  taken  into  the  priest's  house  for  the  last  word 
of  good  counsel.  At  Johnstown  the  priest  was  in  the 
booth.  All  over  the  division  priests  acted  as  persona- 
tion agents.  At  Gowran  each  of  three  personation 
agents  was  in  a  black  frock.  In  the  electoral  history 
of  the  world  there  is  registered  no  device  compared 
with  this.  X'oters  found  the  priest  so  all-pervading 
that  some  of  them  must  have  believed  a  ballot-box 
itself  to  be  an  ecclesiastical  appurtenance  with  a  priest 
inside  it."  * 

On  the  Sunday  before  the  poll,  from  the  altar,  clad  in 
their  sacred  robes,  priests  threatened  those  who  dared 
to  vote  on  the  morrow  for  Vincent  Scully.  Within  the 
precincts  of  every  chapel  premises,  save  two  or  three, 
in  the  constituency  they  held  meetings  in  support  of 
Pope  Hennessy,  and  in  some  cases  warned  the  voters 
to  vote  for  him  if  they  would  escape  never-ending 
pain.  The  preachers  of  Sunday  were  Sir  John  Pope 
Hennessy's  personation  agents  on  the  Monday.  Every 
*  S^ar,  Dec.  23rd,  1890. 


86  THE   PRIEST   IN    POLITICS. 

illiterate  voter  was  obliged  to  declare  in  their  presence, 
the  candidate  for  whom  he  wished  to  vote.  They  were 
led  up  in  batches  to  the  booths  by  their  clergymen  ; 
they  were  received  inside  by  clergymen  ;  and  in  the 
presence  of  clergymen  they  voted  for  Pope  Hennessy. 
The  result  of  the  poll  was  in  accordance  with  the 
preparations.  The  priests'  candidate  was  elected  by 
a  majority  of  1 171. 

A  Priest  Claims  Immunity  from  Eviction  for  Non- 
payment OF  Rent. 

Mr.  Vincent  Scully,  the  defeated  candidate  at  the 
Kilkenny  election,  has  published  a  pamphlet  which  gives 
a  curious  account  of  the  conduct  of  the  parish  priest 
of  Golden,  County  Tipperary,  in  the  matter  of  paying 
rent  for  his  house.  In  1875  Father  M'Donnell  was 
appointed  to  the  parish,  and  he  became  tenant  to  Mr. 
Scully  of  a  house  and  garden  at  an  annual  rent  of  ^20. 
In  a  few  years  the  reverend  gentleman  wrote  complaining 
that  the  rent  was  excessive.  No  reduction  was  given, 
and  in  1885  Father  M'Donnell  returned  Mr.  Scully's 
"Christmas  offering"  of  £^y  which  he  described  as 
"  too  paltry  and  too  shabby "  for  his  acceptance.  In 
1888  Mr.  Scully's  "Christmas  dues"  were  also  rejected. 
In  December  1889  the  nominal  rent  of  2s.  a  year 
charged  for  Golden  Chapel,  which  was  nine  years  in 
arrear,  was  demanded,  to  which  Father  M'Donnell 
replied,  "I  enclose  you  i8s. — Mr.  Scully's  rent  for  the 
house  of  God."     The  money  was,  however,  refunded 


THE   PRIEST   AT   BYE-ELECTIONS.  87 

next  day.  In  1890  the  dispute  was  submitted  to 
Mr.  W.  O'Brien,  M.P.,  by  Mr.  Scully,  but  Mr.  O'Brien 
passed  it  on  to  the  Archbishop  of  Cashel.  The  Arch- 
bishop's terms  were  accepted  by  Mr.  Scully,  but  Father 
M'Donnell  refused  to  accept  them,  as  he  "  knew  per- 
fectly well  that  the  award  was  given  by  what  is  called 
by  jugglers  the  trick  of  legerdemain."  He  added  :  "  Mr. 
Scully  intends  to  become  a  second  Smith-Barry  in  the 
country.  He  should  not  become  a  fellow-tourist  in 
England  with  Canon  Keller  and  William  O'Brien, 
denouncing  Ponsonby  and  Smith-Barry  for  refusing 
arbitration  to  their  tenants,  and  repudiate  and  turn  his 
back  on  it  at  his  own  door  when  he  himself  is  concerned." 
Writing  in  August  last,  when  the  eviction  proceedings 
were  pending,  Father  M'Donnell  said:  "No  parish 
priest  of  the  arch-diocese  of  Cashel  was  ever  evicted 
from  his  house  since  the  days  of  Oliver  Cromwell.  It 
will  remain  then  for  you,  Mr.  Scully,  an  advanced 
Nationalist  and  an  ardent  Home  Ruler,  to  break  that 
long  record,  and  that  without  a  just  cause.  When  you 
evict  me,  you  will  also  evict  our  Divine  Lord  in  the 
Blessed  Sacrament."  Since  the  eviction  nobody  has 
offered  to  rent  Mr.  Scully's  house  and  garden.* 

Sligo  Election. 

Meanwhile,  clerical  boycotting  went  on  all  over 
Ireland.  Parnellites  were  visited  in  the  name  of 
religion   with    spiritual    and   in    some   cases    temporal 

*  See  Times,  Oct.  loth,  1892. 


88  THE  PRIEST  IN    POLITICS. 

penalties.  In  some  dioceses  the  sacraments  were 
refused  to  them.  In  others  members  of  Parnell  leader- 
ship committees  were  denounced  from  the  pulpit  as 
members  of  secret  societies  condemned  by  the  Church. 
In  Belfast  public  pra3'ers  were  offered  up  at  the  altar 
against  them,  and  they  were  compelled  to  listen  in 
silence.  In  the  diocese  of  Meath  the  Easter  offerings 
of  some  were  returned  to  them. 

Soon  another  vacancy  took  place.  Mr.  Macdonald, 
the  member  for  North  Sligo,  died  in  March  1891,  and 
another  bitter  contest  took  place.  Determined  to  push 
their  advantage  to  the  utmost,  the  priests  adopted  the 
the  same  tactics,  and  with  a  similar  result.  In  spite 
or  Mr.  Parnell's  personal  presence  and  active  super- 
intendence, Mr.  V.  Dillon,  the  Independent  candidate, 
was  beaten  by  Mr.  B.  Collery,  a  local  grocer,  unknown 
to  fame,  but  the  priests'  nominee,  by  a  majority  of  765. 

Carlow  Election. 

The  Carlow  election,  in  July  1891,  was  a  remark- 
able instance  of  the  power  of  the  priests  and  the 
unscrupulous  manner  in  which  it  was  wielded.  The 
anti-Parnellite  or  Federation  candidate  was  Mr. 
Hammond,  a  grocer  in  the  town  of  Carlow,  with 
nothing  to  commend  save  his  respectability  and  sound 
Catholicity.  The  Parnellite  candidate  was  Mr.  Andrew 
Kettle,  an  original  member  of  the  old  Land  League, 
and  well  known  in  Irish  politics  for  many  years. 
One  priest.   Rev.   Mr.  O'Neill,   of  Bagenalstown,   had 


THE   PRIEST   AT   BYE-ELECTIONS.  89 

given  his  support  to  Mr.  Kettle;  but  his  action  was 
soon  nipped  in  the  bud.  On  a  complaint  being  made 
to  Bishop  Lynch,  that  Roman  Catholic  prelate  wrote 
the  following  letter  : — 

"  St.  Patrick's  College, 

"June  2yef,  189 1. 

"  Dear  Father  Norris, — I  have  written  to  Father 
O'Neill  to  abstain  from  all  opposition,  directly  or 
indirectly,  privately  or  publicly,  to  the  Federation 
candidate,  and  to  permit  his  curates  or  any  priest  with 
their  approval  to  attend  meetings,  and  in  every  way 
to  promote  the  cause  espoused  by  the  bishops  in  this 
unhappy  crisis.  With  all  blessings,  ever  faithfully 
yours, 

"James  Lynch, 

"•J*  Bishop  of  Kildare  and  Leighlhi.'" 

Can  a  more  glaring  illustration  of  political  and 
spiritual  coercion  be  imagined  ?  It  means  that  the 
Roman  Catholic  Hierarchy  not  only  claim,  but  actually 
exercise,  plenary  powers  of  veto  over  the  political 
opinions  of  the  priesthood,  and  that,  therefore,  the 
views  of  the  hierarchy  are  supreme  and  final.  In  this 
case  Bishop  Lynch  gave  his  priesthood  directions  and 
full  liberty  withal  to  promote  "  in  every  way "  the 
candidature  of  one  faction,  while  he  gagged  by  letter 
the  only  priest  who  seemed  to  have  had  the  smallest 
political  independence.  If  a  priest  could  thus  be 
treated,  what  can  be  expected  in  the  case  of  laymen  ? 


90  THE    PRIEST   IN    POLITICS. 

The  result  was  a  foregone  conclusion.  There  was 
an  overwhelming  majority  for  Mr.  Hammond,  and  he 
sits  now  as  the  "  representative  "  of  County  Carlow. 
In  effect,  he  is  merely  the  nominee  of  Bishop  Lynch 
and  the  phant  tool  of  the  Roman  Catholic  hierarchy. 
No  such  spectacle  can  be  imagined  in  England  by  any 
exercise  of  the  imagination.  But  it  is  a  remarkable 
proof  that  it  is  possible  in  Ireland  for  the  politics  of 
that  country  to  be  controlled  by  thirty  eminent  indi- 
viduals, who  have  been  placed  by  the  Pope  of  Rome  in 
command  of  the  consciences  and  the  civil  and  religious 
opinions  of  the  Roman  Catholic  community  in  that 
country. 

Politics  from  the  Altar. 

Protests  were  not  wanting  on  the  part  of  the  Par- 
nellite  faction  against  this  despotic  action  of  the  priest- 
hood in  Carlow.  At  a  public  meeting  in  Dublin  on 
July  14th,  1891,  Mr.  Leamy  gave  the  following  interest- 
ing experiences  of  the  Carlow  election  : — 

"  He  was  present  himself  at  a  Mass,  and  the  priest 
at  the  post  Communion,  standing  on  the  altar  steps, 
addressing  the  people,  read  out  the  political  letter  of 
the  bishop,  which  dealt  solely  with  the  political  action 
of  Mr.  Parnell,  and  which  contained  no  reference  to  the 
moral  question,  and  he  read  the  names  of  the  bishops 
with  their  full  titles,  and  then  he  proceeded  to  comment 
upon  the  letter,  and,  of  course,  he  expressed  the  hope 
that  the  people  would  not  vote  for  the  nominee  of  Mr. 


THE    PRIEST   AT   BYE-ELECTIONS.  9 1 

Parnell.  Well,  perhaps  all  that  was  very  fair  election- 
eering, but  he  followed  that  up  by  this  statement : 
'  They  have  brought  down  Orangemen  to  this  country,' 
he  said,  *  and  these  gentlemen  are  anxious  that  the 
election  should  be  over  speedily,  for  they  want  to 
get  back  to  the  North  for  July  I2th,  to  attack  the 
Roman  Catholic  chapels.'  Now,  that  was  a  statement 
made  by  a  priest,  which  they  all  knew  was  utterly 
without  foundation,  and  he  should  say  that  he  was 
astonished  to  hear  a  priest,  when  he  had  the  very 
hearts  of  the  people  in  his  hand,  standing  upon  the 
altar  steps  making  a  statement  completely  at  variance 
to  the  truth  as  that,  and  which  could  not  have  had 
any  other  effect  than  that  of  exciting  the  passions  of 
an  ignorant  people,  for  intelligent  people  would  not 
heed  such  language  against  a  section  of  their  fellow- 
countrymen." 

Mr.  Leamy's  admission  that  the  vast  majority  of 
the  Carlow  electors  are  ignorant  is  remarkable,  for 
County  Carlow  has  always  had  the  reputation  of  being 
one  of  the  most  civilised  counties  in  Ireland,  where 
crime  and  outrage  during  the  worst  period  of  the  land 
war  were  almost  unknown.  If  the  Carlow  electors 
are  ignorant,  what  must  be  the  state  of  the  electors  of 
the  more  backward  parts  of  Ireland  ? 

Medievalism  Revived. 

Mr.  James  Dalton,  M.P.,  also  dealt  with  the  question 
of  priestly  intimidation,   and  made  some  statements, 


92  THE   PRIEST   IN    POLITICS. 

which,  had  they  been  made  b}'  a  Unionist  on 
EngHsh  platforms,  would  hardly  be  believed.  He 
said  : — 

"  A  good  deal  has  been  said  of  the  influence  exer- 
cised b}^  the  priests  at  the  election  in  Carlow.  They 
had  exercised  that  influence  ten  times  harder  than  at 
either  Sligo  or  Kilkenny.  The  bishops  had  actually  a 
few  days  before  the  election  issued  a  political  mani- 
festo. Fancy  the  bishops  meeting  at  Maynooth  to 
look  after  their  spiritual  well-being,  and  sending  out 
simply  an  electioneering  dodge.  Without  saying  any- 
thing disrespectful,  he  might  at  least  say  that  it  was 
a  very  undignified  thing  to  send  out  placards  to  be 
posted  upon  all  the  roads  and  hedges  and  ditches  of 
Carlow  for  the  election.  The  priests  said  it  was  all 
very  well,  but  that  they  (the  Parnellites)  had  been 
content  to  take  their  support  during  the  past  ten  or 
eleven  years.  Yes,  they  were  content  to  take  their 
support,  but  now  the  other  side  had  the  influence  of 
their  intimidation.  That  was  what  it  amounted  to. 
They  went  so  far  as  to  tell  people  that  their  pigs  or 
cattle  would  die  if  they  did  not  vote  in  a  coiain  way. 
That  was  what  they  were  doing  now,  and  it  was 
certainly  anything  but  fair  warfare  to  tell  a  man  that  if 
he  did  not  vote  in  one  way  it  would  interfere  with  his 
eternal  salvation."  * 

What    a   picture   is    here    painted    by   hands   well 
acquainted  with  the  inwardness  of  the  subject !     Can 
*  Carlow  Sentinel,  July  iSth,  1892. 


THE   PRIEST   AT   BYE-ELECTIONS.  93 

any  influences  be  conceived  more  contrary  to  the 
elementary  conceptions  of  Christianity  ?  How  can 
civil  and  religious  liberty  co-exist  with  such  a  system 
of  political  and  spiritual  coercion  ?  Mr.  Morley,  at 
the  National  Liberal  Club  before  the  general  election 
of  1892,  alluding  to  the  Ulstermen,  asked,  "What  are 
these  men  afraid  of  ?  I  never  can  get  an  answer  to 
this  question." 

The  answer,  or  part  of  it,  is  given  in  the  speeches 
of  Parnellite  Home  Rulers  themselves.  It  is  because 
Archbishop  Walsh  and  the  authorities  of  the  Roman 
Catholic  Church  in  Ireland  claim  and  exercise  juris- 
diction in  the  political  arena,  and  because  under  Mr. 
Gladstone's  bill  their  jurisdiction  will  be  increased  and 
extended. 

Cork  Election,   1891. 

The  next  bye-election  in  which  the  priesthood, 
breviary  in  hand,  took  a  prominent  part  was  that  of 
Cork,  in  November  1891,  on  the  death  of  Mr.  Parnell. 
The  scenes  of  tumult  and  violence  in  this  election  were 
almost  unparalleled.  Mr.  Dillon  was  violently  assaulted, 
and  practically  civil  war  was  going  on  for  several  days. 
The  candidates  were  Mr.  John  Redmond,  M.P.,  and 
Mr.  Flavin,  a  Cork  butter  merchant,  who  was  recom- 
mended to  the  electors  as  "  The  Pope's  man."  A 
certain  Canon  O'Mahony  figured  prominently  in  the 
electoral  contest,  defying  Mr.  Redmond  and  his  friends 
to  set  foot  in  his  parish.     The  challenge  was  accepted, 


94  THE   PRIEST   IN    POLITICS. 

and  Mr.  Redmond  and  Mr.  John  O'Connor,  M.P.,  led  a 
considerable  crowd,  accompanied  by  bands,  from  Cork 
to  Blackrock.  There  they  were  met  by  an  opposing 
crowd,  and  were  attacked  with  sticks,  stones,  and  mud ; 
but,  after  a  short  but  desperate  encounter,  the  aggres- 
sive party  were  driven  off,  many  of  their  number 
disfigured  and  bleeding.  The  Parnellites  then  held  a 
successful  meeting,  and  subsequently  returned  to  Cork 
exceedingly  jubilant. 

Absolving  Voters  from  Promises. 

Canon  O'Mahony  had  resort  to  action,  which  proved 
that  the  priesthood  were  resolved  to  use  every  means, 
both  fair  and  foul,  to  attain  their  end.  *'  I  have 
already  stated  on  a  former  occasion,"  said  this  minister 
of  the  Gospel,  "  that  those  who  made  promises  to 
vote  for  Mr.  Redmond  are  not  morally  bound  by  the 
promise." 

To  show  the  extent  to  which  priestly  dictation  was 
carried  in  the  ward,  a  rather  aged  man  was  about 
to  enter  one  of  the  booths,  when  a  personating  agent 
asked  him  his  name.  The  man  stared  at  him  vacantly 
for  a  few  seconds,  and  then  said,  "  I  will  run  and 
ask  my  priest."  He  returned  again,  and  showing  some 
doubt  as  to  whether  "  O "  should  be  prefixed  to  his 
name  or  not,  he  went  again  and  consulted  his  adviser. 
As  another  old  man  approached  a  priest  accosted  him 
and  asked  him  if  he  could  read  and   write.      On  re- 


THE   PRIEST  AT  BYE-ELECTIONS.  95 

ceiving  a  negative  answer,  the  clergyman  took  him  by 
the  arm,  and  in  spite  of  the  efforts  of  some  of  Mr. 
Redmond's  friends,  he  led  him  to  the  entrance  of  the 
polling-booth,  and  did  not  lose  sight  of  him  until  he 
appeared  to  be  satisfied.  He  was  in  the  hands  of 
Mr.  Flavin's  friends. 

Bulldozing  the  Electors. 

The  result  was  a  foregone  conclusion.  The  "  Pope's 
man"  was  elected  by  a  majority  of  15 13,  which  was 
almost  exactly  reproduced  at  the  general  election.  Mr. 
W.  Redmond,  M.P.,  after  the  declaration  of  the  poll, 
stated  at  Cork  : — 

"They  were  beaten  because  their  priests  left  their 
churches  and  their  own  business  to  enter  into  politics 
and  bulldoze  the  electors  of  Cork.  They  opposed 
Parnell  because  of  what  they  called  his  moral  crime. 
There  was  no  moral  crime  against  his  (Mr.  Redmond's) 
brother  or  himself,  and  he  said  while  as  Catholics  they 
respected  the  priests,  and  were  ready  to  defend  them, 
they  said  that  in  political  matters  they  had  no  right 
to  dictate  to  the  people  how  they  should  vote.  If  they 
allowed  dictation  from  the  priests,  the  people  of  England 
would  never  give  them  Home  Rule."  * 

Mr.  John  Redmond  turned  the  tables  upon  the 
clerical  interest  shortly  after  in  Waterford,  where 
Mr.  Davitt  performed  the  never-to-be-forgotten  feat  of 

*  Cork  Cotistitution,  Nov.  9th,  1891. 


96  THE   PRIEST   IN    POLITICS. 

refusing  to  stand  until  he  was  knocked  down.  The 
contest  was  an  exceedingly  bitter  one ;  but  in  spite  of 
every  form  of  clerical  persuasion  and  intimidation,  the 
Parnellite  leader  obtained  a  majority  of  546,  which  was, 
however,  somewhat  reduced  at  the  general  election. 


CHAPTER    IX. 

THE   GENERAL  ELECTION,  1892. 

WE  have  now  traced  the  issue  of  the  clerical 
conspiracy  since  1885.  The  climax  came  in 
1892  at  the  general  election,  when  the  whole  force  of 
the  Roman  Catholic  hierarchy  was  mobilised  and  used 
as  an  overwhelming  campaign  force  in  every  parish 
in  Ireland.  At  the  Cork  election,  in  July  1892,  the 
Roman  Catholic  priesthood  went  to  work  in  a  business- 
like manner  to  carry  the  "  Pope's  men,"  as  they  were 
called— viz.,  Mr.  William  O'Brien,  M.P,,  and  Mr.  M. 
Healy,  M.P.  Mr.  W.  Redmond,  M.P.,  and  Mr.  Hogan 
were  the  Parnellite  candidates.  The  plan  of  campaign 
was  simple,  but  effective,  and  consisted  in  declarations 
by  the  priests  that  it  was  a  sin  to  stand  by  Mr.  Parnell's 
teachings,  and  a  "  mortal  sin  of  the  deepest  dye  "  to 
vote  for  Mr.  Parnell's  Independent  party. 

A  Crime   to  Vote  Against   the  Priests'  Candidate. 

The  leader  of  the  new  crusade,  the  modern  Peter  the 
Hermit,  was  Canon  O'Mahony,  whose  conduct  at  the 
bye-election  has  come  already  under  review.  His 
declaration  of  principles  deserves  to  be  set  down  in  full. 

97  ,         7 


98  THE   PRIEST    IN    POLITICS. 

Speaking  at  a  public  meeting  in  the  Old  Market  Place, 
Cork,  on  June  27th,  1892,  in  presence  of  Mr.  William 
O'Brien  and  Mr.  M.  Healy,  he  said  :— 

"  The  question  is  not  whether  one  political  system 
shall  prevail  over  another,  for  the  Factionists  have  no 
fixed  political  system — you  might  as  well  talk  of  the 
fixed  colour  of  the  chameleon.     The  question  is  whether 
a    source   of  blackguardism    and  demoralisation  is  to 
continue   in    our   midst,    or   be    crushed    out   by   the 
indignation    of  conscientious   men.     I    say,    therefore, 
that   it   is  a  crime  against  the  law  of  God,  a   crime 
against  conscience,  to  vote  for  Factionism,  or  to  give  it 
any  support  whatever.     This  is  not  my  opinion ;  it  is 
not  merely  that  of  the  other  clergymen  in  this  city ;  but 
is  the  opinion  of  the  bishop  of  this  diocese,  who  feels 
the  deepest  anxiety  to  see  such  a  source  of  demoralisa- 
tion existing,  which  is  sapping  the  foundations  of  re- 
ligion and  morality  in  the  minds  of  the  young.     Now, 
I  am  glad   to   say  that,  if  there  are  any  unfortunate 
persons  in  this    city  who  don't   realise   it,  it  is  very 
well  realised    throughout   this   great   county  of  Cork. 
Speaking  to  the  delegates  from  the  different  parts  of 
the  county  at  the  late  county  convention,  I   am  glad 
to    see  that  everywhere  the  greatest    indignation   and 
abhorrence  are  evinced  against  the  leaders  of  faction  in 
this  city,  and  against  every  one  who  identified  himself 
with  it,  even  to  the  extent  of  signing  their  nomination 
papers  on  the  last  election  occasion."  * 

*   Cork  Herald,  June  28th,    1892. 


^ 


THE   GENERAL   ELECTION,    1 892.  99 

A  Mortal  Sin  to  Vote  for  Redmond. 

Again,  speaking  on  July  5th,  in  Cork,  on  the  Grand 
Parade,  referring  to  an  attack  made  upon  Mr.  William 
O'Brien,  Canon  O'Mahony  said  : — 

"  In  view  of  this  further  development  of  Parnellism, 
I  wonder  is  there  any  one  in  this  city  who  thinks  that 
it  was  going  too  far  to  say  it  was  a  crime,  a  sin,  a 
mortal  sin  of  the  deepest  dye,  to  vote  for  them  or  to 
support  them  in  any  way  ?  I  am  sure  if  any  of  you  were 
to  be  so  misguided  as  to  vote  for  those,  or  even  to  fail 
in  doing  your  utmost  against  them,  you  would  look 
back  upon  your  action  or  omission  with  sentiments  of 
the  deepest  remorse  hereafter.  In  the  first  place,  we 
must  hold  responsible  for  this  crime  all  those  who 
signed  the  nomination  papers  of  John  Redmond  last 
November,  all  those  who  canvassed  for  him,  and  all 
those  who  voted  for  him,  for  even  there  the  evil  cha- 
racter of  this  Parnellism  was  evident  to  any  reflecting 
man.  It  had  perpetrated  deeds  which  ought  to  make 
any  man  see  its  immoral  nature.  It  had  shown  itself 
to  be  a  bad  tree  that  could  only  bring  forth  bad  fruit. 
But  whatever  was  the  responsibility  of  those  who,  by 
their  action  last  November,  helped  to  perpetuate  and 
give  life  to  this  infamous  cause,  still  greater  is  the  re- 
sponsibiHty  of  the  men  who,  with  the  knowledge  of  what 
Parnellism  has  done  since,  deliberately  again  resolved 
that  they  would  publicly  affix  their  names  to  the  nomi- 
nation papers,  canvass  for  them,  and  vote."  * 
*  Cork  Herald,  July  6th,  1892. 


lOO  THE    PRIEST   IN    POLITICS. 

Ax  Eye-opening  Correspondence  between  Priest 
AND  Politician. 

Out  of  these  speeches  an  interesting  correspondence 
arose  between  Canon  O'Mahony  and  Mr.  W.  Redmond, 
the  Parnellite  candidate.  Mr.  W.  Redmond  declared 
that  the  Canon's  statement  must  have  an  enormous 
effect  upon  the  minds  of  hundreds  of  poor  and  iUiterate 
people  who  are  deeply  devoted  to  their  religion. 

"  There  is  no  use,"  he  said,  "  in  conceaHng  the  fact 
that  if  language  of  this  kind  is  used  by  gentlemen  in 
the  position  of  Canon  O'Mahony,  there  is  an  absolute 
end  to  freedom  of  conscience  in  political  matters."  * 

Writing  to  Canon  O'Mahony,  Mr.  Redmond  put  the 
following  categorical  questions  : — 

"  Does  the  Catholic  Church  forbid,  or  does  it  not,  the 
Catholic  people  of  Ireland  to  support  the  Independent 
parliamentary  party  ?  " 

"  Does  the  Catholic  Church  forbid  •  its  members  to 
vote  for  Independent  candidates  ?  " 

"  Could  any  confessor  refuse  absolution,  for  this 
reason  only,  to  a  penitent  who  told  him  he  had  made 
up  his  mind  to  vote  for  the  Independent  candidate  ?  "  f 

The  following,  after  much  fencing,  is  Canon 
O'Mahony's  reply,  addressed  to  the  Cork  Examiner : — 

"  Mr.  Redmond,  having  complained  strongly  in  a 
former  letter  that  I  stated  that  *  to  support  the  Par- 

*  Cork  Exatmner,  July  4th,  L892. 

t  For  full  text  see  Dublin  Inde;pendent,  July  26th,  1892. 


THE   GENERAL   ELECTION,    1 892.  lOI 

nellite  party  was  a  crime  against  the  law  of  God/  at 
the  close  of  the  same  letter  asked  me  did  I  mean  to 
say  it  was  a  sin.  I  really  thought  I  might  be  excused 
from  the  trouble  of  gravely  informing  him  that  a  crime 
was  a  sin.  He  also  asked  whether  it  was  forbidden 
by  the  Church,  and  would  involve  exclusion  from  the 
Sacraments.  Without  crediting  him  with  any  remark- 
able reasoning  power,  I  did  expect  that  he  would 
be  able  to  make  a  very  obvious  inference  without 
assistance.  Surely  he  cannot  have  succeeded  in 
persuading  himself  that  any  one  prepared  to  support 
the  programme  of  violence  with  which  factionism  has 
been  hitherto  identified,  and  which  Mr.  Harrington 
officially  recommended  about  a  month  ago,  is  in  a  fit 
state  to  receive  the  Sacraments  of  the  Church."  * 

Now,  although  it  may  suit  Mr.  Redmond  to  say,  as 
he  did,  that  his  antagonist  ran  away  from  his  guns, 
no  one  who  reads  Canon  O'Mahony's  reply  can  fail  to 
see  that  he  reasserts  his  assertion  that  it  is  a  sin  to 
vote  for  Mr.  W.  Redmond's  supporters,  and,  further, 
that  any  one  who  did  so  was  in  an  unfit  state  to  receive 
the  Sacraments  of  the  Church.  Let  him  then  be 
Anathema — is  the  logical  and  necessary  conclusion. 
The  result  of  the  poll  sufficiently  proves  that  the  vast 
majority  of  the  Cork  electors  believed  this  to  be  the 
upshot  of  the  canon's  oratory,  for  in  the  city  which 
elected  Mr.  Parnell  unopposed  in  1886  his  followers 
were  defeated  by  a  majority  of  1573. 

