Skip to main content

Full text of "The primacy of the Apostolic see vindicated"

See other formats 


PART  I. 
SPIKITUAL    SUEKEMACY. 


# 

Publish^  by  John  Murph. 


THE 


PRIMACY 


OF 


THE  APOSTOLIC  SEE 

VINDICATED, 


BY 


FRANCIS  PATEICK  KENRICK, 

ARCHBISHOP   OF  BALTIMORE. 


[  Ipsa  est  petra  quam  non  vincunt  superbae  inferorum  portae. 

Augustinus,  in  Ps.  contra  pattern  Donati. 


— - 

^      OF  Th' 

ff    UNIVERSITY 

. 


FOTIKTH  BEVISED  AND  ENLARGED  EDITION. 


BALTIMORE: 
PUBLISHED  BY  JOHN  MURPHY  &  CO. 

178  MARKET    STREET. 

LONDON CHARLES  DOLMAN. 

61  NEW  BOND  STREET. 

PITTSBURG GEORGE  QUIGLEY. 

Sold  by  Booksellers  generally. 

1855. 


Entered  according  to  the  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1855,  by 

JOHN  MURPHY  &  COMPANY, 
in  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  Maryland. 


TO 


JH  * 

POPE  PIUS  IX. 

THE  FOLLOWING  VINDICATION  OF  THE  RIGHTS  OF  HIS  SEE, 

AND 

THE  ACTS  OF  HIS  PREDECESSORS, 

IS     INSCRIBED, 
AS  A  TOKEN  OF  FILIAL  SUBMISSION  AND  DEVOTED  ADMIRATION, 

BY    THE    AUTHOR. 


178245 


ON  the  presentation  of  the  last  edition  of  this  work  to  His  Holiness  Pius 
IX.,  the  author  was  honored  with  a  letter,  of  which  the  following  is  a 
translation : — 

PIUS    IX. 

VENERABLE  BROTHER,  Health  and  Apostolic  Benediction — 

From  your  letter  of  27th  May  of  this  year,  addressed  to  us, 
we  clearly  perceive  the  great  attachment  and  reverence  which  you, 
Venerable  Brother,  cherish  for  Us  and  for  this  Supreme  chair  of 
Peter.  We  cannot  find  words  to  express  how  highly  we  applaud 
your  pious  undertaking  in  vindication  of  the  rights  of  this  Holy 
Apostolic  See,  and  of  the  primacy  of  the  Roman  Pontiffs,  in  the 
work  published  by  you  in  the  English  language.  The  new  edition 
of  this  work  published  this  year,  and  dedicated  to  Us,  in  token  of 
your  filial  attachment  and  devotedness,  which,  however,  we  are 
unable  to  read,  being  unacquainted  with  English,  will,  we  trust, 
prove  highly  useful  for  the  defence  of  our  rights,  and  of  those  of 
the  Apostolic  See  against  the  impious  attacks  of  our  enemies.  On 
which  account  You  yourself,  Venerable  Brother,  can  conceive  and 
imagine  how  great  consolation  We  derive  from  your  undertaking, 
and  especially  from  the  zeal  with  which  you  cheerfully  devote  your- 
self to  the  discharge  of  your  pastoral  office.  Continue,  then,  to 
pray  earnestly  to  Almighty  God,  that  He  may  calm  the  dreadful 
storm  which  rages  around  us,  and  grant  at  length  that  the  church 
may  everywhere  enjoy  peace  in  His  worship.  In  the  mean  time, 
receive,  as  a  token  of  our  favor  and  grateful  feeling  for  your  good 
offices,  the  Apostolic  Benediction,  which,  as  a  pledge  of  heavenly 
happiness,  We  affectionately  impart  with  our  whole  heart  to  your- 
self, Venerable  Brother,  to  be  communicated  by  you  to  all  the 
clergy  and  faithful  people  over  whom  you  preside. 

Given  at  Rome,  at  St.  Mary  Major's,  on  the  27th  July,  in  the 
year  1848,  in  the  third  year  of  our  Pontificate. 

PIUS  P.  P.  IX. 
To  Our  Venerable  Brother, 

FRANCIS  PATRICK,  Bishop  of  Philadelphia. 


PREFACE. 


THIS  work  first  appeared  in  the  year  1837,  in  the  form  of  let- 
ters to  the  Protestant  Episcopal  Bishop  of  Vermont,  John  Henry 
Hopkins,  in  reply  to  a  work  on  the  Church  of  Rome,  addressed  by 
him  to  the  Roman  Catholic  Hierarchy.  In  1845  it  was  enlarged, 
and  took  the  form  of  a  ge'neral  treatise  on  the  Primacy ;  and  in 
1848  it  was  republished,  with  an  improved  arrangement  of  the 
matters  which  it  embraced.  In  1853  a  German  translation,  made 
by  Rev.  Nicholas  Steinbacher,  S.  J.,  was  issued,  with  some  altera- 
tions made  by  me  in  the  last  edition.  The  present  edition  contains 
some  further  corrections,  although  of  little  importance.  The  sub- 
mission of  Mr.  Allies  to  the  authority  of  the  Holy  See,  of  which 
he  has  become  an  able  defender,  rendered  it  proper  to  retrench 
many  observations  made  in  refutation  of  his  positions  as  an  apolo- 
gist of  the  Church  of  England.  Mr.  Manning  also,  now  recog- 
nising the  centre  of  unity,  no  longer  deserves  the  reproach  of 
inconsistency.  The  many  striking  avowals  made  by  Dr.  J.  W. 
Nevin,  late  President  of  Marshall  College,  Mercersburg,  Pennsyl- 
vania, are  freely  quoted  in  support  of  the  authority  of  the  Catholic 
Church  and  of  the  Holy  See,  although  it  may  perplex  the  reader 
to  understand  how  he  should  still  remain  out  of  our  communion. 
The  other  alterations  in  this  edition  are  chiefly  verbal.  The  work 
now  goes  before  the  public  in  a  permanent  form,  being  stereotyped, 
with  the  hope  that  it  may  serve  to  dispel  those  prejudices  which 
withhold  so  many  from  union  with  the  See  of  Peter,  of  which 
Augustin  has  well  said  that  God  has  established  the  doctrine  of 
truth  in  the  chair  of  unity. 

BALTIMORE,  1855. 


CONTENTS. 


PART   I. 

SPIRITUAL  SUPREMACY. 


PAGE 

CHAPTER  I. — Nature  of  the  Primacy 17 

Organization  of  the  Church  by  Christ — Necessity  of  a  Central  Power — Pre- 
sumptive Evidence — Motives  of  Luther — Henry  VIII. — Photius — Prejudices 
against  the  Papacy — Federal  System — Abuses. 

CHAPTER  II. — Promise  of  the  Primacy 24 

Custom  of  our  Lord — Change  of  Name — Concession  of  Barrow — Promise — 
Personal  Faith — Admission  of  the  First  Converts — Christ  the  Rock — Difference 
of  Gender — Bloomfield's  Admission — Gerard — Thompson — Christ  the  Founda- 
tion— St.  Leo  the  Great — Figure  of  the  Keys — Rebuke  to  Peter — Rivalry  of 
the  Apostles — Prayer  for  Simon. 

CHAPTER  III. — The  Fathers'   Exposition  of  the  Promise 34 

Authority  of  the  Fathers — Tertullian — Origen — Mystical  Fancies — St.  Cy- 
prian— Peter  Represents  the  Church — On  him  the  Church  is  Built — St.  James 
of  Nisibis — St.  Cyril  of  Jerusalem — St.  Basil  the  Great — St.  Gregory  of  Nazian- 
zum — St.  Chrysostom — Peter  is  placed  over  the  entire  World — St.  Epiphanius — 
St.  Cyril  of  Alexandria— St.  Hilary  of  Poictiers— Faith  of  Peter— Arian  Heresy 
— St.  Optatus — St.  Ambrose — Power  of  Forgiveness — Equality  of  Paul  to  Peter 
— St.  Jerom — Occasion  of  Schism  Removed — On  that  Rock  the  Church  is  Built 
— St.  Augustin — Hesitation — The  Church  through  Peter  receives  the  Keys — St. 
Leo  the  Great — Various  Interpretations. 

CHAPTER  IV. — Institution  of  the  Primacy 57 

Manifestation  of  our  Lord — Feed  Lambs  and  Sheep — Union  of  Jews  and 
Gentiles — One  Fold,  one  Shepherd — Barrow's  Avowal — St.  Francis  de  Sales — 
Perpetuity  of  the  Power — Headship  of  Peter  reconciled  with  that  of  Christ — 
Wisdom  of  Christ — Bossuet. 

CHAPTER  V. — Exposition  of  the  Commission 64 

Origen — Cyprian — Unity  of  the  Church — Barrow's  Admission — St.  Cyril  of 
Jerusalem — St.  Chrysostom — St.  Ambrose — St.  Augustin — St.  Leo — St.  Gregory 
the  Great— St.  Bernard. 

CHAPTER  VI. — Exercise  of  the  Primacy 70 

Call  of  Matthias — Remark  of  Chrysostom — Council  of  Jerusalem — Result  of 
Peter's  Address — Tertullian — St.  Jerom — Theodoret — Chrysostom — Model  of 
Councils — Bossuet — Potter — To  send  sometimes  implies  superiority — Conde- 
scension of  Peter — St.  Gregory  the  Great — Cephas  at  Antioch — Visit  of  Paul 
to  Peter — The  Jews  committed  to  the  charge  of  Peter,  the  Gentiles  to  Paul — 
Address  of  Peter  to  his  Fellow-Bishops. 

CHAPTER  VII. — Peter  Bishop  of  Rome 79 

Admission  of  Cave — Babylon — Clement — Ignatius — Papias — Irenaous — Dio- 
nysius  of  Corinth — Cajus — Origen — Cyprian — Eusebius — Theodoret — Palmer's 
Admission — Difficulty  of  arranging  Chronology — Both  Apostles  Founders  of  the 
Roman  Church — Apostleship  compatible  with  Episcopacy — Silence  of  St.  Paul 
— Palmer's  Admission. 

7 


8  CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

CHAPTER  VIII.— Roman  Church 85 

Transmission  of  the  Power  of  Peter — St.  Ignatius  M.  addresses  the  Church 
that  Presides — Celebrated  Passage  of  St.  Irenasus — Palmer's  Admission — Ter- 
tullian — St.  Cyprian — Root  and  Matrix — Dr.  Hopkins — Authority  of  Roman 
Clergy — The  Emperor  Aurelian's  Reference  to  Roman  Bishops — St.  Augustin 
— St.  Jerom — Bishops  everywhere  equal  in  order — Bishops  of  Province  of 
Aries — Dignity  of  Imperial  City — Concessions  of  Emperors — Decree  of  Valen- 
tinian — Concession  of  Palmer. 

CHAPTER  IX. — Centre  of  Unity. 

§  1.   Communion  with  See  of  Rome 97 

Remark  of  Hallam — St.  Cyprian — To  communicate  with  the  Roman  Bishop 
is  to  communicate  with  the  Catholic  Church — Union  of  Spirit  without  identity 
in  Faith  is  chimerical — Episcopate  in  solidum — St.  Ambrose — St.  Optatus — 
Evasion  of  Palmer — St.  Augustin — Roman  Catholic. 

§  2.  Interruptions  of  Communion 103 

Meletius — St.  Jerom — Liberality  of  the  Holy  See — Inconsistency  of  Palmer 
— Testimony  of  John,  Bishop  of  Constantinople — St.  Cyprian  on  Unity. 

CHAPTER  X. — Ancient  Examples  of  Papal  Authority. 

g  1.  Disturbances  at  Corinth 108 

Letter  of  Clement, 
g  2.  Paschal  Controversy 109 

Difference  of  Discipline — Polycarp  and  Anicetus — Measures  of  Victor, 
g  3.  Montanism Ill 

Tertullian — Bishop  of  Bishops — Faber's  Admission — Peter's  Church. 
§  4.  Controversy  Concerning  Baptism 113 

African  Decree — Pope  Stephen — Asiatic  Usage — Vincent  of  Lerins — Papal 
Authority — St.  Cyprian — St.  Jerom — St.  Augustin. 

§  5.  Donatism , 119 

Cecilius  of  Carthage — Decree  of  Constantine — Sentence  of  Melchiades — 
Council  of  Aries. 

CHAPTER  XI. — Guardianship  of  Faith. 

§  1.  Constancy  of  the  Holy  See 123 

Theophylact — Innocent  III. — Early  Heresies, 
g  2.   Chief  Mysteries 124 

Divinity  of  Christ — Dionysius  of  Alexandria  accused — Arianism — Liberius 
Vindicated — Testimony  of  Sozomen — Heresy  of  Apollinaris — Edict  of  Theodo- 
sius — St.  Basil — The  East  as  well  as  the  West  receives  the  Decrees  of  Rome — 
Nestorius — St.  Cyril — Decree  of  Celestine — Council  of  Ephesus — Eutyches — 
Flavian  writes  to  the  Pope — Letter  of  Valentinian — Council  of  Chalcedon — 
Acknowledgment  of  Palmer — Blessed  Virgin. 

§  3.   Grace 137 

African  Councils — Innocent  I. — Further  Examination  superfluous — Zosimus 
—St.  Prosper — St.  Vincent  of  Lerins — Paulinus  of  Milan — Nestorius — St.  Leo. 

§  4.   Testimonies  of  Fathers 143 

St.  Jerom — St.  Leo — Acknowledgment  of  Casaubon. 
§  5.    Vindication  of  Honorius 145 

Anathema — Letters  of  Honorius*— Agatho — St.  Bernard — Bishops  of  Tar- 
ragona. 

CHAPTER  XII. — Governing  Power. 

§  1.  Exercise  of  Authority 149 

St.  Celestine — St.  Cyprian — Decree  of  Siricius — Innocent  I. — Zosimus — St. 
Leo — Just  Declaration  of  Bossuet — Dispensing  Power — Boniface  I. — Con- 
sultations. 


CONTENTS.  9 

PAGE 

§  2.    Universal  Patriarch 156 

John  the  Faster — Council  of  Chalcedon — St.  Gregory  the  Great — Byzantium 
— Acknowledgment  of  the  Eastern  Church — Acts  of  Gregory — Serenus  of  Mar- 
seilles admonished — Patriarchs  address  Gregory  with  reverence — Decree  of 
Phocas. 

CHAPTER  XIII.— The  Hierarchy. 

§  1.  Patriarchal  System 161 

Extent  of  Western  Patriarchate — Origin  of  Patriarchal  Jurisdiction — Sixth 
Canon  of  Nice — Version  of  Ruffinus — Suburbicarian  Churches — Boniface  I. — 
Council  of  Chalcedon — St.  Leo. 

g  2.    Western  Patriarchate 164 

Innocent  I. — Pallium — Primates — Guizot — Clinch. 
§  3.  Apostolic  Vicars 167 

Barrow's  Avowal — First  Instance  of  Apostolic  Vicar  for  Illyricum — Pontifi- 
cal Instructions — St.  Leo  the  Great — Modern  Vicars  Apostolic — Bishops  not 
mere  Delegates. 

$  4.  Papal  Relation  to  Patriarchs 170 

Patriarchal  Power — Dependence  on  the  Pontiff — Juvenal  of  Jerusalem — 
Bishop  of  Constantinople — Embassy  to  Rome — St.  Basil. 

CHAPTER  XIV. — Deposition  of  Bishops.          175 

Occasional  Encroachments — Ancient  Reservation  to  the  Holy  See — Potter's 
Testimony — Deposition  of  Marcian  of  Aries,  solicited  by  St.  Cyprian — Roman 
Council  —  Imperial  Edict — Mosheim  and  Maclaine  —  Zosimus — Celestine — 
Council  of  Chalcedon — Ephesus — Bishops  of  Jerusalem,  Antioch,  and  Constan- 
tinople Deposed — Anthimus  Deposed  by  Agapitus — Primate  of  Byzacium. 

CHAPTER  XV. — Appeals. 

$  1.  Ancient  Examples 183 

Marcion  goes  to  Rome — Basilides— Cyprian's  Judgment — Privatus  of  Lam- 
besita — Cyprian  complains  of  wanton  appeals  as  calculated  to  defeat  justice — 
Appeal  of  Athanasius — Letter  of  Julius — Custom  to  write  first  to  Rome — Mar- 
cellus  of  Ancyra — Passage  of  Socrates — Council  of  Sardica — St.  Basil  an  Illus- 
trious Witness — Appeal  of  Chrysostoin. 

$  2.  African  Controversy 195 

Council  of  Carthage — Appeal  of  Apiarius — Sardican  Canons — Misnomer — 
Appeals  of  Bishops— Letter  to  the  Pope — Appeal  of  Celestius — African  In- 
stances of  Appeal. 

£  3.  Promiscuous  Examples 201 

Chelidonius — Flavian — American  Editor  of  Mosheim — Theodoret — John  Ta- 
laja — Enumeration  of  Appeals  by  Barrow — Pope  Gelasius. 

CHAPTER  XVI.— The  Church  of  England. 

$  1.  Britons 205 

Introduction  of  Christianity — British  Bishops  in  Councils  of  Aries  and  Sar- 
dica— St.  Germanus  Legate  of  Celestine  to  the  Britons — Bishops  of  Cyprus — 
Autocephalous  Character — Forgery  of  Address  of  Abbot  Dinoth — Fuller's 
Quaint  Acknowledgment — Gregory  gives  Authority  over  British  Bishops. 

§  2.  Anglo-Saxon  Church 209 

Canterbury  Founded  by  Augustin. 

§  3.  Paschal  Controversy '. 210 

Britons  and  Irish  follow  Old  Cycle— King  Oswiu  decides  in'  favor  of  the 
Roman  usage. 

$  4.  Anc/lo-Saxon  Hierarchy 211 

Plan  Traced  by  Gregory — Changes  made  by  Vitalian  and  Agatho — Lichfield 
raised  to  Metropolitical  Dignity  by  Adrian — Pallium — Several  English  Metro- 
politans go  to  Rome :  some  are  consecrated  by  the  Pope — Papal  Legates. 

§  5.  Acknowledgment  of  the  Primacy 213 

Bede — Alcuin — Anglo-Saxon  Pontifical — Councils — Deposition  of  Bishops — 
Appeal  of  Wilfrid. 


10  CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

g  6.  Modern  Church  of  England 217 

Measures  of  Henry  VIII. — Futile  Attempts  of  Palmer — Female  Supremacy. 

CHAPTER  XVII. — Papal  Prerogatives 221 

False  Decretals — Presidency  of  the  Universal  Church— St.  Leo — Right  to 
Judge  in  Controversies  of  Faith — Definitions  ex  cathedra — Assembly  of  1682 — 
Plenitude  of  Power — New  Organization  of  Trench  Hierarchy — Hypothetical 
Argument  of  Bellarmine — Acknowledgment  of  Voltaire — Relations  of  Pope  to 
Councils  —  Not  necessary  to  define  extent  of  prerogative  —  Observation  of 
Palmer. 

CHAPTER  XVIII. — Unbroken  Succession  of  the  Bishops  of  Rome .      232 

Invitation  of  Augustin — Schism  of  Novatian  —  Cornelius  Bishop  of  the 
Catholic  Church — St.  Cyprian — Felix  Intruded — Schisms — Imperial  Interfer- 
ence— Great  Schism — Absence  from  Rome — Simoniacal  Elections — Interreg- 
nums— Fable  of  Pope  Joan — Elizabeth  of  England — St.  Augustin's  Appeal. 

CHAPTER  XIX. — Papal  Election. 

$  1.  Imperial  Interposition 241 

Interference  of  Odoacer,  King  of  Italy — Eastern  Emperor — Popes  Conse- 
crated without  the  Imperial  Assent — Western  Emperors — Oath  required  by 
Otho  I. — Amount  of  Deference  to  Emperors — St.  Gregory  VII. — Esclmiva. 

%  2.  Mode  of  Election 244 

Office  xnot  to  be  bequeathed — Popular  Influence — St.  Celestine — Council  of 
Laodicea — Conclave. 

CHAPTER  XX. — Ceremonies. 

£  1.  Ceremonies  after  Election 246 

Adoration— Kissing  of  the  foot,  Ancient  Oriental  Rite— Chair  of  State. 

$  2.  Ceremonies  of  Coronation 250 

Burning  of  Bunch  of  Flax — Pallium — Gospel  in  Latin  and  Greek — Tiara — 

Cap  of  Liberty — Address  of  Council  of  Baltimore. 


PART   II. 

SECULAR  RELATIONS. 
CHAPTER  I. — Patrimony  of  St.  Peter 255 

No  Earthly  Possessions,  or  Dominion  given  by  Christ — Wealth  of  the  Ro- 
man Church — Donation  of  Constantino — Humane  Treatment  of  Tenants — 
French  Princes — Title  of  Patrician — Acts  of  Sovereignty — Heroism  of  Leo  IV. 
— Relation  of  Pope  and  Emperor  to  the  Romans — Gibbon's  account  of  the  ori- 
gin of  the  Papal  Dominion — Anticipations  of  Dr.  Jarvis. 

CHAPTER  II. — Authority  over  Princes. 

§  1.  In  Matters  of  Faith  and  Morals 270 

Pontiff  superior  to  all  members  of  the  Church — Gelasius  explains  the  rela- 
tions of  the  two  powers — Means  employed  against  Princes. 
§  2.  In  Secular  Concerns 275 

No  Civil  Power  now  claimed — Creation  of  Emperor  by  Leo  III. — British 
Critic — Remarkable  avowal  of  Voltaire. 

CHAPTER  HI. — Peace  Tribunal 283 

Council  of  Rheims — Louis  the  Fat — Princes  sought  the  Pope's  Mediation — 
St.  Anselm — Genoese  and  Pisans  reconciled — Pope's  Power  implored  by  both 
parties — Federal  Union — Decree  of  Lateran — War  Sometimes  Necessary — • 
Truce  of  God — Improvement  in  the  Laws  of  War. 


CONTENTS.  11 

CHAPTER  IV. — Deposing  Power.  PAGE 

g  1.    Origin  of  the  Power 293 

Abdication  of  Wamba — Council  of  Savonieres — Saxons  complain  to  Alexan- 
der II. — Threats  of  Gregory  VII. — Henry  IV.,  seeks  his  influence  to  suppress 
Revolt — Crimes  of  Henry — Compact — Declaration  of  Independence — Effects 
of  Excommunication — Views  of  Gregory. 

g  2.   Subsequent  Instances 299 

Alexander  III.  sanctions  the  Lombard  League — Frederick  II.  deposed  in 
Council  of  Lyons — Act  of  the  Pope — Impeachment  of  the  President. 

§  3.  Never  formally  defined 302 

Bull  of  Boniface  VIII. — Definition — Excellence  of  Sacred  Power — Canon  of 
Lateran — Acknowledgment  of  Monarchs. 

§  4.  Deposition  of  Elizabeth 304 

Object  of  the  Sentence — Armada — Conduct  of  English  Catholics. 

§  5.  Disclaimers 306 

French  Clergy  in  1682— Cardinal  Antonelli— Bull  of  Pius  VII. 

CHAPTER  V. — Papal  Sanction 308 

Transfer  of  French  Crown — Settlement  of  Succession — Sanction  of  Treaties 
— Invasion  of  Ireland — Grants  to  Teutonic  Knights — Bull  of  Alexander  VI. — 
Baluffi,  Wheaton,  Prescott. 

CHAPTER  VI.— Papal  Polity 316 

Christianity  the  Supreme  Law — Remarks  of  Arnold — Church  and  State — Mr. 
Allies — Ecclesiastical  Immunities. — St.  Anselm — St.  Thomas  of  Canterbury — 
Principles  of  Government — Liberty — Tuscan  League — Elective  Principle. 

CHAPTER  VII. — Crusades 327 

Efforts  of  Sylvester  II.— Gregory  VI.— State  of  the  Eastern  Christians- 
Peter  the  Hermit — Councils  of  Piacenza,  Clermont — Discourse  of  Urban  II. — 
League  between  Greek  Emperor  and  the  Crusaders — Defensive  Wars — St.  Ber- 
nard— Indulgences — Alms — Results  of  the  Crusades. 

CHAPTER  VIII. — Coercion. 

g  1.  Pagans  and  Jews 342 

Liberty  of  Conscience  vindicated  by  Tertullian — Ethelbert — Council  of  To- 
ledo— Innocent  IV. — Facts  regarding  the  Jews — Rome  their  Asylum. 

§  2.  Sectaries 345 

Conduct  of  Constantine — Right  of  Property — Imperial  Laws — Anti-social 
Principles — Outrages  of  Circumcellions — Council  of  Carthage. 

$  3.   Crusades  against  Manicheans 348 

Canons  of  Toulouse  and  Lateran — Excesses  of  Sectaries — Assassination  of 
Legate — Instructions  of  Gregory  IX. — Testimony  of  Voltaire. 

CHAPTER  IX. — Inquisition. 

§  1.  Ancient  Tribunal '.....       353 

Council  of  Verona — Qncesitores  fidei  sent  by  Innocent  III. — Spirit  of  Inqui- 
sitors—St.  Peter  de  Castelnau— Civil  sanction. 

$  2.   Spanish  Inquisition 356 

Ferdinand  of  Spain — Object — Treasonable  designs  of  Moors — Royal  tribunal 
— Opposition  of  Popes  to  its  establishment  in  Naples  and  Milan. 

g  3.  Mode  of  Proceeding 358 

Secrecy — Requisites  for  arrest — Mode  of  trial — Torture  seldom  used :  long 
abandoned — Searching  process — Exaggerations  of  Llorente. 

$  4.  Roman  Inquisition 362 

Congregation  of  Cardinals — Temporal  attributions — Archives  seized  by  the 
French — Heresy  regarded  as  a  crime  against  society. 


12  CONTENTS. 

PART  III. 

LITERARY  AND  MORAL  INFLUENCE. 

PAGE 

CHAPTER  I. — Personal  attainments 367 

Gregory  the  Great  misrepresented — Testimony  of  Agatho — Rome  the  source 
of  letters  to  the  West — Nicholas  Breakspere. 

CHAPTER  II. — Measures  to  promote  learning. 

§  1.  Libraries 372 

Popes  collectors  of  books — Vatican  library — Nicholas  V. 

§2.  Schools 373 

Schools  in  England — Literary  accomplishments  of  ladies — Decrees  of  Roman 
Councils — Universities. 

CHAPTER  III. — Mediaeval  Studies 376 

Divinity — St.  Thomas  Aquinas — Aristotle — Modern  Spirit — Canon  law — 
Oriental  languages. 

CHAPTER  IV.— Revival  of  Letters 381 

Dante — Petrarch  crowned  in  the  Roman  capitol — Poets — Historians — Elo- 
quence— Belles  Lettres — Tuscan  genius — Testimony  of  Voltaire — Reformation 
prejudicial  to  literature — Greek  studies — Ippolita  Sforza. 

CHAPTER  V. — Science. 

§  1.  Medicine 388 

Salerno — Montpelier — Anatomy — State  Physicians — Professorship  of  Medi- 
cine— Natural  History — Minerals — Botany. 

§  2.  Astronomy 390 

Virgil,  the  Irish  missionary — Antipodes — Correction  of  the  calendar  by  Gre- 
gory XIII. — Meridians — Earth's  motion  around  the  sun — Copernicus — Galileo 
— Decree  of  Roman  Inquisition — Cassini — Benedict  XIV. 

CHAPTER  VI.— The  Arts 395 

Rome  renders  the  arts  tributary  to  religion — Temples  and  statues — Paint- 
ings— St.  Peter's — Landscapes — Miniatures — Engraving  on  diamonds. 

CHAPTER  VII. — Art  of  Printing. 

g  1.  Encouragement  of  Printers 399 

Printers  at  Rome  in  1467 — Activity  of  the  Roman  Press. 
§  2.  Restrictions  on  the  Press 402 

Decree  of  Alexander  VI. — Leo  X. — Committee  appointed  by  Council  of 
Trent — List  of  prohibited  books — Freedom  of  the  Press. 

CHAPTER  VIII. — Moral  Influence. 

§  1.   Civilization 405 

Struggle  of  the  Popes  against  Feudalism — Civilization  of  the  Heathen — Mis- 
sionaries of  Germany — Monastic  Institutions — Devotion  to  the  Virgin. 

§  2.  Personal  Virtues 408 

Charity  of  Roman  Bishops — The  Martyr  Lawrence — Fortitude — Martyrs — 
Pius  VI.— Pius  VII.— Humility— Celestine  V. 

§  3.  Recognised  Sanctity 415 

CHAPTER  IX. — Charges  against  the  Popes 417 

Formosus — Stephen — Weight  of  Luitprand's  testimony — Boniface  VIII. — 
Conduct  before  receiving  orders — Leo  X.  and  Innocent  X.  vindicated — Alexan- 
der VI. — Character  of  Pontiffs  as  Sovereigns. — Sixtus  IV. — Nepotism. 

Catalogue  of  the  Popes 429 


THE   PRIMACY. 


CHAPTER  I. 

0f 


THE  first  question  which  presents  itself  to  the  mind  in  reference  to  the 
important  subject  of  the  Church,  is,  whether  Christ  our  Lord  formed  the 
multitude  of  His  followers  into  a  society,  and  appointed  officers  to  govern 
them.  There  are  many  at  the  present  day,  who  confidently  answer  in  the 
negative,  contending  that  He  left  it  entirely  optional  with  believers  in  His 
doctrine,  to  associate  under  whatsoever  form  they  pleased  for  the  further- 
ance of  the  great  objects  of  His  divine  mission.*  It  may  appear  strange, 
that  this  can  be  maintained  by  any  who  admit  the  Scriptures,  which  testify, 
so  clearly,  the  appointment  by  Christ  of  teachers  and  rulers,  with  a  per- 
petual commission  :  but  it  is  scarcely  so  surprising  as  that  some  should 
hold  that  Christ  did  organize  His  Church,  and  yet  deny  the  main  principle 
of  her  organization,  which  is  unity,  by  the  government  of  one  man,  as  the 
Scriptures  no  less  clearly  attest.  The  fact  that  Christ  appeared  on  earth 
as  Supreme  Teacher,  invested  with  all  power  and  authority,  should  prepare 
us  for  a  state  of  Christian  society,  in  which  ONE  should  hold  His  place, 
exercising,  by  delegation,  those  powers  which  He  inherently  possessed. 
That  such  a  social  form  is  best  adapted  to  the  great  ends  of  revelation, 
reason  itself  must  convince  us,  since  in  order  to  diffuse  and  preserve  the 
revealed  doctrines,  it  must  be  of  the  highest  importance  to  have  a  chief 
depositary  and  supreme  guardian,  from  whose  chair  of  instruction  the  voice 
of  truth  may  issue  to  the  farthest  extremities  of  the  earth.  The  union  of 
believers  can  best  be  promoted  by  a  central  authority  divinely  established 
and  protected;  and  the  perpetuity  of  the  Church,  which  without  unity  is 
impossible,  can  thus  be  secured.  In  every  form  of  civil  government,  how- 
ever limited  may  be  its  sphere  of  action,  unity  is  necessarily  sought  by 
means  of  a  supreme  magistrate,  with  such  limitations  of  his  power  as  the 
genius  of  the  people  may  require.  The  existence  of  such  an  officer  in  the 
Church  is  the  more  necessary,  inasmuch  as  she  is  composed  of  an  endless 
variety  of  nations,  who  could  not  unite  in  one  society,  unless  by  inean>  <  f 

*  See  "  The  Church  Member's  Manual,"  by  William  Crowell.     Boston,  1852. 

2  17 


18  NATURE   OF   THE   PRIMACY. 

a  general  head.*  She  has  been  often  styled  "a  masterpiece  of  human 
policy /'.because  she  is  so  constituted  as  to  resist  the  many  assaults  made 
on  her  from  without,  and  to  be  uninjured  by  the  conflict  of  internal  ele- 
ments. Her  strength  and  power  must  be  ascribed  to  her  unity,  which 
conservative  and  vital  principle  of  her  organization  she  owes  to  her  Divine 
Founder.  In  leaving  her  a  visible  head  to  govern  in  His  Name,  He  left 
her  the  pledge  of  His  own  perpetual  presence,  in  virtue  of  which  she  repels 
every  attack,  and  remains  secure  of  victory  over  all  her  foes.  No  greater 
evidence  of  His  divinity  is  needed  to  confound  the  unbeliever,  than  the 
fact  that  He  so  framed  His  Church  as  to  ensure  her  perpetual  duration, 
whilst  every  human  institution,  howsoever  wisely  planned  and  powerfully 
sustained,  after  temporary  prosperity,  more  or  less  rapidly  dissolves.  Apart 
from  positive  evidence,  we  may  infer  the  divine  institution  of  the  primacy, 
from  the  fact  that  it  effectually  tends  to  unite  the  followers  of  Christ  in  an 
unbroken  and  invincible  phalanx.  That  which  makes  the  Church  one, 
and  renders  her  superior  to  all  the  efforts  of  her  enemies,  is  surely  not  a 
device  of  human  policy,  but  the  institution  of  Divine  Wisdom. 

I  would  not,  however,  confine  the  investigation  of  the  primacy  to  ab- 
stract reasoning.  It  is  a  matter  of  fact,  and  therefore  to  be  established 
by  positive  evidence.  The  New  Testament,  as  far  as  it  is  a  record  of  the 
institutions  of  Christ,  and  of  their  practical  development,  presents  histo- 
rical proof  to  all  who  regard  it  as  a  purely  human  composition,  and  divine 
testimony  to  such  as  recognise  its  inspiration.  In  an  inquiry  like  the 
present,  the  obvious  meaning  of  the  words,  as  gathered  from  the  context, 
and  illustrated  by  parallel  passages,  may  be  fairly  urged  in  proof;  and 
where  discrepancy  of  sentiment  exists  in  regard  to  the  interpretation,  the 
unbiassed  judgment  of  the  ancient  Christian  writers  may  be  justly  ap- 
pealed to.  The  monuments  of  antiquity,  which  attest  the  actual  govern- 
ment of  the  Church  in  the  early  ages,  should  be  examined,  in  order  to 
ascertain  what  was  believed  and  acknowledged  to  be  the  authority  left  by 
Christ  for  that  purpose :  since  the  ancient  general  and  constant  persuasion 
of  all  Christians,  on  a  matter  of  public  polity,  and  daily  practice,  must  be 
held  sacred,  according  to  the  celebrated  axiom  of  Vincent  of  Lerins,  which 
is  consonant  with  common  sense :  Quod  semper ,  quod  ubique,  quod  ab 
omnibus. 

Whosoever  assails  the  actual  government  of  the  Church  must  be  pre- 
pared to  prove  that  it  is  essentially  different  from  the  original  design,  as 
delineated  by  its  Divine  Founder.")"  The  presumption  is  in  favor  of  that 

*  The  reader  will  find  this,  and  other  arguments,  ably  presented  by  the  Bishop  of 
Louisville,  in  his  admirable  "  Lectures  on  the  General  Evidences  of  Catholicity."  Lec- 
ture x. 

f  For  the  full  development  of  the  presumptive  argument,  and  the  complete  exposure 
of  the  fallacies  of  Anglican  and  Episcopalian  theories  on  this  point,  I  beg  to  refer  to 
"  Reasons  for  Acknowledging  the  Authority  of  the  Holy  Roman  See,  by  Henry  Major, 
Inte  a  Clergyman  of  the  Protestant  Episcopal  Church."  Philadelphia,  1846. 


NATURE   OF   THE   PRIMACY.  19 

which  is  established,  because  it  is  reasonable  to  suppose  that  its  claims 
had  been  thoroughly  examined  before  they  were  acknowledged.  If  the 
opponent  himself  had  previously  recognised  the  authority,  he  is  still  more 
evidently  bound  to  show  cause,  why  he  now  seeks  to  discard  it,  his  argu- 
ments being  unworthy  of  attention  until  all  suspicion  of  improper  mo- 
tives is  removed.  Luther,  after  loud  protestations  of  unreserved  submis- 
sion, rose  in  revolt  against  the  Papal  power,  when  his  re'sentment  had  been 
provoked  by  the  condemnation  of  his  errors.  Henry  VIII.  shook  off  the 
Papal  yoke,  when  it  galled  him ;  the  Pontiff  refusing  to  minister  to  his 
passions,  by  divorcing  his  lawful  queen,  that  he  might  take  an  adulteress 
to  his  bed.  Long  before  the  appearance  of  the  apostate  monk,  or  of  the 
licentious  despot,  Photius,  in  the  ninth  century,  assailed  the  Roman 
primacy ;  but  only  after  the  Pontiff  had  resisted  his  usurpation  of  the  patri- 
archal chair,  to  the  injury  of  the  rightful  occupant,  Ignatius.  The  motives 
of  these  opponents  of  Rome  were  unquestionably  suspicious.  Hence  the 
arguments,  by  which  they  attempted  to  disprove  the  divine  origin  of  the 
primacy,  were  to  be  received  with  caution  and  distrust.  It  should  be  pre- 
sumed that  an  authority  which  existed  in  the  ninth,  as  well  as  in  the  six- 
teenth century,  and  which  was  opposed  by  men  under  the  influence  of  pas- 
sion, was  still  more  ancient,  nay,  coeval  with  Christianity  itself.  If,  as 
we  go  back  to  the  earliest  times,  we  meet  instances  of  its  exercise  in  every 
age,  the  presumption  is  strong  that  it  existed  then,  substantially  the  same 
as  when  it  was  afterward  assailed  by  ambitious,  restless,  or  licentious  men. 
In  the  scarcity  of  ancient  documents,  and  in  the  obscurity  in  which  the 
persecutions  of  the  early  ages  necessarily  involved  the  constitution  and 
internal  administration  of  the  Church,  it  is  unreasonable  to  expect  the 
same  degree  of  evidence  of  the  exercise  of  power  by  her  officers,  as  in 
later  times,  of  which  fuller  records  are  possessed,  and  in  which  her  action 
was  less  controlled.  "  So  long  as  the  Church/'  observes  Mr.  Allies,  "  was 
engaged  in  a  fierce  and  unrelenting  conflict  with  the  Paganism  and  despot- 
ism of  the  empire,  she  could  hardly  exhibit  to  the  world  her  complete 
outward  organization."*  It  is  reasonable  to  infer  that  her  government 
was  in  substance  the  same  previously,  as  in  the  fifth  and  fourth  ages,  unless 
there  be  conclusive  evidence  to  the  contrary.  Those  who  deny  the  primacy 
to  be  an  original  principle  of  Church  organization,  in  vain  object  the  in- 
sufficiency of  the  proofs  of  its  operation  in  the  early  ages.  In  order  to 
meet  the  abundant  evidence  of  its  powerful  activity  at  a  subsequent  period, 
they  should  show  the  time  in  which  it  was  first  established,  the  means  used 
for  its  introduction,  and  explain  how  it  happened  that  it  met  with  no  op- 
position, or  that  such  opposition  was  unsuccessful. 

Some  of  the  Pontifical  acts  which  I  shall  have  occasion  to  enumerate, 
might  be  referred  to  mere  patriarchal  jurisdiction;  but  the  attentive  reader 

*  "  The  Church  of  England  Cleared  from  the  Charge  of  Schism,  by  Thomas  William 
Allies,  Rector  of  Launton,  Oxon.,"  p.  15. 


OQ  ,  NATURE   OF   THE   PRIMACY. 

will  perceive,  that  they  all  presuppose  the  divine  institution  of  the  prima- 
cy, and  the  authority  of  the  Bishop  of  Rome  as  derived  from  St.  Peter. 
The  proofs  here  furnished  cannot  then  be  eluded,  merely  by  saying,  that 
many  of  them  are  explicable  on  the  patriarchal  theory :  for  we  must  exa- 
mine whether  the  Pontiffs  rested  their  claims  on  this  ground,  or  on  the 
divine  commission ;  and  whether  the  bishops  submitted  to  them  on  prin- 
ciples of  ecclesiastical  economy,  or  in  obedience  to  a  divine  mandate,  which 
they  believed  to  be  delivered  in  the  Gospel.  To  invent  a  theory,  is  not 
sufficient ;  we  must  inquire  into  a  fact,  whether  the  power  exercised  by  the 
Bishop  of  Rome  throughout  the  Western  patriarchate,  as  well  as  in  the 
East,  was  professedly  grounded  on  the  commission  given  to  the  apostle, 
whose  chair  he  occupied.  If  continual  reference  be  made  to  this  commis- 
sion in  all  the  documents  which  have  come  down  from  those  times,  it 
is  in  vain  to  say  that  the  same  acts  might  have  been  performed  in  virtue 
of  conventional  arrangements,  since  they  actually  proceeded  from  a  higher 
source. 

The  attempt  is  vainly  made  to  distinguish  the  primacy  from  the  supre- 
macy, and  by  the  admission  of  the  former  to  elude  the  evidences  by  which 
the  claims  of  the  Roman  Pontiff  are  supported.  Primacy  of  jurisdiction 
implies  supremacy,  since  it  is  a  real  governing  power,  extending  over  the 
whole  Church,  as  appears  from  the  definition  of  the  Council  of  Florence : 
"We  define  that  the  holy  Apostolic  See  and  Roman  Pontiff  holds  the 
primacy  throughout  the  entire  world,  and  that  the  said  Roman  Pontiff  is  tho 
successor  of  the  blessed  Peter,  the  prince  of  the  apostles,  and  is  the  true 
vicar  of  Christ,  and  the  head  of  the  whole  Church,  and  father  and  teacher 
of  all  Christians ;  and  that  to  him,  in  the  person  of  blessed  Peter,  full 
power  was  given  by  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  to  feed,  rule  and  govern  the 
Universal  Church,  as  is  also  contained  in  the  acts  of  oscumenical  councils 
and  in  the  sacred  canons/''* 

Those  who  live  under  republican  institutions  are  naturally  prejudiced 
against  an  authority  which  resembles  a  monarchy,  inasmuch  as  one  man, 
as  vicegerent  of  Christ,  governs  the  Universal  Church.  I  will  not  in- 
sist here  on  the  fact  that  he  is  an  elective  ruler,  chosen  from  the  body 
of  cardinals,  whose  office  is  not  hereditary,  but  the  reward  of  distin- 
guished merit ;  neither  will  I  dwell  on  the  limitations  of  pontifical  power 
arising  from  the  nature  of  the  doctrines  and  laws  of  Christ,  of  which  His 
earthly  representative  cannot  change  an  iota ;  still  less  will  I  plead  the 
practical  limitations  which  may  arise  from  canonical  enactments,  national 
usages,  and  established  precedents.  A  power  in  things  spiritual  which 
affects  conscience  alone,  cannot  be  arbitrary  and  despotic,  being  an  ema- 
nation from  the  power  of  Christ,  and  dependent  for  its  successful  exercise  on 
the  voluntary  submission  of  those  whom  it  regards.  It  is  necessary,  how- 
ever, to  approach  the  examination  of  this  subject  with  a  mind  prepared 

*  Cone.  Flor.,  collat.  xxii.,  p.  985.    V.  ix.  col.  Hard. 


NATURE    OF   THE   PRIMACY.  21 

to  embrace  the  authority  which  Christ  has  established,  without  regard  to 
our  political  prejudices,  or  national  predilections.  We  are  not  allowed  to 
model  His  Church  according  to  our  views ;  we  must  accept  her  as  she  was 
framed  by  Him,  who  has  done  all  things  well,  and  whose  providence 
watches  over  His  institutions,  that  they  may  be  channels  of  grace  and 
*blessing  to  mankind.  I  shall  not  attempt  to  present  any  qualified  view 
of  pontifical  power  calculated  to  win  popular  favor,  or  hesitate  to  admit  the 
rather  invidious  terms  by  which  it  is  commonly  designated.  Let  the  con- 
stitution of  the  Church  be  styled  monarchical ;  provided  it  be  well  under- 
stood that  Christ  is  the  sovereign,  whose  mild  authority  must  be  reflected 
in  the  government  of  His  earthly  representative.  Let  her  aristocratic 
character  be  admitted;  but  with  the  just  observation,  that  in  her,  birth  or 
wealth  gives  no  title  of  nobility,  since  her  princes  are  chosen  indiscrimi- 
nately from  all  classes,  wherever  virtue  finds  votaries.  Even  Voltaire 
remarks,  that  "the  Roman  Church  has  always  enjoyed  the  advantage  of 
rewarding  merit  with  honors  which  are  elsewhere  given  to  birth."*  It 
would  be  easy  to  show  what  elements  of  democracy  are  contained  within 
her :  but  a  divine  institution  needs  not  be  supported  by  an  appeal  to 
popular  prejudice.  To  borrow  the  words  of  James  Bernard  Clinch,  a 
learned  member  of  the  Irish  bar  in  the  early  part  of  this  century : 
"  Whatever  be  the  authority  which  exists  in  the  Christian  system,  that 
authority,  in  its  application,  must  be  as  different  from  the  execution  of 
worldly  force  as  it  is  superior  in  its  origin.  To  seek  for  parallels 
between  the  genuine  idea  of  Christian  polity,  and  the  several  species  of 
human  organization  of  force,  I  consider  to  be  extreme  absurdity.  To 
defend  the  government  of  the  Church  as  a  pure  monarchic,  or  as  an  aristo- 
cratic, or  as  a  republican  system,  or  as  resulting  from  any  temperament 
of  these  three  forms,  must  necessarily  lead  into  error;  and  so  far,  must 
estrange  the  mind  from  the  whole  of  the  salutary  and  everlasting  purposes 
of  the  Gospel,  which,  except  in  the  Catholic  Church,  are  not  known,  or 
cannot  be  realized.  If  it  were  lawful  to  circumscribe  the  Christian  state 
by  any  general  name,  it  might  more  aptly  be  called  a  federal  system,  be- 
cause its  essential  compact  is  unity.  There  is  no  monarchy  in  the  Chris- 
tian Church  but  that  of  Christ ;  there  is  no  aristocracy ;  there  is  no  power 
of  the  commons.  There  are  ministries  and  offices  distinct,  and  there  are 
subjects  amenable  to  these  offices.  But  the  highest  magistrate  of  spiritual 
things  can  only  be  the  next  representative  of  Christ  for  Christians ;  and 
Christ  has  declared  that  He  came  not  to  have  servitude  performed  unto 
Himself,  but  to  perform  it,  and  to  lay  down  His  life  as  a  ransom  for 
multitudes,  " 


*  "  L'EgHse  Romaine  a  toujours  eu  cet  avantage  de  pouvoir  donner  au  merite  ce  qu'ail- 
leurs  on  donne  a  la  naissance."  Voltaire,  Essai  sur  1'Histoire  Generate.  Histoire  de 
1'Empereur  Henri  V. 

f  Letters  on  Church  Government,  by  J.  B.  Clinch,  Barrister  at  Law,  Dublin,  1815. 


22  NATURE   OF   THE  PRIMACY. 

By  whatsoever  appellation  we  may  designate  the  constitution  of  the 
Church,  our  attachment  to  our  country  and  its  institutions  will  not  be 
affected  by  it,  since  there  is  an  immense  difference  between  things  human 
and  divine.  As  we  must  not  suffer  our  political  predilections  to  prejudice 
us  against  the  form  of  government  which  Christ  our  Lord  has  established 
in  his  Church,  so  we  need  not  seek  to  assimilate  civil  to  ecclesiasticaf 
polity.  It  has  been  well  observed  by  Ranke,  that  "  this  religious  system 
has  no  inherent  or  necessary  affinity  to  one  form  of  government  more  than 
to  another."*  "The  Christian  religion/'  says  Count  de  St.  Priest,  "which 
has  existed  for  near  two  thousand  years,  is  not  indissolubly  attached  to 
any  political  form.  Under  the  shadow  of  absolute  thrones  or  of  limited 
monarchies — on  the  borders  of  the  republican  lake  of  William  Tell — in 
America,  which  is  still  more  republican,  it  flourishes  as  an  imperishable 
plant,  nourished  by  the  juices  of  earth,  and  refreshed  by  the  waters  of 
heaven.  It  is  not  a  local,  but  a  universal  religion. "f  So  far  back  as  the 
fifth  century,  ST.  AUGUSTIN  declared  the  support  which  the  Church  lends 
to  every  lawful  authority :  "  This  heavenly  society,"  he  says,  "  does  not 
hesitate  to  obey  the  laws  of  the  temporal  powers  which  regulate  the  things 

appertaining  to  our  mortal  life Whilst  sojourning  on  earth,  the 

Church  gathers  her  citizens  from  all  nations,  and  forms  her  pilgrim  host  of 
men  of  every  tongue.  She  cares  not  for  the  diversity  of  laws  and  usages 
which  are  directed  to  the  attainment  or  maintenance  of  peace  :  she  annuls 
or  destroys  none  of  them,  but,  on  the  contrary,  she  adopts  and  observes 
them ;  since  although  they  differ  in  various  nations,  they  are  all  directed 
to  one  and  the  same  end,  namely,  public  order  and  tranquillity ;  provided 
they  do  not  clash  with  religion,  which  teaches  us  to  worship  the  one  su- 
preme and  true  God."J 

The  alleged  or  real  abuses  of  papal  power  form  no  just  ground  of  objec- 
tion to  its  admission,  since  every  divine  institution  is  liable  to  be  abused 
by  human  frailty.  The  inquirer  after  truth  should  not  allow  his  mind  to 
be  pre-occupied  with  frightful  images  of  excesses  committed  by  popes, 
either  in  their  public  administration  or  in  their  private  conduct :  he  should 
first  of  all  examine,  whether  their  authority  is  from  Christ.  On  calm  in- 
vestigation, he  will  find  that  the  grossest  exaggerations  have  been  indulged 
in  by  their  traducers,  whilst  the  benefits  which  they  bestowed  on  the  Chris- 
tian  world  have  been  kept  out  of  view.  The  contributions,  which  under 
the  name  of  Peter's  pence,  or  on  any  other  score,  were  made  for  the  sup- 
port of  the  pontifical  government,  have  been  designated  extortions,  with- 
out any  regard  to  their  justice  and  necessity;  whilst  the  unbounded  charities 
of  the  popes,  and  their  immense  expenditures  for  the  general  interests  of 
Christendom,  are  forgotten.  The  civil  commotions  and  wars,  which  some- 

*  History  of  the.  Popes,  vol.  i.  1.  vi.  §  i.  p.  407. 

f  Histoire  de  la  Royaute  par  le  Cte  Alexis  de  Saint  Priest,  1.  ii.  p.  92. 

J  De  Civ.  Dei,  1.  xix.  c.  xvii. 


NATURE   OF    THE   PRIMACY.  23 

times  followed  the  exercise  of  papal  power,  are  represented  as  its  necessary  re- 
sults ;  whilst  the  enormity  of  the  evils,  which  the  pontiffs  sought  to  remedy, 
is  lost  sight  of,  and  the  criminality  of  the  immediate  actors  who  provoked 
this  severity  is  apparently  unnoticed.  In  investigating  the  fact,  whether 
Christ  has  left  in  His  stead  a  ruler  of  His  Church  on  earth,  we  should  con- 
fine ourselves  to  scriptural  testimonies,  and  to  the  monuments  of  Christian 
antiquity.  Let  these  be  consulted,  and  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the 
result  will  be  entire  conviction  of  the  divine  institution  of  the  primacy. 
The  importance  of  the  investigation  is  deeply  felt  at  this  day  by  the  many 
estimable  individuals,  who,  with  anxious  minds,  are  struggling  to  disen- 
thral themselves  from  error  and  schism.  Mr.  Allies  rightly  said:  The 
whole  question  now  "  turns  upon  the  papal  supremacy,  as  at  present 
claimed,  being  of  divine  right  or  not.  If  it  be,  then  have  we  nothing  else 
to  do,  on  peril  of  our  salvation,  but  submit  ourselves  to  the  authority  of 
Rome."* 

*  The  Church  of  England  Cleared  from  the  Charge  of  Schism.    Advertisement. 


CHAPTER  II. 


OUR  Divine  Redeemer  was  wont  to  prepare  men  for  His  chief  institu- 
tions by  a  previous  declaration  of  His  intentions.  Before  He  made  a  formal 
promise  to  bestow  the  power  of  governing  His  Church,  He  changed  the 
name  of  the  disciple,  who  was  to  exercise  it  ;  and  He  subsequently  declared 
the  import  of  the  name,  and  the  authority  of  the  office.  When  Simon  was 
presented  to  him  by  his  brother  Andrew,  He  called  him  CEPHAS,*  a  Syro- 
chaldaic  term,  equivalent  to  the  Greek  Tlerpoq,  that  is,  Peter,  which  signi- 
fies ROCK.  Andrew  "  brought  him  to  Jesus,  and  Jesus  looking  upon  him, 
said  :  Thou  art  Simon  the  son  of  Jona  :  thou  shalt  be  called  Cephas  : 
which  is  interpreted  Peter."f  It  does  not  appear  that  our  Lord  at  that 
time  declared  the  reason  why  He  so  called  him  :  which,  however,  He  after- 
wards most  emphatically  signified.  Although  Andrew  had  the  happiness 
of  discovering  Christ  before  him,  Peter  soon  enjoyed  a  marked  precedency, 
so  as  to  be  designated  THE  FIRST  by  the  evangelist  St.  Matthew,  in  the 
enumeration  of  the  apostles.  "Now  the  names  of  the  twelve  apostles  are 
these  :  THE  FIRST  Simon,  who  is  called  Peter,  and  Andrew  his  brother."! 
Then  follow  the  names  of  the  others,  with  their  commission  to  preach  to 
the  lost  sheep  of  the  house  of  Israel.  It  is  not  by  mere  accident  that 
Peter  is  here  placed  first,  since  he  occupies  the  same  place  in  all  the  lists 
given  by  the  sacred  writers  :  which  is  the  more  remarkable  inasmuch  as 
the  order  of  the  names  of  the  other  apostles  varies,  with  the  exception  of 
Judas,  who,  on  account  of  his  perfidy,  is  always  placed  last.  St.  Matthew, 
moreover,  expressly  designates  him  the  first  :  6  itpioroq,  which  plainly 
marks  him  as  leader  and  chief. 

We  cannot  suppose  that  Peter  is  put  first  on  account  of  the  excellence  of 
his  personal  qualities,  when  we  remember  his  weakness  in  the  hour  of  tempta- 
tion. Whilst  our  Lord  was  on  earth,  He  alone  was  head  of  His  Church, 
and  Peter,  although  he  was  leader,  had  not  authority  over  his  brethren. 
At  that  time  his  precedency  was  rather  of  order,  or  rank,  than  of  jurisdic- 
tion and  government  ;  but  it  was  wisely  so  ordained,  that  he  might  be 
thus  prepared  for  the  high  office  to  which  he  was  to  be  elevated.  In  this 
sense  the  observation  of  Barrow  may  be  admitted  :  "  Constantly  in  all  the 
catalogues  of  the  apostles,  St.  Peter's  name  is  set  in  the  front  ;  and  when 


*  It  is  pronounced  in  Syriac  KipUa,  or  KipJio :  in  Chaldaic  ^Oj  in  Hebrew 

f  John  i.  42.  J  Matt.  x.  2. 

24 


PROMISE   OF   THE   PRIMACY.  25 

actions  are  reported  in  which  he  was  concerned  jointly  with  others,  he  is 
usually  mentioned  first,  which  seemeth  not  done  without  careful  design,  or 
special  reason.  Upon  such  grounds  it  may  be  reasonable  to  allow  St.  Peter 
a  primacy  of  order."*  I  cannot,  however,  agree  with  him,  that  this 
primacy  was  "  such  a  one  as  the  ringleader  hath  in  a  dance  !"  Neither 
can  I  admit  that  priinatial  authority  was  not  afterwards  conferred  on  him; 
since  this  is  affirmed,  not  on  the  mere  ground  of  this  order  of  names,  which, 
however,  furnishes  no  slight  presumptive  evidence,  but  on  strong  and 
positive  testimonies  of  Scripture. 

In  the  sixteenth  chapter  of  St.  Matthew,  we  learn  that  "  Jesus  came  into 
the  confines  of  Cesarea  Philippi :  and  He  asked  His  disciples  saying :  Who 
do  men  say  that  the  Son  of  Man  is  ?  And  they  said :  Some  John  the  Bap- 
tist, and  others  Elias,  and  others  Jeremias,  or  one  of  the  prophets."  Our 
Lord's  interrogation  was  not  an  idle  inquiry,  proceeding  from  curiosity  to 
ascertain  the  current  opinions  of  men,  for  Jesus  "knew  all  men,"  and 
"  He  needed  not  that  any  man  should  give  testimony  of  man  :  for  He 
knew  what  was  in  man."f  He  asks,  in  order  to  afford  an  opportunity  to 
Simon  to  state  the  various  human  conjectures,  that  were  prevalent  concern- 
ing His  person,  and  to  declare  aloud  his  own  faith. 

On  the  question  being  put  as  to  the  belief  of  the  apostles  themselves, 
concerning  him,  Peter  answered  without  hesitation :  "  Thou  art  Christ, 
the  Son  of  the  living  God."  This  explicit  declaration  of  the  divinity  of 
Jesus,  was  followed  by  a  confirmation,  on  His  part,  of  the  name  previously 
given  to  Simon,  and  by  the  exposition  of  its  mysterious  meaning,  and  of 
the  high  office  with  which  it  was  connected  :  "  Jesus  answering  said  to  him : 
Blessed  art  thou,  Simon  Bar-jona :  because  flesh  and  blood  hath  not  re- 
vealed it  to  thee,  but  My  Father  who  is  in  heaven.  And  I  say  to  thee, 
that  thou  art  Peter,  and  upon  this  rock  I  will  build  My  Church ;  and  the 
gates  of  hell  shall  not  prevail  against  it.  And  I  will  give  to  thee  the  keys 
of  the  kingdom  of  heaven,  and  whatsoever  thou  shalt  bind  upon  earth,  it 
shall  be  bound  also  in  heaven :  and  whatsoever  thou  shalt  loose  upon  earth,  it 
shall  be  loosed  also  in  heaven."J  Never  was  the  language  of  Christ  more 
clear  and  emphatic.  Simon  confessed  Him  to  be  the  Son  of  God,  not  in  the 
general  sense  of  this  appellation,  as  given  to  every  just  man,  for  this  would 
have  called  forth  no  extraordinary  praise,  but  as  the  natural  and  true  Son  of 
His  Eternal  Father,  by  a  communication  to  Him  of  the  Divine  Nature,  by 
an  ineffable  generation.  Jesus  declares  Simon  blessed  for  this  profession 
of  faith  in  His  divinity,  since  mortal  man  could  not  have  suggested  it, 
but  God  alone.  Thus  endowed  by  the  Father  with  divine  faith  in  the  in- 
carnate Son  of  God,  Simon  becomes  a  fit  instrument  in  His  hands  for  the 
building  of  His  Church,  a  secure  foundation  whereon  it  may  rest.  His 
name  is  confirmed  :  "  I  say  to  thee,  that  thou  art  Peter."  As  Jacob  was 

*  A  Treatise  of  the  Pope's  Supremacy,  by  Isaac  Barrow,  D.  D.,  Supposition  1,  n.  5. 
f  John  ii.  24.  J  Matt.  xvi.  15-20. 


26  PROMISE  OF  THE  PRIMACY. 

called  Israel,  because  in  the  mysterious  conflict  he  prevailed  over  the  angel 
of  God ; — as  Abram  was  called  Abraham,  because  chosen  to  be  the  father 
of  a  countless  multitude ; — so  Simon  is  called  Cephas,  or  Peter,  because 
made,  by  divine  grace,  a  ROCK  of  faith.  Nor  is  the  firmness  of  his  faith  a 
mere  personal  endowment;  he  is  to  become  the  foundation-stone  of  the 
Church  of  Christ:  "Thou  art  Peter,  and  upon  this  rock  I  will  build  My 
Church:"  that  is:  THOU  ART  A  ROCK,  AND  UPON  THIS  ROCK  I  WILL 
BUILD  MY  CHURCH.*  The  strength  of  this  rock — its  immovable  firmness 
— is  declared  by.  the  impregnable  character  of  the  Church  which  is  to  be 
built  on  it :  "  the  gates  of  hell  shall  not  prevail  against  it."  Because 
Christ  builds  on  a  rock,  the  powers  of  darkness  cannot  overcome  fiis 
Church.  He  is  the  wise  man,  who  chooses  a  solid  foundation  for  His  build- 
ing. "  The  rain  fell,  and  the  floods  came,  and  the  winds  blew,  and  they 
beat  upon  that  house,  and  it  fell  not ;  for  it  was  founded  upon  a  rock/'f 
The  strength  of  the  building  is  ascribed  to  the  solidity  of  the  foundation. 
Christ  in  choosing  Simon  for  the  foundation  of  His  Church,  gives  him 
strength  and  firmness,  by  which  the  building  itself  is  made  secure.  Peter 
becomes  the  support  of  the  Church,  which,  like  a  strong  fortress,  is  in  vain 
assailed  by  adverse  powers.  Such  is  the  import  of  the  name  given  by 
Christ  to  Simon ;  such  is  the  close  and  necessary  relation  of  Peter  to  the 
Church. 

Some  who  seek  to  elude  the  obvious  force  of  the  language  of  our  Saviour, 
contend  that  Peter  is  called  a  rock  for  the  firmness  of  his  personal  faith,  and 
is  spoken  of  as  the  foundation  of  the  Church,  because  he  was  the  first  to  pro- 
fess the  divinity  of  Christ,  and  because  all  who  thenceforward  acknowledged 
the  same  truth,  were  added  to  and  built  on  him  as  a  foundation.  This, 
however,  by  no  means  corresponds  with  the  words  of  our  Redeemer.  Peter 
is  called  a  rock,  not  as  a  professor  of  the  faith,  but  to  reward  its  profession. 
Because  he  has  made  this  divinely  inspired  profession,  Christ  declares  that 
he  is  a  rock,  on  which  He  will  build  His  Church.  It  is  fair  to  give  to  a 
figurative  expression  the  force  which  its  use  by  the  same  writer,  or  speaker, 
authorizes.  Our  Lord  having  used  the  similitude  of  a  house  built  on  a 
rock,  to  illustrate  the  wisdom  of  the  man  who  builds  his  hopes  of  salvation 
on  the  practice  of  the  divine  lessons,  as  on  a  solid  foundation,  we  must 
regard  the  rock  as  the  image  of  the  solidity  and  strength  of  the  founda- 
tion, rather  than  as  expressive  of  a  mere  commencement.  The  unfailing 
support  of  the  building  is  the  idea  which  the  rock  suggests. 

This  observation  equally  shows  the  futility  of  the  attempt  to  explain 
this  figure  as  employed  merely  to  mark  the  instrumentality  of  Peter  in 
admitting  Jews  and  Gentiles  to  the  Church,  by  proclaiming  the  resurrec- 

*  In  English,  the  force  of  the  allusion  is  not  perceived,  but  in  French  it  is  preserved : 
"Tu  es  Pierre,  et  sur  cette  pierre  je  batirai  mon  eglise."  The  Greek,  Latin,  Italian,  and 
Spanish,  imperfectly  exhibit  it.  The  Gorman,  as  well  as  the  English,  conceals  it. 

f  Matt.  vii.  25. 


PROMISE   OF   THE   PRIMACY.  27 

tion  to  the  assembled  multitude  on  the  day  of  Pentecost,  and  exhorting 
them  to  receive  baptism,  and  by  ordering  Cornelius  and  his  family  to  be 
baptized.*  The  figure  obviously  represents  strength,  immobility,  and  con- 
sequent support  afforded  to  the  building.  Peter,  as  a  rock  of  strength,  is 
placed  by  the  Divine  Architect  in  the  foundation,  in  order  that  the  Church 
may  stand  for  ever,  despite  of  the  storms  of  persecution  and  temptation, 
and  of  all  the  assaults  of  the  infernal  powers. 

Many,  with  a  triumphant  air,  affirm  that  the  rock  on  which  Christ  pro- 
mised to  build  His  Church,  is  no  other  than  Christ  Himself,  the  rock  of 
ages  :  but  they  plainly  violate  all  rules  of  just  interpretation.  Since 
Cephas  signifies  rock,  and  Christ  says  to  Simon  :  "  Thou  art  Cephas,  and 
upon  THIS  ROCK  I  will  build  My  Church  ;"  the  relative  leaves  no  room 
for  ambiguity.  Besides,  there  would  be  a  confusion  of  metaphors  and 
ideas,  if  Christ  should,  in  the  same  breath,  speak  of  Himself  as  builder 
and  foundation.  Both  figures  may  be  applied  to  Him  separately,  under 
different  points  of  view  ;  but  it  would  be  incongruous,  not  to  say  absurd, 
to  apply  both  at  one  and  the  same  time.  God  is  frequently  called  a  rock, 
on  account  of  his  insuperable  and  everlasting  power  ;  Christ  is  styled  the 
rock  of  ages,  because  He  is  at  all  times  the  strength  and  refuge  of  all  who 
flee  to  Him.  He  is  the  spiritual  rock,  from  which  the  waters  of  salvation 
issue,  and  of  which  the  material  rock  of  the  desert  was  a  type.  Thus  St. 
Paul,  speaking  of  the  Israelites,  says,  that  "  they  all  drank  of  the  spiritual 
rock  that  followed  them,  and  the  rock  was  Christ  ;"•)•  but  it  is  absurd  to 
infer  hence  that  the  rock  spoken  of  by  Christ,  when  He  said,  "  upon  this 
rock  I  will  build  My  Church/'  is  Christ  Himself  !J 

The  attempt  to  explain  "  this  rock"  of  Christ  is  by  no  means  counte- 
nanced by  the  difference  of  gender  of  the  words  in  the  text  :  GO  el  IHrpoq, 
xai  Ixl  rauTTj  rit  -Kirpa.  Peter  is  called  IHrpos,  because  the  Greeks  never 
apply  a  feminine  noun  to  a  man,  except  in  derision  :§  the  rock  is  called 
because  this  term  more  properly  designates  a  rock,  although  the 


*•  Bishop  Pearson  says  :  "  It  will  be  necessary  to  take  notice,  that  our  Saviour,  speaking 
of  it,  (the  Church,}  rnentioneth  it  as  that  which  then  was  not,  but  afterwards  was  to  be  :  as 
when  he  spake  unto  the  GREAT  APOSTLE  :  '  Thou  art  Peter,  and  upon  this  rock  I  will  build 
my  Church  ;'  but  when  he  ascended  into  heaven,  and  the  Holy  Ghost  came  down,  when 
Peter  had  converted  three  thousand  souls,  which  were  added  to  the  hundred  and  twenty 
disciples,  then  was  there  a  Church,  (AND  THAT  BUILT  UPON  PETER,  ACCORDING  TO  OUR 
SAVIOUR'S  PROMISE,)  for  after  that  we  read:  'The  Lord  added  to  the  Church  daily  such  as 
should  be  saved.'"  —  Bishop  Pearson  on  the  Creed,  Article  IX.,  p.  506. 

f  1  Cor.  x.  4. 

j  The  rule  prescribed  by  the  Protestant  critic,  Gerard,  should  here  be  attended  to,  456  : 
"  Every  term  should  be  considered  as  it  stands,  in  the  proposition  of  which  it  makes  a  part, 
and  explained,  not  by  itself,  but  so  as  to  bring  out  the  real  sense  of  that  whole  proposition." 
He  shows  the  violation  of  this  rule  by  an  Antinomian,  who  should  understand  the  rock  on 
which  the  wise  man  builds  his  house,  Matt.  vii.  24,  to  be  Christ,  the  rock  of  ages.  The 
rule  is  equally  violated,  when  the  rock,  of  which  Christ  speaks,  Matt.  xvi.  18,  is  understood 
to  be  Himself.  See  Gerard's  Institutes,  p.  134. 

#  Synopsis  Critic.,  in  locum. 


28  PROMISE   OF   THE    PRIMACY. 

other  term  is  equivalent.  The  relative  plainly  identifies  the  subject,  and 
excludes  all  distinction,  as  the  language  in  which  our  Saviour  spoke  has 
the  same  word  in  both  places.*  Bloomfield,  an  Anglican  commentator,  ob- 
serves that  every  modern  expositor  of  note  has  abandoned  the  distinction 
between  Peter  and  rock  as  untenable. f  Bishop  Marsh,  quoted  by  him, 
says,  that  "it  would  be  a  desperate  undertaking  to  prove  that  Christ  meant 
any  other  person  than  Peter."J  John  George  Ilosenmuller,  a  German  inter- 
preter, coincides  in  this  critical  judgment :  "  The  rock,"  says  he,  "  is  neither 
the  confession  of  Peter,  nor  Christ,  pointing  out  Himself  by  His  finger,  or 
by  a  shake  of  the  head,  (which  interpretations  the  context  does  not  admit,) 
but  Peter  himself.  The  Lord,  speaking  in  Syriac,  used  no  diversity  of 
name,  but  in  both  places  said  Cephas,  as  the  French  word  pierre  is  said 
both  of  a  proper  and  appellative  noun.  He  pointed  out  Peter,  therefore, 
either  by  his  finger,  or  nod ;  for  that  gesture  suited  His  purpose,  to  ex- 
plain the  reason  of  giving  him  this  name.  So  it  is  said  of  Abraham: 
1  Thy  name  shall  be  Abraham,  because  I  have  made  thee  father  of  many 
nations;'  of  Jacob  :  ' Israel  shall  be  thy  name,  for  thou  actest  as  a  prince 
with  angels  and  men.'  So  Christ  says :  '  Thou  art  called  by  Me  Peter, 
because  thou  wilt  be  as  a  rock.'  And  He  promises  that  He  will  build 
His  Church  on  Peter.  Allusion  is  made  to  the  custom  prevailing  in 
Palestine,  of  building  houses  that  are  exposed  to  floods  and  whirlwinds, 
on  a  rocky  soil,  that  they  may  be  able  to  resist  the  violence  of  waters  and 
winds.  Matt.  vii.  24,  25.  '  Therefore  whosoever  thinks  of  building  a 
durable  house,  should  above  all  look  around  for  a  rock,  or  firm  ground : 

1  7  O 

the  rock  is  the  first  thing  whence  the  work  is  to  be  begun.'  "§ 

In  "Gerard's  Institutes  of  Biblical  Criticism"  is  contained  the  following 

*  The  Syriac  version  of  the  New  Testament  is  deservedly  of  high  repute,  on  account 
of  its  early  date,  and  of  the  near  affinity  between  the  Syriac  language  and  the  Syro- 
Chaldaic,  which  our  Lord  used,  and  in  which,  according  to  the  received  opinion,  St. 
Matthew  wrote  his  Gospel.  In  this  version,  the  words  "Peter"  and  "rock"  are  expressed 
by  the  same  characters  : 

Anath  Chipka,  vehall  hada  chipha. 

A  most  ancient  Chaldee  manuscript  of  St.  Matthew's  Gospel,  in  the  collection  formerly 
belonging  to  Cardinal  Barberini,  written  in  characters  long  obsolete,  and  professing  to 
have  been  made  in  Mesopotamia  in  the  year  330,  uses  but  one  word  to  express  Peter  and 
the  rock,  so  in  A«.  See  the  learned  treatise  of  Ecchelensis,  a  Maronite,  de  oriyine  nominis 
Papce,  &c.  Ilornte,  MDCLX. 

In  the  Arabic  version,  given  in  the  London  Polyglot,  the  same  term,  Alsachra,  is  used 
in  both  places.  Another  Arabic  version  employs  a  different  term,  Alsapha,  but  in  both 
places  alike. 

The  Persian  version  is  rendered  by  Walton  :  Thou  art  the  rock  (f.  e.  stone)  of  My  reli- 
gion, and  on  thee  the  foundation  of  My  Church  shall  be  laid. 

f  In  locum. 

J  Comparative  View.     App.  p.  217. 

g  Scholia  in  Novum  Test.,  torn.  i.  p.  336.     Norumb.  an.  1815. 


PROMISE   OF   THE   PRIMACY.  29 

just  observation — Canon  511 :  "  The  most  obvious  and  natural  sense  is  to 
be  set  aside  only  when  it  is  absolutely  contradictory  to  something  plainly 
taught  in  Scripture."  He  then  remarks,  that  "  the  opposite  way  has  been 
taken  by  all  sects  ',"  and  quoting  the  18th  verse  of  the  16th  chapter  of  St. 
Matthew,  observes :  u  Building  on  Peter  is  explained,  by  some,  as  con- 
trary to  the  faith  that  Christ  is 'the  only  foundation,  (1  Cor.  iii.  2,)  and  as 
favoring  the  succession  of  Peter  and  his  successors ;  but  the  connection 
shows  that  PETER  IS  HERE  PLAINLY  MEANT."  This  avowal 
loses  nothing  of  its  importance  from  the  attempt  to  confine  it  to  Peter  to 
the  exclusion  of  his  successors,  in  conformity  with  the  prejudices  and  in- 
terests of  Protestantism. 

Mr.  Thompson,  of  Glasgow,  in  his  Monatessaron,  on  this  text,  gives 
three  interpretations.  He  thinks  the  two  first  unfounded,  and  thus  quotes 
the  third :  "  The  third  opinion  is,  that  both  the  words  xsrpos  and  Ksrpa  are 
here  used  as  appellations  of  the  apostle }  and,  consequently,  Peter  was  the 
rock  on  which  Christ  said  His  Church  should  be  built.  To  this  the  con- 
nection and  scope  of  the  passage  agree.  There  seems  to  be  something 
forced  in  every  other  construction,  and  an  inaptitude  in  the  language  and 
figure  of  the  text  in  every  attempt  to  construct  the  words  otherwise.  Pro- 
testants have  betrayed  unnecessary  fears,  and  have,  therefore,  used  all  the 
HARDIHOOD  of  LAWLESS  CRITICISM  in  their  attempts  to  reason 
away  the  Catholic  interpretation."*  This  perversion  of  Scripture,  to  suit 
party  purposes,  is  deeply  to  be  deplored.  Those  who  have  made  the  hu- 
miliating acknowledgments  which  I  have  placed  under  the  eyes  of  the 
reader,  have  not  failed  to  torture  the  text  after  their  own  fashion,  to 
eschew  the  consequences  of  their  involuntary  concessions. 

The  apostle,  addressing  the  Corinthians  whom  he  had  brought  to  the 
knowledge  of  Christian  faith  says  :  "You  are  God's  building.  According 
to  the  grace  of  God  that  is  given  me,  as  a  wise  architect,  I  have  laid  the 
foundation,  and  another  buildeth  thereon.  But  let  every  man  take  heed 
how  he  buildeth  thereupon.  For  no  man  can  lay  another  foundation,  but 
that  which  is  laid — which  is  Christ  Jesus. "f  These  words  are  often  al- 
leged to  show  that  Christ  Himself  is  the  fundamental  rock  on  which  the 
Church  is  built :  but  the  meaning  of  the  apostle  manifestly  is,  that  Christ 
— His  doctrine  an<J  law — His  atonement  and  grace — are  the  only  founda- 
tion on  which  our  hopes  for  salvation  can  rest ;  nor  is  there  salvation  in 
any  other ;  for  "  there  is  no  other  name  under  heaven  given  to  men  where- 
by we  must  be  saved."  J  This  does  not  exclude  the  relation  of  Peter  to 
the  Church  as  established  by  Christ  Himself,  since  he  is  the  rock  placed 
by  the  hands  of  the  Divine  Architect,  from  Whom  his  strength  is  wholly 
derived.  It  would  indeed  be  impious  to  call  Peter  the  foundation,  inde- 
pendently of  Christ  j  his  office  being  merely  ministerial  and  instrumental. 
The  faithful  are  said  to  be  "  built  upon  the  foundation  of  the  apostles 

*  Bait,  edit,  p.  194.  f  l  Cor-  "»•  9-  t  Acts  ir-  12- 


30  PROMISE   OF   THE   PRIMACY. 

and  prophets,  Jesus  Christ  Himself  being  the  chief  corner-stone."*  Thus 
it  is  clear,  that  the  apostles  and  prophets  may  be  represented  under 
the  image  of  the  foundation,  without  any  disparagement  to  the  authority 
of  Christ,  since  the  preaching  of  the  apostles  and  the  predictions  of  the 
prophets  lead  men  to  Him.  They  are  ministers,  agents,  heralds  of  the 
Great  King.  So  may  the  term  be  applied  to  Peter  in  a  special  sense,  as 
being  His  chief  minister  and  representative,  without  detracting  from  His 
sovereignty.  Bloomfield  avows  that  the  expression  as  applied  to  Peter  is 
easily  reconcilable  with  the  application  of  it  to  Christ,  "  since  the  two  ex- 
pressions are  employed  in  two  very  different  senses. "~f*  ST.  LEO  THE 
GREAT,  who  filled  the  chair  of  St.  Peter  in  the  middle  of  the  fifth  century, 
beautifully  exhibits  the  harmony  of  the  sacred  texts,  whilst  he  paraphrases 
the  address  of  Christ  to  Peter :  "As  my  Father  has  manifested  My  divinity 
to  thee,  I  make  known  to  thee  thy  excellency :  for  thou  art  PETER,  that 
is,  as  I  am  the  inviolable  rock,  the  corner-stone,  who  make  both  one,  the 
foundation  other  than  which  no  one  can  lay — nevertheless,  thou  also  art  a 
ROCK,  because  thou  art  strengthened  by  My  power,  so  that  those  things 
which  belong  to  Me  by  nature,  are  common  to  thee  with  Me  by  participa- 
tion/^ 

The  figure  of  the  keys  of  the  kingdom,  which  our  Lord  adds,  confirms 
and  develops  the  idea  of  power  and  authority  contained  in  the  preceding 
metaphor :  "  I  will  give  to  thee  the  keys  of  the  kingdom  of  heaven  :  and 
whatsoever  thou  shalt  bind  on  earth,  it  shall  be  bound  also  in  heaven,  and 
whatsoever  thou  shalt  loose  on  earth,  it  shall  be  loosed  also  in  heaven." 
The  keys  are  the  known  symbol  of  authority.  Of  Eliacim,  who  was  to  be 
substituted  to  Sobna  in  the  high-priesthood,  it  is  said:  "I  will  lay  the 
key  of  the  house  of  David  upon  his  shoulder;  and  he  shall  open,  and 
none  shall  shut;  and  he  shall  shut,  and  none  shall  open."§  The  key  was 
hung  on  the  shoulder,  in  token  of  power,  on  which  account  it  is  said  of 
Christ,  "the  government  is  upon  his  shoulder."  ||  Potter,  Protestant 
archbishop  of  Canterbury,  says  :  "  Our  Lord  received  from  God  the  keys 
of  heaven ;  and  by  virtue  of  this  grant,  had  power  to  remit  sins  on  earth  : 
the  same  keys,  with  the  power  which  accompanied  them,  were  first  pro- 
mised to  Peter,  as  the  foreman  of  the  apostolic  college."^"  Since  our  Lord 
communicated  to  Peter  the  keys  which  He  Himself  received  from  the  Fa- 
ther, supreme  power  was  clearly  delegated  by  Him,  as  may  be  gathered 
from  the  same  writer.  "  Our  blessed  Lord,  as  the  king  of  this  household, 
who  has  the  supreme  power  to  admit  and  exclude  whomsoever  He  pleaseth, 

*  Eph.  ii.  20.  -f-  In  Matt.  xvi.  18,  19. 

J  Serm.  iv.  de  assumpt.  sua  ad  Pontificatum. 

$  Isaiah  xxii.  22.  "  As  to  the  expression  '  the  keys/  it  may  also  refer  to  the  power  and 
authority  for  the  said  work;  especially  as  a  key  was  anciently  a  usual  symbol  of  authority, 
and  presenting  with  a  key  was  a  common  form  of  investing  with  authority,  insomuch  that 
it  was  afterwards  worn  as  a  badge  of  office." — Bloom  field,  in  locum. 

||  Isaiah  ix.  6.  ^  On  Church  Government,  p.  60. 


PROMISE   OF   THE   PRIMACY.  31 

is  said  to  have  the  keys  of  David.  The  supreme  power  of  the  keys,  that 
is,  the  authority  of  admitting  and  excluding,  belongs  to  Christ,  the  King ; 
but  the  same  is  exercised  by  His  apostles  and  their  successors,  whom  He 
has  appointed  to  govern  the  Church,  as  His  stewards,  or  vicegerents."* 
The  force  of  the  symbol  is  here  admitted,  although  an  attempt  is  vainly 
made  to  render  common  to  all  the  apostles  the  power  which  was  distinctly 
given  to  Peter  alone  :  "  I  will  give  TO  THEE  the  keys  of  the  kingdom  of 
heaven."  In  the  New  Testament  the  kingdom  of  heaven  generally  denotes 
the  Church  of  Christ,  which  is  heavenly  in  its  origin,  principles  and  tend- 
ency. To  give  the  keys  of  this  kingdom  is  to  communicate  supreme 
power — to  make  Peter  His  special  vicegerent.  To  loose  and  to  bind  is  the 
exercise  of  that  power,  but  the  keys  signify  a  pre-eminent  power  of  bind- 
ing and  loosing.  The  remission  of  sins  or  their  retention  may  be  effected 
in  virtue  of  it,  whilst  other  acts  likewise  are  included  in  this  broad  com- 
mission. To  resolve  the  difficulties  of  the  law,  and  decide  religious  con- 
troversies, to  enact  laws  binding  the  members  of  the  Church,  and  to  dis- 
pense from  their  observance,  to  inflict  censures  on  the  refractory,  and  release 
the  penitent  from  their  bonds,  may  all  be  signified  by  these  terms.  A 
similar  power  of  binding  and  loosing  was  afterwards  promised  to  all  the 
apostles ;  but,  not  without  special  design,  it  was  promised  to  Peter  first, 
and  alone,  that  his  high  authority  might  be  manifested. 

These  sublime  promises  are  not  weakened  by  the  rebuke  given  on  the 
same  occasion,  to  Peter,  for  opposing  the  divine  counsels.  Our  Lord 
charged  His  disciples  to  tell  no  one  that  He  was  the  Christ ;  and  in  order  to 
check  their  exultation,  He  disclosed  to  them  His  approaching  death  :  but 
Peter  could  not  bear  the  thought  of  the  sufferings  of  his  Divine  Master : 
"  Lord,  (he  said,)  be  it  far  from  Thee  :  this  shall  not  be  unto  Thee.  But 
He,  turning,  said  to  Peter :  Go  after  me,  Satan,  thou  art  a  scandal  unto 
me :  because  thou  dost  not  relish  the  things  that  are  of  God,  but  the 
things  that  are  of  men."")"  By  this  severe  reproof,  our  Lord  would  teach 
us,  that  the  humiliating  mystery  of  His  sufferings  must  be  adored  with  the 
same  faith  wherewith  His  glory  is  believed.  Simon  was  blessed  in  the 
divinely  inspired  faith  by  which  he  acknowledged  Christ  to  be  the  Son  of 
God  j  but  he  became  a  Satan,  that  is,  according  to  the  literal  force  of  the 
term,  an  adversary,  when  he  opposed  the  divine  counsel  for  the  redemp- 
tion of  mankind,  by  the  sufferings  and  death  of  his  Lord.  The  promise 
made  to  him  was  not  recalled,  although  his  earthly  views  were  corrected 
and  reproved.  The  enemies  of  the  primacy  have,  however,  availed  them- 
selves of  the  popular  acceptation  of  the  term  Satan,  to  obscure  the  eulogy 
previously  pronounced,  and  the  promise  made  to  Peter.  Severe  as  the  re- 
proof undoubtedly  is,  it  does  not  suppose  any  sin  on  the  part  of  the  apostle, 
but  a  human  error  of  judgment,  proceeding  from  the  ardor  of  his  affection, 
and  his  lively  faith  in  the  divinity  of  Christ. 

*  On  Church  Government,  p.  300.  f  Matt.  xvi.  22. 


32  PROMISE   OF   THE   PRIMACY. 

I 

In  the  solemn  circumstance  of  the  approaching  passion  of  Christ,  the 
apostles  did  not  cease  to  indulge  the  petty  rivalry  and  jealousy,  which, 
during  their  attendance  on  Him,  they  had  often  manifested.  He  had  had 
occasion  more  than  once  to  rebuke  them  for  their  disputes  about  supe- 
riority, and  yet  they  were  still  contending  which  of  them  was  the  greatest. 
The  many  marks  of  His  special  favor  to  Peter,  the  position  of  leader  which 
this  apostle  uniformly  occupied,  and  the  promise  made  to  him  especially, 
seemed  to  leave  no  room  for  doubting;  but  the  tender  love  shown  to  John, 
and  the  kindness  and  affection  exhibited  to  all,  led  them  to  question, 
whether  the  actual  headship  of  Peter,  or  the  promised  office,  rendered  him 
absolutely  greater  than  his  brethren.  Christ  had,  on  a  former  occasion, 
brought  forward  a  child  to  insinuate  humility,  and  stimulate  the  apostles 
to  .its  exercise,  by  the  hope  of  heavenly  exaltation;*  in  this  instance  He 
contrasts  the  spirit  which  should  animate  them,  with  the  domineering 
pride  of  earthly  princes,  and  offers  Himself  as  the  model  which  they  should 
copy.  "  The  kings  of  the  Gentiles  lord  it  over  them,  and  they  that  have 
power  over  them,  are  called  beneficent.  But  you  not  so  :  but  he  who  is  the 
greatest  among  you,  let  him  be  as  the  least :  and  he  that  is  the  leader,  as 
he  that  serveth?  For  which  is  greater,  he  that  sitteth  at  table,  or  he 
that  serveth  ?  Is  not  he  that  sitteth  at  table  ?  but  I  am  in  the  midst  of 
you  as  he  that  serveth. "f  He  will  not  have  them  act  in  the  lordly  spirit 
of  the  rulers  of  this  world,  or  content  themselves  with  flattering  titles. 
Plainly  recognising  the  difference  of  rank  among  them,  He  wishes  the 
greatest  to  sustain  his  dignity  by  the  humility  of  his  deportment,  even  as 
He  had  condescended  to  act  as  their  servant.  He  then  proceeds  to  intimate 
the  high  dignity  of  all,  but  marks  in  express  terms  the  special  duty  and 
prerogative  of  Peter :  "  You  are  they  who  have  continued  with  Me  in  My 
temptations  :  And  I  disposej  to  you,  as  My  Father  hath  disposed  to  Me,  a 
kingdom,  that  you  may  eat  and  drink  at  My  table,  and  may  sit  upon 
thrones,  judging  the  twelve  tribes  of  Israel."  Thus,  in  return  for  their 
fidelity  and  attachment  He  bestows  on  them  a  kingdom,  even  as  His  Fa- 
that  had  made  Him  King.  His  kingdom  is  not,  indeed,  of  this  world,  but 
of  an  order  far  more  sublime,  according  to  which  the  apostles  are  made 
priests  and  kings  to  their  God,  partaking  of  the  mysterious  banquet,'  and 
sitting  on  thrones  of  judgment.  These  honors  are  common  to  all:  to 
Peter  peculiar  privileges  are  promised.  Satan  sought  to  overthrow  their 
thrones  and  altars,  to  sift  them,  even  as  the  wheat  is  winnowed,  and  to  cast 
them  away  as  chaff  to  the  wind.  In  the  impenetrable  but  just  counsels 
of  the  Deity,  he  is  suffered  to  accomplish  his  wishes  in  some  degree  :  but 
Christ  interposes  with  His  Father  to  rescue  the  throne  of  Peter,  and 
through  him  to  secure  all  from  ruin.  "  And  the  Lord  said :  Simon,  Simon, 

*  Luke  ix.  48. 

f  Luke  xxii.  25-28,     See  also  Matt.  xx.  25. 

J  Assign,  or  grant. 


PROMISE   OF   THE   PRIMACY.  %         33 

behold,  Satan  hath  desired  to  have  you,*  that  he  may  sift  you  as  wheat : 

but  I  HAVE  PRAYED  FOR  THEEf  THAT  THY  FAITH  FAIL  NOT  :  AND  THOU, 
BEING  ONCE  CONVERTED,!  CONFIRM  THY  BRETHREN."§  He  had  just 

spoken  of  the  kingdom  and  thrones  of  the  apostles  :  He  now  discloses  the 
dark  designs  of  hell  against  them :  and  addressing  Peter  especially,  em- 
phatically assures  him,  that  He  had  prayed  for  him  in  particular,  that  his 
faith  might  not  fail.  Against  him  the  powers  of  hell  shall  not  prevail, 
since  they  cannot  prevail  against  the  Church  founded  on  him.  The  prayer 
of  Christ  is  specially  offered  up  for  him,  as  the  head  of  his  brethren,  whom 
He  charges  him  to  confirm  in  that  faith  which  cannot  fail. 

The  subsequent  fall  of  Peter  is  often  objected  as  a  proof  that  he  was 
not  the  head  of  the  Church ;  which  is  true  of  that  time,  since  although 
the  promise  of  Christ  had  been  made,  and  His  prayer  offered  up,  the  office 
of  chief  pastor  had  not  yet  been  instituted.  It  was  only  after  His  resur- 
rection that  our  Lord,  being  about  to  withdraw  His  visible  presence,  gave 
to  Peter  the  charge  of  His  lambs  and  sheep.  The  weakness  of  one  chosen 
for  so  high  an  office  must  teach  us,  not  to  regard  in  the  ministers  of  Christ, 
especially  in  His  Vicar,  their  individual  qualities,  but  the  divine  authority 
which  they  exercise,  that  our  trust  may  be  not  in  man,  but  in  God.  Divine 
mercy  pardoned  Peter  the  base  denial  of  his  Master :  divine  goodness  raised 
him  to  the  highest  dignity :  divine  power  was  employed  to  endow  him,  a  frail 
and  sinful  man,  with  an  immovable  firmness  in  faith,  that,  like  a  rock,  he 
might  support  the  everlasting  fabric  of  the  Church. 

*  v/jta;.  The  English  reader,  accustomed  to  the  use  of  the  plural  pronoun  for  the  sin- 
gular, is  apt  not  to  advert  to  its  force  here  as  embracing  all  the  apostles. 

•j-  Hspl  (jou.     Special  prayer  was  offered  for  Peter. 

J  This  appears  to  be  a  Hebraism,  denoting  the  repetition  of  an  action.  See  Ps.  Ixxxvi.  7. 
As  Christ  prayed  for  Peter  that  his  faith  might  not  fail,  He  willed  likewise  that  Peter  on 
his  part  should  strengthen  his  brethren  by  his  exhortations,  prayers  and  example.  Mal- 
donat,  Genebrard,  and  other  Catholic  interpreters  give  this  meaning,  which  is  strongly 
supported  by  Grotius,  who  insists  that  conversion  from  sin  cannot  be  meant,  since  Christ 
had  not  yet  intimated  the  fall  of  Peter.  Passaglia,  and  after  him  Allies,  maintain  this  in- 
terpretation ;  which  is  also  set  forth  by  Cornelius  a  Lapide  and  Rosenmuller,  although  these 
present  at  the  same  time  the  more  common  explanation,  conformable  to  the  popular  ac- 
ceptation of  the  phrase.  The  ancient  Syriac  version  may  be  rendered :  "  turn  thou  in 
season  ;"  and  may  be  understood  of  the  act  of  a  superior  looking  towards  those  under  his 
charge  to  direct  and  animate  them.  The  same  verb  is  used  in  the  Syriac  for  the  turning 
of  Magdalen  toward  Christ  in  the  garden,  (John  xx.  14,)  and  the  turning  of  Peter  toward 
John,  (Tb.  xxi.  20.) 

%  Luke  xxii.  31,  32. 


CHAPTER  III. 

Sfj*  Jails'  (fepsite  0f  %  f 

THE  ancient  writers  of  the  Church,  who  are  styled  FATHERS,  are  de- 
servedly regarded  with  veneration  for  their  piety,  learning,  and  zeal. 
From  an  early  period  of  the  revolutionary  career  of  Luther,  he  professed 
an  utter  disregard  for  their  opinions ;  in  which  he  was  followed  by  almost 
all  the  sectaries  of  the '  sixteenth  and  succeeding  centuries:  but  "the 
Church  of  England"  as  the  English  Establishment  is  styled,  professed  a 
high  veneration  for  them,  notwithstanding  the  efforts  of  Middleton  and 
others  to  lessen  their  authority.  At  the  present  day  they  are  looked  up  to 
with  increased  reverence,  especially  by  those  who  participate  in  the  senti- 
ments of  Dr.  Pusey,  whilst  they  are  necessarily  depreciated  by  such  Protest- 
ants as  wish  to  retain  an  appearance  of  consistency.  In  the  Catholic 
Church,  the  unanimous  testimony  of  the  Fathers,  in  favor  of  a  doctrine,  is 
conclusive  evidence  of  divine  tradition ;  and  their  concordant  exposition 
of  a  text  of  Scripture  is  a  certain  guide  to  its  true  meaning :  but  their  in- 
dividual opinions,  however  worthy  of  respectful  consideration,  impose  no 
restraint  on  our  judgment,  unless  the  Church  by  adopting  them  add  the 
seal  of  her  authority.  In  interpreting  the  Scripture  they  frequently  turned 
aside  from  the  literal  meaning,  especially  where  this  was  obvious,  and  had 
recourse  to  moral  applications,  or  allegorical  expositions,  exercising  con- 
siderable ingenuity  in  applying  the  divine  words  to  matters  of  daily  prac- 
tice, or  endeavoring  to  discover,  under  the  surface  of  the  letter,  some  re- 
ference or  allusion  to  the  great  mysteries  which  are  elsewhere  explicitly 
propounded.  This  however,  should  give  greater  weight  to  their  testimony, 
when  they  professedly  declare  the  literal  meaning  of  the  sacred  text,  es- 
pecially in  matters  which  were  exemplified  in  the  government  and  public 
usage  of  the  Church.  Consequently,  their  interpretation  of  the  promise 
recorded  in  Matthew,  cannot  fail  to  arrest  the  earnest  attention  of  the 
reader. 

TERTULLIAN,  a  priest  of  the  Church  of  Carthage,  at  the  close  of  the 
second  century,  is  classed  among  the  Fathers,  although  by  his  fall  into  the 
errors  of  Montanus  in  the  latter  part  of  his  career,  he  forfeited  the  glory 
which  he  had  acquired  by  his  celebrated  plea  with  the  heathen  magistrates 
for  the  Christians,  and  by  his  immortal  work  on  "  Prescriptions  against 
Heretics."  Whilst  refuting  the  absurd  pretension  of  the  Gnostics,  who 
were  not  ashamed  to  boast  of  knowledge  superior  to  that  of  the  apostles, 

34  » 


THE   FATHERS'   EXPOSITION  OF   THE   PROMISE.  35 

he  indignantly  asks :   "  WAS  ANY  THING  CONCEALED  FROM  PETER,  WHO 

WAS  STYLED  THE  ROCK  ON  WHICH  THE  CHURCH  WAS  TO  BE  BUILT,  WHO 
RECEIVED  THE  KEYS  OF  THE  KINGDOM  OF  HEAVEN,  AND  THE  POWER  OF 
LOOSING  AND  BINDING  IN  HEAVEN  AND  ON  EARTH?"*  He  justly 

judged  that  Peter,  being  constituted  by  Christ  the  fundamental  rock  and 
the  ruler  of  the  Church,  must  have  been  endowed  with  the  most  compre- 
hensive knowledge  of  divine  things.  His  exposition  is  the  more  forcible, 
as  it  is  not  urged  with  any  effort ;  but  given  as  the  obvious  meaning, 
which  even  his  adversaries  could  not  question. 

After  his  fall,  the  African  doctor  continued  to  acknowledge  Peter  to  be 
the  rock  on  which  the  Church  was  built ;  but  as  the  Montanists  denied 
that  the  Church  could  pardon  the  more  enormous  sins,  he  endeavored  to 
explain  the  power  of  binding  and  loosing,  as  signifying  a  disciplinary  ex- 
ercise of  authority  in  external  government,  or  of  a  judicial  decision,f  or 
in  some  other  way,  so  as  to  elude  the  proof  drawn  from  it,  of  the  author- 
ity to  impart  forgiveness  to  the  most  heinous  sinners,  on  due  manifestation 
of  repentance.  Feeling  the  insecurity  of  his  position  on  these  points,  he 
boldly  maintained  that  the  power — whatever  it  might  be — was  promised 
to  Peter  personally — and  that  it  did  not  embrace  his  successors,  or  the 
Church  founded  by  him,  much  less  the  Universal  Church.  It  is  not  ne- 
cessary to  expose  the  false  and  frivolous  character  of  these  various  exposi- 
tions, which  were  devised  for  the  support  of  the  severe  principles  of  his 
sect,  especially  since  they  cannot  be  consistently  advocated  by  those  who, 
with  Pearson  and  Pusey,  admit  the  continuance  in  the  Church  of  the 
power  of  forgiveness ;  or  indeed  by  any  who  will  not  blindly  adopt  fanci- 
ful interpretations.  The  calm  judgment  of  Tertullian,  whilst  he  remained 
united  with  the  Church,  must  not  be  set  aside  on  account  of  subsequent 
aberrations. 

Early  in  the  third  century,  ORIGEN,  a  man  of  sublime  genius  and  vast 
erudition,  taught  with  great  success  in  the  famous  school  of  Alexandria ; 
but  having  given  loose  reins  to  his  imagination,  he  hazarded  many  con- 
jectural expositions  of  Scripture,  which  drew  on  him  suspicion  and  cen- 
sure. His  allegorical  interpretations  carry  with  them  no  weight;  but 
when  he  explains  the  letter  of  the  text,  or  testifies  a  fact,  he  is  to  be  list- 
ened to  with  attention,  especially  if  he  be  found  to  harmonize  with  the 
other  fathers.  Many  of  his  writings  have  perished ;  from  one  of  which 
Eusebius,  who  wrote  but  a  century  after  his  time,  has  preserved  a  precious 
extract.  The  historian  being  desirous  to  prove  by  the  testimony  of  the 
celebrated  catechist,  the  authenticity  of  the  first  epistle  of  St.  Peter,  re- 
cites his  words,  which  imply  a  commentary  on  the  promise.  "  PETER," 
he  says,  "  ON  WHOM  THE  CHURCH  OF  CHRIST  is  BUILT,  against  which  the 
gates  of  hell  shall  not  prevail,  left  one  epistle  which  is  generally  admit- 


De  Prsescr.  §  xxii.  f  L.  de  Pudicitia,  c.  xxi. 


36      THE  FATHERS'  EXPOSITION  OF  THE  PROMISE. 

ted."*  This  incidental  interpretation  is  the  more  forcible,  as  it  must  be 
deemed  the  unstudied  expression  of  the  conviction  of  the  writer. 

The  liberty  which  Origen  elsewhere  takes  of  applying  the  promise  to 
every  believer  in  Christ,  cannot  lessen  the  force  of  this  exposition,  which 
is  manifestly  literal,  and  used  to  distinguish  Peter  from  all  others ;  but 
his  reasoning  to  prove  that  each  of  the  faithful  is  insuperable  whilst  he 
clings  to  Christ,  may  be  fairly  applied  to  establish  the  unfailing  character 
of  the  authority  of  Peter :  "  FOR  NEITHER  AGAINST  THE  ROCK  ON  WHICH 
CHRIST  BUILT  His  CHURCH,  NOR  AGAINST  THE  CHURCH,  SHALL  THE 
GATES  OF  HELL  PREVAiL."f  Heretics  in  every  variety  of  form  assail  the 
truth  of  Christ  as  taught  in  the  Church,  and  endeavor  to  overthrow  her, 
but  in  vain :  "  Every  author  of  a  perverse  sentiment  is  a  builder  of  a  gate 
of  hell ;  but  many  and  numberless  as  are  the  gates  of  hell,  no  gate  of  hell 
shall  prevail  against  the  rock,  or  the  Church  which  Christ  builds  upon  the 
rock."J  Origen,  throughout,  insists  on  the  immovable  nature  of  the  rock, 
as  well  as  of  the  Church,  so  as  inseparably  to  connect  them.  His  appli- 
cation of  the  text  to  every  just  man  is  evidently  by  the  way  of  accommo- 
dation }  since  he  even  denies  that  it  can  be  applied  to  each  act  of  episco- 
pal authority,  unless  the  bishop  be  a  Peter,  namely,  firm  in  the  conscien- 
tious exercise  of  the  power  with  which  he  is  clothed.  In  its  literal  accept- 
ation, it  must  be  restricted  to  Peter  himself,  on  whom  the  Church  was 
built,  and  to  his  successors  in  office. 

ST.  CYPRIAN,  who  filled  the  see  of  Carthage  in  the  middle  of  the  third 
century,  is  justly  classed  among  the  most  illustrious  of  the  fathers. §  In 
his  letter  to  those  who  had  fallen  in  persecution,  he  rebukes  some  of  them 
who  had  presumed  to  address  him,  as  if  they  were  the  Church,  and  em- 
ploys for  this  purpose,  the  words  of  the  promise,  in  order  to  show  that 
without  the  bishop  there  can  be  no  Church.  "Our  Lord,"  he  says, 
"  whose  precepts  and  admonitions  we  ought  to  observe,  establishing  the 
honor  of  the  bishop,  and  the  order  of  His  Church,  speaks  in  the  Gospel, 
and  says  to  Peter :  '  I  say  to  thee  that  thou  art  Peter,  and  on  this  rock  I 
will  build  My  Church,  and  the  gates  of  hell  shall  not  prevail  against  it ; 
and  to  thee  I  will  give  the  keys  of  the  kingdom  of  Heaven ;  and  whatso- 
ever thou  shalt  bind  upon  earth,  shall  be  bound  also  in  Heaven;  and 
whatsoever  thou  shalt  loose  upon  earth,  shall  be  loosed  also  in  Heaven/ 
Thence,  through  the  series  of  times  and  successions,  the  order  of  bishops 
and  the  system  of  the  Church  flow  on ;  so  that  the  Church  is  established 
upon  the  bishops,  and  every  act  of  the  Church  is  governed  by  the  same 
prelates.  Since,  then,  this  is  the  case,  I  am  surprised  that  some,  with 
audacious  temerity,  have  ventured  to  write  to  me  in  the  name  of  the 


*  L.  vi.  Hist.  Eccl.  c.  xxi.          f  In  Matt.  t.  xii.  p.  513.  J  In  Matt.  t.  xii.  p.  522. 

§  For  a  full  account  of  this  martyr,  and  a  luminous  analysis  of  his  writings,  I  refer  to 
the  articles  with  his  name  published  in  the  Mercersburg  Review  in  1852,  over  the  initials 
of  Dr.  J.  W.  Nevin,  president  of  Marshall  College. 


THE  FATHERS'  EXPOSITION  OF  THE  PROMISE.       37 

Church,  whilst  the  Church  consists  of  the  bishop,  clergy,  and  of  all  the 
hearers."  *  Cyprian  considers  Peter  in  this  circumstance  as  the  repre- 
sentative of  the  Church,  through  whom  she  speaks  and  declares  her  faith. 
He  was  not  bishop  at  the  time  when  our  Lord  addressed  him,  but  he  was 
destined  to  be  such,  as  the  nature  of  the  episcopal  relation  was  insinuated 
by  the  figure  of  the  foundation,  as  well  as  by  the  terms  of  the  promise. 
In  Peter,  Bishop  of  the  whole  Church,  the  relation  of  each  bishop  to  his 
flock  was  exemplified.  In  this  sense  the  remark  of  Mr.  Allies  may  be 
admitted.  "  It  is  evident,"  he  says,  "  that  if  the  see  of  Peter,  so  often 
referred  to  by  St.  Cyprian,  means  the  local  see  of  Home,  it  also  means  the 
see  of  every  bishop  who  holds  that  office :  whereof  Peter  is  the  great 
type,  example  and  source."  f  Cyprian,  taking  the  sacred  text  in  its  ob- 
vious meaning,  pointed  to  the  principle  of  unity  established  in  Peter,  the 
representative  of  the  whole  episcopate,  and  so  applied  it  to  the  local  bishop. 
It  is  altogether  inconsistent  with  its  manifest  import  to  exclude  its  direct 
application  to  Peter.  Hence  he  employs  this  text  to  show  that  the  pre- 
varicators, who  were  separated  by  their  apostasy  from  himself,  could  not 
call  themselves  the  Church,  which  name  belongs  only  to  the  bishop, 
clergy  and  faithful.  This  reasoning  implies  that  Peter  is  as  essential  to 
the  Church  at  large,  as  each  local  bishop  is  to  his  flock ;  so  that  it  is  ab- 
surd to  apply  the  term  to  an  acephalous  body,  from  which  he  is  excluded. 
Frequent  reference  to  the  same  text  occurs  throughout  the  writings  of 
Cyprian.  Addressing  Cornelius,  Bishop  of  Rome,  he  adverts  to  the  reply 
of  Peter,  to  the  question  put  by  our  Lord,  on  occasion  of  promising  to 
give  His  flesh  to  eat :  "  Will  you  also  leave  Me  ?"  and  remarks,  "  PETER, 

ON  WHOM  THE  CHURCH    HAD   BEEN   BUILT   BY  THE  LORD,  speaking   One 

for  all,  and  answering  in  the  name  of  the  Church,  says,  Lord,  to  whom 
shall  we  go  ?"  J  In  his  letter  to  Florentius,  he  says :  "  Peter,  ON  WHOM 
THE  CHURCH  WAS  TO  BE  BUILT,  speaks  there  in  the  name  of  the  Chureh."§ 
Everywhere  Cyprian  speaks  of  Peter  as  the  rock  on  which  the  Church  is 
built,  the  representative  of  episcopal  power,  the  organ  of  the  Church,  and 
the  living  personification  of  the  principle  of  unity.  In  attempting  to 
support  his  error,  that  the  remission  of  sins  could  not  be  effected  by  bap- 
tism administered  by  heretics,  Cyprian  observes,  that  the  power  of  forgiv- 
ing sin  was  only  granted  to  the  prelates  of  the  Church ;  "  for  to  Peter,  in 
the  first  place,  ON  WHOM  THE  LORD  FOUNDED  THE  CHURCH,  AND  WHENCE 

HE    INSTITUTED    AND     SHOWED    THE    ORIGIN    OF    UNITY,   He    gave    this 

power,  that  whatsoever  He  had  loosed  on  earth,  should  be  loosed  also  in 
heaven.  And  after  His  resurrection,  He  speaks  likewise  to  the  apostles, 
saying:  'As  the  Father  hath  sent  Me/"  &c.||  Although  he  draws  a 
wrong  inference  from  the  premises,  in  opposition  to  the  decree  of  the  suc- 


Ep.  cle  lapsis,  xxxiii.         f  Church  of  England,  <fec.  p.  31.        J  Ep.  Iv.  ad  Cornelium. 
Ep.  Ixix.  ad  Floreutium.  ||  Ep.  ad  Jubajanum,  Ixxiii.  n.  7. 


38  THE   FATHERS'   EXPOSITION   OF    THE   PROMISE. 

cessor  of  Peter,  this,  far  from  weakening,  strengthens  considerably  his 
testimony  to  the  power,  as  promised  first  to  Peter  especially,  that  the 
unity  of  the  episcopate  and  Church  might  be  maintained. 

Cautioning  the  faithful  against  the  false  indulgence  of  schismatical 
priests,  who  hastily  proffered  communion  to  apostates,  contrary  to  the  en- 
actments made  by  the  African  bishops,  he  says :  "  THERE  is  ONE  GOD 
AND  ONE  CHRIST,  AND  ONE  CHURCH,  AND  ONE  CHAIR,  FOUNDED  BY  THE 
VOICE  OP  THE  LORD  UPON  PETER.  That  any  other  altar  be  erected,  or  a 
new  priesthood  established,  besides  that  one  altar  and  one  priesthood,  is 
impossible.  Whosoever  gathers  elsewhere,  scatters.  Whatever  is  devised 
by  human  frenzy,  in  violation  of  the  divine  ordinance,  is  adulterous,  im- 
pious, sacrilegious."* 

The  name  of  ST.  JAMES,  Bishop  of  Nisibis  in  Mesopotamia,  is  not  so 
well  known  among  us  as  that  of  the  great  bishop  of  Carthage ;  but  it  is 
illustrious  in  the  annals  of  the  Church  of  Syria,  which  venerates  him  as 
one  of  her  greatest  doctors.  He  proved  the  strength  of  his  faith  by  his 
fearless  confession  in  the  persecution  of  Maximin,  and  he  was  one  of  the 
fathers  who  bore  testimony  to  the  divinity  of  Christ  in  the  great  Council 
of  Nice.  We  have  but  a  small  remnant  of  his  works,  in  which,  however, 
this  passage  is  found :  "  Simon,  who  was  called  the  rock  on  account  of 
his  faith,  was  justly  styled  rock."f 

ST.  CYRIL,  raised  to  the  see  of  Jerusalem  in  the  year  340,  shed  a  bright 
lustre  of  learning  and  sanctity  around  him,  which  is  still  reflected  in  his 
most  precious  writings.  His  discourses  delivered  to  catechumens,  and  to 
neophytes,  contain  numerous  passages  expressive  of  the  meaning  of  the 
texts  regarding  Peter ;  which,  as  we  may  infer  from  the  incidental  charac- 
ter of  the  exposition,  were  thus  generally  understood.  Speaking  of  the 
confession  of  the  divinity  of  Christ  by  Peter,  and  of  the  keys  bestowed  in 
recompense  of  it,  he  plainly  recognises  the  high  privileges  and  station  of 
this  apostle  :  "  All  of  them,"  he  says,  "  remaining  silent,  for  the  doctrine 
was  beyond  the  reach  of  man,  Peter,  THE  PRINCE  or  THE  APOSTLES  AND 
THE  SUPREME  HERALD  OF  THE  CHURCH,  not  following  his  own  inven- 
tions, nor  persuaded  by  human  reasoning,  but  enlightened  in  his  mind  by 
the  Father,  says  to  Him :  <  Thou  art  Christ/  not  simply  this,  but  the 
1  Son  of  the  living  God/  " J  The  high  prerogatives  of  Peter  are  affirmed 
by  Cyril  in  his  comparison  of  the  apostles  with  the  prophets.  "  Be  not 
ashamed  of  thy  apostles,"  he  says  to  each  Christian ;  "  they  are  not  in- 
ferior to  Moses,  nor  second  to  the  prophets,  but  they  are  as  good  as  the 
good,  and  better  than  the  good  :  for  Elias  was  taken  up  into  heaven,  but 
Peter  has  the  keys  of  the  kingdom  of  heaven,  since  he  heard :  '  whatso- 
ever thou  shalt  loose  upon  earth,  shall  be  loosed  in  heaven/  "§  He  re- 


Ad  plebem,  ep.  xliii.  f  Apud  Galland.  t.  v.  p.  3,  n.  13. 

Cat.  xi.  Q  1.     Herpoj  6  Trpwrodru-jjj  raw  ano<jT6\uv,  KOI  Tt]i;  £KK\r)aia$ 
Cat.  xiv. 


THE  FATHERS'  EXPOSITION  OF  THE  PROMISE.       39 

lates  the  wonderful  overthrow  of  Simon  Magus  at  Home  by  Peter,  to 
render  which  credible,  he  dwells  on  the  extraordinary  powers  with  which 
the  apostle  was  clothed :  "  Let  it  not  appear  wonderful,"  he  cries,  "  how- 
ever wonderful  it  be  in  itself,  for  PETER  WAS  HE  WHO  CARRIED  AROUND 
THE  KEYS  OF  HEAVEN."*  Again  he  says  elsewhere:  "In  the  same 
power  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  Peter,  also  THE  PRINCE  OF  THE  APOSTLES,  AND 
THE  KEY-BEARER  OF  THE  KINGDOM  OF  HEAVEN,  cured  JEneas,  a  palsied 
man,  in  the  name  of  Christ,  at  Lydda,  now  called  Diospolis."f  Explain- 
ing the  article  of  the  creed :  "  I  believe  in  the  Holy  Catholic  Church," 
he  says :  "  She  is  also  styled  a  Church,  or  convocation,  on  account  of  the 
calling  and  assembling  of  all  in  her.  The  Psalmist  says  :  1 1  will  confess 
to  Thee  in  the  great  Church ;  I  will  praise  Thee  in  the  numerous  people/ 
Before  they  sang  in  the  Psalms :  '  In  the  churches  bless  ye  the  Lord  God 
from  the  fountains  of  Israel :'  but  after  the  Jews  fell  from  grace;  in  con- 
sequence of  the  snares  laid  for  the  Saviour,  He  instituted  another  society, 
formed  of  the  Gentiles,  our  holy  Christian  Church ;  of  which  He  said  to 
Peter :  '  On  this  rock  I  will  build  My  Church,  and  the  gates  of  hell  shall 
not  prevail  against  it.'"J  These  testimonies  to  the  high  prerogatives  of 
Peter,  and  his  relation  to  the  Church,  show  the  ancient  faith  and  tradition 
of  the  see  of  Jerusalem  on  these  important  points,  as  well  as  the  received 
exposition  of  the  sacred  text. 

ST.  BASIL  THE  GREAT,  Archbishop  of  Cesarea,  is  another  illustrious 
witness  of  the  faith  of  the  Eastern  churches  in  the  fourth  century,  as 
handed  down  from  the  beginning.  He  calls  Peter  THE  BLESSED  ONE, 
WHO  WAS  PREFERRED  TO  THE  OTHER  DISCIPLES,  who  alone  received  a 
testimony  above  all  the  others,  and  who  was  pronounced  blessed,  rather 
than  all  the  others,  and  TO  WHOM  THE  KEYS  OF  THE  HEAVENLY  KINGDOM 
WERE  INTRUSTED,"§  He  says  that  "  on  account  of  the  excellence  of  his 
faith,  he  received  on  himself  the  building  of  the  Church  :"||  that  is,  he 
was  made  the  foundation  on  which  the  Church  rests  secure.  These  pas- 
sages clearly  show  that  he  acknowledged  Peter  to  be  the  foundation  of  the 
Church,  and  its  ruler,  intrusted  by  Christ  with  governing  authority. 
Similar  is  the  language  of  his  brother,  ST.  GREGORY  OF  NYSSA,  who  says  : 
"  The  memory  of  Peter,  who  is  the  head  of  the  apostles,  is  revered,  and 
together  with  him  the  other  members  of  the  Church  are  glorified;  but 
the  Church  of  God  is  solidly  established  on  him ;  for  according  to  the 
prerogative  granted  him  by  God,  he  is  the  firm  and  most  solid  rock,  on 
which  the  Saviour  built  His  Church."^]" 

ST.  GREGORY  OF  NAZIANZUM,  the  friend  of  Basil,  says  :  "  Do  you  see 
that  among  the  disciples  of  Christ,  all  of  whom  were  sublime  and  worthy 
of  their  election,  ONE  is  CALLED  A  ROCK,  AND  is  INTRUSTED  WITH  THE 


*  UepKptpw.     Cat.  vi.  f  Cat.  xvii.  J  Cat.  xviii.  $  Prooem.  de  judicio  Dei. 

11  Adv.  Eunom.,  1.  11.  ^  S.  Grog.  Nyss.  laudatio  altera  S.  Steph.,  protom. 


40       THE  FATHERS'  EXPOSITION  OF  THE  PROMISE. 

FOUNDATIONS  OF  THE  CHURCH  ;  another  is  loved  more,  and  rests  on  the 
breast  of  Jesus;  and  the  others  bear  patiently  the  preference  T'*  He 
calls  him  "  the  support  of  the  Church/'f  "  the  most  honored  of  the  dis- 
ciples/^ 

ST.  CHRYSOSTOM,  who  is  celebrated  for  his  literal  exposition  of  the 
Sacred  Scriptures,  abounds  in  passages  declaratory  of  the  prerogatives  of 
Peter.  In  reference  to  the  question  put  by  our  Saviour  to  the  apostles, 
whom  believed  they  Him  to  be,  he  asks,  "  How  does  Peter  act,  THE  MOUTH 

OF  ALL  THE  APOSTLES,  THE  SUMMIT  OF  THE  WHOLE  COLLEGE  ?    All  Were 

interrogated ;  he  alone  answers.  What  then  does  Christ  say  :  <  Thou  art 
Simon,  the  son  of  Jonas,  thou  shalt  be  called  Cephas ;  for  since  thou  hast 
proclaimed  My  Father,  I  also  mention  him  who  begot  thee/  But  since 
he  had  said,  i  Thou  art  the  Son  of  God/  in  order  to  show  that  He  was  the 
Son  of  God  as  he  was  son  of  Jona,  namely,  of  the  same  substance  with 
His  Father,  He  added,  '  and  I  say  to  thee  that  thou  art  Peter,  and  upon 
this  rock  I  will  build  My  Church;'  that  is,  upon  the  faith  which  thou 
hast  confessed/^  The  Church  is  said  to  be  built  on  the  faith  which  Peter 
professed  in  the  divinity  of  Christ,  because  this  mystery  is  the  foundation 
of  the  whole  Christian  system.  As  Chrysostom,  in  the  exposition  of  this 
text,  had  specially  in  view  the  Arians,  whose  heresy  was  so  widely  spread, 
he  insists  particularly  on  this  truth  as  fundamental  and  essential.  He 
does  not,  however,  regard  this  faith  as  a  mere  abstraction;  but  he  con- 
siders it  as  professed  by  Peter,  on  whom,  he  repeatedly  affirms,  that  the 
Church  is  built ;  so  that  when  he  says,  that  the  Church  is  built  on  the 
faith  which  Peter  confessed,  he  plainly  means,  on  Peter  confessing  this 
faith.  Accordingly,  he  proceeds  to  explain  the  prediction  of  our  Lord  as 
pointing  to  a  numberless  multitude  of  believers,  who,  under  the  pastoral 
government  of  Peter,  profess  the  same  mystery.  "  Here  He  manifestly 
foretold  that  the  multitude  of  believers  would  be  great,  and  He  elevates 
the  .thoughts  of  Peter,  and  MAKES  HIM  THE  PASTOR.  '  And  the  gates  of 
hell  shall  not  prevail  against  it.'  If  they  shall  not  prevail  against  it, — 

much  less  shall  they  prevail  against  Me Then  He  adds  another 

prerogative  :  '  And  to  thee  I  will  give  the  keys  of  the  kingdom  of  heaven/ 
What  means, — <  I  will  give  to  THEE  V  As  the  Father  has  given  to  thee 
the  knowledge  of  Me,  so  I  will  give  to  thee.  And  He  did  not  say  :  I  will 
ask  the  Father  to  give  thee :  but,  though  the  power  was  great,  and  the 
greatness  of  the  gift  ineffable,  nevertheless,  He  says,  i  I  will  give  thee/ 
What,  I  pray,  dost  Thou  give?  'The  keys/  He  says,  'of  the- kingdom 
of  heaven,  that  whatsoever  thou  shalt  bind  upon  earth,  shall  be  bound  also 
in  heaven ;  and  whatsoever  thou  shalt  loose  upon  earth,  shall  be  loosed 
also  in  heaven/  How  then  is  it  not  belonging  to  Him  who  says — 1 1  will 
give  to  thee/ — to  grant  also  to  sit  on  the  right  hand,  and  on  the  left  ? 

"*  Or,  xxvi.,  6  fiev  nirpa  KciXeirai,  KOI  ro%  %/£Atoi>5  T/JJ  E/c*X?jaiaj  •niaTf.viTai. 

t  Apolog.  ad  Patrem  Orat.  vii.  J  Orat.  ix.  g  Tfj  irurru  rfc 


THE  FATHERS'  EXPOSITION  OF  THE  PROMISE.       41 

You  perceive  how  He  leads  Peter  to  a  sublime  idea  of  Himself,  and  re- 
veals, and  shows  Himself  to  be  the  Son  of  God  by  these  two  promises. 
For  what  God  alone  can  grant,  namely,  the  power  to  remit  sins,  and  that 
the  Church  should  remain  immovable  amidst  the  swelling  surges,  and  that 
a  fisherman  should  be  stronger  than  any  rock,  whilst  the  whole  world  wars 
against  him,  He  promises  that  He  will  grant.  Thus  the  Father  also  said 
to  Jeremiah:  'I  have  made  thee  a  pillar  of  iron,  and  a  wall  of  brass/ 
But  the  Father  set  him  over  one  nation :  HE  PLACED  THIS  MAN 
OVER  THE  ENTIRE  WORLD.*  Wherefore,  I  would  willingly  ask 
those  who  say  that  the  dignity  of  the  Son  is  less  than  that  of  the  Father, 
which  gifts  appear  to  them  greater,  those  which  the  Father,  or  those  which 
the  Son  granted  to  Peter  ?  The  Father  made  to  him  the  revelation  of  His 
Son ;  but  the  Son  spread  everywhere  throughout  the  world  the  revelation 
both  of  the  Father  and  of  the  Son ;  and  to  a  mortal  man  gave  the  power 
of  all  things  in  heaven,  giving  him  the  keys.  He  spread  the  Church 
throughout  the  entire  world,  and  showed  that  it  is  stronger  than  the  fir- 
mament :  'for  heaven  and  earth  shall  pass  away,  but  My  words  shall  not 
pass  away/  How  is  He  inferior,  who  granted  all  these  things — who  ac- 
complished these  things  ?  I  do  not  speak  thus,  as  if  I  would  separate  the 
works  of  the  Father  from  those  of  the  Son  :  ( for  all  things  were  made  by 
Him,  and  without  Him  was  made  nothing :'  but  I  speak  with  a  view  to 
silence  the  shameless  tongues  of  those  who  utter  such  things.  See  in  all 
these  things,  how  great  is  His  power.  '  I  say  to  thee,  thou  art  Peter ;  I 
will  build  My  Church ;  I  will  give  to  thee  the  keys  of  the  kingdom  of 
heaven/  "•(•  Thus  Chrysostom  proved  that  Christ  is  truly  God,  equal  to 
the  Father,  because  He  gave  to  Peter  powers  which  God  alone  could 
grant,  and  rendered  the  Church  of  which  he  is  pastor,  impregnable  and 
indefectible. 

In  answer  to  an  objection  against  the  divinity  of  Christ,  taken  from  His 
having  prayed  for  Peter  that  his  faith  might  not  fail,  Chrysostom  observes, 
that  as  His  passion  was  approaching,  it  was  fit  that  He  should  manifest 
His  human  nature  by  the  humility  of  prayer ;  but  he  points  to  the  pro- 
mise of  the  keys  as  made  without  any  previous  prayer,  which  shows  that 
He  had  all  things  at  His  disposal.  "  As  He  is  going  to  suffer,  He  speaks 
humbly,  to  show  that  He  was  man,  for  He,  who  built  the  Church  on  the 
confession  of  Peter,  and  so  strengthened  her  that  no  danger,  nor  death 
itself,  can  vanquish  her, — He  who  gave  to  him  the  keys  of  the  kingdom 
of  heaven,  and  intrusted  him  with  so  great  power,  without  at  all  needing 
to  pray  for  this  purpose,  how  much  less  should  He  need  it  in  this  cir- 
cumstance ?  For  He  did  not  say,  I  have  prayed,  but  He  spoke  with  au- 
thority :  I  WILL  BUILD  My  CHURCH  ON  THEE,  AND  GIVE  TO  THEE  THE 

KEYS  OF  THE  KINGDOM  OF  HEAVEN."! 

*  Ilavraxpv  T%  oiKovusvrjg.  -f  S.  Chrys.  horn.  Iv.  in  Matt. 

J  Horn.  Ixxxii.,  alias  Ixxxiii.,  in  Matt. 


42       THE  FATHERS'  EXPOSITION  OF  THE  PROMISE. 

In  his  panegyric  on  the  martyr  Ignatius,  who  was  Bishop  of  Antioch, 
where  Peter  had  resided  for  a  time,  Chrysostom  dwells  on  the  great  honor 
thus  bestowed  by  God  on  that  city :  "for  He  set  over  it  PETER,  THE 

DOCTOR  OF  THE  WHOLE  WORLD,  TO  WHOM  HE  GAVE  THE  KEYS  OF 
HEAVEN,  TO  WHOSE  WILL  AND  POWER  HE  INTRUSTED  ALL  THINGS."* 

Panegyrizing  both  the  apostles  Peter  and  Paul,  he  thus  carefully  distin- 
guishes the  high  prerogatives  of  Peter  : — "  Peter  the  leader  of  the  apos- 
tles, Peter  the  commencement  of  the  orthodox  faith, — the  great  and  illus- 
trious priest  of  the  Church, — the  necessary  counsellor  of  Christians,  the 
depositary  of  supernal  powers, — the  apostle  honored  by  the  Lord.  What 
shall  we  say  of  Peter  ?  the  delightful  spectacle  of  the  Church ;  the  splendor 
of  the  entire  world,  the  most  chaste  dove,  the  teacher  of  the  apostles,  the 
ardent  apostle,  fervent  in  spirit,  angel  and  man,  full  of  grace,  the  firm 
rock  of  faith,  the  mature  wisdom  of  the  Church,  who,  on  account  of  his 
purity,  from  the  mouth  of  the  Lord  heard  himself  styled  blessed,  and  son 
of  the  dove :  who  received  from  the  Lord  Himself  the  keys  of  the  king- 
dom of  heaven.  REJOICE,  0  PETER,  ROCK  OF  FAITH  !"f  This  is,  indeed, 
the  language  of  panegyric  :  but  it  would  have  been  utterly  unwarrantable, 
if  Peter  were  not  in  fact  the  necessary  counsellor  of  Christians,  the  teacher 
of  the  apostles,  the  rock  of  faith.  It  is  not  only  when  expressly  engaged 
in  panegyric,  that  Chrysostom  thus  speaks  of  Peter.  They  are  his  favorite 
expressions,  which  everywhere  occur  in  his  writings  :  "  Peter,"  says  he, 
"  is  the  foundation  of  the  Church, — the  fisherman  who  cast  his  net  into 
the  sea,  and  caught  in  it  the  whole  world.  J  He  left  his  ship,  and  under- 
took the  government  of  the  Church ;  he  was  called  the  key-bearer  of  the 
kingdom  of  heaven. §  He  was  the  chief  who  occupied  the  first  place,  and 
to  whom  the  keys  of  the  kingdom  of  heaven  were  intrusted."||  He  was 
"  the  pillar  of  the  Church,  the  foundation  of  faith,  the  head  of  the  apos- 
tolic choir."  ^[  "To  HIM  THE  LORD  GAVE  THE  PRESIDENCY  OF  THE 
CHURCH  THROUGHOUT  THE  WHOLE  EARTH."** 

ST.  EPIPHANIUS,  bishop  of  Salamina,  in  the  island  of  Cyprus,  a  con- 
temporary of  Chrysostom,  calls  Peter  "  the  first  of  the  apostles,  the  solid 
rock  on  which  the  Church  was  built,  "ff 

*  In  S.  Ignat.  M.  Barrow  admits  "the  titles  and  eulogies  given  to  St.  Peter  by  the 
fathers ;  who  call  him  £^ap\ov,  (the  prince,)  xopvQaiov,  (the  ring-leader,)  K£(t>a\rivf  (the  head,) 
npoefyov,  (the  president,)  dpxnydv,  (the  captain,)  npofiyopov,  (the  prolocutor,)  Trpwrorarjj^,  (the 
foreman,)  irpordrriv,  (the  warden,)  tKKpirov  rwv  AiroaT6\wv,  (the  choice  or  egregious  apostle,) 
majorem,  (the  greater  or  grandee  among  them,)  primum,  (the  first  or  prime  apostle.)" — A 
Treatise  of  the  Pope's  Supremacy,  Sup.  i.  $  vi. 

•f  In  SS.  Petrum  et  Paulum,  torn.  v.  p.  690.  This  oration,  with  another,  was  first 
edited,  at  Rome,  by  Gerard  Vossius,  in  the  year  1580,  in  the  original  Greek,  with  a  Latin 
translation.  I  quote  from  the  translation  published  in  Paris  in  1687. 

t  De  Verbis  Isaise,  horn.  4,  p.  609,  torn.  i. 

$  In  duodecim  Apost.  torn.  v.  p.  691. 

|l  In  Ep.  ad  Corinth,  i.  c.  ix.,  horn.  21. 

^  Horn.  2,  de  poen.  in  Psalm  1. 

**  Ad.  pop.  Antioch.  horn.  80,  de  poenitentia.  ff  In  Ancorato. 


THE  FATHERS'  EXPOSITION  OF  THE  PROMISE.       43 

ST.  CYRIL  OF  ALEXANDRIA  observes  of  our  Lord  :  "  He  was  pleased  to 
call  him  Peter,  by  an  apt  similitude,  as  the  one  on  whom  He  was  about 
to  found  the  Church."* 

ST.  HILARY  filled  the  see  of  Poictiers  in  Gaul,  in  the  middle  of  the 
fourth  century.  In  his  treatise  On  the  Trinity,  he  thus  distinguishes  the 
teachers,  from  whom  he  derived  the  knowledge  of  this  mystery :  "  Mat- 
thew, from  a  publican  chosen  to  be  an  apostle ;  John,  through  the  fami- 
liarity of  the  Lord,  made  worthy  of  a  revelation  of  heavenly  mysteries,  and 
after  his  confession  of  the  mystery,  BLESSED  SIMON,  LYING  BENEATH  THE 

FABRIC    OF   THE  CHURCH,f  AND   RECEIVING   THE  KEYS  OF  THE  KINGDOM 

OF  HEAVEN,  and  all  the  others  preaching  by  the  Holy  Spirit."  J  Although 
wholly  intent  on  establishing  the  divinity  of  Christ,  Hilary  strongly  de- 
clares the  distinguishing  attributes  of  Peter,  who  supports  the  Church,  as 
a  foundation-stone  sustains  the  building,  and  who  has  received  the  keys 
of  the  kingdom,  as  the  symbol  of  spiritual  sovereignty.  He  elsewhere 
addresses  all  the  apostles  as  having  received  the  keys,  because  all  received 
the  power  of  binding  and  loosing  ;§  but  when  distinguishing  Peter  from 
Matthew,  John,  and  Paul,  he  puts  the  keys  as  his  peculiar  characteristic. 
All  may  be  said  to  have  received  them,  as  far  as  they  are  symbols  of  apos- 
tolic power,  but  to  Peter  only  they  were  given  expressly  by  Christ,  as  the 
proper  token  of  delegated  sovereignty. 

When  speaking  of  the  confession  made  by  Peter,  Hilary  shows  that  it 
was  extolled  by  our  Saviour,  as  divinely  revealed,  because  it  was  an  ac- 
knowledgment that  He  is  the  true  and  eternal  Son  of  God  the  Father : 
"  For  praise,"  says  he,  "  was  given  to  Peter,  not  on  account  of  the  con- 
fession of  the  honor,  but  on  account  of  his  acknowledgment  of  the  mystery, 
because  he  confessed  not  merely  Christ,  but  Christ  the  Son  of  God.  The 
Father  saying,  f  This  is  My  Son/  revealed  to  Peter,  that  he  might  say, 
'Thou  art  the  Son  of  God/  On  this  rock  of  confession,  ||  therefore,  the 
Church  is  built.  This  faith  is  the  foundation  of  the  Church  :  through  this 
faith  the  gates  of  hell  are  powerless  against  her.  This  faith  has  the  keys 
of  the  heavenly  kingdom.  What  this  faith  binds  or  looses  on  earth,  is 
bound  and  loosed  in  heaven.  This  faith  is  the  gift  of  the  Father's  reve- 
lation ;  not  falsely  to  assert  that  Christ  is  a  creature,  drawn  forth  from 
nothing,  but  to  confess  Him  to  be  the  Son  of  God,  according  to  His  natural 
property.  Oh  !  impious  frenzy  of  wretched  folly,  that  does  not  understand 
the  martyr  of  blessed  old  age  and  faith,  the  martyr  Peter,  for  whom  He 
prayed  to  the  Father,  that  his  faith  might  not  fail  in  temptation — who, 
having  twice  repeated  the  profession  of  the  love  which  God  demanded  of 
him,  sighed,  on  being  a  third  time  interrogated,  as  if  his  love  were  doubt- 
ful and  uncertain ;  thereby  also  meriting  to  hear  thrice  from  the  Lord, 


*  L.  ii.  in  c.  xii.  Joan.  f  ^Edification!  ecclesise  subjacens. 

J  L.  vi.  de  Trinitate,  n.  20.  \  Ibidem,  p.  166. 

II  On  this  confession,  as  on  a  rock. 


44       THE  FATHERS'  EXPOSITION  OF  THE  PROMISE. 

after  being  purified  of  his  weaknesses  by  this  threefold  trial :  '  Feed  My 
sheep  :' — who,  whilst  all  the  other  apostles  remained  silent,  understanding, 
in  a  manner  beyond  human  infirmity,  from  the  revelation  of  the  Father, 
that  He  was  the  Son  of  God,  merited  pre-eminent  glory  by  the  confession 
of  his  faith !  To  what  necessity  of  interpreting  his  words  are  we  now 
brought !  He  confessed  Christ  to  be  the  Son  of  God  :  but  you,  ( Arian,) 
the  lying  priesthood  of  a  new  apostleship,  urge  me  to  believe  that  Christ 
is  a  creature  brought  forth  from  nothing.  What  violence  you  oifer  to  His 
glorious  words !  He  confessed  the  Son  of  God :  for  this  he  is  blessed. 
This  is  the  revelation  of  the  Father,  this  is  the  foundation  of  the  Church, 
this  is  the  security  for  eternity.  Hence  he  has  the  keys  of  the  kingdom 
of  heaven — hence  his  judgments  on  earth  are  ratified  in  heaven.  He 
learned  by  revelation  the  mystery  hidden  from  ages — he  spoke  the  faith — 
he  declared  the  nature — he  confessed  the  Son  of  God.  Whoever,  on  the 
contrary,  affirming  Him  to  be  a  creature,  denies  this,  should  first  deny  the 
apostleship  of  Peter,  his  faith,  blessedness,  priesthood,  martyrdom;  and 
then  let  him  understand  that  he  is  estranged  from  Christ,  because  Peter, 
confessing  Him  to  be  the  Son,  merited  these  things.  .  .  .  Let  there  be  a 
different  faith,  if  there  be  different  keys  of  heaven.  Let  there  be  a  dif- 
ferent faith,  if  there  is  to  be  another  Church,  against  which  the  gates  of 
hell  shall  not  prevail.  Let  there  be  another  faith,  if  there  is  to  be  another 
apostleship,  binding  and  loosing  in  heaven  what  it  binds  and  looses  on 
earth.  Let  there  be  another  faith,  if  Christ  shall  be  proclaimed  to  be  a 
different  Son  of  God  from  what  He  is.  But  if  this  faith  only  that  con- 
fessed Christ  to  be  the  Son  of  God,  merited  in  Peter  the  glory  of  all  beati- 
tudes, that  which  declares  Him  to  be  a  creature  from  nothing,  must  ne- 
cessarily be  not  the  Church,  nor  of  Christ,  since  it  has  not  obtained  the 
keys  of  the  kingdom  of  heaven,  and  is  contrary  to  the  apostolic  faith  and 
power."* 

From  these  quotations  the  reader  has  a  full  and  correct  view  of  the  sen- 
timents of  Hilary.  His  object  is  to  show  that  the  Arian  heresy  had  no 
part  or  share  in  the  power  of  the  keys,  or  the  privileges  granted  to  Peter, 
because  it  had  not  the  faith  which  obtained  for  Peter  these  privileges. 
There  is  not  the  least  effort  to  establish  a  distinction  between  Peter  and 
the  confession  of  faith  which  he  made :  but  the  Arians  are  confounded, 
by  being  told,  that,  as  they  deny  Christ  to  be  the  Son  of  the  living  God, 
they  have  not  the  power  of  the  keys,  and  are  not  inheritors  of  the  pro- 
mises made  to  the  Church.  Peter,  then,  confessing  the  divinity  of  Christ, 
is  the  foundation  :  his  is  the  apostleship,  the  acts  of  which  are  confirmed 
in  heaven :  the  Church  connected  with  him  is  that  against  which  the 
gates  of  hell  cannot  prevail :  there  can  be  no  other  faith,  no  other  power, 
no  other  Church.  In  the  circumstances  in  which  St.  Hilary  and  other 


*  De  Trin.  1.  vi.  p.  169. 


THE  FATHERS'  EXPOSITION  OF  THE  PROMISE.       45 

fathers  spoke,  during  the  prevalence  of  Arianism,  and  at  a  time  when  no 
controversy  was  agitated  concerning  the  prerogatives  of  Peter  and  his  suc- 
cessors, it  was  natural  for  them  to  employ  the  text  against  the  formidable 
heresy  which  they  were  engaged  in  refuting.  As  Peter  had  made  a 
glorious  confession  of  the  divinity  of  Christ,  and  had  received  his  name 
and  privileges  in  reward  of  it,  they  rightly  insisted  that  on  this  confession 
the  whole  fabric  of  Christianity  rests ;  so  that  to  deny  the  eternal  genera- 
tion of  Christ  is  to  overthrow  all  revealed  religion,  and  make  void  all  the 
counsels  of  God  for  the  salvation  of  men.  The  reasoning  of  Hilary  per- 
fectly harmonizes  with  the  obvious  exposition  of  the  text,  since  the  con- 
fession was  the  act  of  Peter  under  divine  illumination ;  and  to  say  that 
the  Church  was  founded  on  the  confession  of  the  divinity  of  Christ  made 
by  Peter,  is  equivalent  to  declaring  that  it  was  founded  on  Peter,  in  con- 
sequence of  his  having  confessed  Christ  to  be  the  Son  of  the  living  God. 
In  applying  the  text  to  the  controversy  of  the  day,  the  fathers  did  not, 
even  by  the  remotest  implication,  deny  its  direct  force  for  establishing  the 
prerogatives  of  Peter ;  which,  on  the  contrary,  on  so  many  occasions,  they 
most  unequivocally  asserted. 

In  his  commentary  on  the  glorious  confession  of  Peter,  Hilary  observes  : 
"  The  confession  of  Peter  obtained  a  suitable  reward,  because  he  discerned 
the  Son  of  God  in  the  man.*  Blessed  is  he,  who  was  praised  for  observ- 
ing and  seeing  beyond  what  human  eyes  could  see ;  not  beholding  what 
was  of  flesh  and  blood,  but  discerning  the  Son  of  God  by  the  revelation 
of  the  heavenly  Father;  and  who  was  judged  worthy  to  be  the  first  to 
recognise  in  Christ  His  divine  nature.  0 !  THOU  FOUNDATION  OF  THE 
CHURCH,  HAPPY  IN  THE  NEW  APPELLATION  WHICH  THOU  RECEIVEST  ! 
0  !  ROCK,  WORTHY  OF  THAT  BUILDING  WHICH  IS  TO  DESTROY  THE 
INFERNAL  POWERS,  AND  THE  GATES  OF  HELL,  AND  ALL  THE  BARS  OF 

DEATH  !  0  !  HAPPY  GATE-KEEPER  OF  HEAVEN,  TO  WHOSE  DISCRETION 
THE  KEYS  OF  THE  ETERNAL  PORCH  ARE  DELIVERED,  AND  WHOSE  JUDG- 
MENT ON  EARTH  IS  AN  AUTHORITATIVE  ANTICIPATION  OF  HEAVENLY 

JUDGMENT,  so  that  those  things  which  are  bound  or  loosed  on  earth,  ob- 
tain in  heaven  the  same  order  and  determination,  "f  Any  eflbrt  to  illus- 
trate this  passage  would  be  superfluous. 

After  this  illustrious  doctor  of  the  Church  of  Gaul,  the  order  of  time 
presents  to  us  OPTATUS,  bishop  of  Milevis,{  in  Africa,  who  was  among 
the  most  learned,  eloquent  and  saintly  prelates  in  the  decline  of  the  fourth 
century.  Of  him  St.  Augustin  says,  that  if  the  Church  depended  on  the 
virtue  of  her  ministers,  his  life  might  serve  as  a  proof  of  her  authority. 
He  wrote  against  the  Donatists,  whom  he  held  to  be  inexcusable  for  as- 
suming the  name  of  Church,  while  they  remained  separated  from  that 
see,  which,  in  the  person  of  Peter,  received  the  keys:  "Christ,"  he  re- 


*  He  recognised  Christ  as  the  eternal  Son  of  God,  although  veiled  in  human  flesh, 
f  Coin,  in  Matt.  c.  xvi.  J  Mila,  near  Tunis,  or  Constantina. 


46       THE  FATHERS'  EXPOSITION  OF  THE  PROMISE. 

marks,  "  in  the  Canticle  of  Canticles,  intimates  that  His  dove  is  one,  that 
she  is  a  chosen  spouse,  an  enclosed  garden,  and  a  sealed  fountain ;  so  that 
all  heretics  neither  have  THE  KEYS,  WHICH  PETER  ALONE  RECEIVED,  nor 
the  ring  with  which  the  fountain  is  sealed  :  and  the  garden,  in  which  God 
plants  the  shruhs,  belongs  to  none  of  them.  What  can  you  say  to  these 
things,  you  who  secretly  cherish  and  shamelessly  defend  schism,  taking 
to  yourselves  the  name  of  the  Church  ?"*  To  how  many  deluded  men  in 
our  day  might  not  this  reproach  be  addressed ! 

Let  us  hear  the  eloquent  bishop  of  Milan,  whose  lucid  exposition  of 
Catholic  truth  dissipated  the  prejudices  and  errors  of  Augustin,  and  pre- 
pared his  heart  for  the  triumph  of  divine  grace  over  pride  and  passion. 
In  his  commentary  on  the  fortieth  Psalm,  AMBROSE  says  :  "  This  is  that 
Peter  to  whom  Christ  said :  t  Thou  art  Peter,  and  upon  this  rock  I  will 
build  My  Church/  THEREFORE  WHERE  PETER  is,  THERE  is  THE 
CHURCH,  there  death  is  not,  but  life  eternal :  and  therefore  He  added : 
'  and  the  gates  of  hell  shall  not  prevail  against  it :  and  I  will  give  unto 
thee  the  keys  of  the  kingdom  of  heaven/  Blessed  Peter,  against  whom 
the  gate  of  hell  did  not  prevail,  and  the  gate  of  heaven  was  not  closed ! 
on  the  contrary,  he  destroyed  the  porches  of  hell,  and  laid  open  those  of 
heaven :  therefore,  while  on  earth,  he  opened  heaven,  and  closed  hell."f 
Speaking  of  the  question  put  by  our  Redeemer  to  His  disciples  as  to  the 
opinions  prevailing  among  men  concerning  Him,  he  observes  the  silence 
of  Peter  in  this  circumstance ;  but  calls  our  attention  to  his  promptitude 
in  answering  the  interrogation  as  to  their  own  belief.  "  This,  therefore, 
is  Peter,  who  answered  rather  than  the  other  apostles,  yea,  for  the  others, 
and  he  is  therefore  styled  the  foundation,  because  he  not  only  fulfilled  his 
duty  individually,  but  acted  in  behalf  of  all.  Him  Christ  eulogized :  to 
him  the  Father  made  a  revelation  :  for  he,  who  speaks  of  the  true  genera- 
tion of  the  Father,  learned  it  not  from  flesh,  but  from  the  Father.  J  Faith, 
therefore,  is  the  foundation  of  the  Church :  for  it  was  not  said  of  the  flesh 
of  Peter,  but  of  his  faith,  that  the  gates  of  hell  shall  not  prevail  against 
it :  but  the  confession  overcame  hell.  And  this  confession  does  not  ex- 
clude one  heresy  only :  for  since  the  Church,  like  a  good  ship,  is  lashed 
oftentimes  by  many  waves,  the  foundation  of  the  Church  ought  to  prevail 
against  all  heresies.  The  day  would  close  before  I  should  have  enumerated 
the  names  of  the  heretics  and  different  sects :  but  against  all  of  them  that 
faith  is  available,  that  Christ  is  the  Son  of  God,  eternally  proceeding  from 
the  Father,  born  in  time  of  the  Virgin. "§  When  Ambrose  says,  that  faith 
is  the  foundation  of  the  Church,  he  evidently  speaks  of  faith  in  the 


*  Opt.  Afric.  1.  1.  -(-  In  Psalm  xl.  enar.  §  30. 

J  Hie  est  ergo  Petrus,  qui  respondit  prae  cseteris  Apostolis,  imo  pro  caeteris,  et  ideo  fun- 
damentum  dicitur,  quia  novit  non  solum  proprium,  sed  etiam  commune  servare.  Huio 
astipulatus  est  Christus,  revelavit  Pater. 

§  De  Incarn.  c.  4  and  5. 


THE  FATHERS'  EXPOSITION  OF  THE  PROMISE.       47 

divinity  of  Christ  as  professed  by  Peter,  that  is,  of  Peter  professing  the 
faith.  He  is,  therefore,  styled  the  foundation,  in  reward  of  his  prompti- 
tude to  confess  Christ,  before  the  others,  and  in  their  name.  The  confes- 
sion which  he  made  was,  indeed,  the  expression  of  his  individual  faith, 
but  it  was  made  by  him  in  reply  to  a  question  that  regarded  all ;  nor  did 
he  give  it  in  as  peculiar  to  himself.  St.  Ambrose  insists  that  the  Church 
was  not  built  on  the  flesh  of  Peter,  but  on  his  faith ;  because  it  was  no 
mere  natural  quality,  but  his  faith  in  the  divinity  of  Christ,  that  gained 
for  him  this  prerogative ;  and  this  faith  is  ever  to  prove  the  bulwark  of 
the  Church  against  the  endless  varieties  of  heresy.  He  insists  on  this  for 
the  same  reason  as  Hilary  and  Chrysostom,  in  order  the  more  effectually 
to  combat  Arianism.  In  his  work  on  faith,  he  observes  :  "  That  you  may 
know  that  what  He  asks  as  man,  He  ordains  by  His  divine  power,  you 
have  in  the  Gospel  what  He  said  to  Peter :  '  I  have  prayed  for  thee,  that 
thy  faith  may  not  fail.'  And  when  Peter  said  before  :  <  Thou  art  Christ, 
the  Son  of  the  living  God/  He  answered :  '  Thou  art  Peter,  and  upon  this 
rock  I  will  build  My  Church,  and  to  thee  I  will  give  the  keys  of  the  king- 
dom of  heaven/  Could  He  not,  therefore,  strengthen  the  faith  of  him  to 
whom,  of  His  own  authority,  He  gave  a  kingdom,  and  WHOM,  IN  CALLING 

A  ROCK,  HE  MADE   THE    STRENGTH   OF   THE  CHURCH  ?      Consider  when  it 

is  that  He  prays — when  it  is  that  He  commands.  He  prays  when  He  is 
about  to  suffer;  He  commands  when  He  is  believed  to  be  the  Son  of 
God/'*  Peter,  then,  is  the  rock  of  strength  on  which  the  Church  rests : 
he  has  received  a  kingdom  from  Christ.  St.  Augustin  testifies  that  in  a 
hymn  composed  by  St.  Ambrose,  which  was  in  general  use,  Peter  was 
styled  the  rock  of  the  Church. f 

It  is  manifest  that  St.  Ambrose  interpreted  the  texts  in  question  pre- 
cisely as  we  interpret  them,  and  recognised  in  Peter  special  powers  and 
prerogatives  not  granted  to  the  other  apostles  of  Christ.  He  was  the 
rock, — the  foundation, — the  strength  and  support  of  the  Church, — sus- 
taining all  the  parts  of  the  vast  fabric,  holding  them  together  in  unity, 
and  imparting  to  them  strength  and  durability.  He  received  a  kingdom 
from  Christ, — that  heavenly  kingdom  whose  keys  were  intrusted  to  him. 
Elsewhere  Ambrose  says :  "  Christ  is  a  rock :  <•  for  they  drank  of  that 
spiritual  rock  which  followed  them,  and  the  rock  was  Christ/  He  did 
not  deny  the  favor  of  this  appellation  even  to  His  disciple,  that  he  may 
also  be  Peter,  because  from  the  rock  he  derives  the  solidity  of  constancy, 
and  the  firmness  of  faith."  J  Thus  far  he  retains  the  literal  meaning  of 
the  text,  and  often  and  strongly  inculcates  it.  He  then  takes  occasion 
from  it  for  exhortation,  and  passes  to  a  mystical  interpretation,  similar  to 


*  De  Fide,  1.  iv.    This  observation  coincides  admirably  with  that  of  St.  Chrysostom, 
ibove  cited,  p.  46. 

f  Hoc  ipso,  petra  ecclesise,  canente,  culpam  diluit.    Aug.  Retract.  1.  1.  c.  xxi. 
J  L.  vi.  in  Luo  «.  97. 


48       THE  FATHERS'  EXPOSITION  OF  THE  PROMISE. 

one  found  in  Origen.  "  Peter,"  he  elsewhere  says,  f<  is  therefore  styled  a 
rock  for  his  devotion,  and  the  Lord  is  styled  a  rock  for  His  power,  as  the 
apostle  says :  '  they  drank  of  the  spiritual  rock  that  followed  them,  and 
the  rock  was  Christ/  He  justly  deserves  the  communication  of  the  name, 
who  is  made  worthy  to  partake  of  the  work,  for  Peter  in  the  same  house 
laid  the  foundation.  Peter  plants,  the  Lord  gives  an  increase,  the  Lord 
waters."* 

The  last  verse  of  the  thirty-eighth  Psalm  reads  thus,  in  our  Vulgate 
translation  :  "  Oh  forgive  me,  that  I  may  be  refreshed,  before  I  go  hence 
and  be  no  more."f  On  these  words  St.  Ambrose  writes  :  "  Forgive  me, 
that  is,  forgive  me  here  where  I  have  sinned.  Unless  Thou  forgivest  me 
here,  I  shall  not  be  able  to  find  there  the  repose  consequent  on  forgive- 
ness :  for  what  remains  bound  on  earth,  shall  remain  bound  in  heaven ; 
what  is  loosed  on  earth,  shall  be  loosed  in  heaven.  Therefore,  the  Lord 
gave  to  His  apostles  what  previously  was  reserved  to  His  own  judgment, 
a  discretionary  power  to  remit  sins, J  lest  what  should  be  speedily  loosed 
remain  bound  for  a  long  time.  Finally,  hear  what  He  says  :  '  I  will  give 
to  thee  the  keys  of  the  kingdom  of  heaven,  and  whatsoever  thou  shalt 
bind  on  earth,  shall  be  bound  also  in  heaven,  and  whatsoever  thou  shalt 
loose  on  earth,  shall  be  loosed  also  in  heaven/  To  thee,  He  says,  I  will 
give  the  keys  of  the  kingdom  of  heaven,  that  thou  mayest  loose  and  bind. 
Novatian  did  not  hear  this,  but  the  Church  of  God  heard  it :  therefore, 
he  is  in  his  fallen  state  ;  we  are  in  the  way  of  forgiveness  :  he  is  in  a  state 
of  impenitence ;  we,  of  grace.  What  is  said  to  Peter,  is  said  to  the  apos- 
tles. We  do  not  usurp  the  power,  but  we  obey  the  command,  lest,  when 
the  Lord  shall  afterward  come,  and  find  those  bound  who  should  have 
been  loosed,  he  be  indignant  against  the  dispenser  who  kept  the  servants 
bound,  whom  the  Lord  had  ordered  to  be  loosed."§  In  this  beautiful 
vindication  of  the  power  of  forgiveness,  as  exercised  by  the  Catholic 
Church,  there  is  nothing  that  militates  against  the  distinction  which 
Christ  made  in  the  powers  of  the  apostles.  Ambrose  quotes  the  words 
addressed  to  Peter,  to  prove  that  the  Church  founded  on  Peter  has  the 
power  of  forgiving  sins  :  and  observes  that  this  power  was  not  confined  to 
Peter,  Christ  having  spoken  in  like  manner  to  all  the  apostles.  He  does 
not  say  that  He  spoke  precisely  the  same  words,  or  gave  to  each  one  the 
same  power  to  be  exercised  independently ;  much  less  does  He  treat  here 
of  the  governing  power  of  the  Church,  as  represented  by  the  keys  of  the 
heavenly  kingdom,  which  were  peculiarly  given  to  Peter,  but  he  speaks 
of  the  power  of  forgiveness,  which  was  common  to  all.  The  power  of  the 

*  L.  v.  g  33. 

f  The  Vulgate  version  of  the  Psalms  was  made  from  the  Greek  version  of  the  Sept.ua- 
gint,  which,  in  some  places,  presents  a  reading  somewhat  different  from  the  actual 
Hebrew. 

J  Peccata  remittendi  ajquitatem.  The  Vatican  manuscript  reads :  peccata  remittendi 
sequitate  solvenda.  \  Enar.  in  Psalm  xxxviii. 


THE    FATHERS'    EXPOSITION   OF   THE   PROMISE.  49 

keys,  lie  elsewhere  ascribes  to  Peter  alone :  "  There  went  up,"  he  says, 
"  to  the  mountain,  Peter,  WHO  RECEIVED  THE  KEYS  OF  THE  KINGDOM  OF 
HEAVEN  ;  John,  to  whom  His  mother  is  intrusted ;  James,  also,  who  first 
ascended  the  episcopal  throne."*  The  keys  of  the  heavenly  kingdom 
were  consequently  the  characteristic  badge  of  Peter,  as  it  was  the  peculiar 
privilege  of  John  to  receive  in  his  charge  the  Mother  of  our  Lord,  and  the 
province  of  James  to  govern  with  episcopal  authority  the  Church  of  Jeru- 
salem. "  Peter,  Jaines,  aftd  John,  and  Barnabas,"  are  styled  pillars,  but 
Peter  is  called  "  an  eternal  gate,  against  which  the  gates  of  hell  shall  not 
prevail,  "f 

The  equality  of  Paul  to  Peter  is  asserted  by  Ambrose,  not  as  to  the 
power  of  office,  but  as  to  the  merit  of  virtue ;  and  this  with  a  view  to 
prove  that  the  choice  of  the  Holy  Spirit  was  full  of  wisdom.  "  Being 
chosen  by  the  command  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  which  is  abundant  evidence 
of  the  excellence  of  his  merits,  he  was  not  unworthy  of  so  great  a  college. 
For  the  same  grace  shone  forth  in  those  whom  the  same  Spirit  had  chosen. 
Nor  was  Paul  inferior  to  Peter,  THOUGH  THE  ONE  WAS  THE  FOUNDATION 
OF  THE  CHURCH,  and  the  other  a  wise  architect,  knowing  how  to  direct 
the  steps  of  the  nations  that  believe.  Paul,  I  say,  was  not  unworthy  of 
the  college  of  the  apostles,  since  he  also  may  be  compared  with  THE  FIRST, 
and  was  second  to  none :  for  he  who  does  not  acknowledge  himself  in- 
ferior, makes  himself  equal. "J.  The  meaning  is  obvious.  Ambrose  is 
careful  to  mark  even  here  the  distinguishing  characteristic  of  Peter  as  the 
foundation  of  the  Church,  and  first  of  the  apostles,  while  he  supposes 
Paul  to  be  equal  to  him  in  merit,  and  on  that  account  to  compare  even 
with  the  first. 

Some  passages  of  the  writings  of  Ambrose  are  occasionally  abused  to 
obscure  his  testimony  to  the  primacy  of  Peter.  Any  one,  however,  who 
considers  them  in  their  connection,  cannot  hesitate  as  to  their  meaning. 
Those  places  in  which  he  gives  interpretations  evidently  mystical,  need 
not  be  specially  explained,  since,  as  we  have  already  remarked,  such  ex- 
positions cannot  have  weight  in  doctrinal  inquiries. 

ST.  JEROM,  the  contemporary  of  Ambrose,  is  justly  esteemed,  not  only 
for  his  excellent  translation  of  the  Scriptures,  but  also  for  his  lucid  ex- 
position of  their  meaning.  In  his  work  against  Jovinian,  who  assailed 
virginity,  and  objected  that  Peter,  a  married  man,  was  chosen  to  be  prince 
of  the  apostles,  Jerom  replied  that  his  wife  was  probably  deceased ;  a 
conjecture  rendered  likely  by  the  omission  of  all  mention  of  her  in  Scrip- 
ture, as  well  as  by  the  circumstance,  that  his  mother-in-law,  when  relieved 
from  the  fever,  served  at  table.  He  proceeded  to  show  that  John,  on 
account  of  his  virginity,  enjoyed  the  special  love  of  Christ,  and  was  ad- 


*  In  Lucam,  1.  vii.  n.  9.     See  also  in  Psalm  cxviii.  Serm.  20. 
f  De  fide,  1.  iv.  c.  1,  §  25.  £  L.  de  Sp.  S.  §  158. 

4 


50      THE  FATHERS'  EXPOSITION  OF  THE  PROMISE. 

mitted  to  great  familiarity.  He  then  objects  to  himself  that  Peter  was 
chosen  to  be  the  foundation  of  the  Church ;  and  observes,  that  the  other 
apostles  likewise  received  similar  powers,  though  he  admits  that,  to  pre- 
vent schism,  Peter  was  chosen  to  be  the  head  of  all.  He  further  inquires, 
why  the  virgin  apostle,  John,  did  not  receive  this  distinction ;  and  answers 
that  the  age  of  Peter  was  a  reason  for  preferring  him  :  "But,  you  say," 
he  remarks,  "  the  Church  is  founded  upon  Peter :  though  the  same  thing 
is  elsewhere  done  upon  all  the  apostles,  and  all  receive  the  keys  of  the 
kingdom  of  heaven,  and  the  strength  of  the  Church  is  consolidated  upon 
them  equally:  yet  ONE  is  CHOSEN  AMONG  THE  TWELVE,  THAT  A 

HEAD  BEING  ESTABLISHED,  THE  OCCASION  OF  SCHISM  MAY  BE  REMOVED. 

But  why  was  not  the  virgin  John  chosen  ?  Regard  was  had  to  age,  be- 
cause Peter  was  elder,  lest  a  very  young  man  should  be  preferred  to  men 
of  advanced  age."*  It  is  clear,  that  while  Jerom  advocates  so  strongly 
the  excellence  of  virginity  and  its  special  prerogatives,  he  is  careful  to  lay 
down,  in  clear  and  precise  terms,  the  primacy  of  Peter.  All  the  apostles 
are,  indeed,  in  a  certain  degree  the  foundations  of  the  Church,  since  of 
the  heavenly  Jerusalem,  which  is  the  Church  in  glory,  it  is  said :  "  the 
wall  of  the  city  had  twelve  foundations,  and  in  them  the  names  of  the 
twelve  apostles  of  the  Lamb  ;"t  but  Peter  is  strictly  the  foundation,  since 
to  him  only,  and  not  to  the  others,  Christ  said :  "  Thou  art  Peter,  and  on 
this  rock  I  will  build  My  Church."  All  of  them  have  received  the  keys 
of  the  kingdom,  inasmuch  as  all  have  received  the  power  of  binding  and 
loosing,  which  is  sometimes  expressed  by  that  symbol :  but  it  was  not 
without  special  and  high  design  that  to  Peter  alone  was  said :  "  To  thee  I 
will  give  the  keys  of  the  kingdom."  Jerom  maintains  that  similar  powers 
were  granted  to  the  others,  on  which  account  it  may  be  justly  said,  that 
upon  all  of  them  the  strength  of  the  Church  is  consolidated,  since  all  con- 
cur to  the  great  work  of  the  ministry,  in  union,  however,  with  Peter,  who 
is  the  head,  invested  with  all  the  authority  necessary  for  maintaining 
order  and  unity :  a  head,  by  the  appointment  of  whom  all  plausible  pre- 
text for  schism  is  removed.  Were  not  this  his  peculiar  privilege,  there 
was  no  need  of  explaining  why  John  was  not  chosen  to  be  chief. 

In  his  commentary  upon  the  similitude  of  the  wise  man,  who  built  his 
house  upon  a  rock,  Jerom  observes :  "On  this  rock  the  Lord  founded  the 
Church  :  from  this  rock  Peter  the  apostle  derived  his  name.  The  found- 
ation which  the  apostolic  architect  laid,  is  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  alone : 
on  this  stable  and  firm  foundation,  and  of  itself  founded  with  a  strong 
mass,  the  Church  of  Christ  is  built."J  This,  at  first  sight,  may  appear 
not  to  harmonize  with  the  general  interpretation  of  the  fathers ;  but,  by 
attention  to  the  occasion  in  which  it  was  written,  it  will  be  found  not  to 

•*  Adv.  Jov.  1.  1,  p.  16,  torn.  iii.  t  Apoc.  xxi.  14. 

J  Com.  Matt.  c.  viii.  f.  12. 


THE  FATHERS'  EXPOSITION  OF  THE  PROMISE.       51 

be  at  variance.  In  reference  to  the  similitude  used  by  our  Saviour  in 
His  sermon  on  the  mount,  it  was  most  natural  to  observe,  that  He  was 
the  wise  man  who  built  His  Church  upon  a  rock,  and  that  from  this  cir- 
cumstance Peter  was  styled  a  rock :  but  it  would  be  a  strange  phrase  to 
say,  that  He  built  His  Church  upon  Himself,  thus  confounding  the  archi- 
tect with  the  foundation.  Hear  Jerom  elsewhere  :  Having  quoted  a  pas- 
sage from  the  writings  of  St.  Peter,  he  exclaims :  "  Oh  sentence  truly 
worthy  of  the  apostle  and  of  the  rock  of  Christ  !"*  by  which  he  plainly 
means  him  whom  Christ  made  a  rock  of  faith.  "  As  Plato  was  the  prince 
of  philosophers,  so  was  Peter  of  the  apostles :  ON  HIM  THE  CHURCH  OP 
THE  LORD,  AN  ENDURING  STRUCTURE,  WAS  BUILT."!  In  his  letter  to 
Marcellus  he  says  of  Peter:  "UPON  WHOM  THE  LORD  BUILT  HIS 
CHURCH."! 

The  allusion  to  the  text  of  St.  Paul  presents  a  change  of  metaphor.  In 
the  former  Christ  was  the  architect,  and  Peter  the  foundation :  in  this 
Paul  is  architect,  and  Christ  the  foundation.  Metaphors  admit  of  this 
variety,  and  it  would  be  unjust  to  transfer  what  regards  one  similitude  to 
another  somewhat  different. 

The  commentary  of  Jerom  on  the  promise  of  our  Saviour  to  Peter, 
plainly  establishes  the  relation  between  them.  "  What  means,"  he  asks, 
" '  I  say  to  thee  V  Because  thou  hast  said  to  Me  :  '  Thou  art  Christ,  the 
Son  of  the  living  God :  I  also  say  to  thee ;'  not  in  vain  discourse,  void  of 
effect,  but  I  say  to  thee,  because  My  word  effects  what  it  expresses  :  '  that 
thou  art  Peter,  and  on  this  rock  I  will  build  My  Church/  As  He  gave 
light  to  the  apostles,  that  they  might  be  called  the  light  of  the  world,  and 
they  received  other  appellations  from  the  Lord  :  so  also  He  bestowed  the 
name  of  Peter  on  Simon,  who  believed  in  the  rock  Christ ;  and  according 
to  the  metaphor  of  a  rock,  it  is  properly  said  to  him :  '  I  will  build  My 
Church  upon  THEE/  '  And  the  gates  of  hell  shall  not  prevail  against  it.' 
I  think  that  the  gates  of  hell  are  the  vices  and  the  sins  of  men ;  or  cer- 
tainly the  doctrines  of  heretics,  by  which  men  are  allured  and  led  to 
hell."§  Here  the  learned  interpreter  applies  to  Peter  the  term  rock,  and 
explains  the  promise,  as  if  it  were  said :  I  will  build  My  Church  on  thee. 
Against  this  Church  neither  the  vices  and  sins  of  men,  nor  the  doctrinea 
of  heretics,  can  prevail.  Scandals  must  come,  and  may  obscure  the  lustre 
of  the  Church,  but  they  cannot  effect  her  overthrow :  heresies  may  be 
broached,  even  by  those  who  were  children  of  the  Church,  but  they  can 
never  receive  her  sanction,  because  Christ  teaches  in  her  "  all  days  even 
to  the  consummation  of  the  world." 

When  commenting  on  the  rebuke  of  Christ,  "  Go  behind  me,  Satan," 
Jerom  supposes  his  reader  to  inquire,  how  this  is  compatible  with  the 
sublime  address  made  to  Peter,  and  with  the  powers  conferred  on  him. 


Adv.  Jovinian,  1.  1,  c.  iv.  f  L.  1,  adv.  Pelag.  c.  4.  J  Class.  2,  Ep.  4,  n.  2. 

I  Com.  in  Matt.  torn.  ix.  f.  24,  25.    Ed.  Bas.  an.  1516. 


52       THE  FATHERS'  EXPOSITION  OF  THE  PROMISE. 

"If,"  he  answers,  "the  inquirer  reflect,  he  will  perceive  that  the  bene- 
diction, and  beatitude,  and  power,  and  the  building  of  the  Church  upon 
him,  were  promised  to  Peter  for  a  future  time,  and  were  not  granted  at 
the  present  time :  I  will  build  (he  says)  on  thee  My  Church,  and  the 
gates  of  hell  shall  not  prevail  against  it :  and  to  thee  I  will  give  the  keys 
of  the  kingdom  of  heaven ;' — all  in  the  future  tense.  Had  he  given  them 
immediately,  the  error  of  a  perverse  confession*  would  never  have  taken 
place  in  him."f  This  enlightened  doctor  was  firmly  persuaded  that  if 
Peter  had  been  at  once  constituted  primate,  the  providence  of  God  would 
have  prevented  his  fall. 

St.  Jerom  unhesitatingly  explained  the  rock  of  Peter  and  his  successors 
in  the  see  of  Rome.  Addressing  Pope  Damasus  to  obtain  his  instructions 
in  regard  to  the  use  of  the  term  hypostasis,  which  in  the  East  was  under- 
stood by  some  of  the  Divine  Nature,  while  others  used  it  of  the  Divine 
Persons,  as  it  is  now  employed,  he  says  :  "  Let  it  not  appear  invidious  : 
let  the  pomp  of  Roman  majesty  withdraw :  I  speak  with  the  successor  of 
the  fisherman,  and  a  disciple  of  the  cross.  I,  who  follow  no  one  as  chief  J 
except  Christ,  am  united  in  communion  with  your  Holiness,  that  is,  WITH 

THE    CHAIR    OF   PETER  *.    ON    THAT   ROCK  I  KNOW  THAT    THE  CHURCH  IS 

BUILT.  "Whoever  eats  the  lamb  out  of  this  house  is  profane.  Whoever 
was  not  in  the  ark  of  Noe,  must  perish  in  the  deluge/' §  Respectfully 
approaching  the  heir  of  Peter's  faith,  Jerom  begs  that  his  boldness  may 
be  excused  ]  and  reminds  Damasus,  who  was  encompassed  with  a  splendor 
like  that  of  imperial  majesty,  that  his  greatest  dignity  is  that  of  successor 
of  the  fisherman.  This  is  his  imperishable  title,  his  highest  glory :  as 
this  authority  is  the  fundamental  and  immovable  principle  of  the  Church. 
We  have  in  this  passage  the  obvious  meaning  of  the  text  with  its  applica- 
tion in  the  most  direct  and  positive  manner. 

ST.  AUGUSTIN,  in  several  places,  gives  the  common  interpretation  of 
the  texts  regarding  the  primacy;  but  in  the  revision  of  his  works,  he  ob- 
served, that  he  had  likewise  explained  "  the  rock"  of  Christ  Himself,  and 
he  left  the  reader  to  judge  which  of  the  two  expositions  was  the  more 
probable.  1 1  He  was  led  to  doubt  by  the  change  of  gender  observable  in 
the  Greek  and  Latin :  a  distinction  to  which  no  importance  can  be  at- 
tached by  any  one  acquainted  with  the  language  in  which  our  Lord  spoke, 
which  admits  of  no  variation  in  the  term,  as  we  have  already  seen.  His 
hesitation  cannot  outweigh  the  positive  judgment  of  so  many  fathers,  who 
concur  in  recognising  Peter  as  the  rock  of  which  Christ  spoke }  especially 
as  the  context,  by  the  acknowledgment  of  most  learned  adversaries,  ad- 
mits of  no  other  interpretation.  He  did  not,  however,  hesitate  as  to  the 
meaning  of  the  whole  passage  of  Matthew,  or  of  the  other  texts,  which  he 
uniformly  expounded  as  declaring  the  governing  authority  wherewith 


*  Peter's  denial  of  Christ.  f  Com.  in  Matt,  torn.  ix.  f.  24,  25.     Ed.  Bas.  an.  1516. 

J  Primum.  \  Ep.  xv.  Dauiaso.  ||  L.  1,  Retract,  c.  xxi. 


THE  FATHERS'  EXPOSITION  OF  THE  PROMISE.       53 

Peter  was  invested.  In  his  discourses  on  the  Gospel  of  St.  John,  he  ob- 
serves that  our  Lord  left  almsgiving  and  prayer  as  remedies  for  the  slighter 
sins  into  which  even  just  men  fall,  and  taught  us  to  pray  for  forgiveness, 
as  we  forgive  our  debtors.  "  The  Church/'  he  says,  "  happy  in  hope, 
does  this/'  (namely,  sues  for  pardon  in  the  name  of  her  frail  children,) 
"  in  this  wretched  life :  which  Church  Peter,  the  apostle,  ON  ACCOUNT  OF 
THE  PRIMACY  OF  HIS  APOSTLESHiP,  represented  in  a  figurative  univer- 
sality/' (Peter  being  addressed  as  the  whole  Church,  which  he  represented, 
as  her  head.)  "  For,  as  to  what  strictly  regards  himself,  he  was  by  na- 
ture an  individual  man,  by  grace  an  individual  Christian ;  but  by  more 
abundant  grace  he  was  an  apostle,  and  THE  FIRST  :  but  when  it  was  said 
to  him :  l  To  thee  I  will  give  the  keys  of  the  kingdom  of  heaven,  and 
whatsoever  thou  shalt  bind  on  earth,  shall  be  bound  also  in  heaven ;  and 
whatsoever  thou  shalt  loose  on  earth,  shall  be  loosed  also  in  heaven/  he 
represented  the  whole  Church,  which  in  this  world  is  agitated  by  various 
temptations,  as  by  showers,  floods,  and  tempests,  and  which  does  not  fall, 
because  it  is  founded  on  the  rock,  whence  Peter  derived  his  name."* 
Here  Augustin  departs  from  the  general  interpretation  of  the  term  rock, 
yet  considers  Peter  as  the  representative  of  the  whole  Church,  receiving 
from  Christ  a  power  to  be  exercised  for  the  benefit  of  all.  He  was  not  a 
mere  actor  in  the  scene,  but  an  official  representative,  "  ON  ACCOUNT  OF 
THE  PRIMACY  OF  HIS  APOSTLESHIP,"  in  which  capacity  he  received  the 
promise,  and  subsequently  the  power  promised,  not  for  his  mere  personal 
advantage,  but  for  the  benefit  of  the  Church  at  large.  The  holy  doctor  in- 
sists on  this  point,  because  the  Montanists  and  Novatians  denied  to  the 
Church  the  power  of  forgiveness.  "  Therefore,"  says  he,  "  the  Church, 
which  is  founded  on  Christ,  received  through  Peter  the  keys  of  the  king- 
dom of  heaven,  that  is,  the  power  of  binding  and  loosing  sins.  For  what 
the  Church  is  reallyf  in  Christ,  Peter  is  the  same  mystically  in  the  rock  : 
according  to  which  signification  Christ  is  the  rock,  Peter  the  Church. 
This  Church,  therefore,  which  Peter  represented,  as  long  as  she  is  in  the 
midst  of  evils,  is  freed  from  evils,  by  loving  and  following  Christ.  And 
she  follows  Him  especially  by  means  of  those  who  contend  unto  death  for 
the  truth.  But  to  the  multitude  is  said,  l  follow  Me  /  for  which  multi- 
tude Christ  suffered.";);  In  pursuing  this  allegorical  explanation,  Augus- 
tin evidently  presupposes  that  the  keys  were  given  to  Peter,  and  that  in 
him,§  the  Church  received  them,  inasmuch  as  not  for  himself  only — "  an 
individual  man,  an  individual  Christian" — but  for  all  the  Church,  he,  who 


*  Tract,  cxxiv.  in  c.  xxi.  Joan.  Ev. 

f  Quod  est  enim  per  proprietatem  in  Christo  Ecclesia,  hoc  est  per  significationem 
Petrus  in  petra,  qua  significatione  intelligitur  Christus  petra,  Petrus  Ecclesia.  Ib. 

J  Sed  universitati  dicitur :  sequere  me.     The  command  is  directed  to  all  the  Church. 

$  Ecclesia  ergo,  quse  fundatur  in  Christo,  claves  ab  eo  regni  ccelorum  accepit  in  Petro, 
id  est  potestatem  ligandi  solvendique  peccata.  Tract,  cxxiv.  in  Joan. 


54       JHE  FATHERS'  EXPOSITION  OF  THE  PROMISE. 

was  "  an  apostle  and  first  of  the  apostles/'  received  this  power.*  "  For 
the  benefit  of  all  the  saints/7  says  he,  "  inseparably  belonging  to  the  body 
of  Christ,  PETER,  THE  FIRST  or  THE  APOSTLES,  received  the  keys  of  the 
kingdom,  for  its  government  in  this  most  tempestuous  life,  to  bind  and 
loose  sins,f  and  with  reference  to  the  same  saints,  John  the  Evangelist 
reclined  on  the  bosom  of  Christ,  to  express  the  most  tranquil  repose  of 
this  most  secret  life."  John  is  said  to  represent  or  signify  the  Church 
triumphant,  inasmuch  as,  reposing  on  the  bosom  of  Jesus,  he  presents  an 
image  of  the  happiness  of  the  saints.  The  representative  character  of 
Peter  is  clearly  marked  as  official^  directed  to  the  government  of  the 
Church  militant  in  this  stormy  life.  He  is  the  pilot  placed  by  Christ  at 
the  helm ; — he  is  the  ruler,  who  received  from  Christ  the  keys  of  His 
kingdom. 

It  is  in  the  same  sense  that  St.  Augustin  insists  that  not  only  Peter, 
but  all  the  apostles,  in  his  person,  since  he  represented  the  whole  Church, 
received  the  keys,  because  the  power  of  forgiving  sins  was  not  limited  to 
him  alone,  being  communicated  to  all  of  them  for  the  benefit  of  the  whole 
Church.  u For  it  is  evident,"  he  says,  "that  Peter  in  many  places  of 
the  Scripture  represents  the  Church,J  chiefly  in  that  place  where  it  is 
said :  '  I  give  unto  thee  the  keys  of  the  kingdom  of  heaven.  Whatsoever 
thou  shalt  bind  on  earth,  shall  be  bound  in  heaven  •  and  whatsoever  thou 
shalt  loose  on  earth,  shall  be  loosed  in  heaven/  What !  did  Peter  receive 
those  keys,  and  Paul  not  receive  them  ?  Did  Peter  receive  them,  and 
John  and  James  and  the  rest  of  the  apostles  not  receive  them  ?  Or  are 
not  those  keys  in  the  Church,  where  sins  are  daily  remitted  ?  But  since 
in  meaning  hinted,  but  not  expressed, §  Peter  was  representing  the  Church, 
what  was  given  to  him  singly,  was  given  to  the  Church.  So  then,  Peter 
bore  the  figure  of  the  Church  :  the  Church  is  the  body  of  Christ.' ||  What 
Augustin  inculcates  is  plainly  that  the  Church  received  the  power  of  for- 
giveness, through  Peter,  who  in  his  official  capacity  represented  her,  on 
account  of  the  primacy  of  his  apostleship.  This  does  not  imply  that  the 
keys,  as  symbols  of  governing  power,  were  not  given  to  Peter  in  a  more 
special  manner. 

ST.  LEO  THE  GREAT  is  most  eloquent  and  forcible  in  the  exposition  of 
the  sacred  text.  He  observes  :  "  Christ  having  assumed  him  to  a  partici- 
pation in  His  indivisible  unity,  was  pleased  that  he  should  be  styled  what 
He  Himself  was,  saying :  <  Thou  art  Peter,  and  on  this  rock  I  will  build 
My  Church  •'  that  the  building  of  the  eternal  temple,  by  the  wonderful 
gift  of  the  grace  of  God,  should  rest  on  the  solidity  of  the  rock,  strength- 
ening His  Church  by  this  firmness,  so  that  neither  human  temerity  could 
affect  it,  nor  the  gates  of  hell  prevail  against  it.  But  whosoever  attempts 


*  Abundantiore  gratia  unus  idemque  primus  apostolorum.     Ibidem. 

•f  Ibidem.  J  Personarn  gestct  ecclesiae.  $  In  significatione. 

||  Serin,  cxlix.  de  verbis  Actuum  Apost.  torn.  v.  706  B. 


THE    FATHERS'    EXPOSITION   OF    THE    PROMISE.  55 

to  infringe  on  his  power,  indulges  excessive  and  impious  presumption,  in 
seeking  to  violate  the  most  sacred  strength  of  this  rock,  God,  as  we  have 
said,  being  the  builder."*  This  exposition  loses  nothing  of  its  weight 
from  the  fact  that  St.  Leo  filled,  at  the  time,  the  chair  of  Peter.  His 
learning  and  sanctity,  the  high  esteem  which  he  enjoyed  among  his  con- 
temporaries, and  the  veneration  with  which  his  name  has  been  transmitted 
to  us,  do  not  suffer  us  to  consider  him  as  influenced  by  personal  interest, 
or  pride  of  station,  in  expounding  the  sacred  text.  He  spoke  the  truth  in 
Christ,  with  no  other  view  than  that  all  should  adore  the  divine  wisdom 
and  power  manifested  in  the  establishment  of  the  Church. 

ST.  LEO  freely  admits  that  the  power  given  to  Peter  was  to  be  com- 
municated to  the  other  apostles ;  but  insists  that  it  was  specially  lodged  in 
him  for  the  great  ends  of  Christian  unity.  "  The  privilege  of  this  power 
did,  indeed,  pass  to  the  other  apostles,  and  the  order  of  this  decree  reached 
all  the  rulers  of  the  Church ;  but  not  without  purpose  what  is  intended 
for  all,  is  put  into  the  hands  of  one."f  Elsewhere  he  says  :  "  The  Lord 
hath  willed  that  the  mystery  of  this  gift  (of  announcing  the  Gospel)  should 
belong  to  the  office  of  all  the  apostles,  on  the  condition  of  its  being  chiefly 
seated  in  the  most  blessed  Peter,  the  first  of  all  the  apostles,  and  from 
him,  as  it  were  from  the  head,  it  is  His  pleasure  that  His  gifts  should 
flow  into  the  whole  body,  that  whoever  dares  recede  from  the  rock  of  Peter 
may  know  that  He  has  no  part  in  the  divine  mystery."^ 

The  quotations  hitherto  submitted  to  the  reader,  show  clearly  that  the 
promise  recorded  by  St.  Matthew,  was  understood  by  the  fathers  of  the 
first  five  centuries,  as  implying  special  relations  of  Peter  to  the  Church, 
as  its  foundation  and  ruler.  It  is  in  vain  that  Mr.  Palmer  asserts  that 
some  interpret  it  of  the  apostles  generally ;  for  it  will  easily  be  seen  that 
these  fathers,  as  Ambrose  and  Augustin,  whose  words  we  have  quoted, 
speak  of  the  apostolic  powers  as  declared  in  other  passages,  and  that  they 
apply  and  extend  to  the  apostles  the  text  in  question,  so  far  only  as  these 
powers  are  implied,  without  prejudice  to  the  primacy  of  Peter,  which  they 
expressly  affirm.  The  few  who  speak  of  Christ  as  the  rock,  for  the  most 
part  use  this  figure  without  direct  reference  to  the  text  of  Matthew,  for 
the  purpose  of  declaring  the  immovable  nature  of  the  Church,  of  which 
Christ  is  the  support ;  and  when,  like  Augustin,  they  refer  to  this  pas- 
sage, they  otherwise  acknowledge  in  unequivocal  terms  the  high  preroga- 
tive of  the  prince  of  the  apostles.  All  who  interpret  it  of  the  faith  as 
confessed  by  Peter,  perfectly  harmonize  with  those  who  expound  it  of 
Peter  himself,  so  that  these  two  interpretations,  which  at  first  sight  appear 
different,  are  in  reality  identical.  It  is  worthy  of  remark,  that  before  the 
rise  of  Arianism,  no  father  explained  the  rock  of  the  confession  of  Peter ; 
which  interpretation  was  first  suggested  by  the  necessity  of  employing 
every  available  weapon  against  that  impiety.  It  is  also  to  be  observed, 

*  T.  ii.  op.  col.  1315.  f  In  annir.  suse  consecr.  j  Ep.  10. 


56       THE  FATHERS'  EXPOSITION  OF  THE  PROMISE. 

that  no  father  who  declares  faith  to  be  the  rock,  expressly  excludes  Peter, 
while  many  positively  mention  him  conjointly  with  the  confession.  The 
moral  application  and  allegorical  expositions  of  some  can  by  no  means 
weaken  the  literal  exposition  so  forcibly  delivered  by  the  great  body  of  the 
fathers.  We  can,  therefore,  fairly  claim  their  general  support  in  the 
maintenance  of  the  primacy  as  divinely  promised  to  Peter.  In  the  words 
of  Dr.  Nevin,  we  may  say :  "  The  promise  of  our  Saviour  to  Peter,  is  al- 
ways taken  by  the  fathers  in  the  sense  that  he  was  to  be  the  centre  of 
unity  for  the  Church,  and  in  the  language  of  Chrysostom,  to  have  the 
presidency  of  it  throughout  the  world.  Ambrose  and  Augustin  both  re- 
cognise this  distinction  over  and  over  again  in  the  clearest  and  strongest 
terms."* 


Art.  Early  Christianity,  in  Mercersburg  Review,  Sept.  1851. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Institute  0f  %  frtowg, 

THE  promise  made  by  Christ  to  Peter,  that  He  would  make  him  the 
fundamental  rock  of  His  Church,  and  give  him  the  keys  of  the  kingdom 
of  heaven,  and  the  solemn  charge  addressed  to  him  to  confirm  his  brethren, 
prepare  us  for  the  bestowal  of  extraordinary  power.  The  denial  of  his 
Divine  Master,  might,  however,  seem  to  be  an  insuperable  obstacle  to  his 
elevation  to  this  dignity :  but  his  tears,  which  were  bitter  and  abundant, 
washed  away  his  prevarication.  Christ,  after  His  resurrection,  appearing 
to  him  with  Thomas,  John  and  James,  and  two  others,  besides  Nathaniel, 
of  Cana  in  Galilee,  was  pleased  to  fulfil  His  promise,  after  He  had  first 
elicited  from  Peter  repeated  protestations  of  special  love.  He  presented 
Himself  to  them  all  as  they  were  fishing,  and  directed  them  to  cast  the 
net  on  the  right  side  of  the  ship,  assuring  them  that  they  should  be  suc- 
cessful. The  verification  of  this  assurance  led  John  to  recognise  Him ; 
and  Peter,  being  made  sensible  of  the  presence  of  his  Master,  girded  his 
coat  about  him.  Then,  as  the  other  disciples  came  in  the  ship,  drawing 
the  net,  and  reached  the  shore,  "  Simon  Peter  went  up,  and  drew  the  net 
to  land,  full  of  great  fishes,  one  hundred  and  fifty-three.  And  although 
there  were  so  many,  the  net  was  not  broken."*  It  cannot  be  doubted, 
that  by  this  miraculous  draught  was  typified  the  wonderful  conversion  of 
nations  by  the  apostles,  with  Peter  at  their  head,  acting  under  the  com- 
mand of  Jesus.  The  occasion  was  most  opportune  for  declaring  the  office 
of  Peter.  "  When,  therefore,  they  had  dined,  Jesus  said  to  Simon  Peter : 
Simon,  son  of  John,  lovest  thou  Me  more  than  these?"  Some  have  ab- 
surdly explaimed  this  question,  as  if  Peter  were  asked,  whether  he  loved 
his  Lord  more  than  the  fish ;  but  this  cannot  be  seriously  advanced.  The 
comparison  is  evidently  referred  to  the  persons  present.  Peter  declares 
his  affection :  "  He  saith  to  Him :  yea,  Lord,  Thou  knowest  that  I  love 
Thee/'  This  declaration  was  followed  by  the  pastoral  commission  :  "  Feed 
My  lambs  :"f  that  is,  the  tenderest,  weakest  portion  of  the  flock,  the  little 
ones  in  Christ,  the  faithful  who  are  as  lambs  in  regard  to  those  who  have 
begotten  them,  or  brought  them  forth  in  Christ.  The  question  is  renewed : 
"  He  saith  to  him  again,  Simon,  son  of  John,  To  vest  thou  Me  ?  He  saith 


*  John  xxi.  11.  f  /?o<7K£  TO  dpvia  /* 

57 


58  INSTITUTION   OF   THE   PRIMACY. 

to  Him  :  yea,  Lord,  Thou  knowest  that  I  love  Thee.  He  saith  to  him  : 
feed  My  lambs. "*  The  commission  is  repeated,  in  a  new  form,  as  ap- 
pears from  the  Greek  text.  The  former  injunction  regarded  feeding,  the 
present  comprises  the  whole  pastoral  care — to  tend,  to  watch  over,  to  re- 
strain, to  bring  back  the  stray  sheep,  to  remove  the  contagious,  and  to  do 
all  that  a  shepherd  should  do  for  his  flock.  "  He  saith  to  him  the  third 
time  :  Simon,  son  of  John,  lovest  thou  Me  ?  Peter  was  grieved,  because 
He  saith  to  him  the  third  time,  lovest  thou  Me  ?  And  he  said  to  Him  : 
Lord,  Thou  knowest  all  things  :  Thou  knowest  that  I  love  Thee.  He  said 
to  him  :  feed  My  sheep. "f  Thus,  on  the  manifestation  of  his  tender  love 
and  enlightened  faith,  Peter  receives  the  commission  to  feed  the  sheep  of 
Christ,  namely,  those  who  are  to  the  faithful  as  sheep  to  lambs,  their 
parents  in  Christ.  In  the  presence  of  the  beloved  disciple,  and  of  James, 
Thomas  and  others,  Peter  receives  a  commission,  the  highest  that  could 
be  given,  by  which  he  becomes,  under  Christ,  the  shepherd  of  the  flock. 
The  declaration  of  special  love,  which  was  demanded  of  him,  shows  that 
special  power  was  to  be  imparted:  the  repetition  of  the  injunction  in 
various  forms,  manifests  the  intention  of  our  Lord  to  communicate  all  ne- 
cessary power  for  feeding,  tending  and  governing  all  His  flock. 

Our  Lord  had  foretold  the  union  of  Gentiles  and  Jews  in  His  Church. 
"  Other  sheep  I  have,"  said  He,  "  that  are  not  of  this  fold :  them  also  I 
must  bring ;  and  they  shall  hear  My  voice  :  and  there  shall  be  made  one 
fold  and  one  shepherd."!  This  was  not  to  be  accomplished  by  Himself 
personally,  since  He  was  not  sent  by  His  Father  unless  to  the  sheep  that 
had  strayed  away  of  the  house  of  Israel }  but  by  the  ministry  of  His  apos- 
tles. All  His  sheep  were  to  be  united  in  one  fold,  under  the  charge  of 
Peter. 

Apart  from  all  tradition,  and  on  the  strictest  principles  of  critical  exe- 
gesis, the  superior  authority  of  Peter  is  proved  from  the  Scripture.  We 
cannot  suppose  the  keys  of  the  kingdom,  the  confirming  of  the  brethren, 
the  feeding  of  the  lambs  and  sheep,  to  denote  no  special  authority.  We 
cannot  capriciously  extend  to  the  other  apostles  a  promise,  charge,  and 
commission,  addressed  especially  to  Peter  alone.  Christ  is  the  Good  Shep- 
herd :  He  charges  Peter  to  act  in  His  stead.  Thus,  in  withdrawing  His 
sensible  presence,  He  leaves  Peter  clothed  with  His  authority,  and  indi- 
cates its  kind  and  tender  character  by  an  image  the  most  affecting. 

In  very  many  circumstances  our  Lord  by  His  actions  signified  the  spe- 
cial power  of  Peter.  From  HIS  bark  He  teaches  the  multitude :  to  HIM 
He  gives  the  command  to  let  down  the  net,  and  rewards  his  obedience 

*  Ilot/jaii/e  TO.  Trp60ara.  //ou.  The  Vulgate  interpreter  read  dpvia.  The  Greek  term  is  taken 
for  governing,  as  kings  were  called  shepherds  of  the  people :  TTOJ/XEI-EJ  Aawv.  See  Homer, 
passim.  The  same  verb  is  constantly  used  in  the  Septuagint  to  express  the  government 
of  God,  and  of  Christ.  Ps.  ii.  9 ;  xxii.  2.  Ezek.  xxiv.  33.  Isa.  xi.  9.  Mich.  v.  2. 

"j"  POOKC  ro  irpofiara  pav.  t  John  X.  16. 


INSTITUTION   OF   THE   PRIMACY.  59 

by  a  miraculous  draught  of  fishes :  to  HIM  HE  promises  that  he  shall 
henceforth  catch  men.  He  commands  HIM  to  walk  to  Him  on  the  waters, 
and  stretches  forth  His  hand  to  support  HIM,  when  the  weakness  of  the 
apostle's  faith  causes  HIM  to  sink.  He  pays  tribute  for  HIM,  as  well  as  for 
Himself.  All  these  facts  have  forced  themselves  on  the  attention  of  the 
declared  enemies  of  the  primacy.  Barrow  supposes  the  excellent  qualities 
of  Peter  for  leadership  to  have  disposed  our  Lord  to  grant  him  the  prece- 
dency. "  They,"  he  observes,  "  probably  might  move  our  Lord  Himself 
to  settle,  or  at  least  to  insinuate  this  order ;  assigning  the  first  place  to 
him,  whom  He  knew  most  willing  to  serve  Him,  and  most  able  to  lead  on 
the  rest  in  His  service.  It  is  indeed  observable,  that  upon  all  occasions 
our  Lord  signified  a  particular  respect  to  him,  before  the  rest  of  his  col- 
leagues ;  for  to  him  more  frequently  than  to  any  of  them  He  directed  His 
discourse ;  unto  him,  by  a  kind  of  anticipation,  He  granted  or  promised 
those  gifts  and  privileges,  which  He  meant  to  confer  on  them  all :  him 
He  did  assume  as  spectator  and  witness  of  His  glorious  transfiguration ; 
him  he  picked  out  as  companion  and  attendant  on  Him  in  His  grievous 
agony ;  his  feet  He  first  washed ;  to  him  He  did  first  discover  Himself 
after  His  resurrection,  (as  St.  Paul  implieth,)  and  with  him  then  He  did 
entertain  most  discourse ;  in  especial  manner  recommending  to  him  the 
pastoral  care  of  the  Church  j  by  which  manner  of  proceeding  our  Lord 
may  seem  to  have  constituted  St.  Peter  the  first  in  order  among  the  apos- 
tles, or  sufficiently  to  have  hinted  His  mind  for  their  direction,  admonish- 
ing them  by  His  example  to  render  unto  him  a  special  deference."*  After 
such  admissions,  the  reader  must  be  surprised  to  find  Barrow  denying  all 
authoritative  primacy  in  the  apostle. 

St.  Francis  de  Sales,  with  his  ordinary  simplicity  and  force,  exhibits 
the  privileges  of  the  prince  of  the  apostles,  as  insinuated  under  various 
images  in  the  divine  writings:  "Is  the  Church  likened  unto  a  house?  It 
is  placed  on  the  foundation  of  a  rock,  which  is  Peter.  Will  you  represent 
it  under  the  figure  of  a  family  ?  You  behold  our  Redeemer  paying  the  tri- 
bute as  its  Master,  and  after  Him  comes  Peter  as  His  representative.  Is 
the  Church  a  bark  ?  Peter  is  its  pilot ;  and  it  is  our  Redeemer  who  in- 
structs him.  Is  the  doctrine  by  which  we  are  drawn  from  the  gulf  of  sin 
represented  by  a  fisher's  net?  It  is  Peter  who  casts  it;  it  is  Peter  who 
draws  it ;  the  other  disciples  lend  their  aid ;  but  it  is  Peter  that  presents 
the  fishes  to  our  Redeemer.  Is  the  Church  represented  by  an  embassy  ? 
St.  Peter  is  at  its  head.  Do  you  prefer  the  figure  of  a  kingdom  ?  St. 
Peter  carries  its  keys.  In  fine,  you  will  have  it  shadowed  under  the  sym- 
bol of  a  flock  and  a  fold  ?  St.  Peter  is  the  shepherd  and  universal  pastor 
under  Jesus  Christ."  f 

The  occasion  of  promising  this  power  was  the  confession  which  Peter 
made  of  the  divinity  of  Christ,  and  the  declaration  of  greater  love  than 

*  Barrow  on  the  Supremacy.  f  Controverses  de  S.  Franc,  de  Sales,  disc.  42. 


60  INSTITUTION   OF   THE   PRIMACY. 

that  of  the  other  apostles  was  required,  before  its  collation ;  yet  the  office 
was  not  merely  personal.  The  reward  was  the  greater,  because  it  was  to 
be  perpetuated  in  his  successors.  The  power  promised  was  directed  to  the 
advantage  of  the  Church,  which  was  to  last  throughout  ages :  the  charge 
given  regarded  all  the  sheep  of  Christ,  who  were  to  be  gathered  into  His 
fold  at  any  period  of  time.  The  image  of  a  foundation  presents  the  idea 
of  permanent  support,  since  no  fabric  can  subsist  if  the  foundation  be  re- 
moved :  the  kingdom  of  Christ  must  always  have  a  ruler,  bearing  the 
keys,  and  exercising  sovereign  power  under  Christ ;  the  brethren  must 
always  be  confirmed  in  faith  :  the  lambs  and  sheep  of  Christ  at  all  times 
need  the  care,  guidance,  and  protection  of  a  shepherd,  to  keep  them  all  in 
one  sheepfold.  Since  the  powers  of  hell  cannot  prevail  against  the  Church, 
the  fundamental  authority  of  Peter  can  never  cease :  since  the  visible 
kingdom  of  Christ  shall  endure  to  the  end  of  time,  there  must  be  always 
a  viceroy  governing  in  His  name :  since  the  prayer  of  Christ  is  always 
heard  for  His  reverence,  the  faith  of  Peter  can  never  fail :  there  shall  be 
always  one  fold,  and  there  shall  be  likewise  one  shepherd.  If  any  thing 
be  clear  in  Scripture,  it  is  the  promise  of  the  primacy  and  its  institution. 
"  To  THEE/'  says  Christ,  "  I  will  give  the  keys  of  the  kingdom  of  heaven." 
"  I  have  prayed  for  THEE  that  thy  faith  fail  not :  and  thou  being  once 
converted,  confirm  thy  brethren,"  Feed  My  lambs,  feed  My  sheep." 
He  distinguishes  this  apostle  from  the  rest :  "  Blessed  art  THOU,  Simon 
Bar-jona."  He  addresses  him  repeatedly  and  emphatically :  "  SIMON, 
SIMON."  He  calls  on  him  for  special  and  reiterated  declarations  of  at- 
tachment :  "  Dost  thou  love  Me  more  than  these  ?"  As  the  powers  given 
to  the  apostles  generally  are  continued  in  their  successors — as  the  authority 
to  teach,  baptize,  and  otherwise  concur  to  the  salvation  of  men  by  minis- 
terial functions,  is  perpetual ;  so  must  the  peculiar  privileges  of  Peter  be 
recognised  in  the  occupants  of  his  See.  .  If  among  the  apostles  it  was 
proper  that  one  should  preside,  for  the  sake  of  order  and  unity,  a  leader  is 
still  more  necessary  for  a  body  so  numerous  as  their  successors.  A  ruler 
is  indispensable  for  a  kingdom  so  extensive  as  the  Church  actually  diffused 
throughout  all  nations,  lest  being  divided,  it  be  brought  to  desolation :  a 
pastor  for  the  whole  flock  is  essential  at  all  times,  that  the  unity  of  the 
sheepfold  may  be  maintained.  Thus,  by  the  very  same  line  of  argument 
by  which  we  infer  the  perpetuity  of  the  apostolic  ministry,  we  are  led  to 
acknowledge  the  headship,  or  primacy,  as  a  permanent  institution  of 
Christ. 

What,  then,  is  the  character  of  this  primacy  ?  Limiting  myself  for  the 
present  to  the  sacred  text,  I  answer,  that  it  is  a  fundamental  principle  of 
church  organization,  having  the  same  relation  to  the  universal  Church,  as 
the  foundation  has  to  the  building :  it  is  a  central  authority  uniting  all 
the  parts  of  the  sacred  edifice,  which  rest  on  it  necessarily  and  inseparably. 
Peter  was  constituted  the  vicegerent  of  Christ,  having  received  from  Him 
the  keys  of  the  kingdom,  and  consequently  a  plenitude  of  authority,  dele- 


INSTITUTION   OF   THE   PRIMACY.  61 

gated,  however,  and  subordinate,  which  his  successor  inherits.  The  pri- 
mate of  the  Church  is  bound  to  confirm  his  brethren  in  the  faith,  which 
he  must  maintain  as  originally  delivered,  opposing,  by  all  the  weight  of 
his  authority,  every  error  adverse  to  its  integrity.  He  is  powerful  for  the 
truth :  powerless  against  the  truth.  He  must  feed  the  lambs  and  sheep 
of  Christ  with  salutary  pastures  :  he  must  use  pastoral  vigilance,  lest  they 
stray  away,  and  employ  due  care  to  reconduct  to  the  fold  those  that  have 
actually  strayed.  Since  Christ  represents  Himself  under  the  image  of  a 
good  shepherd,  in  giving  to  Peter  the  command  to  feed  His  lambs  and 
sheep,  He  imparts  the  highest  authority  under  the  most  tender  image. 

It  is  not  difficult  to  reconcile  the  headship  of  Peter  with  that  of  Christ. 
The  apostle  tells  us  that  Christ  instituted  the  ministry,  "that  performing 
the  truth  in  charity,  we  may  in  all  things  grow  up  in  Him  who  is  the 
head,  Christ;  from  whom  the  whole  body,  compacted  and  fitly  joined  to- 
gether, by  whatever  joint  supplieth,  according  to  the  operation  in  the 
measure  of  every  part,  maketh  increase  of  the  body,  unto  the  edifying  of 
itself  in  charity."*  Christ  is  clearly  styled  the  head  in  this  place,  in  a 
way  in  which  Peter  cannot  be  so  designated.  Every  grace  by  which  the 
mind  is  enlightened,  the  will  moved,  and  the  Church  built  up  in  faith  and 
charity,  is  derived  from  Christ;  not  from  Peter,  whose  office  is  ministerial 
and  external,  and  totally  dependant  on  the  supreme  invisible  head. 
"  Christ  is  the  head  of  the  Church.  He  is  the  Saviour  of  His  body."f 
Who  has  ever  thought  of  ascribing  to  Peter  headship  of  this  nature  ? 
Who  has  ever  regarded  him  as  the  Saviour  of  the  Church  ?  God  the 
Father  hath  made  Christ  "  head  over  all  the  Church,  which  is  His  body, 
and  the  fulness  of  Him,  who  is  filled  all  in  all." {  No  one  recognises  Peter 
as  head  in  this  sense.  Christ  is  "  above  all  principality,  and  power,  and 
virtue,  and  dominion,  and  every  name  that  is  named,  not  only  in  this 
world,  but  also  in  that  which  is  to  come."§  The  like  cannot  be  said  of 
Peter,  who,  under  Christ,  was  only  the  visible  head  of  the  Church  on 
earth,  governing  it  according  to  the  principles  which  He  taught,  and  in 
virtue  of  the  authority  which  He  vouchsafed  to  delegate.  Whoever  deems 
such  authority  derogatory  to  the  headship  of  Christ,  must  consider  the 
viceroy  of  a  monarch  an  antagonist  of  his  sovereign. 

The  wisdom  of  Christ  in  appointing  a  ruler  and  pastor  under  Himself, 
to  confirm  and  unite  the  brethren,  is  clearly  apparent.  Order  can  be 
maintained  in  a  body  of  men  only  by  some  authority  exercised  by  one, 
whatever  be  its  origin,  or  its  limits :  which  authority  should  be  propor- 
tioned to  the  importance  of  the  objects  to  be  attained,  and  the  number  of 
persons  to  be  directed  or  governed.  A  certain  precedency  of  rank  may 
suffice  in  a  body,  where  objects  dependent  on  the  will  of  the  members  are 
at  stake  :  but  where  high  interests,  independent  of  the  fluctuating  views 
of  men,  are  involved,  a  binding  authority,  divinely  constituted  and 

*  Eph.  iv.  15.  f  Ibid.  v.  23.  J  Eph.  i.  22.  $  Eph.  i.  21. 


62  INSTITUTION  OF   THE  PRIMACY. 

guarded,  is  necessary.  Even  among  the  apostles  a  certain  precedency  was 
enjoyed  by  Peter,  while  our  Lord  was  present.  When  He  had  withdrawn 
from  the  earth,  and  the  apostolic  band  was  augmented  by  a  large  number 
of  bishops,  and  the  Church  was  spread  throughout  many  nations,  every 
appearance  of  unity  would  soon  have  vanished,  had  there  not  been  a  cen- 
tral authority,  around  which  all  might  gather.  This  became  still  more 
necessary,  when  the  apostles  closed  their  career,  and  their  successors  were 
multiplied,  and  scattered  to  the  utmost  bounds  of  civilization,  and  beyond 
them.  Confusion  of  tongues  must  have  ensued,  had  there  not  been  a 
divinely  constituted  leader.  The  professed  subjection  of  all  to  Christ 
could  not  have  restrained  the  vagaries  of  human  opinion,  or  preserved  the 
harmony  of  believers.  Without  an  infinitude  of  miracles,  in  proportion 
to  the  number  of  professors,  and  the  diffusion  of  religion,  there  would 
have  been  no  order,  no  unity,  no  faith ;  and  the  evidence  which  our  Lord 
referred  to,  for  convincing  the  world  that  He  was  sent  by  the  Father, 
namely,  the  union  of  His  disciples  in  the  profession  of  revealed  truth,* 
would  have  been  utterly  wanting.  While  Christ  was  visibly  present,  the 
disciples  gathered  around  Him,  and  were  one  family,  He  being  the  Head ; 
when  He  was  about  to  withdraw  His  visible  presence,  He  left  Peter  at 
the  head  of  his  brethren,  pastor  of  the  fold,  and  ruler  of  the  kingdom, 
and  consecrating  in  his  person  the  principle  of  unity,  He  rendered  his 
office  perpetual  in  his  successors.  To  this  divine  arrangement  we  owe  the 
preservation  of  the  revealed  truths,  and  the  unity  of  the  Church. 

To  all  the  apostles  Christ  promised  the  power  of  binding  and  loosing, 
which  He  conferred  on  all,  by  authorizing  them  to  remit  or  retain  sins. 
He  gave  to  all  a  mission  like  that  which  He  had  received  from  His 
Father.  He  sent  all  of  them  to  preach  His  Gospel  to  every  creature,  and 
ordered  them  to  teach  all  nations  all  things  whatsoever  He  had  de- 
livered ',  promising  them  His  effectual  assistance  even  to  the  end  of  time. 
The  apostolic  power  of  each  one  was,  like  that  of  Peter,  coextensive  with 
the  world  :  but  Peter  was  pastor,  ruler  and  superior.  They  were  all  equal 
in  the  episcopal  character,  and  even  in  apostolic  authority,  with  this  dif- 
ference, that  their  power  was  subordinate  to  his,  and  to  be  exercised  ne- 
cessarily in  connection  and  harmony  with  his,  that  even  in  their  persons 
unity  might  be  exhibited.  His  universal  jurisdiction  was  a  permanent 
attribute  of  his  office,  as  pastor  and  ruler,  to  descend  and  continue  for  ever 
in  his  successors ;  while  theirs  was  a  personal  prerogative,  of  which  the 
bishops  would  partake,  without  enjoying  severally  its  plenitude.  This 
distinction  is  gathered  from  the  marked  manner  in  which  Christ  addressed 
Peter  individually,  while  He  promised  and  gave  authority  to  the  others 
in  common,  Peter  being  necessarily  included.  Bossuet  beautifully  ob- 
serves :  "  The  power  divided  among  many  imports  its  restriction  :  confer- 
red on  one  alone,  over  all  and  without  exception,  it  bears  the  evidence  of 

*  John  xvii.  21. 


INSTITUTION   OF   THE   PRIMACY.  63 

its  plenitude.  All  receive  the  same  power,  but  not  in  the  same  degree, 
nor  to  the  same  extent.  Jesus  Christ  commences  by  the  chief,  and  in  the 
person  of  the  chief  develops  all  His  power — in  order  that  we  should  learn 
that  the  ecclesiastical  authority,  being  originally  centred  in  one  individual, 
has  been  diffused  only  on  the  condition  that  it  should  always  be  reflected 
back  on  the  principle  of  its  unity,  and  that  all  they  who  share  in  it  should 
be  inseparably  connected  with  that  See,  which  is  the  common  centre  of 
all  churches."* 

*  Discours  sur  1'unite  de  1'Eglise,  1  par. 


CHAPTER  V. 


THE  charge  given  by  our  Lord  to  Peter,  to  feed  His  lambs  and  sheep,  was 
understood  by  the  early  fathers  to  imply  the  communication  of  the  high- 
est authority  under  Christ  Himself.  ORIGEN,  speaking  of  the  excellence 
of  charity,  remarks,  that  our  Lord  required  the  profession  of  it  from  Peter, 
as  a  condition  for  receiving  supreme  authority  in  the  Church  :  "  WHEN 

THE   SUPREME   POWER   TO   FEED    THE  SHEEP  WAS  GIVEN  TO  PETER,  AND 

THE  CHURCH  WAS  FOUNDED  ON  HIM,  AS  ON  A  ROCK,*  the  declaration  of 
no  other  virtue  than  charity  was  required."f 

In  his  admirable  treatise  on  the  unity  of  the  Church,  CYPRIAN  insists, 
with  great  earnestness,  on  the  provision  made  against  heresy  and  schism 
by  the  promise  made,  and  the  pastoral  power  subsequently  given  to  Peter. 
Deploring  the  havoc  of  souls  made  by  the  enemy  of  man,  who  transforms 
himself  into  an  angel  of  light,  and  puts  forward  his  ministers  as  ministers 
of  justice,  he  says  :  "  This  comes  to  pass,  beloved  brethren,  because  re- 
course is  not  had  to  the  source  of  truth,  and  the  head  is  not  sought  after, 
and  the  doctrine  of  the  Heavenly  Teacher  is  not  regarded.  If  any  one 
consider  and  examine  these  things,  there  is  no  need  of  a  lengthy  treatise 
and  of  arguments.  The  proof  of  faith  is  easy  and  compendious,  because 
true.  The  Lord  speaks  to  Peter  :  ^  I  say  to  thee,  that  thou  art  Peter,  and 
on  this  rock  I  will  build  My  Church,  and  the  gates  of  hell  shall  not  pre- 
vail against  it.  And  to  thee  I  will  give  the  keys  of  the  kingdom  of 
heaven  :  and  whatsoever  thou  shalt  bind  on  earth,  shall  be  bound  also  in 
heaven  :  and  whatsoever  thou  shalt  loose  on  earth,  shall  be  loosed  also  in 
heaven.'  And  again,  after  His  resurrection,  He  says  to  him  :  (  Feed  My 
sheep.'  Upon  that  one  individual  He  builds  Ifis  Church,  and  to  him  He 
commits  His  sheep  to  be  fed.  And  although,  after  His  resurrection,  He 
gives  to  all  the  apostles  equal  power,  and  says  :  '  As  the  Father  hath  sent 
Me,  I  also  send  you.  Receive  ye  the  Holy  Ghost  :  whose  sins  you  shall 
forgive,  they  shall  be  forgiven  them  ;  whose  sins  you  shall  retain,  they 
shall  be  retained  ;'  yet,  in  order  to  manifest  unity,  He  establishes,  by  His 
authority,  the  origin  of  the  same  unity,  which  begins  from  one.  Even 
the  other  apostles  were  certainly  what  Peter  was,  being  endowed  with 


*  Some  manuscripts  have :  super  terrain — on  the  earth, 
f  In  Ep.  ad  Rom.  i.  v.  n.  10. 
64 


EXPOSITION    OF    THE    COMMISSION.         ..  65 

equal  participation  of  honor  and  power ;  but  the  beginning  proceeds  from 
unity,  and  the  primacy  is  given  to  Peter -,  that  the  Church  of  Christ  may 
be  shown  to  be  one,  and  the  chair  one.  All  are  pastors,  and  the  flock  is 
shown  to  be  one,  which  is  fed  by  the  apostles  with  one  accord,  that  the 
Church  of  God  may  be  shown  to  be  one.  This  one  Church  the  Holy 
Ghost  also  designates,  speaking  in  the  person  of  our  Lord  in  the  Canticle 
of  Canticles,  '  My  dove  is  one,  My  perfect  one,  she  is  the  only  one  of  her 
mother,  the  chosen  one  of  her  who  bore  her/  Does  he  who  does  not  hold 
the  unity  of  the  Church,  imagine  that  he  holds  the  faith  ?  Does  he  who 
opposes  and  resists  the  Church, — who  deserts  the  chair  of  Peter,  on  whom 
the  Church  was  founded,  presume  that  he  is  in  the  Church,  while  the 
blessed  apostle  Paul  teaches  this  same  thing,  and  shows  the  sacrament  of 
unity,  saying :  ( One  body  and  one  Spirit,  one  hope  of  your  vocation,  one 
Lord,  one  faith,  one  baptism,  one  God  ?J  "* 

The  words  which  I  have  put  in  italics  were  omitted  by  Erasmus  in  his 
edition  of  the  works  of  St.  Cyprian,  published  in  1521 :  but  restored  by 
Paul  Manutius  in  an  edition  made  from  manuscripts  of  great  value,  in 
1563.  They  are  quoted  as  far  back  as  the  year  582,  by  Pelagius  II.  in 
his  second  epistle  to  the  Bishops  of  Istria,  which  forms  a  strong  presump- 
tion in  their  favor,  and  they  accord  with  the  scope  of  the  writer,  and  with 
his  language  on  several  other  occasions.  "  Neander  remarks,  no  less  than 
Mahler,"  as  Dr.  Nevin  reminds  us,  that  ll  the  clauses  contain  nothing  that 
is  not  elsewhere  affirmed  by  Cyprian,  even  more  distinctly  than  here."f 

The  object  of  the  whole  work  is  to  prove  the  inviolable  unity  of  the 
Church  •  and  in  the  passage  just  quoted,  St.  Cyprian  shows  how  the  efforts 
of  Satan  to  estrange  men  from  the  Church,  by  corrupting  their  faith,  or 
engaging  them  in  schism,  may  be  promptly  and  effectually  defeated.  He 
refers  to  the  texts  in  which  our  Lord  addresses  Peter,  and  makes  him  spe- 
cial promises.  He  admits  that,  in  other  circumstances,  similar  promises 
and  equal  power  were  given  to  all  the  apostles  :  "  yet  to  manifest  unity 
He  established,  by  His  authority,  the  origin  of  the  same  unity,  which  be- 
gins from  one."  This  cannot  mean  that  Christ  merely  insinuated  and 
recommended  unity  by  thus  beginning  with  Peter ;  since  Cyprian  insists 
throughout  that  unity  is  enjoined,  and  is  essential  to  the  Church  :  it  must 
mean  that  Christ  established  in  Peter  the  principle  and  means  of  unity. 
"  The  other  apostles  were  certainly  what  Peter  was,  being  endowed  with 
an  equal  participation  of  honor  and  power  :"  the  apostolic  office,  dignity, 
and  jurisdiction  were  the  same  in  all,  but  there  was  subordination  for  the 
maintenance  of  unity.  The  scope  and  the  whole  context  show,  that  Cy- 
prian recognised  in  Peter  a  central  and  connecting  power,  whereby  truth 
should  be  preserved  and  order  maintained. 

Barrow  himself  admits  that  the  African  fathers  generally  considered  St. 
Peter  to  have  received  from  Christ  a  primacy  of  order,  which  he  styles  a 

*  L.  de  Unit.  Eccl.  f  Art.  Cyprian,  M.  R.  July,  1852. 


66  .       EXPOSITION   OF  THE    COMMISSION. 

womanish  privilege,  as  in  truth  it  might  be  styled,  were  mere  precedence 
in  rank  given  him  j  but  this  is  to  blaspheme  Christ,  who  cannot,  without 
impiety,  be  supposed  to  have  bestowed  an  idle  distinction.  It  is  strange 
how  this  learned  opponent  of  the  supremacy,  through  a  desire  to  weaken 
the  authorities  which  support  it,  should  have  allowed  himself  to  speak  dis- 
respectfully of  the  luminaries  of  the  African  Church.  "  St.  Cyprian/'  he 
says,  "  hath  a  reason  for  it  somewhat  more  subtile  and  mystical,  supposing 
our  Lord  did  confer  on  him  a  preference  of  this  kind  to  his  brethren  (who 
otherwise  in  power  and  authority  were  equal  to  him)  that  he  might  inti- 
mate and  recommend  unity  to  us  ]  and  the  other  African  doctors  (Optatus 
and  St.  Austin)  do  commonly  harp  on  the  same  notion  !"*  He  adds, 
that  the  fathers  generally  seem  to  countenance  this  primacy  !  Thus  does 
he  virtually  abandon  the  cause  which  he  labors  to  defend. 

The  same  explanation  of  the  texts  in  question  constantly  recurs  through- 
out the  works  of  this  eloquent  prelate.  In  his  book  on  the  virginal  state, 
he  observes :  "  PETER,  TO  WHOM  THE  LORD  RECOMMENDS  THE  FEEDING 

AND    PROTECTION    OF    HlS    SHEEP,  ON  WHOM  HE   PLACED   AND   FOUNDED 

THE  CHURCH,  denies  that  he  has  silver  or  gold,  but  says  that  he  is  rich  in 
the  grace  of  Christ. "f 

ST.  CYRIL  OF  JERUSALEM,  speaking  of  the  witnesses  of  the  resurrec- 
tion, thus  distinguishes  Peter  from  the  rest :  "  Peter  testifies  it,  who  be- 
fore indeed  denied  Him,  but  who,  after  having  confessed  Him  thrice,  was 
ordered  to  feed  His  spiritual  sheep/  'J  It  is  clear  that  Cyril  considered 
this  command  to  have  been  given  specially  to  Peter. 

In  his  golden  work  on  the  priesthood,  by  which  term  he  designates  the 
episcopal  office,  CHRYSOSTOM  argues  from  the  charge  given  by  Christ  to 
Peter,  to  feed  His  sheep,  that  this  is  to  be  the  practical  evidence  of  the 
love  which  we  bear  to  our  Redeemer.  "  Speaking  with  the  prince  of  the 
apostles,  He  says  :  '  Peter,  lovest  thou  Me  V  and  Peter  answering  affirma- 
tively, He  adds :  f  If  thou  lovest  Me,  feed  My  sheep/  He  designed  to 
teach  both  Peter,  and  us  all,  His  great  benevolence  and  love  for  His 
Church :  that  by  this  means  we  also  might  cheerfully  assume  the  care  and 
charge  of  it.  For  why  did  He  shed  His  blood  ?  Certainly  that  He  might 
purchase  the  sheep,  the  care  of  which  He  committed  to  Peter,  and  to  his 
successors. §  Justly,  therefore,  Christ  thus  spoke  :  i  Who  then  is  the 
faithful  and  prudent  servant  whom  the  Lord  placed  over  His  family  ?'"|| 
The  inference  which  Chrysostom  draws  from  the  text  does  not  imply  any 
thing  inconsistent  with  its  special  application  to  Peter,  whom  he  recog- 
nises as  "  endowed  by  Christ  with  special  authority  far  surpassing  the 
other  apostles :  for  He  says :  '  Peter,  dost  thou  love  Me  more  than  all 
these  ?'"![  Again,  in  his  commentary  on  the  Gospel  of  St.  John,  when 
expressly  engaged  in  the  exposition  of  the  text,  he  asks :  "  Why  does  He 


*  A  Treatise  of  the  Pope's  Supremacy,  Suppos.  1.  f  L.  de  habitu  virginum,  $  x. 

J  Cat.  xiv.  g  Tot;  //cr'  sKsifov.  |j  L.  ii.  de  sacerdotio.  ^  Ibidem. 


EXPOSITION   OF   THE   COMMISSION.  67 

address  Peter  concerning  the  sheep,  passing  by  the  others  ?    HE  WAS  THE 

CHIEF    OF    THE    APOSTLES,  AND  MOUTH  OF  THE   DISCIPLES,  AND  HEAD  OF 
THAT   BODY  :    ON  WHICH  ACCOUNT  PAUL   ALSO   WENT  UP  TO  SEE  HIM,  IN 

PREFERENCE  TO  THE  OTHERS.     Showing  him  at  the  same  time,  that  he 
must  have  confidence  hereafter,  He  cancels  the  guilt  of  his  denial,  and 

GIVES  HIM  THE  PRESIDENCY  OVER   THE   BRETHREN.    .    .    .    And  He  Says  : 

'  because  thou  lovest  Me,  preside  over  the  brethren.'  "* 

The  pastoral  and  governing  authority  of  Peter  is  clearly  set  forth  by  ST. 
AMBROSE  in  many  places,  in  which  he  treats  of  the  commission  given  to 
him  by  Christ,  to  feed  His  sheep.  In  his  forty-sixth  sermon  he  observes, 
"  When  he  was  thrice  questioned  by  the  Lord  :  '  Simon,  dost  thou  love 
Me  ¥  he  answered  thrice,  f  Lord,  Thou  knowest  that  I  love  Thee.'  The 
Lord  says  :  '  Feed  My  sheep.'  This  was  said  thrice  ;  the  triple  repetition 
serving  to  compensate  for  his  former  fault  :  for  he  who  had  denied  the 
Lord  thrice,  confesses  Him  thrice,  and  as  often  as  he  had  contracted  guilt 
by  his  delinquency,  he  gains  favor  by  his  love.  See,  therefore,  how  pro- 
fitable to  Peter  was  his  weeping.  Before  he  wept,  he  fell  ;  after  he  wept, 
he  was  chosen,  and  he  who  had  been  a  prevaricator  before,  was  made  a 
pastor  after  his  tears,  and  he  received  the  government  of  others,  who  be- 
fore had  not  governed  himself."  In  his  exposition  of  the  118th  Psalm, 
he  says:  "On  this  account  Christ  enjoined  on  Peter  to  feed  His  flock, 
and  do  the  will  of  his  Lord,  because  He  knew  his  love."f  In  his  com- 
mentary on  Luke,  Ambrose  says  of  Peter  :  "  He  is  afflicted  because  he  is 
questioned  the  third  time,  Dost  thou  love  Me  ?  But  the  Lord  does  not 
doubt  :  He  interrogates  him,  not  to  ascertain  the  fact,  but  to  teach  him, 
whom,  when  He  was  about  to  be  elevated  to  heaven,  HE  LEFT  TO  us  AS 
THE  VICAR  OF  His  LOVE.  For  thus  you  have  :  '  Simon,  son  of  John,  dost 
thou  love  Me  ?'  '  Thou  knowest,  Lord,  that  I  love  Thee/  Jesus  said  to 
him,  <  Feed  My  lambs.'  And  because  he  alone  of  all  professes  his  love, 
HE  is  PREFERRED  TO  ALL."J  Peter,  then,  was  made  pastor  and  governor, 
and  vicar  of  JESUS  CHRIST,  to  perform  toward  men  the  kind  offices  which 
divine  love  inspired,  and  was  preferred  to  all. 

The  disciple  of  Ambrose  does  not  differ  from  his  master  in  the  inter- 
pretation of  the  sacred  text.  AUGUSTIN  writes  :  "  For  Peter  himself,  to 
whom  He  intrusted  His  sheep,  as  to  another  self,  He  willed  to  make  one 
with  Himself,  that  so  He  might  intrust  His  sheep  to  him  ;  that  He  might 
be  the  head,  the  other  bear  the  figure  of  the  body,  that  is,  the  Church  • 
and  that,  as  man  and  wife,  they  might  be  two  in  one  flesh.  "§  This  gives 
us  the  highest  idea  of  the  relation  of  Peter  to  Christ  and  to  the  flock.  In 
intrusting  him  with  the  charge  of  the  sheep,  Christ  made  him  as  another 


*  In  c.  xxi.  Joan.  horn.  Ixxxvii.  t.  iii.  '  On  «'  (pixels  JUE  rrpot'oroo-o  T&V  HtkfttHf,  Mr.  Palmer 
translates  :  «  If  thou  lovest  Me,  protect  the  brethren.'  Treatise  on  the  Church,  part  vii. 
ch.  1.  vol.  ii.  p.  461.  It  signifies  to  preside  over  itpoSs-ures,  qui  imperiura  habent,. 

f  Enar.  xiii.  t  In  Luc.  1.  x.  u.  175. 

I  Sera.  xlvi.  de  past,  in  Ezek.  34.  torn.  v.  240  F. 


68  EXPOSITION   OF   THE   COMMISSION. 

self,  putting  him  in  His  own  place.  Peter  is  said  to  represent  the  Church; 
but  evidently  in  his  official  character,  as  pastor  of  the  whole  flock,  and  in 
this  respect  he  becomes,  as  it  were,  one  with  Christ,  as  the  Church  is  one 
with  her  Divine  spouse,  by  the  mysterious  union  of  faith  and  love.  Else- 
where, Augustin  teaches  that  the  other  apostles  were  also  commissioned 
to  feed  the  flock,  because  all  were  sent  to  teach  and  administer  the  sacra- 
ments, but  he  is  careful  to  mark  the  prerogative  of  Peter :  "  For  deserv- 
edly, after  His  resurrection,  the  Lord  delivered  His  sheep  to  Peter  him- 
self to  feed ;  for  he  was  not  the  only  one  among  the  disciples  who  was 
thought  worthy  to  feed  the  Lord's  sheep.  But  when  Christ  speaks  to  one, 
unity  is  commended ;  and  to  Peter  above  all,  because  Peter  is  the  first 
among  the  apostles."*  St.  Augustin  justly  infers  the  authority  which  all 
bishops  have  received,  to  feed  the  sheep  of  Christ,  since  the  power  granted 
to  him  was  communicable  to  others :  "  Therefore  hath  the  Lord  com- 
mended His  sheep  to  us,  because  He  commended  them  to  Peter."f 

That  Peter  received  charge  of  the  sheep  of  Christ,  in  a  special  manner, 
is  declared  by  Augustin,  when  enumerating  the  motives  which  retained 
him  in  the  Church:  "I  am  retained,"  said  he,  " by  the  succession  of 
priests  from  the  very  See  of  the  apostle  Peter,  to  whom  our  Lord,  after 
His  resurrection,  intrusted  the  feeding  of  His  sheep,  down  to  the  actual 
bishop."! 

ST.  LEO  beautifully  expounds  the  pastoral  commission  in  connection 
with  the  charge  to  confirm  the  brethren,  and  the  prayer  of  Christ  for  its 
fulfilment :  "  Since,  therefore,  beloved,  we  see  such  a  protection  divinely 
granted  to  us,  reasonably  and  justly  do  we  rejoice  in  the  merits  and  dig- 
nity of  our  chief,  rendering  thanks  to  the  Eternal  King,  our  Redeemer, 
the  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  for  having  given  so  great  a  power  to  him  whom  He 
made  chief  of  the  whole  Church,  that  if  any  thing,  even  in  our  time,  be 
rightly  done  and  rightly  ordered  by  us,  it  is  to  be  ascribed  to  his  working, 
to  his  guidance,  unto  whom  it  was  said :  l  And  thou,  being  once  converted, 
confirm  thy  brethren  :'  and  to  whom  the  Lord,  after  His  resurrection,  in 
answer  to  the  triple  profession  of  perpetual  love,  thrice  said  with  mystical 
intent,  {  Feed  My  sheep/  And  this,  beyond  a  doubt,  the  pious  shepherd 
doth  even  now,  and  fulfils  the  charge  of  his  Lord ;  strengthening  us  with 
his  exhortations,  and  not  ceasing  to  pray  for  us,  that  we  may  be  overcome 
by  no  temptation."§  The  great  power  granted  to  Peter  especially,  and  to 
his  successors,  is  strongly  declared  by  the  holy  pontiff,  who  justly  ascribes 
the  constancy  in  faith  which  distinguishes  the  occupants  of  the  See  to  the 
prayer  of  Christ,  that  the  faith  of  Peter  might  not  fail. 

St.  Eucherius,  who  occupied  the  See  of  Lyons  toward  the  middle  of  the 


*  Serm.  ccxcvi.  in  nat.  Apost.  torn.  v.  1195  F. 

f  Ibidem.     Tom.  v.  1199  D,  1202  F. 

J  L.  contra  epist.  Maniehaei,  quam  vocant  fundament!. 

§  In  Aaniv.  Consecr. 


EXPOSITION   OF   THE   COMMISSION.  69 

fifth  century,  in  his  discourse  on  the  feast  of  the  apostles,  Peter  and  Paul, 
observes  that  "  our  Lord  intrusted  to  Peter,  first  the  lambs,  and  then  the 
sheep,  because  He  constituted  him  not  only  a  shepherd,  but  the  shepherd 
of  shepherds.  Peter  therefore  feeds  the  lambs :  he  feeds  the  sheep  like- 
wise; he  feeds  the  young,  and  feeds  the  mothers :  he  rules  both  subjects 
and  prelates.  He  is  then  shepherd  over  all,  because  besides  lambs  and 
sheep  there  is  nothing  in  the  Church." 

ST.  GREGORY  THE  GREAT  writes  :  "  To  all  who  know  the  Gospel,  it  is 
manifest  that  THE  CHARGE  OF  THE  WHOLE  CHURCH  was  intrusted  by  the 
voice  of  the  Lord  to  the  holy  apostle  Peter,  chief  of  all  the  apostles.  For 
to  him  is  said:  Peter,  lovest  thou  Me  ?  Feed  My  sheep/'*  This  com- 
mission, therefore,  implied  the  charge  of  the  whole  Church. 

Although  I  have  generally  confined  my  quotations  to  the  fathers  of  the 
six  first  ages,  I  cannot  refrain  from  giving  the  reader  the  benefit  of  the 
reasoning  of  ST.  BERNARD,  "  the  last  of  the  fathers  in  age,  but  equal  to 
the  first  in  glory,"  as  Mr.  Allies  describes  him.  Addressing  Pope  Euge- 
nius,  he  says  :  "  You  are  he  to  whom  the  keys  were  given ;  to  whom  the 
sheep  were  intrusted.  There  are,  indeed,  likewise,  other  gate-keepers  of 
heaven,  and  shepherds  of  the  flocks  •  but  you  have  inherited  both  titles  in 
a  sense  far  different  and  more  sublime.  They  have,  each  of  them,  their 
respective  flocks  severally  assigned  to  them :  all  have  been  intrusted  to 
you,  as  one  flock  to  one  man.  Nor  are  you  shepherd  of  the  sheep  alone, 
but  of  the  shepherds  also ;  the  one  shepherd  of  all.  Do  you  ask  me  how 
I  prove  this  ?  From  the  word  of  the  Lord.  For  to  which  I  do  not  say  of 
the  bishops,  but  of  the  apostles  themselves,  were  the  sheep  committed  so 
absolutely  and  unreservedly  ?  '  If  thou  lovest  Me,  Peter,  feed  My  sheep/ 
What  sheep  ?  The  people  of  this  or  that  district,  city,  or  kingdom  ?  '  My 
sheep/  He  says.  Who  does  not  manifestly  see  that  He  did  not  particu- 
larize any,  but  assigned  them  all  to  him  ?  None  are  excepted,  where  no 
distinction  is  made.  The  other  disciples  were  perchance  present,  when 
intrusting  all  to  one,  He  recommended  unity  to  all,  in  one  flock  and  one 
shepherd  :  according  to  that  passage  :  £  My  dove  is  one,  My  beautiful  one, 
My  perfect  one/  "f  This  exposition,  which  is  strictly  literal,  is  fully  sus- 
tained by  the  testimonies  of  the  early  fathers,  which  I  have  already  quoted, 
as  well  as  by  the  acts  of  pastoral  authority  exercised  by  Peter,  and  re- 
corded in  the  divine  writings. 

*  Lib.  v.  ep.  xx.  f  L.  ii.  de  Consider,  c.  viii. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

ferric  0f  %  IJrtacj  bg  St 

IT  is  impossible  not  to  be  struck  with  the  prominent  part  which  Peter 
acted  in  the  establishment  of  the  Church.  While  the  disciples  were 
awaiting  the  fulfilment  of  the  promise  of  Christ,  and  preparing  by  prayer 
for  the  coming  of  the  Paraclete,  Peter  arose,  and  proposed  to  fill  the  va- 
cancy which  the  fall  of  Judas  had  occasioned.  Under  divine  illumination 
he  unfolds  the  meaning  of  the  sacred  oracles,  which  predicted  the  treach- 
ery of  this  apostle,  and  directed  that  another  should  take  his  bishopric  : 
he  determines  the  qualifications  of  the  successor :  and  if  he  does  not  him- 
self choose  the  individual,  it  is  from  no  want  of  power,  but  to  give  a  laud- 
able example  of  its  moderate  exercise.  This  condescension  is  justly  ad- 
mired by  the  eloquent  Bishop  of  Constantinople :  "  Being  fervent  and 
intrusted  by  Christ  with  the  care  of  the  flock,  and  being  the  leader  of  the 
band,  he  is  always  the  first  to  speak.  Why  did  he  not  himself  alone  be- 
seech Christ  to  give  him  some  one  in  the  place  of  Judas  ?  Why  do  not 
the  brethren  of  themselves  undertake  the  election  ?  See  how  he  does  all 
things  with  the  general  consent,  nothing  arbitrarily,  nothing  imperiously. 
Brethren,  he  says.  Since  the  Lord  called  his  disciples  brethren,  still  more 
should  he  style  them  such.  Wherefore  he  addressed  them,  all  being  pre- 
sent. Behold  the  dignity  of  the  Church,  and  its  angelic  state.  Why  does 
he  confer  with  them  on  this  matter  ?  Lest  it  become  a  subject  of  dispute, 
and  they  fall  into  dissensions.  He  leaves  the  choice  to  the  judgment  of 
the  multitude,  thus  securing  their  regard  for  the  objects  of  their  choice, 
and  freeing  himself  from  jealousy.  COULD  NOT  PETER  HIMSELF  HAVE 
CHOSEN  THE  INDIVIDUAL  ?  BY  ALL  MEANS  :  but  he  abstains  from  doing 
it,  lest  he  should  appear  to  indulge  partiality.  He  is  the  first  to  proceed  in 
this  affair,  because  ALL  HAVE  BEEN  DELIVERED  OVER  INTO  HIS  HANDS  : 
for  to  him  Christ  said :  Thou  being  once  converted,  confirm  thy  bre- 
thren."* It  is  gratifying  to  be  able  to  show  in  what  light  this  act  was 
viewed  by  so  bright  an  ornament  of  the  Greek  Church — one  of  the  most 
illustrious  men  of  antiquity — the  occupant  of  the  chair  of  the  imperial 
city,  the  new  Rome.  In  the  conduct  of  Peter  on  this  occasion,  Chrysos- 
tom  recognises  a  splendid  instance  of  the  moderate  use  of  supreme  power. 

A  still  more  manifest  exercise  of  the  high  office  of  Peter,  as  guardian 


*  Chrysost.  horn.  iii.  in  1  cap.  Act. 
70 


EXERCISE   OF   THE   PRIMACY  BY   ST.    PETER.  71 

of  the  faith,  occurs  in  the  history  of  the  first  Council  of  Jerusalem.  Great 
excitement  was  caused  at  Antioch  by  certain  Judaizing  Christians,  who 
insisted  that  the  converts  from  the  Gentiles  should  be  subjected  to  cir- 
cumcision and  the  legal  observances.  "  Paul  and  Barnabas  had  no  small 
contest  with  them,"*  without  being  able  to  induce  all  to  acquiesce  in  their 
judgment;  wherefore  it  was  determined  that  they  "and  certain  others  of 
the  other  side,  should  go  up  to  the  apostles  and  priests  to  Jerusalem  about 
this  question."  "  Accordingly  the  apostles  and  ancients  came  together  to 
consider  of  this  matter,  and  when  there  was  much  disputing,  Peter  rising 
up  said  to  them  :  Brethren,  you  know  that  in  former  days  God  made 
choice  among  us,  that  the  Gentiles  by  my  mouth  should  hear  the  word  of 
the  Gospel,  and  believe.  And  God,  who  knoweth  the  hearts,  gave  them 
testimony,  giving  to  them  the  Holy  Ghost,  as  well  as  to  us :  and  made  no 
difference  between  us  and  them,  purifying  their  hearts  by  faith.  Now, 
therefore,  why  tempt  you  God  to  put  a  yoke  upon  the  necks  of  the  dis- 
ciples, which  neither  our  fathers  nor  we  were  able  to  bear  ?  But  by  the 
grace  of  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ  we  believe  to  be  saved,  even  as  they."  The 
result  of  this  address  is  worthy  of  attention  :  "  All  the  multitude  held  their 
peace. "f  There  was  great  contention  previously  at  Antioch,  notwithstand- 
ing the  reverence  due  to  the  apostolic  character  in  Paul  and  Barnabas ;  it 
is  renewed  in  the  Council ;  when  Peter,  rising  up,  reminds  them  that  he 
had  been  chosen  to  announce  the  Gospel  to  the  Gentiles,  and  that  God  had 
given  evidence  of  His  favor  toward  them ;  he  reproaches  them  for  seeking 
to  burden  them  unnecessarily  with  the  multifarious  observances  of  the 
ceremonial  law,  and  declares  the  great  principle  of  faith  in  Jesus  Christ,  as 
the  only  foundation  of  hope,  for  Jew  or  Gentile.  No  sooner  has  he  spoken 
than  all  acquiesce  :  no  murmur,  no  dissenting  voice  is  heard  :  all  opposi- 
tion ceases :  and  whoever  rises  to  speak,  only  confirms,  like  Paul  and 
Barnabas,  by  the  narrative  of  miraculous  facts,  what  Peter  had  declared, 
of  the  favor  shown  by  God  to  the  Gentiles ;  or,  like  James,  refers  to  the 
prophecies,  adding  the  suggestion^  of  measures  to  be  decreed,  that  the 
principle  might  be  carried  into  successful  execution.  I  do  not  see  how 
any  man  can  read  the  simple  history  of  this  controversy,  by  the  inspired 
writer,  without  perceiving  the  great  weight  of  Peter's  authority  in  its  ter- 
mination. The  letter  of  the  Council  drawn  up  in  the  name  of  the  apos- 
tles and  ancients,  which  expresses  the  principle  laid  down  by  Peter,  and 
the  practical  measure  suggested  by  James,  is  declared  to  emanate  from  tho 
Holy  Ghost :  "  it  hath  seemed  good  to  the  Holy  Ghost  and  to  us."§  The 
writers  of  antiquity  speak  of  it  as  the  sentence  or  decree  of  Peter.  TER- 
TULLIAN  describes  it  as  the  exercise  of  his  power  of  binding  and  loosing : 

*  Acts  xv.  2.  f  Ibid-  xv-  2- 

|  Kpti/w,  "  I  judge,"  is  the  simple  expression  of  sentiment,  whether  authoritative,  or 
void  of  authority.     See  Thucydid.  iv.  60.     It  corresponds  to  the  Latin  cenaeo. 
Acts  xv.  28. 


72  EXERCISE    OF   THE   PRIMACY   BY   ST.    PETER. 

"  the  decree  of  Peter  loosed  such  things  of  the  law  as  were  set  aside,  and 
bound  fast  such  as  were  retained."*  ST.  JEROM  calls  Peter  the  author 
of  this  decree  ;f  and  the  celebrated  THEODORET,  Bishop  of  Cyr,  speaks  of 
the  controversy  as  a  matter  referred  by  Paul  to  Peter,  that  by  his  au- 
thority it  might  be  definitely  settled.  Writing  to  Pope  Leo,  he  says  :  "  If 
Paul,  who  was  the  herald  of  truth,  the  organ  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  had  re- 
course to  the  great  Peter,  in  order  to  obtain  a  decision  from  him  concern- 
ing the  observances  of  the  law,  for  those  who  disputed  at  Antioch  on  this 
subject;  with  much  greater  reason  we,  who  are  abject  and  weak,  have 
recourse  to  your  Apostolic  See,  that  we  may  receive  from  you  remedies  for 
the  wounds  of  the  churches,  for  it  is  fit  that  in  all  things  you  should  be 
first,  since  your  throne  is  adorned  with  many  prerogatives."!  Cave,  the 
learned  Anglican  critic,  explains  the  words  of  Paul,  that  "  he  went  to 
Jerusalem  to  see  Peter,"  of  his  going  up  on  this  occasion,  "  Peter  being 
the  leading  character  in  the  Council. "§ 

ST.  CHRYSOSTOM  calls  our  attention  to  the  wisdom  with  which  Peter 
permitted  the  discussion,  before  he  interposed  his  authority :  "  See,"  says 
he,  "he  allows  the  inquiry  and  dispute  to  go  on,  and  then  he  himself 
speaks."  1 1  As  an  evidence  of  the  harmony  and  condescension  which  pre- 
vailed in  the  Council,  he  remarks  that  Paul  was  allowed  to  speak  after 
Peter  had  pronounced  judgment :  "  See,  Paul  speaks  after  Peter,  and  no 
one  closes  his  mouth. "^[  Even  Barrow  cannot  dissemble  the  prominent 
part  which  St.  Peter  bore  in  this  Council  and  in  apostolic  assemblies 
generally :  "  At  the  consultation,"  he  observes,  "  about  supplying  the 
place  of  Judas,  he  rose  up,  proposed,  and  pressed  the  matter.  At  the 
convention  of  the  apostles  and  elders,  about  resolving  the  debate  concern- 
ing observance  of  Mosaical  institutions,  he  first  rose  up,  and  declared  his 
sense.  In  the  promulgation  of  the  Gospel,  and  defence  thereof,  before 
the  Jewish  rulers,  he  did  assume  the  conduct,  and  constantly  took  upon 
him  to  be  the  speaker ;  the  rest  standing  by  him,  implying  assent,  and 
ready  to  avow  his  word."** 

It  has  pleased  the  Holy  Spirit  to  leave  on  record  only  a  few  of  the  cir- 
cumstances connected  with  this  model  of  Councils  :  which,  however,  sufii- 
ciently  show  that  Peter  either  called  the  Council,  or  assented  to  its  con- 
vocation ;  that  he  spoke  with  authority  and  effect,  silencing  all  disputation 
by  his  discourse ;  and  that  the  decree  was  in  strict  conformity  with  his 
judgment.  The  forms  are  of  little  importance  where  the  authority  is  fully 

*  L.  de  pudicitia. 

•f  Principem  hujus  fuisse  decreti.  S.  Hieron.  Aug.  Ep.  45,  alias  xi.  inter  August.  T.  8, 
col.  172,  torn.  ii.  J  Ad  Leonem.  Ep.  cxiii. 

$  Petrura  ibi  convenit,  occasione,  ut  videtur  concilii  apostolici — cujus  Petrus  pars  magna 
fuit,  Seec.  Ap.  p.  6. 

||  S.  Chrys.  horn.  xxii.  in  c.  xv.  Act.  Ap.  p.  259,  torn.  iii.     Edit.  Paris,  1687. 

^  Horn,  xxxiii.  p.  260.  ##  A  Treatise  of  the  Pope's  Supremacy.     Supposition  1. 


EXERCISE   OF   THE   PRIMACY   BY  ST.    PETER.  73 

respected  and  admitted.  To  be  Prince  and  Primate  in  the  Church  of 
God,  it  was  not  necessary  that  he  should  stand  alone,  separated  from  his 
colleagues  in  the  apostleship  and  episcopacy,  and  resting  solely  on  the 
prerogative  of  his  station.  It  is  delightful  to  see  him  in  the  Council  of 
his  brethren,  causing  the  ardor  of  disputation  to  subside  by  authoritative 
instruction,  and  enlightening  the  minds  of  his  colleagues,  and  of  the -faith- 
ful, by  unfolding  to  them  the  oracles  of  God.  The  decree  which  expresses 
his  judgment,  and  that  of  his  colleagues,  as  well  as  the  faith  of  the  whole 
Church,  is  no  way  derogatory  to  his  high  prerogative. 

The  eloquent  Bishop  of  Meaux  presents,  at  one  view,  the  various  cir- 
cumstances in  which  Peter  appears  foremost :  "  Peter,"  says  he,  "  appears 
the  first  on  all  occasions :  the  first  to  confess  the  faith ;  the  first  to  express 
his  obligation  of  love ;  the  first  of  all  the  apostles  who  saw  Christ  after 
His  resurrection,  as  he  was  the  first  to  bear  testimony  to  this  fact  before 
all  the  people.  We  find  him  first,  when  there  was  question  of  filling  up 
the  number  of  the  apostles ;  the  first  who  confirmed  the  faith  by  a  miracle, 
the  first  to  convert  the  Jews,  the  first  to  receive  the  Gentiles }  in  short, 
every  thing  covurs  to  establish  his  supremacy/'*  Potter  remarks  :  "  Our 
Lord  appeared  to  Peter  after  His  resurrection,  before  the  rest  of  the  apos- 
tles ;  and,  before  this,  He  sent  the  message  of  His  resurrection  to  him  in 
particular."  Having  specified  the  various  acts  of  Peter  after  the  ascension 
of  -our  Lord,  he  concludes  thus :  "  From  these  and  other  examples  which 
occur  in  the  Scriptures,  IT  is  EVIDENT  THAT  ST.  PETER  ACTED  AS  CHIEF 
OP  THE  COLLEGE  OF  APOSTLES,  and  so  he  is  constantly  described  by  the 
primitive  writers  of  the  Church,  who  call  him  the  Head,  the  President, 
the  Prolocutor,  the  Chief,  the  Foreman  of  the  apostles,  with  several  other 
titles  of  distinction. "f  Even  Calvin,  in  endeavoring  to  meet  the  argu- 
ment in  favor  of  the  primacy,  drawn  from  the  general  visitation  of  the 
churchesj  by  Peter,  admits  the  fact :  "  Granting  that  Peter  was  the  chief 
apostle,  as  the  Scripture  often  shows,  does  it  follow,"  he  asks,  "  that  he 
was  the  head  of  the  world  ?"§ 

Against  facts  which  so  strongly  mark  the  superior  authority  of  Peter,  a 
term  of  equivocal  import  used  by  the  sacred  historian  is  sometimes  ob- 
jected. "  When  the  apostles  who  were  in  Jerusalem  had  heard  that 
Samaria  had  received  the  word  of  God,  they  sent  to  them  Peter  and 
John." ||  To  send  ordinarily  supposes  the  superiority  of  him  who  sends; 
but  the  term  is  often  used,  where  solicitation,  counsel,  and  the  expression 
of  desire  are  only  meant.  When  the  tribes  of  Ruben  and  Gad,  and  half 
the  tribe  of  Manasses,  had  erected  an  altar  near  the  Jordan,  the  children 

*  Discours  sur  I'unit6  de  1'Eglise. 

f  On  Church  Government,  p.  72,  74.  J  Acts  ix.  32. 

$  In  locum.  This  qualified  concession  is  very  different  from  that  admission  which  De 
Maistre  most  unaccountably  ascribes  to  him,  by  applying  to  the  Bishop  of  Rome  what 
Calvin  says  of  the  Jewish  High-Priest.  Du  Pape,  ch.  ix.  Calv.  Inst.  vi.  $  11. 

I!  Acts  viii.  14. 


74  EXERCISE   OF   THE   PRIMACY   OF   ST.    PETER. 

of  Israel  "  sent  to  them  into  the  land  of  Galaad,  Phinees,  the  son  of 
Eleazar  the  priest,  and  ten  princes  with  him,  one  of  every  tribe. "*  This 
mission  derogated  in  no  degree  from  the  high  dignity  of  the  priesthood, 
since  it  was  doubtless  a  proposal  made  and  accepted,  rather  than  a  com- 
mand given  with  authority.  When  the  dispute  concerning  the  ceremonial 
law  arose  at  Antioch,  "  they  determined  that  Paul  and  Barnabas,  and  cer- 
tain others  of  the  other  side,  should  go  up  to  the  apostles  and  priests  to 
Jerusalem,  about  this  question. "f  This  language  is  certainly  as  strong, 
at  least,  as  if  it  were  said :  "  They  sent  Paul  and  Barnabas  ;"  and  yet  no 
one  thence  infers  that  these  apostles  were  inferior  to  the  faithful,  at  whose 
solicitation  they  undertook  this  journey.  The  apostles  at  Jerusalem  sent 
Peter  and  John  to  Samaria,  by  urging  the  expediency  of  the  visit,  not  by 
a  positive  injunction  :  for  no  one  pretends  that  these  apostles  were  inferior 
in  authority  to  the  rest,  as  they  certainly  would  have  been,  if  they  had 
acted  under  a  positive  command. 

The  condescension  of  St.  Peter,  in  explaining  the  motives  of  his  con- 
duct to  the  disciples  who  murmured  against  him,  on  account  of  his  having 
admitted  Cornelius  and  his  family  into  the  Church,  is  perfectly  consistent 
with  his  official  supremacy.  Superiors  cannot  prevent  the  murmurs  of 
their  subjects,  or  silence  them  effectually,  by  an  appeal  to  their  own  au- 
thority. Persuasion  must  often  be  employed  to  convince  them  that  the 
exercise  of  power  is  not  capricious,  or  ill-advised.  But  if  the  faithful 
knew  Peter  to  be  supreme  ruler  of  the  Church  on  earth,  it  is  said  they 
would  not  have  dared  question  the  wisdom  of  his  acts.  It  did  not,  indeed, 
become  them  to  question  it:  yet  since  the  Israelites  of  old  murmured 
against  Moses,  whose  mission  was  proved  by  stupendous  prodigies,  need 
we  wonder  that  some  of  the  first  believers  ventured  to  dispute  the  pro- 
priety of  the  course  pursued  by  Peter  ?  The  prejudices  of  nations  do  not 
always  yield  instantaneously  to  religious  influences,  and  the  distinction  of 
castes  is  not  easily  forgotten.  The  Jews  regarded  the  heathens  with  an 
aversion  bordering  on  abhorrence,  so  that  with  the  evidence  before  them 
of  the  communication  of  the  gifts  of  the  Holy  Ghost  to  Cornelius  and  his 
family,  they  were  filled  with  amazement.  ST.  GREGORY  THE  GREAT  de- 
rives from  the  conduct  of  Peter,  on  this  occasion,  a  lesson  of  humility : 
"  When  Peter  was  blamed  by  the  faithful,  had  he  regarded  the  authority 
which  he  had  received  in  the  Holy  Church,  he  might  have  answered,  that 
the  sheep  should  not  dare  reprove  the  shepherd,  to  whom  they  had  been 
intrusted.  But  if,  on  the  complaint  of  the  faithful,  he  had  made  mention 
of  his  own  power,  he  would  not  truly  have  been  the  teacher  of  meekness. 
He  appeased  them,  therefore,  in  an  humble  manner,  and  in  the  case  for 
which  they  blamed  him,  he  even  brought  forward  witnesses  :  i  These  six 
brethren  came  also  with  me/  Since  then  the  pastor  of  the  Church,  the 
prince  of  the  apostles,  he  who  performed  in  an  extraordinary  manner  signs 

*  Josue  xxii.  13,  14.  f  Acts  xv.  2. 


EXERCISE   OF    THE   PRIMACY   BY   ST.  PETER.  75 

and  miracles,  did  not  disdain  humbly  to  give  an  explanation  of  the  con- 
duct for  which  he  was  blamed,  how  much  more  should  we  who  are  sin- 
ners, when  we  are  blamed  for  any  thing,  be  ready  to  appease  our  censors 
by  humble  explanations  ?"* 

The  strongest  objection  adduced  against  the  superior  authority  of  Peter 
is  the  resistance  made  to  him  by  Paul,  and  the  rebuke  given  him  on  ac- 
count of  his  declining  familiar  intercourse  with  the  converted  Gentiles, 
through  fear  of  offending  the  Jews  who  had  recently  arrived  at  Antioch. 
I  have  elsewhere  stated  the  doubts  entertained  by  some  learned  men  as  to 
the  identity  of  Cephas  with  the  apostle  :f  but  waiving  this  critical  point, 
I  see  nothing  in  bold  remonstrance,  such  as  Paul  used,  inconsistent  with 
the  supremacy  of  him  to  whom  it  was  addressed.  The  matter  in  question 
was  one  of  mere  prudence  and  expediency,  where  offence  was  sure  to  be 
given,  whichever  course  might  be  pursued ;  and  Cephas  having  adopted  a 
line  of  conduct  offensive  to  the  Gentiles,  and  prejudicial  to  the  liberty 
which  we  have  in  Christ,  Paul,  prompted  by  zeal  for  the  Gentile  converts, 
remonstrated  in  strong  language,  and  in  a  public  manner  :  "  When  Cephas 
was  come  to  Antioch,  I  withstood  him  to  the  face,  because  he  was  blame- 
able — when  I  saw  that  they  walked  not  uprightly  unto  the  truth  of  the 
Gospel,  1  said  to  Cephas,  before  them  all :  If  thou,  being  a  Jew,  livest 
after  the  manner  of  the  Gentiles,  and  not  of  the  Jews,  how  dost  thou 
compel  the  Gentiles  to  follow  the  way  of  the  Jews  ?" J  What  the  apostle 
here  calls  walking  not  uprightly  unto  the  truth  of  the  Gospel,  he  terms 
likewise  dissimulation,  meaning  plainly  a  course  inconsistent  with  the  in- 
genuous and  independent  avowal  of  the  great  principle  of  Gospel  liberty : 
not  a  betrayal  of  divine  truth,  by  teaching  erroneous  doctrine.  No  one 
pretends  that  either  apostle  deviated  from  the  faith,  or  that  Paul  reproved 
Peter,  as  a  superior  checks  an  inferior.  "Paul  reproved  Peter,"  says 
TERTULLIAN,  "  for  no  other  reason,  however,  than  the  change  of  his  mode 
of  living,  which  he  varied  according  to  the  class  of  persons  with  whom  he 
associated;  not  for  any  corruption  of  divine  truth. "§  AUGUSTIN,  speak- 
ing of  this  fact,  admires  the  intrepidity  of  Paul  and  the  humility  of  Peter : 
"  A  just  liberty,"  he  says,  "  is  to  be  admired  in  Paul,  and  holy  humility 
in  Peter." ||  GREGORY  THE  GREAT  cries  out:  "Behold,  he  is  reproved 
by  his  inferior,  and  he  does  not  disdain  to  receive  the  reproof:  he  does  not 
remind  him,  that  he  has  received  the  keys  of  the  kingdom  of  heaven."*|f 

The  respect  of  Paul  for  Peter  is  evident  from  this  same  epistle ;  for,  al- 
though, in  order  to  convince  the  Galatians  of  the  divine  origin  of  the  doc- 
trine which  he  delivered,  he  states  that  those  who  appeared  to  be  pillars 
in  the  Church,  contributed  nothing  to  his  instruction,  and  that  on  his  con- 

*  L.  xi.  ep.  xiv. 

f  Letters  on  the  Primacy,  p.  51,  and  Theologia  Dogmatica,  vol.  i.  p.  157.     See  also 
Dissertazione  32  su  Cefa  ripreso  da  S.  Paolo,  nella  raccolta  del  Padre  F.  A.  Zaccaria. 
J  Gal  ii.  11,  14.  $  L.  v.  contra  Marcion,  c.  iii. 

||  Ep.  Ixxxii.  alias  xxii.  ^[  L.  ii.  in  Ezech.  horn,  xviii. 


76  EXERCISE   OF   THE   PRIMACY   BY   ST.  PETER. 

version  lie  had  not  gone  to  Jerusalem  to  the  apostles,  who  preceded  him 
in  the  profession  of  the  faith,  he  adds :  "  Three  years  after  I  came  to 
Jerusalem  to  see  Peter,  and  stayed  with  him  fifteen  days."*  This  visit 
is  justly  considered  by  ST.  CHRYSOSTOM  to  be  an  evidence  of  the  high  re- 
gard of  Paul  for  the  official  character  of  Peter.  "  Peter,"  he  observes, 
"  was  the  organ  and  prince  of  the  apostles :  on  which  account  Paul  went 
up  to  see  him,  in  preference  to  the  rest."f  Paul,  indeed,  did  not  go  with 
a  view  to  obtain  instruction,  for  having  been  favored  with  a  divine  revela- 
tion, he  entertained  no  doubt  whatever  of  the  correctness  of  his  doctrine : 
he  was  equal  in  the  apostolic  dignity  to  Peter :  and  he  may  have  been 
greater  in  personal  qualifications  and  merit ;  yet  he  went  to  him  as  to  a 
superior,  honoring  the  office  which  he  held  by  divine  appointment. 
"  After  so  many  illustrious  actions,  although  he  stood  in  no  need  of  Peter, 
or  of  his  instruction,  being  equal  in  dignity  to  him,J  (for  I  shall  say  no 
more,)§  he  goes  up  to  him  as  to  a  superior  and  elder,  and  he  had  no  other 
motive  for  the  visit,  but  merely  to  see  Peter.  Remark  how  he  pays  them 
(the  apostles)  due  honor,  and  regards  himself  not  only  as  no  better,  but 
not  even  as  equal  to  them.  This  is  evident  from  his  journey;  for  as 
many  of  our  brethren  now  travel  to  visit  holy  men,  so  Paul  likewise  in  a 
similar  disposition,  went  up  to  Peter.  This  was  even  much  more  humble 
on  his  part :  for  men  now  travel  for  their  own  improvement ;  but  this 
blessed  apostle  went  to  learn  nothing,  and  to  be  set  right  on  no  point,  but 
for  this  only  motive,  to  see  him,  and  honor  him  by  his  presence.  He 
uses  the  term  IffropTjeou,  to  become  acquainted  with  Peter ;  not  ldsivy  merely 
to  see  Peter.  He  went  in  order  to  become  fully  acquainted  with  him,  as 
visitors  seek  to  know  thoroughly  great  and  splendid  cities."  f| 

St.  Paul  states,  that  to  himself  was  committed  the  Gospel  of  the  uneir- 
cumcision,  as  to  Peter  was  that  of  the  circumcision  ;^[  whence  occasion  has 
been  taken  to  deny  the  general  authority  of  Peter  over  Gentiles  and  Jews; 
or,  in  other  words,  over  all  the  members  of  the  Church.  The  text,  how- 
ever, cannot  be  understood  of  exclusive  jurisdiction  over  either  class  as 
belonging  to  either  apostle,  since  Paul,  as  occasion  presented  itself,  in- 
structed Jews  as  well  as  Gentiles ;  and  Peter  received  the  Gentiles,  Cor- 
nelius and  his  family,  into  the  Church.  The  apostle  speaks  manifestly  of 
the  chief  objects  of  his  zeal,  since  he  was  emphatically  the  teacher  of  the 
Gentiles,  while  Peter  labored  chiefly  among  the  Jews.  "  St.  Peter,"  says 
Bloomfield,  "was  chiefly,  but  not  entirely,  occupied  by  the  Jews,  and  St. 
Paul  chiefly,  but  not  wholly,  with  the  Gentiles."**  The  universality  of 
the  mission  of  all  the  apostles  is  unquestionable — it  was  not  confined  to 
certain  classes  of  men,  or  bounded  by  territorial  limits — they  were  sent 

*  Gal.  i.  18.  •]•  Horn.  Ixxxvii.  in  Joan. 

J  'laorifjiOf,  equally  honorable. 

$  He  insinuates  that  Paul  may  have  been  greater  than  Peter  in  merit,  talent,  virtue,  or 
other  personal  qualifications.  ||  Chrysostom,  in  c.  i.  ep.  ad.  Gal. 

Gal.  ii.  7.  **  In  locum. 


EXERCISE   OF   THE   PRIMACY  BY  ST.  PETER.  77 

into  the  whole  world,  to  preach  the  Gospel  to  every  creature.  St.  Paul, 
being  called  in  an  extraordinary  manner  to  the  apostleship,  participated  in 
the  plenitude  of  the  original  commission,  which  is  not  at  all  inconsistent 
with  the  supervision,  presidency,  and  chief  government  of  the  whole 
Church,  with  which  Peter  was  invested. 

Although  the  language  of  Peter  himself,  addressing  his  colleagues  in 
the  sacred  ministry,  is  objected  as  excluding  all  idea  of  superior  control, 
it  is,  nevertheless,  in  perfect  harmony  with  his  high  prerogatives  :  "  The 
ancients,  therefore,  that  are  among  you,  I  beseech,  who  am  myself  also  an 
ancient  and  a  witness  of  Christ/'*  The  term  Tzpeffpurfyouz,  presbyters, 
here  rendered  ancients,  was  then  applied  to  bishops,  whom  St.  Peter  ad- 
dressed, declaring  himself  their  fellow-bishop,  ffUfjacpefffiuTepo*;.  Perfect 
equality  cannot  be  meant  by  this  expression,  since,  as  an  apostle,  he  was 
certainly  superior  to  a  local  bishop.  The  character  of  bishop  is  undoubt- 
edly the  same  as  that  of  an  apostle ;  but  the  jurisdiction  of  an  apostle, 
being  universal,  far  exceeds  that  of  him  who  is  charged  with  a  special 
flock.  The  very  fact  of  the  general  address  of  Peter  to  the  bishops,  whom 
he  exhorts,  and  entreats  to  perform  their  pastoral  duties  in. an  humble, 
exemplary  and  disinterested  manner,  affords  no  slight  presumption  of  his 
general  superintendence  and  control.  His  language  is  certainly  such  as  the 
chief  pastor  might  appropriately  employ  :  "  Feed  the  flock  of  God  which  is 
among  you  :  taking  care  not  by  constraint,  but  willingly  according  to  God : 
neither  for  the  sake  of  filthy  lucre,  but  voluntarily  :  neither  as  domineering 
over  the  clergy,  but  being  made  a  pattern  of  the  flock  from  the  heart. 
And  when  the  Prince  of  Pastors  shall  appear,  you  shall  receive  a  never- 
fading  crown  of  glory. "f  Grotius  has  well  remarked,  that  this  epistle 
has  an  energy  of  language  characteristic  of  the  prince  of  the  apostles.  J 

Paul  instructed  Timothy  and  Titus,  his  disciples,  whom,  with  his  own 
hands,  he  had  consecrated  bishops :  at  Miletus  he  addressed  the  bishops 
whom  he  had  called  from  Ephesus,  and  who  were  in  like  manner  his  special 
disciples.  Either  apostle  might  direct  his  admonitions  to  any  bishop  :  but 
it  seems  not  without  a  special  design  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  to  mark  the  uni- 
versality of  his  official  charge,  that  Peter,  writing  to  the  strangers — prose- 
lytes to  Judaism  first,  and  then  to  Christianity,  dispersed  through  Pontus, 
Galatia,  Cappadocia,  Asia  and  Bithynia — gave  solemn  injunctions  to  all 
the  bishops  of  those  countries,  on  their  sacred  duties. 

The  exercise  of  the  most  important  functions  of  the  primacy  is,  as  we 
have  seen,  plainly  proved  from  the  sacred  Scriptures.  To  provide  pastors 
for  the  churches  is  the  right  and  duty  of  the  pastor  of  the  whole  flock,  a 
right,  however,  which  is  to  be  exercised  with  a  sacred  regard  for  the  in- 
terests of  the  universal  Church.  This  was  done  by  Peter,  in  supplying 


*  1  Pet.  v.  1.  f  Ibidem,  2-4. 

J  Habet  haec  epistola  rd  afofyov  vehemens  dicendi  genus  conveniens  ingenio  principia 
apostolorum. 


78  EXERCISE   OP    THE   PRIMACY   BY   ST.  PETER. 

the  place  of  Judas.  To  see  that  the  pastors  perform  their  duties  to  their 
respective  flocks,  appertains  to  the  same  office.  To  decide,  or  take  a  pro- 
minent part  in  deciding  doctrinal  controversies,  is  a  duty  of  the  chief  pastor, 
which  was  manifestly  performed  by  Peter,  in  the  Council  of  Jerusalem. 
He  truly  exercised  a  primatial  authority,  which  shows  that  the  commission 
given  to  him  imparted  power  to  maintain  unity  and  faith. 

It  is  not  necessary  to  show  that  Peter  actually  exercised  all  and  every 
one  of  the  attributes  of  spiritual  sovereignty,  especially  since  we  have  no 
detailed  history  of  the  apostolic  age;  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  being  con- 
fined to  a  few  facts  connected  with  the  commencement  of  the  Church,  and 
an  account  of  the  conversion  and  chief  labors  of  St.  Paul.  Since  the 
promise  of  Christ,  His  charge  to  Peter  at  the  last  supper,  and  His  com- 
mission after  His  resurrection,  convey  the  idea  of  a  viceroy,  superintend- 
ent and  pastor;  and  the  prominent  part  taken  by  Peter  corresponds  with 
this  idea :  we  are  warranted  in  believing  him  to  have  possessed  and  exer- 
cised a  true  supremacy.  I  am  not  now  anxious  to  demonstrate  what  are 
his  essential  rights :  I  ask  only  that  his  primacy,  which  is  so  clearly  es- 
tablished, be  admitted.  I  produce  his  commission  with  the  seal  of  the 
Great  King,  and  demand  that  it  be  respected. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

Dttar,  gufyig  of 


HAVING  proved  from  the  sacred  Scripture,  on  strict  principles  of  exe- 
gcsis,  and  according  to  the  general  interpretation  of  the  fathers  of  the 
first  five  centuries,  that  Peter  received  from  Christ  an  authoritative  pri- 
macy, which  must  always  continue  in  the  Church,  to  be  exercised  by  his 
successors,  it  becomes  necessary  to  show  who  succeeds  to  his  privileges. 
The  task  is  an  easy  one,  as  the  voice  of  all  antiquity  proclaims  the  Bishop 
of  Rome  to  be  the  successor  of  Peter.  Some  bold  men  have,  indeed,  pushed 
skepticism  so  far  as  to  deny  that  St.  Peter  ever  was  at  Rome,  as  some  un- 
believers have  questioned  whether  Jesus  Christ  ever  existed;  but  even 
Calvin,  with  every  disposition  to  deny  the  fact,  blushed  to  oppose  the  tes- 
timony of  all  the  ancients  ;*  while  Cave  strongly  and  fearlessly  affirms  it  : 
"  We  intrepidly  affirm  with  all  antiquity,  that  Peter  was  at  Rome,  and 
for  some  time  resided  there/'  He  adds  :  "  All,  both  ancient  and  modern, 
will,  I  think,  agree  with  me  that  Peter  may  be  called  Bishop  of  Rome,  in 
a  less  strict  sense,f  inasmuch  as  he  laid  the  foundations  of  this  Church, 
and  rendered  it  illustrious  by  his  martyrdom.  "J  Professor  Schaff  avows, 
that  "  it  is  the  unanimous  testimony  of  tradition  that  Peter  suffered  mar- 
tyrdom in  Rome  under  Nero."  Babylon,  from  which  the  first  letter  of 
St.  Peter  was  written,  is  understood  by  learned  interpreters  generally, 
Protestant  as  well  as  Catholic,  to  mean  Rome;  the  Christians  being  ac- 
customed to  designate  it  in  this  way,  on  account  of  its  vices,  which  resem- 
bled the  corruption  of  the  ancient  queen  of  the  East.  St.  John  portrayed 
the  crimes  and  calamities  of  pagan  Rome  under  the  same  name,  in  the 
mysterious  descriptions  of  the  Apocalypse.  Those  who  assert  that  Peter 
visited  Babylon  on  the  Euphrates,  which  was  then  in  ruins,  are  unsup- 
ported by  history  or  tradition  :  and  the  critical  reasons  which  they  offer 
for  interpreting  the  name  literally,  are  far  outweighed  by  the  arguments 
in  favor  of  its  figurative  acceptation.  After  a  review  of  them,  Professor 
Schaff  says  :  "  These  difficulties  constrain  us  to  return  to  the  earliest  and, 
in  ancient  times,  only  prevalent  interpretation  of  Babylon,  by  which  it  is 
taken  to  mean  Rome."§ 

*  Inst.  lib.  iv.  c.  vi.  $15. 
f  This  qualification  is  wholly  unnecessary. 
J  Ssec.  Apostol.  S.  Petrus. 

g  See  Extract  from  SchaflF's  Church  History,  in  Mercersburg  Review,  July,  1851  :  also 
Pen-one  Tract,  de  locis  Theol.  p.  1.  g  ii.  c.  ii.  n.  560. 

79 


80  PETER,    BISHOP   OF   ROME. 

For  a  matter  of  fact  human  testimony  is  entirely  sufficient,  whenever  it 
is  clothed  with  those  qualities  which  remove  all  just  fear  of  deception. 
If  it  were  otherwise,  Christianity  itself  would  vanish  from  our  grasp ;  for 
its  certain  transmission  to  us  implies  a  number  of  facts  independent  of 
any  testimony  of  Scripture ;  and  even  the  authenticity  and  integrity  of 
the  sacred  books  are  dependent  on  human  testimony,  at  least,  for  all  who 
deny  the  authority  of  the  Christian  Church. 

CLEMENT,  Bishop  of  Rome,  a  contemporary  of  the  apostles,  who  is 
mentioned  with  honor  by  St.  Paul,  and  who  was  ordained  by  Peter,  ac- 
cording to  the  testimony  of  Tertullian,  in  a  letter  to  the  Corinthians,  men- 
tions Peter  and  Paul  as  having  suffered  martyrdom  at  Rome  under  his 
eyes.*  IGNATIUS,  Bishop  of  Antioch,  when  led  to  martyrdom,  about  the 
year  107,  wrote  to  the  Romans,  begging  of  them  to  place  no  obstacle  by 
their  prayers  to  the  fulfilment  of  his  ardent  desire  to  die  for  Christ :  "  I 
do  not  command  you,"  he  says,  "  as  Peter  and  Paul :  they  were  apostles  : 
I  am  a  condemned  man."f  This  shows  that  the  Romans  had  been  in- 
structed by  both  apostles,  and  received  their  commands.  PAPIAS,  Bishop 
of  Hierapolis,  a  disciple  of  John  the  apostle,  or  of  another  John,  a  con- 
temporary of  the  Apostle,  states  that  Mark  related  in  his  Gospel  what  he 
heard  from  Peter  at  Rome,  and  that  Peter  wrote  his  first  epistle  from 
Rome,  calling  it  Babylon. J  IREN^EUS  declares  that  Peter  and  Paul 
preached  the  Gospel  at  Rome,  and  established  the  Church,  which  he  calls 
"  greatest  and  most  ancient,  known  to  all,  founded  and  established  by  the 
most  glorious  apostles,  Peter  and  Paul;"  and  adds  the  list  of  bishops  from 
the  apostles  down  to  his  own  tiine.§  DIONYSIUS  of  Corinth  states,  that 
both  apostles,  Peter  and  Paul,  instructed  the  Corinthians,  and  afterward 
having  passed  into  Italy,  planted  the  faith  among  the  Romans,  and  con- 
summated their  course  by  martyrdom  in  their  city.||  CAJUS,  a  Roman 
priest,  who  lived  at  the  close  of  the  second  and  beginning  of  the  third 
century,  says  :  "I  can  show  you  the  trophies  of  the  apostles;  for  whether 
we  go  to  the  Vatican,  or  to  the  Ostian  way,  we  shall  meet  with  the  tro- 
phies of  the  founders  of  this  Church/'^]"  ORIGEN  also  testifies  that  Peter 
suffered  martyrdom  at  Rome.**  ST.  CYPRIAN  says  that  Cornelius  was 
chosen  bishop  "  when  the  place  of  Fabian,  that  is,  THE  PLACE  OF  PETER, 
and  the  rank  of  the  priestly  chair  was  vacant."ff 

That  Paul  was  not  the  original  founder  of  the  Church  at  Rome,  is  evi- 
dent from  his  epistle  to  the  Romans,  in  which  he  states  his  earnest  desire 
to  see  them,  which  up  to  that  time  was  out  of  his  power,  and  praises  their 
faith  as  celebrated  throughout  the  whole  world.  We  must,  then,  conclude 
that  Peter  had  already  preached  the  faith  there,  since  all  antiquity  recog- 

*  Cor.  n.  5,  6.  f  Ep  ad  Rom. 

J  Apud  Euseb.  1.  ii.  c.  xv.  Hist.  Eccl.  \  L.  iii.  hser.  c.  iii. 

||  Apud  Euseb.  1.  ii.  c.  xxv. 

1  L.  adv.  Proculum  apud  Euseb.  Hist.  Eccl.  1.  ii.  c.  xv. 

**  Ib.  1.  iii.  c.  1.  -j-f-  Ep.  Hi.  Antoniano. 


PETER,    BISHOP   OF   ROME.  81 

nises  no  other  founders  of  the  Roman  Church  but  these  two  apostles  :  the 
conjecture  of  Dr.  Jarvis,  that  proselytes  who  were  at  Jerusalem  on  the 
day  of  Pentecost,  introduced  and  established  the  faith  at  Rome,  being 
wholly  unsupported.  EUSEBIUS,  who  compiled  his  ecclesiastical  history 
from  the  most  authentic  documents  of  the  early  ages,  states  that  Simon 
Magus,  after  he  had  been  publicly  rebuked  by  Peter,  went  to  Rome,  and 
that  to  counteract  his  efforts,  "  the  all-bountiful  and  kind  Providence  which 
watches  over  all  things,  conducted  thither  the  most  courageous  and  the 
greatest  of  the  apostles,  Peter,  who,  on  account  of  his  virtue,  was  leader 
of  all."*  Theodoret,  commenting  on  the  passage  of  St.  Paul,  in  which  he 
expresses,  his  desire  to  confirm  the  Romans  in  the  faith,  observes  :  "  Be- 
cause the  great  Peter  was  the  first  to  instruct  them  in  the  evangelical  doc- 
trine, he  necessarily  said  '  to  confirm  you ;'  for  he  says :  I  do  not  mean  to 
propose  to  you  a  new  doctrine,  but  to  confirm  that  which  has  been  already 
delivered,  and  to  water  the  trees  that  have  been  planted. "f  In  a  word : 
"  The  universal  tradition  of  the  Church,"  by  the  acknowledgment  of  Mr. 
Palmer,  "  ascribes  the  foundation  or  first  government  of  the  Roman  Church 
to  the  apostles  Peter  and  Paul,  who  were  the  greatest  of  the  apostles."  J 

It  is,  nevertheless,  no  e,asy  matter  to  fix  with  certainty  the  precise  date 
of  the  visit  of  the  apostle  to  the  capital  of  the  empire,  since  ancient  writers 
assign  different  periods,  some  probably  referring  to  his  second  visit,  while 
others  speak  of  the  former.  With  the  few  lights  afforded  us  by  Scripture, 
in  regard  to  his  movements  and  actions,  and  with  the  scanty  historical  ma- 
terials remaining,  it  would  be  unfair  to  require  of  us  to  adjust  the  chrono- 
logical order  of  events,  so  as  to  exclude  all  question.  Learned  antiquarians 
have  exercised  their  skill  in  arranging  them,  and  we  are  at  liberty  to  adopt 
the  results  of  their  inquiries,  or  to  remain  in  suspense  as  to  the  particular 
order  of  the  facts,  provided  we  admit  that  which  is  established  by  most 
unquestionable  evidence,  that  the  apostle  Peter  preached  the  faith  at  Rome 
before  St.  Paul  addressed  his  letter  to  the  faithful  of  that  city.§  The  letter 
to  the  Romans  is  generally  assigned  to  the  year  of  our  Lord  58,  the  fourth 
year  of  the  reign  of  Nero.  Orosius,  a  writer  of  the  fifth  century,  states 
that  St.  Peter  came  to  Rome  in  the  commencement  of  the  reign  of  Clau- 
dius, who  was  the  predecessor  of  Nero ;  and  St.  Jerom,  as  well  as  Euse- 
bius,  ascribes  his  visit  to  the  second  year  of  that  reign,  about  the  forty- 
fourth  year  of  our  Lord,  so  that  we  may  consider  this  fact  as  attested  by 
three  judicious  writers,  who  relied,  no  doubt,  on  ancient  historical  docu- 
ments. It  probably  occurred  soon  after  the  miraculous  deliverance  of  the 
apostle  from  prison,  when,  rescued  by  the  angel  from  the  power  of  Herod, 
he  went  from  Jerusalem  "  to  another  place."  The  See  of  Antioch  had 
been  previously  founded  by  him,  as  the  ancients  assure  us ;  but  his  stay 


*  L.  ii.  Hist.  Eccl.  c.  xiv.  j-  Com.  in  c.  1,  ad  Rom. 

J  Treatise  on  the  Church,  vol.  ii.  ch.  vii.  p.  472. 

g  De  Romano  D.  Petri  itinere  et  episcopatu,  P.  F.  Foggini. 


82  PETER,    BISHOP   OF   ROME. 

there  was  short,  although  he  may  have  retained  the  special  charge  of 
it  for  seven  years,  as  many  aver :  its  administration,  however,  being  con- 
fided to  Evodius,  who  is  the  first  on  the  list  of  its  bishops  after  the  apostle. 
Twenty-five  years  are  generally  assigned  to  the  Roman  episcopate  of  St. 
Peter,  which  period  intervened  between  the  second  year  of  Claudius,  who 
reigned  fourteen  years,  and  the  close  of  the  reign  of  Nero,  which  is  also 
believed  to  have  lasted  fourteen  years.*  The  apostle  nevertheless  was  not 
stationary  during  that  whole  period,  since  he  must  have  returned  to  Judea, 
where  he  was  present  in  the  Council  of  Jerusalem,  held  in  the  nineteenth 
year  after  the  resurrection  of  our  Lord,  about  the  fifty-first  of  the  common 
era.  His  return  may  have  been  spontaneous,  or  it  may  have  been  occa- 
sioned by  the  edict  published  in  the  ninth  year  of  Claudius,f  by  which  all 
Jews  were  commanded  to  quit  the  imperial  city  ;|  since  the  natives  of 
Judea,  whether  practising  Jewish  rites,  or  professing  Christianity,  were 
included  under  this  general  denomination.  While  Nero  occupied  the 
throne,  Peter  visited  Rome,  as  Lactantius  testifies  ;§  which  must  be  un- 
derstood of  a  second  visit,  since  the  authority  of  Jerom,  Eusebius,  and 
Orosius  is  conclusive  as  to  the  visit  under  Claudius.  St.  Leo  alludes  to 
both,  extolling  the  fortitude  of  the  apostle,  who  .dreaded  neither  the  power 
of  Claudius,  nor  the  cruelty  of  Nero.  || 

The  concurrence  of  both  apostles  in  the  foundation  of  the  Church  of 
Rome  does  not  at  all  interfere  with  the  special  prerogative  of  Peter.  Both 
apostles  labored  successfully  in  establishing  it ;  both  consecrated  it  by 
their  martyrdom ;  both  are  even  styled  its  bishops  by  Epiphanius ;  but, 
in  the  stricter  sense,  Peter  was  peculiarly  its  founder  and  its  bishop.  The 
Bishops  of  Rome  are  wont  to  unite  the  invocation  of  these  glorious  apos- 
tles, and  to  act  as  by  their  joint  authority,  because  the  apostolic  power 
was  possessed  by  each,  and  the  pre-eminence  of  Peter  was  not  affected  by 
the  joint  labors  and  martyrdom  of  Paul :  yet  Peter  was  specially  the 
Bishop  of  Rome. 

Cajus,  already  quoted,  speaks  of  Victor,  Bishop  of  Rome,  as  the  thir- 
teenth in  succession  from  Peter  :^f  and  a  contemporary  writer  says  that 
Peter  appointed  Linus  to  succeed  him  in  the  chair  of  this  great  city,  "  in 
which  he  himself  had  sat."  "  The  Church  of  Rome,"  he  adds,  "  organ- 
ized by  Peter,  flourished  in  piety."**  Hyginus  is  mentioned  as  the  ninth 
occupant  of  the  chair  of  Peter.  Eusebius  terms  Peter  the  first  Pontiff  of 
the  Christians  :ff  and  speaks  of  Linus  as  "first  Bishop  of  the  Church  of 
the  Romans,  after  the  leader  Peter." §§  Optatus  mentions  the  establish- 


*  Acts  xii.  17.  f  Oros.  Hist.  1.  vii.  c.  vi. 

J  Acts  xviii.  2.  g  L.  de  mortibus  pers.  c.  ii. 

||  Serin,  i.  in  natali  ap.  Petri  et  Pauli.  ^  Hist.  Eccl.  1.  v.  c.  xxviii. 
#*  Contra  Marcion  carm.  inter  opera  Tertull. 

ft  Palmer,  quoting  Chronicle,  an.  44.     Treatise  on  the  Church,  vol.  ii.  part  vii.  ch.  1, 
p.  463. 

$$  In  Cbronico:  Primus,  post  coryphaeum  Petrum,  Roinanorum  ecclesiae  episcopus. 


PETER,    BISHOP   OF   ROME.  83 

ment  of  the  episcopal  chair  at  Rome  by  Peter,  as  an  unquestionable  fact ; 
and  states  that  Peter,  the  prince  of  the  apostles,  was  the  first  to  occupy  it.* 
St.  Chrysostom  observes,  that  Linus  was  accounted  the  second  Bishop  of 
the  Roman  Church  after  Peter."f  St.  Jerom  says  :  "  Clement  was  fourth 
Bishop  of  Rome  after  Peter."J  Augustin  begins  the  list  from  Peter, 
whom  Linus  succeeded,  and  continues  it  down  to  his  own  time.§  That 
Peter  was  strictly  Bishop  of  Rome,  is  clearly  established  by  these  most 
ancient  and  respectable  witnesses.  That  Paul  was  not  united  with  him  in 
the  episcopal  office,'  although  he  labored  with  him  in  his  apostolic  charac- 
ter, is  plain  from  the  marked  distinction  observed  by  all  the  ancients,  who 
never  give  Paul  alone  the  appellation  of  Roman  Bishop,  which  they  fre- 
quently give  to  Peter,  and  from  the  general  and  ancient  tradition,  that 
there  cannot  be  two  bishops  of  one  Church ;  which  was  so  strongly  im- 
pressed on  the  minds  of  the  Roman  people,  that  when  Constantius  pro- 
posed that  Liberius  and  Felix  should  jointly  govern  the  Church,  the  faith- 
ful protested  against  the  novelty,  and  cried  out :  ONE  GOD,  ONE  CHRIST, 
ONE  BISHOP. 

ST.  LEO,  addressing  the  Romans,  on  the  anniversary  of  his  own  conse- 
cration, observes :  "  For  the  celebration  of  our  solemnity,  not  only  the 
apostolic,  but  likewise  the  episcopal  dignity  of  the  most  blessed  Peter 
concurs,  who  does  not  cease  to  preside  over  his  own  See,  and  obtains  its 
unfailing  union  with  the  Eternal  Priest.  For  that  solidity,  which  he  him- 
self being  made  a  rock,  received  from  Christ,  he  transmitted  to  his  heirs 
likewise.  "|| 

The  alleged  incompatibility  of  the  apostleship  with  the  episcopal  office 
arises  from  a  confusion  of  terms.  If  Peter  were  said  to  be  Bishop  of 
Rome  in  such  a  way  as  to  confine  his  authority  and  vigilance  to  this  local 
church,  it  would  interfere  with  his  apostolic  office  and  primacy,  since  he 
was  charged  with  the  care  of  all  the  churches,  and  could  not  divest  him- 
self of  this  general  government :  but  no  one  considers  him  bishop  in  this 
sense.  He  retained  the  special  charge  of  the  Church  of  Rome,  which  he 
founded,  without  foregoing  his  general  solicitude  for  the  universal  Church ; 
and  while  he  cherished  the  favored  flock  with  peculiar  care,  he  watched 
incessantly  over  all  the  sheep  of  Christ,  wherever  they  were  found,  and 
urged  the  local  pastors  to  the  fulfilment  of  their  duties,  as  appears  from 
his  admirable  epistle.  Most  writers  have  identified  James,  Bishop  of 
Jerusalem,  with  the  apostle  of  that  name,  which  shows  that  they  did  not 
deem  the  episcopal  charge  incompatible  with  his  apostolic  character,  al- 
though he  would  thereby  appear  exclusively  devoted  to  a  single  flock ; 
while  the  Roman  bishopric  of  Peter  does  not  imply  any  restriction  of 
power  or  authority.  Barrow  virtually  admits  that  James  the  apostle  was 


*  L.  ii.  c.  iii.  -f-  Horn.  x.  in  ii.  ad  Titum. 

J  Cat.  Script.  Eccl.  de  Clemente.  g  Ep.  ad  Generos. 

|i  Serm.  V.  in  anniversario  assumpt. 


84  PETER,    BISHOP   OF   ROME. 

the  same  as  the  bishop,*  and  offers  reasons  why  it  was  proper  to  give  to 
him  this  special  jurisdiction  over  the  faithful  of  Jerusalem ;  which,  how- 
ever, can  have  no  weight,  if  the  apostleship  and  episcopate  cannot  be  united 
in  the  same  person. 

The  silence  of  St.  Paul  concerning  St.  Peter  in  his  letter  to  the  Romans 
is  no  argument  against  the  episcopacy  of  Peter,  much  less  against  the  fact 
of  his  having  been  at  Rome.  The  letter  was  written  most  probably  at  a 
time  when  Peter  was  not  in  the  city,  to  silence  by  his  authority  the  dis- 
putants whom  Paul  labors  to  enlighten.  Besides,  a  mere  negative  argu- 
ment cannot  be  admitted  against  positive  testimony  of  contemporary  wit- 
nesses, sustained  by  public  facts  and  general  tradition. 

Mr.  Palmer  says  :  "  Hence  we  may  see  the  reason  for  which  the  Bishops 
of  Rome  were  styled  successors  of  ST.  PETER  by  some  of  the  fathers. 
They  were  bishops  of  the  particular  church  which  St.  Peter  had  assisted 
in  founding,  and  over  which  he  had  presided ;  and  they  were  also,  as  bi- 
shops of  the  principal  church,  the  most  eminent  among  the  successors  of 
the  apostles ;  even  as  St.  Peter  had  possessed  the  pre-eminence  among  the 
apostles  themselves."!  To  express  the  whole  truth  unequivocally,  he 
should  have  stated  that,  as  bishops  of  that  local  church,  and  successors  of 
St.  Peter,  their  pre-eminence  was  one  of  jurisdiction  and  authority  extend- 
ing throughout  the  whole  world. 

*  Treatise  on  the  Supremacy.     Suppos.  iv.  n.  11,  2. 

f  A  Treatise  on  the  Church,  vol.  ii.  part  vii.  ch.  iii.  $  1,  p.  473. 


CHAPTER    VIII. 


FROM  the  fact  that  St.  Peter  was  Bishop  of  Rome  at  the  time  of  his 
martyrdom,  it  follows  that  his  successors  in  this  See  are  heirs  of  his  apos- 
tolic authority.  The  powers  given  to  the  apostles  collectively  are  per- 
petual, but  the  bishops  do  not  severally  inherit  their  plenitude,  since  each 
receives  charge  of  a  special  flock,  as  is  intimated  in  the  epistle  of  St. 
Peter,*  with  authority  subordinate  to  that  of  the  general  ruler  of  the 
Church.  Although  all  bishops  are,  in  a  qualified  sense,  successors  of  the 
apostles,  no  apostle  but  Peter  has  a  successor  in  the  strictest  and  fullest 
acceptation  of  the  term,  because  he  alone  was  invested  with  the  office  of 
supreme  governor,  which  is  essential  to  the  order  and  existence  of  the 
Church  in  all  ages.  The  primacy  being  of  divine  institution,  as  the  words 
of  our  Lord  plainly  prove,  it  is  by  divine  right  vested  in  Peter,  and  in  his 
successors  :  and  the  fact  of  his  occupancy  of  the  Roman  See  has  deter- 
mined the  succession  to  the  Bishop  of  Rome.  Hence  we  find  all  the  an- 
cient writers  speaking  of  the  Roman  Church  as  the  Apostolic  See,  the 
head  of  all  the  churches. 

ST.  IGNATIUS,  who,  in  the  year  68,  succeeded  Evodius  in  the  See  of 
Antioch,  on  his  way  to  martyrdom  in  107,  addressed  a  letter  to  the  CHURCH 
WHICH  PRESIDES  in  the  country  of  the  Romans  :  "  Ignatius,  also  called 
Theophorus,  to  the  Church  that  has  obtained  mercy  through  the  magni- 
ficence of  the  most  high  Father,  and  of  Jesus  Christ,  His  only  begotten 
Son  ;  the  Church,  beloved  and  enlightened  through  His  will,  who  wills 
all  things  that  are  according  to  the  charity  of  Jesus  Christ  our  God  ;  which 
PRESIDES  in  the  place  of  the  Roman  region,  being  worthy  of  God,  most 
comely,  deservedly  blessed,  most  celebrated,  properly  organized,  most 
chaste,  and  PRESIDING-  in  charity,  having  the  law  of  Christ,  bearing 
the  name  of  the  Father."  This  language  clearly  indicates  the  pre-emi- 
nence of  the  ROMAN  CHURCH. 

ST.  IREN^US,  who  passed  from  the  East  to  Gaul,  about  the  middle  of  the 
second  century,  and  became  Bishop  of  Lyons  in  177,  refuting  the  Gnos- 
tics, who  boasted  of  some  secret  tradition  more  perfect  than  the  public 
teaching  of  the  Church,  appeals  against  it  to  the  public  tradition  of  all 
churches  throughout  the  world,  and  offers  the  Roman  Church  as  a 

*  1  Pet.  V.  2,  rd  iv  vpiv  im'mviov. 

85 


86  ROMAN   CHURCH. 

tent  and  authoritative  witness  of  this  general  tradition.  "  All,"  he  says, 
"  who  wish  to  see  the  truth,  may  see  in  the  entire  Church  the  tradition  of 
the  apostles,  manifested  throughout  the  whole  world :  and  we  can  enume- 
rate the  bishops  who  have  been  ordained  by  the  apostles,  and  their  succes- 
sors down  to  our  time,  who  taught  or  knew  no  such  doctrine  as  they  madly 
dream  of.  But  since  it  would  be  very  tedious  to  enumerate  in  this  work 
the  succession  of  all  the  churches,  by  pointing  to  the  tradition  of  the 
greatest  and  most  ancient  church,  known  to  all,  founded  and  established 
at  Rome  by  the  two  most  glorious  apostles  Peter  and  Paul,  and  to  her  faith 
announced  to  men,  which  comes  down  to  us  by  the  succession  of  bishops, 
we  confound  all  those  who  in  any  improper  manner  gather  together,* 
either  through  self-complacency,  or  vain-glory,  or  through  blindness,  or 
perverse  disposition.  For  with  this  church,  on  account  of  her  more  pow- 
erful principality,  it  is  necessary  that  every  church,  that  is,  the  faithful, 
who  are  on  all  sides,  f  should  agree,!  in  which  the  apostolic  tradition  has 
been  always  preserved  by  those  who  are  on  all  sides/'§  A  better  or  more 
powerful||  principality  is  ascribed  to  this  church,  since  heavenly  empire 
surpasses  earthly  dominion  ;  and  its  influence  in  maintaining  the  integrity 
of  Christian  tradition,  is  shown  by  the  necessity  of  harmony  between  all 
the  local  churches  and  this  ruling  church.  The  attempt  to  explain  away 
this  splendid  testimony,  by  supposing  the  civil  principality  to  be  meant, 
is  utterly  futile :  since  this  could  be  no  reason  why  the  churches  and 
faithful  should  agree  with  the  Roman  Church.  Hence  it  is  pretended 
that  agreement  in  doctrine  is  not  meant,  although  it  is  manifest  that  the 
professed  object  of  the  writer  is  to  prove  the  general  tradition  of  the 
churches,  of  which  he  takes  the  tradition  of  the  Roman  Church  as  evi- 
dence, the  succession  of  its  bishops  being  well  known,  and  its  relations  to 
the  other  churches  implying  the  harmony  of  their  faith.  To  suppose  that 

*  The  Greek  term  o-uXXeyowj,  "  colligunt,"  is  understood,  of  assembling. 

f  Undique,  as  it  were  *wXw  Travraxn.  The  central  character  of  Rome,  and  the  conver- 
gency  of  the  local  churches,  as  rays  to  a  centre,  or  focus,  is  beautifully  insinuated. 

J  Ad  hanc  enim  ecclesiam  propter  potentiorem  principalitatem  necesse  est  omnem  con- 
venire  ecclesiam.  The  learned  Calvinist,  Saumaise,  admits  that  this  is  the  force  of  the 
phrase,  which  is  Hellenistic.  He  remarks:  Ad  hanc  convenire  ecclesiam  is  a  Graecism  for 
cnm  Jiac  convenire  ecclesia.  "Necesse  esse  dicit  omnem  ecclesiam  convenire  ad  Romanam, 
id  est,  ut  Greece  loquutus  fuerat  Irenaeus,  ovpflalvsiv  itpos  rr\v  rwv  p«//au3j/  iKK\rjaiav,  quod  sig- 
nificat  convenire  et  concordare  in  rebus  fidei  et  doctrinae  cum  romana  ecclesia."  De  pri- 
matu  Papae,  c.  v.  Convenire  as  signifying  motion,  cannot  be  applied  to  a  church.  It 
could  not  be  said  even  of  the  faithful,  that  it  was  necessary  for  them  to  go  to  Rome. 

%  Maximae  et  antiquissimae  et  omnibus  cognitae,  a  gloriosissimis  duobus  apostolis  Petro 
et  Paulo  Romae  fundatae  et  constitutse  ecclesiae  earn  quam  habet  ab  apostolis  traditionem, 
et  annuntiatam  hominibus  fidem  per  successiones  episcoporum  pervenientem  usque  ad  nos 
indicantes,  confundimus  omnes  eos  qui  quoque  modo,  vel  per  sibi  placentia,  vel  vanam 
gloriam,  vel  per  Cfecitatem  et  malam  sententiam,  praeterquam  oportet  colligunt.  Ad  hanc 
enim  ecclesiam,  propter  potentiorem  principalitatem  necesse  est  omnem  convenire  eccle- 
siam, hoc  est  eos  qui  sunt  undique  fideles :  in  qua  semper  ab  his  qui  sunt  undique,  con- 
servata  est  ea  quae  est  ab  apostolis  traditio.  S.  Iren.  1.  iii.  adv.  haer.  c.  iii. 

||  The  reading  varies,  probably  because  potiorem  was  put  by  contraction  for  potentiorem. 


ROMAN   CHURCH.  87 

the  fortuitous  visits  to  Rome  of  believers  from  various  parts  are  referred 
to  as  affording  evidence  of  general  tradition,  is  manifestly  inconsistent 
with  the  principles  laid  down  by  Irenceus,  and  indicated  in  the  very  pas- 
sage itself;  since  it  is  of  tradition  descending  through  the  succession  of 
bishops  that  he  speaks,  and  to  their  testimony  and  preaching,  as  divinely 
guaranteed  by  the  gift,  %ap(ffrj.a,  inherent  in  their  office,  he  invariably  as- 
cribes all  certain  knowledge  of  revealed  truth.  Besides,  the  frequency  of 
the  visits  of  believers  to  the  capital  of  the  empire  is  a  gratuitous  supposi- 
tion, void  of  probability,  when  we  consider  the  humble  condition  of  most 
of  the  faithful,  and  their  great  distance  from  Rome.  Irenaeus  plainly 
speaks,  not  of  travellers  who  happen  to  visit  the  city,  but  of  churches 
which  harmonize  with  this  most  glorious  and  apostolic  church,  on  account 
of  her  more  powerful  principality.  By  the  acknowledgment  of  Palmer : 
"  Irenseus  says,  '  the  necessity  of  resorting  to  the  Roman  Church  arose 
from  the  principality  or  pre-eminence  of  that  church/  "* 

Dr.  Nevin  is  more  explicit :  "  It  is  not  to  be  disguised,"  he  says,  "  that 
the  episcopate  is  viewed  by  him  (Trenaeus)  as  a  general  corporation,  having 
its  centre  of  unity  in  the  Church  of  Rome.  Against  the  novelty  of  here- 
tics, he  appeals  to  the  clear  succession  of  the  Catholic  sees  generally,  from 
the  time  of  the  apostles ;  but  then  sums  up  all,  by  singling  out  the  Roman 
Church,  founded  by  the  most  glorious  apostles  Peter  and  Paul,  and  having 
a  certain  principality  for  the  Church  at  large,  as  furnishing  in  its  line  of 
bishops  a  sure  tradition  of  the  faith  held  by  the  universal  body  from  the 
beginning.""!' 

We  have  already  heard  Tertullian  contesting  the  power  of  forgiveness, 
which  the  Bishop  of  Rome  exercised;  but  acknowledging  that  he  was 
apostolic,  and  that  the  Roman  Church  was  the  church  of  Peter,  and  that 
Peter  was  the  rock  on  which  the  Christian  Church  is  built.  We  shall  now 
hear  him  speak  reverentially  of  the  authority  of  the  Roman  Church,  ac- 
knowledging her  to  be  the  depositary  and  guardian  of  the  apostolic  doc- 
trine, and  its  incorrupt  professor,  in  harmony  with  the  African  churches, 
as  well  as  with  the  other  churches  throughout  the  world.  The  fact  of  the 
establishment  of  this  church  by  Peter  and  Paul,  and  the  consequent  au- 
thority of  her  teaching,  are  fully  testified  by  him ;  nor  is  his  testimony 
weakened  by  his  subsequent  pleas  in  support  of  Montanisni,  since  evidence 
given  before  a  public  tribunal  would  not  be  affected  by  partisan  efforts  of 
the  witness  against  those  who  were  benefited  by  it. 

In  the  admirable  work  on  Prescriptions,  in  which  TERTULLIAN  shows 
that  the  ancient  doctrine  alone  can  be  true,  because  it  comes  down  from 
the  apostles,  he  thus  invites  the  inquirer  to  pursue  the  investigation  of 
truth,  by  listening  to  the  teaching  of  the  churches  founded  by  the  apos- 
tles. "  Come,  then,"  says  he,  "  you  who  wish  to  exercise  your  curiosity 

*  A  Treatise  on  the  Church,  vol.  ii.  part  vii.  ch.  v.  p.  502. 

f  Art.  Early  Christianity.     Mercersburg  Review,  November,  1851. 


88  ROMAN   CHURCH. 

to  more  advantage  in  the  affair  of  salvation,  go  through  the  apostolic 
churches,  in  which  the  very  chairs  of  the  apostles  continue  aloft  in  their 
places,  in  which  their  very  original  letters  are  recited,  sounding  forth  the 
voice,  and  representing  the  countenance  of  each  one.  Is  Achaia  near  you  ? 
you  have  Corinth  ?  If  you  are  not  far  from  Macedon,  you  have  Philippi, 
you  have  Thessalonica.  If  you  can  go  to  Asia,  you  have  Ephesus.  If 
you  are  near  Italy,  you  have  Rome,  whence  we  also  derive  our  origin.* 
How  happy  is  this  church  to  which  the  apostles  poured  forth  their  whole 
doctrine  with  their  blood  !  where  Peter  by  his  martyrdom  is  made  like  to 
the  Lord  :  where  Paul  is  crowned  with  a  death  like  that  of  John  :  where 
John  the  apostle,  after  he  had  been  dipped  in  boiling  oil  without  suffering 
injury,  is  banished  to  the  island :  let  us  see  what  she  learned,  what  she 
taught,  what  she  professed  in  her  symbol  in  common  with  the  African 
churches."f  He  passes  rapidly  over  the  other  churches  founded  by  the 
apostles,  and  which  even  to  his  day  preserved  the  chairs  on  which  they 
sat  in  the  performance  of  their  solemn  functions,  and  their  original  letters. 
When  he  has  reached  the  Roman  Church,  he  pauses,  exclaiming  in  rap- 
ture, how  happy  is  she  in  possessing  the  abundant  treasure  of  apostolic 
doctrine  !  He  appeals  to  her  tradition,  to  her  teaching,  to  her  solemn  pro- 
fession of  faith,  in  which  she  was  the  guide  of  the  African  churches. 
Could  we  say  more  in  her  praise  ?  Need  we  claim  for  her  higher  prero- 
gatives? She  is  the  church  whose  symbol  is  the  great  watchword  of 
faith,  and  with  which  the  churches  throughout  the  world  harmonize. 

In  urging  the  character  of  antiquity  as  a  mark  of  true  doctrine,  Tertul- 
lian  says  :  "  Since  it  is  evident,  that  what  is  true  is  first,  that  what  is  first 
is  from  the  beginning,  that  what  is  from  the  beginning  is  from  the  apos- 
tles, it  also  must  be  equally  manifest,  that  what  is  held  sacred  in  the 
apostolic  churches  must  have  been  delivered  by  the  apostles.  Let  us  see 
with  what  milk  the  Corinthians  were  fed  by  Paul ;  according  to  what 
standard  the  Galatians  were  reformed ;  and  what  instructions  were  given 
to  the  Philippians,  Thessalonians,  and  Ephesians ;  what  also  the  Romans 
proclaim  in  our  ears,  they  to  whom  Peter  and  Paul  left  the  Gospel  sealed 
with  their  blood. "J  The  appeal  to  the  other  churches  chiefly  regards  the 
apostolic  letters  directed  to  them,  while  the  faith  of  Rome,  as  loudly  pro- 
claimed within  hearing,  as  it  were,  of  Africa,  is  specially  referred  to ;  for 

*  Uncle  nobis  quoque  auctoritas  prcesto  eat.  Christianus  Lupus  shows  that  such  is  the 
force  of  auctoritas,  as  used  by  Tertullian.  See  Scholia.  Also  Diss.  ii.  de  Afr.  EccJ. 
Prov.  c.  1. 

f  Si  autem  Itaiise  adjaces,  habes  Romam,  unde  nobis  quoque  authoritas  praesto  est. 
Ista  quam  felix  ecclesia,  cui  totam  doctrinam  apostoli  cum  sanguine  suo  profuderunt : 
ubi  Petrus  passioni  Dominicse  adaequatur :  ubi  Paulus  Joannis  exitu  coronatur:  ubi  apos- 
tolus  Joannes  posteaquam  in  oleum  igneum  demersus,  nihil  passus  est,  in  insulam  rele- 
gatur :  videnmus  quid  didicerit,  quid  docuerit,  cum  Africanis  quoque  ecclesiis  contes- 
serarit.  De  Prsescr.  Haer.  c.  xxxvi. 

i  Tertullian,  1.  iv.  adv.  Marcionem,  p.  505.  Quid  etiam  Romani  de  proximo  sonent, 
quibus  evangelium  et  Petrus  et  Paulus  sanguine  quoque  suo  signatum  reliquerunt. 


ROMAN   CHURCH.  89 

by  its  tradition  coming  down  unchanged,  through  the  succession  of  bishops, 
from  its  glorious  founders,  all  heretics  and  sectaries  are  confounded. 
Tertullian  boldly  challenged  them  to  exhibit  any  thing  bearing  a  like 
weight  of  authority  :  "  Let  them  then  give  us  the  origin  of  their  churches : 
let  them  unfold  the  series  of  their  bishops,  coming  down  from  the  begin- 
ning in  succession,  so  that  the  first  bishop  was  appointed  and  preceded  by 
any  one  of  the  apostles,  or  of  apostolic  men,  provided  he  persevered  in 
communion  with  the  apostles.  For  in  this  way  the  apostolic  churches 
exhibit  their  origin,  as  the  Church  of  Smyrna  relates  that  Polycarp  was 
placed  there  by  John ;  as  the  Church  of  Rome  likewise  relates  that  Cle- 
ment was  ordained  by  Peter ;  and  in  like  manner  the  other  churches  show 
those  who  were  constituted  bishops  by  the  apostles,  and  made  grafts  of  the 
apostolic  seed.  Let  heretics  feign  any  thing  like  this/'* 

ST.  CYPRIAN,  who,  in  so  many  passages,  recognises  Peter  as  the  rock 
on  which  the  Church  is  built,  and  the  one  apostle  in  whom  unity  was 
established,  is  loud  in  his  eulogies  of  the  Roman  Church,  which  he  styles 

THE  PLACE  OF  PETER,  THE  PRINCIPAL  CHURCH THE  ROOT  AND  MATRIX 

OF  THE  CATHOLIC  CHURCH.  In  a  letter  to  Cornelius,  Bishop  of  Rome, 
he  details  the  irregular  proceedings  of  the  schismatics,  who  had  ordained 
Fortunatus  bishop,  and  subsequently  despatched  Felicissimus  to  Rome,  to 
deceive  the  Pope  by  false  statements  concerning  his  ordination :  "  A  false 
bishop  having  been  ordained  for  them  by  heretics,  they  venture  to  set  sail, 
and  carry  letters  from  schismatical  and  profane  men  TO  THE  CHAIR  OF 
PETER,  AND  TO  THE  PRINCIPAL  CHURCH/)*  WHENCE  SACERDOTAL  UNITY 
AROSE  ;  nor  do  they  reflect  that  they  are  Romans,  whose  faith  is  extolled 
by  the  apostle,  to  whom  perfidy  can  have  no  access."J  The  strong  lan- 
guage of  this  passage  forced  from  Dr.  Hopkins,  the  Protestant  Episcopal 
Bishop  of  Vermont,  this  avowal :  "  Now  here  we  have,  certainly,  a  begin- 
ning of  the  doctrine  of  the  Church  of  Rome,  showing  to  us  what  we  anti- 
cipated, when  examining  the  evidence  of  Irenasus,  namely,  how  early 
the  Bishops  of  Rome  endeavored  to  secure  dominion  and  supremacy.  The 
influence  of  their  efforts,  too,  we  find  first  showing  itself  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  Rome,  for  Carthage,  where  Cyprian  was  bishop,  lay  within  a 
moderate  distance  from  the  imperial  city.  Let  it  be  granted,  then,  that 
in  the  year  250,  about  a  century  and  a  half  later  than  Polycarp,  a  century 
later  than  Irenaeus,  and  fifty  years  later  than  Tertullian,  the  doctrine  was 
partially  admitted  that  Peter  had  been  Bishop  of  Rome,  and  that  the  unity 


*  Tert.  de  prcescr.  Acer.  Edant  ergo  originem  ecclesiarum  suarum  :  evolvant  ordinem 
episcoporum  suorum,  ita  per  successiones  ab  initio  decurrentem,  ut  primus  ille  episcopus 
aliquem  ex  apostolis — habuerit  auctorem  et  antecessorem. — Sicut  Romanorum  (ecclesia) 
Clemen  tern  a  Petro  ordinatum. — Confingant  tale  aliquid  haeretici ! 

f  Cathedram  principalem.  The  English  term  principal  does  not  fully  express  the  force 
of  the  Latin.  The  edicts  of  the  emperors  are  often  styled  jussiones  princi pales. 

|  Ep.  ad  Cornel,  lix. 


90  ROMAN   CHURCH. 

of  the  Church  took  its  rise  in  the  See  or  diocese  of  Peter."*  An  un- 
biassed mind  would  have  perceived  in  the  words  of  Cyprian  the  echo  of 
those  of  Irenasus,  and  recognised  the  powerful  principality  of  the  chair  of 
Peter  as  the  principle  of  unity  and  the  safeguard  of  faith. 

Writing  to  Antonian,  an  African  bishop,  to  remove  some  doubts  con- 
cerning the  legitimacy  of  the  election  of  Cornelius,  St.  Cyprian  praises  his 
magnanimity  in  accepting  the  pontifical  office,  which  was  attended  with 
the  manifest  danger  of  martyrdom,  since  Decius  the  heathen  emperor 
dreaded  more  the  presidency  of  the  Roman  Bishop  over  the  Christian 
people,  than  the  approach  of  a  powerful  enemy :  "  How  great  was  his  vir- 
tue in  the  discharge  of  the  episcopal  office !  how  great  his  courage  !  how 
strong  his  faith  !  To  sit  fearlessly  at  Rome  in  the  priestly  chair,  at  a  time 
when  the  priests  of  God  were  threatened  with  dire  torments  by  a  hostile 
tyrant,  who  would  hear  with  less  pain  of  a  rival  prince  rising  up  against 
him,  than  of  a  priest  of  God  being  established  at  Rome."f  The  dignity 
of  the  Roman  Bishop  must  have  been  notorious,  as  well  as  eminent,  to 
create  such  jealousy. 

It  is  objected,  nevertheless,  that  Cyprian  always  treats  Cornelius  as  a 
brother  and  colleague,  and  that  Cornelius  reciprocates,  so  as  to  appear  on 
terms  of  perfect  equality.  This  is  easily  accounted  for  by  the  fact,  that 
all  bishops  are  equal  in  their  sacred  character,  the  difference  between  them 
being  merely  of  jurisdiction.  Thus  a  Roman  Council,  in  378,  says  of 
Pope  i)amasus,  that  "  he  is  equal  in  office  to  the  other  bishops,  and  sur- 
passes them  by  the  prerogative  of  the  Apostolic  See."J  Even  at  this  day 
the  Pope  is  wont  to  address  all  bishops  as  "  venerable  brethren,"  although 
at  that  early  period  Damasus  called  them  his  "most  honorable  children." 

We  cannot  satisfactorily  account  for  the  extraordinary  authority  recog- 
nised in  the  Roman  clergy,  during  the  vacancy  of  the  See,  except  inas- 
much as  they  were  regarded  as  the  depositaries  ad  interim  of  the  power 
ordinarily  exercised  by  the  Roman  Bishop  over  the  whole  Church.  St. 
Cyprian  communicated  to  them  the  rules  which  he  deemed  it  advisable  to 
adopt  in  regard  to  those  who  had  fallen  in  persecution,  with  a  view  to  ob- 
tain their  approval :  which  they  gave  in  terms  complimentary  to  him,  and 
sufficiently  expressive  of  their  own  authority.  Their  letter  in  reply  was 
despatched,  as  St.  Cyprian  assures  us,  not  only  to  himself,  but  "  throughout 
the  whole  world,  and  brought  to  the  knowledge  of  all  the  churches  and  of 
all  the  brethren  :"§  which  shows  that  the  authority  of  the  Roman  Church, 
which  they  provisionally  exercised,  extended  to  all  portions  of  the  uni- 
versal Church. 