*  Cor^  Examiner,  June  29th,  1892. 


I02  THE   PRIEST   IN    POLITICS. 

Mr.  Corbet's  Farewell  to  Civil  Liberty. 

Well  did  Mr.  Corbet,  himself  a  Roman  Catholic,  and 
a  Parnellite  member  for  many  years,  express  himself 
after  his  defeat  in  his  farewell  adress  to  the  electors  of 
East  Wicklow  : — 

"  In  Ireland  the  Ballot  Act  and  the  extension  of 
the  franchise  have  not  secured  freedom  of  election. 
There  is  no  use  mincing  matters.  Under  episcopal 
and  clerical  influence  the  exercise  of  the  franchise  has 
become  a  mockery  and  a  farce  ;  and  unless  a  rescript 
from  Rome,  or,  failing  that,  an  Act  of  Parliament  from 
Westminster,  puts  a  stop  to  the  personal  interference 
of  priests  at  elections,  save  as  regards  the  exercise  of 
their  own  legitimate  civil  rights,  Mr.  Speaker  might 
just  as  zuc/l  issue  his  writs  to  the  Roman  Catholic 
archbishops  and  bishops  of  Ireland  instead  of  to  the 
high  sheriffs,  and  the  franchise  might  as  well  be 
confined  to  the  clergy  themselves."  * 

A  Present  to  a  Priest  of  Five  Hundred  Votes. 

Mr.  John  O'Connor  was  defeated  at  the  general 
election  in  South  Tipperary  by  Mr.  Mandeville,  M.P., 
and  his  defeat  demonstrates  the  truth  of  a  proposition 
freely  advanced  in  that  division  during  the  contest, 
that  if  a  broomstick  were  nominated  by  the  Roman 
Catholic  priesthood  it  would  sweep  any  division  in 
Ireland.     Mr.  John  O'Connor  himself  gave  a  graphic 

*  Cork  Examiner,  July  5th,  1S92. 


THE   GENERAL    ELECTION,    1 892.  IO3 

description  of  the  way  in  which  the  priesthood  worked 
against  him.  "  I  find,"  he  said,  "  that  in  those  districts 
where  the  priests  of  the  parish  allowed  the  people  to 
vote  according  to  their  consciences  I  have  a  majority. 
But  in  Ardfinan  and  Tipperary  they  have  delivered 
speeches  from  the  pulpit  calling  upon  the  people  under 
pains  and  penalties  to  vote  against  me.  One  priest — 
Rev.  Mr,  O'Dwyer,  of  Solehead — came  in  here  and  said 
to  my  opponent,  '  Here  are  five  hundred  votes  for 
you.'  He  makes  a  present  of  them  to  my  opponent, 
just  as  he  would  pass  over  any  property,  such  as  a  lot 
of  sheep,  from  one  person  to  another.  ...  If  we  do 
not  stand  together  and  organise,  it  would  be  just  as 
well  to  abandon  all  representation,  to  give  up  the  sham 
and  mockery,  and  hand  over  an  emasculated  Ireland 
to  the  bishops  and  priests  of  the  country.  Let  us 
abandon  our  votes,  and  let  us  ask  the  bishops  and 
priesthood  of  Ireland  to  nominate  a  certain  number  of 
members  according  to  their  right,  and  return  them  to 
Parliament." 

Organised  Intimidation  of  Independent  Opinion. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  National  League  in  Dublin  on 
July  27th,  1892,  Mr.  W.  Redmond  declared  that  he 
did  not  see  the  slightest  difference  between  a  resi- 
dent magistrate  of  Mr.  Balfour  coming  to  an  election 
meeting  with  fifty  or  one  hundred  police  to  charge 
and  break  the  people's  heads — he  did  not  see  the 
sHghtest    difference  between    that  and    the  actions  of 


I04  THE   PRIEST  IN    POLITICS. 

the  priests  who  came,  not  with  policemen,  but  with 
two  or  three  hundred  organised  men  with  sticks  in 
their  hands  and  stones  in  their  pockets  to  break  up 
their  meetings,  to  put  down  free  speech  and  inflict 
summary  punishment  upon  the  head  of  any  unfortu- 
nate man  who  dared  to  hold  an  independent  opinion, 
or  intended  to  vote  for  an  Independent  candidate.  If 
there  was  a  difference  at  all,  it  was  altogether  in  favour 
of  the  resident  magistrate  and  the  police ;  but  to  see 
priests  in  different  parts  of  Ireland  leaving  the  con- 
fessionals and  leading  mobs  of  people,  knocking  down 
old  men,  stating  that  it  was  sinful  to  vote  for  an 
Independent  candidate,  and  insinuating  that  people  who 
so  voted  could  not  be  attended  in  their  dying  moments 
— such  a  state  of  affairs,  in  his  opinion,  called  for  more 
prompt  action  upon  their  part  than  even  the  abolition 
of  Castle  rule  in  Ireland.* 

A  Priest  Knocks  Down  Colonel  Nolan,  M.P. 

During  the  North  Galway  election  in  July  1892,  the 
contest  between  Colonel  Nolan,  M.P.,  the  ParnelUte 
candidate,  and  the  priests'  nominee,  Dr.  Tanner,  was 
marked  by  much  violence  and  rioting,  in  which  the 
clergy  took  a  prominent  part.  Rev.  Michael  Heaney 
was  summoned  in  the  following  August  by  the 
constabulary  to  answer  a  charge  of  aggravated  and 
unprovoked  attack  upon  Colonel  Nolan  in  the  streets 

*  Dublin  Mail,  August  12th,  1892. 


THE   GENERAL   ELECTION,    1 892.  105 

of  Headford  on  July  1st,  when  the  latter  was  carrying 
on  his  canvass  for  the  representation  of  the  division. 
On  that  occasion  Rev.  Mr.  Heaney,  without  any  warn- 
ing, came  up  to  the  colonel,  and  felled  him  to  the 
ground  with  a  fierce  blow  of  a  stick.  The  candidate 
was  covered  with  blood,  and  had  to  retire  to  the  house 
of  a  supporter  to  have  his  wounds  dressed.  Colonel 
Nolan  refused  to  prosecute,  but  the  police  authorities 
were  obliged  to  take  note  of  the  peculiar  conceptions 
entertained  by  Rev.  Mr.  Heaney  on  political  amenities. 
There  was  practically  no  defence.  The  pacific  repre- 
sentative of  the  Pope  in  Ireland  admitted  the  charge, 
and  the  bench  leniently  decided  to  allow  the  defendant 
out  on  his  own  bail  of  ;^S0,  to  come  up  for  judgment 
when  called  upon. 

Leading  a  Storming  Party. 

Another  priest,  Rev.  Mark  Eagleton,  was  sent  for 
trial  on  August  nth,  together  with  eight  laymen,  on 
a  charge  of  having  engaged  in  a  riot  in  the  town  of 
Tuam  on  June  29th,  1892.  A  platform,  it  seems,  had 
been  erected  in  the  town  for  the  purposes  of  one  of 
the  two  rival  factions,  who  entered  into  a  quarrel  for 
its  possession  and  use.  Evidence  was  given  to  show 
that  Dr.  Tanner,  M.P.,  and  Rev.  Mr.  Eagleton  led  a 
storming  party,  and  captured  the  platform. 

Acting-Sergeant  Wm.  M'Auley,  in  reply  to  Mr. 
Blake,  deposed  that  he  saw  Rev.  Mr.  Eagleton  coming 
from  the  direction   of  the  brake  waving  an  umbrella 


I06  THE   PRIEST   IN    POLITICS. 

over  his  head,  and  calling  on  the  party  behind  him  to 
come  on  and  take  the  platform.  The  crowd  then 
rushed  over,  and  a  free  fight  took  place.  He  saw  Rev. 
Mr.  Eagleton  striking  some  person  on  the  platform 
with  an  umbrella,  and  he  afterwards  saw  Rev.  Mr. 
Eagleton  bleeding. 

Mr.  James  M 'Clean,  a  resident  magistrate,  on  duty 
during  the  election,  swore  that  he  read  the  Riot  Act, 
and  endeavoured  to  put  an  end  to  the  tumult.  When 
he  rushed  in,  they  were  using  sticks  and  umbrellas 
all  round.  He  added  that  Rev.  Mr.  Eagleton  put  an 
old  hat  on  the  top  of  an  umbrella  and  waved  it  over 
his  head,  and  shouted,  "  The  hat  my  father  wore." 
He  continued  to  do  this,  although  witness  asked  him 
to  restrain  himself. 

Rev.  Mr.  Heaney,  whose  assault  upon  Colonel 
Nolan  has  been  described,  also  joined  in  the  free  fight, 
and  fell  fighting  gloriously  for  "  faith  and  fatherland." 

"  Wl  will  Crush  you  when  we  Get  the  Power." 

An  extraordinary  speech  was  delivered  on  July 
29th,  1892,  by  Rev.  Father  Behan  at  an  anti- 
Parnellite  meeting  in  St.  Stephen's  Green,  Dublin. 
After  several  attempts  to  obtain  a  hearing,  the  speaker, 
who  was  repeatedly  interrupted  by  the  Parnellites,  re- 
minded them  that,  nineteen  hundred  years  ago,  a  man 
named  Herod,  whose  blasphemous  followers  declared 
his  voice  to  be  the  voice  of  God,  was  struck  dead.  To- 
day Parnell  was  constantly  flung  in  their  faces.     This 


THE  GENERAL   ELECTION,    1 892.  IO7 

man,  whose  memory  he  detested,  had  been  a  curse ; 
but  God  had  thrust  him  down  into  the  grave,  and 
there  his  bones  were  rotting  and  his  flesh  putrid. 
(Loud  groans  and  exclamations.)  "  I  sa}',  you  ruffians, 
I  would  not  have  made  that  statement  but  for  your 
interruptions."  (Further  interruptions.)  The  speaker 
continued  saying  the  Parnellites  were  men  who  did 
homage  to  lasciviousness.  Every  man  who  liked  a 
loose  life,  every  drunkard,  every  man  who  beat  his 
wife — these  were  Parnellites.  Every  virtuous  man  was 
on  the  Federation  side.  Though  they  might  fail  in 
that  contest,  yet  they  would,  win  all  over  the  country. 
The  reverend  gentleman  went  on  to  say,  amid  loud 
hisses,  "When  we  are  your  masters,  we  will  crush  you 
when  we  get  the  power."  The  interruptions  continued, 
and  the  speaker  appealed  to  his  friends  near  the  plat- 
form to  throw  the  Parnellites  out ;  but  as  they  did  not 
venture  to  do  so,  he  said  he  would  call  in  the  police 
and  have  them  bludgeoned.* 

Squeezing  Out  Subscriptions. 

It  is  manifest,  indeed,  that  the  judgments  delivered 
in  the  Meath  election  petitions  have  not  had  the  effect 
of  putting  an  end  to  clerical  intimidation.  Owing  to 
the  partial  failure  of  the  Evicted  Tenants'  Fund,  the 
parish  priests  have  in  innumerable  instances  thrown 
themselves  into  the  work  of  collecting  for  the  fund, 
and  when  they  are  refused  they  are  not  sparing  of 
*  Daily  Express,  July  30th,  1892. 


I08  THE   PRIEST   IN    POLITICS. 

their  threats.  In  a  West  Cork  parish  the  priest  at  the 
conclusion  of  Mass  referred  to  one  of  his  parishioners 
— a  respectable  and  well-to-do  shopkeeper — as  a  "  low 
ruffian  and  a  blackguard,"  because  of  his  refusal  to 
contribute.  This  shopkeeper  is  a  prominent  Parnellite, 
and  he  grounded  his  refusal  upon  the  fact  that  the 
money  collected  was  not  being  impartially  administered, 
and  that  evicted  tenants  holding  his  own  political 
views  were  denied  the  relief  which  had  been  promised 
to  them,  and  which  they  had  a  right  to  expect.  The 
priest  further  asked  the  congregation  to  take  notice 
how  the  man  would  go  into  his  coffin.  He  also  ex- 
pressed his  astonishment  that  anybody  who  had  such 
a  shop  as  that  owned  by  the  parishioner  in  question 
had  declared  to  oppose  his  will  and  to  refuse  him  a 
subscription.* 

Undoubtedly  the  influence  possessed  by  the  priest 
upon  the  women  of  Ireland  was  used  to  the  utmost. 
The  following  letter  was  received  by  Mrs.  White,  of 
Clara,  in  theTullamore  Division  of  King's  County,  from 
her  parish  priest  : — 

"The  PRESB-iTERY,  Clara, 

"July  2S,th,  1 89 1. 

"Dear  Mrs.  White, — Your  name  appears  in  this 
morning's  Freeman's  Journal  among  the  names  of  those 
who  graced  the  Parnellite  Convention  yesterday  by 
their  presence  on  the  balcony.  Having  appointed  you 
to  the  high  office  of  president  of  the  Sacred  Heart 
*  Times,  Jan.  14th,  1893. 


THE   GENERAL   ELECTION,    1 892.  109 

Sodality  in  this  parish,  I  deem  it  my  painful  duty  to 
inquire — (i)  if  this  report  be  correct;  and  (2),  if  it  is, 
what  course  you  purpose  to  pursue  in  regard  of  that 
office.  Unless  your  former  high  sense  of  propriety 
and  religion  has  departed,  you  must  readily  perceive 
the  impossibility  of  maintaining  at  the  head  of  a  religious 
sodality  a  lady  who  could  champion  Mr.  Parnell  in 
the  face  of  all  his  abominations  and  in  opposition 
to  the  solemn  condemnation  of  the  Episcopate  of  the 
Irish  Church.  I  have  hitherto  refused,  in  the  absence 
of  any  overt  act,  to  believe  in  your  sympathy  with  the 
cause  of  that  degraded  man,  but  my  duty  is  now 
peremptory  in  the  supposition  of  your  presence  at 
the  Convention. 

"  I  am  faithfully  yours, 

"  Matthew  Gaffney.* 

"  Mrs.  p.  J.  White," 

In  the  Thurles  Division,  where  Mr.  Harrison  was 
defeated,  Mr.  Parnell  himself  took  part  in  the  contest, 
but  to  no  avail.  The  Times  correspondent  thus 
described  the  scene  on  August  2nd  : — 

"The  most  desperate  efforts  were  made  by  the  clerical 
party  to  influence  to-day's  gathering.  Counter-demon- 
strations were  threatened,  and  Mr.  Parnell  was  warned 
not  to  insult  his  Grace  of  Cashel  by  appearing  at  the 
palace  gates.  From  the  altar,  in  the  streets,  and  at 
the  homes  of  the  people  the  clergy  gave  directions  and 

*  Freeviari s  Joicrnal ,  July  28th,  1892. 


I  10  THE   PRIEST   IN    POLITICS. 

advice,  but  apparently  with  little  avail,  for  the  people 
assembled  to  the  extent  of  some  thousands,  and  cheered 
Mr.  Parnell  as  heartily  as  if  he  were  an  honoured  son 
of  the  Church.  Some  hundreds  of  children  attending 
a  convent  school  in  the  town  have,  it  is  stated,  by  the 
direction  of  the  priests,  for  several  days  knelt  in  prayer  to 
ask  Providence  to  interpose  some  obstacle  to  Mr.  ParnclVs 
visit  to  Thnrles.^'  * 

"  Are  we  Fit  for  Home  Rule  ?  " 

With  such  scenes  occurring  in  Ireland,  is  it  any 
wonder  that  Home  Rule  is  dreaded  by  the  Irish 
Protestants  ?  Archbishop  Croke  himself  uttered  a  cry 
of  despair  before  the  general  election  which  is  worth  re- 
membering and  noting  to-day.  Speaking  at  Hospital, 
County  Limerick,  on  May  25th,  1892,  he  said:  "I  am 
greatly  afraid  that  I  shall  never  see  a  parliament  on 
College  Green.  I  am  greatly  afraid  the  cause  is  lost. 
Are  we  really  fit  for  Home  Rule,  and  do  we  deserve 
it  ?  Within  the  last  four  months  I  have  heard  several 
staunch  and  intelligent  Irishmen  say  that,  considering 
all  that  has  occurred  in  our  midst  since  the  revelations 
in  the  London  Divorce  Court,  and  the  strange  turn 
that  some  of  the  Irish  party  and  a  certain  section  of 
our  people  have  taken,  preferring  the  interest  of  one 
man  to  the  cause  of  their  country,  we  have  given 
both  friends  and  foes  reason  to  believe  that  we  are  at 
present  utterly  unfit  for  Home  Rule." 

'  August  3rd,   1892. 


THE   GENERAL   ELECTION,    1 892.  Ill 

Yes,  friends  and  foes  are  beginning  to  see  that 
Home  Rule  is  out  of  the  question.  It  may  perhaps 
come  within  "  the  range  of  practical  politics "  in  the 
twentieth  century,  but  now  it  has  receded  again  into 
the  "  dim  and  distant  future." 


I 


CHAPTER    X. 

THE    SOUTH   MEATH   ELECTION,    1892. 

THE  undue  influence  of  the  Irish  priest  in  politics 
reached  its  chmax  in  the  Meath  elections  of  1892. 
"  Royal "  Meath  had  for  years  been  noted  as  a  con- 
stituency addicted  to  extreme  views  and  to  returning 
advanced  Nationalist  members.  It  was  the  first  con- 
stituency represented  in  Parliament  by  Mr.  Parnell,  and 
he  had  been  preceded  in  the  representation  by  other 
Irish  parliamentary  celebrities.  Moreover,  the  chances 
of  success  in  County  Meath  were  well  balanced.  Both 
the  clerical  party  and  the  Parnellite  party  had  a  large 
following,  and  it  was  evident  that  whichever  side  won 
would  achieve  a  great  moral  victory.  The  candidates 
for  South  Meath  were  Mr.  Fullam,  the  nominee  of 
the  priest,  a  gentleman  hitherto  absolutely  unknown 
to  fame,  and  Mr.  J.  J.  Dalton,  formerly  member  for 
West  Donegal,  and  a  returned  Australian.  The  candi- 
dates for  North  Meath  were  Mr.  Davitt  (Anti-Parnel- 
lite)  and  Mr.  Pierce  Mahony  (Parnellite). 

A  Clerical  Caucus. 
The    campaign     against    the    Parnellite    candidates 

commenced   on   June   ist,    1892,    when    a   convention 

112 


THE   SOUTH   MEATH    ELECTION,    1 892.  II3 

was  held  in  Trim  to  adopt  clerical  candidates.  The 
laity  attended,  but  only  to  receive  orders.  The  promi- 
nent part  of  the  organisation  fell  to  the  superior  station, 
influence,  ability,  antecedents,  and  traditions  of  the 
priesthood.  From  the  first  moment  the  clergy  threw 
themselves  into  the  contest  with  all  the  overwhelming 
power,  organisation,  and  discipline  of  their  order,  and 
with  the  zeal  of  men  who  could  be  reckoned  upon  to 
have  no  fear  from  popular  insult  or  violence.  These  are 
the  very  words  of  Judge  O'Brien  in  his  judgment  on 
the  election  petition  in  which  he  described  the  political 
action  of  the  priesthood  of  his  own  denomination. 
"  The  Church,"  he  went  on,  "  became  converted  for  the 
time  being  into  a  vast  political  agency,  a  great  moral 
machine,  moving  with  resistless  influence,  united  action, 
and  single  will.  Every  priest  was  a  canvasser ;  the 
canvass  was  everywhere — on  the  altar,  in  the  vestry, 
on  the  roads,  in  the  houses.  There  was  no  place  left 
for  evasion,  excuse,  affected  ignorance,  weakness,  or 
treachery.  Of  the  ten  polling-places,  there  was  but 
one  in  which  there  was  not  a  priest  as  agent  and  per- 
sonation agent,  with  or  without  laymen.  ...  At  the 
counting  of  the  votes  there  were  seven  priests  named 
to  attend  on  behalf  of  Mr.  Fullam,  with  but  one  lay- 
man. Whether  or  not  their  presence  on  such  an 
occasion  could  have  any  influence,  Mr.  Fullam  had 
certainly  at  least  a  staff  of  expert  and  trained  logicians, 
who  were  more  than  a  match  for  his  opponent  on  the 
many   questions    that    arise    over    voting-papers,    and 

8 


114  THE   PRIEST   IN    POLITICS 

which   are   of    such    moment    in    case    of   a    narrow 
majority." 

The   Campaign   Against    Independent   Political 

Opinion. 

Such  was  Mr.  Fullam's  highly  equipped  army  of 
agents,  of  whom,  indeed,  the  Judge  remarked  that  they 
appeared  to  have  fulfilled  the  positions  of  principals, 
while  the  candidate  was  merely  their  agent. 

It  next  remains  to  be  seen  how  this  army  conducted 
its  campaign.  The  first  and  gravest  grounds  on  which 
the  validity  of  the  election  was  questioned  was  the 
celebrated  pastoral  letter  of  the  Most  Rev.  Dr.  Nulty, 
which  was  read  in  all  the  churches  of  the  County 
Meath  on  July  3rd,  1892.  This  document  was  the 
mainspring,  the  motor  muscle  of  the  whole  ecclesias- 
tical organisation  in  the  diocese.  It  set  forth,  to  use 
Judge  O'Brien's  words,  "  the  Divine  authority  of  the 
Church,  the  obligations  of  the  moral  law  which  Mr. 
Parnell  had  violated,  and  the  responsibility  of  those 
who  supported  Parnellism, — all  alike  with  great  power 
of  expression  and  moral  dignity  and  severity  calculated 
to  have  the  most  powerful  effect  on  the  community 
to  which  it  was  addressed.  Parnellism  was  alleged  to 
strike  at  the  root  and  sap  the  very  foundations  of 
the  Catholic  faith.  It  was  stated  to  have  been  declared 
unlawful  and  unholy  by  the  successors  of  the  Apostles, 
though  the  resolution  of  the  bishops,  which  was  the 
foundation  of  this   proposition,  related    solely  to    the 


THE  SOUTH   MEATH   ELECTION,    1 892.  II5 

question  of  political  leadership.  Those  who  refused 
to  accept  that  proposition  on  the  assumed  authority 
of  the  Catholic  Hierarchy  were  pronounced  to  have 
deprived  themselves  of  every  reason  for  believing  in 
the  doctrines  of  a  revealed  religion,  which  all  rested 
upon  the  same  authority.  Invincible  ignorance,  that 
exception  which  identifies  the  condemned  doctrine  with 
heresy,  was  allowed  possibly  to  excuse  misguided  men 
and  women,  for  it  was  laid  down  authoritatively  that 
no  intelligent  or  well-informed  person  could  remain  a 
Catholic  and  continue  to  cling  to  Parnellism." 

The  Bishop's  Thunder. 

"The  bishop  preached  twice  on  June  29th  in 
Trim.  In  one  discourse,  according  to  the  evidence,  he 
alluded  to  the  crisis  in  the  coming  election,  and  said 
that  Parnellism  was  nothing  but  a  heresy,  and  that  he 
would  approach  the  death-bed  of  the  heretic  and  the 
profligate  with  greater  confidence  as  to  his  salvation 
than  that  of  a  Parnellite,  and  he  added  an  expression 
which,  in  the  silence  of  the  printed  reports,  I  would 
not,"  said  Judge  O'Brien,  "  have  trusted  my  own  note  to 
quote  until  after  comparing  it  with  the  official 'report, 
in  reference  to  women  who  sympathise  with  Parnellism. 
In  the  other  discourse  on  the  same  day  he  said  that 
Parnelhsm  was  moral  ruin,  that  it  was  improper  and 
unholy,  that  Parnellites  were  losing  the  faith  and  be- 
coming heretics ;  he  also  declared,  following  the  same 
line  as  the  pastoral,  if  the  people  did  not  believe  him 


Il6  THE   PRIEST   IN    POLITICS. 

on  the  doctrine  of  Parnellism,  how  could  they  believe 
him  on  such  questions  as  Confession  and  Communion  ?  " 

"The  Shadow  of  Sin." 

Such  was  the  line  of  attack  inaugurated  by  the 
bishop  of  the  diocese.  The  leading  idea  was  that  the 
particular  form  of  political  opinion  known  as  Parnellism 
was  sinful,  and  that  it  was  a  matter  of  eternal  damna- 
tion or  salvation  which  was  in  question.  The  priest- 
hood developed  the  idea  with  fidelity  and  distinctness — 
carried  it  out  and  demonstrated  it  in  every  possible  way. 
"  The  shadow  of  sin  was  over  the  whole  contest " — as 
the  judge  declared  in  the  summing  up  of  the  effect  of  the 
bishop's  pastoral  letter.  The  pulpit  and  the  altar  were 
used  everywhere  as  a  means  of  spiritual  intimidation. 
"  In  no  other  place  on  the  earth,"  said  one  of  the 
Roman  Catholic  counsel  for  the  petitioner,  "  in  Pagan 
or  Christian  times,  was  there  anything  resembling  or 
approaching  the  power  and  influence  which  a  Catholic 
priest  standing  on  the  altar  had,  and  he  should  shrink 
from  abusing  it."  Such  considerations  never  weighed 
for  one  moment  with  the  Meath  priesthood.  On  the 
contrary,  many  of  them,  using  the  influence  of  and 
backed  by  the  altar,  using  the  presence  of  the  Host 
and  the  administration  of  the  Sacrament,  adjured  their 
congregations  to  vote  for  Fullam.  What  humble 
Catholic  Irishman  could  withstand  such  powerful, 
tremendous,  supernatural  influence?  "I  think,"  said 
counsel,    ''  it  is  more  powerful  during  the   Mass,  and 


THE   SOUTH   MEATH    ELECTION,    1 892.  WJ 

a  more  illegitimate  exercise  of  such  influence  than  if  it 
were  spoken  at  Vespers  or  at  any  other  service,  and 
that  it  is  more  effective  when  delivered  from  the  altar 
than  from  the  pulpit.  It  is  perhaps  only  the  Catholic 
who  can  comprehend  the  sanctity  that  surrounds  the 
priest  when  celebrating  the  'awful  sacrifice  of  Mass/ 
and  who  has  just  given  Communion  to  the  people. 
It  is  irresistible  to  simple,  trusting,  and  believing 
minds." 

Space  precludes  the  possibility  of  going  at  any  length 
into  the  evidence  which  was  given  to  show  the  utterly 
outrageous  conduct  of  the. priests  in  these  Meath  .elec- 
tions. All  that  is  necessary  is  to  give  an  outline  of 
the  manner  in  which  the  campaign  determined  upon 
by  the  bishop  was  carried  out  by  his  clergy.  No 
attempt  will  be  made  to  dress  up  the  facts  with 
rhetorical  embellishment.  They  are  given  simply  as 
they  were  sworn  to  in  the  witness-box. 

"Fire  to  their  Toes  and  Heels." 

Father  O'Connell  dehvered  a  sermon  about  which 
several  witnesses  gave  evidence.  After  saying  that 
he  would  meet  those  of  his  congregation  who  would 
not  go  to  one  of  Mr.  Fullam's  meetings  "  on  the  road, 
at  their  houses,  outside  the  chapel,  and  at  the  rails, 
and  put  fire  to  their  toes  and  heels,"  he  made  some 
remark  about  the  Parnellites  going  to  the  altar  and 
committing  sacrilege,  called  them  anti-Catholics  and 
heretics,  said  their  conduct  was  savagery,  and  added 


Il8  THE   PRIEST   IN    POLITICS. 

that  he  had  never  3^et  been  put  down,  and  he  would 
not  be  put  down   now. 