The  eminent  dignity  of  the  Roman  Bishop,  which,  as  we  have  seen  from 


*  Lectures  on  the  Reformation,  by  John  Henry  Hopkins,  <fec.  p.  127.     There  are  some 
mistakes  in  the  chronological  computation.  f  Ep.  Antonian,  Iv. 

J  Ep.  v.  apud  Constant,  t.  1,  col.  528.  g  Ep.  xxx.  Cleri  Romani  ad  Cyprian. 


ROMAN   CHURCH.  91 

the  testimony  of  Cyprian,  was  viewed  with  jealousy  by  Decius,  was  im- 
plicitly acknowledged  soon  afterward  by  Aurelian.  Paul,  Bishop  of 
Samosata,  had  been  deposed  for  heresy  by  the  Council  of  Antioch,  in  the 
year  268,  but  under  the  protection  of  Zenobia,  queen  of  Palmyra,  he  con- 
tinued to  occupy  the  episcopal  mansion.  The  Roman  army,  under  the 
command  of  the  emperor,  having  defeated  the  troops  of  the  queen,  the 
conqueror  was  implored  to  dispossess  the  heretical  incumbent.  Aurelian, 
feeling  himself  incompetent  to  decide  a  question  which  involved  a  point 
of  Christian  doctrine,  decreed  that  "  the  right  to  the  dwelling  should  be 
adjudged  to  him  who  should  receive  letters  of  communion  from  the  Italian 
bishops  of  the  Christian  religion  and  from  the  Bishop  of  Rome."*  This 
reference  of  a  doctrinal  dispute  between  Eastern  bishops  to  the  bishops  of 
Italy,  and  especially  to  the  Roman  Bishop,  proves  that  the  emperor  knew 
that  he  was  acknowledged  by  Christians  of  the  East,  as  well  as  of  the 
West,  to  be  the  chief  judge  of  doctrine.  The  mention  of  the  other  Italian 
bishops  may  have  been  made,  because  the  matter  seemed  sufficiently  im- 
portant to  be  examined,  and  decided  in  a  meeting,  and  to  take  the  form 
of  a  solemn  judgment.  Ammian  Marcellinus,  a  pagan  writer  of  the  fol- 
lowing century,  is  also  witness  that  "the  bishops  of  the  eternal  city  enjoy 
superior  authority  ;"f  which  Barrow  vainly  attempts  to  explain  of  mere 
influence  and  reputation 

AUGUSTIN,  speaking  of  Cecilian,  the  successor  of  Cyprian  in  the  See  of 
Carthage,  pays  a  sublime  tribute  to  the  Roman  Church,  as  possessing  at 
all  times,  the  apostolic  power  in  all  its  fulness.  Of  the  Bishop  of  Car- 
thage, he  remarks,  that  li  he  might  well  disregard  the  combined  multitude 
of  his  enemies,  while  he  saw  himself  united,  by  letters  of  communion, 
with  THE  ROMAN  CHURCH,  IN  WHICH  THE  PRINCEDOM  OF  THE  APOSTOLIC 
CHAIR  ALWAYS  FLOURISHED,  and  with  other  countries,  from  which  the 
Gospel  came  to  Africa,  where  he  was  ready  also  to  plead  his  cause,  if  his 
adversaries  should  endeavor  to  estrange  these  churches  from  him.^J  There 
is  no  possibility  of  mistaking  the  force  of  this  testimony.  The  dignity  of 
the  Roman  Church  is  ascribed  to  its  apostolic  origin.  To  its  authority 
and  unquestionable  integrity  Augustin  appeals,  even  in  the  supposition 
that  the  allegations  of  the  Donatists  against  the  African  bishops  and  other 
bishops  in  communion  with  them  were  true  :  "If  all  throughout  the  world 
were  such  as  you  most  wantonly  assert,  what  has  been  done  to  you  by  the 

CHAIR    OF    THE    ROMAN    ClIURCH,  IN    WHICH    PETER    SAT,  and   in   which 

Anastasius  sits  at  this  day?"§ 

St.  Jerom,  who  in  his  own  cutting  style  so  often  lashed  the  vices  of 
Rome,  and  treated  with  no  indulgence  the  defects  of  the  clergy,  speaks 
with  profound  reverence  of  the  Roman  Church  as  the  venerable  See  of  the 
apostles,  heiress  of  their  faith,  as  well  as  of  their  relics.  In  his  letter  to 

*  Euseb.  Hist.  Eccl.  1.  vii.  c.  xxx.  f  L.  xv. 

J  Ep.  xliii.  olim  clxii.  ad  Glorium  et  Eleusium.          $  R.  contra  ii.  lit.  Petiliani,  c.  1. 


92  ROMAN   CHURCH. 

Marcella,  he  says  :  "  There  indeed  is  a  holy  church  :  there  are  the  trophies 
of  the  apostles  and  martyrs  :  there  is  the  true  confession  of  Christ :  there 
is  that  faith  which  was  praised  by  the  apostle  :  and  Christianity  is  there 
making  new  advances  daily  over  prostrate  heathenism."*  Yet  when  cer- 
tain Roman  usages  were  in  question,  such  as  the  distinctions  which  deacons 
.assumed,  to  the  prejudice  of  the  respect  due  to  the  priesthood  and  episco- 
pacy, Jerom  refused  to  defer  to  these  local  customs,  and  strongly  vindi- 
cated the  honor  of  the  higher  orders.  The  pretensions  of  the  deacons 
show  the  eminence  of  the  Church,  whose  officers  they  were,  since  other- 
wise there  would  have  been  no  pretext  for  their  assumption,  while  his 
caustic  strictures  prove  his  independent  character,  which  must  give  in- 
creased weight  to  the  homage,  which  he  elsewhere  renders  to  the  apostolic 
See.  "  The  Church,"  he  says,  "  of  the  Roman  city  is  not  to  be  thought 
something  different  from  the  Church  of  the  whole  world.  Gaul,  and  Bri- 
tain, and  Africa,  and  Persia,  and  the  East,  and  India,  and  all  the  bar- 
barous nations  adore  one  Christ — observe  one  rule  of  truth.  If  authority 
is  sought  for,  the  world  is  greater  than  one  city.  Wherever  a  bishop  is, 
whether  at  Rome,  or  at  Eugubium,f  or  at  Constantinople,  or  Rhegium, 
or  Alexandria,  or  Tanae,  he  has  the  same  dignity,  the  same  priesthood. 
Neither  the  power  of  wealth  nor  the  lowliness  of  poverty  makes  a  bishop 
more  or  less  exalted  :J  but  all  are  successors  of  the  apostles.  But  you 
say,  how  is  it  that  at  Rome  the  priest  i&  ordained  on  the  testimony  of  the 
deacon  ?  Why  do  you  offer  as  an  objection  the  custom  of  one  city  ?  Why 
do  you  allege,  as  laws  of  the  Church,  the  insignificant  number,  from  which 
haughtiness  has  sprung  ?  Every  thing  that  is  rare  is  sought  after.  Their 
small  number  makes  deacons  respected;  the  multitude  of  priests  brings 
them  into  contempt.  However,  even  in  the  Church  of  Rome,  priests  sit 
while  the  deacons  remain  standing. "§  Jerom  asserted  the  equality  of  the 
episcopacy,  evidently  with  a  view  to  embrace  even  the  priests,  in  defence 
of  whose  privileges  he  was  writing.  Will  any  one,  in  the  face  of  all  the 
monuments  of  antiquity,  maintain,  that  the  Bishops  of  Rome  and  Eugu- 
bium,  of  Alexandria  and  of  Tanee,  were  distinguished  by  no  difference  of 
jurisdiction?  The  episcopal  character  is,  indeed,  alike  in  all;  the  Bishop 
of  Eugubium  is,  in  this  respect,  equal  to  the  Bishop  of  Rome ;  but  the 
governing  power,  or  jurisdiction,  widely  differs,  for  to  the  one  the  care  of 
a  small  portion  of  the  flock  of  Christ — to  the  other  the  charge  of  all  the 
sheep  and  lambs  is  committed. 

Jerom  cannot  be  supposed  to  depreciate  the  authority  of  the  Roman 
Church,  merely  because  he  condemns  the  practice  of  a  few  deacons,  who 
took  occasion  from  the  eminence  of  that  Church  in  which  they  enjoyed 
special  distinction,  to  treat  with  less  reverence  their  superiors  in  the  sacred 


Ep.  ad  Marcell.  f  Gubbio,  a  small  town  in  the  Roman  States. 

The  negation  is  wanting  in  some  copies.      $  Hieronym.  Evagrio. 


ROMAN   CHURCH.  93 

ministry.  Such  customs  as  are  peculiar  to  the  local  Church  of  Rome, 
need  not  be  adopted  by  the  other  churches  in  her  communion :  and  the 
abuses  of  individuals  among  the  clergy  of  that  Church,  may  be  condemned, 
even  by  those,  who,  like  Jerom,  cry  aloud  that  they  cling  to  the  chair  of 
Peter — who  receive  her  faith  and  tradition  with  reverence,  and  who  cherish 
her  communion,  because  they  "  know  that  it  is  the  rock  on  which  the 
Church  was  built." 

All  the  bishops  of  the  province  of  Aries  concurred  in  a  letter  to  St.  Leo, 
in  which,  imploring  the  exercise  of  his  authority  in  support  of  the  privileges 
of  the  See  of  Aries,  they  distinctly  recognised  its  apostolic  source :  "  The 
Holy  Roman  Church,"  say  they,  t(  through  the  most  blessed  Peter,  prince 
of  the  apostles,  has  the  principality  over  all  the  churches  of  the  world."* 
LEO  himself,  addressing  the  clergy  and  faithful  of  Rome,  dwelt  on  the 
favor  bestowed  on  them  by  the  apostles :  "  They  have  raised  you  to  such 
a  pitch  of  glory,  that,  being  made  a  holy  nation,  a  chosen  people,  a  priestly 
and  royal  city,  the  head  of  the  world,  through  the  sacred  See  of  blessed 
Peter,  you  preside  over  a  vaster  region  by  the  influence  of  divine  religion, 
than  before  by  earthly  dominion."^ 

Barrow  asserts,  that  the  imperial  dignity  of  the  city  was  "  the  sole 
ground  upon  which  the  greatest  of  all  ancient  synods,  that  of  Chalcedon, 
did  affirm  the  papal  eminency  to  be  founded;  for  Ho  the  throne/  say 
they,  l  of  ancient  Rome,  because  that  was  the  royal  city,  the  fathers  rea- 
sonably deferred  the  privileges/  " J  This  assertion,  however,  is  refuted  by 
the  very  words  of  the  council  addressed  to  Leo,  in  regard  to  Dioscorus, 
patriarch  of  Alexandria  :  (f  He  has  extended  his  frenzy  even  against  your 
apostolic  Holiness,  to  whom  the  care  of  the  vineyard  was -intrusted  by  the 
Saviour."§  When  the  Council  speaks  of  prerogatives  as  bestowed  by  the 
fathers  in  consideration  of  the  majesty  of  the  city,  they  cannot  be  under- 
stood of  the  primacy  itself,  since  this  is  no  other  than  the  care  of  the 
Lord's  vineyard,  which  they  expressly  acknowledge  to  have  been  commit- 
ted by  our  Saviour  Himself  to  Leo,  in  the  person  of  Peter.  The  attempt 
of  Palmer  to  explain  away  this  solemn  recognition  of  the  divine  origin  of 
the  primacy,  as  if  it  meant  "  by  His  providence  in  permitting  that  bishop 
to  occupy  so  eminent  a  position  in  the  Church," ||  is  a  perversion  so  un- 
candid  as  not  to  merit  refutation.  The  privileges  bestowed  on  the  Roman 
See  were  only  in  recognition  of  its  rights,  by  enactments  tending  to  facili- 
tate their  exercise,  especially  by  the  canons  of  Sardica,  which  acknowledged 
the  right  of  the  Roman  Bishop  to  receive  appeals,  and  the  propriety  of 
reporting  to  him  from  all  parts  the  state  of  religion,  as  to  one  divinely 
charged  with  the  solicitude  of  all  the  churches :  "  This  seems  excellent 
and  most  suitable,  that  the  priests  of  the  Lord,  from  the  respective  pro- 

*  Ep.  Ixv.  inter  Leonis  ep.  f  Serm.  Ixxxii.  in  Natali  Apost. 

J  Supp.  v.  n.  ix.  §  T.  ii.  p.  655,  coll.  Hard. 

||  Treatise  on  the  Church,  vol.  ii.  p.  vii.  ch.  iii.  p.  476. 


94  ROMAN  CHURCH. 

vinces,  report  to  the  head,  that  is,  to  the  See  of  the  apostle  Peter."*  The 
imperial  majesty  of  Rome  was,  indeed,  the  occasion  of  its  being  chosen  by 
the  apostle  himself  for  the  seat  of  his  authority :  if  we  may  not  suppose 
him  to  have  been  specially  directed  by  Christ  our  Lord  in  a  point  so  im- 
portant. The  chief  city  of  a  heathen  empire,  co-extensive  with  the  civil- 
ized world,  was  peculiarly  adapted  to  become  the  centre  of  a  religion, 
which  was  to  spread  throughout  all  nations,  making  captives  to  Christ  the 
lords  of  the  earth,  as  well  as  their  subjects,  and  extending  its  mild  in- 
fluence beyond  the  utmost  bounds  of  civilization.  The  divinity  of  Christ 
was  manifested  in  a  manner  the  most  striking,  when  the  fisherman  of 
Galilee  planted  the  cross  in  the  city  of  the  Caesars,  and  established  his 
chair  near  the  imperial  throne,  in  the  confidence  that  his  empire  would  far 
surpass  theirs  in  extent,  and  that  it  would  endure  and  flourish  for  ages 
after  theirs  had  been  broken  into  fragments  by  the  barbarian.  Most  pro- 
bably the  traveller  would  now  seek  in  vain  for  the  ruins  of  Rome,  as  for 
those  of  the  eastern  Babylon,f  had  it  not  been  thus  selected  for  the  seat 
of  a  peaceful  empire,  far  more  glorious  than  that,  which  it  once  acquired 
by  the  irresistible  valor  of  its  legions.  We  may  safely  add,  that  it  is  de- 
stined to  continue  the  fountain  of  civilization,  art,  science,  and  religion : 

"Rome  dont  le  destin  dans  la  paix,  dans  la  guerre, 
Est  d'etre  en  tous  les  terns  maitresse  de  la  terre."J 

Rome,  Heaven  awards  the  world  for  thy  domain  ; 
As  once  in  war,  in  peace  is  now  thy  reign. 

Some  are  willing  to  ascribe  the  origin  of  pontifical  supremacy  to  the 
concessions  of  Christian  emperors,  who  were  pleased  that  the  Bishop  of 
ancient  Rome  should  preside  over  his  colleagues  :  but  it  is  manifest,  that 
it  is  to  be  traced  to  no  such  source.  The  seat  of  empire  having  been  re- 
moved by  Constantino  to  the  city  which  bears  his  name,  the  imperial  in- 
fluence was  naturally  enlisted  in  favor  of  its  bishop,  who,  from  being  a 
suffragan  of  the  See  of  Heraclea,  in  Thrace,  soon  sought  to  become  the 
second  dignitary  of  the  Church,  to  the  prejudice  of  the  rights  of  the  Bi- 
shops of  Alexandria  and  Antioch,  and  of  other  prelates.  In  421,  Theo- 
dosius  the  younger,  overstepping  the  limits  of  the  civil  power,  issued  an 
edict,  giving  him  cognizance  of  ecclesiastical  causes  throughout  all  the 
provinces  of  Illyricum,  which  belonged  to  the  Western  patriarchate.  Ho- 
norius,  Emperor  of  the  West,  remonstrated  with  his  Eastern  colleague  on 
this  innovation,  as  prejudicial  to  the  rights  of  the  "Holy  Apostolic  See." 
"  Doubtless,"  he  says,  "  we  ought  specially  to  venerate  the  Church  of  that 
city,  from  which  we  have  received  the  Roman  empire,  and  the  priesthood 
derives  its  origin."  He  begs  him  to  "  command  the  ancient  order  to  be 


*  Ep.  Rom.  Pont.  Constant,  t  1,  p.  395. 

f  Mr.  Layard  has  been  partially  successful.     See  "  Discoveries  in  the  Ruins  of  Niniveh 
and  Babylon ;  by  Austin  H.  Layard."  J  Voltaire,  La  Henriade,  ch.  iv. 


ROMAN   CHURCH.  95 

observed,  lest  the  "Roman  Church,  under  the  empire  of  Christian  princes, 
lose  what  it  retained  under  other  emperors. "*  Theodosius,  yielding  to 
this  remonstrance,  revoked  his  former  decree. 

The  occupants  of  the  See  of  Constantinople  continued,  nevertheless,  to 
aspire  after  titles  and  power,  with  the  marked  favor  of  the  Eastern  em- 
perors, until  at  length  Pope  Boniface  III.,  about  the  year  606,  obtained 
from  Phocas  the  legal  recognition  of  his  title,  which  some  moderns  mis- 
take for  an  imperial  concession.  Long  before  this  period,  namely,  in  455, 
the  Emperor  Valentinian  issued  a  decree,  in  which  he  acknowledged  the 
primacy  of  the  Roman  Bishop  to  flow  from  the  princely  eminence  of  St. 
Peter :  "  The  merit  of  blessed  PETER,  WHO  is  THE  PRINCE  OP  THE 
PRIESTLY  ORDER,  and  the  dignity  of  the  Roman  city,  the  authority  also 
of  the  holy  synod,  strengthened  the  primacy  of  the  Apostolic  See."f 
The  mention  of  the  dignity  of  the  city  cannot  detract  from  the  force  of 
the  first  reason,  which  of  itself  is  sufficient.  The  principality  of  Peter  is 
the  real  and  only  source  of  the  dignity  of  the  Roman  Church ;  but  the 
remembrance  of  the  former  civil  importance  of  the  city  might  be  a  motive 
in  the  mind  of  a  Christian  emperor,  for  viewing  with  complacency  the 
apostolic  prerogatives,  with  which  it  was  enriched.  The  authority  of  the 
holy  synod  of  Sardica  strengthened  them,  inasmuch  as  the  recognition  of 
them  was  calculated  to  increase  the  reverence  of  the  faithful  for  this  guar- 
dian power,  established  by  Christ  Himself,  who  constituted  Peter  "  prince 
of  the  priestly  order." 

Even  Palmer  says  :  "  It  would  be  a  mistake  to  contend,  that  the  pre- 
eminence of  the  Roman  Church  was  derived  altogether  from  the  decrees 
of  emperors,  or  from  the  canons  of  Councils,  though  it  was  much  increased 
by  such  causes.  It  was  founded  on  the  possession  of  attributes,  which 
collectively  belonged  to  no  other  Church  whatever."!  He  might  have 
simply  said,  that  it  was  founded  on  the  fact,  that  it  was  the  See  of  Peter, 
which,  a  little  before,  he  himself  had  acknowledged  :  "  The  Roman  Church 
was  particularly  honored  as  having  been  presided  over  by  Peter,  the  first 
of  the  apostles,  and  was,  therefore,  by  many  of  the  fathers,  called  the  See 
ofPeter."§ 

With  more  ingenuousness,  Mr.  Allies,  while  still  an  Anglican,  avowed 
that  "  the  precedency  or  prerogative  of  Rome,  to  whatever  extent  it  reach- 
ed, was  certainly  not  either  claimed  or  granted  merely  because  Rome  was 
the  imperial  city.  It  was  explicitly  claimed  by  the  Bishop  of  Rome,  and 
as  freely  conceded  by  others  to  him,  as,  in  a  special  sense,  successor  to  St. 
Peter.  From  the  very  first,  the  Roman  Pontiff  seems  possessed  himself, 
as  from  a  living  tradition,  which  had  thoroughly  penetrated  the  local  Ro- 
man Church,  with  a  consciousness  of  some  peculiar  influence  he  was  to 

*  Ep.  ix.  x.  xi.  apud  Constant,  t.  1,  col.  1029,  1030. 

f  Nov.  xxiv.  in  fine  cod.  Theod.     Vide  Hallam,  Middle  Ages,  c.  vii.  p.  270. 

J  A  Treatise  on  the  Church  of  Christ,  vol.  ii.  part  vii.  ch.  iii.  p.  473. 

£  Ibidem,  p.  472. 


96  ROMAN   CHURCH. 

exercise  over  the  whole  Church.  This  consciousness  does  not  show  itself 
here  and  there  in  the  line  of  Roman  Pontiffs,  but  one  and  all  seem  to  have 
imbibed  it  from  the  atmosphere,  which  they  breathed.  That  they  were 
the  successors  of  St.  Peter,  who  himself  sat  and  ruled,  and  spoke  in  their 
person,  was  as  strongly  felt,  and  as  consistently  declared,  by  those  Pontiffs, 
who  preceded  the  time  of  Constantine,  as  by  those  who  followed.  The 
feeling  of  their  brother  bishops,  concerning  them,  may  have  been  less  de- 
finite, as  was  natural ;  but  even  those,  who  most  opposed  any  arbitrary 
stretch  of  authority  on  their  part,  as  St.  Cyprian,  fully  admitted  that  they 
sat  in  the  See  of  St.  Peter,  and  ordinarily  treated  them  with  the  greatest 
deference.  This  is  written  so  very  legibly  upon  the  records  of  antiquity, 
that  I  am  persuaded  any  one,  who  is  even  very  slightly  acquainted  with 
them,  cannot  with  sincerity  dispute  it."* 

*  The  Church  of  England  Cleared,  &c. 


CHAPTER    IX. 

'  dflitw  0f  Initg. 

1.— COMMUNION  WITH  THE   SEE   OF  ROME. 

THE  Bishop  of  Rome,  being  successor  of  St.  Peter  in  the  pastoral  office, 
all  the  sheep  of  Christ  are  under  his  charge.  All  the  bishops,  with  their 
respective  flocks,  constitute  the  one  flock  of  Christ,  under  the  one  pastor, 
who  is  consequently  the  centre  of  general  unity.  All  must  communicate 
with  him,  since  the  members  must  be  connected  with  the  head :  through 
whom  they  communicate  with  all  their  colleagues,  even  should  they  hav« 
no  direct  personal  intercourse.  The  Church  of  Christ  is  essentially  one — 
one  body,  one  sheepfold — a  well-constructed  house — a  united  kingdom. 
It  is  plain,  from  all  ancient  documents,  that  the  Bishop  of  Rome  was  re- 
garded by  all  antiquity  as  a  necessary  bond  of  the  universal  Church,  and 
that  all  bishops  who  valued  Catholic  unity,  sought  it  in  his  communion. 
It  is  easy  to  perceive  in  Irenseus  the  necessity  of  this  union  and  harmony 
with  the  Roman  Church.*  The  members  must  harmonize  and  be  united 
with  the  head;  the  provinces  of 'this  spiritual  empire  must  be  subject  to 
the  ruling  power;  the  local  churches  and  faithful  must  agree  with  the 
principal  and  ruling  church.  Thus  had  apostolic  tradition  been  preserved 
in  its  integrity  in  the  Church  of  Rome  down  to  the  time  of  Ireneeus.  The 
succession  of  bishops  from  Peter  and  Paul,  her  founders,  had  transmitted 
their  teaching  •  and  the  whole  body  of  believers,  throughout  the  world, 
bore  witness  to  it  by  the  assent,  which  they  gave  to  the  doctrine  of  the 
Koman  Church,  whose  communion  they  cherished  as  an  essential  principle 
of  church  organization. 

ST.  CYPRIAN  is  an  illustrious  witness  to  the  necessity  of  communion 
with  the  See  of  St.  Peter,  which  is  so  strongly  asserted  by  him,  that  Hal- 
lam  deems  his  language  more  definite  than  that  of  Irenaeus  :  "  Irenaeus," 
he  remarks,  "  rather  vaguely,  and  Cyprian  more  positively  admit,  or  rather 
assert  the  primacy  of  the  Church  of  Rome,  which  the  latter  seems  to  have 
regarded  as  a  kind  of  centre  of  Catholic  unity."f 

Mosheim  avows,  that  the  principles  laid  down  by  these  fathers  lead 
naturally  to  the  admission  of  a  central  authority,  such  as  is  ascribed  to  the 
Bishop  of  Rome,  and  alleges  that  they  were  too  simple  and  short-sighted 


*  See  p.  85.  f  Middle  Ages,  c.  vii.  p.  270,  Americ.  ed. 

7  97 


98  CENTRE   OF   UNITY. 

to  understand  the  consequences  !  "Cyprian  and  the  rest  cannot  have  known 
the  corollaries  which  follow  from  their  precepts  about  the  Church.  For 
no  one  is  so  dull  as  not  to  see  that  between  a  certain  unity  of  the  universal 
Church,  terminating  in  the  Roman  Pontiff,  and  such  a  community  as  we 
have  described  out  of  Irenseus  and  Cyprian,  there  is  scarcely  so  much  room 
as  between  hall  and  chamber,  or  between  hand  and  fingers."* 

The  letter  of  ST.  CYPRIAN  to  Antonian,  whom  the  representations  of 
Novatian  had  caused  to  hesitate  in  recognising  Cornelius  as  Bishop  of 
Rome,  begins  thus :  "I  received  your  first  letter,  most  beloved  brother, 
which  firmly  maintains  the  harmony  of  the  priestly  college,  and  the  com- 
munion of  the  Catholic  Church,  inasmuch  as  you  intimate,  that  you  hold 
no  communion  with  Novatian,  but  that,  following  our  counsel,  you  are  in 
harmony  with  Cornelius,  our  fellow-bishop.  You  also  wrote,  that  I  should 
forward  a  copy  of  the  same  letter  to  Cornelius,  our  colleague,  that  he 
might  lay  aside  all  anxiety,  knowing  that  YOU  COMMUNICATE  WITH  HIM, 
THAT  is,  WITH  THE  CATHOLIC  CHURCH."")-  This  will  enable  us  to  un- 
derstand the  full  force  of  some  other  passages  in  the  sequel.  The  Bishop 
of  Rome,  at  that  early  day,  was  the  centre  and  bond  of  Catholic  commu- 
nion :  through  him  the  bishops  of  every  part  of  Christendom  communicated 
with  each  other,  and  thereby  formed  that  episcopal  college,  of  which  Cy- 
prian so  often  speaks — as  one  in  its  character,  tendency,  and  spirit. 

Antonian  had  requested  to  be  informed  what  heresy  Novatian  had  in- 
troduced. Cyprian  replied,  it  was  a  matter  of  no  consequence,  as  long  as 
he  was  separated  from  the  Church  by  his  opposition  to  her  lawful  bishop : 
"  As  to  what  regards  Novatian,  concerning  whom  you  have  requested  me 
to  inform  you  what  heresy  he  has  introduced,  know,  in  the  first  place,  that 
we  should  not  be  curious  to  know  what  he  teaches,  since  he  teaches  WITH- 
OUT. WHOEVER  HE  is,  AND  WHATEVER  QUALIFICATIONS  HE  POSSESSES, 
HE  is  NOT  A  CHRISTIAN  WHO  is  NOT  IN  THE  CHURCH  OF  CHRIST."  No 
one  can  insist  on  the  necessity  of  communion  with  the  Apostolic  See,  in 
terms  stronger  than  these.  Immediately  after  the  words  just  quoted,  Cy- 
prian continues  :  (( Though  he  boast  of  his  philosophy,  or  proclaim  his  elo- 
quence in  haughty  words,  he  who  does  not  maintain  either  fraternal 
charity,  or  ecclesiastical  unity,  has  lost  what  he  had  been  before.  Unless, 
indeed,  you  regard  as  a  bishop,  an  adulterer  and  stranger,  who  ambi- 
tiously endeavors  to  be  made  bishop  by  deserters,  after  a  bishop  has  been 
ordained  in  the  Church  by  sixteen  bishops ;  and,  while  there  is  one  Church 
divided  by  Christ  into  many  members,  throughout  the  whole  world,  and 
one  episcopacy  spread  abroad  in  the  concordant  multitude  of  bishops,  in 
violation  of  the  unity  of  the  Catholic  Church,  which  is  connected  and  joined 
together  everywhere,  he  endeavors  to  make  a  human  church,  and  sends  his 
apostles  through  many  cities,  to  lay  the  foundations  of  his  new  institution ; 
and  while,  long  since,  throughout  all  the  provinces,  and  in  every  city, 

*  Dissertatio  de  Gallorum  appell.  g  13.  f  Ep.  ad  Antonian. 


CENTRE   OF   UNITY.  99 

bishops  have  been  ordained — advanced  in  age,  sound  in  faith,  tried  in 
times  of  oppression,  proscribed  in  persecution,  lie  dares  create  mock  bishops 
in  their  stead."  It  would  be  absurd  to  argue  that  there  is  no  superior  au- 
thority in  the  Bishop  of  Rome  above  his  colleagues,  because  the  episcopate 
is  one ;  for  surely  the  context  shows,  that  it  is  not  directed  to  establish  the 
equality  of  all  bishops,  but  their  union  for  one  great  purpose — the  govern- 
ment of  the  Church  •  whence  Cyprian  concludes,  that  the  refractory  in- 
truder, Novatian,  by  his  opposition  to  Cornelius,  was  cut  off  from  the 
communion  of  all  bishops,  and  of  the  Church.  The  very  efforts  of  Nova- 
tian to  secure  the  support  and  gain  the  communion  of  the  African  bishops, 
and  to  lay  the  foundations  of  his  new  institution,  by  means  of  his  emis- 
saries, indicate  that  the  station,  which  he  claimed,  was  that  of  a  bishop 
having  general  authority  throughout  the  Church,  on  which  account  he  was 
considered  by  Cyprian  as  laboring  to  establish  a  new  institution,  "  a  human 
Church,"  in  opposition  to  the  Divine  institution  of  Christ. 

The  language  of  this  illustrious  prelate  is  stronger  than  the  mere  usurpa- 
tion of  an  ordinary  bishopric,  contrary  to  the  rights  of  the  legitimate  pas- 
tor, would  warrant.  Such  an  act,  however  unjustifiable  and  criminal,  is 
not  in  itself  an  attempt  to  make  a  new  Church.  When  Fortunatus  had 
been  created  bishop,  by  some  schismatics,  in  opposition  to  Cyprian  him- 
self, this  prelate,  while  strongly  reprobating  the  act,  did  not  look  upon  it 
as  one  involving  serious  consequences  to  the  universal  Church,  so  that  he 
neglected  to  inform  Cornelius  of  it,  until,  on  the  application  of  the  schis- 
matics for  recognition,  the  Pope  wrote  to  inquire  into  the  facts,  and  the 
causes  of  his  silence.*  He  complains,  that  the  communications  from  Poly- 
carp,  Bishop  of  the  colony  of  Adrumetum,f  which  had  been,  in  the  first  in- 
stance, addressed  to  him  by  name,  had  subsequently  been  directed  to  the 
priests  and  deacons  of  the  Roman  Church,  which  change  he  traced  to  a 
visit  which  Cyprian  and  Liberalis  had  made  to  the  colony.  This  shows  the 
frequency  of  the  communications  with  the  Roman  Church  from  distant 
parts,  and  the  right  which  the  Bishop  of  Rome  claimed,  that  they  should 
be  addressed  to  himself  personally.  Cyprian,  whose  mind  from  the  be- 
ginning had  been  made  up  in  favor  of  Cornelius,  explains  in  his  reply,  the 
motives  of  the  change,  which  was  the  result  of  a  resolution  taken  by  seve- 
ral bishops,  in  an  assembly  held  on  the  subject,  to  avoid  direct  communi- 
cation with  either  of  the  claimants,  until  the  return  of  the  ambassadors, 
whom  they  had  despatched  to  ascertain  the  facts.  In  the  mean  time  they 
had  been  careful  to  cling  to  the  Roman  Church :  "  for,"  says  he,  "  giving 
an  account  (of  this  reserve)  we  know  that  we  exhorted  all  who  sailed 
(hence')  to  acknowledge  and  hold  fast  to  THE  ROOT  AND  MATRIX  OF  THE 
CATHOLIC  CHURCH."  On  the  return  of  the  ambassadors,  all  doubt  about 


*  Ep.  lix.  Cyprianus  Cornelio. 

f  Afterward  called  Heraclea,  and  recently  Ilerkla,  on  the  eastern  coast  of  Tunis. 


100  CENTRE   OF   UNITY. 

the  legitimacy  of  the  election  of  Cornelius  being  removed,  it  was  deter- 
mined, as  Cyprian  assures  him,  that  letters  should  be  written  and  ambas- 
sadors sent  to  him  by  all  the  bishops :  "  that  all  our  colleagues  should 
strongly  approve  of  you,  and  hold  fast  your  communion,  that  is,  both  the 
unity  and  charity  of  the  Catholic  Church/'*  The  dignity  of  the  Roman 
Church  as  the  See  of  Peter,  and  the. necessity  of  communion  with  her,  could 
not  be  more  touchingly  expressed. 

In  his  admirable  treatise  on  the  unity  of  the  Church,  St.  Cyprian  main- 
tains that  martyrdom  avails  nothing  to  him  who  is  not  in  unity.  Yet 
unity  is  a  phantom,  unless  the  central  and  connecting  authority  of  the 
Bishop  of  Rome  be  admitted.  The  union  of  local  churches  in  senti- 
ment and  faith  cannot  be  left  to  the  result  of  mere  chance.  There 
may  be,  at  least,  as  many  creeds  as  there  are  bishops,  if  there  be  not 
a  chief  bishop  in  whom  his  colleagues  recognise  their  leader  and  organ, 
to  declare  with  authority,  in  the  name  of  all,  the  common  faith.  By 
this  means  the  general  tradition  can  be  collected,  preserved,  and  trans- 
mitted. The  bishops  gathering  around  him  may  attest  the  faith  of 
their  respective  churches,  compare  it  with  the  unfailing  tradition  of 
Peter,  and  uniting  with  him  in  judgment,  concur  to  proscribe  all  the 
novel  inventions  of  human  pride.  Union  of  charity  between  churches 
discordant  in  faith,  is  a  fond  imagination  of  those,  who  would  cover  the 
shame  of  disunion,  by  affecting  to  cherish,  what,  at  best,  is  but  sympathy 
for  the  errors  of  their  fellow-men.  The  Church  is  the  pillar  and  the 
ground  of  the  truth,  which  must  be  admitted  by  her  members  in  all  its 
fulness.  She  cannot  be  one  without  a  common  principle  of  government. 
There  can  be  no  permanent  order  without  a  controlling  power.  As  in 
each  diocese,  the  bishop  is  the  ruler,  in  whom  the  clergy  and  faithful  unite 
to  form  a  local  church,  so  all  the  churches  must  have  a  universal  bishop, 
presiding  over  all,  and  directing  and  governing  all.  As  there  is  one  God, 
one  Christ,  one  Church,  one  faith,  so,  according  to  Cyprian,  there  is  one 
chair  founded  by  the  voice  of  the  Lord  on  Peter.  From  him  unity  be- 
gan :  in  his  chair  the  principle  of  unity  is  lodged  :  and  the  same  necessity 
which  obliges  us  to  recognise  one  Church,  leads  us  to  acknowledge  one 
Pastor,  one  Priest,  one  Judge  in  the  place  of  Christ.  The  plenitude  and 
independence  of  authority  in  the  several  bishops  are  totally  inconsistent 
with  unity.  "  Would  there  not  have  been,"  asks  Mr.  Allies,  "  not  only 
imminent  danger,  but  almost  certainty,  that  a  power,  unlimited  in  its  na- 
ture, committed  to  so  large  a  body  of  men,  who  might  become  indefinitely 
more  numerous,  yet  were  each  independent  centres  of  authority,  instead 
of  tending  to  unity,  would  produce  diversity  ?"f 

St.  Cyprian  holds  the  episcopate  to  be  one,  as  the  Church  is  one  :  "  Does 
he  who  opposes  and  resists  the  Church — who  forsakes  the  chair  of  Peter, 

*  Ep.  xlviii.  f  The  Church  of  England  Cleared,  etc.  p.  17. 


CENTRE   OF   UNITY.  101 

on  irliom  the  Church  was  founded* — flatter  himself  that  he  is  in  the 
Churchy  while  the  blessed  Paul,  the  apostle,  teaches  this,  and  shows  the 
mystery  of  unity,  saying  :  l  One  body,  and  one  spirit,  one  hope  of  your 
calling,  one  Lord,  one  faith,  one  baptism,  one  God  ?'  This  unity  ought  to 
be  firmly  held  and  maintained,  especially  by  us  bishops,  who  preside  in 
the  Church,  that  we  may  show  that  the  episcopate  itself  is  one,  and  indi- 
visible. Let  no  one  deceive  the  brotherhood  by  falsehood — let  no  one 
corrupt  the  truth  of  faith  by  perfidious  prevarication.  The  episcopate  is 
one,  the  parts  of  which  hold  severally  from  the  whole ;  the  Church  is 
one,  which  is  extended  more  widely  by  the  increase  of  her  fecundity. "•)* 
The  scope  of  Cyprian  is  not  to  prove  that  one  bishop  is  equal  to  another, 
or  that  each  bishop  possesses  the  entire  episcopal  power  in  its  plenitude; 
but  that  the  Church  is  one,  and  the  episcopate  one  likewise,  each  bishop 
exercising  his  authority  for  the  same  general  interest,  and  in  inviolable 
connection  with  his  brethren.  The  phrase  :  cujus  pars  a  singulis  in  soli- 
dam  tenctur^  marks  the  end  and  manner  of  the  exercise  of  episcopal 
power — the  unity  and  connection  in  which  alone  it  can  be  enjoyed, 
since  all  bishops,  according  to  Cyprian,  are  a  collegium^  or  corporate 
body,  the  powers  of  which  are  communicated  to  the  individual  mem- 
bers with  dependence  on  the  general  body,  especially  on  the  head. 
Dr.  Nevin  remarks,  "  it  is  enough  for  us  to  know  that  the  unity  of  the 
Church  was  taken  to  stand  in  the  solidarity  of  the  episcopate,  and  that  the 
proper  radix  and  matrix  of  the  whole  system,  as  Cyprian  has  it,  was  felt 
to  be  the  cathedra  Petri,  kept  up  by  regular  succession  in  the  Church  of 
Rome."  1 1  The  book  on  the  unity  of  the  Church,  which  was  addressed  to 
those  confessors  of  the  faith,  who  had  tarnished  their  glory  by  supporting 
the  schism  of  Novatian,  was  directed  to  prove,  that  those,  who  adhered  to 
a  rival  of  the  lawful  Bishop  of  Rome,  forfeited  all  the  privileges  of  the 
Church,  which  are  only  enjoyed  in  unity,  all  bishops  being  necessarily 
united  in  communion.  As  there  can  be  only  one  bishop  in  each  Church, 
whoever  sets  up  or  supports  a  rival  prelate,  by  this  schismatical  act  de- 
prives himself  of  the  communion  of  the  whole  Church,  which  can  only  be 
enjoyed  through  the  lawful  bishop.  This  was  especially  true  of  the  Bi- 
shop of  Rome,  the  head  of  all  bishops,  although  the  principle  may  be  ap- 
plied to  any  diocesan  in  communion  with  the  chief  bishop  and  the  univer- 
sal Church. 

The  great  Archbishop  of  Milan,  St.  Ambrose,  relates  in  praise  of  his 
brother  Satirus,  that  on  reaching  shore  after  shipwreck,  he  was  careful  to 

*  The  words  in  italics  are  omitted  in  the  edition  of  Erasmus.  I  believe  them  to  be  ge- 
nuine, for  the  reasons  elsewhere  given  ;  but  I  have  no  need  of  laying  stress  on  them. 

j  Be  unit.  Eccl. 

J  I  have  borrowed  the  translation  of  Dr.  Nevin.  For  a  full  exposition  of  this  text,  and 
of  the  relations  of  the  Pope  to  the  college  of  bishops,  I  refer  to  a  work  of  great  value : 
"The  Unity  of  the  Episcopate  Considered,  by  Edward  Healy  Thompson,  M.A."  The 
author  is  one  of  many  English  converts. 

g  EI>.  lii.  I  A  Word  of  Explanation,  M.  R.  March,  1852. 


102  CENTRE   OF   UNITY. 

inquire,  whether  the  bishop  of  the  place  "  agreed  in  faith  with  the  Catholic 
bishops,  that  is,  with  the  Koman  Church."*  Thus  communion  with  Rome 
was  regarded  as  an  evidence  of  orthodoxy  and  Catholicity. 

ST.  OPTATUS,  arguing  against  Parmenian  the  Donatist,  insists  on  the 
notoriety  of  the  fact,  that  Peter  established  the  episcopal  chair  at  Rome, 
whence  he  infers  the  necessity  of  communion  with  the  Bishop  of  that  See. 
"  You  cannot  affect  ignorance  of  the  fact,  that  the  episcopal  chair  was  first 
established  by  Peter  in  the  city  of  Rome,  in  which  Peter  sat,  the  head  of  all 
the  apostles,  for  which  reason  he  was  called  Cephas  :f  in  which  one  chair 
unity  should  be  maintained  by  all ;  that  the  apostles  should  not  each  set 
up  a  chair  for  himself,  but  that  he  should  be  at  once  a  schismatic  and  a 
sinner,  who  should  erect  any  other  against  that  one  chair."  He  gives  the 
succession  of  pontiffs  from  St.  Peter  to  Siricius,  "  who,"  says  he,  "  is  at 
this  day  our  colleague,  with  whom  the  whole  world  as  well  as  ourselves, 
agrees  in  one  society  and  communion  by  the  intercourse  of  the  usual  let- 
ters."! ^e  chair  °f  ^^r  is  thus  plainly  recognised  as  the  necessary 
bond  of  Catholic  communion. 

Mr.  Palmer  feebly  attempts  to  elude  the  force  of  this  remarkable  pas- 
sage, by  a  qualified  concession :  "  It  is  not  denied  that  St.  Optatus,  in 
arguing  against  the  Donatists  as  to  the  l  cathedra/  which  they  admitted  to 
be  one  of  the  gifts  of  the  Church,  refers  to  the  chair  of  Peter  at  Rome,  as 
constituting  the  centre  of  unity  in  the  Catholic  Church.  It  was  so  in  fact, 
at  that  time,  and  had  very  long  been  so."§  Truly,  very  long,  even  from 
the  time  that  Peter  founded  that  See  :  and  so  necessary  was  this  centre  of 
unity  in  the  mind  of  Optatus,  that  whoever  erects  a  rival  see  is  a  schis- 
matic and  prevaricator. 

St.  Augustin  fully  harmonizes  with  Optatus,  in  acknowledging  the  neces- 
sity of  communion  with  the  Roman  See ;  and  calls  on  the  Donatists  to 
embrace  it,  if  they  wish  to  be  ingrafted  in  the  vine.||  ST.  JEROM  identifies 
the  Roman  with  the  Catholic  faith,  demanding  :  "  What  faith  does  Rufinus 
call  his  own  ?  Is  it  that  which  is  held  by  the  Roman  Church,  or  that 
which  is  found  in  the  writings  of  Origen  ?  If  he  replies  :  It  is  the  Ro- 
man :  then  we  are  Catholics."^  In  the  conflicting  claims  to  the  see  of 
Antioch,  of  three  prelates,  of  which  we  will  speak  more  fully  hereafter,  he 
manifested  the  greatest  anxiety  to  discover  which  of  them  enjoyed  the 
communion  of  the  Pontiff,  that  with  him  only  he  might  communicate. 

When  the  intention  of  St.  Fulgentius  to  visit  the  monasteries  of  Egypt, 
with  a  view  to  attain  to  the  perfection  of  monastic  discipline,  became  known 
to  Eulalius,  Bishop  of  Syracuse,  he  effectually  dissuaded  him  from  putting 

*  De  obitu  fratris. 

f  Rock.  Some  pretend  that  Optatus  confounded  the  Syriac  term  with  the  Greek  term 
Ktya^ri,  which  signifies  head :  but  this  is  by  no  means  certain,  since  he  might  well  say  that 
the  apostle  was  called  a  rock,  because  he  was  head  of  all  the  apostles. 

J  De  Schismat.  Donat.  1.  ii. 

$  A  Treatise  on  the  Church,  part  vii.  ch.  v.  p.  503. 

||  Ps.  contra  partem  Donati.  ^[  L.  i.  in  Rufin.  n.  4. 


CENTRE   OF   UNITY.  103 

it  in  execution,  by  remarking  that  they  were  separated  from  the  com- 
munion of  Peter,  and  consequently  out  of  the  way  of  salvation,  whatever 
austerities  they  might  practise :  "  You  are  right,"  said  the  bishop,  "  in 
aspiring  to  perfection  •  but  you  know  that  without  faith  it  is  impossible 
to  please  Glod.  The  countries  which  you  desire  to  visit  are  separated  by 
dire  schism  from  the  communion  of  Blessed  Peter."* 

All  the  ancient  symbols  and  fathers  speak  of  unity  as  an  essential  attri- 
bute of  the  Church,  as  Mr.  Manning  has  fully  shown. f  This  unity  was 
not  realized  unless  by  means  of  communion  with  the  Roman  See,  as  Dr. 
Nevin  candidly  avows  :  "  To  be  joined  in  communion  with  the  See  of 
Rome  was  in  the  view  of  this  period  to  be  in  the  bosom  of  the  true  church; 
to  be  out  of  that  communion  was  to  be  in  schism.  It  was  not  enough  to 
be  in  union  with  any  other  bishop  or  body  of  bishops ;  the  sacrament  of 
unity  was  held  to  be  of  force  only,  as  having  regard  to  the  church  in  its 
universal  character ;  and  this  involved  necessarily  the  idea  of  an  universal 
centre,  which  by  general  consent  was  to  be  found  in  Rome  only,  and  no 
where  else."J 

The  sophism  of  some  moderns,  who,  from  the  popular  use  of  the  terms 
"  Roman  Catholic,"  infer  that  our  claims  involve  contradiction,  is  easily 
refuted.  The  term  "  Roman"  was  applied  to  the  Catholic  faith  by  Pela- 
gius  the  heretic,  who  designated  in  this  way  the  faith  of  St.  Ambrose, § 
aud  by  Theodosius  the  younger, ||  as- also  by  St.  Jerom.  The  union  of 
both  appellations  is  popular,  rather  than  ecclesiastical,  for  which  reason  it 
was  objected  to  in  the  Congress  of  Vienna,  by  Cardinal  Consalvi,  who  pre- 
ferred that  the  Church  should  be  styled  Roman  and  Catholic.  The  popu- 
lar usage,  however,  admits  of  an  easy  explanation,  since  the  mention  of 
the  seat  of  power  does  not  necessarily  limit  the  extent  of  empire ;  and  the 
centre  can  be  pointed  to  without  prejudice  to  the  vastness  of  the  circum- 
ference. The  Church  is  Roman,  because  her  visible  head  is  Bishop  of 
Rome :  she  is  Catholic,  because  her  spiritual  dominion  extends  through- 
out all  nations,  even  to  the  extremities  of  the  world. *|f 

^  2.— INTERRUPTIONS   OF   COMMUNION. 

Although  special  facts  should  never  be  allowed  to  militate  against  prin- 
ciples which  are  certain,  it  may  be  useful  to  consider  the  particular  cases 
in  which  prelates  or  churches  are  alleged  to  have  been  out  of  the  commu- 
nion of  the  Roman  See,  without  loss  of  church-membership  or  privileges. 

*  B.  Fulgentii  vita  c.  xiii. 

f  Th^  Unity  of  the  Church,  by  Henry  Edward  Manning,  M.  A.,  Archdeacon  of  Chiches- 
ter,  ch.  i.  ii. 

+  Early  Christianity.     Mercersburg  Review/ September,  1851. 

$  Apud  Aug.  1.  de  Gratia  Christi,  c.  xlvi. 

||  In  Cone.  Eph. 

^f  Auglo-Catholic  is  a  modern  phrase,  involving  a  real  contradiction,  since  it  unites  an 
insular  title,  implying  independent  and  separate  existence,  with  a  claim  to  universality. 


104  CENTRE   OF   UNITY. 

St.  Meletius,  Patriarch  of  Antioch,  is  given  as  an  instance  :  but  it  can 
never  be  shown  that  he  was  deprived  of  ecclesiastical  communion,  although 
for  a  time  he  did  not  enjoy  official  intercourse  with  the  Pontiff.  The 
Arians  had  concurred  in  his  election,  which  threw  doubt  on  his  orthodoxy, 
and  determined  Damasus  to  recognise  Paulinus,  who  was  subsequently  or- 
dained by  Eusebius,  Bishop  of  Vercelli,  at  the  solicitation  of  some  Catho- 
lics. The  suspicions  entertained  to  his  prejudice  were  known  to  be  un- 
just by  St.  Basil  and  other  Eastern  prelates,  who  supported  him  in  conse- 
quence of  the  priority  of  his  ordination.  Damasus  abstained,  in  his  re- 
gard, from  any  positive  act  of  exclusion,  or  of  communion ;  and  Meletius 
persisted  in  maintaining  his  claims,  with  avowed  reverence  for  the  au- 
thority of  the  Pontiff.  According  to  the  established  discipline  of  those 
ages,  the  patriarch,  when  duly  elected  and  consecrated,  received  jurisdic- 
tion, under  the  obligation  of  communicating  his  election  to  the  Pope,  whose 
letters  of  communion  confirmed  him  in  the  possession  of  his  see  :  but  the 
withholding  of  official  intercourse,  when  not  followed  by  positive  excom- 
munication, did  not  strip  him  of  his  authority,  much  less  did  it  place  him 
beyond  the  pale  of  the  Church.  Meletius  continued  to  profess  adhesion 
to  the  Pontiff,  so  that  when  Sapores,  the  commander  of  the  forces,  came 
to  Antioch,  by  order  of  the  emperor  Gratian,  to  deliver  the  churches  to  the 
bishop  in  communion  with  Damasus,  Meletius  satisfied  him  that  he  enjoyed 
it,  and  accordingly  got  possession.  Vitalis  had  been  consecrated  bishop  of 
the  same  see,  by  Apollinaris,  and  professed  the  same  reverence  for  the  pon- 
tifical authority.  In  fact,  the  three  claimants  were  loud  in  their  declara- 
tions of  attachment  to  Rome.  St.  Jerom,  who  was  then  in  Syria,  being 
perplexed  by  their  conflicting  pretensions,  tells  the  Pope  that,  to  avoid  mis- 
take, he  held  communion  with  the  Egyptian  confessor,  that  is,  with  Peter, 
Patriarch  of  Alexandria,  then  an  exile  in  Syria,  who  had  assisted  at  the 
Boman  Council :  "  I  follow  here  your  colleagues,  the  confessors  of  Egypt, 
and  amid  the  merchant  vessels,  I  lie  hid  in  a  little  boat.  I  know  nothing 
of  Vitalis — I  reject  Meletius — I  care  not  for  Paulinus.  Whoever  does 
not  gather  with  you,  scatters ;  that  is,  whoever  is  not  of  Christ  is  of  Anti- 
christ."* He  looked  on  Meletius  with  the  suspicion  with  which  he  was 
generally  viewed  in  the  "V^est,  and  therefore  declined  his  communion. 
To  relieve  himself  from  perplexity,  he  addressed  a  second  letter  to  Da- 
masus :  "  The  Church  here  being  split  into  three  parties,  each  is  eager  to 
draw  me  to  itself.  The  venerable  authority  of  the  monks  who  dwell 
around,  assails  me.  In  the  mean  time  I  cry  aloud  :  WHOEVER  is  UNITED 
WITH  THE  CHAIR  OF  PETER,  is  MINE.  Meletius,  Vitalis,  and  Paulinus 
affirm  that  they  are  united  with  you :  if  one  only  made  the  assertion,  I 
could  believe  him  :  but  in  the  present  case  either  two  or  all  of  them  de- 
ceive me.  Therefore,  I  beseech  you,  blessed  father — by  the  cross  of  the 
Lord,  by  the  becoming  zeal  for  the  faith,f  by  the  passion  of  Christ — as  you 

*  Ep.  xv. 

f  Necessary  regard  for  the  integrity  of  faith,  which  is  the  glory  of  the  Church. 


CENTRE   OF   UNITY.  105 

succeed  the  apostles  in  dignity,  so  may  you  rival  them  in  merit — so  may 
you  sit  on  the  throne  of  judgment  with  the  twelve — so  may  another  gird 
you  like  Peter  in  your  old  age* — so  may  you  gain  the  franchise  of  the 
heavenly  city  with  Paul — declare  to  me  by  your  letter,  with  whom  should 
I  hold  communion  in  Syria.  Do  not  disregard  a  soul  for  which  Christ 
died."f  This  is  the  language  of  a  man,  who  feels  that  it  is  the  duty  of  a 
disciple  of  Christ,  in  whatever  part  of  the  world  he  may  be,  to  communi- 
cate with  the  Bishop  of  Rome,  through  the  local  prelate  enjoying  his  com- 
munion. 

A  compromise  between  Paulinus  and  Meletius  was  subsequently  effected, 
as  Sozomen  and  Socrates  testify,  and  both  prelates  were  recognised  by  the 
Council  of  Aquileja,  held  in  381.  Meletius  presided  in  a  Council  of  An- 
tioch,  held  in  379,  which  solemnly  embraced  the  decree  of  Damasus  and 
the  Roman  synod  against  the  errors  of  Apollinaris,  adding  anathema  to 
the  gainsayers.  The  acts  of  this  council  were  accepted  at  Rome,  and  placed 
in  the  archives  of  that  See,  bound  up  with  those  of  the  Roman  synod,  as 
appears  from  ancient  manuscripts.  The  fathers  of  the  Council  of  Constan- 
tinople, held  in  382,  in  which  Meletius  was  present,  in  their  letter  to  the 
Pope,  bore  testimony  to  the  integrity  of  his  faith,  of  which  the  acts  of  the 
Council  of  Antioch,  which  they  mentioned  with  praise,  were  a  splendid 
evidence.  His  acceptance  of  the  doctrinal  definition  of  Damasus,  and  the 
Pontiff's  approval  of  the  proceedings  of  the  Council  of  Antioch,  were 
solemn  acts  of  direct  communion,  which  show  that  Meletius  did  not  die 
separated  from  unity,  from  which,  in  reality,  he  was  never  excluded. 

It  was  worthy  of  the  truly  liberal  spirit  of  the  Holy  See  to  render  homage 
after  death  to  a  bishop,  whom,  for  a  considerable  period,  it  treated  with 
distrust,  under  false  impressions,  which  time  has  removed.  The  integrity 
of  the  faith  of  Meletius,  the  legitimacy  of  his  ordination,  and  the  eminence 
of  his  virtues,  were  generally  recognised  after  his  death,  when  rival  pre- 
tensions and  interests  could  no  longer  cast  a  cloud  over  them.  The  suc- 
cessors of  Damasus  united  with  the  East  in  the  celebration  of  his  virtues, 
and  his  name  was  inscribed  on  the  records  of  illustrious  prelates  of  the 
Church,  who,  in  difficult  times,  preserved  the  faith,  and  cultivated  piety. 
His  example  may  serve  to  show,  that  a  man  can  attain  to  sanctity  and 
salvation,  although,  from  misconception  and  misrepresentation,  he  be  not 
favored  by  the  chief  bishop  with  special  marks  of  communion ;  but  it  offers 
no  security  to  such  as  persevere  in  sects  separated  from  the  Church,  con- 
trary to  the  divine  law,  which  enjoins  submission  to  our  lawful  pastors, 
and  contrary  to  the  divine  constitution  of  the  Church,  of  which  unity  is 
the  distinctive  principle.  Meletius  was  neither  leader  nor  member  of  a 
sect.  He  held  the  truth  as  it  is  ia  Christ ;  he  received  with  docility  the 
teaching  of  the  chief  bishop ;  he  professed  adhesion  to  his  authority,  and 
it  was  his  misfortune,  not  his  fault,  that  he  could  not  for  a  time  succeed  in 
dissipating  the  suspicions  that  deprived  him  of  official  intercourse. 

*  He  wishes  him  the  crown  of  martyrdom.  f  Ep.  xvi.  Darnaso. 


106  CENTRE  OF  UNITY. 

The  great  solicitude  of  the  Bishops  of  Antioch  to  enjoy  the  communion 
of  the  Apostolic  See,  appears  from  the  efforts  made  in  their  behalf  by  St. 
John  Chrysostom,  on  his  elevation  to  the  See  of  Constantinople.  Having 
been  priest  of  that  Church,  he  charged  the  ambassadors  whom  he  sent  to 
Rome  to  announce  his  own  election,  to  use  their  influence  to  procure  a 
formal  recognition  of  the  actual  bishop  of  Antioch.  Ambassadors  also  came 
from  Flavian  himself,  as  Innocent  I.  testifies  :  "  The  Church  of  Antioch, 
which  the  blessed  apostle  Peter,  before  he  came  to  the  city  of  Rome,  illus- 
trated by  his  presence,  as  a  sister  of  the  Roman  Church,  did  not  suffer 
herself  to  be  long  estranged  from  her,  for,  having  sent  ambassadors,  she 
sought  and  obtained  peace."*  The  misunderstanding  had  lasted  seventeen 
years ;  but  it  implied  no  difference  of  belief,  or  breach  of  unity.  It  arose 
from  the  difficulty  of  putting  facts  in  their  true  light,  and  dissipating  pre- 
judices honestly  entertained  against  individuals.  It  is  freely  admitted, 
that,  in  such  circumstances,  the  want  of  direct  communion  with  the  Apos- 
tolic See  may  not  be  fatal  to  the  claims  of  membership  of  the  Catholic 
Church :  but  the  nature  of  unity  and  catholicity  manifestly  forbids  us  to 
consider  as  members  of  the  Church,  those  who  positively  reject  her  com- 
munion. 

Mr.  Palmer,  after  having  assigned  unity  as  a  mark  of  the  Church,  labors 
with  great  industry  to  prove  that  it  is  possible  that  she  may  be  divided  in 
respect  of  external  communion :  thus  throwing  down  with  one  hand  what 
he  builds  up  with  the  other.  He  particularly  endeavors  to  show,  that  at 
various  times  the  communion  between  the  Church  of  Rome  and  the  orien- 
tal churches  was  actually  interrupted,  as  after  the  death  of  St.  Chrysostom, 
when  the  Roman  Church,  followed  by  all  the  West,  refused  to  communi- 
cate with  the  oriental  bishops,  especially  with  Theophilus  of  Alexandria, 
as  long  as  they  declined  to  re-establish  the  memory  of  the  holy  Bishop  of 
Constantinople.  This,  however,  was  not  an  absolute  excommunication, 
excluding  them  from  the  pale  of  the  Church,  but  a  denial  of  the  usual 
marks  of  brotherhood,  in  order  to  compel  them  to  do  justice  to  the  me- 
mory of  a  persecuted  prelate.  When  Acacius,  bishop  of  the  same  see,  was 
excommunicated  by  the  Pope,  he  could  no  longer  be  a  member  of  the 
Church,  since  Christ  binds  in  heaven  those  whom  His  vicar  binds  on 
earth.  The  oriental  bishops  who  still  adhered  to  Acacius,  violated  their 
duty,  and  such  of  them  as  professed  the  heresy  for  which  he  was  con- 
demned, forfeited  thereby  the  communion  of  the  Church :  but  those  who 
only  indulged  partisan  attachment,  without  rejecting  the  faith  and  com- 
munion of  the  Pontiff,  and  who  were  not  expressly  separated  from  the 
Church  by  his  act,  might  remain  included  among  her  members.  The 
period  of  thirty-five  years  which  elapsed  before  this  dissension  was  healed, 
was  not  one  of  absolute  interruption.  The  communion  between  the  East 
and  the  West  was  partially  suspended,  rather  than  broken  off;  the  Pope 
refusing  to  give  tokens  of  his  communion  to  the  oriental  prelates,  as  long 

*  Ep.  xxiii.  Bonifacio,  col.  852,  t.  1.  Coustant. 


CENTRE   OF   UNITY.  107 

as  the  name  of  Acacius  remained  on  the  sacred  tablets.  The  condition  on 
which  a  reconciliation  took  place,  was  a  solemn  engagement  on  the  part 
of  John,  Bishop  of  Constantinople,  not  to  allow  to  be  inscribed  on  the 
tablets  of  the  Church,  the  names  of  any  who  did  not  in  all  things  har- 
monize with  the  Apostolic  See  :  "  We  promise,"  said  he,  writing  to  Pope 
Horniisdas,  in  the  year  515,  that  "  hereafter  the  names  of  such  as  are  se- 
parated from  the  communion  of  the  Catholic  Church,  that  is,  such  as  do 
not  in  all  things  harmonize  with  the  Apostolic  See,  shall  not  be  recited  in 
the  celebration  of  the  sacred  mysteries."*  Thus  harmony  with  the  Holy 
See  was  declared  to  be  identical  with  communion  with  the  Catholic 
Church. 

In  the  great  schism  between  the  rival  claimants  of  the  papal  chair,  in 
the  fourteenth  century,  on  which  Mr.  Palmer  lays  great  stress,  there  was 
no  rejection  of  the  pontifical  authority,  which  on  the  contrary  all  solemnly 
recognised,  although  the  doubt  which  existed  as  to  the  fact — who  was 
lawful  Pontiff — prevented  their  mutual  intercourse.  No  instance  can  be 
produced  from  the  history  of  the  Church  to  prove,  that  any  one  who  openly 
denies  the  primacy  of  the  Apostolic  See,  or  who  is  solemnly  excommuni- 
cated by  the  lawful  occupant  of  the  papal  chair,  can  be  regarded  as  a 
member  of  the  Church  :  much  less  can  it  be  shown  that  any  local  church, 
or  any  collection  of  churches,  absolutely  separated  by  their  own  act,  or  by 
the  act  of  the  Pontiff,  from  his  communion,  can  be  considered  as  portions 
of  the  universal  Church.  The  unanimous  teaching  of  the  fathers  demon- 
strates that  the  unity  of  the  Church  is  indivisible,  and  that  she  is  one,  not 
only  in  each  place  by  her  local  government,  but  throughout  the  world,  by 
the  compact  connection  of  all  her  parts ;  on  which  account  she  is  com- 
pared by  St.  Cyprian  to  a  tree,  whose  branches  spread  all  around,  to  a 
spring  whose  waters  flow  through  numberless  channels,  and  to  the  sun 
whose  rays  shed  light  abroad  throughout  the  entire  earth  :  "  The  Church 
is  one,  which,  by  the  growth  of  its  fruitfulness,  is  spread  widely  into  a 
multitude :  as  there  are  many  rays  of  the  sun,  but  one  light,  and  many 
branches  of  a  tree,  but  one  trunk  planted  in  the  clinging  root :  and  though 
from  one  source  many  rivers  flow,  so  that  there  seem  to  be  many  several 
streams,  by  reason  of  the  fulness  of  the  abundant  flood,  yet  is  the  oneness 
maintained  in  the  original  spring.  Take  off  a  ray  from  the  body  of  the 
sun,  the  unity  of  light  admits  no  division ;  cut  off  a  stream  from  the 
source — that  which  is  cut  off  dries  up ;  so  the  Church,  filled  throughout 
with  the  light  of  the  Lord,  spreads  its  rays  through  the  whole  world ;  yet 
is  it  only  one  light  which  is  everywhere  diffused ;  nor  is  the  unity  of  the 
body  severed :  by  reason  of  its  abundant  fulness  it  stretches  its  rays  into 
all  the  earth,  it  pours  widely  its  flowing  streams,  yet  there  is  one  head, 
and  one  beginning,  and  one  mother,  teeming  with  continual  fruitfulness."f 

*  Cone.  t.  ii.  col.  1077.  f  Cyprian  de  Unit.  Eccl. 


CHAPTER  X. 

nt  tepUs  0f  f  apl  Jfltfearitj, 

g  1.— DISTURBANCES  AT   CORINTH. 

IT  is  declared  by  St.  Paul  that  heresies  are  attended  with  advantage, 
inasmuch  as  they  serve  to  try  men,  and  to  distinguish  the  faithful  and 
stable  from  the  unsteady  and  perverse  :  "  there  must  be  also  heresies,  that 
they  also  who  are  approved,  may  be  made  manifest  among  you."*  They 
serve,  at  the  same  time,  to  mark  more  clearly  the  faith  of  the  Church,  and 
to  render  it  more  illustrious.  In  like  manner  schisms,  controversies,  and 
scandals,  in  the  designs  of  Providence,  become  instrumental  for  good,  afford 
us  a  salutary  warning  to  shun  strife  and  crime,  and  lead  us  to  respect  au- 
thority. 

Toward  the  end  of  the  first  century,  before  the  death  of  St.  John  the 
apostle,  violent  commotions  broke  out  at  Corinth,  in  which  the  clergy  suf- 
fered by  the  opposition  of  rash  and  misguided  men.  The  persecutions 
which,  about  the  same  time,  raged  at  Rome,  prevented  immediate  action  in 
the  case  on  the  part  of  the  Church  of  this  city ;  but  as  soon  as  an  interval 
of  peace  was  granted,  an  effort  to  restore  harmony  was  made  in  the  name 
of  the  Roman  Church,  and  a  letter  of  expostulation  and  advice  was  sent, 
which  was  so  esteemed  and  venerated,  that  long  afterward  it  was  wont  to 
be  read  publicly  in  the  Church  of  Corinth,f  and  is  justly  valued  among 
the  most  precious  monuments  of  Christian  antiquity.  Messengers  were 
despatched,  charged  to  use  every  exertion  to  re-establish  order.  The  terms 
of  the  letter  may  not  satisfy  a  fastidious  critic  that  superior  authority  was 
claimed  by  the  writer,  because  persuasion  only  is  used;  but  the  judicious 
reader  will  easily  understand,  that  where  passions  are  excited,  they  can 
scarcely  be  subdued  by  urging  abstract  views  of  power.  The  interposition 
of  a  distant  prelate  in  the  internal  affairs  of  the  Corinthian  Church,  cannot 
be  accounted  for  satisfactorily  unless  by  reference  to  his  universal  charge, 
especially  as  the  apostle  John,  then  residing  at  Ephesus,  was  much  nearer 
to  the  scene  of  strife,  and  could  hope  to  exercise  greater  personal  influence, 
besides  the  authority  of  his  office. J  Had  not  Clement  felt  it  to  be  his 

*  1  Cor.  xi.  19.  f  Dionys.  cor.  apud  Euseb.  Hist.  Eccl.  1.  iv.  c.  xxiii. 

J  This  forms  a  difficulty  in  the  mind  of  Dr.  Schaff,  that  an  apostle  should  be  in  any 
way  subordinate  to  Clement,  the  Roman  Bishop;  but  it  is  nowise  incompatible  with  his 
privileges  ns  an  apostle  to  respect  the  order  established  by  Christ  for  the  benefit  of  the 
whole  Church. 
108 


ANCIENT   EXAMPLES   OF   PAPAL   AUTHORITY.  109 

duty,  he  scarcely  would  have  ventured,  in  such  circumstances,  to  address 
the  revolters.  That  he  wrote  the  letter,  although  it  bears  the  name  of 
"  the  Church  of  God  which  is  at  Rome,"  is  attested  by  Irenseus,  a  writer 
of  the  next  age  ;*  and  the  title  is  sufficiently  accounted  for,  by  the  ancient 
custom  of  assembling  the  clergy  on  occasions  of  great  importance,  and 
acting  with  their  advice  and  concurrence.  The  bishop  and  the  church 
were  identified  in  such  acts,  since,  as  ST.  CYPRIAN  remarks,  "  the  church 
is  the  people  united  with  the  priest  and  the  flock  following  its  pastor ; 
whence  you  should  know  that  thr,  bishop  is  in  the  church,  and  the  church 
is  in  the  bishop. "f 

g  2.— PASCHAL   CONTROVERSY. 

The  second  century  affords  us  more  decisive  proofs  of  the  official  inter- 
ference of  the  Bishop  ot  Rome  in  the  affairs  of  the  Eastern  churches.  A 
difference  of  discipline  in  regard  to  the  time  of  celebrating  Easter  existed, 
from  the  commencement,  between  the  churches  of  Asia  Minor  and  the 
Western  churches.  The  former  alleged  the  authority  of  St.  John  the 
evangelist  for  celebrating  it  on  the  same  day  as  the  Jews ;  thus  changing 
the  object  of  the  festival,  and  commemorating  the  resurrection  of  our  Lord, 
while  the  Jews  ate  of  the  paschal  lamb.  The  Western  churches,  especially 
the  Church  of  Rome,  and  also  the  Church  of  Alexandria,  celebrated  it  on 
the  Sunday  following  the  Jewish  feast;  not  wishing  to  appear  to  retain  any 
thing  of  the  abrogated  ceremonial.  The  matter  in  itself  was  indifferent, 
and  the  various  usages  may  have  been  originally  sanctioned  by  the  respec- 
tive apostles,  who  founded  the  churches,  since  variety  in  discipline  may 
be  expedient,  according  to  local  circumstances.  In  places  where  the  con- 
verts from  Judaism  formed  the  main  body  of  Christians,  their  transition 
to  Christianity  was  rendered  less  difficult  by  retaining  the  day  of  their 
solemnity ;  and  thus  the  usages  of  the  Asiatic  churches  may  have  had  the 
sanction  of  St.  John.  At  Rome,  and  wherever  the  churches  were  chiefly 
composed  of  converts  from  heathenism,  the  same  delicate  regard  to  Jewish 
feelings  not  being  required,  it  seemed  expedient  to  leave  no  occasion  for 
supposing  that  any  legal  observance  was  still  in  force  among  Christians. 
Anicetus,  who  held  the  chair  of  St.  Peter  about  the  middle  of  the  second 
century,  endeavored  to  persuade  Polycarp,  Bishop  of  Smyrna,  on  occasion 
of  his  visit  to  Rome,  to  conform  to  the  more  general  usage ;  but  the  vene- 
rable prelate  pleaded  so  strongly  in  favor  of  the  custom  of  the  Asiatic 
churches,  that  Anicetus  abstained  from  any  positive  prohibition,  and 
treated  his  illustrious  guest  with  the  honor  which  his  virtues  and  station 
deserved. 

Near  the  close  of  the  same  century,  Victor,  Bishop  of  Rome,  resolved  to 
procure  uniformity,  even  by  having  recourse  to  severe  measures,  if  necessary. 

*  L.  iii.  adv.  hrer.  c.  iii.  f  Ep.  Ixix.  ad  Pupianum. 


110  ANCIENT   EXAMPLES   OF   PAPAL  AUTHORITY. 

The  Western  bishops  were  unanimous  in  desiring  it,  and  among  others, 
Irenaeus,  Bishop  of  Lyons,  at  the  head  of  a  synod  in  Gaul,  wrote  to  the 
Asiatic  churches,  strongly  recommending  it.*  A  letter  to  the  same  effect 
was  issued  in  the  name  of  Victor,  by  a  Roman  synod  over  which  he  pre- 
sided, exhorting  the  bishops  of  Asia  to  hold  synods,  in  order  to  bring 
about  the  change. f  At  Caesarea  of  Palestine  a  numerous  Council  was 
held,  which  enacted  that  the  Paschal  festival  should  thenceforward  be 
celebrated  on  Sunday :  but  Polycrates,  Bishop  of  Ephesus,  with  a  synod 
in  which  he  presided,  persisted  in  defending  the  ancient  usage.  Victor 
resolved  on  cutting  off7  the  refractory  from  his  communion,  which  so 
alarmed  Irenseus,  that  he  wrote  to  him  an  earnest  letter  of  remonstrance, 
deprecating  the  loss  of  so  many  churches  to  Catholic  unity,  for  an  obser- 
vance which  had  been  so  long  tolerated,  and  reminding  him  of  the  wise  in- 
dulgence of  Anicetus,  who  treated  Polycarp  with  marked  distinction,  not- 
withstanding the  tenacity  with  which  he  clung  to  the  Asiatic  practice. J 
All  these  facts,  which  are  detailed  by  Eusebius,  are  not  called  in  question 
by  any  of  the  learned.  It  is,  however,  doubted  whether  Victor  actually 
pronounced  excommunication. 

Of  the  justice  and  wisdom  of  the  course  pursued  by  Victor,  different 
sentiments  may  be  entertained :  but  it  cannot  fairly  be  questioned  that  he 
claimed  authority  over  the  Asiatic  churches,  and,  at  least,  threatened  to 
employ  it,  in  the  severest  manner,  to  compel  them  to  conform  to  the  more 
general  usage.  The  pertinacious  adherence  of  Polycrates  and  other  bi- 
shops to  the  custom  of  the  East,  may  be  used  to  show  that  the  ancient 
rites  of  local  churches  should  not  be  hastily  proscribed,  even  by  the  Bishop 
of  Rome :  but  it  does  not  prove  that  his  authority  was  called  in  question. 
In  the  letter  of  the  synod,  which  maintained  the  usage,  precedents  are  in- 
sisted on  as  justifying  it;  while  the  obvious  reply  is  omitted,  which  would 
have  been  at  once  conclusive,  had  Victor  no  right  to  control  the  churches 
of  the  East.  The  holding  of  various  local  Councils  by  his  orders,  the 
compliance  of  some  of  them  with  his  injunction,  the  plea  of  ancient  pre- 
cedent strongly  urged  by  others,  the  remonstrance  of  Irenseus  against  pre- 
cipitate severity,  all  concur  to  prove  that  the  authority  of  Victor  was  uni- 
versally admitted,  although  the  justice  or  expediency  of  its  exercise  was 
questioned  by  some.  This  is  all  that  is  implied  in  the  words  of  Poly- 
crates :  "  I  am  not  at  all  moved  by  the  threats  held  out  to  me  :  for  greater 
than  I  have  said  :  l  It  behoveth  us  to  obey  God,  rather  than  men.'"§  It 
is  plain  that  he  considered  Victor  as  commanding,  and  menacing;  but 
under  the  false  impression  that  the  festival  day  prescribed  by  God  to  the 
Jews  was  still  obligatory,  he  refused  obedience  to  what  he  deemed  an  un- 

*  See  letter  of  Irenseus,  inter  Ep.  Rom.  Pont.  Constant,  col.  105.  t.  i. 
f  See  letter  of  Polycrates  to  Victor,  ibidem,  col.  100.     He  states  that  he  had  summoned 
the  bishops  at  his  request. 

J  L.  v.  Hist.  Eccl.  c.  xxiii.  xxiv. 

g  Vide  inter  Ptom.  Pontif.  epist.  studio  Petri  Coustant,  t.  i.  col.  99. 


ANCIENT  EXAMPLES   OF   PAPAL   AUTHORITY.  HI 

just  precept,  and  an  abuse  of  authority.  Had  he  recognised  in  the  Roman 
Bishop  no  power  to  command,  he  would  surely  at  once  have  repelled  the 
attempt  to  dictate  to  him,  and  boldly  denied  his  right  of  interference. 

Whether  Victor  actually  issued  an  excommunication,  or  merely  threat- 
ened to  issue  it,  his  claim  to  superior  power  is  manifest.  Potter  speaks  of 
his  act  as  unjust,  but  adds  :  "  however,  it  is  a  good  evidence  that  excom- 
munication was  used  at  this  time  in  the  Church/'*  He  might  have  said 
with  equal  truth,  that  it  is  good  evidence  that  the  Bishop  of  Rome  at  that 
early  period,  claimed  power  over  the  bishops  of  Asia,  ordered  them  to  hold 
synods  with  a  view  to  put  his  decree  in  execution,  and  threatened  them 
with  excommunication,  in  case  of  resistance  ]  and  that  those  who  resisted 
his  orders,  did  not  call  in  question  his  authority.  From  the  narrative  of 
Eusebius,  it  is  clear  that  his  threat  was  not  looked  on  as  an  insolent  as- 
sumption of  power,  or  an  idle  waste  of  words,  but  that  every  effort  was 
made  by  argument,  remonstrance,  and  entreaty,  to  avert  its  execution. 
The  judgment  of  the  entire  episcopal  body  in  the  Council  of  Nice,  vindi- 
cated the  wisdom  and  foresight  of  the  Pontiff,  by  classing  among  heretics 
the  Quartodecimans,  who,  under  the  false  persuasion,  that  the  Mosaic  law 
was  still  obligatory  as  far  as  the  day  of  the  paschal  solemnity  was  con- 
cerned, persisted  in  celebrating  the  Christian  festival  on  the  same  day  on 
which  the  Jews  offered  the  paschal  victim.  This  is  not  the  only  instance 
in  which  the  Popes  have  proved  their  deep  discrimination,  and  enlightened 
zeal  to  reform  usages  pregnant  with  danger  to  the  integrity  of  Christian 
faith,  and  have  received  the  highest  homage  that  could  be  rendered  to 
their  wisdom,  by  the  final  adhesion  of  the  episcopal  body  and  of  the  whole 
Church  to  their  judgment.  Like  watchful  pilots,  they  were  the  first  to 
discern  the  distant  speck,  which  gradually  grew  into  a  thunder-cloud,  and 
burst  in  fury  on  the  vessel  of  the  Church,  whose  helm,  with  steady  hand, 
they  directed. 

I  3.— MONTANISM. 

The  heresy  broached  by  Montanus,  of  Mysia,  in  the  decline  of  the 
second  century,  prevailed  in  various  parts  of  Asia  Minor  and  Phrygia. 
The  heresiarch  denied  the  lawfulness  of  second  marriages,  and  the  power 
of  forgiving  heinous  sins,  such  as  adultery,  murder,  and  apostasy.  Every 
effort  was  made  by  his  followers  to  procure  from  the  Bishop  of  Rome  at 
least  an  indirect  sanction  for  their  errors,  by  the  admission  of  their  abet- 
tors to  communion  :  and  if  the  testimony  of  Tertullian,  who  embraced  the 
sect,  can  be  relied  on,  they  actually  succeeded  in  disposing  himf  to  write 
to  the  Asiatic  churches  to  this  effect.  However,  the  timely  arrival  of 
Praxeas,  who  himself  had  been  of  their  number,  defeated  their  artifices. J 

*  On  Church  Government,  p.  335.  f  Tertullian  does  not  give  his  name. 

Tertull.  Lib.  ad  Praxearn. 


112  ANCIENT   EXAMPLES   OF   PAPAL   AUTHORITY. 

The  martyrs  of  Lyons  addressed  Eleutherius,  urging  him  to  oppose  the 
progress  of  the  heresy,  by  the  authority  of  his  office,  which  he  accordingly 
employed  for  that  purpose.*  Of  this  mission,  St.  Jerom  says  :  "  Irenasus, 
a  priest  of  Pothinus,  the  bishop  who  then  ruled  the  Church  of  Lyons,  in 
Gaul,  was  sent  as  legate  by  the  martyrs  of  that  place  to  Rome,  concerning 
certain  ecclesiastical  questions. "f 

The  decree  of  the  Bishop  of  Rome,  by  which  adulterers,  as  well  as  other 
sinners,  were  declared  admissible  to  communion,  after  suitable  penance,  is 
mentioned  by  Tertullian  in  terms  that  prove  him  to  be  a  reluctant  witness 
to  the  pontifical  supremacy :  "I  hear  that  an  edict  has  been  published, 
and,  indeed,  a  peremptory  one :  namely,  THE  BISHOP  OF  BISHOPS,  which 
is  equivalent  to  the  sovereign  Pontiff,  proclaims :  I  pardon  the  sins  of 
adultery  and  fornication  to  such  as  have  performed  penance.  This  is  read 
in  the  Church,  and  is  proclaimed  in  the  Church. "J  The  authority  from 
which  this  decree  emanated,  was  manifestly  supreme,  since  it  was  thus 
publicly  acknowledged  by  the  solemn  promulgation  of  this  "peremptory" 
edict.  The  Bishop  of  Rome,  of  whom  Tertullian  confessedly  speaks,  is 
styled  by  him  "  BISHOP  OF  BISHOPS,"§  because  he  acted  as  having  power 
over  other  bishops.  It  is  not  at  all  probable,  that  he  employed  the  lan- 
guage which  the  Montanist  puts  in  his  mouth,  since  the  Popes  have  al- 
ways abstained  from  the  use  of  pompous  and  offensive  titles  :  but  his  acts 
bespoke  him  to  be  the  chief  bishop,  which  was  tantamount,  in  the  mind 
of  Tertullian,  to  '  sovereign  Pontiff/  a  title  at  that  time  justly  ctetested,  on 
account  of  the  idolatrous  functions  which  belonged  to  the  office,  although 
after  the  extirpation  of  idolatry,  it  was  applied,  in  an  innocuous  sense,  to 
the  High  Priest  of  Christianity.  George  Stanley  Faber  admits  that  the 
primacy  was  already  claimed  :  "  In  the  time  of  Tertullian,  whose  life  ex- 
tended into  the  third  century,  a  considerable  advance  had  plainly  been 
made  by  the  See  of  Rome,  in  the  claim  of  the  primacy,  inasmuch  as  he 
calls  the  Bishop  of  that  Church  the  supreme  Pontiff,  and  distinguished 
him  with  the  title  of  Bishop  of  bishops." || 

In  combating  this  decree,  Tertullian  maintained  that  the  power  given 
to  Peter  did  not  regard  the  remission  of  sins,  and  that,  whatever  it  was,  it 
was  conferred  on  him  personally,  not  communicated  to  the  Church  at  large, 
or  even  to  the  local  Church,  of  which  he  was  founder.  While  recognising 
the  Roman  Bishop  as  "Apostolic,"  that  is,  successor  of  the  apostle,  and 
the  Roman  Church  as  Peter's  Church,  he  insists  that  the  duties  of  the 
bishop  "  are  merely  disciplinary,  to  preside,  not  imperiously,  but  minis- 
terially," and  denies  his  right  to  exercise  the  power  of  forgiveness  :  "  I  now 


*  Euseb.  1.  v.  Hist.  Eccl.  c.  iii.  f  Cat.  Script.  Eccl.  t.  iv.  113. 

J  L.  de  pudicitia,  c.  1. 

$  Pontifex  scilicet  Maximus,  quod  est  episcopus  episcoporum.    There  is  an  inversion  in 
the  sentence,  which  is  quite  familiar  to  Tertullian. 
|i  Difficulties  of  Romanism,  by  George  Stanley  Faber.     Note,  p.  261.     Phil.  edit. 


ANCIENT   EXAMPLES   OF   PAPAL   AUTHORITY.  113 

ask  your  own  sentiment,  whence  do  you  claim  this  power  for  the  Church  ? 
"  If,  because  the  Lord  said  to  Peter,  '  on  this  rock  I  will  build  My  Church/ 
'  to  thee  I  have  given  the  keys  of  the  kingdom  of  heaven/  or,  '  whatsoever 
thou  shalt  bind  or  loose  upon  earth,  shall  be  bound  or  loosed  in  heaven/ 
you  presume,  on  that  account,  that  the  power  of  loosing  and  binding  has 
come  down  to  you,  that  is,  to  the  whole  Church  allied  to  Peter  ;*  who  are 
you,  to  overturn  and  change  the  manifest  intention  of  the  Lord,  who  con- 
ferred this  on  Peter  personally  ?  '  On  thee/  he  says,  '  I  will  build  My 
Church,  AND  TO  THEE,  (not  to  the  Church,)  I  will  give  the  keys,  and 
whatsoever  THOU  shalt  bind  or  loose,  not  what  they  shall  bind  or  loose  !"f 
This  partisan  effort  to  limit  the  promise  to  Peter  personally,  should  meet 
with  little  sympathy  from  those  who  strive  to  extend  it  to  all  the  apostles, 
and  to  all  bishops  :  yet  Faber  triumphs  in  the  sophistry  of  the  Montanist, 
and  remarks  with  complacency  :  "  He  flatly  denies  that  it  can  be  construed 
as  belonging  to  what  then  began  to  be  esteemed  as  PETER'S  CHURCH. "J 
It  is  unfair  to  speak  of  this  as  a  nascent  opinion,  since  Tertullian  uses 
positive  language,  and  elsewhere  refers  confidently  to  the  succession  of  the 
Roman  bishops  from  Peter,  and  the  authority  of  their  teaching.  He  is 
an  unexceptionable  witness  of  the  claims  of  the  Bishop  of  Rome  in  his 
time,  and  of  the  authority  which  he  effectually  exercised,  and  which  was 
courted  even  by  opponents,  with  a  view  to  betray  him  into  some  measure 
favorable  to  their  errors.  It  was  felt  in  Phrygia,  where  the  sect  numbered 
a  multitude  of  votaries ;  and  in  Africa,  where  it  was  assailed  by  the  power- 
ful logician  whose  subtilties  we  have  exposed.  At  the  same  time  it  was 
venerated  in  Gaul,  by  the  martyrs,  who  from  their  dungeons  implored  its 
exercise,  to  preserve  the  faith  in  its  integrity. 

§  4.— CONTROVERSY  CONCERNING  BAPTISM. 

The  dispute  concerning  baptism  administered  by  heretics  rose  to  a  high 
pitch  of  excitement  in  the  middle  of  the  third  century.  The  various  sects 
that  denied  the  mystery  of  the  Trinity,  naturally  introduced  changes  into 
the  form  of  words  used  in  baptizing,  by  which  it  was  entirely  vitiated ; 
and,  of  course,  no  account  was  had  of  the  act,  when  converts  from  them 
sought  to  be  admitted  to  the  Catholic  Church.  The  custom  of  baptizing 
such  persons  was  extended  in  some  parts  of  Africa  to  .converts  from  all  the 
sects,  even  to  such  as  had  been  baptized  with  the  due  form  of  words ; 
which  usage  had  received  the  sanction  of  Agrippinus,  Bishop  of.  Carthage, 
in  a  Council  held  early  in  this  century.  St.  Cyprian,  through  horror  for 
heresy,  and  love  for  Catholic  unity,  added  his  approval  in  several  Councils, 
"  reprobating  the  baptism  of  heretics,  and  sent  the  acts  of  an  African 
synod  held  on  this  subject,  to  Stephen,  who  was  at  that  time  Bishop  of 
the  city  of  Rorne."§  His  ambassadors,  however,  were  not  received  to  com- 

*  Ad  omnem  ecclesiam  Petri  propinquam.  f  L.  de  pudicitia,  c.  xxi. 

J  Difficulties  of  Romanism,  Note,  p.  261.  g  St.  Jerom,  Dial.  adv.  Lucifer. 


114  ANCIENT   EXAMPLES   OF   PAPAL   AUTHORITY. 

munion  by  the  Pontiff,  who  was  highly  displeased  at  this  attempt  to  establish 
a  usage  different  from  the  general  custom  of  the  Church,  founded  on  ancient 
tradition.  In  reply,  he  sent  to  Cyprian  a  command  in  these  terms  :  "  Let 
no  change  be  made,  contrary  to  what  has  been  handed  down."  This  de- 
cree was  received  with  murmurs  by  the  bishops  of  Africa.  Cyprian  at 
their  head,  in  a  subsequent  Council,  continued  to  adhere  to  the  usage 
which  he  had  previously  sanctioned,  professing,  however,  that  he  did  not 
mean  to  force  others  to  conform  to  his  practice,  since  each  was  responsible 
to  God  for  the  administration  of  his  diocese.  "  No  one  of  us,"  he  says, 
"  constitutes  himself  a  bishop  of  bishops,  or,  by  tyrannical  terror,  compels 
his  colleagues  to  the  necessity  of  obedience,  since  every  bishop  enjoys  his 
own  judgment  according  to  the  liberty  of  his  power,  and  can  no  more  be 
judged  by  another,  than  he  can  judge  another.  Let  us  all  await  the  judg- 
ment of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  who  alone  has  the  power  both  to  place  us 
in  the  government  of  His  Church,  and  to  judge  of  our  conduct."*  Were 
these  words  taken  as  they  sound,  they  would  suppose  each  bishop  absolute 
and  independent ;  whereas  all  antiquity  attests  that  the  action  of  individual 
bishops  may  be  directed  and  controlled  by  synodical  enactments — not  to 
speak  at  present  of  the  authority  of  the  Holy  See — and  that  delinquents 
may  be  removed  for  mal-administration,  or  misconduct.  St.  Cyprian,  then, 
cannot  be  understood  in  this  sense.  He  himself,  as  we  shall  hereafter  see, 
had  solicited  the  Pontiff  to  remove  Marcian  from  Aries,  and  approved  of 
the  deposition  of  Basilides,  which  had  been  made  in  a  Spanish  Council. 
The  liberty  which  he  claimed  was  in  matters  not  decided  by  the  supreme 
authority  of  the  Church,  as  St.  Augustin  testifies. f  He  stated,  with  com- 
placency, that  neither  he  himself,  nor  any  of  his  African  colleagues,  acted 
as  "  bishop  of  bishops,"  because  all  were  willing  to  allow  a  difference  of 
sentiment  and  practice  in  the  matter  of  baptism ;  which  not  conceiving  to 
interest  faith,  they  referred  to  the  judgment  of  God ;  and  he  attached  the 
more  importance  to  their  harmony  in  sentiment,  as  being  totally  uncon- 
strained and  uninfluenced.  If  he  be  supposed  to  use  these  terms  sarcas- 
tically, with  reference  to  Stephen,  it  must  be  allowed  that  this  Pontiff 
claimed  and  exercised  the  authority  of  a  superior.  Such  is  the  tenor  of 
the  extant  documents,  which  are  considered  by  most  writers  as  genuine, 
although  their  authenticity  was  questioned  by  some  so  far  back  as  the  days 
of  St.  Augustin.  J 

The  practice  of  baptizing  anew  converts  from  heresy  had  also  crept  into 
some  provinces  of  Asia,  and  "  Stephen  had  written  concerning  Helenus, 
and  Firmilian,  and  all  the  priests  throughout  Cilicia,  Cappadocia,  and  all 
the  neighboring  provinces,  that  he  would  not  communicate  with  them,  for 
this  same  reason,  that  they  rebaptized  heretics."§  Dionysius,  Bishop  of 

*  Sententiae  episcoporum,  Ixxxvii.  de  Acer.  bapt. 

•f  De  Ba,pt.  contra  Donatistas,  1.  iii.  c.  iii. 

J  Ep.  xciii.  ad  Vincentium  Rogat.  $  38. 

$  Dionys.  Alex,  apud  Euseb.  I.  v.  Hist.  Eccl. 


ANCIENT   EXAMPLES    OF   PAPAL   AUTHORITY.  115 

Alexandria,  who  states  the  fact,  wrote  to  Stephen,  deprecating  this  se- 
verity. 

This  serious  dispute  shows  the  authority  which  the  Bishop  of  Rome  then 
exercised,  and  which,  even  when  resisted,  on  account  of  its  supposed  abuse, 
was,  in  fact,  acknowledged.  The  transmission  of  the  proceedings  of  the 
African  synod  to  Rome,  was  a  marked  testimony  of  the  pre-eminence  of 
the  Roman  Bishop ;  whose  immediate  action  in  the  case  proves  that  he 
conceived  himself  authorized  to  judge  of  the  correctness  of  the  canons,  and 
to  rescind  them,  when  found  in  opposition  to  the  general  and  ancient 
usages  of  the  Church.  It  was  viewed  in  this  light  by  ST.  VINCENT  OP 
LERINS,  a  profound  writer  of  the  fifth  century,  who  points  to  it  as  an  in- 
stance in  which  novelty  was  successfully  opposed  by  the  successors  of 
Peter.  "  When,  •  therefore,  all  cried  out  from  all  quarters  against  the 
novelty,  and  all  priests,  in  every  place,  struggled  against  it,  each  according 
to  his  zeal,  Pope  Stephen,  of  blessed  memory,  who  at  that  time  was  pre- 
late of  the  Apostolic  See,  resisted,  in  conjunction,  indeed,  with  his  col- 
leagues, but  yet  more  than  his  colleagues,  THINKING  IT  FIT,  as  I  suppose, 

THAT  HE  SHOULD  SURPASS  ALL  OTHERS  IN  THE  DEVOTEDNESS  OF  HIS 
FAITH,  AS  MUCH  AS  HE  EXCELLED  THEM  BY  THE  AUTHORITY  OF  HIS 

STATION.     Finally,  in  the  epistle  which  was  then  sent  to  Africa,  he  de- 
creed in  these  words :  that  l  NO  INNOVATION  SHOULD  BE  ADMITTED,  BUT 

THAT  WHAT  WAS  HANDED  DOWN,  SHOULD    BE   RETAINED.'       What    force 

had  the  African  Council  or  decree  ?  None,  through  the  mercy  of  God."* 
The  history  of  this  controversy  plainly  proves,  that  on  both  sides  it  was 
maintained  that  Stephen  held  the  place  of  Peter.  We  are  asked  how 
could  Cyprian  have  dared  resist,  if  he  had  regarded  Stephen  as  his  eccle- 
siastical superior  ?  The  answer  is  obvious :  He  believed  that  Stephen 
rashly  employed  his  authority,  to  proscribe  a  practice  intimately  connected 
with  the  unity  and  sanctity  of  the  Church.  Respectful  remonstrance  is 
permitted,  whenever  authority  is  injudiciously  exercised.  Cyprian  felt  that 
to  acknowledge  the  baptism  of  heretics  was  virtually  to  sanction  heresy, 
by  communicating  to  an  adulteress  the  unalienable  privileges  of  the  pure 
Spouse  of  Christ ;  and  resting  on  her  acknowledged  unity,  he  rejected  the 
pretensions  of  every  sect.  Stephen,  relying  on  ancient  usage  and  tradi- 
tion, condemned  the  novel  practice,  and  the  decree  made  in  its  support; 
yet  he  did  not  issue  a  formal  definition  of  faith.  St.  Augustin  confidently 
says,  that  Cyprian  would  have  readily  acquiesced,  had  the  matter  been 
placed  in  a  clear  light  by  the  examination  and  decision  of  a  general  Coun- 
cil, which  does  not  imply  that  he  would  have  submitted  to  no  other  au- 
thority, but  that  by  this  means  the  general  practice  of  the  Church  and  her 
ancient  tradition  would  have  been  clearly  proved.  In  the  facts  of  the 
case  we  have  evidence  of  a  most  unequivocal  exercise  of  superior  power  on 
the  part  of  the  Pontiff.  On  the  other  hand,  we  behold  the  advocates  of 

*  Commonit.  c.  viii. 


116  ANCIENT   EXAMPLES   OF   PAPAL   AUTHORITY. 

the  novel  usage  deriving  an  argument  against  his  conduct  from  his  station 
as  successor  of  St.  Peter,  and  official  guardian  of  Catholic  unity.  On  this 
point  Firmilian  of  Cappadocia  especially  relied,  in  his  irreverent  invective 
against  the  pontifical  decree.  "I  am/'  said  he,  "justly  indignant  at  this 
open  and  manifest  folly  of  Stephen,  who,  while  he  boasts  of  the  rank  of 
his  bishopric,  and  contends  that  he  holds  the  succession  of  Peter,  UPON 

WHOM    THE    FOUNDATIONS    OF    THE    CHURCH    WERE    PLACED,    brings    in, 

nevertheless,  many  other  rocks,  and  builds  the  new  edifices  of  many 
churches,  defending  their  baptism  by  his  authority.  The  greatness  of  the 
error,  and  the  strange  blindness  of  him  who  says,  that  the  remission  of 
sins  can  be  given  in  the  synagogues  of  heretics,  and  does  not  abide  on  the 
foundation  of  the  ONE  CHURCH,  WHICH  WAS.  ORIGINALLY  BUILT  BY 
CHRIST  ON  THE  ROCK,  may  be  understood  from  thisj  that  TO  PETER 
ALONE  CHRIST  SAID  :  '  Whatsoever  thou  shalt  bind  on  earth,  shall  be 
bound  in  heaven ;  and  whatsoever  thou  shalt  loose  on  earth,  shall  be  loosed 
also  in  heaven/  "*  Had  the  claims  of  Stephen  to  the  place  and  power  of 
Peter  been  questionable,  Firmilian  doubtless  would  have  denied  them,  in 
order  to  show  that  the  decree  forbidding  innovation  was  void  of  all  autho- 
rity; whereas  he  contents  himself  with  drawing  thence  an  argument  for 
his  error,  and  accuses  Stephen  of  dishonoring  the  memory  of  the  apostles 
Peter  and  Paul,  whose  place  he  occupied,  by  referring  to  them  the  usage 
of  admitting  the  baptism  of  heretics.  The  language  which  he  uses  toward 
Stephen  is  an  evidence  of  the  warmth  of  feeling  with  which  he  defended 
his  favorite  practice,  in  opposition  to  the  high  authority  which  condemned 
it.  Had  it  been  in  his  power  to  deny  the  authority  itself,  he  would  surely 
have  done  it  in  no  measured  terms. 

Writing  to  Jubaian,  against  baptism  administered  by  heretics,  ST.  CY- 
PRIAN maintained  that  the  remission  of  sins  cannot  be  imparted  by  it, 
because  heretics  have  no  share  in  the  powers  of  forgiveness  granted  to 
Peter,  the  foundation  of  the  Church,  and  the  source  of  unity,  which  power 
was  communicated  to  the  other  apostles  likewise  :  "  It  is  manifest  where 
and  through  whom  the  remission  of  sins,  namely,  that  which  is  given  in 
baptism,  can  be  given.  FOR  THE  LORD  GAVE  THIS  POWER  IN  THE  FIRST 
PLACE  TO  PETER,  ON  WHOM  HE  BUILT  His  CHURCH,  AND  WHENCE  HE 

ESTABLISHED  AND    SHOWED   THE   ORIGIN   OF  UNITY  J    that  what  he  would 

loose  on  earth,  should  be  loosed  also  in  heaven.  And  after  the  resurrec- 
tion, He  speaks  to  the  apostles  likewise,  saying  :  '  As  the  Father  hath  sent 
Me,  I  also  send  you/  "f  "  The  Lord  cries  out :  Let  him  that  thirsteth, 
come  and  drink  of  the  streams  of  living  water  that  flow  from  Him. 
Whither  shall  he  who  thirsts  come  ?  Is  it  to  heretics,  where  there  is  no 
fountain  or  river  of  living  water,  or  to  the  Church,  which  is  one,  and  WAS 

FOUNDED  BY  THE  VOICE   OF   THE  LORD    UPON    ONE,  WHO  ALSO  RECEIVED 

ITS  KEYS  ?"J     Although  St.  Cyprian,  under  the  erroneous  persuasion  that 
*  Ep.  Firmiliani  inter  Cyprian.        f  Ep.  Ixxiii.  g  7.    Jubajano.         J  Ibidem,  §  11. 


ANCIENT   EXAMPLES   OF   PAPAL   AUTHORITY.  117 

'baptism  administered  by  heretics  is  not  valid,  uses  these  texts  to  establish 
this  false  position,  his  acknowledgment  of  the  primacy  is  in  no  degree 
weakened  by  this  circumstance.  His  admission  that  Peter  was  the  rock 
on  which  Christ  built  His  Church,  and  that  he  is  the  source  of  unity,  is 
the  more  important,  inasmuch  as  it  was  his  interest  to  call  it  in  question, 
while  he  resisted  a  mandate  of  the  bishop,  who,  he  acknowledged,  held 
the  place  of  Peter.  "  Custom,"  he  says  elsewhere,  "  must  not  be  allowed 
to  prescribe,  but  reason  must  prevail.  For  Peter,  WHOM  THE  LORD  CHOSE 
TO  BE  FIRST,  AND  ON  WHOM  HE  BUILT  His  CHURCH,  when  Paul  after- 
ward disputed  with  him  in  regard  to  circumcision,  neither  insolently 
claimed,  nor  arrogantly  assumed  any  thing,  saying  that  he  held  the  pri- 
macy, and  should  be  obeyed  by  those  who  were  recent  in  the  faith  and 
posterior  to  him  in  the  order  of  time.*  Nor  did  he  despise  Paul,  because 
he  had  been  a  persecutor  of  the  Church ;  but  he  admitted  the  counsel  of 
truth,  and  readily  agreed  to  the  just  reason  which  Paul  alleged ;  giving  us 
an  example  of  concord  and  patience,  that  we  should  not  obstinately  cherish 
our  own  sentiments,  but  rather  adopt  as  our  own  those  which  are  some- 
times usefully  and  wisely  suggested  by  our  brethren  and  colleagues. "j" 
This  observation  is  evidently  directed  to  show  that  Stephen  should  not  rest 
on  his  superior  authority ;  but  rather  imitate  the  condescension  of  Peter, 
who,  waiving  the  consideration  of  his  own  primacy,  yielded  to  the  remon- 
strance of  Paul. 

Mr.  Allies,  with  his  accustomed  candor,  avowed  that  St.  Cyprian  ac- 
knowledged the  primacy,  notwithstanding  his  resistance  to  the  decree  of 
Stephen  :  "  I  most  fully  believe,  be  it  observed,  that  Cyprian  acknowledged 
the  Roman  primacy,  that  he  admitted  certain  high  prerogatives  to  be 
lodged  in  the  Roman  Pontiff,  as  St.  Peter's  successor,  which  did  not  belong 
to  any  other  bishop. "J  If  any  thing  occur  in  his  writings  apparently  de- 
rogatory to  the  pontifical  authority,  we  may  decline  replying  to  it  in  the 
words  of  Augustin  :  "  I  will  not  review  what  he  uttered  against  Stephen 
in  the  heat  of  dispute."§ 

It  is  not  certain  that  St.  Cyprian  finally  conformed  to  the  decree  of  St. 
Stephen.  ST.  JEROM  says  :  that  "  his  effort  (to  change  the  ancient  custom) 
proved  vain;  and  finally  those  very  bishops,  who  with  him  had  deter- 
mined that  heretics  should  be  rebaptized,  turning  back  to  the  ancient  cus- 
tom, issued  a  new  decree." ||  St.  Vincent  of  Lerins  does  not  name  him  as 
the  defender  of  the  African  usage.  Eusebius  does  not  state  any  act  done 
by  him  in  support  of  it,  subsequently  to  the  pontifical  prohibition.^"  ST. 
AUGUSTIN  supposes  him  to  have  retracted,  if  he  at  all  entertained  the  er- 

*  Called  after  him  to  the  apostolate. 
f  Cypr.  ad  Quint.     Ep.  Ixxi.  p.  297.     Ed.  Wirceb. 
J  Church  of  England  Cleared,  Ac.  p.  32. 
g  L.  v.  Contra  Donat.  c.  25. 
||  Dial.  adv.  Lucifer. 
L.  vii.  c.  iii.  Hist.  Eccl. 


118  ANCIENT   EXAMPLES   OF  PAPAL  AUTHORITY. 

roneous  views  imputed  to  him,  of  which  he  insinuates  a  doubt,  while  he 
strongly  insists  that  he  persevered  in  unity,  and  atoned  for  his  involuntary 
error,  by  the  abundance  of  his  charity,  and  the  glory  of  his  martyrdom. 
In  reply  to  the  Donatists,  he  says  :  "  Cyprian  either  did  not  at  all  think, 
as  you  represent  him  to  have  thought,  or  he  afterwards  corrected  the  error 
by  the  rule  of  truth ;  or  he  covered  this  blemish  of  his  fair  breast  with 
the  abundance  of  his  charity,  while  he  defended  most  eloquently  the  unity 
of  the  Church  spread  throughout  the  whole  world,  and  held  most  stead- 
fastly the  bond  of  peace/'*  "  If  this  glorious  branch,"  (of  the  mystical 
vine,)  he  elsewhere  says,  "  had  in  this  respect  any  need  of  any  purification, 
it  was  cleansed  by  the  pruning-knife  of  martyrdom,  not  because  he  was 
slain  for  the  name  of  Christ,  but  because  he  was  slain  in  the  bosom  of 
unity  for  the  name  of  Christ ;  for  he  himself  wrote,  and  most  confidently 
asserted,  that  they  who  are  out  of  unity,  though  they  should  die  for  that 
name,  may  be  slain,  but  cannot  be  crowned. "f  "  You  are,  indeed,  ac- 
customed to  object  to  us  the  letters  of  Cyprian,  the  opinion  of  Cyprian,  the 
Council  of  Cyprian :  why  do  you  take  the  authority  of  Cyprian  for  your 
schism,  and  reject  his  example  for  the  peace  of  the  Church  ?"J 

We  shall  take  leave  to  add  the  reflections  of  Dr.  Nevin  on  this  contro- 
versy. "  As  it  is,  the  whole  case  tells  strongly  in  favor  of  the  supremacy 
of  the  Roman  See,  and  not  against  it  as  is  sometimes  pretended.  How 
came  Stephen  to  assert  such  authority,  in  opposition  to  whole  provinces  of 
the  Church  east  and  west,  if  it  were  not  on  the  ground  of  previously  ac- 
knowledged prerogative  and  right  ?  Or  how  could  the  pretension  do  more 
than  call  forth  derision,  if  no  such  ground  existed  for  it  in  fact  in  the 
general  mind  of  the  Church  ?  It  is  easy  to  talk  of  his  presumption  and 
pride,  and  of  a  regular  system  of  usurpation  kept  up  with  success  on  the 
part  of  the  Roman  pontiffs  generally.  But  that  is  simply  to  beg  the  whole 
question  in  dispute.  The  hypothesis  is  too  violent.  It  destroys  itself. 
Stephen  was  neither  fool  nor  knave ;  and  yet  he  must  have  been  both  on 
a  grand  scale,  to  play  the  part  he  did  here  out  of  mere  wanton  ambition, 
usurping  powers  to  which  he  himself  well  knew,  as  all  the  world  knew 
besides,  he  had  no  lawful  claim  whatever.  Both  Cyprian  and  Firmilian 
are  themselves  witnesses,  in  fact,  that  a  true  central  authority  did  belong 
to  the  Bishop  of  Rome.  What  they  complain  of  is  its  supposed  abuse. 
They  feel  the  force  of  it  very  plainly  in  spite  of  themselves.  This  is  just 
what  makes  them  so  restive  under  its  exercise.  Had  it  been  mere  false 
pretension,  they  could  have  afforded  to  let  it  pass  by  them  as  the  idle 
wind.  They  knew  it  however  to  be  more  than  that.  Then  again,  it 
turned  out  in  the  end  that  Stephen  was  in  truth  right.  His  judgment 
proved  to  be,  with  proper  distinctions  afterwards,  the  real  voice  of  the 
Catholic  Church,  and  has  remained  in  full  force  down  to  the  present 
time."§ 

*  Ep.  Vincent  f  Ep.  cviii.  ad  Macr. 

t  L.  ii.  de  bapt.  contra  Donat.  c.  iii.  p.  98.        $  "  Cyprian,"  M.  E.     November,  1852. 


ANCIENT   EXAMPLES   OF   PAPAL   AUTHORITY.  119 

§  5.— DONATISM. 

The  Donatists  were  originally  engaged  in  a  mere  personal  contest,  in 
which  the  disappointed  ambition  of  Majorinus  was  chiefly  interested. 
They  sought  to  induce  the  Emperor  Constantine  to  second  their  efforts 
against  Cecilian,  the  Catholic  Bishop  of  Carthage,  who  had  been  ordained 
by  Felix  of  Aptugna,  a  bishop  whom  they  accused  of  having  delivered  the 
sacred  books  to  the  heathens  in  time  of  persecution.  "  Constantine,"  says 
ST.  AUGUSTIN,  "  not  daring  to  judge  a  bishop,  committed  to  bishops  the 
trial  and  decision  of  the  case :  which  took  place  in  the  city  of  Rome,  Mel- 
chiades. Bishop  of  that  Church,  presiding,  amid  many  of  his  colleagues."5* 
The  emperor  ordered  the  parties  to  sail  to  Rome,  and  present  themselves 
before  the  Bishop  of  that  See,  with  three  bishops  of  Gaul,  as  was  conform- 
able to  the  Divine  law.f  This  law  required  that  a  bishop  should  be 
judged,  not  by  a  secular  tribunal,  but  by  bishops,  in  a  case  where  the 
very  title  to  his  office  depended  on  the  issue  of  the  trial.  The  same  law 
constituted  the  Bishop  of  Rome  chief  or  supreme  judge,  whence  the  sen- 
tence is  ascribed  to  him  by  St.  Augustin  and  St.  Optatus.  The  dignity  of 
the  See  of  Carthage,  to  which  the  primacy  of  all  the  African  churches  was 
attached,  rendered  it  fit  that  the  charges  against  its  prelate  should,  in  the 
first  instance,  be  laid  before  the  highest  tribunal.  > 

That  Melchiades  sat  in  judgment  of  his  own  right  as  the  highest  ec- 
clesiastical judge,  appears  from  the  freedom  with  which  he  acted,  in  se- 
lecting a  number  of  Italian  bishops  to  aid  him  in  the  trial.  The  Donatists 
had  sought  to  induce  Constantine  to  submit  the  case  for  examination  to 
the  bishops  of  Gaul,  where  persecution  had  not  raged  under  Constantius 
Chlorus ;  from  which  circumstance  they  affected  to  hope  for  a  more  im- 
partial investigation  of  the  alleged  guilt  of  the  African  bishops.  The  em- 
peror so  far  yielded  to  their  importunities  as  to  associate  with  Melchiades 
three  bishops  of  that  nation ;  but  the  Pontiff  feeling  that  their  presence 
was  intended  to  satisfy  the  Donatists  of  the  impartiality  of  the  trial,  with- 
out interfering  with  the  rights  of  his  see,  summoned  fifteen  Italian  bishops 
to  unite  with  them  in  hearing  the  cause :  a  liberty  which  he  could  not 
have  taken,  had  he  been  a  mere  delegate.  He  thus  plainly  showed, 
that  the  imperial  commission  was  not  designed  to  add  to,  or  iake  from  his 
official  authority,  although  it  was  calculated  to  give  civil  force  to  his 
sentence,  and  secure  its  execution. 

The  moderation  and  indulgence  of  Melchiades  in  the  case  of  the  Dona- 
tists are  justly  admired  by  St.  Augustin.  A  secular  judge  rigorously  de- 
cides according  to  the  letter  of  the  law,  and  the  merits  of  the  case,  having 
generally  no  power  to  qualify  or  mitigate  the  sentence.  The  ecclesiastical 
judge  has  truth  and  justice  always  in  view;  but  he  is  empowered  to  tem- 

*  Epist.  cv.  oliin.  xvL  f  Vide  ep.  Constantini  Miltiadi. 


120  ANCIENT   EXAMPLES   OF   PAPAL   AUTHORITY. 

per  the  exercise  of  justice,  so  as  to  procure  the  salvation  of  the  guilty, 
and  dispose  them  for  submission,  not  only  by  remitting  the  penalty,  but 
even  by  extending  favor.  Thus  it  was  that  Melchiades,  after  he  had  pro- 
nounced Cecilian  innocent,  undertook  to  conciliate  his  prosecutors.  "  How 
admirable,"  exclaims  AUGUSTIN,  "  was  the  final  sentence  of  Melchiades  ! 
how  faultless  !  how  upright !  how  provident  and  peaceful !  By  it  he  did 
not  venture  to  remove  from  the  college  of  bishops  his  colleagues,  against 
whom  nothing  had  been  proved ;  but,  having  passed  special  censure  on 
Donatus  alone,  whom  he  had  found  to  be  the  author  of  the  whole  disorder, 
he  gave  to  the  others  the  opportunity  of  regaining  a  sound  state,  being 
ready  to  give  letters  of  communion  even  to  such  as  were  known  to  have 
been  ordained  by  Majorinus;  so  that  wherever  there  were  two  bishops,  in 
consequence  of  the  dissension,  he  ordered  him  who  had  been  first  ordained 
to  be  confirmed  in  the  see,  and  another  flock  to  be  committed  to  the  go- 
vernment of  the  other.  0  !  excellent  man  !  0  !  child  of  Christian  peace, 
and  father  of  the  Christian  people  !"*  The  power  and  authority  of  Mel- 
chiades are  manifest  from  this  decision.  He  regulates  the  claims  of  the 
contending  parties,  and  requires  from  some  such  sacrifice  of  rights  as  is  ne- 
cessary to  promote  harmony.  For  the  general  interests  of  Christian  unity, 
he  removes  bishops  to  other  sees,  according  to  the  accidental  circumstance 
of  priority  of  ordination.  In  a  word,  he  arranges  the  affairs  of  the  distant 
churches  of  Africa  with  entire  freedom,  but  with  a  strict  regard  to  charity 
and  peace. 

The  complaints  of  the  Donatists  to  Constantine  of  the  injustice  of  the 
Roman  sentence  appear  to  some  to  have  assumed  the  form  of  an  appeal ; 
which,  however,  was  not  strictly  the  case,  since  it  is  not  usual  for  judges, 
from  whose  sentence  the  appeal  is  lodged,  to  sit  in  the  higher  court,  and 
revise  the  cause  with  their  colleagues. f  It  is  certain  that  Constantine 
granted  a  new  trial,  which  may  be  more  properly  called  a  revision  of  the 
proceedings,  to  take  place  in  a  numerous  assembly  at  Aries,  in  which  the 
Roman  judges  were  present,  and  Melchiades  was  represented  by  his  le- 
gates. This  was  a  measure  which  the  emperor  declared  to  be  altogether 
unnecessary ;  but  he  wished  to  confound  the  boldness  of  the  Donatists,  by 
the  number  of  their  judges,  who,  he  felt  confident,  would  renew  the  sen- 
tence already  passed  on  them.  The  matter  as  yet  was  personal,  rather 
than  doctrinal :  the  trial  of  a  bishop  was  acknowledged  to  be  of  ecclesiasti- 
cal cognizance  :  Constantine  could  well  have  closed  their  mouths  for  ever, 
by  insisting  on  the  execution  of  the  Roman  sentence ;  but  he  suffered  him- 
self to  be  importuned,  until  he  granted  that  which  was  irregular.  The 
weakness  of  the  prince,  who  was  not  yet  a  Christian,  only  served  to  show 
forth  more  splendidly  the  eminent  dignity  of  the  Pontiff;  who,  consenting 

*  E;J.  xliii.  olim.  clxii.  n.  16. 

f  This  however,  takes  place  in  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States. 


ANCIENT   EXAMPLES   OF   PAPAL   AUTHORITY.  121 

to  the  revision  of  the  cause,  despatched  his  legates  to  preside  in  his  place, 
being  unwilling  to  leave  any  thing  untried  which  could  place  the  facts  in 
clearer  light,  and  lead  the  misguided  to  the  peace  and  unity  of  the  Church. 
It  is  true  that  St.  Augustin  does  not,  in  stating  these  facts,  expressly  cen- 
sure the  conduct  of  the  emperor  in  granting  a  new  trial,  but  no  doubt  can 
be  entertained  that  he  deemed  it  irregular,  since,  when  the  Pelagians, 
after  their  condemnation  by  Pope  Innocent,  clamored  for  a  new  examina- 
tion of  their  doctrines,  he  cried  out :  "  Why  do  you  still  seek  an  investi- 
gation, which  has  already  taken  place  before  the  Apostolic  See  ?"* 

In  the  Council  which  was  held  at  Aries  in  314,  bishops  were  assembled 
from  Sicily,  Campania,  Apulia,  Dalmatia,  Italy,  Gaul,  Britain,  Spain, 
Mauritania,  Sardinia,  Africa,  and  Numidia,  who,  at  the  conclusion  of 
their  proceedings,  addressed  "  the  most  beloved,  most  glorious  Pope,  Syl- 
vester," in  terms  of  deserved  reverence,  denoting  his  apostolic  authority : 
"  Would  to  God,  most  beloved  brother,  you  had  been  present  at  this  great 
spectacle !  we  feel  convinced  that  a  severer  sentence  would  have  been 
passed  on  them,  (the  Donatists  ;~)  and  you  sitting  in  judgment  with  us, 
our  assembly  would  have  experienced  greater  exultation.  But  you  could 
not  leave  those  parts  WHERE  THE  APOSTLES  SIT,  (in  judgment,')  and  their 
bloodf  incessantly  attests  the  Divine  glory. "J  The  fathers  made  known 
to  the  Pontiff  their  decrees  on  various  points,  that  through  him,  who  had 
the  great  dioceses  §  under  his  charge,  they  might  be  communicated 
to  all  the  churches.  The  greater  power  of  the  Roman  Bishop  appears 
from  the  severity  of  the  sentence  which  was  expected  from  him ;  and  his 
office,  as  successor  of  the  apostles,  is  clearly  marked  as  the  source  of  his 
authority. 

The  Donatists  appealed,  as  in  a  secular  and  profane  cause,  to  the  final 
judgment  of  the  emperor,  who,  yielding  again  to  their  solicitations,  took 
cognizance  of  it,  but  confirmed  the  decision. 

I  am  not  obliged  to  prove,  that  Melchiades,  of  his  own  right,  could 
have  tried  and  judged  the  African  bishops,  without  the  aid  of  any  Coun- 
cil, or  the  liberty  of  appeal.  It  is  enough  for  my  present  purpose,  that 
the  eminent  authority  of  the  Roman  Bishop  was  manifest  in  the  pro- 
ceedings, and  that  he  exercised  a  power  which  the  emperor  could  not 
delegate,  by  his  enactment  in  regard  to  the  Donatist  bishops  returning  to 
unity. 

Thus  it  is  clear,  that  in  the  chief  controversies  of  the  second,  third,  and 
fourth  centuries,  the  authority  of  the  Roman  Bishop  was  exercised  and 


*  Oper.  imperf.  contra  Julianum,  1.  ii.  c.  ciii. 

f  The  memory  of  their  martyrdom. 

+  Ep.  ii.  Syn.  Arelat. 

$  "  Qui  majoros  dioeceses  tones."  From  the  ancient  plot  of  the  empire,  (  Veins  Notitia 
Imperii]  it  appears  that  the  six  provinces  of  the  West  were  so  styled,  namely,  Africa, 
Dlyricum,  Italy,  Spain,  Gaul,  and  Britain. 


122  ANCIENT   EXAMPLES   OF   PAPAL   AUTHORITY, 

admitted.  To  imagine  that  he  interfered  in  Asia  and  in  Africa,  and 
menaced' the  bishops  with  excommunication,  without  having  any  authority 
superior  to  theirs,  is  to  indulge  in  the  speculations  of  fancy  against  the 
evidence  of  facts.  To  ascribe  hjs  authority  to  ecclesiastical  arrangement, 
is  to  mistake  its  character  altogether,  since  it  was  exercised  before  any 
General  Council  had  been  convened,  and  was  always  referred,  not  only  by 
its  claimants,  but  even  by  those  who,  in  particular  cases,  opposed  it,  to  a 
divine  origin,  namely^  the  privileges  bestowed  by  Christ  on  Peter. 


CHAPTER  XL 

0f  Jwift. 

g  1.— CONSTANCY  OF  THE   HOLY  SEE. 

As  the  confession  of  the  divinity  of  Christ  gave  occasion  to  the  sublime 
promise  of  the  primacy,  and  the  prayer  of  Christ  was  offered  for  Peter 
that  his  faith  might  not  fail,  it  is  the  chief  duty  of  his  successors  to  guard 
with  jealous  care  the  integrity  of  divine  revelation.  St.  Chrysostom  says 
that  "  Christ  ordained  Peter  teacher  of  the  world/'*  Theophylact,  a  Greek 
writer  of  the  eleventh  century,  thus  paraphrases  the  address  of  our  Lord 
to  Peter  at  the  last  supper :  "  Since  I  regard  thee  as  prince  of  the  dis- 
ciples, after  thou  shalt  have  wept  for  denying  Me,  confirm  thy  brethren, 
for  it  behoves  thee  to  do  so,  since  thou,  after  Me,  art  the  rock  and  founda- 
tion of  the  Church. "•)•  This  duty  has  been  strictly  discharged  by  the  Bi- 
shops of  Eome,  whose  primacy  has  been  signally  exercised  in  proclaiming 
the  divine  truths  without  reserve,  and  proscribing  every  error  opposed  to 
them.  In  the  confidence  that  the  prayer  of  Christ  was  effectual,  each 
Pontiff  exercised  his  high  prerogative,  giving  to  Him  the  glory  :  "  What 
He  asked  He  obtained,"  says  INNOCENT  III.,  speaking  of  the  prayer  of 
Christ,  "  since  He  was  always  heard  for  His  reverence :  on  which  account 
the  faith  of  the  Apostolic  See  has  never  failed  in  any  difficulty,  but  has 
always  remained  entire  and  undefiled,  that  the  privilege  of  Peter  might 
continue  inviolate."J 

From  a  very  early  period,  heretics  sought  to  corrupt  the  doctrine  of  the 
Roman  Church,  whose  faith,  even  before  St.  Paul  visited  it,  was  celebrated 
throughout  the  whole  world ;  but  in  nothing  has  the  providence  of  God 
been  more  manifest,  than  in  its  preservation,  and  in  the  energy  with  which 
the  Roman  Bishops  have  maintained  it.  They  can  affirm  with  propriety 
that  their  weapons  "  are  powerful  through  God  to  the  destruction  of  forti- 
fications, subverting  of  counsels,  and  every  height  that  exalteth  itself 
against  the  knowledge  of  God,  and  bringing  into  captivity  every  under- 
standing to  the  obedience  of  Christ,  and  having  in  readiness  to  revenge 
every  disobedience. "§  In  condemning  error,  the  Pope  is  guided  by  the 
tradition  of  the  Roman  Church,  derived  from  her  founders,  as  St.  Irenaeus 

*  T%  oiKovpivris  ex.ctpoT6vT)<j£  6tddoica.\ov.     Horn.  Ixxxviii.  in  Joan.  t.  viii.  p.  527,  edit.  Montf. 
•{•  In  Luc.  xxii.  J  Serm.  ii.  in  consecr.  Pont.  Max.  $  2  Cor.  x.  4, 

123 


124  GUARDIANSHIP   OF   FAITH. 

states,  and  by  the  tradition  of  all  the  churches,  which,  being  in  close  com- 
munion with  him,  concur  in  their  testimony.  The  faith  of  which  he  is 
the  guardian,  is  not  his  mere  private  sentiment,  much  less  his  conjecture; 
but  that  which  the  Father  revealed,  and  which  having  been  once  delivered 
to  the  Saints,  can  never  be  lost,  or  adulterated,  while  the  promises  of 
Christ  retain  their  force.  It  is  not  any  prevailing  opinion  among  the 
clergy  of  Rome  which  he  proposes  to  be  believed ;  but  that  doctrine  which 
is  contained  in  the  symbols  of  faith,  and  in  other  authoritative  documents, 
which,  together  with  his  colleagues  throughout  the  world,  he  has  re- 
ceived from  his  predecessors.  When  Leo  sent  to  Flavian,  Bishop  of  Con- 
stantinople, the  exposition  of  the  mystery  of  the  Incarnation,  he  only  un- 
dertook to  state  "what  the  Catholic  Church  universally  believes  and 
teaches,"  as  he  declared  in  his  letter  to  the  emperor  Theodosius.*  The 
Pope  receives  and  venerates  the  doctrinal  definitions  made  in  General 
Councils,  even  as  he  venerates  the  four  Gospels  ;f  and  he  claims  no  power 
to  take  from  the  original  deposit  of  revelation,  or  to  add  to  it,  or  to  re- 
move the  limits  which  the  fathers  have  placed.  It  is  his  duty  to  watch 
over  the  entire  kingdom  of  Christ,  from  the  high  tower  on  which  he  is 
placed  as  sentinel,  and  to  sound  the  alarm  when  the  enemy  approaches. 
Heresy,  in  every  shape  and  form,  instinctively  hates  him,  since,  as  Bos- 
suet  remarks,  he  always  strikes  the  first  or  final  blow  at  every  innovation. 
Before  the  middle  of  the  second  century,  Valentine,  Cerdon,  and  Marcion 
came  from  the  East  to  Rome,  and  endeavored  to  spread  there,  in  public 
and  in  private,  their  heresies,  which  were  levelled  at  the  very  foundations 
of  Christianity.  The  integrity  of  the  Roman  faith  suifcred  nothing  from 
their  attempts;  so  that  Cerdon,  despairing  of  success,  dissembled  his  er- 
rors, professed  repentance,  and  underwent  public  humiliation  in  the 
Church,  in  order  to  obtain  her  communion  :  but  his  hypocrisy  being  laid 
open,  he  was  again  forced  to  flee  from  the  assembly  of  the  faithful.  J  The 
heresies  of  Marcion,  and  his  flagitious  conduct,  prevented  his  being  re- 
stored to  communion.  Montanisni  also,  as  we  have  seen,  was  effectually 
opposed  by  the  Bishop  of  Rome.  Sectaries  knew  him  to  be  the  authorized 
and  supreme  teacher  of  the  Church,  and  the  faithful  revered  him  as  the 
guardian  of  revelation  against  every  assailant. 

§  2.— CHIEF   MYSTERIES. 

The  divinity  of  Christ  was  triumphantly  maintained  in  all  ages,  by  the 
successors  of  Peter,  against  the  subtle  errors  by  which  it  was  from  time  to 
time  impugned.  At  the  close  of  the  second  century,  Theodotus,  a  currier 
of  Byzantium,  during  the  rage  of  persecution,  had  the  weakness  to  deny 
Christ ;  and  subsequently,  as  if  to  extenuate  his  crime,  he  added  heresy 

*  Ep.  xxix.  -f-  St.  Gregory  M.  Ep.  xxv.  alias  xxiv.  ad  Joan.  Cp. 

J  Irenaeus,  1.  iii.  c.  iv. 


GUARDIANSHIP   OF    FAITH.  125 

to  apostasy,  alleging  that  Christ  was  but  man.  The  zeal  of  Pope  Victor 
led  him  to  cut  off  the  heresiarch  from  the  communion  of  the  church.* 
Zephyrinus,  who  succeeded  him,  and  who  was  an  equally  strenuous  de- 
fender of  the  faith,  admitted  to  communion  Artemon,  a  bishop  of  the  sect, 
after  a  public  abjuration  of  the  profane  error.  "  Clothed  with  sackcloth, 
with  ashes  sprinkled  on  his  head,  and  with  tears  in  his  eyes,  he  cast  him- 
self at  the  feet  of  Bishop  Zephyrinus — and  with  difficulty  was  received  to 
communion,  "f 

Dionysius,  Bishop  of  Alexandria,  fell  under  suspicion  of  entertaining 
erroneous  opinions  in  regard  to  the  same  mystery,  so  that,  as  St.  Athanasius 
informs  us,  some  of  his  brethren  went  to  Rome,  and  accused  him  before 
his  namesake,  the  bishop  of  that  city.J  The  accused  prelate,  far  from 
denying  the  competency  of  the  tribunal,  sent  a  satisfactory  exposition  of 
his  faith.  Such  was  the  acknowledged  authority  of  the  Roman  Bishop  in 
the  middle  of  the  third  century.  In  a  Roman  synod  held  on  this  occasion, 
the  orthodox  faith  was  solemnly  denned. 

During  the  violent  and  long  struggle  with  Arianism  in  all  its  forms,  the 
Holy  See  was  the  constant  defender  of  the  Nicene  faith.  To  this  symbol,  as 
final  and  essential,  reference  was  always  made  by  the  Pontiffs  and  their 
legates ;  by  which  means  the  artifices  of  the  Arians  and  Semiarians  were 
effectually  defeated.  They  spoke  of  the  318  fathers  of  the  Council  of 
Nice,  as  of  the  host  of  faithful  Abraham,  by  whom  the  enemies  of  the  di- 
vinity of  Christ  were  routed ;  and  they  adhered  to  their  definition  as  made 
under  the  guidance  of  the  Holy  Ghost.  While  many  bishops  proved  re- 
creant to  their  trust,  and  either  openly  abandoned  the  ancient  faith,  or 
exposed  it  to  corruption  by  the  profane  novelty  of  words,  the  successor  of 
Peter,  constantly  rejecting  every  suggestion  of  expediency,  whereby  the 
divine  truth  might  be  endangered,  held  to  the  form  of  sound  words  de- 
livered by  the  Nicene  fathers,  and  acknowledged  Jesus  Christ  to  be  GOD 

OF   GOD,  LIGHT    OP   LIGHT,  TRUE    GOD    OF    TRUE    GOD,  CONSUBSTANTIAL 

WITH  THE  FATHER.  Amid  the  perplexity  which  distressed  pious  minds 
on  seeing  Arians  intruded  by  imperial  power  into  many  episcopal  sees,  it 
was  consolatory  to  hear  the  successor  of  Peter  proclaiming,  without  hesita- 
tion and  without  disguise,  the  divine  truth  which  the  apostle  learned  from 
the  Father.  Ursacius  and  Valens  obtained  communion  from  Julius,  on 
renouncing  the  Arian  heresy,  embracing  the  communion  of  Athanasius, 
and  promising  not  to  be  present  without  permission  of  the  Pope,  at  any 

*  Irenaeus,  1.  iii.  c.  iv.  n.  3.     Euseb.  1.  iv.  c.  xxviii.     Theodor.  1.  ii.  haer.  fab. 

f  Ex  antiqui  scriptoris  libro  adversus  Artemonis  haer.  apud  Coustant.  Epist.  Roin. 
Pontif.  vol.  i.  col.  110. 

J  "Romamascenderunt,  ibique  eum  apud  Dionysium  ejusdem  nominb  Romanum  prjesu- 
lem  accusaverunt."  De  Sent.  Dionys.  Alex.  p.  345.  Also  de  Syn.  Nic.  p.  371.  Bishop 
Bull  makes  mention  of  "the  Roman  synod  held  under  their  Bishop  Dionyt-ins,  in  the 
cause  of  Dkmysiua  of  Alexandria,  who  was  accused  by  some  of  the  Church  of  Peatwpolta 
of  denying  the  consubstantiality  of  the  Son  of  God."  Discourse  iv.  p.  189,  vol.  ii.  Oxford 
Edit,  1816. 


126  GUARDIANSHIP  OF   FAITH. 

Eastern  synod,  even  if  called  to  it  by  their  former  partisans  to  account  for 
their  return  to  Catholic  unity.  They  declare  to  him  that  they  were  en- 
couraged by  his  clemency  to  renounce  the  sect ;  li  because  your  Holiness, 
according  to  your  innate  goodness,  has  vouchsafed  to  pardon  our  error  ;"* 
and  they  submit  to  him  a  profession  of  faith,  to  satisfy  him  of  their  or- 
thodoxy. Afterward  they  were  again  cut  off  from  the  church  by  Damasus, 
on  their  relapse  into  heresy.f  In  these  acts  we  have  the  clearest  evidence 
that  the  Roman  Bishop,  as  the  highest  judge  and  guardian  of  faith,  exer- 
cised unequivocal  authority  over  other  bishops. 

It  was  alleged,  and  for  a  long  time  admitted  without  contradiction,  that 
LIBERIUS,  whom  Constantius  drove  into  exile  for  his  attachment  to  the  true 
faith,  purchased  his  liberty  and  regained  his  see  by  the  sacrifice  of  his 
principles  and  conscience.  His  defence  of  orthodoxy  before,  as  well  as 
after  his  banishment,  is  unquestionable,  and  he  is  known  to  have  rescinded, 
by  the  authority  of  the  blessed  Peter,  the  acts  of  the  Council  of  Rimini. 
The  want  of  his  sanction  is  relied  on  by  Damasus,  in  his  letter  to  the  Bi- 
shops of  Illyricum,  as  proof  of  the  invalidity  of  the  decrees,  since  "  the 
Roman  Bishop,  whose  sentiment  above  all  should  be  regarded,  did  not 
consent  to  them." J  I  am  not  interested  in  denying  his  fall ;  for  the  weak- 
ness of  a  prisoner,  however  culpable,  cannot  destroy  the  prerogatives  of 
the  successor  of  Peter,  when  acting  with  the  freedom  of  authority ;  but 
the  account  given  by  Theodoret,  a  Greek  historian  almost  contemporary, 
leaves  no  doubt  on  my  mind  that  it  was  a  fiction  of  the  Ariahs,  which  was 
believed  on  mere  popular  rumor,  and  received  without  examination  by 
subsequent  ages.  St.  Athanasius  informs  us,  that  the  zeal  of  Liberius 
against  Arianism  excited  the  abettors  of  this  heresy  to  make  efforts  to  cor- 
rupt him,  knowing  the  influence  of  his  station  and  example  :  "  If  we  suc- 
ceed," said  they,  "  in  gaining  Liberius  to  our  opinion,  we  shall  soon  over- 
come all."§  Constantius  commissioned  the  eunuch  Eusebius  to  treat  with 
him,  in  order  to  induce  him  to  condemn  Athanasius ;  but  he  proved  in- 
flexible :  "  Such  is  not,"  he  replied,  "  the  tradition  which  we  have  from 
the  fathers,  and  which  they  received  from  the  blessed  and  great  apostle 
Peter." ||  Insisting  on  the  reception  of  the  Nicene  faith,  before  he  would 
admit  any  to  communion,  he  preferred  exile  to  the  occupancy  of  his  see, 
if  the  betrayal  of  his  duty  were  the  condition  on  which  it  depended.  His 
replies  to  the  emperor,  at  the  audience  at  Milan,  which  display  the  great- 
est intrepidity,  are  recorded  with  praise  by  Theodoret^"  When  Constan- 
tius promised  that  he  should  return  to  his  see,  provided  he  made  peace 
with  the  Oriental  bishops,  the  enemies  of  Athanasius,  Liberius  answered : 
"  I  have  already  bidden  farewell  to  the  brethren  at  Rome,  for  the  laws  of 
the  church  are  dearer  to  me  than  my  residence  at  Rome." 


*  Ep.  v.  apud  Constant,  t.  i.  col.  405.  f  Ep.  ad  Afros. 

J  Ep.  iii.  t.  i.  Constant,  col.  486.  \  Ad  vitam  solit.  agentes. 

||  Athanas.  hist.  Arian.  ad  monach.  n.  37.  ^  L.  ii.  Hist.  Eccl.  c.  xv.  xvi. 


GUARDIANSHIP   OF   FAITH.  127 

That  Liberius  never  swerved  from  this  determination  is  perceived  from 
Theodoret,  who  says :  "  The  glorious  champion  of  truth  went  therefore 
into  Thrace,  as  was  ordered."  His  return  is  ascribed  by  the  historian  to 
the  entreaties  of  the  Roman  matrons,  who  presented  themselves  in  a  body 
to  Constantius,  on  his  visit  to  Rome,  in  357.  The  emperor  wished,  in- 
deed, that  Felix,  whom  he  had  intruded  into  the  see,  should  share  with 
Liberius  the  administration ;  but  the  people  cried  out :  "  ONE  GOD,  ONE 
CHRIST,  ONE  BISHOP."  "  After  these  pious  and  just  acclamations  of  the 
most  Christian  people,  the  admirable  Liberius  returned."*  It  is  utterly 
improbable,  that  Constantius  should  have  promised  to  the  people  to  re- 
store Liberius,  and  yet  made  the  execution  of  his  promise  depend  on  the 
fulfilment  of  a  condition  repugnant  to  the  faith  and  principles  of  the  peo- 
ple, as  well  as  of  the  Pontiff !  It  is  unlikely  that  Theodoret  should  have 
known  nothing  of  such  terms,  or  knowing  them,  should  have  passed  them 
over  in  silence,  and  heaped  praise  on  Liberius  !  Sulpicius  Severus,  a  co- 
temporary  writer,^  and  Socrates,!  ascribe  his  return  to  seditions  of  the 
Romans ;  which  is  easily  reconcilable  with  the  statement  of  Theodoret, 
since  the  fear  of  tumult  may  have  concurred  to  dispose  the  emperor  to 
lend  an  ear  to  the  supplications  of  the  matrons.  Sozomen  says  that  "  the 
Roman  people  ardently  loved  Liberius,  a  man  in  all  respects  illustrious, 
who  bravely  resisted  the  emperor  in  the  cause  of  religion. "§  ST.  ATHA- 
NASIUS  says  of  Liberius  and  Osius :  "  They  preferred  to  suffer  every  ca- 
lamity, rather  than  betray  the  truth,  or  our  cause." ||  St.  Jerom  testifies 
that  the  Roman  people,  who  were  utterly  opposed  to  the  Arians,  went 
forth  to  meet  him  on  his  return,  and  that  he  entered  the  city  in  triumph. *f 
Nevertheless,  if  his  writings  be  not  interpolated,  Jerom  believed  the  re- 
ports spread  by  the  Arians,  of  the  criminal  condescension  by  which  Li- 
berius obtained  his  liberty ;  but  his  opinion  can  scarcely  counterbalance 
the  inference  which  the  triumphant  reception  of  the  returning  Pontiff  war- 
rants, or  the  positive  testimonies  of  Theodoret,  Socrates,  and  Sulpitius. 
The  passages  in  Athanasius  which  afiirm  the  fall  of  Liberius,  appear  to  be 
interpolations,  since  they  do  not  at  all  harmonize  with  his  assertion  con- 
cerning the  continued  sufferings  of  the  Pontiff  for  his  cause.  The  frag- 
ments of  Hilary,  which  pronounce  anathema  to  Liberius,  are  evidently 
supposititious,  and  unworthy  of  the  great  writer  to  whom  they  have  been 
ascribed.** 

Liberius,  although  himself  free  from  reproach,  showed  lenity  to  the 
bishops  who,  in  the  Council  of  Rimini,  had  been  beguiled  by  the  artful 
professions  of  the  Arians,  and  coerced  into  acquiescence.  Writing  to  the 
bishops  of  Italy,  he  declares  that  the  authors  of  the  deception  should  be 
treated  with  severity ;  but  that  those  who  had  been  the  victims  of  fraud 

*  L.  ii.  c.  xvii.  f  L.  ii.  Hist.  Sacr.  J  L.  ii.  Hist.  c.  xxxvii. 

§  L.  iv.  Hist.  c.  xv.  ||  Apol.  ii.  f  In  Chronico. 

##  See  Dissertazione  di  Giosafatte  Massari  sopra  la  favolosa  caduta  di  Liberio  xi.  nella 
Kaccolta  di  Zaccaria,  t.  iii.  • 


128  GUARDIANSHIP   OF   FAITH. 

and  violence,  should  be  allowed  to  retain  their  sees,  on  making  anew  the 
profession  of  the  Catholic  and  Apostolic  faith,  as  declared  at  Nice.* 

Sozomen  tells  us  that  Eustathius  of  Sebaste,  Silvanus  of  Tarsus,  and 
Theophilus  of  Castabala,  were  sent  as  ambassadors  from  Lampsacus, 
Smyrna,  Pamphylia,  Isauria,  and  Lycia,  where  Councils  had  been  held,  to 
Liberius  and  the  bishops  of  the  West,  to  beseech  them  to  concert  measures, 
and  correct  whatever  was  amiss  in  the  Eastern  churches,  "  since  they  (the 
Western  bishops)  retained  the  true  and  lasting  faith  delivered  by  the  apos- 
tles, and  ought,  above  all  others,  to  interest  themselves  in  the  concerns  of 
religion."!  Liberius,  in  the  beginning,  repelled  them,  as  the  known  ene- 
mies of  the  Nicene  faith ;  but  on  their  declaring  that  they  had  abandoned 
Ariamsm,  and  subscribed  the  Nicene  creed,  he  admitted  them  to  com- 
munion. In  their  address  they  style  him :  "  Lord  brother  and  fellow- 
priest."  In  the  reply  written  by  him,  in  his  own  name,  and  in  the  name 
of  the  Western  bishops,  he  proclaims  the  faith  of  Nice,  and  condemns  with 
anathema  the  blasphemies  of  Rimini.^ 

The  faith  and  sanctity  of  Liberius  are  testified  by  St.  Ambrose,  who 
speaks  of  him  as  a  man  of  great  holiness  and  blessed  memory :  §  without 
any  intimation  that  he  had  ever  betrayed  the  cause  of  truth.  There  is, 
then,  the  strongest  reason  for  regarding  him  as  the  constant  and  faithful 
defender  of  the  Nicene  creed,  which  his  predecessors  had  gloriously  main- 
tained. 

The  influence  and  authority  of  the  Bishop  of  Rome  in  controversies  of 
faith  were  fully  recognised  in  the  East  at  this  period.  Soon  afterward 
the  heresy  of  Macedonius,  Bishop  of  Constantinople,  who  denied  the  di- 
vinity of  the  Holy  Ghost,  called  for  the  exercise  of  the  apostolic  authority. 
"  When  this  question  was  agitated,"  says  Sozomen,  "  and  the  excitement 
daily  increased,  the  Bishop  of  the  city  of  Rome,  being  informed  of  it,  wrote 
to  the  churches  of  the  East,  that,  together  with  the  Western  bishops,  they 
should  confess  the  consubstantial  Trinity,  equal  in  honor  and  glory.  All 
acquiesced  in  this ;  the  controversy  being  terminated  by  the  judgment  of 
the  Roman  Church,  and  the  question  appeared  to  be  at  an  end."|| 

Apolliriaris,  Bishop  of  Laodicea  in  Syria,  in  the  decline  of  the  fourth 
century,  denied  that  the  Divine  Word  had  assumed  a  human  soul.  Da- 
masus,  Bishop  of  Rome,  was  the  first  to  condemn  the  error,  as  Sozomen 
testifies.  Peter,  the  patriarch  of  Alexandria,  driven  from  his  see,  fled  to 
Rome  for  redress,  and  was  present  at  the  Council  in  which  this  heresy 
was  condemned.^  The  heretic  and  his  disciple  Timothy  were  both  de- 
posed by  the  judgment  of  the  Apostolic  See.**  The  decree  of  faith  was 
received  and  subscribed  by  Meletius,  Bishop  of  Antioch,  and  by  more  than 
one  hundred  and  fifty  Oriental  bishops,  in  a  synod  held  at  Antioch,  in  the 

*  Ep.  xiii.  inter  ep.  Rom.  Pont.  Constant,  t.  i.  col.  450.  f  Sozomen  I.  vi.  c.  xi. 

i  Ep.  xv.     Constant,  t.  i.  col.  458.  \  De  Virginibus,  I.  iii.  c.  i. 

||  L.  vi.  c.  xxii.  \  Ibidem,  vi.  c.  xxv. 
**  Ep.  Damasi,  xiv.  ad  Orientales. 


GUARDIANSHIP   OF   FAITH.  129 

year  379,  in  terms  most  expressive  of  unqualified  adhesion  to  the  doctrine. 
At  the  end  of  the  decree  it  is  said :  "  This  is  the  end  of  the  epistle,  or 
exposition,  of  the  Roman  synod  held  under  Pope  Damasus,  and  transmit- 
ted to  the  East,  with  which  the  whole  Eastern  Church,  having  held  a 
synod  at  Antioch,  agrees,  believing  the  same  faith ;  all  of  whom  consent- 
ing to  the  faith  so  explained,  severally  confirm  it  by  their  subscription." 
The  first,  subscription,  which  is  that  of  the  patriarch  himself,  is  in  these 
terms  :  "  I,  Meletius,  Bishop  of  Antioch,  agree  to  all  that  is  written,  be- 
lieving and  thinking  in  like  manner;  and  if  any  one  think  otherwise,  let 
him  be  anathema."* 

Even  the  civil  authority  looked  up  to  the  Roman  See  as  a  sure  guide  in 
all  that  appertained  to  faith.  The  Emperor  Theodosius,  about  the  year 
380,  issued  a  decree  to  this  effect :  "  We  wish  all  the  nations  governed  by 
our  clemency  to  profess  the  religion  which  was  delivered  to  the  Romans 
by  the  apostle  Peter,  as  the  religion  handed  down  by  him  to  the  present 
time  declares  :  and  which  is  manifestly  followed  by  Pope  Damasus,  and  by 
Peter,  Bishop  of  Alexandria,  a  man  of  apostolic  holiness  ;•(•  namely,  that 
according  to  the  apostolic  institution,  and  evangelical  doctrine,  we  should 
believe  the  one  Deity  of  the  Father,  and  Son,  and  Holy  Ghost,  with  equal 
majesty  and  venerable  Trinity/' J  The  reason  why  the  name  of  the  Bishop 
of  Alexandria  was  united  with  that  of  the  Pope,  was  not  only  the  dignity 
of  his  see,  but  likewise  his  well-known  orthodoxy,  since  he  had  been  pre- 
sent at  the  Roman  Council,  in  which  the  doctrine  had  been  defined.  The 
high  authority  of  the  Pontiff  suffers  nothing  from  the  concurrence  and 
support  of  his  colleagues. 

While  the  Roman  Bishop  was  thus  regarded  as  the  legitimate  expounder 
of  the  faith,  he  scrupulously  adhered  to  the  symbol  of  Nice,  and  required 
its  unqualified  subscription  from  all  who  desired  his  communion.  ST. 
BASIL,  speaking  of  Eustathius,  and  his  adherents,  reproaches  him  with 
deviating  from  the  Nicene  faith,  which  he  had  subscribed  at  Rome,  a  copy 
of  which  he  had  brought  back  with  him  to  the  East :  "  I  am  surprised," 
he  says,  "  that  they  do  not  reflect  that  the  confession  of  the  faith  of  Nice, 
which  they  subscribed,  is  preserved  at  Rome,  and  that  with  their  own 
hands  they  presented  to  the  synod  of  Tyana  the  book  from  Rome,  which 
we  still  have,  containing  the  same  faith.  They  have  forgotten  their  own 
harangue  on  that  occasion,  when,  advancing  to  the  middle  of  the  assembly, 
they  mourned  over  the  mistake,  into  which  they  had  been  betrayed,  in 
subscribing  the  document  prepared  by  the  faction  of  Eudoxius ;  where- 
fore, they  thought  on  this  plea  for  their  error,  that  GOING  TO  ROME,  THEY 

MIGHT  THERE  RECEIVE  THE  FAITH  OF  THE  FATHERS,  SO  as  by  introducing 


*  Ep.  iv.  apud  Constant,  t.  1.  col.  500.     Vide  supra,  p.  105. 

f  Dr.  Jarvis  strangely  mistakes  him  for  another  Peter,  who  had  suffered  martyrdom 
eighty  years  before !     Reply  to  Dr.  Milner,  p.  189. 

J  L.  i.  Cod.  de  Fide  Catholica.     Vide  et  Sozomen,  1.  vii.  Hist.  Eccl.  c.  iv. 

9 


130  GUARDIANSHIP   OF   FAITH. 

a  better  formulary,  to  repair  the  evil  which  they  had  caused  to  the 
churches  by  their  previous  assent  to  error."*  Rome,  then,  was  acknow- 
ledged to  be  the  incorrupt  guardian  of  the  faith  of  the  fathers,  so  that 
those  who  drank  of  her  pure  fountain,  were  qualified  for  spreading  revealed 
truth  in  its  integrity,  throughout  those  regions  in  which  error  had  before 
prevailed.  The  Roman  Bishop,  acting  as  the  superior  of  the  Eastern  bi- 
shops, who  applied  to  him  for  the  privileges  of  communion,  insisted  that 
they  should  give  unequivocal  evidence  of  orthodoxy,  by  subscribing  the 
Nicene  creed ;  and  he  caused  the  document  to  be  recorded,  that  it  might 
serve  to  confound  them,  in  case  they  should  ever  relapse  into  the  errors 
which  they  had  abjured. 

The  authority  of  the  Apostolic  See  was  constantly  invoked  in  all  the 
controversies  which,  in  the  fourth  and  fifth  centuries,  agitated  the  East, 
about  the  great  mysteries  of  the  Trinity  and  Incarnation.  It  was  mani- 
fested in  the  case  of  Vitalis,  a  priest  of  Antioch,  who,  having  fallen  under 
suspicion,  repaired  to  Rome,  and  by  using  Catholic  language,  succeeded  in 
gaining  the  approbation  of  Damasus,  by  whom,  however,  he  was  remanded 
with  letters  referring  his  case  to  the  discretion  of  his  bishop.  Subse- 
quently, toward  the  close  of  the  year  378,  in  consequence  of  doubts  raised 
concerning  his  sincerity,  a  Roman  synod  was  held,  from  which  a  decree 
of  faith  issued,  which  Damasus  sent  to  Paulinus,  Bishop  of  Antioch,  re- 
quiring Vitalis  and  his  adherents  to  subscribe  it,  if  they  wished  to  enjoy 
Catholic  communion. f 

These  are  most  solemn  evidences  that  the  Bishop  of  Rome  was  consi- 
dered throughout  the  Eastern  churches  as  well  as  in  the  West,  as  the  chief 
guardian  and  expounder  of  the  faith.  From  all  parts  recourse  was  had  to 
him :  every  novel  error  was  denounced  to  him :  priest  and  prelate  were 
alike  subject  to  his  judgment.  He  propounded  the  mysteries  of  faith  in 
all  their  plenitude,  declaring  anathema  to  the  gainsayers,  and  requiring 
assent  to  his  doctrinal  definitions  as  a  necessary  condition  for  enjoying  ec- 
clesiastical communion.  The  Eastern  patriarch,  with  his  whole  synod  of 
bishops,  received  the  pontifical  decree  with  reverence,  subscribed  it  with- 
out reserve,  and  gloried  in  harmonizing  in  faith  with  the  successor  of 
Peter. 

The  mystery  of  the  Incarnation  of  the  Divine  Word,  which  infinitely 
transcends  the  sublimest  conceptions  of  the  human  mind,  was  from  the 
beginning  an  occasion  of  scandal  to  such  as  did  not  absolutely  and  un- 
reservedly adhere  to  the  simplicity  of  revelation.  The  apostle  St.  John 
declares,  that  "  the  Word  was  made  flesh,  and  dwelt  among  us  ;  |  and  St. 
Paul  says,  that  "  being  in  the  form  of  God,  he  thought  it  no  robbery 
Himself  to  be  equal  to  God ;  but  debased  Himself,  taking  the  form  of  a 
servant,  being  made  to  the  likeness  of  men,  and  in  shape  found  as  a  man."§ 

*  Ep.  ccxliv.  Patrophilo.  f  Ep.  v.  Constant,  col.  507. 

J  John  i.  14.  g  Phil.  ii.  6. 


GUARDIANSHIP   OF   FAITH.  131 

The  Church  has  always  believed  that  the  Divine  Person  of  the  Word  as- 
sumed human  nature  in  the  womb  of  the  Virgin,  so  that  the  same  Person 
is  at  once  true  God  and  true  man.  Nestorius  ventured  to  sound  the  depth 
of  this  mystery,  and  listening  to  the  whisperings  of  reason,  fancied  that 
the  human  nature  of  Christ  had  a  distinct  subsistence,  or  personality,  and 
was  onl^norally  united  with  the  Divine  Nature  and  Person,  which,  he 
said,  dwerc  in  it,  as  in  a  temple.  His  pride  revolted  at  the  thought  of  at- 
tributing to  God,  even  in  an  assumed  nature,  birth,  sufferings,  and  death, 
such  as  Catholics  were  wont  to  ascribe  to  the  Divine  Word  in  human  flesh. 
This  error,  which  impugned  the  Incarnation  itself,  and  destroyed  the  in- 
finite value  of  the  atonement,  in  Constantinople,  where  it  was  first  broached, 
met  with  vehement  opposition  on  the  part  of  the  laity,  as  well  as  of  the 
clergy;  and  the  report  of  the  scandal  having  reached  Alexandria,  St. 
Cyril,  its  illustrious  patriarch,  wrote  with  learning  and  zeal  against  the 
profane  novelty.  Feeling  entire  confidence  that  he  was  maintaining  the 
truth  originally  delivered,  he  did  not  hesitate  to  hurl  anathema  against 
the  various  forms  of  this  recent  error ;  yet  knowing  his  own  place  in  the 
Church  of  God,  and  the  respect  which  he  owed  to  superior  authority,  he 
sent  his  writings  on  this  subject  to  Celestine,  observing  that  he  had  not 
openly  withdrawn  from  the  communion  of  Nestorius,  awaiting  the  instruc- 
tions of  the  Pontiff,  which  he  begged  might  be  communicated  to  all  the 
Eastern  bishops  :  "  We  do  not  withdraw  from  his  communion  openly,  un- 
til we  communicate  the  facts  to  your  Holiness.  Wherefore  vouchsafe  to 
declare  to  us  your  judgment,  and  whether  we  should  at  all  hold  communion 
with  him,  or  openly  forbid  any  one  to  communicate  with  him,  while  he 
holds  and  teaches  such  sentiments.  It  behoveth  the  judgment  of  your 
Holiness  to  be  manifested  by  letter  to  the  bishops  most  reverend  and  most 
beloved  of  God,  throughout  Macedonia,  and  to  all  the  bishops  of  the 
East/'*  In  the  Roman  Council,  held  in  the  year  430,  St.  Celestine 
quoted  Ambrose,  Hilary,  and  Damasus,  as  harmonizing  with  Cyril  in  their 
expositions  of  the  mystery,  and  showed  that  the  error  of  Nestorius  had 
been  condemned  by  anticipation,  by  his  predecessor  Damasus,  in  the  de- 
cree which  he  had  sent  to  Paulinus  of  Antioch.f  In  his  letter  to  Cyril, 
he  declares  that  the  putrid  member  must  be  cut  off,  and  that  Nestorius  must 
not  hope  to  enjoy  his  communion,  if  he  persevere  in  his  opposition  to  the 
apostolic  doctrine. | 

To  Nestorius  himself,  CELESTINE  addressed  a  solemn  letter,  threatening 
him  with  excommunication,  unless  he  speedily  retracted  his  error  :  "  Know 
then/'  he  wrote,  "that  this  is  our  decree,  that  unless  you  preach  concern- 
ing Christ  our  God  what  the  Church  of  Rome,  and  of  Alexandria,  and  the 
whole  Catholic  Church  holds,  and  what  the  holy  Church  of  the  great  city 


*  Ep.  Cyril,  viii.  ad  Caelest.  t  i.  col.  1094,  Constant, 
f  Arnobius,  1.  ii.de  conflictu  cum  Serap. 
J  Ep.  xi.  t.  i.  col.  1106,  Coustant. 