A  Sin  to  be  a  Parnellite. 
John  Rogers,  of  Piercetown,  deposed  that  on 
June  29th  he  heard  Father  Fitzsimmons  preach  at 
Ardhill  Castle,  Mr.  Dalton,  the  petitioner,  being  present. 
The  preacher  took  for  his  text,  "Thou  art  Peter,  and 
upon  this  rock  will  I  build  My  Church,"  and  went  on 
to  say  that  the  enemy  was  amongst  them.  He  then 
said  something  about  private  judgment,  and  that  the 
Church  had  survived  attacks  from  without,  and  would 
survive  the  attacks  from  within.  Subsequently  he  met 
Father  Davis,  who  said  he  was  a  Parnellite,  and  that 
he  would  have  to  give  it  up.  Witness  asked  him  was 
it  a  sin  to  be  a  Parnellite,  and  Father  Davis  said  it 
was,  and  that  if  he  did  not  follow  the  bishop  in  that 
matter  he  could  not  follow  him  in  anything  else. 

"  In  the  Name  of  God." 

Richard  Macintosh  stated  that  on  the  Sunday  before 
the  election,  at  Ardcath,  Father  Carey,  during  Mass, 
produced  a  ballot-paper,  and  asked  the  people  "  In 
the  name  of  God  to  put  the  cross  opposite  the  name 
of  Fullam." 

The  Right  of  the  Church. 

Robert  J.  Heany,  of  Duleek,  deposed  to  having  had 
a  conversation  about  the  election  with  Father  Guillick, 
who    said    that,    according    to    Dr.    Reilly's    book,   the 


THE   SOUTH    MEATH    ELECTION,    1892.  II9 

Church  had  a  right  to  ask  the  people  to  vote  on  certain 
occasions  in  a  certain  way. 

Clerical  Obstruction  at  the  Poll. 

Anthony  Grogan,  of  Longwood,  gave  evidence  of 
being  deprived  of  his  vote.  Father  Shaw  was  in  the 
poHing-booth  when  he  came  up  to  vote.  As  the  name 
on  the  register  was  Anthony  Geoghegan,  Father  Shaw 
objected  to  his  being  allowed  to  vote,  and  witness  went 
away.  He  returned  twice  subsequently,  and  on  the 
last  occasion,  which  was  about  half-past  seven,  he  was 
asked  to  take  an  oath  that  he  was  the  person  described 
in  the  register.  He  consented  to  do  so ;  but  Father 
Shaw  had  a  conversation  with  the  presiding  officer, 
and  he  was  kept  there  till  after  the  poll  was  closed. 

A  Group  of  Startling  Utterances. 

Patrick  Byrne  stated  that  Father  Fay  said  he  would 
treat  the  Parnellites  like  beasts  in  the  Zoological 
Gardens.  He  also  called  them  followers  of  Garibaldi. 
Thomas  Dorby  stated  that  he  told  Father  M'Donnell 
he  should  vote  for  Dalton,  and  the  priest  said  he 
would  go  to  hell. 

Christopher  Brogan  deposed  that  the  chapel  gates 
were  closed  against  Parnellites  during  Mass  at  Clonard 
on  July  loth.  The  witness  asked  Sheridan,  who  had 
charge  of  the  gate,  what  they  had  done  to  be  kept 
out  of  Mass,  and  he  was  told  to  go  to  Roper,  the 
Protestant  clergyman.     He   tried  to  get  in  a  second 


I20  THE   PRIEST   IN    POLITICS. 

time,  but  was  refused.  On  the  previous  Sunday  he 
heard  Rev.  Michael  Woods  read  the  bishop's  pastoral. 
Thomas  Murray,  a  farmer,  heard  Father  Richard 
M'Donnell  preach  at  Kill  Chapel  on  July  3rd.  After 
having  read  the  pastoral,  the  preacher  described  the 
vi^itness  and  others  who  had  canvassed  for  Mr.  Dal  ton 
as  disreputable  individuals,  and  that  it  would  be  worse 
for  them  here  and  hereafter.  He  advised  the  con- 
gregation to  go  to  the  meeting  at  Longwood  and 
to  bring  blackthorn  sticks,  and  said  that  he  himself 
would  bring  one  to  defend  himself. 

Thom.as  Connor  swore  that  Father  Caller}^  at 
Rathfiegh  Chapel  referred  to  those  who  would  go  to 
a  Parnellite  meeting  at  Tara  as  adulterers. 

Thomas  M'lvor  and  James  Bennett  deposed  that 
before  the  election  Father  Carey,  during  Mass,  asked 
the  congregation  "  for  God's  sake  to  make  their  cross 
after  the  name  of  Fullam." 

John  Fry,  of  Moynalty,  stated  that  on  the  Sunday 
before  the  election  Father  Kelly,  during  a  sermon,  said 
the  question  was  a  religious  one,  and  he  hoped  that 
the  people  would  go  with  their  bishop.  After  the 
declaration  of  the  poll  the  witness  was  burnt  in 
effigy. 

Michael  Gaughran  heard  Father  M'Donnell  say  during 
Mass  that  the  time  had  come  when  nobody  could 
remain  a  Catholic  and  be  a  Parnellite.  Turning  round, 
the  priest  struck  the  altar  and  said  he  knew  who  would 
be  marked  men. 


THE   SOUTH    MEATH    ELECTION,    1 892.  121 

Thomas  Byrne,  farmer  and  shopkeeper,  deposed  that 
since  the  election  he  had  heard  Father  Brady  preach 
and  say  that  he  did  not  see  how  those  who  were 
"  going  against  him  "  or  "  mahgning  him  "  could  expect 
him  to  visit  them  or  administer  the  Sacraments  to 
them. 

Peter  Magrath,  a  reporter,  deposed  that  at  a  Federa- 
tion meeting  in  Drogheda  the  respondent  thanked  the 
priests  for  the  fight  which  they  had  made  for  him. 

A  Scene  at  a  Death-bed. 

John  Murtagh,  who  appeared  in  the  witness-box 
with  a  bandaged  hand,  stated  that  he  went  to  Father 
Fagan  in  Kildalkey  to  ask  him  to  attend  a  sick  woman 
at  his  house.  The  priest  asked  him  if  he  had  a  vote, 
and  witness  said  he  did  not  know  until  he  looked  after 
it.  Father  Fagan  then  asked  him,  if  he  had  a  vote,  to 
whom  would  he  give  it.  He  also  said  that  Parnell 
was  a  blackguard,  and  ridiculed  him.  The  witness 
said  they  knew  now  who  were  their  friends  and  who 
were  their  enemies,  and  the  priest  then  said,  "  May  the 
landlords  come  and  hunt  you  all  to  hell's  blazes  out 
of  the  country."  The  witness  said,  "  You  are  kind  to 
your  neighbours."  Father  Fagan  told  him  he  was  a 
blackguard  and  a  ruffian,  and  that  he  would  kick  him 
into  the  ditch.  "  I  told  him,"  said  witness,  "  that  I 
would  kick  him  Hke  a  dog  if  he  raised  his  arm  to  me." 
Father  Fagan  called  him  a  ruffian,  and  said  that  the 
witness  would  want    him  on    the  Last    Day,    adding, 


122  THE   PRIEST   IN    POLITICS. 

"  I  won't  hear  the  woman's  confession."  The  witness 
rephed,  "  I  don't  care  whether  you  do  or  not  ;  I  will 
go  to  Father  Martin,  the  parish  priest."  The  witness 
walked  away.     His  wife  was  then  dead. 

Canvassing  in  the  Confessional  Box. 

William  Sherry  said  he  was  canvassed  in  the  con- 
fessional by  Father  Behan,  who  told  him  to  vote  for 
Mr.  Fullam,  and  that  he  might  shout  for  Dalton  in 
the  streets  if  he  liked.  James  Cowley  and  George 
Plunket  also  gave  evidence  of  being  canvassed  by 
the  same  priest  in  the  confessional.  A  man  named 
Nowling  deposed  to  hearing  Father  Behan  say,  dur- 
ing Mass,  that  those  who  interfered  with  the  priests 
frequently  died  without  the  priest. 

Priests  as  Personation  Agents. 

At  Clonard  Father  M'Donnell  was  standing  so  close 
to  the  ballot-box  that  witness  complained  to  the  pre- 
siding officer.  Father  M'Donnell  said  he  would  stand 
where  he  liked.  At  Longwood  two  of  witness's  per- 
sonation agents  were  refused  admission  by  Rev.  Mr. 
Shaw,  who  was  inside,  and  were  not  allowed  to  enter 
till  witness  came  up.  At  Balrivor,  where  Rev.  Patrick 
Fagan  was  acting  as  personation  agent  for  Mr.  Fullam, 
at  Athboy,  and  at  Trim,  the  booths  were  occupied  by 
priests  as  personation  agents.  At  the  nomination  Mr. 
Fullam  was  attended  by  eight  or  ten  clergymen  and 
one  layman. 


THE   SOUTH    MEATH    ELECTION,    1 892.  1 23 

Bernard  Carew,  a  brother  of  the  ex-member  for 
Kildare,  deposed  that  at  Summerhill  polling-station  he 
was  spat  upon  by  the  crowd.  Father  Buchanan  was 
with  the  crowd,  and  Father  Fay  was  also  with  them, 
but  neither  interfered  to  protect  him.  Outside  there 
was  a  meeting,  at  which  he  was  attacked  by  Mr. 
Fullam  and  Father  Cantwell,  the  latter  of  whom 
denounced  him  for  leaving  the  Church  during  the 
reading  of  the  "  beautiful  pastoral."  The  crowd  then 
rushed  at  him  and  called  him  names. 

Michael  Murtagh  deposed  to  having  been  present 
when  Father  M'Donnell  canvassed  a  man  named  Darly, 
to  whom  he  said,  "  Are  you  a  Catholic,  or  do  you  want 
to  go  to  hell?"  Father  M'Donnell  then  canvassed 
witness,  who  replied  that  he  would  vote  for  Mr.  Dalton. 
Thereupon  Father  M'Donnell  said,  "You  seem  to  be 
as  satisfied  to  go  to  the  devil  as  to  go  to  heaven." 

These  were  the  methods  by  which  the  elections  of 
North  and  South  Meath  were  won  for  Mr.  Gladstone. 
But  even  when  victory  sat  triumphant  on  the  banners 
of  Clerical  Coercion  the  priests  were  not  satisfied. 

How  THE  Petition  was  Treated. 

When  the  political  party  against  whom  all  these 
electoral  malpractices  had  been  put  in  force  determined 
to  petition  against  the  return  of  the  bishop's  nominee, 
the  most  virtuous  indignation  was  assum.ed  by  the 
priesthood.  One  notorious  priest,  Father  John  Fay, 
of  Summerhill,  while  the  petition  was  pending,  dealt 


124  THE   PRIEST   IN    POLITICS. 

with  it  in  a  sermon  on  November  6th.     In  the  course 
of  his  remarks  he  said  : — 

"  Before  I  have  an  opportunity  of  meeting  you  again, 
I  shall  be  on  my  trial  at  Trim  with  the  other  priests 
of  the  diocese  and  the  bishop,  and   I   am  glad  of  the 
opportunity  of  showing  up  the  character  of  these  men 
who  will  give  evidence  against  me.     We  will  expose 
again  the  scandal  of  the  Divorce  Court.     These  people, 
imbued  with  the  devil,  will  pursue  me  to  the  end.     I 
expect  that  I  am  prepared  for  it,     I  tell  you  the  devil 
will  attack  me,  and  they  are  possessed  by  the  devil 
of  impurity,  the  most  frightful  of  passions.     Now,  this 
is  pure  Parnellism.     Is  it  not  a  glorious  thing  to  put 
our  bishop    like   a   common  criminal  in  the  box  after 
twenty-nine  years  of  service  and  toil  and  devotion  for 
you  ?     Now,  report  this,  every  word,  accurately,  and 
put  it  in  your  Independent.     Don't  leave  out  a  single 
word,  for  I'll  be  there,  and  I'll  prove  that  every  witness 
that  will  come  up  against  me  is  a  black-dyed  scamp. 
I  never  intimidated  3'ou.     I  never  said  I  would  kill  you 
or   break  your  neck,  or   said  3^ou  would  go  to    hell. 
You   may  go  there  if  you  like.     We  will  resume  this 
in  Trim."     The  reverend   father  proceeded  to  lecture 
on  the  due  preparation  for  Extreme  Unction,  and  said  : 
"  You  may  think  it  strange  for  me  to  refer  to  bodily 
cleanliness,    but    I    find   it    necessar}'  from   my  great 
experience ;  but  I  suppose  they  will  put  an  end  to  me 
on  the  petition  in  Trim  next  week."     Then  he  said  that 
"  they  should  not  look  upon  him  as  a  mere  man  :  if  they 


THE  SOUTH   MEATH   ELECTION,    1S92.  1 25 

did,  they  might  have  seme  prejudice  against  him,  for  all 
had  their  shortcomings.  The  priest  is  the  ambassador 
of  Jesus  Christ,  and  not  like  other  ambassadors.  They 
carried  their  Lord  and  Master  about  with  them,  and 
when  the  priest  was  with  the  people  the  Almighty  God 
was  with  them." 

Attachment  of  Father  Fay. 

It  would  be  hard  to  imagine  anything  more  flagrantly 
in  contempt  of  court  than  such  a  tirade,  or  one  more 
manifestly  uttered  for  the  purpose  of  intimidating 
witnesses  in  the  forthcoming  trial.  Accordingly,  on 
November  i  ith,  1892,  an  application  was  made  in  Dublin 
for  the  attachment  of  Father  Fa}-,  and  the  Court  granted 
the  motion  in  a  unanimous  judgment.  The  Lord  Chief 
Justice  of  Ireland,  in  pronouncing  sentence  of  a  month's 
imprisonment,  said  : — 

"He  is  an  educated  gentleman.  Is  his  education 
any  alleviation  ?  His  education  ought  to  have  taught 
him  that  he  should  not  have  done  this.  Is  there  any 
mitigation  to  be  found  in  the  priestly  character  ?  The 
mission  of  the  priest  and  the  Christian  clerg}'man  is  to 
proclaim  and  to  enforce  by  precept  and  example  the 
gospel  of  peace.  I  will  not  refer  again  to  these  words, 
or  indicate  again  in  express  language  the  doom  which 
is  indicated  for  those  who  would  oppose  him.  The 
time  was  the  Sabbath,  the  place  was  the  church — even 
on  the  altar.  I  stop — -I  refrain  from  comment,  because 
I   do  not  wish  to  harrow  the  feelings  of  the  reverend 


126  THE   PRIEST  IN   POLITICS, 

gentleman.     I  wish  I  could  find  any  mitigation  of  this 
language." 

Whitewashing   the   Clerical   Culprit. 

On  his  release  from  jail  Father  Fay  was  met  at 
Maynooth  by  a  number  of  Roman  Catholic  clergy, 
including  Dr.  O'Donnell,  the  Bishop  of  Raphoe,  when 
an  address  of  sympathy  was  presented.  The  incident 
is  worth  noting,  as  clearly  proving  the  feeling  of  the 
Irish  Roman  Catholic  Hierarchy  was  entirely  with 
Father  Fay,  and  that  his  incriminating  language  was 
quite  justifiable.  And  yet  it  has  been  demonstrated 
that  in  no  electoral  struggle  of  the  present  century  had 
Irish  priests  sunk  so  low  in  their  efforts  to  drive  their 
parishioners  to  the  polls.  The  clutch  which  the  Roman 
Catholic  Hierarchy  has  upon  the  ignorance  and  credulity 
of  the  Irish  people  has  at  last  been  well  shown  by  the 
evidence  in  the  Meath  petitions,  and  it  is  plain  that  the 
Irish  voter  can  be  and  is  swayed  to  a  terrible  extent  by 
threats  and  promises  of  future  punishment  pronounced 
by  his  priest.  The  counsel  for  the  petitioner  put  the 
case  strongly  enough  in  commenting  on  the  pastoral  of 
the  bishop. 

A   Comparison    with    English    Clergy. 

"What,"  he  said,  "would  be  the  position  of  this 
country,  what  would  be  the  position  of  England, 
what  would  be  the  position  of  all  free  institutions,  if 
any  ecclesiastic— say  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  — 


THE   SOUTH    MEATH    ELECTION,    1 892.  12/ 

dealing  with  some  of  the  many  isms  that  are  now 
returned  to  the  Imperial  Parliament — socialism,  labour- 
ism,  or  any  of  these  isms— take  the  doctrine  of  socialism, 
that  so  many  of  these  labour  candidates  hold — writing 
to  the  electors  of  the  district  in  a  pastoral,  should  say  : 
'  You  will  cease  to  remain  good  Protestants ;  you  will 
cease  to  be  members  of  the  Establishment,  if  you  give 
your  adhesion  to  any  candidate  of  socialistic  views, 
because  these  views  are  plainly  a  violation  of  the 
commandment,  "  Thou  shalt  not  steal ;  thou  shalt  not 
covet  thy  neighbour's  goods  "  ?  '  If  such  addresses  to 
any  faith  of  any  colour  were  suffered  so  to  invade  the 
constitutional  right  of  any  elector  to  exercise  his  free 
franchise,  where  would  be  the  freedom  of  citizenship  ?  " 

Destruction  of  Civil  Liberty. 

The  answer  is  plain.  There  would  be  no  civil 
liberty  left  if  such  a  state  of  affairs  could  be  tolerated. 
And  yet  exactly  such  a  state  of  affairs  has  been  proved 
to  be  found  existing  in  Ireland.  The  judgment  of 
election  judges  in  South  Meath  shows  that  voters  were 
debarred  from  the  exercise  of  their  political  judgment 
by  the  whole  corporate  Roman  Catholic  clergy  of  the 
district.  It  was  made  a  matter  of  eternal  salvation 
to  vote  in  one  particular  way.  The  Church  of  Rome 
became,  for  the  time  being,  a  huge  political  and  moral 
machine,  moving,  as  the  judge  expressed  it,  with  "  its 
resistless  influence  and  united  action."  What  wonder, 
indeed,    that    Mr.    Fullam   was   elected    and    that    Mr. 


128  THE   PRIEST   IN    POLITICS. 

Gladstone's  allies  in  other  constituencies  in  Ireland 
were  unduly  elected  by  the  spiritual  corruption  and 
moral  coercion  of  the  priesthood  !  The  wonder  is  that 
there  were  found  so  many  to  poll  for  an  Independent 
candidate. 

After  the  election  was  declared  void,  the  Lyceum 
(January  number,  1893),  a  monthly  periodical,  which 
is  the  intellectual  organ  of  the  Dublin  clericals, 
and  is  published  under  the  sanction  and  revision  of 
the  hierarchy,  spoke  quite  plainly  upon  the  claims  of 
the  clergy  to  dictate  political  opinion.     It  said  : — 

"To  give  a  more  apposite  example,  suppose  that 
a  parliamentary  candidate  presented  himself  in  Meath 
with  the  programme  of  Cavour,  .  .  .  would  Mr.  Justice 
O'Brien  still  maintain  that  '  no  question  of  moral 
obligation  '  for  the  voters  would  arise,  and  that  '  the 
conduct  of  a  voter'  who  helped  them  by  his  votes 
would  not  be  a  sin  ?  " 

And  again  : — 

"We  have  shown,  further,  that  the  exercise  of  the 
franchise  in  Meath,  as  elsewhere,  may  involve  grave 
moral  obligations — obligations  under  sin,  even  mortal 
sin ;  that  it  may  in  certain  cases  be  mortally  sinful  to 
vote  for  or  against  particular  parliamentary  candidates, 
and  that  when  such  a  case  occurs  it  may  be  the  duty 
of  a  confessor  to  intimate  his  obligation  to  a  penitent, 
and  deny  him  sacramental  absolution  should  he  refuse 
to  comply  with  it." 


LXVeW^Bgrrvry. »i\  ».«,'^igr»7M<;-<i   »•  i^mmumtmauammt 


THE   SOUTH    MEATH    ELECTION.  1 29 

The  Shadow  of  Sacerdotalism, 

How  often  have  the  Liberal  party  scoffed  at  the  idea 
of  clerical  oppression  and  priestly  interference  in 
Ireland  !  The  grave  and  serious  facts  of  the  Meath 
petition  have  dispersed  all  doubt  in  the  matter.  It  is 
not  a  bogey  raised  by  Unionists  and  Irish  Protestants. 

What  the  fate  of  Ireland  would  be  when  handed 
over  to  the  political  supremacy  of  such  a  faction  as 
elected  Mr.  Fullam  ma}'  be  imagined.  The  si'.adow  of 
sacerdotalism  is  over  the  Irish  constituencies,  and  it 
is  to  the  solid  results  of  thatsacerdotalism, as  evidenced 
by  the  Meath  case,  that  Mr.  Gladstone  now  holds  his 
present  position  in  Parliament.  This  is  a  matter 
which  comes  home  to  the  heart  and  conscience  of 
every  Protestant  in  England  and  Scotland.  It  is  time 
the  matter  was  looked  into.  The  people  of  England 
must  be  asked  if  clerical  parties  in  politics  are  to 
be  tolerated.  As  Sir  Henry  James  once  remarked  : 
"  Every  foreign  land  that  has  ever  endured  the  exist- 
ence and  influence  of  a  clerical  party  has  suffered  in 
its  freedom.  Liberties  have  been  lost  and  progress 
has  been  delayed  by  the  influence  of  sacerdotalism  in 
politics."  Is  it  surprising  that  the  Irish  Protestants 
are  determined  to  make  any  sacrifice  to  avert  a  sj'stem 
of  Home  Rule  which  will  establish  that  influence  and 
endow  it  with  complete  parliamentary  power  over  their 
lives  and  properties  ? 


CHAPTER  XI. 

THE  NORTH  MEATH  ELECTION. 

THE  North  Meath  election  was  conducted  on  be- 
half of  Mr.  Michael  Davitt,  the  clerical  nominee, 
in  precisely  the  same  manner  as  that  in  the  Southern 
Division.  The  only  difference  was  that  the  procedure 
was  more  violent,  and  that  the  clergy  themselves 
indulged  their  ardour  to  the  extent  of  using  physical 
force.  Mr.  Pierce  Mahony,  who  formerly  represented 
the  constituency  in  Parliament,  is  a  Protestant,  and 
Mr.  Davitt  endeavoured  during  his  canvass  to  lay  upon 
his  antagonist  the  brand  of  being  the  son  of  a  "  Souper," 
a  term  of  opprobrium  well  known  in  Ireland  for  a 
proselytising  Protestant.  Mr.  Davitt  placed  himself 
and  left  himself  entirely  in  the  hands  of  the  clergy 
to  manage  and  procure  his  election.  The  "  Father  of 
the  Land  League,"  and  the  quondam  member  of  the 
Supreme  Council  of  the  Irish  Republican  Brotherhood, 
suddenly  became  the  obedient  child  of  the  Church. 
On  his  arrival  in  the  constituency  he  immediately 
repaired  to  the  residence  of  Bishop  Nulty.  Thence  he 
proceeded  to  and    returned    from    the    Convention    in 

the  Catholic  Seminary,  where  he  was  adopted  candidate. 

130 


.  T^^ytstvrr'jr^rjas'^lf^'^firi.'iitr—T-^'^  la.-Bi-Bni  t«i 


THE    NORTH    MEATH    ELECTION.  I31 

From  the  hands  of  a  priest,  one  of  the  treasurers  of 
the  fund  raised  by  the  organising  committee  for 
election  expenses,  he  received  ^^200  to  pay  the  sheriffs 
expenses.  Priests  accompanied  and  attended  him 
everywhere,  canvassed  for  him,  deHvered  addresses 
from  the  altars  and  sermons  from  the  pulpits  on  his 
behalf.  He  lived  with  a  priest  during  all  his  stay  in 
the  constituency,  and  gave  his  residence  as  a  priest's 
house  in  the  appointment  of  his  personation  agents. 
He  took  the  services  of  the  priests,  and  went  to  the 
poll  on  the  nomination  of  the  bishop,  whose  pastoral 
letter  was  promulgated  on  .his  behalf  in  every  parish 
in  the  division.  There  cannot  be  the  smallest  doubt 
in  the  world  that  Mr.  Davitt  was  nominated  member 
for  North  Meath  by  the  Church  of  Rome  acting  as  a 
political  organisation,  and  that  his  election  was  a  fraud 
upon  the  constitutional  rights  of  every  voter  in  the 
division. 

It  would  be  only  a  task  of  repetition  to  go  into 
detail  as  to  the  scenes  and  episodes  which  took  place 
in  this  election.  The  distinctive  feature,  however,  of 
personal  violence  upon  the  part  of  the  priesthood  must 
be  exhibited  in  all  its  scandalous  brutality.  On  July 
1 0th  Bishop  Nulty  addressed  his  congregation  in 
Navan  upon  the  subject  of  the  election,  and  used 
language  which  was  certainly  interpreted,  if  not  meant, 
as  an  invitation  to  Mr.  Davitt's  party  to  use  physical 
force  in  order  to  win  their  battle.  Mr.  James  Lawlor, 
town  clerk  of  Navan,  gave  evidence  as  follows  : — 


132  THE   PRIEST   IN    POLITICS. 

Bishop   Nulty's  Sermon. 

"  I  was  at  Mass  at  Navan  on  July  loth.  Rev. 
Dr.  Nulty  spoke  after  the  first  Gospel.  He  said  that 
Mr,  Davitt  and  his  supporters  were  coming  to  Navan, 
and  he  said  he  was  coming  there  more  in  the  interests 
of  religion  than  in  a  political  matter.  He  said  he  was 
coming  in  the  interests  of  religion.  He  said  this  was 
more  a  rehgious  than  a  political  question.  He  said 
that  the  number  that  would  come  would  cow  the 
Parnellites,  and  that  the  Parnellites  were  cowards  and 
rowdies.  I  left  the  chapel  at  that  stage,  and  know 
nothing  further." 

Bernard  Clarke  said :  "  I  heard  Father  McNamee 
read  the  pastoral  at  Navan  on  July  3rd.  He  said 
there  would  be  an  important  sermon  at  last  Mass, 
which  I  attended.  Rev.  Dr.  Nulty,  the  bishop,  preached 
the  promised  sermon." 

"  What  did  the  bishop  say  ?  " 

"  He  said  there  was  to  be  a  meeting  of  Mr.  Davitt's 
supporters ;  that  Mr.  Davitt  would  be  there  himself  on 
the  following  Sunday  ;  to  come  in  like  lambs  and  go 
out  like  lambs,  but  to  be  armed  with  sticks,  and  if 
booed  or  insulted  that  the  people  would  get  their  skulls 
broke  in,  and  that  they  would  be  beaten  with  sticks." 

"  Is  that  all  you  remember  ?  " 

"  I  left  the  chapel  when  I  heard  him  say  we  would 
get  our  skulls  broke  in." 


I  l.T/- 1'  Vi  ."t  JS^»fcJ«C'Ci.grUMJ\.V>i  '<  «'8gs  -i<  f-y^-^-ii  »w.ti  i-Bf  T  ■  I  Ml  ■ 


THE   NORTH    MEATH    ELECTION.  1 33 

Father  Duffy's  Stick. 

The  priests  were  as  good  as  the  bishop's  word,  as 
the  sworn  evidence  proves. 

James  Gannon,  of  Rodenstown,  said  :  "  I  attended 
Mass  early  in  June.  Father  Duffy,  the  curate,  addressed 
the  people  before  the  last  Gospel.  He  said  '  there 
was  a  meeting  got  up  in  Syddon  for  that  day,  got  up 
against  the  priests  and  against  the  Church,  and  he 
advised  none  of  his  people  to  attend  it,  and  not  to  be 
seen  with  such  a  motley  crew  or  crowd ;  that  their  real 
object  in  organising  it  was  to  sell  their  porter.'  That 
might  be  a  reference  to  myself,  as  I  was  engaged  in  the 
spirit  trade  and  I  helped  to  organise  the  meeting. 

"On  July  loth  I  attended  a  meeting  at  Navan. 
Father  Duffy  was  in  Navan  also.  He  came  home 
before  me.  About  eight  o'clock  I  was  in  the  street 
with  some  friends.  Father  Duffy  came  down  from  the 
parochial  house  with  a  stick  in  his  hand ;  he  was 
walking  in  a  defiant  manner.  When  the  people  saw 
him  in  the  middle  of  the  road,  they  divided  to  allow  him 
to  pass.  He  turned  back  after  passing  through  the 
crowd,  and  he  asked  me  what  I  was  doing — why  didn't 
I  go  home  ?  I  said  the  people  were  doing  no  harm. 
He  told  them    to  go   home  in    a   stern  kind  of  way." 