132  GUARDIANSHIP   OF   FAITH. 

of  Constantinople  has  steadfastly  maintained  until  your  time ;  and  unless, 
by  an  explicit  confession  in  writing,  you  condemn  this  perfidious  novelty, 
which  attempts  to  separate  what  the  holy  Scripture  unites,  you  are  cast 
forth  from  the  communion  of  the  entire  Catholic  Church."  At  the  same 
time  he  wrote  to  Cyril,  directing  him  to  act  as  his  vicar,  and  use  the  au- 
thority of  the  Apostolic  See,  together  with  his  own,  and  charged^wm  most 
strictly  to  execute  the  sentence  of  excommunication,  if  NestoriS  should 
not  retract  within  the  time  specified.  He  also  informed  John  of  Antioch, 
Juvenal  of  Jerusalem,  Rufus  of  Thessalonica,  and  Flavian  of  Philippi,  of 
the  measures  adopted  against  the  new  heresy.  "  We  have  separated  from 
our  communion  the  Bishop  Nestorius,  and  all  who  follow  him  in  his 
preaching,  until  he  shall  condemn,  by  a  written  profession  of  faith,  the 
perverse  error  which  he  has  broached,  and  shall  declare  that  he  holds  the 
faith  which,  conformably  to  the  apostolic  doctrine,  the  Roman  and  Alex- 
andrian and  Catholic  universal*  Church  holds,  and  venerates,  and  preaches, 
concerning  the  birth  from  the  Virgin,  that  is,  concerning  the  salvation  of 
the  human  race/'  "  Know  that  this  sentence  has  been  passed  by  us — 
rather  by  Christ  our  God — concerning  the  said  Nestorius,  that,  within  ten 
days  from  the  day  on  which  he  shall  be  notified  hereof,  he  must  condemn 
in  writing  his  sacrilegious  preaching  concerning  the  nativity  of  Christ,  and 
profess  that  he  follows  the  faith  of  the  Roman  and  Alexandrian  and  Uni- 
versal Church,  or,  being  removed  from  the  college  of  bishops,  understand 
that  his  own  pernicious  error  has  caused  his  ruin/'f 

Whoever  wishes  to  comprehend  fully  what  degree  of  authority  in  mat- 
ters of  faith  the  Roman  Church  claimed  and  exercised  in  the  early  part  of 
the  fifth  century,  needs  only  peruse  these  documents,  and  consider  the 
action  of  the  Council  of  Ephesus.  When  the  letter  of  Celestine  was  read 
in  that  venerable  assembly  of  two  hundred  bishops  from  various  parts,  ex- 
clamations burst  forth  on  all  sides  :  "  This  a  just  judgment — to  Celestine, 
the  guardian  of  the  faith — to  Celestine,  who  harmonizes  with  the  synod — 
to  Celestine,  the  whole  synod  returns  thanks.  There  is  one  Celestine  — 
one  Cyril — the  faith  of  the  synod  is  one — the  faith  of  the  world  is  one." 
No  greater  tribute  could  be  paid  to  the  Apostolic  See.  The  fathers  were 
eager  to  induce  Nestorius  to  abjure  his  error,  embrace  the  pontifical  de- 
finition, and  thus  escape  censure  :  but  th^  heresiarch,  relying  on  the  sup- 
port of  John  of  Antioch,  and  other  Eastern  bishops,  who  were  personally 
attached  to  him,  refused  to  obey  the  summons  for  trial.  They  accordingly 
proceeded,  although  with  reluctance,  to  the  fearful  duty  enjoined  on  them 
to  cut  him  off  from  commnnion,  "  constrained  so  to  do/'  say  they,  "  by 
the  canons  and  by  the  letter  of  our  most  holy  father  and  fellow-minister, 
Celestine,  Bishop  of  the  Church  of  Rome."J  All  this  took  place  before 


*  The  latter  term  is  used  as  explanatory  of  the  former, 
f  Ep.  xii.  apud  Coustant.  t.  i.  col.  1111. 
J  Hard.  col.  cone.  t.  i.  p.  1462. 


GUARDIANSHIP   OF   FAITH.  133 

the  arrival  of  the  legates,  whom  the  Pope  had  despatched  to  preside  in 
the  Council  with  Cyril,  his  legate  extraordinary.  When  they  appeared, 
Juvenal,  Bishop  of  Jerusalem,  inquired  of  them,  whether  they  had  read 
over  the  act  of  deposition.  Philip,  the  priest,  one  of  the  legates,  replied 
that  they  had,  and  that  they  felt  satisfied  that  all  had  been  done  in  strict 
accordance  with  the  canons  ;  yet  he  requested  that  the  acts  should  be  read 
anew  in  the  Council,  that,  in  compliance  with  the  orders  received  from 
Celestine,  they  might  confirm  what  had  been  decreed  !*  The  request  was 
granted  without  difficulty  :  and  the  decrees  having  been  read,  the  legate 
thus  began  the  confirmatory  sentence  :  "  It  is  not  doubted  by  any  one,  but 
rather  it  was  well  known  in  all  ages,  that  the  holy  and  most  blessed  Peter, 
the  princef  and  head  of  the  apostles,  the  pillar  of  faith,  and  the  foundation 
of  the  Catholic  Church,  received  from  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  the  Saviour 
and  Redeemer  of  mankind,  the  keys  of  the  kingdom  :  and  power  to  bind 
and  loose  sins  was  given  to  him,  who,  down  to  the  present  time  and  for 
ever,  LIVES  AND  JUDGES  in  his  successors.  His  successor,  then,  in  regu- 
lar order,  the  occupant  of  his  place,  our  holy  and  most  blessed  Pope,  the 
Bishop  Celestine,  has  sent  us  to  this  holy  synod  to  supply  his  presence." 
The  legate  proceeds  to  state  the  obstinacy  of  Nestorius,  who  suffered  the 
time  prescribed  by  the  Apostolic  See  to  elapse,  without  retracting  his  er- 
ror ;  and  then,  ratifying  the  act  of  the  Council,  he  declares  that  the  sen- 
tence passed  against  him,  by  the  consent  of  the  bishops  of  the  East  and  of 
the  West,  is  FIRM,  and  that  he  is  cut  off  from  the  communion  of  the 
Catholic  Church.  The  other  two  legates  spoke  to  the  same  effect,  after 
whom  Cyril,  the  patriarch  of  Alexandria,  proposed  that  the  proceedings 
of  both  sessions  should  be  presented  to  the  legates  for  subscription.  Ar- 
cadius,  one  of  them,  observed  that  the  proceedings  of  the  holy  synod  were 
such  that  they  could  not  but  confirm  them.  The  synod  replied,  that  as 
the  legates  had  spoken  in  a  manner  becoming  them,  it  now  remained  for 
them  to  fulfil  their  promise,  and  subscribe  the  acts,  which  they  accordingly 
did.  Thus  in  all  things  was  seen,  as  Philip  the  legate  observed,  the  union 
of  the  holy  members  with  their  holy  head,  "  for  you,"  he  said,  addressing 
the  fathers,  "  are  not  ignorant  that  the  BLESSED  APOSTLE  PETER  is  THE 

HEAD  OF  ALL  FAITH,  OR  EVEN  OF  THE  APOSTLES/'J 

No  more  solemn  and  splendid  testimony  could  be  given  of  the  general 
belief  at  that  period  of  the  divine  institution  of  the  primacy.  The  bishops 
who  composed  this  venerable  assembly,  with  the  exception  of  the  Roman 
legates,  were  oriental  or  African  :  yet  they  heard,  without  a  murmur,  the 
strong  assertions  of  the  legates  concerning  the  prerogatives  of  Peter  and 
his  successors  ;  they  submitted  their  acts  to  them  for  confirmation  —  and 

*  "OTTWJ   fytffy  aKoX»v^craj/rcf   TW  rump  TOV   (SytwrctTou   Hornet   Ks\sS"ivov  —  <5uj»jSay(£f    TO. 


.—  Actione  3,  Cone.  Eph.  p.  1476  and  1477.     Tom.  i.  Hard.  Col. 
J  'II  ir£.'/>aX»)  6'Xjjf  rrjs  wioTttdf  v  KOI  TWV  airoroXui*.  —  Act.  2,  col.  1472,  torn.  ii.  Edit.  ii.     Head 
of  all  who  profess  the  faith,  and  guide  in  all  matters  of  faith. 


134  GUARDIANSHIP   OF   FAITH. 

they  declared  themselves  constrained  to  execute  the  sentence  of  Celestine 
against  Nestorius. 

Xystus  III.,  successor  of  Celestine,  says  that  what  his  predecessor  had 
written  on  faith  was  sufficient,  but  that  the  Apostolic  See  is  not  remiss  in 
urging  it,  since  the  solicitude  of  all  the  churches  presses  on  it.*  On  the 
submission  of  John  of  Antioch,  who,  from  personal  attachment  and  jea- 
lousy, had  for  a  time  sustained  Nestorius,  Xystus  wrote  to  him :  "  You 
have  experienced  by  the  issue  of  the  present  affair  what  it  is  to  be  of  one 
mind  with  us.  The  blessed  apostle  Peter  delivers  in  his  successors  what 
he  learned.  Who  will  choose  to  separate  himself  from  his  doctrine,  whom 
the  Master  Himself  taught  first  among  the  apostles  ?"  f 

It  was  the  mental  malady  of  those  early  ages,  to  endeavor  to  scan  the 
unfathomable  mystery  of  the.  Incarnation.  Scarcely  had  the  destructive 
heresy  of  Nestorius  been  exploded,  when  the  monk  Eutyches,  in  shunning 
it,  plunged  into  another  gulf  not  less  dangerous.  Nestorius  had  divided 
Christ  from  the  Word,  by  ascribing  a  human  personality  to  the  human 
nature  :  Eutyches  confounded  the  divinity  with  the  humanity,  by  affirming 
that  there  was  but  one  nature,  as  well  as  person,  after  the  union.  It  is 
not  easy  to  determine  the  precise  character  of  his  error ;  whether  he  sup- 
posed the  Divine  nature  to  be  merged  in  the  nature  of  man,  which  is  so 
plainly  repugnant  to  the  glorious  and  unchangeable  attributes  of  Deity  as 
to  be  scarcely  imaginable  :  or  whether  he  thought  that  the  human  nature 
was  swallowed  up  in  the  Divine,  and  transformed,  and  deified  :  or  whether 
he  fancied  a  composition  of  both  natures,  from  which  a  distinct  nature 
resulted.  The  error  was  most  probably  conceived  in  a  confused  and  in- 
consistent manner;  but  Flavian,  Bishop  of  Constantinople,  perceiving 
clearly  that  revealed  truth  was  assailed,  did  not  hesitate  to  cut  off  from  the 
communion  of  the  Church  the  author  of  the  pernicious  novelty.  Eutyches 
had  no  just  ground  of  appeal  from  the  sentence.  However,  he  determined 
on  interesting  the  Roman  Bishop  in  his  behalf,  and  addressed  Leo,  as  if 
he  had  lodged  an  appeal  in  form,  beseeching  him  to  grant  him  relief  from 
the  injustice  of  his  immediate  ecclesiastical  superior.  He  likewise  solicited 
the  support  of  ST.  PETER  CHRYSOLOGUS,  Bishop  of  Ravenna,  from  whom 
he  received  this  significant  reply  :  "  We  exhort  you,  most  honored  brother, 
to  attend  obediently  in  all  things  to  whatever  shall  be  written  to  you  by 
the  most  blessed  Pope  of  the  city  of  Rome,  since  blessed  Peter,  who  lives 
and  presides  in  his  own  chair,  imparts  the  truth  of  faith  to  those  who  seek 
it :  for  we,  through  zeal  for  peace  and  faith,  cannot  take  cognizance  of  a 
cause  which  regards  faith,  without  the  consent  of  the  Bishop  of  Rome/'J 
Flavian,  addressing  the  Pope,  styles  him  :  "  Most  Holy  Father,"  and  as- 
sures him  that  Eutyches  had  lodged  no  appeal,  although  with  a  view  to 
defeat  justice,  he  declared  he  had  done  so.  He  solicits  his  approbation  of 


*  Ep.  1.  t.  1.  col.  1235.  f  Ep.  vi.  ib.  col.  1260. 

J  Ep.  xxv.  Petri  Chrysologi  inter  S.  Leo.  ep. 


GUARDIANSHIP   OF    FAITH.  135 

the  canonical  deposition  of  Eutyches,  and  states  that  his  sentence  will 
crush  the  heresy,  and  supersede  the  necessity  of  a  general  Council,  which 
could  not  be  convened  without  great  commotion  in  the  Christian  world.* 
Leo  finally  sent  to  Flavian  a  sublime  exposition  of  the  Catholic  faith,  in 
which  he  confirmed  the  condemnation  already  pronounced  against  Eutyches, 
and  despatched,  at  the  same  time,  as  his  legates,  a  bishop,  priest,  and  dea- 
con, with  a  notary,  to  execute  the  sentence,"!"  and  hold  his  place  in  the 
Council  convened  by  Theodosius  the  younger,  emperor  of  the  East,J  who 
had  solicited  the  authority  of  the  Apostolic  See  to  give  effect  to  his  pious 
desires  for  the  peace  of  the  Church. § 

The  proceedings  of  the  second  Council  convened  at  Ephesus  being  ir- 
regular, through  the  violence  of  Dioscorus  of  Alexandria,  the  legates  of 
the  Pope  "  constantly  protested  in  the  synod  that  the  Apostolic  See  would 
by  no  means  receive  the  decision  j"||  and  declared  that  "they  would  not 
on  any  account  deviate  from  the  clear  and  explicit  statement  of  the  faith 
which  they  had  brought  with  them  to  the  synod,  from  the  throne  of  the 
most  blessed  apostle  Peter/'^f  The  Pope,  with  all  the  Western  Council 
of  Bishops,  reprobated  the  acts  of  this  conventicle,**  and  exhorted  the 
emperor  to  withdraw  his  favor  from  the  heretical  faction,  for  which  pur- 
pose he  also  implored  the  empress  Pulcheria  to  use  her  influence,  and  to 
regard  herself  as  if  delegated  by  St.  Peter  himself.  To  the  clergy  and 
people  of  Constantinople  he  addressed  strenuous  exhortations  to  cling  to 
the  orthodox  faith,  and  consoled  Flavian  in  his  sufferings.  To  the  priests 
and  monastic  superiors,  he  gave  instructions  to  avoid  the  heresy  of  Eu- 
tyches, and  hold  the  communion  of  Flavian.  Valentinian,  the  emperor 
of  the  West,  on  coming  to  Rome,  and  visiting  the  basilic  of  St.  Peter, 
being  witness  of  the  deep  affliction  caused  by  the  proceedings  at  Ephesus, 
addressed  a  letter  to  Theodosius,  at  the  request  of  Leo,  and  a  synod  of 
bishops,  exhorting  him  to  preserve  the  ancient  faith  unchanged,  and  to 
show  the  becoming  veneration  for  the  Apostolic  See :  "  We  ought,"  he 
says,  "  with  becoming  devotion^  to  defend  the  faith  handed  down  by  our 
ancestors,  and  preserve  undiminished  in  our  days  the  measure  of  proper 
veneration  for  the  blessed  apostle  Peter,  so  that  the  most  blessed  Bishop 
of  the  city  of  the  Romans,  to  whom  antiquity  gave  a  priesthood  above  all, 
may  have  scope  and  opportunity  to  judge  about  faith  and  priests. "ff 
This  was  said  to  induce  Theodosius  to  summon  a  Council  to  be  held  in 
Italy,  where  Leo,  with  the  bishops,  might  pronounce  judgment  according 
to  the  truth  of  faith,  as  Valentinian  proceeds  to  state.  Galla  Placidia,  the 
mother  of  Theodosius,  at  the  earnest  request  of  the  Pontiff,  wrote  to  her 
son,  imploring  him  to  "  preserve  the  faith  of  the  Catholic  religion  in  its 

*  Ep.  xxvi.  inter  Leonis  ep.  -j-  Ep.  xxviii. 

J  Ep.  xxix.  $  Ep.  xxxiii.  ad  Eph.  Syn.  secundam. 

||  Ep.  xliv.  ad  Theodosium.  ^[  Ep.  xlv.  ' 

#*  Ep.  Hilarii  diaconi  ad  Pulcheriam,  inter  S.  Leo.  ep. 

•j-f  Ep.  Iv.  inter  Leonis  ep. 


136  GUARDIANSHIP   OF   FAITH. 

integrity,  that,  according  to  the  form  and  definition  of  the  Apostolic  Sec, 
which  we  likewise  venerate  as  presiding,  Flavian  continuing  in  his  priestly 
station,  might  be  sent  over  for  trial  in  the  synod  of  the  Apostolic  See,  in 
which  that  chief,  who  was  made  worthy  to  receive  the  keys  of  heaven,  has 
manifestly  established  the  sovereign  pontificate."*  She  wrote  also  to 
Pulcheria  to  urge  her  interposition,  that  the  proceedings  at  Ephesus  might 
be  set  aside,  and  the  matter  referred  to  the  Apostolic  See,  "  in  which  the 
most  blessed  apostle  Peter,  who  received  the  keys  of  heaven,  established 
the  high  priesthood. "f  A  Council  was  convened  at  Chalcedon,  by  Mar- 
cian,  successor  of  Theodosius,  at  the  earnest  solicitation  of  Leo ;  and  the 
letter  of  the  Pontiff,  in  which  the  mystery  was  propounded,  was  received 
with  acclamation,  as  the  genuine  declaration  of  the  ancient  faith.  On  the 
reading  of  it,  all  cried  out :  "  This  is  the  faith  of  the  fathers — this  is  the 
faith  of  the  apostles.  All  of  us  have  this  belief— the  orthodox  believe 
this.  Anathema  to  him  who  does  not  believe  this.  PETER  HAS  SPOKEN 
BY  LEO/' J  In  their  letter  to  the  Pope,  they  declare  that  "  he  is  appointed 
for  all,  the  interpreter  of  the  voice  of  Peter  the  apostle/' 

Thus  did  the  successors  of  Peter  maintain  the  faith  which  he  professed 
under  divine  inspiration,  when  he  said  :  "  Thou  art  Christ,  the  Son  of  the 
living  God."  The  consubstantiality  of  the  Son,  which  is  implied  in  these 
words,  and  which  was  defended  by  the  Nicene  fathers  against  the  subtle- 
ties of  Arius,  and  his  followers,  was  proclaimed  by  Sylvester,  Julius,  Li- 
berius,  and  the  other  occupants  of  that  see,  conformably  to  the  faith  ori- 
ginally delivered.  The  identity  of  the  Person,  who  was  at  once  the  man 
Christ,  and  the  Son  of  God,  was  declared  by  Celestine,  against  the  impiety 
of  Nestorius.  To  Leo  belongs  the  glory  of  exploding  the  contrary  error 
of  Eutyches,  who,  confounding  the  natures,  derogated  from  the  unchange- 
able majesty  of  the  Deity ;  while  faith  recognises  the  reality  and  distinc- 
tion of  the  divine  and  human  natures,  and  acknowledges  in  each  its  special 
properties.  To  the  Holy  Spirit  in  the  adorable  unity  of  the  Godhead,  with 
the  Father  and  the  Son,  Damasus  and  his  synod,  and  with  them  the  Coun- 
cil of  Constantinople,  and  the  whole  episcopal  college,  rendered  supreme 
homage.  The  mysteries,  then,  of  the  Trinity,  Incarnation,  and  lledemp- 
tion,  which  the  vast  majority  even  of  the  sects  hold  to  be  fundamental, 
were  propounded  and  maintained  chiefly  by  the  agency  and  authority  of 
the  Roman  Pontiffs,  as  even  Mr.  Palmer  acknowledges. 

"  We  find,"  he  says,  "  that  the  Roman  Church  was  zealous  to  maintain 
the  true  faith  from  the  earliest  period,  condemning  and  expelling  the 
Gnostics,  Artemonites,  &c. ;  and,  during  the  Arian  mania,  it  was  the  bul- 
wark of  the  Catholic  faith. "§ 

In  connection  with  these  mysteries,  the  honor  of  the  Mother  of  our  Lord 

*  Ep.  Ivi.  Tr\v  £7ri<7K07n>  rrjs  dp\itpoavvr)s. 

|  Ep.  Iviii. 

J  Act.  ii.  t.  ii.  coll.  Hard.  col.  505. 

g  Treatise  on  the  Church,  vol.  ii.  part  vi.  ch.  iii.  p.  472. 


GUARDIANSHIP   OF   FAITH.  137 

was  vindicated.  Jovinian,  the  enemy  of  holy  virginity  and  of  the. Virgin 
Mother,  was  condemned,  as  St.  Jerom  testifies,  by  the  authority  of  the  Ro- 
man Church  ;*  and  ST.  AUGUSTIN  says  that  "  the  holy  church  which  is 
there,  (at  Rome,')  most  faithfully  and  strenuously  opposed  this  monster," 
(the  heresy. }~\  The  apostolic  decree,  by  which  the  heresiarch  and  his  abet- 
tors were  "by  the  divine  sentence,  and  by  the  judgment  of  the  Roman 
synod/'  excluded  from  the  church,  was  sent  to  the  bishops,  in  the  confi- 
dence that  they  would  receive  it  with  reverence.  St.  Ambrose  and  his 
colleagues  addressed  Damasus  in  reply,  and  alleged  among  other  things, 
the  authority  of  the  symbol  of  the  apostles  in  support  of  the  doctrines  de- 
fined, proving  from  it  that  Mary  brought  forth  her  Divine  Son  without 
detriment  to  her  virginity :  "  Let  them/'  he  cried,  "  believe  the  symbol 
of  the  apostles,  which  the  Roman  Church  always  guards  and  preserves  in- 
violate. "J  The  prelates  assure  Siricius  that  they  also  condemn  the  here- 
tics, conformably  to  his  judgment. 

The  perpetual  virginity  of  the  Blessed  Mother  was  defended  by  the  same 
illustrious  Pontiff;  and  the  contrary  error  was  rejected  with  horror,  in  his 
letter  to  Anysius,  his  Vicar  in  Illyricum,  and  to  the  bishops  of  that  pro- 
vince^ Her  high  dignity  as  MOTHER  OF  GOD  was  vindicated  with  im- 
mense applause  in  the  Council  of  Ephesus,  when  the  error  of  Nestorius 
was  condemned  by  the  authority  of  Celestine.  "  This  term,"  says  Dr.  Nevin, 
"  for  the  ancient  church,  was  the  very  touchstone  of  orthodoxy  over  against 
Nestorianism,  just  as  much  as  the  term  consubstantial  was  so  also,  when 
applied  to  the  doctrine  of  the  Saviour's  true  and  proper  divinity,  over 
against  the  heresy  of  Arius.  No  man  whose  tongue  falters  in  pronouncing 
Mary  Mother  of  God,  can  be  orthodox  at  heart  on.  the  article  of  Christ's 
Person."  || 

§  3.— GRACE. 

The  highest  authority  was  always  ascribed  to  doctrinal  decisions  of  the 
Pope  by  the  bishops  in  every  part  of  the  world,  who  either  besought  him 
to  declare  the  faith,  or  submitted  for  his  confirmation  the  definitions  which 
they  themselves  had  framed  against  heresies  infesting  their  provinces. 

The  bishops  of  Africa  had  recourse  to  the  Holy  See  to  obtain  the  con- 
firmation of  their  decrees  against  the  subtle  heresy  of  Pelagius  and  Celes- 
tius.  A  numerous  Council  was  held  at  Carthage  in  the  year  416,  the 
proceedings  of  which  were  communicated  by  a  synod  ical  letter,  addressed 
to  "  the  most  blessed  and  most  honorable  lord,  the  holy  brother  Pope  In- 
nocent." "  Lord  brother,"  say  the  fathers,  "  we  have  thought  it  necessary 

*  Lib.  contra  Vigilantium  initio. 

f  L.  ii.  Retract,  c.  xii. 

J  Ep.  viii.  Ambrosii,  apud  Constant,  t.  i.  col.  671. 

§  Ep.  ix.  col.  681,  t.  i.  Coustant. 

|i  Dr.  Berg's  Last  Words.     M.  R.  May,  1852. 


138  GUARDIANSHIP   OF   FAITH. 

to  communicate  this  measure  to  your  Holiness,  that  the  authority  of  the 
Apostolic  See  may  be  added  to  our  humble  decrees,  in  order  to  preserve 
many  in  the  way  of  salvation,  and  lead  back  some  from  perverse  error. 
The  error  and  impiety,  which  have  many  abettors  scattered  abroad  every- 
where, should  be  anathematized  even  by  the  authority  of  the  Apostolic 
See.  For  let  your  Holiness,  compassionating  us  with  pastoral  tenderness, 
consider  how  pestiferous  and  destructive  to  the  sheep  of  Christ  is  the 
consequence  of  their  sacrilegious  disputations,  namely,  that  we  should  not 
pray  that  we  may  not  enter  into  temptation,  which  the  Lord  both  admo- 
nished His  disciples  to  do,  and  specified  in  the  prayer  which  He  taught 
us  :  or  that  our  faith  may  not  fail,  as  He  Himself  testified  that  He  prayed 
for  Peter  the  apostle."  ..."  We  entertain  no  doubt  that  your  Holiness, 
on  examining  the  synodical  proceedings,  which  are  said  to  have  taken  place 
in  the  East,  in  the  same  cause,  will  pa.ss  such  judgment,  as  to  give  us  all 
cause  for  rejoicing  in  the  mercy  of  the  Lord.  Pray  for  us,  most  blessed 
lord  Pope/'* 

Another  Council  held  at  Milevis  in  the  same  year,  in  which  St.  Augus- 
tin  bore  a  conspicuous  part,  addressed  Innocent  to  the  same  effect :  "  We 
think  that,  through  the  mercy  of  the  Lord  our  God,  who  vouchsafes  both 
to  direct  your  counsels  and  hear  your  prayers,  those  who  entertain  such 
perverse  and  pernicious  opinions,  WILL  READILY  ASSENT  TO  THE  AU- 
THORITY OF  YOUR  HOLINESS,  DERIVED  FROM  THE  AUTHORITY  OF  THE 
DIVINE  SCRIPTURES,  so  that  we  may  have  occasion  rather  of  joy  at  their 
correction,  than  of  sorrow  at  their  ruin."f  Five  of  the  African  bishops, 
among  whom  was  Augustin,  wrote  a  special  letter  to  Innocent,  to  urge  the 
adoption  of  measures  calculated  to  defeat  the  wiles  of  the  Pelagians. 
"  Pelagius,"  they  say,  "  should  be  called  by  your  Holiness  to  Home,  and 
closely  questioned  as  to  the  nature  of  the  grace  which  he  acknowledges, 
if,  indeed,  he  acknowledge,  that  men  are  aided  to  avoid  sin,  and  live  justly  : 
or  this  is  to  be  treated  of  with  him  by  letter."!  The  Pontiff  recognised 
in  the  reference  made  to  his  authority,  nothing  more  than  faithful  ad- 
herence to  the  examples  of  antiquity,  and  due  respect  for  the  rights  of  the 
chair  of  Peter.  His  decree,  directed  to  the  prelates  of  Carthage,  begins 
in  these  words :  "  In  investigating  those  things,  which  it  is  meet  should 
be  treated  of  with  all  care  by  priests,  and  especially  by  a  true,  and  just, 
and  Catholic  Council,  following  the  examples  of  ancient  tradition,  and 
mindful  of  ecclesiastical  discipline,  you  have  properly  maintained  the  vigor 
of  our  religion,  not  less  now  in  consulting  us,  than  before  when  you  pro- 
nounced judgment;  since  you  determined  that  your  judgment  should  be 
referred  to  us,  as  you  know  what  is  due  to  the  Apostolic  See,  because  all 
of  us  placed  in  this  station  desire  to  follow  the  apostle  himself,  FROM 

WHOM    THE    EPISCOPACY    AND    THE    WHOLE  AUTHORITY    OF   THIS   ORDER 


Apud  Coustant,  t.  i.  col.  867.  f  Ep.  176,  olim.  92,  p.  620. 

J  Ep.  xxviii.  Coustant,  col.  878. 


GUARDIANSHIP   OF   FAITH.  139 

PROCEEDED  :  following  whom,  we  know  how  to  condemn  what  is  evilr  and 
to  approve  what  is  praiseworthy.  Observing,  with  priestly  fidelity,  the 
institutions  of  the  fathers,*  you  do  not  allow  them  to  be  trodden  under 
foot ;  for  they  decreed,  not  by  human  impulse,  but  by  divine  direction, 
that  whatsoever  was  done  in  provinces,  however  distant  and  remote,  should 
not  be  deemed  terminated  until  it  had  come  to  the  knowledge  of  this  see ; 
that  the  judgment,  which  might  be  found  just,  might  be  confirmed  with 
its  whole  authority,  and  the  other  churches  (as  waters  issuing  from  the 
fountain,  and  flowing  through  the  different  parts  of  the  whole  world,  pure 
streams  from  an  unpolluted  source)  might  thence  derive  what  they  might 
prescribe.''!  His  letter  to  the  prelates  of  Milevis  is  also  couched  in  the 
language  of  one  having  authority :  "  Among  the  various  cares  of  the  Ro- 
man Church  and  occupations  of  the  Apostolic  See,  in  managing  with  faith- 
ful and  healing  care  the  affairs  of  different  persons,  on  which  it  is  con- 
sulted, Julius,  our  brother  and  fellow-bishop,  unexpectedly  delivered  to 
me  your  letters,  which,  through  earnest  zeal  for  the  faith,  you  sent  from 
the  Council  of  Milevis."  After  some  other  remarks  he  proceeds :  "  Ye 
do,  therefore,  diligently  and  becomingly  consult  the  secrets  of  the  apostolic 
honor,  (that  honor,  I  mean,  on  which,  besides  those  things  that  are  with- 
out, the  care  of  all  the  churches  awaits,)  as  to  what  judgment  is  to  be 
passed  on  doubtful  matters,  following,  in  sooth,  the  direction  of  the  ancient 
rule,  which  you  know,  as  well  as  I,  has  ever  been  observed  in  the  whole 
world.  But  this  I  pass  by,  for  I  am  sure  your  prudence  is  aware  of  it : 
for  how  could  you  by  your  actions  have  confirmed  this,  save  us  knowing 
that  throughout  all  provinces  answers  are  ever  emanating  to  inquirers  as 
from  the  apostolic  fountain  ?  Especially,  so  often  as  matter  of  faith  is 
under  inquiry,  I  conceive  that  all  our  brethren  a*nd  fellow-bishops  ought 
not  to  refer,  save  to  Peter,  that  is,  the  source  of  their  own  name  and 
honor,  just  as  your  affection  hath  now  referred,  for  what  may  benefit  all 
churches  in  common,  throughout  the  whole  world."!  These  documents 
were  not  considered  to  betray  any  undue  assumption,  by  Augustin  or  his 
colleagues;  who,  on  the  contrary,  rejoiced  that  "the  pestilence  had  been 
condemned  by  the  most  manifest  judgment  of  the  Apostolic  See  :"§  and 
maintained  that  further  examination  was  unnecessary.  A  few  months 
after  the  confirmation  of  the  African  Councils  had  reached  Africa,  ad- 
dressing his  flock,  he  observed :  u  Already  have  the  decrees  of  two  Coun- 
cils on  this  matter  been  sent  to  the  Apostolic  See :  the  rescripts  from 
thence  have  reached  us :  the  cause  is  decided  :  would  to  heaven  the  error 
were  abandoned  !"||  Elsewhere  he  writes  :  "The  authority  of  Catholic 
Councils  and  of  the  Apostolic  See  has  most  justly  condemned  the  recent 


*  Of  Sardiea.  f  Ep.  181. 

J  Inter  opera  Aug.  torn.  ii.  639  B.  g  Ep.  191,  olim.  104,  p.  709,  torn  ii. 

||  Serin.  131,  de  verbis  Apost.  c.  10,  col.  645,  torn.  v.     "  Causa  finita  est,  utinam  finiatur 
error !" 


140  GUARDIANSHIP   OF   FAITH. 

Pelagian  heretics."*  "  All  doubt,"  lie  says,  "  was  removed  by  the  rescript 
of  Innocent."-)- 

Zosimus  having  received  with  favor  the  declaration  of  Celestius,  and 
written  to  the  African  bishops  in  his  behalf,  was  thought  by  them  to  have 
implicitly  believed  the  statements  of  this  subtle  heresiarch :  on  learning 
which,  he  wrote  to  assure  them  that  he  had  not  at  all  receded  from  the 
decrees  of  his  predecessor.  "  The  tradition  of  the  fathers,"  says  he,  "  has 
ascribed  so  great  authority  to  the  Apostolic  See,  that  no  one  dares  call  its 
judgment  in  question,  and  it  has  been  so  maintained  by  the  canons  and 
rules '}  and  ecclesiastical  discipline,  which  is  still  regulated  by  its  laws, 
pays  the  due  reverence  to  the  name  of  Peter,  from  whom  itself  likewise  is 
derived  j  for  canonical  antiquity,  by  common  consent,  ascribed  to  this 
apostle  such  power,  in  virtue  of  the  very  promise  of  Christ  our  God,  that 
he  should  loose  bonds  and  bind  what  was  loose ;  and  equal  power  was  re- 
cognised in  those  who  had,  by  his  favor,  inherited  his  see ;  for  he  himself 
has  charge  of  all  the  churches,  but  especially  of  this  one  in  which  he  sat : 
nor  does  he  suffer  any  privilege  to  fail,  or  any  decree  to  vacillate  by  any 
breath  of  air,  having  established  in  his  name  a  firm  foundation,  which 
cannot  be  shaken  by  any  effort,  and  which  no  man  rashly  assails  without 
danger  to  himself.  Wherefore,  as  Peter  is  head  of  so  great  authority,  and 
as  he  has  confirmed  the  subsequent  acts  of  all  our  predecessors,  so  that  all 
laws  and  regulations,  both  human  and  divine,  support  the  Roman  Church, 
whose  place  we  hold,  as  you  are  not  ignorant,  but  rather  know  well,  as 
priests  ought  to  know,  yet,  although  we  have  so  great  authority  that  no 
one  can  rescind  our  decree,  we  adopted  no  measure  which  we  did  not  at 
the  same  time  communicate  to  you  by  letter."! 

In  the  year  418,  Zosimus  published,  against  the  Pelagian  errors,  a  de- 
cree called  Tractoria,  directed  "  to  all  bishops  universally. "§  It  was  sent 
to  the  churches  of  Africa,  in  which  the  errors  had  been  condemned,  to  the 
Eastern  churches,  to  the  diocese  of  Egypt,  to  Constantinople,  Thessalonica, 
and  Jerusalem.  ST.  AUGUSTIN,  quoting  a  passage  from  it  concerning 
sin,  observes :  "  In  these  words  of  the  Apostolic  See  the  Catholic  faith,  so 
ancient  and  well  founded,  is  so  certain  and  clear,  that  a  Christian  cannot 
entertain  a  doubt  of  it  without  impiety."  || 

ST.  PROSPER  says  :  "  A  council  of  two  hundred  and  fourteen  bishops 
being  held  at  Carthage,  the  synodical  decrees  were  sent  to  Pope  Zosimus, 
which  being  approved  of,  the  Pelagian  heresy  was  condemned  throughout 
the  whole  world. "^f  Elsewhere  he  says,  that  "the  judgments  of  the 
Eastern  bishops,  and  the  authority  of  the  Apostolic  See,  and  the  vigilance 


*  L.  ii.  de  anima  et  ejus  origine,  c.  xii.  n.  17. 

•J-  L.  ii.  ad  Bonifac.  contra  2  ep.  Pelag.  c.  iii. 

J  Ep.  xii.  col.  974,  Coustant,  t.  i. 

g  Vide  Aug.  ad  Optat.  ep.  cxc.  n.  22. 

I)  Ep.  cxc.  n.  23.  ^  In  Chronico. 


GUARDIANSHIP   OF   FAITH.  141 

of  the  African  Councils,  detected  the  artifices  of  the  Pelagians."*  Speak- 
ing of  those  who  asserted  that  St.  Augustin  had  not  correctly  defended  the 
Catholic  doctrine,  he  dwells  "  on  the  greatness  of  the  injury,  which,  in 
the  person  of  this  one  doctor,  they  inflict  on  all,  and  especially  on  the 
Pontiffs  of  the  Apostolic  See/'f  He  repels  the  assertion  as  absurd : 
t(  According  to  your  censure,  the  blessed  Pope  Innocent  erred,  a  man  most 
worthy  of  the  See  of  Peter.  The  two  hundred  and  fourteen  bishops  erred, 
who,  in  the  letter  which  they  prefixed  to  their  decrees,  thus  addressed 
blessed  Zosimus,  the  prelate  of  the  Apostolic  See :  '  We  have  determined 
that  the  sentence  passed  against  Pelagius  and  Celestius  by  the  venerable 
bishop,  Innocent,  from  the  See  of  the  most  blessed  apostle  Peter,  shall  con- 
tinue in  force,  until  they  most  unreservedly  confess  that  we  are  aided  in 
each  act  by  the  grace  of  God,  through  Jesus  Christ  our  Lord,  not  only  to 
know  but  to  perform  justice,  so  that  without  it  we  can  have,  think,  say, 
or  do  nothing  of  true  and  sincere  piety.'  The  holy  See  of  Peter  erred, 
which  by  the  mouth  of  blessed  Zosimus  thus  speaks  to  all  the  world : 
'  We,  nevertheless,  through  the  inspiration  of  God — for  all  good  is  to  be 
referred  to  its  author  and  origin — have  reported  all  to  our  brethren  and 
fellow-bishops.'  "J  He  shows  that  these  errors,  having  been  once  pro- 
scribed by  Apostolic  authority,  should  not  be  discussed :  t  We  are  not 
again  to  enter  into  a  new  conflict  with  them,  (the  Pelagians,}  nor  are 
special  contests  to  be  begun  as  against  unknown  enemies :  their  engines 
were  broken  in  pieces,  and  they  were  prostrated,  in  the  companions  and 
princes  of  their  pride,  when  Innocent,  of  blessed  memory,  struck  the  heads 
of  the  impious  error  with  the  Apostolic  sword  ....  when  Pope  Zosimus, 
of  blessed  memory,  added  the  seal  of  his  sentence  to  the  decrees  of  the 
African  Council. "§  "See,"  he  says  in  another  place,  "the  rebels  every 
where  laid  prostrate  by  the  thunderbolt  of  the  Apostolic  decision. "||  He 
calls  Rome  "the  throne  of  Peter/'T  "the  throne  of  Apostolic  power/'** 
the  "  head  of  the  world,  governing  with  religious  empire  nations  which  its 
arms  had  not  subdued. "ff 

ST.  VINCENT  of  Lerins,  in  his  celebrated  '  Coinmonitorium/  illustrates 
his  great  principle  of  ancient  tradition,  "  by  an  instance  taken  from  the 
Apostolic  See,  that  all  might  see  in  meridian  light — with  what  energy, 

*  Ad  Ruf.  p.  164,  App.  ad  Aug.  Ed.  Ven.  torn.  x. 

f  L.  contra  Collatorem,  p.  171. 

J  Ibidem,  p.  176. 

%  L.  contra  Collatorem,  p.  195. 

|| stratosque  rebelles 

Oris  Apostolic!  fulmine  ubique  vide. — Prosp.  in  Obtrect.  Aug. 
^  Ergo  Petri  solium  Romam,  et  Carthaginis  altae 

Concilium  repetant. — Carrn.  de  Ingratis. 
**  Juris  Apostolic!  solio. — Ib. 
ff  Sedes  Roma  Petri,  quae  pastoralis  honoris, 

Facta  caput  mundi,  quidquid  non  possidet  armis, 

Religione  tenet. — Ib. 


142  GUARDIANSHIP   OF   FAITH. 

with  what  zeal,  with  what  determination  the  blessed  successors  of  the 
blessed  apostles  always  maintained  the  integrity  of  the  religion  originally 
handed  down."  He  then,  in  the  strong  language  already  quoted,  men- 
tions the  resistance  of  Pope  Stephen  to  the  practice  of  rebaptizing.*  In 
the  penultimate  chapter,  speaking  of  the  letters  of  Julius,  Bishop  of  Rome, 
which  were  read  in  the  General  Council  of  Ephesus,  he  observes  :  "  That 
not  only  THE  HEAD  OF  THE  WORLD,  but  also  its  sides,  might  give  testi- 
mony for  that  judgment,  the  most  blessed  Cyprian,  Bishop  of  Carthage 
and  martyr,  was  brought  forward  from  the  south ;  St.  Ambrose,  Bishop  of 
Milan,  from  the  north."  In  the  last  chapter  he  adduces  "  two  authorita- 
tive declarations  of  the  Apostolic  See :  one,  namely,  of  the  holy  Pope 
Sixtus,  which  venerable  man,"  he  says,  "  now  adorns  the  Roman  Church  j 
the  other  of  his  predecessor  of  blessed  memory,  Pope  Celestine.  Whoever 
opposes  these  Apostolic  and  Catholic  decrees,  must  first  insult  the  memory 
of  holy  Celestine,  who  decreed  that  novelty  should  cease  to  assail  antiquity, 
and  must  mock  the  decrees  of  holy  Sixtus,  who  judged  that  novelty  should 
have  no  indulgence,  because  nothing  should  be  added  to  antiquity/'f 

In  terms  which  beautifully  exhibit  the  unity  of  the  Catholic  faith,  and 
the  efficiency  of  the  Apostolic  See  in  preserving  it,  Paulinus,  deacon  of 
Milan,  author  of  the  Life  of  St.  Ambrose,  congratulated  Zosimus  on  the 
measures  adopted  against  the  heresy  of  Celestius .  "  The  true  faith  is 
never  disturbed,  especially  in  the  Apostolic  Church,  in  which  perverse 
teachers  are  easily  discovered,  and  properly  punished,  that  their  evil  con- 
ceptions and  worse  productions  may  die  in  them,  if  they  will  be  corrected, 
and  the  true  faith  may  be  imparted  to  them,  which  the  apostles  taught, 
and  the  Roman  Church  holds,  in  union  with  all  the  teachers  of  the  Catho- 
lic faith."J 

NESTORIUS,  Bishop  of  Constantinople,  previously  to  the  condemnation 
of  his  own  error,  consulted  Pope  Celestine,  concerning  Julian  and  others, 
accused  of  the  Pelagian  heresy,  inquiring  whether  he  should  treat  them  as 
heretics  :  "  We  wish  to  be  informed  what  opinion  we  should  entertain  of 
them,  for  we  put  them  off  day  after  day,  awaiting  the  answer  of  your  Holi- 
ness/^ Thus  the  authority  of  the  Apostolic  See  in  determining  matters 
of  faith,  was  distinctly  recognised  by  the  Bishop  of  the  new  Rome,  at 
the  moment  when  it  was  about  to  be  employed  to  proscribe  the  heresy 
into  which  pride  betrayed  himself. 

ST.  PROSPER  relates  that  Pope  Xystus  was  guarded  against  the  wiles  of 
Julian,  by  the  advice  of  Leo,  who  was  then  deacon ;  and  that  the  disap- 
pointment of  the  artful  heretic,  who  hoped  to  impose  on  the  unsuspecting 
Pontiff,  filled  all  Catholics  with  joy,  as  if  then,  for  the  first  time,  the 
Apostolic  sword  had  cut  off  the  head  of  the  proud  heresy. || 

*  Supra,  p.  115.  f  Comm.  p.  26,  Ed.  Aug.  Vindelic. 

J  Ep.  viii.  Coustant,  t.  i.  col.  963.  §  Ep.  vii.  Coustant,  t.  i.  col.  1089. 

||  L.  contra  collat.  c.  xxi. 


GUARDIANSHIP   OF   FAITH.  143 

ST.  LEO,  understanding  that  the  Pelagians  and  Celestians  were  in  some 
places  admitted  to  the  communion  of  the  Catholic  Church,  without  a  solemn 
abjuration  of  their  errors,  wrote  to  the  Bishop  of  Aquileja,  commanding 
him  to  convene  a  synod,  and  require  of  them  a  formal  retraction :  "  Let 
them  condemn  openly  and  explicitly  the  authors  of  the  proud  error,  and 
detest  whatever  the  universal  Church  has  found  worthy  of  abhorrence  in 
their  doctrine,  and  declare  fully,  openly,  and  in  written  documents  sub- 
scribed by  them,  that  they  embrace,  and  unreservedly  approve  of  all 
synodical  decrees  directed  to  the  extirpation  of  this  heresy,  which  have 
been  confirmed  by  the  authority  of  the  Apostolic  See/'*  Thus  the  per- 
nicious errors  against  divine  grace,  which  pride  invented  and  fostered,  to 
the  prejudice  of  the  redemption  which  we  have  through  Christ,  were  op- 
posed and  extirpated,  with  untiring  zeal,  by  the  successors  of  Peter 

§  4.— TESTIMONIES   OF  FATHERS. 

The  most  learned  fathers  humbly  addressed  the  Bishops  of  Rome,  with 
childlike  dependence  on  their  teaching.  ST.  JEROM,  in  affecting  language, 
implored  the  direction  of  Damasus  in  the  controversies  which  agitated  the 
East :  "  Since  the  East  tears  into  pieces  the  Lord's  coat,  and  foxes  lay 
waste  the  vineyard  of  Christ,  so  that  among  broken  cisterns  which  hold  no 
water,  it  is  difficult  to  understand  where  is  the  sealed  fountain  and  the 
enclosed  garden :  therefore  the  chair  of  Peter  and  that  faith  which  is 
praised  by  the  Apostle's  mouth  is  appealed  to  by  me,  who  now  seek  food 
for  my  soul  where  formerly  I  received  the  robe  of  Christ."f  Writing  to 
Demetriades,  a  Roman  lady,  to  guard  her  against  the  wiles  of  heretics,  he 
exhorts  her  to  adhere  to  the  doctrine  of  the  actual  occupant  of  the  Apos- 
tolic chair  •  at  the  same  time  bearing  witness  to  the  zeal  with  which  a  de- 
ceased Pope  had  exercised  his  authority  for  the  maintenance  of  sound  doc- 
trine :  "  When  you  were  a  child,"  he  says,  "  and  the  Bishop  Anastasius, 
of  holy  and  blessed  memory,  governed  the  Roman  Church,  a  dread  storm 
of  heretics  from  the  Eastern  parts,  attempted  to  adulterate  and  destroy  the 
simplicity  of  the  faith,  which  was  praised  by  the  voice  of  the  apostle.  But 
a  man,  very  rich  in  his  poverty,  and  full  of  apostolic  zeal,  struck  at  once 
the  direful  head,  and  broke  the  hissing  mouth  of  the  hydra.  Since  I  fear, 
and  even  have  heard  a  report,  that  these  poisonous  plants  are  still  in  the 
ground,  and  bud  forth  anew,  I  think  it  proper  charitably  to  warn  you,  to 
hold  the  faith  of  the  holy  Innocent,  who  is  the  successor  and  child  of  the 
Apostolic  chair,  and  of  the  holy  man  just  mentioned,  and  not  to  receive 
any  strange  doctrine,  however  prudent  and  wise  you  may  appear  to  your- 
self."! Writing  to  Theophilus,  Patriarch  of  Alexandria,  he  says  :  "  Be 
it  known  to  you,  that  we  hold  nothing  more  sacred  than  to  maintain  the 


*  Ep.  i.  ad  Aquil.  ep.  f  Damaso  ep.     He  alludes  to  his  baptism. 

J  Ep.  viii.  ad  Deuietriadem. 


144  GUARDIANSHIP   OF   FAITH. 

% 

rights  of  Christ,  and  not  to  move  the  boundaries  which  the  fathers  have 
placed,  but  always  to  bear  in  mind  that  the  Roman  faith  was  praised  by 
the  mouth  of  the  apostle,  of  which  faith  the  Church  of  Alexandria  glories 
that  she  partakes."*  Theophilus  himself  exhorted  certain  monks  to  ana- 
thematize Origen  and  other  heretics,  after  his  own  example,  and  that  of 
"  Anastasius,  Bishop  of  the  holy  Roman  Church,  whom  the  entire  synod 
of  the  Western  bishops  follows. "f  Thus  Alexandria  and  Antioch,  as  well 
as  the  Western  patriarchate,  followed  the  authority  of  the  Pontiff,  and 
gloried  in  his  communion.  Heretics  themselves  knowing  the  Bishop  of 
Rome  to  be  the  highest  judge  in  causes  of  faith,  used  every  stratagem  to 
deceive  him.  We  have  seen  already  the  efforts  of  the  Montanists,  Pela- 
gians, and  many  others,  to  gain  his  confidence.  Sulpicius  tells  us  that 
Instantius,  Salvian,  and  Priscillian,  having  been  condemned  for  heresy  in 
a  Council  of  Saragossa,  "set  out  for  Rome  to  justify  themselves  before 
Damasus,  who  was  then  Bishop  of  that  city;"  but  that  they  were  not  ad- 
mitted into  his  presence. J 

With  ST.  LEO  we  must  ascribe  the  constancy  in  faith  of  the  Roman 
Bishops,  not  to  chance  or  personal  merit,  but  to  the  aid  of  Christ :  "  From 
whose  supreme  and  eternal  protection  we  also,"  says  he,  "  have  received 
the  strength  of  apostolic  aid,  which  certainly  is  not  withdrawn  from  His 
own  work ;  and  the  firmness  of  the  foundation  on  which  the  high  fabric 
of  the  whole  Church  is  built,  suffers  nothing  from  the  mass  of  the  temple 
which  rests  on  it.  For  the  solidity  of  the  faith,  which  was  praised  in  the 
prince  of  the  apostles,  is  perpetual ;  and  as  that  which  Peter  believed  of 
Christ  continues  always,  so  that  which  Christ  instituted  in  Peter  always 
remains."  The  eloquent  Pontiff  proves  this  from  the  passage  of  St.  Mat- 
thew, and  then  proceeds :  "  The  ordinance  of  truth  therefore  continues, 
and  blessed  Peter,  persevering  in  the  strength  of  the  rock  imparted  to 
him,  does  not  abandon  the-  helm  of  the  Church  at  which  he  was  placed. 
For  he  was  thus  ordained  in  preference  to  the  others,  that  while  he  is 
styled  a  rock,  while  he  is  declared  a  foundation,  while  he  is  made  gate- 
keeper of  the  kingdom  of  heaven,  while  he  is  constituted  judge  of  what  is 
to  be  bound  or  loosed,  with  a  promise  that  his  decision  shall  be  ratified  in 
heaven,  we  should  understand,  by  the  mysterious  appellations  themselves, 
the  special  relation  which  he  bears  to  Christ."§ 

The  agency  of  the  successors  of  Peter  in  maintaining  the  integrity  of 
revelation,  through  a  long  lapse  of  ages,  was  acknowledged  by  the  learned 
Protestant,  Cassaubon :  "No  one,"  he  remarks,  "who  is  the  least  versed 
in  ecclesiastical  history,  can  doubt  that  God  made  use  of  the  -Holy  See, 
during  many  ages,  to  preserve  the  doctrines  of  faith." ||  The  same  is  true 
of  all  ages,  so  that  we  may  at  this  day  repeat  the  words  of  Eusebius  :  "  It 


Ep.  Ixiii.  cias.  3,  an.  397.  f  Serm.  ad  quosdam  monachos. 

L.  ii.  $  Serm.  iii.  in  anniversario  ad  Pontif. 

Exercit  xv.  ad  aniial.  Baronii. 


GUARDIANSHIP   OF   FAITH.  145 

is  certain  that  our  Saviour  foretold  that  His  doctrine  should  be  preached 
throughout  the  world  in  testimony  to  all  nations,  and  that  the  Church 
which  was  afterward  to  be  established  by  His  power,  should  be  invincible 
and  impregnable,  and  never  overcome  by  death,  but  should  be  firm  and 
immovable,  as  established  and  founded  on  a  rock.  He  has,  in  fact,  done 
what  He  foretold ;  for  already  the  fame  of  His  G-ospel  has  filled  the  world 
from  east  to  west,  and  reached  all  nations,  and  its  preaching  spreads  daily. 
The  Church,  also,  receiving  her  appellation  from  Him,  has  taken  root; 
and,  being  extolled  to  the  skies  by  the  discourses  of  holy  men,  shines  with 
the  light  and  splendor  of  orthodox  faith ;  nor  does  she  flee  before  her 
enemies,  nor  yield  to  the  very  powers  of  death,  in  consequence  of  the  few 
words  which  He  uttered  :  i  On  this  rock  I  will  build  My  Church,  and  the 
gates  of  hell  shall  not  prevail  against  it.'  "* 

"  There  are,  it  is  true/'  writes  Dr.  Nevin,  "  predictions  enough  of  trials, 
heresies,  apostacies,  and  corruptions ;  but  the  idea  is  never  for  a  moment 
allowed  that  these  should  prevail  in  any  such  universal  way  as  the  (Puri- 
tan) theory  before  us  pretends.  On  the  contrary,  the  strongest  assurances 
are  given  that  this  should  not  be  the  case.  These  stand  forth  most  con- 
spicuously and  solemnly,  in  those  wonderful  passages  from  the  mouth  of 
the  blessed  Saviour  Himself,  which  form,  as  it  were,  the  charter  of  the 
Church,  and  its  heavenly  commission  to  the  end  of  time."f 

§  5.— VINDICATION  OF  HONORIUS. 

A  dark  cloud  long  lowered  over  the  Holy  See,  on  account  of  the  con- 
demnation of  Pope  Honorius  by  the  sixth  General  Council,  held  in  680. 
The  fathers  of  this  assembly  on  reading,  among  other  documents,  the 
answer  of  Honorius  to  Sergius,  Bishop  of  Constantinople,  rejected  it  with 
execration,  together  with  the  letter  of  Sergius,  to  which  it  was  a  reply,  and 
another  letter  directed  to  Cyrus,  then  Bishop  of  Phasis;  and  added  to 
their  anathemas  against  various  heretics  by  name,  this  very  solemn  con- 
demnation :  "  We  have  resolved  also  to  anathematize  Honorius,  who  was 
Pope  of  ancient  Rome,  since  we  find,  from  the  letter  addressed  by  him  to 
Sergius,  that  conforming  to  his  views  in  all  things,  he  confirmed  the  im- 
pious dogmas."J  They  cried  out :  "  To  Honorius,  the  heretic,  anathema." 
In  defending  the  dogma  of  the  primacy,  I  do  not  deem  it  necessary  to 
prove,  that  no  one  of  the  Roman  Bishops  at  any  time  taught  heresy,  or 
was  personally  heretical ;  as  I  insist  only  on  the  duty  of  his  office  to  guard 
the  faith,  and  on  the  notorious  fact  that  it  has  been  generally  fulfilled  :  but 
I  owe  it  to  truth  and  justice,  and  to  the  memory  of  a  Pontiff  illustrious 
for  zeal,  to  express  my  conviction  that  the  charge  of  heterodoxy  advanced 
against  him  is  without  solid  foundation. 

De  praep.  Ev.,  1.  i.,  c.  iii.  f  "  Early  Christianity,"  M.  R.,  November,  1851. 

J  Act  xiii. 

10 


146  GUARDIANSHIP   OF   FAITH. 

The  letters  of  Honorius,  which  are  still  extant,*  express  the  doctrine 
of  the  One  Divine  Operator,  or  Agent,  in  the  two  natures,  which  is,  in 
substance,  the  Catholic  doctrine  of  two  operations,  each  nature  having  its 
own  operation.  "We  should  confess/'  says  he,  "both  natures  in  Christ, 
united  in  natural  unity,  operating  in  communion  with  each  other ;  the  di- 
vine nature  doing  what  belongs  to  God,  and  the  human  nature  executing 
the  things  of  the  flesh,  not  separately,  nor  confusedly;  not  teaching  that 
the  nature  of  God  was  changed  into  the  man,  or  the  human  nature  into 
that  of  God,  but  confessing  the  difference  of  natures  to  be  entire."  At 
the  artful  suggestion  of  Sergius,  Honorius  ordered  silence  to  be  observed 
as  to  the  terms  of  one  or  two  operations,  being  content  with  requiring 
that  Christ  should  be  held  to  be  one  Divine  Operator  in  the  two  natures. 
This  injunction  was  serviceable  to  the  cause  of  heresy,  which  in  the  mean 
time  spread  like  a  cancer.  The  abuse  made  of  the  good  faith  of  the  Pon- 
tiff drew  down  censure  on  his' memory,  as  if  he  were  the  abettor  and  ap- 
prover of  an  error  which  he  did  not  strongly  and  instantly  condemn  :  but 
I  may  be  permitted  to  observe,  that  men  are  often  judged  by  the  results 
of  their  actions,  and  that  the  forbearance  of  Honorius,  and  his  anxiety  to 
terminate  the  wordy  contest  and  preserve  peace,  might  have  gained  the 
praise  of  consummate  prudence  and  enlightened  zeal,  had  not  the  perverse 
ingenuity  of  the  Monothelites  turned  the  prohibition  to  the  advantage  of 
their  cause.  The  orthodoxy  of  Honorius  never  wanted  strenuous  defend- 
ers. John  IV.,  in  his  letter  to  the  Emperor  Constantine  Pogonatus,  com- 
plained that  Pyrrhus,  Bishop  of  Constantinople,  was  abusing  and  pervert- 
ing the  words  of  his  predecessor.  John  the  Abbot,  the  secretary  employed 
by  Honorius,  testified  that  the  implied  disclaimer  of  two  wills  in  Christ, 
was  intended  to  exclude  only  the  corrupt  will  of  fallen  man ;  and  the  mar- 
tyr Maximus,  the  declared  enemy  of  Monothelisin,  vindicated  the  faith  of 
the  Pontiff,  f  A  more  solemn,  though  less  direct  vindication,  is  contained 
in  the  letter  of  Pope  Agatho  to  Constantine  Pogonatus,  read  with  accla- 
mation in  the  sixth  General  Council,  in  which  he  asserts  that  his  prede- 
cessors had  never  failed  in  the  performance  of  the  high  duties  of  their 
office :  "  This  is  the  rule  of  true  faith,  which  the  apostolic  Church  of 
Christ,  this  spiritual  mother  of  your  most  tranquil  empire,  warmly  held 
and  defended  both  in  prosperity  and  adversity;  which  Church,  through 
the  grace  of  Almighty  God,  is  shown  to  have  strayed  at  no  time  from  the 
path  of  apostolic  tradition,  and  to  have  never  succumbed  to  the  perverse 
novelties  of  heretics;  but  what,  from  the  commencement  of  Christian 
faith,  she  learned  from  her  founders,  the  princes  of  the  apostles  of  Christ, 
she  incorruptibly  retains  to  the  end,  according  to  the  promise  of  our  Lord 


*'  John  Baptist  Bartholi,  Bishop  of  Feltri,  in  an  Apology  for  Honorius,  maintains  that 
the  first  letter  to  Sergius  has  been  adulterated,  and  that  the  second  is  a  forgery,  of  which 
nothing  was  known  at  Rome. 

•j-  In  Ep.  ad  Marin.  presbyt. 


GUARDIANSHIP   OF   FAITH.  147 

and  Saviour  Himself,  which  He  declared  to  the  prince  of  His  apostles,  in 
the  Gospel,  saying :  t  Peter,  Peter,  lo !  Satan  hath  sought  to  sift  you  as 
one  sifteth  wheat,  but  I  have  prayed  for  thee,  that  thy  faith  may  not  fail : 
and  thou,  being  once  converted,  confirm  thy  brethren/  Let,  then,  your 
serene  clemency  consider,  that  the  Lord  and  Saviour  of  all,  whose  gift 
faith  is,  and  who  promised  that  the  faith  of  Peter  should  not  fail,  charged 
him  to  confirm  his  brethren ;  as  it  is  notorious  to  all  that  the  apostolic 
Pontiffs,  my  predecessors,  have  always  fearlessly  done."*  All  this  seems 
expressly  directed  to  repel  any  charge  likely  to  be  made  against  Honorius; 
and  the  applause  which  followed  the  reading  of  the  letter,  "  PETER  HAS 
SPOKEN  THROUGH  AoATHO,"  implies  the  assent  of  the  Council  to  the 
statement :  yet  the  records  of  the  proceedings  contain  censures  on  the 
memory  of  Honorius,  which  force  us  to  believe  that  the  fathers  there  as- 
sembled considered  him  to  have  been  guilty,  if  not  of  culpable  connivance, 
at  least  of  an  untimely  dissimulation.  Without  disrespect  to  their  authority, 
they  may  be  supposed  to  have  been  mistaken  in  a  matter  of  fact,  merely 
personal,  namely,  the  spirit  and  intention  with  which  the  letters  were 
written. 

It  is  not  necessary  to  insist  more  particularly  on  this  vindication  of  an 
individual  Pontiff.  I  have  not  undertaken  to  prove,  what,  indeed,  no 
Catholic  divine  asserts,  that  the  Pope  may  not,  by  the  artifices  of  heretics, 
be  betrayed  into  measures  prejudicial  to  the  faith;  neither  have  I  deemed 
it  necessary  to  maintain,  what  I  am  deeply  convinced  of,  from  the  special 
prayer  of  Christ,  that  God  will  never  suffer  him  to  propound  error  in  a 
solemn  doctrinal  definition  directed  to  the  universal  Church.  My  object 
has  been  to  show  that  the  Popes,  as  primates  of  the  Church  by  divine 
right,  exercised  high  judicial  authority  in  determining  and  maintaining 
the  doctrines  of  faith.  It  is  not  merely  in  the  eleventh  century  that  lan- 
guage occurs  like  that  which  was  addressed  by  St.  Bernard  to  Innocent 
II. :  "  It  is  right  that  all  dangers  and  scandals  which  arise  in  the  kingdom 
of  God,  especially  such  as  regard  faith,  should  be  reported  to  your  apostle- 
ship  :  for  I  think  it  proper  that  the  wounds  inflicted  on  faith  should  be 
there  healed,  where  faith  cannot  fail.  That  is  the  prerogative  of  the 
See/'f  In  the  fifth  century,  Pope  Hilarius  was  addressed  by  the  Bishops 
of  the  province  of  Tarragona,  in  language  almost  equally  emphatic.  The 
occasion  of  their  writing  was  a  personal  or  disciplinary  affair,  of  which 
they  availed  themselves  to  express  their  desire  to  profit  by  the  instruction 
of  the  Holy  See :  "  Even  were  there,"  say  they,  "  no  necessity  of  eccle- 
siastical discipline,  we  should  seek  to  benefit  by  the  privilege  of  your  See, 
since  the  extraordinary  preaching  of  the  most  blessed  Peter,  who,  after 
the  resurrection  of  the  Saviour,  received  the  keys  of  the  kingdom,  shone 
forth  for  the  illumination  of  all :  the  principality  of  whose  Vicar,  as  it  is 
eminent,  is  to  be  feared  and  loved  by  all.  Wherefore,  profoundly  adoring 

*  Cone.  Coustant.  iii.  act.  iii.,  col.  1081,  Coll.  Hard.  t.  iii. 
f  Ep.  ad  Innoc.  ii. 


148  GUARDIANSHIP   OF   FAITH. 

in  you  God,  whom  you  serve  without  reproach,  we  have  recourse  to  the 
faith  which  was  praised  by  the  mouth  of  the  apostle ;  and  we  seek  a  reply 
from  that  source,  where  nothing  is  ordained  erroneously,  nothing  pre- 
sumptuously, but  all  with  pontifical  deliberation."* 

We  may  be  allowed  to  recapitulate  in  the  words  of  Dr.  Nevin :  "  Ex- 
amples of  the  actual  exercise  of  supreme  power  on  the  part  of  the  Popes, 
in  the  fourth  and  fifth  centuries,  are  so  frequent  and  numerous,  that  no- 
thing short  of  the  most  wilful  obstinacy  can  pretend  to  treat  them  as  of 
no  account.  In  every  great  question  of  the  time,  whether  rising  in  the 
East  or  in  the  West,  all  eyes  show  themselves  ever  ready  to  turn  toward 
the  cathedra  Petri,  as  the  last  resort  for  counsel  and  adjudication ;  all  con- 
troversies, either  in  the  way  of  appeal,  or  complaint,  or  for  the  ratification 
of  decisions  given  in  other  quarters,  are  made  to  come  directly  or  indi- 
rectly, in  the  end,  before  this  tribunal,  and  reach  their  final  and  conclusive 
settlement  only  through  its  intervention.  The  Popes,  in  these  cases,  take 
it  for  granted  themselves,  that  the  power  which  they  exercise  belongs  to 
them  of  right,  in  virtue  of  the  prerogative  of  their  See ;  there  is  no  ap- 
pearance whatever  of  effort  or  of  usurpation,  in  the  part  they  allow  them- 
selves to  act ;  it  seems  to  fall  to  them  as  naturally  as  the  functions  of  a 
magistrate  or  judge  in  any  case  are  felt  to  go  along  with  the  office  to  which 
they  belong.  And  the  whole  world  apparently  regards  the  primacy  in  the 
same  way,  as  a  thing  of  course,  a  matter  fully  settled  and  established  in 
the  constitution  of  the  Christian  church.  We  hear  of  no  objection  to  it, 
no  protest  against  it,  as  a  new  and  daring  presumption,  or  as  a  departure 
from  the  earlier  order  of  Christianity.  The  whole  nature  of  the  case  im- 
plies, as  strongly  as  any  historical  conditions  and  relations  well  could, 
that  this  precisely,  and  no  other  order,  had  been  handed  down  from  a  time, 
beyond  which  no  memory  of  man  to  the  contrary  then  reached."f 

*  Ep.  Tarrac.  ep.  t.  ii.  cone.  Hard.  col.  787. 

f  "Early  Christianity,"  Mercersburg  Review,  Sept,  1851. 


CHAPTER  XII. 


§  1.—  EXERCISE   OF  AUTHORITY. 

WE  have  seen  abundant  evidence  of  the  most  decided  exercise  of  the 
primacy  in  the  maintenance  of  faith.  The  same  documents  prove  that  the 
Bishop  of  Rome  was  regarded  as  the  governor  of  the  universal  Church, 
regulating  its  administration  by  laws,  enforcing  their  observance,  and  occa- 
sionally mitigating  their  rigor  by  opportune  indulgence.*  But  few  of  the 
many  rescripts  which  emanated  from  the  Holy  See  in  the  early  ages,  have 
escaped  the  flames  kindled  by  the  heathen  persecutors,  or  the  ravages  of 
time  ;  yet  they  are  amply  suflficient  to  establish  the  fact,  that  a  governing 
power  was  at  all  times  claimed  by  the  Roman  Bishop,  as  successor  of  St. 
Peter,  by  divine  right,  and  that  the  claim  was  admitted,  and  its  exercise 
oftentimes  implored,  by  the  bishops  throughout  the  world.  The  adminis- 
tration of  the  Church  was,  nevertheless,  conducted  on  settled  principles, 
because  the  power  was  given  by  the  Lord,  not  for  destruction,  but  for  edi- 
fication ;  and  the  canons,  or  rules,  made  by  the  Popes,  or  by  Councils, 
were  sacredly  respected,  unless  when  the  high  interests  of  religion  required 
a  departure  from  them.  "  Let  the  rules  govern  us/'  cried  out  St.  Celes- 
tine;  "let  us  not  set  aside  the  rules;  let  us  be  subject  to  the  canons, 
whilst  we  observe  what  the  canons  command.  "f 

The  divine  origin  of  episcopal  power  is  loudly  proclaimed  by  St.  Cyt- 
prian,  whose  language  is  strictly  applicable  to  the  Roman  Pontiff,  the 
representative  and  depositary  of  the  plenitude  of  episcopal  authority.  In 
order  to  show  the  crime  of  insubordination,  he  adduces  the  well-known 
passage  of  Deuteronomy,  wherein  the  decree  of  the  High  Priest  is  en- 
forced with  the  strongest  penal  sanction;  from  which,  as  well  as  from 
other  testimonies,  he  thus  concludes  :  "  Since  these  and  many  other 
weighty  examples  are  upon  record,  by  which  the  priestly  authority  and 
power,  through  divine  condescension,  are  established,  what  think  you  of 
those  who,  being  enemies  of  the  priests,  and  rebels  against  the  Catholic 
Church,  are  not  awed,  either  by  the  threat  of  the  Lord  who  forewarns,  or 

*  The  admirable  adaptation  of  the  pontifical  enactments  to  the  variety  of  circumstances, 
is  acknowledged  by  Voltaire.  Of  Rome,  he  says  :  "  Elle  a  su  toujours  temperer  les  loix 
selon  les  terns  et  selon  les  besoins."  Sur  la  Police  des  Spectacles,  vol.  v. 

t  Ep.  ad  ep.  Illyric.  t.  i.  Coustant,  col.  1064. 

149 


150  GOVERNING  POWER. 

by  the  avenging  judgment  that  awaits  them  ?  For  from  no  other  source 
have  heresies  arisen,  or  schisms  sprung  up,  than  from  not  obeying  the 
priest  of  God,  and  not  reflecting  that  THERE  is  ONE  PRIEST,  FOR  THE 

TIME,  IN  THE  CHURCH,  AND  ONE  JUDGE,  FOR  THE   TIME,  IN    THE  PLACE 

OF  CHRIST,  to  whom  if  all  the  brotherhood  yielded  obedience,  according 
to  the  divine  instructions,  no  one  would  attempt  any  thing  against  the  col- 
lege of  priests;  no  one,  after  the  divine  judgment,  after  the  suffrage  of 
the  people,  after  the  consent  of  his  fellow  bishops,  would  make  himself 
judge,  not  of  the  bishop,  but  of  God ;  no  one  would  rend  the  Church  of 
Christ  by  the  breach  of  unity ;  no  one,  through  vanity  and  pride,  would 
form  a  new  heresy  apart  and  without/'*  It  may  be  contended,  not  with- 
out plausibility,  that  this  is  said  of  a  local  bishop,  namely,  of  Cyprian 
himself :  but  it  is  difficult  to  apply  language  so  strong  to  each  individual 
bishop,  since  it  is  certain  that  on  the  principle  of  unqualified  obedience  to 
the  diocesan,  the  whole  body  of  the  clergy  and  people  of  Constantinople 
would  have  been  perverted,  when  Macedonius,  or  Nestorius  held  that  See. 
The  mere  episcopal  character  did  not  afford  a  guarantee  of  orthodoxy — 
the  mere  fact  of  succession  did  not  ensure  the  truth  of  the  doctrine  pro- 
fessed. As  Dr  Nevin  well  observes,  "  It  must  be  the  office  in  unity  with 
itself  under  a  catholic  form ;  the  office  as  representing  the  undivided  and 
indivisible  Apostolical  Commission,  on  which,  as  a  rock  centring  in  Peter, 
the  church  was  to  be  built  to  the  end  of  time."f  It  is  only  in  the  person 
of  the  chief  bishop,  whom  Divine  Providence  wonderfully  guards  and  di- 
rects, that  the  observations  of  Cyprian  are  fully  verified.  His  own  resist- 
ance to  Stephen  may  seem  to  show  that  he  did  not  inculcate  obedience  to 
the  mandates  of  the  Roman  Bishop ;  yet  as  it  arose  from  a  supposed  abuse 
of  power,  it  is  reconcilable  with  the  advocacy  of  the  general  principle,  that 
obedience  should  be  rendered  to  the  one  priest  and  one  judge.  Besides,  the 
text  is  painfully  illustrated  by  the  history  of  that  opposition,  in  connection 
with  the  rise  of  Donatism.  Had  Cyprian  in  that  instance  obeyed  the 
priest  of  God,  and  reflected  that  THERE  is  ONE  PRIEST,  FOR  THE  TIME,  IN 
THE  CHURCH,  AND  ONE  JUDGE,  FOR  THE  TIME,  IN  THE  PLACE  OF 
CHRIST,  the  scandal  of  dissension  would  have  been  avoided,  and  the  Dona- 
tists  would  have  had  no  pretext  for  using  his  venerable  name  in  support 
of  their  error  and  schism. 

We  have  seen  that  Victor  and  Stephen  acted  as  persons  having  au- 
thority over  the  Asiatic  and  African  prelates.  The  evidences  of  a  similar 
exercise  of  governing  power  multiply  during  the  fourth  and  fifth  ages, 
when,  in  consequence  of  the  liberty  which  the  Church  enjoyed,  there  was 
a  development  of  her  power,  as  occasions  presented  themselves  for  its  ex- 
ercise. Pope  SIRICIUS,  in  the  year  385,  replying  to  the  consultation  of 
Himerius,  Bishop  of  Tarragona,  in  Spain,  says :  "  We  bear  the  burdens 
of  all  who  are  heavily  laden,  or  rather  the  blessed  apostle  Peter  bears 

*  Ep.  lix.,  alias  liv.  Iv.  f  Art.  Cyprian,  M.  R.  July,  1852. 


GOVERNING  POWER.  151 

them  in  us,  and,  as  we  trust,  in  all  things  protects  and  defends  us,  the 
heirs  of  his  authority.  The  language  of  this  document  implies  a  govern- 
ing power  of  the  most  marked  character,  by  which  offences  against  the 
divine  law  are  punished  with  the  highest  ecclesiastical  penalty,  and  positive 
enactments  are  enforced  by  a  similar  sanction.  Those  who  re-baptize  per- 
sons baptized  by  heretics,  are  subjected  to  excommunication.  Having 
pointed  to  the  authorities  which  condemn  this  practice,  the  Pontiff  ob- 
serves :  "  You  must  not  hereafter  depart  from  this  rule,  if  you  do  not  wish 
to  be  separated  from  our  body  by  a  synodical  decree."  The  immediate 
administration  of  baptism  to  infants  and  persons  in  danger  of  death,  is  en- 
joined under  a  similar  penalty:  "Let  this  rule  be  henceforth  observed," 
he  says,  "  by  all  priests  who  do  not  wish  to  be  separated  from  the  solidity 
of  the  apostolic  rock,  on  which  Christ  built  the  Universal  Church."  It 
needs  no  commentary  to  show  that  this  is  the  language  of  a  superior.  In- 
continent clergymen,  who  presume  to  defend  their  excesses  by  appealing 
to  the  Mosaic  code,  are  threatened  with  final  degradation:  "Let  them 
know  that  they  are  cast  down  from  all  ecclesiastical  honor,  which  they 
have  abused,  and  that  they  can  never  again  touch  the  sacred  mysteries." 
The  connivance  of  the  Spanish  bishops  at  abuses,  in  the  promotion  of  un- 
qualified men  to  sacred  orders,  is  strongly  reprobated,  and  a  rule  is  laid 
down  which  they  must  follow :  "By  a  general  enactment,  we  decree  what 
hereafter  must  be  followed,  and  what  must  be  shunned  by  all  churches." 
This  very  remarkable  document  closes  with  a  commendation  of  the  bishop 
to  whom  it  was  addressed,  for  having  reported  and  proposed  the  various 
points  to  the  Roman  Church,  as  to  the  head;  and  with  an  injunction  to 
communicate  the  decree  itself  to  all  the  bishops,  not  only  of  the  diocese 
of  Tarragona,  but  also  of  Carthage,  Bsetica,  Lusitania,  G-allecia,  and 
other  neighboring  provinces,  that  none  may  plead  ignorance,  in  order  to 
escape  the  penalties  of  transgression :  "  None  of  the  priests  of  the  Lord 
are  at  liberty  to  plead  ignorance  of  the  decrees  of  the  Apostolic  See,  or 
the  venerable  definitions  of  the  canons."*  Although  Spain  was  in  the 
Western  patriarchate,  and  the  decree  was  not  beyond  the  limits  of  patri- 
archal power,  the  terms  show  that  Siricius  relied  on  his  apostolic  authority 
derived  from  Peter. 

Similar  language  is  observable  in  all  the  ancient  pontifical  decrees. 
Vitricius,  Bishop  of  Rouen,  sought  to  be  guided  by  "  the  rule  and  au- 
thority of  the  Roman  Church ;"  and  with  this  view  addressed  Innocent 
I.,  who  held  the  chair  of  Peter  in  the  commencement  of  the  fifth  century. 
This  venerable  Pontiff  undertook  to  reply,  invoking  "the  assistance  of 
the  holy  apostle  Peter,  through  whom  the  commencement  of  the  apostolic 
office  and  of  the  episcopate  was  made  by  Christ."  He  directs  ecclesias- 
tical suits  to  be  terminated  in  the  respective  provinces  in  which  they  ori- 
ginate, and  forbids  recourse  to  foreign  tribunals,  "without prejudice,  how- 

*  Apud  Constant,  t.  i.  col.  623,  et  seq. 


152  GOVERNING  POWER. 

ever,  to  the  Roman  Church,  to  which  reverence  is  due  in  all  cases/'  The 
greater  causes  are  to  be  submitted  to  the  judgment  and  final  decision  of 
the  Holy  See,  conformably  to  synodical  decrees  and  established  usage: 
"  Let  them  be  referred  to  the  Apostolic  See,  after  the  episcopal  judgment, 
as  the  synod  decreed*  and  laudable  custom  requires. "f  "Writing  to  the 
bishops  of  Macedonia,  he  resented,  as  derogatory  to  the  authority  of  the 
Holy  See,  that  what  it  had  decreed  "  as  the  head  of  the  churches,  should 
be  considered  as  admitting  of  question."! 

ZOSIMUS,  the  successor  of  Innocent,  spoke  with  the  same  voice  of  au- 
thority, and  sent  his  orders  to  Graul,  Spain,  Africa,  and  wherever  the  ne- 
cessities of  the  Church  demanded  his  interposition.  Addressing  Hesy- 
chius,  Bishop  of  Salona,  who  had  asked  for  a  command  of  the  Apostolic 
See,  to  authorize  him  to  resist  those  who  rashly  sought  to  advance  to  the 
priesthood  without  the  necessary  preparation,  he  states  that  he  had  already 
written  to  this  effect  to  Spain  and  Gaul,  and  that  even  Africa  had  not 
been  a  stranger  to  his  warnings ;  and  he  encourages  this  prelate  to  oppose 
such  hasty  proceedings.  "You  demand,"  he  says,  aa  precept  of  the 
Apostolic  See  in  harmony  with  the  decrees  of  the  fathers." — "  Resist  such 
ordinations :  resist  the  pride  and  arrogance  which  ambitiously  aspire  to 
advance.  You  have  in  your  favor  the  precepts  of  the  fathers  :  you  have 
also  the  authority  of  the  Apostolic  See."  He  charges  Hesychius  to  make 
known  the  decrees  to  all  the  bishops  of  the  neighboring  provinces. 
"  Whosoever,"  he  adds,  "  disregarding  the  authority  of  the  fathers  and 
of  the  Apostolic  See,  shall  neglect  this,  must  know  that  it  shall  be  strictly 
enforced,  so  that  he  may  rest  assured  he  shall  not  retain  his  dignity,  if 
he  imagine  that  what  has  been  forbidden  so  repeatedly,  can  be  attempted 
with  impunity. "§  This  is  clearly  the  strongest  language  of  authority. 
St.  Augustin  avows,  in  reference  to  ecclesiastical  matters,  that  he  and  his 
colleagues  were  under  the  necessity  of  obeying  the  commands  of  the  Pon- 
tiff. Writing  to  Optatus,  he  says :  "Your  letter,  which  you  sent  to  Mau- 
ritania-Caesariensis,  arrived  when  I  was  at  Caesarea,  whither  ecclesiastical 
duty,  enjoined  on  us  by  the  venerable  Pope  Zosimus,  Bishop  of  the  Apos- 
tolic See,  had  led  us."|]  Possidius  says  that  "the  letters  of  the  Apostolic 
See  had  compelled  Augustin,  with  others  of  his  fellow-bishops,  to  repair 
thither,  in  order  to  terminate  other  difficulties  of  the  Church."^" 

St.  Leo  wrote  to  Turribius,  Bishop  of  Asturia,  in  Spain,  to  direct  that  a 
Council  should  be  called,  and  required  that  if  any  bishops  were  found  tainted 
with  the  errors  of  Manes  or  Priscillian  they  should  be  at  once  cut  off 

•*  According  to  another  reading,  custom  only  is  mentioned.     The  Council  of  Sardica 
may  be  meant  by  the  Synod, 
f  Ibidem,  coL  746. 
J  Ep.  xvii.  col.  830. 
§  Ep.  ix.  col.  968. 

||  Ep.  cxc.  alias  clvi.  n.  1,  necessitas  ecclesiastica. 
f  C.  xiv. 


GOVERNING  POWER.  153 

from  the  communion  of  the  Church.  He  had  given  a  similar  order  to  the 
Bishops  of  Tarragona,  Carthage,  Lusitania,  and  Gallecia.*  To  the  Bishops 
of  Mauritiania-Csesariensis,  he  wrote,  "  in  consequence  of  THE  SOLICITUDE 
WHICH,"  he  says,  "  BY  DIVINE  INSTITUTION  WE  HAVE  FOR  THE  WHOLE 
CHURCH."!  He  elsewhere  expresses  the  admirable  economy  of  Divine 
Wisdom  in  the  constitution  and  government  of  the  Church  :  "  Out  of  the 
whole  world  Peter  alone  is  chosen,  and  placed  over  those  who  are  called 
from  all  nations,  and  over  all  the  apostles,  and  all  the  fathers  of  the 
Church  :  so  that,  although  there  are  many  priests  and  many  pastors  of  the 
people  of  God,  Peter,  nevertheless,  properlyj  governs  them  all,  who  are 
also  chiefly  governed  by  Christ. §  Great  and  wonderful,  dearly  beloved,  is 
the  communication  of  His  own  power,  which  the  divine  goodness  vouch- 
safed to  him ;  so  that  whatever  Christ  was  pleased  to  communicate  to  the 
other  princes — whatever  he  did  not  withhold  from  the  others — He  granted 
only  through  him."|| 

It  is  manifest  that  a  power  was  claimed  by  the  Popes  over  all  the 
churches,  in  virtue  of  which  laws  were  enacted,  which  all  were  called  on  to 
obey,  under  penalty  of  ecclesiastical  censures.  Besides  that  these  claims 
were  made  to  rest  on  divine  right,  there  is  nothing  to  warrant  us  in  regard- 
ing them  as  groundless,  since  in  many  instances  the  power  was  exercised 
at  the  solicitation  of  the  parties  immediately  concerned,  and  in  most  cases 
there  was  entire  acquiescence  in  the  authority  claimed.  It  would  be 
strange,  that  usurpation  could  have  assumed  such  consistency,  at  so  early  a 
period,  and  have  commanded  the  respect  of  distant  prelates,  naturally 
jealous  of  their  own  rights  and  independence.  Bossuet  deservedly  rejects 
as  rash  and  perverse,  the  exception  taken  by  some  to  the  evidence  derived 
from  papal  documents,  and  loudly  declares  that  ll  he  puts  entire  confidence 
in  the  doctrine  and  tradition  of  the  Roman  Pontiffs  concerning  the  majesty 
of  the  Apostolic  See.^f 

A  dispensing  power,  by  which  the  rigor  of  the  canons  was  mitigated, 
for  just  causes,  was  also  exercised  by  the  Popes  from  the  earliest  ages. 
We  have  seen  the  regulation  by  which  Melchiades  relaxed  the  severity  of 
the  ecclesiastical  law,  in  order  to  provide  for  the  Donatist  bishops  on  their 
return  to  Catholic  unity.  Anastasius,  in  the  commencement  of  the  fifth 
century,  was  besought  by  the  African  bishops  to  show  the  like  indulgence. 
They  "  resolved  to  write  to  their  brethren  and  fellow-bishops,  and  es- 
pecially to  the  Apostolic  See,"  to  obtain  a  relaxation  of  the  rigor  of  the 
canons  of  a  Council  beyond  the  seas,  so  that  the  Donatist  bishops,  on 

*  Ep.  xv.  ad  Turribium. 

f  Ep.  xii.,  ad  ep.  Afric.  prov.  Maurit.  Caesar. 

J  Proprie.     Mr.  Allies  translates  it,  "  by  special  commission." 

%  "  By  sovereign  power." — Allies. 

||  S.  Leo,  Serm.  iv.     In  anniversario  die  ejusdem  assumpt. 

f  Defens.  decl.  1.  x.,  alias  xv.  c.  6. 


154  GOVERNING   POWER. 

coming  to  the  Church,  might  be  received  with  all  their  honors.*  Thus  the 
power  of  the  Pontiff  to  dispense  in  the  general  laws  was  solemnly  recog- 
nised. 

The  Popes,  although  solicitous  for  the  observance  of  the  canons,  were 
always  ready  to  dispense  in  them,  when  the  return  of  the  deluded  children 
of  error  could  be  promoted  by  indulgence ;  in  which  exercise  of  clemency 
they  wisely  disregarded  the  censures  of  the  over-zealous,  who  clamored 
for  the  severity  of  discipline.  Some  Spanish  bishops  complained  that  he- 
retics, on  abjuring  their  errors,  were  allowed  to  retain  possession  of  their 
sees  :  to  whom  Innocent  I.  replied  :  f(  If  any  are  pained  or  grieved  at  this, 
let  them  read  how  Peter,  the  apostle,  after  his  tears,  was  restored  to  his 
original  station :  let  them  consider  that  Thomas,  after  his  doubts,  retained 
his  former  dignity :  finally,  that  the  great  prophet  David,  after  his  open 
confession,  was  not  deprived  of  the  gift  of  prophecy."f  Yet  he  ac- 
knowledged the  wisdom  of  the  general  rule,  and  traced  the  exceptions  to 
necessity.  When  some  persons  ordained  by  the  heretic  Bonosus  had  been 
received  to  the  Catholic  communion,  and  allowed  to  officiate  in  their  re- 
spective orders,  Innocent  ascribed  this  indulgence  to  necessity,  and  ad- 
mitted that  it  was  not  conformable  to  "  the  ancient  rules  which  the  Roman 
Church  received  from  the  apostles,  or  apostolic  men,  and  which  she  ob- 
serves, and  commands  to  be  observed  by  such  as  are  wont  to  obey  her."J 
The  same  indulgence  continued  to  be  shown  by  his  successors,  when  cir- 
cumstances demanded  it :  on  which  account  Leo  allowed  Donatus,  the  No- 
vatian  Bishop  of  Salicina,  (or  Saja,)  in  Africa,  to  retain  his  See,  on  ab- 
juring Novatianism  and  sending  a  satisfactory  profession  of  Catholic  faith 
to  Rome  ]  his  former  adherents  passing  with  him  to  the  Catholic  com- 
munion^ Maximus,  who  had  been  advanced  by  the  Donatists  from  the 
condition  of  a  layman  to  the  bishopric,  was  allowed  to  retain  his  see,  on 
abjuring  his  errors. || 

In  Greece,  the  Pope  exercised  the  same  authority,  dispensing  in  the 
canons  in  extraordinary  cases,  where  personal  merit  and  the  interests  of 
the  Church  so  required.  Boniface  I.  appointed  Perigenes  Bishop  of  Co- 
rinth, who  had  been  previously  ordained  for  the  See  of  Patras.  Some 
bishops  having  resisted  this  exercise  of  authority,  probably  on  the  ground 
that  the  translation  of  bishops  was  forbidden  by  the  canons,  the  Pope  in- 
sisted that  the  act  of  the  Holy  See  could  not  be  called  in  question.  In 
his  letters  to  the  Bishops  of  Macedonia,  Achaia,  Thessalia,  Epirus,  old  and 
new,  Prevalis  and  Dacia,  he  says  :  "  THE  SOLICITUDE  OF  THE  UNIVERSAL 
CHURCH,  which  he  undertook,  RESTS  ON  THE  BLESSED  APOSTLE  PETER, 

*  Codex  can.  eccl.  Afric.  c.  Ixviii. 

f  Ep.  iii.  ad  Tolet.  Syn.  t.  i.,  Constant,  col.  766 

J  Ep.  xvi.,  ibid,  col  835. 

§  Ep.  xii.  ad  episc.  Afric.  prov.  Maurit.  Caesar. 

||  Ep.  xii.  ad  episc.  Afric.  prov.  Maurit.  Csesar. 


GOVERNING   POWER.  155 

BY  THE  DECREE  OF  THE  LORD,  since,  according  to  the  testimony  of  the 
Evangelist,  he  knows  that  it  was  founded  on  him  :  nor  can  his  honor  be 
free  from  solicitude,  as  it  is  certain  that  all  depends  on  his  deliberation. 
These  things  expand  my  mind  to  the  provinces  of  the  East;  which  our  so- 
licitude makes  present  to  us."  He  proceeds  to  observe  :  "  The  Apostolic 
See,  after  mature  examination  of  all  the  facts,  appointed  Perigenes  Bishop 
of  Corinth /'  and  he  dwells  on  the  grievousness  of  the  sin  of  resisting  the 
authority  of  blessed  Peter,  "  in  whom,"  he  says,  "  our  Christ  established 
the  high  priesthood.  Whosoever  rises  contumelimisly  against  him,  can- 
not become  an  inhabitant  of  the  kingdom  of  heaven.  l  To  thee/  He  says, 
<  I  will  give  the  keys  of  the  kingdom  of  heaven :"  into  which  no  one  can 
enter  without  the  favor  of  the  gate-keeper.  '  Thou  art/  He  says,  '  Peter, 
and  on  this  rock  I  will  build  My  Church/  Whosoever,  therefore,  desires 
to  be  considered  a  priest  in  the  sight  of  our  God,  since  we  come  to  God 
through  Peter,  on  whom,  as  we  before  mentioned,  it  is  certain  that  the 
Universal  Church  is  founded,  should  be  meek  and  humble  of  heart." 
Boniface,  understanding  that  a  synod  was  to  be  held  at  Corinth,  to  take 
into  consideration  the  appointment  of  Perigenes,  strongly  denied  the  right 
to  canvass  the  act  of  the  Apostolic  See  :  "  No  one  has  ever  dared  resist 
the  Apostolical  supremacy,*  whose  judgment  cannot  be  reviewed."f  This 
shows  not  only  his  own  sense  of  the  Apostolic  prerogative,  but  also  his 
confidence  that  all  the  precedents  of  antiquity  were  in  harmony  with  his 
views. 

Besides  the  many  positive  acts  of  authority  which  I  have  enumerated, 
the  answers  given  to  the  consultations  of  the  bishops  from  every  part  of 
Christendom,  prove  that  the  Roman  bishop  was  a  Superior,  to  whom  all 
looked  up  for  guidance.  St.  Jerom  testifies  that  when  at  Rome,  during 
the  pontificate  of  Damasus,  he  was  constantly  engaged,  by  his  order,  in 
answering  the  synodical  consultations  that  poured  in  from  the  East  and 
the  West.J  The  papal  documents  which  I  have  quoted,  were  generally 
drawn  up  in  reply  to  such  consultations.  Hallam  admits  that  "  consulta- 
tions or  references  to  the  Bishop  of  Rome,  in  difficult  cases  of  faith  or 
discipline,  had  been  common  in  early  ages,  and  were  even  made  by  pro- 
vincial and  national  councils. "§ 

Dr.  Nevin  observes :  "  If  any  thing  in  the  world  can  be  said  to  be  his- 
torically clear,  it  is  the  fact  that  with  the  close  of  the  fourth  century  and 
the  coming  in  of  the  fifth,  the  Primacy  of,  the  Roman  See  was  admitted 
and  acknowledged  in  all  parts  of  the  Christian  world.  This  is  granted  by 
Barrow  himself,  in  his  great  work  on  the  Supremacy  :  though  he  tries  to 
set  aside  the  force  of  the  fact,  by  resolving  it  into  motives  and  reasons  to 
suit  his  own  cause." 

*  Culmini.  f  Ep.  xv.  Constant,  t.  i.  col.  1042. 

J  Ep.  xci.  alias  xi.  $  Middle  Ages,  ch.  vii.  note. 


156  GOVERNING  POWER. 

§  2.— UNIVERSAL   PATRIARCH. 

It  has  been  asserted  that  St.  Gregory  the  Great  disclaimed  the  title  and 
authority  of  (Ecumenical  or  Universal  Bishop,  because  he  opposed  the 
use  of  this  title  by  John  the  Faster,  Bishop  of  Constantinople.  The  term 
had  been  most  justly  applied  to  the  Pope  in  various  documents  of  the 
Council  of  Chaleedon :  but  it  had  not  been  used  by  Leo,  or  any  of  the 
predecessors  of  Gregory,  because  it  appeared  ostentatious,  and  they  chose 
to  be,  as  it  were,  on  a  level  with  their  colleagues,  by  the  exercise  of  hu- 
mility, whenever  there  was  no  need  of  putting  forward  the  authority  of 
their  office.  Eulogius,  Patriarch  of  Alexandria,  having  given  this  appel- 
lation to  Gregory,  the  humble  Pontiff"  wrote  to  him :  "  If  your  holiness 
calls  me  Universal  Pope,  you  deny  that  you  yourself  are  at  all  what  you 
admit  me  to  be  entirely.  But  God  forbid !  Away  with  words  which 
innate  vanity  and  wound  charity."* 

In  writing  to  the  Patriarchs  of  Alexandria  and  Antioch,  Gregory  de- 
signates the  title  a  profane  one :  "  You  know/'  he  says,  "  that  this  title 
was  offered  by  the  holy  Council  of  Chaleedon  to  the  Pontiff"  of  the  Apos- 
tolic See,  which,  by  the  appointment  of  God,  I  occupy :  but  none  of  my 
predecessors  ever  consented  to  use  so  profane  a  word,  since  if  one  is  styled 
universal  patriarch,  the  name  of  patriarch  is  denied  to  the  others.  But, 
far,  far  away  be  this  from  a  Christian  mind,  to  attempt  to  usurp  a  title,  by 
which  the  honor  of  his  brethren  may  be  in  the  slightest  degree  di- 
minished !""j~  The  term,  because  ambiguous  and  capable  of  perverse  in- 
terpretation, and  in  fact  perversely  used  by  the  Bishop  of  Constantinople, 
is  styled  profane ;  but  as  employed  in  documents  of  the  Council  of  Chal- 
eedon, it  was  just  and  proper,  although  the  Popes  prudently  abstained  from 
its  use. 

It  is  not  probable  that  the  title  was  assumed  by  the  Bishop  of  Constan- 
tinople in  its  worst  sense,  since  he  does  not  appear  to  have  had  any  idea 
of  discarding  the  superior  authority  of  the  Roman  Bishop,  or  of  denying 
the  episcopal  character  of  his  colleagues.  After  the  demise  of  John  the 
Faster,  Cyriacus,  his  successor,  sent,  as  was  usual,  special  messengers  to 
report  his  ordination,  and  submit  the  acts  of  his  synod  to  the  Holy  See. 
Gregory  acknowledged  that  the  language  of  the  synod  was  Catholic ;  but 
he  complained  that  the  dangerous  title  had  not  been  abandoned.  It  was 
used,  indeed,  to  signify  amplitude,  rather  than  universality  of  jurisdic- 
tion ;  for  which  reason  even  the  Patriarch  of  Antioch  seemed  willing  to 
dissemble,J  lest  the  peace  of  the  Christian  world  should  be  disturbed  on 
account  of  a  term  capable  of  a  mild  explanation  :  but  Gregory  perceived 
in  it  the  germ  of  great  evils,  and  justly  reproached  the  ambitious  prelate, 
as  preparing  the  way  for  future  encroachments  :  "  What  will  you  say  at 
the  last  judgment  to  Christ,  the  Head  of  the  Universal  Church,  whilst 

*  L.  iv.  ep.  xxxri.  "f  L.  v.  ep.  xliii.  J  L.  vii.  ep.  xxvii. 


GOVERNING   POWER.  157 

you  are  now  striving,  under  cloak  of  this  appellation,  to  subject  all  His 
members  to  yourself?  Who,  I  pray,  is  held  up  as  a  model  for  imitation 
in  this  perverse  term,  if  not  he,  who,  despising  the  legions  of  angels,  to 
whose  ranks  he  belonged,  attempted  to  rise  to  extraordinary  distinction, 
that  he  might  appear  to  be  subject  to  none,  and  set  over  all — who  even 
said  :  ( I  will  ascend  into  heaven,  I  will  lift  up  my  throne  above  the  stars 
of  heaven  ?'  What  are  all  your  brethren,  the  bishops  of  the  Universal 
Church,  but  stars  of  heaven,  over  whom  you  wish  to  set  yourself  by  a 
haughty  term,  and  whose  title,  compared  with  yours,  you  wish  to  trample 
under  foot  ?"*  He  shows  that  even  the  apostles  were  but  members  of  the 
Church  under  Christ :  "  Surely  Peter,  the  apostle,  is  the  first  member  of 
the  holy  Universal  Church :  Paul,  Andrew,  John,  what  else  are  they  but 
the  heads  of  particular  nations  ?f  and  yet  all  are  members  of  the  Church 
under  one  head/' J  This  presents  the  true  relations  of  the  apostles  to  the 
Church.  Even  Peter  was  but  a  member  of  it,  under  Christ,  but  the  chief 
member,  as  being  the  first  of  the  apostles,  and  "  to  him  the  care  of  the 
whole  Church  was  committed."  In  this  sense,  only,  is  he  styled  head. 

The  ambition  of  the  Bishop  of  Constantinople  manifested  itself  at  an 
early  period.  Although  Byzantium  was  but  a  suffragan  see  of  Heraclea, 
up  to  the  middle  of  the  fourth  century,  the  imperial  dignity  of  the  new 
Rome,  as  the  city  of  Constantine  was  called,  soon  emboldened  the  Bishop 
to  claim  titles  and  privileges  similar  to  those  of  ancient  Rome.  The 
fathers  of  Chalcedon,  dazzled  by  the  splendor  of  the  imperial  throne,  con- 
sented to  his  wishes ;  but  Leo  the  Great  annulled  their  decree,  as  deroga- 
tory to  the  rights  of  the  Patriarchs  of  Alexandria  and  Antioch,  which  had 
been  recognised  by  the  Council  of  Nice,  and,  by  the  Authority  of  blessed 
Peter,  he  declared  it  of  no  effect.  §  This  severe  check  did  not  deter  John 
the  Faster  from  aspiring  to  a  title  which  the  same  Council  had  given  only 
to  the  Roman  Bishop,  to  whom  he  avowed  his  subjection,  as  Gregory  tes- 
tifies. Speaking  of  certain  Sicilian  bishops,  who  murmured  at  the  sup- 
posed adoption  at  Rome  of  some  Oriental  usages,  at  a  time  when  the 
ambition  of  the  Bishop  of  Constantinople  should  be  checked  rather  than 
fostered,  he  remarks :  "As  to  what  they  say  concerning  the  Church  of 
Constantinople,  who  doubts  that  it  is  subject  to  the  Apostolic  See  ?  This 
is  constantly  avowed  by  the  most  pious  emperor,  and  by  our  brother,  the 
Bishop  of  that  city."||  "  The  Eastern  Church/'  says  Mr.  Allies,  "  as  its 
own  rituals  declare,  always  acknowledged  St.  Peter's  primacy,  and  that  his 
primacy  was  inherited  by  the  Bishop  of  Rome. "If  The  assumption  of  the 
offensive  title  had  commenced  in  the  pontificate  of  Pelagius,  the  predeces- 


*  L.  iv.  ep.  xxxviii. 

f  Singularium  plebium.     He  refers  to  the  nations  to  which  those  apostles  respectively 
preached  the  Gospel. 

+  L.  iv.  ep.  xxxviii.  g  Ep.  Iv.  ad  Pulcher. 

||  L.  ix.  ep.  xii.  ^f  Church  of  England,  p.  111. 


158  GOVERNING   POWER. 

sor  of  Gregory,  who,  on  learning  that  John  had  used  it,  in  a  synod  cele- 
brated by  him  at  Constantinople,  in  the  year  588,  "sent  letters  in  which, 
by  the  authority  of  St.  Peter  "the  apostle,  he  annulled  the  acts  of  that 
synod/'*  In  the  same  determined  spirit  of  opposition  to  dangerous 
ambition,  when  Gregory  understood  that  a  synod  had  been  called  to  meet 
at  Constantinople,  he  addressed  the  bishops  who  were  to  convene  there, 
and  cautioned  them  against  lending  themselves  to  the  designs  of  the 
Bishop  of  that  city :  "  For/'  said  he,  "  if  one,  as  he  thinks,  is  universal, 
it  follows  that  you  are  not  bishops/'  He  reminds  them  that,  "  without 
the  authority  and  consent  of  the  Apostolic  See,  their  proceedings  could 
have  no  effect/'f 

It  cannot  be  thought  for  a  moment,  that  in  rejecting  the  title  Gregory 
disclaimed  any  superior  authority  in  himself,  as  successor  of  Peter,  since 
he  affirmed  the  contrary,  in  the  most  positive  terms,  and  exercised,  in  the 
most  marked  manner,  the  power  of  a  ruler  of  the  whole  Church.  "  As- 
suredly," says  Mr.  Allies,  "  if  there  was  any  Pontiff  who,  like  St.  Leo, 
held  the  most  strong  and  deeply-rooted  convictions  as  to  the  prerogatives 
of  the  Roman  See,  it  was  St.  Gregory."!  His  letters  abound  with  ad- 
monitions, injunctions,  decrees  and  threats,  directed  to  bishops  in  every 
portion  of  the  Church,  all  of  whom  he  treated  as  brethren  whilst  they 
were  blameless;  but  admonished  them  as  a  father,  if  they  erred,  and 
punished  them  as  a  judge,  when  they  proved  delinquent.  When  Serenus, 
Bishop  of  Marseilles,  indignant  at  the  marks  of  veneration  given  to  a 
sacred  image,  broke  it  in  pieces,  as  an  occasion  of  superstition,  and  there- 
by shocked  the  feelings  of  the  faithful,  Gregory  sent  a  special  messenger, 
and  wrote  to  admonish  him  that  the  excess,  or  abuse,  should  be  corrected, 
without  taking  sacred  images  from  the  Church,  in  which  they  served  as 
books  for  the  unlearned. §  On  complaint  being  lodged  of  excessive  lenity, 
amounting  almost  to  connivance,  used  toward  a  licentious  priest  by  the 
same  prelate,  he  was  subjected  to  such  punishment  as  the  Bishop  of  Aries, 
Vicar  of  the  Holy  See,  should  inflict:  "  nostra  hoc  sic  vice  corrigere."\\ 
The  proofs  of  a  similar  exercise  of  power  throughout  Gaul,  Italy,  Sicily, 
and  Corsica,  are  abundant.  His  vigilance  extended  to  Illyricum,  where 
he  commissioned  the  Bishops  of  Justiniana  Prima^f  and  of  Scutari,  to  in- 
quire into  the  alleged  invasion  of  the  see  by  the  deposed  Bishop  Paul, 
and,  in  case  of  his  conviction,  to  confine  him  to  a  monastery,  and  deprive 
him  of  the  holy  communion  until  death.**  It  was  likewise  felt  in  Africa. 


*  L.  v.  ep.  xliii.  f  L.  ix.  ep.  Ixviii. 

J  Church  of  England  Cleared,  <tc.  p.  156.  $  L.  ix.  ep.  cv.  1.  xi.  ep.  xiii. 

||  L.  xi.  ep.  Iv. 

f  A  city  in  Bulgaria,  the  birthplace  of  the  elder  Justinian,  was  so  called.  A  city  in 
Moesia  superior  was  called  Justiniana  Secunda :  and  the  ancient  city  of  Chalcedon  was 
styled  Justiniana  Tertia. 

*#  L.  xii.  ep.  xxx.  xxxi. 


GOVERNING   POWER.  159 

Gregory  enjoined  on  the  Council  of  Byzacium*  to  investigate  the  charges 
made  against  their  primate,  and  proceed  as  justice  might  require. f  He 
directed  the  Bishop  of  Numidia,  in  conjunction  with  Victor,  the  primate, 
and  other  bishops,  to  examine  the  complaints  of  the  clergy  against  Pau- 
linus,  Bishop  of  Tegessis,  and  proceed  according  to  justice;  and  he  au- 
thorized Hilary,  his  notary,  to  be  present  at  the  trial. J  The  provinces 
immediately  subject  to  the  patriarchs  were  not  beyond  the  reach  of  his 
authority,  although  he  used  it  with  the  moderation  which  was  inspired  by 
respect  for  his  colleagues.  Hearing  that  simoniacal  abuses  existed  in  the 
Church  of  Alexandria,  he  addressed  the  Bishop  of  that  city,  exhorting 
him  to  abolish  them  without  delay.§  He  communicated  to  the  Bishop  of 
Jerusalem  the  report  made  to  him  of  simoniacal  practices  and  of  strifes 
which  prevailed  in  that  Church,  urging  him  to  remedy  these  evils.  || 

The  highest  dignitaries  addressed  Gregory  in  terms  expressive  at  once 
of  his  exalted  station  and  personal  merit.  Anastasius,  Patriarch  of  An- 
tioch,  styled  him  "  the  mouth  of  the  Lord/'^f  He,  in  return,  wrote  to 
them  affectionately ;  and,  whilst  stating  his  faith,  and  explaining  his  sen- 
timents as  to  the  duties  of  the  pastoral  office,  gave  to  all  the  patriarchs 
sublime  instructions  for  their  own  conduct.**  To  Eulogius,  Patriarch  of 
Alexandria,  who  had  extolled  the  dignity  of  the  chair  of  Peter,  Gregory 
replied,  that  Alexandria  and  Antioch  participated  in  this  honor :  "  Your 
holiness,ff  in  your  letters,  has  said  many  flattering  things  concerning  the 
chair  of  St.  Peter,  prince  of  the  apostles,  who,  you  observe,  still  occupies 
it  through  his  successors. — Who  does  not  know  that  the  holy  Church  is 
strengthened  by  the  solidity  of  the  prince  of  the  apostles,  whose  name  de- 
notes the  firmness  of  his  mind,  he  being  called  Peter  from  the  rock  ?  To 
him  Truth  itself  said :  '  I  will  give  to  thee  the  keys  of  the  kingdom  of 
heaven.'  And  again  :  '  Thou  being  once  converted,  confirm  thy  brethren/ 
And  again  :  '  Simon,  son  of  John,  lovest  thou  Me  ?  Feed  My  sheep/  "  JJ 

The  contest  concerning  the  use  of  the  title  "oecumenical"  continued  until 
Phocas,  the  emperor,  in  607,  forbade  the  Bishop  of  Constantinople  to  usurp 
it,  and  commanded  the  Apostolic  See  of  Blessed  Peter,  "which  is  the  head 
of  all  the  churches,"  to  be  maintained  in  the  enjoyment  of  her  legitimate 
honors. §§  The  evil  broke  out  anew  in  the  ninth  century,  when  Photius,  the 
intruder  into  the  patriarchate,  found  it  his  interest  to  disregard  altogether 

*  Now  part  of  Tunis.  -f-  Ib.  ep.  xxviii. 

J  L.  xiii.  ep.  xxxii.  \  L.  xiii.  ep.  xii. 

||  L.  xi.  ep.  xlvi.  f  L.  i.  ep.  vii. 

**  L.  i.  ep.  xxv.  ff  This  title  was  not  as  yet  confined  to  the  Pope. 

J+  L.  vii.  ep.  xl. 

$$  This  is  attested  by  Anastasius  in  Vita  Bontfacii  III.,  and  by  Paulus  Diaconus,  1.  iv. 
c.  xi.  de  gestis  Longobard.  Hallam  ably  shows  the  absurdity  of  dating  the  papal  su- 
premacy from  this  epoch:  "The  popes,"  he  avows,  "had  unquestionably  exercised  a 
species  of  supremacy  for  more  than  two  centuries  before  this  time,  which  had  lately 
reached  a  high  point  of  authority  under  Gregory  L" — Middle  Ages,  ch.  vii.  note. 


ICO  GOVERNING  POWER. 

the  superior  authority  of  the  Roman  Bishop.  No  one  was  better  qualified 
to  exemplify  in  his  own  person  the  results  of  the  false  principle,  which 
measured  the  dignity  of  the  bishop  by  his  proximity  to  the  throne,  than 
the  courtier  who  passed  to  the  patriarchal  chair  through  imperial  favor. 
His  revolt  against  the  paternal  rule  of  the  successor  of  Peter,  who  main- 
tained the  rights  of  Ignatius,  the  deposed  patriarch,  showed  that  pride  and 
ambition  are  opposed  to  the  order,  which  Divine  Wisdom  has  established 
in  the  Church.  The  scandal  of  this  schism  was  subsequently  repaired, 
and  the  governing  power  of  the  Roman  Pontiff  fully  admitted  by  the 
Greeks ;  but  the  elements  of  discord  still  remained,  to  burst  forth  anew 
with  increased  fury,  in  the  eleventh  century.  From  that  time  palliatives 
were  in  vain  applied ;  and,  after  several  ineffectual  attempts  at  reunion, 
the  evil  became  desperate  in  the  fifteenth  century,  when 'the  sword  of  the 
Mussulman  was  employed  by  divine  justice  to  punish  the  obstinacy  which 
no  condescension  could  cure.  Thus  the  vanity  of  a  title  and  the  love  of 
power,  gradually  brought  on  calamities  which  the  weak  men  who  first 
assumed  it  did  not  at  all  anticipate.  But  wisdom  is  justified  in  her  chil- 
dren— the  event  having  shown  how  vain  it  is  to  lean  on  the  arm  of  the  flesh, 
when  the  divine  favor  is  withdrawn.  The  throne  of  the  imperial  favorite 
has  been  overturned,  whilst  the  chair  of  Peter  remains  where  his  hand 
placed  it. 


CHAPTER    XIII. 


$  1.—  PATRIARCHAL   SYSTEM. 

NOTHING  is  clearer  in  the  history  of  the  Church,  than  the  distinction 
of  rank  among  her  prelates.  In  each  province  one  bishop  presided,  whose 
see  was  generally  in  the  chief  city,  whence  he  was  called  metropolitan  and 
archbishop.  In  some  nations,  one  was  designated  primate,  whose  rank 
was  superior  to  that  of  the  other  metropolitans.  There  were  also  exarchs, 
or  privileged  bishops,  who  were  exempt  from  dependence  on  immediate 
superiors  in  the  hierarchy,  although  they  did  not  exercise  metropolitical 
authority.  The  name  of  patriarchs  was  given  in  the  fifth  century  to  the 
Bishops  of  Rome,  Alexandria,  and  Antioch,  each  of  whom  from  the  com- 
mencement extended  his  jurisdiction  over  large  provinces,  or  dioceses,  as 
they  were  anciently  called.  The  Roman  Bishop  exercised  the  power  of 
metropolitan  over  the  provinces  styled  Suburbicarian,  which,  within  Italy, 
extended  from  Liguria  to  the  Ionian  Sea,  and  included  Sicily  ;  and  he  en- 
joyed patriarchal  jurisdiction  over  the  dioceses  of  the  West,  namely,  be- 
sides all  Italy,  Illyricum,  Spain,  Gaul,  Britain,  and  Africa  proper.  The 
Bishop  of  Alexandria  was  second  in  rank,  governing  Egypt,  Lybia,  and 
Pentapolis  ;  and  the  Bishop  of  Antioch  exercised  similar  authority 
throughout  the  East.  That  the  Roman  Bishop  was  first  in  rank  is  not 
seriously  questioned  by  any  one  who  is  conversant  with  ancient  docu- 
ments. "The  Bishop  of  Rome,"  says  Mr.  Allies,  "as  successor  of  St. 
Peter,  has  a  decided  pre-eminence.  It  is  very  apparent,  and  is  acknow- 
ledged in  the  East,  as  well  as  in  the  "West."*  "No  student  of  antiquity 
can  doubt  the  primacy  of  the  Roman  See."f  Describing  the  unquestioned 
constitution  of  the  Catholic  Church,  at  the  time  of  the  Council  of  Nicea, 
he  states  that  "  the  three  great  Sees  of  Rome,  Alexandria,  and  Antioch, 
exercised  a  powerful,  but  entirely  paternal  influence  on  their  colleagues, 
that  of  Rome  having  the  undoubted  primacy,  not  derived  from  the  gift 
of  Councils,  or  the  rank  of  the  imperial  city,  but  from  immemorial  tra- 
dition as  the  See  of  Peter."J 


*  Church  of  England,  <fcc.  p.  18. 

f  Church  of  England  Cleared,  &c.  p.  27. 

J  Ibidem,  p.  47. 

11  161 


162  THE   HIERARCHY. 

Although  the  terms  patriarch  and  archbishop  were  occasionally  applied 
to  the  Pope,  they  were  not  used  as  marking  a  restriction  of  power  within 
local  limits;  on  the  contrary,  the  epithet  ecumenical*  was  sometimes 
added,  to  denote  his  universal  authority;  and,  although  the  Popes  did, 
in  fact,  exercise  throughout  the  provinces  of  the  West  immediate  jurisdic- 
tion and  superintendence,  such  as  the  Patriarchs  of  Alexandria  and  An- 
tioch had  in  their  respective  provinces,  yet  it  was  not  exercised  as  merely 
patriarchal,  but  as  a  portion  of  that  apostolical  authority  which  was  lodged 
in  Peter,  and  which  embraced  in  its  plenitude  the  whole  flock  of  Christ. 
All  antiquity  shows  that  the  Bishop  of  Rome,  at  all  times,  and  every- 
where, acted  as  successor  of  Peter,  and  pastor  of  the  Universal  Church. 
The  patriarchal  jurisdiction  enjoyed  by  the  Bishops  of  the  other  two  Sees, 
was,  in  truth,  originally  derived  from  the  will  of  the  apostle,  who,  as 
Innocent  I.  testifies,  delegated  to  his  disciple  Mark,  and  to  Evodius,  a 
portion  of  his  general  solicitude,  that  they  might  have  a  more  immediate 
supervision  over  their  districts  ft  whilst  he  reserved  to  himself  the  imme- 
diate government  of  the  West,  besides  his  general  superintendence  over 
the  whole  Church.  The  Council  of  Nice  confirmed  the  rights  and  privi- 
leges of  the  two  Sees  of  Alexandria  and  Antioch. 

The  celebrated  sixth  canon  of  Nice  is  couched  in  these  words :  "  Let 
the  ancient  customs  be  kept,  which  are  in  Egypt,  Lybia,  and  Pentapolis, 
that  the  Bishop  of  Alexandria  may  have  full  power  over  all  these  places, 
as  this  is  customary  also  with  the  Bishop  of  Rome.  In  like  manner,  also, 
in  Antioch  and  in  the  other  provinces,  let  the  privileges,  dignities,  and  au- 
thority of  the  churches  be  preserved."!  The  clause  regarding  the  Roman 
Bishop,  which  is  used  as  confirmatory  of  the  Alexandrian  usage,  marks 
the  similitude  of  the  patriarchal  authority  as  exercised  by  each,  but  does 
not  declare  that  they  are  in  all  respects  alike.  The  occasion  which  gave 
rise  to  this  enactment  shows  the  object  which  the  fathers  had  in  view. 
Meletius,  a  bishop  of  Egypt,  having  been  deposed  by  St.  Peter  of  Alex- 
andria, formed  a  schism,  and  throwing  off  all  dependence  on  that  See, 
presumed  to  establish  new  bishoprics  in  that  province. §  "This  canon 
was  enacted,"  as  Potter  avows,  "upon  a  complaint  of  Alexander,  the 
Bishop  of  Alexandria,  that  the  metropolitical  rights  of  his  See  had  been 
invaded  by  Meletius,  the  schismatical  Bishop  of  Lycopolis  in  Thebais, 
who  had  taken  upon  him  to  ordain  bishops  without  Alexander's  con- 
sent." ||  The  fathers  confirmed  the  usage  of  the  Church  of  Alexandria  by 
reference  to  the  usage  of  Rome.  The  learned  Clinch  observes,  that 
"from  the  Greek,  it  appears  first,  that  no  confirmation  was  given  at 


*  See  various  documents  read  in  the  Council  of  Chalcedon. 

f  Ep.  xxiv.  ad  Alex.  Antioch.,  to  Agapitus,  apud  Meury,  1.  xxxii.  an.  536 

J  Coll.  Hard.  p.  432. 

$  Apol.  ii.  Athanas. 

||  Church  Government,  p.  188.     See  also  Theodoret  Hist.  1.  i.  c.  ix. 


THE  HIERARCHY.  163 

Nicca  to  the  usage  of  the  Church  of  Rome :  that  on  the  contrary,  the 
usage  o?  Alexandria  was  confirmed,  because  it  had  the  authority  of  Roman 
usage.  Secondly,  it  is  equally  plain,  that  no  boundaries  are  either 
marked,  or  alluded  to,  within  which  the  Roman  Bishop  exercised  that 
general  authority  which  the  fathers  had  in  view."* 

The  liberty  taken  by  Ruffinus  in  his  version  of  this  canon,  seems 
wholly  unwarrantable,  so  that  the  investigation  of  its  meaning  should  not 
be  embarrassed  by  his  interpolation.  It  becomes  necessary,  however,  to 
notice  it,  as  it  has  acquired  importance  by  the  pains  which  the  learned 
have  taken  to  reconcile  it  with  well-known  facts.  He  interprets  the 
canon  as  meaning,  "that  the  ancient  custom  be  observed  in  Alexandria 
and  in  the  city  of  Rome,  so  that  the  former  bishop  should  have  charge  of 
Egypt,  and  the  latter  of  the  suburbicarian  churches,  "f  Great  disputes 
have  been  raised  as  to  the  territory  designated  by  the  term  "suburbi- 
carian/' which  some  have  explained  of  the  district  of  the  "praefectus 
urbis,"  extending  only  to  the  distance  of  a  hundred  miles  around  Rome ; 
whilst  Sirmond  has  proved  that  it  embraced  the  ten  southern  provinces  of 
Italy,  together  with  Sicily,  Sardinia,  Corsica,  and  other  adjacent  islands, 
all  of  which  were  subject  to  the  officer  styled  Vicarius  urbis.  Mr.  Pal- 
mer asserts  that  this  was  the  original  and  legitimate  extent  of  the  Roman 
patriarchate,  from  which  he  excludes  even  the  northern  provinces  of 
Italy,  as  well  as  Gaul,  Spain,  Britain,  and  other  nations. J  The  learned, 
however,  generally  admit  that  the  whole  West,  including  Africa  proper, 
was  subject  to  the  patriarchal  jurisdiction  of  the  Bishop  of  Rome,  since, 
in  fact,  he  exercised  from  the  earliest  period,  a  special  superintendence 
over  all  the  Western  nations.  It  is  not,  indeed,  our  interest  to  dispute 
the  position  of  the  Anglican  divine ;  for  if  the  patriarchal  power  was  con- 
fined within  such  narrow  limits,  the  numerous  instances  in  which  the  Ro- 
man Bishop  interposed  in  the  ecclesiastical  affairs  of  the  more  distant 
countries,  can  only  be  accounted  for  by  his  authority  as  primate  of  the 
entire  Church. 

Boniface  I.,  in  the  early  part  of  the  fifth  century,  in  a  letter  to  the 
bishops  of  Thessalia,  did  not  hesitate  to  affirm,  that  the  Nicene  fathers 
had  made  no  decree  in  reference  to  the  prerogatives  of  the  Holy  See,  be- 
cause they  were  conscious  that  these  flowed  from  a  higher  source  than 
ecclesiastical  legislation,  namely,  the  will  and  act  of  Christ  Himself. 
"The  general  institution  of  the  rising  Church  began,"  he  says,  "with  the 
honor  of  the  blessed  Peter,  in  whom  its  government  and  highest  authority 
centre ;  for  from  this  fountain  ecclesiastical  discipline  has  flowed  through 
all  the  churches,  as  religion  increased.  This  is  obvious  from  the  laws  of 
the  Nicene  synod,  which  did  not  attempt  to  enact  any  thing  in  regard  to 
him,  knowing  that  nothing  could  be  conferred  above  his  merit,  and  that 

*  Letters  on  Church  Government,  p.  271.  f  Hist.  Eccl.l.  i.  c.  vi. 

J  Treatise  on  the  Church,  vol.  ii.  part  vii.  p.  507. 


164  THE   HIERARCHY. 

all  things  were  granted  to  him  by  the  voice  of  the  Lord/'*  The  same 
Pontiff  describes  the  privileges  of  the  Sees  of  Alexandria  and  Antioch  as 
guarded  by  ecclesiastical  enactments,  for  the  purposes  of  unity,  and  with 
necessary  dependence  on  the  apostolic  chair. 

In  the  great  Council  of  Chalcedon  the  primacy  of  the  Roman  See  was 
solemnly  acknowledged  and  most  effectually  exercised.  "  We  consider," 
said  the  fathers,  "  that  the  primacy  of  all  and  the  chief  honor,  according 
to  the  canons,  should  be  preserved  to  the  most  beloved  of  God,  the  Arch- 
bishop of  ancient  Rome/'f  The  details  of  the  proceedings  show  most 
plainly  the  power  which  the  Pontiff  exercised  through  his  legates,  so  that 
Mr.  Allies,  speaking  of  this  Council,  says  :  "  that  (the  patriarch)  of  Rome 
has  the  unquestioned  primacy,  and  is  seen  at  the  centre,  sustaining  and 
animating  the  whole. "J  Leo,  of  whom  he  speaks,  thus  explains  the  whole 
economy  of  the  Church :  "  Though  priests  have  a  like  dignity,  yet  they 
have  not  an  equal  jurisdiction,  since  even  amongst  the  most  blessed  apos- 
tles, as  there  was  a  likeness  of  honor,  so  was  there  a  certain  distinction  of 
power,  and  the  election  of  all  being  equal,  pre-eminence  over  the  rest  was 
given  to  one,  from  which  type  the  distinction  between  bishops  also  has 
arisen,  and  it  was  provided  by  an  important  arrangement,  that  all  should 
not  claim  to  themselves  power  over  all,  but  that  in  every  province  there 
should  be  one,  whose  sentence  should  be  considered  the  first  among  his 
brethren  ;  and  others  again,  seated  in  the  greater  cities,  should  undertake 
a  larger  care,  through  whom  the  direction  of  the  Universal  Church  should 
converge  to  the  one  See  of  Peter,  and  nothing  anywhere  disagree  with  its 
head."§ 

I  2.— WESTERN  PATRIARCHATE. 

The  claims  of  the  Bishop  of  Rome  on  the  obedience  of  the  Western 
churches,  were  not  dependent  on  the  mere  principle  of  authority,  since  he 
begot  them  in  Christ,  by  means  of  apostolic  men,  whom  he  sent  to  evan- 
gelize them  :  as  INNOCENT  I.  affirmed,  without  fear  of  contradiction  :  "  It 
is  manifest  that  no  one  founded  churches  throughout  all  Italy,  Gaul, 
Spain,  Africa,  and  Sicily,  and  the  adjacent  islands,  except  those  whom  the 
venerable  Peter,  or  his  successors,  ordained  priests."  || 

The  exercise  of  papal  power  over  the  churches  of  Western  Europe  is 
proved  by  the  very  ancient  practice  of  sending  the  pallium,  a  badge  of 
authority,  to  bishops  of  distinguished  rank,  especially  to  metropolitans. 
As  early  as  the  year  336,  it  was  used  by  the  Bishop  of  Ostia,  as  a  mark 
of  his  privilege  as  consecrator  of  the  Bishop  of  Rome.^f  "  It  was,  about 
A.D.  500,  given  by  Pope  Symmachus  to  his  vicar,  or  legate,  Cesarius  of 

*  Ep.  xiv.  f  Act  xvi.  col.  637. 

J  The  Church  of  England  Cleared,  &c.  p.  53.  g  Ep.  xiv.  cap.  i.  xi. 

||  Ep.  xxv.  ad  Decentium  Eugub.  ^[  Anastas.  in  Marci  vita. 


THE   HIERARCHY.  1G5 

Aries.  The  same  Pontiff  granted  it  to  Theodore  of  Laureacum,*  in  con- 
formity with  the  usage  of  his  predecessors.")"  It  is  spoken  of  as  an  imme- 
morial usage  by  Gregory  the  Great,  in  whose  letters  passages  abound  re- 
cording its  concession  to  various  prelates.  He  granted  it  to  Constantius, 
Bishop  of  Milan,  a  metropolitical  see ;  to  Maximus,  metropolitan  of  Dal- 
matia;  to  Leander  of  Seville,  metropolitan  of  the  province  of  Bo3tica,  in 
Spain ;  to  John  of  Corinth,  metropolitan  in  the  Morea ;  to  Andrew  of 
Nicopolis,  metropolitan  in  Epirus ;  to  John  of  the  First  Justiniana,  or 
Ocrida,  metropolitan  of  Dardania ;  and  to  the  metropolitans  of  Aquileja, 
Cagliari,  Dyrrachium,  Crete,  Philippopolis,  and  Salonica.  He  also 
granted  it  to  Virgil  of  Aries.  He  directed  the  pallium  to  be  given  to  the 
Bishop  of  Autun,  in  a  synod,  which  he  ordered  to  be  held,  requiring, 
however,  a  promise  on  his  part  to  remove  simoniacal  abuses. J  At  the 
same  time  he  assigned  to  this  bishop  the  next  place  after  the  Bishop  of 
Lyons,  by  his  own  indulgence  and  authority. §  Notwithstanding  these 
facts,  Palmer  says,  that  "with  two  exceptions,  none  of  the  Western 
bishops,  except  the  Vicars  of  the  Apostolic  See,  received  the  pallium  till 
the  time  of  Pope  Zacharias,  about  743." ||  When  Desiderius,  a  bishop 
of  some  place  in  Gaul,  sought  to  obtain  this  badge  of  authority,  Gregory 
answered,  that  after  diligent  search  in  the  Roman  archives,  he  could  find 
no  document  of  such  a  grant  to  the  predecessors  of  the  petitioner.^ 
Sending  it  to  the  Bishop  of  Palermo,  he  observed  :  "  We  admonish  you 
that  the  reverence  due  to  the  Apostolic  See  should  be  disturbed  by  the 
presumption  of  no  one ;  for  the  state  of  the  members  is  sound,  when  the 
head  of  faith  suffers  no  injury,  and  the  authority  of  the  canons  continues 
always  safe  and  inviolate/7** 

The  primacy  of  the  Apostolic  See  was  particularly  displayed  in  the 
special  privileges  granted  to  some  bishops,  which  were  modified  and 
changed,  according  as  the  interests  of  religion,  in  the  altered  circum- 
stances of  various  countries,  required.  The  See  of  Aries  from  ancient 
times  was  invested  with  extraordinary  authority,  recognised  and  confirmed 
by  Pope  Zosimus :  "We  ordain  that  the  Bishop  of  the  city  of  Aries 
shall  have,  as  he  always  has  had,  chief  authority  in  ordaining  priests. 
Let  him  recall  to  his  jurisdiction  the  provinces  of  Narbonne  the  first,  and 
Narbonne  the  second.  Be  it  known  that  whosoever  hereafter,  in  opposi- 
tion to  the  decrees  of  the  Apostolic  See,  and  to  the  commands  of  our  pre- 
decessors, shall  presume  to  ordain  any  one  in  the  above  provinces,  without 
the  authority  of  the  metropolitan  bishop,  or  whoever  shall  suffer  himself 
to  be  unlawfully  ordained,  is  deprived  of  the  priesthood. "ff  Not  only 

*  The  town  Enns,  in  Austria,  at  the  conflux  of  the  river  Enns  and  the  Danube,  is  near 
the  site  of  Laureacum. 

f  Cone.  edit.  Mansi,  t.  viii.  col.  228.  J  Ep.  cvii.  2  Ep.  cviii. 

||  Treatise  on  the  Church,  vol.  ii.  part  vii.  ch.  viii.  p.  521. 

^[  Ep.  cxii.  **  L.  xiii.  ep.  xxxvii.  ff  Ep.  i,  Coustant,  t.  i.  col.  936. 


166  THE   HIERARCHY. 

are  the  ancient  privileges  of  the  See  of  Aries  confirmed,  but  a  most  severe 
penalty  is  attached  to  their  violation.  Bishops  who  usurp  the  power  of 
ordaining,  in  places  subject  to  its  jurisdiction,  are  suspended  altogether 
from  the  exercise  of  episcopal  functions.  This  authority,  nevertheless, 
was  restricted  by  St.  Leo,  who  transferred  a  portion  of  the  province  to  the 
See  of  Vienne,*  but  it  was  again  enlarged  by  other  Popes,  who  consti- 
tuted the  Bishop  of  Aries  Apostolic  Legate.  Guizot  attempts  to  account 
for  these  changes,  and  for  the  jurisdiction  subsequently  granted  to  the 
Sees  of  Lyons  and  Sens,  by  the  jealousy  of  the  Roman  Bishop,  lest  a 
Gaulish  prelate,  with  extensive  authority  permanently  attached  to  his  see, 
should  become  a  rival  in  the  Western  patriarchate  :f  but  facts  and  docu- 
ments plainly  show  that  the  papal  action  was  in  all  cases  solicited,  and 
that  it  was  grounded  on  the  representations  of  those  concerned,  and  the 
change  of  local  relations.  The  learned  Clinch,  with  more  discernment 
and  justice,  has  observed :  "  The  synod  of  Turin  adjudged  a  primatial 
right  to  Vienne,  as  being  a  civil  metropolis.  The  diocese  of  Aries  ap- 
pealed from  this  decision  to  Rome,  and  by  Rome  it  was  annulled.  Leo  I. 
took  away  from  St.  Hilary  a  portion  of  his  diocese,  and  transferred  it  to 
Vienne.  The  See  of  Aries  obtained  from  after-Popes  a  compensation  for 
this  loss  by  an  apostolical  delegation.  The  Bishop  of  Lyons  next  set  up 
for  the  primacy,  as  being  successor  to  Irenaeus.  In  the  mean  time  the 
ancient  civil  boundaries  are  shifted  by  the  introduction  of  foreign  princes; 
and  the  metropolitan  power,  which  originally  had  meant  primacy,  being 
divided  against  itself,  and  undermined  by  time,  required  helps  from  that 
authority  which  alone  remained  confessedly  the  first."J 

The  terms  in  which  the  Bishops  of  the  province  of  Aries  besought  Leo 
to  restore  the  privileges  of  this  see,  contain  what  Mr.  Allies  designates 
"  this  undoubted  testimony  to  the  primacy  of  the  Roman  Church." 
"  By  the  priest  of  this  church,  (Aries)  it  is  certain  that  our  predecessors, 
as  well  as  ourselves,  have  been  consecrated  to  the  high  priesthood  by  the 
gift  of  the  Lord ;  in  which,  following  antiquity,  the  predecessors  of  your 
Holiness  confirmed  by  their  published  letters  this  which  old  custom  had 
handed  down,  concerning  the  privileges  of  the  Church  of  Aries,  (as  the 
records  of  the  Apostolical  See  doubtless  prove ;)  believing  it  to  be  full  of 
reason  and  justice,  that  as  through  the  most  blessed  Peter,  prince  of  the 
apostles,  the  holy  Roman  Church  holds  the  primacy  over  all  the  churches 
of  the  world,  so  also  within  the  Gauls  the  Church  of  Aries,  which  had 
been  thought  worthy  to  receive  for  its  priest  St.  Trophimus,  sent  by  the 
apostles,  should  claim  the  right  of  ordaining  to  the  high  priesthood."§ 

*•  Ep.  Ixvi. 

f  Cours  d'histoire  moderne,  t.  ii.  p.  24. 
J  Letters  on  Church  Government,  p.  245. 
$  Inter  opera  Leonis,  ep.  xlv. 


THE   HIERARCHY.  167 

§  3.— APOSTOLIC  VICARS. 

The  delegation  of  authority  to  bishops  as  Vicars  of  the  Apostolic  See, 
is  among  the  most  splendid  evidences  of  the  primacy.  Barrow  acknow- 
ledges that  in  the  fourth  century  the  Popes  bestowed  the  title  of  Vicars 
on  various  bishops :  "  The  Popes,  indeed,  in  the  fourth  century,  began  to 
confer  on  certain  bishops,  as  occasion  served,  or  for  continuance,  the  title 
of  their  Vicar,  or  Lieutenant,  thereby  pretending  to  impart  authority  to 
them ;  whereby  they  were  enabled  for  performance  of  divers  things,  which 
otherwise,  by  their  own  episcopal  or  metropolitical  power,  they  could  not 
perform.  Thus  did  "Pope  Celestine  constitute  Cyril  in  his  room.  Pope 
Leo  appointed  Anatolius  of  Constantinople.  Pope  Felix,  Acacius  of 
Constantinople.  Pope  Hormisdas,  Epiphanius  of  Constantinople.  Pope 
Simplicius  to  Zeno,  Bishop  of  Seville  :  '  We  thought  it  convenient  that 
you  should  be  held  up  by  the  vicariate  authority  of  our  see/  So  did  Si- 
ricius  and  his  successors  constitute  the  bishops  of  Thessalonica  to  be  their 
vicars  in  the  diocese  of  Illyricum.  So  did  Pope  Zosimus  bestow  a  like 
vicarious  power  upon  the  Bishop  of  Aries.  So  to  the  Bishop  of  Justini- 
ana  prima  in  Bulgaria,  (or  Dardania  Europse,)  the  like  privilege  was 
granted  (by  procurement  of  the  Emperor  Justinian,  native  of  that  place.) 
Afterwards  temporary  or  occasional  vicars  were  appointed  (such  as  Austin, 
in  England,  Boniface  in  Germany."*) 

When  Maximus,  a  philosopher,  had  been  ordained  bishop  by  some 
Egyptian  prelates,  for  the  See  of  Constantinople,  Damasus  addressed  a 
letter  to  Acholius,  Bishop  of  Thessalonica,  and  other  bishops,  reprobating 
the  irregularity  of  his  ordination,  and  directing  them  to  proceed  to  the 
election  of  a  bishop,  blameless,  orthodox,  and  peaceful,  in  a  synod  to  be 
held  in  the  imperial  city.  He  urged  the  observance  of  the  ancient  canons, 
which  forbade  a  bishop  to  be  transferred  from  one  see  to  another,  lest  am- 
bition should  be  fostered. f  By  a  special  letter  he  instructed  Acholius,  as 
his  Vicar,  to  see,  that  hereafter  a  Catholic  bishop  should  be  chosen,  with 
whom  peace  could  be  permanently  had.J  This  is  the  first  instance  of  the 
appointment  of  an  Apostolic  Vicar  throughout  Illyricum,  the  reason  of 
which  is  conjectured  by  Tillemont  to  be,  that  these  provinces  having  been 
added  by  Gratian,  in  the  year  379,  to  the  Eastern  empire,  the  Pope  could 
no  longer  conveniently  exercise  a  direct  inspection  over  them,  as  he  was 
wont  to  do  over  the  remainder  of  the  provinces  of  the  West.  Siricius 
addressing  Anisius,  Bishop  of  the  same  See,  directed  that  "  no  one  should 
presume  to  ordain  bishops  in  Illyricum  without  his  consent."§ 


*  Treatise  on  the  Supremacy,  Supp.  vi.  p.  733. 

f  Ep.  viii.  Damasi  ad  Acholium  et  alios,  Constant,  t.  i.  col.  535. 

J  Ep.  ix.  St.  Innocent  speaks  of  Acholius  as  having  been  Vicar  Apostolic. 

I  Ep.  iv.  Syricii,  apud  Coustant,  t.  i.  col.  642. 


168  THE   HIERARCHY. 

INNOCENT  I.  constituted  Rufus,  Bishop  of  Thessalonica,  Vicar,  to  de- 
termine "  all  cases  that  might  arise  throughout  the  churches  of  Achaia, 
Thessalia,  Epirus  old  and  new,  Crete,  Dacia,  both  mediterranea  and 
ripensis*  Mo3sia,  Dardania,  and  Praevalis;"")-  alleging  the  examples  of  his 
apostolic  predecessors,  who  had  given  like  power  to  Acholius  and  Anysius. 
BONIFACE,  having  appointed  Rufus,  Bishop  of  Thessalonica,  Vicar  Apos- 
tolic, addressed  him  as  charged  with  the  care  of  all  the  churches  of  Illyri- 
cum :  "  The  blessed  apostle  Peter  has  entrusted  to  the  Church  of  Thessa- 
lonica all  things,  in  his  own  stead." — "  You  have  for  your  defence  the 
blessed  apostle  Peter,  who  can  oppose  your  enemies,  according  to  that 
strength  which  is  peculiarly  his  own.  The  fisherman  does  not  suffer  the 
privilege  of  his  See  to  be  lost,  whilst  you  are  laboring."!  Again  he  says : 

"THE     BLESSED    APOSTLE     PETER,    TO    WHOM     THE     CITADEL    OF    THE 

PRIESTHOOD  WAS  GRANTED  BY  THE  VOICE  OF  THE  LORD,  rejoices  ex- 
ceedingly, when  he  sees  that  the  children  of  inviolable  peace  are  careful 
of  the  honor  granted  him  by  the  Lord."§  Some  of  the  bishops  having 
resisted  the  authority  of  Rufus,  as  Vicar  Apostolic,  Boniface  reproaches 
and  threatens  them  :  "  The  apostle  says  :  '  What  will  you  ?  Shall  I  come 
to  you  with  a  rod,  or  in  charity  and  in  the  spirit  of  meekness  ?'  You 
know  that  blessed  Peter  can  do  both, — treat  the  mild  with  meekness — 
punish  the  proud  with  the  rod.  Therefore  give  due  honor  to  the  head. 
Certainly  if  in  any  respect  the  reproof  (given  ty  the  Vicar  to  the  bishops) 
appeared  excessive,  since  the  Apostolic  See  holds  its  principality  in  order 
that  it  may  freely  receive  the  complaints  of  all,  we  should  have  been 
addressed  on  this  point,  and  an  embassy  sent  to  us,  whom  you  see  charged 
with  the  ultimate  settlement  of  all  things.  Let  there  be  an  end  to  this 
novel  presumption.  Let  no  one  dare  hope  for  what  is  unlawful.  Let  no  one 
strive  to  set  aside  the  regulations  of  our  fathers,  which  have  been  so  long 
in  force.  Whoever  considers  himself  a  bishop,  let  him  obey  our  or- 
dinance."|| 

Xystus  sustained  Anastasius,  Bishop  of  Thessalonica,  in  his  privileges 
as  Vicar  Apostolic,  and  reminded  Perigeues,  Bishop  of  Corinth,  to  respect 
his  authority,  as  he  owed  his  own  place  to  the  favor  of  the  Holy  See.^f 
Addressing  the  synod  of  Thessalonica,  he  insisted  on  the  maintenance  of 
the  authority  of  the  Vicar.** 

ST.  LEO  THE  GREAT,  acting  in  accordance  with  the  example  of  his  pre- 
decessors, committed  to  Anastasius,  Bishop  of  Thessalonica,  the  authority 
of  Vicar  over  all  the  churches  of  Illyricum,  assigning  as  the  reason  of 
this  delegation  his  anxiety  to  discharge  his  duty  as  general  pastor. 


*  That  part  of  Dacia  which  bordered  on  the  Danube  was  called  ripensis ;  that  part 
which  was  remote  from  this  river  was  called  mediterranea,  or  inland, 
t  Ep.  xiii.  n.  2.  J  Constant,  t.  i.  col.  1035. 

I  Ep.  iv.  col.  1019,  t.  i.  Hard.  ||  Ep.  xiv.  Constant. 

f  Ep.  vii.  Constant,  t.  i.  col.  1262.  **  Ep.  ix.  col.  1263. 


THE   HIERARCHY.  1(39 

"Since/'  he  says,  "our  solicitude  extends  to  all  the  churches,  as  the 
Lord  requires  of  us,  who  entrusted  to  the  most  blessed  apostle  Peter  the 
primacy  of  the  apostolic  dignity,  as  a  reward  of  his  faith,  establishing  the 
Universal  Church  in  the  solidity  of  the  foundation  itself,  we  communicate 
this  necessary  solicitude  to  those  who  are  united  with  us  by  the  affection 
of  brotherhood.  Following,  therefore,  the  example  of  those  whose  me- 
mory we  venerate,  we  have  constituted  our  brother  and  fellow-bishop 
Anastasius  our  Vicar,  and  enjoined  on  him  to  see,  from  his  watch-tower, 
that  nothing  unlawful  be  attempted  by  any  one ;  and  we  admonish  you, 
beloved,  to  obey  him  in  all  that  regards  ecclesiastical  discipline :  for  your 
obedience  will  not  be  rendered  to  him,  but  to  us,  who  are  known  to  have 
entrusted  him  with  this  office  in  those  provinces,  in  consequence  of  our 
solicitude."*  In  this  letter  Leo  decreed  that  the  disputes  of  bishops 
should  be  terminated  by  his  Vicar ;  to  whom  likewise  he  reserved  the  con- 
secration of  all  metropolitans  throughout  the  province :  directing,  at  the 
same  time,  that  no  bishop  should  be  consecrated  by  any  metropolitan 
without  his  knowledge  and  authority.  All  these  documents  plainly  prove 
that  the  power  delegated  was  founded  on  the  divine  commission  to  Peter, 
for  the  government  of  the  whole  Church.  In  his  letter  to  the  Vicar,  he 
expressly  says  that  he  appoints  him  to  fulfil  the  duty  "  which,  in  virtue  of 
our  headship,"  BY  DIVINE  INSTITUTION,  we  owe  to  all  churches.f 

The  term  "  Vicar  Apostolic,"  in  modern  usage  denotes  a  bishop  whose 
title  is  not  derived  from  the  see  or  territory  committed  to  his  charge, 
which  he  governs  rather  as  the  delegate  of  the  Holy  See,  during  the  good 
pleasure  of  the  Pontiff.  Some  fancy  the  episcopal  tenure  to  be  uni- 
versally of  this  precarious  character,  so  that  all  bishops  are  but  as  tenants 
at  will,  or  officers  of  the  Pope,  to  be  dismissed  when  he  judges  proper. 
This,  however,  is  not  the  sentiment  of  the  Pontiff  himself,  who  treats  all 
titular  bishops  as  his  colleagues,  and  claims  no  right  to  remove  them  but 
for  canonical  causes,  unless  in  extraordinary  emergencies  in  which  the 
highest  interests  of  religion  are  at  stake.  The  most  ardent  supporters  of 
the  papal  privileges  give  us  no  other  views.  "  The  power  of  the  Pope," 
says  Ballerini,  "  although  supreme,  is  not  the  only  authority  left  by  Christ 
in  His  Church,  since  bishops  are  called  to  share  in  his  solicitude;  and 
although  in  the  fulness  of  his  power  he  can  regulate  and  limit  the  exercise 
and  use  of  their  faculties,  as  he  may  deem  it  expedient  for  the  good  of 
the  Church,  nevertheless  he  cannot  monopolize  and  assume  to  himself  all 
their  faculties,  or  make  them  as  his  mere  vicars,  or  regard  all  the  dioceses 
as  his  own :  whence  it  follows  that  not  the  Pope  alone  throughout  the 
whole  Church,  but  the  bishops  likewise  in  their  respective  dioceses  have 
ordinary  jurisdiction,  by  divine  right." J  Bolgeni  also  denies  that  bishops 


*  Ep.  v.  ad  episcopos  metrop.  per  lUyricum.  f  Ep.  x. 

J  Vindiciae  auct.  pontif.  contra  Just.  Febron.  c.  iii.  n.  12. 


170  THE   HIERARCHY. 

are  mere  vicars  of  the  Pope.*  Their  dependence  on  the  Apostolic  See  is 
without  detriment  to  their  rank  in  the  Church,  as  is  evident  from  the 
reservation  made  in  the  oath  of  consecration  :  SALVO  MEO  ORDINE.  They 
can  address  the  actual  Pontiff  in  the  words  which  St.  Augustin  addressed 
to  Boniface :  "  To  sit  on  our  watch-towers  and  guard  the  flock  belongs  in 
common  to  all  of  us  who  have  episcopal  functions,  although  the  hill  on 
which  you  stand  is  more  conspicuous  than  the  rest."f  In  truth  their 
submission  to  the  chief  bishop  is  the  great  guarantee  of  their  true  inde- 
pendence, which  they  sacrifice  to  regal  or  popular  caprice,  when  they 
attempt  to  set  themselves  free  from  the  authority  which  Christ  has  placed 
over  pastors  and  people.  "  In  better  times/'  as  Mr.  Allies  ingenuously 
avows,  "  doubtless  every  bishop  felt  his  hand  strengthened  in  his  par- 
ticular diocese,  and  had  an  additional  security  against  the  infraction  of  his 
rights  by  his  brethren,  when  he  was  able  to  throw  himself  back  on  the 
unbiassed  and  impartial  authority  of  the  Bishop  of  Rome.J 

4.— PAPAL  RELATIONS  TO  PATRIARCHS. 

As  the  exercise  of  pontifical  power  throughout  the  "Western  patri- 
archate, although  constantly  referred  by  the  Popes  themselves  to  the  com- 
mission given  to  Peter,  may  not  appear  to  all  conclusive  evidence  of  su- 
premacy, it  is  important  to  consider  the  relations  of  the  Bishops  of  Rome 
to  the  Patriarchs  of  Alexandria  and  Antioch.  These  governed  their 
respective  provinces  with  full  power,  igouffta,:  without  recourse  to  the 
Pope  for  the  appointment  of  bishops,  or  other  acts  of  ordinary  juris- 
diction; whom,  however,  they  notified  of  their  own  consecration,  to 
obtain  recognition  by  letters  of  communion.  St.  Leo,  writing  to  Timothy 
Salophaciolus,  who  had  recently  succeeded  Timothy  JElurus  in  the  see  of 
Alexandria,  observes  that  his  messengers,  with  the  testimonials  of  his 
ordination,  had  come  to  the  Apostolic  See,  "as  was  necessary  and  cus- 
tomary." §  This  system  having  been  established  from  the  earliest 
period,  and  having  been  ratified  by  many  acts  of  the  Popes,  was 
altogether  sufficient  to  convey  jurisdiction,  from  whatsoever  source  it 
originally  flowed.  When  their  own  authority  was  violently  assailed,  or 
when  faith  was  endangered,  the  patriarchs  had  recourse  to  the  Pontiff. 
Athanasius  fled  to  Rome,  to  obtain  pontifical  aid  against  his  persecutors, 
and  on  his  return  he  was  recommended  to  the  confidence  of  his  flock  by  let- 
ters of  Pope  Julius,  in  which  he  congratulated  them  on  the  success  of  their 

*  L'Episcopato,  vol.  i.  art.  iii.  See  also  Perrone,  vol.  viii.  Tract,  de  locis  theolog. 
p.  1,  s.  ii.  c.  iii. 

f  Tom.  x.  412  B.,  apud  Allies,  p.  76. 

J  Church  of  England  Cleared,  Ac.  p.  101. 

$  Sicut  necessario  et  ex  more  fecistis  ut  per  filios  nostros  Danielem  presbyterum,  et 
Tiinotheum  diaconum  ordinationis  tuae  ad  nos  scripta  dirigeres. — Ep.  ci.  ad  Tiin.  Alex. 


THE   HIERARCHY.  171 

prayers  for  the  restoration  of  their  bishop.  Peter  found  aid  in  the  same 
paternal  authority,  and  returned  to  Alexandria  in  378,  "  bringing  with 
him  a  letter  of  the  Bishop  Damasus,  in  which  he  testified  his  faith  in  the 
consubstantiality  of  the  Son,  and  approved  of  his  ordination."*  John 
Talaja,  in  the  following  century,  sought  the  papal  confirmation  to  occupy 
the  same  see,  as  Simplicius  affirms  in  his  letter  to  Acacius,  "  that  the  suc- 
cession of  a  Catholic  bishop  to  the  ministry  of  the  deceased,  might  derive 
strength  from  the  assent  of  the  apostolic  authority."")* 

The  dependence  of  the  patriarchates  on  the  Roman  Bishop  is  further 
evinced  from  the  pontifical  interposition  in  some  extraordinary  cases. 
LEO,  writing  to  Dioscorus,  Bishop  of  Alexandria,  to  correct  some  usages 
which  were  not  in  harmony  with  the  traditions  of  the  Roman  Church, 
observed,  that  the  disciple  of  St.  Peter  had  not  certainly  departed  from 
the  teaching  of  his  master :  "for,"  says  he,  "since  the  most  blessed  Peter 
received  the  apostolic  principality  from  the  Lord,  and  the  Roman  Church 
perseveres  in  his  traditions,  we  cannot  believe  that  his  holy  disciple  Mark, 
who  first  governed  the  Church  of  Alexandria,  framed  differently  the 
decrees  which  have  come  down  from  him  by  tradition. "J 

The  energy  with  which  this  holy  Pontiff  exercised  his  office  throughout 
the  whole  Church,  is  avowed  by  Mr.  Allies :  "  In  truth  we  behold  St. 
Leo  set  on  a  watch-tower,  and  directing  his  gaze  over  the  whole  Church : 
over  his  own  West  more  especially,  but  over  the  East  too,  if  need  be. 
He  can  judge  Alexandria,  Antioch,  and  Constantinople,  as  well  as 
Eugubium,  and  is  as  ready  too.  Wherever  canons  are  broken,  ancient 
custom  disregarded,  encroachments  attempted,  where  bishops  are  neglect- 
ful, or  metropolitans  tyrannical,  where  heresy  is  imputed  to  patriarchs,  in 
short,  wherever  a  stone  in  the  whole  sacred  building  is  being  loosened,  or 
threatens  to  fall,  there  he  is  at  hand  to  repair  and  restore,  to  warn,  to  pro- 
tect, or  to  punish."§ 

The  Church  of  Antioch  was  avowedly  dependent  on  the  See  of  Peter, 
as  is  clear  from  the  testimony  of  JUVENAL,  Bishop  of  Jerusalem,  in  the 
Council  of  Antioch:  "Tt  is  customary,  conformably  with  apostolic  order 
and  tradition,  that  the  See  of  Antioch  should  be  directed  by  the  See  of 
the  great  Rome,  and  should  be  judged  by  it."|| 

When  the  Bishop  of  Constantinople  acquired  importance,  and  claimed 
patriarchal  authority,  it  was  usual  to  communicate  his  ordination  to  the 
Holy  See  by  a  formal  embassy.  Nectarius  being  chosen  Bishop  of  Con- 
stantinople, ambassadors  were  despatched  by  the  Emperor  Theodosius  to 
the  Roman  bishop,  with  a  view  to  obtain  his  assent  and  confirmation,  as 
BONIFACE  testifies :  "  Theodosius,  a  prince  whose  clemency  is  in  sweet 
remembrance,  considering  that  the  ordination  of  Nectarius  was  not 

*  Socrat.  1.  iv.  Hist.  c.  xxxvii.  f  Ep.  vii. 

J  Ep.  ix.  ad  Dioscorum  ep.  Alex.  $  Church  of  England  Cleared,  &c.  p.  101. 

Jl  Cone.  Antioch.  act.  iv.  t.  iv.  Cone.  Edit.  Mansi,  col.  1311. 


172  THE   HIERARCHY. 

assured,  because  it  was  not  known  to  us,  sending  courtiers  from  his  side 
with  bishops,  asked,  in  due  form,  a  letter  of  communion  to  be  addressed 
to  him  by  this  Holy  See,  to  confirm  his  priesthood."*  This  custom  was 
considered  obligatory;  so  that  Pope  Hormisdas  required  Epiphanius, 
Bishop  of  that  See,  to  comply  with  it,  not  being  content  with  a  mere 
letter  of  information.f  A  splendid  embassy  was  sent  to  Rome,  in  the 
year  398,  with  Acacius  of  Bercea  at  its  head,  to  notify  the  election  of  St. 
John  Chrysostom.J  Innocent  I.  refused  to  acknowledge  Atticus,  Bishop 
of  Constantinople,  until  he  should  send  ambassadors  to  communicate  his 
election,  and  prove  that  he  had  fulfilled  the  prescribed  conditions  of  peace. § 
St.  Leo  would  not  hold  communion  with  Anatolius,  until  he  was  satisfied 
of  his  orthodoxy,  and  always  spoke  of  his  occupancy  of  that  see  as  a 
favor  which  he  owed  to  Pontifical  indulgence.  ||  Cyriacus,  Bishop  of  that 
city,  sent  ambassadors  to  Gregory  the  Great,  with  the  proceedings  of  the 
synod,  after  his  ordination. 

The  authority  of  the  Pope  became  particularly  manifest,  when  the 
patriarchates,  in  consequence  of  the  incursion  of  heretics,  required  his 
interposition.  BONIFACE  states,  "  that  the  greatest  Oriental  churches^  in 
important  affairs  which  needed  maturer  discussion,  always  consulted  the 
Roman  See,  and  when  the  case  required  it,  sought  its  aid."^[  ST.  BASIL, 
who  was  metropolitan  of  Csesarea,  writing  to  Meletius,  Patriarch  of 
Antioch,  communicated  to  him  the  design  which  he  had  formed  of 
sending  to  Rome,  in  order  to  obtain  a  visit  from  some  of  the  Italian 
prelates,  to  settle  the  disturbances  of  the  East.  The  bearer  of  this  letter 
was  a  deacon  named  Dorothee :  "  This  resolution  has  been  formed/'  he 
says,  "  that  this  same  brother  of  ours,  Dorothee,  should  go  to  Rome,  and 
press  some  to  visit  us  from  Italy/'**  He  wrote  in  like  manner  to  St. 
Athanasius,  Bishop  of  Alexandria :  "  It  has  appeared  to  us  advisable  to 
send  to  the  Bishop  of  Rome,  that  he  may  look  to  our  affairs;  and  to  sug- 
gest to  him,  that  if  it  be  difficult  to  despatch  some  persons  thence  by  a 
general  and  synodical  decree,  he  himself,  by  his  authority,  may  act  in  the 
case,  and  choose  persons  able  to  bear  the  journey,  and  endowed  with  such 
meekness  and  firmness  of  character  as  would  be  likely  to  recall  the  per- 
verse to  correct  sentiments."tf  Addressing  Damasus,  Bishop  of  Rome, 
he  styles  him,  "Most  honored  Father!"  and  states  that  the  hope  that 
harmony  and  truth  would  prevail,  having  hitherto  proved  deceptive,  he 

*  Vide  Bonifacii  I.  ep.  xiv.  t.  i.  Coustant. 

f  Hormisdae,  ep.  Ixviii.  alias  cxi. 

j  Pallad.  de  vita  Chrysost,  c.  iv. 