After  some  conversation,  in  which  Father  Duffy 
threatened  to  do  his  best  to  get  the  witness's  licence 
suspended,  the  crowd  called  for  a  cheer  for  Mahony. 
Then,  according  to  Gannon,    "  He  raised   a  stick  and 


134  THE    PRIEST   IN    POLITICS. 

Struck  one  of  the  men  in  the  crowd.  He  struck  him  on 
the  head,  which  was  cut  and  bleeding.  Meehul,  the  man 
struck,  had  said  or  done  nothing  to  Father  Duffy.  He 
then  struck  another  man  named  Donegan,  raising  a  lump 
on  his  temple.  The  people  then  rushed  in  and  took 
hold  of  the  stick.  I  told  them  to  have  patience.  I  got 
into  the  crowd  and  pushed  them  on  one  side.  I  asked 
Father  Duffy  to  leave  go  the  stick.  I  said,  'As  bad 
as  you  think  the  people,  you'll  not  be  hit.  You  have 
nothing  to  be  afraid  of.'  The  people  then  let  go  the 
stick." 

There  was  no  provocation  of  any  sort  given. 

Thomas  Meade  said  he  was  on  the  street  at 
Rodenstown  on  the  evening  of  the  nomination.  "  I 
remember  Father  Duffy  coming  up.  He  struck  me  on 
the  outside  of  the  eye  with  a  big  stick  he  had.  It  drew 
my  blood.  I  gave  him  no  offence,  nor  said  a  word. 
He  struck  another  man  also." 

Francis  Doorigan  said :  "  I  remember  Father  Duffy 
coming  down  the  street  of  Loganstown  on  July  lOth. 
He  struck  me  on  the  head  with  a  stick.  I  was  standing 
with  my  back  to  the  side  of  a  car.  I  did  not  say 
anything,  or  offer  any  offence  to  the  reverend  gentle- 
man, before  he  struck." 

Father  Clarke  Knocks  Down  an  Old  Man. 

A  grosser  case  of  unprovoked  brutality  upon  the 
part  of  a  priest  occurred  on  the  polling  day  of  the 
worth   Meath   election.     Anthony  Smith  said   he  was 


THE    NORTH   MEATH    ELECTION.  1 35 

at  Nobber  on  the  day  of  polling.  He  saw  Owen  Reilly 
knocked  down  by  Father  Clarke.  "  I  was  a  few  yards 
from  Reilly  ;  he  was  addressing  some  remarks,  but  to 
no  one  in  particular.  Reilly  said  that  every  one  should 
be  allowed  to  vote  according  to  his  conscience  ;  then 
Father  Clarke  said,  *  Withdraw  those  words,'  and  I 
turned  for  an  instant,  and  when  I  looked  round  Reilly 
was  on  the  ground,  and  appeared  insensible.  He  was 
muttering  something  like  a  man  in  a  dream.  Mr. 
Mahony  then  appeared  on  the  scene  and  asked  the 
people  to  be  quiet,  and  they  took  his  bidding." 

Mr.  Pierce  Mahony,  the  petitioner,  in  his  evidence 
stated  : — 

"  On  the  day  of  the  polling  I  v/ent  to  Nobber,  and 
was  met  at  the  station  by  a  few  friends,  and  the 
sergeant  of  police,  who  communicated  to  me  that  he 
hadn't  sufficient  force  to  protect  me,  and  he  asked  me 
not  to  go  up.     I  told  him  I  must  visit  the  booths." 

"  Do  you  remember  being  in  one  of  the  booths 
when  some  one  called  for  you  ?  "    "  Yes  :  Mr.  O'Brien." 

"  When  you  went  out,  did  you  see  a  priest,  whose 
name  you  since  learned  to  be  Father  Clarke,  on  the 
roadway  ?  " — "  Isaw  him  surrounded  by  a  very  excited 
crowd.  I  rushed  into  the  middle,  and  tried  to  push 
them  back.  I  inquired  what  happened,  and  was  told 
that  a  man  had  been  knocked  down  by  a  priest.  I 
went  over  to  the  man.  He  was  just  beginning, 
apparently,  to  become  conscious,  and  I  heard  a  little 
more  about   it.     I  then  went  back  to  the  priest,  and 


136  THE   PRIEST   IN    POLITICS. 

I  said,  '  You  know  that  no  man  in  this  countr}'  likes 
to  hit  a  gentleman  of  your  cloth,  and  under  the 
circumstances  it  is  a  cowardly  thing  to  hit  any  man.' 
He  said,  '  If  you  don't  withdraw  that  I'll  hit  you.' 
I  said,  *  I'll  not  withdraw  it.  It  was  a  cowardly  thing.' 
The  crowd  then  closed  in.  Then  a  reverend  gentle- 
man, whom  I  since  learned  was  Father  Everard,  came 
out  of  another  booth  and  took  Father  Clarke  away. 
Mr.  Bennett  Burleigh  (of  the  London  Telegraph) 
drew  my  attention  to  the  fact  that  a  magistrate  named 
Mr.  Walker  was  on  the  street.  I  went  up  and  asked 
him  was  he  a  magistrate  ?  He  said  he  was.  I  called 
his  attention  to  the  fact  that  a  very  serious  assault 
had  been  committed,  and  I  expressed  the  opinion  that 
Father  Clarke  ought  to  be.  arrested.  He  then  said  it 
would  be — I  think  the  word  he  used  was  dangerous — 
to  arrest  a  clergyman.  Mr.  Burleigh  said,  '  I  don't  know 
what  you  do  in  this  country,  but  we  would  make  short 
work  of  him  in  England.'  I  said  I  thought  it  would 
be  his  duty  to  see  that  the  police  had  his  proper  name 
and  address,  in  order  that  he  might  be  prosecuted." 

It  is  almost  pathetic  to  see  in  all  the  evidence  the 
innate  respect  and  reverence  which  the  Irish  voters 
could  not  help  showing  to  their  priest,  even  under 
the  contumely  of  insult  and  violence.  The  awe  and 
obedience  which  the  majority  of  the  voters  displayed 
is  well  described  by  Mr.  Patrick  Kelsh,  who  acted  as 
personation  agent  to  Mr.  Mahony.  He  described  in 
his   evidence  how   an    illiterate  voter   came   into   the 


txsroSJKeiirmy  nt\  v,yfti^m^'i4vrT^r?»i.-yM*»T*immmmmmmi* 


THE   NORTH    MEATH    ELECTION.  1 37 

polling-booth  and  threw  himself  down  on  his  knees 
before  a  priest,  Father  Cassidy,  and  in  a  faltering 
voice  said,  "  I  will  vote  for  Mr.  Davitt."  "  He  threw 
himself  down  on  his  knees  as  if  he  was  going  to 
confession," — such  was  the  expression  of  the  witness. 

Father  Brady's  Sweet  Reasonableness. 

James  Daly  swore  that  on  the  second  day  before 
the  polling  he  met  Father  Brady.  "  He  asked  me  was 
I  a  Davittite  or  a  Mahonyite.  I  said  I  believed  in  the 
policy  of  Independent  Opposition.  On  that  he  jumped 
off  the  car  and  caught  me  by  the  throat,  and  dragged 
me  about  on  the  road.  He  held  a  whip  over  my  head. 
I  begged  him  for  God's  sake  not  to  strike  me — that  I 
was  a  good  Catholic,  and  that  I  had  never  insulted  a 
clergyman  in  my  life,  or  never  meant  to  do  so.  Then 
he  gave  me  a  final  shake  and  let  me  go.  I  did  not 
forget  that  he  was  a  priest,  and  was  carrying  the 
Blessed  Sacrament  about  with  him,  and  on  that  account 
I  did  not  or  would  not  insult  him." 

Men,  women,  and  children  were  all  fair  game  to  the 
militant  priests  in  North  Meath. 

Knocking  Down  Children. 

Patrick  Sherlock  deposed  : — "  On  July  lOth,  the  day 
of  the  meeting  at  Navan,  a  procession  came  in  led 
by  Mr.  Davitt.  There  were  thirty  or  forty  clergymen 
present.  I  was  standing  on  the  Court-house  steps,  and 
there  was  a   girl   standing  just    opposite    me,    and    a 


138  THE   PRIEST   IN    POLITICS. 

horse  was  running  away  behind  ;  and  as  the  horse  was 
running  away,  Mr.  Davitt  and  the  priests  turned,  and 
as  they  were  turned  back  they  met  the  girl  just  oppo- 
site me,  and  the  clergyman  up  with  his  umbrella  and 
knocked  her  hat  off  with  the  left  hand,  and  struck  her 
with  the  stick  with  the  right  hand." 

"  Was  she  speaking  or  cheering?  " — "  No  more  than 
I  was." 

"  Did  he  knock  her  down  ?  " — "  He  did  ;  and  there 
was  another  priest  coming  to  hit  her,  and  she  lying." 

"  Do  you  say  that  he  was  going  again  to  hit  her  ?  " 
— "  Yes ;  and  I  lifted  her  up.  I  said  he  was  not  a 
clergyman  that  could  strike  a  girl.  He  said  that  '  he 
would  put  his  stick  down  my  throat  if  I  interfered.'  " 

"  Was  not  the  girl  bleeding  ? " — "  She  had  on  a 
white  dress,  and  there  was  blood  running  down  from 
her  head." 

"  As  far  as  you  saw  on  that  occasion,  were  not  the 
clergymen  the  ringleaders  of  the  mob  ?  " — "  There  was 
nothing  going  in  with  Mr.  Davitt  on  that  day  but 
murderers." 

These  are  only  a  few  facts  which  came  out  in  evi- 
dence at  the  North  Meath  trial,  and  they  may  safely  be 
left  without  comment  to  the  consideration  of  the  lovers 
of  civil  and  religious  freedom. 


I t.x< V- \>x'^ n ^0r ^vt'rimZ^J!S'ZJ*J\.V)  *-« <^TA T<< f-'y^virimvTi ■■am  -« * i tiHi i 


CHAPTER   XII. 
i¥/?.    GLADSTONE   ON  PRIESTS  IN  POLITICS. 

THE  one  great  predominating  and  intractable  fact 
which  stands  out  clearly  crystallised  from  the 
mass  of  evidence  which  has  been  adduced  in  these 
pages  is  the  claim  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Hierarchy 
and  priesthood  of  Ireland  to  stand  above  the  law.  If 
this  monstrous  claim  has  been  made  in  the  face  of 
an  Imperial  Parliament  sitting  in  London,  what  claims 
may  we  not  live  to  see  when  or  if  the  Roman  Catholic 
Hierarchy  practically  nominate  and  elect  an  Irish 
Parliament,  principally  Roman  Catholic,  in  Dublin  ? 
What  civil  allegiance  would  or  could  such  an  assembly . 
demand  of  Cardinal  Logue  or  Archbishop  Walsh  ?  and 
would  not  these  prelates  repudiate  such  a  demand 
under  certain  conditions  and  circumstances  ?  Do  not 
all  the  burning  questions  arise  with  tenfold  force, 
which  Mr.  Gladstone  discussed  with  such  eager  acri- 
mony in  1874  in  his  pamphlets,  The  Faiican  Decrees 
in  their  Bearing  on  Civil  Allegiance,  and  Vaticanism  ? 
It  certainly  seems  so.     In  any  case  the  elucidation  of 

139 


140  THE   PRIEST   IN    POLITICS. 

these  questions  may,  perhaps,  be  assisted  by  referring 
to  Mr.  Gladstone's  own  words  upon  the  subject.* 

"A  Policy  of  Violence." 

Mr.  Gladstone  was  called  to  account  for  the  following 
passage  in  an  article  from  his  pen.  He  said  it  was 
impossible  to  Romanise  England  "  when  Rome  has 
substituted  for  the  proud  boast  of  semper  eadem  a 
policy  of  violence  and  change  in  faith  ;  when  she  has 
refurbished  and  paraded  anew  every  rusty  tool  she 
was  fondly  thought  to  have  disused  ;  when  no  one  can 
become  her  convert  without  renouncing  his  moral  and 
mental  freedom,  and  placing  his  civil  loyalty  and  duty 
at  the  mercy  of  another ;  and  when  she  has  equally 
repudiated  modern  thought  and  ancient  history." 

With  all  the  evidence  of  the  Meath  petitions  fresh 
in  our  recollections,  may  we  not  say  with  Mr.  Glad- 
stone to  our  Roman  Catholic  fellow-subjects,  that  "  the 
people  of  this  country  who  fully  believe  in  their  loyalty 
are  entitled  on  purely  civil  grounds  to  expect  from 
them  some  declaration  or  manifestation  of  opinion  in 
reply  to  that  ecclesiastical  party  in  their  Church  who 
have  laid  down  in  their  name  principles  adverse  to  the 
purity  and  integrity  of  civil  allegiance  "  ?  Mr.  Glad- 
stone gave  deep  offence  in  1874  by  his  plain  speaking. 

*  The  Vatican  Decrees  in  their  Bearing  on  Civil  Alle- 
giance:  a  Political  Expostulation.     1874. 

Vaticanism: — an  Answer  to  Replies  and  Reproofs.  By 
Right  Hon.  W.  E.  Gladstone,  M.P.     John  Murray.     1875. 


■  i.-j^  ir. v£K.  a.>eaia''Wirj-WTF-M»>  .y.i  ':.t.^jr\  -Kr-Tra^-i-t  »ii>-tiiW 


MR.   GLADSTONE   ON    PRIESTS   IN    POLITICS.      I4I 

He  has  withdrawn  nothing  save  the  imputation  upon 
the  civil  loyalty  of  Roman  Catholic  converts.  His 
original  pamphlet  was  treated  as  an  attack  made  upon 
Roman  Catholics,  and  as  an  insult  offered  to  them. 
The  same  may  be  said  again.  What  was  his  answer  ? 
"  If,"  he  replied,  "  I  am  told  that  he  who  animadverts 
upon  these  assails  thereby,  or  insults,  Roman  CathoHcs 
at  large,  who  do  not  choose  their  ecclesiastical  rulers, 
and  can  and  are  not  recognised  as  having  any  voice  in 
the  government  of  their  Church,  I  cannot  be  bound 
by  or  accept  a  proposition  which  seems  to  me  so  little 
in  accordance  with  reason."  .  Mr,  Gladstone's  defence 
against  the  attacks  of  controversialists  of  1874  holds 
equally  good  to-day.  Any  language,  indeed,  which 
has  been  used  in  these  pages  in  criticism  of  the 
pohtical  attitude  of  the  Church  of  Rome,  compared  with 
the  language  of  the  present  Prime  Minister  in  1874  is 
as  '''moonlight  is  to  sunlight  and  as  water  is  to  wine.' 
Nor  has  one  word  been  said  as  to  the  doctrinal  or 
theological  belief  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church.  The 
whole  grievance  lies  in  charges  of  a  civil  and  political 
character. 

"  Volleys  of  Spiritual  Censures." 

It  may  not  be  amiss  to  recall  some  of  Mr.  Gladstone's 
views,  culling  only  a   few   flowers  of  rhetoric  from  the 
wreath  which  he  laid  at  the  feet  of  the  Pope.     Here 
is  a  description  of  the  Church  of  Rome,  for  instance 
followed  by  an  opinion  as  startling  and  extreme  : — 


142  THE    PRIEST   IN    POLITICS. 

"A  religious  society  which  delivers  volleys  of 
spiritual  censures  in  order  to  impede  the  performance 
of  civil  duties  does  all  for  mischief  that  is  in  its  power 
to  do,  and  brings  into  question,  in  the  face  of  the  State, 
its  title  to  civil  protection."  It  would  be  interesting  to 
know  how  Mr.  Gladstone  felt  when  he  read  Bishop 
Nulty's  pastoral  in  the  Meath  election. 

Again  we  have  quoted  the  repugnance  of  the  Roman 
Catholic  priests  in  Meath  to  "  pure  Protestantism." 
What  does  Mr.  Gladstone  say  on  this  point  ?  "  The 
manful  Protestantism  of  mediaeval  times  had  its  activity 
almost  entirely  in  the  sphere  of  public,  national,  and 
State  rights.  Too  much  attention,  in  my  opinion, 
cannot  be  fastened  on  this  point.  It  is  the  very  root 
and  kernel  of  the  matter.  Individual  servitude,  how- 
ever abject,  will  not  satisfy  the  party  now  dominant 
in  the  Latin  Church.  The  State  must  also  be  a  slave." 
This  is  precisely  the  attitude  of  the  Irish  Protestants. 
They  say  theirs  is  a  public  and  national  and  a  State 
right — -a  right  to  remain  under  the  authority  of  the 
ParHament  of  the  United  Kingdom,  a  right  to  remain 
citizens  of  equal  degree  with  their  brethren  in  Great 
Britain,  a  right  not  to  be  governed  by  an  external  and 
foreign  Power  such  as  Mr.  Gladstone  himself  described 
so  fully  and  effectually.  Home  Rule  granted,  therefore, 
Mr.  Gladstone  has  kindly  demonstrated  that  the  State 
in  Ireland  would  be  the  slave  of  the  Roman  Catholic 
Church.  Mr.  Redmond  and  his  handful  of  followers 
might  resist,  but  how  will  they  be  met  ? 


■  I ,T<« trytxx. a>eJ«J-'«'gr  j"-^TC.»yN  v,i  r  ««>ar< -Kfrrj-xfcv-a^ 


MR.   GLADSTONE   ON    PRIESTS    IN    POLITICS.      1 43 

"A  Daring  Raid." 

Archbishop  Croke  during  the  general  election  stated 
to  one  of  his  clergy,  Rev.  Dr.  White,  of  Kilrush, 
County  Clare,  "  that  he  had  entered  into  communica- 
tion with  all  the  Roman  Catholic  bishops  in  the  world, 
and  that  when  the  proper  time  came  they  would  be 
prepared  to  oppose  the  Parnellite  pretensions,  and  also 
to  provide  funds  for  sustaining  the  Irish  cause."* 

The  terms  of  Archbishop  Croke's  letter  to  his 
foreign  brethren  would  be  an  interesting  study.  We 
may  rest  assured  it  will  never  see  the  light.  It  remains, 
however,  on  record,  that  an  Irish  prelate  is  prepared  to 
go  any  length  under  an  Imperial  Parliament  to  crush 
a  political  opponent.  What  will  he  not  do  under  a 
Roman  Catholic  Parliament  ?  Will  he  not  dare  to 
follow  in  the  steps  of  the  Pontiff  and  condemn  (in  Mr. 
Gladstone's  own  words)  "free  speech,  free  writing,  a 
free  press,  toleration  of  Nonconformity,  liberty  of  con- 
science, the  study  of  civil  and  philosophical  matters  in 
independence  of  the  ecclesiastical  authority,  marriage 
unless  sacramentally  contracted,  and  the  definition  of 
the  state  of  the  civil  rights  (Jura)  of  the  Church  "  ?  and 
will  he  not  demand  for  the  Church  "  the  title  to  define 
its  own  civil  rights,  together  with  a  Divine  right  to  use 
physical  force  "  ?  Each  and  every  one  of  these  conten- 
tions has  been  made  by  the  Church  of  Rome  in  Ireland 
during  the  past  eight  years.      Ulster  agrees  with   Mr. 

*   Wee^/y  National  Press,  June  20th,  1893. 


144  THE   PRIEST   IN    POLITICS 

Gladstone's  solemn  asseveration  in  the  Vatican  Decrees : 
"  It  must  be  for  some  political  object  of  a  very  tangible 
kind  that  the  risks  of  so  daring  a  raid  upon  the  civil 
sphere  have  been  deliberately  run." 

In  the  case  of  Ireland  undoubtedly  the  direct  object 
of  the  claims  of  sacerdotalism  which  have  been  set 
forth  is  to  assist  a  political  party  to  gain  what  is  called 
Home  Rule. 

The  Intrusion  of  Rome  into  Civil  Affairs. 

The  Protestants  object  to  Home  Rule  on  many 
grounds,  but  largely  because  of  the  political  power 
of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church  and  the  manner  in 
which  it  has  been  used.  "  As  a  rule,"  said  Mr.  Glad- 
stone in  Vaticanism,  "the  real  independence  of  states 
and  nations  depends  upon  the  exclusion  of  foreign 
influence  proper  from  their  civil  affairs.  Wherever 
the  spirit  of  freedom,  even  if  ever  so  faintly,  breathes, 
it  resents  and  reacts  against  any  intrusion  of  another 
people  or  power  into  the  circle  of  interior  concerns  as 
alike  dangerous  and  disgraceful."  In  Ireland  no  man 
can  again  deny  that  the  Church  of  Rome  has  intruded 
itself  into  the  circle  of  its  interior  concerns.  And  the 
Irish  Protestants  can  find  no  better  words  to  describe 
their  objections  to  the  disagreeable  distinction  of  that 
Church  than  those  of  Mr.  Gladstone  himself.  "  She 
alone,"  he  said  in  Vaticanism,  "arrogates  to  herself 
the  right  to  speak  to  the  State,  not  as  a  subject,  but 
as  a  superior;  not  as  pleading  the  right  of  conscience 


'r."i    -'-■^^■■■■^i^Ml^BIWBBH^i^^B^MP    I  ' ^- 


^^^ 


MR.   GLADSTONE   ON    PRIESTS   IN    POLITICS.       145 

Staggered  by  the  fear  of  sin,  but  as  a  vast  incorpora- 
tion, setting  up  a  rival  law  against  the  State  in  the 
State's  own  domain,  and  claiming  for  it,  with  a  higher 
sanction,  the  title  to  similar  coercive  means  of  enforce- 
ment." Again  :  "  To  secure  rights  has  been  and  is 
the  aim  of  the  Christian  civilisation  ;  to  destroy  them, 
and  to  establish  the  resistless,  domineering  action  of  a 
purely  central  power,  is  the  aim  of  the  Roman  policy." 

Mr.  Gladstone's  Description  of  the  Organisation 
OF  Papal  Power, 

Mr.  Gladstone  has  described  the  working  of  the 
machine  which  has  given  him  so  curious  a  majority 
for  Home  Rule  :  "  We  see  before  us  the  Pope,  the 
bishops,  the  priesthood,  and  the  people.  The  priests 
are  absolute  over  the  people,  the  bishops  over  both, 
the  Pope  over  all.  Each  inferior  may  appeal  against 
his  superior ;  but  he  appeals  to  a  tribunal  which  is 
irresponsible,  which  he  has  no  share,  direct  or  indirect, 
in  controlling,  and  which  during  all  the  long  centuries 
of  its  existence,  but  especially  during  the  latest  of  them, 
has  had  for  its  cardinal  rule  this — that  all  its  judgments 
should  be  given  in  the  sense  most  calculated  to  build 
up  priestly  power  as  against  the  people,  episcopal 
power  as  against  the  priests,  Papal  power  against  all 
three." 

These  outbursts  of  indignant  remonstrance  and 
denunciation  from  Mr.  Gladstone  were  all  called  forth 
by  the  action   of  the    Roman   CathoUc    Hierarchy  in 

10 


146  THE   PRIEST   IN    POLITICS. 

procuring  the  rejection  in  1873  of  his  Irish  University 
Bill  by  "  the  direct  influence  which  they  exercised  over 
a  certain  number  of  Irish  members  of  Parliament."  * 
The  Irish  Protestants  quote  them  now  with  tenfold 
force  to  express  these  views  upon  a  tremendous  con- 
stitutional change  in  the  Government  of  the  country. 
We  say  in  the  Hght  of  all  past  experience  that,  given 
a  Home  Rule  Parliament,  there  would  be  no  law  in 
Ireland ;  for  law  cannot  exist  whenever  a  body  of  men 
like  the  Roman  Catholic  Hierarchy  claim  and  exercise  a 
power  of  annulling  or  a  power  of  dispensing  with  the  law. 

*  Mr.  Gladstone's  words  are  worth  quoting  as  a  contribution 
to  the  irony  of  history:  "When  Parliament  had  passed  the 
Church  Act  of  1869  and  the  Land  Act  of  1870  there  remained 
only,  under  the  great  head  of  Imperial  equity,  one  serious 
question  to  be  dealt  with — that  of  the  Higher  Education.  I 
consider  that  the  Liberal  majority  in  the  House  of  Commons, 
and  the  Government  to  which  I  had  the  honour  and  satisfaction 
to  belong,  formally  tendered  payment  in  full  of  this  portion 
of  the  debt  by  the  Irish  University  Bill  of  Feb.  1873.  Some, 
indeed,  think  it  was  overpaid :  a  question  into  which  this  is 
manifestly  not  the  place  to  enter.  But  the  Roman  Catholic 
prelacy  of  Ireland  thought  fit  to  procure  the  rejection  of  that 
measure  by  the  direct  influence  which  they  exercised  over  a 
certain  number  of  Irish  members  of  Parliament,  and  by  the 
temptation  which  they  thus  offered,  the  bid,  in  effect,  which 
(to  use  a  homely  phrase)  they  made  to  attract  the  support 
of  the  Tor}^  Opposition.  Their  efforts  were  crowned  with  a 
complete  success.  From  that  time  forward  I  have  felt  that 
the  situation  was  changed,  and  that  important  matter  would 
have  to  be  cleared  by  suitable  explanations.  The  debt  to 
Ireland  had  been  paid  :  a  debt  to  the  country  at  large  had 
still  to  be  disposed  of,  and  this  has  come  to  be  the  duty  of  the 
hour." —  Vatican  Decrees,  pp.  59,  60. 


I l-Tij;y^a*^>-'*»^''ff°^-  -r^^  '"^   «  .*..ie^  ■^Mf-rrwi.-.^wmyTrnnm.rrt-iBam^^m 


MR.   GLADSTONE   ON    PRIESTS   IN    POLITICS.       1 47 

"  Absolutism." 

"This  exemption  of  the  individual,"  says  Mr.  Glad- 
stone, "  be  he  who  he  may,  from  the  restraints  of  the 
law  is  the  very  thing  that  in  England  we  term  abso- 
lutism. By  absolutism  we  mean  the  superiority  of  a 
personal  will  to  law,  for  the  purpose  of  putting  aside 
or  changing  law."  What  Ulster  says,  speaking  in  the 
name  of  Irish  Protestantism,  is  that  an  Iris'i  Parliament 
would  be  merely  the  tool  of  the  majority,  which  would 
be  the  nominees  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church.  It 
would  be  the  apotheosis  of  the  priest  in  politics. 

The  strongest  and  most  convincing  arguments  against 
such  a  monstrous  arrangement  are  to  be  found  in  Mr, 
Gladstone's  own  writings. 

Can  he  explain  himself  away  ? 

"Adverse  to  Freedom  in  the  State,  the  Family, 
AND  Individual." 

It  is  almost  incredible  that  the  Prime  Minister  of 
England,  with  the  facts  of  the  Meath  elections,  can 
forget  his  reiterated  opinions  of  1874.  In  the  Vatican 
Decrees  he  declared  that  he  had  justified  his  statement 
that  "  the  extreme  claims  of  the  Middle  Ages  have 
been  sanctioned,  and  have  been  revived  without  the 
warrant  or  excuse  which  might  in  those  ages  have 
been  shown  for  them,"  and  that  "  the  claims  asserted 
by  the  Pope  are  such  as  to  place  civil  allegiance  at  his 
mercy."     Whether  this  is  true  of  the  Pope  now  or  not, 


148  THE   PRIEST   IN    POLITICS. 

it  is  most  assuredly  true  of  the  Irish  Hierarchy.  And 
yet  Mr.  Gladstone  is  prepared  to  hand  over  all  the 
rights,  civil  and  religious,  of  the  Irish  people  to  what 
he  believes  to  be  the  "  resistless  domineering  action 
of  a  purely  central  power."  This  is  not  a  common 
apostasy  from  an  avowed  political  opinion.  It  is  the 
contradiction  in  terms  of  a  moral  belief  once  held  by  an 
English  Prime  Minister,  but  now  cast  off  like  a  worn- 
out  cloak.  Does  Mr.  Gladstone  affirm  and  deny  now 
the  positive  conclusion  to  which  he  came  in  1874,  when 
speaking  of  the  ecclesiastical  system  of  the  Roman 
Catholic  Church  ?  "  Of  that  system  as  a  system,"  he 
said :  "  I  must  say  that  its  influence  is  adverse  to 
freedom  in  the  State,  the  family,  and  the  individual ; 
that  when  weak  it  is  too  often  crafty,  and  when  strong 
tyrannical ;  and  that  though  in  this  country  no  one 
could  fairly  den}'  to  its  professors  the  credit  of  doing 
what  they  think  is  for  the  glory  of  God,  they  exhibit 
in  a  notable  degree  the  vast  self-deluding  forces 
which  make  sport  of  our  common  nature.  The  great 
instrument  to  which  they  look  for  the  promotion  of 
Christianity  seems  to  be  an  unmeasured  exaltation  of 
the  clerical  class,  and  of  its  power,  as  against  all  that 
is  secular  and  lay — an  exaltation  not  less  unhealthy 
for  that  order  itself  than  for  society  at  large." 