§  Ep.  xxii.  apud  Coustant,  t  i.  col.  848. 

||  "Quod  nostro  beneficio  noscitur  consecutus." — Ep.  liv.  ad  Martianum  Augustum. 
"  Mei  favoris  assensu  Constantinopolitanae  ecclesise  sacerdotium  fuerit  consecutus." — Ep. 
Iv.  ad  Pulcheriam  Augustam. 

fl  Ep.  xvi.  apud  Coustant,  t.  i.  col.  1043.  *»  Ep.  Ixviii.  ft  Ep.  Ixix. 


THE  HIERARCHY.  173 

has  recourse  to  him,  that  he  may  succor  the  churches  of  the  East,  as 
Dionysius,  Bishop  of  Rome,  had  formerly  done :  "  Being  disappointed  in 
our  expectations,  and  unable  to  bear  our  evils  any  longer,  we  have  resolved 
to  write,  and  urge  you  to  come  to  our  relief,  and  to  send  to  us  some  men 
harmonizing  in  sentiment,  who  may  reconcile  those  who  are  at  variance, 
or  restore  the  churches  of  God  to  harmony,  or,  at  least,  make  more 
manifest  to  you  the  authors  of  disturbance,  that  you  may  hereafter 
plainly  know  with  whom  it  is  proper  for  you  to  hold  communion.  We 
ask  nothing  new,  but  what  has  been  usual  of  old  with  other  blessed  men 
beloved  of  God,  especially  among  yourselves;  for  we  know  by  tradition, 
being  instructed  by  our  fathers  whom  we  have  questioned,  and  by  docu- 
ments which  are  still  preserved  amongst  us,  that  Dionysius,  the  most 
blessed  bishop,  who  was  illustrious  among  you  for  the  integrity  of  his 
faith  and  his  other  virtues,  visited,  by  letter,  our  Church  of  Caesarea,  and 
sent  persons  to  ransom  the  brethren  from  captivity.  Our  affairs  are  at 
present  in  a  more  difficult  and  gloomy  situation,  and  need  greater  care : 
for  we  now  grieve  over,  not  the  razing  of  our  earthly  dwellings,  but  the 
destruction  of  our  churches — we  witness  not  corporal  servitude,  but  the 
bondage  of  our  souls,  which  is  daily  effected  by  the  abettors  of  heresy, 
who  have  the  sway.  Wherefore,  unless  you  hasten  to  our  relief,  in  a 
little  while  you  will  scarcely  find  any  to  whom  you  may  reach  the  hand, 
since  all  will  be  brought  under  the  power  of  heresy."*  The  language  of 
this  address  is  that  of  affectionate  appeal  to  superior  authority.  Damasus 
was  addressed  not  merely  as  a  brother,  sound  in  faith,  and  possessing 
wide  influence,  but  as  one  clothed  with  power,  whose  messengers  might 
gain  to  truth  and  peace  the  rebellious  children  of  error.  Were  personal 
influence  alone  regarded,  Basil  might  be  expected  to  accomplish  much 
more  than  the  envoys  of  the  Roman  Bishop;  whose  high  authority, 
however,  would  be  respected  by  those  who  would  not  yield  to  the  per- 
suasive eloquence  of  the  metropolitan  of  Caesarea,  or  to  the  commands  of 
the  Patriarch  of  Antioch. 

Thus  we  have  seen  that  the  power  of  the  Bishop  of  Rome  was  im- 
plored by  the  patriarchs  themselves,  and  was  effectually  exercised  in 
their  behalf,  whenever  any  emergency  required  his  interposition.  Mr. 
Allies  asks :  "  When  the  ship  of  the  Church  was  in  distress,  whom 
should  we  expect  to  see  at  the  rudder  but  St.  Peter  ?"f  That  he  did  not 
ordinarily  interfere  in  the  affairs  of  their  patriarchates,  arose  from  a  love 
of  order,  which  prompted  him  to  leave  to  his  colleagues  the  care  of  that 
which  was  entrusted  to  their  respective  charge,  and  to  confine  himself  to 
a  general  superintendence.  The  occasions  of  his  interference  were,  how- 
ever, sufficiently  numerous  to  mark  clearly  his  right,  and  the  grounds  on 
which  he  always  relied  were  such  as  to  leave  no  question  as  to  the  divine 


*  Ep.  Ixx.  f  Church  of  England  Cleared,  &c.  p.  25. 


174  THE   HIERARCHY. 

source  of  his  authority.  He  was  first  among  the  patriarchs,  their  superior 
and  judge,  not  by  courtesy,  or  conventional  arrangement,  but  in  virtue  of 
the  command  of  Christ  to  Peter :  "Feed  My  lambs :"  "Feed  My  sheep :" 
"  Confirm  thy  brethren." 

Mr.  Allies  with  great  candor  said :  "  I  am  fully  prepared  to  admit  that 
the  primacy  of  the  Eoman  See,  even  among  the  patriarchs,  was  a  real 
thing,  not  a  mere  title  of  honor.  The  power  of  the  first  see  was  really 
exerted,  in  difficult  conjunctures,  to  keep  the  whole  body  together.  I  am 
quite  aware  that  the  Bishop  of  Home  could  do  what  the  Bishop  of  Alex- 
andria, or  of  Antioch,  or  of  Constantinople,  or  of  Jerusalem,  could  not 
do.  Even  merely  as  standing  at  the  head  of  the  whole  West,  he  coun- 
terbalanced all  the  four."* 

*  Church  of  England  Cleared,  &c.  p.  120. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 


THE  office  of  bishop  is  perpetual,  a  sacred  character,  which  can  never 
be  effaced,  being  impressed  in  ordination  :  yet  the  exercise  of  the  power 
may  for  just  causes  be  inhibited;  nay,  the  governing  authority,  or  juris- 
diction may  be  entirely  taken  away.  The  eminence  of  the  dignity,  which 
is  no  less  than  that  of  successor  of  the  apostles,  does  not  secure  him  who 
is  adorned  with  it  from  danger  of  error,  should  he  listen  to  the  whisper- 
ings of  pride,  rather  than  guard  that  which  is  committed  to  his  trust,  or 
of  vice,  if  he  be  neglectful  of  the  approaches  of  temptation.  For  this 
reason  the  apostle  addressed  strong  exhortations  to  Timothy  and  Titus,  to 
fulfil  the  duties  of  their  sacred  office,  and  instructed  them  in  what  circum- 
stances they  should  receive  accusations  against  the  bishops*  subject  to 
their  authority.  The  power  of  suspending  bishops  from  the  exercise  of 
their  functions,  or  of  removing  them  altogether  from  the  ministry,  is 
among  the  most  awful  and  sublime  functions  of  the  higher  ecclesiastical 
dignitaries.  In  the  early  ages  it  was  exercised  by  metropolitans,  or  other 
superiors,  especially  in  Councils,  where  the  assembled  bishops  judged  and 
deposed  the  delinquents.  Territorial  limits  were  not  always  accurately 
observed,  especially  where  one  of  the  patriarchs  intervened,  whose  high 
rank  gave  a  coloring  of  authority  even  to  acts  performed  beyond  the 
province  in  which  he  presided.")"  Thus  Flacillus,  Bishop  of  Antioch, 
presided  at  a  Council  in  which  Athanasius  of  Alexandria  was  condemned  ; 
and  Theophilus  of  Alexandria  undertook  to  try  and  depose  Chrysostom 
of  Constantinople,  who,  however,  protested  against  his  competency.  The 
power  was  at  all  times  exercised  by  the  Bishop  of  Rome,  in  a  manner  to 
leave  no  room  for  doubt,  that  he  claimed  authority  to  judge  and  punish, 
by  censure,  all  bishops,  even  patriarchs  themselves,  and  that  he  grounded 
his  claims  oji  his  office  as  successor  of  Peter.  These  claims  were  put 
forward  with  entire  confidence,  as  admitting  of  no  question  }  and  the 
exercise  of  the  power  was  implored  by  bishops  occupying  the  highest  sees, 
and  submitted  to  by  those  against  whom  it  was  exercised,  or  resisted 

*  The  Greek  term,  7rp«r/?i5repo?,  was  then  applied  to  bishops. 

•f  Cyril  acknowledged,  that  were  he  himself,  or  an  Egyptian  Synod,  to  pronounce  sen- 
tence on  Nestorius,  he  anight  be  charged  with  going  beyond  the  limits  of  his  authority. 

175 


176  DEPOSITION  OF   BISHOPS. 

ineffectually.  St.  Leo,  in  his  instructions  to  his  Vicar  in  Illyricum, 
directed  that  cases  of  difficulty  and  importance  should  be  reserved  to  his 
own  judgment;*  whence  Bianchi  maintains"}"  that  the  deposition  of 
bishops  was  from  that  time  reserved  to  the  Holy  See.  The  reservation 
was  well  established  in  the  ninth  century,  since  the  Council  of  Troyes 
implored  Nicholas  I.  to  provide  for  the  dignity  of  the  episcopal  office,  by 
restraining  metropolitans,  who  sometimes  attempted  to  depose  bishops 
without  the  apostolic  judgment,  contrary  to  the  decrees  of  his  prede- 
cessors. J  The  deposition  of  Kothade,  Bishop  of  Soissons,  by  Hincmar, 
Archbishop  of  Rheims,  gave  occasion  to  this  complaint;  and  Nicholas 
rescinded  the  act  as  unjust,  and  irregular,  it  having  been  done  without 
his  knowledge. 

Potter  records  an  early  instance  of  the  deposition  of  bishops  by  the 
Roman  Pontiff:  "  Three  bishops,  who  ordained  Novatian,  the  schismatic 
bishop,  were  deposed,  and  others  ordained  to  succeed  them,  by  Cornelius, 
Bishop  of  Rome ;  whose  proceedings  in  this  matter  were  generally 
approved  all  over  the  world. "§  Cornelius  acted  as  of  his  own  authority, 
in  proceeding  to  this  measure,  which  met  with  universal  approbation; 
the  crime  of  the  schismatical  ordination  being  deemed  by  all  most 
enormous,  as  tending  to  destroy,  or  render  doubtful,  the  essential  au- 
thority of  the  Church. 

Not  long  afterward  another  occasion  arose  for  a  similar  exercise  of 
power,  no  longer  in  the  neighborhood  of  Rome,  but  over  a  bishop  of  an 
illustrious  see  in  Gaul.  Marcian,  metropolitan  of  Aries,  had  openly 
espoused  the  cause  of  Novatian,  in  consequence  of  which,  the  neighboring 
metropolitan  of  Lyons,  with  his  suffragans,  implored  the  Roman  Pontiff 
to  depose  him  from  the  episcopate.  This  measure  having  been  delayed, 
they  wrote  repeatedly  to  Cyprian,  praying  him  to  use  his  influence  for  the 
speedy  correction  of  the  scandal :  who  accordingly  addressed  a  letter  to 
Pope  Stephen,  urging  him  to  prompt  and  decisive  action  :  "  Faustinus, 
our  colleague  at  Lyons,  has  repeatedly  written  to  us,  dearest  brother, 
stating  what  I  know  has  been  reported  to  you  also,  both  by  him  and  by 
our  other  fellow-bishops  in  the  same  province,  that  Marcian  of  Aries  has 
joined  Novatian,  and  has  departed  from  the  unity  of  the  Catholic  Church, 
and  the  harmony  of  our  body,  and  of  the  priests. — Wherefore  it  behooves 
you  to  write  an  explicit  letter]  |  to  our  fellow-bishops  in  Gaul,  that  they 
may  no  longer  suffer  Marcian,  an  obstinate  and  proud  man,  and  an  enemy 
to  Divine  Mercy  and  to  the  salvation  of  the  brethren,  to  insult  our  body, 
since  being  an  abettor  of  Novatian,  and  imitating  his  obstinacy,  he  has 
withdrawn  from  our  communion,  whilst  Novatiau  himself,  whom  he 


'  Ep.  vi.  ad  Anastasium  Thessalonic.  f  Dell'esterior  politia,  t.  v.  p.  1,  p.  478. 

t  Ep.  synod.  Tricassin.  ad  Nicolaum  I.  $  On  Church  Government,  p.  392. 

II  Plenissimas  litteras. 


DEPOSITION  OF   BISHOPS.  177 

follows,  was  formerly  excommunicated  and  judged  to  be  an  enemy  of  the 
Church ;  and  when  he  had  sent  ambassadors  to  us  in  Africa,  wishing  to 
be  admitted  to  our  communion,  he  received  for  answer  from  a  numerous 
Council  of  bishops,  who  were  assembled,  that  HE  WAS  WITHOUT,  and  that 
none  of  us  could  communicate  with  him,  since,  whilst  Cornelius  was 
ordained  bishop  in  the  Catholic  Church,  by  the  judgment  of  God,  and 
choice  of  the  clergy  and  people,  he  was  endeavoring  to  raise  a  profane 
altar,  and  to  erect  an  adulterous  see,  and  to  offer  sacrilegious  sacrifices  in 
opposition  to  the  true  priest. — Let  your  letters  be  directed  throughout  the 
province,  and  to  the  people  of  Aries,  in  order  that  Marcian  be  removed,* 
and  another  substituted  in  his  place,  and  the  flock  of  Christ  gathered 
together,  which,  hitherto  being  scattered  and  wounded  by  him,  is 
despised."!  It  has  in  vain  been  attempted  to  explain  this  call  for  the 
interposition  of  Stephen,  by  reference  to  the  fact  that  Novatianism  had 
sprung  up  at  Rome,  on  occasion  of  the  opposition  to  the  election  of  his 
predecessor.  This  was  no  reason  why  the  bishops  of  Gaul  should  not,  of 
themselves,  proceed  to  the  deposition  of  the  heretical  metropolitan,  if 
Stephen  were  not  his  lawful  and  proper  judge.  They  were  not  wanting 
in  zeal  against  the  heresy,  since  they  had  already  addressed  Stephen  and 
Cyprian,  urging  the  former  to  come  to  their  aid,  and  begging  the  influence 
of  the  latter  for  the  speedy  success  of  their  application.  Of  Stephen  it 
was  plainly  expected,  that  he  should  remove  the  perverse  teacher ;  and  to 
him  Cyprian  looked  for  official  information  of  the  appointment  of  his 
successor. 

Palmer,  taking  Du  Pin  for  his  guide,  says  that  Cyprian  only  requested 
Stephen  to  write  to  the  people  of  Aries,  and  the  Gallican  bishops  to 
appoint  another  bishop  in  his  stead  :J  but  it  is  manifest  that  the  au- 
thority of  the  Bishop  of  Rome  was  solicited  for  the  deposition  of  Marcian, 
abstento  Marciano.  "Were  personal  influence  and  persuasion  only  sought, 
there  would  have  been  no  need  that  the  Bishops  of  the  neighboring  pro- 
vince of  Lyons  should  have  written  so  pressingly  to  Carthage  and  to 
Rome,  merely  to  obtain  a  letter  of  advice  from  the  Bishop  of  Rome  to 
the  Bishops  and  faithful  of  the  province  of  Aries. 

The  power  of  deposing  bishops  was  recognised  in  the  Pope  by  a  Roman 
Council,  held  in  the  year  378,  and  by  the  Emperors  Gratian  and  Valen- 
tinian.  In  addressing  the  emperors,  the  fathers  state  that  "  numberless 
bishops  from  various  parts  of  Italy  had  assembled  at  the  sublime  sanc- 
tuary of  the  Apostolic  See."  They  compliment  the  emperors  as 
"  observing  the  precept  of  the  holy  apostles,"  inasmuch  as,  having 


*  Abstento  Marciano.  The  Latin  term  was  used  of  the  deposition  of  an  emperor,  after 
be  had  been  adjudged  to  be  an  enemy  of  the  empire.  Cyprian  uses  it  in  this  letter  of 
Novatian,  who  was  removed  from  communion  of  the  Church,  and  condemned  as  her 
enemy. 

f  Ep.  Ixvii.  alias  Ixviii.  J  Treatise  on  the  Church,  vol.  ii.  part  vii.  p.  489. 

12 


178  DEPOSITION   OF   BISHOPS. 

banished  Ursinus,  the  leader  of  the  schism,  and  separated  his  partisans 
from  his  society,  they  had  decreed  "  that  the  Roman  Bishop  should  try 
the  other  priests  of  the  various  churches,  so  that  the  Pontiff  of  religion 
with  his  colleagues,  should  judge  of  religion ;  and  the  priesthood  should 
not  suffer  in  its  honor,  by  subjecting  the  priest  to  the  judgment  of  a 
secular  judge,  as  might  otherwise  happen."  They  complain  that  some 
bishops,  his  partisans,  still  endeavor  to  persuade  others  "  not  to  submit  to 
the  judgment  of  the  Roman  priest;"  and  mentioning  several  instances  of 
deposed  bishops  who  retain  possession  of  their  sees,  they  ask  the  aid  of 
the  civil  authority  to  give  effect  to  the  ecclesiastical  sentence.  They  pray 
that  a  bishop,  who  declines  to  appear  for  trial,  may  be  compelled  by  the 
governor,  or  his  Vicar,  to  repair  to  Rome ;  or,  if  he  be  far  distant,  to 
appear  before  the  metropolitan;  and  if  the  metropolitan  himself  be 
accused,  that  he  be  compelled  to  come  to  Rome  without  delay,  or  to 
appear  before  judges  appointed  by  the  Roman  Bishop.  In  cases  in  which 
the  metropolitan,  or  other  judge,  is  open  to  suspicion,  they  wish  an  appeal 
to  lie  to  the  Bishop  of  Rome,  or  to  a  council  of  fifteen  neighboring 
bishops.*  The  emperors  granted  their  petition,  giving  civil  force  to  the 
sentence  of  the  Roman  Bishop,  passed  with  the  advice  of  five  or  seven 
bishops. f  These  documents  clearly  prove  the  eminence  of  the  Bishop  of 
Rome,  as  occupant  of  the  Apostolic  See,  and  his  right  to  judge  other 
bishops,  whether  he  sat  alone,  or  surrounded  by  his  colleagues.  The 
reason  of  the  qualifications  prescribed  in  the  imperial  edict  was,  that  the 
sentence  should  be  passed  solemnly,  maturely,  and  advisedly :  and 
although  it  had  ecclesiastical  force  independently  of  these  circumstances, 
the  emperors  thought  fit  to  limit  the  civil  sanction  to  sentences  thus  pro- 
nounced. Mosheim,  and  Maclaine,  his  translator,  refer  to  these  measures 
as  imprudent  concessions  of  the  emperors  and  bishops,  which  prepared 
the  way  for  Roman  supremacy  :J  but  it  is  easy  to  see,  on  inspection  of 
the  documents  themselves,  that  the  belief  that  Rome  was  "  the  sublime 
sanctuary  of  the  Apostolic  See,"  preceded,  and  gave  rise  to  them.  Those 
who,  in  the  investigation  of  ecclesiastical  history,  set  out  with  the  per- 
suasion, that  the  papacy  is  an  invention  of  later  ages,  engrafted  on  the 
original  system,  can  only  discover  in  the  many  documents  of  an  early 
date,  "  steps  by  which  the  Roman  Bishops  mounted  afterwards  to  the 
summit  of  ecclesiastical  power;"  whereas  they  obviously  show  the 
exercise  of  high  authority,  derived  from  a  divine  source,  and  recognised 
alike  by  bishops  and  by  emperors. 

So  fully  acknowledged  was  the  power  of  the  Pope  to  depose  bishops, 
when  false  to  the  faith,  or  recreant  to  their  duty,  that  the  Eastern  pre- 
lates solicited  DAMASUS  to  depose  Timothy,  a  bishop  infected  with  the 

*  Ep.  vi.  apud  Coustant,  t.  i.  col.  528.  Ep.  vil  ibidem,  col.  532. 

J  Fourth  Century,  part  ii.  ch.  ii.  p.  108 


DEPOSITION   OF   BISHOPS.  179 

heresy  of  Apollinaris,  and  received  for  reply  that  the  sentence  of  deposi- 
tion had  already  been  passed  by  the  Apostolic  See  against  the  master  and 
the  disciple,  in  a  solemn  Council  at  Rome,  at  which  the  Bishop  of  Alex- 
andria was  present :  "  Why  do  you  ask  of  me  anew/'  said  he,  "  to  depose 
Timothy,  who,  together  with  Apollinaris,  was  already  condemned  here, 
by  the  judgment  of  the  Apostolic  See,  in  presence  even  of  Peter,  Bishop 
of  the  city  of  Alexandria?"*  The  same  zealous  Pontiff,  in  a  Roman 
Synod,  deposed  Ursacius  and  Valens;  for  which  act  he  received  the 
thanks  of  St.  Athanasius,  who  urged  him  to  proceed  to  the  deposition  of 
Auxentius,  the  Arian  occupant  of  the  See  of  Milan.  Tuentius  and  Ursus 
having  received  episcopal  consecration  unlawfully,  ZOSIMUS  addressed  a 
letter  to  the  Bishops  of  Africa,  Gaul,  and  Spain,  in  which  he  says : 
"Dearest  brethren,  we  have  sent  letters  to  your  holiness,  and  throughout  the 
whole  world,  wheresoever  and  in  whatsoever  part  of  the  earth  the  fountain 
of  the  Catholic  religion  flows,  that  you  may  not  think  that  Tuentius  and 
Ursus  are  to  be  received  in  any  ecclesiastical  rank,  in  the  communion  of 
the  Church,  from  which  they  are  wholly  cut  off  by  anathema."")*  Thus  did 
he  most  effectually  depose  them  from  the  episcopate. 

Celestine  directed  all  bishops  holding  the  errors  of  Nestorius  to  be 
separated  from  the  episcopal  body,  and  ordered  John  of  Antioch  to  be- 
notified,  "  that  unless  he  hold  our  sentiments  and  condemn  in  writing  the 
new  blasphemy,  the  Church  would  take  such  measures  in  his  regard  as  the 
interests  of  faith  might  demand. "J 

The  papal  legates  in  the  Council  of  Chalcedon  deposed  Dioscorus,  Patri- 
arch of  Alexandria,  in  the  name  of  Leo :  "  The  most  holy  and  blessed 
Leo,  Archbishop  of  great  and  elder  Rome,  by  us,  and  by  the  present  holy 
synod,  together  with  the  most  blessed  apostle  Peter,  who  is  the  rock  and 
ground  of  the  Church,  and  the  foundation  of  the  right  faith,  has  stript 
him  of  the  dignity  of  the  episcopate."§  "The  Apostolic  See,"  as  GE- 
LASIUS  testifies,  "  by  its  own  authority  condemned  Dioscorus,  the  prelate 
of  the  second  see." 

Ephesus  was  an  autocephalous\\  see,  which  Bassian,  by  the  favor  of 
Proclus,  of  Constantinople,  occupied,  to  the  prejudice  of  that  independence 
which  it  derived  from  the  apostles  Paul  and  John,  its  founders.  The 
clergy  and  people  seeing  that  the  intruder  cared  only  to  secure  his  own 
honor,  by  compromising  the  privileges  of  the  Church,  accused  him  to 
Pope  Leo,  and  having  exposed  the  unworthy  means  by  which  he  had 
usurped  the  see,  obtained  a  sentence  of  deposition,  which  was  acknow- 
ledged and  recorded  in  the  great  Council  of  Chalcedon  :  "  The  most  holy 


*  Ep.  xiv.  t.  i.  col.  514,  Coustant.  f  Ep.  iv. 

$  Ep.  xxii.  ad  Syn.  Ephes.  apud  Coustant,  t.  i.  col.  1202.  %  Act  iii. 

j|  Independent  Sees,  which  were  not  subject  to  a  metropolitan ;  or  metropolitan  PPOS 
exempt  from  patriarchal  authority  were  so  styled.  No  see  was  absolutely  independent, 
since  all  are  necessarily  subject  to  the  chief  Bishop. 


180  DEPOSITION   OF   BISHOPS. 

Roman  Archbishop  Leo  deposed  him,  because  he  was  made  bishop  con- 
trary to  the  canons."  Sixtus  III.  deposed  Polychronius,  Bishop  of  Jeru- 
salem. Peter  Mongus,  Bishop  of  Alexandria,  was  excommunicated  by 
Simplicius.  Peter  Cnapheus,  Bishop  of  Antioch,  having  fallen  into 
various  heresies,  especially  that  of  Eutyches,  was  admonished  by  Felix 
III.,  and  finally  stricken  with  anathema,  and  deposed  in  this  solemn 
form  :  "  Having  written  two  letters  to  you,  I  now  proceed  to  pass  sentence 
against  you :  yea,  rather,  he  (sentences  you)  who  is  the  head  of  all 
pastoral  sees,  the  glorious  Peter,  truly  the  greatest  of  the  apostles."* 
Acacius,  Bishop  of  Constantinople,  who  was  charged  with  the  execution 
of  this  sentence,  and  of  several  others,  afterwards  himself  fell  under  sus- 
picion, and  was  summoned  to  answer  in  the  assembly  of  bishops  to  St. 
Peter,  to  whom,  in  the  person  of  Felix,  the  accusation  was  made.t  He 
was  finally  cut  off  utterly  from  the  Catholic  Church.  "  Being  separated 
from  the  honor  of  the  priesthood,  and  from  Catholic  communion,  and 
likewise  from  the  number  of  the  faithful,  know  that  the  name  and  office 
of  the  priestly  ministry  are  taken  from  you,  being  condemned  by  the 
judgment  of  the  Holy  Ghost  and  by  apostolic  authority."!  Mosheim 
relates  the  deposition  of  Acacius  in  these  terms :  "  The  Roman  Pontiff, 
Felix  II., §  having  assembled  an  Italian  Council,  composed  of  sixty-seven 
bishops,  condemned  and  deposed  Acacius,  and  excluded  him  from  the 
communion  of  the  Church,  as  a  perfidious  enemy  to  the  truth."  The 
opposition  of  the  Greeks  to  the  execution  of  this  sentence  the  historian 
takes  as  a  denial  of  the  right  of  the  Roman  See  to  pronounce  censure  on 
the  Bishop  of  the  imperial  city;  but  he  admits  that  Rome  finally  suc- 
ceeded in  exacting  its  acceptance.  "  Hence,"  he  says,  "  arose  a  new 
schism  and  a  new  contest,  which  were  carried  on  with  great  violence,  until 
the  following  century,  when  the  obstinacy  and  perseverance  of  the 
Latins  triumphed  over  the  opposition  of  the  Oriental  Christians,  and 
brought  about  an  agreement,  in  consequence  of  which,  the  names  of 
Acacius  and  Fullo  were  erased  from  the  diptychs,  and  sacred  registers, 
and  then  branded  with  perpetual  infamy."  ||  This  is  no  equivocal  proof 
that  the  right  of  the  Roman  Bishops  to  depose  even  the  Bishop  of  the 
imperial  city,  although  he  was  protected  and  supported  by  the  emperor, 
was  incontrovertible.  It  is  not  true  that  the  Orientals  generally  resisted 
the  ecntence.  Acacius,  indeed,  remained  obstinate,  but  died  in  a  few 
years.  Flavita,  his  successor,  sought  the  communion  of  the  Holy  See, 
which  was  denied  him,  unless  he  removed  the  suspicions  which  fell  on 
his  faith,  and  cancelled  from  the  sacred  tablets  the  name  of  Acacius. 
Euphemius,  who  soon  succeeded  him,  a  man  of  sound  faith,  pleaded  in 
vain  that  the  memory  of  Acacius  might  be  spared ;  alleging,  among  other 
things,  that  he  should  not  have  been  condemned  by  a  single  bishop. 

*  Hard.  t.  ii.  col.  826.  f  Ib.  col.  829.  J  Ib.  col.  832. 

$  Others  style  him  Felix  III.  j|  Mosheim,  Church  History,  p.  2,  ch.  v.  gxxi. 


DEPOSITION   OF   BISHOPS.  181 

Gelasius,  who  then  occupied  the  chair  of  St.  Peter,  answered,  that 
Acacius  had  been  condemned  in  virtue  of  the  Council  of  Chalcedon,  since 
he  professed  heresies  which  it  had  proscribed;  but  independently  of  this 
fact,  the  Pontiff  relied  on  the  supreme  authority  of  the  Holy  See, 
whose  judgments  are  final.  He  showed  that  Acacius,  previously  to  his 
own  condemnation,  had  accepted  and  executed  a  commission  of  the  Holy 
See  for  the  deposition  of  several  bishops  :  "  Timothy  of  Alexandria,  and 
Peter  of  Antioch,  Peter,  Paul,  and  John,  and  others,  not  one  only,  but 
several  bearing  the  priestly  title,  were  cast  down  by  the  sole  authority  of 
the  Apostolic  See.  Of  this  fact  Acacius  himself  is  witness,  since  he  was 
charged  with  the  execution  of  the  sentence.  In  this  manner,  then, 
falling  into  company  with  those  who  have  been  condemned,  Acacius  is 
condemned."*  By  embracing  their  errors,  he  provoked  the  like  con- 
demnation. 

A  most  splendid  instance  of  the  exercise  of  the  papal  power  occurred 
on  occasion  of  the  visit  of  Pope  Agapetus  to  Constantinople,  at  the 
solicitation  of  Theodatus,  King  of  the  Goths,  with  a  view  to  persuade  the 
Emperor  Justinian  to  abandon  his  intended  invasion  of  Italy.  His 
failure  in  the  direct  object  of  his  visit  made  the  acts  of  spiritual  authority 
which  he  exercised  the  more  remarkable.  Anthimus,  Bishop  of  Tre- 
bizond,  through  the  favor  of  the  empress,  had  recently  occupied  the  See 
of  Constantinople,  left  vacant  by  the  death  of  Epiphanius.  His  hos-. 
tility  to  the  Council  of  Chalcedon,  although  artfully  dissembled,  was 
known  to  Agapetus,  who  could  not  be  prevailed  on  by  the  emperor  or 
empress,  by  threats  or  promises,  to  admit  the  heretical  usurper  to  his 
presence.  He  offered,  indeed,  to  allow  him  to  return  to  his  original  see, 
on  his  unequivocal  acceptance  of  the  Council ;  but  in  no  case  would  he 
suffer  him  to  occupy  the  see  of  the  imperial  city.  After  some  delay,  in 
order  to  give  him  time  for  submission  and  repentance,  the  Pope  convened 
a  Council  of  bishops  at  Constantinople,  summoned  him  to  appear  for  trial, 
pronounced  sentence  of  deposition  against  him,  absent  by  default,  and 
consecrated  with  his  own  hands  Mennas  in  his  stead. f 

The  Emperor  of  Constantinople  solicited  Gregory  the  Great  to  proceed 
in  the  case  of  the  primate  of  Byzacium ; J  but  he  hesitated  to  come  to  a 
final  decision,  not  feeling  assured  of  the  sincerity  of  the  accused  in  his 
professions  of  submission :  "  As  to  his  saying,"  observes  the  Pope, 
speaking  of  the  Primate,  "that  he  is  subject  to  the  Apostolic  See,  I 
know  not  what  bishop  is  not  subject  to  it,  when  any  fault  is  found  in 
bishops.  But  when  delinquency  does  not  require  it,  all  of  us  are  equal, 
on  the  principle  of  humility."§ 


*  Ep.  xiii.  -(-  See  Fleury,  Hist.  1.  xxxii.  a.  536. 

J  In  Africa.    Adrumetum,  now  Mahumeta,  was  the  chief  city.     It  is  in  the  kingdom 
of  Tunis. 
$  Ep.  lix. 


182  DEPOSITION   OF   BISHOPS. 

It  is  unnecessary  to  give  farther  examples,  since  those  already  adduced 
plainly  show  that  the  Roman  Bishop,  as  the  superior  of  all  other  bishops, 
judged  and  deposed  them,  either  in  solemn  council,  or,  with  less  solem- 
nity, by  his  own  act.  No  prelate,  however  elevated,  was  exempt  from 
his  judgment.  Alexandria,  Antioch,  Jerusalem,  Constantinople,  enjoyed 
privileges;  but  remained  subject  to  the  supervision,  correction,  and  cen- 
sure of  Rome.  The  imperial  favor  availed  nothing  against  apostolic 
prerogative.  The  successor  of  Peter  did  not,  however,  always  appear  in  a 
menacing  attitude.  He  could  heal,  as  well  as  strike ;  and  he  was  often 
appealed  to,  that  the  wounds  inflicted  by  others  might  be  remedied  by 
his  indulgence  and  authority. 


CHAPTER  XV. 


§  1.—  ANCIENT  EXAMPLES. 

IN  all  governments  there  is  a  tribunal  of  appeal,  whose  judgment  is 
final.  By  it  the  sentences  of  the  inferior  judges  are  confirmed,  when 
found  conformable  to  justice  and  law;  or,  if  otherwise,  reversed  and  cor- 
rected. The  existence  of  such  a  tribunal  is  an  evidence  of  its  supre- 
macy :  the  judge  must  be  the  sovereign,  or  his  representative,  or  the 
depositary  of  supreme  juridical  power,  which  he,  in  fact,  exercises.  The 
usage  of  appealing  to  the  Bishop  of  Rome  from  the  judgment  and  cen- 
sures of  bishops  and  Councils,  in  every  part  of  the  Church,  which  is 
most  ancient,  shows  that  he  was  believed  to  possess  a  power  superior  to 
all  other  bishops. 

St.  Epiphanius  relates  of  Marcion,  that  having  been  excommunicated 
for  a  grievous  sin  against  chastity,  by  his  father,  the  Bishop  of  Sinope,* 
he  fled  to  Rome,  about  the  year  141,  and  sought  to  be  restored  to  com- 
munion ;  but  that  the  chief  clergy,  (the  see  being  vacant,)  declared,  that 
they  could  not  grant  him  relief,  without  the  consent  of  his  father,  with 
whom  they  were  united  in  faith  and  friendship.  •(•  The  journey  and  the 
application  show  "that  he  recognised  the  superior  power  of  Rome  ;  and  the 
refusal  which  he  met  with,  is  an  evidence,  not  of  want  of  authority  in 
the  Roman  Church,  but  of  discretion  and  moderation  in  its  exercise. 
The  case  may  not  be  strictly  styled  an  appeal,  since  it  does  not  appear 
that  the  injustice  of  the  sentence  was  complained  of;  but  it  implies  that 
even  a  just  penalty  inflicted  by  an  Asiatic  prelate,  could  be  mitigated  by 
the  ruler  of  that  Church. 

It  is  evident  from  the  testimony  of  St.  Cyprian,  that  in  his  time  the 

Bishop  of  Rome  took  upon  himself  to  restore  bishops  deposed  by  the 

Council  of  their  province.     Basilides,  Bishop  of  Asturia,  in  Spain,  who 

_  *  _ 

••f  In  the  early  ages,  men  who  had  been  married  but  once,  ("  the  husband  of  one  wife,") 
were  often  assumed  to  the  ministry  ;  it  being  difficult,  especially  on  the  first  preaching 
of  the  Gospel,  to  find  persons  of  mature  age  who  had  not  been  married.  The  actual 
discipline  of  the  Church  still  allows  such  persons  to  be  ordained  after  the  death  of  their 
wives,  or  on  a  mutual  and  voluntary  profession  of  continency. 

\  Hser.  xiii.  n.  ii. 

183 


184  APPEALS. 

had  been  deposed  on  the  charge  of  idolatry,  and  other  crimes,  having  re- 
paired to  Rome  to  plead  his  cause,  succeeded  in  inducing  Pope  Stephen 
to  restore  him.  In  the  interval,  another  bishop,  Sabinus,  had  been  con- 
secrated and  placed  in  the  see.  St.  Cyprian,  being  consulted  by  the 
Spanish  prelates,  held  that  Sabinus  should  not  be  dispossessed,  since  the 
decree  for  the  reinstatement  of  Basilides  had  been  surreptitiously  ob- 
tained. "  His  ordination,"  he  remarks,  "  which  has  been  regularly 
performed,  cannot  be  rescinded,  merely  because  Basilides,  after  the  dis- 
covery of  his  crimes,  and  his  own  public  confession  of  guilt,  going  to 
Rome,  deceived  Stephen  our  colleague,  far  distant  from  the  scene  of  ac- 
tion, and  unacquainted  with  the  proceedings  and  with  the  facts  which 
were  suppressed,  in  order  to  be  reinstated  in  the  episcopate,  from  which 
he  had  been  justly  deposed.  This  only  shows  that  the  crimes  of  Basilides 
are  not  cancelled,  but  aggravated  by  the  additional  guilt  of  fraud  and  cir- 
cumvention, together  with  his  former  sins.  Nor  is  he  who  has  been  im- 
posed on  unadvisedly,  so  blamable,  as  he  who  fraudulently  practised  on 
his  credulity,  is  deserving  of  execration.  If  Basilides  has  succeeded  in 
deceiving  men,  he  cannot  deceive  God,  since  it  is  written  :  '  God  is  not 
mocked/  "*  St.  Cyprian  opposed  the  execution  of  the  sentence,  not  on 
the  ground  of  a  want  of  authority,  which  would  have  been  the  obvious 
method,  if  the  power  of  Stephen  admitted  of  any  question;  but  be- 
cause he  had  proceeded  on  false  information.  The  right  to  reverse  the 
sentence,  if  the  merits  of  the  case  admitted  it,  not  being  denied,  must  be 
taken  as  acknowledged.  In  maintaining  the  incapacity  of  Basilides,  and 
also  of  Martially,  another  deposed  bishop,  to  hold  the  bishopric,  St. 
Cyprian  relies  on  the  law  regarding  persons  guilty  of  idolatry,  made  by 
Cornelius,  the  predecessor  of  Stephen:  "In  vain,"  says  he,  "such  men 
attempt  to  usurp  the  bishopric,  whilst  it  is  manifest  that  they  should 
neither  preside  over  the  Church  of  Christ,  nor  offer  sacrifice  to  God, 
especially  since  long  ago,  in  union  with  us  and  with  all  bishops,  without 
exception,  throughout  the  whole  world,  even  CORNELIUS  OUR  COLLEAGUE, 
a  pacific  and  just  priest,  and  through  the  special  favor  of  God,  honored 
with  martyrdom,  DECREED  that  such  men  might  indeed  be  admitted  to  do 
penance,  but  are  precluded  from  clerical  ordination  and  priestly  honor."f 
This  reference  to  the  decree  of  Cornelius,  to  which  the  whole  episcopal 
body  had  assented,  shows  the  eminence  of  his  authority. 

In  a  letter  to  Cornelius,  St.  Cyprian  makes  mention  of  Privatus,  a 
heretic,  in  the  province  of  Lambesita,J  who,  many  years  previously,  had 
been  condemned  by  a  Council  of  ninety  bishops.  He  had  in  vain 
attempted  to  have  his  cause  reopened  in  a  Council  of  Carthage.  Disap- 
pointed in  this  effort,  he  had  recourse  to  Rome,  and  during  the  vacancy 
of  the  see,  he  urged  the  Roman  clergy  to  reverse  the  sentence.  The 

*  Ep.  Ixviii.  f  Ep.  Ixviii.  J  Algiers. 


APPEALS.  185 

letter  of  Cyprian  put  them  on  their  guard ;  but  independently  of  it,  they 
judged  unfavorably  of  the  case.  In  reply,  they  commend  the  conduct  of 
Cyprian  in  giving  them,  as  was  customary,  full  information,  that  they 
might  better  discharge  the  duty  incumbent  on  them  in  behalf  of  all  the 
churches :  "  As  to  what  concerns  Privatus  of  Lambesita,"  they  observe, 
"  you  have,  as  usual,  been  careful  to  call  our  attention  to  the  case,  as  one 
of  moment :  for  it  behooves  us  all  to  keep  guard  for  the  body  of  the 
entire  Church,  whose  members  are  spread  throughout  the  various  pro- 
vinces. But  even  before  the  receipt  of  your  letter,  the  frauds  of  the 
crafty  man  did  not  escape  our  notice.  For,  when  one  of  his  impious 
band,  Futurus,  an  ardent  partisan  of  Privatus,  had  come,  endeavoring  to 
procure  letters  from  us,  his  true  character  was  not  unperceived  by  us,  on 
which  account  he  did  not  receive  the  letter  which  he  desired/'*  Thus  it 
is  clear  that  Privatus  appealed  to  the  Roman  Church,  whose  authority  was 
exercised  by  the  clergy,  during  the  vacancy  of  the  see,  who  refused 
redress,  because  they  knew  him  to  be  undeserving.  St.  Cyprian,  ne- 
vertheless, complained  of  the  appeals  of  the  minor  clergy,  as  derogatory 
to  the  judgment  of  their  bishops  and  of  the  Councils  by  which  they  had 
been  condemned,  and  as  tending  to  relax  discipline  and  defeat  justice. 
He  also  stated  in  strong  terms  the  artifices  of  heretics,  whereby  they 
sought  to  abuse  the  good  faith  of  the  Bishop  of  Rome.  Fortunatus  had 
been  ordained  Bishop  in  Carthage,  in  opposition  to  Cyprian,  and  had  de- 
spatched to  Rome  an  abettor  of  his  schism,  the  priest  Felicissimus,  to  pre- 
occupy the  ears  of  the  Pope.  Cyprian  expresses  his  surprise  at  the 
audacity  of  the  schismatics.  "What  cause,"  he  asks,  "had  they  to  go 
(to  Rome)  and  announce  the  false  bishop  who  was  created  in  opposition  to 
the  other  bishops  ?  For  either  they  are  satisfied  with  what  they  have 
done,  and  persevere  in  their  wickedness,  or,  if  they  are  sorry,  and  abandon 
it,  they  know  whither  they  may  return.  For  since  it  has  been  determined 
by  us  all,  it  is  equally  just  and  proper  that  the  cause  of  every  one  should 
be  tried  where  the  crime  was  committed,  and  since  to  each  of  the  pastors 
a  portion  of  the  flock  is  given,  which  each  one  may  rule  and  govern,  being 
to  render  an  account  of  his  conduct  to  the  Lord,  it  is  certainly  meet,  that 
those  over  whom  we  preside  should  not  run  about,  nor,  with  crafty  and 
deceitful  temerity,  destroy  the  unity  and  harmony  of  the  bishops,  but 
should  plead  their  cause  where  the  accusers  and  witnesses  of  their  crime 
may  be  present ;  unless,  perchance,  a  few  desperate  and  abandoned  men 
regard  as  insufficient  the  authority  of  the  African  bishops,  who  have 
already  pronounced  judgment  on  them,  and  have  recently  by  their  weighty 
sentence  condemned  them  as  guilty  of  many  crimes,  of  which  they  them- 
selves are  fully  conscious.  Their  cause  has  been  already  tried,  sentence 
has  been  already  passed  on  them ;  and  it  is  not  consistent  with  the  gravity 

*  Ep.  xxx. 


186  APPEALS. 

of  sacerdotal  judgment,  that  it  should  be  rescinded  easily  and  lightly,  since 
the  Lord  teaches  us,  saying :  '  Let  your  speech  be  :  yea;  yea ;  no,  no.'  "* 
Cyprian  was  delighted  to  find  that  Cornelius  had  repelled  them.  He 
plainly  disapproved  such  appeals,  as  calculated  to  encourage  insubordina- 
tion, and  screen  the  guilty  from  punishment :  yet  he  does  not  deny  in  the 
abstract  the  right  to  make  or  receive  them. 

The  fourth  century  offers  us  an  illustrious  instance  of  an  appeal  made 
by  the  great  champion  of  the  divinity  of  Christ,  the  persecuted  Bishop 
of  Alexandria.  In  the  year  335,  whilst  Constantino  was  still  alive, 
Athanasius  had  been  condemned  and  deposed  by  a  Council  held  at  Tyre, 
in  which  Flacillus,  Patriarch  of  Antioch,  presided.  Constantino,  under 
the  influence  of  the  Eusebians,  banished  him;  but,  towards  his  death, 
relented :  and  after  his  decease  his  sons,  in  compliance  with  his  wishes, 
permitted  him  to  return  to  his  see. — The  Eusebians,  mortified  at  his 
restoration,  and  resolved  on  his  ruin,  sent  legates  to  Constance  and  Con- 
stans,  and  wrote  against  him  to  Pope  Julius.  Without  awaiting  any  act 
of  the  emperors  or  Pontiff,  they  held  a  Council  at  Antioch  in  341,  and 
regarding  his  restoration  as  irregular,  chose  Gregory  of  Cappadocia,  an 
Arian,  to  be  Bishop  of  Alexandria,  and  sent  him  with  the  prefect 
Philagrius,  and  a  military  escort,  to  take  possession  of  the  see.  They 
had  previously  sent  Martirius  and  Hesychius,  two  deacons,  as  deputies  to 
Rome  \  who  meeting  there  the  deputies  of  Athanasius,  and  failing  to  sus- 
tain the  charges  which  they  had  advanced  against  him,  found  themselves 
under  the  necessity  of  calling  for  a  trial, f  that  they  might  not  appear 
utterly  to  abandon  their  cause.  Julius  accordingly  called  a  Council,  in 
order  to  have  a  full  investigation.  In  the  mean  time  Athanasius  arrived 
at  Rome,  having  fled  from  the  violence  of  the  intruder  Gregory,  and  his 
partisans.  The  Pontiff  sent  legates  to  summon  the  accusers ;  and  de- 
termined likewise  to  institute  inquiry  into  the  crimes  which  they  them- 
selves, or  their  partisans,  had  committed,  and  to  punish  them  accordingly.  J 
Under  various  pretexts,  they  detained  the  messengers,  and  in  the  end, 
wrote  an  offensive  letter,  in  which  they  complained  of  the  intended  re- 
opening of  the  cause  of  Athanasius,  whilst  they  admitted  "the  pre- 
eminence of  the  Roman  Church,  as  avowed  by  all,  as  having  been  FROM 

THE    COMMENCEMENT    THE    SCHOOL    OF    THE    APOSTLES,   AND    THE    ME- 


*  Ep.  lix.  alias  liv.  Iv. 

•f  "  Concilium  indici  postularunt,  literasque  et  ad  Eusebianos,  et  Athanasium  Alexan- 
driam,  quibus  convocarentur,  mitti,  ut  coram  omnibus  justo  judicio  de  causa  cognosci 
posset :  turn  enim  se  de  Athanasio  probaturos  esse,  quod  jam  nequirent." — Epist.  Julii, 
p.  391. 

J  "  Certe  fratres  nostri  Romae  anno  superior!  infensi  prioribus  eorum  factis,  quum 
nondum  scelera  ista  accesserant,  pro  ultione  sumencla  concilium  indici,  celebrarique 
voluerunt."— S.  Athanas.  ad  Orthodox,  p.  338. 


APPEALS.  187 

TROI>OLIS  OF  PIETY/'*  Notwithstanding  their  opposition,  Julius  pro- 
ceeded to  examine  the  cause,  in  a  Council  consisting  of  fifty  prelates. 
The  acts  of  the  Synod  of  Tyre,  and  of  the  committee  of  bishops  who 
were  appointed  to  inquire  into  the  facts  at  Mareotis,f  where  they  were 
said  to  have  occurred,  being  submitted  to  examination,  were  found  to  be 
irregular  and  unjust;  and  Athanasius  was  acquitted  by  the  unanimous 
judgment  of  the  fathers.  Julius  communicated  the  result  of  their  in- 
vestigation, in  the  admirable  letter  preserved  by  Athanasius,  which  unites 
mild  persuasion  with  authoritative  judgment. 

The  complaint  made  by  the  Eusebians,  of  the  re-opening  of  the  cause, 
shows  that  they  had  not  seriously  asked  for  a  trial,  and  that  the  demand 
made  by  their  deputies  was  a  last  subterfuge,  when  they  had  failed  to  sub- 
stantiate their  charges  in  the  less  solemn  discussion  with  the  deputies  of 
Athanasius. J  It  is  for  this  reason  that  they  expressed  their  willingness 
to  abide  by  the  judgment  of  Julius,  if  he  would  undertake  the  investiga- 
tion. They  hoped  that  he  would  decline;  and  when,  contrary  to  their 
expectations,  he  consented,  those  who  had  sent  them  shrunk  from  the 
trial,  and  sought  by  every  frivolous  pretence  to  excuse  their  default. 
They  had  applied  for  a  confirmation  of  their  sentence  by  the  only  au- 
thority which  could  render  it  final  and  conclusive ;  but  as  Athanasius 
sought  to  be  released  from  their  unjust  censure,  the  actual  proceedings 
were  in  the  nature  of  an  appeal.  The  decision,  although  made  in  ^a 
synod,  and  with  the  assent  of  all,  was  emphatically  and  justly  styled  the 
judgment  of  Julius,  even  by  the  Council  subsequently  held  at  Sardica. 
It  has  all  the  qualities  that  constitute  a  real  exercise  of  judicial  authority. 
Complaints  had  been  lodged  against  Athanasius  with  Julius,  as  with  a 
judge  and  superior;  afterwards,  the  cause  proceeded  entirely  against  the 
will  of  the  party  in  whose  name  the  investigation  had  been  demanded. 
This  was  manifestly  the  exercise  of  a  supreme  and  independent  judicial 
power,  not  derived  from  the  voluntary  act  of  those  concerned.  In  his 
letter  Julius  distinctly  claims  the  right  of  summoning  all  the  parties  to 
his  tribunal.  At  the  head  of  the  accusers  was  Flacillus,  Patriarch  of 
Antioch; — the  accused,  Athanasius,  was  Patriarch  of  Alexandria,  the 
highest  dignitary  after  the  Roman  Bishop,  within  whose  jurisdiction  both 
were  embraced.  As  a  proof  of  the  innocence  of  Athanasius,  Julius 
alleges  that  he  freely  presented  himself  in  Rome,  and  awaited  during  a 
year  and  a  half  the  arrival  of  his  accusers.  He  adds  that  "  by  his  pre- 
sence, he  put  them  all  to  shame,  for  he  would  not  have  presented  himself 
for  trial,  had  he  not  been  confident  of  his  innocence;  nor  would  he  have 


psv  yap  iraai  ipiXoTin'iav  TT\V  (xopaiuv  EKK\rjaiav  iv  rotg  -ypanfjiainv  &>/*oX<5yow, 
v,  ical  evtreffttof  fjLrjTp6no\it>  tj  apxtis  ytytvvrs\novr\v. — Sozomen.,  1.  3,  Hist.  Eccl.,  c.  viii. 
f  A  town  of  Africa,  in  Tunis. 

J  "  Id  enim  eorum  legati,  quum  se  vinci  animad  verier  en  t,  postularunt." — Athanas.,  ad 
vltam  sol.  agentcs,  p.  440. 


188  APPEALS. 

appeared  spontaneously,  but  waited  to  be  called  to  trial  by  our  letters,  as 
we  summoned  you  in  writing."*  After  this,  no  doubt  can  be  entertained 
that  the  judgment  emanated  from  a  recognised  tribunal.  The  details  of 
the  proceedings,  as  given  in  that  letter,  are  such  as  constitute  a  trial. 
The  accusations  against  Athanasius  had  been  communicated  in  letters 
written  by  Eusebius  and  his  adherents ;  the  crimes  were  stated  for  which 
he  had  been  condemned  at  Tyre,  on  the  report  made  by  a  committee  of 
bishops  which  sat  at  Mareotis ;  the  records  of  that  trial  were  presented  by 
Martyrius  and  Hesychius  on  the  part  of  the  accusers,  the  chief  of  whom 
were  absent  by  default ;  Athanasius  was  heard  in  his  defence ;  a  number 
of  witnesses  were  examined,  and  a  favorable  sentence  was  pronounced, 
reinstating  him  in  his  episcopal  dignity.  At  Mareotis  the  liberty  of 
defence  had  been  denied  him,  his  witnesses  having  been  excluded,  whilst 
his  accuser  alone  was  heard:  "This  we  know,"  says  the  Pontiif,  "not 
merely  from  his  statement,  but  from  the  records  of  the  acts  brought  by 
Martyrius  and  Hesychius ;  for,  on  reading  them,  we  found  that  Ischyras, 
his  accuser,  was  present,  but  that  Macarius  and  Athanasius  were  not  pre- 
sent, and  that  the  priests  of  Athanasius  were  not  admitted,  though  they 
earnestly  demanded  it.  Dearly  beloved,  if  indeed  that  trial  were  carried 
on  fairly,  it  was  necessary  that  not  only  the  accuser,  but  the  accused 
should  be  present."")"  Julius  evidently  had  a  just  idea  of  the  regular 
forms  of  trial.  He  felt,  likewise,  that  in  virtue  of  his  office  he  could 
annul  this  irregular  sentence,  and  that,  if  Athanasius  were  guilty,  he 
could  condemn  him.  The  merits  of  the  case  had  been  canvassed,  no  less 
than  the  mode  of  proceeding.  It  was  proved  from  the  very  records  of  the 
former  trial,  that  the  chief  accuser,  Ischyras,  was  convicted  of  perjury  by 
his  own  witnesses.  "Since,  then,"  says  Julius,  "these  things  were 
brought  forward,  and  so  many  witnesses  appeared  in  behalf  of  Athana- 
sius, and  he  made  so  just  a  defence — what  did  it  become  us  to  do? — Was 
it  not  our  duty  to  proceed  according  to  the  ecclesiastical  canon  ?  Should 
we  not.  therefore,  abstain  from  condemning  the  man,  and  rather  admit 
and  regard  him  as  a  bishop,  as  in  truth  he  is  ?" J  He  complains  severely 
of  the  proceedings  of  the  Orientals  while  the  cause  was  pending  before 
his  tribunal ;  the  Eusebians  having  violently  intruded  Gregory  into  the 
See  of  Alexandria,  without  awaiting  the  decision:  "For  in  the  first 
place,"  he  continues,  "  to  speak  candidly,  it  was  not  right  that,  when  we 
had  issued  letters  for  the  celebration  of  a  synod,  any  one  should  antici- 


*  "  Suaque  prsesentia  pudefecit  omnes :  non  enim  judicio  stetisset,  nisi  sui  fiduciam 
habuisset,  neque  sponte,  sed  litteris  nostris  ad  judicium  vocatus  comparuisset,  quemad- 
modum  vos  per  litteras  citavimus." — Julii.  Ep.  apud  Athanas.,  Ap.  2,  p.  396. 

f  "  Oportebat  autem,  dilectissimi,  siquidem  sinceriter  illud  judicium  agebatur,  non 
solum  accusatorem,  sed  et  reum  praesentem  sisti." — P.  394. 

J  "An  non  quod  ecclesiastici  canonis  est  ?  hominemque  proinde  non  condemnaremus, 
sed  potius  reciperemus  ?" — P.  395. 


APPEALS.  189 

pate  the  judgment  of  the  synod."  He  also  intimates  that  the  Eusebians 
themselves  would  have  been  put  on  trial,  had  they  appeared,  accusations 
having  been  formally  presented  against  them ;  and  he  accuses  them  of 
contumacy,  and  implied  confession  of  guilt,  in  neglecting  to  appear  to 
stand  their  trial.* 

This  letter  must  satisfy  impartial  and  discerning  readers,  that,  at  that 
period,  the  Bishop  of  Rome  exercised  real  jurisdiction  in  the  most  im- 
portant causes,  in  whatever  part  of  the  world  the  parties  resided,  or 
whatever  rank  they  occupied  in  the  hierarchy.  The  exercise  of  his  high 
authority  is  marked  in  almost  every  line.  As  guardian  of  the  canons,  he 
complains  that  the  ecclesiastical  law  was  violated.  To  him,  as  the  divinely- 
constituted  ruler  of  the  whole  Church,  not  only  Athanasius  and  Mar- 
cellus,  "  but  also  many  other  bishops  from  Thrace,  Coelosyria,  Phenicia, 
and  Palestine/'  came,  complaining  of  the  wrongs  which  they  had  endured, 
and  which  had  been  inflicted  on  their  respective  churches.  The  plea 
which  the  Eusebians  offered  for  filling  the  sees  of  Athanasius  and  Marcel- 
lus,  could  not  be  put  forward  to  palliate  the  violence  by  which  others  were 
driven  away  from  their  bishoprics  and  country.  "  Suppose/'  said  Julius, 
"that  Athanasius  and  Marcellus,  as  you  write,  were  removed  from  their 
sees,  what  can  you  say  of  the  others,  who,  as  I  have  said,  have  come 
hither  from  various  places,  both  priests  and  bishops  ? — for  they  also  affirm 
that  they  have  been  driven  away,  and  that  they  have  suffered  similar  out- 
rages. 0  !  beloved !  ecclesiastical  trials  are  no  longer  conducted  in  con- 
formity with  the  Gospel,  but  with  a  view  to  banishment  or  death.  If,  as 
you  say,  they  were  absolutely  guilty,  the  trial  should  have  been  carried  on 
according  to  the  canon,  and  not  in  that  way.  You  should  have  first 
written  to  us  all,  so  that  what  is  just  might  be  decreed  by  all.  For  they 
who  suffered  these  things  were  bishops,  and  not  of  an  ordinary  Church, 
but  of  one  which  the  apostles  themselves  had,  by  their  labor,  instructed 
in  the  faith.  Why,  then,  have  you  neglected  to  write  to  us  any  thing,  es- 
pecially concerning  the  city  of  Alexandria  ?  Do  YOU  NOT  KNOW  THAT 

IT  IS  THE  CUSTOM  TO  WRITE  FIRST  TO   US,  THAT  WHAT  IS  JUST  MAY  BE 

DETERMINED  ?  Wherefore,  if  suspicions  of  that  kind  had  fallen  on  the 
bishop  there,  it  should  have  been  reported  to  our  Church.  Now,  after 
having  done  as  they  pleased,  without  informing  us  at  all,  they  wish  us  to 
approve  of  their  sentence  of  condemnation,  in  which  we  had  no  share. 
Such  are  not  the  ordinances  of  Paul — such  is  not  the  teaching  of  the 
fathers — but  this  is  arrogance  and  innovation.  I  beseech  you,  hear  me 
willingly  :  I  write  for  the  general  advantage.  I  intimate  to  you  what  we 
have  learned  from  the  blessed  apostle  Peter :  nor  would  I  write  things 


#  "  Alacrius  a  vobis  et  sine  recusatione  occurrendura  fuit,  ne  qui  hactenus  infamia  isto- 
rum  scelerum  laborant,  contumacia  non  comparendi  in  judicio,  libellos  contra  se  datos 
videantur  refellere  non  potuisse." — Ibid. 


190  APPEALS. 

which  I  am  persuaded  you  know  already,  had  not  the  transactions  filled 
us  with  affliction/7  Accordingly,  Julius  recognised  Athanasius  in  his 
episcopal  rank,  leaving  the  formal  reversal  of  the  sentence  to  take  place 
after  a  re-hearing  in  presence  of  both  parties,  when  a  Council  could  be 
assembled. 

MARCELLUS,  Bishop  of  Ancyra,  was  of  the  number  of  those  prelates, 
who  successfully  appealed  to  the  superior  authority  of  the  Roman  Bishop, 
for  relief  from  the  unjust  judgment  of  an  Eastern  Council.  Having  re- 
paired to  Rome,  and  for  a  long  time  awaited  in  vain  the  arrival  of  his 
accusers,  he  submitted  to  Julius  a  written  exposition  of  his  faith.  His 
letter  commences  with  these  words  :  "  Since  some  of  those  who  were 
formerly  condemned  for  heterodoxy,  whom  I  exposed  in  the  Council  of 
Nice,  have  dared  write  against  me  to  your  Holiness,  as  if  I  did  not  enter- 
tain correct  sentiments,  conformable  to  the  teaching  of  the  Church, 
endeavoring  to  transfer  to  me  their  own  fault,  on  this  account  I  thought 
it  necessary  to  repair  to  Rome,  and  suggest  to  you  to  send  for  those  who 
wrote  against  me,  that,  on  their  appearing,  I  might  confound  them  in 
both  respects,  by  showing  that  what  they  have  written  against  me  is  false, 
and  that  they  themselves  still  continue  in  their  original  error,  and  are 
guilty  of  criminal  machinations  against  the  churches  of  God,  and  against 
us  who  preside  over  them ;  but  since  they  have  declined  to  come,  although 
you  sent  messengers  after  them,  and  I  have  waited  a  year  and  three  entire 
months  at  Rome,  I  have  thought  it  necessary,  before  my  departure,  to  de- 
liver you  the  profession  of  faith,  which  I  have  written,  in  all  sincerity, 
with  my  own  hand,  which  I  have  learned,  and  in  which  I  have  been  in- 
structed by  the  Divine  Scriptures/'*  He  concludes  by  requesting  Julius 
to  transmit  a  copy  of  this  profession  to  the  other  bishops,  that  his  ortho- 
doxy might  thus  be  manifest.  The  Council  of  Sardica,  in  conformity 
with  the  judgment  of  Julius,  acknowledged  Marcellus  and  Athanasius  as 
bishops  in  the  communion  of  the  Church. 

Socrates,  a  Greek  historian  of  the  fifth  century,  relates  in  the  most  em- 
phatic terms,  the  recourse  of  various  bishops  to  the  authority  of  the 
Pope  :  "  At  the  same  time  (when  Athanasius  arrived)  Paul  also,  the 
Bishop  of  Constantinople,  Asclepas  of  Gaza,  Marcellus  of  Ancyra,  a  city 
in  Lesser  Galatia,  and  Lucius  of  Hadrianople,  each  accused  of  a  different 
offence,  driven  from  their  churches,  reach  the  imperial  city.  When  they 
had  stated  their  case  to  Julius,  Bishop  of  the  Roman  city,  he,  according 
to  the  prerogative  of  the  Roman  Church,  sent  them  back  into  the  East, 
bearing  with  them  strong  letters,  and  restored  them  to  their  sees,  severely 
rebuking  those  who  had  rashly  deposed  them.  They,  accordingly,  setting 
out  from  Rome,  supported  by  the  letters  of  the  Bishop  Julius,  took 
possession  of  their  churches,  and  sent  the  letters  to  those  to  whom  they 

*  Vide  ep.  Marcelli  inter  ep.  Rom.  Pont.,  Coustant,  p.  390. 


APPEALS.  191 

were  directed."*  Sozomen,  speaking  of  the  same  bishops,  says  :  "  The  Ro- 
man Bishop  having  taken  cognizance  of  their  various  cases,  and  finding  them 
all  to  harmonize  in  the  Nicene  faith,  admitted  them  to  his  communion. 
And  since,  ON  ACCOUNT  OP  THE  DIGNITY  OF  HIS  SEE,  THE  CARE  OF  ALL 

BELONGED  TO   HIM,  HE  RESTORED   EACH    ONE  TO  HIS  CHURCH. "f      With 

these  facts  before  us,  we  cannot  wonder  at  the  avowal  of  Hallam :  "  The 
opinion  of  the  Roman  See's  supremacy  seems  to  have  prevailed  very 
much  in  the  fourth  century.  Fleury  brings  remarkable  proofs  of  this 
from  the  writings  of  Socrates,  Sozomen,  Ammianus  Marcellinus,  and 
Optatus."! 

The  restoration  of  so  many  Catholic  bishops  to  their  sees  by  the  pon- 
tifical authority,  was  viewed  with  pain  by  the  abettors  of  Arianism,  who, 
in  a  conventicle  held  at  Philippopolis  in  Thrace,  combined  to  prevent  it, 
and  gave  loose  reins  to  their  frenzy  against  Pope  Julius  :§  but  the  Coun- 
cil of  Sardica,  which  was  assembled  at  the  same  time,  came  to  the  support 
of  his  prerogative,  and  enacted  canons  to  regulate  the  proceedings  thence- 
forward in  all  cases  of  appeal.  The  holding  of  this  Council  was  neces- 
sary for  the  formal  reversal  of  the  sentence  of  deposition,  and  to  induce 
the  Emperor  Constantius  to  dispossess  the  Arian  Gregory  of  the  See  of 
Alexandria,  into  which  he  had  been  intruded,  and  restore  Athanasius. 
Accordingly,  at  the  instance  of  Julius  himself,  ||  Const-axis,  the  Catholic 
emperor,  urged  his  Arian  brother  to  summon  a  Council,  that  the  facts 
might  be  placed  in  their  proper  light,  by  a  full  rehearing  of  the  case,  in 
the  presence  of  both  parties. 

The  fathers  of  this  Council  observe,  that  the  accusers  of  Athanasius, 
though  present  at  Sardica,  "did  not  dare  appear  in  the  Council  of  the 
holy  bishops  j  from  which  circumstance  the  justice  of  the  judgment  of 
our  brother  and  fellow-bishop  Julius  most  clearly  appeared,  who  passed 
sentence  not  rashly,  but  after  mature  deliberation."  In  their  letter  to 
the  Egyptian  and  African  bishops,  they  mention  the  accusations  against 
Athanasius,  preferred  to  Julius,  Bishop  of  the  Roman  Church, — the 
letters  written  to  him  in  defence  of  the  accused  by  bishops  of  various 
places — the  summons  issued  to  the  Eusebians  to  appear,  and  their 
shrinking  from  the  trial :  whence  they  infer  their  guilt, — "  because,  being 
summoned  by  our  beloved  fellow-minister  Julius,  they  did  not  present 
themselves  for  trial. "^f  In  their  first  letter  to  the  emperors,  they  implore 
them  not  to  suffer  the  public  officers  to  pass  sentence  on  clergymen,  or 
to  molest  the  brethren,  but  to  leave  every  one  at  liberty  to  follow  the 


*  Hist.  Eccl.,  1.  ii.  c.  xv.  f  L.  iii.  Hist.  Eccl.,  c.  vii. 

J  Hallam,  Middle  Ages,  ch.  vii.  p.  270. 

g  See  Diss.  de  appellationibus,  c.  xiii.,  a  Christiano  Lupo. 

||  Sozomen,  1.  iii.,  Hist.,  c.  i.     Socrates,  1.  ii.,  Hist.,  c.  xx. 

f  "  Judicio  non  steterunt" 


192  APPEALS. 

Catholic  and  apostolic  faith,  without  being  subject  to  the  violence  of  per- 
secution. 

This  Council  bore  the  most  splendid  testimony  to  the  privileges  of  the 
primacy.  Osius  proposed  :  "  If  any  bishop  be  condemned  in  any  cause, 
and  thinks  that  his  cause  is  good,  and  that  a  trial  should  again  take  place, 
if  it  meet  your  approbation,  let  us  honor  the  memory  of  the  holy  apostle 
Peter,  and  let  those  who  investigated  the  case,  write  to  the  Roman 
Bishop,  and  if  he  judge  that  a  new  trial  be  granted,  let  it  be  granted, 
and  let  him  appoint  judges.  But  if  he  judge  that  the  cause  is  such  that 
the  proceedings  should  not  be  called  in  question,  they  shall  be  confirmed. 
Is  this  the  will  of  all  ?  The  synod  answered :  It  is  our  will."*  Gau- 
dentius,  a  bishop,  then  proposed  that  should  an  appeal  be  lodged  to 
Rome,  no  bishop  should  be  ordained  in  place  of  the  deposed  prelate : 
which  was  agreed  to.  These  canons  were  adopted  by  the  Council,  and 
report  was  made  of  the  whole  proceedings  to  Julius,  in  a  synodical  letter, 
in  which  the  title  of  HEAD  is  given  to  THE  SEE  OF  THE  APOSTLE 

PETER.f 

Thus  in  this  Council,  held  a  few  years  after  that  of  Nice,  Osius  being 
present  at  both,  Rome  is  recognised  as  the  See  of  Peter,  and  the  mode  of 
proceeding  in  ecclesiastical  causes  is  regulated  with  a  marked  deference  to 
its  Bishop.  He  is  acknowledged  to  be  the  head,  and  is  requested  to 
admonish  by  his  letters  all  bishops  not  to  communicate  with  those  whom 
the  Council  had  condemned.  It  has  been  sometimes  said  that  the  Coun- 
cil of  Sardica  granted  the  right  of  appeal ;  but  this  is  inconsistent  with 
the  well-established  fact,  that  appeals  had  been  previously  made  and 
heard.  A  close  inspection  of  the  two  canons  that  regard  this  matter  will 
show,  that. recognising  the  right,  they  only  regulated  the  mode  of  proceed- 
ing. The  first  enactment  which  they  made  on  this  subject,  was  intended 
to  correct  an  abuse,  not  to  confer  a  privilege.  Before,  a  condemned 
bishop  sometimes  succeeded  in  obtaining  a  new  trial  from  the  bishops  of 
the  neighboring  province.  To  prevent  this,  it  was  enacted  that  no  new 
trial  should  be  granted,  unless  by  the  special  authority  of  the  Holy  See, 
who  should  appoint  the  judges.  With  regara  to  appeals  to  the  Pope, 
"  from  the  judgment  of  those  bishops  who  belonged  to  the  neighboring 
parts,"  the  Council,  at  the  suggestion  of  Gaudentius,  decreed,  that  if  a 
bishop  "  should  proclaim  that  his  cause  should  be  heard  in  the  city  of 
Rome,  another  bishop,  pending  the  appeal,  should  not  by  any  means  be 
ordained  in  the  place  of  him  who  appears  to  be  deposed,  unless  the  cause 
be  determined  by  the  judgment  of  the  Roman  Bishop."  This  enactment 
supposes  the  right  of  appeal,  and  restrains  the  provincial  bishops  from 
proceeding  to  the  ordination  of  a  new  bishop  whilst  it  is  pending.  It  de- 


*  Sardic.  Cone.,  can.  iv.  torn,  i.,  Cone.  Hard.,  col.  640. 

f  Ep.  Synod.  Sardic.,  apud  Hard.  Col.  Cone.,  torn.  i.  col.  653. 


APPEALS.  193 

termines  it  to  have  the  effect  of  suspending  all  provincial  acts.  The 
object  is  manifest  from  the  case  of  Athanasius,  into  whose  see,  whilst  his 
cause  was  pending  at  Rome,  Gregory  had  been  intruded.  Had  the  right 
of  appeal  been  conferred  by  that  Council,  it  would  still  be  worthy  of  re- 
mark, that  it  was  with  a  view  to  honor  the  chair  of  Peter ;  and  conse- 
quently it  should  be  taken  as  an  evidence  of  the  primacy,  the  exercise  of 
whose  prerogatives  it  was  designed  to  regulate,  in  a  manner  conformable 
to  the  interests  of  piety  and  peace,  in  the  confidence  that  it  would  meet 
with  the  cordial  approbation  of  the  Pontiff.  The  influence  of  the  Roman 
Bishop,  had  it  at  all  originated  in  the  greatness  of  the  imperial  city, 
must  have  been  on  the  wane,  ever  since  Constantine  raised  the  new  seat 
of  empire  at  Byzantium.  The  prejudices  of  Constantius  must  have  made 
him  view  with  peculiar  jealousy  every  new  privilege  of  a  bishop,  the 
avowed  and  implacable  enemy  of  Arianism,  who  had  so  lately  sustained 
Athanasius  against  the  Arian  faction.  The  fathers  of  Sardica  had  been 
called  together  by  the  letters  of  this  Arian  emperor.  Every  thing,  then, 
concurred  to  persuade  them  to  diminish,  rather  than  augment  the  pre- 
rogatives of  Rome;  and  nothing  could  have  induced  them  to  recognise 
its  superiority,  or  admit  its  rights,  but  the  deep-rooted  conviction  that 
they  were  the  rich  inheritance  bequeathed  by  the  prince  of  the  apostles  to 
his  successors. 

The  exercise  of  the  power  of  receiving  appeals  before  the  holding  of  this 
Council,  proves  that  it  was  not  derived  from  its  enactments.  It  is  a  right 
which  clearly  flows  from  the  office  of  Chief  Bishop,  and  which  must  con- 
sequently be  deemed  of  Divine  institution.  In  giving  to  Peter  the  keys 
of  His  kingdom,  Christ  made  him  highest  in  authority,  with  a  governing 
power  over  all;  and  authorized  him  to  bind  all  by  his  decrees;,  or  loose 
them,  by  reversing  the  sentences  of  his  colleagues.  This  is  not  to  be 
done  capriciously,  but  justly,  in  conformity  with  the  Divine  law,  and  with 
a  strict  regard  to  the  interests  of  the  Church  at  large.  The  exercise  of 
the  power  may  vary,  and  may  be  regulated  by  the  canons,  with  the  assent 
of  the  Pontiff,  with  a  view  to  order  and  harmony;  but  the  power  itself 
cannot  be  taken  away  or  restricted  by  positive  enactments,  since  it  flows 
from  a  higher  source — the  will  of  Jesus  Christ,  who  constituted  Peter, 
under  Himself,  chief  ruler  and  chief  pastor. 

ST.  BASIL  is  an  illustrious  witness  of  the  exercise  of  the  privileges  of 
the  primacy  in  absolving,  on  appeal,  a  bishop  deposed  in  an  Eastern 
synod.  Eustathius  of  Sebaste,  in  Armenia,  had,  in  various  circumstances, 
professed  Arianism,  in  consequence  of  which  he  was  deposed  from  his  see. 
In  a  letter  to  the  Western  bishops,  Basil  thus  relates  the  artifice  which  he 
employed  to  recover  his  dignity :  "  Being  cast  out  of  his  bishopric,  from 
which  he  had  been  already  deposed  in  Melitina,  he  thought  on  this  plan 
of  recovering  his  place,  to  undertake  a  journey  to  you.  What  things 
were  proposed  to  him  by  the  most  blessed  Liberius,  and  what  he  consented 

13 


194  APPEALS. 

to,  we  know  not :  but  he  brought  back  with  him  a  letter  reinstating  him, 
which  being  presented  to  the  synod  of  Tyana,*  he  was  restored  to  his 
place."f  No  stronger  evidence  could  be  given  of  the  papal  authority. 
Liberius  reversed  the  decree  of  an  Oriental  Synod,  and  restored  the 
deposed  bishop ;  in  which  exercise  of  authority  another  Synod  acquiesced, 
even  when  there  was  strong  reason  to  believe  that  the  Pontiff  had  acted 
on  false  representations. 

ST.  CIIRYSOSTOM  sent  to  Innocent  I.  an  embassy,  consisting  of  four 
bishops  and  two  deacons,  to  state  plainly  and  clearly  all  the  wrongs  which 
he  had  suffered  from  the  violence  of  Theophilus  of  Alexandria,  and  his 
abettors,  and  to  obtain  redress  without  delay.  He  shows  that  the  Egyp- 
tian could  have  no  authority  in  Thrace ;  and  implores  the  Pontiff  to  dis- 
play becoming  fortitude  and  zeal  for  the  remedy  of  these  disorders : 
"  Lest/'  he  says,  "  so  great  confusion  should  become  general,  I  beseech 
you  to  write  to  the  effect  that  these  irregular  proceedings,  which  were  car- 
ried on  in  our  absence,  and  from  ex  parte  information,  whilst  we  did  not 
decline  trial,  are  of  no  effect ;  as  they  are  in  fact  null  of  themselves ;  and 
that  the  authors  of  these  illegal  measures  shall  be  subjected  to  the  penalty 
prescribed  by  the  ecclesiastical  laws.  Grant,  likewise,  to  us,  who  have 
not  been  convicted,  reproved,  or  denounced  as  guilty  of  crime,  the  favor 
of  your  letters  immediately,  and  your  affection  and  that  of  all  others  as 
hitherto."^ 

In  some  manuscripts  it  is  stated,  that  Chrysostom  wrote  in  like  terms 
to  Yenerius,  Bishop  of  Milan,  and  Chromatius  of  Aquileja;  but  there  is 
reason  to  believe,  that  this  is  an  unauthorized  observation  of  some  one 
who  supposed  that  the  two  letters  addressed  to  these  prelates,  which  are 
still  extant,  were  written  at  this  time,  although  their  contents  be  different. 
If,  however,  it  be  admitted  that  Chrysostom  addressed  to  them  letters  of 
the  same  tenor,  it  must  have  been  as  to  the  chief  bishops  of  Italy,  whose 
influence  with  the  Pope  was  presumed  to  be  great. 

Innocent,  addressing  the  clergy  of  Constantinople,  who  had  written  to 
him  on  the  same  subject,  pronounced  the  deposition  of  their  bishop 
irregular,  unjust,  and  void.§  This  sentence  was  intended  to  replace 
Chrysostom  in  his  station ;  it  determined  his  right  of  possession, ||  without 
deciding  the  merits  of  the  case  ;^[  for  which  maturer  examination  and 
more  solemn  judgment  were  desirable.  The  adverse  parties  were 
Theophilus,  Patriarch  of  Alexandria,  and  the  Empress  Eudoxia,  supported 
by  the  emperor  in  her  hostility  to  the  stern  reprover  of  her  luxury  and 
injustice.  For  this  reason  it  was  proper  that  the  case  should  be  fully 
examined  in  a  Synod,  in  which  the  Pope,  by  his  legates,  should  preside, 


In  Natolia.  f  Ep.  cclxiii.,  alias  Ixxiv. 

Ep.  iv.  apud  Constant,  col.  785.  $  Palladius  in  vita  Chrysostomi : 

In  possessorio.  f  In  petitorio  et  devolutivo. 


APPEALS.  195 

that  the  solemnity  of  the  proceedings  might  conciliate  respect  for  the  final 
sentence.  Innocent  accordingly  directed  a  Synod  to  be  held  at  Thessa- 
lonica,  saying  that  there  was  no  other  method  of  allaying  the  storm.* 
There  was  no  want  of  authority  on  his  part ;  but  the  acts  of  the  Council 
which  had  condemned  Chrysostom,  could  not  be  rescinded  with  propriety, 
unless  after  a  rehearing  of  the  case,  which  it  was  desirable  should  be 
attended  with  equal  solemnity.  The  aggrieved  prelate,  who,  by  providen- 
tial interposition,  was  in  the  mean  time  restored  to  his  See,  felt  grateful 
for  the  kind  solicitude  of  the  Pontiff,  whose  protection  he  still  implored. 
"You  continue,"  he  says,  "to  imitate  excellent  pilots,  who  are  most 
attentive  when  they  see  the  waves  raised  up,  the  sea  swelling,  the  waters 
rushing,  and  thick  darkness  in  the  midst  of  day."f  He  represents  Inno- 
cent as  manifesting  more  than  parental  benevolence  and  affection  in  his 
efforts  to  relieve  him.  Thus  did  the  bishop  of  the  imperial  city  acknow- 
ledge and  implore  the  superior  power  of  the  successor  of  Peter.  The 
Alexandrian  Patriarch  likewise  recognised  it,  by  sending  ambassadors  to 
support  his  sentence  before  the  pontifical  tribunal.  J 


§  2.— AFRICAN   CONTROVERSY. 

In  the  early  part  of  the  fifth  century,  the  most  splendid  testimonies 
were  rendered  by  the  Bishops  of  Africa  to  the  authority  of  the  Holy  See, 
which  they  acknowledged  to  be  derived  from  the  Divine  Scriptures ;  yet, 
at  that  very  time,  a  controversy  arose  between  them  and  Pope  Zosimus, 
on  the  subject  of  appeals,  which  is  now  brought  forward  to  prove  that 
they  did  not  admit  his  supremacy.  We  have  already  heard  the  complaints 
of  St.  Cyprian  concerning  clergymen,  who,  by  having  recourse  to  a  dis- 
tant tribunal,  sought  to  escape  from  the  just  sentence  of  their  bishops. 
The  like  dissatisfaction  was  felt  by  Aurelius,  who  occupied  the  See  of  the 
Martyr  at  the  time  of  which  we  now  speak,  and  by  the  African  Bishops 
generally;  so  that  in  a  numerous  Council  held  at  Carthage,  in  the  year 
418,  canons  were  enacted  with  a  view  to  remedy  what  was  felt  to  be  an 
abuse.  It  was  decreed  that  clerical  causes,  with  the  consent  of  the 
diocesan,  might  undergo  a  rehearing  before  neighboring  bishops;  or,  by 
way  of  appeal,  might  come  under  the  cognizance  of  a  provincial  Council, 
qr  of  the  primate  of  the  province.  In  order  effectually  to  preclude  any 
appeal  of  clergymen  to  a  tribunal  beyond  the  seas — that  is,  to  the  Bishop 
of  Rome — the  prelates  agreed  that  any  such  appellant  should  not 
be  received  to  communion  by  any  of  their  number.  The  appeal  of 
Apiarius,  a  priest  excommunicated  by  Urban,  Bishop  of  Sicca,  brought 
matters  to  a  crisis.  Zosimus  immediately  despatched  Faustinas,  an 


T.  i.,  ep.  Rom.  Pontif.,  col.  799.  f  Ep.  xi.  col.  810. 

J  T.  i.,  ep.  R.  P.,  804. 


196  APPEALS. 

Italian  bishop,  with  two  priests,  as  papal  legates,  commissioned  to  rein- 
state the  appellant,  to  excommunicate  the  bishop,  in  case  he  persisted 
in  disregarding  the  appeal,  or  to  send  him  to  Rome  for  trial,  and  to 
regulate  all  future  appeals  after  the  manner  prescribed  by  the  Council  of 
Nice :  the  Pontiff  thus  designating  the  canons  of  Sardica,  because  the^ 
were  added  to  those  of  Nice  in  the  manuscript  of  the  Roman  Church.* 
In  May,  419,  a  Council  of  two  hundred  and  seventeen  bishops,  assembled 
at  Carthage,  received  the  legates,  who  delivered  to  them  in  writing  the 
Apostolic  mandates.  The  canons  referred  to  were  wholly  unknown  to  the 
prelates,  who,  however,  pledged  themselves  to  observe  them,  until  such 
time  as  their  authenticity  could  be  ascertained,  by  consulting  the  archives 
of  the  great  Churches  of  Alexandria,  Antioch,  and  Constantinople.  Faus- 
tinus  urged  that,  to  avoid  all  appearance  of  strife,  the  prelates  should 
rather  address  the  Holy  See  directly,  and  seek  from  it  the  desired  in- 
formation; which  they  readily  agreed  to,  without,  however,  abandoning 
their  intention  of  sending  commissioners  to  the  other  churches.  The  case 
of  Apiarius  was  settled  by  his  removal  to  another  diocese,  and  the  apparent 
contumacy  of  Urban  was  satisfactorily  accounted  for,  so  that,  after  some 
warm  debate,  harmony  succeeded.  We  know,  however,  from  St.  Augus- 
tin,  that  Urban  himself  visited  Rome,f  most  probably  with  a  view  to 
explain  his  conduct  to  the  Pontiff.  The  appeal  of  a  priest  was  the  im- 
mediate occasion  of  the  Pontifical  interposition ;  but  it  prompted  Zosinius 
to  put  the  whole  matter  of  appeals  on  a  proper  basis.  The  canons  which 
he  cited,  left  clergymen  at  liberty  to  appeal  from  the  sentence  of  their 
diocesan  to  neighboring  bishops,  without  making  mention  of  the  Bishop  of 
Rome ;  and  a  similar  enactment  is  ascribed  to  the  Council  of  Carthage, 
held  in  the  preceding  year.  Hence  surprise  is  expressed  that  Zosimus 
should  rely  on  the  canon  as  sanctioning  the  appeals  of  clergymen  to  the 
Apostolic  See;  and  that  the  African  fathers  should  admit  it  only  pro- 
visionally. The  Pope,  indeed,  did  not  labor  to  prove  from  it  his  right  to 
receive  the  appeals  of  clergymen,  concerning  which  the  plenitude  of  his 
authority  suffered  him  to  entertain  no  question ;  but  he  meant  to  show  the 
right  of  appeal  to  neighboring  bishops,  which  was  recognised  by  the  Sar- 
dican  canons.  The  right  of  appeal  was  restricted  by  the  African  prelates 
to  provincial  Councils,  or  at  least  to  the  primates  of  the  province,  since 
the  consent  of  the  diocesan  was  requisite  for  the  rehearing  of  the  case 
before  neighboring  bishops,  whilst  the  canon  of  Sardica  recognised  the 
right  without  any  such  restriction.  The  grievance  of  which  Apiarius  had 
complained,  was,  that  the  sentence  of  Urban  could  not  be  reversed  by 
a  neighboring  prelate  without  the  consent  of  the  diocesan.  Zosimus 
wished  to  throw  open  a  door  by  which  an  injured  priest  could  obtain 

'*  Cod.  lustelli,  apud  Ballerin.,  t.  iii.,  oper,  S.  Leon,  p.  59.    Also,  apud  Bened.,  in  not. 
ad  ep.  Zos.,  xv. 
t  Aug.  ep.  cclxiii. 


APPEALS  197 

redress,  without  awaiting  the  celebration  of  a  provincial  Council,  or  de- 
pending on  the  judgment  and  good  pleasure  of  the  Primate  alone.  By 
introducing  the  Sardican  canon,  the  necessity  of  appealing  to  the  Holy 
See  in  ordinary  cases  would  have  been  removed,  and  a  fruitful  occasion  of 
murmurs  avoided;  but  the  African  fathers  were  apprehensive  that  so 
great  facility  of  appeal  would  unsettle  discipline,  loose  the  bonds  of  au- 
thority, and  lead  to  relaxation  and  disorder. 

The  appeals  of  bishops,  although  not  at  all  controverted  when  this  dis- 
cussion first  arose,  came  under  consideration  in  consequence  of  the  wish 
of  the  Pope  to  have  the  canons  put  into  full  operation.  It  had  always 
been  customary  for  African  bishops  to  appeal  to  Rome,  as  is  gathered 
from  St.  Cyprian  and  St.  Augustin ;  but  the  mode  prescribed  at  Sardica, 
of  trying  the  appeal  by  delegated  judges,  appears  to  have  been  new  to  the 
Africans,  who  complained  that  the  bearing  of  the  legate  Faustinus  savored 
of  imperiousness.  For  this  reason  they  gave  the  same  qualified  and  pro- 
visional adhesion  to  the  canon  regarding  episcopal  appeals ;  and  when  the 
inquiry,  apparently,  resulted  unfavorably  to  the  authenticity  of  the 
decrees,  the  bishops*  who  addressed  Celestine,  in  the  year  425,  extended 
their  remonstrances  to  episcopal  appeals,  and  earnestly  besought  him  not 
to  receive  them  easily,  nor  to  send  legates  into  Africa,  whose  demeanor 
might  exhibit  in  the  Church  the  pride  of  secular  domination. 

I  have  thus  endeavored  to  unravelf  this  somewhat  intricate  controversy, 
and  to  gather  from  the  documents,  which  are  apparently  discordant,  a  nar- 
rative that  may  be  consistent  in  itself,  and  reconcilable  with  their  testi- 
mony. The  appeal  of  Apiarius,  a  priest,  being  the  immediate  occasion  of 
dispute,  and  the  African  canon  expressly  regarding  the  appeals  of  priests, 
or  inferior  clergymen,  we  are  bound  to  consider  the  main  controversy  as 
confined  to  such  appeals ;  and  the  mode  and  form  of  episcopal  appeals  con- 
nected with  it  only  incidentally. 

The  misnomer  of  the  canons  by  Zosimus  greatly  embarrassed  the  dis- 
cussion, and  emboldened  the  prelates,  in  their  letter  to  Celestine,  to  assume 
a  tone  which  they  were  not  wont  td  use  in  addressing  the  successor  of 
Peter.  We  may  not  now  easily  conceive  how  canons  which  were  passed 
at  Sardica  in  347,  should,  after  seventy  years,  be  ascribed,  especially  by 
the  highest  dignitary  of  the  Church,  to  a  Council  which  was  held  in  325 : 
but  as  many  of  the  Nicene  prelates,  and  especially  Hosius,  their  leader,  were 
present  at  Sardica,  it  is  not  strange  that  their  decrees  should  have  been 
added  to  the  roll  of  the  proceedings  at  Nice,  and  preserved  with  them  in  the 
Roman  archives,  and  thus,  in  process  of  time,  have  become  identified  and 


*  The  names  of  Augustin,  and  several  others  of  the  former  Council,  do  not  appear 
among  them  :  so  that  the  stress  which  Mr.  Palmer  and  others  lay  on  his  authority,  is 
without  foundation  in  fact.  He  partook,  but  in  a  most  conciliatory  spirit,  of  the  earlier 
proceedings. 

|  See  Diss.  ii.,  do  Africans  Eccl.  Rom.  appell.,  c.  xxviii.,  a  Cbristiano  Lupo. 


198  APPEALS. 

confounded  with  them.  Yery  ancient  manuscripts  show  this  to  have  been 
the  fact ;  and  Innocent  I.,  who  preceded  Zosimus,  refers,  in  several  passa- 
ges,* to  the  Sardican  canons  under  the  title  of  Nicene,  loudly  professing  that 
the  Catholic  Church  follows  no  other  canons  than  those  adopted  at  Nice.f 
In  the  scarcity  of  manuscripts,  it  was  no  easy  matter  to  trace  the  mistake 
to  its  origin,  and  to  distinguish  the  sources  of  decrees,  which  came  down 
recommended  by  the  same  authority.  The  Council  of  the  Arians,  held  at 
Philippopolis,  which  had  assumed  the  name  of  Sardican,J  had  rendered 
this  title  invidious,  and  thus  served  to  involve  the  proceedings  of  the 
Catholic  prelates  in  obscurity.  The  report  of  the  African  commissioners, 
that  the  alleged  canons  were  not  found  in  the  great  churches,  left  the  Pope 
in  the  embarrassing  situation  of  one  who  had  failed  to  substantiate  his  au- 
thorities ;  of  which  circumstance  the  African  bishops  did  not  neglect  to 
avail  themselves :  yet  their  tone  was  evidently  moderated  by  the  feeling 
that  he  whom  they  addressed,  might  still  do,  independently  of  all  positive 
legislation,  that  which  he  had  sought  to  do  with  the  support  of  the  canons 
of  a  General  Council.  Greeting  him  reverentially  as  "Lord  brother," 
they  say :  "  We  earnestly  entreat  you  not  easily  to  give  ear  hereafter  to 
such  as  come  hence,  nor  any  more  to  receive  to  communion  persons 
excommunicated  by  us." 

It  is  sometimes  imagined  that  in  this  controversy  Zosimus  brought  for- 
ward the  canons  as  the  ground  of  his  claim ;  but  this  is  wholly  incorrect. 
He  did  not  address  any  document  on  this  subject  to  the  African  fathers, 
but  he  sent  his  legates  with  instructions  how  to  act,  ordering  them  to  re- 
instate Apiarius,  and  to  procure  such  enactments  by  the  Council  as  would 
harmonize  with  the  canons,  and  with  established  usage.  In  referring  to 
these,  he  was  not  pointing  to  the  source  of  his  own  authority :  he  was 
simply  marking  out  a  general  plan  of  proceeding  in  ecclesiastical  causes, 
approved  of  by  the  wisdom  of  a  venerable  assembly.  No  one  could  assert 
the  supreme  authority  of  his  see  in  terms  stronger  than  those  which  in  the 
preceding  year  he  had  employed,  when  addressing  the  African  fathers  in 
relation  to  the  appeal  of  Celestius  from  the  sentence  of  a  former  Council. 
Although  the  appeals  of  priests,  in  personal  causes,  were  generally  dis- 
countenanced, no  objection  was  made,  even  by  the  African  Bishops,  to  an 
appeal  from  a  doctrinal  decision ;  matters  of  faith  being  always  considered 
as  inter  causas  majores,  belonging  of  right  to  the  cognizance  of  the  Holy 
See :  but  as  the  appeal  of  Celestius  lay  dormant  for  some  years,  in  con- 
sequence of  his  neglect  to  follow  it  up,  and  the  doctrinal  points  had  been 
defined  by  Innocent,  the  prelates  complained  that  Zosimus  had  permitted 
the  case  to  be  re-opened.  On  being  informed  that  he  had  determined  on 
absolving  the  heresiarch,  if  within  two  months  his  accusers  did  not 
establish  his  heterodoxy,  they  assembled  in  Council,  in  order  to  com- 


*  Ep.  ad  Victricium  Rothom.  f  Ep.  xxv.,  ad  Constant,  clerum  et  pop. 

J  Aug.  1.  Hi.,  contra  Cresconium,  c.  xxxiv. 


APPEALS.  199 

municate  to  him,  in  the  most  solemn  manner,  their  views  of  the  wiles  of 
Celestius.  His  answer  commences  with  the  most  ample  declaration  of 
pontifical  supremacy,  of  which,  among  other  things,  he  says:  "  For 
canonical  antiquity,  and  the  very  promise  of  Christ  our  God,  have  given 
to  this  apostle  (Peter)  such  power  over  the  sentences  of  all,  that  he  can 
loose  what  is  bound,  and  bind  what  is  loose ;  and  equal  power  has  been 
given  to  those  who,  through  his  favor,  have  been  made  worthy  to  inherit 
his  see."* 

It  is  an  error  to  suppose  that  the  African  Bishops  made  their  submis- 
sion depend  on  the  result  of  the  inquiry  as  to  the  authenticity  of  the 
canons.  Through  respect  for  the  pontifical  authority,  they  submitted  at 
once  in  the  particular  case  in  question,  and  suffered  Apiarius  to  re-enter 
on  the  exercise  of  sacred  functions,  although  they  were  convinced  that  he 
had  deceived  Zosimus.  The  same  feeling  prompted  them  to  pledge  them- 
selves to  the  observance  of  the  rules  proposed,  during  the  interval  to  be 
employed  in  the  inquiry.  The  cause  why  they  reserved  to  themselves  the 
liberty  to  act  otherwise  in  the  contingency  that  the  canons  could  not  be 
verified,  was  because  the  Pontiff,  not  urging  his  own  authority  in  the  ab- 
stract, professed  only  a  desire  to  enforce  their  observance;  and  he  was 
justly  presumed  not  to  wish  to  interfere  with  national  usages  and  laws, 
beyond  what  zeal  for  canonical  discipline  required. 

The  relapse  of  Apiarius  into  crime  presented,  after  a  few  years,  an 
occasion  for  renewing  the  controversy  about  appeals,  the  unfortunate 
delinquent  having  again  sought  shelter  under  the  authority  of  Rome. 
The  legate,  believing  him  to  be  persecuted,  and  conceiving  it  to  be  a  duty 
to  vindicate  the  Apostolic  privileges  assailed  in  his  person,  acted  with  the 
zeal  of  an  advocate,  rather  than  with  the  impartiality  of  a  judge,  on  his 
trial  in  the  Council  convened  for  that  purpose.  When  the  minds  of  the 
fathers  were  considerably  excited,  and  the  charities  which  should  be  mu- 
tually cherished  by  them  and  the  representative  of  the  Holy  See,  were 
endangered,  remorse  seized  on  the  wretched  man,  who,  in  the  presence  of 
all,  acknowledged  his  guilt,  and  implored  mercy.  Thus  his  case  was,  at 
length,  brought  to  an  issue ;  which,  however,  emboldened  the  bishops  to 
persevere  in  their  opposition  to  the  appeals,  seeing  that  these  served  to 
screen  the  guilty  from  punishment.  This  involved  no  question  as  to  the 
supreme  authority  of  the  Holy  See,  which,  in  each  particular  case,  was 
respected  and  obeyed,  even  when  its  exercise  was  deemed  a  grievance. 
Hence  they  confined  themselves  to  remonstrance,  and  laid  before  the  Pon- 
tiff the  inconveniences  and  disorders  attendant  on  the  practice,  without 
denying  the  abstract  right,  which,  on  the  contrary,  they  pre-supposed,  by 
expostulating  against  its  undue  exercise. 

Bishops  in  Africa,  as  well  as  in  other  parts  of  the  Church,  had  always 


*  See  p.  140. 


200  APPEALS. 

exercised  the  right  of  appeal,  as  we  learn  from  a  letter  of  St.  Augustin  tc 
Celestine,  written  about  the  year  423,  after  the  controversy  about  appeals 
had  long  been  agitated.  Anthony,  Bishop  of  Fussala,  a  diocese  formed 
out  of  that  of  Hippo,  had  been  removed  from  its  government  by  St. 
Augustin,  without  being  deposed  from  the  episcopate.  Having  appealed 
to  Boniface,  and  gained  the  support  of  the  primate  of  the  province,  who 
gave  him  commendatory  letters,  he  succeeded  in  obtaining  a  favorable 
rescript,  qualified,  however,  with  the  proviso,  if  the  facts  were  such  as  he 
had  represented.  To  verify  them  would  have  required  a  formal  examina- 
tion in  an  ecclesiastical  assembly.  "Without  this  preliminary  proceeding 
he  undertook,  with  the  aid  of  the  civil  power,  to  recover  possession  of  his 
see,  and  thus  scandalized  the  faithful.  In  the  letter  addressed  to  Celes- 
tine,  the  successor  of  Boniface,  Augustin  does  not  at  all  controvert  the 
right  of  appeal ;  but  he  seeks  to  take  away  the  ground  on  which  Anthony 
relied,  namely,  that  removal  from  the  charge  of  a  diocese  could  not  take 
place  without  degradation  from  the  episcopal  office ;  and  points  to  three 
recent  instances  in  which  the  Apostolic  See  had  pronounced  similar  sen- 
tences, or  had  confirmed  sentences  which  had  emanated  from  inferior  tri- 
bunals. "  There  are,"  he  says,  "  examples  of  some  who,  for  certain 
faults,  were  neither  stripped  of  the  episcopal  dignity,  nor  left  altogether 
unpunished,  the  Apostolic  See  itself  having  pronounced  sentence,  or  con- 
firmed the  sentences  of  others.  Not  to  go  back  to  very  ancient  instances, 
I  shall  mention  some  that  are  recent."*  The  confirmation  of  a  sentence 
supposes  that  the  case  had  been  brought  by  appeal  to  the  higher  tribunal. 
There  is  no  foundation  for  the  assertion  that  these  instances  took  place 
during  the  interval  of  inquiry,  when  the  bishops  had  pledged  themselves 
to  observe  the  canons  proposed  by  Zosimus :  there  is  no  probability  in  the 
supposition  that  the  ancient  examples  were  to  be  sought  out  of  Africa: 
there  is  no  reason  for  tracing  them  to  the  Sardican  enactments,  which 
were  unknown  in  those  churches.  Augustin,  speaking  of  a  still  remoter 
period,  observed,  that  Cecilian  could  well  disregard  the  proceedings  of  the 
conventicle  of  Tigisis  against  him,  and  await  the  examination  of  his  case 
by  the  church  beyond  the  sea,  where,  if  his  adversaries  refused  to  appear, 
they  would,  by  their  own  act,  cut  themselves  off  from  the  communion  of 
the  world. f  This  supposes  that  it  was  customary  to  have  trials  by  the 
Pontiff,  on  appeal,  long  before  the  Council  of  Sardica  was  held. 

From  the  whole  proceedings  and  documents,  it  is  clear,  that  the  power 
of  the  Pope  to  receive  appeals  was  not  at  all  called  in  question ;  much 
less  was  his  primacy  disputed,  which,  on  the  contrary,  was  eminently  dis- 
played in  the  doctrinal  decisions  of  Innocent  and  Zosimus,  hailed  with 
acclamation  by  the  African  Councils,  and  by  the  whole  Christian  world. 
The  complaints  of  the  fathers,  which  originally  regarded  the  appeals  of 

*  Ep.  ccix.,  alias  cclx.  Aug.  Cselest  -f-  Ep.  clxii. 


APPEALS.  201 

clergymen,  in  cases  of  a  mere  personal  character,  afterwards  embraced  the 
form  of  proceeding  in  episcopal  appeals,  and  finally  the  appeals  them- 
selves ;  but  notwithstanding  the  disorders  which  arose  from  the  abuse  of 
the  privilege,  the  right  and  power  were  never  controverted.  Subsequent 
usage  continued  to  correspond  with  the  earlier  examples,  and  accordingly 
we  find  Leo  despatching  Potentius  to  Africa,  that  he  might  on  the  spot 
examine  the  case  of  the  Bishop  Lupicinus,  who  had  invoked  the  pontifical 
authority.*  St.  Gregory  the  Great  directed  the  Bishop  of  Numidia  to 
investigate  the  case  of  Donadeus,  deposed  by  Victor,  and  to  treat  the  pre- 
late with  canonical  severity,  if  he  should  be  found  to  have  acted 
unjustly. f 

3.— MISCELLANEOUS  EXAMPLES. 

In  the  year  443,  St.  Leo  had  occasion  to  exercise  the  right  of  receiving 
appeals  in  the  case  of  Chelidonius,  deposed  in  a  Council  at  which  St.  Hilary 
of  Aries  presided.  Writing  to  the  bishops  of  the  province  of  Vienne,  he 
confidently  referred  to  immemorial  custom  as  authorizing  him  to  decide  at 
Rome,  on  appeal,  causes  originating  in  Gaul,  and  to  reverse  the  sentence 
of  the  Gallic  prelates,  contrary  to  the  pretensions  of  Hilary,  who  con- 
tended that  the  Pope  should  appoint  judges  to  review  the  cause  in  the  pro- 
vince where  it  was  first  tried  :  "  You,  brethren,"  said  Leo,  "  will  acknow- 
ledge with  us  that  the  Apostolic  See,  in  virtue  of  the  reverence  due  to  it, 
has  been  consulted  by  the  priests  of  your  province  likewise,  in  innu- 
merable instances ;  and  that  in  various  cases  of  appeals,  conformably  to 
ancient  custom,  the  decisions  were  either  rescinded  or  confirmed. "J 
Accordingly,  he  overruled  the  objections  of  Hilary,  restored  Chelidonius 
to  his  see,  and  obtained  a  rescript  of  Valentinian  III.,  that  his  decree 
might  have  civil  force,  and  be  put  in  execution. 

The  right  of  hearing  appeals  was  fully  acknowledged  in  the  time  of  St. 
Gregory  the  Great.  Sending  a  "  defender"  into  Spain,  he  directed  him  to 
examine  the  case  of  Januarius,  who  had  been  deposed,  and  if  he  found 
him  innocent,  to  reinstate  him  in  his  bishopric,  to  hand  over  to  his  au- 
thority the  intruder,  that  he  might  be  confined,  or  sent  to  the  Pontiff,  and 
to  subject  the  bishops  who  had  pronounced  the  unjust  sentence,  to  penance 
in  a  monastery,  and  deprive  them  of  holy  communion  for  six  months. § 
On  this  case,  in  conjunction  with  another,  Guizot  remarks  :  "The  power 
of  the  Papacy  in  Spain  was  so  real,  that  in  603  two  Spanish  bishops, 
Januarius  of  Malaga  and  Stephen,  having  been  irregularly  deposed, 
Gregory  the  Great  sent  a  commissary,  named  John,  with  orders  to  investi- 
gate the  matter;  and  without  assembling  any  Council,  without  looking 

*  Ep.  xii.,  ad  ep.  Afric.  f  L.  xii.,  ep.  viii. 

J  Ep.  x.,  ad  ep.  per  prov.  Vien.  §  L.  xiii.,  ep.  xlv. 


202  APPEALS. 

for  the  assent  of  the  Spanish  clergy,  John  declared  the  deposition  irregu- 
lar, annulled  it,  and  reinstated  the  two  bishops,  thus  exercising  the  acts 
of  the  most  extensive  supremacy."* 

We  have  elsewhere  seen  that  Eutyches,  when  condemned  by  Flavian, 
in  the  Synod  of  Constantinople,  had  recourse  to  Leo,  falsely  alleging  that 
he  had  lodged  an  appeal,  which  shows  that  the  right  of  appeal  existed. 
Flavian  himself,  being  unjustly  condemned  by  Dioscorus,  in  the  tumultu- 
ous assembly  of  Ephesus,  put  into  the  hands  of  the  apostolic  legates  an 
appeal  against  the  iniquitous  sentence.f  The  Pope  annulled  the  acts, 
recognised  Flavian  as  of  his  communion,  and  cautioned  the  people  of 
Constantinople  against  receiving  any  other  bishop  in  his  lifetime. |  Gela- 
sius,  speaking  of  the  appeal  of  Flavian  and  Chrysostom,  says  :  "  The 
Apostolic  See,  by  not  consenting  to  the  sentence,  absolved  them."§  The 
American  editor  of  Mosheim's  Church  History  observes,  that  "  Flavian 
before  his  death  appealed  to  Leo ;  and  this  appeal,  pursued  by  the  Pontiff, 
occasioned  the  Council  in  which  Eutyches  was  condemned,  and  the  san- 
guinary Dioscorus  deposed." || 

Theodoret,  Bishop  of  Cyrus,  was  condemned  in  the  false  Council  of 
Ephesus,  but,  like  Flavian,  he  appealed  to  the  just  judgment  and  high 
authority  of  the  Apostolic  See.  Writing  to  Leo,  he  says  :  "  I  await  the 
sentence  of  the  Apostolic  See,  and  I  implore  and  entreat  your  Holiness  to 
succor  me,  who  appeal  to  your  righteous  and  just  tribunal."  He  adds, 
that  "  this  most  Holy  See  has,  on  many  accounts,  the  principality  over  all 
the  churches  throughout  the  universe. "f  He  asks  a  command  to  present 
himself  at  Rome,  that  he  may  there  render  an  account  of  his  faith.  Leo 
recognised  his  orthodoxy,  annulled  the  sentence  pronounced  against  him, 
and  restored  him  to  his  see.  "  Blessed  be  our  God,"  says  he  in  a  letter 
addressed  to  Theodoret,  "  whose  invincible  truth,  according  to  the  judg- 
ment of  the  Apostolic  See,  has  shown  you  to  be  clear  of  all  taint  of 
heresy."**  When  the  bishop  presented  himself  at  the  Council  of  Chalce- 
don,  he  was  hailed  by  the  fathers :  "  Let  the  most  reverend  Bishop 
Theodoret  enter  in,  to  partake  in  the  proceedings  of  the  Synod,  since  the 
most  holy  Archbishop  Leo  has  restored  him  to  the  bishopric. "ft  In  the 
course  of  the  proceedings,  the  formal  action  of  the  Council  was  asked, 
that  he  might  be  put  into  actual  possession  of  his  see,  conformably  to  the 
pontifical  decree,  or,  as  the  acts  express  it,  "  that  he  might  receive  his 
church,  as  the  most^  holy  Archbishop  Leo  has  judged. "JJ  The  bishops 


*  Cours  <T  Histoire  Moderne,  t.  Hi.  p.  66. 

•f-  Leo.,  ep.  xliv.,  Ball.  edit.  col.  915,  Liberatus,  cap.  xii. 

j  Ep.  xliv.  et  xlv.  I  Ep.  xiii. 

||  Church  History,  p.  2,  c.  v.  p.  152.     Note. 

f[  Ep.  cxiii.  ad  Leon.    Also  ep.  cxvi.,  inter  lit.  Theodoret. 

**  Ep.  cxx.,  Ball.  edit.  col.  1226.  ft  Ac*  i-  tt  Act  viii- 


APPEALS.  203 

with  acclamation  assented  :  "  Theodoret  is  worthy  of  his  see."  "  Leo 
has  judged  conformably  to  the  Divine  judgment."* 

John  Talaja  was  raised  to  the  chair  of  Alexandria,  in  the  decline  of 
the  fifth  century.  Acacius,  the  heretical  Bishop  of  Constantinople,  con- 
trived to  draw  down  on  him  the  auger  of  the  Emperor  Zeno,  who 
banished  him  from  his  see,  and  substituted  Peter  Mongus  in  his  place. 
Calendion,  Bishop  of  Antioch,  to  which  city  he  fled,  advised  him  to  seek 
redress  from  Simplicius,  Bishop  of  Rome,  to  whom  he  gave  him  letters  of 
recommendation.  Liberatus,  a  writer  of  the  sixth  century,  relates  that 
"  having  got  letters  of  intercession  from  Calendion,  Patriarch  of  Antioch, 
he  appealed  to  the  Roman  Pontiff,  as  the  blessed  Athanasius  had  done."f 
The  Pope,  recognising  the  justice  of  his  cause,  endeavored  to  have  him 
restored,  since  the  pontifical  decree  for  that  purpose  could  not  be  execu- 
ted without  the  imperial  concurrence;  and  his  successor,  Felix  III., 
finding  the  obstacles  insuperable,  gave  him  the  administration  of  Nola, 
a  bishopric  in  Italy,  without  taking  from  him  his  title  of  patriarch.  A 
priest  named  Solomon,  degraded  by  Acacius,  Bishop  of  Constantinople, 
appealed  to  the  same  Pontiff,  who  wrote  to  the  clergy  of  that  city,  in- 
structing them  to  treat  him  as  a  brother. 

Barrow  admits  numerous  cases  of  appeal :  "  Thus  did  Marcion  go  to 
Rome,  and  sue  for  communion  there.  So  Fortunatus  and  Felicissiinus,  in 
St.  Cyprian,  being  condemned  in  Africk,  did  fly  to  Rome  for  shelter,  of 
which  absurdity  St.  Cyprian  doth  so  complain.  So  likewise  Martianus 
and  Basilides,  in  St.  Cyprian,  being  ousted  of  their  sees,  for  having  lapsed 
from  the  Christian  profession,  did  fly  to  Stephen  for  succor  to  be  restored. 
So  Maximus  (the  Cynic)  went  to  Rome  to  get  a  confirmation  of  his  elec- 
tion at  Constantinople.  So  Marcellus,  being  rejected  for  heterodoxy, 
went  thither  to  get  attestation  to  his  orthodoxy,  (of  which  St.  Basil  com- 
plaineth.)  So  Apiarius,  being  condemned  in  Africk  for  his  crimes,  did 
appeal  to  Rome.  And  on  the  other  side,  Athanasius  being  with  great 
partiality  condemned  by  the  Synod  of  Tyre  ;  Paulus  and  other  bishops 
being  extruded  from  their  sees  for  orthodoxy;  St.  Chrysostom  being  con- 
demned and  expelled  by  Theophilus  and  his  accomplices ;  Flavianus  being 
deposed  by  Dioscorus,  and  the  Ephesine  Synod;  Theodoret  being  con- 
demned by  the  same, — did  cry  out  for  help  from  Rome.  Chelidonius, 
Bishop  of  Besancon,  being  deposed  by  Hilarius  of  Aries,  (for  crimes,) 
did  fly  to  Pope  Leo.  Ignatius,  Patriarch  of  Constantinople,  being  ex- 
truded from  his  see  by  Photius,  did  complain  to  the  Pope."J 

The  authority  of  the  Holy  See  to  receive  appeals,  from  any  quarter  of 
the  Church,  was  strongly  asserted  by  Pope  G-elasius.  Answering  the 
objection  of  Euphemius,  Bishop  of  Constantinople,  who  alleged  that 


*  Ibidem. 

f  Breviarium  controversiarum  Nestorianto  et  Eutychianae,  c.  xviii. 

J  Suppos.  v.  n.  12. 


204  APPEALS. 

Acacius  was  uncanonically  condemned,  because  no  Council  had  been  sum- 
moned to  investigate  his  case,  as  its  importance  seemed  to  demand,  he  says : 
"  They  object  to  us  the  canons,  which  they  violate,  whilst  they  refuse  to1 
obey  the  first  see,  that  asks  nothing  of  them  but  what  is  just  and  right. 
The  canons  direct  that  appeals  of  the  whole  Church  should  be  made  to 
this  see,  and  no  appeal  should  lie  from  it,  so  that  it  should  judge  the 
whole  Church,  and  itself  be  judged  by  none,  and  no  one  should  revise  its 
judgments/'*  It  is  not  probable  that  language  so  strong  would  have 
been  used  by  the  Pontiff  to  the  Bishop  of  the  imperial  city,  if  it  admitted 
of  contradiction.  To  the  Bishops  of  Dardania  he  wrote :  "  The  whole 
Church,  throughout  the  world,  knows  that  the  See  of  blessed  Peter  the 
apostle  has  the  right  to  loose  what  has  been  bound  by  the  sentences  of 
any  bishops,  since  it  has  power  to  judge  every  church. "f 


*  Apud  Fleury,  1.  xxx.  §  xxviii. 

f  Ep.  vii.,  ad  episcopos  Dardaniae,  anno  495,  t.  ii.,  coll.  Hard.  coll.  909. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

jpnrcjf  nf 

§  1.— BRITONS. 

THE  special  interest  attached  at  present  to  the  "Church  of  England," 
may  justify  a  distinct  review  of  the  relations  of  the  ancient  Britons  and 
of  the  Anglo-Saxons  to  the  Holy  See.  The  existence  of  Christianity  in 
Britain  in  the  decline  of  the  second  century,  is  known  from  the  testimo- 
nies of  Tertullian,*  Origen,f  and  Arnobius.J;  Bede,  doubtless  on  the 
authority  of  ancient  documents  or  tradition,  states  that  in  the  time  of 
the  Emperor  Aurelius,  Lucius,  a  British  king,  sent  to  Eleutherius, 
Bishop  of  Rome,  to  ask  for  instructors  in  the  Christian  law.§  That 
there  is  a  great  weight  of  authority  for  this  statement,  is  admitted 
by  an  unfriendly  reviewer  of  Dr.  Milner's  History  of  Winchester. 
"The  truth  is,"  says  Dr.  M.,  "all  our  original  writers,  British,  as 
well  as  Saxon  and  Norman,  ||  together  with  the  records  of  our  ancient 
abbeys,  the  martyrologies  and  histories  of  foreign  countries,  and 
existing  manuscripts  of  the  most  ancient  date,  (to  say  nothing  of  coins,) 
prove  that  the  first  Christian  king  reigned  in  our  island,  as  the  first  Chris- 
tian emperor  was  afterwards  born  in  it."^f  The  attempt  of  Dr.  Burgess 
to  ascribe  the  origin  of  the  British  churches  to  St.  Paul,  is  wholly  unsup- 
ported by  proof,  and  purely  visionary.**  In  the  absence  of  evidence,  we 
cannot  say  positively  how  the  succession  of  bishops  was  provided  for, 
from  the  first  arrival  of  those  whom  Elutherius  despatched  to  Lucius; 
but  it  was  no  doubt  according  to  some  plan  originally  adopted  with  pon- 
tifical sanction.  It  is  not  improbable  that  the  British  churches  may  have 
been  immediately  dependent  for  ordination  on  the  See  of  Aries,  whose 


*  Adv.  Judseos,  p.  189.  f  Horn,  vi.,  in  Luc.  c.  i. 

J  In  Ps.  cxlvii.  \  L.  i.,  Hist.  Eccl.  Angl. 

||  Gildas,  Nennius,  Bede,  Asserius,  Malmesbury. 

f  Postscript  to  History  of  Winchester. 

**  See  its  complete  refutation  in  the  History  and  Antiquities  of  the  Anglo-Snx 
Church,  by  John  Lingard,  D.D.,  vol.  i.  app.,  a.  London,  1845.  I  avail  myself  freely 
this  valuable  work. 

205 


206  THE   CHURCH   OF   ENGLAND. 

bishop,  from  very  ancient  times,  was  clothed  with  the  powers  of  Vicar 
Apostolic  ;  which  is  the  more  likely  as  the  civil  prefect  of  Gaul  embraced 
Britain  in  the  sphere  of  his  jurisdiction.  Augustin  received  episcopal 
consecration  from  that  prelate.  The  Bishops  of  London,  York,  arid 
Lincoln,  were  present  at  the  Council  of  Aries  in  314,  in  which  a  splendid 
testimony  was  rendered  to  the  primacy,  and  other  British  prelates  at  the 
Council  of  Sardica,  so  justly  celebrated  for  its  decrees  regarding  appeals 
to  the  Pontiff.  Three  were  also  at  Rimini,  whose  poverty  obliged  them 
to  avail  themselves  of  the  provision  made  by  the  emperor  for  their 
support  whilst  in  attendance.*  The  communion  of  the  British  bishops 
with  the  Holy  See  is  evident  from  their  presence  in  the  two  former 
Councils.  In  the  last  they  shared  the  misfortune  of  the  others,  who 
were  beguiled  by  the  artifices  of  the  Arians. 

The  exercise  of  the  pontifical  authority  in  Britain  for  the  extirpation 
of  the  Pelagian  heresy,  is  attested  by  an  unexceptionable  witness,  St. 
Prosper,  a  native  of  Gaul,  contemporary  with  St.  Germanus,  and  secre- 
tary of  Pope  Celestine :  "  At  the  instance  of  the  deacon  Palladius,  Pope 
Celestine  sends  Germanus,  Bishop  of  Auxerre,  IN  HIS  OWN  STEAD,  in 
order  that  he  might  drive  out  the  heretics,  and  guide  the  Britons  to  the 
Catholic  faith. "f  Elsewhere  he  says  :  "  With  no  less  solicitude  he  freed 
Britain  from  this  disease,  when  he  banished  from  that  remote  island  cer- 
tain enemies  of  grace,  natives  of  the  country,  and  having  ordained  a 
bishop  for  the  Scots  (Irish,)  whilst  he  labors  to  preserve  a  Roman  island 
in  the  Catholic  faith,  he  made  even  a  barbarous  island  Christian."! 
Britain  is  here  called  Roman,  because  subjected  by  the  Roman  arms; 
whilst  Ireland  is  styled  barbarian,  as  being  beyond  the  limits  of  the  em- 
pire. The  enthusiasm  with  which  Germanus  and  Lupus  of  Troyes,  his 
companion,  were  received  by  the  Britons,  and  the  success  of  their  mis- 
sion, prove  that  the  authority  of  the  Roman  Bishop,  in  whose  name  they 
appeared,  was  fully  recognised.  Constantius,  a  priest  of  Lyons,  who 
wrote  the  Life  of  St.  Germanus,  about  fifty  or  sixty  years  after  this 
event,  relates  their  mission  in  detail;  as  also  Venerable  Bede,  guided  by 
the  tradition  and  monuments  of  the  British  churches.  The  discipline  of 
the  Britons  became  subsequently  relaxed,  and  their  ecclesiastical  position 
was  scarcely  discernible  after  the  separation  of  their  island  from  the  em- 
pire :  but  a  glimpse  of  it  is  afforded  us  by  Gildas,  a  British  author,  who 
wrote  about  the  middle  of  the  sixth  century,  in  his  complaints  of  the  am- 
bition of  some  clergymen,  who  traversed  lands  and  seas  for  its  gratifica- 
tion, and  on  their  return  made  parade  of  their  authority.  This  plainly 
has  reference  to  Rome,  as  the  source  of  ecclesiastical  dignity.§  The  suc- 
cession of  bishops  was  maintained  down  to  the  time  of  Augustin,  the 


*  Sulp.  Sev.,  Hist.,  p.  401.  f  In  chronico  ad  an.  429. 

t  Contra  Cassian,  c.  xli.  \  Hist.  Gild.,  p.  76. 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND.  207 

missionary  despatched  to  England  by  St.  Gregory  the  Great.  Those  who 
assert  the  original  independence  of  the  British  churches,  and  their 
autoccplialous  character,  forget  their  Roman  origin,  the  presence  of 
their  prelates  in  Councils  in  which  the  prerogatives  of  the  Holy  See  were 
distinctly  recognised,  and  the  interposition  of  Pope  Celestine  to  extirpate 
the  heresy  of  Pelagius,  through  his  envoy  Germanus.  Our  ignorance  of 
the  arrangement  by  which  the  succession  of  bishops  was  provided  for, 
does  not  warrant  any  inference  adverse  to  the  primacy,  since  any  mode 
originally  sanctioned  by  the  Pontiff  was  a  sufficient  exercise  of  his  right ; 
and  the  fact  that  the  Britons  continued  in  his  communion  proves  that 
their  ordination  had  received  his  approval.  In  the  Council  of  Ephesus 
the  Bishops  of  the  island  of  Cyprus  contested  the  claims  of  the  Patriarch 
of  Antioch  to  control  their  ordinations,  asserting  that  their  predecessors 
had  performed  them  from  the  beginning  without  his  interference :  which 
fact  being  controverted,  the  fathers  of  the  Council  confined  themselves  to 
a  general  decree,  that  the  ancient  usages  and  privileges  of  the  various 
churches  should  be  respected.  This  case,  although  frequently  alleged  in 
support  of  British  independence,  is  not  of  any  advantage  to  those  who 
urge  it,  as  long  as  the  fact  of  the  Britons  having  exercised  a  free  power 
of  ordination,  without  recourse  to  Rome,  is  not  established.  "Were  it, 
however,  conceded  that  the  British  ordinations  were  performed  without 
any  reference  to  the  Pope,  or  his  Vicar,  it  would  only  show  that  the  free- 
dom of  the  Britons  on  this  point  should  have  been  respected,  unless  most 
weighty  reasons  required  a  change  of  system.  If  relaxation  and  immo- 
rality ensued  from  this  "  domestic  ordination"  and  partial  independence, 
the  great  interests  of  religion,  which  far  outweigh  ecclesiastical  privileges, 
would  authorize  the  chief  pastor,  who  is  charged  with  the  care  of  all  the 
churches,  to  interpose,  and  reserve  to  himself  the  choice  or  approbation 
of  those  who  thenceforward  should  be  raised  to  the  responsible  office  of 
bishops.  Whatever  may  have  been  the  usage  in  this  respect,  it  is  wrong 
to  infer  from  it  the  entire  independence  of  the  Britons,  since  the  enjoy- 
ment of  special  privilege  does  not  necessarily  imply  exemption  from  all 
authority.  Well  does  Mr.  Allies  say:  "There  can  be  no  independence, 
strictly  so  called,  in  the  Church  and  body  of  Christ."* 

A  document  was  first  produced  by  Spelman,  in  the  year  1639,  purport- 
ing to  be  an  address  of  the  Abbot  Dinoth,  on  behalf  of  the  British 
bishops,  to  Augustin,  the  missionary  of  Gregory  the  Great,  who  urged 
them  to  submit  to  his  authority,  he  being  vested  by  the  Pope  with  the 
powers  of  archbishop.  It  is  unnecessary  to  expose  in  detail  the  reasons 
for  regarding  it  as  a  forgery,  especially  as  Fuller,  the  Protestant  historian, 


*  Church  of  England  Cleared,  &c.  p.  120. 
f  Spelman,  Cone,,  t.  i.  p.  108. 


208  THE   CHURCH   OF   ENGLAND. 

abandons  its  defence :  "  Let  it  shift  as  it  can  for  its  authenticalness."* 
After  a  feeble  effort  to  account  for  a  glaring  anachronism,  he  is  compelled 
by  its  modern  phraseology  to  make  this  avowal :  "  A  late  Papist  much 
impugneth  the  credit  of  this  manuscript  (as  made  since  the  dayes  of 
King  Henry  the  Eighth,)  and  cavilleth  at  the  Welsh  thereof,  as  modern, 
and  full  of  false  spelling.  He  need  not  have  used  so  much  violence  to 
wrest  it  out  of  our  hands,  who  can  part  with  it  without  considerable  loss 
to  ourselves,  or  gain  to  our  adversaries;  for  it  is  but  a  breviate,  or  ab- 
stract of  those  passages  which  in  Bede,  and  other  authours,  appear  most 
true,  of  the  British  refusing  subjection  to  the  See  of  Rome.  Whilest, 
therefore,  the  chapter  is  canonicall,  it  matters  not  if  the  contents  be 
apoerypha  (as  the  additions  of  some  wel-meaning  scribe.)  And  though 
THIS  WELSH  BE  FAR  LATER  THAN  THE  DAYS  OF  ABBOT  DINOTH,  and 
the  English  later  than  the  Welsh;  yet  the  Latin,  as  ancienter  than 
both,f  containeth  nothing  contrary  to  the  sense  of  all  authours,  which 
write  this  intercourse  between  Augustine  and  the  Welsh  nation."  The 
forgery  of  this  document  was  detected  by  Tuberville,  and  is  now  generally 
admitted,  as  Dr.  Lingard  testifies.]; 

It  is  untrue  that  the  document  in  question  harmonizes  with  the  state- 
ments of  Bede,  "  the  only  real  authority  which  we  possess."  He  does 
not  say  a  word  of  any  pretensions  of  the  Britons  to  independence  of 
Rome ;  but  he  merely  states  that  they  refused  to  acknowledge  Augustin 
for  their  archbishop,  because  he  did  not  rise  to  receive  them  as  they 
approached,  which  neglect  a  hermit  had  disposed  them  to  look  on  as  a 
token  of  an  imperious  and  domineering  temper. §  The  apprehension  of 
the  severity  of  his  government  is  the  only  cause  assigned  for  their  de- 
clining to  recognise  him.  This  refusal  is  easily  reconcilable  with  the 
abstract  admission  of  the  power  of  the  Pontiff,  in  whose  name  he 
appeared,  since  men  are  slow  to  admit  a  painful  exercise  of  authority. 
Gregory,  however,  had  not  made  the  consent  of  the  Britons  a  necessary 
condition  for  the  exercise  of  metropolitical  rights  by  his  envoy,  but  in 
the  consciousness  of  the  power  with  which  he  was  clothed  by  divine 
appointment,  he  bade  him  use  them  freely  for  the  interests  of  piety : 
"  We  commit  the  care  of  all  the  British  bishops  to  you,  brother,  that 
the  unlearned  may  be  instructed,  the  weak  strengthened  by  advice,  and 
the  perverse  corrected  with  authority." || 


*  The  Church  History  of  Britain  Endeavored,  by  Thomas  Fuller.  London,  1656. 
P.  61. 

f  Spelman  says  that  he  added  it  for  the  use  of  foreigners :  it  was  not  in  the  manu- 
script. 

J  Anglo-Saxon  Church,  vol.  i.  p.  71.    Note. 

%  Bede,  1.  ii.,  Hist.  c.  ii.  ||  Ep.  Ixiv. 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND.  209 

g  2.— ANGLO-SAXON  CHURCH. 

We  need  not  discuss  more  fully  the  question  of  the  independence  of 
the  British  churches,  since  the  Church  of  the  Anglo-Saxons  was  a  purely 
papal  creation,  having  been  founded,  organized,  and  fostered  by  the 
Popes.  Augustin,  the  envoy  of  Gregory,  acted  in  all  things  by  his 
direction,  and  with  entire  dependence  on  him.  When  he  failed  to  con- 
ciliate the  Britons,  abandoning  them  to  the  punishments  which  their  dis- 
orders called  down  from  heaven,  he  foretold  that  the  sword  of  the  enemy 
would  execute  the  divine  judgments  on  them,  as  took  place  after  his  death. 
In  the  mean  time  he  pursued  his  apostolic  mission  among  the  Anglo- 
Saxons,  and  succeeded  in  laying  the  foundations  of  that  illustrious  edifice, 
which  afterwards  rose  in  fair  proportions,  with  the  admiration  of  the 
Catholic  world.  He  fixed  his  See  in  Canterbury.  Gregory,  in  sending 
him  the  pallium,  the  emblem  of  metropolitical  power,  admonished  him 
that  he  must  not  consider  himself  as  authorized  to  encroach  on  the  juris- 
diction of  the  bishops  of  Gaul,  his  power  being  limited  to  the  British 
prelates.  "  We  give  you  no  authority  over  the  Bishops  of  Gaul,  because 
from  the  ancient  times  of  my  predecessors,  the  Bishop  of  Aries  received 
the  pallium,  whom  we  must  not  deprive  of  the  authority  with  which  he  is 
invested."*  "You,  brother,"  says  the  Apostolic  mandate,  "will, 
moreover,  have  subject  to  you  not  only  the  bishops  whom  you  or  the 
Bishop  of  York  may  ordain,  but  all  the  bishops  of  Britain,  by  authority 
of  our  God,  and  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  that  they  may  learn  from  your  in- 
struction to  believe  correctly,  and  from  your  example  to  live  re- 
ligiously.'^ 

The  establishment  of  this  new  hierarchy  throughout  the  island 
generally  superseded  that  of  the  British  prelates,  and  took  away  all 
pretext  for  relying  on  their  privileges,  which  were  certainly  not  com- 
municated to  their  rivals.  For  above  a  century,  nevertheless,  the 
ancient  order  of  bishops  was  continued,  but  with  entire  separation  from 
the  new  line  derived  from  Augustin,  so  that  even  as  late  as  the  days  of 
Bede,  the  Britons  had  as  lieve  communicate  with  pagans  as  with  the 
Anglo-Saxon  Christians.  J  At  length  they  utterly  disappeared,  and  the 
successors  of  Augustin  and  his  colleagues  were  everywhere  found;  so 
that,  as  Dr.  Lingard  confidently  affirms,  in  contradiction  to  Mr.  Soames, 
"  not  a  single  county,  from  London  to  Edinburgh,  can  point  to  the  ancient 
Church  of  Britain  as  its  nursing  mother  in  the  faith  of  Christ."§ 

St.  Aidan,  an  Irish  monk,  was  the  apostle  of  Northumbria,  and  other 


*  Ep.  Ixiv.  f  Bed.,  1.  i.  c.  xxix. 

J  Bede,  Eccl.  Hist.,  1.  ii.  c.  xx. 

§  History  and  Antiquities  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  Church,  ch.  i.  p.  43.    Note.    Second 
English  edition. 

14 


210  THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 

of  his  countrymen  preached  the  Gospel  with  success  in  various  parts  of 
England  :  but  the  Roman  origin  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  church  and  hierarchy 
was  in  no  degree  affected  by  the  co-operation  of  these  missionaries,  since 
Ireland  itself  traces  her  Christian  privileges  to  Patrick,  the  companion  of 
Palladius,  who  was  ordained  by  Pope  Celestine  for  the  Scoti,  according  to 
the  testimony  of  Prosper.  Besides,  the  Irish  missionaries  recognised  the 
existing  hierarchy,  and  incorporated  their  converts  in  the  church. 

§  3.— PASCHAL  CONTROVERSY. 

The  Britons,  as  well  as  the  Irish,  differed  from  Rome  in  the  calculation 
of  the  paschal  time,  through  ignorance  of  the  correct  mode  of  deter- 
mining it,  which  was  adopted  after  the  first  quarter  of  the  fifth  century. 
They  were  not,  however,  Quartodecimans,  as  those  were  styled  who  cele- 
brated Easter  on  the  same  day  as  the  Jews.  The  tenacity  with  which 
they  adhered  to  the  method  prescribed  to  them  by  the  early  missionaries, 
was  an  occasion  of  some  controversy,  which,  nevertheless,  had  no  serious 
results.  It  is  in  vain  alleged  as  evidence,  that  both  islands  had  originally 
received  the  faith  from  Oriental  missionaries,  since  the  mode  of  calculation 
adopted  in  Britain  and  Ireland  was  different  even  from  that  which  was 
used  in  the  East,  and  they  invariably  celebrated  the  feast  on  Sunday, 
contrary  to  the  practice  of  those  who  imitated  the  Jewish  solemnity. 
The  day  of  their  festival  was  calculated  according  to  the  cycle  used  by  the 
Roman  Church  before  the  Council  of  Nice.*  The  dissension  of  the  Ro- 
man and  Irish  missionaries  on  this  point,  led  Oswiu,  King  of  Northum- 
bria,  to  summon  them  to  his  presence,  in  order  to  ascertain  the  grounds 
on  which  each  relied.  Wilfrid,  the  chaplain  of  Prince  Alchfrid,  seeing 
that  Colman,  the  Bishop  of  Lindisfarne,  placed  the  strength  of  the  Irish 
cause  on  the  authority  of  St.  Columba,  insisted  that  the  usage  sanctioned 
by  the  apostle  Peter,  on  whom  the  Lord  founded  His  Church,  and  to 
whom  He  gave  the  keys  of  His  kingdom,  should  prevail.  The  king, 
having  questioned  Colman  as  to  the  high  prerogative  of  the  apostle,  ob- 
tained a  willing  acknowledgment  of  it,  and  put  an  end  to  the  discussion 
by  declaring  his  desire  to  enjoy  the  favor  of  the  gate-keeper  of  heaven. 
The  narrative  of  this  interesting  debate,  which  is  given  by  Venerable 
Bede,f  shows  that  the  authority  of  the  prince  of  the  apostles  was  fully 
recognised  by  both  parties.  The  adherence  of  the  Irish  missionaries  to 
the  custom  of  their  ancestors  in  a  matter  of  discipline,  is  no  evidence  of 
opposition  to  the  teaching  of  the  Roman  Church,  or  of  estrangement 
from  her  communion,  since,  whilst  condemning  the  Quartodecimans,  who 
retained  the  Jewish  festival-day,  she  tolerated  those  who  merely  differed 


*  This  is  certified  of  the  Scots  by  Goodall,  ad  Hist.  Scot.,  introd.  p. 
f  L.  iii.,  Hist.  c.  xxv.  xxvi. 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND.  211 

in  the  mode  of  calculation.  St.  Columban,  who  with  great  vehemence 
defended  the  Irish  usage,  without  becoming  deference  to  the  Pontiff  whom 
he  addressed,  rendered,  in  the  same  letter,  unequivocal  homage  to  the  au- 
thority of  the  Holy  See.  Those  of  the  South  of  Ireland  yielded  to  the 
admonition  of  Pope  Honorius,*  and  the  Northerns  not  long  afterwards  con- 
formed to  the  Roman  usage.  The  Britons  persisted  in  their  ancient  prac- 
tice the  more  pertinaciously,  because  the  Anglo-Saxons,  whom  they  held 
in  detestation,  observed  the  festival  on  a  different  day.  The  controversy 
was  rather  chronological  than  theological,  as  Dr.  Lingard  well  observes. 


§  4.— ANGLO-SAXON  HIERARCHY. 

The  plan  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  hierarchy  was  traced  out  by  the  hand  of 
Gregory.  He  authorized  Augustin  to  consecrate  twelve  bishops,  one  of 
whom,  the  Bishop  of  London,  should  have  the  pallium,  and  should  be 
consecrated  by  his  own  Synod,  that  is,  be  chosen  by  his  suffragans,  and 
consecrated  by  one  of  them,  with  the  assistance  of  two  others,  which, 
however,  was  dispensed  with  when  impracticable.  The  Bishop  of  York 
had  power  to  consecrate  twelve  bishops,  over  whom  he  had  the  authority 
of  metropolitan,  although  he  was  subject  to  Canterbury,  and,  according  to 
seniority,  preceded  or  followed  the  Bishop  of  London. f  The  changes 
which  took  place  in  the  civil  governments,  prevented  the  execution  of  this 
plan,  which  was  modified  by  the  Popes  Vitalian  and  Agatho.  The  latter, 
by  the  authority  of  the  blessed  Peter,  prince  of  the  apostles,J  determined 
and  decreed  that  there  should  be  only  twelve  bishops  in  the  whole  island, 
under  the  government  of  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  "decorated  for 
the  time  by  the  Holy  See  with  the  honor  of  the  pallium."  Egbert, 
Bishop  of  York,  succeeded  in  recovering  the  ancient  dignity  of  his  see 
from  Gregory  III.,  who  sent  him  the  badge  of  metropolitan. "§  The  See 
of  Lichfield  was  erected  into  an  archbishopric  in  787,  by  the  authority  of 
Pope  Adrian,  who  sent  the  pallium  to  its  prelate,  at  the  urgent  solicitation 
of  Offa,  King  of  Mercia.  Cenulf,  who  subsequently  occupied  the  throne, 
in  seeking  the  revocation  of  this  measure,  protested  unqualified  sub- 
mission to  the  decrees  of  the  Pontiff,  "  which  no  Christian  dares  gain- 
say ;"  but  at  the  same  time  declared  that  the  statements  of  Offa  were  not 
founded  in  truth  and  justice.  Accordingly,  Leo  III.  rescinded  the  act  of 
his  predecessor,  and  restored  to  Canterbury  its  ancient  rights  over  all  the 
other  bishops.  JEthelheard,  the  archbishop,  who  had  pleaded  his  cause 


*  L.  ii.,  Hist.  c.  xix.  1.  iii.  c.  iii.  f  Ep.  Ixv. 

J  "  Ex  auctoritate  beati  Petri  apostolorum  principis — definimus  et  statuimus,  ut  unum- 
quodque  regtmm  in  Britannia  insula  institutum  habeat  secundum  moderations  mensuram 
episcopos  ita  statutos,"  &c. — Labbe,  torn.  vii.  601.  Spelman,  Cone.  159. 

£  Chron.  Sax.,  an.  735.     Malm,  de  Pont,  1.  iii.  p.  153. 


212  THE   CHURCH   OF  ENGLAND. 

successfully  at  the  Roman  court,  on  his  return,  published  the  apostolical 
decision  in  the  Council  of  Cloveshoe,  and  made  enactments  in  accordance 
with  it,  with  the  consent  and  permission  of  the  Pontiff.  Thus  the  supre- 
macy of  the  Holy  See  was  exercised  in  the  most  unequivocal  manner,  in 
the  original  organization  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  Church,  and  in  its  subse- 
quent modification.  Guizot  might  well  say  to  his  pupils:  "As  to  the 
Anglo-Saxon  Church,  you  know  that  having  been  founded  by  the  Popes 
themselves,  it  was  placed  from  the  commencement  under  their  most  direct 
influence."* 

The  successors  of  Augustin  in  the  See  of  Canterbury,  like  him,  received 
from  the  Pontiff  the  pallium,  as  the  necessary  token  of  his  sanction  for 
the  exercise  of  metropolitical  authority.  Justinus  obtained  it  from  St. 
Boniface  V.,  and  Honorius  from  his  namesake,  who  then  occupied  the 
Holy  See.  Paulinus,  of  York,  received  it  from  the  latter  Pontiff.  So 
essential  was  it  deemed,  that  Eanbald,  who  had  been  consecrated  bishop, 
as  coadjutor  to  Archbishop  Albert,  with  right  of  succession,  did  not 
omit,  on  the  death  of  JElbert,  in  780,  to  despatch  Alcuin  to  Rome  to  ob- 
tain it,  after  which  he  was  solemnly  inaugurated.  His  successor,  of  the 
same  name,  awaited  a  year  for  its  reception,  on  which  he  was  confirmed 
archbishop.  JElfsy,  of  Winchester,  archbishop  elect,  died  on  his  journey 
to  Rome,  which  he  had  undertaken  to  procure  for  himself  the  pallium. 
In  the  ninth  century,  the  indulgence  of  the  Holy  See,  which  previously 
spared  the  archbishop  elect  the  necessity  of  travelling  to  Rome  to  obtain 
it,  was  withdrawn,  so  that  each  had  to  seek  it  in  person,  to  testify  more 
solemnly  his  dependence  on  the  chair  of  St.  Peter. 

Aldred,  Bishop  of  Worcester,  aspiring  to  the  See  of  York,  in  the  year 
1059,  repaired  to  Rome,  in  company  of  Gison,  Bishop  elect  of  Wells,  and 
Walter,  elect  of  Hereford.  These  latter  two  prelates,  being  unexcep- 
tionable, received  consecration  from  the  hands  of  the  Pontiff,  who  de- 
clined to  promote  Aldred,  against  whom  a  charge  of  simony  had  been 
advanced.  The  disappointed  prelate  had  scarcely  left  the  city,  when, 
falling  into  the  hands  of  brigands,  he  was  despoiled  and  forced  to  return. 
His  misfortune  accomplished  what  his  merit  had  failed  to  procure,  and  the 
Pontiff  consented  that  he  should  pass  to  the  See  of  York,  on  relinquish- 
ing the  other  diocese.  Two  cardinals  went  to  England,  probably  to  see 
that  this  should  be  faithfully  executed,  and  having  approved  of  the 
election  of  Wulstan  to  fill  the  vacant  bishopric,  assisted  at  his  conse- 
cration. 

Lanfranc,  Archbishop  elect  of  Canterbury,  going  to  Rome,  in  the  year 
1071,  for  the  pallium,  readily  obtained  it,  with  extraordinary  marks  of 
honor  and  affection,  from  Alexander  II.,  who  had  been  his  pupil.  The 
Pontiff  gave  him  that  which  he  himself  was  wont  to  use  in  the  cele- 

*  Cours  d'Histoire  Moderne,  t,  iii.  p.  67. 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND.  213 

bration  of  mass,  besides  another,  such  as  was  granted  to  every  metro- 
politan. 

Several  of  the  occupants  of  the  See  of  Canterbury  were  consecrated  by 
the  Popes  themselves.  On  the  death  of  Wighard,  archbishop  elect,  who 
had  come  to  Rome  for  consecration,  Pope  Vitalian,  in  668,  chose  Theo- 
dore, a  Greek  monk,  to  fill  his  place,  and  having  consecrated  him  with  his 
own  hands,  despatched  him  to  govern  the  Anglo-Saxon  Church.*  Five 
centuries  afterwards,  Alexander  II.  consecrated  for  the  same  see,  Richard, 
Prior  of  Dover,  at  the  solicitation  of  Henry  II.,  who  had  implored  the 
Pontiff  not  to  regard  the  pretensions  of  his  revolted  son,  who  sought  to 
fill  the  churches  with  his  creatures  and  supporters. 

The  Metropolitan  of  Canterbury  was  accustomed  to  receive  the  powers 
of  Apostolic  Vicar,  which  constituted  him  Legate  of  the  Pope.  Gregory 
II.,  writing  to  the  bishops  of  England  respecting  Tatwine,  the  second 
in  succession  from  Theodore,  says :  "  We  have  authorized  him  to  act  in 
our  stead  in  all  things  in  that  country."  Formosus  speaks  in  like  man- 
ner of  Plegmond,  who  filled  the  same  See.f  Pope  John  addressed 
St.  Dunstan  to  the  same  effect,  in  conformity  with  the  usages  of  his  pre- 
decessors. In  1117,  Henry  I.  solicited  Paschal  II.  to  relieve  his  king- 
dom from  the  necessity  of  receiving  papal  legates,  alleging  that,  by  the 
concession  of  Gregory  the  Great,  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  was  in- 
vested with  legatine  powers.  The  Pontiff  called  for  documentary  proof 
of  the  concession.  Celestine  III.,  in  1194,  constituted  Hubert  of  Can- 
terbury his  legate.  In  the  contest  about  privileges  between  the  Sees  of 
York  and  Canterbury,  the  whole  question  turned  on  the  pontifical  grants, 
which  were  preserved  with  great  care  in  the  archives  of  each  church,  as 
its  most  valid  titles.  Lanfranc,  in  his  report  to  Alexander  II.  of  the 
proceedings  in  this  case,  observes :  "  For  the  final  strength  and  support 
of  the  whole  case,  the  privileges  and  writings  of  your  predecessors, 
Gregory,  Boniface,  Honorius,  Vitalian,  Sergius,  also  of  another  Gregory, 
and  of  the  last  Leo  were  produced,  which  had  been  given  or  transmitted 
at  various  times  to  the  prelates  of  the  Church  of  Canterbury,  and  to  the 
English  kings. "J 


§  3.— ACKNOWLEDGMENT   OF    THE  PRIMACY. 

The  terms  in  which  Bede,  and  all  the  Anglo-Saxon  writers,  speak  of 
St.  Peter,  and  of  the  Bishops  of  Rome,  are  such  as  leave  no  room  to 


*  Of  this  Hallam  says:  "The  consecration  of  Theodore  by  Pope  Vitalian,  in  668,  is  a 
stronger  fact,"  (than  the  appeal  of  Wilfred,)  "and  cannot  be  got  over  by  those  inju- 
dicious Protestants,  who  take  the  bull  by  the  horns." — Middle  Ages,  ch.  vii.  Note. 

f  Dr.  Lingard,  on  the  authority  of  Eadmer,  defends  the  authenticity  of  this  letter. 
Vol.  i.  p.  89. 

J  Apud  Baron,  an.  1072,  p.  409. 


214  THE   CHURCH   OF  ENGLAND. 

question  their  faith  in  the  divine  institution  of  the  primacy,  and  its  per- 
petual duration  for  the  government  of  the  entire  Church.  The  venerable 
historian  says  that  Gregory  "was  invested  with  the  first"  (that  is,  su- 
preme) "pontificate  in  the  whole  world,  and  was  set  over  the  churches 
converted  to  the  true  faith."*  The  celebrated  scholar  Alcuin,  avows 
that  "the  Lord  Jesus  Christ  had  constituted  Peter  shepherd  of  His 
chosen  flock  ;"f  and  acknowledges  Adrian  I.,  the  actual  Pontiff,  as 
"  Vicar  of  Peter,  occupying  his  chair,  and  inheriting  his  wonderful  au- 
thority.";); Huelbert,  Abbot  of  Wearmouth,  addressed  Gregory  the  Great 
as  "divinely  intrusted  with  the  government  of  the  whole  Church."§ 
The  Bishops  of  Rome  were  even  designated  presidents  of  the  world.  || 
In  the  Anglo-Saxon  Pontifical  a  prayer  is  prescribed  for  the  consecration 
of  the  sovereign  Pontiff,  which  expresses  in  the  strongest  terms  the 
eminence  and  authority  of  his  station.  It  styles  him  "  this  Thy  servant, 
whom  Thou  hast  made  prelate  of  the  Apostolic  See,  and  primate  of  all 
priests  in  the  world,  and  teacher  of  Thy  universal  Church,  and  whom 
Thou  hast  chosen  for  the  ministry  of  the  high  priesthood."^]" 

By  order  of  Pope  Agatho,  a  Council  was  held  at  Hatfield,  by  Theodore, 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  and  his  suffragans,  in  presence  of  John, 
Abbot  of  St.  Martin's,  deputy  of  the  Holy  See,  to  declare  the  faith  of 
the  Anglo-Saxons,  and  subscribe  the  doctrinal  definition  of  Martin  I. 
against  Monothelism :  which  desire  of  the  Pontiff  was  religiously  com- 
plied with. 

In  a  Council  held  at  Cloveshoe,  in  the  middle  of  the  eighth  century,  at 
which  Cuthbert,  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  opened  the  assembly  by  the 
lecture  of  two  writings,  received  "from  the  apostolic  lord,  the  Pontiff 
held  in  reverence  by  the  whole  world,  the  Pope  Zachary,  which,  as  he  by 
his  apostolical  authority  had  commanded,  were  first  read  openly  in  Latin, 
and  then  in  an  English  translation.  In  these  he  admonished  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  inhabitants  of  this  island  of  Britain,  expostulated  with  them,  and 
conjured  them;  and  then  threatened  to  cut  off  from  the  communion  of 
the  Church  all  who  should  despise  his  warning,  and  obstinately  persist  in 
their  wickedness."**  Their  first  canon,  directed  to  the  reformation  of 
their  own  order,  was  avowedly  made  to  prevent  the  execution  of  this 
threat.  Yet  there  have  been  some  writers  so  ingenious  as  to  discover 
evidence  of  the  independence  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  Church  in  the  decrees 
of  this  Council ! 

The  legates  of  Adrian  visited  England  during  the  administration  of 
Jaenbyrct,  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  bringing  with  them  from  the  Holy 


Bede,  Hist,  ii.  c.  i.  f  Ale.  Oper.,  1.  65,  134. 

Ad  Adrian  Oper.,  1.  25.  I  Apud  Bed.,  op.  Min.  159,  329. 

Eddius,  Vit.  Wilf.,  c.  v.  p.  45.  f  Pont.  Egb.,  p.  32.     Pont.  Gemet,  p.  41. 

#*  Wilkins,  cone.  94.  Spelinan,  cone.,  245. 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND.  215 

See  canons  for  the  reformation  of  morals :  which,  in  an  amended  form, 
were  read  and  adopted  in  two  Councils,  with  solemn  promise  of  obedience 
on  the  part  of  the  prelates. 

The  authority  of  the  Holy  See  was  also  manifested  in  the  deposition  of 
Anglo-Saxon  bishops.  The  legates  of  Alexander  II.  deposed  the  Bishop 
of  Litchfield,  who  retired  to  a  monastery.*  Celestine  III.,  on  complaints 
made  against  Godfrey,  Archbishop  of  York,  brother  of  King  Richard, 
commissioned  the  Bishop  of  Lincoln,  with  others,  to  take  cognizance  of 
the  case,  authorizing  them  to  suspend  him  from  the  government  of  his 
diocese,  if  he  were  found  guilty.  The  Pontiff  himself,  subsequently, 
pronounced  the  suspension. f 

The  Holy  See  was  recognised  in  England  as  a  high  court  of  appeal,  to 
which  bishops,  oppressed  by  unjust  judgments  of  their  colleagues,  might 
have  recourse,  with  confidence  of  obtaining  redress.  In  664,  Wilfrid  was 
chosen  Bishop  of  Northumbria  :  but  thirteen  years  afterwards,  Theodore, 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  without  his  knowledge,  consecrated  three 
bishops  for  his  territory,  which  he  thought  proper  to  divide  into  sepa- 
rate dioceses.  The  injured  prelate,  by  the  advice  of  his  colleagues, 
appealed  to  the  Pontiff,  from  the  judgment  and  act  of  the  metropolitan, 
and  repaired  to  Rome  to  prosecute  his  appeal  in  person.  Cosnwald,  a 
monk,  appeared  there  in  behalf  of  Theodore,  and  the  parties  urged  their 
reasons  before  a  Council  summoned  by  Pope  Agatho  for  the  trial  of  the 
cause.  The  Pontiff  decreed  that  Wilfrid  should  be  reinstated  in  his 
bishopric,  under  penalty  of  excommunication  to  be  incurred  by  the  arch- 
bishop and  by  King  Egfrid,  at  whose  instance  he  had  acted.  The 
division  of  the  diocese  was,  however,  insisted  on,  but  the  choice  of  the 
new  prelates  was  left  to  Wilfrid.  The  violence  and  intrigues  of  the  mo- 
narch prevented,  during  several  years,  his  return  to  his  diocese,  although 
the  archbishop  himself  urged  the  necessity  of  obeying  the  pontifical  de- 
cree. Aldfrid,  who  succeeded  Egfrid,  in  685,  restored  to  him  the  See  of 
York  and  the  monastery  of  Ripon,  but  afterwards,  under  threats  of  ven- 
geance, sought  to  force  him  to  make  the  latter  the  see  of  a  new  bishop. 
The  affrighted  prelate  fled  into  the  dominions  of  the  King  of  Mercia,  and 
during  nine  years  remained  an  exile  from  his  see,  until  Brithwald,  the 
successor  of  Theodore,  invited  him  to  attend  a  Council.  In  this  assembly 
he  was  urged  to  resign,  but  he  appealed  again  to  the  just  tribunal  of  the 
Roman  Pontiff.  After  hearing  the  agent  of  the  metropolitan,  and  the 
bishop,  in  a  tedious  trial,  John  VI.  pronounced  judgment  in  favor  of 
Wilfrid.  The  king,  however,  for  a  time  resisted  the  execution  of  the 
sentence,  alleging  that  he  had  been  previously  condemned  by  the  metro- 
politan, by  the  envoy  of  the  Apostolic  See,  and  by  almost  all  the  bishops 
of  Britain  :  but  in  a  few  weeks  being  overtaken  by  death,  he  declared  his 

*  Baron.,  an.  1095.  f  Ibidem,  an.  1159. 


216  THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 

wish  to  be  reconciled  with  the  injured  prelate.  After  his  death  the  dis- 
sension was  amicably  terminated  to  the  satisfaction  of  all  parties.  "  It 
has  been  often  said/'  remarks  Dr.  Lingard,  "  that  the  great  object  of  Wil- 
frid was  to  establish  in  North umbria  the  authority  of  Rome  :  but  it  must 
be  evident  to  every  reader,  that  he  found  the  authority  of  Rome  already 
established,  and  had  recourse  to  it  only  to  protect  himself  from  oppression. 
The  result  proved  the  utility  of  this  supreme  jurisdiction  claimed  by  the 
Pontiff :  for  we  read  no  more,  from  the  time  of  Wilfrid  till  the  reign  of 
Edward  the  Confessor,  of  any  arbitrary  deposition  of  bishops  at  the  will 
either  of  the  king  or  of  the  metropolitan."* 

It  may  gratify  the  reader  to  peruse  the  quaint  statement  of  this  case  by 
a  Protestant  historian.  Speaking  of  the  solicitations  to  resign,  made  to 
Wilfrid  by  the  Council,  Fuller  says :  "In  a  Council  convened  for  the 
purpose,  the  bishops  endeavored  in  vain  to  induce  him  to  resign.  Wil- 
fride  persisted  loyall  to  his  own  innocence,  affirming  such  a  cession  might 
be  interpreted  a  confession  of  his  guiltinesse,  and  appealed  from  that 
Council  to  his  Holinesse,  and  this  tough  old  man,  being  seventy  years  of 
age,  took  a  journey  to  Rome,  there  to  tugg  it  out  with  his  adversaries. 
.  .  .  The  sentence  of  Pope  John  the  Seventhf  passed  on  his  side,  and  his 
opposers  were  sent  home  with  blame  and  shame,  whilst  Wilfride  returned 
with  honour,  managing  his  successe  with  much  moderation  ;  equally  com- 
mendable, that  his  innocence  kept  him  from  drooping  in  affliction,  and  his 
humility  from  insulting  in  prosperity.  Bertuald,  Archbishop  of  Canter- 
bury, humbly  entertained  the  Pope's  letters  in  behalf  of  Wilfride,  and 
welcomed  his  person  at  his  return ;  but  Alfride,  King  of  Northum- 
berland, refused  to  re-seat  him  in  his  bishoprick,  stoutly  maintaining, 
that  'twas  against  reason  to  communicate  with  a  man  twice  condemned  by 
the  Council  of  England,  notwithstanding  all  apostolick  commands  in  favor 
of  him.  But  soon  after  he  fell  dangerously  sick,  a  consequent  of,  and 
therefore  caused  by  his  former  stubbornnesse ;  as  those  that  construe  all 
events  to  the  advantage  of  the  Roman  See,  interpret  this  a  punishment  on 
his  obstinacy.  Suppled  with  sicknesse,  he  confessed  his  fault;  and  so 
Wilfride  was  restored  to  his  place. "J  Thus  the  king  finally  yielded  to 
the  authority  of  Rome,  and  put  her  judgment  in  execution.  The  right 
of  the  Pope  to  receive  appeals,  and  grant  relief,  was  acknowledged  in 
England,  as  in  every  other  part  of  Christendom. 

*  History  and  Antiquities,  Ac.  ch.  iii.  The  reader  will  find  there,  and  in  the  appendix, 
the  full  statement  of  the  facts,  and  the  refutation  of  modern  misrepresentations. 

f  Dr.  Lingard  ascribes  the  sentence  to  his  immediate  predecessor,  of  the  same 
name. 

J  The  Church  History  of  Britain  Endeavored,  by  Thomas  Fuller.  London,  1656. 
Century  viii.,  book  ii.  p.  93. 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND.  217 


6.— MODERN  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND. 

It  is  vain  to  plead  the  apology  of  the  Church  of  England  on  the 
ground  of  the  patriarchal  system,  which  presupposes  the  primacy.  Even 
by  this  system  the  Church  of  England  stands  condemned,  since  she  re- 
fuses obedience  to  the  Roman  Patriarch,  whose  jurisdiction  she  had 
acknowledged  up  to  the  moment  that  a  licentious  prince  forced  her  to 
abjure  it :  "  Henry  the  Eighth  fixing  his  supremacy  on  a  reluctant 
church  by  the  axe,  the  gibbet,  the  stake,  and  laws  of  premunire  and 
forfeiture/'*  The  refusal  to  admit  that  the  Pope  is  universal  bishop  is  not 
the  head  and  front  of  her  offence,  as  has  been  sometimes  alleged ;  for  she 
is  not  called  on  to  approve  a  title  which  the  Pontiffs  have  never  assumed, 
or  to  adopt  any  theory  about  the  extent  of  pontifical  prerogative,  but  simply 
to  accept  the  primacy,  as  defined  by  the  Council  of  Florence,  and  to  place 
herself  in  that  position  which  she  occupied  from  the  time  when  Augustin 
founded  and  organized  her.  Mr.  Allies,  whilst  defending  the  Church  of 
England,  unconsciously  gave  up  the  cause  :  "  If  the  charge  were  that  we 
refuse  to  stand  in  the  same  relation  to  the  Pope  that  St.  Augustin  of  Can- 
terbury stood  in  to  this  very  St.  Gregory,  that  we  refuse  to  regard  and 
honor  the  successor  of  St.  Gregory  with  the  same  honor  with  which  our 
archbishops,  as  soon  as  they  were  seated  in  the  government  of  their 
church,  and  were  no  longer  mere  missionaries,  but  primates,  regarded  the 
occupants  of  St.  Peter's  See,  I  think  both  the  separation  three  hundred 
years  ago,  and  the  present  continuance  of  it  on  our  part,  would,  so  far  as 
this  question  of  schism  is  concerned,  be  utterly  indefensible. "f 

Mr.  Palmer  observes,  that  the  clergy  qualified  the  admission  of  the 
royal  supremacy^  by  the  very  important  clause :  "  as  far  as  it  was  con- 
sistent with  the  law  of  Christ :"  but  he  forgets  that  this  was  in  1531,  at 
the  commencement  of  the  changes,  and  that  soon  afterwards  they  pledged 
themselves,  "on  the  word  of  a  priest/'  to  obey  the  king  in  spiritual 
matters.^  The  papal  power  was  transferred  to  the  king,  which  Mr. 
Palmer  says  was  merely  suppressed :  for  by  the  25  Henry  VIII.,  c.  19, 
the  right  of  appeal  from  the  sentence  of  metropolitans,  which  pre- 
viously lay  to  the  Pontiff,  was  granted  "  to  the  king's  majesty,  in  the 
king's  Court  of  Chancery j"  to  be  heard  "by  such  persons  as  shall  be 
named  by  the  king's  highness."  "  This  statute,"  Mr.  Lewis  remarks, 
"  is  the  origin  of  the  court  of  delegates,  which  has  lately  made  way  for 
the  judicial  committee  of  the  privy  council,  in  which  resides,  now,  the 


*  Church  of  England  Cleared,  p.  172. 

f  Church  of  England  Cleared,  &c.  p.  194. 

J  Treatise  on  the  Church,  vol.  i.  p.  ii.  ch.  iii. 

^  See  Act  of  Submission  in  Wilkins,  iii.  754,  755. 


218  THE   CHURCH   OF   ENGLAND. 

supreme  jurisdiction  of  the  Anglican  Church."*  Mr.  Palmer  strangely 
confounds  this  recourse  to  the  king,  as  supreme  head  on  earth,  with 
the  usage,  or  rather  abuse,  which  exists  in  some  countries,  of  invoking 
the  protection  of  the  State  against  alleged  encroachments  of  the  ecclesi- 
astical authority.  L'appel  d'abus,^  is  in  itself  an  enormous  abuse,  from 
which  no  sanction  can  be  derived  for  the  still  more  unjustifiable  practice 
of  appeal  to  the  royal  tribunal  as  supreme  in  all  causes,  ecclesiastical  as 
well  as  civil.  The  papal  power  in  regard  to  the  appointment  of  bishops, 
was  abrogated  by  the  same  act,  c.  20,  and  declared  to  belong  to  the  king, 
who,  by  his  congt  d'elire,^  determined  the  choice  of  the  electors,  under 
severe  penalties,  and  by  the  grant  of  the  pallium  conferred  metropolitical 
authority.  Dispensations  hitherto  obtained  from  Rome  were,  by  c.  21,  to 
be  sought  from  the  archbishop,  and  in  extraordinary  cases  the  king's  license 
became  necessary.  The  spiritual  prelates  were  authorized  by  this  statute 
"  to  use,  minister,  execute,  and  do  all  sacraments,  sacramentals,  and 
divine  service/'  By  the  statute  26  Henry  VIII.,  c.  1,  the  king,  as 
"  only  supreme  head  in  earth  .of  the  Church  of  England/'  was  declared 
to  have  all  pre-eminences,  jurisdictions,  privileges,  authorities  to  the 
said  dignity  belonging,  and  especially  full  power  to  repress,  correct,  and 
amend  all  heresies  and  abuses  which  by  any  manner  spiritual  authority  or 
jurisdiction,  ought  to  be  repressed,  corrected,  or  amended."  Mr.  Palmer 
explains  this  of  "  temporal  means  and  penalties  in  concurrence  with  the 
judgment  of  the  Church  of  England,"  but  he  betrays  his  want  of  con- 
fidence in  this  interpretation  by  observing :  "  The  bishops  understood 
it  in  some  such  sense,  for  they  not  only  offered  no  opposition  to  the 
passing  of  this  bill,  but  immediately  after  swore  to  the  king's  supre- 
macy." This  only  shows  that  they  meanly  crouched  at  the  feet  of  the 
tyrant.  The  appoiijtment  of  Thomas  Cromwell,  a  layman,  to  be  Vicar 
General  of  the  king,  "  sounded  ill,"  according  to  the  apologist.  There 
was  full  evidence  that  it  was  intended  in  a  heterodox  sense,  since  he  was 
empowered  to  correct  archbishops  and  bishops,  to  summon  Synods,  and 
preside  in  them,  to  excommunicate,  and  to  use  his  authority  in  all 
causes  touching  the  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction.  The  servility  of  Cranmer 
in  seeking  from  the  boy  Edward  a  renewal  of  his  jurisdiction,  and  the 
acknowledgment  of  the  other  bishops  that  all  jurisdiction,  both  eccle- 
siastical and  civil,  flows  from  the  royal  power, §  leaves  no  room  for  the 
subtleties  of  Mr.  Palmer.  "  Authority  of  jurisdiction,  spiritual  and 
temporal,"  says  the  statute  of  1  Edward  VIII.,  c.  2.,  "  is  derived  and 
deducted  from  the  king's  majesty,  as  supreme  head  of  these  churches 


*  Notes  on  the  Nature  and  Extent  of  the  Royal  Supremacy  in  the  Anglican  Church, 
by  David  Lewis,  M.A. — of  which  valuable  essay  I  shall  avail  myself  freely. 

f  "Appeal  against  an  abuse." 

J  A  writ  of  leaAre  to  elect  a  prelate. 

#  Wilkins  iii.  797,  798. 


THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND.  219 

and  realms  of  England  and  Ireland/'  Although  Elizabeth  disavowed 
her  right  to  administer  the  sacraments,  she  persisted  in  claiming  the 
powers  exercised  by  her  father  and  brother,  as  is  evident  from  the 
following  enactment :  "  Such  jurisdictions,  privileges,  superiorities  and 
pre-eminences,  spiritual  and  ecclesiastical,  as  by  any  spiritual  or  eccle- 
siastical power  or  authority  hath  heretofore  been,  or  may  lawfully  be, 
exercised  or  used  for  the  visitation  of  the  ecclesiastical  state  and  persons, 
and  for  reformation,  order,  and  correction  of  the  same,  and  all  manner 
of  errors,  heresies,  schisms,  abuses,  offences,  contempts  and  enormities, 
shall  forever,  by  authority  of  this  present  parliament,  be  united  and 
annexed  to  the  imperial  crown  of  this  realm."* 

The  acts  of  Elizabeth  prove  that  her  royal  supremacy  was  not  an 
empty  name.  She  issued  her  commission  June  24th,  1559,  to  certain 
laymen,  with  one  doctor  in  divinity,  to  visit  several  dioceses  "  both  in  the 
head  and  the  members,"  giving  them  power  to  deprive  the  bishops.  She 
undertook  to  place  Matthew  Parker  in  the  See  of  Canterbury,  "sup- 
plying, by  her  supreme  authority,"  any  defects  or  impediments  to  his 
ordination,  and  then,  by  the  agency  of  her  obsequious  parliament, 
declaring  it  valid. f  In  him  she  laid  the  foundation  of  a  new  fabric, 
which  she  herself  modelled,  "the  Church  by  law  established,"  which 
subsists  to  this  day.  Mr.  Lewis  observes :  "  The  civil  power  abolished 
the  papal  jurisdiction,  and  established  the  royal  supremacy  in  its.place; 
the  Anglican  Church  adopted  the  work  of  the  State,  binding  itself  by 
oath  at  the  most  solemn  time,  in  the  reigns  of  Henry  VIII.  and  Edward 
VI.  Twice  it  approved  deliberately  of  the  acts  of  Elizabeth,  and  at 
this  day,  in  the  36th  Article  of  her  religion,  acknowledges  the  legislation 
of  Henry  and  Edward  not  to  be  superstitious  and  ungodly.";);  "  The 
King,  or  Queen,  as  the  case  may  be,  is  with  most  terrible  reality,  and 
not  simply  by  fiction  of  law,  Head  of  the  Established  Church."§  Truly 
has  the  rejection  of  the  shepherd  whom  Christ  appointed,  resulted  in 
weakness  and  in  shame. ||  A  "human  Church"  has  been  erected  on 
the  ruins  of  the  magnificent  fabric  which  Gregory  planned,  Augustin 
founded,  and  his  successors  constructed.  Bishops  of  royal  creation  have 
knelt  in  homage  to  the  power  from  which  their  jurisdiction  flowed  :  and  a 
boy  or  a  girl,  a  bold  woman  or  a  brutal  man,  has  controlled  functions 
which  are  connected  with  the  immortal  destinies  of  mankind.  The 


*  1  Eliz.  c.  i. 

f  For  a  full  view  of  this  question  I  refer  to  the  work  entitled,  "  The  Validity  of 
Anglican  Ordinations  examined,"  by  Peter  Richard  Kenrick,  Archbishop  of  St.  Louis. 
Philadelphia,  1848. 

J  Notes  on  the  Royal  Supremacy,  p.  95. 

I  Dr.  Nevin,  Art.  Cyprian,  M.  R.,  July,  1852. 

II  See  "The  Anglican   Church,  the  Creature  and  Slave  of  the  State,"  by  Rev.  Peter 
Cooper.     London,  1844. 


220  THE   CHURCH   OF   ENGLAND. 

words   of    the   prophet   have    been   fulfilled :    "  Dabo   pueros   principes 
eoruin,  mulieres  dominabuntur  eis."* 

Has  not  the  time  arrived  when  a  nation,  so  enlightened  and  illustrious, 
will  look  back  to  the  source  from  which  she  originally  derived  the  know- 
ledge of  Christianity,  and  fulfil,  as  far  as  regards  herself,  the  almost 
prophetic  words  of  her  erratic  poet  ? 

Parent  of  our  religion !  whom  the  wide 
Nations  have  knelt  to  for  the  keys  of  heaven ! 
Europe,  repentant  of  her  parricide, 

Shall  yet 

sue  to  be  forgiven,  j- 


*  Isaias  iii.  4,  12.  f  Byron,  Childe  Harold,  canto  iv. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 


THE  chief  prerogatives  of  the  Pontiff  may  be  gathered  from  the  facts 
and  documents  which  have  been  submitted  to  the  reader :  belonging  to 
the  first  six  ages  of  the  Church,  and  consequently  not  open  to  the 
objection  of  those  who  complain,  that  by  means  of  the  false  decretals  of 
Isidore,  which  first  appeared  in  the  ninth  century,  the  papal  power  was 
immeasurably  enlarged.  I  have  purposely  avoided  all  reference  to  this 
compilation,  in  order  to  furnish  no  pretext  for  questioning  the  authorities 
on  which  I  rely,  or  the  extent  of  prerogative  which  I  vindicate.  Al- 
though the  materials  out  of  which  the  decretals  were  constructed  are  of 
far  greater  antiquity,  being  for  the  most  part  taken  from  ancient  decrees 
of  the  Popes,  or  of  Councils,  or  from  the  Caesarean  laws,  or  the  writings 
of  the  fathers,  I  willingly  forego  all  advantage  to  be  derived  from  them, 
and  confine  myself  to  documents  unquestionably  authentic.  Some  have 
rashly  charged  the  Popes  with  originating  this  imposture,  with  a  view  to 
the  enlargement  of  their  prerogatives :  but  the  learned  trace  its  origin  to 
Mentz  in  Germany,  and  allow  that  the  extension  of  papal  power  was  not 
the  primary  object  of  the  compiler.  "  It  was  not  in  fact,"  says  Guizot, 
"  compiled  for  the  exclusive  interest  of  the  Popedom.  It  appears  rather, 
on  the  whole,  according  to  the  primitive  intention,  more  especially  des- 
tined to  serve  the  bishops  against  the  metropolitans  and  temporal  sove- 
reigns."1* The  imposture  consisted  in  giving  the  decrees  an  undue  anti- 
quity, and  false  inscriptions,  by  ascribing  them  to  the  Popes  of  the  first 
three  ages.  The  success  of  the  fraud  is  accounted  for  by  the  fact,  that 
the  actual  discipline  was  the  basis  of  the  arrangement,  so  that  scarcely 
any  innovation  was  introduced  abhorrent  to  general  usage.  Had  they 
been  brought  forward  to  sanction  novel  and  exorbitant  pretensions,  their 
authenticity  would  scarcely  have  escaped  question,  even  in  a  less  en- 
lightened age.  It  is  absurd  to  trace  the  prerogatives  of  the  Holy  See  to 
these  false  decretals,  whilst  unquestionable  documents  of  far  higher 
antiquity  plainly  establish  them.f 

*  Cours  d'Histoire  Moderne,  t.  iii.  p.  84. 

f  Hallam,  after  Schmidt,  remarks  that  St.  Boniface  in  his  synod  held  at  Frankfort,  in 
742,  anticipated  the  system  of  Isidore.— Middle  Ages,  ch.  vii. 

221 


222  PAPAL   PREROGATIVES. 

The  primacy  extends  to  the  entire  world,  since  the  commission  given  to 
the  apostles  is  to  teach  all  nations,  and  preach  the  Gospel  to  every 
creature  :  but  none  are  subject  to  it  who  have  not  by  baptism  entered 
within  the  pale  of  the  Church.  It  is  called  by  St.  Chrysostom  "  the 
presidency  of  the  universal  Church,"*  which,  he  observes,  Christ  com- 
mitted to  Peter,  after  his  fall.  In  virtue  of  his  office,  the  Pontiff  teaches 
with  authority,  and  directs  his  teaching  to  all  the  children  of  the 
Church,  wherever  they  may  be  found,  pastors  and  people  :  he  pronounces 
judgment  on  all,  whose  faith  is  suspected,  to  whatever  rank  they  belong; 
he  condemns  heresy,  wherever  it  may  have  originated,  or  by  whomsoever 
it  may  be  supported  :  he  calls  on  his  colleagues,  the  bishops,  to  concur  in 
the  condemnation:  he  assembles  them  in  Council,  to  investigate  and 
judge  with  him  the  controversies  that  are  raised,  or  to  concur  by  their 
harmonious  judgment  and  action  in  rooting  out  condemned  errors  :  he 
confirms  and  promulgates  their  definitions  of  faith,  and  incessantly 
guards  the  sacred  deposit  of  divine  doctrine.  All  these  acts  have  been 
performed  in  all  ages  of  the  Church  by  the  Bishop  of  Rome,  as  suc- 
cessor of  St.  Peter  :  and  have  been  universally  acknowledged  to  be  the 
prerogatives  and  duties  of  his  office.  St.  Leo,  after  expatiating  on  the 
divine  strength  imparted  to  Peter  and  his  successors  for  the  discharge  of 
these  functions,  observes  that  it  "  is  assailed  with  impious  presumption  by 
whosoever  attempts  to  infringe  on  his  power,  following  passion,  and 
abandoning  the  tradition  of  the  ancients."f 

It  is  the  undoubted  right  of  the  Pope  to  pronounce  judgment  on  con- 
troversies of  faith.  All  doctrinal  definitions  already  made  by  General 
Councils,  or  by  former  Pontiffs,  are  landmarks  which  no  man  can  remove; 
but  as  the  human  mind  may  assail  revelation  in  endless  varieties  of  form, 
there  must  be  always  in  the  Church  an  authority  by  which  error,  under 
every  new  aspect,  may  be  effectually  condemned.  Nothing  can  be  added 
to  the  faith  originally  delivered  to  the  saints  ;  but  points  contained  in  the 
deposit  of  revelation,  may  be  expressly  declared  and  defined,  when  the 
obscurity  which  may  have  existed  as  to  the  fact  of  their  revelation  has 
been  dissipated.  The  assembling  of  a  General  Council  is  always  attended 
with  immense  difficulty,  and  is  oftentimes  utterly  impracticable.  The 
chief  Bishop  is  "  the  natural  organ  of  the  Church/^  as  Peter  is  styled 
by  St.  Chrysostom  "the  mouth  of  the  apostles/'  In  pronouncing  judg- 
ment, he  does  not  give  expression  to  a  private  opinion,  or  follow  his  own 
conjectures;  but  he  takes  for  his  rule  the  public  and  general  faith,  and 
tradition  of  the  Church,  as  gathered  from  Scripture,  the  fathers,  the 
liturgies,  and  other  documents;  imploring  the  guidance  of  the  Divine 


*  TV  briaraolav  ms  diKov^viKfjf  ixK\r]<riag  ivsxtipias.     Ad.  pop.  Antioch.  horn,  v.,  de  pcenit. 
•j"  Ep.  x.,  ad  episc.  per  prov.  Vien. 

J  Thoughts  and  Sights  in  Foreign  Churches,  by  Frederick  W.  Faber.     This  estimable 
writer  has  since  passed  to  the  Catholic  communion. 


PAPAL   PREROGATIVES.  223 

Spirit,  and  using  all  human  means  for  ascertaining  the  fact  of  revelation. 
It  has  been  warmly  disputed  whether  a  solemn  judgment  thus  pro- 
nounced, wherein  a  doctrine  is  proposed  to  the  Church  generally  as  neces- 
sary to  be  believed,  under  pain  of  anathema,  or  an  error  is  proscribed  as 
opposed  to  faith,  with  the  same  sanction,  may  possibly  be  erroneous.  The 
personal  fallibility  of  the  Pope  in  his  private  capacity,  writing  or  speak- 
ing, is  freely  conceded  by  the  most  ardent  advocates  of  papal  prerogatives. 
His  official  infallibility,  ex  cathedra,  in  the  circumstances  just  specified, 
is  strongly  affirmed  by  St.  Alphonsus  de  Liguori,  and  a  host  of  divines, 
in  accordance,  as  I  believe,  with  ancient  tradition,  although  the  as- 
sembly of  the  French  clergy  in  1682  contended  that  his  judgment  may 
admit  of  amendment,*  as  long  as  it  is  not  sustained  by  the  assent  and 
adhesion  of  the  great  body  of  bishops.  Practically,  there  is  no  room  for 
difficulty,  since  all  solemn  judgments  hitherto  pronounced  by  the  Pontiff 
have  received  the  assent  of  his  colleagues.  The  Pontiff  never  has  been 
isolated  from  his  brethren :  the  harmony  of  faith  being  always  exhibited 
in  the  teaching  of  the  episcopal  body,  united  with  their  head.  The  au- 
thority of  the  Pope  in  matters  of  faith  appeared  most  conspicuously  in 
the  fourth  and  fifth  centuries.  The  decrees  of  Damasus,  and  Innocent, 
and  the  doctrinal  letters  of  Celestine  and  Leo,  were  hailed  by  the  bishops, 
severally,  and  in  solemn  Councils,  as  the  correct  expositions  of  the  mys- 
teries of  the  Trinity  and  Incarnation.  For  the  maintenance  of  this  faith 
the  Pontiffs  sent  legates  to  the  Eastern  emperors  and  Councils,  urging  it 
above  all  other  things.  Their  indefatigable  industry,  their  untiring  so- 
licitude, their  disregard  of  every  selfish  consideration,  when  the  integrity 
of  faith  was  in  question,  are  marked  on  every  page  of  history.  Faith 
evidently  is  the  vital  principle  of  papal  authority. 

The  plenitude  of  pontifical  power  in  all  that  appertains  to  the  govern- 
ment of  the  universal  Church,  is  affirmed  in  the  Florentine  decree.  It  is 
certain  that  this  power  must  be  used  for  edification,  not  for  destruction : 
for  the  interests  of  faith  and  piety;  for  the  maintenance  of  order  and 
unity  ]  in  a  word,  for  the  good  of  the  Church.  It  is  a  government  of 
justice,  order,  and  law,  to  be  conducted,  not  arbitrarily  and  capriciously, 
but  according  to  established  canons,  or  rules.  It  admits,  however,  of  ex- 
ceptions and  dispensations,  since  the  rigorous  enforcement  of  uniformity, 
in  a  government  embracing  so  many  different  nations,  would  render  it 
intolerable.  Whilst,  then,  the  papal  authority  should  be  exercised  in 
conformity  with  the  canons  or  laws  of  general  Councils  and  preceding 
Pontiffs,  unless  the  altered  condition  of  things  require  a  change  of  legis- 

*  Bouvier  denies  that  the  declaration  was  meant  to  affirm  that  the  judgment  of  the 
Pope  was  fallible,  since  to  avoid  this  assertion,  Bossuet  insisted  on  the  use  of  the  term 
'•  irreformabile."—  Tract,  de  Vera  Eccl.,  p.  Ill,  g  ii.  sect.  iv.  punct.  ii.  n.  4.  It  is  probable 
that  he  took  the  assent  of  the  bishops  as  the  test  to  distinguish  a  solemn  judgment  ex 
cathedra  from  a  less  formal  decision. 


224  PAPAL  PREROGATIVES. 

lation,  a  dispensing  power  must  exist,  and  be  exercised  by  the  Supreme 
Executive.  Individuals,  for  a  just  reason,  may  be  freed  from  the 
observance  of  a  general  law,  at  the  discretion  of  the  Pontiff.  The  ancient 
usages  of  local  churches  are  to  be  respected,  and  their  established  order  is 
to  be  maintained;  but  if  the  higher  interests  of  the  universal  Church 
require  the  suppression  of  a  local  usage,  or  if  the  existence  of  the  local 
Church  be  in  jeopardy,  unless  the  order  be  changed,  there  is  room  for  the 
exercise  of  pontifical  supremacy.  The  French  hierarchy  had  flourished 
from  the  days  of  St.  Remigius  down  to  the  execution  of  the  sixteenth 
Louis,  when  the  fury  of  the  revolutionists  immolated  several  of  the  vene- 
rable prelates,  and  drove  the  remainder  into  banishment.  The  temples 
of  religion  were  profaned,  and  the  Christian  worship  proscribed.  Amidst 
the  anarchy  there  arose  a  daring  soldier,  who,  in  the  name  of  liberty, 
grasped  an  iron  sceptre,  and  offered  to  become  the  protector  of  religion, 
on  condition  that  the  exiled  prelates  should  renounce  their  rights,  and  the 
Church  of  France  should  be  re-organized  conformably  to  the  new  civil  di- 
visions of  territory.  Pius  VII.  called  on  the  bishops  to  make  the  sacrifice 
of  their  undoubted  rights  and  just  attachments,  and  using  the  plenitude 
of  his  authority,  stripped  those  who  hesitated  of  all  claims  to  their  sees, 
and  gave  to  France  a  new  ecclesiastical  organization.*  The  extreme  ne- 
cessity of  the  case  justified,  in  the  eyes  of  the  Church  at  large,  this 
unprecedented  act  of  pontifical  supremacy. 

It  is  difficult  to  assign  precise  limits  to  a  power  which  must  be  adapted 
to  the  exigencies  of  the  Church  in  an  endless  variety  of  circumstances. 
It  cannot,  however,  command  any  thing  immoral.  The  hackneyed  mis- 
representation of  the  hypothetical  argument  of  Bellarmine  deserves  to  be 
noticed  only  to  guard  the  unsuspecting  against  gross  deception.  This 
eminent  controvertist,  maintaining  the  official  infallibility  of  the  Pope, 
extends  it  to  decrees  regarding  morals,  since  an  error  in  moral  principle 
would  imply  an  error  in  faith  itself,  and  expose  the  Church  at  large,  in 
obeying  her  head,  to  a  practical  absurdity  and  defilement.  It  is  agreed 
by  moralists,  that  in  matters  which  are  doubtful,  the  presumption  is  in 
favor  of  the  superior,  and  obedience  is  consequently  due,  when  what  is 
ordered  is  not  manifestly  wrong.  Taking  this  moral  principle  as  the  basis 
of  his  reasoning,  Bellarmine  constructs  on  it  an  hypothetical  argument  in 
favor  of  pontifical  infallibility  in  moral  matters;  imitating  mathema- 
ticians, who,  from  the  absurdity  of  a  consequence,  infer  the  falsehood  of 
an  hypothesis,  and  thereby  establish  the  truth  of  the  opposite  principle. 
"  I  prove,"  says  he,  "  that  the  Pope  cannot  err  in  morals  intrinsically 
good  or  evil,  for  the  Church  could  not,  in  that  case,  be  truly  called  holy ; 
— and  besides,  she  would  then  necessarily  err  in  faith  :  for  Catholic  faith 
teaches  that  all  virtue  is  good,  all  vice  is  evil :  but  if  the  Pope  should  err 

*  See  Bulls  Ecdeaia  Christi,  15  Aug.,  1801,  and  Qui  Chritti  Domini,  29  Nov.,  1801. 


PAPAL   PREROGATIVES.  225 

in  commanding  vice,  or  forbidding  virtue,  the  Church  would  be  bound  to 
believe  vice  to  be  good,  virtue  to  be  evil,  unless  she  chose  to  sin  against 
conscience :  for  in  doubtful  matters  the  Church  is  bound  to  acquiesce  in 
the  judgment  of  the  sovereign  Pontiff,  and  to  do  what  he  orders,  and  to 
avoid  what  he  forbids ;  and  in  order  not  to  act  against  conscience,  she  is 
bound  to  believe  that  to  be  good  which  he  orders,  that  to  be  evil  which  he 
forbids/7*  All  may  not  acquiesce  in  the  correctness  of  this  reasoning; 
but  no  one  can  seriously  pretend  that  Bellarmine  makes  the  belief  of  the 
Church  as  to  what  is  virtue  or  vice  dependent  on  the  caprice  of  the  Pon- 
tiff. It  is  remarkable  that  no  decree  ever  issued  from  the  papal  chair 
sanctioning  any  immoral  principle :  whilst  on  the  contrary,  the  rash  pro- 
positions in  moral  matters  which  were  hazarded  by  some  divines,  were 
sifted  by  the  Popes  with  nice  discrimination,  and  condemned,  whether 
they  favored  relaxation  of  morals,  or  affected  a  severity  not  compatible 
with  the  mild  maxims  of  the  Gospel.  It  was  not  the  learning  or  the 
wisdom  of  the  individual  Pontiffs  that  enabled  them  to  steer  the  vessel  of 
the  Church  through  rocks  and  shoals,  on  which  the  wisest  and  most 
learned  men  had  made  shipwreck :  it  was  the  overruling  providence  of 
God  which  directed  their  judgment.  Even  Voltaire  acknowledges,  in 
reference  to  their  anathemas  against  duellists,  that  their  decrees  were 
always  wise,  and  always  advantageous  to  the  Christian  world,  wherever 
their  personal  interests  were  not  in  question;  which  are  certainly  not 
connected  with  decisions  on  abstract  principles  of  morality.f  The  Pope 
may  enjoin,  in  matters  ecclesiastical,  what  he  judges  to  be  expedient  for 
the  maintenance  of  order,  the  extirpation  of  vice,  and  the  promotion  of 
piety.  His  power  is  chiefly  employed  in  maintaining  the  general  laws 
already  established,  regulating  the  mutual  relations  of  the  clergy,  and 
mitigating  the  strictness  of  disciplinary  observance,  whensoever  local  or 
individual  causes  demand  it.  He  only  addresses  conscience :  his  laws 
and  censures  are  only  powerful  inasmuch  as  they  are  acknowledged  to  be 
passed  under  a  divine  sanction.  No  armies,  or  civil  officers,  are  em- 


'  "  Quod  autem  non  possit  pontifex  errare  in  moribus  per  se  bonis  vel  malis,  probatur. 

Nam  tune  ecclesia  non  posset  vere  dici  sancta Secundo,  quia  tune  necessario  erraret 

etiam  circa  fidem.  Nam  fides  Catholica  docet  omnem  virtutem  esso  bonam,  omne  vitium 
esse  malum:  si  autem  papa  erraret  praecipiendo  vitia,  vel  prohibendo  virtutes;  teneretur 
ecclesia  credere  vitia  esse  bona  et  virtutes  malas,  nisi  vellct  contra  conscientam  peccare. 
Tenetur  enim  in  rebus  dubiis  ecclesia  acquiescere  judicio  summi  pontificis,  et  facere  quod 
ille  prtccipit,  non  facere  quod  ille  prohibet :  ac  ne  forte  contra  conscientiam  agat,  tenetur 
credere  bonuin  esse  quod  ille  prsecipit:  malum  quod  ille  prohibet." — De  Romano  Pon- 
tifice,  1.  iv.  c.  v. 

f  "  Les  decrets  des  papes,  toujours  sages,  et  de  plus  toujours  utiles  a  la  chretiente,  dans 
ce  qui  ne  concernait  pas  leurs  interets  personnels,  anathematisaient  ces  combats." — Essai 
sur  FHistoire  *Generale,  t.  iii.  ch.  cxvii. 

15 


226  PAPAL   PREROGATIVES. 

ployed  to  give  them  effect.*  The  fears  which  are  sometimes  expressed 
that  he  may  abuse  his  power  to  the  detriment  of  national  or  individual 
rights,  are  wholly  groundless.  It  is  employed  to  sustain  right  and  justice, 
not  to  violate  them.  "For  ourselves,"  Dr.  Nevin  observes,  "we  say  it 
plainly,  we  believe  the  acknowledgment  of  the  Pope's  spiritual  primacy  is 
just  as  little  at  war  with  a  true  American  spirit,  and  carries  in  it  just  as 
little  peril  for  our  American  liberties,  as  the  acknowledgment  of  any  like 
primacy  in  either  of  the  Presbyterian  General  Assemblies,  or  in  the 
American  Episcopate,  or  in  the  private  judgment  simply  of  any  true- 
blooded  Puritan  Independent,  who  holds  himself  at  liberty,  if  need  be,  to 
brave  on  the  plea  of  conscience  all  human  authority  besides."f  It  is 
well  observed  by  De  Maistre,  that  whatever  may  be  said  in  the  abstract 
of  the  plenitude  of  pontifical  power,  any  attempt  to  exercise  it  wantonly, 
would  provoke  general  and  successful  resistance.  "What,"  he  asks, 
"can  restrain  the  Pope?  Every  thing — canons,  laws,  national  usages, 
sovereigns,  tribunals,  national  assemblies,  prescription,  representations, 
negociations,  duty,  fear,  prudence,  and  especially  public  opinion,  the 
queen  of  the  world."! 

The  providing  of  pastors  necessarily  appertains  to  him  to  whom  the 
charge  of  the  whole  flock  has  been  entrusted  by  Christ  our  Lord  :  yet  the 
exercise  of  this  power  admits  of  much  variety,  according  to  the  circum- 
stances of  time  and  place,  as  is  evident  from  ecclesiastical  history.  "What- 
ever arrangement  may  be  made  for  the  election  or  appointment  of 
bishops,  with  the  concurrence  and  approbation  of  the  Holy  See,  may  be 
deemed  just  and  proper.  In  the  United  States  they  are  now  appointed 
by  the  Pope,  on  the  recommendation  of  the  bishops  of  each  ecclesiastical 
province,  and  of  all  the  metropolitans.  They  are  not,  as  I  have  already 
observed,  mere  deputies  or  vicars,  much  less  vassals  of  the  Pope;  but 
successors  of  the  apostles,  exercising  under  him  and  with  him  the  powers 
of  binding  and  loosing,  and  respecting  his  high  rank,  without  detriment 
to  their  own.  Their  order  is  perpetual,  and  their  jurisdiction  should  not 


*  Of  Rome,  Voltaire  has  written  : 

"  L'univers  flechissait  sous  son  aigle  terrible  : 
Elle  exerce  en  nos  jours  un  pouvoir  plus  paisible 
Elle  a  su  sous  son  joug  asservir  ses  vainqueurs, 
Gouverner  les  esprits,  et  commander  aux  coaurs  ; 
Ses  avis  sont  ses  lois,  ses  decrets  sont  ses  armes." 

La  Henriade,  cTi.  iv. 

Once  her  proud  eagle  hovered  o'er  the  world, 
But  now  her  peaceful  banner  is  unfurled  ! 
The  wild  barbarians  that  o'erspread  her  lands 
Yield  to  her  voice — obey  her  meek  commands. 
Their  minds  she  governs,  whilst  their  hearts  she  charms: 
'      Her  laws  her  counsels,  her  decrees  her  arms. 

f  "The  Anglican  Crisis,"  M.  R.,  July,  1851. 

J  Du  Pape,  ch.  xviii. 


PAPAL   PREROGATIVES.  227 

be  capriciously  withdrawn;  but  if  they  abuse  their  power,  they  are 
amenable  to  his  high  tribunal. 

The  relations  of  the  Pope  to  a  General  Council  have  been  the  subject 
of  much  discussion.  The  right  of  summoning  them  to  meet  in  solemn 
consultation  for  the  general  interests  of  the  Church  manifestly  belongs  to 
him,  as  he  is  the  only  one  whose  authority  extends  to  all ;  but  his  free 
acquiescence  in  the  act  of  another  who  may  have  called  them  together,  or 
in  a  spontaneous  convention,  is  equivalent  to  his  personal  summons.  The 
great  Council  of  Nice  was  convened  by  Constantine ;  yet  according  to  the 
sixth  general  Council,  Sylvester  concurred  in  the  convocation  ;*  the  Em- 
peror Theodosius,  in  like  manner,  at  the  request  of  Damasus,  assembled 
the  Oriental  bishops  at  Constantinople. f  Marcian,  at  the  solicitation  of 
Leo,  summoned  the  Council  of  Chalcedon.  The  obvious  reason  of  the 
interference  of  the  Emperors  was  because,  according  to  the  .laws,  no  pub- 
lic assembly  could  then  be  held  without  the  imperial  mandate,  which  was 
accompanied  with  the  privilege  of  the  free  use  of  the  public  vehicles. 
Since  the  Christian  religion  has  extended  far  beyond  the  limits  of  the  em- 
pire, and  the  bishops  live  under  various  governments,  there  is  no  civil 
ruler  whose  mandate  could  ensure  universal  attendance ;  but  the  voice  of 
the  Chief  Pastor  reaches  to  the  most  distant  regions,  and  is  respectfully 
heard  by  all  his  colleagues. 

The  right  of  the  Pontiff  to  preside  in  the  assembly  of  his  brethren, 
which  results  from  the  eminence  of  his  station,  is  universally  admitted. 
In  the  Eastern  Councils  it  was  always  exercised  by  legates,  who,  to  what- 
ever rank  they  belonged,  even  if  only  deacons,  obtained  precedency  of 
the  highest  prelates,  as  representatives  of  the  Chief  Bishop.  In  the  Ni- 
cene  Council,  Vitus  and  Vincentius,  priests  of  the  Roman  Church,  legates 
of  Sylvester,J  took  precedency  of  the  Patriarchs  of  Alexandria  and  An- 
tioch;  and  Osius,  Bishop  of  Corduba,  an  obscure  diocese  in  Spain,  was 
honored  in  like  manner,  doubtless  in  his  representative  capacity,  which, 
although  not  declared  in  the  acts  now  extant,  is  attested  by  Gelasius  of 
Cyzicum,  a  Greek  writer  of  the  fifth  century,  and  is  fairly  inferred  from 
the  fact,  for  which  no  other  plausible  reason  can  be  assigned.  § 

At  Ephesus,  Cyril  of  Alexandria  presided,  by  special  delegation  of 
Celestine,||  whose  legates,  sent  directly  from  his  side,  came  with  instruc- 
tions not  to  mingle  in  the  discussions,  but  to  pronounce  judgment.  At 
Chalcedon,  Paschasinus  and  Lucentius,  most  reverend  bishops,  and  Boni- 
face, a  most  religious  priest,  presided,  "  holding  the  place  of  the  most 
holy  and  most  beloved  of  God,  Leo,  Archbishop  of  ancient  $tbme."f 
In  the  synodical  letter  of  the  fathers  to  Leo,  they  say,  that  he  presided 


*  Act.  xviii.  f  Theod.,  1.  v.  Hist.,  c.  viii. 

J  Theod.,  1.  i.  c.  viii.  g  See  Fleury,  1.  xi.  sect,  v.,  Hist.  Eccl. 

||  Letter  of  Celestine  to  Cyril,  c.  xiii.,  Act.  cone.  Eph.,  col.  3123,  Hard.,  t.  i. 

f  T.  ii.,  Hard.,  p.  ii.,  p.  64. 


228  PAPAL   PREROGATIVES. 

over  them  by  his  legates,  "  as  the  head  over  the  members."  The  fathers 
of  the  fifth  Council  earnestly  besought  Vigilius  to  preside  over  them*  at 
their  deliberations  "  on  the  three  chapters,"  and  having  failed  to  induce 
him  to  be  present,  they  read  his  letter,  permitting  the  examination,  as 
their  authority  for  proceeding  in  his  absence.  Two  priests  and  a  deacon 
are  mentioned  in  the  sixth  Council,  at  the  head  of  all  the  bishops,  as 
"  holding  the  place  of  the  most  blessed  and  holy  Archbishop  of  ancient 
Rome."  The  like  is  observable  in  the  acts  of  the  seventh  and  eighth 
Councils,  in  which  the  legates  qualified  their  assent,  by  reserving  to  the 
Pontiff  final  judgment  on  the  decrees. 

It  was  customary  also  to  seek  from  the  Roman  Bishop  the  solemn  con- 
firmation of  the  decrees  of  the  Council.  As  the  Nicene  acts  are  imper- 
fect, and  the  first  Council  of  Constantinople  was  not  ecumenical  in  its 
original  character,  and  the  doctrinal  letter  of  Celestine  which  preceded 
the  Council  of  Ephesus  was  its  guide  in  the  proceedings,  I  shall  at  once 
refer  to  the  synodical  letter  of  the  fathers  of  Chalcedon,  in  which  they 
beseech  the  Pope  to  confirm  their  decree  in  favor  of  the  Bishop  of  Con- 
stantinople :  "  We  pray  you  to  honor  our  judgment  by  your  decrees ; 
and  as  we  have  added  the  harmony  of  our  assent  to  our  head  in  what  is 
good,  so  may  your  Holiness  vouchsafe  to  supply  what  is  wanting  in  your 
children."  The  Pope,  neverthless,  felt  it  to  be  his  duty  to  annul  this 
decree,  as  contrary  to  the  ancient  usages  and  rights  of  the  patriarchs  re- 
cognised at  Nice.  It  is  needless  to  exhibit  in  detail  the  proofs  of  the 
exercise  of  those  prerogatives  in  the  Western  Councils,  in  several  of 
which  the  Pope  presided  in  person,  and  subsequently  ratified  their  decrees 
by  his  solemn  confirmation.  The  fathers  of  Trent  acted  in  conformity 
with  the  examples  of  antiquity,  when  they  gave  to  the  pontifical  legates 
the  presidency  of  their  assembly,  and  at  the  close  of  their  proceedings 
sought  from  the  Pope  the  confirmation  of  their  acts,  whereby  they  might 
be  recommended  to  the  veneration  and  observance  of  all  the  churches. 
So  far  back  as  the  fourth  century  it  was  an  established  usage,  having  the 
force  of  law,  that  no  canonical  enactment  could  be  made  without  the 
sanction  of  the  Roman  Bishop."]" 

I  deem  it  unnecessary  to  pursue  the  inquiry  into  papal  prerogatives  in 
further  detail,  or  to  speculate  on  possible  contingencies.  In  the  convul- 
sions of  the  Church  at  the  period  of  the  Council  of  Constance,  when 
three  pretenders  claimed  the  keys,  the  assembled  fathers  deemed  that 
they  could  do  all  things  which  might  be  necessary  to  restore  unity  and 
order.  Nearly  three  centuries  have  elapsed  since  the  last  General  Coun- 
cil, during  which  time  the  Church  has  been  governed  with  wisdom  and 
moderation  by  a  series  of  holy  and  enlightened  Pontiffs.  The  heresy  of 


*  Collat.  i.  p.  62,  col.  Hard.,  t.  iii. 

f  Sozomen,  Hist.,  1.  iii.  c.  via.  x.     Socrates,  Hist,  ii.,  ch.  xvii. 


PAPAL   PREROGATIVES.  229 

Jansenius,  and  numberless  kindred  errors,  have  been  condemned :  the 
purity  of  Christian  morals  has  been  vindicated  against  relaxed  casuists, 
and  the  sweetness  of  the  yoke  of  Christ  has  been  maintained,  despite  of 
the  repulsive  austerity  of  innovators :  discipline  has  been  enforced,  or 
mitigated,  as  circumstances  rendered  expedient :  and  all  things  appertain- 
ing to  the  government  of  the  Universal  Church  have  been  regulated  by 
the  foresight,  discretion,  and  zeal  of  the  Roman  Bishop.  He  has  had  the 
services  and  aid  of  enlightened  counsellors,  composing  the  various  standing 
committees  or  congregations  of  cardinals,  to  whose  examination  he  commits 
the  different  matters  on  which  he  is  to  pronounce  judgment;  he  has  also 
been  seconded  and  sustained  by  his  colleagues  throughout  the  world :  but 
the  Providence  of  God,  as  if  to  cut  short  the  disputes  of  the  schools,  has 
suffered  this  long  period  to  elapse  without  a  General  Council,  as  was  also 
the  case  in  the  first  three  centuries  of  the  Church.  The  great  Leibnitz 
strongly  states  the  necessity  of  a  permanent  authority  in  the  Church, 
such  as  is  exercised  by  the  Bishop  of  Rome :  "  As  from  the  impossibility 
of  the  bishops  frequently  leaving  the  people  over  whom  they  are  placed, 
it  is  not  possible  to  hold  a  council  continuously,  or  even  frequently,  while 
at  the  same  time  the  person  of  the  Church  must  always  live  and  subsist, 
in  order  that  its  will  may  be  ascertained,  it  was  a  necessary  consequence, 
by  the  divine  law  itself,  insinuated  in  Christ's  most  memorable  words  to 
Peter,  (when  He  committed  to  him  specially  the  keys  of  the  kingdom  of 
heaven,  as  well  as  when  He  thrice  emphatically  commanded  him  to  feed 
His  sheep,)  and  uniformly  believed  in  the  Church,  that  one  among  the 
apostles,  and  the  successor  of  this  one  among  the  bishops,  was  invested 
with  pre-eminent  power ;  in  order  that  by  him,  as  the  visible  centre  of 
unity,  the  body  of  the  Church  might  be  bound  together ;  the  common 
necessities  be  provided  for:  a  council,  if  necessary,  be  convoked,  and 
when  convoked,  directed ;  and  that  in  the  interval  between  councils,  pro- 
vision might  be  made  lest  the  commonwealth  of  the  faithful  sustain  any 
injury.  And  as  the  ancients  unanimously  attest  that  the  apostle  Peter 
governed  the  Church,  suffered  martyrdom,  and  appointed  his  successor  in 
the  city  of  Rome,  the  capital  of  the  world ;  and  as  no  other  bishop  has 
ever  been  recognised  under  this  relation,  we  justly  acknowledge  the 
Bishops  of  Rome  to  be  chief  of  all  the  rest."*  It  seems  to  me  super- 
fluous to  discuss  what  power  a  Council  may  exercise  in  certain  extra- 
ordinary circumstances,  since  the  actual  government  of  the  Church  is 
plainly  in  the  hands  of  the  Pontiff.  If  the  object  be  to  point  out  the 
limits  of  pontifical  power,  and  the  remedy  for  its  abuse,  I  must  avow  that 
there  is  but  a  faint  ground  of  hope  in  an  assembly,  the  holding  of  which 
is  generally  of  extreme  difficulty,  if  not  utterly  impracticable.  Our  true 
security  lies  in  the  nature  of  the  pontifical  authority,  which,  being  derived 

*  "  Systoma  Theologicum,"  translated  by  Dr.  Russell. 


230  PAPAL   PREROGATIVES. 

from  Christ,  is  essentially  just  and  paternal.  Our  hope  is  in  the  ever- 
watchful  Providence  which  guards  the  Church,  that  the  passions  of  men 
may  not  defeat  the  divine  counsels.  If  in  calamitous  circumstances  an 
extraordinary  remedy  be  necessary,  the  same  Providence  will  apply  it : 
but  the  discussion  of  the  powers  of  an  assembly  convened  at  such  a  crisis, 
is,  in  my  opinion,  safely  left  to  its  members. 

It  is  not  within  my  scope  to  explain  in  detail  the  power  which  the  Pope 
exercises,  in  pronouncing  judgment  on  the  sanctity  of  deceased  servants 
of  God,  or  in  granting  indulgences,  or  in  many  like  ways,  as  it  has  not 
been  my  intention  to  write  a  treatise  with  the  precision  of  a  canonist  or 
scholastic  divine.  My  object  has  been  to  give  a  just  idea  of  the  main 
exercise  of  pontifical  authority. 

It  is  unnecessary  to  define  the  extent  of  papal  prerogative,  in  order  to 
determine  the  necessity  of  admitting  the  primacy.  If  Christ  has  es- 
tablished a  general  governor  of  the  Church  in  the  person  of  Peter,  his 
authority  must  be  acknowledged  such,  as  it  is  exercised  and  admitted  by 
the  Church  herself.  Divine  Providence  will  not  suffer  its  practical 
exhibition  at  any  period  to  differ  essentially  from  its  original  institution, 
so  that  if  it  be  exercised  with  more  or  less  amplitude  in  different  ages, 
this  must  be  ascribed  to  the  change  of  circumstances,  rather  than  to  any 
substantial  alteration  in  its  character.  The  overthrow  of  the  patriarchal 
thrones  by  the  Mussulman  rendered  the  intervention  of  the  Bishop  of 
Rome  in  the  affairs  of  the  East  more  direct  and  frequent  than  while  they 
subsisted.  The  encroachments  of  the  civil  power  in  various  countries 
made  the  Pontiffs  more  jealous  of  their  prerogatives,  and  the  abuses  of 
privileges  once  enjoyed  by  the  clergy  and  people,  in  the  election  of  the 
prelates,  caused  their  withdrawal.  God  has  always  come  to  the  aid  of 
the  Popes  in  their  struggles  for  truth,  and  the  liberty  of  the  Church,  and 
made  their  worst  enemies  instruments  for  the  manifestation  of  the  au- 
thority divinely  entrusted  to  them.  By  loosening  the  ties  which  con- 
nected the  Church  with  the  State,  under  the  ancient  dynasty,  her  freedom 
in  France  has  been  greatly  advanced,  and  sound  views  with  regard  to  the 
papal  power  have  been  effectually  diffused.  Even  the  overthrow  of  the 
ancient  French  hierarchy,  so  venerable  and  illustrious,  the  closing  of  the 
celebrated  universities,  and  other  calamitous  events  of  the  revolution, 
which  threatened  the  extinction  of  Christianity,  resulted  in  an  exercise  of 
pontifical  authority,  which,  by  a  single  act,  decided  a  thousand  vain  dis- 
putes, and  created  a  new  order  of  things,  in  which  the  Chief  Bishop  and 
the  French  prelates  are  united  by  more  intimate  ties.  Setting  aside  all 
minor  considerations,  the  reader  should  fix  his  whole  attention  on  the 
main  controversy,  since,  as  Mr.  Palmer  remarks :  "  The  doctrine  of  the 
primacy  of  the  Bishop  of  Rome  over  the  Universal  Church,  is  the  point 
on  which  all  other  controversies  between  the  Roman  and  other  churches 
turn :  for  if  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  instituted  any  official  supremacy  of 


PAPAL   PREROGATIVES.  281 

one  bishop  in  the  Catholic  Church  to  endure  always :  and  if  this  supre- 
macy be  inherited  by  the  Bishop  of  Rome,  it  will  readily  follow  that  the 
Catholic  Church  is  limited  to  those  of  the  Roman  obedience,  so  that  the 
Councils,  doctrines,  and  traditions  of  those  churches  are  invested  with  the 
authority  of  the  whole  Christian  world/'* 


*  A  Treatise  on  the  Church  of  Christ,  by  Kev.  William  Palmer,  M.  A.,  part  vii.  vol.  ii. 
p.  451.    Americ.  edit. 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

0f        is0S  0f 


IT  is  important  to  establish,  beyond  all  contradiction,  the  fact  that  the 
present  Bishop  of  Rome,  by  uninterrupted  succession,  holds  the  place  of 
Peter.  "We  are  aided  in  this  undertaking  by  the  labors  of  the  venerable 
ancients,  several  of  whom  gave  lists  of  the  Roman  Bishops  from  the 
apostle  down  to  their  own  time.  St.  Irenaeus  enumerated  them  as  far  as 
Eleutherius,  who  was  still  living  when  he  wrote.*  The  historian  Euse- 
bius,  availing  himself  of  authentic  documents,  continued  the  series  far 
on  in  the  fourth  century.f  St.  Optatus  closed  his  list  with  the  name  of 
Siricius,  who,  in  his  day,  occupied  the  apostolic  chair.J  St.  Augustin 
gave  a  similar  catalogue,  and  challenged  the  Donatists  to  examine  closely 
the  order  of  succession  :  "  Come  to  us,  brethren,  if  you  wish  to  be  en- 
grafted on  the  vine.  We  are  afflicted  in  beholding  you  lying  cut  off 
from  it.  Count  over  the  bishops  from  the  very  See  of  Peter,  and  mark 
in  that  list  of  fathers  how  one  succeeded  the  other.  THIS  is  THE  ROCK 

AGAINST  WHICH  THE  PROUD  GATES  OF  HELL  DO  NOT  PREVAIL."§ 

The  schism  of  Novatian,  who,  after  the  death  of  Pope  Fabian,  in  the 
year  253,  set  himself  up  in  opposition  to  Cornelius,  his  lawful  successor, 
served  to  mark  more  clearly  the  series  of  Pontiffs,  and  the  authority 
with  which  they  presided  in  the  Church.  In  vain  did  the  usurper,  send- 
ing his  partisans  to  Africa,  and  to  the  churches  generally,  "  seek  to  draw 
into  schism  the  members  of  Christ,  and  to  divide  and  rend  asunder  the 
one  body  of  the  Catholic  Church."  They  were  told  by  St.  Cyprian  and 
his  colleagues,  that  (l  it  was  impious  to  forsake  their  mother,"  and  that 
"if  they  professed  themselves  followers  of  the  Gospel,  and  of  Christ, 
they  should  return  to  the  Church.  "||  The  letter  of  Cornelius,  announcing 
his  ordination,  according  to  ancient  custom,  was  publicly  read  in  the 
Church  of  Carthage,  and  letters  were  despatched  by  Cyprian,  as  primate 
of  Africa,  to  the  bishops  of  his  province,  in  which  they  were  admonished 
to  write  in  reply,  and  send  ambassadors  to  the  Pontiff,  as  Cyprian  himself 


*  L.  iii.,  adv.  haer.  f  Hist  Eccl.,  1.  iii.  c.  iv 

£  De  Schism,  Donat,  1.  ii.  g  Ps.  contra  partem  Donat. 

||  Cyprianus  Cornelio,  ep.  L,  inter  Rom.  Pont.,  ep.  i.,  Coustant,  t.  i.  col.  126. 
232 


UNBROKEN   SUCCESSION   OF   THE   BISHOPS   OF  ROME.        233 

had  done.*  The  adherents  of  Novatian  are  represented  by  the  African 
primate  as  "  refusing  the  bosom  and  embrace  of  her,  who  is  root  and  ma- 
trix" by  which  terms  he  designates,  not  only  in  this  passage,  but  fre- 
quently elsewhere,  the  local  Church  of  Rome,  from  which,  as  from  a  root, 
the  African  churches  had  grown,  and  in  which,  as  in  the  maternal  womb, 
they  had  been  conceived :  figurative  expressions  which  he  applies  to  it 
also  in  reference  to  the  whole  Catholic  Church.  The  creation  of  a  rival 
bishop,  in  the  person  of  Novatian,  is  declared  to  be  "  contrary  to  the  mys- 
tery originally  delivered  of  the  divine  organization  of  the  Church,^  and 
of  Catholic  unity."J  Although  this  might  be  said,  in  a  qualified  sense, 
of  any  schismatical  ordination,  it  manifestly  implies,  in  the  mind  of 
Cyprian,  a  special  divine  ordinance  in  regard  to  the  Bishop  of  Rome,  as 
centre  of  Catholic  unity. 

The  letter  which  the  zeal  of  St.  Cyprian  led  him  to  address  to  the  schis- 
matics, exhorting  them  "  to  return  to  their  mother,  that  is,  the  Catholic 
Church/'  resulted  in  the  conversion  of  several  of  them,  who,  in  the  most 
explicit  terms,  solemnly  recognised  the  lawful  Pontiff.  "We  know," 
said  they,  on  occasion  of  their  public  reconciliation,  "  that  Cornelius  was 
chosen  by  God  Almighty  and  Christ  our  Lord,  Bishop  of  the  most  holy 
Catholic  Church.  We  are  not  ignorant  that  there  is  one  God,  one  Christ 
the  Lord,  whom  we  have  confessed, §  one  Holy  Spirit,  and  that  there 
should  be  one  bishop  in  the  Catholic  Church. "||  The  obvious  force  of 
this  language  is  such  as  to  present  to  us  Cornelius  as  Bishop  of  the  whole 
Church,  since  a  local  bishop  could  not  be  styled,  without  qualification, 
Bishop  of  the  Catholic  Church.  St.  Cyprian  urges  strongly  the  titles  of 
the  lawful  Pontiff  to  veneration,  and  regards  his  opponents  as  cut  off 
from  the  communion  of  the  Church.  "  Cornelius,"  he  remarks,  "  was 
made  bishop  in  accordance  with  the  judgment  of  God,  and  of  His  Christ, 
with  the  testimony  of  almost  all  the  clergy ;  and  he  was  selected  from  the 
college  of  aged  priests  and  good  men,  at  a  time  when  no  one 'had  been 
appointed  before  him ;  and  when  the  place  of  Fabian,  that  is,  THE  PLACE 
OP  PETER,  and  the  dignity  of  the  priestly  chair,  was  vacant,  which  place 
being  occupied  by  him  according  to  the  will  of  God ;  and  he  being  sup- 
ported therein  by  the  consent  of  us  all,  whosoever  now  seeks  to  become 
bishop,  must  necessarily  be  WITHOUT,  nor  can  he  who  does  not  hold  the 
unity  of  the  Church  have  ecclesiastical  ordination.  Whosoever  he  be, 
though  he  vaunt  himself,  and  put  forward  great  claims,  he  is  a  profane 
man,  a  stranger,  he  is  WITHOUT.  And  since  after  the  first  there  can  be 
no  second,  whosoever  was  made  bishop  after  the  one  who  alone  should  be 


*  Apud  Constant,  ep.  ii.  t.  i.  col.  128. 

•j-  "Divinse  dispositionis." 

j  Ibidem,  ep.  iii.  col.  131. 

$  They  bad  confessed  Christ  as  Lord  before  the  heathen  tribunals. 

||  Quoted  in  letter  of  Cornelius  to  Cyprian. 


234         UNBROKEN   SUCCESSION   OF   THE  BISHOPS   OF   ROME. 

such,  is  not  the  second  :  he  is  no  bishop."*  This  may  imply  a  denial  of 
the  validity  of  the  ordination,  conformably  to  the  opinion  of  Cyprian,  in 
regard  to  sacraments  administered  out  of  unity :  but  what  now  concerns 
us,  is,  that  Cornelius  was  believed  to  hold  the  place  of  Peter,  and  that 
his  opponent  was  regarded  as  an  alien  from  the  Church.  Thus,  in  the 
Providence  of  God,  this  schism  served  to  make  more  manifest  the  rela- 
tion of  the  Bishop  of  Rome  to  the  bishops  of  the  Church  throughout  the 
world,  and  to  render  more  evident  his  succession  to  the  place  of  Peter. 

The  intrusion  of  Felix,  in  the  middle  of  the  fourth  century,  into  the 
Apostolic  See,  during  a  year  and  three  months,  by  the  power  of  the  Arian 
Emperor  Constantius,  who  caused  Liberius,  the  lawful  Pope,  to  be  dragged 
into  exile,  made  no  breach  in  the  series,  since  the  forced  suspension  of 
the  pontifical  administration  did  not  take  away  the  authority. j"  Vigilius, 
in  like  manner,  in  the  sixth  century,  through  the  influence  of  the  Em- 
press Theodora,  for  two  years  usurped  the  place  of  Sylverius,  after  whose 
death  he  was  recognised  by  the  Church  at  large,  having  atoned  for  his 
unlawful  occupancy  of  the  chair  by  the  integrity  with  which  he  fulfilled 
its  duties.  No  doubt  as  to  the  succession  can  be  raised  in  consequence 
of  the  schismatic  rivalry  of  the  deacon  Ursicinus,  who,  with  armed  satel- 
lites, opposed  Damasus  ;  of  the  archdeacon  Eulalius,  who  set  himself  up 
against  Boniface ;  of  Caelius  Laurentius,  who  disputed  the  election  of 
Symmachus ;  of  the  priests  Theodore  and  Peter,  who  resisted  the  lawful 
claims  of  Conon ;  of  Theophylactus,  a  layman,  who  by  violence  held  pos- 
session of  the  See  for  thirteen  months,  to  the  prejudice  of  Paul;  or  of 
Zinzinus,  the  adversary  of  Eugenius.  In  all  these  cases,  the  lawful  Pope 
prevailed  over,  his  opponents,  after  a  short  struggle,  and  his  rights  were 
acknowledged  by  the  universal  Church.  It  is  not  to  be  wondered  that  a 
station  so  exalted  should  attract  the  ambitious,  whose  elevation  was  justly 
resisted  by  the  friends  of  religion.  Hence  it  should  be  no  matter  of  sur- 
prise, that  thirty  instances  of  schism,  on  occasion  of  papal  elections,  are 
enumerated  by  Church  historians :  but  thanks  are  due  to  the  Providence 
which  always  guards  the  Church,  that,  in  most  instances,  they  were  of 
short  duration,  and  that  eventually  no  doubt  remained  as  to  the  legitimate 
successor  of  Peter.  The  fidelity  with  which  they  have  been  recorded, 
strengthens  the  evidence  that  the  succession  was  maintained. 

The  relations  subsisting  between  the  Popes  and  the  emperors  of  the 
"West,  afforded  a  pretext  for  imperial  interference,  which  often  resulted  in 
schisms  of  a  more  or  less  disastrous  character;  while  the  national 
jealousy  of  the  Romans,  and  the  want  of  any  permanent  form  of  civil 
government  at  home,  led  sometimes  to  results  equally  to  be  deplored.  In 
the  middle  of  the  ninth  century,  the  Emperor  Louis  II.  lent  his  authority 
to  the  priest  Anastasius,  in  his  aggressions  on  Benedict  III.,  who,  how- 

*  Ad  Antonian.  f  Some  think  that  Felix  acted  as  Vicar  of  Liberius. 


UNBROKEN   SUCCESSION   OF   THE   BISHOPS   OF  ROME.        235 

ever,  soon  recovered  his  power.  The  close  of  the  same  century  was  dis- 
graced by  the  struggles  of  Sergius,  the  deacon,  against  Pope  Formosus, 
and  of  the  anti-pope,  styled  Boniface  VI.,  against  Stephen  VII.  The 
opening  of  the  tenth  century  witnessed  the  forced  abdication  of  Leo  V.  to 
give  place  to  Christopher,  who  in  his  turn  was  ejected  by  Sergius.  The 
Emperor  Otho  I.,  intruded  the  anti-pope  Leo  VIII.  to  the  prejudice  of 
the  rights  of  John  XII.  and  of  Benedict  V.,  who,  on  the  death  of  John, 
was  chosen  by  the  clergy  and  people  of  Home.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
imperial  authority  supported  Gregory  V.,  a  lawful  occupant  of  the  See, 
whose  right  was  disputed  by  John  of  Piacenza,  aided  by  the  Roman  pre- 
fect Crescentius.  St.  Henry,  the  emperor,  lent  his  aid  to  expel  Gregory, 
whom  the  Romans  intruded  into  the  place  of  Benedict  VIII.  Three  pre- 
tenders to  the  power  of  the  keys  appeared  before  the  middle  of  the 
eleventh  century;  the  right  of  Benedict  IX.,  who  was  intruded  into  the 
chair  by  his  father,  the  Count  of  Tusculum,*  being  contested  by  Sylves- 
ter III.  and  John  XX.  A  compromise  of  their  claims,  brought  about  by 
Gregory  VI.,  terminated  this  unhappy  struggle,  and  the  abdication  of 
Gregory  himself,  whose  pecuniary  sacrifices  to  satisfy  the  contending  par- 
ties, left  his  own  election  open  to  the  charge  of  simony,  led  to  a  perma- 
nent peace.  A  series  of  holy  Pontiffs,  of  German  origin,  elevated  to  the 
See  of  Peter  through  the  influence  or  with  the  assent  of  the  emperor, 
healed  the  wounds  which  disorderly  intruders  had  inflicted  on  the 
Church ;  but  after  the  middle  of  the  eleventh  century,  Mincius,  Count 
of  Tusculum,  rose  against  Nicholas  II.,  the  lawful  Pontiff;  and  again, 
Cadolaus  Pallavicini  disputed  the  right  of  Alexander  II.  St.  Gregory 
VII.  had  the  affliction  to  witness  the  creation  of  an  anti-pope  without  living 
to  see  his  downfall ;  yet  the  Church  at  large  easily  distinguished  the  series 
of  lawful  Pontiffs  from  the  usurper,  who,  during  twenty-one  years,  took  the 
title  of  Bishop  of  Rome.  Aginulph,  styling  himself  Sylvester  III.,  pressed 
on  the  footsteps  of  the  anti-pope  Clement  III.,  and  Gregory  VIII.  (as  Mau- 
rice Burdin  styled  himself)  followed,  supported  by  the  Emperor  Henry  V. 
The  submission  of  Victor  IV.,  the  successor  of  the  anti-pope  Anacletus  II., 
terminated  a  schism  which  had  lasted  eight  years,  during  the  pontificate  of 
Innocent  II.  In  a  similar  way,  a  schism  which  broke  out  under  Alexan- 
der III.  was  happily  extinguished  by  the  submission  of  Calixtus  III.,  the 
successor  of  two  anti-popes.  Peter  de  Corbario,  whom  the  Emperor  Louis 
of  Bavaria  intruded  into  the  Apostolic  See,  sought  and  obtained  pardon 
of  his  usurpation  from  the  lawful  Pontiff,  John  XXII.  In  the  last  two 
schisms  which  afflicted  the  Church,  the  submission  of  each  pretender  put 
an  end  to  all  doubt :  Clement  VIII.  having  implored  pardon  of  Martin  V., 
and  Felix  V.  having  yielded  to  Eugenius  IV.  During  four  hundred 
years,  the  Church  has  been  free  from  this  awful  calamity.  In  all  the  in- 

*  Frascati. 


236        UNBROKEN   SUCCESSION   OF   THE   BISHOPS  OF  ROME. 

stances,  which  I  have  rapidly  reviewed,  the  succession  was  manifestly 
uninterrupted,  because  the  schisms  generally  were  of  very  short  duration, 
and  the  pretensions  of  the  usurpers  were,  for  the  most  part,  destitute  of 
plausibility,  resting  chiefly  on  imperial  power,  or  factious  violence,  while 
the  true  Popes  were  easily  discernible  by  the  regularity  of  their  election, 
and  their  unswerving  devotedness  to  the  great  interests  of  religion.  In 
cases  of  doubt,  the  final  submission  of  tHe  claimants  to  the  authority  of 
the  Pontiff,  recognised  by  the  Church  at  large,  or  the  extinction  of  the 
schism  by  the  demise  of  the  pretender,  made  manifest,  beyond  all  contra- 
diction, the  true  successor  of  Peter. 

The  only  case  of  apparent  difficulty  is  the  schism  which  began  under 
Urban  VI.,  towards  the  close  of  the  fourteenth  century,  and  continued 
about  thirty-seven  years.  After  the  death  of  Gregory  XL,  at  Rome, 
to  which  he  had  returned  from  Avignon,  fear  being  entertained  that 
the  cardinals,  who  were  chiefly  natives  of  France,  would  elect  a  French- 
man, who  might  establish  his  residence  at  Avignon,  where  a  series 
of  French  Popes  had  resided,  the  Romans  surrounded  the  conclave, 
and  with  threats  insisted  that  a  Roman,  or  at  least  an  Italian,  should 
be  chosen  Pope.  Under  the  apprehension  of  actual  violence,  the  car- 
dinals hastened  to  bring  their  proceedings  to  a  close,  by  electing  the 
Archbishop  of  Bari,  who  assumed  the  name  of  Urban  VI.  Whatever 
objection  existed  to  the  election,  as  not  having  been  made  freely,  seemed 
to  be  removed  by  the  subsequent  acquiescence  of  the  cardinals,  who, 
during  four  months,  continued  to  acknowledge  him,  in  public  documents 
addressed  to  the  bishops  throughout  the  world.  However,  at  the  expira- 
tion of  that  time,  several  of  them  fled  from  Rome,  and  under  the  pretext 
that  the  former  election  was  null,  chose  Robert,  Count  of  Geneva, 
who  assumed  the  name  of  Clement  VIL,  and  abode  at  Avignon.  The 
opinions  of  men  being  divided,  the  nations  supported  one  or  other  of  the 
claimants;  France,  Castile,  and  other  countries  adhering  to  Clement,  as 
the  free  choice  of  the  electors;  while  Germany  and  England  acknow- 
ledged Urban,  on  account  of  the  priority  of  his  election,  and  its  free  rati- 
fication by  the  electors  during  a  considerable  time.  It  soon  became 
difficult  for  the  most  conscientious  and  enlightened  men  to  pronounce 
with  certainty  which  of  the  two  claimants  was  entitled  to  occupy  the 
apostolic  chair.  The  demise  of  both  did  not  terminate  the  contest :  since 
a  usurper,  Benedict  XIII. ,  as  Peter  de  Luna,  the  successor  of  Clement,  was 
styled,  sat  at  Avignon  above  twenty  years,  while  Boniface  IX.,  Innocent 
VIL,  and  Gregory  XII.,  continued  the  Roman  series.  To  relieve  the 
Church  from  the  scandal  of  these  conflicting  pretensions,  some  cardinals 
of  each  obedience,  or  party,  resolved  on  summoning  a  Council  at  Pisa,  and 
requiring  the  two  pretenders  to  submit  their  claims  to  the  judgment  of 
the  assembled  fathers ;  but  neither  would  recognise  the  authority  of  this 
tribunal.  The  assembly,  nothing  daunted  by  this  denial  of  its  compe- 


UNBROKEN   SUCCESSION   OF  THE    BISHOPS   OF   ROME.         237 

tcney,  proceeded  to  depose  both  as  guilty  of  contumacy,  schism,  and 
heresy,  and  elected  Peter  Filargo  to  the  vacant  chair,  under  the  title  of 
Alexander  Y.  St.  Antonine,  and  many  others,  deeming  the  proceedings 
utterly  void,  refused  to  recognise  the  new  claimant,  whose  election  served 
only  to  aggravate  the  evil.  His  death,  after  ten  months,  gave  occasion  to 
the  election  of  Balthassar  Cossa,  under  the  name  of  John  XXII. ;  who, 
in  order  to  extinguish  this  dire  schism,  summoned  a  General  Council  to 
be  held  at  Constance.  In  this  assembly,  he  himself,  being  deposed,  by 
his  acquiescence  in  the  sentence  put  an  end  to  all  question  as  to  the  com- 
petency of  his  judges.  Gregory  XII.  refused  to  recognise  the  legitimacy 
of  the  Council,  regarding  it  as  convened  by  a  usurper  of  the  Apostolic 
See,  but  he  consented  to  abdicate,  on  the  observance  of  some  for- 
malities which  served  to  save  his  pretensions.  Neither  threats  nor 
persuasion  could  influence  Peter  de  Luna,  whom  the  Council  at  length 
deposed.  The  general  acquiescence  of  all  Christian  nations  in  the 
election  of  Martin  V.,  which  ensued,  left  no  room  to  question  the  legiti- 
macy of  the  proceedings,  although  the  deposed  pretender  continued  to 
assert  his  claims,  which,  at  his  death,  he  charged  the  few  cardinals  who 
still  adhered  to  him,  to  perpetuate.  His  successor,  after  four  years,  re- 
nounced his  empty  title,  to  enjoy  the  communion  of  the  Pontiff,  whom 
the  whole  Church  recognised. 

This  long  schism,  however,  involves  the  succession  of  the  Bishops  of 
Rome  in  no  doubt.  It  may  be  questioned  whether  those  who  sat  at 
Rome,  or  those  who  sat  at  Avignon  were  the  true  successors  of  Peter  j 
although  the  judgment  of  the  learned  generally  seems  to  have  decided  in 
favor  of  the  former :  but  there  is  no  ground  for  questioning  the  fact  of 
the  succession.  One  or  the  other  series  was  certainly  legitimate,  and 
both  having  terminated,  in  the  Council  of  Constance,  in  the  election  of 
Martin  V.,  he  was  the  undoubted  heir  of  the  apostolic  authority,  through 
whichsoever  channel  it  flowed.* 

The  long  absence  of  the  Popes  from  Rome,  during  their  stay  at  Avig- 
non, which,  like  the  captivity  of  Babylon,  as  the  Romans  sarcastically 
designate  it,  extended  to  about  seventy  years,  affords  no  reason  for  ques- 
tioning the  succession,  because  the  authority  of  a  bishop  does  not  depend 

#  I  may  be  allowed,  by  way  of  illustration,  to  refer  to  a  collision  of  claims  between 
two  courts  in  one  of  the  United  States,  within  my  own  remembrance.  The  Legislature 
of  Kentucky,  being  dissatisfied  with  the  proceedings  of  the  Court  of  Appeals,  the  Su- 
preme Judiciary,  passed  an  act  for  its  reorganization,  in  order,  by  this  summary  proceed- 
ing, to  avoid  the  tardy  and  uncertain  process  of  impeaching  the  judges.  Accordingly,  a 
new  court  was  organized,  in  conformity  with  this  ?aw,  and  judges  were  appointed,  who 
proceeded  to  take  cognizance  of  suits  brought  before  them.  The  judges  of  the  old  court 
considered  that  the  new  law  was  unconstitutional  j  and,  disregarding  it,  continued  in  the 
exercise  of  their  judicial  power.  For  several  years  these  rival  tribunals  existed,  until,  at 
length,  a  compromise  was  effected:  yet  no  one  will  pretend  that  the  conflicting  claims 
destroyed  the  judiciary  of  the  State,  or  the  special  court  in  question. 


238        UNBROKEN   SUCCESSION   OF   THE  BISHOPS   OF   ROME. 

on  bis  residence  in  his  see.  Those  Pontiffs  who  resided  at  Avignon 
were  truly  Bishops  of  Rome,  having  been  elected  under  this  title  by 
the  college  of  cardinals  to  fill  the  place  of  Peter.  They  governed  that 
See  by  means  of  a  Cardinal  Vicar,  whilst  they  personally  applied  them- 
selves to  the  government  of  the  universal  Church. 

The  long  vacancies  which  have  sometimes  occurred  in  the  Roman  See, 
do  not  interfere  with  the  succession,  since,  in  the  general  opinion  of  man- 
kind, they  were  not  so  protracted  as  to  destroy  the  moral  connection 
between  the  incumbents.  Some  interval  must  necessarily  elapse  between 
the  demise  of  one  Pontiff  and  the  election  of  his  successor.  The  longest 
space  which  has  been  assigned  to  a  papal  interregnum  is  three  years  and 
eight  months,  after  the  death  of  Marcellinus;  which  computation,  how- 
ever, is  generally  denied  by  the  learned.  The  longest  actual  vacancy  was 
during  two  years  and  nine  months,  on  the  demise  of  Clement  IV. 
Either  period  was  not  such  an  interruption  in  the  long  series  of  Pontiffs 
as  to  effect  a  moral  separation  in  its  connecting  links.  In  reality,  the 
interval  was  much  less  than  it  appears,  because  it  was  counted  up  to  the 
day  of  the  consecration  of  the  new  Pope,  which  was  often  long  delayed 
in  order  to  obtain  the  assent  of  the  Eastern  emperor. 

The  simplicity  of  some  writers  once  gave  currency  to  a  ridiculous  fable, 
which  even  the  Calvinist  Blondell,  the  skeptical  Bayle,  and  the  infidel 
Gibbon,  have  shown  to  be  inconsistent  with  well-ascertained  facts  of  his- 
tory. In  some  interpolated  copies  of  Marian  Scotus,  a  writer  of  the 
eleventh  century,  it  was  stated,  that  an  English  female,  in  male  attire, 
pursued  her  studies  at  the  schools  of  Athens,  and  in  process  of  time  suc- 
ceeded in  being  elevated  to  the  papal  chair,  on  the  death  of  Leo  IV. 
After  two  years  five  months  and  four  days  of  pontifical  admiDistration, 
her  sex  is  said  to  have  been  discovered  by  her  being  delivered  of  a  child, 
in  a  solemn  procession  to  the  church  of  St.  John  of  Lateran.  This  ill- 
concocted  tale,  which  is  in  itself  incredible,  concerning  Pope  Joan,  as  she 
is  styled,  is  totally  irreconcilable  with  the  statements  of  contemporary 
writers,  who  assure  us  that  on  the  death  of  Leo  IV.,  which  took  place  on 
the  17th  July,  855,  Benedict  III.  "immediately"  succeeded,  and  was 
consecrated  on  the  1st  September  of  the  same  year.  Gibbon  acknow- 
ledges that  "  the  contemporary  Anastasius  indissolubly  links  the  death  of 
Leo  and  the  elevation  of  Benedict."  (lllico,  niox.")* 

A  ridiculous  precaution  is  alleged  to  have  been  adopted  against  the  re- 
currence of  the  imposture  :  but  it  is  enough  for  me  to  explain  the  real 
object  of  the  ceremony  to  which  allusion  is  made.  From  the  year  1191, 
down  to  the  time  of  Leo  X.,  on  occasion  of  taking  possession  of  the 
basilic  of  St.  John  of  Lateran,  it  was  usual,  among  other  ceremonies,  to 
place  the  new  Pontiff  in  front  of  the  portico,  on  a  white  marble  chair, 

*  Decline  and  Fall,  ch.  xlix.,  A.D.  800-1060. 


UNBROKEN   SUCCESSION   OF   THE   BISHOPS   OF   ROME.         239 

which,  from  the  verse  chaunted  on  the  occasion,  was  popularly  styled 
stercoraria:  "  Raising  up  the  needy  from  the  earth,  and  lifting  up  the 
poor  out  of  the  dunghill,  that  He  may  place  him  with  princes,  with  the 
princes  of  His  people."  The  object  was  evidently  to  inspire  the  Pontiff 
with  becoming  sentiments  of  humility,  and  to  give  praise  to  God  for 
having  raised  him  to  the  high  dignity  of  prince  and  ruler  in  His 
Church.* 

Although  the  fable  of  Pope  Joan  is  now  utterly  exploded,  some  still 
refer  to  it  for  mere  annoyance ;  not  reflecting  that  what  could  not  take 
place  in  the  Catholic  Church,  unless  by  an  incredible  combination  of 
circumstances  favorable  to  imposture,  is  really  exhibited  in  the  Church 
of  England,  by  a  necessary  consequence  of  the  principles  broached  on  its 
separation  from  the  See  of  Peter.  The  Sovereign,  for  the  time  being, 
was  proclaimed  head  of  the  Church  throughout  his  dominions :  but,  as  if 
to  put  to  shame  the  abettors  of  this  system,  God  permitted,  on  the  death 
of  Henry  VIII ,  the  boy  Edward  to  succeed  him,  who  was  followed  by 
Mary  and  Elizabeth.  The  former  queen  hastened  to  divest  herself  of 
the  title  and  authority  which  the  law  ascribed  to  her  in  ecclesiastical  mat- 
ters ;  whilst  Elizabeth  unblushingly  asserted  her  supremacy,  and  struck 
terror  into  the  bishops  of  her  own  creation. f  When  she  was  informed 
by  her  prime  minister  that  the  professors  at  Lambeth  had  pronounced  a 
theological  censure  on  certain  propositions  concerning  free-will  and  pre- 
destination, she  called  Whitgift,  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  to  her 
presence,  and  with  bitter  irony  intimated  to  him  the  legal  penalties,  to 
which  his  connivance  at  this  encroachment  on  her  royal  prerogative 
subjected  him.  "  Whitgift,"  said  she,  "  I  hear  that  you  are  amassing 
great  wealth  for  my  use."  The  archbishop  replied,  that  his  wealth  was 
not  great,  but  that  all  he  possessed  was  at  her  Majesty's  service.  She 
resumed  :  "You  fancy  that  you  speak  as  a  dutiful  subject;  but  I  main- 
tain that  all  you  have  is  already  mine,  by  the  law  of  the  land,  since  you 
have  incurred prxmunire"  The  prelate,  understanding  the  drift  of  her 
language,  pleaded  that  the  Lambeth  professors  had  not  meant  to  pro- 
nounce a  decision,  but  had  merely  expressed  a  theological  opinion; 
which,  however,  in  order  to  appease  her,  he  promised  to  suppress. J  She 
suspended  Archbishop  Grindall  from  the  exercise  of  episcopal  jurisdic- 
tion, and  threatened  to  make  examples  of  bishops,  in  case  they  neglected 


*  The  whole  ceremony  is  described  in  verse  by  Cardinal  James,  in  his  second  book  on 
the  Coronation  of  Boniface  VIII.,  which  is  found  in  the  Bollandists,  t.  iv.,  Maji,  p.  471. 
See  also  Mabillon,  t.  i.,  Musaei  Italici,  p.  1,  p.  59. 

f  "  Ve  aqui  una  cosa  admirabile.  Al  mismo  tiempo  que  los  Protestantes  se  esforzaban 
a  insultarnos  con  la  disparatada  especie  de  una  Papisa,  elegida  en  Roma,  ellos  erigieron 
otra  Papisa  en  Inglaterra,  constituyendo  cabeza  de  la  Iglesia  Anglicana  a  su  adorada 
Reyna."  Cartas  Eruditas  por  D.  Fr.  Benito  G.  Feyjoo,  t.  v.  c.  iii.  p.  146. 

J  Articulorum  Lambethoe  exhibitorum  historia,  juxta  exemplar  Londini  editum,  A.D. 
1601.  P.  6,  et  seq. 


240         UNBROKEN  SUCCESSION   OF   THE   BISHOPS   OF   ROME. 

to  suppress  certain  religious   exercises.     Such  was  her  jealousy  of  any 
interference  with  her  rights  as  head  of  the  Church ! 

The  unbroken  succession  of  the  Bishops  of  Rome  is  a  fact  the  most 
unquestionable,  established  by  direct  and  collateral  evidence,  and 
manifest  from  the  continued  exercise  of  the  pontifical  authority.  No 
difficulties  that  may  be  raised  in  regard  to  interregnums,  rival  claimants, 
or  intruders,  can  create  a  doubt  as  to  the  public  exercise  of  power  in 
every  age  by  the  Bishop  of  Rome  as  successor  of  Peter.  The  continu- 
ance of  the  succession  is  a  moral  miracle,  which  may  well  be  reckoned 
among  the  most  splendid  evidences  of  Christianity.  "The  Papacy 
itself/'  says  Dr.  Nevin,  "  is  a  wonder  of  wonders.  There  is  nothing  like 
it  in  all  history  besides."*  Dynasties  have  succeeded  one  to  another; 
powerful  empires  and  kingdoms  have  passed  away ;  republics  have  been 
destroyed  by  the  conflicting  elements  within  them ;  yet  the  See  of  Peter 
remains,  and  an  heir  of  his  authority  is  always  found,  whether  taken 
from  low  estate,  or  of  noble  parentage.  The  numberless  internal  causes 
of  dissolution,  and  violence  from  without,  do  not  affect  its  continuance. 
The  city  may  be  trodden  down  by  the  barbarian  conqueror,  and  the 
Pontiff  may  perish;  but  there  is  a  vitality  in  the  See  that  renders  its 
destruction  impossible.  Those  inquirers  who  now  stand  at  the  portals  of 
the  Church,  perplexed  and  embarrassed,  should  say  to  themselves  with 
Augustin :  "  Shall  we  hesitate  to  take  refuge  in  the  bosom  of  that 
Church  which  from  the  Apostolic  See,  through  the  succession  of  bishops, 
even  by  the  acknowledgment  of  mankind  generally,  has  obtained  supreme 
authority,  heretics  raging  around  in  vain,  condemned  as  they  have  been, 
partly  by  the  judgment  of  the  people  themselves,  partly  by  the  authority 
of  Councils,  partly  also  by  the  splendor  of  miracles?  To  reject  her 
authority  is  truly  either  the  height  of  impiety,  or  desperate  presump- 
tion.'^ 

*  Early  Christianity,  M.  R.,  Nov.,  1851.  f  De  util.  cred.,  c.  vii. 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

lap!  (flu 

§  1.— IMPERIAL  INTERPOSITION. 

No  authority  in  sacred  things  was  ever  acknowledged  by  the  Church  to 
reside  in  emperor,  king,  or  other  potentate,  even  when  he  was  a  Christian, 
although  they  were  sometimes  implored  to  sustain,  by  the  civil  arm,  the 
rights  of  lawful  prelates  against  ambitious  and  disorderly  men,  who  en- 
dangered or  violated  public  tranquillity.  In  this  sense,  as  also  in  regard 
to  the  general  support  which  they  owe  to  religion,  the  Council  of  Trent 
declared  that  "  God  wills  Catholic  princes  to  be  the  protectors  of  our  holy 
faith  and  of  the  Church."*  The  Council  of  Aquileja  besought  the  Em- 
perors Gratian,  Valentinian,  and  Theodosius,  to  use  their  authority,  and 
prevent  Ursicinus  from  disturbing  Damasus,  the  legitimate  occupant  of  the 
See  of  Peter.f  Eulalius,  having  ambitiously  set  himself  up  in  opposition 
to  Boniface,  the  lawful  Pope,  the  Emperor  Honorius,  on  the  report  of  Sym- 
machus,  ordered  Boniface  to  be  banished  from  the  city ;  but  on  receiving 
from  the  Roman  clergy  a  correct  statement  of  the  facts,  and  being  in- 
formed of  the  return  of  Eulalius,  contrary  to  his  command,  he  supported 
the  rights  of  Boniface.  To  provide  for  public  tranquillity,  he  decreed 
that,  in  case  of  a  contested  election,  both  candidates  should  be  banished 
from  the  city.|  This  law  is  said  to  have  been  enacted  in  consequence 
of  an  application  made  by  Boniface  himself,  for  some  measure  to  prevent 
tumults. 

Odoacer,  King  of  the  Heruli,  having  in  476  established  himself  King  of 
Italy,  on  the  death  of  Simplicius  in  483,  alleged  an  agreement  made  with 
him  by  the  deceased  Pontiff  that  the  Prefect,  in  the  name  of  the  king, 
should  be  present  at  the  election  of  his  successor ;  but  the  claim  was  re- 
sisted by  the  clergy,  and  the  concession  disregarded  as  a  nullity.  Sym- 
machus,  chosen  Pope  in  498,  forbade  all  laymen,  even  of  royal  dignity,  to 
interfere  in  the  election ;  yet  Theodoric,  King  of  Italy,  in  526,  forced  Felix 
IV.  on  the  Roman  clergy  and  senate,  who  reluctantly  acquiesced,  on  con- 


3.  xxvi.  c.  xx.,  de  Ref.  f  Cone.  Aquil.  ep.,  t.  i.f  cone.  Hard.,  col.  837. 

t  Ibid.,  col.  1237. 

16  241 


242  PAPAL   ELECTION. 

dition  that  the  ancient  freedom  of  election  should  be  thenceforward  in- 
violable. The  royal  assent  or  confirmation  of  the  election  was,  however, 
to  be  sought,  which  was  to  follow  as  a  matter  of  course,  if  the  proceed- 
ings were  regular.  King  Athalaric,  successor  of  Theodoric,  required  the 
payment  of  three  thousand  crowns  of  gold  on  the  occasion. 

On  the  extinction  of  the  Gothic  power  in  Italy  in  553,  the  Emperor 
Justinian  exercised  the  same  prerogative  of  confirming  the  election,  in 
the  person  of  Pelagius  I.,  chosen  in  555.  The  confirmation  was  not 
waited  for  on  the  election  of  Pelagius  II.  in  578,  it  being  impossible  to 
obtain  it,  since  the  city  of  Rome  was  actually  besieged  by  the  Lombards. 
It  was  also  neglected  in  the  case  of  John  IV.,  elected  in  640,  and  of 
Martin  in  649.  The  tax,  which  seemed  to  be  the  chief  object  of  the  im- 
perial court,  was  remitted  by  Constantine  Pogonatus  in  680 ;  who,  in 
684,  completely  restored  the  ancient  freedom  of  election,  so  as  not  to 
require  any  longer  the  imperial  assent.  His  successor,  Justinian  II., 
renewed  the  claim  in  a  mitigated  form,  allowing  the  exarch  of  Ravenna 
to  assent  in  his  name,  and  thus  prevent  delay.  There  is  no  instance  of 
any  election  having  been  set  aside  by  the  emperor,  who  regarded  the  right 
of  confirmation  as  a  mere  measure  of  finance. 

The  Western  emperors  soon  emulated  the  prerogatives  of  those  of 
Constantinople.  Louis  the  Pious,  in  818,  required  the  Pope  to  send 
him  an  embassy  immediately  after  his  consecration.  In  824  he  sent  his 
son  Lothaire  to  Rome,  to  terminate  the  contest  which  had  arisen  on  the 
election  of  Eugenius  II.,  who  was  opposed  by  the  anti-pope  Zinzinus; 
whence  the  young  prince  took  occasion  to  publish  an  imperial  edict, 
requiring  that  the  consecration  of  the  Pope  should  take  place  in  presence 
of  the  imperial  ambassadors,  if  the  emperor  himself  were  not  present. 
This  regulation  is  stated  by  Pagi  to  have  originated  with  Eugenius  him- 
self, and  to  have  been  confirmed  by  John  IX.  in  898,  through  an  anxiety 
to  prevent  tumults  and  irregular  promotions.  The  ambassador  of  Lo- 
thaire came  to  Rome  in  827,  to  examine  the  election  of  Gregory  IV., 
and  in  855  the  report  of  the  election  of  Benedict  III.  was  forwarded  to 
the  imperial  court  for  examination. 

The  canonical  freedom  of  election  was  vindicated  from  time  to  time  by 
decrees  of  the  Pontiffs.  Constantine,  an  anti-pope,  having  obtained  pos- 
session of  the  See,  by  the  aid  of  armed  men,  Stephen  IV.,  in  769,  forbade 
any  layman,  of  any  rank  whatever,  to  interfere  in  papal  elections.* 
Adrian  III.,  in  884,  decreed  that  the  Pontiff  elect  might  be  consecrated 
without  the  presence  of  the  king  or  his  ambassadors. 

It  does  not  appear  that  the  emperors  exercised  or  claimed  any  right 
over  the  election,  beyond  the  mere  examination  of  its  regularity,  until 
the  middle  of  the  tenth  century.  After  Otho  L,  in  962,  had  been 

*  Cone.  Rom.,  act.  ill,  apud  Holstenium,  in  collect.  Rom.,  par.  i.  p.  260. 


PAPAL   ELECTION.  243 

crowned  emperor  by  John  XII.,  he  exacted  an  oath  from  the  clergy  and 
people,  that  no  Pope  should  thenceforward  be  consecrated  without  pre- 
viously making,  in  presence  of  the  imperial  ambassadors,  or  of  the  son  of 
the  emperor,  or  of  the  public,  a  promise  which  is  not  distinctly  specified, 
but  is  described  as  intended  "  for  the  satisfaction  of  all  and  for  their 
future  preservation,"  such  as  Leo  IV.  had  spontaneously  made.  This 
pledge  seems  to  have  been  directed  to  secure  the  imperial  interests  in 
Rome.  Otho  soon  acted  as  if  he  could  at  will  create  and  depose  the 
Pope,  having  attempted  to  set  aside  John,  and  substitute  the  anti-pope 
Leo  VIII.  In  this  usurpation  he  was  imitated  by  two  emperors  of  the 
same  name. 

Henry  I.  restored  the  freedom  of  papal  elections,  which  his  successors 
Conrad  and  the  second  Henry  also  respected ;  although  the  latter  required 
that  the  imperial  ambassadors  should  be  present  at  the  consecration. 
It  must  be  owned  that  the  disorders  of  popular  elections  at  Rome,  and 
the  violent  intrusion  of  several  unworthy  men,  gave  an  appearance  of  ex- 
pediency to  this  intervention,  which  might  have  been  salutary,  if  it  did 
not  prepare  the  way  for  unjust  influence,  amounting  to  control.  Alex- 
ander II.  directed  that  the  imperial  authority  should  be  awaited,  unless 
dangerous  circumstances  forbade  delay. 

The  imperial  influence  was  exercised  beneficially  in  several  instances. 
At  the  solicitation  of  the  clergy  and  people  of  Rome,  Henry  II.  recom- 
mended Suidger,  Bishop  of  Bamberg,  for  promotion;  who,  accordingly, 
under  the  name  of  Clement  II.,  adorned  the  Apostolic  throne  by  his 
virtues.  Bruno,  Bishop  of  Toul,  was  recommended  by  the  Council  of 
Worms  to  the  emperor,  and  by  him  proposed  to  the  Roman  clergy;  but 
the  holy  bishop  entered  Rome  as  a  private  individual,  and  refused  to 
exercise  any  authority  until  the  clergy  and  people  freely  elected  him. 
He  is  known  to  us  as  St.  Leo  IX.  Gebhard,  Bishop  of  Aichstat,  who 
was  reluctantly  yielded  by  the  emperor  to  the  urgent  prayers  of  Hilde- 
brand,  filled  the  See  as  Victor  II. 

The  deference  shown  to  the  emperors  did  not  amount  to  an  acknowledg- 
ment of  any  strict  right  on  their  part  to  control  the  elections,  as  is  evident 
from  the  fact  that  many  Popes  were  consecrated  without  awaiting  the  im- 
perial assent.  Leo  IV.,  in  847,  was  consecrated  in  the  absence  of  the 
ambassadors ;  and  only  five  out  of  nineteen  Popes  who  lived  in  the  ninth 
century  waited  for  the  confirmation  of  their  election.  Stephen  X.  was 
consecrated  within  a  few  days  after  the  death  of  Victor  II.,  when  it  was 
impossible  to  have  received  the  confirmation.  When  in  the  minority  of 
Henry  IV.  the  right  was  claimed  by  the  Regency,  in  virtue  of  an  alleged 
grant  of  Nicholas  II.  to  the  emperor,  and  complaint  was  made  that  Alex- 
ander II.  had  been  consecrated  without  the  imperial  assent,  the  repre- 
sentatives of  the  Holy  See  strongly  denied  that  even  a  Pope  could  give 
to  the  emperor  a  right  of  peremptory  control,  since  the  election  of  the 


244  PAPAL  ELECTION. 

Vicar  of  Christ  must  necessarily  be  free.  The  concession  was  shown  to 
be  a  personal  privilege  granted  in  critical  times,  to  be  exercised  without 
detriment  to  the  liberty  of  election.  St.  Gregory  VII.,  by  soliciting  the 
emperor  to  withhold  his  assent  and  defeat  his  election,  seemed  to  acknow- 
ledge in  him  a  power  of  veto ;  but  he  grounded  it  on  usage,  or  on  the 
concession  of  his  predecessors :  while  otherwise  he  is  known  to  have 
zealously  maintained  the  freedom  of  the  Church,  as  of  divine  right. 
From  his  time  the  imperial  pretensions  were  either  altogether  abandoned, 
or  defeated  by  the  constancy  of  the  clergy.  Gibbon  remarks :  "  The 
removal  of  a  foreign  influence  restored  and  endeared  the  Shepherd  to  his 
flock.  Instead  of  the  arbitrary  or  venal  nomination  of  a  German  court, 
the  Vicar  of  Christ  was  freely  chosen  by  the  College  of  Cardinals,  most 
of  whom  were  either  natives  or  inhabitants  of  the  city.  The  applause  of 
the  magistrates  and  people  confirmed  his  election :  and  the  ecclesiastical 
power  that  was  obeyed  in  Sweden  and  Britain,  had  been  ultimately 
derived  from  the  suffrage  of  the  Romans."* 

From  a  careful  consideration  of  documents  and  facts,  it  results  that  no 
right  of  interference  in  the  election  of  the  Head  of  the  Church  exists  in 
emperors,  or  kings,  or  earthly  rulers  of  any  kind,  and  that  an  attempt  on 
their  part  to  control  it  is  a  violation  of  the  liberty  of  the  Church.  The 
privileges  which  they  once  exercised  were  granted  them  by  the  Church 
herself,  as  the  guardians  of  public  order,  in  order  to  secure  regularity  in 
the  proceedings,  and  the  support  of  the  civil  power  for  the  elect.  When- 
ever they  were  used  in  an  absolute  or  arbitrary  way,  or  were  assumed  in- 
dependently of  the  concession  or  assent  of  the  Pontiffs,  they  were 
usurpations,  which  can  neither  prove  nor  give  any  right  whatever. 

'In  modern  times  it  has  been  customary  for  the  electors  to  treat  with 
respect  the  remonstrances  of  the  chief  Catholic  powers,  Austria,  France, 
and  Spain,  so  as  not  to  urge  the  promotion  of  an  individual  objected  to 
by  any  of  them,  provided  the  objection  be  made  before  the  election  is 
completed  by  the  consent  of  two-thirds  of  the  electors.  Each  power  can 
exercise  this  prerogative  only  in  one  instance.  No  strict  right  of  veto, 
however,  is  acknowledged  by  this  deference  to  the  esclusiva,  or  ammo- 
nizione  pacifica,  as  this  expression  of  the  wishes  of  the  crowned  heads  is 
called.  Thus  the  liberty  of  the  Church  remains  inviolate,  while  a  just 
regard  is  had  for  the  representatives  of  great  national  interests. 

§2.— MODE    OF   ELECTION. 

The  plenitude  of  power  with  which  the  Pope  is  clothed,  might  appear 
to  authorize  him  to  provide  a  successor,  when  old  age  warns  him  of  the 
approach  of  death,  especially  if  he  has  reason  to  fear  that  intrigues,  dis- 

*  Decline  and  FaU,  ch.  Ixix.,  A.D.  1000-1100. 


PAPAL   ELECTION.  245 

orders,  and  violence  may  occur  during  the  vacancy  of  the  See.  The 
language  used  by  Irenseus  in  regard  to  Peter,  who  is  said  to  have  com- 
mitted to  Linus  the  administration  of  the  Church,  may  be  understood  of 
the  appointment  of  a  successor;  but  all  antiquity  teaches  that  the 
bishopric  should  not  be  as  a  legacy,  dependent  on  the  mere  will  of  the 
actual  incumbent.  The  elective  principle,  which  was  originally  common 
to  all  episcopal  sees,  is  still  held  sacred  in  regard  to  the  Apostolic  See,  to 
which  it  is  utterly  forbidden  to  give  the  appearance  of  an  inheritance. 
Hilary,  in  a  Roman  Council,  declared  that  no  Pope  should  choose  his 
successor;  which  important  declaration  was  repeated  and  confirmed  by 
Pius  IV.  after  the  lapse  of  eleven  centuries.  Pius  added  that  no  Pope 
could,  even  with  the  assent  of  the  cardinals,  choose  a  coadjutor,  with  the 
right  of  succeeding  him.  Boniface  II.,  in  530,  designated  Vigilius  for 
his  successor,  with  the  view  of  preventing  the  intrusion  of  an  unworthy 
incumbent  by  the  King  of  the  Goths ;  but  on  maturer  reflection,  he  com- 
mitted his  decree  to  the  flames,  lest  his  example  should  give  an  heredi- 
tary appearance  to  the  sacred  office.  When  Gregory  XIV.  lay  at  the 
point  of  death,  he  exhorted  the  cardinals  to  proceed  to  the  election  of  his 
successor;  which,  however,  they  respectfully  declined.  Several  Popes, 
on  their  death-bed,  recommended  to  the  cardinals  the  person  whom  they 
deemed  most  worthy  to  succeed,  as  Clement  VII.,  dying,  said,  that  he 
would  choose  Cardinal  Farnese,  if  the  office  could  be  bequeathed.  His 
recommendation  was  adopted,  but  generally  such  expressions  of  desire 
were  neglected.  By  a  decree  of  Symmachus,  in  499,  renewed  by  Paul 
IV.  in  1558,  it  is  forbidden,  under  pain  of  excommunication,  during  the 
lifetime  of  the  Pope  to  treat  of  his  successor.  It  is  likewise  forbidden, 
under  the  same  penalty,  to  make  wagers  concerning  the  future  Pontiff, 
when  the  See  is  actually  vacant,  lest  any  person  should  use  improper 
measures  to  obtain  a  choice  favorable  to  his  interests. 

It  is  beyond  a  doubt  that  the  people,  for  many  ages,  had  a  great  share 
in  the  election  of  bishops,  although  it  does  not  appear  that  they  had  at 
any  time  a  strict  right  of  suffrage.  Their  favorable  testimony  had  con- 
siderable weight,  their  just  wishes  were  respected,  and  the  clergy  willingly 
aided  in  the  promotion  of  those  who  were  most  likely  to  secure  popular 
respect  and  obedience.  In  those  times,  however,  the  chief  pastor  did 
not  fail  to  admonish  the  clergy,  that  they  must  not  be  driven  forward  by 
the  popular  impulse,  which  they  should  rather  prudently  direct  and 
control.  "  The  people,"  said  St.  Celestin,  in  the  fifth  century,  «  should 
be  taught,  not  followed ;  and  we  should  admonish  them,  if  they  be  ig- 
norant of  what  is  lawful  and  what  is  forbidden,  nor  should  we  consent  to 
them."*  In  the  preceding  age,  the  Council  of  Laodicea  had  decreed 
that  the  "  multitude  must  not  be  allowed  to  make  the  election  of  those 


*  Ad  ep.  Apulise. 


246  PAPAL  ELECTION. 

who  are  to  be  raised  to  the  priesthood."*  The  publicity  and  popular 
character  of  the  elections  continued  at  Rome  down  to  the  twelfth  century. 
Nicholas  II.,  who  in  1058  was  elected  by  the  clergy,  in  presence  and 
with  the  concurrence  of  the  people,  decreed  that  the  right  of  election 
belonged,  in  the  first  place,  to  the  cardinal  bishops,  who  were  to  fix  upon 
the  candidate,  and  next  to  the  cardinal  priests  and  deacons,  whose  con- 
currence was  to  be  sought ;  and  that  the  clergy  and  people  should  express 
their  assent,  following  the  cardinals  as  guides.  The  people  continued  to 
be  present  at  the  elections,  and,  by  their  acclamations,  signified  their 
assent  to  the  individual  chosen  by  the  cardinal  bishops,  with  the  consent 
of  the  clergy.  Innocent  II.,  in  1130,  to  remedy  the  disorders  attendant 
on  these  popular  assemblies,  attempted  to  exclude  the  people  from  the 
election;  but  they  rose  in  arms,  and  maintained  their  immemorial  privi- 
leges, so  that  Eugene  III.,  in  1145,  was  elected  by  the  general  wish  of. 
the  clergy  and  people;  and  in  1154,  the  clergy  and  laity,  with  acclama- 
tion, enthroned  Adrian  IV.  In  the  third  Council  of  Lateran,  held  in 
1179,  under  Alexander  III.,  it  was  decreed,  that  in  case  of  a  division  at 
the  election,  the  person  having  two-thirds  of  the  votes  of  the  cardinals 
should  be  acknowledged  as  true  Pontiff.  The  people,  consequently, 
thenceforward  ceased  to  have  any  participation  in  the  choice ;  and  they 
were  effectually  excluded  from  witnessing  the  election,  when  it  became 
customary  to  hold  it  within  an  enclosure,  called  the  conclave,  which  was 
occasionally  done,  even  before  it  was  specially  decreed  by  Gregory  X., 
in  1274. 

The  exclusion  of  the  laity  from  the  elections  was  rendered  necessary 
by  the  tumults  and  sanguinary  scenes  that  oftentimes  attended  popular 
assemblies.  It  was  the  wish  of  Gregory  of  Nazianzum,  so  early  as  the 
fourth  age,  that  the  choice  of  the  prelates  of  the  Church  were  reserved  to 
a  gmall  number  of  good  men.f  This  is  verified  in  the  body  of  cardinals, 
who  are  never  more  than  seventy  in  number,  as  seventy  elders  aided 
Moses  in  the  government  of  the  people,  and  who  generally  are  men  of 
great  experience  and  unblemished  morals.  Six  of  them  are  bishops  of 
the  neighboring  Sees  of  Ostia,  Porto,  Albano,  Preneste,  Sabina,  and 
Frescati.  Fifty  belong  to  the  order  of  priests,  and  fourteen  to  that  of 
deacons  :  all  of  whom  have  titles  taken  from  the  ancient  Churches  of 
Rome,  over  which  they  preside ;  and  consequently  they  are  the  chief 
clergy  of  the  Roman  Church. 

The  election  is  conducted  in  a  manner  best  calculated  to  result  in  a 
happy  choice.  A  solemn  mass  is  celebrated  each  day  to  implore  the 
light  of  the  Holy  Ghost.  A  sermon  is  delivered  at  the  opening  of  the 
conclave,  in  which  the  electors  are  exhorted  to  choose  a  worthy  successor 
of  Peter.  All  external  influence  is  studiously  excluded,  no  person  being 

*  Can.  xiii.,  apud  Hard.,  t.  i.  col.  784.  -j-  Orat.  xiz. 


PAPAL   ELECTION.  247 

allowed  to  speak  in  secret,  or  to  communicate  by  letter  with  any  cardinal, 
under  penalty  of  excommunication.  Any  elector,  who,  by  gifts,  promises, 
or  entreaties,  attempts  to  influence  the  votes  of  others,  incurs  the  same 
awful  penalty.  The  election  is  made  by  ballot,  care  being  taken,  by  the 
ingenious  folding  of  the  tickets,  that  no  one  can  know  how  another  has 
voted,  and  that  no  deception  be  practised  in  the  counting  of  the  votes. 
At  the  close  of  each  ballot  all  the  tickets  are  burnt.  When  the  electors 
please,  they  make  an  open  election,  or  without  voting,  rush,  as  it  were, 
by  general  inspiration,  to  venerate  as  Pope  the  individual  who  is  known 
to  be  acceptable  to  all.  Each  cardinal,  when  depositing  his  vote  in  the 
chalice,  on  the  altar,  solemnly  swears  that  he  gives  it  according  to  his 
conscientious  judgment :  "  I  call  to  witness  Christ  the  Lord,  who  is  to 
judge  me,  that  I  choose  the  person  who,  before  God,  I  judge  ought  to  be 
elected."  Two-thirds  of  the  electors  must  concur  to  a  choice.  Each 
morning  and  evening  the  ballot  takes  place;  and  in  case  of  no  choice 
being  made,  a  supplementary  ballot  immediately  follows,  in  order  to  give 
the  electors  an  opportunity  to  supply  the  number  of  votes  necessary. 
This  is  called  the  accesso.  The  cardinals  continue  confined  within  the 
conclave,  like  jurors  in  a  jury-room,  until  the  election  is  made 


CHAPTER  XX. 


§  1.—  CEREMONIES  AFTER  ELECTION. 

AFTER  the  election  of  the  Pope,  his  consent  is  demanded,  and  he  is 
asked  by  what  name  he  chooses  to  be  thenceforward  called.  The  custom, 
which  was  introduced  in  the  tenth  century,  of  assuming  a  new  name, 
although  not  originally  so  designed,  corresponds  with  the  example  of 
Simon,  who  received  the  name  of  Peter,  on  being  called  by  our  Lord. 
The  Pope  then  kneels  before  the  altar  in  prayer,  and  retires  behind  it  to 
lay  aside  the  robes  of  cardinal  and  assume  those  of  Pontiff;  clothed  with 
which,  he  seats  himself  in  front  of  it,  on  a  chair,  where  he  admits  the 
cardinals  to  kiss  his  hand  and  embrace  him.  Wearing  the  mantle  called 
the  cope,  and  the  episcopal  mitre,  he  is  then  placed  on  the  altar  of  the 
Sixtine  chapel,  where,  as  the  representative  and  Vicar  of  Christ,  he 
receives  the  homage  of  the  sacred  college,  in  a  manner  far  more  solemn 
and  expressive.  They  kiss  his  foot,  and  also  his  hand  covered  with  the 
sacred  robe,  and  embrace  him,  approaching  their  cheek  to  his,  on  each 
side.  The  placing  of  him  on  the  table  of  the  vacant  altar,  probably 
arose  from  considerations  of  convenience,  since  the  aged  cardinals  could 
scarcely  perform  the  obeisance,  unless  he  were  in  a  high  position.  If, 
however,  we  regard  it  as  designed  to  present  him  as  representative  of  Him 
who  is  our  Great  High  Priest,  as  well  as  victim,  there  is  nothing  in  the 
rite  which  should  shock  our  sensibilities  or  Christian  feeling.  This 
ceremony  has  been  popularly  styled  adoration,  in  the  free  sense  in  which 
this  term  was  generally  used,  corresponding  with  respect,  veneration,  or 
homage.  Novae's  justly  remarks,  that  it  does  not  even  denote  in  this 
place  veneration  such  as  is  given  to  the  saints,  but  respect.*  The  Rubri* 
cists  term  it  obedience,  because  used  in  token  of  submission  to  the  au- 
thority of  the  Pontiff.  The  kissing  of  the  foot  is  an  ancient  Oriental 
rite,  expressive  of  honor  and  affection,  and  is  peculiarly  suitable  to  the 
apostolic  office,  since  the  feet  are  beautiful  of  him  who  proclaims  to  Sion  : 

*  "  Con  questo  nome  noi  qui  intendiamo  col  Cardinal  Bellarmino  un  atto  di  rispetto." 
Introd.  alle  Vite  del  Ss.  Pontef.,  per  Giuseppe  de  Novaes.     Roma,  1822.     T.  i.  p.  237. 
248 


CEREMONIES.  249 

"  Thy  God  shall  reign."*  The  penitent  kissed  the  feet  of  our  Divine 
Master;  and  the  devout  women,  who  met  Him  after  His  resurrection, 
held  fast  His  feet,  no  doubt  kissing  them  affectionately.  Cornelius,  the 
centurion,  cast  himself  at  the  feet  of  Simon  Peter,  venerating  the  mes- 
senger of  God.  From  the  acts  of  St.  Susanna,  a  virgin  who  suffered 
martyrdom  about  the  year  294,  it  appears  that  the  custom  of  paying  this 
mark  of  respect  to  the  successors  of  the  apostle  existed  at  that  early 
period,  since  Praepedigna  is  related  to  have  kissed  the  feet  of  Pope  Cajus, 
according  to  custom.  The  most  powerful  princes  at  various  times  gave 
this  profound  honor  to  the  Popes.  The  Emperor  Justin  I.,  in  525,  pros- 
trated himself  at  the  feet  of  Pope  John :  Justinian  I.  honored  Agapetus 
in  like  manner :  Justinian  II.,  with  the  imperial  crown  on  his  head, 
kissed  the  feet  of  Pope  Constantino  in  710  :  Luitprand,  King  of  the 
Lombards,  kissed  the  feet  of  Gregory  II. :  Rachis  honored  Zacharias  in 
the  same  way :  Charlemagne  gave  the  like  honor  to  Adrian  I. ;  and,  to 
pass  over  many  other  examples,  the  Emperor  Charles  Y.  honored  Clement 
VII.  and  Paul  III.  with  the  same  mark  of  veneration.  No  one  who 
knows  the  war  waged  by  Charles  against  Clement  will  ascribe  this 
homage  to  pusillanimity,  or  superstition.  Since  the  time  of  Gregory  the 
Great,  as  rubricists  state,  it  has  been  customary  with  the  Popes  to  wear 
the  cross  on  their  sandals,  that  the  honor  might  be  referred  to  Christ  cru- 
cified. If,  however,  it  be  given  directly  to  the  Pope,  as  His  earthly  repre- 
sentative, there  is  nothing  in  it  which  reason  may  condemn.  Besides,  the 
Pope  himself  every  year,  on  Holy  Thursday,  kisses  the  feet  of  thirteen 
priests,  after  having  washed  them  in  imitation  of  our  Blessed  Redeemer. 
Can  his  admission  of  others  to  perform  in  his  regard  a  similar  act,  be  a 
just  cause  of  scandal  ? 

The  splendid  chair  on  which  the  Pope  is  borne  aloft  on  the  shoulders 
of  twelve  men,  to  the  basilic  of  St.  Peter,  is  used  in  consideration  of  his 
age,  which  is  generally  advanced,  and  in  order  to  render  him  visible  to 
the  faithful,  who  should,  on  this  solemn  occasion,  distinctly  recognise 
their  chief  Pastor.  The  peacock  feathers,  which  wave  on  each  side  of  it, 
are  symbolical  of  his  universal  inspection,  as  if  he  had  as  many  eyes  as 
appear  in  the  plumage  of  the  proud  bird. 

I  deem  it  superfluous  to  explain  in  detail  the  ceremonies  practised  in 
the  basilic  of  St.  Peter,  where,  after  adoring  the  Blessed  Sacrament,  the 
Pope  receives  the  same  homage  as  had  been  given  him  in  the  chapel. 
Three  cardinal  priests  are  admitted  to  kiss  his  mouth  and  breast  on  this 
occasion  :  in  token  of  the  affection  which  they  bear  him,  and  of  the 
reverence  with  which  they  will  receive  the  words  which  he  shall  utter  in 
the  name  of  Christ. 

*  Isa.  lii.  7. 


250  CEREMONIES. 


§  2.— CEREMONIES   OF   CORONATION. 

The  solemn  coronation  takes  place  generally  a  week  after  the  election. 
In  this  ceremony,  a  long  plated  cane,  surmounted  with  a  bunch  of  flax,  is 
carried  by  the  master  of  ceremonies,  who  lights  it,  bends  the  knee,  as  is 
usually  done  toward  sovereigns,  and  says :  "  Holy  Father,  thus  passeth 
away  the  glory  of  this  world/'  This  ceremony  is  repeated  three  times, 
that  the  Pontiff  may  never  suffer  his  mind  to  be  dazzled  by  the  splendor 
with  which  he  is  surrounded. 

On  the  altar  where  Mass  is  to  be  celebrated,  seven  candlesticks  are 
lighted,  as  is  usual  whenever  any  bishop  celebrates  in  his  own  diocese,  in 
conformity  with  the  vision  of  the  Evangelist,  to  whom  our  Lord  appeared 
amid  seven  candlesticks,  symbols  of  the  seven  churches  of  Asia  Minor. 

After  the  confession  in  the  commencement  of  Mass,  the  Pope  is  placed 
on  the  seat  on  which  he  was  carried  to  the  church ;  the  pallium  is  blessed 
by  the  three  first  cardinals,  and  is  then  hung  on  his  shoulders,  by  the  first 
cardinal  deacon,  who  says  to  him :  c(  Receive  the  holy  pallium,  the  fulness 
of  the  pontifical  office,  for  the  honor  of  Almighty  God,  and  of  the  most 
glorious  Virgin  Mary,  His  Mother,  and  of  the  blessed  apostles  Peter  and 
Paul,  and  of  the  Holy  Roman  Church."  The  mention  of  the  Blessed 
Virgin  and  the  apostles,  in  conjunction  with  the  Deity,  is  conformable  to 
scriptural  precedent,  where  the  agent  of  divine  power  is  mentioned 
conjointly  with  God  himself.  Thus  Moses*  and  Gideonf  are  mentioned 
with  God. 

The  cardinal  deacon,  accompanied  by  the  judges  of  the  tribunal  called 
Rota,  and  by  the  consistorial  advocates,  goes  to  the  tomb  of  St.  Peter, 
and  thrice  invokes  Christ  in  behalf  of  the  Pontiff:  "  Hear  us  graciously, 
0  Christ,"  he  cries;  and  those  around  him  answer,  praying:  "Long  life 
to  the  Sovereign  Pontiff  and  Universal  Pope  destined  by  God."  "  Sa- 
viour of  the  world,"  cries  the  cardinal  deacon  ]  they  answering :  "  do 
Thou  help  him."  The  aid  of  the  prayers  of  the  archangels  and  saints  is 
then  asked  in  a  short  litany. 

The  Gospel  is  sung  in  Latin  and  Greek,  to  represent  the  union  of 
those  two  great  portions  of  the  Church,  whose  rite  and  language  are 
different. 

After  the  Mass,  the  Pontiff,  seated  in  the  great  balcony  in  front  of  the 
church  of  St.  John  of  Lateran,  in  the  presence  of  the  whole  people,  is 
crowned  with  the  tiara,  by  the  first  cardinal  deacon,  after  the  choir  has 
sung  the  verse  of  the  Psalmist :  "  A  golden  crown  is  on  his  head !" 

It  is  a  curious  fact  that  the  tiara,  in  its  original  form,  is  no  other  than 
the  cap  used  by  the  ancient  Romans  as  the  symbol  of  liberty,  because 

*  Num.  xxi.  5.  f  Judges  vii.  20. 


CEREMONIES.  251 

given  to  liberated  slaves.  In  the  ancient  images  of  the  Popes,  all  who 
preceded  the  reign  of  Constantino  are  represented  with  the  head  un- 
covered; Sylvester,  who  was  contemporary  with  him,  appears  with  the 
simple  Roman  cap.  Papebroeck  conjectures  that  the  reason  of  this  is 
that  when  peace  was  granted  to  the  Church  by  Constantine,  Sylvester, 
either  of  his  own  accord,  or  by  order  of  the  emperor,  took  the  cap  as  the 
symbol  of  liberty,  according  to  Roman  usage.*  The  Bollandists  concur 
in  this  view,  and  explain  its  signification  as  relating  to  the  liberation  of 
the  Church  by  Constantine,  from  heathenish  oppression,  and  the  many 
immunities  which  he  granted  to  her.f  Novaes,  a  Portuguese,  writing  at 
Rome  in  the  beginning  of  the  present  century,  adopts  the  same  opinion, 
and  expressly  says,  that  the  tiara  was  originally  the  Roman  cap,  the  sym- 
bol of  liberty.};  An  ornamental  circle,  which  is  called  by  many  a  crown, 
is  observable  around  the  lower  part,  in  the  ancient  pictures  of  the  Popes 
who  succeeded  Sylvester;  but  there  is  no  evidence  of  any  coronation  of 
a  Pope  before  the  time  of  Nicholas  I.,  in  the  middle  of  the  ninth  cen- 
tury, or  at  least  before  Leo  III.,  in  795.  I,  therefore,  incline  to  believe, 
that  this  ornament  was  first  added  when  the  Popes  had  acquired  a  tem- 
poral principality,  and  was  used  as  a  secular  ornament,  symbolical  of 
their  sovereignty  over  the  Roman  States.  The  circumstance  of  the  tiara 
being  blessed  and  placed  on  the  Pope  in  the  balcony  of  the  church,  and 
the  fact  of  its  never  being  worn  at  Mass,  favor  this  view.  Innocent 
III.  speaks  of  it  as  the  symbol  of  temporal  power :  but  his  words 
seem  to  regard  the  power  which,  as  Vicar  of  Christ,  he  claimed  over 
sovereigns,  ratione  peccati,  as  far  as  the  morality  of  their  actions  was 
concerned.  "  The  Church,"  he  says,  "  has  given  me  a  crown  as  a 
symbol  of  temporalities  :  she  has  conferred  on  me  a  mitre  in  token  of 
spiritual  power :  a  mitre  for  the  priesthood — a  crown  for  the  kingdom : 
making  me  the  vicar  of  Him  who  bears  written  on  His  garment  and 
thigh :  <  The  King  of  kings,  and  Lord  of  lords/  "§  Some  think  that 
Boniface  VIII.,  who  began  his  reign  in  1294,  added  a  second  circle,  or 
crown,  to  the  cap,  to  express  more  forcibly  this  same  power  over  sove- 
reigns :  but  if  the  testimony  of  Benzo  can  be  relied  on,  the  two  circles 
were  on  the  cap  worn  by  Nicholas  II.,  who  was  chosen  Pope  in  1053. || 
Innocent  III.,  however,  makes  no  allusion  to  the  second  circle.  The 
third  circle  was  added,  as  many  think,  by  Benedict  XII.,  in  1334,  but 
more  probably  by  Urban  VI.,  chosen  in  1362.  The  ancient  images  of 
the  Popes  preserved  at  Rome  favor  this  latter  opinion.  I  know  of  no 
document  which  determines  the  meaning^  of  the  three  circles.  They 


In  conatu  ad  S.  Silvest.,  n.  5.  f  Acta  SS.  Maji,  1.  iv.  die  19. 

Diss.  v.,  Delia  solenne  Coron.  del  Ponf.,  p.  87.  $  Serm.  in  fosto  S.  Silvest. 

De  Rebus  Henrici  III.,  1.  vii.  c.  2. 
"  Qual  che  siane  il  significato  simbolico."    Lunadoro. 


252  CEREMONIES 

may  have  been  added  for  mere  ornament,  without  any  special  signi- 
fication. 

The  tiara  was  generally  worn  only  in  the  solemn  ceremony  of  the 
coronation,  until  the  time  of  Paul  II.,  chosen  Pope  in  1464,  who  used 
it  on  many  occasions.  Some  Popes  wore  it  on  the  chief  festivals. 

The  address  made  to  the  Pope  when  the  tiara  is  placed  on  his  head, 
which  mentions  the  three  crowns,  must  have  been  composed  or  amended 
since  they  were  adopted.  The  cardinal  deacon  says  to  him :  "  Receive 
the  tiara  adorned  with  three  crowns,  and  know  that  thou  art  the  father 
of  princes  and  kings,  the  ruler  of  the  world  on  earth,*  the  Vicar  of  our 
Lord  Jesus  Christ,  to  whom  is  honor  and  glory  throughout  all  ages/' 
This  language  might  be  considered  as  implying  all  that  was  claimed  by 
Gregory,  Innocent,  or  Boniface ;  but  it  is  also  capable  of  an  interpre- 
tation consistent  with  the  more  moderate  pretensions  of  the  Popes,  who, 
since  the  days  of  Sixtus  V.  or  Gregory  XIV.,  during  two  centuries  and  a 
half,  have  filled  the  chair  of  the  fisherman.  The  Pontiff  is  truly  "  the 
father  of  princes  and  kings/'  venerated  as  such  by  all  the  children  of 
the  Church,  who,  in  their  highest  elevation,  recognise  him  as  the  general 
head  of  the  whole  Christian  family.  He  may  be  styled  "  ruler  on  earth 
of  the  world,"  because  the  Church,  in  which  he  holds  the  primacy,  is 
spread  throughout  the  world,  and  he  is  charged  to  promulgate  to  every 
creature  the  law  of  God,  to  which  every  soul  must  be  subject.  He  holds 
the  place  of  Christ,  being  entrusted  by  Him  with  the  care  of  His 
sheepfold. 

*  "  Rectorem  orbis  in  terra."  Some  put  a  comma  after  orbis,  and  refer  "  in  terra"  to 
vicarium  :  but  the  other  punctuation  seems  correct.  "  Orbis  in  urbe"  is  found  in  Ovid, 
and  signifies  a  multitude  in  a  city. 


C|e  ijrimacj. 


PART  II. 
SECULAR    RELATIONS. 


CHAPTER  I. 

at  St.  f  ft*. 


THE  primacy  is  essentially  a  spiritual  office,  which  has  not,  of  divine 
right,  any  temporal  appendage  :  yet  the  Pope  is  actually  sovereign  of  a 
small  principality  in  Italy,  designated  the  patrimony  of  St.  Peter,  or  the 
States  of  the  Church.  It  has  been  so  styled  because  it  has  been  attached 
to  the  pontifical  office,  through  reverence  for  the  prince  of  the  apostles. 
As  it  has  no  necessary  connection  with  the  primacy,  and  as  Catholics, 
not  living  within  the  Roman  States,  are  not  subject  to  the  civil  authority 
of  the  Pope,  it  is  not  necessary  to  treat  of  it  :  yet  it  is  a  matter  of  no 
small  interest  to  trace  its  history,  and  observe  by  what  a  combination  of 
events  Providence  has  annexed  it  to  the  Holy  See,  and  most  wonderfully 
maintained  it,  amid  the  revolutions  of  empires  and  kingdoms. 

Christ  sent  forth  His  disciples  without  scrip  or  staff,  giving  them  no 
dominion  over  the  least  spot  of  earth.  In  making  Peter  the  ruler  of 
His  kingdom,  He  did  not  give  him  dominion,  or  wealth,  or  any  of  the 
appendages  of  royalty.  The  Master  had  not  whereon  to  lay  His  head  ; 
and  the  chief  disciple  was  unprovided  with  any  earthly  possession.  Gold 
and  silver  he  had  not,  but  he  had  powers  of  a  supernatural  order,  for  the 
government  of  men  in  order  to  salvation. 

The  generous  zeal  with  which  the  first  disciples  devoted  themselves  to 
the  service  of  God,  led  many  of  them  to  sell  their  property,  and  lay  the 
purchase-money  at  the  feet  of  St.  Peter,  to  form  thence  a  common  fund 
for  the  general  necessities  :  yet  we  have  no  reason  to  suppose  that  it  rose 
to  any  great  amount,  since  the  constantly-  flowing  streams  of  beneficence 
left  but  little  in  the  common  reservoir.  When  the  apostle  closed  his 
career,  he  bequeathed  to  his  successors  no  inheritance  but  the  labors  and 
dangers  of  his  office.  For  three  centuries  they  continued  exposed  to  the 
fury  of  persecution.  Nevertheless,  the  generosity  of  the  faithful  con- 
secrated to  the  service  of  religion,  under  their  direction,  a  considerable 
portion  of  their  worldly  riches  j  so  that  a  public  treasure  was  formed,  by 
means  of  which  the  clergy  and  a  large  number  of  indigent  persons  were 
supported.  In  the  middle  of  the  third  century,  Pope  Cornelius,  in  a 
letter  to  Fabius,  Bishop  of  Antioch,  stated  that  there  were  then  at  Rome 
forty-six  priests,  seven  deacons,  seven  sub-deacons,  forty-two  acolytes, 

255 


256  PATRIMONY  OF   ST.  PETER. 

fifty-two  exorcists,  lectors,  and  janitors ;  that  is,  clergymen  in  minor 
orders ;  and  one  thousand  five  hundred  widows,  with  other  afflicted  and 
distressed  persons, — to  all  of  whom  the  grace  and  bounty  of  the  Lord 
furnished  support.*  The  heathens  believed  the  wealth  of  the  Church  to 
be  great,  since  the  deacon  Lawrence,  in  time  of  persecution,  was  called 
on  to  deliver  it  up  to  the  public  officer.  To  avoid  doing  so,  he  distributed 
all  to  the  poor,  whom  he  presented  at  the  appointed  time,  saying  :  "  Here 
are  the  treasures  of  the  Church !" 

It  is  certain  that  the  Emperor  Constantine  bestowed  large  possessions 
on  the  Bishop  of  Koine.  Although  the  document  which  purports  to  be 
the  instrument  of  donation  is  supposititious,  yet,  as  the  acute  De  Maistre 
observes,  nothing  is  more  certain  than  the  donation  of  Constantine.  Vol- 
taire avows,  that  "he  gave  in  reality  to  the  cathedral  church  of  St. 
John,  not  to  the  Bishop  of  Rome  individually,  a  thousand  marks  of 
gold,  and  thirty  thousand  marks  of  silver,  with  a  revenue  of  fourteen 
thousand  pence,  and  lands  in  Calabria.  Each  emperor  successively  in- 
creased this  patrimony.  The  Bishops  of  Rome  stood  in  need  of  it.  The 
missionaries  whom  they  soon  sent  to  pagan  Europe,  the  exiled  bishops  to 
whom  they  afforded  a  refuge,  the  poor  whom  they  fed,  put  them  under 
the  necessity  of  being  very  wealthy. "f  The  palace  of  Lateran  was  in 
possession  of  the  Pope  in  the  early  part  of  the  fourth  century,  since  Mel- 
chiades  held  there  a  Council  to  decide  the  Donatist  controversy,  and  the 
church  erected  beside  it  still  bears  the  name  of  the  generous  emperor. 
Fleury  testifies,  that  from  the  ancient  monuments  of  the  Roman  Church 
it  is  apparent  that  Constantine  gave  to  the  baptistery  of  St.  John  of  La- 
teran, which  is  attached  to  the  Constantine  basilic,  so  many  houses  and 
farms,  not  only  in  Italy,  but  likewise  in  Sicily,  Africa,  and  Greece,  that 
the  annual  revenue  amounted  to  30,394  marks  of  gold.J  Secular  in- 
fluence naturally  followed  wealth,  and  the  withdrawal  of  Constantine 
from  the  ancient  capital  of  the  empire,  left  the  Bishop  of  Rome  in  a 
position  almost  independent;  the  pontifical  chair  being  no  longer  over- 
shadowed by  the  imperial  throne.  When  Pope  Leo  the  Great  was  in- 
vited to  a  general  Council  by  the  Emperor  Marcian,  he  pleaded,  besides 
the  want  of  precedent  on  the  part  of  his  predecessors,  the  danger  to  the 
public  peace  should  he  absent  himself  from  the  city.  "  The  very  uncer- 
tain state  of  affairs  at  present  does  not  allow  me  to  withdraw  from  the 
population  of  this  city,  since  the  minds  which  are  agitated  would  be  cast 
into  despair,  were  I  to  quit  the  country  and  the  Apostolic  See  for  a  cause 
of  an  ecclesiastical  nature."§  This  shows  that  his  presence  was  con- 
nected in  the  public  mind  with  the  peace  and  safety  of  the  city :  on 
which  account  he  writes  to  the  emperor :  "  temporal  necessity  does  not 


*  Ad  Fabium  Antioch,  col.  150,  Coustant,  t.  i.  f  Essai  sur  1'Histoire,  t.  ii. 

J  Hist.,  1.  xi.,  A-  C.  326.  g  Ep.  xxviii.  ad  Pulcheriam  Aug. 


PATRIMONY  OF   ST.  PETER.  257 

allow  me  to  leave  the  city/'*  Necessity  forced  him  to  act  as  protector 
and  father  of  the  Roman  people,  when  his  interposition  alone  could  avert 
the  wrath  of  some  fierce  barbarian  rushing  forward  to  lay  the  fair  city  in 
ruins,  and  fill  her  streets  with  her  slaughtered  citizens.  When  Attila, 
"  the  scourge  of  God/'  at  the  head  of  five  hundred  thousand  Huns, 
advanced  to  its  destruction,  the  mild  eloquence  of  Leo  disarmed  him. 
Two  years  afterward,  the  Pontiff  discharged  the  same  office  of  mediator 
with  Genseric,  who,  at  the  head  of  Yandals  and  Moors,  came  to  wreak 
vengeance  on  the  queen  of  nations ;  but  he  could  only  save  the  lives  of 
the  citizens  by  delivering  the  city  to  pillage.  Even  in  times  of  tran- 
quillity, Leo  exercised  some  acts  of  civil  authority,  since  he  summoned 
the  Manichees  to  trial,  and,  on  conviction,  banished  them  from  the  city.f 
Although  the  Bishop  of  Rome  was  not  as  yet  a  temporal  sovereign,  yet 
his  spiritual  power  was  surrounded  with  so  great  secular  influence,  that 
he  almost  ranked  as  a  prince,  and  felt  that  wrongs  inflicted  on  his  repre- 
sentatives in  the  imperial  court  were  violations  of  the  rights  of  so- 
vereignty. In  484,  St.  Felix  complained  to  the  Emperor  Zeno,  that  the 
laws  of  nations  had  been  violated  by  the  injurious  treatment  of  his 
legates. 

The  moderation  and  indulgence  with  which  the  Popes  treated  their 
dependents,  made  men  desirous  to  enjoy  their  protection.  St.  Gregory 
the  Great  exhorted  Sabinian,  Bishop  of  Callipolis,J  a  city  dependent  on 
the  Roman  Church,  to  see  that  the  citizens  should  not  be  overmuch  bur- 
dened. §  Pantaleon,  the  notary  of  Syracuse,  having  reported  to  him  that 
injustice  had  been  practised  in  the  name  of  the  Roman  Church  on  her 
dependents,  he  praised  him,  and  directed  strict  inquiry  to  be  made  into 
the  wrongs  already  committed,  that  they  might  be  repaired :  "  for,"  he 
says,  "  like  the  Teacher  of  the  nations,  I  have  all  things,  and  abound : 
and  I  do  not  seek  money,  but  a  heavenly  recompense."  ||  He  instructed 
Peter,  his  agent  in  Sicily,  to  cause  restitution  to  be  made,  if,  as  was 
alleged,  the  possessions  of  individuals,  or  their  personal  property,  or  their 
slaves,  had  been  seized  in  the  name  of  the  Roman  Church,  within  the 
preceding  ten  years,  and  to  save  the  aggrieved  the  trouble  of  coming  to 
Rome  for  redress.  Strict  impartiality  was  enjoined  by  him,  as  the  best 
evidence  which  the  agent  could  give  of  his  devotedness  to  the  Apostolic 
See  :  "  for  then,"  says  he,  "  you  will  be  truly  a  soldier  of  St.  Peter,  if  in 
cases  which  concern  him,  you  maintain  what  is  right,  without  regard  to 
his  interests."!]"  Guizot,  after  citing  some  humane  regulations  of  Gre- 
gory, observes :  "  It  is  easy  to  understand  why  people  were  at  that  time 
eager  to  place  themselves  under  the  dominion  of  the  Church :  lay  pro- 

*  Ep.  xxxiv.  ad  Theodosium  Aug.  f  Ep.  ii.  ad  ep.  per  Italiam. 

J  A  seaport  in  Otranto,  Naples.  $  L.  ix.  ep.  c. 

||  L.  xiii.  ep.  xxxiv.  «[[  L.  i.  ep.  xxxvi. 

17 


258  PATRIMONY   OF   ST.  PETER. 

prietors  were  certainly  far  from  showing  like  solicitude  for  the  well-being 
of  the  occupants  of  their  domains."* 

The  possessions  of  the  Roman  Churchf  were  regarded  as  a  trust  for 
the  poor,  whose  interests  St.  Gregory  felt  that  he  was  guarding,  while  he 
attended  to  the  collection  of  the  revenues,  which  he  dispensed  with 
liberality  and  discernment.  He  directed  two  thousand  bushels  of  wheat 
to  be  given  by  the  deacon  Cyprian,  his  agent  in  Sicily,  to  the  Bishop 
Zeno,  for  the  relief  of  the  poor  of  his  city.J  Sending  the  priest  Can- 
didus  into  Gaul,  to  manage  the  small  patrimony  of  the  Roman  Church 
in  that  kingdom,  he  ordered  the  revenues  to  be  employed  in  buying 
clothes  for  the  poor,  and  in  purchasing  English  boys  of  seventeen  or 
eighteen  years  of  age,  that  they  might  be  rescued  from  the  bondage  of 
error  and  sin,  and  instructed  in  some  monastery,  where  they  might  serve 
God.§  He  thanked  the  prefect  of  Africa  for  the  protection  afforded  by 
him  in  what  regarded  the  interests  of  the  poor  of  blessed  Peter,  prince 
of  the  apostles.  1  1  Talitan,  another  guardian  of  the  patrimony,  was 
exhorted  by  him  to  defend  it,  as  being  the  portion  of  the  poor.  Truly 
did  Gibbon  say  :  "  In  the  use  of  wealth  he  acted  like  a  faithful  steward 
of  the  Church  and  the  poor,  and  liberally  applied  to  their  wants  the 
inexhaustible  resources  of  abstinence  and  order."^[ 

Property,  in  those  ages,  brought  with  it  dominion  over  the  occupants 
of  the  soil  :  whence  "  the  agents  of  the  Church  of  Rome  had  acquired  a 
civil  and  even  criminal  jurisdiction  over  their  tenants  and  husband- 
men."** Although  the  feudal  system  was  not  as  yet  developed,  yet 
much  that  characterized  the  ages  strictly  designated  feudal,  was  ob- 
servable in  the  relations  of  landlord  and  tenant  ;  so  that  the  remarks  of 
Guizot,  applied  to  that  period,  may  help  to  solve  the  enigma  of  the 
exercise  of  a  power  apparently  supreme  in  many  respects,  and  yet  con- 
fessedly subordinate  to  the  imperial  authority.  "  The  landed  proprietor, 
as  such,  exercised  in  his  possessions  some  of  the  rights  now  reserved  to 
the  sovereign.  He  maintained  order,  administered  justice,  or  caused  it  to 
be  administered  ;  led  forth,  or  sent  forth  to  battle  the  occupants  of 
his  lands,  not  in  virtue  of  a  special  power  styled  political,  but  of  his 
right  of  property,  which  included  various  powers.  "tf  In  fact,  we 
find  Gregory  issuing  orders  to  the  defender  —  that  is,  agent  or  officer 
charged  with  the  care  of  the  patrimony  —  in  an  authoritative  form  :J| 


*  Cours  d'Histoire  Moderne,  t.  iv.  p.  259. 

f  These  are  called  "juatitice  S.  Petri"  in  various  documents  of  the  eighth  century. 
The  term  was  probably  used  for  "jura,"  rights,  and  borrowed  from  the  Vulgate,  which 
uses  it  with  great  latitude.  See  Uiscorso  Storico  sopra  alcuni  punti  della  Storia  Longo- 
bardica  per  Mansoni,  $  iv. 

J  L.  vi.  ep.  iv.  g  L.  v.  ep.  vii. 

||  L.  x.,  ep.  xxxvii.  f  Decline  and  Fall,  Ac.  ch.  xlv. 

*  Decline  and  Fall,  Ac.  ch.  xlv.  ff  Cours  d'  Histoire  Moderne,  t.  iii.  p.  75. 

J  J  Prtxcepti  nostri  pagina.     L.  ix.,  ep.  xl.,  et.  L  x.,  ep.  x. 


PATRIMONY   OF    ST.  PETER.  259 

and  confirming  his  acts  in  the  most  express  manner,  to  prevent  their  being 
called  in  question.*  He  directed  his  attention  to  the  case  of  an  injured 
woman,  whose  complaints  had  reached  him,  and  ordered  an  inquiry  to  be 
made  into  it,  by  arbitrators  to  be  chosen  by  the  parties. f  He  prescribed 
rules  to  be  followed  in  trials  of  the  right  of  property,  and  directed  posses- 
sion during  forty  years  to  be  taken  as  a  presumptive  proof,  barring  any 
adverse  claim. £  He  instructed  Sergius,  the  defender  at  Otranto,  to  force 
Fruniscendus  to  answer  a  claim  made  against  him,  and  to  pronounce  and 
execute  the  sentence,  without  admitting  any  appeal. § 

It  may  be  questioned  whether  Gregory  acted  as  a  landed  proprietor,  in 
several  instances,  in  which  he  took  upon  himself  to  direct  military  move- 
ments for  the  defence  of  various  parts  of  Italy.  Doubtless  he  had  vast 
interests  at  stake ;  but  zeal  for  the  common  safety  may  have  prompted 
him  to  give  orders,  which  all  were  disposed  to  receive  with  gratitude  and 
reverence  from  one  whose  social  position  was  already  so  eminent.  We 
find  him  appointing  Constance,  the  tribune,  to  guard  the  city  of  Naples, 
and  exhorting  the  soldiers  to  obey  him.||  Maurentius,  another  officer  in 
command  of  the  troops  at  Naples,  was  directed  to  relieve  Theodosius, 
abbot  of  a  monastery  in  Campania,  from  the  necessity  of  guarding  the 
walls.*|f  Apprehending  that  Ariulph,  the  Lombard,  might  attack 
Ravenna  or  Rome,  he  issued  orders  for  defence  to  the  commanders  of 
the  troops.**  He  apprised  Januarius,  Bishop  of  Cagliari,  and  Genadius, 
who  appears  to  have  been  a  layman  in  high  office,  of  the  danger  of  the 
invasion  of  Sardinia  by  the  Lombards  under  Agilulph,  that  they  might 
prepare  to  repel  it,  declaring  that  on  his  part  he  would  neglect  nothing  in 
his  power  in  order  to  be  in  readiness. 

The  negotiations  which  Gregory  carried  on  with  the  Lombard  king, 
show  that  his  own  position  was  equivalent  to  that  of  an  independent 
prince.  He  urged  Severus,  the  assessor  of  the  exarch,  to  advise  him  to 
make  peace  with  Agilulph,  intimating  that  should  he  decline  any  arrange- 
ment, the  king  had  offered  to  come  to  an  arrangement  with  himself: 
this  shows  that  he  was  in  a  position  nearly  equal  to  that  of  a  sovereign.'!"!* 
He  afterward  made  peace  with  the  Lombards,  on  terms  nowise  prejudicial 
to  the  commonwealth. JJ  He  wrote  to  Agilulph,  to  thank  him  for  the 
peace,  urged  him  to  see  that  his  officers  observe  it,  and  assured  him  that 
he  received  his  messengers  affectionately,  as  bearers  of  good  tidings. §§ 
At  the  same  time  he  addressed  letters  of  thanks  to  Theodelinda,  the  wife 
of  the  king,  for  her  kind  offices  in  procuring  peace,  and  begged  her  to  con- 


•#  per  Jwjus  tuitionis  paginam  confirmamus.  L.  ix.,  ep.  Ivii. 

f  Ep.  Lxxxiii.  J  L.  i.,  ep.  ii.,  et.  1.  vii.,  ep.  xxxix. 

§  L.  ix.,  ep.  ci.  ||  L.  ii.,  ep.  xxxi. 

«J  L.  ix.,  ep.  Ixxiii.  **  L.  iii.,  ep.  xxix.  xxx. 

ff  L.  v.,  ep.  xxxv.  JJ  Ep.  xl. 

§§Ep.  xlii. 


260  PATRIMONY   OF   ST.  PETER. 

tinue  them,  that  Agilulph  "may  not  reject  the  society  of  the  Christian 
republic."*  "Disappointed,"  says  Gibbon,  "in  the  hopes  of  a  general 
and  lasting  treaty,  he  presumed  to  save  his  country  without  the  consent 
of  the  emperor  or  the  exarch.  The  sword  of  the  enemy  was  suspended 
over  Rome :  it  was  averted  by  the  mild  eloquence  and  seasonable  gifts 
of  the  Pontiff,  who  commanded  the  respect  of  heretics  and  barbarians. 
The  merits  of  Gregory  were  treated  by  the  Byzantine  court  with  reproach 
and  insult;  but  in  the  attachment  of  a  grateful  people,  he  found  the 
purest  reward  of  a  citizen,  and  the  best  right  of  a  sovereign. "f 

That  he  had  civil  authority  at  Rome,  appears  from  the  plea  of  Boniface 
of  Africa,  who  offered  as  an  excuse  for  not  presenting  himself  to  give  an 
account  of  his  faith,  that  his  friends  feared  the  employment  of  force 
against  him  :  "  Those/'  says  the  Pontiff,  "  who  partake  of  your  doubts, 
if  they  will  come  to  me,  have  no  reason  to  fear  that  I  will  employ  my 
authority  against  them ;  for  in  all  causes,  but  especially  in  those  which 
regard  divine  things,  we  are  eager  to  bind  men  by  reason,  rather  than  by 
force."J  His  great  civil  influence  is  apparent  from  his  observation,  when 
he  was  calumniated  as  having  caused  the  death  of  the  Bishop  Malchus : 
"  On  this  point  it  suffices  for  you  to  remark  to  our  most  serene  lords,  that 
if  I,  their  servant,  had  been  willing  to  cause  the  death  of  the  Lombards, 
the  Lombard  nation  would,  at  this  day,  have  neither  king,  nor  dukes,  nor 
counts,  but  would  be  in  unutterable  confusion. "§  He  was  not,  however, 
free  from  all  dependence  on  the  empire,  since  we  find  him  promulgating  a 
law  enacted  by  Mauritius,  although  it  did  not  accord  with  his  own  judg- 
ment. The  terms  of  his  remonstrance  indicate  the  submission  of  a 
subject  to  his  sovereign. || 

At  a  subsequent  period,  the  fanatic  zeal  of  Justinian  to  procure  the 
approval  of  the  Trullan  Council,  and  the  persecuting  measures  of  the 
Iconoclasts,  caused  the  Romans  and  Italians  to  rally  round  the  Bishop  of 
Rome.  When  Zacharias,  an  imperial  officer,  attempted  to  execute  the 
order  which  he  had  received  for  the  arrest  and  transportation  to  Constan- 
tinople of  Pope  Sergius,  who  refused  to  sanction  the  innovations  of  the 
Trullan  prelates,  the  military  of  Ravenna,  of  the  dukedom  of  Pentapolis, 
and  of  the  neighboring  districts,  rushed  to  the  defence  of  the  Pontiff,  and, 
but  for  his  interposition,  would  have  torn  the  officer  to  pieces.  The 
Lombards  vied  with  the  Romans  in  protecting  the  person  of  Gregory  II. 
against  the  satellites  of  the  Iconoclast  emperor,  Leo  the  Isaurian.  From 
that  time,  the  military  took  a  conspicuous  part  in  the  election  of  the 
Pope,  being  allowed,  on  more  than  one  occasion,  to  declare  their  assent 
by  subscribing  the  document  which  certified  that  he  was  chosen  by  the 


Ep.  xliii.  f  Decline  and  Fall,  <fec.  ch.  xlv. 

L.  iv.,  ep.  xliii.  §  Ep.  xlvii. 

"Ego  quidem  jussioni  subjectus — imperatori  obedientiam  praebui."     L.  iii.  ep.  Ixv. 


PATRIMONY   OF   ST.  PETER.  261 

clergy,  soldiery,  and  people.  Notwithstanding  this  attempt  on  his  own 
life,  Gregory  continued  to  support  the  imperial  authority,  forbidding  the 
Italians  to  revolt,  as  they  had  determined,  when  Leo  the  Isaurian  decreed 
the  destruction  of  the  sacred  images.  Prompted  by  humanity  and 
religion,  several  Popes  adopted  measures  for  the  protection  of  the  Romans 
against  the  barbarian  hordes  that  overran  Italy ;  and  with  this  view  raised 
walls  around  the  city,  and  provided  it  with  means  of  defence.  Through 
the  neglect  of  the  Eastern  emperors  to  succor  and  protect  their  Italian 
subjects,  the  imperial  power  soon  became  extinct,  and  the  Popes,  unable 
to  cope  with  the  Lombards,  were  compelled  to  seek  aid  from  the  Franks. 
"  Any  effectual  assistance/'  as  Hallam  avows,  "  from  the  Emperor  Con- 
stantine  Copronymus,  would  have  kept  Rome  still  faithful."*  When 
Rome  was  besieged  by  Aristulph,  Stephen  III.  called  on  Pepin  to  succor 
the  Roman  Church,  and  "his  people,  the  citizens  of  the  republic  of  the 
Romans."  On  his  victory  over  the  Lombards,  in  755,  Pepin  restored 
to  the  Pope  twenty  cities,  which  his  valor  had  recovered.  This  can 
scarcely  be  considered  a  mere  donation,  since  a  great  portion,  if  not  all, 
of  the  territory  had  already  belonged  to  the  Pope :  whence  Stephen  IV., 
in  the  year  769,  urged  the  French  princes,  Charles  and  Carloman,  as  a 
matter  of  duty  which  they  owed  to  St.  Peter,  to  see  that  his  property 
usurped  by  the  Lombards  should  be  fully  restored.  "  If  you  neglect  or 
delay  to  enforce  his  just  claims,  a  thing  which  we  cannot  believe,  know 
that  you  shall  render  a  strict  account  of  them  to  the  prince  of  the 
apostles  himself,  before  the  tribunal  of  Christ. "f  Language  so  strong 
cannot  be  applicable  to  a  mere  gift  of  their  father.  "The  Popes," 
says  Hallam,  "  appear  to  have  possessed  some  measure  of  temporal 
power,  even  while  the  city  was  professedly  governed  by  the  exarchs  of 
Ravenna,  in  the  name  of  the  Eastern  empire.  This  power  became  more 
extensive  on  her  separation  from  Constantinople."!  It  is  not  easy  to 
define  with  accuracy  the  relations  of  the  Romans  to  the  king  and  the 
Pontiff;  but  the  latter  may  be  regarded  as  limiting  his  sovereignty  to  the 
exercise  of  a  protectorate,  while  the  Romans  were  virtually  a  republic ; 
and  "  the  Patrician,"  as  Pepin  was  styled,  was  to  support  the  existing 
order,  by  his  intervention  in  cases  of  extraordinary  danger  from  external 
assaults  or  domestic  dissensions.  By  his  counsels  and  influence,  rather 
than  by  the  display  of  power,  the  Pontiff  reigned  over  his  people,  who 
cheerfully  obeyed  their  father  and  benefactor,  unless  when  excited  passion 
drove  them  to  temporary  acts  of  insubordination  and  revolt.  As  it  did 
not  become  him  to  use  the  sword,  he  called  to  his  aid  a  temporal  prince, 
to  employ  that  coercion  which  was  necessary  to  restrain  rebellious  spirits,, 
reserving  to  himself  the  exercise  of  the  milder  attributes  of  sovereignty.§ 

*  Middle  Ages,  ch.  i.  f  Ep.  xlvi.  Cod.  Carol.  J  Middle  Ages,  p.  1,  ch.  iii. 

g  Something  like  this  is  seen  in  the  actual  relations  to  the  Papal  government  of  the 
French  and  Austrian  troops  now  occupying  the  States  of  the  Church. 


262  PATRIMONY   OF   ST.  PETER. 

When  some  desperate  men,  in  attempting  to  assassinate  the  holy  Pontiff 
Leo  III.,  mutilated  and  disfigured  him,  he  became  intercessor  in  their 
behalf  with  Charlemagne,  as  yet  only  patrician,  and  obtained  their  par- 
don. Yet,  on  a  subsequent  occasion,  when  a  similar  attempt  had  been 
made,  and  the  assassins  had  been  found  guilty  of  a  crime  punishable 
with  death,  according  to  the  laws  of  the  Romans,  he  suffered  the  sentence 
to  be  executed,  lest  extreme  lenity  should  embolden  the  wicked. 

"  Mercy  is  not  itself,  that  oft  looks  so ; 
Pardon  is  still  the  nurse  of  second  wo."* 

Among  the  acts  of  sovereignty  which  the  public  danger  forced  the 
Pontiffs  to  exercise,  was  the  repelling  of  barbarian  troops  that  invaded 
the  Roman  territory.  In  the  reign  of  Leo  IV.,  the  Saracens  endeavored 
to  effect  a  landing  at  Ostia,  in  order  to  advance  against  Rome.  The 
heroic  Pope  fulfilled  the  duties  of  a  sovereign,  without  prejudice  to  his 
spiritual  character,  as  Voltaire  acknowledges :  "  Pope  Leo  IV.,  taking 
upon  himself  at  this  crisis  an  authority  which  the  generals  of  the  Em- 
peror Lothaire  seemed  to  abandon,  showed  himself  worthy  to  be  the 
sovereign  of  Rome,  by  his  successful  defence  of  it.  He  had  employed 
the  riches  of  the  Church  in  repairing  the  walls,  raising  towers,  and 
extending  chains  over  the  Tiber.  He  armed  the  troops  at  his  own 
expense,  engaged  the  inhabitants  of  Naples  and  Gaeta  to  come  to  the  de- 
fence of  the  coasts  and  port  of  Ostia,  without  neglecting  the  wise  precau- 
tion of  requiring  hostages  from  them,  as  he  well  knew  that  those  who  are 
strong  enough  to  aid  us,  are  equally  so  to  do  us  injury.  He  himself 
visited  all  the  posts,  and  met  the  Saracens  on  their  approach,  not  clad  in 
military  attire,  as  Goslin,  the  Bishop  of  Paris,  had  appeared  in  a  still 
more  critical  conjuncture,  but  as  a  Pontiff  exhorting  a  Christian  people, 
and  a  sovereign  intent  on  the  safety  of  his  subjects.  He  was  a  native  of 
Rome.  The  courage  of  the  first  ages  of  the  republic  revived  in  his  per- 
son, at  a  period  of  degeneracy  and  corruption,  like  some  splendid  monu- 
ment of  ancient  Rome,  now  and  then  discovered  among  the  ruins  of  the 
modern  city.  The  attack  of  the  Saracens  was  bravely  met,  and  half  of 
their  vessels  having  been  destroyed  by  a  storm,  a  portion  of  the  assailants, 
who  escaped  shipwreck,  were  chained,  to  be  employed  in  public  works : 
the  Pope  deriving  this  advantage  from  his  victory,  that  the  very  hands 
which  were  raised  for  the  destruction  of  Rome  were  employed  in  fortify- 
ing and  adorning  it."f 

Similar  occasions  for  the  exercise  of  a  protective  sovereignty  occurred 
from  time  to  time.  In  the  early  part  of  the  tenth  century,  John  X.  suc- 
cessfully repulsed  the  Saracens,  who  had  attempted  to  invade  the  Roman 


*  Measure  for  Measure. — Shakspeare. 

f  Voltaire,  Puissance  des  Mussulmans,  ch.  xxiv. 


PATRIMONY   OF   ST.  PETER.  263 

territory.  Benedict  VIII.,  in  the  following  age,  drove  them  from  the 
Italian  shores,  and  compelled  the  Greeks,  who  inhabited  Apulia,  to  sue 
for  peace.  St.  Leo  IX.  accompanied  his  troops  in  their  expedition  against 
the  Normans,  who  ravaged  the  south  of  Italy,  to  inspire  confidence  by 
his  presence;  but  he  took  no  part  in  the  strife,  being  content,  like 
another  Moses,  to  uplift  his  hands  in  prayer.  God,  whose  counsels  are 
mysterious,  suffered  the  barbarians  to  prevail,  and  His  servant  to  become 
their  captive  :  but  such  was  the  influence  of  his  sacred  character  on  their 
minds,  that  instead  of  insulting  him  in  misfortune,  they  knelt  to  do  him 
homage. 