It  is  against  this  system,  and  against  this  exaltation 
of  the  clerical  power,  which  the  Irish  Protestants  and 
the  more  liberal-minded  Roman  Catholics  of  Ireland 
are   protesting   to-day.     They  do    so    in   the  interests 


1 1  T£fe:\t£C  a3i>J»1!agSJBrJ  i\  H  ■  f  ■  fWA  rfit'A 


MR.   GLADSTONE   ON    PRIESTS   IN    POLITICS       1 49 

of  freedom.  "  Among  the  many  noble  thoughts  of 
Homer,"  said  Mr.  Gladstone  in  the  concluding  sentence 
of  Vaticanism,  "  there  is  not  one  more  noble  or  more 
penetrating  than  his  judgment  upon  slavery.  '  On 
the  day/  he  says, 

'  that  makes  a  bondsman  of  the  free, 
Wide-seeing  Zeus  takes  half  the  man  away.'  " 

What  Homer  said  against  servitude  in  the  social 
order  the  Irish  Loyalist  and  Mr.  Gladstone  plead 
against  the  present  political  tyranny  of  the  Irish 
priesthood. 


CHAPTER   XIII. 
LESSONS   OF  HISTORY. 

WHEN  the  Hon.  George  Leveson-Gower  was  in 
search  of  a  seat  in  the  House  of  Commons 
in  1887,  and  naturally  anxious  to  make  himself 
acquainted  with  the  new  Liberal  policy  of  Home  Rule, 
Mr.  Gladstone,  in  a  memorable  letter,  wrote,  "  Dear 
George — study  Irish  History."  Reading  history  for 
the  purpose  of  finding  evidence  to  buttress  up  a 
preconceived  theory  is  one  thing;  reading  history  for 
the  purpose  of  gaining  light  upon  the  character  and 
probable  conduct  of  a  race  under  given  conditions  is 
another. 

The  Irish  who  object  to  Home  Rule  are  at  all  events 
not  open  to  the  insinuation  that  their  convictions  are 
new  and  their  professions  prompted  by  mere  self- 
interest.  They  and  their  fathers  have  been  loyal  to 
the  Act  of  Union,  and  the  landowners  refused  Mr. 
Gladstone's  great  bribe  in  1886,  which  offered  twenty 
years'  purchase  of  their  lands  in  exchange  for  their 
birthright  of  citizenship  under  an  Imperial  Par- 
liament. They  refused  the  bribe,  and  they  intend 
to  keep  their  birthright. 

150 


LESSONS   OF   HISTORY.  151 

But  they  all  also  refer  to  history  for  a  sound  basis 
for  their  position.  On  two  occasions  only  have  Irish- 
men possessed  a  Parliament  such  as  Mr.  Gladstone 
proposed  in  1886  to  set  up:  viz.,  during  the  era  of  the 
Irish  Rebellion  of  1841,  and  during  that  of  the  Revolu- 
tion of  1688-91.  In  each  it  can  be  shown  that  they 
exhibited  the  same  incapacity  of  self-control,  the  same 
want  of  moderation,  the  same  predilection  for  extreme 
measures  and  indefensible  actions.  Violence  and  the 
want  of  the  spirit  of  compromise  (which  is  so  dis- 
tinguishing a  difference  between  the  English  and  the 
Irish)  invariably  wrecked  the  only  true  Parliaments 
which  Ireland  ever  had  in  which  Roman  Catholics 
were  the  dominant  element. 

Until  the  reign  of  King  James  I.  the  native  Irish 
had  but  little  part  in  Parliament.  Parliament  in  Ireland 
was  originally  nothing  but  a  Court  Baron  of  the  King's 
chief  tenants,  always  depending  on  tenure ;  and  the 
Irish  in  early  times  had  no  English  tenures.  Even 
after  the  time  of  James  I.,  when  the  Irish  had  all  of 
necessity  accepted  English  tenure,  they  were  over- 
balanced by  the  many  new  boroughs  recently  founded 
by  Protestant  planters.  It  may  be  said  with  truth 
that  the  only  two  real  Irish  Parliaments  ever  held 
were  the  Parliaments  of  the  Confederation  of  Kilkenny 
(a.d.  1642-52),  and  that  of  King  James  II.,  held  at  the 
King's  Inn  in  1690. 

In   1 64 1    the  great  Irish  Rebellion  took    place,  into 
the   causes  of  which  it    is    unnecessary  here  to  enter. 


152  THE    PRIEST   IN    POLITICS. 

Suffice  it  to  say  that  the  result  was  that  the  Parliament 
of  England  at  once  offered  the  land  of  the  Irish  as 
security  for  any  money  that  should  be  "adventured" 
for  putting  down  the  rebels.  King  Charles  I.  protested 
that  such  a  law  would  render  the  Irish  desperate, — that 
one  should  not  "  sell  the  bear's  skin  before  the  bear 
be  dead/* — but  nevertheless  the  bill  was  passed,  for 
the  popular  party  in  Parliament  cared  little  about 
making  the  Irish  desperate. 

The   First   Independent    Irish    Parliament. 

In  these  circumstances  the  Irish,  consisting  then,  as 
now,  of  two  very  discordant  races,  the  old  native  Irish 
and  the  old  English  of  Ireland  (viz.,  the  Butlers, 
Talbots,  Cusacks,  Plunkets,  Prestons,  and  others), 
formed  for  themselves  a  Government  of  their  own  at 
Kilkenny,  which  was  called  the  Confederation  of  Irish 
Catholics,  consisting  of  a  Supreme  Council  and  a 
General  Assembly.  If  ever  there  was  need  of  prudent 
conduct,  it  was  in  this  crisis  of  Ireland's  fate,  when  the 
lands,  liberties,  and  even  lives  of  the  Catholic  Irish 
were  at  stake.  And  for  three  years,  under  the  prudent 
guidance  of  the  Anglo-Irish,  things  were  decently 
managed.  The  Supreme  Council  consisted  mostly  of 
Anglo-Irish,  with  power  to  conclude  treaties  with 
foreign  nations  and  to  make  peace  with  the  King's 
subjects,  subject  always  to  an  oath  taken  by  each 
councillor  and  by  every  member  of  the  Assembly  to 
make    no    peace    without    "  to    the    uttermost    of    his 


I  i.xgK-MyyAVe'jncagJc.^jija;:  »niiWiif.«^ytui>.«n»  tmutiiKmmmmmmmmmmmmmmimm>tmmmimm 


LESSONS   OF   HISTORY.  1 53 

power  "  striving  for  the  public  exercise  of  the  Roman 
Catholic  religion.  At  this  period  the  public  hatred  of 
England  and  Scotland  to  that  religion  was  intense, 
and  it  was  as  much  as  the  King  could  do,  during  the 
numerous  negotiations  for  peace,  to  promise  secretly 
through  his  agent,  the  Earl  of  Glamorgan,  that  he 
would  grant  the  Catholic  Irish  their  rights  when,  by 
the  aid  of  their  forces,  he  should  be  restored  to  his 
own. 

The    Pope's    Nuncio. 

The  Duke  of  Ormonde,  .a  Protestant,  who  was  the 
King's  Lieutenant,  was  the  central  figure  of  the  drama. 
He  it  was  who,  more  than  any  man  of  that  day,  had  the 
confidence  and  good-will  of  both  countries,  and  while  he 
held  the  reins  of  power  all  went  well.  But  in  1643  the 
Confederation  determined  to  apply  to  the  Pope  for  a 
Nuncio.  Urban  VIII.  sent  Rinuccini,  Archbishop  of 
Fermo,  to  Ireland ;  and  with  the  arrival  of  the  Nuncio 
began  the  series  of  events  which  culminated  in  the 
arrival  of  Cromwell.  Ormonde  had  already  concluded 
the  best  peace  he  could  make,  considering  the  extra- 
ordinary circumstances  of  England,  just  before  the 
landing  in  Ireland  of  Rinuccini,  in  October  1645.  The 
Nuncio,  whose  instructions  from  the  Pope  were  to 
revive  the  Roman  Catholic  religion  in  all  the  freedom 
and  splendour  of  Brussels  and  Paris,  immediately  set 
himself  against  Ormonde.  The  peace  was  proclaimed 
in  August  1646.     Rinuccini  summoned  a  congregation 


154  THE   PRIEST   IN    POLITICS. 

of  the  clergy  to  Waterford,  and  condemned  the  peace, 
declared  the  parties  that  contracted  it  perjured,  and 
excommunicated  all  who  should  support  it.  Such 
high-handed  doings  immediately  made  evident  to  the 
clear-eyed  what  had  always  existed  under  the  out- 
wardly united  body  of  the  Catholic  Confederation. 
The  old  native  Irish  followed  the  Nuncio,  who  pre- 
ferred to  see  the  Parliament  and  the  Puritans  triumph 
rather  than  the  King ;  for  the  King's  triumph  meant 
the  triumph  of  Ormonde,  who  was  a  "  heretic,"  and 
no  heretic  Viceroy  would  help  to  restore  the  Catholic 
religion  in  Ireland.  The  Anglo-Irish  were  naturally 
loyal  to  the  Crown.  They  had,  moreover,  received 
grants  of  land  from  the  kings  of  England,  and  they 
feared  lest  the  old  Irish,  under  the  Nuncio's  leader- 
ship, would  assert  their  claim  to  the  whole  soil  of 
Ireland.  It  was  through  fear  of  this  claim  that  many 
Catholics  of  great  estate  avoided  joining  the  Con- 
federation until  they  were  forced  by  circumstances  into 
the  ranks.  The  action  of  the  Nuncio  precipitated  the 
divisions  which  had  hitherto  been  covered  over.  The 
old  Irish  were  set  in  a  flame  by  the  Pope's  repre- 
sentative, and  believed  that  the  Nuncio  was  sent  to 
free  the  country  from  the  rule  of  heretics  and  to  head 
them  in  a  war  for  this  purpose.  They  always  believed 
that  if  the  worst  came  to  the  worst  France  and  Spain 
would  come  to  the  assistance  of  Ireland,  to  prevent  the 
establishment  of  a  heretical  republic.  The  result  was 
that  all    cohesion  amongst    Irish  parties  disappeared. 


LESSONS   OF    HISTORY.  1 55 

The  Ormondists  and  the  Nuncio's  faction  were  at  open 
war  with  each  other;  and  Ormonde,  in  1647,  gave  up 
Dubhn  to  the  ParHament  of  England  and  retired  from 
the  Viceroyalty.  Again  the  Supreme  Council  of  the 
Confederation  negotiated  for  his  return,  and  he  came 
back  in  1648.  Again  the  Nuncio  and  the  Catholic 
clergy  excommunicated  all  who  should  serve  in  his 
ranks ;  Owen  Roe  O'Neil  supporting  the  old  Irish, 
and  Preston  supporting  the  Supreme  Council  and  the 
Anglo-Irish.  In  1649  the  Nuncio  fled  from  Ireland. 
But  in  1650  the  bishops  and  clergy  drove  away 
Ormonde  a  second  time,  and  formed  a  new  confedera- 
tion on  the  principle  of  freedom  of  religion,  and  believed 
that  either  God  or  foreign  nations  would  come  to  their 
aid.  But  instead  there  appeared  upon  the  horizon 
the  terrible  visage  and  sword  of  Oliver  Cromwell, 
overthrowing  all  Irish  factions,  and  making  the  strong 
arm  of  England  felt  in  every  corner  of  the  island. 

The  Modern  Parallel. 

The  Nationalists  of  to-day  fill  exactly  the  part  of 
the  old  Irish  in  the  Catholic  Confederation.  The  Irish 
bishops  of  that  day  rushed  in,  headed  by  the  "  bed- 
lamite "  Nuncio,  to  prevent  the  ratification  of  Ormonde's 
place.  Religion  in  all  its  splendour,  the  restoration 
of  Church  and  Abbey  lands,  their  seats  in  the  House 
of  Lords  :  all  that  they  cared  for,  was  in  question. 
And  they  accordingly  excommunicated  all  who  sup- 
ported   the   peace.      This    was    to    boycott    the   loyal 


156  THE   PRIEST   IN    POLITICS. 

Anglo-Irish  Catholics  of  Ireland.  Their  successors 
in  the  Irish  hierarchy  have  thrown  themselves  in  the 
same  way  between  owners  and  occupiers  of  land, 
supporting  the  Plan  of  Campaign  and  preventing  any 
negotiations  for  peace  or  agreement  in  a  social  war 
of  humble  dimensions.  We  see  Archbishops  Walsh 
and  Croke  blessing  the  opponents  of  English  law,  and 
writing  manifestoes  urging  resistance  to  established 
authority.  Rinuccini  insisted  on  the  recognition  of 
ecclesiastical  immunity,  and  forced  the  Assembly  of 
the  Catholic  Confederation  to  declare  through  their 
President  that  the  House  did  not  claim  any  power 
over  a  bishop.  "  It  was  alleged,"  he  wrote,  "  that  the 
law  would  allow  of  the  imprisonment  of  a  bishop. 
But  the  bishops  protested  against  it."  The  same 
immunity  was  claimed  over  and  over  again,  as  has 
been  shown  by  the  Roman  Catholic  clergy  of  the 
present  day  during  the  last  few  years. 

In  this  first  historical  illustration  of  the  calamities 
engendered  and  wrought  out  by  the  domination  of  a 
clerical  party  in  the  State,  the  Ulster  Protestants  have 
an  interesting  as  well  as  a  very  strong  case. 

King  James  II.  in  Ireland. 

We  now  come  to  the  history  of  the  Roman  Catholic 
Parliament  in  Ireland  two  hundred  years  ago.  James  II. 
ascended  the  throne  in  1685,  and  on  coming  to  the 
crown  Ireland  was  in  the  most  flourishing  condition. 
Lands    were    improved,    money    was    plentiful,    trade 


tUJtXV>Vl>-*^^vm'llB^-\^fr^-nniWi_viwm^m  i.j   i  i^  i 


LESSONS   OF    HISTORY.  I  57 

flourished,  and  the  revenue  increased  proportionately. 
In  four  short  years  all  was  desolation  and  misery. 
Driven  from  England,  King  James,  assisted  by  France, 
allied  himself  with  Tyrconnell  and  the  Irish  priesthood 
to  play  the  old  game  of  revolution,  much  as  Mr. 
Gladstone  is  to-day  allied  for  the  same  end  with  Arch- 
bishops Walsh  and  Croke  and  the  Irish-American 
enemy.  Everything  had  been  carefully  prepared  for 
the  king's  arrival.  Tyrconnell,  with  neither  conscience, 
veracity  nor  prudence,  was  an  unscrupulous  tool,  and 
did  his  work  as  thoroughly  as  was  possible.  As  a 
preliminary  step  all  the  Protestant  Militia  were  dis- 
armed. Then  all  Protestants  were  deprived  of  their 
arms,  but  the  Nationalists  or  native  Irish  were  per- 
mitted to  retain  their  weapons.  The  Army  was  next 
remodelled,  and  all  Protestants  were  excluded  from 
service.  The  majority  went  abroad  and  took  service 
under  William.  Then  came  radical  changes  in  the 
Courts  of  Law.  One  Alexander  Fitton,  who  had  been 
detected  in  forgery  in  England,  was  brought  over  by 
Tyrconnell  and  made  Lord  Chancellor.  The  Protestant 
judges  were  nearly  all  superseded  by  Roman  Catholics, 
and  throughout  Ireland  Tyrconnell  secured  to  his 
creatures  the  execution  of  the  laws  and  the  nomination 
of  juries.  Mr.  Healy  and  his  party  are  aiming  at 
the  same  thing  to-day.  In  1687  there  was  but  one 
Protestant  Sheriff  appointed  in  all  Ireland.  The 
corporations  were  the  next  victims.  New  charters 
were  granted  ;  and  in  each,  slaves  to  Tyrconnell  were 


158  THE   PRIEST   IN    POLITICS. 

Stuffed  in,  in  room  of  the  Protestants.  When  the 
Privy  Council  was  entirely  remodelled  in  the  same 
direction  the  cup  of  the  Loyalists  was  full.  The 
whole  military,  civil,  and  administrative  power  in  the 
country  was  at  last  transferred  to  the  native  National- 
ist Irish.  After  four  years  they  had  brought  the  land 
to  desolation.  The  destruction  of  property  was  almost 
incredible ;  cattle  were  slaughtered  in  mere  wanton- 
ness, and  the  Protestants  computed  their  losses  at 
eight  millions  of  money.  The  rapparees  were  the 
lords  of  Ireland,  and  flattered  themselves  that  very 
soon  not  a  Protestant  would  be  left  in  the  country. 
Such  was  the  state  of  affairs  when  James  landed  in 
Kinsale  on  March  12th,  1689. 

He  reached  Dublin  on  the  24th,  where  he  was 
received  by  the  Roman  Catholic  hierarchy  and  passed 
into  the  Castle,  from  which  a  banner  waved  with  the 
inscription  "  Now  or  never  :  now  and  for  ever  " — a 
motto  revived  by  J.  Fintan  Lalor  in  his  celebrated 
sketch  plan  of  agrarian  insurrection  in  1848. 

The  object  of  the  Irish  party  two  centuries  ago 
was  the  threefold  one  which  is  sure  to  make  its  appear- 
ance in  every  Irish  agitation  whatever  may  have  been 
its  commencement :  viz.,  Roman  Catholic  ascendency, 
separation  from  Great  Britain,  and  the  possession  of 
the  land.  At  this  crisis  in  1689  the  Irish  Nationalist 
party  had  already  attained  Roman  Catholic  ascendency, 
and  were  making  their  preparations  for  a  Parliament 
which  should   fully  carry  out   Irish   ideas.      The  first 


LESSONS   OF   HISTORY.  I  59 

Irish  idea  then,  as  now,  was  that  Roman  Catholic 
Ireland  should  never  be  governed  by  Protestant  Eng- 
land. The  hour  was  now  come  :  in  1689  a  Parliament 
assembled  in  Dublin,  which  has  ever  since  remained  a 
curiosity  of  history. 

The  House,  of  course,  was  packed  with  Tyrconnell 
and  his  creatures;  232  members  were  returned.     Six 
only  were  Protestants.     To  his  credit  be  it  stated  that 
James    was    not    in   favour  of  repeaHn<^    the  Acts    of 
Settlement,  but  his  expostulations  and  remonstrances 
only  irritated   the  Irish.     They  even  accused   him   of 
being    a    Protestant.     They    determined    to    have    the 
land  back  again  ;  and  accordingly  a  bill  for  repealing 
the   Acts    of    Settlement    was  passed    with    a    hurrah 
only   to   be  paralleled   in   an   assembly  of  nineteenth- 
century    Nationalists    on    the    point    of    confiscating 
the    property    of    the    present    landowners.       Twelve 
millions    of    acres    were    transferred    to    King   James' 
Nationalists,  and  the  beggaring  and  ruin  of  the   Irish 
Protestants  was  complete.     The  Irish  legislature  next 
forced    the   King    to   agree   to    the    Act    of  Attainder. 
By  this  act  2445  persons  practically — the  whole  Pro- 
testant nobility,  gentry  and  traders  of  Ireland— were 
attainted  of  high  treason,  proscribed  by  name,  and  their 
personal  property   was    confiscated.      Next  were  con- 
fiscated all  the  endowments  of  the  Protestant  Church, 
and  the   church  fabrics    throughout  the   country  were 
also  seized.     Protestantism   was  to  be  destroyed,  and 
accordingly  innumerable  oppressions  were  committed  to 


l6o  THE   PRIEST   IN    POLITICS. 

that  end  with  the  approval  of  the  Executive.  Anarchy 
reigned  supreme,  while  James  and  his  allies  attempted 
to  "  make  Ireland  a  nation  "  under  the  protection  of  a 
foreign  power.  Had  not  William  the  Deliverer  con- 
quered this  Nationalist  rising,  and  rescued  Ireland  from 
the  hands  of  the  "patriots,"  the  British  colony  would 
have  been  wiped  out. 

How  is  forgetfulness  of  such  a  chapter  of  history 
possible  for  the  descendants  of  the  men  who  suffered 
under  this  tyranny  and  helped  powerfully  to  overturn 
it  ?  What  is  bred  in  the  bone  is  bound  to  come  out 
in  the  flesh ;  and  not  all  the  oratory  of  Mr.  Gladstone, 
not  all  the  guarantees  of  a  paper  Constitution,  not  all 
the  assurances  of  the  Archangel  Gabriel  himself,  will 
convince  the  Irish  Protestants  to-day  that  it  is  good 
for  them  to  be  thrust  out  from  the  citizenship  of  a 
United  Kingdom  and  placed  under  the  rule  of  a 
Roman  Catholic  Parliament  in  Dublin.  History  has 
repeated  itself  too  often  in  Ireland  not  to  make  it 
possible  that  it  may  be  repeated  again. 


T*lf:j»«T>-Aj»ea 


CHAPTER   XIV. 

THE   CANADIAN  PRIEST  IN  POLITICS. 

THOSE  who  desire  to  see  an  object  lesson  in 
Home  Rule  cannot  do  better  than  turn  their  eyes 
to  the  province  of  Quebec  in  the  Dominion  of  Canada. 
The  population  is  mainly  Roman  Catholic,  descended 
from  the  old  French  colonists ;  and  although  the  con- 
stitution is  as  democratic  as  it  can  be,  there  is  only  one 
great  power  existing,  and  that  is  the  power  of  the  priest. 
Ireland,  under  Cardinal  Logue  and  Archbishop  Walsh, 
is  accurately  foreshadowed  in  Quebec.  Ultramontanism 
is  supreme,  and  the  Jesuits  are  the  real  governors  of 
the  province.  Let  those  who  desire  to  understand  to 
what  extent  this  is  true  consult  Mr.  Goldwin  Smith's 
book,  Canada  and  the  Canadian  Question.  "  Quebec 
is  a  theocracy,"  he  writes.  "While  Rome  has  been 
losing  her  hold  on  Old  France  and  on  all  the  European 
nations,  she  has  retained,  nay,  tightened,  it  here. 
The  people  are  the  sheep  of  the  priest.  He  is  their 
political  as  well  as  their  spiritual  chief,  and  nominates 
the  politician  who  serves  the  interest  of  the  Church 
at  Quebec  or  at  Ottawa.     The  faith  of  the  peasantry  is 

mediaeval." 

i6i  -      II 


l62  THE   PRIEST   IN    TOLITICS. 

The  Power  of  the  Church  in  Canada. 

The  population  of  Quebec  is   about    1,500,000,    of 
which    a    very    small    minority    is    Protestant,    whose 
numbers    the    stern    logic    of    events    has    tended    to 
diminish.     The  French  Canadians  breed  quickly.     As 
in  Ireland,  the  priests   encourage  early  marriages   and 
discourage  emigration.     The  Legislature  even  has  gone 
so  far  as  to  offer,  as  a  reward,  the  grant  of  one  hundred 
acres  of  land   to  any  family  boasting  twelve  or  more 
children.     The  claimants  numbered  over  a  thousand ! 
Here  would   be  an  interesting  precedent  for  a  Home 
Rule  Government,  who  would  be  naturally  anxious  to 
increase     the    patriotic     population     of    their     native 
land.     "While    the  people   are   poor,  the  Church   is," 
says    Mr.    Goldwin   Smith,    "for  such  a  country,   im- 
mensely rich.     Not  Versailles  or  the  Pyramids  bespoke 
the  power  of  the  king  more  clearly  than  the  great  Church 
and  the  monastery  rising  above  the  cabins  bespeak  the 
power  of  the   priest.     A  hundred  millions    of  dollars 
(i5"22,ooo,ooo)  would  probably  be  a  low   estimate  of 
her   realised    property,    while    her   annual    income    is 
reckoned  at  ten  millions.     Masses  for  souls  are  every- 
where a   source   of  revenue    to   her.     She  is  always 
investing  with   profit.     Besetting  the  people  from  the 
cradle  to  the  grave,with  her  friars  and  nuns  she  daily 
gathers   in    money,    of  which    none   ever   leaves   her 
coffers,    even   for    taxes,    since   she   asserts   her  sacred 
imrnunity  from  taxation.     Lotteries,  in    spite    of  their 


^mX^J^^w'^^^^-c^^JS^kJ*-'  **^**' 


THE   CANADIAN    PRIEST   IN    POLITICS.  1 63 

affinity  to  gambling,  are  sanctioned  to  add  to  the  Holy 
Fund." 

The  Incidence  of  Taxation. 

With  such  conditions  it  is  natural  that  the  Roman 
Catholic  Church  in  Quebec  should  use  its  power  in  the 
Legislature  to  lay  the  principal  burden  of  taxation 
where  it  will  not  touch  its  own  pocket.  Mr.  T.  W. 
Russell,  M.P.,  has  given  a  graphic  sketch  of  the  way 
this  has  been  managed.  Writing  in  the  Scotsman,  he 
says  : — 

"  The  fact  is,  the  exactions  of  a  rapacious  and  rich 
Church  have  ruined  the  peasantry.  They  are  steeped 
in  poverty.  They  can  and  do  contribute  little  or 
nothing  to  the  provincial  revenues.  The  treasury  of 
the  province  is  empty.  Her  debt  rolls  up.  And  the 
only  resource  left  is  a  raid  upon  the  Englishry  of 
Montreal.  Thus  we  have  all  kinds  of  ecclesiastical 
property  exempt  from  taxation — municipal  and  pro- 
vincial— whilst  every  commercial  company  is  taxed, 
the  minimum  tax  on  a  Hmited  company  being  $600. 
Nor  is  the  system  of  taxation  fair.  The  Bank  of 
Montreal,  for  example,  is  taxed  for  Quebec  purposes 
on  its  full  capital.  And  it  is,  of  course,  taxed  else- 
where in  some  other  way.  As  for  the  municipality, 
the  case  is  said  to  be  even  more  glaring.  Nine-tenths 
of  the  commerce  of  the  province  is  in  the  hands  of 
the  Englishry.  It  would  be  much  more  correct  to  say 
that  it  is  in  the  hands  of  the  Scotch,  for   Scotsmen 


l64  THE    PRIEST    IN    POLITICS. 

are  at  the  head  of  everything.  The  railways,  the 
banks,  the  insurance  companies,  the  shipping,  the  land 
trusts,  the  large  warehouses — everything  of  the  kind 
is  English  or  Scottish.  In  Montreal  the  English, 
French,  and  Irish  quarters  are  separate  and  apart. 
The  Englishry  are  taxed  to  the  throat — the  others 
practically  go  scot  free.  And  whenever  a  deficiency 
occurs  a  raid  is  made  on  the  commercial  classes.  Of 
course,  there  is  always  a  fresh  valuation.  But,  all  the 
same,  the  raid  is  made,  and  it  is  safe  to  say  that  this 
comparatively  small  portion  of  the  population  bears 
five-sixths  of  the  city  and  provincial  taxation.  If  ever 
there  was  an  object  lesson  for  Ulster,  it  is  to  be  found 
in  Quebec.  Here  we  have  the  Celtic  race  ;  here  we 
have  the  Roman  Catholic  Church,  at  once  a  Christian 
institution  and  a  political  machine ;  here  we  have 
Home  Rule  in  all  its  fulness  plus  paid  members  of 
Parliament  and  plenty  of  them.  And  certainly  the 
Canadians  in  Quebec  are  not  happy." 

The  Claim  of  Ecclesiastical  Immunity.* 

Instances  have  already  been  given  in  a  former  chapter 
of  the  claims  which  Roman  Catholic  priests  in  Ireland 
have  made  during  the  past  years  to  stand  above  the 
law.  In  Quebec,  however,  these  claims  have  been 
carried  still  further. 

In   the   year    1876  an   election   petition   against   the 

*  Article  on  "  Canada  and  Canadian  Institutions,"  Scofs- 
man;  ]an.  12th,  1893. 


THE   CANADIAN    PRIEST   IN    POLITICS.  165 

return  of  Sir  Hector  Langevin  took  place  in  the  province 
of  Quebec.  The  case  came  on  for  hearing  before  one 
of  Her  Majesty's  judges — Judge  Routhier,  a  Roman 
Catholic,  Among  the  witnesses  summoned  on  subpoena 
was  the  Rev.  M.  Cinq-Mars  cure  of  St.  Simon's.  This 
ecclesiastic  addressed  the  court  as  follows  : — 

"  In  accordance  with  the  instructions  forwarded  to 
all  parish  priests  at  the  same  time  as  the  last  pastoral 
letter  of  the  bishops  of  the  Province  of  Quebec,  it 
would  be  my  duty  respectfully  to  deny  the  competence 
of  this  tribunal.  Nevertheless,  as  I  am  accused  by  a 
false  witness  named  Johnny  Desbians,  and  leave  has 
been  granted  by  my  bishop,  the  Archbishop  of  Quebec, 
to  all  parish  priests  of  Chalevoix  to  appear  as  witnesses 
in  this  case  b}'  a  letter  addressed  to  the  counsel  for 
the  defendant,  and  the  parish  priests  of  the  country, 
I,  of  my  own  free  will,  come  forward  to  give  my 
evidence  ;  nevertheless  recording  my  protest," 

Notwithstanding  this  impudent  statement  the  trial 
proceeded,  and  in  his  summing  up  the  judge  pro- 
ceeded to  deal  with  the  claim  made  by  the  cure  of 
St.  Simon's,  and,  in  doing  so,  made  the  following 
astounding  observations  :— 

"  Immunity  '  dc  persona '  is  the  privilege  of  the 
competent  court.  It  is  personal,  inherent  in  every 
ecclesiastical  person,  and  consists  in  its  not  being 
possible  that  that  ecclesiastical  person  should  be 
accused  or  cited  for  trial  before  any  but  an  ecclesias- 
tical   court.       The    personal    immunity    of    the    priest 


1 66  THE   PRIEST   IN    rOLITICS. 

extends  to  all  cases,  whatever  be  their  nature,  save  a 
few  rare  exceptions  which  it  would  be  too  long  to 
enumerate.  Whether  he  may  have  acted  as  a  priest- 
or  as  a  citizen  in  his  public  life,  or  as  an  individual 
in  his  private  life,  he  is  alwa3's  an  ecclesiastical  person 
— he  enjoys  the  privilege  of  a  competent  court,  that  is 
to  say,  he  can  decline  the  competency  of  any  lay  court. 
Such  is  the  Catholic  doctrine,  and  I  can  give  its 
substance  in  a  few  words.  I  am  incompetent  in  all 
cases  where  the  question  to  be  decided  is  one  of 
dogmatic  doctrine,  of  morals  or  discipline,  and  also  in 
those  cases  where  the  person  prosecuted  is  an  ecclesi- 
astic. I  am  competent  to  judga  the  actions  of  a  priest 
so  far  as  they  affect  the  interests  of  third  parties, 
provided  that  the  actions  are  of  a  temporal  description 
and  that  the  person  of  the  priest  is  not  involved." 

The  Claim  Dismissed  on  Appeal. 

Finally  the  judge  dismissed  the  petition.  The 
petitioners  promptly  appealed  to  the  Supreme  Court 
of  Canada,  and  the  moment  the  case  came  before  the 
Court  the  judgment  was  of  course  reversed  and  the 
appeal  allowed. 

It  may  be  thought  by  some  that  Judge  Routhier's 
dictum  was  only  the  eccentricity  of  one  ill-informed 
bigoted  man.  It  seems  hard  to  believe  that  any  of 
Her  Majesty's  judges  in  any  part  of  the  British  Empire 
should  deliberatel}'  go  back  to  a  condition  of  things 
which  was  generally  supposed  to  be  put  an  end  to  by 


THE   CANADIAN    PRIEST   IN    POLITICS.  1 6/ 

the  Constitutions  of  Clarendon,  some  six  hundred  years 
ago,  for  his  views  of  the  rights  of  Her  Majesty's 
courts. 

But  unfortunately  we  are  left  in  no  doubt  at  all 
upon  this  matter.  The  judgment  delivered  by  Judge 
Routhier  was  a  correct  expression  of  the  doctrine  of 
the  Roman  Catholic  Church — a  doctrine  which  has 
always  found,  and  will  always  find,  its  expression  in 
every  country  where  the  authorities  of  the  Roman 
Catholic  Church  are  sufficiently  free  from  civilised 
public  opinion  to  dare  to  enforce  it. 

The  Bishops  Condemn  the  Judgment. 

The  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court  was  followed  by 
a  "  Declaration "  by  the  bishops  of  the  province  of 
Quebec,  in  which,  after  mentioning  the  rights  of  the 
Church  as  an  instructor  in  all  matters,  they  refer  to 
and  condemn  the  judgment  of  the  Supreme  Court. 
They  particularly  selected  for  condemnation  the  follow- 
ing paragraph  in  that  judgment : — 

**  I  admit  without  the  slightest  hesitation,  and  with 
the  fullest  conviction,  the  right  of  the  Catholic  priest 
to  preach  and  define  religious  dogma  and  every  point 
of  ecclesiastical  discipline.  I  deny  to  him  in  the  pre- 
sent case,  as  well  as  in  every  similar  one,  the  right 
to  point  out  an  individual  as  a  political  party,  and  to 
hold  the  one  or  the  other  to  public  indignation  by 
accusing  it  of  Catholic  Hberalism  or  any  other  religious 
error.     Above   all,   I   deny  him    the  right  to  say  that 


1 68  THE   PRIEST   IN    TOLITICS. 

any  one   who    may  assist    in    the   election    of  such  a 
candidate  will  commit  a  heinous  sin." 

It  should  be  noted  that  the  Roman  Catholic  judges 
of  the  Supreme  Court  entirely  concurred  with  the 
judgment  of  their  Protestant  brothers.  This  action  on 
their  part  raised  a  storm  of  indignation  among  the 
priests'  party.  The  excommunication  of  the  offending 
judges  was  demanded,  nor  was  the  trouble  put  an  end  to 
until  a  special  delegate  had  been  sent  over  by  the  Pope 
to  inquire  into  the  whole  question — an  inquiry  which 
led  to  an  order  from  the  Vatican  enjoining  cferical 
abstention  from  all  interference  in  elections. 

A  Canadian  Priest  on  Lay  Obedience. 

As  to  the  view  which  the  priests  themselves  in 
Lower  Canada  take  of  their  spiritual  duties,  it  does  not 
appear  that  it  materially  differs  from  that  adopted  by 
several  of  the  priests  in  Meath.  Here,  for  instance,  is 
the  view  expressed  by  the  cure  of  LTle  Bizard  in  the 
instructions  issued  by  him  to  his  flock  : — 

"  I  am  here  on  purpose  to  guide  you ;  and  if  you  do 
not  do  as  I  tell  you,  you  will  be  damned.  For,  mind 
you,  I  was  appointed  your  cure  by  the  bishop,  who  in 
his  turn  was  appointed  by  the  Pope,  and  he  (the  Pope), 
you  know  very  well,  was  appointed  by  God.  There- 
fore, when  you  do  not  do  as  I  tell  you,  when  you  do 
not  listen  to  me,  you  do  not  listen  to  God ;  and  if  you 
do  not  listen  to  the  voice  of  God  through  me,  you  will 
be   damned.      Remember,   we  have  had    two  sudden 


THE   CANADIAN    rRIi:ST   IN    POLITICS.  1 69 

deaths  in  this  parish  during  the  week.  Were  these 
people  prepared  ?  I  do  not  know.  But  remember 
you  may  also  die  suddenly.  Are  you  going  to  prepare 
yourselves  to  meet  your  God,  your  Sovereign  Judge, 
by  voting  for  the  enemies  of  His  Church  ?  " 

Such  are  some  of  the  features  of  the  conduct  of 
Canadian  priests  in  politics,  and  they  prove  conclusively 
that  the  same  spirit  of  intolerance  and  mediaeval  des- 
potism exists  on  both  sides  of  the  Atlantic. 

What  has  happened  under  Home  Rule  in  Quebec 
is  most  likely  to  happen  in  Ireland.  The  analogy 
is  striking  if  not  absolutely  complete.  There  is  the 
demand  of  the  priesthood  for  legislative  independence, 
which,  since  1867  in  Quebec,  has  secured  to  the  Roman 
Catholic  Church  in  that  province  unlimited  power. 
That  power  has  been  used  to  boycott  public  opinion, 
to  tax  the  great  industries  which  are  in  the  hands  of 
the  Protestant  minority,  and  to  enable  the  Church  to 
become  enormously  wealthy.  Quite  lately  the  Roman 
Catholic  majority  in  Quebec  passed  an  Act  endow- 
ing the  Jesuits  out  of  public  property.  What  has 
been  done  with  regard  to  Montreal,  the  seat  of 
those  industries,  may  well  be  expected  to  be  done 
with  regard  to  Belfast.  And  political  corruption  has 
followed  in  the  train  of  this  combination  of  Home  Rule 
and  Ultramontanism. 

"  Mr.  Mercier  has  risen,"  said  Mr.  Goldwin  Smith 
in  1891,  "to  lead  Ultramontanism  and  Nationalism  at 
once,  and  has  been  raised  by  their  joint  forces  to  the 


I70  THE    PRIKST   IN    POLITICS 

premiership  of  the  province.  He  proclaims  himself 
the  devout  liegeman  of  the  Pope,  wears  a  papal  decora- 
tion on  his  breast,  seeks  the  papal  blessing  before 
going  into  an  election  contest,  champions  all  ecclesias- 
tical claims,  restores  the  Jesuits  to  their  estates,  and 
boasts  to  a  great  Roman  Catholic  assemblage  at 
Baltimore  that  he  has  thereby  redressed  the  wrong 
done  by  George  III."  Since  then  Mr.  Mercier  has 
been  driven  from  power,  leaving  behind  him  an  almost 
bankrupt  treasury,  and  the  necessity  of  fresh  taxation, 
while  charges  of  wholesale  jobbery  and  corruption 
taint  the  whole  political  atmosphere.  Such  is  Home 
Rule  in  Quebec  ;  and  in  Quebec,  as  in  Ireland,  the 
hand  that  grasps  political  power  is  that  of  the  Roman 
Catholic  priest. 


CHAPTER   XV. 

THE    ATTITUDE    OF   IRISH   PROTESTANTISM. 

\  T  THEN  the  bill  for  the  Disestablishment  of  the 
^  '  Church  of  Ireland  in  1869  was  passing  through 
its  third  reading  Mr.  Disraeli  spoke  of  the  effect  of 
that  measure  upon  the  aims  and  objects  of  the  Papacy. 
He  prophesied  that  it  would  take  advantage  of  the 
new  departure  to  advance  its  opinions  and  its  political 
authority.     Then  he  went  on  to  say  : — 

"Will  the  Protestants  of  Ireland  submit  to  the 
establishment  of  Papal  ascendency  without  a  struggle  ? 
It  may  occur  probably  when  the  Union  of  the  two 
countries,  which  is  to  be  partially  dissolved  to-night, 
may  be  completely  destroyed ;  for  it  is  very  possible 
that  after  a  period  of  great  disquietude,  doubt  and 
passion,  events  may  occur  which  may  complete  that 
severance  of  the  Union  which  to-night  we  are  com- 
mencing. What  I  fear  is  that  it  may  lead  to  civil  war. 
It  is  natural  and  probable  that  the  Papal  power  in 
Ireland  will  attempt  to  attain  ascendency  and  pre- 
dominance. I  say  it  is  natural,  and  what  is  more,  it 
ought  to  do  it,  and  it  will  do  it. .    Is  it  natural  that  the 

171 


172  THE   PRIEST   IN    POLITICS. 

Protestants  of  Ireland  should  submit  without  a  struggle 
to  such  a  state  of  things  ?  You  know  they  will  not. 
Is  England  to  interfere  ?  Are  we  to  have  a  repetition 
of  the  direful  history  which  on  both  sides  now  we 
desire  to  forget  "^  Is  there  to  be  another  battle  ot 
the  Boyne,  another  siege  of  Derry,  another  Treaty  of 
Limerick  ?  These  things  are  not  only  possible,  but 
probable." 

If  such  catastrophes  appeared  possible  and  probable 
in  1869  to  the  far-seeing  eye  of  an  English  statesman, 
can  any  one  say  that  they  are  not  actually  impending 
with  the  slow  but  awful  certitude  of  a  moving 
avalanche  ?  Mr.  John  Morley  endeavoured,  on  the 
eve  of  the  Belfast  Convention  in  1892,  to  laugh  away 
the  fears  of  Irish  Protestants.  "  What,"  said  he,  "are 
these  men  afraid  of?  I  never  can  get  an  answer  to 
that  question."  In  these  pages  some  attempt  has  been 
made  to  answer  Mr.  Morley.  His  effort  to  reduce  the 
case  of  the  Irish  Protestants  to  an  absurdity  failed 
most  signally,  and  is  perhaps  an  adequate  measure  of 
a  philosopher's  statesmanship. 

"There  was  an  exhibition,"  he  said,  "the  other 
day  in  Maddox  Street  of  instruments  of  mediaeval 
torture.  Do  they  expect  the  Irish  Parliament  is  going 
to  revive  the  cruelties  of  the  Inquisition,  and  rekindle 
the  fires  of  Smithfield  ?  It  is  nonsense.  Everybody 
knows  it  is  nonsense." 

Is  boycotting  nonsense  ?  Are  the  penalties  of  non- 
compliance with  the  edict  of  boycotting  nonsense  ?     Is 


THE   ATTITUDE   OF   IRISH    PROTESTANTISM.       173 

not  boycotting  under  clerical  sanction  rather  the  revival 
of  the  Inquisition  scientificall}'  wrought  out  and  worked 
as  cruelly  and  relentlessly  as  ever  the  system  was  in 
Spain  ?  Mr.  Morley  talks  of  the  fires  of  Smithfield  and 
the  impossibility  of  their  revival.  It  may  be  so.  But 
the  revelations  of  the  Meath  petition  demonstrate  that 
at  the  end  of  the  nineteenth  century  the  spirit  of  per- 
secution lives  and  burns  as  fiercely  in  Ireland  as  ever 
it  did  in  England  in  the  days  of  Bloody  Mary.  Such 
attempts  to  palter  with  the  situation  are  unworthy  of 
any  man  claiming  to  be  a  statesman. 

The  Church'  of  Ireland. 

Rightly  or  wrongly,  the  Irish  Protestants  are  prac- 
tically unanimous  at  this  great  crisis  of  Ireland's  history 
upon  the  subject  of  Home  Rule.  Let  us  review  the 
action  of  the  various  Protestant  communities  taken  and 
repeated  ofttimes  during  the  past  seven  years.  In  1886 
the  Protestant  Episcopal  Church  of  Ireland  held  a 
special  General  S3'nod,  composed  of  two  archbishops 
and  ten  bishops,  208  cleric&l  and  416  lay  members. 
This  body  represented  600,000  people  in  every  district 
and  parish  in  Ireland.  The  widespread  distribution  of 
these  Protestants  can  be  imagined  when  it  is  said  that 
a  quarter  of  a  million  live  in  the  three  provinces  outside 
Ulster.  This  Synod  passed  unanimously  resolutions 
against  Home  Rule,  and  declared  that  such  a  measure 
would  aggravate  the  peril  to  civil  and  religious  liberty, 
and  the  insecurity   of  life  and  property,   which   even 


T74  THE    PRIEST   IN    TOLITICS. 

then  existed.  The  debate  upon  these  resolutions  was 
most  striking,  and  is  well  worthy  of  reference  and 
reconsideration. 

"  It  is  the  thing,  not  the  name,  we  object  to,"  said 
the  Bishop  of  Derry.  "Our  gorge  rises  at  the  tartar 
emetic,  though  the  doctor  soothingly  calls  it  antimonial 
wine.  We  desire  to  remain  an  integral  part  of  an 
Imperial  people.  We  and  our  fathers  have  lived  undei 
the  shadow  of  a  great  tree,  the  stately  growth  of  a 
thousand  summers.  We  will  not  exchange  it  for  a 
place  under  a  tree  which  sophists  and  experiment- 
alists have  taken  a  fancy  to  plant  head  downwards, 
whose  sure  fall  will  crush  us  amidst  the  inextinguish- 
able laughter  of  the  world." 

The  Nonconformist  Churches  of  Ireland. 

In  March  1886  official  addresses  were  presented  by 
all  the  Protestant  Churches  in  Ireland  to  Lord  Aberdeen 
expressing  the  same  sentiment.  The  Presbyterian 
Church,  numbering  500,000 ;  the  Non-Subscribing 
Presbyterians,  60,000;  and  the  Methodist  Church, 
numbering  51,000,  all  declared  their  belief  that  under 
a  separate  Parliament  civil  and  religious  liberty  would 
be  endangered,  and  the  present  system  of  education 
in  Ireland  would  be  altered  to  the  detriment  of  the 
Protestant  bodies. 

In  1888  an  address  was  presented  to  Lord  Salisbury 
and  Lord  Hartington  by  the  ministers  of  the  Non- 
conformist   Churches  in    Ireland    on   November    14th, 


THE   ATTITUDE   OF   IRISH    PROTESTANTISM.       1 75 

deprecating  in  the  strongest  manner,  as  disastrous  to 
the  best  interests  of  the  country,  a  separate  Parhament 
for  Ireland.  "  We  do  not  beheve,"  said  the  address, 
"  that  any  guarantees,  moral  or  material,  could  be 
devised  which  would  safeguard  the  right  of  minorities 
scattered  throughout  Ireland."  Out  of  a  total  of  990 
Nonconformist  ministers  of  all  denominations,  864 
signed  the  address.  Only  eight  declared  themselves 
Home  Rulers,  and  the  remainder  mostly  declined  on 
the  ground  that  being  ministers  of  religion  they  wished 
to  have  nothing  to  do  with  politics. 

The  significance  of  their,  address,  as  the  Moderator, 
Mr.  Lynd,  said,  was  emphasised  by  the  fact  that  until 
Mr.  Gladstone  abandoned  the  Liberalism  of  the  greater 
part  of  his  political  life,  at  least  95  per  cent,  of  the 
ministers  of  his  Church  were  his  most  ardent  and 
devoted  adherents.  Indeed,  out  of  the  600  Presby- 
terian ministers,  he  questioned  whether  they  could  have 
found  more  than  a  dozen  who  were  not  supporters  of 
Mr.  Gladstone's  policy.  The  same  might  have  been 
said  of  the  other  Irish  Nonconformist  bodies.  They 
had  not  surrendered  their  Liberalism,  but  Mr,  Gladstone 
had  marched  with  colours  flying  into  the  Parnellite 
camp,  and  put  himself  at  the  head  of  the  Parnellite 
forces,  and  they  declined  to  follow  him. 

A  Methodist  on  the  Crisis. 

The  Rev.  Henry  Evans,  D.D.,  on  behalf  of  the 
Methodist  Church,  said  : — 


1/6  THE    PRIEST   IN    TOLITICS. 

"  As  regards  my  own  Church,  my  Lords,  its  right  is 
that  of  a  body  across  whose  shield  the  bar  sinister  has 
never  been  drawn— a  body  on  whose  escutcheon  there 
is  not  a  blot — a  body  whose  Christian  service  and 
honourable  citizeiship  history  dares  not  challenge. 
Our  right  to  be  heard  on  behalf  of  our  country  is  that 
of  a  Church  among  whose  members  there  is  the  smallest 
percentage  of  illiteracy — is  that  of  a  Church  of  whose 
members,  I  believe,  there  is  not  one  in  jail  in  all 
Ireland — is  that  of  a  Church  whose  people  are  not  in 
the  '  workhouse  '  or  a  burden  to  the  rates.  We  neither 
manufacture  criminals  nor  paupers,  nor  have  we  ever 
obliged  the  state  to  expend  a  sixpence  to  make  us  loyal. 
Our  '  local  knowledge '  tells  us  that  Mr.  Gladstone 
cannot  say  the  same  of  his  Fenian  proteges  and  Parnellite 
allies,  out  of  whose  'circles'  and  'branches'  his 
proposed  government  of  Ireland  would  be  framed. 
Nor  is  our  support  of  the  Union  due  to  any  financial 
interest  which  we  draw  from  it.  We  have  no  endow- 
ments, and  never  had.  There  is  nothing  in  the  way 
of  office  to  purchase  our  allegiance,  Christianity  and 
patriotism  alone  inspire  and  dictate  our  loyalty  to  the 
Union,  for  under  Imperial  administration  alone  can  the 
equilibrium  and  tranquil  equipoise  of  rival  interests  be 
secured  to  Ireland.  My  Lords,  I  have  been  asked  to 
indicate  the  hurt  which  a  Parnellite  Government  would 
do  to  Ireland.  It  would  inevitably  put  education  under 
the  priesthood ;  and  I  ask  English  Nonconformists  how 
they  would  like  that  for  themselves  in  England  ?  " 


■  ».   .wan^fi^' 


THE  ATTITUDE  OF   IRISH   PROTESTANTISM.      1 77 

These  sentiments  were  again  endorsed  at  the  Irish 
Methodist  Conference  in  June  1892. 

In  1890  the  Irish  Presbyterian  Church  made  a 
further  declaration  against  Home  Rule,  contained  in  an 
address  to  the  Presbyterian  and  the  Nonconformist 
bodies  in  Great  Britain  ;  signed  by  the  Moderator,  the 
Rev.  W.  Park.  Individually  and  in  their  corporate 
capacity  the  Irish  Protestants  have  continued  in  season 
and  out  of  season  to  urge  their  views  upon  the  people 
of  Great  Britain. 

Appeal  to  British  Nonconformists. 

The  following  is  an  extract  from  the  appeal  sent  to 
British  Nonconformists  at  the  General  Election  of  1892 
by  their  Irish  brethren,  and  it  sets  forth  with  great 
plainness  the  feelings  of  Irish  Protestants  upon  Mr. 
Gladstone's  proposals  : — 

"  Being  at  a  distance,  you  possibly  do  not  appreciate 
the  power  which  the  Roman  Catholic  bishops  and 
priests  have  over  the  great  bulk  of  Irish  Roman 
Catholics,  and  the  determination  which  they  display  to 
compel  obedience  to  their  directions  in  temporal  as 
well  as  in  spiritual  matters.  The  Roman  Catholic 
hierarchy  claim  the  right  to  direct  their  people  in  all 
proceedings  where  the  interests  of  Catholicity  are 
involved,  and  also  to  determine  for  their  people  what 
are  the  proceedings  which  affect  the  interests  of  their 
Church.  This  is,  in  effect,  a  claim  on  the  part  of  the 
hierarchy   to    govern    Ireland,    in .  which    the    Roman 

12 


1/8  THE   PRIEST   IN    POLITICS. 

Catholic  population  is  in  a  majority  ;  and  under  a 
system  of  Home  Rule  they  would  be  enabled  to  do 
so.  We  believe  that  no  guarantees,  moral  or  material, 
can  be  devised  which  will  guard  the  rights  of  the 
Protestant  minorities  which  are  scattered  throughout 
Ireland  against  the  encroachments  of  a  Roman  Catholic 
majority  endowed  with  legislative  and  executive  powers, 
and  thus  directed  by  their  clergy.  History,  as  Well 
as  experience,  in  this  and  other  lands,  assure  us  of 
this.  We  accordingly  feel  that  the  proposal  to  give 
Ireland  Home  Rule  most  seriously  threatens  our 
religious  liberties,  which  would  in  numberless  ways 
be  imperilled  under  an  Irish  National  Parliament,  the 
majority  in  which  would  be  elected  on  the  nomination 
of  the  Roman  Catholic  priests.  Judging  from  the 
past,  such  a  Parliament  would  claim  and  exercise  the 
right  to  tax  Protestants  for  the  maintenance  of  educa- 
tional institutions  in  the  direct  interests  of  Roman 
Catholicism,  would  legalise  the  desecration  of  the 
Lord's  da}^,  and  would  ultimately  establish  and  endow 
the  Roman  Catholic  religion  in  Ireland.  From  these 
and  many  other  evils  we  are  preserved  by  the  Imperial 
Parliament." 

Views  ov  the  Rev.  J.   Parker. 

This  appeal  met  with  the  approval  and  sympathy 
of  no  less  a  person  than  the  Rev.  Joseph  Parker,  a 
well-known  London  Congregationalist  and  a  follower 
of  Mr.  Gladstone.     He  said  : — 


THE  ATTITUDE   OF   IRISH   PROTESTANTISM.      1 79 

"We  rightly  listen  to  appeals  from  Eastern  Chris- 
tians and  from  oppressed  nationalities  :  why,  then,  pay 
no  heed  to  the  statements  of  our  fellow-subjects  ?  If 
they  are  few  in  number,  the  more  need  they  may  have 
of  our  help.  If  their  Protestantism  is  the  cause  of 
their  alarm,  this  only  confirms  their  place  in  our  own 
historical  succession.  We  cannot  separate  ourselves 
from  our  Ulster  brethren.  Nonconformity  is  one  and 
the  same  all  the  world  over.  It  is  not  for  the  hand  to 
ignore  the  foot,  or  the  eye  to  ignore  the  ear  :  we  hold 
a  common  principle,  and  we  must  unite  in  a  common 
demand.  No  greater  disaster  could  befall  us  than  the 
creation  of  one  kind  of  Nonconformity  in  England  and 
another  in  Ireland."  * 

Only  a  few  selections  have  been  made  from  the  great 
mass  of  utterances  which  have  been  given  forth  from 
Protestant  Ireland.  The  voice  of  Protestant  Ireland, 
however,  was  heard  unequivocally  at  the  Belfast  Con- 
vention ;  and  that  historic  event  deserves,  and  must 
receive,  separate  treatment.  Meanwhile  the  views  of 
Ulstermen  have  been  admirably  put  in  the  Spectator 
by  an  "  Irish  Nonconformist"     He  said  :  — 

"  Since  the  Union,  and  during  this  present  century, 
what  has  been  called  '  Greater  Britain '  has  been 
formed,  and  India  has  become  an  Empire.  Owing  to 
the  fact  that  Irishmen  have  had  fewer  openings  in  their 
own  country  than  either  Englishmen  or  Scotchmen 
have  had  in  theirs,  the  descendants  of  these  men  have 
*   Times,  June  20th,  1892. 


l80  THE   PRIEST   IN    POLITICS. 

sought  employment  in  all  parts  of  the  world  under  the 
British   flag.       In    India  they  have   risen   to  the  very 
highest  positions,  and  have  done,  I  really  believe,  more 
in  proportion  to  their  numbers  to  build  up  our  great 
Empire   than   either   Englishmen  or  Scotchmen.     The 
result  is  that  now  we,  the   Unionists  of  Ireland,  are 
intensely  proud  of  the  Empire  and  its  flag,  which  we 
have  helped  to  carry  to  victory  in  all  parts  of  the  world. 
We  are  proud  of  the  Colonies  which  we  have  helped 
to  form  and  to  civihse  and  to  govern.     We  are  proud 
that  Lord  Wolseley,  Lord  Roberts,  and  now  Sir  George 
White,   all   Irish   Unionists,   are  among  the  principal 
guardians  of   Britain's  power.     We  are  proud  of  the 
life-work  of  Lords  Dufferin,  Mayo,  and  Lawrence,  and 
a  host  of  other   Irishmen  who   have  represented  and 
strengthened  the  Empire  in  various  lands.     And  we, 
who  are  the  descendants  of  the  men  who  were  repre- 
sented in  the  Irish  Parliaments  of  the  last  century,  are 
now  proud  to  be  equal  citizens  with  Englishmen  and 
Scotchmen  in  the  United  Parliament,  and  with  equal 
rights  in  the  management  of  the  great  Empire  which 
we  have  materially  helped  to  form.     In  fact,  we  now 
feel  ourselves  to  be  a  part  of  the  Mother-country  from 
which    this    Empire   has    sprung.     If    you    take    this 
position  from  us  and  put  us  under  an  Irish  Parliament, 
in  which  we  cannot  have  any  power  except  by  opposing 
England  and  her  interests  and  acting  entirely  for  our 
own    safety,   you   may  be   as   sure  as  you  can  be  of 
anything  which  lias  not  taken  place,  that  we  shall  be 


THE   ATTITUDE   OF   IRISH   PROTESTANTISM.      l8[ 

in  Ireland  England's  bitterest  political  foes ;  and  as 
sure  as  there  is  a  tribute  imposed  upon  Ireland  by 
England  over  which  we  have  no  control,  it  will  be  a 
source  of  intense  bitterness  which  will  lead  to  future 
trouble  of  which  the  Gladstonian  Liberals  have  now 
apparently  no  thought.  A  son  turned  out  of  his 
father's  house  when  he  has  been  doing  his  duty,  in 
order  to  try  to  win  another  son  who  has  been  disloyal 
to  his  family,  cannot  have  kindly  feelings  towards  those 
who  have  so  ill-treated  him.  This  is  what  the  Glad- 
stonian Liberals  are  now  trying  to  do  with  us.  We 
love  the  British  flag  and  all  that  it  represents.  It  is 
the  symbol  to  us  of  liberty,  power,  and  unity.  There 
is  not  a  Nationalist  Member  of  Parliament  who  dare 
exhibit  this  flag  in  Ireland.  The  Unionists,  who  are 
British  in  their  feelings  and  conduct,  are  to  be  turned 
out  in  order  to  try  to  buy  the  favour  of  those  who 
would  wish  to  see  the  Empire  destroyed  and  England 
humiliated.  "* 

*  Spectator,  Feb.  4th,  1893. 