The  occasional  exercise  of  supreme  power  over  the  Romans  by  the  em- 
perors, has  led  Guizot  to  observe,  that  "  the  sovereignty  was  not  fully 
ascribed  either  to  the  Pope  or  to  the  emperor;  uncertain  and  undivided, 
it  floated  between  them."*  It  appears,  by  numberless  facts,  that  the 
Pope  was  sovereign,  while  an  efficient  protectorate  was  acknowledged  in 
the  emperor,  who  came,  at  his  solicitation,  to  support  him,  and,  in  that 
conjuncture,  with  his  assent,  exercised  some  acts  of  a  temporary  so- 
vereignty. "  We  acknowledge,"  said  Alexander  III.,  "  the  lord  emperor, 
in  virtue  of  his  dignity,  advocate  and  special  defender  of  the  Holy 
Roman  Church. "f  The  prefect  of  the  city  took  the  oath  of  allegiance 
to  him  up  to  the  time  of  Innocent  III.,  who  required  the  senator  and 
barons  of  the  Roman  States  to  pledge  their  fealty  to  himself,  and  nomi- 
nated the  subordinate  magistrates.  In  the  oath  taken  to  the  emperor 
Arnulph,  a  clause  saving  their  fidelity  to  Pope  Formosus  was  contained. 
The  municipal  government  of  Rome  seems  to  have  been  always  in  the 
hands  of  popular  oificers,  after  the  manner  of  a  republic,  so  that  even  the 
power  of  the  Pope  was  seldom-felt  in  the  details  of  civil  administration. 
He  interfered  chiefly  when  the  public  danger  required  that  the  vessel  of 
the  State  should  be  guided  by  a  superior  mind  and  firm  hand ;  and  he 
called  for  the  support  of  the  emperor,  when  physical  force  was  necessary 
to  subdue  the  rebellion  of  his  own  subjects.  "The  spirits,. and  even  the 
institutions  of  the  Romans/'  as  Hallam  remarks,  "were  republican. 
Amid  the  darkness  of  the  tenth  century,  which  no  contemporary  his- 
torian dissipates,  we  faintly  distinguish  the  awful  names  of  senate,  con- 
suls, and  tribunes,  the  domestic  magistracy  of  Rome."J  The  origin  of 
the  pontifical  sovereignty  is  traced  by  Gibbon  to  the  necessity  which  the 
Romans  felt  of  superior  direction  and  support,  to  which  we  must  add  the 
voluntary  submission  of  various  cities,  anxious  to  share  the  blessings  of  a 
mild  protectorate.  "  By  the  necessity  of  their  situation,  the  inhabitants 
of  Rome  were  cast  into  the  rough  model  of  a  republican  government : 


*  Cours  d'Histoire  Moderne,  t.  iii.  p.  76. 

f  Apud  Baron.,  an.  1159,  p.  439. 

J  Middle  Ages,  vol.  i.  ch.  iii.  par.  i.  p.  234. 


264  PATRIMONY   OF   ST.  PETER. 

they  were  compelled  to  elect  some  judges  in  peace,  and  some  leaders  in 
war :  the  nobles  assembled  to  deliberate,  and  their  resolves  could  not  be 
executed  without  the  union  and  consent  of  the  multitude.  The  want  of 
laws  could  only  be  supplied  by  the  influence  of  religion,  and  their  foreign 
and  domestic  councils  were  moderated  by  the  authority  of  the  Bishop. 
His  alms,  his  sermons,  his  correspondence  with  the  kings  and  prelates  of 
the  West,  his  recent  services,  their  gratitude  and  oath,  accustomed  the 
Romans  to  consider  him  as  the  first  magistrate,  or  prince,  of  the  city. 
The  Christian  humility  of  the  Popes,"  he  adds,  in  a  tone  of  irony,  "  was 
not  offended  by  the  name  of  Dominus,  or  Lord :  and  their  face  and  in- 
scription are  still  apparent  on  the  most  ancient  coins.  Their  temporal 
dominion  is  now  confirmed  by  the  reverence  of  a  thousand  years,  and 
their  noblest  title  is  the  free  choice  of  a  people  whom  they  had  redeemed 
from  slavery."* 

Rome  long  preserved  her  republican  character.  Saint-Priest  says : 
"  Rome,  from  the  age  of  Constantine,  under  the  title  of  republic,  which 
she  never  lost,  had  become  a  kind  of  free  city,  which,  for  illustration 
sake,  I  shall  compare  to  the  Hanseatic  cities  of  the  north  of  Germany. "f 
The  Pope  might  well  be  styled  the  father  and  protector  of  the  Roman 
republic.  The  desolation  of  the  city,  sometimes  by  famine,  and  often  by 
hostile  armies,  imposed  on  him  the  necessity  of  succoring  it;  and  his 
treasury,  containing  the  revenues  arising  from  the  possessions  of  the 
Roman  Church  in  other  places,  was  exhausted  to  furnish  provisions  to  the 
famishing  people,  and  to  protect  the  remains  of  the  imperial  city  from 
the  incursions  of  hostile  armies.  With  paternal  solicitude,  the  third  and 
fourth  Leo  directed  their  efforts  to  secure  the  church  of  St.  Peter  by  a 
wall,  enclosing  the  Vatican  mount,  or,  what  was  styled  from  their  name, 
the  city  of  Leo :  civitas  Leonina.  At  the  entreaty  of  the  nobles,  who 
complained  of  the  Saracen  depredations,  Leo  IV.  determined  to  execute 
what  his  predecessor  had  designed,  and  accordingly  summoned  the 
citizens  to  council,  arranged  his  plans,  ordering  the  cities  dependant  on 
the  republic,  and  the  monasteries  themselves,  to  furnish  mechanics,  and 
for  four  years  he  spared  no  personal  labor  or  exposure,  until  the  work  was 
completed.  There  are  traces  of  republican  deliberation  in  this  narrative, 
and  every  thing  warrants  us  in  regarding  the  Pontiff  as  the  father,  rather 
than  lord  of  his  people. 

Of  the  temporal  monarchy  of  Rome,  Hallam  observes  :  "  Her  ultimate 
sovereignty  was  compatible  with  the  practical  independence  of  the  free 
cities,  or  of  the  usurpers  who  had  risen  up  among  them.  Bologna, 
Faenza,  Rimini,  and  Ravenna,  with  many  other  less  considerable,  took 
an  oath,  indeed,  to  the  Pope,  but  continued  to  regulate  both  their  internal 


*  Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire,  ch.  xlix.,  A.D.  728. 
f  Histoire  de  la  Royaute,  1.  iii.  p.  284. 


PATRIMONY   OF   ST.  PETER.  265 

concerns  and  foreign  relations  at  their  own  discretion.  The  first  of  these 
cities  was  far  pre-eminent  above  the  rest  for  population  and  renown,  and, 
though  not  without  several  interruptions,  preserved  a  republican  character 
till  the  end  of  the  fourteenth  century."*  The  Roman  magistrates  often 
went  beyond  the  limits  of  a  municipal  power,  and  reduced  the  Papal 
sovereignty  to  a  protectorate  void  of  all  efficiency.  They  frequently 
assumed  to  themselves  supreme  power,  as  Hallam  again  testifies :  "  In 
the  twelfth  and  thirteenth  centuries,  the  Senate,  and  the  senator  who 
succeeded  them,  exercised  one  distinguishing  attribute  of  sovereignty, 
that  of  coining  gold  and  silver  money.  Some  of  their  coins  still  exist, 
with  legends  in  a  very  republican  tone."f  For  a  considerable  time  the 
Romans  freely  chose  their  Senator,  by  which  name  they  designated  a  ma- 
gistrate who  exercised  supreme  control  during  the  period  of  his  govern- 
ment ;  and  they  even  gave  this  title  to  Martin  IV.,  as  a  personal  privilege, 
expressly  stipulating  that  it  should  not  be  considered  as  inherent  in  the 
pontifical  office. 

Under  the  influence  of  the  seditious  declamations  of  Arnold  of  Bres- 
cia, the  Romans,  during  a  considerable  part  of  the  twelfth  century,  were 
in  revolt.  Several  Popes  were  forced  to  flee  from  their  capital,  and  erect 
their  chair  in  Perugia,  Viterbo,  or  some  other  city  of  Italy,  or  to  take 
refuge  in  France,  which  gained  the  glorious  title  of  the  asylum  of  Popes. 
Sometimes  the  emperor  came  to  their  relief,  and  replaced  them  in  safety 
on  their  throne.  On  other  occasions,  Heaven  itself  seemed  to  take  their 
cause  in  hand,  and  by  pestilence  brought  the  disobedient  Romans  to  a 
sense  of  duty.  In  1230,  after  a  calamitous  visitation  of  this  kind, 
caused  by  the  inundation  of  the  Tiber,  they  sent  an  embassy  to  Gregory 
IX.,  who  for  two  years  had  been  an  exile  in  Perugia,  beseeching  him  to 
return  and  bless  his  penitent  children.  The  venerable  Pontiff,  on  his 
return,  lavished  gifts  on  them,  and  "  built  a  noble  palace  for  the  use  of 
the  poor,"  as  his  biographer  assures  us. 

The  character  of  the  pontifical  government  has  been  at  all  times 
paternal  and  protective ;  whence,  although  popular  discontent  has  often 
manifested  itself,  especially  through  the  intrigues  of  schism atical  em- 
perors, many  of  the  surrounding  cities  sought  to  enjoy  its  advantages. 
In  the  eighth  century,  as  we  learn  from  Anastasius,  "  some  of  those  of 
Spoleto  and  Rieti  came  to  Rome,  entreating  to  be  shaved  i  alia  maniera 
de'  Romani,'  in  token  of  their  subjection  to  the  Pope,  rather  than  to  the 
Lombards,"  and  after  the  defeat  of  the  Lombard  king,  Desiderius,  the 
entire  dukedom  eagerly  sought  the  same  privilege.  The  paternal 
character  of  the  pontifical  government  is  stated  in  a  letter  from  the 
Senate  and  the  Roman  people  to  King  Pepin,  in  the  year  763,  in  the 
pontificate  of  Paul  I.  "  They  protest  that  they  are  firm  and  faithful 

*  Middle  Ages,  vol.  i.  ch.  iii.  p.  11.  t  Ibidem. 


266  PATRIMONY  OF   ST.  PETER. 

servants  of  the  holy  Church  of  God,  and  of  our  most  blessed  father  and 
lord,  Pope  Paul,  because  he  is  our  father  and  excellent  pastor,  and  labors 
incessantly  for  our  salvation,  as  his  brother  Pope  Stephen  likewise  did, 
governing  us  as  reasonable  sheep  committed  to  him  by  God,  and  exhibit- 
ing clemency  always,  and  imitating  St.  Peter,  whose  Vicar  he  is/'*  On 
the  elevation  of  Innocent  III.,  Conrad,  Duke  of  Spoleto  and  Assisi, 
seeing  the  eagerness  of  his  subjects  to  enjoy  pontifical  protection,  freed 
them  from  their  oath  of  allegiance,  and  surrendered  various  fortresses 
into  the  hands  of  the  Pontiff.  Bieti,  Spoleto,  Assisi,  Foligno,  and  Nu- 
ceria,  with  their  whole  districts,  thus  came  into  his  power.  Perugia,  like- 
wise, Eugubium,  Todi,  and  the  city  of  Acquapendente,  Montefiascone, 
and  all  Tuscany,  acknowledged  his  authority. 

The  pontifical  principality  was  greatly  embarrassed  by  the  high  preten- 
sions of  the  princes  or  barons  within  the  States  of  the  Church,  until  the 
reign  of  Alexander  VI.,  when  they  were  crushed  by  the  strong  arm  of 
Cesar  Borgia. f  From  that  time,  the  papal  sovereignty  was  more  ex- 
tensively felt  in  the  confederacies  of  princes :  but  for  a  long  period  the 
Pontiffs  have  maintained  a  complete  neutrality. 

Although  the  splendor  of  a  throne  may  seem  to  correspond  but  ill  with 
the  lowly  beginnings  of  the  Roman  Church,  when  the  Syrian  fisherman, 
preaching  the  folly  of  the  cross,  came  unnoticed  or  despised  into  the  city 
of  the  Cesars,  we  cannot  doubt  that  Divine  Providence  has  clothed  his 
successor  with  this  adventitious  power,  that  he  might  exercise  more  inde- 
pendently the  attributes  of  his  spiritual  office.  His  civil  dominion  is 
large  enough  to  inspire  respect,  while  it  is  not  of  such  extent  as  to  render 
him  formidable.  It  enables  him  to  foster  many  ecclesiastical  institutions 
of  vast  advantage  to  the  Universal  Church,  as  well  as  to  be  a  munificent 
patron  of  learning,  art,  and  science.  Were  he  the  subject  of  a  temporal 
prince,  the  exercise  of  his  authority  would  be  always  liable  to  the  sus- 
picion of  constraint,  or  undue  influence,  and  he  might  become,  like  the 
Bishop  of  Constantinople,  "  a  domestic  slave  under  the  eye  of  his  master, 
at  whose  nod  he  alternately  passed  from  the  convent  to  the  throne,  and 


*  This  letter  is  the  "  thirty-sixth  of  the  Caroline  letters."  I  quote  from  "  Rome  as  it 
was  under  Paganism,  and  as  it  became  under  the  Popes,"  <fcc.  Vol.  ii.  p.  317. 

f  Roscoe  observes:  "Alexander  might  surely  think  himself  justified  in  suppressing 
the  turbulent  barons,  who  had  for  ages  rent  the  dominions  of  the  Church  with  intestine 
wars,  and  in  subjugating  the  petty  sovereigns  of  Romagna,  over  whom  he  had  an  ac- 
knowledged supremacy,  and  who  had  in  general  acquired  their  dominions  by  means  as 
unjustifiable  as  those  which  he  adopted  against  them." — Life  of  Leo  X.,  vol.  i.  ch.  vi. 
He  adds  in  a  note  :  "  Oliverotto  da  Fermo  had  obtained  the  chief  authority  in  the  city 
from  which  ho  derived  his  name,  by  the  treacherous  murder  of  his  uncle,  and  several  of 
the  principal  inhabitants,  whom  ho  had  invited  to  an  entertainment.  This  atrocious 
deed  was  perpetrated  on  the  same  day,  in  the  preceding  year,  on  which  he  afterward  fell 
into  the  snare  of  Cesar  Borgia.  The  other  persons  put  to  death  by  Borgia,  had  also  sup- 
ported themselves  by  rapine,  and  were  the  terror  of  all  Italy." 


PATRIMONY  OF   ST.  PETER.  267 

from  the  throne  to  the  convent."*  The  great  Bossuet  has  well  observed: 
"  God  wished  this  Church,  which  is  the  common  mother  of  all  kingdoms, 
not  to  be  dependent  on  any  kingdom  in  temporalities,  that  the  See,  in 
which  all  the  faithful  should  preserve  unity,  might  be  above  the  par- 
tialities which  the  different  interests  and  jealousies  of  States  might 
occasion.  The  Church,  independent  in  her  head  of  all  temporal  power, 
is  thereby  able  to  exercise  more  freely,  for  the  common  benefit,  and 
under  the  protection  of  Christian  kings,  this  heavenly  power  of  govern- 
ing souls ;  and  holding  in  her  hands  the  balance,  in  the  midst  of  so  many 
empires  often  at  enmity,  she  maintains  unity  in  all  bodies,  sometimes  by 
inflexible  decrees,  and  sometimes  by  wise  temperaments. "•(• 

In  our  own  Government,  we  have  a  striking  illustration  of  the 
principle  on  which  the  patrimony  of  St.  Peter  is  exempted  from  any 
local  sovereignty  but  that  of  the  Pontiff.  In  order  to  preserve  the  inde- 
pendence and  free  action  of  the  General  Government,  it  was  deemed 
proper  by  the  sages  who  planned  our  constitution,  that  a  small  district, 
of  not  more  than  ten  miles'  circumference,  should  be  free  from  any  State 
or  local  authority,  and  immediately  dependent  on  Congress,  with  a  mu- 
nicipal administration.  To  prevent  all  intrigue  and  partisan  effort,  by 
which  the  Government  might  be  put  in  jeopardy,  the  citizens  of  the  dis- 
trict are  denied  the  right  of  suffrage  in  the  election  of  the  chief  officers 
of  the  United  States.  Thus  the  District  of  Columbia  is,  in  regard  to  the 
States,  what  Rome  and  the  patrimony  of  St.  Peter  are  in  reference  to  the 
Church.  The  independence  and  purity  of  the  General  Government 
being  thus  provided  for,  its  moral  influence  extends  everywhere,  while  its 
physical  power  is  so  restricted  as  to  prevent  any  just  apprehension  of  any 
exercise  of  authority  to  the  prejudice  of  State  sovereignty.^ 

It  must  be  acknowledged  that  there  are  inconveniences  connected  with 
the  union  of  temporal  sovereignty  and  spiritual  supremacy  in  the  one 
person ;  yet  it  should  be  remembered  that  the  powers  are  altogether  dis- 
tinct, since  the  former  regards  only  the  inhabitants  of  the  Roman  States, 
while  the  latter  reaches  to  the  ends  of  the  earth.  The  Pope  is  not  as  the 
Roman  emperor,  who  in  quality  of  sovereign  Pontiff  exercised  religious 
supremacy,  controlled  by  no  law  but  his  will,  and  coextensive  with  im- 
perial sway.  The  civil  administration  is  carried  on  by  tribunals  and 
officers  distinct  from  those  that  are  charged  with  the  general  affairs  of  the 
Church,  so  that  there  is  no  confusion  of  powers.  The  mild  government 
of  the  Popes,  and  the  light  taxation  to  which  the  Romans  were  formerly 


*  Decline  and  Fall,  Ac.  ch.  xlix.,  A.  D.  726. 

f  Discours  sur  ITTnite  do  1'Eglise,  vol.  xv.  Op.  Bossuot.  See  also  the  Bull  of  excom- 
munication :  Quum  memoranda,  published  by  Pius  VII.  on  10  June,  1809. 

J  This  analogy  is  ably  developed  in  an  essay  entitled :  "  The  Papal  States  analogous 
to  the  District  of  Columbia,"  by  A.  P.  Thompson.  Qalveston,  1849. 


268  PATRIMONY  OF   ST.  PETER. 

subjected,  provoked  the  envy  of  strangers,  who  regarded  them  as  the 
happiest  people  in  the  world,  but  for  the  sanguinary  collisions  of  the 
nobles,*  which  have  long  since  ceased.  In  truth,  the  lenity  of  the 
administration  is  its  chief  defect ;  but  it  still  merits  the  tribute  paid  to  it 
by  the  infidel  historian  :  "  If  we  calmly  weigh  the  merits  and  defects  of 
the  ecclesiastical  government,  it  may  be  praised  in  its  present  state  as  a 
mild,  decent,  and  tranquil  system,  exempt  from  the  dangers  of  a  mi- 
nority, the  sallies  of  youth,  the  expenses  of  luxury,  and  the  calamities 
of  war."f 

Under  the  present  illustrious  occupant  of  the  pontifical  throne,  the 
paternal  character  of  the  government  appears  with  increased  lustre. 
With  generous  solicitude  for  the  happiness  of  his  subjects,  he  anticipated 
their  desires,  by  adopting,  of  his  own  accord,  measures  for  the  ameliora- 
tion of  their  condition.  The  base  ingratitude  with  which  his  clemency, 
which  threw  open  the  prison-gates,  was  repaid,  and  the  revolution  effected 
by  his  seditious  subjects,  spurred  on  and  supported  by  the  active  enemies 
of  Christianity  and  society,  gathered  together  from  various  countries,  are 
melancholy  facts,  which  make  us  blush  for  our  race  :  but  the  speedy  over- 
throw of  the  mock  republic,  infamous  for  pillage  and  assassination,  by  the 
arms  of  republican  France,  and  the  triumphant  return  of  the  exiled  Pontiff 
to  his  people  and  throne,  are  among  the  many  extraordinary  instances  of 
Divine  interposition.  J  However,  "  the  better  principality"  which  the  Ro- 
man Church  possessed  in  the  days  of  Irenseus,  is  altogether  independent 
of  earthly  sovereignty;  it  will  survive  every  change  of  governors,  and 
modes  of  government,  and  will  shine  forth  from  a  dungeon  as  well  as 
from  a  throne.  No  vicissitudes  of  the  Roman  States  can  affect  that 
spiritual  authority,  which,  going  forth  from  the  See  of  the  fisherman,  is 
felt  even  in  the  midst  of  its  enemies.  The  death  of  Pius  VI.  in  exile, 
and  the  captivity  of  his  successor,  left  little  human  hope  that  the  States 
of  the  Church  would  be  restored,  or  that  the  See  itself  would  continue : 
but  Grod,  who  casts  the  mighty  from  their  seats,  replaced  the  persecuted 
Pius  VII.  on  the  throne  of  Peter,  amid  the  boundless  acclamations  of  a 
devoted  people,  while  his  oppressor  was  left  to  perish  on  a  desert 
island. 

It  is  a  stale  calumny  that  Catholics  are  vassals,  or  subjects  of  the 
Pope :  although  we  everywhere  profess,  with  his  full  knowledge  and 
entire  approbation,  unqualified  allegiance  to  the  respective  civil  govern- 
ments under  which  we  live.  The  fathers  of  the  fifth  Council  of  Balti- 
more took  occasion  to  state  this  distinctly  in  their  address  to  the  late 

*  Decline  and  Fall,  ch.  Ixx.,  A.  D.  1459.  f  Ib.,  A.  D.  1500. 

J  The  ]nte  Samuel  Farmar  Jarvis  must  be  added  to  the  list  of  mistaken  interpreters 
of  prophecy,  since  he  ventured  to  mark  the  year  1847,  in  which  he  wrote  his  tardy  reply 
to  Dr.  Milner's  End  of  Religious  Controversy,  as  the  period  of  the  overthrow  of  the 
Papacy. 


PATRIMONY   OF   ST.  PETER.  269 

venerable  Pontiff,  which  was  most  graciously  received.*  At  the  request 
of  the  sixth  Council,  his  present  Holiness  has  simplified  the  oath  taken 
by  bishops  at  their  consecration,  omitting  the  terms  and  phrases  which 
savor  of  feudal  times,  although  they  do  not  anywhere  receive  a  feudal 
interpretation.  Thus  all  pretext  for  questioning  our  allegiance  is  re- 
moved, although  our  adversaries  still  object  to  us  the  acts  of  former 
Popes,  who  interfered  in  the  civil  concerns  of  Christian  nations,  and  in 
the  controversies  of  princes.  It  will  not  be  uninteresting  to  review, 
historically,  those  facts,  in  order  to  reconcile  our  present  professions  with 
past  events. 

*  See  Acts  of  V.  Council  of  Baltimore. 


CHAPTER  II. 

tj  0ter  pirn 

§1.— IN  MATTERS  OF  FAITH  AND  MORALS. 

THE  Roman  States  form  but  a  small  principality,  which  gives  little 
importance  to  its  ruler,  and  the  Bishop  of  Rome,  of  divine  right,  Las  no 
political  or  civil  power;  yet,  in  the  things  of  salvation,  he  is  above  all 
the  members  of  the  Church,  whatever  be  their  rank — the  monarch  of 
vast  dominions,  as  well  as  the  lowliest  slave.  All  men  are  naturally 
equal,  and  all  the  members  of  the  Church  are  children  of  God,  subject 
to  His  authority,  which  on  earth  is  exercised  especially  by  the  Chief 
Bishop.  The  divine  sovereignty  requires  that  every  soul  be  subject  to 
God,  rendering  homage  to  His  truth,  and  obedience  to  His  command- 
ments. The  acts  of  the  Pontiff,  in  the  lawful  discharge  of  his  ecclesi- 
astical supremacy,  are  to  be  respected  by  all  who  acknowledge  him  to  be, 
under  Christ,  the  ruler  of  the  Church.  Hence,  when  Pope  Felix,  in 
484,  had  deprived  of  communion  Acacius,  the  Bishop  of  Constantinople, 
he  made  known  the  fact  to  the  Emperor  Zeno,  urgiDg  him  to  give  the 
support  of  his  authority  to  this  decree,  and  observing,  that  it  was  more 
for  his  advantage  to  obey  the  Church  in  this  matter,  than  to  attempt  to 
control  it,  by  countenancing  the  heretical  prelate.  Yet  none  were  more 
explicit  than  the  Pontiffs  in  avowing  the  independence  of  the  civil  power 
within  its  own  sphere,  and  in  giving  to  sovereigns  the  honor  due  to  their 
high  station.  With  a  jealous  regard  to  the  interests  of  truth,  they  united 
an  unfeigned  deference  for  civil  rulers.  The  mutual  relations  of  the  ec- 
clesiastical and  civil  authorities  were  beautifully  expressed  by  Pope 
Gelasius,  at  the  close  of  the  fifth  century,  in  a  letter  of  apology  written 
to  the  Emperor  Anastasius,  who  had  complained  that  the  Pontiff  had 
not  congratulated  him  on  his  accession  to  the  imperial  throne.  Well- 
grounded  suspicions  of  heterodoxy  had  caused  this  reserve,  to  which 
Gelasius  alludes  :  "  God  forbid  that  a  Roman  prince  should  feel  offended 
at  the  declaration  of  the  truth !  There  are  two  things,  august  emperor, 
whereby  this  world  is  governed,  namely,  the  sacred  authority  of  the  Pon- 
tiffs and  the  royal  power,  wherein  the  weight  of  priestly  authority  is  so 
much  the  greater,  as  in  the  divine  judgment  priests  must  render  to  the 
270 


AUTHORITY   OVER  PRINCES.        •  271 

Lord  an  account  for  kings  themselves.  For  you  know,  most  clement  son, 
that  although  you  preside  over  men,  you  devoutly  bend  the  neck  to  the 
dispensers  of  the  divine  mysteries,  and  ask  from  them  the  means  of  sal- 
vation :  and  in  the  reception  and  proper  administration  of  the  heavenly 
sacraments,  you  know  that  you  should  be  subject  to  them  according  to 
the  religious  rule,  rather  than  preside  over  them.  You  are  aware,  then, 
that  as  to  these  things  you  depend  on  their  judgment,  and  that  they  are 
not  to  be  forced  to  compliance  with  your  will.  For  if,  as  regards  public 
order,  the  prelates  of  the  Church,  knowing  that  the  empire  has  been  con- 
fided to  you  by  Divine  Providence,  obey  your  laws,  lest  they  should 
appear  to  oppose  your  will  in  things  of  this  world,  with  what  affection 
should  you  obey  them,  who  are  appointed  to  dispense  the  awful  mysteries ! 
Wherefore,  as  the  Pontiffs  incur  a  serious  responsibility,  if  they  suppress 
what  they  should  declare  for  the  honor  of  the  Deity,  so  the  danger  is 
great  of  others  who  insolently  refuse  obedience.  And  if  the  hearts  of 
the  faithful  should  be  submissive  to  all  priests  in  general,  who  treat 
divine  things  properly,  how  much  more  should  assent  be  yielded  to  the 
Prelate  of  this  See,  whom  the  Supreme  Lord  ordained  to  preside  over  all 
priests,  and  whom  the  piety  of  the  Universal  Church  has  always 
honored !  You  clearly  understand  that  no  one  can,  by  any  human 
device,  oppose  the  prerogative  or  confession  of  him,  whom  the  voice  of 
Christ  preferred  to  all  others,  whom  the  holy  Church  has  always  acknow- 
ledged, and  whom  she  now  devoutly  regards  as  her  Primate/'* 

This  has  been  deservedly  regarded  as  an  admirable  exposition  of  the 
relations  of  Catholic  princes  to  the  prelacy.  The  power  of  the  prince  is 
supreme  in  the  civil  order  :  the  power  of  the  Pontiff  is  supreme  in  things 
spiritual.  The  civil  and  the  ecclesiastical  powers  are  from  God :  the  former 
by  His  implied  sanction  of  the  means  for  maintaining  social  order ;  the 
latter  by  the  direct  institution  of  Christ.  In  both,  the  sovereignty  of 
God  must  be  honored.  The  civil  power  extends  to  all  things  necessary 
for  the  maintenance  and  welfare  of  society ;  but  it  cannot  command  any 
thing  opposed  to  the  divine  law.  The  ecclesiastical  authority  is  engaged 
in  the  promulgation  of  truth  and  the  maintenance  of  discipline,  with  a 
due  respect  for  public  order,  as  regulated  by  the  civil  power.  These  prin- 
ciples were  not  lost  sight  of  in  the  Middle  Ages,  since  we  find  them  set 
forth,  in  the  very  words  of  Gelasius,  in  a  Council  held  at  S.  Maera  in 
881,f  and  in  the  Council  of  Trosley,  in  909.J  Gregory  II.,  in  730,  ad- 
dressing Leo  the  Isaurian,  bade  him  confine  himself  to  the  affairs  of  the 
empire,  as  the  bishops  applied  all  their  solicitude  to  religious  matters. 
"  The  bishops/'  he  said,  "  being  set  over  the  churches,  abstain  from  civil 

*  Gelasii,  ep.  iv.,  ad  Anastasium,  col.  893,  t.  ii.,  Hard. 

f  Cone.  col.  reg.,  vol.  vi.  col.  350.     See  also  the  letter  of  Stephen  V.  to  the  Emperor 
Basil,  ib.,  col.  365. 
J  Ib.,  col.  307,  cap.  ii. 


272  AUTHORITY   OVER  PRINCES. 

affairs  ;  so  let  the  emperors  abstain  in  like  manner  from  church  matters, 
and  apply  to  the  things  which  are  intrusted  to  their  charge." 

Catholic  sovereigns,  as  members  of  the  Church,  are  bound  by  her  laws, 
and  subject  to  the  penalties  which  are  attached  to  their  transgression. 
The  prince  and  the  peasant,  the  master  and  the  slave,  share  her  privileges 
on  the  same  conditions,  and  are  liable  to  be  deprived  of  them  in  punish- 
ment of  infidelity  or  disobedience.  Her  arms  are  not  carnal,  but  power- 
ful before  God— she  strikes  with  the  apostolic  rod,  chastising  the  children 
whom  she  loves  with  maternal  fondness,  that  they  may  correct  the  evil  of 
their  ways,  and  prove  themselves  worthy  of  the  heavenly  inheritance. 
The  Pope,  as  head  on  earth  of  the  Church,  exercises,  by  divine  right, 
authority  over  Catholic  princes  in  the  things  that  are  of  salvation. 
When  by  flagrant  crimes  they  cause  the  name  of  God  to  be  blasphemed, 
he  may  admonish  and  reprove  them,  as  Nathan  reproved  David  by  the 
divine  command :  and,  in  case  of  contumacy,  he  may  inflict  on  them 
ecclesiastical  censures.  The  exercise  of  this  power  peculiarly  suits  the 
Chief  Bishop,  since  local  prelates  could  scarcely  venture  to  say  to  their 
prince,  "  Thou  art  the  man  !"  The  majesty  of  the  sovereign  is  also 
guarded,  by  reserving  cases  in  which  he  is  concerned  to  the  mature  and 
unbiassed  judgment  of  the  Pontiff. 

The  means  which,  in  the  Middle  Ages,  were  employed  for  the  reforma- 
tion of  princes,  after  admonition  and  threats,  was  the  actual  infliction  of 
ecclesiastical  censures.  These  were  of  two  kinds,  interdict  and  excom- 
munication. By  the  former  the  solemnities  of  public  worship  were  sus- 
pended throughout  the  whole  kingdom,  the  sacred  functions  of  absolute 
necessity  being,  however,  permitted  at  all  times,  and  the  mysteries  pri- 
vately celebrated.  This  interruption  of  religious  worship,  casting  a 
gloom  over  the  whole  nation,  was  a  significant  expression  of  the  horror 
of  the  Church  for  the  crime  of  the  sovereign,  in  which  respect  it  served 
as  a  reparation  of  the  scandal.  It  was  hoped,  also,  that  by  the  general 
affliction  which  it  occasioned,  he  would  be  awakened  to  a  sense  of  his  mis- 
conduct, and  that  he  would,  by  speedy  repentance,  ward  off  any  personal 
censure.  The  clouds  which  thickened  around  the  throne  foreboded  the 
thunderbolt  which  was  soon  to  fall  on  the  impenitent  monarch.  When 
every  other  measure  had  failed  to  produce  amendment,  excommunication, 
the  highest  penalty  which  the  Church  can  inflict,  followed.  By  it  the 
transgressor  was  cut  off  entirely  from  the  communion  of  the  faithful,  and 
cast  forth  as  a  heathen  and  publican.  Even  as  the  incestuous  Corinthian 
was  delivered  over  by  St.  Paul  to  Satan  for  the  destruction  of  the  flesh, 
that  the  spirit  might  be  saved  in  the  day  of  Christ,  the  scandalous  prince 
was  deprived  of  all  spiritual  privileges,  separated  from  the  Church  of 
God,  and  left  to  perish  eternally,  unless  by  repentance  he  atoned  for  his 
transgression.  The  infliction  of  this  penalty  was  plainly  within  the 
sphere  of  ecclesiastical  power,  which  can  bind  as  well  as  loose,  with  the 


AUTHORITY  OVER  PRINCES.  273 

assurance  that  Heaven  will  ratify  the  just  exercise  of  this  spiritual 
authority.  In  the  commencement  of  the  sixth  century,  Pope  Symmachus 
excommunicated  the  heretical  Emperor  Anastasius,  whom  his  predecessor, 
Gelasius,  had  addressed  in  the  solemn  language  of  admonition.  The  suc- 
cess with  which  this  power  was  exercised,  is  attested  by  Leibnitz  :  "  It  is 
beyond  question  that  the  Popes  checked  many  disorders,  by  their  efforts 
in  season  and  out  of  season,  remonstrating  with  princes,  as  their  au- 
thority enabled  them  to  do,  and  threatening  them  with  ecclesiastical 
censures/'* 

Instances  of  this  exercise  of  pontifical  zeal  abound  in  the  history  of 
the  Church.  CLEMENT  IV.,  on  learning  the  victory  obtained  by  James, 
King  of  Aragon,  over  the  Moors,  congratulated  with  him,  admonishing 
him  at  the  same  time  to  subdue  his  own  passions,  by  putting  away  from 
him  Berengaria,  the  object  of  unlawful  attachment.  The  prince  pleaded 
the  infirmity  of  his  wife,  Therasia,  and  asked  for  a  divorce.  The  reply 
of  the  Pontiff  began  with  these  words :  "  How  shall  the  Vicar  of  God 
separate  those  whom  God  has  united?"  Subsequently,  James,  having 
communicated  to  Clement  his  determination  to  engage  in  the  holy  war, 
was  again  admonished  by  him  to  dismiss  his  concubine  in  the  first  place, 
since  no  effort  of  zeal  could  otherwise  be  acceptable  to  our  Lord :  "  You 
cannot/'  he  observes,  "  please  our  crucified  Lord,  or  avenge  His  wrongs, 
if  you  will  not  abstain  from  offending  Him.  Moreover,  we  wish  you  to 
understand,  that  unless  you  obey  our  admonitions,  we  shall  force  you,  by 
ecclesiastical  censures,  to  dismiss  her."f 

Ladislaus,  King  of  Pannonia,J  giving  himself  over  to  unbridled  licen- 
tiousness, after  several  solemn  admonitions,  was  excommunicated  by  the 
legate  of  Martin  IV.  The  nobles,  indignant  at  his  excesses,  rose  up 
against  him,  and  drove  away  his  concubines. § 

In  several  instances  injured  queens  found  succor  and  protection  from 
the  father  of  the  faithful,  who,  by  the  threat  of  ecclesiastical  censures, 
forced  their  lord  to  restore  to  them  their  rights.  Theutberge,  the  wife  of 
Lothaire  I.,  was  divorced  from  her  husband  on  an  allegation  of  incest, 
which,  although  groundless,  she  was  prevailed  on  to  admit,  and  under 
this  pretext  the  divorce  was  approved  of  in  the  local  Councils  of  Metz 
and  Aix-la-Chapelle.  Even  the  legates  of  Nicholas  I.  were  induced  to 
sanction  it:  but  the  Pope  himself  nobly  vindicated  the  cause  of  the 
calumniated  queen ;  annulled  the  decrees  of  the  Councils,  and  the  acts  of 
his  legates ;  ordered  the  monarch,  under  penalty  of  excommunication,  to 
dismiss  Waldrade,  his .  concubine,  whom  he  had  taken  as  a  lawful  wife ; 
refused  to  give  any  credit  to  the  forced  confession  of  the  queen,  and  suc- 
cessfully maintained  her  rights.  Guizot  remarks,  that  this  exercise  of 

*  Dissert,  i.,  de  act.  publ.  usu  op.  t.  iv.  p.  299.  f  Raynald,  an.  1267. 

J  Now  Sclavonia,  and  part  of  Hungary.  $  Ib.,  an.  1281. 

18 


274  AUTHORITY   OVER  PRINCES. 

pontifical  supremacy  was  applauded  by  the  nation  generally,  because  it 
was  well  known  to  be  founded  on  justice.  It  is  no  slight  eulogium  of 
the  Holy  See  that  it  successfully  supported  the  cause  of  an  injured 
woman  against  a  licentious  and  powerful  prince.  Celestine  III.,  and  his 
successor,  Innocent  III.,  with  admirable  constancy  maintained  the  cause 
of  Ingelburga,  the  wife  of  Philip  Augustus.*  Friendless  in  a  foreign 
land,  the  object  of  aversion  to  him  to  whom  she  had  plighted  her  affec- 
tions, the  unfortunate  Danish  princess  felt  that  though  France  was  false, 
her  voice  could  reach  her  spiritual  father,  at  whose  rebuke  the  proudest 
monarchs  trembled.  After  sixteen  years  of  banishment  from  the  palace, 
she  was  reinstated  in  her  rights. 

Philip  I.  of  France,  dismissing  his  lawful  wife,  gave  to  his  people  the 
enormous  scandal  of  living  in  open  adultery  with  Bertrade,  who  had  for- 
saken her  husband,  Fulco,  Count  of  Angiers.  Urban  II.,  first  by  his  legate, 
and  afterward  in  person,  hurled  excommunication  against  him  in  two  suc- 
cessive Councils.  The  licentious  prince  soon  presented  himself  as  a  peni- 
tent in  the  Council  of  Nemours,  and  obtained  absolution,  on  putting  away 
the  object  of  his  unlawful  attachment.  Having  subsequently  relapsed, 
he  was  punished  with  the  same  censure,  from  which  he  was  again  released 
by  the  authority  of  Paschal  II.,  on  appearing  in  an  assembly  of  bishops, 
with  bare  feet,  in  the  attitude  of  penance,  and  swearing  on  the  holy  gos- 
pels that  he  would  shun  all  criminal  intercourse,  and  all  just  occasion  of 
suspicion.  This  was  an  act  of  homage  to  the  Christian  law — an  atone- 
ment for  its  violation.  It  was  well  that  the  prince  who  had  caused  the 
name  of  Christ  to  be  blasphemed,  should  sue  for  pardon,  by  making  pub- 
lic acknowledgment  of  his  sin,  and  giving  satisfactory  evidence  of  amend- 
ment. Hallain  observes  :  "  The  submission  of  such  a  prince,  not  feebly 
superstitious,  like  his  predecessor  Robert,  nor  vexed  with  seditions,  like 
the  Emperor  Henry  IV.,  but  brave,  firm,  and  victorious,  is  perhaps  the 
proudest  trophy  in  the  scutcheon  of  Rome."f 

In  many  instances  the  Popes  inflicted  censures  on  princes  who  violated 
the  ecclesiastical  law,  by  marrying  within  the  forbidden  degrees.  The 
justice  of  this  exercise  of  authority  will  strike  only  those  who  acknow- 
ledge the  force  of  those  laws.  I  would  merely  remark,  that  the  princes 
were  subject  to  them  equally  as  the  humblest  of  the  faithful,  and  con- 
sequently liable  to  be  punished  by  ecclesiastical  censures  for  their 
violation,  One  end  of  these  laws  is  to  preserve  the  purity  of  morals,  by 
taking  away  the  hope  of  intermarriage  from  such  as  are  placed  in  inti- 
mate relations  in  domestic  life,  by  reason  of  kindred.  If  their  force  had 
not  been  maintained  in  regard  to  princes,  as  well  as  their  subjects,  not 
only  would  discipline  have  suffered,  but  Christian  morals  would  have  been 

*  See  Life  of  Innocent  III.,  by  Hurter.    While  yet  a  Lutheran,  Hurter  devoted  twenty 
years  of  diligent  research  to  the  compilation  of  this  splendid  biography, 
f  Middle  Ages,  ch.  vii. 


AUTHORITY   OVER  PRINCES.  275 

deeply  injured.  Robert,  King  of  France,  was  commanded  by  Gregory 
V.  in  the  Roman  council,  in  998,  to  separate  from  Berta,  his  blood- 
relation,  under  penalty  of  anathema.  The  prince  yielded  to  the  threat. 
"  It  is  known,"  says  Michaud,  "  that  the  excommunication  fulminated 
against  Philip  I.,  as  well  as  others  subsequently  hurled  against  Louis 
VII.  and  Philip  Augustus,  were  in  a  great  measure  grounded  on  the 
violation  of  the  laws  of  marriage.  It  may  then  be  observed  that  the 
power  of  the  Popes  served  to  maintain  the  sanctity  of  an  institution 
which  is  the  first  basis  of  society.  In  barbarous  ages,  what  other  barrier 
could  be  opposed  to  licentiousness  in  a  contract  in  which  the  passions 
have  so  great  a  share  ?"* 


§  2.— IN  SECULAR   CONCERNS. 

Nothing  is  more  remarkable  in  the  history  of  the  Middle  Ages,  than 
the  interference  of  the  Popes  in  the  controversies  of  princes  and  the  in- 
ternal dissensions  of  kingdoms  and  republics.  To  understand  this  phe- 
nomenon, we  must  take  into  consideration  the  position  which  they  occu- 
pied in  regard  to  the  temporal  powers.  The  conversion  of  princes  to 
Christianity  disposed  them  to  regard  with  reverence  the  teaching  of  the 
Church,  and  to  seek  counsel  and  direction  in  the  moral  difficulties  which 
occurred  in  the  exercise  of  the  governing  power.  They  felt  bound  to  use 
it  conformably  to  the  laws  of  God  and  of  His  Church,  and  pledged  them- 
selves to  do  so  by  the  oath  of  coronation.  When  they  bowed  to  receive 
their  diadems  from  the  consecrated  hands  of  the  Pontiff,  they  regarded 
themselves  as  exercising,  with  dependence  on  the  King  of  kings,  a  dele- 
gated, sovereignty.  The  independent  action  of  the  Bishop  of  Rome, 
freed  from  the  yoke  of  Eastern  emperors,  and  endowed  with  a  con- 
siderable principality,  was  rendered  sacred  by  his  spiritual  supremacy. 
The  memory  of  the  glories  of  ancient  Rome  was  almost  obliterated,  since 
barbarian  hordes  had  overrun  her  territories,  and  all  was  confusion  and 
disorder,  when  Leo  III.,  at  the  opening  of  the  ninth  century,  felt  him- 
self compelled  to  call  Charlemagne  to  the  imperial  throne.  At  the  un- 
expected salutation  given  to  the  prince,  amid  the  solemnities  of  mass,  at 
the  altar  of  St.  Peter's,  thousands  of  Romans  and  strangers  re-echoed 
with  deafening  acclamations:  "Long  live  the  august  emperor  of  the  Ro- 
mans !"  All  regarded  the  act  as  inspired,  and  doubted  not  that  order 
and  harmony  would  arise  from  chaos,  at  the  bidding  of  the  holy  Pontiff. 
Erom  that  time  the  Bishop  of  Rome  necessarily  enjoyed  an  immense 
influence  over  the  empire,  and  the  kingdoms  which  arose  under  its 
shadow ;  and  he  was  regarded  by  princes  and  people  as  their  father  and 

*  Histoire  des  Croisades,  1.  i.  n,  102. 


276  AUTHORITY  OVER  PRINCES. 

judge.*  He  created  the  new  order  of  things,  assigning  to  each  potentate 
his  place  in  the  political  world,  and  controlling  by  laws  the  movements 
of  each,  in  order  to  maintain  the  general  harmony.  His  relations  to  the 
empire  were  most  direct,  since  he  determined  who  should  elect  the  em- 
peror, and  exercised  the  right  of  examining  whether  the  individual 
chosen  was  admissible.  The  power  exercised  by  the  Popes  in  designating 
the  emperor,  and  giving  the  royal  title  to  the  chiefs  of  various  nations,  in 
a  word,  regulating  the  whole  political  order,  cannot  fairly  be  branded  as 
an  usurpation,  since  it  was  vested  in  them  by  the  force  of  circumstances; 
their  spiritual  office  placing  them  at  the  head  of  the  Christian  world,  and 
inspiring  confidence  in  the  justice  and  wisdom  of  their  acts.  It  was  not 
a  result  of  positive  concessions  made  by  the  respective  nations,  although 
it  was  acquiesced  in  and  confirmed  by  the  free  and  frequent  acts  of  people 
and  princes.  Neither  was  it  a  divine  prerogative  of  their  office ;  but  it 
naturally  grew  out  of  their  ecclesiastical  relations  to  the  body  of  Chris- 
tians, and  was  strengthened  and  sustained  by  their  sacred  character. 
The  imperfect  civilization  of  the  Northern  nations  converted  to  the  faith, 
after  their  invasion  of  the  Southern  provinces  of  Europe,  rendered  it  ne- 
cessary for  them  to  be  guided  and  directed,  and  disposed  them  to  regard 
with  reverence  the  acts  of  that  authority  which  their  Christian  teachers 
had  led  them  to  consider  as  supreme  in  the  things  of  salvation.  Thus, 
without  effort,  the  Popes  found  themselves  invested  with  a  kind  of  tem- 
poral supremacy,  and  enabled  to  bestow  crowns  and  sceptres,  while  they 
themselves  possessed  only  a  small  principality,  which  was  embarrassed  or 
controlled  by  a  municipal  administration,  and  often  wrested  from  their 
.  hands.  It  so  happened  that  the  authority  of  the  Pope  was  invoked  in 
support  of  the  reigning  princes,  or  to  recall  them  to  duty :  and  his  tri- 
bunal was  regarded  as  the  supreme  court  of  the  Christian  confederacy. 
It  seemed  a  common  instinct  of  all  Christian  nations  to  appeal  to  his 
justice,  for  the  redress  of  every  grievance  for  which  the  local  authority 
proved  insufficient,  and  to  implore  his  power  for  the  punishment  of  those 
whose  station  placed  them  beyond  the  reach  of  municipal  law.  He  was, 
in  fact,  by  common  consent,  judge,  not  only  in  causes  strictly  ecclesi- 
astical, or  in  the  private  concerns  of  obscure  individuals,  but  in  civil  mat- 
ters, where  flagrant  wrongs  were  perpetrated  by  crowned  heads.  He  was 
called  on  to  interpose  his  authority  :  he  was  blamed  if  he  hesitated :  he 
was  feared  by  delinquents  of  every  class,  by  the  haughty  baron  and 
proud  emperor,  as  well  as  by  the  humble  vassal ;  and  when  the  thunder 
of  his  censure  rolled,  the  prison  doors  flew  open,  the  hand  of  avarice  let 
fall  the  wages  of  injustice,  and  the  knees  of  the  oppressor  beat  together. 
It  is  certainly  in  the  power  of  nations  to  constitute  a  supreme  tribunal 
to  adjust  their  controversies ;  and  the  fact  of  its  establishment  is  equally 

*  See  Manuel  d'Histoire  du  Moyen  Age,  par  J.  Moeller.     Vol.  i.  ch.  via.  §  ii.  p.  418. 


AUTHORITY   OVER  PRINCES.  277 

proved  by  their  acts,  as  by  any  formal  compact.  If  they  thereby  parted 
with  any  portion  of  their  sovereignty  and  independence,  it  was  with  great 
advantage  to  their  common  interests.  Voltaire  himself  has  remarked, 
that  "the  interest  of  mankind  requires  a  restraint  on  sovereigns,  and 
protection  for  their  subjects:  this  power  might  be  in  the  hands  of  the 
Popes,  in  virtue  of  a  universal  compact.  The  Pontiffs,  interfering  in 
temporal  disputes  only  with  a  view  to  settle  them,  admonishing  kings  and 
nations  of  their  duties,  reproving  their  crimes,  reserving  excommunica- 
tions for  great  enormities,  would  have  been  always  regarded  as  holding 
the  place  of  God  on  earth ;  but  men  now  prefer  to  have  the  laws  and 
usages  of  their  country  as  their  only  protection,  although  the  laws  are 
frequently  disregarded,  and  corrupt  usages  prevail."*  "  We  must,"  says 
Saint-Priest,  "  agree  with  the  Roman  school,  that  the  temporal  power  of 
the  Holy  See  was  far  less  the  result  of  usurpation,  than  a  consequence  of 
the  policy,  or  rather  of  the  false  position  of  princes.  The  secular  powers 
themselves,  in  their  rivalries,  wars,  remorses,  and  scruples,  invoked  pon- 
tifical intervention,  and  sought  its  support  sometimes  for  their  inferiority 
in  arms,  sometimes  for  their  trepidation  and  weakness  of  mind."f  We 
may  be  allowed  to  think  that  the  position  thus  taken  was  at  once  natural 
and  advantageous  to  society,  since  it  was  conformable  to  the  relations  in 
which  the  princes  already  stood  in  the  spiritual  order,  and  it  was  calcu- 
lated to  bring  about  an  amicable  adjustment  of  dangerous  controversies, 
and  prevent  the  horrors  of  war,  into  which  nations  are  so  often  plunged 
by  the  temerity  of  their  rulers.  What  diplomacy  effects  in  modern  times 
by  management  and  mutual  concession,  was  accomplished  in  the  Middle 
Ages  by  the  judgment  and  persuasion  of  the  father  of  princes  and 
people.  Michaud,  the  recent  historian  of  the  Crusades,  says:  " Com- 
plaints were  sometimes  made  of  the  injustice  of  the  judgment  pro- 
nounced by  the  head  of  the  Church,  but  his  right  to  judge  Christian 
princes  was  scarcely  called  in  question,  and  the  nations  almost  uniformly 
received  his  judgments  without  a  rnurmur/'J 


*  This  extraordinary  avowal  is  made  in  reference  to  the  penance  performed  by  Henry 
II.  for  having  given  occasion  to  the  assassination  of  St.  Thomas  Becket.  The  reader 
will  be  pleased  to  read  the  original  words:  "II  devait  se  repentir  d'un  assassinat;  Pin- 
teret  du  genre  humain  demande  un  frein  qui  retienne  les  souverains,  et  qui  mette  a 
convert  la  vie  des  peuples.  Ce  frein  de  la  religion  aurait  pu  etre  par  une  convention 
universelle  dans  la  main  des  Papes,  comme  nous  1'avons  deja  remarque.  Ces  premiers 
pontifes  en  ne  se  melant  des  querelles  temporelles  quo  pour  les  appaiser,  en  avertissant 
les  rois  et  les  peuples  de  leurs  devoirs,  en  reprenant  leurs  crimes,  en  reservant  les  excom- 
munications pour  les  grands  attentats,  auraient  toujours  ete  regardes  comme  des  images 
de  Dieu  sur  la  terre  j  mais  les  hommes  sont  reduits  a  n'avoir  pour  leur  defense  que  les 
loix  et  les  mceurs  de  leur  pays :  loix  souvent  meprisees,  et  moeurs  souvent  corrompues." 
Essai  sur  1'Histoire  Generale,  ch.  xliv.  t.  ii. 

f  Histoire  de  la  Royaute,  vol.  ii.  Iviii.  p.  359. 

J  Hist,  des  Croisades,  t.  iv.  p.  163 


278  AUTHORITY   OVER   PRINCES. 

It  may  be  proper  to  give  instances  of  the  eagerness  with  which  princes 
sought  from  the  Popes  the  recognition  of  their  royal  titles,  or  to  be  pro- 
moted to  the  royal  dignity,  and  of  the  submission  which  they  professed 
to  the  pontifical  authority.  John  VIII.  reminds  Michael,  King  of  the 
Bulgarians,  that,  on  embracing  Christianity,  he  submitted  to  the  govern- 
ment of  Peter  the  apostle,  and  of  his  successors,  and  promised  obedience.* 
St.  Stephen,  King  of  Hungary,  acknowledged  to  have  received  his  crown 
and  title  from  Sylvester  II.  Alphonsus,  Duke  of  Portugal,  received  the 
royal  title  from  Alexander  III.,  in  reward  of  his  exploits  against  the 
Arabs.  Premislaus  was  recognised  as  King  of  Bohemia  by  Innocent 
III.,  at  the  solicitation  of  the  Emperor  Otho.  Calo-Joannes  obtained 
from  the  same  Pontiff  the  crown  and  title  of  King  of  the  Bulgarians. 
Peter  of  Aragon  was  not  content  with  the  title  which  his  predecessors 
had  borne,  but  asked  of  Innocent  to  be  solemnly  crowned,  that  a  religious 
sanction  might  be  given  to  his  authority.  Stephen,  on  succeeding  to  the 
crown  of  England,  swore  to  preserve  the  liberty  of  the  Church,  and 
avowed  that  he  had  been  chosen  king  with  the  assent  of  the  clergy  and 
the  people,  and  had  been  confirmed  in  the  kingdom  by  Innocent,  Pontiff 
of  the  Holy  Roman  See.f  Theobald,  King  of  Navarre,  asked  of  Alex- 
ander IV.  the  privilege  of  being  anointed  king  with  the  solemn  rite  pre- 
scribed by  the  Church;  which  being  granted,  he  afterward  sought  per- 
mission for  his  successors  to  use  the  royal  title,  when  in  accordance  with 
the  national  usage  they  should  be  chosen  to  occupy  the  throne,  being 
raised  on  a  shield,  or  on  the  shoulders  of  men,  before  the  unction  was 
performed. 

The  King  of  Servia,  on  abandoning  schism,  sent  an  embassy  to  Hono- 
rius  III.  to  obtain  the  pontifical  recognition  of  his  royal  title.  This  act 
was  intended  to  secure  to  the  prince  his  proper  place  in  the  great  Chris- 
tian confederacy.  Addressing  the  Pontiff,  he  says  :  "  As  all  Christians 
love  and  honor  you,  and  regard  you  as  their  father  and  lord,  so  we  desire 
to  be  styled  a  child  of  the  holy  Roman  Church,  and  your  child ;  being 
anxious  that  the  blessing  and  confirmation  of  God,  and  yours,  should 
always  be  manifest  on  our  crown  and  land."!  Daniel,  Duke  of  Russia, 
in  1246,  obtained  the  royal  crown  and  title  from  the  legate  of  Inno- 
cent IV.  The  princes  were  not  insensible  of  their  titles  to  royal  power, 
as  derived  from  descent,  conquest,  or  popular  will ;  but  they  felt  the  ad- 
vantage of  the  Pontiff's  sanction  and  recognition,  in  reference  to  other 
sovereigns  and  to  their  own  people ;  and  they  sought  for  a  divine  blessing 
through  his  ministry.  Thus  Braninier,  a  Sclavonian  prince,  having 
professed  fidelity  and  obedience  to  blessed  Peter,  John  VIII.,  on  the  feast 
of  our  Lord's  Ascension,  pronounced  a  solemn  blessing  on  him  and  on 
his  people,  at  the  altar  of  St.  Peter. § 

*  Ep.  Ixxv.,  ad  Michaeleru  regem  Bulg.  f  Baron.,  an.  1135,  p.  341. 

£  Raynald,  an.  1220.  g  Ep.  Ixxxii.  Ixxxiii. 


AUTHORITY'  OVER   PRINCES.  279 

Many  princes,  from  a  feeling  of  devotion  to  the  Holy  See,  freely  offered 
themselves  as  vassals  of  St.  Peter,  which,  according  to  the  notions  then 
prevalent,  implied  no  degradation,  but  rather  independence  of  the  im- 
perial power,  with  a  nominal  subjection  to  the  Pontiff.  The  Normans 
manifested  a  desire  to  return  to  the  obedience  of  the  Holy  See,  as  a 
means  of  securing  their  independence  of  the  empire.  St.  Gregory  VII. 
wrote  to  Wifred  of  Milan :  "  Be  it  known  to  you,  then,  that  the  Normans 
are  making  to  us  overtures  of  peace,  which  they  would  most  willingly 
have  concluded  ere  this,  and  have  given  full  satisfaction  to  Blessed  Peter, 
whom  alone,  after  the  Lord,  they  desire  to  have  for  their  lord  and  em- 
peror, had  we  assented  to  their  petition  in  certain  particulars."*  ""We, 
suppose  that  you  well  know,"  says  he  to  Grusa,  Duke  of  Hungary,  "  that 
the  kingdom  of  Hungary,  as  also  other  most  noble  kingdoms,  should 
enjoy  independence,  and  be  subject  to  the  king  of  no  other  realm,  but 
only  to  the  holy  and  universal  Church  of  Rome,  our  mother,  who  does 
not  treat  her  subjects  as  slaves,  but  embraces  all  as  children. "f  The 
apostolic  King  of  Hungary  gloried  in  this  vassalage  :  the  King  of  Por- 
tugal made  his  dominions  tributary :  the  King  of  Aragon  swore  fealty : 
the  King  of  Dalmatia  paid  tribute  to  the  Pope  as  liege  lord  :  and  Ste- 
phen, and  Henry  II.  of  England,  before  the  humiliation  of  John,  ac- 
knowledged that  England  was  a  fief  of  the  Holy  See.  It  is  not  just  to 
form  to  ourselves  a  false  idea  of  this  dependence,  and  thence  to  take 
occasion  to  despise  the  princes  who  acknowledged  it,  and  to  censure  the 
Popes  who  enforced  it.  It  consisted  chiefly  in  the  payment  of  a  small 
annual  pension  toward  the  general  fund,  for  the  most  important  wants  of 
the  Church,  and  in  the  manifestation  of  greater  zeal  for  the  defence  of 
the  Holy  See,  when  assailed  by  powerful  enemies.  It  disposed  the  prince 
to  listen  with  docility  to  the  admonitions  of  the  Pontiff,  in  behalf  of 
religion  and  of  the  people,  and  it  procured  for  him  pontifical  influence 
and  protection,  when  the  royal  authority  was  assailed  by  rebels,  or  by 
rival  princes.  When  Waldemar,  King  of  Denmark,  a  vassal  of  the  Holy 
See,  was  thrown  into  prison  by  Henry,  Count  of  Zeverin,  Honorius  III., 
at  the  instance  of  the  prelates  and  nobles,  interposed  his  authority  to 
rescue  the  king,  and  urged  the  emperor,  Frederick,  to  come  to  his  relief, 
beseeching  him,  however,  to  spare  the  life  of  the  rebel  count.J  John,  of 
England,  got  the  support  of  Innocent  against  the  revolted  barons  :  whose 
just  claims  the  Pontiff,  nevertheless,  promised  to  sustain,  if  they  would 
consent  to  lay  down  their  arms.  In  Sicily,  and  other  original  possessions 
of  the  Holy  See,  greater  authority  was  claimed  by  the  Pope,  as  liege 
lord ;  but  in  kingdoms  voluntarily  made  feudatory,  'the  dependence  was 
almost  nominal.  Even  Hallam  avows  the  favorable  influence  of  this 
subjection:  " Peter,  King  of  Aragon,  received  at  Rome  the  belt  of 
knighthood,  and  the  royal  crown,  from  the  hands  of  Innocent  III. ;  he 

*  Ep.  xv.  1.  iii.  t  EP-  Ixiii.  1-  "•  t  Raynald.,  an.  1223. 


280  AUTHORITY  OVER  PRINCES. 

took  an  oath  of  perpetual  fealty  and  obedience  to  him  and  his  successors; 
he  surrendered  his  kingdom,  and  accepted  it  again  to  be  held  by  an 
annual  tribute,  in  return  for  the  protection  of  the  Apostolic  See.  This 
strange  conversion  of  kingdoms  into  spiritual  fiefs  was  intended  as  the 
price  of  security  from  ambitious  neighbors,  and  may  be  deemed  analogous 
to  the  change  of  allodial  into  feudal,  or  more  strictly  to  that  of  lay  into 
ecclesiastical  tenure,  which  was  frequent  during  the  turbulence  of  the 
darker  ages."* 

Although  the  social  relations  of  the  Popes  to  the  secular  powers  gave 
occasion  to  their  interference  in  temporal  controversies,  yet  they  did  not 
act  as  temporal  superiors,  but  they  availed  themselves  of  their  position  to 
apply  the  maxims  of  the  Christian  law  to  the  subjects  in  dispute,  and 
used  their  spiritual  authority,  by  ecclesiastical  censures,  to  enforce  their 
judgment.  The  principles  on  which  they  acted  were  distinctly  stated  by 
Innocent  III,  when  Philip  of  France  resisted  his  interference,  to  stop  the 
ravages  of  war  between  him  and  Richard  Coaur  de  Lion.  Disclaiming 
distinctly  all  right  to  judge  of  the  title  to  the  fief  in  dispute,  f  he  insisted 
that  he  was  authorized  to  take  away  the  privileges  of  ecclesiastical  com- 
munion, from  a  prince  who  wantonly  shed  human  blood,  while  he  could  ob- 
tain his  just  demands  by  amicable  arbitration :  "  No  one  doubts/'  he  says, 
"that  it  belongs  to  our  office  to  judge  of  the  things  which  appertain  to 
the  salvation  or  damnation  of  the  soul.  Is  it  not, deserving  of  eternal 
damnation,  and  of  the  loss  of  eternal  life,  to  nourish  discord,  to  attack 
those  who  are  of  the  household  of  the  faith,  to  destroy  religious  establish- 
ments, to  give  over  to  pillage  the  property  destined  for  the  wants  and 
advantage  of  religious  men,  to  oppress  virgins  consecrated  to  God?'7 
"  Hearken,  then,  dearly  beloved  son,  not  to  our  word,  but  rather  to  the 
word  of  the  Word,  which  was  in  the  beginning  with  God,  and  which 
finally  was  made  flesh,  and  dwelt  among  us  :  '  If  thy  brother  sin  against 
thee,  go  and  reprove  him  between  him  and  thee  alone.  If  he  will  not 
hear  thee,  take  with  thee  two  or  three,  that  in  the  mouth  of  two  or  three 
witnesses  every  word  may  stand.  But  if  he  will  not  hear  them,  tell  the 
Church  j  and  if  he  will  not  hear  the  Church,  let  him  be  to  thee  as  the 
heathen  and  publican.'  Behold !  the  King  of  England,  your  brother, 
brother  not  by  carnal  kindred,  but  in  the  unity  of  faith,  complains  that 
you  sin  against  him,  and  stretch  forth  your  hands  to  injure  him,  as  you 
have  already  done ;  he  has  rebuked  you  already  between  him  and  you 
alone,  both  by  letters  and  by  word  of  mouth,  not  once,  but  frequently, 
iind  warned  you  to  desist  from  injuring  him.  He  has  taken  with  him  not 
merely  two  or  three  witnesses,  but  many  nobles,  to  renew  the  bonds  of 
peace  which  were  broken,  and  to  use  their  influence  to  induce  you  to 

*  Middle  Ages,  ch.  vii. 

f  "Non  ratione  feudi,  cujus  ad  eum  spectat  judicium,  sed  occasione  peccati,  cyjus  ad 
nos  pertinct  sine  dubitatione  censura."  Ep.  clxvi.,  apud  Raynald,  an.  1203. 


AUTHORITY  OVER   PRINCES.  281 

desist  from  wrong.  But  inasmuch  as  hitherto  he  has  not  succeeded  with 
your  highness,  he  has  denounced  you  to  the  Church,  as  sinning  against 
him :  and  the  Church  has  chosen  to  address  you  with  maternal  affection, 
rather  than  to  use  her  judicial  power,  and  therefore  she  has  not  authori- 
tatively rebuked  you — but  mildly  admonished  you  to  desist  from  injuring 
your  brother,  and  to  make  with  him  a  lasting  peace,  or,  at  least,  a  truce. 
What,  then,  remains,  if  you  refuse  to  hear  the  Church,  as  hitherto 
you  have  refused,  but,  it  pains  us  to  say  it,  to  regard  you  as  a  heathen 
and  a  publican,  and  to  shun  you  after  the  first  and  second  rebuke  ?  If 
we  must  offend  either  you  or  God,  we  choose  rather  to  appease  Him, 
although  we  incur  your  displeasure,  than  please  an  earthly  king  by 
offending  the  Divine  Ruler. — Shall  we  hesitate  to  proceed  according  to 
the  commandment  of  the  Lord,  when  we  shall  have  more  fully  investi- 
gated the  case,  and  ascertained  the  truth  ?  Shall  we  dissemble  the  car- 
nage of  bodies  and  ruin  of  souls,  and  not  declare  to  the  wicked  their  im- 
piety, and  restrain  the  violent  from  outrage  ?"*  Honorius  III.,  in  1225, 
insisted  that,  as  sovereign  Pontiff,  he  had  a  right  to  extirpate  mortal  sin, 
even  when  committed  by  kings. f  Even  Boniface  VIII.  rejected,  as  an 
absurd  calumny,  the  charge  of  his  having  alleged  that  the  King  of 
France  held  the  crown  by  his  concession,  or  was  dependent  on  him  in  the 
civil  government,  and  observed  that  his  studies  of  jurisprudence  during 
fifty  years  would  not  suffer  him  to  entertain  so  strange  a  pretension  :  but 
he  added  that  the  king  himself  could  not  deny  that  he  was  subject  to 
the  high  authority  of  the  Pontiff  in  what  regarded  sin.J 

These  views  were  generally  entertained,  so  that  sovereigns  themselves 
put  them  forward  with  the  greatest  earnestness,  when  they  found  it  neces- 
sary to  implore  pontifical  authority  against  other  princes.  Richard  Coeur 
de  Lion,  on  his  return  from  Palestine,  was  treacherously  arrested  by  the 
Duke  of  Austria,  and  thrown  into  prison.  His  mother,  Queen  Eleanor, 
appealed  to  Celestine  III.  to  use  his  spiritual  sword,  in  order  to  force  the 
duke  to  relax  his  grasp.  She  was  confident  that  her  son  would  be  set  at 
liberty,  if  Celestine  menaced  to  strike  with  excommunication  those  who 
held  him  a  prisoner.  Accordingly,  Leopold,  Duke  of  Austria,  was  sub- 
jected to  this  penalty,  with  which  even  the  emperor  and  King  of  France 
were  threatened,  being  understood  to  have  concurred  in  the  arrest. 
These  measures  resulted  in  the  liberation  of  the  captive  prince.  King 
Richard  himself,  when  set  at  liberty,  implored  the  pontifical  power  for 
the  liberation  of  his  hostages,  and  induced  Celestine  to  issue  an  excom- 
munication against  the  Duke  of  Austria,  and  all  others  who  had  con- 
curred in  his  imprisonment,  contrary  to  the  security  guaranteed  to  the 
Crusaders. §  The  request  was  complied  with,  and  the  Bishop  of  Verona 
was  directed  by  the  Pope  to  issue  the  sentence,  which,  however,  failed  to 

*  Apud  Raynald,  an.  1203.  f  Ep.  169,  Rai.,  n.  30. 

J  See  Pagi,  Brev.  Gest.  Rom.  Pont.,  vol.  iii.  p.  540.  \  Baron.,  an.  1195,  p.  886. 


282  AUTHORITY   OVER   PRINCES. 

move  the  duke,  until  an  accident  brought  him  to  the  verge  of  eternity, 
when  he  humbly  submitted  to  the  Papal  injunctions. 

This  may  imply  authority  at  all  times  in  secular  concerns,  as  far  as 
they  involve  moral  principle,  to  be  enforced  by  ecclesiastical  censures. 
The  divine  law,  doubtless,  embraces  all  classes  of  men,  princes  and 
people,  and  all  varieties  of  human  actions,  political  as  well  as  personal. 
The  chief  Pastor  of  the  Church  is  placed  on  his  high  eminence,  to  pro- 
claim the  command  of  God,  and  in  His  name  to  instruct  in  justice  those 
that  judge  the  earth.  As  expounder  of  the  moral  law,  he  speaks  to  all 
with  power  and  authority,  condemning  all  that  God  has  forbidden,  and 
inculcating  the  observance  of  each  divine  commandment.  He  can  cast 
forth  from  the  Church  every  one,  prince  or  subject,  who  is  notoriously 
guilty  of  flagrant  immorality,  if  he  will  not  yield  to  paternal  admonition. 
But  secular  concerns  are  not,  of  themselves,  subject  to  his  cognizance  : 
and  the  complicated  social  relations  which  arise  from  the  free  acts  of  in- 
dividuals, or  from  public  law,  or  from  the  action  of  the  civil  authorities, 
are  not  the  matter  of  his  judgment,  unless  where  they  involve  a  violation 
of  the  great  principles  of  Christian  morality.  In  the  Middle  Ages, 
kings  and  nations  implored  his  judgment,  and  consequently  brought 
within  the  sphere  of  his  authority  those  secular  transactions  and  contro- 
versies, of  which  otherwise  he  might  have  said,  in  the  words  of  our 
Redeemer,  to  those  who  called  for  his  interference  :  "  Who  hath  ap- 
pointed me  judge  over  you?"*  Whencesoever  the  conviction  of  his 
right  to  take  cognizance  of  them  may  be  supposed  to  have  arisen,  it  was 
universally  admitted,  and  it  was  consequently  a  part  of  the  public  and 
common  law  of  nations.  Guizot  testifies  that  it  was  generally  believed, 
in  the  middle  of  the  ninth  century,  that  he  was  above  temporal  govern- 
ments, even  in  temporal  affairs,  when  connected  with  religion  :f  he 
might  have  qualified  it  by  adding,  in  their  moral  aspect,  since  he  ob- 
serves that  it  was  by  developing  the  principles  of  morality  ecclesiastics 
exercised  power  over  governments. 

The  key  to  the  whole  history  of  the  Middle  Ages  appears  to  us  to  be 
the  sentiment  then  prevailing,  that  Christian  principle  should  regulate 
all  the  departments  of  government  and  all  the  relations  of  life.  We 
do  not  think  that  the  authority  of  the  Popes  over  sovereigns  is  to  be 
accounted  for,  merely  by  reason  of  the  relations  in  which  they  actually 
stood  to  them,  or  of  the  concessions  which  had  been  made  by  former 
princes.  On  the  contrary,  we  trace  those  concessions  and  relations  to 
the  persuasion  which  was  universal,  that  the  head  of  the  Christian 
Church  was  the  fittest  arbiter  of  the  respective  obligations  of  princes 
and  their  subjects,  and  the  natural  judge  of  all,  in  what  regarded  the 
application  of  the  Christian  maxims  to  society. 

*  Luke  xii.  14.  f  Cours  d'Histoire  Moderne,  t.  iii.  p.  81. 


CHAPTER  III. 

tribunal 


PHILANTHROPISTS  often  speculate  on  the  propriety  of  establishing  a 
peace  tribunal,  to  settle,  without  "  the  proud  control  of  fierce  and  bloody 
war,"  the  various  controversies  which  may  arise  among  nations  :  yet 
they  seldom  reflect  that  such  a  tribunal  existed  in  the  Middle  Ages,  in 
the  person  of  the  Roman  Pontiff.  The  warlike  spirit  of  the  Northern 
barbarians,  which  still  survived  in  their  descendants,  should  be  under- 
stood, in  order  fully  to  appreciate  the  services  which  the  Popes,  in  re- 
straining it,  rendered  to  society.  Their  efforts  were  not  always  success- 
ful, but  their  merit  was  not  on  that  account  the  less  in  endeavoring  to 
stem  the  torrent  of  human  passion  ;  and  their  success  was  sufficient  to 
entitle  them  to  the  praise  of  having  effectually  labored  to  substitute 
moral  and  religious  influence  for  brute  force.  As  ministers  of  the  Prince 
of  peace,  they  often  interposed  spontaneously,  and  with  arms  powerful 
before  God  opposed  the  crowned  marauder,  who  rushed  forward  to  shed 
human  blood.  The  fathers  of  the  Council  of  Rheiins,  in  1119,  under 
the  presidency  of  Calistus  II.,  were  engaged  in  ecclesiastical  deliberations, 
when  the  Pontiff  communicated  to  them  overtures  of  peace,  which  had 
reached  him  from  Henry  V.  He  informed  them  that  he  must  repair  to 
the  place  which  the  emperor  had  appointed  for  an  interview,  promising  to 
return  to  close  the  Council:  "Afterward/'  said  he,  "I  shall  wait  on  the 
King  of  England,  my  god-child  and  relative,  and  exhort  him  and  Count 
Theobald,  his  nephew,  and  others  who  are  at  variance,  to  come  to  a 
reconciliation,  that  each,  for  the  love  of  God,  may  do  justice  to  the  other, 
and  according  to  the  law  of  God,  all  of  them  being  pacified,  may  abandon 
war,  and  with  their  subjects  enjoy  the  security  of  perfect  peace.  But 
such  as  obey  not  our  admonitions,  and  continue  to  disturb  the  public 
peace,  I  will  strike  with  the  awful  sentence  of  anathema."*  The 
benevolent  intentions  of  the  Pontiff  were  defeated  for  a  time  by  the  wiles 
and  machinations  of  the  fifth  Henry,  who,  however,  after  many  vain 
struggles  against  the  authority  of  the  Church,  at  length  renounced  his 
pretensions  to  the  right  of  investing  prelates  with  their  sacred  office  by 
delivering  to  them  the  ring  and  crosier,  the  symbols  of  ecclesiastical 

*  Cone.  Rhemens.  acta,  col.  241,  t.  xxi.,  coll.  Mansi. 

283 


284  PEACE   TRIBUNAL. 

authority,  and  was  content  with  giving  them  the  temporal  appanage  of 
their  office  by  stretching  toward  them  the  royal  sceptre.  Thus,  in  the 
year  1123,  was  happily  terminated  the  strife  between  the  Popes  and  em- 
perors, which  had  fiercely  raged  during  half  a  century. 

In  the  same  venerable  assembly  appeared  Louis  the  Fat,  King  of 
France,  surrounded  by  his  nobles ;  and  having  advanced  forward  to  the 
platform  on  which  the  Pope  was  enthroned,  he  urged  his  complaint 
against  the  English  king :  "  I  come/7  he  said,  "  with  my  barons,  to  this 
holy  assembly  to  seek  counsel,  my  lord  the  Pope  :  and  you,  reverend  pre- 
lates, hear  me.  The  King  of  England  has  violently  invaded  Normandy, 
a  province  of  my  kingdom :  he  has  treated  in  a  detestable  manner  Duke 
Robert,  his  own  brother  and  my  vassal,  whom  he  has  seized,  and  at  this 
time  actually  holds  prisoner.  I  have  frequently  demanded  his  liberation, 
through  bishops  and  counts,  whom  I  sent  to  him  for  this  object,  but  all 
without  effect.  William,  the  son  of  the  captive  duke,  stands  here  before 
you,  despoiled  of  the  inheritance  of  his  father."*  This  address  shows 
the  confidence  with  which  sovereigns  themselves  appealed  to  the  Pontiff, 
in  the  most  solemn  circumstances,  to  obtain  through  his  influence  what 
might  not  be  otherwise  hoped  for,  without  the  shedding  of  much  blood. 

Long  before  this  period,  the  mediatorial  offices  of  the  Pope  were  sought 
by  princes  unable  to  resist  the  superior  force  which  threatened  them.  In 
the  year  787,  Thassilo,  Duke  of  Bavaria,  implored  Adrian  I.  to  intercede 
with  Charlemagne,  and  obtain  for  him  equitable  terms.  The  charity  of 
the  Pontiff  led  him  to  accept  the  commission ;  but  when  the  ambassadors 
of  the  duke  professed  themselves  unauthorized  to  accede  to  the  conditions 
which  were  agreed  on  with  the  emperor,  Adrian  judged  that  he  could 
employ  the  censures  of  the  Church  against  him,  on  account  of  his  bad 
faith,  and  declared  that  the  monarch  would  be  guiltless  of  the  blood 
which  might  be  shed  in  chastising  the  perfidious  prince.  While  the  im- 
perial troops  beseiged  the  capital  of  Hungary,  the  king,  Andrew,  sought 
the  mediation  of  St.  Leo  IX.  The  Pontiff  willingly  undertook  "the 
journey  to  Germany,  in  order  to  procure  peace,  which,  however,  the 
jealousy  of  some  courtiers  or  the  fickleness  of  the  king  prevented. f 

Gregory  IV.,  on  presenting  himself  to  Louis,  against  whom  Lothaire, 
his  son  and  colleague  in  the  empire,  had  revolted,  protested  that  he  came 
only  to  restore  peace,  which  our  Divine  Redeemer  wished  to  be  main- 
tained by  all  His  disciples.  The  refusal  of  the  emperor  to  come  to  an 
accommodation,  led  to  the  defection  of  his  troops,  which  forced  him  to 
abandon  the  contest. 

The  Emperor  Henry  II.  complained  to  the  Council  of  Tours,  over 
which  Victor  II.  presided,  that  Ferdinand,  King  of  Spain,  took  on  him- 

*  Ibidem,  col.  238. 

t  Wibert  in  vita  S.  Leonis,  1.  ii.  c.  8.  Herman  Contractus  throws  the  blame  on  the 
king. 


PEACE   TRIBUNAL.  285 

self  the  imperial  title.  The  Council  menaced  to  excommunicate  the 
king,  and  lay  the  kingdom  under  interdict,  if  he  did  not  abandon  his  pre- 
tensions :  to  which  he  accordingly  consented,  declaring  his  entire  sub- 
mission to  the  judgment  of  the  Apostolic  See.  On  the  death  of  the 
emperor,  great  apprehensions  were  entertained  of  disturbances  on  the 
part  of  several  princes,  to  avert  which  the  Pope,  to  whom  the  emperor, 
when  dying,  had  intrusted  the  charge  of  his  son,  a  youth,  assembled  a 
Council  at  Cologne,  and  gained  over  Baldwin  and  Godfrey,  and  effectually 
prevented  civil  war.  Thus  he  successfully  employed  his  influence  and 
authority  to  preserve  peace. 

It  was  at  the  instance  of  Paschal  II.  that  St.  Anselm  used  his  best 
efforts  to  bring  about  an  amicable  settlement  between  Henry  I.  of 
England,  and  his  brother  Robert,  who,  by  right  of  seniority,  claimed  the 
crown.  When  every  overture  for  peace  was  rejected,  the  prelate,  on  the 
eve  of  battle,  exhorted  the  nobles  to  be  true  to  their  allegiance,  which 
they  had  pledged  to  Henry,  threatening  Robert  with  excommunication  if 
he  continued  to  disturb  the  public  peace.  These  measures  proved  effec- 
tual, the  prince  choosing  rather  to  forego  his  claim  than  fall  under  the 
censures  of  the  Church,  by  engaging  in  a  bloody  contest. 

On  occasion  of  war  between  the  republics  of  Genoa  and  Pisa,  Inno- 
cent II.  repaired  to  the  latter  city,  and  summoned  thither  the  reprenta- 
tives  of  the  Genoese  interests,  who,  together  with  the  Pisans,  swore  to 
abide  by  his  commands,  and  accordingly  made  peace.  Clement  III.  sent 
a  cardinal  legate  to  Henry  II.  of  England  and  Louis  VI.  of  France, 
exhorting  them  to  peace,  in  order  to  unite  in  the  effort  to  liberate  the 
Holy  Land.  Entreaty,  persuasion,  and  threats  were  successively  em- 
ployed, until  at  length  the  princes  consented  to  abide  by  the  judgment 
of  the  legate,  and  of  four  archbishops,  two  on  the  part  of  each  king.  In 
proceeding  to  the  adjudication  of  this  controversy,  the  judges  threatened 
to  excommunicate  any  one  who  should  strive  to  prevent  the  conclusion  of 
peace. 

Innocent  III.,  in  the  Council  of  Lateran,  enjoined  a  general  peace 
among  all  Christians,  for  four  years  at  least.*  He  fell  sick  unto  death 
on  a  journey  which  he  undertook  with  a  view  to  induce  the  Pisans, 
Genoese,  and  Lombards,  to  make  peace,  and  unite  in  the  Crusade. 
When  James,  King  of  Aragon,  had  made  war  on  Simon,  Count  of  Mont- 
fort,  Honorius  III.  depatched  ambassadors  to  enjoin  peace,  offering  to 
take  cognizance  of  the  causes  of  dispute,  if  the  parties  would  submit 
them  to  the  apostolic  judgment,  and  threatening  them  with  anathema  in 
case  they  persevered  in  the  war.  Honorius  III.  sent  a  legate  to  Louis 
VIII.  of  France,  to  induce  him  to  make  a  truce  with  Henry,  King  of 
England,  which,  however,  he  failed  to  accomplish.  He  stricily  forbade 
Henry  to  attack  Louis  while  engaged  in  the  Albigensian  war. 

*  Expeditio  pro  recup.  terra  sancta. 


286  PEACE   TRIBUNAL. 

JOHN  XXI.  exerted  all  his  influence  with  Philip,  King  of  France, 
and  Alphonsus,  King  of  Castile,  to  produce  a  reconciliation  between 
them,  that  both  princes  might  unite  in  succoring  the  Eastern  Christians. 
To  the  former  he  wrote  in  these  terms:  "We  admonish,  ask,  and 
earnestly  exhort  and  beseech  your  royal  highness,  by  the  sprinkling  of 
the  blood  of  Jesus  Christ,  attentively  to  reflect  that  the  execution  of  the 
affairs  connected  with  the  divine  glory,  in  which  you  are  to  be  the  chief 
actor,  is  impeded  by  this  misunderstanding,  and  to  turn  to  meekness  what 
seems  disposed  to  anger,  and  prepare  and  change  your  royal  mind  to  the 
good  of  peace,  and  unity  of  concord."  The  Pontiff  proffered  his  kind 
offices  to  settle  the  matters  in  dispute  :  "  If  any  dispute  shall  remain  be- 
tween you  and  the  aforesaid  king,  the  solicitude  of  the  Apostolic  See 
will  not  be  wanting ;  she  offers  herself,  without  sparing  labor,  to  extin- 
guish, to  the  utmost  of  her  power,  all  matter  of  disagreement  between 
you  and  the  aforesaid  king,  and  to  procure  and  maintain  unity  with 
great  care."*  He  authorized  his  legate  to  restrain  by  ecclesiastical 
censures  both  kings,  or  whichever  should  attack  the  other. 

Nicholas  III.  urged  Michael  Palgeologus,  the  Greek  emperor,  Charles, 
King  of  Sicily,  and  the  Emperor  Philip,  to  submit  their  disputes  to  his 
decision,  rather  than  engage  in  war.f  By  his  persuasion  Rodulph,  King 
of  the  Romans, J  made  peace  with  Charles,  King  of  Sicily,  and  yielded 
to  him  Provence,  saving  the  rights  of  Margaret,  Queen  of  the  French. 

Edward  of  England,  and  Philip  the  Fair  of  France,  being  engaged  in 
war,  Boniface  VIII.  sent  ambassadors,  most  earnestly  exhorting  them  to 
peace.  He  authorized  the  legates  to  threaten  the  infliction  of  censures, 
should  they  persist;  declaring  it  to  be  unworthy  of  Christian  princes  to 
lead  their  subjects  to  mutual  slaughter.  What  to  us  may  appear  strange, 
is,  that  the  Pontiff  took  upon  himself  to  order  a  truce  to  be  observed  for 
a  year  between  the  contending  princes,  and  prolonged  it  for  two  years, 
under  penalty  of  excommunication. §  The  attempt  to  interfere  with  the 
military  operations  of  sovereigns,  is  an  extraordinary  instance  of  ecclesi- 
astical power;  but  it  was  then  thought  that  the  penalty  of  exclusion 
from  the  Church  might  be  inflicted  by  her  ruler  on  princes  acknowledg- 
ing her  authority,  who  recklessly  sacrificed  human  life  in  a  contest, 
which,  during  the  suspension  of  hostilities,  might  be  amicably  adjusted. 
Both  kings,  in  fact,  sent  commissioners  to  Rome  to  represent  their  re- 
spective rights,  and  the  Pontiff  pronounced  judgment  between  them,  dis- 

*  Apud  Rayn.,  an.  1276.  f  Ibidem,  an.  1278. 

J  This  title  was  given  to  the  emperor  elect,  before  his  coronation.  Speaking  of  the 
right  over  Italy  acquired  by  the  emperor  chosen  by  the  German  princes,  Ilallam  says : 
"  It  was  an  equally  fundamental  rule,  that  the  elected  King  of  Germany  could  not  assume 
the  title  of  Roman  emperor  until  his  consecration  by  the  Pope.  The  middle  appellation 
of  King  of  the  Romans,  was  invented  as  a  sort  of  approximation  to  the  imperial  dig- 
nity." Middle  Ages,  p.  i.  ch.  iii. 

^  Apud  Rayn.,  an.  1296. 


TEACE   TRIBUNAL.  287 

pensing,  at  the  same  time,  in  the  ecclesiastical  laws,  that  their  reconcilia- 
tion might  be  insured  by  intermarriage  of  the  English  king  and  his  son 
with  the  sister  and  daughter  of  the  French  monarch.  With  threats  of 
censure,  Boniface  likewise  commanded  Adolphus,  King  of  the  Romans, 
to  desist  from  hostilities  against  Philip,  and  urged  the  three  princes  to 
submit  their  disputes  to  the  pontifical  decision.  He  was  entirely  suc- 
cessful in  his  efforts  to  reconcile  Charles  II.,  King  of  Sicily,  with  James 
of  Aragon.  When  the  Venetians  and  Genoese  threatened  each  other 
with  war,  Boniface  enjoined  a  truce,  that  their  mutual  complaints  might 
be  heard  by  him,  and  adjusted  without  bloodshed.  The  Venetians  ac- 
quiesced in  the  proposal,  in  despite  of  which  the  Genoese  made  hostile 
demonstrations,  which  the  Pontiff  left  the  more  docile  Venetians  free  to 
repel. 

Oftentimes  both  parties  simultaneously  invoked  the  pontifical  judgment, 
making  the  Pope  umpire  for  the  termination  of  their  disputes.  Thus 
Honorius  III.  was  called  on  to  judge  between  Frederick  II.  and  various 
cities  of  Lombardy,  and  he  succeeded  in  effecting  a  reconciliation.  When 
the  war  had  broken  out  anew,  through  the  perfidy  of  the  emperor,  Gre- 
gory IX.,  who  then  occupied  the  papal  chair,  acted  in  the  capacity  of 
pacific  judge,  providing  with  paternal  solicitude  for  the  imperial  interests, 
and  for  the  security  of  the  cities. 

The  Pontiff  was  sometimes  implored  by  the  legitimate  claimant  of  a 
throne  to  use  his  spiritual  authority  against  an  unlawful  aspirant.  At 
the  solicitation  of  Louis  II.,  the  legal  heir  of  the  kingdom  of  his  de- 
ceased brother,  Adrian  II.  threatened  the  nobles  with  censure,  should 
they  favor  the  usurpation  of  Charles,  the  uncle  of  the  deceased  so- 
vereign.* John  VIII.,  in  like  manner,  came  to  the  aid  of  Charles  the 
Bald,  when  his  dominions  were  invaded  by  his  brother  Louis,  and  com- 
manded the  bishops,  under  pain  of  anathema,  to  use  their  influence  to 
prevent  further  depredations.  This  interference  was  in  accordance  with 
the  general  feeling  of  the  age,  which  regarded  the  act  of  the  Pontiff  as  a 
declaration  of  right,  by  which  even  a  weak  prince  was  supported  in  his 
struggle  against  superior  force,  and  a  powerful  monarch  received  moral 
strength  in  public  opinion,  which  could  not  be  derived  from  mere  success 
on  the  field  of  battle. 

When  nations  were  involved  in  the  horrors  of  civil  war,  or  were 
threatened  with  them,  the  religious  influence  of  the  Pontiff  was  often  im- 
plored by  sovereigns  and  subjects  to  restore  order,  and  secure  the  rights 
of  all.  King  Louis  of  France  complained  to  the  bishops  assembled  in 
Council,  in  the  year  948,  at  Ingilenheim,  under  the  presidency  of  the 
Pope's  legate,  of  the  revolt  and  usurpation  of  Hugh,  Count  of  Paris  : 
against  whom  the  fathers,  in  conformity  with  the  fourth  Council  of  To- 
ledo, threatened  excommunication,  if  he  persisted  in  his  rebellion. j* 

*  Fleury,  Hist.  Eccl.,  1.  li.  an.  869.  |  Conc-  col«  rQS->  voL  vi.  col.  605. 


288  PEACE   TRIBUNAL. 

Pope  Agapetus,  in  a  Roman  Council,  confirmed  their  sentence.  Not 
long  before,  Stephen  IX.  had  used  his  influence  and  authority  success- 
fully to  induce  the  French  nobles  to  return  to  the  obedience  of  Louis 
VI.,  against  whom  they  had  revolted.  In  this  he  followed  the  maxims 
of  the  apostles,  who  taught  men  to  obey  their  rulers,  even  if  personally 
unworthy;  and  his  remonstrances  were' listened  to  the  more  patiently  and 
respectfully,  because  he  addressed  them  as  the  common  father  of  all,  not 
as  a  royal  partisan,  and  employed  his  influence  in  their  behalf,  to  obtain 
for  them  justice  and  pardon  from  the  sovereign. 

Henry  II.,  on  the  rebellion  of  his  son,  sought  the  interposition  of 
Alexander  III.,  avowing  himself  a  vassal  of  the  Holy  See :  "  Since 
God  has  raised  you  to  the  eminence  of  the  pastoral  office,  that  you 
might  give  the  knowledge  of  salvation  to  His  people,  although  I  be 
absent  in  body,  yet  present  in  spirit,  I  prostrate  myself  at  your 
knees,  demanding  salutary  counsel.  The  kingdom  of  England  is  of 
your  jurisdiction,  and  to  you  alone  I  am  responsible,  and  am  bound  as  to 
what  regards  the  obligation  of  feudatory  right.  Let  England  see  the 
power  of  the  Roman  Pontiff;  and  since  he  does  not  employ  material  arms, 
let  him  defend  the  patrimony  of  blessed  Peter  with  the  spiritual  sword."* 
The  Pope  accordingly  issued  an  excommunication  against  all  who  should 
disturb  the  king's  peace.  Clement  IV.  succeeded  in  bringing  to  an 
amicable  issue  a  strife  of  long  continuance  between  Bela,  King  of  Hun- 
gary, and  his  son  Stephen,  and  united  them  in  lasting  peace. 

It  is  plain  that  the  pontifical  interference,  when  thus  invoked  by 
princes  or  their  subjects,  was  calculated  to  remedy  grievances  in  a 
manner  most  consistent  with  the  general  interests.  The  monarch,  how- 
ever powerful,  could  not  hope  to  crush  by  force  his  subjects,  when 
sustained  by  the  moral  influence  of  the  Pontiff;  and  a  feeble  prince  was 
protected  by  the  shield  of  religion,  against  the  violence  of  a  rampant 
nobility  or  a  restless  people.  Between  sovereigns  accustomed  to  decide 
their  disputes  on  the  battle-field,  his  interposition,  as  the  common  father 
of  princes,  was  calculated  to  prevent  a  recourse  to  arms.  His  judgment 
being  regarded  as  the  expression  of  right,  gave  a  moral  support  to  the 
just  cause  :  it  served. 

"  To  give  us  warrant  from  the  hand  of  Heaven, 
And  on  our  actions  set  the  name  of  right 
With  holy  breath."f 

Leibnitz  regarded  this  mediatorial  office  of  the  Pope  as  one  among  the 
most  beautiful  evidences  of  Christian  influence  on  society,  and  expressed 
the  desire,  which,  however,  he  did  not  hope  to  see  realized,  that  a  peace 
tribunal  were  established  anew  at  Rome,  with  the  Pontiff  as  its  president, 
that  the  controversies  of  princes  and  the  internal  dissensions  of  nations 

*  Baron.,  an.  1173,  p.  60.  f  King  John.— Shakspeare. 


PEACE   TRIBUNAL.  289 

might,  under  the  mild  influence  of  religion,  be  decided  without  blood- 
shed. "  Since  we  are  allowed  to  indulge  fancy,  why/'  says  he,  "  should 
we  not  cherish  an  idea  thai  would  renew  among  us  the  golden  age  ?"* 

In  order  to  judge  rightly  of  these  acts,  it  should  be  remembered,  that 
the  Christian  nations  of  Europe,  in  consequence  of  their  common  faith, 
became  almost  insensibly  a  great  confederacy,  bound  together  by  stronger 
ties  than  any  conventional  compact.  "  The  nations  belonging  to  the 
Roman  communion  appeared  to  be  one  great  republic."f  The  integrity 
of  Christian  faith  was  its  fundamental  law,  the  violation  of  which  was 
punished  with  expulsion  from  the  confederacy.  The  Pope  was  charged 
to  watch  over  its  observance,  and  in  case  of  the  apostasy  of  any  inferior 
lord,  to  declare  the  forfeiture  which  he  had  incurred,  and  to  proclaim 
that  his  territory  might  be  seized  by  any  Catholic  potentate.  The  action 
of  the  Pontiff,  in  such  case,  was  not  an  exercise  of  his  primatial  authority, 
farther  than  his  sentence  determined  the  guilt  of  heresy :  it  proceeded 
from  a  power  attached  to  his  office  by  general  consent  for  the  interests  of 
the  Christian  commonwealth.  The  penalty  was  specially  enacted  in 
reference  to  the  Manichean  heresy,  which  subverted  public  morals,  as 
well  as  faith. 

The  fourth  Council  of  Lateran,  held  in  the  year  1215,  under  Innocent 
III.,  decreed,  that  if  a  secular  lord,  after  request  made  of  him,  and  admo- 
nition given  him  by  the  Church,  should  neglect  to  clear  his  territory  of 
this  heretical  filth,  he  should  be  excommunicated  by  the  bishops  of  the 
province ;  and  in  case  he  continued  contumacious  under  excommunication 
during  an  entire  year,  the  Pope  should  be  informed  of  it,  that  he  might 
declare  the  vassals  thenceforward  free  from  their  allegiance,  and  leave  the 
territory  open  to  be  occupied  by  Catholics,  who  might  drive  away  the 
heretics,  and  hold  it  by  an  unquestionable  title,  without  prejudice  to  the 
rights  of  the  liege  lord.  The  same  was  to  be  observed  in  regard  to  such 
as  had  no  principal  lords,|  that  is,  lords  paramount.  It  is  clear  that  the 
body  of  the  enactment  regards  inferior  and  dependent  lords.  The  tenure 
of  their  fiefs  was  thus  limited,  with  the  general  consent  of  the  secular 
powers  present  in  the  Council,  which  contained  the  representatives  of  the 
Emperor  of  Constantinople,  and  of  the  Kings  of  France,  England,  Hun- 
gary, Jerusalem,  Aragon,  and  of  many  other  sovereigns.  The  ravages  of 
the  Manichees,  which  are  described  by  the  fathers,  appeared  to  require 
the  concerted  efforts  of  all  the  civil  powers  to  suppress  them,  so  that 
neglect  to  do  so  was  deemed  treason  against  the  Christian  confederacy. 
On  this  account  it  was  punished  with  the  forfeiture  of  feudal  rights :  and 
accordingly,  in  the  Council  itself,  Innocent  deprived  the  Count  of  Tou- 
louse of  his  principality,  and  transferred  it  to  Simon  de  Montfort,  the 


*  Lettre  II.,  a  M.  Grimaret,  op.  t.  v.  p.  65. 
•j-  Voltaire,  Essai  sur  1'Histoire  Generale,  t.  ii.  ch.  xlviii. 
J  Can.  iii.,  apud  Labbe,  cone.,  t.  xi.  par.  i.  p.  147. 
19 


290  PEACE  TRIBUNAL. 

leader  of  the  crusade  against  the  Albigensians.  Honorius  III.  justified 
himself  by  this  enactment  with.  Henry,  King  of  England,  for  having 
called  on  Louis,  King  of  France,  to  occupy  the  territory  of  the  Count  of 
Toulouse.*  The  enactment  does  not  regard  sovereigns,  the  clause  which 
is  attached  to  it  being  only  designed  to  include  allodialf  proprietors,  who 
were  bound  to  no  military  service,  or  other  feudal  duty.  It  may  be 
thought  that  the  principle  is  equally  applicable  to  sovereigns :  but  where 
penal  laws  are  in  question,  it  is  not  allowable  to  argue  from  parity  of 
reason,  and  sovereigns  are  never  understood  to  be  embraced  by  general 
enactments,  unless  they  be  specially  mentioned.  The  whole  enactment 
is,  indeed,  founded  on  the  principle  that  heresy — especially  Manicheism — 
is  a  crime  against  Christian  society,  to  be  punished  and  extirpated  by  the 
civil  authorities,  which  was  undisputed  in  that  age,  when  the  violence 
and  disorders  of  sectaries  gave  melancholy  evidence  of  the  anti-social 
character  of  their  tenets. 

It  is  undeniable  that  the  Pontiff's  sometimes  invited  sovereigns  to  aid  in 
executing  their  sentences  against  other  sovereigns,  whose  territories  they 
encouraged  them  to  invade.  Postponing  to  another  opportunity  to 
explain  the  grounds  on  which  this  was  done,  I  wish,  at  present,  merely  to 
meet  the  objection  as  regards  their  pacific  character.  Whenever  war  is 
necessary  to  vindicate  the  oppressed,  and  put  a  stop  to  outrage,  its  justice 
must  be  the  apology  of  him  who  lends  it  his  sanction.  It  is  for  the 
interests  of  peace  and  of  humanity  that  a  powerful  monarch  should  inter- 
pose for  the  protection  of  the  defenceless,  and  awe,  by  a  formidable  dis- 
play of  force,  the  tyrant  who  is  deaf  to  paternal  remonstrance.  Of  the 
Papal  authority  as  exercised  by  the  Gregories  and  Innocents,  a  recent 
writer  says :  "It  bestowed  order,  civilization,  and,  as  far  as  was  possible 
in  such  fierce  and  warlike  times,  peace."! 

In  connection  with  the  office  of  the  Pontiffs  as  pacificators,  we  may 
mention  the  restraints  which  they  imposed  on  military  operations.  It 
would  have  been  vain  to  enjoin  on  the  nobles  of  those  ages  to  abstain 
altogether  from  the  use  of  arms,  since  mutual  injuries  provoked  resist- 
ance and  retaliation,  and  tribunals  of  justice  were  not  at  hand.  Each 
baron  exercised  the  rights  of  sovereignty,  as  far  as  his  own  interests  were 
at  stake,  and  undertook  the  redress  of  wrongs  by  the  sword.  The  utmost 
which  could  be  successfully  attempted,  was  to  restrain  men  from  violence 
at  certain  times,  and  especially  on  days  consecrated  to  religious  duties : 
on  this  account  Cardinal  Hugo,  in  a  Council  held  at  Gerona  in  Spain,  in 
the  year  1068,  by  the  authority  of  Alexander  II.,  confirmed  "  the  truce 
of  God,"  as  there  observed,  and  extended  it  from  the  octave  of  Easter 
Sunday  to  the  octave  of  Whitsuntide,  requiring  its  observance  during 
that  period,  as  well  as  during  Lent,  under  penalty  of  excommunication. 

*  Vide  Fleury,  Hist.  Eccl.,  1.  Ixxix.  §  xxviii.  f  See  Blackstone,  1.  ii.  c.  iv. 

J  London  Quarterly,  for  February,  1836. 


PEACE   TRIBUNAL.  291 

Urban  II.,  likewise,  in  the  Councils  of  Melfi  and  Clerrnont,  confirmed, 
by  his  authority,  the  decrees  of  some  bishops,  who  had  enjoined  a  sus- 
pension of  hostilities  from  Wednesday  evening  of  each  week  until 
Monday  morning,  and  during  the  whole  of  Advent  and  Lent.  The 
wisdom  of  this  ordinance  is  acknowledged  by  Mills,  who  observes : 
"  The  clergy  did  much  toward  accustoming  mankind  to  prefer  the 
authority  of  law  to  the  power  of  the  sword.  At  their  instigation 
private  wars  ceased  for  certain  periods,  and  on  particular  days,  and  the 
observance  of  the  Truce  of  God  was  guarded  by  the  terrors  of  excom- 
munication and  anathema.  Christianity  could  not  immediately  and 
directly  change  the  face  of  the  world ;  but  she  mitigated  the  horrors  of 
the  times  by  infusing  herself  into  warlike  institutions."* 

In  1187,  during  the  pontificate  of  Gregory  VIII.,  which  did  not  last 
quite  two  months,  the  Cardinals,  in  order  to  promote  the  Crusade  which 
was  then  undertaken,  agreed,  with  the  assent  of  the  Pope,  to  establish  a 
general  peace  between  all  Christian  princes  for  seven  years,  subjecting  to 
excommunication  all  who  should  violate  it.  The  assumption  of  this 
power  was  in  accordance  with  the  general  principles  and  usages  of  the 
Middle  Ages,  and  was  certainly  favorable  to  the  interests  of  humanity. 

Hallam,  although  he  regards  the  Papal  interference  as  an  usurpation, 
admits  that  the  project  of  Gerohus,  a  writer  who  lived  early  in  the 
twelfth  century,  to  refer  all  disputes  among  princes  to  the  Pope,  was  cal- 
culated to  find  favor  with  benevolent  minds,  sickened  by  the  cupidity 
and  oppression  of  princes.  "No  control  but  that  of  religion  appeared 
sufficient  to  restrain  the  abuses  of  society ;  while  its  salutary  influence 
had  already  been  displayed  both  in  the  Truce  of  God,  which  put  the  first 
check  on  the  custom  of  private  war,  and  more  recently  in  the  protection 
afforded  to  Crusaders  against  all  aggression  during  the  continuance  of 
their  engagement.  There  were  certainly  some  instances  where  the  tem- 
poral supremacy  of  Innocent  III.,  however  usurped,  may  appear  to  have 
been  exerted  beneficially.  He  directs  one  of  his  legates  to  compel  the 
observance  of  peace  between  the  Kings  of  Castile  and  Portugal,  if  neces- 
sary, by  excommunication  and  interdict."f 

It  may  surprise  the  reader  to  learn  that  an  improvement  in  the  laws  of 
war,  which  John  Adams,  Benjamin  Franklin,  and  Thomas  Jefferson,  as 
American  commissioners,  proposed  to  the  Prussian  minister,  in  the  year 
1784,  was  anticipated,  more  than  six  hundred  years,  by  Innocent  II.,  in 
the  Council  of  Lateran.  Using  the  civil  influence  with  which  he  found 
himself  invested,  he  decreed  that  "priests,  monks,  strangers,  merchants, 
peasants,  going  or  returning,  or  employed  in  labors  of  husbandry,  and 
the  animals  with  which  they  plough,  and  which  carry  the  seeds  to  the 
field,  should  be  secured  from  all  molestation. "J  The  proposition  of  the 

*  History  of  Crusades,  ch.  i.  p.  22.  f  Middle  Ages,  ch.  vii. 

J  Cap.  Innovamus  II.,  de  Treuga  et  Pace. 


292  PEACE   TRIBUNAL. 

commissioners  was  "  to  improve  the  laws  of  war,  by  a  mutual  stipulation 
not  to  molest  non-combatants,  as  cultivators  of  tbe  earth,  fishermen, 
merchants,  and  traders  in  unarmed  ships,  and  artists  and  mechanics, 
inhabiting  and  working  in  open  towns/'*  Another  instance  may  be 
added,  in  which  the  humane  and  enlightened  views  of  the  Popes  antici- 
pated and  surpassed  some  of  the  modern  improvements  on  the  laws  of 
war.  Paschal  II.,  in  a  Council  held  at  Troyes,  in  1107,  decreed  that  in 
war  houses  should  not  be  set  on  fire.f  It  is  now  deemed  unlawful  wan- 
tonly to  destroy  public  buildings.  Chancellor  Kent  truly  observes,  that 
"the  history  of  Europe,  during  the  early  periods  of  modern  history, 
abounds  with  interesting  and  strong  cases,  to  show  the  authority  of  the 
Church  over  turbulent  princes  and  fierce  warriors,  and  the  effect  of  that 
authority  in  meliorating  manners,  checking  violence,  and  introducing  a 
system  of  morals  which  inculcated  peace,  moderation,  and  justice."! 

*  Kent's  Comm.,  vol.  i.  p.  91.    Note.  f  Chronic.  Malleacense. 

J  Commentaries  on  American  Law,  by  James  Kent.     Lecture 


CHAPTER  IV. 


§1.—  ORIGIN   OF  THE  POWER. 

WHOEVER  is  at  all  acquainted  with  the  history  of  the  Middle  Ages, 
cannot  be  ignorant  of  the  political  influence  which  the  bishops  exercised, 
conjointly  with  the  secular  nobility.  This  arose  from  the  religious 
feeling  of  the  people,  which  disposed  them  to  respect  their  judgment, 
rather  than  from  the  temporal  possessions  attached  to  the  sees.*  Be- 
sides, as  Hallam  avows,  "  the  bishops  acquired  and  retained  a  great  part 
of  their  ascendency  by  a  very  respectable  instrument  of  power,  intel- 
lectual superiority.  "f  Their  concurrence  was  sought  in  every  change  of 
rulers,  whether  the  sceptre  passed  by  election  to  the  heir  of  a  deceased 
monarch,  or  by  some  revolution,  into  the  hands  of  a  new  dynasty.  Ill 
the  decline  of  the  seventh  century,  on  the  resignation  of  King  Wamba, 
the  Spanish  bishops  assembled  at  the  instance  of  his  successor,  Ervigius, 
who  sought  at  their  hands  the  ratification  of  his  title  :  and  on  the  depo- 
sition of  Louis  by  his  son  Lothaire,  a  French  Council  lent  its  sanction  to 
the  measure.  In  859,  in  the  Council  of  Savonieres,  Charles  the  Bald 
avowed  his  willingness  to  submit  to  the  judgment  of  the  bishops,  and 
complained  that  he  had  been  deposed  without  their  sanction.  They, 
in  reality,  were  the  chief  nobles,  who  chiefly  constituted  the  public 
council  and  national  legislature.  The  Pope  especially  possessed  im- 
mense influence  in  civil  affairs.  His  judgment  sealed  the  deposition  of 
Childeric,  and  the  transfer  of  the  sceptre  from  the  Merovingian  to  the 
Carlovingian  race.  When  Eadbert,  a  Clergyman,  regardless  of  his  sacred 
engagements,  was  chosen  by  intrigue  to  occupy  the  vacant  throne  of  Kent, 
in  796,  Leo  III.,  at  the  instance  of  Ethelheard,  Archbishop  of  Canter- 
bury, struck  the  ambitious  aspirant  with  excommunication,  for  the  viola- 
tion of  his  religious  obligations,  and  threatened  to  exhort  all  the  in- 
habitants of  Britain  to  unite  in  punishing  his  disobedience,  should  he 
refuse  to  return  to  the  clerical  profession.  J  People  and  princes  alike 
appealed  to  the  Pope  in  their  controversies,  and  sought  redress  at  his 
hands.  The  Saxons  complained  to  Alexander  II.  of  Henry  IV.,  King 
of  Germany,  whose  oppression  and  licentiousness  were  intolerable.  Tho 

*  Middle  Ages,  ch.  viii.  p.  111.    f  Ib.  ch.  vii.     J  Lingard,  Hist.  England,  1.  i.  ch.  iii. 

293 


29-4  DEPOSING  POWER. 

prince  was  accordingly  summoned  to  answer  at  the  tribunal  of  the  Pon- 
tiff, whose  death,  however,  interrupted  the  proceedings.  Two  centuries 
before,  Nicholas  I.  threatened  to  interdict  King  Lothaire  unless  he  dis- 
missed Waldrada :  which  menace  was  understood  by  the  Bishop  of  Metz 
to  involve  the  throne  itself  in  danger. 

Although,  from  these  facts,  it  is  plain  that  St.  Gregory  VII.  was  not 
the  first  who  claimed  or  exercised  authority  over  princes,  he  appears  to  be 
the  first  who  actually  undertook  to  depose  them.  In  the  year  1074,  he 
wrote  to  the  French  bishops,  complaining  of  the  crimes  of  Philip  I., 
whom  he  designated,  not  a  king,  but  a  tyrant,  and  requiring  of  them  to 
admonish  him,  and  lay  the  kingdom  under  interdict ;  adding  a  solemn 
threat,  that  if  these  measures  failed,  he  would  leave  no  means  untried  to 
free  the  nation  from  its  unworthy  ruler,  as  he  could  no  longer  suffer  so 
illustrious  a  kingdom  and  its  vast  population  to  be  ruined  by  the  mis- 
conduct of  one  man.  This  presents  to  us  a  principle  very  popular  in  our 
days,  that  royalty  is  but  a  trust  for  the  people,  and  that  when  the  public 
interests  are  trampled  under  foot  by  the  prince,  he  is  a  tyrant,  unfit  to 
hold  the  reins  of  government,  and  no  longer  entitled  to  the  o'bedience  of 
the  people.  Similar  views  had  been  delivered  by  Nicholas  I.  in  the 
ninth  century.  To  propagate  this  doctrine,  leaving  to  every  one  to  deter- 
mine for  himself  when  it  is  that  the  ruler  has  forfeited  his  rights,  would 
be  to  preach  revolution  and  anarchy.  The  assumption,  however,  of  the 
right  of  judgment  between  subjects  and  their  sovereign,  has  been  repre- 
sented as  a  daring  usurpation.  But  as  all  the  kingdoms  of  Europe  had 
arisen  under  the  protection  of  the  Holy  See,  and  all  by  the  very  pro- 
fession of  Christianity  were  considered  as  acknowledging  its  parental 
guidance,  which  by  express  acts  they  declared  in  the  most  solemn  manner, 
the  Pope  was  expected  to  interpose  in  all  great  controversies,  whether 
domestic  or  external.  His  interference  was  generally  sought,  even  when 
he  seemed  to  act  unsolicited. 

In  the  Roman  Council  of  the  year  1075,  excommunication  was  de- 
nounced against  Philip,  in  case  he  should  not  yield  to  the  admonitions  of 
the  apostolic  legate  despatched  for  his  correction.  The  zeal  of  the  Pon- 
tiff was  soon  enkindled  against  a  more  powerful  prince,  Henry  IV.,  King 
of  Germany,  and  emperor  elect.  In  the  lifetime  of  his  father,  Henry 
III.,  he  had  been  chosen,  with  the  assent  of  the  German  nobles,  to  suc- 
ceed to  the  imperial  throne,  on  the  usual  condition  that  he  should  govern 
justly.*  The  violation  of  this  pledge  had,  as  we  have  seen  above,  pro- 
voked the  complaints  of  the  Saxons,  who  subsequently  revolted;  and 
having,  in  an  assembly  at  Gersteng,  declared  him  unworthy  to  reign,  on 
the  accession  of  Gregory  they  most  urgently  besought  him  to  come  to 
their  relief,  t  while  Henry  at  the  same  time  implored  his  authority  against 

#  "Si  rector  Justus  futurus  esset."    Herman,  contract.,  ad.  an.  1057. 
f  "  Quibus  ut,  vel  per  se,  vel  pur  nuntium,  genti  pene  perditae  consolator  esset,  sup- 
pliciter  oraverunt."     Bruno,  de  bello  Saxonico,  apud  script,  rerum  Germ.,  t.  i.  p.  133. 


DEPOSING  POWER.  295 

the  rebels.  "  When  the  Saxons  revolted/'  Saint-Priest  observes,  "  the 
Emperor  Henry  IV.,  at  the  foot  of  the  throne  of  Gregory  VII.,  accused 
them  of  sedition  and  sacrilege.  Thus  the  King  of  Germany  made  the 
Pope  judge  of  his  German  subjects/7*  Gregory,  accordingly,  expostu- 
lated with  the  insurgents,  calling  on  them  to  desist  from  violence,  and 
despatched  legates  to  them  and  to  the  king,  with  a  view  to  bring  their 
disputes  to  a  peaceful  termination.  In  the  mean  time,  Henry  threatened 
with  death  all  who  had  appealed  to  the  tribunal  of  the  Pontiff.  It  was 
then  that  the  measure  of  his  iniquities  seemed  to  overflow,  so  that  Gre- 
gory took  upon  himself  to  forbid  him  to  govern  the  kingdom  of  the  Ger- 
mans and  of  Italy,  and  absolved  all  Christians  from  the  oath  by  which 
they  had  bound  themselves  to  obey  him  as  king. 

This  extraordinary  act  naturally  leads  us  to  inquire  by  what  authority 
it  was  attempted.  In  a  letter  to  the  German  bishops,  nobles,  and  people, 
Gregory  states  that  "  Henry  was  guilty  of  crimes  so  enormous,  as  to  de- 
serve not  only  to  be  excommunicated,  but,  according  to  all  divine  and 
human  laws,  to  be  deprived  of  the  royal  dignity."  The  various  histori- 
cal documents  specify  those  crimes,  namely,  utter  disregard  of  the  public 
interests,  the  cruel  oppression  of  his  subjects,  the  dishonor  of  the  wives 
and  daughters  of  the  princes,  and  the  butchery  of  many  innocent  persons. 
In  the  national  Council  held  by  the  German  princes,  in  1076,  they  com- 
plained that  Henry  had  wantonly  shed  the  blood  of  his  subjects,  and  laid 
an  intolerable  yoke  on  the  necks  of  a  free  people.  He  had,  likewise, 
committed  great  crimes  against  religion,  by  the  sale  of  bishoprics,  which 
he  bestowed  on  unworthy  men,  and  last  of  all,  by  the  sacrilegious  attempt 
to  depose  the  sovereign  Pontiff.  Both  classes  of  crimes,  those  against 
society  and  religion,  concurred  to  provoke  his  condemnation,  because,  as 
king,  he  had  bound  himself  to  protect  the  Church,  and  maintain  her 
rights  inviolate :  but  the  last  act,  in  that  state  of  society,  was  justly 
deemed  treason  against  the  head  of  the  Christian  commonwealth.  Chris- 
tianity was  the  basis  of  society  and  its  supreme  law,  and  the  Pontiff  was 
regarded  as  its  guardian  and  expounder. 

It  was  the  firm  persuasion  of  the  German  princes  that  Henry,  by  his 
violation  of  the  compact  which,  at  his  coronation,  he  had  sworn  to  ob- 
serve, had  forfeited  his  title  to  the  throne.  "  Freemen/7  says  a  writer 
almost  contemporary,  "put  over  themselves  Henry  as  king,  on  condition 
that  he  should  judge  his  constituents  with  justice,  and  govern  them  with 
royal  care  :  which  compact  he  has  constantly  broken  and  disregarded. 
Therefore,  even  without  the  judgment  of  the  Apostolic  See,  the  princes 
could  justly  refuse  to  acknowledge  him  any  longer  as  king,  since  he  has 
not  fulfilled  the  pledge  which  he  gave  at  his  election ;  the  violation  of 
which  brings  with  it  the  forfeiture  of  kingly  power."*)*  They  sought, 

*  Histoire  de  la  Royaute,  par  Saint-Priest,  1.  x.  vol.  ii.  p.  549. 

f  "  Liberi  homines  Henricura  eo  pacto  sibi  prseposuerunt  in  regem,  ut  electores  suos 
juste  judicare,  et  regali  providentia  gubernare  satageret,  quod  pactuin  ille  postea  pro?- 


096  DEPOSING   POWER. 

nevertheless,  the  sanction  of  the  Pope,  whose  influence  on  the  public 
conscience  was  at  that  period  unbounded. 

The  sentence  of  Gregory  was  professedly  grounded  on  the  power  of 
binding  and  loosing  which  Peter  received  from  Christ:  but  it  presup- 
posed the  radical  annulling  of  the  oath  of  allegiance,  by  the  failure  of 
Henry  in  the  fulfilment  of  the  correlative  obligations;  so  that,  although 
bearing  the  form  of  a  sentence,  it  was  in  reality  an  authoritative  declara- 
tion that  the  oath  had  ceased  to  bind.-  In  no  circumstance  did  he  assert, 
or  insinuate,  that  he  could  loose  the  bond  at  will;  but  he  uniformly 
relied  on  the  fact  that  the  king  had  violated  his  own  oath,  and  thus  vir- 
tually released  the  people  from  their  duty  to  him.  Voltaire  has  happily 
expressed  the  relations  which  then  subsisted  between  the  monarch  and 
the  people : 

"  Before  this  sacred  shrine  he  swore 
Justly  to  wield  the  power  he  bore ; 
And  such  the  tie  that  binds  in  one 
The  nation's  heart  and  monarch's  throne : 
The  day  that  breaks  his  oath,  annuls  our  own."* 
• 

The  feudal  principles  which  prevailed  in  the  Middle  Ages,  led  men  to 
regard  the  relations  of  subjects  to  the  sovereign  as  depending  on  his 
fidelity  in  discharging  the  duties  which  he  had  assumed.  The  barons 
owed  him  no  unqualified  allegiance,  and  their  liege  men  felt  more  strictly 
bound  to  their  immediate  lord  than  to  the  king  or  emperor,  to  whom  they 
stood  in  no  direct  relation.  Hallam  observes  :  "  The  relation  established 
between  a  lord  and  his  vassal,  by  the  feudal  tenure,  far  from  containing 
principles  of  any  servile  and  implicit  obedience,  permitted  the  compact 
to  be  dissolved  in  case  of  its  violation  by  either  party.  This  extended  as 
much  to  the  sovereign  as  to  inferior  lords. "f 

The  judgment  of  the  Pope  was  awaited,  lest  the  relations  of  the  people 
to  their  rulers  should  be  capriciously  dissolved.  The  Saxons  had  im- 
plored it  most  earnestly,  and  Gregory,  after  much  hesitation,  and  many 
efforts  for  the  correction  of  Henry,  issued  at  length  the  awful  sentence. 
He  did  not  proceed  in  this  matter  from  the  impulse  of  his  own  feelings, 
but  with  the  advice  and  at  the  earnest  solicitation  of  the  Council  which 
he  assembled  to  take  it  into  consideration.  The  prince  himself,  when  he 
sought  and  obtained  absolution  from  the  censure,  accepted  with  apparent 

varicari  et  contemuere  non  cessavit,  Ac.  Ergo  et  absque  sedis  apostolicae  judicio,  prin- 
cipes  eum  pro  rege  merito  refutare  possent,  cum  pactum  adimplere  contempserit,  quod  iis 
pro  electione  sua  promiserat,  quo  non  adimpleto  nee  rex  esse  poterat."  Vita  Gregorii 
VII.,  in  Muratori  Script,  rerum  Italic.,  t.  iii.,  p.  342. 

A  cet  autel  auguste 

il  jura  d'  etre  juste  : 

De  son  peuple  et  de  lui  tel  etait  le  lien  ; 

H  nous  rend  nos  sermens,  lorsqu'  il  trahit  le  sien. 

Voltaire,  Brutus,  Acte  /.,  Scene  2. 
f  Middle  Ages,  ch.  viii.  p.  111.  . 


DEPOSING   POWER.  297 

readiness  the  condition  of  awaiting  the  issue  of  a  full  investigation,  to  be 
made  in  the  presence  of  the  German  princes,  at  a  time  and  place  to  be 
appointed  by  the  Pontiff,  promising,  in  the  mean  time,  to  lay  aside  the 
regal  robes,  and  abstain  from  all  interference  in  the  government  of  the 
empire.  Should  he  fail  in  any  of  these  engagements,  or  shrink  from  the 
trial,  he  consented  to  be  held  as  guilty,  and  agreed  that  the  princes 
should  be  deemed  free  from  every  obligation  contracted  by  their  oath  of 
allegiance,  so  that  they  might  without  further  delay  proceed  by  election 
to  fill  the  vacant  throne.* 

Without  pretending  that  the  cases  are  in  all  respects  parallel,  I  beg  to 
refer  to  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  in  which,  after  the  enumeration 
of  grievances  endured  by  the  American  colonies  from  the  King  of  Great 
Britain,  this  remarkable  sentence  occurs :  "  "VVe,  therefore,  the  represen- 
tatives of  the  United  States  of  America,  in  general  Congress  assembled, 
appealing  to  the  Supreme  Judge  of  the  world  for  the  rectitude  of  our  in- 
tentions, do,  in  the  name  and  by  authority  of  the  good  people  of  these 
colonies,  solemnly  publish  and  declare  that  these  united  colonies  are,  and 
of  right  ought  to  be,  free  and  independent  States ;  THAT  THEY  ABE  AB- 
SOLVED FROM  ALL  ALLEGIANCE  TO  THE  BRITISH  CROWN  ;  and  that  all 
political  connection  between  them  and  the  State  of  Great  Britain  is,  and 
ought  to  be,  totally  dissolved."  Although  Congress  did  not  assume  the 
power  of  the  keys,  or  claim  any  control  over  conscience,  it  certainly  set 
aside,  as  far  as  in  it  lay,  the  oath  of  allegiance,  on  the  ground  that  the 
correlative  duty  of  protection  had  not  been  fulfilled  by  the  British  crown. 
So  far,  this  is  precisely  a  case  in  point  to  that  for  which  odium  has  been 
heaped  on  the  memory  of  the  holy  Pontiff.  His  act,  if  in  the  main  just, 
because  declaratory  of  right,  does  not  cease  to  be  such  from  the  circum- 
stance that  he  brings  to  its  performance  all  the  spiritual  authority  of  his 
office,  invoking  the  prince  of  the  apostles  to  ratify  what  he  undertakes,  in 
virtue  of  that  power  of  binding  and  loosing,  which  he  received  from 
Christ.  He  did  not  rely  on  this  alone  :  he  did  not  interfere  unsolicited : 
but  his  authority  having  been  implored  by  both  parties  alternately,  he 
issued  a  sentence,  giving  it  all  the  force  which  his  social  and  ecclesiastical 
position  enabled  him  to  impart  to  it :  and  yet  suspending  its  final  effect 
for  a  year,  in  order  to  give  the  tyrant  an  opportunity  of  avoiding  the 
penalty  by  a  change  of  conduct. 

In  an  assembly  of  the  German  princes  held  at  Triers,  most  of  them 
manifested  an  anxiety  to  avail  themselves  of  the  opportunity  which  was 
thus  presented  of  deposing  Henry;  but,  in  the  end,  they  sent  an  em- 
bassy to  him,  proposing  to  submit  their  grievances  anew  to  the  judgment 
of  the  Pope,  in  an  assembly  of  all  the  nobles,  to  be  held  at  Augsburg; 
to  which  proposition  the  affrighted  prince  assented.  "  This  was,"  as  Vol- 
taire observes,  "  a  recognition  of  the  Pontiff  as  the  natural  judge  of  the 

*  See  Lambert.  Schnafnaburg,  cited  by  Pagi  Brev.  Pont.  Rom. 


298  DEPOSING  POWER. 

emperor  and  empire.  It  was  the  triumph  of  Gregory  VII.  and  of  the 
Papacy.  Henry  IV.,  reduced  to  these  extremities,  increased  still  more 
his  triumph."* 

By  a  law  of  the  empire,  as  well  as  by  general  usage,  the  loss  of  civil 
rights  was  attached  to  the  sentence  of  excommunication,  in  case  of  con- 
tumacy, manifested  by  neglect  to  obtain  absolution  during  an  entire  year. 
The  sentence  of  Gregory  was  but  the  application  of  this  general  law  to 
the  case  of  a  ruler,  and  was  not  designed  to  take  full  effect  unless  after 
the  lapse  of  that  space  of  time.  Accordingly,  as  the  end  of  the  year 
drew  nigh,  Henry  manifested  extreme  anxiety  to  be  released  from  the 
censure,  and  for  that  purpose  he  crossed  the  Alps  in  the  depth  of  winter, 
to  meet  the  Pontiff,  who  had  stopped  at  Canosa  on  his  journey  to  Augs- 
burg. In  the  garb  of  a  penitent,  he  presented  himself  at  the  gate  of  the 
fortress ;  but  obtained  admittance  only  after  three  days,  Gregory  being 
distrustful  of  the  sincerity  of  his  professions.  This  apparent  sternness 
was  fully  justified  by  the  prompt  relapse  of  Henry  into  his  usual  excesses. 
When  taking  the  communion,  Gregory,  holding  in  his  hand  the  body  of 
our  Lord,  appealed  to  Him  as  witness  of  his  innocence  of  the  crimes 
which  Henry  had  laid  to  his  charge,  and  then  challenged  him  to  do  like- 
wise :  li  Do,  my  son,  what  you  have  seen  me  do.  The  German  princes 
daily  stun  my  ears  with  charges  against  you,  imputing  to  you  many  enor- 
mous crimes,  for  which  they  think  you  deserve  not  only  to  be  deprived  of 
the  government,  but  to  be  removed  from  the  communion  of  the  Church, 
and  from  all  civil  society  to  the  end  of  life :  they  earnestly  demand  that 
a  day  and  place  be  appointed  for  the  examination  of  the  charges  which 
they  bring  against  you."  Consciousness  of  guilt  withheld  the  monarch 
from  making  the  appeal. 

After  the  relapse  of  Henry,  and  the  election  of  Rudolph  by  the  Ger- 
man princes,  contrary  to  the  wishes  of  Gregory,  who  still  cherished  the 
hope  of  his  amendment,  he  made  several  ineffectual  efforts  to  terminate 
the  contest,  and  resisted  the  importunate  solicitations  of  the  ambassadors 
of  Rudolph,  and  of  others,  who  urged  him  to  strike  the  prevaricating 
prince  with  the  apostolic  sword.  At  length,  in  the  year  1080,  he  drew 
it  from  the  scabbard,  in  a  Roman  Council,  "  subjected  him  to  excom- 
munication, binding  him  with  the  chains  of  anathema,  forbidding  him 
anew,  on  the  part  of  Almighty  God  and  of  the  apostles  Peter  and  Paul, 
to  take  on  himself  the  kingdom  of  the  Germans  and  of  Italy."  By  his 
solemn  sentence,  the  Pontiff  took  from  Henry  all  power  and  dignity,  for- 
bidding any  Christian  to  obey  him,  and  absolving  from  their  oath  all  who 
had  sworn  allegiance  to  him.  On  the  same  occasion,  he  recognised  as 
king,  Rudolph,  whom  the  Germans  had  chosen  to  occupy  the  throne,  and, 
with  the  ardor  of  prophetic  zeal,  he  besought  the  apostles  "  to  show  by 
the  event  that  they  could  take  away  and  grant,  according  to  the  respective 

*  Essai  sur  1'IIistoire  Generale,  cb.  xlii.,  Henri  IV.  et  Gregoire  VII. 


DEPOSING   POWER.  299 

deserts  of  each  one,  empires,  kingdoms,  principalities,  and  all  varieties 
of  earthly  dominion."  The  apostles  were  invoked,  that,  by  their  powerful 
influence  at  the  eternal  throne,  they  might  obtain  such  a  manifest  inter- 
position of  Providence,  as  would  show  to  the  world  that  Christ  had  con- 
firmed the  just  sentence  of  His  earthly  vicegerent. 

The  immediate  issue  of  the  contest  did  not  give  to  this  appeal  the 
character  of  prophecy,  for  Rudolph,  at  the  moment  of  victory,  perished 
on  the  field  of  battle.  An  anti-pope  created  by  the  conqueror,  in  the  per- 
son of  Guibert,  Bishop  of  Ravenna,  and  enthroned  in  St.  Peter's,  usurped 
the  tiara  during  the  reign  of  three  lawful  Pontiffs ;  and  Henry,  for  twenty 
years  after  the  death  of  Gregory,  wore  the  insignia  and  claimed  the  title 
of  emperor,  which  at  length  he  abandoned,  after  his  own  son  had  risen  in 
revolt  against  him.  Having  closed  his  career  under  the  ban  of  the 
Church,  his  corpse  was  denied  Christian  sepulture.  Gregory,  to  escape 
the  power  of  his  persecutor  and  of  his  rival,  retired  into  the  Castle 
of  Sant'  Angelo,  from  which  he  came  forth  under  the  protection  of 
Robert  Guiscard,  the  Norman  duke,  and  passing  to  Salerno,  closed  his 
career  of  suffering,  calm  and  resigned.  "  I  regret  not/'  said  he,  "  my 
sufferings,  being  sustained  by  the  consciousness  of  having  loved  virtue 
and  hated  iniquity."*  Henry  Y.  imitated  his  father  for  a  time  by  his 
encroachments  on  ecclesiastical  authority,  but  in  the  end  made  a  satisfac- 
tory arrangement  with  Pope  Calixtus  II.  "  At  his  death,  in  1125,  the 
male  line  of  the  Franconian  emperors  was  at  an  end."f  It  is  thus  that 
God  often  cuts  off  the  race  of  sovereigns  who  abuse  their  authority  to 
the  prejudice  of  the  Church. 


g  2.— SUBSEQUENT  INSTANCES. 

Notwithstanding  the  sufferings  of  St.  Gregory  in  his  struggles  against 
the  oppressor,  his  example  was  followed  by  his  successors.  In  the  year 
1168,  Alexander  III.  excommunicated  Frederick  Barbarossa,  and  released 
his  subjects  from  their  allegiance.  The  sacking  of  Milan,  one  of  the 
most  horrible  events  recorded  in  history,  provoked,  and,  even  in  the  judg- 
ment of  Voltaire,  justified  this  exercise  of  pontifical  authority.^  The 
Italian  cities,  encouraged  by  the  Papal  sentence,  succeeded  in  shaking  off 
the  imperial  yoke,  and,  through  gratitude  to  the  magnanimous  Pontiff, 
built  a  city,  which  they  called  from  his  name,  ALEXANDRIA.  "  Milan, 
which  was  rebuilt,  Pavia,  Brescia,  and  so  many  other  cities,  thanked  the 
Pope  for  having  restored  to  them  the  precious  liberty  for  which  they 
fought;  and  the  holy  father,  penetrated  with  a  pure  joy,  cried  out :  'God 
has  been  pleased  to  cause  an  old  priest  to  triumph,  without  combating, 


*  The  Dictatus,  which   bears  the  name  of  Gregory,  is  proved  to  be  a  forgery.     See 
Pagi,  ad  an.  1077. 
f  Hallam's  Middle  Ages,  ch.  v.  J  Essai  sur  1'Histoire  Generale,  1.  ii.  ch.  xlir. 


300  DEPOSING  POWER. 

over  a  powerful  and  terrific  emperor.7  "*  Shall  we  hesitate  to  applaud 
the  triumph  of  liberty  and  natural  right  over  a  cruel  despot?  The 
sentence  of  the  Pontiff  was  plainly  a  declaration  of  the  rights  of 
the  Italian  cities,  for  whose  relief  it  was  specially  issued.  Frederick 
himself  bent  his  proud  neck  to  the  Vicar  of  Christ,f,  and,  to  repair  his 
misdeeds,  with  heroic  courage  led  the  army  of  the  cross  to  the  plains  of 
Palestine. 

A  most  solemn  sentence  of  deposition  was  pronounced  in  the  year 
1245,  in  the  Council  of  Lyons,  by  Innocent  IV.  against  Frederick  II. 
There  were  present  in  that  venerable  assembly  the  Patriarchs  of  Con- 
stantinople, Antioch,  and  Aquileja,  with  archbishops  and  bishops  to  the 
number  of  one  hundred  and  forty,  and  the  Emperor  of  Constantinople, 
with  several  representatives  of  the  civil  powers.  It  is  unnecessary  to 
enumerate  the  measures  previously  adopted  against  Frederick,  and  the 
long-continued  career  of  crime  by  which  he  provoked  the  censures  of  the 
Church.  His  advocate,  Thaddeus,  in  vain  attempted  to  ward  off  the 
blow.  Innocent,  after  preliminary  proceedings,  in  the  third  session  thus 
pronounced  judgment:  "The  aforesaid  prince  having  rendered  himself 
unworthy  of  the  empire  and  kingdom,  and  of  all  honor  and  dignity,  and 
being  cast  off  by  God  on  account  of  his  iniquities,  that  he  should  not 
reign,  or  command ;  and  being  bound  fast  by  his  own  sins,  and  cast  away, 
we  show  and  denounce  him  as  deprived  by  the  Lord  of  all  honor  and  dig- 
nity; and,  nevertheless,  by  our  sentence  we  deprive  him,  and  absolve 
forever  from  their  oath  all  who  are  bound  to  him  by  the  oath  of  alle- 
giance." 

In  this  instance,  at  least,  the  sentence  was  effectual,  which  shows  how 
general  was  the  conviction  that  it  emanated  from  a  competent  authority, 
and  rested  on  just  grounds.  "After  his  deposition  by  the  Council  of 
Lyons/'  says  Hallam,  « the  affairs  of  Frederick  II.  went  rapidly  into  de- 
cay. With  every  allowance  for  the  enmity  of  the  Lombards,  and  the 
jealousy  of  Germany,  it  must  be  confessed  that  the  proscription  of  In- 
nocent IV.  and  Alexander  IV.  was  the  main  cause  of  the  ruin  of  his 
family."! 

Although  the  solemnity  of  this  sentence  does  not  give  it  the  character 
of  a  doctrinal  definition,  yet  it  demands  our  particular  consideration. 
I  am  not  of  those  who  rely  on  the  circumstance  that  it  is  said  to  have 
been  passed  in  the  presence  of  the  Council,  without  any  intimation  that 
the  fathers  approved  of  it;  for  they  certainly  concurred  in  the  awful 
ceremonial  of  excommunication,  and  not  having  protested  against  the 

*  Essai  sur  1'Histoire  Generate,  1.  ii.  ch.  xliv. 

f  The  fable  of  Alexander  putting  his  foot  on  the  neck  of  the  penitent  emperor,  is  ex- 
ploded. Voltaire  disbelieves,  likewise,  the  statement  of  Hoveden,  that  Celestine  III.,  at 
the  age  of  eighty-four,  while  crowning  Henry  VI.,  son  of  Frederick,  kicked  the  crown 
off  his  head  :  "  Ce  fait  n'  est  pas  vraisemblable."  Voltaire,  ibid. 

J  Middle  Ages,  ch.  vii. 


DEPOSING   POWER.  301 

deposition,  they  must  be  considered  as  assenting  to  it,  especially  as  the 
Pontiff  declares  that  it  was  decreed  after  diligent  deliberation  with  them. 
The  obvious  reason  why  it  is  ascribed  to  Innocent,  rather  than  to  the 
Council,  is  because  it  was  believed  to  be  his  prerogative  to  judge  the  em- 
peror, whom  he  had  crowned.  On  this  rite  great  stress  is  laid  by 
Nicholas  I.,  who  speaks  of  the  imperial  dominions  as  passing  by  heredi- 
tary right,  confirmed  by  the  authority  of  the  Holy  See,  and  by  the  act 
of  the  Pontiff,  who  placed  the  crown  on  his  head.*  I  am  not  disposed 
to  admit  that  the  act  of  Innocent  was  an  exercise  of  usurped  power,  an 
unwarrantable  encroachment  of  the  ecclesiastical  on  the  civil  authority ; 
neither  do  I  contend  that  it  proceeded  from  the  divine  commission  given 
to  Peter.  In  the  state  of  society  which  then  existed,  which,  as  we  have 
seen,  was  in  the  main  a  Christian  confederacy,  having  the  Gospel  as  its 
fundamental  law,  the  head  of  the  Church  being  placed  in  such  intimate 
relations  with  the  emperor,  could  declare  that  he  had  forfeited  his  rights 
to  the  throne,  by  violating  the  compact  in  virtue  of  which  he  reigned. 
It  is  true  that  he  does  not  speak  of  this  compact,  or  point  to  any  human 
source  of  the  power  which  he  exercised,  but  neither  does  he  declare  its 
divine  origin :  and  by  enumerating  the  crimes  of  the  tyrant,  he  plainly 
intimates  that  these  deprived  him,  in  the  sight  of  God,  of  all  title  to  the 
throne.  The  right  to  depose  an  unworthy  sovereign  was  not  seriously 
questioned  in  that  age,  so  that  its  exercise  met  with  the  general  concur- 
rence of  all  who  were  not  under  his  immediate  influence,  and  needed  no 
proof  to  recommend  it.  In  reference  to  this  sentence,  Michaud  observes : 
"'We  must  acknowledge  that  the  pretensions  of  the  Popes  in  this  respect 
were  favored  by  the  contemporary  opinions. "f 

The  provision  made  in  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  for  the 
trial  of  the  president  on  impeachment,  bears  some  resemblance  to  the 
mode  of  proceeding  against  the  emperor,  at  that  time,  when  the  Christian 
nations  of  Europe  virtually  formed  a  federal  commonwealth.  "  The 
Church,"  as  Chancellor  Kent  remarks,  "  had  its  Councils,  or  convocations 
of  the  clergy,  which  formed  the  nations  professing  Christianity  into  a 
connection  resembling  a  federal  alliance,  and  those  Councils  sometimes 
settled  the  titles  and  claims  of  princes,  and  regulated  the  temporal  affairs 
of  the  Christian  powers. "J  In  the  Middle  Ages,  the  emperor  stood  in 
the  relation  of  the  highest  executive  in  all  that  regarded  civil  and  co- 
ercive administration.  We  may  justly  consider  a  General  Council  as  the 
senate  of  the  Christian  confederacy,  the  Pope  as  its  chief-justice.  Ac- 
cording to  the  Constitution,  the  president  is  to  be  tried  by  the  senate, 
under  the  presidency  of  the  chief-justice.  There  may  appear  to  be 
a  striking  contrast  between  the  two  cases  in  this  respect,  that  two-thirds 
of  the  senate  must  concur  to  the  condemnation  of  the  president,  while 

*  Ep.  xxvi.  f  Histoire  des  Croisades,  1.  xiv.  p.  163. 

+  Commentaries  on  American  Law,  by  James  Kent,  lect.  i.  p.  9,  10. 


302  DEPOSING   POWER. 

the  judicial  power  of  the  Pontiff  is  independent  and  unrestricted ;  but,  in 
fact,  he  never  proceeded  in  a  case  of  this  importance  unless  with  the  ad- 
vice and  assent  either  of  a  General  Council,  as  in  the  present  instance, 
or  of  a  numerous  assembly  of  bishops,  like  the  Roman  Synods  under 
Gregory  VII.  The  chief-justice  is  empowered  to  remove  the  president 
from  office,  when  found  guilty,  but  he  cannot  affect  life  or  limb  by  his 
sentence.  The  Pontiff,  in  like  manner,  in  deposing  the  delinquent 
emperor,  left  his  person  free  and  inviolate. 


|  3.— NEVER  FORMALLY   DEFINED. 

It  is  certain  that  St.  Gregory  VII.  issued  no  solemn  definition  of  his 
right  to  depose  sovereigns.  In  asserting  it  he  relied  on  the  power  of 
binding  and  loosing,  which  Peter  received  from  our  Lord  :  but  he  did  not 
formally  define  that  it  was  included  in  this  commission.  He  had  spe- 
cially in  view  the  religious  obligation  of  the  oath,  by  which  the  natural 
duty  of  allegiance  to  the  established  authority  is  sanctioned,  and  he 
claimed  the  power  of  absolving  from  it  only  in  circumstances  where  the 
ground  of  the  obligation  was  withdrawn.  All  lawful  engagements  are 
obligatory  independently  of  the  authority  of  the  Church,  which  enforces 
them  with  a  general  sanction,  and  claims  no  power  to  interfere  with  the 
rights  of  others.  Obligations  originally  legitimate  may  cease  by  reason 
of  the  breach  of  conditions  on  which  they  were  based ;  in  which  case  the 
injured  party  may  be  considered  free,  without  any  ecclesiastical  interven- 
tion :  but  if  they  were  sanctioned  by  oath,  respect  for  this  religious  bond 
requires  the  act  of  a  prelate  of  the  Church  to  loose  the  tie,  in  virtue  of 
the  power  received  from  Christ.  What  is  true  of  the  relative  obligations 
of  individuals,  was  applied  in  the  Middle  Ages  to  the  duties  of  sovereigns 
and  subjects,  both  classes  professing  submission  to  the  same  ecclesiastical 
authority.  While,  therefore,  no  power  was  claimed  to  interfere  with  these 
duties,  the  Popes  felt  authorized  to  loose  the  religious  bond  by  which 
they  were  sanctioned,  when,  by  the  violation  of  the  correlative  conditions, 
the  obligation  had  ceased.  This  was  the  substance  of  the  action  of 
Gregory. 

Boniface  VIII.  is  considered  as  having  most  formally  asserted  the 
right  to  depose  sovereigns.  Philip  the  Fair,  King  of  France,  was 
guilty  of  debasing  the  public  coin,  to  the  great  injury  of  his  subjects, 
and  of  other  acts  of  injustice,  besides  the  violation  of  ecclesiastical  im- 
munities. The  Pope  admonished  him  with  the  authority  of  a  father,  ap- 
plying to  himself  the  words  of  the  Prophet  Jeremias,  which  Honorius 
III.  had  used  on  a  similar  occasion :  "  God  has  placed  us  over  kings 
and  kingdoms,  to  root  up,  pull  down,  waste,  destroy,  build  up,  and  plant 
in  His  name  and  by  His  doctrine.  Wherefore,  imagine  not  that  you 
have  no  superior,  and  that  you  are  not  subject  to  the  head  of  the 


DEPOSING   POWER.  303 

Church."*  As  the  prophet  certainly  had  no  secular  power,  Boniface 
cannot  be  thought  to  have  claimed  it,  merely  because  he  used  the  words 
which  God  addressed  to  Jeremias,  and  which  meant  only  reproof,  exhorta- 
tion, and  correction.  The  Pope  removes  all  ambiguity,  by  adding  this  quali- 
fication, "in  His  name  and  by  His  doctrine."  He  expressly  disavowed, 
through  the  cardinals,  all  claims  to  temporal  domination  :f  but  he  asserted 
his  right  to  judge  of  the  morality  of  the  acts  of  the  king,  which,  ratione 
jpeccati,  fell  under  his  cognizance.  As  these  were  flagrantly  criminal,  he 
laid  the  kingdom  of  France  under  interdict,  in  the  hope  of  striking 
terror  into  the  delinquent  monarch.  The  famous  Bull,  Unam  Sanctam, 
published  by  Boniface,  affirms  that  the  temporal  power  is  of  its  nature 
subordinate  to  the  ecclesiastical,  as  earthly  are  to  heavenly  things;  and 
defines  the  necessity  which  is  incumbent  on  rulers,  as  well  as  their  sub- 
jects, of  admitting  the  authority  of  the  chief  bishop :  u  We  declare  to 
every  human  creature,J  we  affirm,  define  and  pronounce,  that  it  is 
altogether  necessary  for  salvation,  to  be  subject  to  the  Roman  Pontiff." 
Beyond  this  the  definition  does  not  go,  so  that  no  more  is  taught,  as  of 
faith,  than  what  all  Catholics  hold,  namely,  that  subjection  to  the  Pope 
in  matters  of  salvation  is  a  necessary  duty.  The  terms  in  which  it  is 
affirmed  are  not  stronger  than  those  employed  by  St.  Jerome,  when  ad- 
dressing Damasus.  The  allegorical  reasoning  contained  in  the  Bull  con- 
cerning the  two  swords — the  spiritual  sword  wielded  by  the  Pontiff,  the 
temporal  sword  by  the  prince,  but  at  the  bidding  of  the  Pontiff — is  taken 
from  St.  Bernard, §  who  means  no  more  than  that  princes  should  use  their 
power  justly,  and  protect  the  ministers  of  religion  in  the  exercise  of  their 
sacred  functions.  The  power  of  deposing  sovereigns  is  not  at  all  asserted, 
much  less  is  it  defined. 

The  superiority  of  the  pontifical  or  sacerdotal  power  to  that  of  princes 
or  emperors,  which  is  affirmed  in  this  and  various  other  documents,  is  to 
be  understood  of  moral  excellence,  not  of  temporal  relation.  Justice  and 
right  are  superior  to  brute  force — the  divine  law  is  above  all  human  au- 
thority :  and  the  Priest  or  Pontiff,  from  whose  lips  the  law  is  sought,  is, 
in  this  respect,  above  the  highest  earthly  potentate.  It  may  be  said  that 
the  Pontiffs  did  not  always  appear  in  the  character  of  pacificators,  since 
they  sometimes  urged  princes  to  make  war  on  those  who  had  fallen  under 
the  censures  of  the  Church,  and  to  seize  their  territories.  Arnold,  in 
reviewing  the  history  of  the  strifes  between  the  Popes  and  emperors, 


*  Ausculta,  Fill.     The  Bull  begins  with  these  words. 

f  Fleury,  Hist,  de  1'Eglise,  1.  xc.  $  16. 

J  Omni  humanae  creaturae.  Allusion  is  made  to  the  commission  to  preach  the  gospel 
to  every  creature.  In  some  manuscripts  it  reads  :  omnem  humanam  creaturam ;  which 
would  imply  that  every  one  should  be  subject  to  the  Pontiff — kings,  as  well  as  their 
subjects.  This  is  strictly  true  of  all  members  of  the  Church,  in  all  that  regards  sal- 
vation. 

g  De  consideratione,  1.  iv. 


304  DEPOSING  POWER. 

perceived  clearly  that  it  was,  originally  at  least,  a  struggle  for  principle ; 
and  although  he  was  not  disposed  to  favor  the  Papal  claims,  he  was  forced 
by  his  convictions  to  acknowledge  the  justice  of  the  cause :  "  The  prin- 
ciple in  itself  was  this :  whether  the  Papal  or  the  imperial,  in  other 
words,  the  sacerdotal  or  the  imperial  power  was  to  be  accounted  the 
greater.  Now  conceive  the  Papal  power  to  be  the  representative  of  what 
is  moral  and  spiritual,  and  the  imperial  power  to  represent  only  what  is 
external  and  physical ;  conceive  the  first  to  express  the  ideas  of  respon- 
sibility to  God  and  paternal  care  and  guidance,  while  the  other  was  the 
mere  imbodying  of  selfish  might,  like  the  old  Greek  tyrannies,  and  who 
can  do  other  than  wish  success  to  the  Papal  cause  ?  Who  can  help 
being,  with  all  his  heart,  a  Guelf?  But  in  the  early  part  of  the 
struggle,  this  was,  to  a  great  extent,  the  state  of  it :  the  Pope  stood  in 
the  place  of  the  Church,  the  emperor  was  a  merely  worldly  despot,  cor- 
rupt and  arbitrary."* 

The  third  canon  of  the  fourth  Council  of  Lateran,  which  we  have 
already  examined,  has  been  often  alleged  as  sanctioning  the  deposition 
of  sovereigns.  Even  if  this  were  true,  it  does  not  bear  the  character  of 
a  doctrinal  definition.  It  is  an  enactment,  which,  by  the  consent  of  the 
secular  powers  represented  in  the  Council,  might  have  embraced  even 
sovereigns ;  but  there  is  no  proof  that  it  actually  embraces  them.  Yet  it 
cannot  be  doubted  that  by  a  general  law,  practically  recognised  by  all 
Christian  nations  at  that  time,  forfeiture  of  royal  power  was  incurred  by 
apostasy  from  the  faith,  this  being  admitted  even  by  Henry  IV.,  who 
contended  that  in  no  other  contingency  was  he  liable  to  deposition.  It 
was,  however,  a  principle  of  action,  but  not  a  defined  dogma.  Even 
Frederick  II.  acknowledged  that  if  he  were  guilty  of  the  crimes  laid  to 
his  charge,  especially  of  heresy,  he  would  deserve  deposition ;  and  the 
advisers  of  St.  Louis  agreed,  that  in  case  of  his  guilt  and  conviction,  he 
should  not  be  supported  by  the  French  monarch. f  At  present,  the 
principle  is  reversed,  since  the  English  crown  would  be  forfeited  by  the 
profession  of  the  Catholic  faith. 


§  4.— DEPOSITION   OF   ELIZABETH. 

Among  the  latest  attempts  to  exercise  the  deposing  power,  were  the 
excommunication  and  sentence  of  deposition  fulminated  by  St.  Pius  V., 
and  renewed  by  Sixtus  V.,  against  Elizabeth  of  England.  The  grounds 
of  this  sentence  were  her  illegitimacy,  the  declaration  of  which  stood  un- 
repealed  on  the  statute-book  of  England,^  her  profession  of  heresy^ 

*  Introductory  Lectures  on  Modern  History,  by  Thomas  Arnold,  lect.  v.  p.  228 
American  edition. 

t  See  Fleury,  diss.  v.,  in  Hist.  Eccl. 

i  See  History  of  England,  by  Dr.  Lingard,  vol.  vii.  ch.  iv. 


DEPOSING   POWER.  305 

which,  by  the  ancient  fundamental  law  of  England,  as  in  other  Christian 
countries,  induced  the  forfeiture  of  regal  power,*  her  crimes  against  re- 
ligion, and  especially  her  persecution  of  her  Catholic  subjects.  The 
special  object,  however,  of  the  Bull  of  Pius,  was  to  rescue  the  Queen  of 
Scots  from  impending  death :  a  circumstance  which  does  honor  to  his 
humanity.  "  The  Pontiff,"  says  Dr.  Lingard,  who  is  no  advocate  of  the 
measure,  "  considered  himself  bound  to  seek  the  deliverance  of  the  cap- 
tive princess;  he  represented  to  the  Kings  of  France  and  Spain  that 
honor,  and  interest,  and  religion,  called  on  them  to  rescue  Mary  from  im- 
prisonment and  death ;  and  the  moment  that  he  knew  that  Elizabeth  had 
committed  her  cause  to  the  commissioners  at  York  and  Westminster,  he 
ordered  the  auditor  Kiario  to  commence  proceedings  against  the  English 
queen  in  the  Papal  court."')'  After  the  Bull  had  been  prepared,  the 
Pontiff  delayed  affixing  to  it  his  signature,  until  he  received  the  intelli- 
gence that  eight  hundred  individuals  had  perished  on  the  scaffold,  in 
punishment  of  an  unsuccessful  insurrection.  The  news  of  this  wholesale 
butchery  fixed  his  determination.  To  all  these  considerations  was  added, 
in  the  renewal  of  the  sentence  by  Sixtus,  the  barbarous  murder  of  the 
Queen  of  Scots,  under  color  of  legal  process.  Philip  II.,  of  Spain,  pre- 
pared to  give  effect  to  the  Papal  decree,  by  a  formidable  fleet,  the  Ar- 
mada, which,  by  a  mysterious  act  of  Providence,  became  the  sport  of  the 
winds,  leaving  the  bold  daughter  of  Anne  Boleyn  to  pursue  securely  her 
career.  Yet  it  is  remarkable,  that  although  Henry  left  three  children, 
each  of  whom  successively  occupied  the  throne,  sterility  marked  them  all, 
and  the  sceptre  passed  from  the  grasp  of  the  haughtiest  woman  of  the 
Tudor  race  to  the  son  of  Mary  Stuart.  Sir  Henry  Spelman  remarks  : 
"  They  all  successively  sway  his  sceptre,  and  all  die  childless,  and  his 
family  is  extinct ;  and,  like  Herostratus,  his  name  not  mentioned  but 
with  his  crimes. "J 

The  Catholics  of  England  were  foremost  in  demonstrations  of  loyalty  * 
to  Elizabeth,  at  the  time  of  the  threatened  invasion,  feeling  themselves 
bound  to  recognise  her  as  their  queen,  because  she  was  so  acknowledged 
by  the  nation  at  large.  In  the  sentence  of  deposition,  St.  Pius  followed 
the  precedents  of  holy  and  eminent  Pontiffs,  and  relied  on  grounds  which 
in  themselves  were  not  trivial :  but  the  temporal  supremacy  of  Rome 
had  passed  away,  and  the  strength  of  Catholic  faith  was  to  be  manifested 
in  the  patient  endurance  of  persecution,  over  which  it  was  finally  to 
triumph. 

#•  Leges  Eduardi  regis,  art.  xvii.,  alias   xv.,   apud  Wilkins,   Leges  Anglo-Saxonicse, 
p.  200.     Spelman,  concilia,  <fec.     Londini,  1639. 

f  History  of  England,  vol.  viii.  ch.  L.          J  De  non  temerandis  ecclesiis.     Preface. 

20 


306  DEPOSING    POWER. 


§  5.— DISCLAIMERS. 

The  deposing  power  continued  for  a  long  time  to  be  a  subject  of  bitter 
controversy,  the  English  government  requiring  the  abjuration  of  the 
opinion  in  terms  that  condemned  it  as  impious  and  heretical ;  and  Rome 
being  slow  to  sanction  any  formulary  that  implied  censure  on  the  acts  of 
holy  Pontiffs,  or  even  to  relinquish  a  power  which  she  had  once  effectually 
wielded  for  the  interests  of  humanity  and  religion.  Louis  XIV.  induced 
the  French  clergy,  in  the  assembly  of  1682,  to  deny  it  formally,  at  a 
time  when  there  was  no  disposition  on  the  part  of  the  Pope  to  exercise  it. 
At  length  the  excitement  of  controversy  passed  away  :  the  oath  abjuring 
the  opinion,  without  any  offensive  censure,  was  generally  taken  by  the 
Catholics  of  the  British  empire,  without  blame  from  the  Holy  See  :  the 
opinion  was  disclaimed  by  many  Catholic  universities,  and  Pius  VI., 
through  Cardinal  Antonelli,  prefect  of  the  Propaganda,  answering  the 
Irish  bishops,  made  the  following  important  declaration :  "  The  See  of 
Rome  never  taught  that  faith  is  not  to  be  kept  with  the  heterodox  : — 
that  an  oath  to  kings  separated  from  the  Catholic  communion  can  be 
violated  : — that  it  is  lawful  for  the  Bishop  of  Rome  to  invade  their  tem- 
poral rights  and  dominions.  We,  too,  consider  an  attempt  or  design 
against  the  lives  of  kings  and  princes,  even  under  the  pretext  of  religion, 
as  a  horrid  and  detestable  crime." 