CHAPTER   XVI. 

THE  SCOT  IN  ULSTER. 

ULSTER  is  largely  a  Scottish  colony.  The  ver}' 
foundation  of  civilised  society  in  the  North  of 
Ireland  is  Scottish ;  "  It  is  the  solid  granite  on  which 
it  rests."  Throughout  the  great  reign  of  Elizabeth 
Ulster  was  the  scene  of  one  long  horror  in  which  the 
sword,  the  famine,  and  the  pestilence  played  their  grisly 
parts.  The  Irish  chiefs  were  crushed,  their  lands  con- 
fiscated, and  Ireland  for  the  first  time  was  brought  under 
the  dominion  of  England.  When  James  I.  came  to  the 
throne  the  country  had  been  completely  conquered,  and 
the  ravages  of  war  were  succeeded  by  the  quietude  of 
death.  Those  were  the  days  of  "  high  emprise  "  and 
daring  adventure.  For  centuries  the  warlike  Scot  had 
gone  forth  to  play  the  part  of  the  mercenary  soldier  in 
the  armies  of  Europe,  while  his  English  brother  had 
been  laying  the  foundation  of  the  British  Empire. 
Deprived  by  the  union  of  the  two  kingdoms  under  a 
Scottish  King  of  his  favourite  domestic  occupation  of 
civil  war,  the  Scot  turned  his  attention  to  Ulster. 

The  First  Scotch  Colonies. 

The    northern    half  of  Down,    now   represented   in 

182 


THE   SCOT   IN    ULSTER.  1 83 

Parliament  by   Major  Waring,   was    the   first    part  of 
Ulster  to    be  colonised.     James   Hamilton  and   Hugh 
Montgomery  received  grants  of  Irish  land  on  the  ex- 
press condition  that  they  should  plant  it  with  Scotch 
and  English  colonists,  and  they  carried  out  their  under- 
taking to  the  letter.     These  planters  were  Presbyterians 
then,    and   the}^    remain    Presbyterians   unto  this  day. 
The  success  of  this  colony  was  immediate.     Eight  years 
after  the  Scots  had  made  good  their  footing  in  this  north- 
east corner  of  Ireland,   a  contemporary  letter  showed 
that  Hamilton  and  Montgomery  had  above  two  thousand 
men  able  to   bear   arms    in  King   James's    service,   a 
number  which  represented   an  emigration  of  at  least 
ten  thousand  souls.     The  men  were  ploughing  virgin 
soil  and  planting  trees,  building  homesteads  and  ditch- 
ing lands  that  had   before   never  known   a  boundary. 
The  women  were  spinning  and  the  girls  knitting.     The 
sun  had  arisen  at  last  on  an  industrial  corner  of  Ireland, 
where  a  new  race  of  men  was  to  live  and  thrive  under 
the  aegis  of  the  British  Parliament  and  of  no  other. 

The  next  colony  was  planted  across  the  River  Logan 
in  South  Antrim,  now  represented  by  Mr.  W.  Ellison 
Macartney.  In  1603,  Sir  Arthur  Chichester,  Lord 
Deputy  of  Ireland,  obtained  a  grant  of  the  Castle  of 
Bealfaste,  or  Belfast,  together  with  the  lands  of  lower 
Clanneboye.  These  he  let  largely  to  officers  of  his 
army ;  and  what  is  now  covered  by  the  southern  por- 
tion of  Belfast  was  first  leased  to  Moses  Hill,  the 
ancestor  of  the  present  Marquis  of  Downshire.     South 


1 84  THE   PRIEST   IN    POLITICS, 

Antrim  was  mainly  planted  by  English  settlers,  and 
North  Antrim  was  peaceably  settled  owing  to  the  action 
of  the  Irish  Chieftain  Randal  Macdonnel,  who  after 
T3Tone's  rebellion  threw  his  lot  in  with  the  Government 
and  turned  loyal  subject.  When  King  James  created 
him  Earl  of  Antrim,  the  patent  specially  mentioned  the 
fact  that  he  had  strenuously  exerted  himself  "in  settling 
British  subjects  on  his  estates." 

Unchanged  and  Unchangeable. 

The  plantations  in  Down  and  Antrim  were  thorough 
in  their  beginning  and  in  their  results.  They  are  as 
much  Scotch  and  English  counties  to-day  as  Dumfries 
or  Cumberland.  Take  the  polls  at  the  general  elec- 
tion in  1892  and  they  prove  it.  In  North  Antrim 
Mr.  C.  Connor,  thrice  Lord  Mayor  of  Belfast,  was 
returned  by  a  majority  of  2,639.  Mid-Antrim  returned 
Hon.  Robert  T.  O'Neill  unopposed,  while  his  majority 
in  1886  was  3,698.  South  Antrim  did  the  same  for 
Captain  McCalmont  both  in  1886  and  1892;  and  Mr. 
Macartney  has  also  been  invariably  elected  unopposed 
in  South  Antrim  since  1885.  County  Down  is  also 
strongly  British,  almost  unanimous  in  its  opinions. 
Out  of  four  divisions,  three  members  were  returned 
unopposed  in  1892  to  fight  against  Repeal  of  the 
Union — viz..  Colonel  Waring  for  North  Down,  Right 
Honourable  Lord  A.  Hill  for  West  Down,  and  Mr. 
J.  A.  Rentoul,  O.C,  for  East  Down.  In  South  Down 
Mr.  M.  M'Cartan  was  elected  as  a   Nationalist  by   a 


THE   SCOT   IN    ULSTER.  1 85 

majority  of  571.  In  these  two  counties,  therefore, 
there  is  an  overwhelming  majority  of  votes  thrown  to 
protest  against  the  attempt  to  tear  the  descendants  of 
Enghsh  and  Scotch  colonists  out  of  the  niche  they  have 
for  three  centuries  occupied  in  the  heart  of  the  British 
Constitution. 

The  Great  Plantation  of  Ulster. 

The  plantations  of  Down  and  Antrim,  however, 
were  insignificant  as  compared  with  the  great  planta- 
tion of  Ulster  for  which  King  James's  reign  is  par- 
ticularly famous.  The  Irish  chieftains,  Tyrone  and 
Tyrconnell,  rightly  or  wrongly,  were  accused  of  plots 
against  the  Government.  There  was  no  rebellion  ;  but 
the  earls,  either  conscious  of  guilt,  or,  quite  as  likely, 
distrusting  tribunals  which  were  systematically  and 
notoriously  partial,  took  flight,  and  no  less  than  six 
counties  were  confiscated  :  Londonderry,  Donegal, 
Tyrone,  Cavan,  Armagh  and  Fermanagh  were  thus 
planted  with  Scotch  and  Enghsh  colonists.  In  this 
manner  was  Ulster  "  shired "  by  the  strong  hand  of 
King  James  I.  Nor  did  he  omit  to  show  mercy  on 
the  day  of  victory.  In  the  eyes  of  the  English  the 
measures  taken  were  essential  if  the  North  of  Ireland, 
till  then  the  great  obstacle  to  complete  subjugation  of 
the  country,  was  to  be  brought  fully  under  the  dominion 
of  English  law,  and  if  its  resources  were  to  be  deve- 
loped. And  the  assignment  of  a  large  part  of  the 
land  to  native  owners  distinguished  it  broadly  (says 


1 86  THE    PRIEST   IN    POLITICS. 

Mr.  Lecky)  and  favourably  from  .similar  acts  in  pre- 
vious times.  It  would  be  idle  to  deny  that  the  planta- 
tion of  Ulster  was  looked  upon  by  the  native  Irish  as  a 
confiscation  of  their  land,  a  breaking  up  of  their  oldest 
customs  and  traditions,  and  a  planting  amongst  them 
of  a  new  and  a  conquering  race  professing  a  hostile 
creed.  But,  as  Mr.  Lecky  remarks,  "  to  trace  the 
causes  whether  for  good  or  for  evil  that  have  made 
nations  what  they  are  is  the  true  philosophy  of  history." 
The  conquest  of  Ireland  was  carried  out  by  a  policy 
and  by  methods  which  cannot  be  defended  by  the 
standard  of  the  nineteenth  century.  But  the  ultimate 
result  of  that  conquest  is  what  alone  we  have  to  deal 
with  to-day. 

A  Distinct  Nation. 

Great  Britain's  colonies  in  the  north  of  Ireland 
form  now  a  nation  absolutely  distinct  from  the  race 
which  inhabits  the  south  and  west.  "  Compare," 
— says  Mr.  John  Harrison,  the  author  of  The  Scot  in 
Ulster^ — "  Compare  the  pohtical  map  of  the  Ulster  of 
to-day  with  that  of  three  centuries  ago.  It  makes  the 
reader  feel  how  brief  a  period  three  centuries  is  in 
the  history  of  races.  For  the  north  of  Ireland  is  now 
very  much  what  the  first  half  of  the  seventeenth 
century  made  it.  North  Down  and  Antrim,  with  the 
great  city  of  Belfast,  are  English  and  Scottish  now  as 
they  then  became,  and  desire  to  remain  united  with 
the  countries  from  whom  they  sprang.     South  Down, 


THE   SCOT    IN    ULSTER.  1 87 

on  the  other  hand,  was  not  planted,  and  it  is  Roman 
Catholic  and  Nationalist.  Londonderry  County  too  is 
loyalist,  for  emigrants  poured  into  it  through  Coleraine 
and  Londonderry  City.  Northern  Armagh  was  peopled 
with  English  and  Scottish  emigrants,  who  crowded 
into  it  from  Antrim  and  Down,  and  it  desires  union 
with  the  other  island.  Tyrone  County  is  all  strongly 
Unionist.  But  it  is  the  country  round  Strabane,  which 
the  Hamiltons  of  Abercorn  and  the  Stewarts  of  Garlics 
so  thoroughly  colonised,  and  the  eastern  portion  on 
the  borders  of  Lough  Neagh,  round  the  colonies  formed 
by  Lord  Ochiltree,  that  give  to  the  Unionists  a  majority. 
In  Eastern  Donegal,  which  the  Cunninghams  and 
Stewarts  "  settled  "  from  Ayrshire  and  Galloway ;  and 
in  Fermanagh,  where  dwell  the  descendants  of  English- 
men who  fought  so  nobly  in  1689,  there  is  a  great 
minority  which  struggles  against  separation  from  Eng- 
land. Over  the  rest  even  of  Ulster  the  desire  for  a 
separate  kingdom  of  Ireland  is  the  dream  of  the  people 
still  as  it  was  three  centuries  ago." 

The  Fortunes  of  the  Colonists  in   Seventeenth 
AND  Eighteenth  Centuries. 

Why,  it  may  be  asked,  have  the  Scotch  and  English 
colonies  in  Ulster  never  become  absorbed  into  the 
native  population,  as  the  other  settlements  in  other 
parts  of  Ireland  undoubtedly  have  ?  The  answer  is, 
that  there  was  the  double  cleavage  of  religion  and 
race.    The  Presbyterian  Church  of  Ireland  was  founded 


1 88  .       THE    PRIEST   IN    POLITICS. 

by  Calvinists,  and  their  stern  creed  forbade  any  mingling 
with  the  native  Irish.  The  south-west  of  Scotland, 
from  which  the  Ulster  Scot  largely  came,  was  intensely 
Presbyterian,  and  in  the  history  of  these  colonists  it 
will  be  found  that  in  their  new  home  they  were 
prepared  to  suffer  and  did  suffer  at  the  hands  of 
England  for  the  sake  of  their  creed.  But  even  if  the 
great  difference  of  religion  had  not  effectually  kept  the 
two  races  apart,  the  convulsions  of  history  must  have 
done  so  automatically.  It  was  in  Ulster  that  the 
greatest  fury  of  the  Irish  Rebellion  of  164.1  was  felt, 
for  there  the  confiscations  of  land  were  principally  felt. 
However  historians  have  differed  in  details,  the  main 
facts  of  the  Great  Rebellion  are  pretty  well  established. 
Those  who  wish  to  study  the  question  are  referred  to 
Mr.  Lecky,  who  says  :  "  No  impartial  writer  will  deny 
that  the  rebellion  in  Ulster  was  extremely  savage  and 
bloody,  though  it  is  certainly  not  true  that  its  barbarities 
were  either  unparalleled  or  unprovoked.  They  were 
for  the  most  part  the  unpremeditated  acts  of  a  half- 
savage  populace,"  *  But  the  traditions  of  164 1  are  still 
alive  in  the  hearts  of  the  Ulster  Loyalists. 

The  religious  wars  which  followed  completed  the 
utter  separation  of  the  two  races.  "A  period  of 
weltering  confusion,"  says  Mr.  Goldwin  Smith,  "  ensued. 
While  the  wavering  struggle  between  the  King  and 
the  Parliament  was  going  on  in  England,  four  factions, 

*  Lecky' s  "History  of  England  in  the  i8th  Century," 
vol.  i.,  p.  143. 


THE  SCOT   IX    ULSTER.  1 89 

like  four  vipers  twining  together  in  inextricable  en- 
tanglements, fought,  conspired,  and  intrigued  in  Ireland 
— the  Catholic  Confederates,  the  Catholic  Nobility  of  the 
Pope,  the  Protestant  Royalists  and  the  Parliamentarians." 
The  effect  of  such  scenes  had  their  necessary  influence 
upon  the  Northern  Protestant  settlers.  When  there 
came  additional  experience  of  the  Roman  Catholic 
Parliament  of  James  II.  it  is  not  surprising  that  King 
William  was  hailed  as  a  deliverer  in  Ulster. 

For  some  years  after  the  Revolution  a  steady  stream 
of  Scotch  Presbyterians  poured  into  Ireland,  and  in  171 5 
Archbishop  Synge  estimated  that  fifty  thousand  Scotch 
families  had  settled  in  Ulster  since  the  landing  of 
William.  The  irony  of  history  is  proverbial.  There 
were  penal  laws  enacted  against  the  Presbyterians  of 
Ulster  in  the  reign  of  Queen  Anne,  and  the  result  was 
that  thousands  left  the  shores  of  Ireland  for  America, 
where  they  and  their  descendants  subsequently  took 
a  leading  part  in  the  American  revolution.  It  is 
possible  even  that  history  may  repeat  itself  in  this 
particular  if  the  Ulster  colony  of  England  is  treated 
with  contempt  and  contumely  by  the  parent  country. 

In  all  his  recent  reading  of  Irish  history,  Mr. 
Gladstone  has  never  arrived  at  a  more  extraordinary 
half-truth  than  when  he  described  the  Protestants  of 
Ulster  in  the  Ante-Union  days  as  ardent  Nationalists. 
It  is  perfectly  true  that  the  Presbyterians  of  Ulster 
were  disaffected  to  a  very  considerable  extent  during 
the    eighteenth   century,  owing   to   their    treatment  in 


190  THE   PRIEST   IN    POLITICS. 

the  matter  of  land  and  religion.  The  revolt  of  the 
American  Colonies  had  a  powerful  reflex  effect  upon 
them,  for  in  it  were  engaged  thousands  of  Ulstermen 
who  had  been  driven  out  of  Ireland  by  persecution. 
The  root  and  motive  of  rebellion  in  the  north  of 
Ireland  was  more  the  necessity  for  the  abolition  of 
terrible  political  grievances  and  religious  disabilities 
than  the  dream  of  setting  up  an  independent  republic 
such  as  Wolfe  Tone  plotted  to  gain.  The  F'rench 
Revolution  fanned  the  flame,  and  the  Society  of 
United  Irishmen  was  founded  in  Belfast  and  culminated 
in  the  Rebellion  of  1798.  But  the  strongly-marked 
cleavage  of  the  two  races  had  already  reasserted  itself. 
Suspicions  arose  in  the  north  that  the  movement  was 
to  be  a  Roman  Catholic  revolution,  and  in  1795  the 
Orange  Society  was  formed.  Fierce  religious  animosi- 
ties soon  divided  the  Catholics  and  Protestants,  and  in 
the  prostration  and  exhaustion  which  followed  the 
Rebellion  of  1798  the  Parliament  of  Ireland  was  swept 
away. 

Ulster  Since  the  Union. 

Whatever  opinions  may  be  held  as  to  the  necessities 
of  the  Union  or  the  methods  in  which  it  was  carried 
there  can  be  no  doubt  that  since  1800  Ulster  has 
advanced  by  leaps  and  bounds.  In  trade,  manufac- 
tures and  science,  in  war  and  diplomacy,  the  descend- 
ants of  the  English  and  Scottish  colonists  of  Ulster 
have  made  their  mark  on  the  Empire.     Belfast,  which 


THE   SCOT   IN    ULSTER.  19I 

was  a  town  of  some  20,000  inhabitants  at  the  beginning 
of  the  century,  is  now  the  third  port  in  the  United 
Kingdom,  its  Customs  dues  being  surpassed  only  by 
London  and  Liverpool.*  Such,  then,  are  the  men  who 
protest  against  their  lives,  liberties,  and  property  being 
placed  at  the    mercy   of   the   Irish   Nationalist    party. 

*  "  Belfast  at  the  time  of  the  Union  had  only  3000  inhabited 
houses,  but  now  there  were  56,000.  The  inhabitants  had 
increased  from  19,000  to  275,000.  The  shipping  that  came  to 
the  port  at  that  time  was  53,000  tons;  it  was  now  2,310,000 
tons.  The  Customs  duties  had  increased  from  ;^ioi,ooo  to 
more  than  ^2,000,000,  and  were  only  exceeded  by  those 
of  Liverpool  and  London.  The  linen  industry  had  also 
enormously  increased.  The  whole  of  the  increase  in  the 
prosperity  of  the  town  was  entirely  due  to  the  working  popula- 
tion. In  his  constituency  there  were  12,000  electors,  and  of 
these  10,000  were  working  men ;  and  although  they  fully 
sympathised  with  the  trade  unions  in  England,  they  were  as 
earnestly  and  sincerely  opposed  to  Home  Rule  and  separation 
as  were  the  landlords,  for  they  felt  that  their  prosperity  could 
not  continue  if  they  were  cut  off  from  Great  Britain  and  put 
under  the  power  of  a  hostile  Assembly  in  Dublin.  Belfast 
had  no  natural  advantages,  and  had  to  import  everything — 
coal,  iron,  and  even  a  very  large  portion  of  the  flax  used- 
This  increase  by  leaps  and  bounds  showed  that  the  connec- 
tion with  England  had  not  affected  the  business  of  the  north 
of  Ireland,  and  why  should  not  the  laws  which  were  good 
enough  for  Ulster,  be  good  enough  for  the  rest  of  Ireland  ? 
The  soil  was  not  fertile,  but  the  agriculture  there  was  as  good 
as  anywhere  else  in  the  country.  They  did  not  believe  in  the 
saving  help  of  Governments,  Parliaments,  or  Legislative 
Councils  ;  all  they  wanted  was  to  be  let  alone." — Mr.  WOLFF 
(House  of  Commons),  Times,  Feb.  14th. 

The  valuation  of  Belfast  In  1862  was  ^279,067  ;  in  1893, 
;^76i,82i,  or  an  increase  of  ;^482,754  in  thirty-one  years.    Up- 


19-  THE   PRIEST   IN    POLITICS. 

Their  characteristics  are  courage,  energy  and  a  dour 
determination  to  abide  by  their  convictions.  A  race  of 
this  fibre  is  hard  lo  beat  when  fully  roused. 

wards  of  ^1,000,000  has  been  spent  in  improving  the  harbour. 
The  capital  invested  in  the  linen  trade  is  £16,000,000,  while 
the  wages  paid  in  the  shipbuilding  yards  every  week  -^-aries 
from  ^10,000  to  ^12,000. 


CHAPTER    XVII. 

THE    VOICE   OF  ULSTER  AT   THE  BELFAST 
CONVENTION. 

ON  June  17th,  1892,  United  Ulster  met  in  the  city 
of  Belfast  and  delivered  itself  in  terms  distinct 
and  emphatic  upon  the  subject  of  Home  Rule.  It 
pronounced  a  judgment  upon  Mr.  Gladstone's  policy 
and  sent  a  message  of  appeal  and  warning  to  Great 
Britain.  No  parallel  can  be  found  in  the  political 
history  of  this  century  for  the  character  and  magnitude 
of  the  Belfast  Convention  of  Loyal  Irishmen.  There 
were  11,879  delegates  present  from  every  parish  in 
the  province,  each  an  elector  chosen  by  his  fellow- 
electors.  No  building  was  adequate  to  accommodate 
such  a  vast  concourse  of  people,  and  consequently  it 
was  agreed  that  one  should  be  built  for  the  purpose. 
This  structure  covered  33,000  square  feet,  and  was 
built  of  wood  in  three  weeks  at  a  cost  of  over  ;^3000. 
Even  the  physical  factors,  therefore,  of  the  Convention 
were  conceived  on  a  scale  which  gave  some  idea  of 
the  resources  and  convictions  of  the  movement.  The 
scene  at  the  meeting  was  impressive  to  the  last  degree. 
The  Times  correspondent  describes  it  as  follows  : — 

193  13 


194  THE   PRIEST   IN    POLITICS. 

The  Scene  at  the  Convention. 

"On  the  same  bench  sat  Conservatives  and  Liberals, 
Protestants  and  Roman  Catholics.  Throughout  the 
whole  Convention,  which  lasted  about  three  hours,  not 
one  discordant  note  was  heard  ;  unanimity  and  en- 
thusiasm reigned  supreme ;  and  when  the  Duke  of 
Abercorn,  with  upraised  arm,  asserted,  '  We  will  not 
have  Home  Rule,'  the  whole  audience  sprang  to  their 
feet  and  cheered  for  several  minutes.  There  was  no 
apathy  about  that  demonstration  nor  about  any  which 
followed.  Sir  William  Ewart  moved  the  assemblage 
to  another  outburst  when  he  stated  that  at  the  present 
time  there  were  only  four  persons  in  Ireland  in  prison 
under  any  law  but  the  ordinary  law  of  the  kingdom. 
Again,  enthusiasm  knew  no  bounds  when  Mr.  Sinclair, 
a  local  merchant,  having  scouted  the  so-called  justice 
of  Catholic  ascendency  and  shown  its  evils,  said, 
'  Ulster  makes  no  demands  for  Protestant  ascendency, 
and  we  are  determined,  come  what  may,  this  hateful 
ascendency  shall  never  be  set  over  us.'  But  it  was 
only  when  Mr.  Andrews,  in  trumpet  tones,  asserted, 
'  As  a  last  resource  we  will  be  prepared  to  defend 
ourselves,'  that  the  feelings  of  the  spectators  appeared 
to  lose  all  control,  and  found  vent  in  cheers  which 
lasted  several  minutes." 

The  City  of  Belfast  was  literally  en  fete.  Bunting 
floated  from  every  house.  Tens  of  thousands  arrived 
from   all   parts  of  Ulster,  and   the   railway  companies 


WfcJiWjwji 


THE   BELFAST   CONVENTION.  195 

found  it  difficult,  even  with  borrowed  plant,  to  cope 
with  the  traffic.  The  demonstration  was  of  such 
tremendous  proportions  that  even  the  Gladstonian 
party  were  forced  to  admit  its  weight  and  significance. 
The  meeting  opened,  as  it  became  the  descendants 
of  the  Scot  in  Ulster  and  his  English  brethren,  by 
acknowledging  God  in  all  His  ways,  with  a  portion  of 
Scripture  and  with  prayer  and  praise.*  The  effect 
of  the  immense  assemblage  singing  the  46th  Psalm, 
"  God  is  our  refuge  and  our  strength,"  was  thrilling 
and  impressive  to  the  last  extent.  The  Duke  of 
Abercorn,  the  lineal  descendant  of  James  Hamilton, 
who  first   planted   County  Down,   occupied   the   chair. 

*  The  Lord  Primate  of  Ireland  read  the  following  prayer  :— 
"  Almighty  God,  Father  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  who  keepeth 
covenant  and  promise  for  ever,  the  hfe  of  those  who  flee  to 
Thee,  the  hope  of  those  who  put  their  trust  in  Thee,  mercifully 
regard  the  prayers  of  Thy  servants  now  taking  counsel  in  Thy 
name.  Shed  abroad  upon  us  Thy  Holy  Spirit  to  guide  our 
deliberations  for  the  advancement  of  Thy  glory,  the  safety 
of  the  Throne,  and  the  integrity  of  the  Empire.  Give  us  firm 
resolve  and  power,  and  strength  and  fortitude  to  bring  them 
to  a  successful  issue,  not,  O  God,  in  our  own  strength,  but 
under  Thy  guidance,  that  we,  being  armed  with  Thy  defence, 
may  preserve,  secure  from  all  peril,  our  civil  and  religious 
liberty.  Unite  us  together  in  the  bonds  of  mutual  love  in  the 
face  of  a  common  danger.  Let  truth  and  justice,  brotherly 
kindness  and  charity,  devotion  and  piety,  dwell  amongst  us, 
that  the  course  of  this  world  and  the  prosperity  of  this  country 
may  be  so  peacefully  ordered  by  Thy  governance  that  we  may 
joyfully  serve  Thee  in  all  godly  quietness,  through  Jesus 
Christ  our  Lord.     Amen." 


196  THE   PRIEST   IN    POLITICS. 

The  speeches  were  strong  and  earnest,  but  on  the 
whole  moderate,  and  couched  in  the  spirit  of  protest 
and  appeal  rather  than  of  defiance.  In  them  is  con- 
tained the  case  of  Ulster  against  Home  Rule,  and  it 
is  proposed  to  set  that  case  forth  here  as  nearly  as 
may  be  in  the  very  words  of  the  speakers. 

Composition  of  the  Convention. 

The  significance  of  this  great  assembly,  in  all  its  cir- 
cumstances without  parallel  in  the  history  of  Ireland,  and 
probably  in  that  of  any  other  country,  lay  in  its  unique 
composition.  The  delegates  who  crowded  the  hall  re- 
presented every  rank,  every  class,  and  every  Protestant 
creed  in  Ulster.  Some  came  from  the  landlords  of 
the  province,  some  from  the  tenant-farmers,  whose 
untiring  industry  had  enriched  the  sterile  soil  of  Ulster, 
some  from  the  labourers  by  whom  the  fruits  of  the 
earth  are  gathered,  and  from  the  artisans.  Amongst 
and  behind  them  were  the  captains  of  industries ;  then 
came  the  toilers  in  the  ranks  of  labour,  who  spend 
their  lives  at  the  ship,  the  engine,  and  the  loom, 
whose  hands  wield  the  hammer,  and  whose  skill  directs 
the  shuttle.  Delegates  were  sent  by  the  members  of 
the  Church  that  was  once  established ;  by  the  men 
who  have  held  fast  to  the  Presbyterian  faith  be- 
queathed to  them  by  their  Scottish  ancestors  ;  by  the 
descendants  of  English  Puritans  who  in  their  own  land 
suffered  for  conscience'  sake  ;  by  the  sons  of  those 
who    gave    Wesley    his    earliest    congregations,    and 


THE   BELFAST   CONVENTION.  1 97 

whose  creed  is  still  known  by  his  honoured  name* 
There  were  Roman  Catholics,  too,  on  the  platform  in 
full  acknowledgment  by  Protestant  Ulster  of  their  right 
to  all  the  privileges  of  British  citizenship,  f 

All  sections  of  politics  were  united  on  this  meeting 
— Conservatives,  Liberals  and  Radicals.  No  Liberal 
leader  ever  had  in  former  days  more  devoted  friends 
and  adherents  than  Mr.  Gladstone  possessed  in  the 
north  of  Ireland,  including  all  classes  and  creeds  of 
the  community.  Where  are  those  followers  now  ? 
The  answer  lies  in  one  significant  fact.  At  the  General 
Elections  of  1874  and  1880  the  Liberal  representation 
of  Ulster  was  considerably  increased  ;  so  much  so  that 
the  party  was  emboldened  to  undertake  the  building 
of  the  Ulster  Reform  Club  in  Belfast.  The  Club  was 
opened  in  1885  at  a  cost  of  ;^20,000,  and  flourishes 
now  with  a  large  membership.  But  the  Liberal  Club, 
with  the  exception  of  a  score  of  members  at  the  most, 
has  renounced  its  allegiance  to  the  chief  for  whom 
they  spent  years  of  work  and  devotion,  and  there  are 
no  stauncher  Unionists  to-day  than  the  men  who 
organised  it. 

Behind  this  marvellous  demonstration  stood  the 
history  of  three  centuries.  The  race  that  against  all 
odds  made  the  bleak  northern  province  what  it  is 
to-day  ;  the  race  that  held  it  for  the  Empire,  and  in  the 
Revolution  struggle  of  1688  ;  the  race  that  so  powerfull}' 

*  His  Grace  the  Duke  of  Abercorn. 
t  Rev.  R.  R.  Kane.. 


198  THE   PRIEST   IN    POLITICS. 

shared  in  founding  and  organising  the  great  Republic 
of  the  west ;  the  race  that  furnished  the  saviours  of 
India  in  the  dark  days  of  the  Mutiny  ; — this  race,  in  the 
Belfast  Convention,  declared  that  it  must  be  satisfied 
in  its  sentiment,  in  its  judgment,  and  in  its  conscience 
before  it  will  consent  to  surrender  or  alter  one  jot  or 
one  tittle  of  the  position  of  dignity  and  security  which 
it  now  holds  in  the  constitution  and  the  fortunes  of 
the  Empire  of  the  Queen. 

Character  of  Ulstermen. 

It  does  not  follow  that  because  the  people  of  Ulster 
are  not  always  agitating  and  attending  political  meet- 
ings and  desecrating  the  Sabbath  they  are  not  an 
earnest  people.  They  are  very  earnest  in  their  habits ; 
but,  above  all,  they  are  an  industrious  people,  and 
strangers  have  only  to  visit  the  north  of  Ireland  and 
the  great  centres  of  commercial  activity  to  witness 
proofs  of  their  industry.  Industry  is  their  first  object, 
not  agitation.  But  if  agitation  is  necessary  to  protect 
their  industries,  then  it  will  be  found  that  that  pro- 
tection is  forthcoming ;  and  with  protection  comes 
action. 

Ulstermen  have  been  described  by  hostile  critics 
as  a  spoilt  and  pampered  race,  arrogantly  claiming 
privileges  beyond  their  countrymen.  They  have  been 
derided  as  cowards.  Their  protests  have  been  sneered 
at  as  empty  bluster.  The  reply  to  these  taunts  is  to 
be  found  in  their  past  history  and  the  present  position 


THE   BELFAST  CONVENTION.  1 99 

of  their  province.  Before  Ulster  was  planted  by  Scotch 
and  English  settlers  it  was  the  poorest  and  most 
turbulent  part  of  Ireland.  It  consisted  for  the  most 
part  of  waste  and  forest,  where  lawless  chiefs  attempt- 
ing to  govern  yet  more  lawless  subjects  lived  in 
constant  strife.  Was  it  cowardice  and  bluster  that 
enabled  the  Protestant  settlers,  during  the  first  century 
of  their  existence  there,  to  hold  their  own  amidst  a 
hostile  population  with  no  other  aid  than  that  of  their 
own  strong  arms  ?  Were  these  their  weapons  in  tlie 
dark  and  evil  days  towards  its  close,  when,  almost 
forsaken  by  the  mother-country,  they  upheld  the  cause 
of  faith  and  freedom  ?  But  there  is  a  better  test  than 
siege  or  battle.  Let  the  Ulstermen  be  judged  by  the 
noble  victories  of  peace.  Their  energy  has  given  rich- 
ness and  fertility  to  a  sterile  soil.  Their  towns  are  alive 
with  many  industries.  Their  ports  send  vessels  laden 
with  manufactures  to  every  land.  Their  shipbuilders 
are  adding  yearly  to  the  commercial  navies  of  the 
world.  These  are  things  that  can  only  be  achieved 
by  a  strong  and  self-reliant  people ;  and  such  are  the 
men  who  proclaimed  to  the  world  in  the  Belfast 
Convention,  that  their  prosperity  and  liberties  must 
not  be  jeopardised  by  the  rash  experiments  of  party 
politicians.* 

Motive    of    the    Meeting. 

A  conviction  of  common  duty  in  the  presence  of  a 
*  Duke  of  Abercorn. 


200  THE   PRIEST   IN    POLITICS. 

common  danger  having  healed  divisions  that  formerly 
embittered  many  social  relationships  in  Ulster,  the 
mainspring  and  motive  force  of  the  Convention  was 
declared  to  be  a  united  defence  by  Ulstermen  of  their 
common  birthright  as  British  citizens.  Their  position 
was  that  the  establishment  of  a  Parliament  in  Dublin 
will  only  destroy  the  peace  and  security  enjoyed  under 
Imperial  rule  in  Ireland,  and  do  a  grievous  wrong  to 
the  people  whose  only  offence  is  their  loyalty  to  Great 
Britain  and  their  pride  in  sharing  her  greatness.  They 
hold  that  in  one  kingdom  there  should  be  only  one 
Parliament,  and  one  set  of  lawmakers  for  the  whole  of 
the  United  Kingdom  (just  as  in  one  body  there  should 
be  only  one  head)  ;  so  that  the  people  of  Cork  and  the 
people  of  Middlesex,  and  the  people  of  Kerry  and  the 
people  of  Midlothian,  shall  all  in  common  be  subject 
to  the  laws  made  for  them  in  the  pure  and  clear 
atmosphere  of  the  great  democratic  Parliament  of 
Great  Britain  and  Ireland.  The  object  of  the  Ulster 
Convention  was  neither  to  prop  up  an  unjust  ascend- 
ency nor  to  utter  a  shout  of  bigotry,  but  in  the  name 
of  a  million  and  a  half  of  free  men,  born  in  the  fulness 
of  the  freedom  of  the  British  Constitution,  to  put  on 
record  before  the  world  their  solemn  determination  to 
continue  free,  and  to  put  on  record  also  their  solemn 
appeal  to  the  British  people  and  to  civilised  mankind 
whether  they  are  not  justified  in  this  determination. 
The  North  does  not  ask  to  govern  the  South.  Both 
have  lived  under  the    same    laws.     The   South    have 


ljtmmii»^Uttmgmmml09mmmt'i ii  1 1  n       mi     i — r>    i  wwt  i  -irn  -- 1  t -i — 


THE   BELFAST   CONVENTION.  20I 

been  indolent,  thriftless,  and  complaining.  The  North 
has  been  industrious,  self-reliant  and  prosperous.  The 
men  who  manned  the  Convention  hold  that  there  is 
but  one  thing  under  the  sun  that  can  give  them 
security — security  for  their  civil  and  religious  rights, 
for  their  land  interests,  for  their  commercial,  manu- 
facturing and  educational  interests,  and  that  is  the 
broad  aegis  of  the  British  Constitution.  Under  that 
they  can  get  a  clear  riddance  of  any  existing  griev- 
ances, while  Home  Rule  would  only  be  an  exchange  of 
troubles. 

Justification  of  the  Union. 

Since  the  Union  Ulster  has  advanced  with  steady 
pace  in  a  degree  not  surpassed  by  any  other  portion 
of  the  United  Kingdom,  and  she  demands  that  she 
shall  remain  fully  represented  in  the  Imperial  Parlia- 
ment, to  whose  protection  she  owes  her  welfare. 
Why  should  she  be  driven  from  it  ?  Ulster  loyal 
members  have  never  obstructed,  have  never  wasted 
time,  but  have  given  faithful  and  intelligent  service 
in  promoting  useful  legislation  for  the  whole  kingdom, 
and  under  the  protection  of  that  Parliament  capital 
has  been  invested  and  industries  established  and 
fostered.  The  mere  shadow  of  the  Home  Rule  Bill 
of  1886  lowered  the  value  of  bank  and  railway  stocks 
in  Ireland  by  seven  million  pounds,  and  all  industries 
would  be  similarly  affected.  Mr.  Gladstone  may  say 
that    this    would   all   recover,  and    that   capital    would 


202  THE    PRIEST   IN    POLITICS. 

again  flow  in  as  it  has  done  in  the  past ;  but  how 
could  it  recover  if  Ireland  were  in  a  state  of  continued 
turbulence,  or  if  it  were  known  to  the  world  that 
Ulster  was  only  kept  from  reasserting  its  loyalty  by 
all  the  force  that  England  and  Scotland  could  use? 
The  maintenance  of  Ulster's  industries  and  the 
employment  of  her  people  depend  upon  her  general 
and  mercantile  credit  being  maintained  at  its  present 
high  standard.  They  depend  upon  accumulated  capital 
being  safe  from  attack,  on  outside  capital  continuing 
to  flow  in  for  investment,  and  on  freedom  from  exces- 
sive local  taxation,  which  would  assuredly  be  the 
only  resort  of  a  lavish  and  unpractical  Government. 
Ulstermen  have  gained  their  position  by  simple  means 
that  are  within  reach  of  all,  by  no  favours  of  climate 
or  richness  of  soil,  by  no  favouritism  or  special  help 
from  any  Government,  but  by  commonplace  industry 
and  perseverance,  by  honourable  dealing  and  observ- 
ance of  contracts,  by  filling  up  all  their  time  so  that 
there  is  no  place  left  for  that  sure  offspring  of  idleness 
— the  agitator  and  preacher  of  discontent  and  sedition.* 
Has  the  Imperial  Parliament  shown  incompetency 
to  deal  justly  with  Ireland  ?  Let  us  see.  The  Irish 
Church  has  been  disestablished  and  disendowed,  so 
that  there  is  no  religious  grievance.  The  land  laws 
have  advanced  so  far  that  no  country  in  the  world  has 
better.  There  is  a  Land  Commission  to  fix  the  rent 
of  every  agricultural  holding,  from  a  yearly  tenancy  to 

*  Sir  W.  K.  Ewart. 


THE    BELFAST   CONVENTION.  203 

the  leaseholder  whose  lease  expires  within  ninety-nine 
years  of  the  passing  of  the  Land  Act  of  1881.  The 
Redemption  of  Rent  Act  provides  that  perpetuity  and 
other  leaseholders  can  demand  from  their  landlords  a 
sale  of  their  farms  at  a  price  to  be  settled  by  the  Land 
Commission.  In  case  the  landlord  refuses  to  sell,  the 
tenant  can  take  him  to  the  Land  Court  and  have  a  fair 
rent  fixed.  By  the  Land  Purchase  Acts  about  forty- 
five  millions  of  money  have  been  placed  at  the  disposal 
of  the  Commission  to  enable  tenants  to  become  owners 
of  their  farms  on  easy  terms.  A  review  of  the  last 
six  years'  British  legislation  shows  no  Irish  grievance 
with  which  the  Imperial  Parhament  is  not  capable  of 
grappling.* 

Not  long  since,  when  the  late  Government  proposed 
to  cede  Heligoland  to  Germany,  the  Gladstonian 
leaders  propounded  the  doctrine  that  the  inhabitants 
of  that  island  ought  to  be  consulted  as  to  whether  they 
were  willing  to  relinquish  their  allegiance  to  England. 
Why  is  the  same  doctrine  not  to  be  applied  to  the  men 
of  Ulster  ?  Is  it  to  be  said  that  there  was  greater 
peril  to  the  inhabitants  of  Heligoland  in  being  handed 
over  to  the  government  of  a  great  country,  such 
as  Germany,  than  to  Ulstermen,  whom  it  is  proposed 
to  hand  over  to  be  ruled  by  men  who  have  been  the 
promoters  of  the  Land  League  and  the  Plan  of  Cam- 
paign ?  t 

*  Mr.   Doloughan. 
t  Mr.  Dunville    • 


204  THE   PRIEST   IN    POLITICS. 

Why  and  How  Ulster  will  Fight. 

The  granting  of  Home  Rule  will  bring  to  those  who 
think  they  are  asking  for  bread,  not  merely  a  stone, 
but  a  sword.  The  Protestants  of  the  North  of  Ireland 
are.  children  of  the  Revolution  of  1688,  and,  cost  what 
it  may,  they  will  have  nothing  to  do  with  a  Dublin 
Parliament.  The  Parliament  of  England  has  a  right 
to  govern  Ulster,  but  no  right  to  sell  her  into 
slavery. 

What  are  the  two  forces  that  would  be  supreme  in 
any  possible  Irish  Parliament  that  could  be  called 
together  ?  They  are  the  forces  represented  by  the 
Plan  of  Campaign  on  the  one  hand,  and  by  Archbishop 
Walsh  and  the  Irish  priesthood  on  the  other.  The 
Plan  of  Campaign  has  been  responsible  for  all  the 
horrors  and  outrages  which  shocked  the  civilised  world 
in  the  early  years  of  the  last  Parliament,  but  which, 
owing  to  the  wise,  firm,  and  judicious  rule  of  the  late 
Government,  have  been  stamped  out  and  put  an  end 
to.  Its  authors  and  leaders  have  been  branded  by  a 
high  legal  tribunal  as  men  who  have  incited  to  intimida- 
tion when  they  knew  that  intimidation  led  to  murder 
and  outrage.*  It  did  not  matter  whether  it  was  a 
Protestant  or  Roman  Catholic  who  crossed  the  will  of 
the  Home  Rule  Vehmgericht ;  he  was  a  marked  man, 
and  mercy  interposed  in  vain.     It  was  not  enough  to 

*  Lord  Erne. 


THE   BELFAST   CONVENTION.  205 

slay  the  living  ;  the  vengeance  of  boycotter  pursued 
the  dead  and  robbed  them  of  decent  burial ;  and  these 
things  and  worse  were  the  direct  results  of  the  system 
set  in  force  and  approved  by  the  men  into  whose  hands 
Mr.  Gladstone  would  fling  Ulstermen  to  deal  with  them 
by  their  own  police,  their  own  judges,  their  own  laws, 
and  their  own  Parliament,  a  Parliament  at  the  beck 
of  Archbishop  Walsh  and  his  subservient  hierarchy.* 
To  such  a  Parliament,  if  it  ever  be  even  set  up,  Ulster 
will  never  elect  members,  will  never  acknowledge 
allegiance,  and  its  right  to  tax  will  be  utterly  repudiated. 
Its  existence  will  simply  be  ignored.  Its  Acts  will 
be  but  as  waste  paper ;  its  police  will  find  the  barracks 
of  Ulster  preoccupied  with  her  own  constabulary ; 
its  judges  will  sit  in  empty  court-houses.  The  early 
efforts  of  its  executive  will  be  spent  in  devising  means 
to  deal  with  a  passive  resistance  to  its  taxation  co- 
extensive with  loyalist  Ulster.  Those  who  desire  the 
luxury  of  Home  Rule  will  be  allowed  to  enjoy  its  legis- 
lation and  pay  for  it  themselves.  Their  kinsmen  of 
the  American  Revolution  have  taught  Ulstermen  to 
leave  it  to  those  that  will  force  tyranny  and  injustice 
upon  them  to  strike  the  first  blow.  If  England  and 
Scotland  are  determined  to  force  Ulster  into  civil  war, 
on  them  let  the  responsibility  rest.  As  a  last  extremity 
her  sons  will  be  prepared  to  defend  themselves,  and 
they  will  not  be  without  allies. f 

*  Rev.  Dr.  Lynd. 

t  Mr.  Thomas  Sinclair  and  Mr.  Thomas  Andrews. 


2o6  THE   PRIEST   IN   POLITICS. 

The  Resolution  Arrived  at  by  the  Belfast 
Convention. 

There  only  remains  to  give  the  terms  of  the  resolu- 
tion arrived  at  by  the  mind  and  will  of  the  Ulster 
Loyalists.  They  need  no  further  comment,  and  are  in 
themselves  an  appeal  and  a  warning  to  the  men  who 
are  endeavouring  to  break  up  the  United  Kingdom. 
They  run  as  follows  : — 

"That  this  Convention,  consisting  of  11,879  dele- 
gates representing  the  Unionists  of  every  creed,  class, 
and  party  throughout  Ulster  appointed  at  public  meet- 
ings held  in  every  electoral  division  of  the  province, 
hereby  resolves  and  declares  : — 

"  I.  That  we  express  the  devoted  loyalty  of  Ulster 
Unionists  to  the  Crown  and  Constitution  of  the 
United  Kingdom. 

"2.  That  we  avow  our  fixed  resolve  to  retain  un- 
changed our  present  position  as  an  integral  portion 
of  the  United  Kingdom,  and  to  protest  in  the  most 
unequivocal  manner  against  the  passage  of  any  measure 
that  would  rob  us  of  our  inheritance  in  the  Imperial 
Parliament,  under  the  protection  of  which  our  capital 
has  been  invested,  and  our  homes  and  rights  safe- 
guarded. 

"  3.  That  we  record  our  determination  to  have  nothing 
to  do  with  a  Parliament  certain  to  be  controlled  by 
men  responsible  for  the  crime  and  outrage  of  the  Land 
League,  the  dibhonesty  of  the   Plan  of  Campaign,  and 


THE   BELFAST   CONVENTION.  20/ 

the  cruelties  of  boycotting,  many  of  whom  have  shown 
themselves  the  ready  instruments  of  clerical  domination. 

"  4.  That  we  declare  to  the  people  of  Great  Britain 
our  conviction  that  the  attempt  to  set  up  such  a 
Parliament  in  Ireland  will  inevitably  result  in  disorder, 
violence,  and  bloodshed,  such  as  have  not  been  experi- 
enced in  this  century,  and  to  announce  our  resolve  to 
take  no  part  in  the  election  or  the  proceedings  of  such 
a  Parliament,  the  authority  of  which,  should  it  ever  be 
constituted,  we  shall  be  forced  to  repudiate. 

"  5.  That  we  protest  against  this  great  question,  which 
involves  our  lives,  property,  and  civil  rights,  being 
treated  as  a  mere  side-issue  in  the  impending  electoral 
struggle. 

"  6.  That  we  appeal  to  those  of  our  fellow-country- 
men who  have  hitherto  been  in  favour  of  a  separate 
Parliament  to  abandon  a  demand  which  hopelessly 
divides  Irishmen,  and  to  unite  with  us  under  the 
Imperial  Legislature  in  developing  the  resources  and 
furthering  the  best  interests  of  our  common  country. 

"7.  That  we,  the  Unionists  of  Ulster,  desire  to  offer 
to  our  brother  Unionists  inhabiting  the  other  provinces 
of  Ireland  the  assurance  of  our  profound  sympathy,  to 
place  on  record  our  conviction  that  their  interests  and 
their  perils  are  identical  with  our  own,  and  to  declare 
our  fixed  resolve  to  make  common  cause  with  them  in 
resisting  the  attempt  to  impose  a  Home  Rule  Parlia- 
ment upon  our  country." 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

CONCLUSION. 

LET  us  now  take  a  broad  view  of  the  facts  disclosed 
during  the  past  ten  years  in  Ireland  in  these 
pages,  and  endeavour  to  summarise  a  conclusion  as  to 
the  chances  of  civil  and  religious  liberty  under  an  Irish 
Government  elected  under  pressure  of  the  Roman 
Catholic  Hierarchy  and  priesthood. 

These  facts,  it  is  submitted,  have  been  fully  esta- 
blished : 

1.  The  existence  of  an  organised  clerical  conspiracy 
in  Ireland  to  resist  the  law,  abet  agrarian  conspiracies, 
and  foment  political  disturbances  amongst  the  people. 

2.  The  putting  forward  of  mediaeval  claims  on  the 
part  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Hierarchy  and  priesthood 
that  the  political  views  they  may  at  any  particular 
time  entertain  shall  be  free  from  public  criticism. 

3.  The  frank  expression  of  further  claims  of  the  priest- 
hood to  be  exempt  from  civil  jurisdiction,  to  dispense 
with,  to  supersede,  and  to  overrule  the  law  of  the  land 
and  every  other  law  or  moral  obligation  when  clashing 
with  the  interests  of  clericalism. 

4.  The  further  claim  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Hier- 

208 


t^-JCBjMC-'.Vm.  RK 


CONCLUSION.  209 

archy  to  make  every  political  question  one  of  morals, 
to  make  it  a  mortal  sin  to  vote  against  the  wishes  of 
the  priesthood,  and  to  make  the  Court  of  Rome  the 
ultimate  court  of  appeal  in  all  Irish  questions. 

5.  The  existence  in  Ireland  amongst  a  certain  section 
of  the  population  and  their  leaders  of  views  and  inten- 
tions to  replace  an  extinct  Protestant  ascendency  by 
a  new  Roman  Catholic  ascendency,  and  to  use  all  the 
resources  of  a  Home  Rule  Government  for  this  purpose. 

6.  The  absolute  power,  in  three  out  of  four  provinces 
of  Ireland,  of  the  Irish  priest  in  all  movements  political 
and  social,  with  ample  proof  that  he  is  willing  and  able 
to  wield  it  in  any  particular  way,  with  or  without  the 
permission  of  his  superiors. 

7.  Demonstration  of  the  fact  that  it  is  possible  for 
the  politics  of  Ireland  to  be  almost  completely  con- 
trolled for  a  set  purpose  by  thirty  prelates  who  have 
been  placed  by  the  Pope  of  Rome  in  command  of  the 
civil  and  religious  opinions  of  the  Roman  Catholic 
community  in  that  country. 

These  facts  in  themselves  show  clearly  the  enormous 
influence  of  the  dominant  religion  in  Roman  Catholic 
Ireland.  In  the  opinion  of  the  heads  of  that  Church, 
Roman  Catholicism  is  nothing  if  it  is  not  everything. 
Atit  Ccesar  aut  mtllus.  In  the  Middle  Ages  the  Papacy 
in  its  struggle  with  the  Empire  failed  to  obtain  the 
recognition  of  its  universal  sovereignty.  To-day,  in  a 
Catholic  country  like  Ireland,  she  has  every  opportunity 
of  doing  so   in  a  very  simple  and  effective   manner. 

-      14 


2IO  THE   PRIEST   IN   POLITICS. 

Let  the  clergy  use  the  pulpit  and  confessional,  as  was 
done  in  Meath  and  half  the  constituencies  of  Ireland 
at  the  general  election  of  1892  ;  let  them  nominate 
members  of  Parliament  and  carry  them  to  the  head  of 
the  poll,  vi  et  armis,  and  the  thing  is  done.  The  triumph 
of  Ultramontanism  is  complete.  It  has  broken  down 
all  the  barriers  which  ought  to  restrain  ecclesiastical 
action  and  mark  the  boundaries  of  civil  and  religious 
spheres  ;  it  becomes  superior  to  the  State.  The  people 
are  not  allowed  to  appeal  to  their  own  judgment  and 
reason  in  political  matters  ;  they  are  not  even  allowed 
to  examine  the  grounds  of  the  Church's  assumed 
authority.  Under  such  conditions,  with  Home  Rule, 
the  Pope  will  be  sovereign  in  Ireland,  and  the  Cardinal- 
elect  will  be  his  Viceroy. 

For  years  the  Nationalist  party  have  posed  as  the 
representatives  of  a  people  "  rightly  struggling  to  be 
free."  But  to  real  civil  and  religious  freedom  they 
must  be  utterly  indifferent.  The  facts  placed  here  in 
detail  prove  this  to  demonstration.  If  it  be  not  the 
object,  the  logical  result  of  the  victory  of  the  majority 
of  the  Irish  Nationalist  party  must  be,  not  to  free  the 
people,  but  to  enslave  them.  The  foot  of  the  priest  will 
be  planted  still  more  firmly  on  the  neck  of  his  flock, 
the  foot  of  the  bishop  still  more  firmly  on  the  neck 
of  the  priest,  and  the  foot,  of  the  Pope  still  more  firmly 
on  the  neck  of  the  bishop.  Everything  that  gives 
strength  and  dignity  to  human  nature  will  be  sacrificed 
to  Ultramontanism. 


CONCLUSION.  211 

So  long  as  the  Imperial  Parliament  exists  such  a 
state  of  things  is  impossible.  The  counteracting  force 
of  such  a  mixed  assembly  is  supreme.  The  erection 
of  a  Roman  Catholic  Parliament  in  Dublin  is  in  itself 
the  contradiction  in  terms  of  the  ideal  of  democratic 
government,  and  can  lead  to  nothing  but  weltering 
confusion  and  inevitable  bloodshed.  But  it  may  be 
said  that  Mr.  Redmond's  independent  party  in  Ireland 
may  be  looked  upon  as  a  possible  lever  against  priestly 
intolerance.  The  results  of  the  fresh  Meath  elections 
do  not  tend  to  strengthen  this  theory.  Indeed,  what 
chance  have  such  a  party  against  the  tremendous  forces 
arrayed  against  them  ?  They  must  always  occupy  a 
contradictory  position.  It  has  been  said,  and  will  be  said 
again,  independent  Catholics  who  are  really  Catholics 
are  not  independent,  and  those  who  are  really  inde- 
pendent are  not  Catholic ;  in  other  words,  under  Home 
Rule  independent  Catholicism  will  be  a  contradiction  in 
terms.  Placed  in  such  a  dilemma  they  must  always  be 
exposed  to  a  tremendous  crossfire  of  attack,  which  may 
be  resisted  by  a  small  body  of  leaders,  but  which  the  rank 
and  file  of  rural  Irishmen  are  not  likely  long  to  survive. 
What  chance,  in  the  face  of  such  difficulties,  is  there 
for  a  resurgence  of  the  spirit  of  civil  liberty  in  three 
out  of  four  provinces  of  Ireland  ?  The  chance  is  indeed 
remote.  Under  Home  Rule  the  difficulties  of  preserv- 
ing civil  liberty  in  Ireland  will  become  tremendous. 
In  some  Roman  Catholic  countries  no  doubt  we  see 
very  free   democratic   institutions   ruling   quietly   and 


212  THE   PRIEST   IN    POLITICS. 

peaceably.  In  the  Tyrol,  for  example,  and  in  a  portion 
of  Canada,  the  people  obey  the  priest,  or  rather  they 
partake  of  the  priest's  ideas  and  sentiments  in  every- 
thing. But  this  is  not  freedom.  It  is  despotism  veiled 
under  a  veneer  of  democracy.  The  religious  sentiment 
is  indispensable  for  the  proper  exercise  of  liberty  in  its 
widest  sense.  But  when  religion  becomes  a  political 
instrument  in  the  hands  of  a  clerical  party  whose  object 
it  is  to  enthrone  the  priest,  and  exempt  him  from  civil 
jurisdiction,  then  society  must  inevitably  be  rent  and 
torn  asunder  with  the  violence  of  the  struggles  which 
will  ensue.  This  is  the  warning  which  Ulster  desires 
to  give  Great  Britain,  not  in  a  spirit  of  sectarianism  and 
bigotry,  but  with  the  object  of  laying  bare  the  bed-rock 
of  modern  Irish  history,  and  all  the  social,  political,  and 
religious  differences  which  have  been  reared  upon  it. 


THE    END. 


Printed  by  Hazell,  Watson,  &  Viney,  Ld.,  London  and  Aylesbury. 


.  »Y  SV.  VUt  T^ 


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Ba^enal,  Philio  Henry  Dudley 
The  priest  in  politics 


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