When  Napoleon  despoiled  Pius  VII.  of  his  temporal  principality,  the 
Pontiff  hurled  against  him  the  thunders  of  the  Church,  without  putting 
forth  his  hand  to  remove  the  imperial  crown  from  his  head.  The  haughty 
emperor  boasted  that  the  arms  had  not  fallen  from  the  hands  of  his  sol- 
diers, in  consequence  of  the  excommunication,  as  if  it  was  but  a  vain 
attempt  to  stop  him  in  his  victorious  career :  but  lo !  soon  afterward,  in 
the  Russian  campaign,  the  frozen  troops  let  fall  their  arms,  by  what  Dr.  Ar- 
nold designates  "  a  direct  and  manifest  interposition  of  God."*  The  con- 
queror, who  during  so  long  a  time  had  sported  with  crowns  as  with  toys, 
soon  fell  from  his  eminence,  and  became  a  prisoner  and  an  exile. 

The  deposing  power  was  essentially  grounded  on  the  principle,  that  the 
people  are  the  immediate  source  of  civil  government,  which  is  established 
for  their  benefit,  with  liability  to  forfeiture  if  abused. f  Lest  anarchy 
should  arise,  through  the  intrigues  of  demagogues,  the  delicate  point  of 
declaring  when  forfeiture  was  incurred,  was  reserved,  in  Catholic  nations, 
to  the  judgment  of  the  Pontiff.  Charles  Butler,  an  English  jurist,  de- 
cidedly opposed  to  the  power,  justly  observes,  that  "  the  deposing  doc- 
trine of  Persons  and  Mariana  bears  a  nearer  affinity  to  the  whiggish 
doctrine  of  resistance  than  is  generally  supposed.  The  whigs  maintain 

*  Lecture  Hi.  p.  161. 

f  See  Bianchi,  Delia  indiretta  dipendenza  della  potesta  temporale,  1.  i.  §  1. 


DEPOSING  POWER.  307 

that  the  people,  where  there  is  an  extreme  abuse  of  power, — of  which 
abuse  the  people  themselves  are  to  be  the  judges, — may  dethrone  the 
offending  monarch.  The  good  fathers  assigned  the  same  power  to  the 
people,  in  the  same  extreme  case,  but  contended  that,  if  there  were  any 
doubts  of  the  existence  of  the  extremity,  the  Pope  should  be  the  judge. 
Of  the  two  systems,  when  all  Christendom  was  Catholic,  was  not  the  last, 
speaking  comparatively,  the  least  objectionable?'7*  He  further  observes, 
that  "  it  was  not  found  to  be  in  practice  quite  so  mischievous  as  is 
generally  described.  It  had  even  this  advantage,  that,  on  several  occa- 
sions, during  the  boisterous  governments  of  the  feudal  princes,  it  often 
proved  a  useful  restraint,  in  the  absence  of  every  other,  both  on  the 
kiog  and  the  great  nobility,  and  protected  the  lower  ranks  of  society  from 
their  violence  and  oppression. "f  It  was,  in  fact,  as  a  recent  Italian 
writer  observes,  "  a  spiritual  tribuneship,  which  effectually  pleaded  for 
the  people  when  sovereigns  went  beyond  the  just  limits  of  authority.  "J 
Our  own  Brownson,  even  before  he  had  set  his  foot  on  the  threshold  of 
the  Church,  eloquently  remarked  :  "  Wrong,  wrong  have  they  been,  who 
have  complained  that  kings  and  emperors  were  subjected  to  the  spiritual 
head  of  Christendom.  It  was  well  for  man,  that  there  was  a  power  over 
the  brutal  tyrants  called  emperors,  kings,  and  barons,  who  rode  rough- 
shod over  the  humble  peasant  and  artisan — well  that  there  was  a  power, 
even  on  earth,  that  could  touch  their  cold  and  atheistical  hearts,  and 
make  them  tremble  as  the  veriest  slave."  .  ,  .  "  It  is  to  the  existence 
and  exercise  of  that  power,  that  THE  PEOPLE  owe  their  existence,  and 
the  doctrine  of  man's  equality  to  man,  its  progress."§ 

*  Historical  Memoirs  of  the  English  Catholics,  v.  iii.  §  4. 

f  Ibidem,  1.  xxv.  7.  J  Audisio,  Educazione  del  clero.    Turino,  1844. 

\  Boston  Quarterly  Review,  January,  1842,  p.  13. 


CHAPTER  V. 

Sanction. 


SEVERAL  acts  of  the  Popes  in  regard  to  temporal  sovereigns  may  be 
fairly  regarded  as  implying  no  more  than  a  religious  sanction  of  what  was 
in  itself  just  and  lawful.  The  judgment  pronounced  by  Zacharias,  at 
the  solicitation  of  the  Frank  nobles,  may  be  viewed  in  this  light. 
Pepin,  Mayor  of  the  Palace,  governed  the  Franks  in  the  name  of  Chil- 
deric  III.,  who  altogether  neglected  the  duties  of  a  sovereign,  which  he 
was  naturally  disqualified  from  performing.  The  nobles  having  applied 
to  Pope  Zacharias  to  sanction  the  transfer  of  the  crown  and  title  to  the 
actual  governor,  obtained  his  approval,  whereby  the  Merovingian  race  was 
set  aside,  to  make  room  for  the  Carlovingian  dynasty.  This  decision  was, 
in  reality,  but  an  authoritative  declaration  of  the  right  of  a  nation, 
through  its  leaders,  to  choose  for  ruler  a  man  capable  of  protecting  the 
public  interests.  That  the  inert  heir  of  royalty  —  magni  nominis  umbra 
—  may  be  displaced,  to  make  room  for  an  active  and  capable  ruler,  when 
the  public  safety  is  in  jeopardy,  no  supporter  of  the  received  theories  of 
civil  polity  will  question.  The  nobles  invoked  the  authority  of  the  Pon- 
tiff, in  order  that  all  might  know  that  justice  and  the  common  good  were 
solely  had  in  view,  and  that  no  occasion  might  be  furnished  for  tumult  or 
disorder.  It  was  an  easy  means  of  revolution,  without  shedding  human 
blood.  The  conscience  of  the  people  at  large  was  interested,  lest  they 
should  appear  to  resist  the  divine  ordinance,  and  purchase  to  themselves 
damnation.  The  father  and  judge  of  Christians  was  consulted,  who 
deemed  the  reasons  of  the  change  just  and  sufficient.  Whatever  influence 
in  civil  matters  was  thus  given  him,  was  the  consequence  of  a  free  act  of 
those  who  sought  his  counsel,  or  implored  his  judgment.  He  decided 
with  authority  a  case  of  conscience  of  the  highest  importance,  with  evi- 
dent advantage  to  the  nation.  Hallam  justly  observes  :  "  The  circumstances 
under  which  the  crown  was  transferred  from  the  race  of  Clovis  are  con- 
nected with  one  of  the  most  important  revolutions  in  the  history  of 
Europe."  A  sanguinary  struggle  was  prevented,  and  the  impartial  judg- 
ment of  one  removed  from  local  influences,  which  might  bias  the  mind, 
was  received  with  general  acquiescence.  "  An  answer/'  says  Gibbon, 
"  so  agreeable  to  their  wishes,  was  accepted  by  the  Franks  as  the  opinion 

308 


PAPAL   SANCTION.  309 

of  a  casuist,  the  sentence  of  a  judge,  or  the  oracle  of  a  prophet."* 
Zacharias  decided,  not  as  a  mere  casuist,  emitting  an  opinion,  nor  yet  as  a 
prophet  inspired  of  God,  but  as  a  judge,  determining  with  authority  the 
extent  of  a  moral  obligation.  Guizot  remarks  :  "  Never  was  a  revolution 
accomplished  with  less  effort  and  noise  :  Pepin  possessed  the  power :  the 
fact  was  changed  into  right :  no  resistance  was  made :  no  reclamation 
was  deemed  sufficiently  important  to  be  recorded,  although  doubtless 
some  was  made.  All  things  appeared  unaltered :  a  title  alone  was 
changed.  It  is,  nevertheless,  beyond  all  question,  that  a  great  event  was 
then  accomplished :  no  doubt  this  change  was  the  symptom  of  the  end 
of  a  certain  social  state,  and  of  the  commencement  of  a  new  state, — a 
crisis,  a  true  epoch  in  the  history  of  French  civilization. "f  The  change 
effected  was  plainly  this,  that  royal  descent  was  deemed  an  insufficient 
title  to  the  crown,  where  personal  disqualifications  existed,  and  that  the 
general  interests  of  the  nation  were  deemed  paramount  to  the  claims  of 
an  individual.  The  relations  of  the  Pontiff  to  the  new  dynasty  were 
rendered  more  intimate  by  his  concurrence  in  their  elevation  to  the 
throne,  and  his  influence  with  the  people  in  civil  affairs  was  confirmed 
and'  increased.  Nations  and  princes  thenceforward  viewed  him  as  the 
expounder  of  their  duties,  and  arbiter  of  their  disputes.  Five  hundred 
years  later,  Innocent  IV.  showed  a  more  delicate  regard  for  the  rights  of 
the  nominal  sovereign.  Sanchez,  King  of  Portugal,  surnamed  the 
Cowled,  from  his  monastic  temperament,  proving  inadequate  to  the  go- 
vernment, the  Bishops  of  Braga  and  Conimbra,  with  some  of  the  secular 
nobility,  were  commissioned  to  solicit  the  Pope,  in  the  Council  of  Lyons, 
that  he  might  be  deprived  of  the  crown.  Innocent  declined  acceding  to 
the  request,  but  consented  that  Alphonsus,  who  was  heir-apparent  to  the 
throne,  being  the  brother  of  Sanchez,  who  was  childless,  should  be 
charged  with  the  administration,  while  the  title  of  king  and  a  becoming 
maintenance  should  be  given  to  the  impotent  monarch. 

The  pontifical  sanction  was  eagerly  sought  by  kings  to  secure  the  suc- 
cession to  the  throne,  that  strife  and  bloodshed  might  be  avoided.  The 
coronation  of  a  young  prince  by  the  Pope  settled  the  title  more  effec- 
tually than  a  modern  act  of  Parliament  for  the  better  regulating  of  the 
succession.  His  person  was  thenceforward  considered  sacred,  since  the 
judgment  of  the  Pontiff  and  the  mysterious  ceremony  had  ratified  his 
title  to  the  throne.  Ethelwulf,  King  of  the  Western  Saxons,  sent  to  the 
eternal  city  his  son  Alfred,  that  he  might  be  crowned  by  the  Pope,  and 
thus  declared  heir  to  the  throne  then  occupied  by  his  father.J  The  son  of 
Demetrius,  King  of  Russia,  went  to  Rome  in  the  time  of  Gregory  VII., 

*  Decline  and  Fall,  <fcc.  ch.  xlix.,  A.  D.  754. 

•j-  Cours  d'Histoire  Moderne,  t.  ii.  p.  226. 

J  As  he  had  elder  brothers,  Dr.  Lingard  thinks  that  the  ceremony  was  designed  to 
secure  his  succession,  after  their  death,  to  the  exclusion  of  their  children,  as  the  will  of 
Ethelwulf  directs.  Hist.  England,  vol.  i.  ch.  iii. 


310  PAPAL   SANCTION. 

swore  fealty  to  blessed  Peter,  and  alleging  the  consent  of  his  father,  ob- 
tained the  recognition  of  his  right  to  succeed  him,  through  the  gift  of  St. 
Peter.*  Suger,  Abbot  of  St.  Denis,  considering  the  delicate  state  of  the 
health  of  Louis  the  Fat,  suggested  to  him  to  avail  himself  of  the  presence 
of  Innocent  II.,  then  at  Eheims,  to  have  the  young  prince  crowned,  in 
order  to  prevent  strife  between  aspirants  to  the  throne.  The  king  accord- 
ingly came  to  Rheims,  with  his  queen  and  son,  and  the  nobles  of  his 
court,  and  had  his  son  Louis  VII.  crowned  as  his  successor,  in  the  pre- 
sence of  bishops  from  France,  Germany,  England,  and  Spain.  Mendog, 
King  of  Lithuania,  obtained  the  consent  of  Innocent  IV.  that  his  son 
should  be  crowned  king. 

In  cases  where  the  order  of  succession  could  not  be  observed  without 
danger  to  the  public  interests,  the  sanction  of  the  Pope  was  asked  for  the 
necessary  departure  from  the  usual  course.  At  the  close  of  the  twelfth 
century,  the  King  of  Armenia  sought  authority  of  Innocent  III.  to  give 
effect  to  the  will  of  Raymond,  Prince  of  Antioch,  who  excluded  his 
brother,  the  Count  of  Tripoli,  from  the  succession,  that  the  principality 
might  pass  to  his  own  son  and  grandson.  There  were  three  claimants  to 
the  throne  of  Castile  in  the  year  1218.  Ferrand,  who  was  chosen  king 
by  the  majority  of  the  nobles,  was  disqualified  by  his  birth,  inasmuch  as 
the  marriage  of  his  parents  was  incestuous  and  invalid.  To  prevent  civil 
war,  Honorius  III.  legitimated  his  birth,  and  ratified  the  election.  Gre- 
gory IX.  was  implored  to  confirm  the  title  to  the  throne,  which  the  King 
elect  of  Norway,  whose  birth  was  illegitimate,  derived  from  the  will  of 
his  father,  to  the  prejudice  of  the  rights  of  the  legitimate  heir.  The 
Christian  nations  in  those  ages  felt  confident  that  the  Pontiff  would 
weigh  well  the  respective  claims  of  the  aspirants  to  royalty,  with  a 
sacred  regard  to  the  national  interests. 

Kings  and  other  potentates,  in  the  Middle  Ages,  eagerly  sought  the 
sanction  of  the  Pope  for  their  treaties.  "  The  oldest  treaty  now  extant 
between  any  of  our  kings,"  says  Dr.  Lingard,  "  and  a  foreign  power,  is 
drawn  up  in  the  name  of  the  Pope,  and  confirmed  by  the  oaths  and 
marks  of  one  bishop  and  two  thanes  on  the  part  of  Ethelred,  and  of  one 
bishop  and  two  barons  on  the  part  of  Richard. "f  It  is,  in  fact,  in  the 
form  of  a  decree  of  John  XV.,  addressed  to  all  the  faithful,  in  which  he 
states  the  success  of  the  measures  taken  by  his  legate  to  put  an  end  to 
the  quarrel  between  the  English  king  and  the  Norman  duke.J  Richard, 
King  of  England,  on  the  conclusion  of  peace  with  Tancred,  of  Sicily, 
addressed  Clement  III.  in  these  terms:  "The  actions  of  princes  are 
crowned  with  greater  success  when  they  are  strengthened  and  favored  by 
the  Apostolic  See,  and  directed  by  consultation  with  the  Holy  Roman 
Church. "§  The  Venetians  and  French  having  formed  a  treaty  for  the 

*  S.  Gregor.  VII.,  ep.  Isxiv.  f  History  of  England.     Vol.  i.  ch.  v.     Ethelred. 

J  Cone,  col.,  vol.  vi.  col.  713.  $  Apud  Baron.  Annal.,  an.  1190. 


PAPAL   SANCTION.  311 

affairs  of  the  Eastern  empire,  the  Emperor  Baldwin,  and  Dandolo,  Doge 
of  Venice,  applied  to  Innocent  III.  to  sanction  it,  by  threatening  the 
transgressors  with  anathema :  which,  however,  for  weighty  reasons,  he  de- 
clined.* "Nothing  was  more  common,"  as  Leibnitz  remarks,  "than  for 
kings  in  their  treaties  to  submit  to  the  censure  and  correction  of  the 
Pope,  as  in  the  treaty  of  Bretagny,  in  1360,  and  the  treaty  of  Etaples,  in 
1492.f 

Much  odium  has  fallen  on  the  memory  of  Adrian  TV.,  for  having,  as  is 
alleged,  given  Ireland  to  Henry  II.  It  is,  however,  a  mistake,  to  under- 
stand as  a  grant  of  dominion  what  was  merely  a  sanction  of  the  enter- 
prise. The  king  had  only  sought  counsel  and  favor,  which  the  Pontiff 
gave,  without  employing  any  terms  that  imply  a  transfer.  He  asserts, 
indeed,  that  Ireland,  and  all  other  islands  on  which  the  light  of  Christian 
faith  had  shone,  are  under  the  authority  of  blessed  Peter:  "  ad  jus  beati 
Petri  pertinere,"  which,  it  appears,  had  already  been  avowed  by  the 
monarch,  in  his  application  for  the  pontifical  sanction.  To  understand  the 
nature  of  this  claim,  we  may  be  permitted  to  refer  to  a  Bull  of  Urban  II., 
issued  in  the  year  1092,  which  says  :  "  Since  all  islands,  by  common  law, 
belong  to  the  first  occupants,  we  hold  it  as  certain  that  the  Emperor  Con- 
stantine  gave  the  ownership  of  them  to  St.  Peter  and  his  Vicars. "J 
Whether  this  persuasion  arose  from  the  supposititious  "donation,"  or 
from  the  munificence  actually  exercised,  in  other  respects,  by  the  em- 
peror, is  not  apparent;  but  the  Pontiff  seems  to  have  claimed  the  rights 
of  a  feudal  sovereign  over  all  those  countries  which  were  not  included 
within  the  limits  of  the  empire,  and  which  embraced  the  faith  on  the 
preaching  of  Roman  missionaries.  These  pretensions  were  conformable 
to  the  prevailing  ideas  of  those  ages,  in  which  men  conceived  all  countries 
either  as  portions  of  the  empire,  having  the  emperor  as  lord  paramount, 
or  as  free  from  imperial  sway,  and  governed  by  their  own  rulers,  under 
the  protection  of  the  Pontiff.  In  virtue  of  this  feudal  sovereignty,  he 
conceived  himself  authorized  to  sanction  the  enterprise  of  Henry,  which 
was  professedly  directed  to  establish  order  where  anarchy  prevailed ;  and, 
as  head  of  the  Church,  he  favored  the  effort  to  restore  discipline,  which 
was  said  to  be  in  a  most  relaxed  condition.  It  is  far  from  my  intention 
to  advocate  the  claim  to  feudal  sovereignty,  if,  indeed,  it  be  contained  in 
the  document,  which  is  denied  by  ardent  supporters  of  the  Papal  rights  :§ 
but  in  justice  to  the  poor  scholar,  whose  merits  raised  him  to  the  pinnacle 
of  ecclesiastical  power,  I  take  leave  to  state  my  conviction,  that  he  acted 

*  Apud  Raynald,  an.  1205.     See  also  Fleury,  Hist.,  1.  Ixxvi.  $  16. 

f  Diss.  1,  do  act.  publ.  usu.  Op.,  t.  iv.  p.  299. 

J  Apud  Ughell.,  t.  iii.  p.  413. 

$  Bianchi,  Delia  potesta  e  della  politia  della  chiesa,  t.  ii.  1.  v.  \  xiii.  p.  353.  This 
author  is  of  opinion  that  the  Pope  put  forward  no  claim  to  temporal  dominion;  but 
availed  himself  of  his  spiritual  supremacy  to  sanction  a  measure  which  appeared  fraught 
with  advantages  to  religion. 


312  PAPAL   SANCTION. 

in  accordance  with  the  general  convictions  as  to  the  prerogatives  of  his 
station,  from  motives  worthy  of  one  who  was  charged  with  the  interests 
of  religion.  I  do  not  affirm  that  the  condition  of  the  Irish  Church  was 
such  as  was  represented,  or  that  the  prince,  whose  hostility  to  eccle- 
siastical liberty  led  to  the  assassination  of  St.  Thomas  of  Canterbury, 
was  influenced  by  religious  zeal  in  his  pledges  to  reform  it;  but  the 
general  character  of  Adrian  for  zeal  and  piety  prevents  my  subscribing 
his  condemnation. 

The  grants  made  by  some  Popes  to  Christian  kings,  and  to  the  Teutonic 
knights,  and  others,  to  possess  and  govern  such  territories  as  they  might 
gain  from  pagans  by  force  of  arms,  must  necessarily  be  reduced  to  sanc- 
tions of  their  military  enterprise,  as  justified  on  general  principles  of  law. 
The  state  of  those  countries  was  such,  that  it  appeared  lawful  to  invade 
them  in  the  common  interest  of  the  human  species,  in  order  to  stop  un- 
natural excesses,  and  to  extend  civilization.  This  could  be  done  most 
effectually  under  a  religious  sanction,  which  was  given  by  the  Pope  to 
those  who  enrolled  themselves  under  the  banner  of  the  Cross,  having  in 
view  to  prepare  the  way  for  the  diffusion  of  religion,  by  an  enterprise 
that  was  otherwise  lawful.  It  belongs  to  the  followers  of  Mohammed, 
not  of  Christ,  to  make  proselytes  by  the  sword.  The  expeditions  in 
question  were  directed  to  reclaim  men  from  a  savage  state,  while  they 
served  to  protect  the  ministers  of  religion  in  the  exercise  of  their  sacred 
functions,  and  to  secure  to  converts  freedom  to  profess  and  practise  re- 
ligion. Cistercian  and  Dominican  missionaries  had  preceded  the  knights 
in  their  expeditions,  and  had  gained  many  to  the  faith.  Innocent  III., 
writing  to  the  faithful  of  Saxony  and  Westphalia,  observed  :  "  As  the 
discipline  of  the  Church  does  not  allow  any  one  to  be  forced  to  embrace 
the  faith,  so  the  Holy  See  freely  offers  protection  to  believers,  and  exhorts 
Christians  to  defend  the  neophytes,  that  they  may  not  repent  for  having 
come  to  the  faith,  and  return  to  their  former  errors.  Wherefore  we  be- 
seech you,  and  enjoin  on  you,  for  the  remission  of  your  sins,  that  unless 
the  pagans,  who  live  on  the  confines  of  Livonia,  make  and  observe  peace 
with  the  Christians,  you  take  arms  for  the  defence  of  your  brethren/'* 
Innocent  IV.,  in  granting  to  Duke  Casimir  such  lands  as  he  might  ac- 
quire from  the  pagans,  added  the  condition  that  their  profession  of  Chris- 
tianity should  be  spontaneous.  When  the  Teutonic  knights  with  military 
force  invaded  these  territories,  the  Pope,  on  complaint  of  the  duke,  con- 
firmed his  rights  as  being  prior  to  their  invasion,  and  obliged  them  to 
depart.  Thus  it  was  evident-  that  the  Papal  concessions  were  directed  to 
regulate  the  title  and  claims  of  Christian  princes,  and  to  favor  the 
diffusion  of  religion,  without  prejudice  to  the  free  will  of  the  conquered 
people. 

The  barbarous  habits  of  the  Prussians,  who  were  wont  to  destroy  all 

*  Apud  Fleary,  1.  IxxvL,  §  xxx. 


PAPAL  SANCTION.  313 

female  children  but  one  of  each  mother,  and  who  otherwise  committed 
unnatural  excesses,  are  the  most  obvious  justification  of  the  war  made  on 
them,  under  the  sanction  of  Honorius  III.,  since  writers  on  the  laws  of 
nations  hold  that  a  civilized  people  may  interfere,  even  by  force  of  arms, 
to  prevent  a  continuance  of  savage  outrages.*  The  Pope,  besides,  was 
solicited  by  a  bishop  already  established  in  that  country,  who  complained 
that  the  Christians  were  forced  to  apostatize,  or  violate  their  duty,  and 
sought  protection  from  these  lawless  acts.  The  advantages  accruing  to 
society  from  this  and  similar  enterprises,  are  acknowledged  by  those  who 
condemn  them.  Michaud  says,  "  while  condemning  the  excesses  of  the 
conquerors  of  Prussia,  we  must  avow  the  advantages  which  Europe  de- 
rived from  their  exploits  and  victories.  A  nation,  separated  from  all 
others  by  its  manners  and  usages,  was  united  with  the  Christian  republic. 
Industry,  law,  religion,  which  followed  in  the  footsteps  of  the  con- 
querors, to  mitigate  the  evils  of  war,  spread  their  blessings  on  savage 
hordes.  Many  flourishing  cities  sprang  up  in  the  midst  of  the  forests ; 
and  the  oak  of  Remove,  beneath  which  human  victims  used  to  be  immo- 
lated, gave  place  to  churches  wherein  charity  and  all  the  evangelical 
virtues  were  taught."f  "  At  the  sight  of  the  cross  in  the  midst  of  de- 
serts and  forests,  there  arose  cities  :  Dantzick,  Thorn,  Elbing,  Konigs- 
berg,  &c.  Finland,  Lithuania,  Pomerania,  Silesia,  became  flourishing 
provinces  under  the  standard  of  Christ;  new  nations  sprang  up,  new 
states  were  formed ;  and  to  complete  these  prodigies,  the  arms  of  the  cru- 
saders marked  the  spot  where  was  to  be  raised  a  monarchy  unknown  to 
the  Middle  Ages,  and  which,  in  the  present  age,  has  risen  to  the  rank  of 
the  great  powers  of  Europe.  At  the  end  of  the  thirteenth  age,  the  pro- 
vinces whence  the  Prussian  monarchy  derives  its  name  and  origin,  were 
separated  from  Christendom  by  idolatry  and  savage  habits :  the  conquest 
and  civilization  of  these  provinces  were  the  result  of  the  Crusades. "J 

Christian  princes  who  undertook  to  explore  undiscovered  regions, 
sought  the  Papal  sanction,  lest  other  potentates  should  interfere  with 
their  rights,  and  deprive  them  of  the  fruits  of  their  enterprise.  About 
the  year  1438,  Eugene  the  Fourth  granted  to  the  King  of  Portugal  an 
exclusive  right  to  all  the  countries  which  might  be  discovered  by  his  sub- 
jects from  Cape  Non  to  the  continent  of  India;  and  Nicholas  V.,  in 
1454,  recognised  his  right  over  Guinea.  It  is  in  vain  to  say  that  the 
Pope  had  no  authority  to  dispose  of  these  countries;  for  he  was  only 
called  on  to  protect  the  discoverers  against  the  unjust  interference  of 
other  princes,  by  recognising  the  right  which,  according  to  the  law  of 
nations,  accrued  from  discovery.  This  he  was  perfectly  competent  to  do, 
from  the  relation  which  he  bore  to  the  Christian  powers  generally :  and 


*  Sec  Notos  of  Barbeyrac  on  Puffendorff,  Du  Droit  de  la  Guerre,  1.  viii.  ch.  vi.     See 
also  Grotius,  de  Jure  belli  et  pads,  1.  ii.  ch.  xx.  n.  40. 

f  Histoire  des  Croisades,  1.  xii.  p.  514.  J  Ibidem,  1.  xxii.  p.  205. 


314  PAPAL   SANCTION. 

accordingly,  as  Robertson  remarks,  "  all  Christian  princes  were  deterred 
from  intruding  into  those  countries  which  the  Portuguese  had  discovered, 
or  from  interrupting  the  progress  of  their  navigation  and  conquest."1* 
On  the  remonstrance  of  John  II.  of  Portugal,  Edward  IV.  of  England 
forbade  his  subjects  to  open  a  trade  with  the  coast  of  Guinea,  lest  they 
should  violate  the  Papal  prohibition. 

The  Bull  of  Alexander  VI.,  fixing  limits  for  the  discoveries  of  the 
Kings  of  Spain  and  Portugal,  is  frequently  represented  as  the  most  ex- 
travagant instance  of  Papal  pretensions :  yet  learned  men,  Protestant  as 
well  as  Catholic,  regard  it  only  as  a  solemn  sanction  of  rights  already  ac- 
quired according  to  the  laws  of  nations,  and  as  a  measure  directed  to  pre- 
vent war  between  Christian  princes.  It  is  certain,  as  Washington  Irving 
well  observes,f  that  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  conceived,  and  in  their  appli- 
cation to  the  Pontiff  stated,  that  their  title  to  the  newly-discovered  lands 
was,  in  the  opinion  of  many  learned  men,  sufficiently  established  by  the 
formal  possession  taken  of  them  by  Columbus,  in  the  name  of  the  Spanish 
crown ;  but  they  desired  a  public  recognition  of  their  right,  lest  others 
should  profit  by  the  discovery,  who  had  not  shared  in  the  enterprise. 
From  the  position  which  the  Pope  long  occupied  as  father  of  princes,  and 
highest  expounder  of  law  and  of  the  principles  of  justice,  his  act  was 
the  most  solemn  confirmation  of  the  title,  and  the  greatest  safeguard 
against  encroachment.  The  terms  of  "giving,  granting,  and  bestowing, 
of  the  plenitude  of  authority,"  are  only  designed  to  express  in  the  fullest 
and  strongest  manner  the  pontifical  sanction  and  confirmation.  "The 
'Roman  Pontiffs,"  says  Cardinal  Baluffi,  "  as  universal  fathers,  not  because 
they  imagined  themselves  to  be  lords  of  the  whole  earth,  but  in  order  to 
prevent  the  effusion  of  Christian  blood,  found  themselves,  at  the  epoch 
of  the  discovery  of  America,  in  circumstances  which  rendered  it  de- 
sirable that  they  should  divide  the  countries,  and  mark  mutual  limits  to 
the  conquests  of  the  nations  that  took  arms  against  unknown  nations. "J 
Wheaton,  in  his  great  work  on  international  law,  observes  :  "  As  between 
the  Christian  nations,  the  sovereign  Pontiff  was  the  supreme  arbiter  of 
conflicting  claims.  Hence  the  famous  Bull  issued  by  Pope  Alexander 
the  Sixth,  in  1493."§  "  This  bold  stretch  of  Papal  authority,"  says 
Prescott,  "was  in  a  measure  justified  by  the  event,  since  it  did,  in  fact, 
determine  the  principles  on  which  the  vast  extent  of  unappropriated 
empire  in  the  Eastern  and  Western  hemispheres  was  ultimately  divided 
between  two  petty  states  of  Europe." ||  It  should  not  surprise  us  that 
the  right  to  give,  as  it  were,  a  charter  for  the  discovery  of  unknown 
lands  to  a  national  corporation  in  the  Christian  confederacy,  should  be 

*  History  of  America,  1.  i. 

f  Life  and  Writings  of  Christopher  Columbus,  1.  v.  c.  viii.  p.  186. 

J  L'America  un  tempo  Spagnuola,  da  Gaetano  Baluffi.     Aucona,  1844. 

$  Elements  of  International  Law,  part  ii.  ch.  iv.  p.  240. 

U  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  vol.  ii.  ch.  xviii. 


PAPAL   SANCTION.  315 

recognised  in  him  whose  office  imposed  on  him  the  duty  of  spreading  the 
Gospel  throughout  all  nations.*  This  temporal  attribution  might  easily 
attach  itself,  by  general  consent,  to  his  spiritual  supremacy,  the  exercise 
of  which  in  the  diffusion  of  religion  it  facilitated,  by  the  support  and 
protection  given  in  return  by  the  princes  whose  enterprise  was  favored. 
The  personal  character  of  the  Pontiff  did  not  disqualify  him,  in  their 
minds,  from  discharging  the  high  function  of  arbiter  between  them ;  and 
Divine  Providence  gave  to  the  world  this  sublime  instance  of  the  salutary 
influence  of  the  Papacy,  in  directing  an  enterprise  which  has  resulted  in 
the  discovery  of  the  New  World. f 

*  See  Barbosa,  de  officio  et  pott,  episcopi,  tit.  iii.  c.  ii.  n.  41,  et  seq. 
f  See  Du  Pape,  1.  ii.  c.  adv.,  par  le  Comte  De  Maistre. 


CHAPTER  VI. 


To  judge  fairly  of  the  acts  of  the  Popes,  we  must  consider  the  general 
principles  by  which  they  were  governed,  and  which,  in  a  greater  or  less 
degree,  were  common  to  the  ages  in  which  they  lived.  The  first  great 
principle,  which  was  the  very  basis  on  which  all  social  order  reposed,  was, 
that  the  Christian  revelation  and  law  must  be  the  supreme  rule  for  princes 
and  people,  for  nations  singly  and  collectively.  Christianity  was,  in  fact, 
the  supreme  law  of  all  Christendom.  Hence  it  is  still  considered  as  a 
part  of  the  common  law  of  England,*  and  as  such  it  is  even  received  in 
this  country,f  although  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  and  the 
several  State  Constitutions  have  virtually  annulled  its  legal  consequences, 
by  ignoring  its  doctrines.  Arnold  contends  that  the  State  has  a  right  to 
adopt  Christianity,  if  it  think  proper:  "A  State  may  as  justly  declare 
the  New  Testament  to  be  its  law,  as  it  may  choose  the  Institutes  and 
Code  of  Justinian.  In  this  manner  the  law  of  Christ's  Church  may  be 
made  its  law;  and  all  the  institutions  which  this  law  enjoins,  whether  in 
ritual  or  discipline,  may  be  adopted  as  national  institutions,  just  as  legiti- 
mately as  any  institutions  of  mere  human  origin.  "J  The  nations,  in  the 
Middle  Ages,  did  not  feel  themselves  morally  free  to  adopt  or  reject  the 
Christian  law,  which,  as  they  acknowledged  it  to  be  from  God,  they  held 
to  be  binding,  independently  of  their  act  ;  so  that  they  felt  bound  to  con- 
form their  municipal  and  international  legislation  to  its  prescriptions. 
The  Popes  instinctively  acted  on  this  principle,  and  regarded  as  null  and 
sacrilegious  every  human  enactment  which  was  opposed  to  the  divine  com- 
mandments. Michaud  remarks  :  "  In  reading  over  the  annals  of  the 
Middle  Ages,  'we  cannot  but  admire  one  of  the  most  charming  spectacles 
ever  presented  by  human  society,  namely,  Christian  Europe  acknowledg- 
ing but  one  religion,  having  but  one  law,  forming  as  it  were  but  one  em- 
pire, governed  by  one  chief,  who  spoke  in  the  name  of  God,  and  whose 

*  Blackstone,  Comm.,  1.  iv.  n.  60. 

f  "In  the  United  States  there  is  no  established  Church:  it  has  been  considered,  how- 
ever, that  we  received  the  Christian  religion  as  part  of  the  common  law."  American 
editor  of  Blackstone,  in  loc. 

J  Introductory  Lectures  on  Modern  History,  by  Thomas  Arnold,  D.D.     Appendix  to 
Inaugural  Lecture,  p.  69. 
316 


PAPAL  POLITY.  317 

mission  was  to  make  the  Gospel  reign  on  earth.  In  the  eleventh  and 
twelfth  centuries,  the  nations  of  Europe,  subject  to  the  authority  of  St. 
Peter,  were  united,  one  with  the  other,  by  a  stronger  tie  than  that  of 
knowledge,  and  directed  by  a  more  powerful  impulse  than  that  of  liberty : 
this  bond  was  the  Universal  Church."* 

The  great  effort  of  the  Church  was  to  make  rulers  and  their  subjects 
alike  submissive  in  all  things  to  the  authority  of  God.  She  applied  the 
divine  laws  to  all  classes,  and  urged  their  observance  under  the  severest 
penalties  which  she  could  inflict,  the  highest  of  which  was  ejection  from 
her  fold.  Feeling  that  she  could  not  surrender  or  compromise  the  privi- 
leges and  rights  which  she  had  received  from  her  Divine  Founder,  she 
calmly  but  perseveringly  protested  against  every  attempt  on  the  part  of 
the  State  to  encroach  on  her  rights,  or  to  control  her  in  the  legitimate 
exercise  of  her  authority.  She  taught  her  children  to  render  to  Cesar 
the  things  which  are  Cesar's ;  but  she  enjoined  on  them  most  especially 
to  render  to  God  the  things  which  are  God's.  Giving  a  religious  sanction 
to  the  civil  authority,  in  its  proper  sphere,  she  claimed  an  exclusive  right 
to  regulate  what  appertains  to  the  supernatural  order,  and  to  govern  men 
in  the  things  of  salvation.  Hence  Ranke  has  well  remarked,  that  ain 
this  separation  of  the  Church  from  the  State  consists,  perhaps,  the 
greatest,  and  most  pervading,  and  most  influential  peculiarity  of  all  Chris- 
tian times. "f  Dr.  Nevin  says:  "The  separation  of  the  temporal  and 
spiritual  powers,  and  the  independence  of  the  latter  with  respect  to  the 
former,  has  had  much  to  do,  no  doubt,  with  the  formation  of  that  spirit 
of  liberty  which  is  characteristic  of  modern  civilization. "J  The  great 
struggle  between  the  Popes  and  temporal  princes,  in  regard  to  investitures, 
was  an  effort  on  the  part  of  the  Popes  to  drive  them  back  within  the 
limits  of  their  own  jurisdiction,  and  recover  the  territory  of  the  Church 
which  they  had  invaded.  Under  the  pretext  that,  as  civil  rulers,  they 
bestowed  lands  and  other  temporal  advantages  on  the  Church,  they  took 
on  themselves  to  install  bishops,  by  placing  in  their  hand  the  pastoral 
staff,  and  putting  the  episcopal  ring  on  their  finger.  Thus  they  insensibly 
came  to  control  their  election,  and  sometimes  put  on  the  episcopal  chair 
the  companions  of  their  debauch,  or  the  ministers  of  their  vengeance. 
The  enormous  scandals  which  defiled  the  sanctuary,  in  the  tenth  and 
eleventh  ages  especially,  were  mainly  to  be  traced  to  this  usurpation :  to 
resist  which,  St.  Gregory  VII.,  and  his.  successors,  exposed  themselves  to 
suffering  and  persecution.  Paschal  II.,  treacherously  made  prisoner  by 
Henry  V.,  yielded  to  the  advice  and  entreaties  of  some  who  implored  him 
to  save  his  own  life,  and  the  lives  of  his  adherents,  by  conceding  the 
privilege  :  but  he  soon  felt  that  he  had  betrayed  his  duty,  and  in  a  solemn 
Council  he  deplored,  with  tears,  his  momentary  weakness.  The  bonds  of 

•__ 

*  Histoire  des  Croisades,  1.  xiii.  p.  93.        f  History  of  the  Popes,  vol.  i.  ch.  i.  p.  29. 
"Modern  Civilization."    M.  R.,  March,  1851. 


318  PAPAL  POLITY. 

the  Church  were  by  successive  efforts  burst  asunder,  and  her  liberty  was 
attended  with  the  renovation  of  her  prelacy,  who  shone  forth  in  the  beauty 
of  holiness.  Emperors  and  kings  occasionally  became  her  benefactors, 
and  atoned  for  the  wrongs  which  their  predecessors  had  inflicted.  "It  is 
somewhat  remarkable,"  writes  Mr.  Allies,  "  that  that  Church  which  main- 
tains a  standing  protest  against  the  interference  of  the  State  with  spiritual 
matters,  (a  protest  for  which  she  is  worthy  of  all  respect  and  admiration,) 
should  owe  to  the  support  of  the  State,  in  different  periods  of  her  history, 
very  much  more  of  her  power  than  any  other  church.  It  may  be  that 
God  rewards  the  fearless  maintenance  of  spiritual  rights  by  the  grant  of 
that  very  temporal  power  which  threatens  them  with  destruction."*  I 
believe  that  her  indebtedness  to  the  State  is  very  small. 

The  compacts  made  between  the  people  and  the  sovereign,  which  were 
confirmed  by  the  rite  of  coronation,  embraced  the  immunities  and  privi- 
leges of  the  Church,  which  the  prince  bound  himself  to  maintain  in- 
violate. Hence,  when  these  were  invaded,  holy  prelates  resisted  the  per- 
jured sovereign,  professing  their  submission  to  his  just  authority,  but 
their  unwillingness  to  betray  the  interests  of  religion  intrusted  to  their 
charge.  The  Pope  encouraged  them  by  his  approbation,  threatening  to 
hurl  the  censures  of  the  Church  against  the  violator  of  her  rights.  We 
are  not  now  to  inquire  whether  these  immunities  ought  to  have  been 
originally  conceded.  They  actually  formed  part  of  the  compact  in  virtue 
of  which  the  monarch  reigned,  and  could  not  be  disregarded  without  a 
breach  of  his  sworn  engagement.  In  enforcing  them,  the  Pontiff  acted 
in  accordance  with  the  general  usages  and  public  law  of  the  age }  at  the 
same  time  offering  to  sanction  such  contributions  by  the  clergy  to  the  pub- 
lic burdens  as  might  appear  just  and  necessary .f  Boniface  VIIL,  while 
resisting  Philip  the  Fair,  who  forced  the  clergy  to  raise  subsidies  according 
to  his  pleasure,  consented  that  they  should,  of  their  own  free  and  concerted 
action,  contribute  to  the  public  wants,  and  that  in  case  of  any  general  or 
special  necessity  of  the  kingdom,  they  should  be  bound  to  give  supplies. 
The  privilege  in  question  was  the  right  of  self-taxation,  which  in  this 
country,  and  wherever  the  representative  system  prevails,  is  now  exercised 
by  the  nation  at  large,  through  their  representatives. 

Some  of  the  most  illustrious  prelates  that  adorned  the  English  hier- 
archy are  celebrated  for  their  intrepid  maintenance  of  ecclesiastical  im- 
munities. St.  Anselm,  with  sacerdotal  fortitude,  contended  for  the  privi- 
leges and  freedom  of  the  Church  against  William  Rufus  and  Henry  I., 
while  he  most  sincerely  professed  submission  to  the  lawful  authority  of 
the  sovereign :  "  In  the  things  of  Grod  I  shall  obey,"  he  said,  "  the  Vicar 
of  St.  Peter :  in  what  regards  the  dignity  of  my  lord  the  king,  I  shall 
give  my  best  counsel  and  aid  to  maintain  it."J 

*  Church  of  England  Cleared,  <fec.  p.  114.  j-  Cone.  Lat.  iv.  g  xlvi. 

J  Conventus  Rochinghainiensis,  t.  x.,  Cone.  p.  494. 


PAPAL  POLITY.  319 

St.  Thomas  of  Canterbury  deemed  it  the  duty  of  his  office  to  maintain 
the  ecclesiastical  immunities  against  the  encroachments  of  his  temporal 
sovereign,  and  ventured  to  rebuke  him  as  deviating  from  the  line  of  duty 
which  became  a  Catholic  prince.  Addressing  Henry  II.,  he  says:  "If 
you  are  a  good  and  Catholic  king,  and  wish  to  be  such  as  we  believe  and 
desire  you  to  be,  if  I  may  say  it  with  your  leave,  you  are  a  child  of  the 
Church,  not  her  ruler ;  you  should  learn  from  the  priests,  not  teach  them ; 
you  should  follow  the  priests  in  ecclesiastical  matters,  not  go  before  them. 
You  have  power  peculiar  to  yourself,  bestowed  on  you  by  God  for  the  ad- 
ministration of  the  laws,  that,  being  grateful  for  His  favors,  you  may  do 
nothing  contrary  to  the  order  divinely  established."*  "  Most  beloved 
king,  God  wills  that  the  direction  of  the  things  of  the  Church  should 
belong  to  His  priests,  not  to  the  powers  of  the  world,  which,  if  they  be 
faithful,  He  wishes  to  be  submissive  to  the  priests  of  His  Church. "f 
Innocent  III.  wrote  to  Sanchez  II.  of  Portugal  in  these  terms :  "  We 
beseech  you,  most  beloved  son,  through  the  mercy  of  Jesus  Christ,  to  be 
content  with  the  authority  which  God  has  given  you,  and  not  at  all  to 
stretch  your  hands  to  matters  ecclesiastical,  as  we  do  not  stretch  our  hands 
to  matters  of  royal  prerogative. "J  The  justice  of  this  distisction,  and 
the  favorable  influence  of  the  independence  which  is  here  vindicated,  are 
too  often  overlooked  by  many  advocates  of  civil  liberty,  who  most  incon- 
sistently claim  for  the  State  an  unlimited  control,  even  in  matters  which 
strictly  belong  to  the  province  of  the  Church.  "  Strange,"  says  Dr. 
Nevin,  "  that  the  advocates  of  equilibrium  and  counterpoise,  who  make  so 
much  of  the  policy  of  dividing  powers  to  prevent  tyranny,  should  not 
have  felt  the  profound  wisdom  of  this  old  church  doctrine,  even  in  a 
simply  political  view."§ 

With  reference  to  the  principles  of  civil  government,  it  may  be  safely 
asserted  that  the  Popes  were  uniformly  favorable  to  popular  rights  and 
liberty,  although  with  strict  regard  to  public  order  and  established  au. 
thority  St.  Gregory  the  Great  rebuked  an  imperial  officer  for  extreme 
severity  in  punishing  crime,  which,  he  said,  reflected  disgrace  on  the 
power  which  he  exercised,  the  subjects  of  the  emperor  being  freemen,  not 
slaves :  "  This  is  the  difference  between  the  kings  of  the  nations,  and  the 
emperors  of  the  Romans, — that  the  kings  of  the  nations  are  lords  of 
slaves,  the  emperor  of  the  Romans  is  the  lord  of  freemen.  Wherefore, 
in  all  your  acts,  you  should,  in  the  first  place,  have  a  strict  regard  to  jus- 
tice, and  next,  you  should  preserve  liberty  in  all  things/' ||  Gregory  IX. 
reproached  Frederick  II.  with  being  at  once  a  "  persecutor  of  the  Church 
and  a  destroyer  of  public  liberty,"  by  the  unjust  laws  which  he  threatened 
to  promulgate.  In  opposing  the  union  of  Sicily  with  the  empire,  the 
Popes  guarded  against  the  accumulation  of  power  in  the  hands  of  one 

*  Apud  Baron.,  an.  1166,  p.  535.         f  Ibidem,  p.  536. 

J  Apud  Raynald.,  an  1211.  g  "Modern  Civilization."     M.  R.,  March,  1851. 

||  L.  x.,  ep.  41. 


320  PAPAL   POLITY. 

man ;  and  in  the  various  acts  of  Papal  opposition  to  imperial  encroach- 
ment, the  liberty  of  Italy,  Germany,  and  the  nations  generally,  was  vin- 
dicated. Michaud  avows  :  "  But  for  the  Pope,  it  is  probable  that  Europe 
would  have  fallen  under  the  yoke  of  the  emperors  of  Germany.  The 
policy  of  the  sovereign  Pontiffs,  by  weakening  the  imperial  power,  favored 
in  Germany  the  liberty  of  the  cities,  and  the  increase  and  duration  of 
the  small  States.  We  do  not  hesitate  to  add,  that  the  thunders  of  the 
Holy  See  saved  the  independence  of  Italy,  and  perhaps  of  France. "* 
"  This  policy  of  the  Popes  resulted  in  freeing  Italy  from  the  yoke  of  the 
German  emperors,  so  that  this  rich  country  for  sixty  years  did  not  behold 
the  imperial  troops."f  "  Liberty  and  the  Church"  were  inspiring  watch- 
words of  the  Lombard  league.  Venice,  Verona,  Padua,  Vicenza,  com- 
bined against  Frederick,  pro  tuenda  libertate,  in  defence  of  liberty. J 
Pope  Alexander  was  their  friend  and  ally ;  so  that  when  the  Lombards 
listened  to  overtures  made  on  the  part  of  Frederick,  they  made  an  express 
proviso  in  behalf  of  the  Roman  Church,  and  of  their  own  liberty ;  and, 
on  the  other  hand,  when  the  Pope  was  solicited  to  accede  to  some  pro- 
posals of  the  emperor,  he  declined  any  final  action  without  the  concurrence 
of  the  Lombards,  who  had  nobly  fought,  as  he  publicly  declared,  for  the 
welfare  of  the  Church  and  the  liberty  of  Italy. §  The  like  sympathies 
manifested  themselves  on  many  occasions.  "Tuscany,"  says  Hallam, 
"  had  hitherto  been  ruled  by  a  marquis  of  the  emperor's  appointment, 
though  her  cities  were  nourishing,  and,  within  themselves,  independent. 
In  imitation  of  the  Lombard  confederacy,  and  impelled  by  Innocent  III., 
they  now  (with  the  exception  of  Pisa,  which  was  always  strongly  attached 
to  the  empire)  founded  a  similar  league  for  the  preservation  of  their 
rights.  In  this  league  the  influence  of  the  Pope  was  far  more  strongly 
manifested  than  in  that  of  Lombardy."|| 

All  the  cities  of  Italy  enjoyed  that  independence  which  Hallam  ascribes 
to  those  of  Tuscany,  since  even  those  which  acknowledged  the  empire, 
had  municipal  rights  on  the  largest  scale,  including  the  election  of  their 
own  officers  and  judges,  and  every  thing  appertaining  to  internal  govern- 
ment. The  evil  of  those  times  was  the  excess  of  liberty,  which,  for  the 
want  of  a  general  authority,  to  combine  and  preserve  in  harmony  the 
various  cities,  degenerated  into  licentiousness,  intestine  feuds,  and  mutual 
warfare.  Each  city  was  a  republic,  whose  citizens  were  most  jealous  of 
their  rights,  so  that  they  limited  the  powers  of  the  presiding  officer  to  a 
short  period,  sometimes  of  six  months  only,  and  guarded  by  every  possible 
means  against  the  abuse  of  his  authority,  or  its  continuation  in  the  same 
individual.^" 

*  Histoire  des  Croisades,  1.  xiii.  p.  97.  f  Ibid.,  1.  xvi.  p.  454. 

J  Baronius,  an.  1164.  g  Baronius,  an.  1177. 

||  Middle  Ages,  vol.  i.  ch.  iii.  par.  i.  p.  259. 

^  See  Hurter,  Tableau  des  Institutions  et  des  Moeurs  du  Moyen  Age,  ch.  xl.  vol.  ii. 
p.  531. 


PAPAL  POLITY.  321 

It  was  the  constant  study  of  the  Popes  to  guard  against  the  perpetuity 
of  the  imperial  authority  in  the  same  family,  by  mere  title  of  descent, 
and  to  maintain  the  elective  principle.  In  the  vacancy  of  the  empire 
under  Innocent  III.,  the  majority  of  votes  were  for  Philip  of  Swabia, 
who  was  deemed  by  Innocent  totally  unworthy,  and  in  whose  election  the 
necessary  conditions  had  not  been  attended  to.  Frederick  had  in  his 
favor  hereditary  right,  being  son  of  the  deceased  emperor.  The  oppo- 
sition of  the  Pope  to  both  candidates  led  some  of  the  princes  to  murmur, 
as  if  he  sought  to  take  from  them  the  privilege  of  electing  the  emperor, 
which,  in  his  instructions  to  his  ambassadors,  he  denied  most  unequivo- 
cally :  "In  order  effectually  to  close  the  mouth  of  such  as  speak  unjustly, 
and  to  prevent  credit  being  given  to  the  slanders  of  those  who  assert  that 
we  mean  to  take  from  the  princes  the  liberty  of  election,  you  should 
oftentimes,  by  word  of  mouth,  and  in  writing,  repeat  to  all  that  we  have 
had  regard  to  their  liberty  in  this  matter,  and  have  sought  to  preserve  it 
inviolate :  for  we  have  not  chosen  any  one;  but  we  have  favored,  and  we 
still  favor  him  who  was  chosen  by  the  majority  of  the  persons  entitled  to 
a  vote  in  the  choice  of  the  emperor,  and  who  was  crowned  in  the  proper 
place,  and  by  the  proper  person ;  since  the  Apostolic  See  should  crown 
him  emperor  who  was  duly  crowned  king.  "We  also  stand  up  for  the 
liberty  of  the  princes,  while  we  utterly  deny  our  sanction  to  him  who 
claims  the  empire  on  the  score  of  succession  :  for  it  would  appear  that  the 
empire  was  not  conferred  by  the  election  of  the  princes,  but  by  succession, 
if,  as  formerly,  the  son  succeeded  the  father,  so  now  the  brother  should 
succeed  the  brother,  or  the  son  succeed  the  father,  without  any  interme- 
diate person."*  In  speaking  of  Hudolph,  Duke  of  Swabia,  whom  an 
assembly  of  revolted  princes  raised  to  the  throne  in  place  of  Henry, 
Hallam  observes:  "We  may  perceive  in  the  conditions  of  Eudolph's 
election,  a  symptom  of  the  real  principle  that  animated  the  German  aris- 
tocracy against  Henry  IV.  It  was  agreed  that  the  kingdom  should  no 
longer  be  hereditary,  nor  conferred  on  the  son  of  a  reigning  monarch 
without  popular  approbation.  The  Pope  strongly  encouraged  this  plan 
of  rendering  the  empire  elective/'f  He  otherwise  labored  to  confine  the 
imperial  power  within  just  limits,  and  to  the  Papal  vigilance  it  must  be 
ascribed  that  "  before  Charles  V.,  the  emperors  durst  not  assume  despotic 
power."! 

The  several  monarchies  which  under  the  favor  of  the  Popes  arose  in  the 
Middle  Ages,  were  virtually  republics,  with  presidents  during  good  be- 
haviour, the  sovereigns  being  considered  only  a  degree  above  the  nobles, 
and  liable  to  forfeit  their  power,  should  they  abuse  it.  Voltaire,  speaking 
of  the  thirteenth  century,  observes :  "  Castile  and  Aragon  were  kingdoms 
at  that  time ;  but  we  must  not  imagine  that  their  sovereigns  were  abso- 

*  Ep.  liv.,  apud  Raynald.,  an.  1201.  f  Middle  Ages,  vol.  i.  ch.  v.  p.  460. 

J  Voltaire,  Essai  sur  1'Histoire  Generale,  t.  iii.  cxvii. 

21 


322  PAPAL   POLITY. 

lute :  there  were  none  such  in  Europe.  The  nobles  in  Spain,  more  than 
elsewhere,  confined  the  royal  authority  within  strict  limits.  The  people 
of  Aragon  still  repeat  the  ancient  formulary  used  in  the  inauguration  of 
their  kings.  The  chief-justice  of  the  kingdom,  in  the  name  of  the  various 
classes  of  citizens,  said  :  '  We,  who  are  as  good  as  you,  and  more  powerful 
than  you,  make  you  our  king  and  lord,  on  condition  that  you  preserve  our 
privileges,  and  not  otherwise/  "*  "  The  oath  made  by  the  kings  (of 
Poland)  on  their  coronation  contained  an  express  call  on  the  nation  to  de- 
throne them,  in  case  they  did  not  observe  the  laws  which  they  swore  to 
respect."*)"  "No  mistake  can  be  greater,"  says  Dr.  Nevin,  "than  that  by 
which  the  exaggeration  of  the  authority  of  rulers,  at  the  cost  of  popular 
rights,  is  held  to  be  the  natural  and  necessary  doctrine  of  Catholicism,  as 
distinguished  from  the  genius  of  Protestantism.  History  plainly  teaches 
a  different  lesson. "£  As  long  as  the  Pope  was  revered  as  the  father  and 
judge  of  kings,  these  felt  that  there  were  limits  which  they  could  not 
pass  without  peril :  but  when  it  was  proclaimed  that  kings  are  answerable 
only  to  God,  a  deep  wound  was  inflicted  on  popular  liberty  in  the  attack 
on  pontifical  supremacy.  Royalty  itself  paid  the  penalty  of  its  inde- 
pendence. When  the  Pontiff  let  fall  from  his  hand  the  mace  which  he 
had  brandished  to  awe  tyrants,  the  people,  seizing  it,  wielded  it  with 
brutal  force,  and  left  even  just  monarchs  weltering  in  their  blood. 
England  saw  Charles  I.  perish  by  the  hands  of  the  public  executioner; 
and  France  doomed  the  meek  Louis  XVI.  to  the  same  ignominious  end. 
Never  was  a  Papal  sentence  of  deposition  exhibited  on  a  scaffold  ! 

While  the  Popes  labored  to  instruct  kings  in  justice,  they  cherished 
with  paternal  fondness  the  Italian  republics,  which  grew  up  under  their 
fostering  protection.  At  the  request  of  the  Doge  of  Venice,  Gregory  IX. 
became  the  special  protector  of  that  republic,  and  gave  her  the  ocean  as 
her  dowry.  She  flourished  long  in  arms  and  arts,  commerce  and  enter- 
prise of  every  honorable  kind,  the  ally  and  friend  of  Rome,  until  Sarpi 
and  other  false  men  disturbed  that  harmony,  by  disregarding  the  ancient 
immunities  of  the  clergy,  which,  in  the  zenith  of  her  power,  she  had 
respected.  The  eternal  city  still  stands  in  her  strength,  while  the  queen 
of  the  waters  has  forfeited  her  portion ;  and  the  German  soldier  guards 
the  palace,  where  her  merchant  princes  once  deliberated  whether  they 
would  grant  the  favors  which  sovereigns  did  not  disdain  to  ask  at  their 
hands.  The  Pontiffs  always  favored  the  republic,  unless  in  circumstances 
of  this  unfortunate  character,  in  which  the  usages,  which  for  ages  had 
been  deemed  laws  of  the  whole  Christian  confederacy,  were  wantonly 
violated.  Many  interesting  examples  of  Papal  interposition  to  appease 
the  dissensions  of  republics,  one  with  the  other,  or  within  themselves,  are 
recorded.  Speaking  of  the  struggles  for  office  between  the  aristocracy  and 


#  Voltaire,  Essai  sur  1'Histoire  Generale,  t.  ii.  ch.  Ix.  f  Ibidem,  ch.  cxv. 

J  Ibidem,  ch.  cxv.  §  Modern  Civilization,  M.  R.,  March,  1851. 


PAPAL   POLITY.  323 

commonalty,  Hallain  says :  "  In  one  or  two  cities,  a  temporary  compro- 
mise was  made  through  the  intervention  of  the  Pope,  whereby  offices  of 
public  trust,  from  the  highest  to  the  lowest,  were  divided  in  equal  propor- 
tions, or  otherwise,  between  the  nobles  and  the  people.  This  is  no  bad 
expedient,  and  proved  singularly  efficacious  in  appeasing  the  dissensions 
of  ancient  Rome/'*  It  is  pleasing  to  be  able  to  point  out  such  examples 
of  pontifical  interposition  to  regulate  the  social  relations  so  as  to  satisfy 
every  class  of  the  community.  The  general  tendency  of  such  interposi- 
tion was  of  this  character,  which  is  proved  by  the  result,  as  testified  by  a 
distinguished  writer.  "It  is  historically  certain,"  writes  Dr.  Nevin, 
"  that  European  society,  as  a  whole,  in  the  period  before  the  Reformation, 
was  steadily  advancing  in  the  direction  of  a  rational,  safe  liberty.  The 
problem  by  which  the  several  interests  of  the  throne,  the  aristocracy,  and 
the  mass  of  the  people  were  to  be  rightly  guarded  and  carried  forward  in 
the  onward  movement  of  civilization,  so  as  by  just  harmony  to  serve  and 
not  hinder  the  true  welfare  of  all,  was  one  of  vast  difficulty ;  which,  how- 
ever, in  the  face  of  manifold  disturbing  forces,  we  may  see  still  approxi- 
mating, at  least,  more  and  more  toward  its  own  full  and  proper  solution. 
The  simple  position  of  these  several  elements  relatively  to  each  other,  at 
the  going  out  of  the  Middle  Ages,  is  of  itself  enough  to  show  how  false 
it  is  to  represent  the  old  Catholicity  as  the  enemy  of  popular  liberty  :  for 
we  see  that  European  civilization,  at  this  time,  after  having  been  for  so 
many  centuries  under  the  sole  guardianship  of  that  power,  presented  no 
one  of  these  interests  as  exclusively  predominant/'f 

When  the  Gospel  was  first  preached,  slavery  prevailed  among  the  most 
civilized  nations,  and  the  apostles,  careful  not  to  disturb  the  actual  order 
of  society,  inculcated  submission  to  the  slave,  to  the  master  humanity. 
The  Popes  faithfully  followed  their  example,  as  has  been  shown  by  the 
late  lamented  Bishop  of  Charleston,  in  his  learned  letters  on  this  subject. 
Yet,  while  respecting  existing  relations,  they  did  much  to  mitigate  the 
evils  of  servitude,  and  to  raise  the  slave  to  that  moral  elevation,  which 
might  fit  him  for  the  enjoyment  of  civil  liberty.  Encouragement  was 
given  to  the  manumission  of  slaves ;  the  natural  rights  of  man,  in  regard 
to  the  freedom  of  marriage,  were  held  to  be  inviolable,  notwithstanding 
his  social  dependency ;  and  religious  privileges  were  communicated  to  all, 
without  distinction.  The  salvation  of  the  slave  was  especially  had  in 
view.  In  the  middle  of  the  eighth  century,  Zachary  gave  a  noble  ex- 
ample of  zeal  and  humanity.  Some  Venetian  merchants  had  purchased 
afc  Rome  a  great  number  of  slaves,  with  a  view  to  sell  them  at  a  higher 
price,  for  transportation  to  Africa.  The  Pope,  shocked  at  the  thought  of 
the  danger  of  salvation  to  which  the  poor  slaves  would  be  exposed,  gene- 
rously indemnified  the  merchants  for  their  outlay  of  money,  and  set  the 

*  Middle  Ages,  vol.  i.  ch.  iii.  par.  i.  p.  278. 

f  "Modern  Civilization."    M.  R.,  March,  1851. 


324  PAPAL   POLITY. 

slaves  at  liberty.  In  the  same  spirit,  Alexander  III.,  in  the  year  1167, 
in  the  Council  of  Lateran,  forbade  Christians  to  be  held  as  slaves  by  Jews 
or  Saracens.* 

It  is  impossible  to  overrate  what  the  Popes  have  done  for  the  proper 
organization  of  society,  and  the  maintenance  of  order.  In  the  confusion 
of  the  Middle  Ages,  when  an  appeal  to  the  sword  was  the  first  resort  of 
half-civilized  nobles  and  their  followers,  they  raised  their  voice  in  behalf 
of  justice.  Not  only  did  they  regulate  the  proceedings  of  the  ecclesiasti- 
cal tribunals,  so  as  to  present  a  model  for  the  civil  powers,  but,  going 
beyond  the  precise  limits  of  Church  authority,  they  made  several  enact- 
ments of  a  civil  character,  to  secure  the  attainment  of  right,  and  prevent 
fraud  and  violence.  The  great  Council  of  Lateran,  held  in  1215,  contains 
several  decrees  of  this  kind.  I  shall  give  one  remarkable  instance,  which 
to  the  present  day  is  followed  in  the  practice  of  the  courts  of  the  United 
States,  as  well  as  throughout  the  British  Empire.  The  mode  of  proceed- 
ings in  criminal  cases  prescribed  by  it,  still  serves  as  the  rule  of  criminal 
jurisprudence,  in  secular,  as  well  as  ecclesiastical  courts.  Where  a  public 
report  prevails  of  the  commission  of  crime,  inquiry  is  to  be  made  by  the 
judge,  and  information  sought.  Such  is  now  the  practice  of  the  Grand 
Jury  as  a  Court  of  Inquest,  preparatory  to  their  making  a  presentment. f 
The  canon,  however,  requires  the  individual  whom  the  report  regards,  to 
be  present  at  the  investigation,  unless  he  absent  himself  contumaciously. 
He  is  to  be  apprized  of  the  charges  made  against  him,  that  he  may  have 
an  opportunity  of  defending  himself.  The  judge  is  directed  to  communi- 
cate to  him  the  names  of  the  witnesses,  and  their  depositions,  and  to 
receive  his  objections  and  defence.  The  Roman  law  required  that  the 
accusation  should  be  given,  in  writing,  to  the  judge;  which  regulation 
was  inserted  in  the  decretals  of  Isidore :  but  the  entire  process  above 
delineated  may  be  fairly  ascribed  to  the  eminent  Pontiff,  Innocent  IIL| 

The  Councils  of  the  Church  were  deliberative  assemblies,  which,  in  the 
Middle  Ages,  assumed  a  mixed  character,  from  the  presence  of  princes 
and  nobles,  whose  wishes  were  respected,  and  whose  consent  was  awaited 
in  matters  of  a  temporal  nature.  These  prepared  the  way  for  the  cortes, 
chambres,  parliaments,  and  other  legislative  assemblies  of  later  times,  in 
which  the  general  interests  of  the  respective  nations  are  provided  for,  by 
enactments  made  by  their  representatives.  "  The  system,  indeed,  of  ec- 
clesiastical Councils,  considered  as  organs  of  the  Church,  rested  upon  the 


*  In  former  editions,  the  praise  of  having  abolished  the  slavery  of  Christians  is  given 
to  this  Pontiff,  on  the  authority  of  Bancroft  and  Voltaire,  with  whom  Fuller  and  De 
Maistre  agree.  The  canon  xxvi.  of  the  Council  does  not  imply  so  much.  Carriere  is  of 
opinion  that  there  is  no  other  ground  for  the  assertion. — De  Justitia  et  Jure,  t.  i.  p.  i.  §  i. 
c.  iii.  50,  p.  75.  Mcehler,  treating  on  the  abolition  of  slavery,  does  not  make  mention  of 
Alexander  III.  See  "  Le  Christianisme  et  1'Esclavage,"  par  Therou. 

f  Blackstone,  Comm.,  1.  iv.  n.  301. 

J  C.  Qualitcr  et  quando,  24,  de  accus.  extra. 


PAPAL   POLITY.  325 

principle  of  a  virtual  or  an  express  representation,  and  had  a  tendency  to 
render  its  application  to  national  assemblies  more  familiar."*  The  clergy 
have  no  longer  that  influence  which  once  enabled  them  to  direct  legisla- 
tion in  a  manner  subordinate  to  the  higher  interests  of  religion,  and  the 
laity,  who  now  almost  everywhere  exclusively  constitute  those  assemblies, 
have  forgotten  that  they  originated  in  the  enlightened  policy  of  the  Popes 
and  bishops. 

Although  the  established  usages  and  the  laws  of  the  various  nations 
were  necessarily  treated  with  wise  toleration  and  indulgence,  the  Popes 
labored  incessantly  to  correct  whatever  was  reprehensible  in  them,  and  to 
promote  a  general  system  of  legislation.  As  the  Gothic  code  of  laws  con- 
tained no  penalty  for  sacrileges,  John  VIII.,  in  a  Council  held  at  Troyes, 
undertook  to  supply  this  defect  from  the  Roman  law,  modified  by  the 
milder  legislation  of  Charlemagne. f  With  the  same  views,  the  study  of 
the  civil  or  Cesarean  code  was  also  effectually  encouraged.  Nicholas  I. 
made  frequent  reference  to  it  in  answering  the  inquiries  of  the  Bul- 
garians. The  common  law,  which  is  justly  regarded  as  the  basis  of  so- 
ciety, here  as  well  as  in  the  British  Empire,  is  perhaps,  not  as  Blackstone 
affirms,  the  result  of  the  wisdom  of  Alfred  or  Edward,  whose  lost  enact- 
ments are  gathered  from  judicial  decisions  from  time  immemorial^  but 
rather,  as  Spelman  avows,  is  derived  partly  from  the  laws  and  customs 
of  Germans  and  Saxons,  and  especially  from  the  canon  and  civil  law. 
"  Two  other  principal  parts,  (as  from  two  pole  stars,)  take  their  direction 
from  the  canon  law,  and  the  law  of  our  brethren,  the  Longobards,  called 
otherwise  the  feodal  law,  generally  received  throughout  all  Europe. 
Another  great  portion  of  our  common  law  is  derived  from  the  civil 
law."§ 

We  may  then  fairly  claim  for  the  Pontiffs  the  merit  of  having  laid  the 
foundations  of  order,  justice,  liberty,  and  all  that  appertains  to  modern 
civilization.  Left  to  themselves,  the  nations  would  have  sunk  deeper  and 
deeper  into  barbarism,  while,  by  the  mild  influences  of  religion,  their 
fierceness  was  subdued,  their  vices  corrected,  and  the  controlling  power 
of  law  successfully  established.  Had  they  been  isolated,  they  would  have 
been  known  to  one  another  only  by  predatory  incursions,  or  other  acts  of 
barbarian  aggression ;  but  the  acknowledgment  of  a  common  father  bound 
them  together,  despite  of  national  antipathies,  and  made  of  them  one 
great  family.  "  During  the  Middle  Ages,"  says  Wheaton,  "the  Christian 
States  of  Europe  began  to  unite,  and  to  acknowledge  the  obligation  of  an 
international  law,  common  to  all  who  professed  the  same  religious  faith. 
This  law  was  founded  mainly  upon  the  following  circumstances  :  first,  the 
union  of  the  Latin  Church  under  one  spiritual  head,  whose  authority  was 

*  Hallam's  Middle  Ages,  ch.  viii.  p.  111.  f  Cone.  col.  reg.,  vol.  vi.  p.  198. 

i  Comm.,  1.  iv.  n.  301. 

$  The  Original  of  the  Four  Terms  of  the  Year,  by  Sir  Henry  Spelman,  c.  viii. 


326  PAPAL   POLITY. 

often  invoked  as  supreme  arbiter  betwen  sovereigns  and  between  nations. 
Second,  the  revival  of  the  study  of  the  Roman  law,  and  the  adoption  of 
this  system  of  jurisprudence  by  nearly  all  the  nations  of  Christendom, 
either  as  the  basis  of  their  municipal  codes,  or  as  subsidiary  to  the  local 
legislation  in  each  country/'* 

The  principles  of  this  universal  faith  contain  the  elements  of  true 
liberty,  independent  of  the  various  forms  of  government,  all  of  which  may 
practically  assume  the  character  of  despotism.  The  relations  of  men  to 
one  another,  when  governed  by  Christianity,  necessarily  assume  a  mild  and 
just  form,  and  are  insensibly  divested  of  the  asperity  which  they  might 
otherwise  involve.  Domestic  as  well  as  social  ties  are  hallowed  and  en- 
nobled by  this  influence,  and  the  strongest  guarantee  of  right  is  found  in 
the  general  conscience. 

*  Elements  of  International  Law.    Preface  to  third  edition. 


CHAPTER  VII. 


THE  influence  and  power  of  the  Pope  in  temporal  matters,  connected 
with  the  interests  of  religion,  appeared  in  tlie  most  extraordinary  degree, 
in  the  great  movements  of  the  European  powers  for  the  recovery  of  the 
Holy  Land.  It  has  long  been  fashionable  to  condemn  these  wars  as  fa- 
natical, if  not  wholly  unchristian  ;  but  we  should  be  slow  to  censure  what 
met  with  the  universal  approbation  of  the  most  enlightened  and  holy  men, 
during  several  centuries.  It  is  more  becoming  to  inquire  into  the  prin- 
ciples on  which  they  acted,  and  judge  them  according  to  their  motives. 
My  object,  however,  is  to  explain  the  part  which  the  Popes  took  in  these 
wars,  and  the  influence  which  they  exercised. 

Jerusalem  and  all  the  parts  of  Palestine  consecrated  by  the  footsteps  of 
our  Divine  Redeemer,  were  viewed  with  special  veneration  by  all  Chris- 
tians, from  the  earliest  period.  In  the  seventh  century,  they  fell  under 
the  Mohammedan  yoke,  and  were  thenceforward,  for  three  centuries,  sub- 
ject to  the  Caliphs  of  Bagdad  and  of  Cairo,  alternately,  until  the  power 
of  the  Egyptian  sultan  prevailed.  In  1076,  Jerusalem  was  wrested  from 
his  dominion  by  Malek  Shah,  a  prince  of  the  Seljuk  Turks  from  Tartary, 
who,  some  time  previously,  had  invaded  Syria,  and  other  provinces.  The 
struggle  of  the  hostile  clans  continued  for  eighteen  years,  when  the  Egyp- 
tians again  regained  the  ascendancy.  In  the  mean  time,  the  pilgrims, 
who  flocked  from  Europe  to  the  holy  places,  experienced  the  ferocity  of 
the  new  lords  of  Palestine,  and  the  Christian  inhabitants  of  that  country 
were  most  cruelly  oppressed.  The  sufferings  of  the  Eastern  Christians 
had  awakened  the  sympathy  of  their  brethren  in  Europe,  in  the  tenth 
century;  at  the  close  of  which,  "Pope  Sylvester  II.,  the  ornament  of  his 
age,  entreated  the  Church  universal  to  succor  the  Church  of  .Jerusalem, 
and  to  redeem  a  sepulchre  which  the  Prophet  Isaiah  had  said  should  be  a 
glorious  one,  and  which  the  sons  of  the  destroyer,  Satan,  were  making  in- 
glorious."* The  subsequent  success  of  the  Turks  filled  with  alarm  the 
Emperor  of  Constantinople,  Michael  Ducas,  who,  in  1073,  applied  to 
Gregory  VII.  to  obtain  aid  against  an  enemy  formidable  to  all  the  Chris- 
tian powers.  f  The  magnanimous  Pontiff  received  the  application  favor- 

*  History  of  the  Crusades,  by  Charles  Mills,  ch.  i.  p.  20. 
f  Hallam,  Middle  Ages,  vol.  i.  ch.  i. 
327 


328  CRUSADES. 

ably,  especially  as  hope  was  held  out,  that  the  reunion  of  the  Greeks  with 
the  Church  would  result  from  the  efforts  of  the  Latins  in  their  behalf. 
When  enlisting  an  army  for  the  defence  of  his  possessions  in  Campania, 
against  the  Normans,  he  expressed  the  hope,  that  the  enemy  would  be 
deterred  from  battle  by  the  military  preparations,  so  that  the  troops  raised 
might  be  employed  for  the  succor  of  the  oriental  Christians.  In  an  en- 
cyclical letter  he  solicited  the  aid  of  the  faithful  generally,  that  he  might 
send  the  desired  relief.  Fifty  thousand  soldiers  were  ready  to  march  to 
the  East,  but  the  difficulties  in  which  he  himself  was  involved,  prevented 
the  prosecution  of  the  generous  design.  Victor  III.,  who  succeeded  him, 
encouraged  the  citizens  of  Pisa,  Genoa,  and  other  towns  of  Italy,  to  follow 
up  the  undertaking,  especially  as  the  Saracens  infested  the  Mediterranean, 
and  threatened  the  Italian  coasts.  The  combined  forces  of  these  Christian 
powers  made  a  successful  descent  on  the  coast  of  Africa,  and  reduced  un- 
der their  power  Al  Mahadia  and  Sibila,  in  the  territory  of  Carthage,  and 
obliged  a  king  of  Mauritania  to  pay  tribute  to  the  Holy  See.* 

Alexius  Comnenus,  who  occupied  the  imperial  throne,  in  1094,  implored 
the  succor  of  the  West,  through  ambassadors,  who,  in  a  Council  held  at 
Piacenza,  at  which  Urban  II.  presided,  urged  the  demand.  Pour  thou- 
sand clergymen  and  thirty  thousand  laymen,  congregated  in  the  open  air, 
received  the  proposals  with  acclamation.  The  narrative  of  Peter  the 
Hermit,  a  Frenchman,  who  had  just  returned  from  Palestine,  contributed 
not  a  little  to  excite  the  sympathy  and  inflame  the  zeal  of  the  Pontiff. 
He  had  been  an  eye-witness  of  the  cruel  oppression  of  the  Eastern  Chris- 
tians, and  had  been  charged  by  the  Patriarch  to  represent  their  sad  con- 
dition, and  implore  aid  of  their  European  brethren.  From  the  court  of 
Rome  he  hastened  back  to  his  native  country,  and  everywhere  repeated 
the  tale  of  wo,  so  as  to  move  to  tears  all  who  heard  him.  In  1095,  a 
Council  was  called  at  Clermont;  and,  as  the  numbers  who  assembled 
could  not  be  contained  in  any  of  the  churches,  an  open  square  was  chosen 
for  the  deliberations.  Urban,  who  presided,  spoke  with  an  eloquence 
that  seemed  supernatural ;  and  as  he  concluded  his  exhortation  to  hasten 
to  the  relief  of  their  suffering  brethren,  the  immense  assemblage,  as  if  by 
inspiration,  cried  out :  IT  is  THE  WILL  or  GOD. 

The  enthusiasm  with  which  the  address  of  Urban  was  received,  and  the 
promptitude  wherewith  the  glorious  badge  of  enrolment  was  assumed, 
should  convince  us  that  the  motives  for  the  expedition  were  plainly  just 
and  sacred.  It  is  not  to  be  thought  that  in  any  age,  or  under  any  circum- 
stances, thousands  and  tens  of  thousands  would  abandon  their  country 
and  home,  and  expose  life,  for  an  object  not  evidently  just,  at  the  bidding 
of  an  individual,  however  elevated  in  station.  Nobles,  with  generous  en- 
thusiasm, left  the  court  for  the  distant  plains  of  Palestine,  to  fight  for  the 
liberation  of  their  suffering  brethren,  and,  at  a  great  sacrifice,  sold  their 

*  Histoire  des  Croisades,  par  Michaud,  1.  i.  p.  88. 


CRUSADES.  329 

domains  to  procure  money  for  the  expedition :  their  vassals  felt  honored 
iii  being  allowed  to  follow  them  to  the  field,  where  the  conflict  was  not 
with  a  rival  lord,  but  with  the  enemies  of  religion  and  of  man.  The 
monks  went  forth  from  their  cloisters,  to  console  and  succor  the  crusaders; 
and  the  bishops,  with  large  numbers  of  their  flocks,  were  seen  hastening  to 
the  sacred  standard.  The  zeal  of  the  Pontiff  led  him  to  visit  various 
other  cities  of  France,  and  to  address  fervent  exhortations  to  the  immense 
multitudes  that  everywhere  assembled  at  his  call.  Although  countless 
numbers  perished  on  the  journey  by  disease,  and  in  conflict  with  the 
people  of  Hungary,  Bulgaria,  Greece,  and  other  places,  who  resisted  their 
progress,  and  refused  them  provisions,  he  nowise  relented  in  his  grand 
purpose  j  but  meeting  at  Lucca  a  host  of  crusaders,  who  accompanied  the 
Count  of  Vermandois,  he  placed  in  his  hands  the  standard  of  the  Church, 
that  he  might  go  forth  to  fight  the  battles  of  the  cross.* 

The  crusaders  are  sometimes  represented  as  influenced  by  no  other 
motive  than  the  desire  of  rescuing  the  Holy  Land  from  the  infidel. 
This,  however,  is  not  the  fact.  For  three  centuries  Jerusalem  had  been 
in  the  power  of  the  Caliphs,  without  any  effort  having  been  made  by  the 
Christians  to  wrest  it  from  their  hands :  it  was  the  ferocity  of  the  Turks 
which  filled  Europe  with  alarm  and  indignation. f  The  spirit  of  the  cru- 
sades abated,  when  the  Syrian  Christians  ceased  to  be  so  grievously 
oppressed.  The  ardor  with  which  all  Europe  engaged  in  the  struggle, 
was  owing  to  the  picture  of  suffering  presented  to  them  by  the  Hermit 
and  the  Pontiff.  Doubtless  their  enthusiasm  was  increased  by  the  con- 
sideration that  the  scene  of  those  sufferings  had  been  hallowed  by  the 
presence,  miracles,  and  sufferings  of  Christ:  but  this  does  not  detract 
from  the  lawfulness  of  the  war,  as  undertaken  for  the  relief  of  their 
fellow-Christians.  "  They  were  armed/'  as  Michaud  remarks,  "  in  behalf 
of  the  wretched  and  the  oppressed.  They  went  forward  to  defend  a 
religion  which  awakened  their  sympathies  for  distant  sufferers,  and  caused 
them  to  discover  brothers  in  the  inhabitants  of  countries  unknown  to 
them.^J 

I  know  not  whether  it  will  be  denied,  that  it  was  lawful  for  the  nations 
of  Europe  to  make  war  upon  the  Turks,  in  consequence  of  the  outrages 
committed  on  European  pilgrims,  and  the  constant  oppression  of  the 
Christians  of  Palestine.  At  this  day  nations  resent  the  affronts  and 
injuries  of  foreign  powers  to  individual  citizens  sojourning  in  distant 
countries.  Governments  also  connive  at  the  raising  of  volunteers  to  aid 
the  oppressed  in  asserting  their  rights,  and  sometimes  openly  join  in  the 
struggle.  In  many  extreme  cases,  there  seems  to  be  no  other  means  of 
rescuing  the  people  from  cruel  despotism,  than  the  intervention  of  a 


*  Michaud,  Histoire  des  Croisades,  1.  ii.  p.  177. 
|  Robertson's  View  of  the  State  of  Europe,  sect.  1. 
J  Histoire  des  Croisades,  1.  iv.  p.  512. 


330  CRUSADES. 

foreign  power,  demanding  that  the  citizens  be  governed  on  principles  of 
humanity  and  justice.  If  it  be  ever  lawful  for  foreigners  to  interpose,  it 
was  surely  so  when  fierce  barbarians  trampled  under  foot  every  natural 
right,  delivered  the  daughters  of  Christians  to  dishonor,  forced  their  sons 
to  apostatize,  and  butchered  the  parents.  The  meek  and  suffering  spirit 
which  the  Christian  religion  breathes,  does  not  deprive  men  of  the  rights 
of  humanity,  or  take  away  from  nations  the  power  to  make  just  war.  In- 
dividuals are  taught  to  respect  public  authority,  even  when  abused  for 
purposes  of  persecution  :  but  nations  can  appeal  on  the  battle-field  to  the 
God  of  hosts,  to  vindicate  justice  and  right.  The  actual  government  of 
Palestine  had  not  prescription  in  its  favor.  The  Turks  were  invaders, 
who,  a  short  time  before,  had  seized  on  the  reins  of  power;  and  the 
Egyptians,  when  for  a  time  successful,  had  not  recovered  pacific  and 
secure  possession.  There  was  nothing  in  the  title  of  the  rulers  of  Syria, 
to  form  a  bar  against  the  interference  of  the  European  powers,  who  were 
anxious  to  rescue  their  Eastern  brethren. 

The  crusades  were  undertaken  in  the  name  of  humanity,  as  well  as  of 
religion ;  and  the  destruction  of  the  infidel  was  vowed,  not  as  an  act  in 
itself  acceptable,  but  as  a  necessary  means  for  vindicating  the  oppressed. 
The  shedding  of  human  blood  is  to  be  abhorred :  yet  when  it  becomes 
necessary  to  maintain  order,  or  put  an  end  to  outrage,  God  himself  has 
given  it  His  sanction.  Hence  we  must  consider  the  appeal  of  Urban  II. 
to  the  Christian  people,  as  an  exhortation  to  a  just  war,  and  a  wise  effort 
on  his  part  to  give  a  proper  direction  to  the  warlike  propensity  of  the  age, 
by  pointing  to  a  legitimate  object  what  for  the  most  part  manifested  itself 
in  acts  of  lawless  violence.  "  Be  ye  armed,"  he  cried,  "  dearly  beloved, 
with  the  zeal  of  God ;  let  each  gird  his  sword  upon  his  thigh  most  power- 
fully. Be  ye  ready,  and  be  ye  valiant :  for  it  is  better  for  us  to  die  in 
war,  than  to  see  the  evils  of  the  people  and  of  the  holy  places.  Go  forth, 
and  the  Lord  will  be  with  you,  and  turn  against  the  enemies  of  the  faith, 
and  of  the  Christian  name,  the  arms  which  you  have  criminally  stained 
with  the  blood  of  one  another."*  This  language  may  seem  unbecoming  the 
representative  of  the  Prince  of  Peace  :  but  if  the  relation  of  the  Pope  to  so- 
ciety at  that  period  be  considered,  he  will  be  seen  to  have  only  spoken  as  the 
necessity  of  the  case  required.  As  the  actual  head  of  the  confederacy  of 
Christian  nations,  the  only  one  who  could  effectually  rouse  them  to  a 
general  effort,  he  raised  his  voice  in  behalf  of  justice  and  humanity.  To 
exhort  to  just  war  was  more  humane  than  to  suffer  in  silence  the  con- 
tinuance of  the  outrages  of  which  the  Syrian  Christians  were  the 
victims. 

Mills  admits  that,  "  if  Europe  had  armed  itself  for  the  purpose  of  suc- 
coring the  Grecian  emperor,  the  rendering  of  such  assistance  would  have 
been  a  moral  action ;  for  the  Saracenian  march  of  hostility  would  not  have 

#  Apud  Baron.,  an.  1095. 


CRUSADES.  331 

stopped  with  the  subjugation  of  Constantinople,  and  it  is  incumbent  on  us 
to  prevent  a  danger  as  well  as  to  repel  one/'*  This  was  the  case  pre- 
cisely. Michael  Ducas  and  Alexius  Comnenus  had  successively  applied 
for  aid  to  preserve  the  seat  of  empire,  which  was  threatened  by  the  Turks. 
The  Pope  acted  at  their  solicitation;  and  his  action,  thus  fully  justified  by 
the  law  of  nations,  did  not  cease  to  bf  just,  because  it  was  at  the  same 
time  influenced  by  the  prayers  of  the  Patriarch  of  Jerusalem,  and  of  the 
Oriental  Christians,  and  by  the  sublime  consideration  of  the  holiness  of 
the  place  that  was  to  be  rescued  from  the  grasp  of  the  unbeliever.  Mills 
himself  states,  that  "  in  some  minds  political  considerations  had  weight, 
and  Europe  was  regarded  as  the  ally  of  Constantinople.'^  The  advan- 
tages derived  to  the  emperor  from  the  first  efforts  of  the  crusaders  are  ac- 
knowledged by  Hallam,  who  does  not  conceive,  as  Mills,  that  the  danger 
had  passed  away  before  relief  was  afforded.  "  In  this  state  of  jeopardy," 
he  observes,  when  describing  the  advances  of  the  Turks,  "  the  Greek  em- 
pire looked  for  aid  from  the  nations  of  the  West,  and  received  it  in  fuller 
measure  than  was  expected,  or  perhaps  desired.  The  deliverance  of  Con- 
stantinople was,  indeed,  a  very  secondary  object  with  the  crusaders.  But 
it  was  necessarily  included  in  their  scheme  of  operations,  which,  though 
they  all  tended  to  the  recovery  of  Jerusalem,  must  commence  with  the 
first  enemies  that  lay  on  their  line  of  march.  The  Turks  were  entirely 
defeated ;  their  capital  of  Nice  restored  to  the  empire.  As  the  Franks 
passed  onward,  the  Emperor  Alexius  Comnenus  trod  on  their  footsteps, 
and  secured  to  himself  the  fruits  for  which  their  enthusiasm  disdained  to 
wait.  He  regained  possession  of  the  strong  places  on  the  ^gean  shores, 
of  the  defiles  of  Bithynia,  and  of  the  entire  coast  of  Asia  Minor,  both 
on  the  Euxine  and  Mediterranean  seas,  which  the  Turkish  armies,  com- 
posed of  cavalry,  and  unused  to  regular  warfare,  could  not  recover.  So 
much  must  undoubtedly  be  ascribed  to  the  first  crusade. "J 

Alexius,  on  the  arrival  of  the  crusaders,  entered  into  an  express  league 
with  them,  binding  himself  to  unite  his  forces  with  theirs,  supply  them 
with  provisions,  and  aid  them  in  the  assault  on  Jerusalem,  while,  on  their 
part,  they  promised  to  deliver  into  his  hands,  or  receive  of  him  as  fiefs 
the  cities  of  the  empire  which  they  might  retake  from  the  infidels. § 
This  confirms  the  fact  that  they  acted  originally  as  his  allies.  After  the 
establishment  of  the  kingdom  of  Jerusalem,  it  was  regarded  as  a  colony, 
which  the  Western  princes  felt  bound  to  protect. ||  The  king  earnestly 
and  repeatedly  sought  the  support  of  his  European  brethren ;  and  when 
the  kingdom  was  overthrown,  the  Eastern  Christians  cried  out  piteously 
for  aid.  If  at  any  time  they  seemed  indifferent,  or  averse  to  the  inter- 
ference of  their  European  brethren,  it  was  when  despair  induced  them  to 


*  History  of  the  Crusades,  ch.  xviii.  p.  243.         f  Ibid.,  ch.  ii.  p.  24. 

|  Middle  Ages,  vol.  i.  ch.  vi.  p.  519.  g  Histoire  des  Croisades,  1.  ii.  p.  194. 

Jj  Histoire  des  Croisades,  1.  vi.  p.  170,  Note 


330  CRUSADES. 

bear  their  chains  without  a  murmur,  rather  than  provoke  the  tyrant  to 
rivet  them  anew.  Thus,  the  third  crusade,  proclaimed  by  Celestine  III., 
having  failed,  they  seemed  unwilling  to  share  in  the  responsibility  of 
another  effort  made  by  the  same  Pontiff,  in  the  ninetieth  year  of  his  age. 
Notwithstanding  this  reluctance,  the  European  powers  felt  that  they  had 
a  right  to  protect  the  colony,  since  the  general  interests  of  Christendom 
were  at  stake. 

It  is  impossible  not  to  perceive  that  the  crusades  were,  from  the  com- 
mencement, and  still  more  in  their  progress,  virtually  defensive  wars,  di- 
rected to  repel  Turkish  aggression,  and  preserve  the  nations  of  Europe 
from  the  Mohammedan  yoke.  The  Moors  from  Africa,  imbued  with  Mo- 
hammedan superstition,  were  already  masters  of  Spain;  the  Saracens  had 
reduced  under  their  power  the  southern  provinces  of  Italy,  and  they  fre- 
quently hovered  over  its  coast,  spreading  desolation  wherever  they  lighted; 
the  Turks,  fresh  in  the  career  of  conquest,  placed  no  bounds  to  their  am- 
bition :  they  "  became  masters  of  the  Asiatic  cities  and  fortified  passes ; 
nor  did  there  seem  any  obstacle  to  their  invasion  of  Europe."*  The 
struggle  between  them  and  the  Christian  forces,  which  continued  for  ages 
with  various  success,  proves  that  their  power  was  in  the  highest  degree 
formidable.  It  was,  then,  a  master-stroke  of  policy  to  carry  the  war  into 
their  own  territory,  and  to  dispute  with  them  the  possession  of  their 
actual  dominions,  lest,  proceeding  in  their  course,  they  should  obtain  an 
easy  victory  over  each  European  potentate,  singly  battling  for  his  own 
safety.  The  union  of  all  the  Christian  powers,  which  was  the  only  means 
of  effectual  resistance,  was  wisely  devised  by  Urban  II.  His  words  prove 
that  this  plea  for  the  crusades  is  no  ingenious  after-thought,  no  invention 
of  modern  apologists:  "We  admonish  you,"  said  he,  " and  in  the  Lord 
we  exhort  you,  and  enjoin  on  you,  for  the  remission  of  your  sins,  to  sym- 
pathize with  our  afflicted  and  suffering  brethren,  the  inhabitants  of  Jeru- 
salem and  its  vicinity,  coheirs  with  us  of  the  heavenly  kingdom,  (for  we 
are  all  members  one  of  another,)  and  coheirs  of  Christ,  and  to  restrain  by 
just  coercion  the  insolence  of  the  infidels,  who  aim  at  subjecting  to  their 
power  kingdoms,  principalities  and  powers,  and  to  oppose  with  all  your 
might  their  efforts  to  cancel  from  the  earth  the  Christian  name."f  The 
same  argument  was  advanced  by  Innocent  III.,  to  rouse  the  Christian 
powers  to  the  fifth  crusade.  He  represents  the  Mussulmen  as  glorying  in 
their  success :  "  What  remains  for  us/'  say  they,  "  but  to  drive  away 
those  whom  you  have  left  in  Syria,  and  to  penetrate  to  the  far  West,  and 
cancel  forever  your  name  and  memory  from  among  nations  ?"J  If  the 
crusaders  showed  but  little  apprehension  of  this  danger,  it  only  proves  the 
more  generous  sentiments  by  which  they  were  influenced  :  but  the  danger 
was  not  imaginary,  or  even  remote,  as  the  intelligent  Pontiffs  well  per- 
ceived. 


*  Ilallam,  Middle  Ages,  oh.  vi.  p.  519.  f  Apud  Baron.,  an.  1095,  p.  663. 

j  Michaud,  Histoire  des  Croisades,  1.  x.  p.  81. 


CRUSADES.  333 

The  manifest  lawfulness  of  the  crusades  may  be  fairly  inferred  from 
the  approbation  which  they  received  from  the  most  holy  men,  and  from 
the  miracles  which  were  wrought  by  some  who  proclaimed  them.  The 
eminent  sanctity  of  Bernard,  the  famous  Abbot  of  Clairvaux,  who  was  an 
active  promoter  of  the  second  crusade,  is  acknowledged,  even  by  many 
Protestants.  In  the  year  1145,  Eugene  III.  having  received  the  afflicting 
intelligence  that  Edessa  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  Saracen,  and  that 
Antioch  and  Jerusalem  were  in  danger,  forgetful  of  his  own  perils  and 
necessities,  turned  all  his  attention  to  the  succor  of  the  Christian  King  of 
Jerusalem.  Louis  VII.  resolved  to  second  his  pious  desires,  with  whom 
Conrad,  Emperor  of  Germany,  united  his  forces.  In  a  numerous  Council 
held  at  Chartres,  Bernard  was  chosen  as  leader,  who,  however,  declined  this 
office,  as  unsuited  to  his  religious  state.  The  holy  abbot,  nevertheless, 
justified  the  crusade,  as  a  necessary  measure  of  defence  against  the  ever- 
increasing  violence  of  the  Mohammedans :  "  Since  they  have  commenced 
the  attack,  it  behoves  those  who,  not  without  cause,  bear  the  sword,  to 
repel  force  by  force.  Christian  clemency,  however,  must  spare  the  con- 
quered, as  Christian  valor  should  subdue  the  proud."*  He  fervently  ex- 
horted the  faithful  to  enlist  under  the  sacred  banner ;  the.  Lord,  as  his 
ancient  biographer  assures  us,  confirming  his  preaching  by  the  signs 
that  followed  it,  which  were  so  numerous  that  they  could  not  be  recorded 
in  detail. f  The  faithful,  fully  persuaded  that  the  undertaking  was  of 
God,  rallied  under  the  standard  of  the  cross,  leaving  the  cities  and  towns 
almost  deserted,  as  Bernard  himself  testifies. J  The  failure  of  an  enter- 
prise thus  divinely  sanctioned,  is  among  the  instances  of  the  mysterious 
counsels  of  God.  The  perfidy  of  the  Greek  emperor  and  the  temerity  of 
the  crusaders  were  the  immediate  causes  of  defeat ;  which  may  also  be 
ascribed  to  the  unworthiness  and  sins  of  the  princes  and  people.  St.  Ber- 
nard asks  :  "  How  does  human  temerity  dare  censure  what  it  cannot  com- 
prehend ?"§ 

The  idea  of  encouraging  the  crusades  by  indulgences,  has  afforded 
abundant  matter  of  reproach.  These,  however,  were  intended  to  reward 
the  generous  devotedness  with  which  the  crusaders  undertook  a  long  and 
toilsome  journey,  and  exposed  their  lives  in  a  just  war  connected  with 
religion.  The  condition  of  true  penance  was  always  prescribed  in  order 
to  gain  them ;  and,  in  fact,  multitudes  of  most  abandoned  sinners  were 
won  to  Christ  by  the  assurance  of  unqualified  forgiveness  to  the  penitent 
crusader.  The  terms  of  the  concession  were  not  to  be  mistaken  :  "  Trust- 
ing to  the  mercy  of  God,  and  authority  of  the  blessed  Apostles  Peter  and 
Paul,  we  remit  the  heaviest  penances  for  sins  to  such  faithful  Christians 
as  shall  take  arms  against  them,  (the  Turks,)  and  take  on  themselves  the 
labor  of  this  journey.  Whosoever  shall  depart  from  life  in  sentiments  of 

*  Ep.  cccxxii.,  Ep.  Spir.  f  Vita  S.  Bernardi,  1.  iii.  c.  iv. 

J  Ep.  ccxlvi.  §  De  Considerat.,  1.  ii. 


334  CRUSADES. 

true  penance,  shall  doubtless  receive  the  pardon  of  s-ins  and  an  eternal 
reward/'  "  Whosoever,  through  pure  devotion,  not  for  glory  or  hire, 
shall  undertake  the  journey  to  liberate  Jesusalem,  shall  be  considered  as 
having  fulfilled  all  his  penance. "*  Contrition  of  heart,  with  the  humble 
confession  of  sin,  is  invariably  required  in  the  Bulls  of  Eugene  III., 
Gregory  VIII.,  Innocent  III.,  and  the  other  Pontiffs.  Guibert  tells  us, 
that,  up  to  the  time  of  the  crusade,  the  whole  kingdom  of  the  French 
was  convulsed  by  internal  strife;  pillaging  and  assassination  were  common, 
and  incendiaries  abounded :  but  that,  on  its  publication,  there  was  an  ex- 
traordinary and  general  change  :  dissensions  were  suddenly  healed,  and  all 
the  public  calamities  ceased. f  Orderic  Vitalis  states,  that  "  thieves,  and 
marauders,  and  other  like  sinners,  under  the  influence  of  the  Holy  Ghost, 
rose  from  the  depth  of  their  iniquity,  and  engaged  in  the  crusade,  with  a 
view  to  atone  for  their  sms."J  The  preaching  of  the  fifth  crusade  by 
Foulques  de  Neuilly  was  attended  with  extraordinary  conversions,  and 
abundant  fruits  of  piety,  besides  the  enthusiasm  which  it  enkindled.  To 
his  contemporaries  he  appeared  as  another  Paul,  raised  up  by  God  for  the 
conversion  of  sinners,  of  whom  he  considered  himself  the  greatest.  Of 
the  first  five  crusades  Michaud  says,  that  "  during  them  religion  and 
evangelical  morality  resumed  their  ascendancy,  and  scattered  their  bless- 
ings around;  at  the  voice  of  the  holy  orators,  Christians  embraced 
penance,  and  reformed  their  lives ;  all  political  storms  were  quelled  at  the 
mere  mention  of  Jerusalem,  and  the  West  continued  in  profound  peace. "§ 
Even  Mills  acknowledges,  that  the  crusaders  religiously  prepared  them- 
selves for  death,  when  about  to  set  out  on  their  journey :  "  Throughout 
the  crusades,  most  persons,  considering  the  difficulty  of  the  journey,  and 
the  perils  of  war,  performed  those  acts  which  men  on  the  point  of  death 
observed ;  such  as  settling  their  family  affairs,  and  making  restitution  to 
the  Church  or  private  persons."||  In  pointing  to  the  crusade  as  a  means 
of  expiating  sin,  the  Pope  considered  that  the  toils  of  the  journey  and  the 
exposure  of  life  in  just  war,  offered  up  to  God  in  a  penitential  spirit, 
might,  in  some  measure,  atone  for  past  excesses.  "  Redeem,"  said  Urban, 
"by  this  act,  well  pleasing  before  God,  theft,  arson,  plunder,  homicide, 
and  other  crimes,  the  doers  of  which  shall  not  possess  the  kingdom  of 
God,  that  these  works  of  piety  and  the  intercession  of  the  saints  may  spe- 
cially obtain  for  you  the  pardon  of  the  sins,  by  which  you  have  provoked 
the  Lord  to  anger."  There  was  no  pardon  for  the  impenitent ;  but  the 
contrite  of  heart  could  not  give  a  greater  proof  of  their  sorrow,  than  to 
expose  their  lives  for  their  brethren  in  Christ,  and  willingly  to  accept  all 
the  sufferings  and  privations  incidental  to  warfare.  No  penance  which 

*  Canon  Cone.,  Clarom.  II.  f  Guibert  Abb.,  1.  i.  c.  vii. 

J  Hist.  Eccles.,  recueil  des  Histor.  Norm.,  par  Duchesne. 

$  Histoire  des  Croisades,  1.  xiii.  p.  102. 

||  History  of  the  Crusades,  ch.  iii.  p.  37,  Note. 


CRUSADES.  335 

could  be  inflicted,  or  assumed,  could  be  compared  with  constant  exposure 
to  a  scorching  sun,  or  with  thirst  and  hunger,  such  as  they  endured.  The 
thirst  which  they  at  one  time  experienced,  was  intolerable  to  the  strongest 
soldiers,  of  whom  it  carried  off  five  hundred  in  one  day.*  During  the 
siege  of  Antioch,  hunger  forced  them  to  eat  weeds  and  briars,  dogs,  rep- 
tiles, and  every  unclean  animal.^ 

Alms  given  toward  defraying  the  expenses  of  the  crusades  were 
accepted  in  lieu  of  actual  service,  from  such  as  could  not  enter  on  the 
journey;  Frederick  Barbarossa,  in  1189,  having  obtained  the  Pope's  con- 
sent to  this  commutation. J  Innocent  III.  offered  indulgences  not  only  to 
the  crusaders,  but  to  all  who  contributed  to  equip  and  maintain  them; 
and  directed  boxes  to  be  placed  in  the  churches,  in  which  the  faithful 
might  deposit  their  alms.§  It  is  unfair  to  represent  this  mode  of  proceed- 
ing as  a  sale  of  indulgences,  since  these  were  not  given  for  a  stipulated 
sum  of  money,  to  be  paid  to  an  individual  for  his  own  use,  but  they  were 
offered  to  all  who  would  contribute,  according  to  their  ability  and  devo- 
tion, to  an  undertaking  connected  with  the  interests  of  religion  and  the 
independence  of  the  Christian  nations.  If  it  was  laudable  to  contribute 
to  this  object,  it  was  certainly  allowable  to  stimulate  the  charity  of  the 
faithful  by  offering  to  them  a  release  from  penitential  observances.  God 
himself  encourages  alms-giving,  by  promises  of  abundant  rewards  in  this 
life  and  in  the  next.  The  Church  imitated  the  divine  economy,  in  dis- 
pensing her  spiritual  treasures  to  such  of  her  children  as  might  freely 
offer  a  portion  of  their  worldly  substance  in  support  of  the  Christian  en- 
terprise. An  instance  of  a  similar  concession  occurred  eighty  years  pre- 
viously, when  Gelasius  II.  offered  a  remission  of  penance,  at  the  discretion 
of  the  bishops,  to  such  as  would  contribute  to  the  rebuilding  of  the 
church  of  Saragossa,  which  the  Saracens  had  destroyed,  and  to  the  sup- 
port of  the  clergy  of  that  city. 

The  results  of  the  crusades  not  being  as  splendid  as  the  vast  number 
of  the  crusaders  and  their  enthusiasm  might  lead  us  to  expect,  many  who 
judge  from  the  issue  of  things,  loudly  decry  them ;  yet  their  effects  were 
by  no  means  inconsiderable.  The  crusaders  effectually  checked  the  Mo- 
hammedan power ;  they  established  and  maintained,  during  almost  a  cen- 
tury, the  kingdom  of  Jerusalem ;  and,  for  another  century,  they  retained 
the  dominion  of  some  places  in  Syria.  When  the  disadvantages  under 
which  these  wars  were  undertaken  are  considered,  even  their  partial  suc- 
cess may  be  a  matter  of  wonder.  A  crusade  was  an  army  of  volunteers, 
directed  by  no  common  leader,  and  commanded  by  officers  accustomed  to 
feudal  domination.  They  fought  on  a  strange  territory,  with  no  knowledge 
of  the  places,  and  in  the  midst  of  enemies,  numerous,  thoroughly  ac- 

#  Michaud,  Histoire  des  Croisades,  1.  ii.  p.  237.        f  Ibidem,  p.  281. 

J  Ibidem,  1.  vii.  p.  374. 

I  Ep.  Innoc.  III.  Quia  major,  inter  ep.  ad  cone.,  Lat.  iv.  spectantes. 


336  CRUSADES. 

quainted  with  the  places,  and  of  desperate  resolution.  They  were  de- 
pendent on  chance  for  the  necessary  provisions,  and  they  often  suffered  in- 
tensely from  hunger,  thirst,  and  every  natural  want.  Nevertheless,  the 
first  crusade  was  eminently  successful.  Nice,  Edessa,  Antioch,  and  Jeru- 
salem, successively  yielded  to  the  Christian  arms.  "  The  first  result  of 
this  crusade,"  says  Michaud,  "  was  to  fill  the  Mussulman  nations  with 
terror,  and  put  it  out  of  their  power,  for  a  long  time,  to  make  any  attack 
on  the  West.  Through  the  victories  of  the  crusaders,  the  Greek  Empire 
extended  its  borders ;  and  Constantinople,  which  was  for  the  Saracens  the 
high-road  to  the  West,  was  safe  from  their  attacks.  In  this  distant  expe- 
dition, Europe  lost  the  flower  of  her  population ;  but  she  was  not,  like 
Asia,  the  theatre  of  a  bloody  and  disastrous  war."*  tl  When  we  consider 
that  this  weak  kingdom,  (Jerusalem,}  encompassed  by  enemies,  stood  for 
eighty-eight  years,  we  have  less  reason  to  be  astonished  at  its  fall,  than  at 
its  duration  for  so  long  a  period. "f  "  On  all  occasions  in  which  bravery 
alone  was  wanting,  nothing  is  found  comparable  with  the  exploits  of  the 
crusaders.  When  reduced  to  a  small  number  of  fighting  men,  they  were 
not  less  successful  than  when  their  forces  were  innumerable.  Forty  thou- 
sand crusaders  took  possession  of  Jerusalem,  garrisoned  by  sixty  thousand 
Saracens.  Scarcely  twenty  thousand  remained,  when  they  had  to  engage 
with  all  the  forces  of  the  East,  on  the  plains  of  Ascalon."J 

The  constancy  with  which  the  Popes  pursued  their  favorite  object,  the 
recovery  of  the  Holy  Land  from  the  infidel,  shows  the  strength  of  the 
religious  principle  by  which  they  were  actuated.  The  disasters  of  Louis 

VII.  and  of  the  Emperor  Conrad,  did  not  deter  Frederick  Barbarossa, 
Richard  Cceur  de  Lion,  and  Philip  Augustus  of  France,  from  entering  on 
the  same  career  of  danger,  at  the  bidding  of  the  Pontiff.     "  Gregory 

VIII.  not  only  endeavored  to  deprecate  the  wrath  of  Heaven,  by  obtain- 
ing fasting  and  prayer  throughout  Christendom,  but  issued  a  Bull  for  a 
new  crusade,  with  the  usual  privileges  to  the  croises.     Gregory  went  to 
Pisa,  and  healed  the  animosities  between  that  city  and  Genoa,  knowing 
well  the  importance  of  the  commercial  States  of  Italy  to  the  Christians  in 
the  holy  wars."§     Celestine  III.  again  sounded  the  sacred  trumpet,  to 
summon  volunteers  to  the  relief  of  Palestine.     Innocent  III.  used  all  the 
influence  of  his  station  to  rouse  the  princes  of  Europe  to  undertake  the 
fifth  crusade,  which,  contrary  to  his  intentions  and  wishes,  resulted  in  the 
taking  of  Constantinople.     With  the  applause  of  the  fourth  Council  of 
Lateran,  the   same  great  Pontiff  set  a  sixth  crusade  on  foot,  and  con- 
tributed largely  from  his  treasury  to  its  expenses.     His  plate  and  golden 
vessels  were  melted  by  his  orders,  to  be  employed  for  this  purpose,  in 
place  of  which,  wooden  or  earthen  vessels  were  used  at  his  table.     "As 
germs  of  division  subsisted   between   several   States   of  Europe,  which 


*  Histoire  des  Croisades,  1.  iv.  p.  516.  f  Ibidem,  1.  vii.  p.  351. 

£  Michaud,  I.  iv.  p.  509.  g  Mills,  History  of  the  Crusades,  ch.  xi.  p.  148. 


CRUSADES.  337 

might  prevent  the  success  of  the  holy  war,  the  Pope  sent  in  every  direc- 
tion his  legates,  as  angels  of  peace,  to  induce  reconciliation.  He  himself 
repaired  to  Tuscany,  to  terminate  the  dissensions  of  the  Pisans  and  Geno- 
ese :  his  exhortations  reunited  all  hearts  j  at  his  voice  the  most  implacable 
enemies  promised  to  consign  to  oblivion  all  their  disputes,  that  they  might 
go  and  fight  against  the  Saracens. "* 

To  the  incessant  vigilance  of  the  Popes  against  the  progress  of  the 
Turkish  power,  the  European  nations  are  deeply  indebted  for  their  inde- 
pendence. When,  in  1259,  Mogul  hordes  penetrated  into  Poland  and 
Hungary,  and  spread  terror  everywhere,  Alexander  IV.  addressed  the 
princes  and  prelates  of  Europe,  exhorting  them  to  repel  the  invaders. 
At  his  suggestion,  prayers,  processions,  and  fasts  were  everywhere  em- 
ployed, to  avert  the  wrath  of  Heaven.  On  that  occasion,  the  petition, 
"  Lord,  deliver  us  from  the  invasion  of  the  Tartars !"  was  added  to  the 
Litanies.  Urban  IV.  walked  in  his  footsteps.  After  Ptolemais  had 
fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy,  and  the  last  hopes  of  the  Eastern 
Christians  had  vanished,  Boniface  VIII.  raised  his  voice  in  their  behalf. 
Clement  V.  endeavored  to  resuscitate  the  extinct  spirit  of  the  crusades. 
John  XXII.  pleaded  in  behalf  of  the  suffering  Christians  of  Armenia. 
Benedict  XL,  in  conjunction  with  the  republic  of  Venice  and  the  King 
of  Cyprus,  sent  troops  to  Smyrna;  and  Urban  V.  proclaimed  a  new  cru- 
sade, which  resulted  in  the  taking  of  Alexandria.  In  the  day  of  their 
distress,  the  emperors  of  Constantinople  had  no  surer  refuge  than  the 
Pontiff,  who  employed  all  his  influence  to  obtain  succor  for  the  Greeks, 
notwithstanding  the  repeated  instances  of  their  bad  faith.  Eugenius  IV.,  in 
an  eloquent  strain,  appealed  to  the  princes  of  Europe  in  behalf  of  the  im- 
perial city,  when  threatened  by  the  Turks ;  but  the  hour  was  come  in 
which  her  faithlessness  should  receive  retribution.  The  prodigies  of  valor 
of  Hunniades  and  of  Ladislas,  at  Warna,  could  not  prevent  the  victorious 
Ottoman  entering  Constantinople  in  triumph.  When  his  hosts  advanced 
to  Belgrade,  and  all  Europe  trembled  at  their  approach,  Calixtus  III. 
sought  to  rouse  all  to  the  rescue,  inviting  the  faithful  to  implore  help  for 
their  Hungarian  brethren,  by  the  repetition  of  the  angelic  salutation, 
thrice  each  day,  at  the  soun^  of  the  bell.  The  victory,  which  appeared 
miraculous,  may  well  be  ascribed  to  these  prayers,  no  less  than  to  the 
piety  of  St.  John  Capistran,  or  the  valor  of  Hunniades. 

The  efforts  of  Pius  II.  against  the  Turks,  before  and  after  his  elevation 
to  the  pontificate,  deserve  the  admiration  and  gratitude  of  Christian  Eu- 
rope. At  his  earnest  solicitation,  an  assembly  of  the  representatives  of 
the  various  States  was  held  at  Mantua,  in  which  he  presided,  and,  in  ener^ 
getic  language,  described  the  ravages  of  the  enemy  in  Bosnia  and  Greece, 
and  their  advances,  like  a  spreading  flame,  on  Italy,  Germany,  and  all 
Europe.  He  declared  that  he  would  not  leave  Mantua  until  he  received, 
from  all  the  princes  and  States,  pledges  of  their  devotedness  to  the  com- 

*  Michaud,  Histoire  des  Croisades,  1.  xii.  p.  403. 
22 


338  CRUSADES. 

mon  cause ;  adding,  that  if  he  were  forsaken  by  the  Christian  powers,  he 
would  advance  alone  to  the  combat,  and  die  in  defending  the  independence 
of  Europe  and  the  Church.  "  The  language  of  Pius  II.,"  says  Michaud, 
"  was  full  of  religion,  and  his  religion  full  of  patriotism.  When  Demos- 
thenes and  the  Greek  orators  mounted  the  rostrum,  to  urge  their  fellow- 
citizens  to  defend  the  liberty  of  Greece  against  the  aggressions  of  Philip, 
or  the  invasions  of  the  great  king,  they  doubtless  spoke  more  eloquently  j 
but  they  were  not  inspired  by  higher  interests,  or  more  exalted  motives. "* 
The  frontiers  of  Illyricum  were  soon  laid  waste  by  the  enemy ;  the  isles 
of  the  Archipelago  and  Ionian  Sea  submitted  to  his  power ;  and  the  dan- 
gers of  Italy  and  all  Europe  became  daily  more  imminent.  Pius,  although 
bending  under  the  weight  of  years,  resolved  to  go  at  the  head  of  the 
Christian  army,  and,  like  Moses,  to  lift  his  hands  in  prayer  for  the  people 
of  God,  in  the  hour  of  conflict.  "  What  war,"  he  cried,  "  was  ever  more 
just  and  necessary  ?  The  Turks  attack  all  that  is  dear  to  us,  all  that 
Christians  hold  sacred.  As  men,  can  you  be  without  sympathy  for  your 
fellow-mortals?  As  Christians,  religion  commands  you  to  relieve  your 
brethren.  If  you  are  unmoved  by  the  calamities  of  others,  take  compas- 
sion on  yourselves.  You  imagine  that  you  are  safe,  because  you  are  far 
from  danger :  to-morrow,  the  sword  may  be  raised  over  your  own  heads. 
If  you  neglect  to  succor  those  who  stand  before  you,  exposed  to  the 
enemy,  those  who  are  in  your  rear  may  abandon  you  in  the  struggle. "f 
The  heroic  Pontiff,  in  June,  1464,  left  his  capital  for  Ancona,  on  his  way 
to  the  scene  of  danger;  but  a  fever,  which  the  fatigues  of  the  journey 
aggravated,  soon  brought  him  to  the  end  of  his  earthly  career.  His  last 
words  were  an  earnest  exhortation  to  the  cardinals  to  pursue  the  work  for 
which  he  had  sacrificed  his  life.  Paul  II.  endeavored  in  vain  to  enkindle 
the  zeal  of  Christian  princes  for  the  enterprise;  and  gave  to  the  brave 
Scanderberg  a  sword,  with  pecuniary  aid.  Sixtus  IV.  displayed  like  zeal, 
with  somewhat  greater  success,  having  sent  a  small  fleet,  in  company  with 
the  Venetian  and  Neapolitan  navy,  to  the  coasts  of  Ionia  and  Pamphylia, 
in  order  to  compel  Mohammed  II.  to  retire  from  Europe,  to  the  defence 
of  his  own  possessions.  When  Otranto  had  fallen  beneath  the  Ottoman 
arms,  the  Pontiff  assembled  around  him  the,  ambassadors  of  all  the  Chris- 
tian powers,  and  concerted  with  them  measures  of  prompt  defence  for  the 
other  cities  of  Italy  and  Europe.  Even  Alexander  VI.  earnestly  solicited 
the  princes  to  unite  in  repelling  the  common  enemies  of  the  Christian 
faith.  A  crusade  was  decreed  in  the  fifth  Council  of  Lateran,  which  was 
commenced  by  Julius  II.,  and  terminated  under  Leo  X.  Soliman  took 
Belgrade  in  1521,  the  year  of  Leo's  death ;  and,  a  short  time  afterward, 
x  the  Isle  of  Rhodes,  which  was  defended  in  vain  with  astonishing  valor  by 
the  Knights  of  St.  John.  Buda  fell  in  1523,  after  the  direful  battle  of 
Mohacs. 

While  Clement  VII.  was  a  prisoner  in  the  castle  of  St.  Angelo,  and 

*  Histoire  des  Croisades,  1.  xx.  p.  37o.  f  Ibidem,  p.  378. 


CRUSADES.  339 

the  troops  of  Charles  Y.  occupied  his  capital,  he  did  not  cease  to  interest 
himself  for  the  safety  of  Europe  from  the  attacks  of  the  Turk.  "  From 
the  prison  in  which  the  emperor  detained  him,"  Michaud  observes,  "Cle- 
ment VII.  watched  for  the  defence  of  Christian  Europe  :  his  legates  jour- 
neyed to  Hungary,  to  exhort  the  Hungarians  to  fight  for  God  and  their 
country.  ...  It  may  not  be  useless  to  observe,  that  most  of  the  predeces- 
sors of  Clement,  as  well  as  he,  had  employed  great  diligence  to  discover 
the  plans  of  the  infidels.  Thus,  the  heads  of  the  Church  did  not  limit 
their  efforts  to  the  rousiDg  of  Christians  to  defend  themselves  on  their  own 
territory,  but,  like  vigilant  sentinels,  they  kept  their  eyes  incessantly  fixed 
on  the  enemies  of  Christianity,  to  warn  Europe  of  the  dangers  by  which 
it  was  menaced."*  "  When  the  emperor  had  loosed  the  chains  of  Cle- 
ment VII.,  the  holy  Pontiff  consigned  to  oblivion  the  outrages  which  he 
had  suffered,  and  occupied  himself  with  the  safety  of  the  German  empire, 
which  was  about  to  be  attacked  by  the  Turks.  In  the  diets  of  Augsburg 
and  Spire,  the  legate  of  the  Pope  endeavored,  in  the  name  of  religion, 
to  awake  the  ardor  of  the  Germans  for  their  own  defence."f  While 
Luther  paradoxically  denounced  opposition  to  the  Turks  as  resistance 
to  the  divine  will,  Clement  continued  to  provide  for  the  safety  of  the 
Christian  commonwealth.  When  the  army  of  the  Sultan  was  at  the  gates 
of  Vienna,  seeing  no  human  hope  remaining,  he  appealed,  not  in  vain,  to 
the  God  of  hosts.  Famaugusta  and  Nicosia,  in  the  Isle  of  Cyprus,  subse- 
quently fell  into  the  power  of  the  Turks,  and  the  butchery  of  their  brave 
defenders  followed  the  capture.  Before  their  fall,  Pius  V.  had  succeeded 
in  forming  a  league  with  the  republic  of  Venice,  and  with  Philip  II.  of 
Spain,  to  aid  the  island  :  but  the  fleet  reached  its  destination  after  the  tri- 
umph of  the  Turk.  To  this  fleet,  however,  of  which  the  pontifical  navy 
formed  a  considerable  portion,  the  glory  was  reserved  of  giving  a  fatal 
blow  to  Turkish  aggression.  In  the  Gulf  of  Lepanto,  where  Augustus  and 
Antony  had  contended  for  the  empire  of  Rome,  the  naval  battle  was 
fought  between  the  Christians  and  the  Turks.  The  flag  of  St.  Peter, 
which  John  of  Austria,  the  high  admiral  of  the  fleet,  had  received  from 
the  hands  of  Pius  V.,  floating  aloft,  was  hailed  with  joyous  shouts  by  the 
Christian  combatants,  who  cast  themselves  on  their  knees  to  implore  the 
aid  of  Heaven,  ere  they  raised  their  arms  to  engage  in  battle.  Two  hun- 
dred Turkish  vessels,  captured,  burnt,  or  sunk,  were  the  result  of  a  naval 
contest,  such  as  the  world  had  never  before  witnessed,  and  which  virtually 
decided  the  great  struggle  between  the  Mohammedan  and  Christian  powers. 
The  efforts  of  Saint  Pius,  and  perhaps  still  more  his  prayers,  obtained  this 
victory.  This  single  action,  which  closed  his  earthly  career,  ought,' even 
in  the  judgment  of  Voltaire,  to  render  his  memory  sacred. J 

In  the  decline  of  the  seventeenth  century,  Dalmatia  and  Candia  were 

*  Michaud,  Histoire  des  Croisades,  1.  xx.  p.  464.  f  Ibid. 

J  Essai  sur  1'Histoire  Generate,  t.  iv.  ch.  clvi. 


340  CRUSADES. 

attacked,  and  Hungary,  Moravia,  and  Austria  were  invaded  by  the  Turks. 
The  voice  of  Alexander  VII.  was  raised  to  urge  the  Christian  princes  to 
unite  in  repelling  them.  The  Emperor  Leopold  fled  from  his  capital  in 
dismay.  The  Pope  sent  soldiers  and  money  to  his  aid,  and  shared  with 
the  King  of  France,  and  other  confederates,  the  glory  of  a  decisive  victory, 
obtained  on  the  plains  of  St.  Gothard.  When  Candia  had  fallen  under 
the  Turkish  yoke,  the  Pontiff  again  addressed  the  Christian  States,  and 
especially  the  heroic  King  of  Poland,  John  Sobieski,  exhorting  them  to 
check  the  insolence  of  the  triumphant  foe.  Vienna  was  soon  rescued  from 
the  three  hundred  thousand  Mussulmen  that  surrounded  it,  by  a  valiant 
though  comparatively  small  host,  on  the  memorable  13th  of  September, 
1683.  The  Venetian  republic  concurred  with  the  Pontiff;  and  the  ban- 
ners of  St.  Peter  and  St.  Mark  waved  in  triumph  on  the  ramparts  of  Co- 
ron,  Navarino,  Patras,  Napoli  de  Romagna,  Corinth,  Athens,  and  through- 
out the  Archipelago.  Clement  XI.,  in  1716,  made  great  contributions  in 
money,  sent  troops  to  aid  the  Christians  in  Hungary,  who  were  assailed  by 
Achmet  III.,  and  exhorted  the  Christian  States  to  do  in  like  manner. 
The  victory  of  Prince  Eugene  at  Peter- Waradin,  and  the  recovery  of  Bel- 
grade, filled  the  Pontiff  with  joy  for  the  success  of  the  Christian  arms,  to 
which  he  himself  had  so  effectually  contributed. 

I  have  rapidly  reviewed  the  efforts  made  by  the  Popes  during  six  cen- 
turies, for  the  relief  of  the  Eastern  Christians,  and  for  the  safety  of  the 
European  nations,  that  the  reader  might  form  a  just  idea  of  the  motives 
which  actuated  them,  and  of  the  services  which  they  rendered  to  Christen- 
dom. Their  views  were  evidently  more  enlarged  than  those  of  secular 
princes,  and  their  sympathy  for  the  suffering  Christians  of  the  East  was 
not  less  admirable,  than  their  vigilance  to  preserve  the  independence  of 
Europe.  Their  policy  was  of  no  narrow,  selfish  kind.  With  scrupulous 
fidelity  they  employed  in  those  just  enterprises  whatever  the  charity  of  the 
faithful  committed  to  their  dispensation,  to  which  they  added  much  from 
their  own  resources.*  From  those  wars  they  sought  no  augmentation  of 
territory;  but  cheerfully  left  to  the  crusaders  the  conquered  country,  with 
the  spoils  and  honors  of  war.  In  order  to  gain  the  infidels  to  the  faith, 
they  assured  them  that  no  sacrifice  of  temporal  interests  was  desired. 
"  We  seek  not  your  kingdom,  but  yourselves,"  said  Gregory  XI.  to  the  Ca- 
liph of  Bagdad,  and  to  the  sovereigns  of  Cairo  and  Damascus ;  "  We  do 
not  wish  to  lessen  your  honors  or  power :  our  most  earnest  desire  is  to  raise 
you  above  this  world,  and  to  ensure  your  happiness  here  and  hereafter. "f 
With  these  elevated  views  they  continued  their  endeavors  in  the  cause  of 
humanity  and  religion,  incessantly  opposing  Turkish  aggression.  The 
Papacy  in  those  ages,  as  has  been  well  observed,  "  was  constantly  endea- 
voring to  advance  the  borders  of  the  Christian  world — to  reclaim  the  liea- 

*  See  letter  of  Honorius  III.,  apud  Michaud,  vol.  iii.,  Pieces  justificatives. 
f  Raynaldi,  Annales  Eccles.,  an.  12So. 


CRUSADES.  341 

(hen  barbarism  of  the  north  of  Europe — or  to  repel  the  dangerous  aggres- 
sions of  Mohammedanism."* 

Spain  owes  her  liberty  to  the  crusades  against  the  Moors,  which  sprang 
from  the  same  principles  as  the  Eastern  crusades.  "The  celebrated  vic- 
tory of  Tolosa,  obtained  over  the  Moors,  was  the  fruit  of  a  crusade  pub- 
lished throughout  Europe,  and  especially  in  France,  by  order  of  the 
Sovereign  Pontiff.  The  expeditions  beyond  the  seas  were  useful  to  the 
Spaniards,  inasmuch  as  they  kept  within  their  own  territory  the  Saracens 
of  Egypt  and  Syria,  who  might  otherwise  have  joined  those  of  the  African 
coast.  The  kingdom  of  Portugal  was  conquered  and  founded  by  the  cru- 
saders. The  crusades  gave  xise  to  the  orders  of  chivalry,  which  were 
formed  in  Spain,  in  imitation  of  those  of  Palestine,  without  whose  aid  the 
nation  could  not  have  conquered  the  Moors."f 

I  shall  not  dwell  on  the  advantages  to  commerce,  civilization,  literature, 
and  freedom,  which  were  derived  from  the  crusades,  as  Robertson  fully 
acknowledges. J  Although  the  all-absorbing  thought  of  the  Pontiffs  was 
to  rescue  the  suffering  Christians  and  free  the  Holy  Land,  they  were  never 
inattentive  to  the  social  advantages  which  might  flow  from  these  enter- 
prises. During  them,  navigation  greatly  advanced,  and  the  commercial 
republics  of  Venice,  Genoa,  and  Pisa,  rose  to  great  wealth  and  power. 
The  barriers  which  separated  the  European  nations,  which  had  hitherto 
retained  much  of  the  estrangement  from  social  intercourse  characteristic 
of  barbarous  tribes,  were  broken  down;  society  was  formed  on  a  vast 
scale,  on  the  great  principles  of  a  common  faith  and  common  interests ; 
and  the  East  and  the  West  were  bound  together  by  hallowed  ties.  The 
serfs  felt  themselves  made  freed-men  of  the  cross;  cities  sprang  up  in 
every  direction,  with  municipal  privileges  bestowed  in  consideration  of 
largesses  made  for  the  holy  war ;  and  their  inhabitants,  during  the  long 
absence  of  the  feudal  lords,  acquired  the  habits  and  sense  of  freedom. 
Learned  exiles  from  Greece,  and  valuable  manuscripts  transferred  from  the 
East  to  Europe,  laid  the  foundation  of  a  new  era  in  literature,  which  the 
enlightened  Pope,  Nicholas  V.,  laboured  to  accelerate.  § 

*  London  Quarterly,  for  February,  1836. 

f  Michaud,  Histoire  des  Croisades,  1.  xxii.  p.  222. 

J  Survey  of  the  State  of  Europe,  sect.  1. 

g  See  Michaud,  Histoire  des  Croisades,  1.  xxii. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

n  0  n 

§1.— PAGANS  AND   JEWS. 

IT  is  an  axiom  universally  admitted,  that  the  worship  of  God  must  be 
voluntary,  in  order  to  be  acceptable.  Liberty  of  conscience  was  claimed 
by  Tertullian  for  the  Christians,  as  a  right  grounded  on  the  very  nature 
of  religion.  "It  is,"  said  he,  "a  right,  and  a  natural  privilege,  that  each 
one  should  worship  as  he  thinks  proper :  nor  can  the  religion  of  another 
injure  or  profit  him.  Neither  is  it  a  part  of  religion  to  compel  its  adop- 
tion, since  this  should  be  spontaneous,  not  forced,  as  even  sacrifices  are 
asked  only  of  the  cheerful  giver."*  The  duty  of  worshipping  God  con- 
formably to  His  revealed  will  being  manifest,  every  interference  with  its 
discharge  is  a  violation  of  the  natural  right  which  man  possesses  to  fulfil 
so  solemn  an  obligation.  The  use  of  force  to  compel  compliance  with  this 
duty,  is  likely  to  result  in  mere  external  conformity,  which,  without  the 
homage  of  the  heart,  is  of  no  value  whatever.  The  missionaries  of  Gre- 
gory to  England  instructed  Ethelbert,  the  Saxon  king,  to  abstain  from  all 
compulsion,  and  limit  his  zeal  to  the  inducing  of  his  subjects,  by  persua- 
sion, to  follow  his  example  in  embracing  Christianity ;  observing,  that  the 
service  of  Christ  should  be  voluntary,  not  forced. f  Nicholas  I.  forbade 
Michael,  King  of  the  Bulgarians,  to  use  violence  for  the  conversion 
of  idolaters.J  The  fourth  Council  of  Toledo  forbade  violence  to  be 
offered  to  any  one  with  a  view  to  force  the  profession  of  the  faith  and  the 
reception  of  baptism. §  Even  amid  the  military  expeditions  which  were 
undertaken  in  the  Middle  Ages  to  extend  civilization  and  religion  over  the 
northern  provinces  of  Europe,  Innocent  IV.  declared  that  the  discipline 
of  tfie  Church  does  not  allow  compulsion  to  be  used  for  the  propagation 
of  the  faith.  We  have  already  offered  the  reader  an  explanation  of  the 
principles  on  which  the  crusades  in  Prussia,  and  other  countries,  were  con- 
ducted, which,  although  apparently  directed  to  spread  the  faith  by  military 
terror,  were  in  reality  designed  to  put  an  end  to  unnatural  enormities,  and 
extend  civilization,  while  they  protected  the  preachers  of  the  Gospel,  and 

*  "  Tamen  human!  juris  et  naturalis  potestatis  est  unicuique  quod  putaverit  colere :  nee 
alii  obest,  aut  prodest  alterius  religio  :  sed  nee  religionis  est  cogere  religionein,  quss  sponte 
suscipi  debeat,  non  vi :  cum  et  hostiae  ab  animo  libenti  expostulentur."  Ad  Scapulam,  c.  ii. 

f  Bede,  Hist,  1.  i.  c.  xxvi.  J  Resp.  ad  cons.  Bulg.,  c.  xvii.  g  Can.  Ivii. 

342 


COERCION.  343 

converts,  from  molestation  on  the  part  of  unbelievers.  The  profession  of 
Christianity  was  at  all  times  to  be  the  free  act  of  those  who  were  convinced 
of  its  divine  origin.  Force  was  sometimes  necessary  to  preserve  the  public 
peace  and  protect  fche  faithful  against  those  who  interfered  with  their  wor- 
ship. Chief  Justice  Clayton  thus  meets  the  objection  of  those  who  are 
unwilling  that  Christianity  should  be  supported  against  assaults  by  any 
legal  penalties  or  safeguards  :  "  We  would  reply,  that  while  Christianity 
requires  no  aid  from  force,  the  peace  and  order  of  civil  society  do  require 
much  aid  from  it,  to  repel  force  and  to  prevent  persecution ;  that,  while 
Christianity  asks  not  to  be  guarded  by  fines  and  forfeitures,  man  has  been 
compelled  to  make  courts  and  prisons  to  guard  him  both  by  fines  and  for- 
feitures ;  that,  while  Christianity  stands  secure  in  the  armor  of  truth  and 
reason,  the  public  peace,  which  is  altogether  a  different  thing,  has  never 
stood  secure  in  the  armor  of  mere  truth  and  reason,  without  the  co-operat- 
ing aid  of  some  public  punishment  to  assist  them  ;  that  political  and  legal 
enactments  are  among  the  best  means  by  which  the  peace  has  been  pre- 
served in  every  country;  and  that  while  the  law,  too,  seeks  mildly  and 
peaceably  to  establish  her  precepts  in  the  hearts  of  the  people,  yet,  if  the 
people  will  the  law  to  stand,  it  must  be  so  administered  as  to  compel  obe- 
dience from  such  as  do  not  yield  it  without  force."* 

Liberty  of  conscience  was  especially  maintained  by  the  Popes  in  regard 
to  the  Jews,  whom  they  would  by  no  means  allow  to  be  coerced  to  the  re- 
ception" of  baptism.  Numerous  facts  place  this  beyond  contradiction.  It 
was  so  well  known  to  the  Jews  themselves,  that  it  was  not  unusual  for 
them  to  have  recourse  to  the  Pope,  when  they  felt  aggrieved  by  the  acts 
of  inferior  prelates.  The  Bishop  of  Terracina  was  denounced  by  Joseph, 
a  Jew,  to  Gregory  the  Great,  for  having  taken  possession  of  a  synagogue, 
under  the  pretext  of  giving  to  its  members  another  place  of  worship,  which 
he  was  now  seeking  to  take  from  them.  The  Pontiff  directed  redress  to  be 
given,  observing  that  unbelievers  are  to  be  drawn  to  the  faith  by  meekness, 
kindness,  and  persuasion,  not  to  be  forced  by  threats  and  penalties.*)* 
When  a  converted  Jew  had  erected  a  crucifix  and  an  image  of  the  Blessed 
Virgin,  in  a  synagogue  at  Cagliari,  the  Pope,  on  complaint  being  lodged 
of  the  injustice  thereby  done  to  its  owners,  ordered  the  images  to  be  re- 
verently removed,  and  the  house  left  to  its  original  purpose.  He  advised 
moderation  to  be  observed  toward  the  Jews,  that  they  might  freely  hearken 
to  the  ministers  of  the  Gospel,  observing  that  they  must  not  be  forced 
against  their  will,  since  it  is  written  :  "  I  will  freely  sacrifice  to  Thee."  J 
Some  Italian  Jews,  who  frequented  the  port  of  Marseilles,  having  informed 
him  that  their  brethren  were  constrained  to  receive  baptism  in  that  city, 
he  wrote  to  Virgil,  Metropolitan  of  Aries,  and  to  Theodore,  Bishop  of  Mar- 
seilles, praising  their  good  intentions,  but  expressing  his  fears  that  the 

*  Chief  Justice  Clayton;  State  vs.  Chandler,  2  Harrington,  Delaware,  p.  573. 
f  L.  L,  ep.  3,  4.  J  Ps.  liii.  8,  apud  Greg.,  1.  vii.  ep.  5,  ind.  2. 


344  COERCION. 

results  would  be  injurious ;  and  directing  them  to  instruct  and  prepare  the 
candidates  for  baptism,  that  their  conversion  might  be  sincere.*  In  the 
middle  of  the  eleventh  century,  Alexander  II.  praised  the  Spanish  bishops 
for  having  protected  the  lives  of  the  Jews  from  the  violence  of  those 
Christians  who  were  engaged  against  the  Saracens.  He  justified  the  war 
with  the  latter,  on  account  of  the  persecution  which  they  carried  on  against 
the  Christians,  whom  they  expelled  by  force  from  their  cities  and  dwell- 
ings }  while  the  Jews  everywhere  submitted  to  the  established  authorities. *|" 
Innocent  III.,  in  1199,  in  conformity  with  the  examples  of  his  predeces- 
sor, took  the  Jews  under  the  special  protection  of  the  Holy  See,  forbidding 
any  violence  to  be  offered  them  to  force  them  to  receive  baptism,  or  their 
property  to  be  taken,  or  their  usages  to  be  interfered  with ;  but  he  forbade 
neophytes  to  be  allowed  to  practise  the  Jewish  rites,  which  they  had  of 
their  free  will  forsaken,  on  receiving  baptism. J 

When,  in  1236,  the  crusaders  in  France  had  committed  various  outrages 
on  their  persons  and  property,  the  Jews  appealed  to  the  humanity  and  jus- 
tice of  Gregory  IX.,  who  immediately  wrote  to  the  Archbishop  of  Bor- 
deaux, and  other  French  prelates,  reminding  them  that  the  soldiers  of  the 
cross  should  prepare  themselves  for  battle  in  the  fear  of  God,  by  the  exer- 
cise of  charity.  He  added,  that  no  one  should  be  forced  to  receive  baptism, 
since  man,  having  fallen  from  innocence  by  his  free  will,  must  co-operate 
freely  with  grace,  in  order  to  rise  again.  The  Council  of  Tours,  in  accord- 
ance with  these  instructions,  forbade  any  one  to  offer  violence  to  the  Jews, 
observing  that  the  Church  desires  not  the  death,  but  the  salvation,  of 
those  that  err.  Soon  afterward  a  similar  appeal  was  made  by  the  German 
Jews,  who  had  also  suffered.  Innocent  IV.  accordingly  addressed  the 
bishops,  and  directed  them  to  obtain  for  the  Jews  compensation  for  the 
outrages  committed  against  them.  John  XXII.  stood  forward  as  their  pro- 
tector in  the  year  1320,  when  sectaries  called  Shepherds  renewed  like 
scenes  of  violence  in  Languedoc,  and  other  French  provinces ;  and  Cle- 
ment VI.,  under  penalty  of  anathema,  forbade  them  to  be  slain  or  beaten. 
This  was  in  accordance  with  the  teaching  of  the  great  St.  Bernard,  who 
loudly  advocated  the  exercise  of  humanity  toward  them.  "  The  Jews,"  he 
said,  "  must  not  be  persecuted,  or  put  to  death,  or  even  banished. "§ 

Rome  has  always  been  the  asylum  and  home  of  this  oppressed  people,  as 
Voltaire  himself  acknowledges  j  and  Avignon,  because  it  was  for  a  long 
time  the  residence  of  the  Popes,  shares  with  the  eternal  city  this  honor- 
able distinction. ||  The  restrictions  to  which  the  Jews  have  been  subjected, 
even  in  Rome,  in  being  confined  to  a  certain  quarter,  and  otherwise  limited 
in  their  intercourse  with  the  other  inhabitants,  have  been  owing  more  to 

*  L.  L,  ep.  45.  f  Ep.  xxxiv.  Cone.  col.  reg.,  vol.  vi.  col.  1100. 

J  Cone.  Lat.,  elxx.  §  Ep.  cccxxii.  Ep.  Spirensi. 

||  "  II  n'y  a  gueres  quo  Rome  qui  les  ait  constamment  gardes.  ...  Us  sont  rest6s  con- 
stararnent  a  Avignon,  par  ce  que  c'etait  terre  papale."  Essai  sur  1'Histoire  Generate, 
t.  iii.  ch.  xcix. 


COERCION.  345 

the  fear  of  dangerous  collision,  than  to  any  unkind  feeling  on  the  part  of 
the  Popes  :  and,  we  rejoice  to  add,  these  restraints  are  now  melting  away 
before  the  benign  influence  of  our  present  illustrious  Pontiff. 


g  2.— SECTARIES. 

The  Emperor  Constantine,  in  proclaiming  liberty  of  conscience  for  the 
professors  of  the  Christian  religion,  left  the  Pagans  in  the  enjoyment  of 
equal  privileges,  and  gave  protection  to  the  Jews :  but  by  a  subsequent 
edict,  he  excluded  heretics  from  the  benefit  of  the  laws  in  favor  of  Chris- 
tians.* He  is  even  alleged,  by  the  Donatist  Parmenian,f  to  have  ordered 
the  execution  of  some  Donatists,  convicted  of  accusing  falsely  Cecilian, 
Bishop  of  Carthage,  and  of  disturbing  the  public  peace. 

Occasion  was  given  for  the  interference  of  the  civil  power  to  determine 
the  right  of  occupancy  of  churches  and  episcopal  sees.  In  case  a  prelate 
abjured  the  faith,  or  corrupted  it  by  heresy,  it. was  unjust  that  he  should 
hold  the  chair  of  authority  and  enjoy  the  revenues  appropriated  for  the 
maintenance  of  a  true  pastor.  His  removal  became  necessary  to  avoid 
sanguinary  collisions  between  his  partisans  and  the  professors  of  the 
original  faith.  We  have  elsewhere  seen  that  the  authority  of  the  pagan 
emperor,  Aurelian,  was  implored  to  dispossess  Paul  of  Samosata  of  the 
episcopal  residence,  and  that  he  wisely  determined  that  the  right  of  occu- 
pancy should  depend  on  the  fact  of  communion  with  the  bishops  of  Italy, 
especially  the  Bishop  of  Rome.  The  decree  of  St.  Felix  I.  in  favor  of 
Domnus,  the  Catholic  bishop,  was  executed  with  the  imperial  sanction. J 
Christian  emperors  took  on  them  to  dispossess  heretical  incumbents,  and  in 
order  to  prevent  tumult,  banished  them  from  their  sees.  In  very  many 
instances  Catholic  prelates  suffered  from  their  misguided  zeal.  The  inflic- 
tion of  penalties  for  the  profession  of  heresy  may  be  justly  ascribed  to  the 
excesses  and  outrages  of  sectaries.  The  immoral  and  anti-social  principles 
of  the  Manicheans  provoked  the  severity  of  Valentinian ;  which  was  imi- 
tated by  Gratian,  his  brother  and  successor.  Theodosius  followed  in  their 
footsteps,  and  declared  that  the  Donatists  were  included  in  the  general 
proscription.  The  penalty  to  which  they  were  subjected,  was  a  fine  of  ten 
pounds  of  gold,  and  incapacity  for  any  legal  act ;  to  which,  in  some  cases, 
banishment  was  added.  St.  Augustin  states  that  he  knew  of  no  law  sub- 
jecting them  to  death. §  The  blame  of  these  coercive  measures  is  justly 
imputed  to  themselves.  "  We  daily,"  he  says,  "  suffer  incredible  outrages, 
far  worse  than  those  of  robbers  and  marauders,  from  your  clergymen  and 
circumcellions ;"  (a  class  of  Donatists  so  styled  from  their  destroying  the 
huts  of  the  Catholic  peasantry;)  "  for,  armed  with  every  kind  of  weapons, 
they  rove  about,  spreading  terror  everywhere,  and  disturbing  the  peace,  I 

#  Tit.  v.,  cod.  de  haeret.  et  Manich.  f  Aug.  contra  ep.  Parnien,  1.  i.  c.  viii. 

+  Euseb.,  Hist.  Eccl.,  1.  vii.  ch.  xxiv.  $  Contra  litt  Petiliani,  1.  ii.  ch.  xx.  n.  46. 


346  COERCION. 

do  not  say  of  the  Church,  but  of  the  public  at  large.  They  attack  by 
night,  and  pillage  the  dwellings  of  the  Catholic  clergy :  they  seize  on  the 
inmates,  beat  them  with  clubs,  mangle  them  with  various  instruments,  and 
leave  them  almost  lifeless.  Moreover,  by  a  new  and  unprecedented  kind 
of  cruelty,  they  put  a  mixture  of  lime  and  vinegar  in  their  eyes ;  and,  in- 
stead of  scooping  them  out  at  once,  they  choose  to  torture  them  slowly/' 
He  proceeds  to  describe  the  horrible  mutilation  of  Servus,  a  Catholic 
bishop,  prefacing  it  by  this  remark :  "I  pass  over  the  enormities  previously 
committed,  by  which  THEY  FORCED  THE  EMPERORS  TO  ENACT  THE  LAWS 
of  which  they  complain,  and  which  are  tempered  with  Christian  meekness, 
rather  than  marked  by  the  severity  which  such  enormous  crimes  deserve."* 
We  may  not  wonder,  then,  that  the  Catholic  Bishops  in  the  Council  of 
Carthage,  held  in  404,  implored  the  imperial  protection ;  and  that  Augus- 
tin  himself,  who,  in  the  beginning,  was  averse  to  all  coercive  measures, 
changed  his  opinion,  and  wrote  an  elaborate  defence  of  the  imperial  laws, 
by  which  these  banditti  were  restrained. t  It  does  not  appear,  however, 
that  he  at  all  advocated  the  infliction  of  capital  punishment  on  them  :  on 
the  contrary,  he  addressed  the  most  solemn  adjurations  to  the  public  offi- 
cers, that  no  blood  should  be  shed  to  avenge  the  outrages  committed  against 
religion  or  her  ministers. t  Lenity  was  so  characteristic  of  the  episcopal 
office,  that  when  the  Emperors  Arcadius  and  Honorius  deemed  it  neces- 
sary, to  decree  capital  punishment  against  such  as  might  perpetrate  enor- 
mous outrages  against  the  clergy,  they  cautioned  the  provincial  governors 
not  to  await  any  action  on  the  part  of  the  Catholic  bishops,  lest  the  law 
should  remain  without  effect.  "  If  any  one,"  say  they,  "  fall  into  the 
crime  of  sacrilege,  rushing  into  Catholic  churches,  to  offer  violence  to  the 
priests  and  ministers,  or  disturb  the  worship  and  profane  the  place,  let  the 
offence  be  punished  by  the  governor  of  the  province  :  and  let  the  governor 
of  the  province  know  that  the  injury  done  to  the  priests  and  ministers  of 
the  Catholic  Church,  and  to  the  place  itself,  and  to  the  divine  worship,  is 
to  be  punished  by  capital  sentence  against  convicts  or  culprits  who  confess 
their  guilt :  nor  let  him  wait  for  the  demand  of  justice  by  the  bishop  who 
has  suffered  injury,  since  the  holiness  of  his  office  leaves  to  him  the  glory 
of  pardoning."  § 

The  imperial  laws,  so  far  as  they  are  directed  to  restrain  and  punish  out- 
rage, are  justifiable  on  the  plainest  principles  of  justice  and  order.  The 
general  proscription  of  sectaries  was  the  result  of  those  acts  of  violence 
which  usually  characterized  them.  The  Manicheans,  who  denied  the  law- 
fulness of  marriage,  especially  fell  under  this  proscription.  By  the  edict 
of  Theodosius,  "  the  Manicheans  were  to  be  expelled  from  the  cities,  and 
given  up  for  capital  punishment ;  since  no  resting-place  should  be  allowed 


*  Contra  Crescon.  Donat.,  t.  iii.  c.  xliii.  n.  17.         f  Ad  Vincentium  Rogat.,  ep.  xciii. 
J  Ep.  c.,  alias  cxxvii.,  Donato.     Ep.  cxxxiii.,  Marcelliao. 
$  Cod.,  1.  i.  tit.  iii.  10,  de  episcopis  et  clericis. 


COERCION.  347 

anywhere  to  men  who  commit  outrages  against  the  elements  themselves."* 
This  severity  was  provoked  by  the  immoral  practices  of  which  they  were 
guilty.  St.  Leo  the  Great,  as  we  have  before  stated,  held  a  court  of  in- 
quiry, composed  of  laymen  as  well  as  ecclesiastics,  and,  on  the  fullest  evi- 
dence, proclaimed  to  the  world  the  crimes  which  were  usually  committed 
in  their  nightly  meetings.  These  induced  him  to  speak  in  terms  of  appro- 
bation of  the  laws  which  proscribed  them ;  but  he  was  careful  to  observe, 
that  the  lenity  of  the  Church  shrinks  from  any  sanguinary  measure. 
"Our  fathers,"  he  says,  "in  whose  time  this  abominable  heresy  broke 
forth,  were  earnest  in  their  efforts,  throughout  the  whole  world,  that  the 
impious  frenzy  should  be  banished  from  the  entire  Church ;  and  justly  so, 
since  even  the  princes  of  the  world  detested  this  sacrilegious  madness  to 
such  a  degree,  that,  with  the  sword  of  the  public  laws,  they  cut  off  its 
author,  with  many  of  his  followers.  For  they  perceived  that  all  regard  for 
probity  was  destroyed,  all  bonds  of  marriage  were  dissolved,  and  divine 
and  human  laws  were  at  once  overturned,  if  men  professing  such  errors 
were  allowed  to  live  anywhere.  That  severity  was  for  a  long  time  service- 
able to  the  lenity  of  the  Church;  which,  although  content  with  the  sen- 
tence of  the  priesthood,  she  rejects  sanguinary  vengeance,  is,  nevertheless, 
aided  by  the  severe  enactments  of  Christian  princes ;  since  those  who  fear 
corporal  punishment,  sometimes  have  recourse  to  the  spiritual  remedy."f 
The  first  instance  of  the  capital  punishment  of  heretics,  under  the  im- 
perial laws,  occurred  at  Triers,  in  Germany,  in  the  year  383.  Up  to  that 
period,  the  Catholic  bishops  had  suffered  most  sanguinary  persecution  from 
the  Arians  and  Donatists,  without  invoking  the  severity  of  the  law  against 
their  oppressors.  St.  Chrysostom  had  laid  it  down  as  a  maxim,  that  "  it 
is  not  lawful  to  slay  a  heretic,  for  this  would  lead  to  interminable  strife  ;"J 
and  St.  Augustin  besought  Donatus,  proconsul  of  Africa,  through  Jesus 
Christ  our  Lord,  to  be  mindful  of  Christian  lenity,  and  not  to  punish  them 
even  as  their  crimes  against  society  deserved.  "We  desire  them,"  he 
says,  "  to  be  corrected,  not  to  be  slain."§  At  length  two  Spanish  bishops, 
Idacius  and  Ithacius,  impelled  by  zeal  which  was  not  according  to 
knowledge,  denounced  to  the  imperial  tribunal  Priscillian,  and  five  of  his* 
abettors,  as  guilty  of  violating  the  laws,  by  the  propagation  of  Manichean 
errors,  a  crime  which  was  aggravated  by  licentious  practices.  Two  of  the 
most  illustrious  prelates  of  the  Church,  St.  Martin  of  Tours,  and  St.  Am- 
brose, condemned  this  proceeding,  as  unworthy  of  Christian  bishops,  and 
refused  to  hold  communion  with  their  vindictive  colleagues.  Of  the  meek 
spirit  of  St.  Ambrose,  a  signal  instaace  is  recorded.  While  he  was  in  the 
act  of  celebrating  mass,  hearing  that  an  Arian  priest  had  fallen  into  the 

»  Cod.  Theod.,  1.  i.  tit.  v.  n.  5. 

f  Ep.  xv.,  alias  xcii.,  ad  Turribium,  Asturicensem  cpiscopum.     See  also  Ep.  ii.  ad  epis- 
copos  per  Italiam. 

J  Horn,  xlvi.,  in  Mat.  §  Ep.  c.,  alias  cxxvii.  Donate. 


348  COERCION. 

hands  of  a  Catholic  crowd,  with  tears  he  besought  our  Lord  in  the  mystery 
to  protect  him  from  violence ;  and  despatched,  without  delay,  priests  and 
deacons  to  his  relief.  Yet  it  can  scarcely  be  questioned,  that  the  Popes 
generally  adopted  the  views  of  St.  Leo,  and  approved  of  legal  coercion,  as 
necessary  to  preserve  public  morals,  and  prevent  outrage.  At  the  same 
time,  they  strongly  insisted  that  no  one  should  be  violently  compelled  to 
external  compliance  with  religious  duty.  Pope  Hormisdas,  being  informed 
of  the  violence  offered  to  his  legates,  who  were  engaged  in  restoring  the 
Eastern  churches  to  the  communion  of  the  Holy  See,  and  of  the  murder 
of  a  Catholic  bishop,  wrote  to  the  legates  :  "  Even  if  these  be  the  facts, 
we,  nevertheless,  make  no  complaint  against  the  people.  It  is  in  the  power 
of  the  respected  prince  to  punish  the  injury  done  to  his  authority,  and  to 
a  Catholic  bishop,  as  he  may  think  proper ;  but  our  duty  is,  and  we  charge 
you  to  attend  to  it  in  our  stead,  to  see  that  no  one  embrace  unity  without 
knowledge  of  the  truth,  or  profess  the  true  faith  in  such  a  way  as  to  have 
occasion  to  complain  of  being  forced  to  it  by  the  prince,  without  the  neces- 
sary instruction. "*  John  I.,  at  the  instance  of  Theodoric,  the  Arian  king 
of  Italy,  undertook  a  journey  to  Constantinople,  to  dissuade  the  Emperor 
Justin  from  measures  of  coercion  against  the  Arians,  which  the  king 
threatened  to  retaliate  on  his  Catholic  subjects.  The  Pontiff  succeeded  in 
obtaining  for  them  the  free  use  of  their  churches  :  but,  as  he  did  not  ask 
that  the  converts  from  the  sect  should  return  to  it,  he  fell  under  the  dis- 
pleasure of  Theodoric,  and  died  in  prison  for  his  fidelity  to  duty.f 

On  a  review  of  the  acts  of  the  Pontiffs  up  to  the  twelfth  century,  J  I  am 
convinced  that  they  cannot  fairly  be  charged  with  having  made  any  co- 
ercive enactment,  or  sanctioned  any  sanguinary  measures.  We  shall  now 
consider  the  share  which  they  had  in  the  measures  adopted  after  that 
period  against  the  sectaries  that  infested  the  southern  provinces  of  France. 


I  3.— CRUSADES   AGAINST  MANICHEANS 

In  a  Council  held  at  Toulouse,  in  the  year  1119,  at  which  Callistus  II. 
presided,  it  was  enacted  that  the  Manicheans  should  be  restrained  by  the 
secular  powers.  In  order  to  understand  the  justice  of  this  enactment,  we 
must  take  into  consideration  the  conduct  of  these  sectaries,  of  whom  many 
were  the  followers  of  Peter  de  Bruis,  and  of  Henry,  his  disciple.  When 
Henry  entered  a  city,  in  modest  garb  and  with  an  affected  air  of  sanctity, 
he  was  wont  to  address  the  people  in  language  which  excited  them  to 
violence  and  bloodshed.  The  clergy  were  the  immediate  objects  of  popu- 

*  Ep.  Ixii.  f  See  Pagi,  Brev.  Gest.  Rom.  Pont. 

J  John  VIII.,  toward  the  close  of  the  ninth  century,  is  alleged  by  Llorente  (vol.  i.  ch,  i^ 
art.  iii.)  to  have  promised  a  plenary  indulgence  to  such  as  might  fall  in  war  with  the  in- 
fidels. He,  however,  neglects  to  state  that  the  war  was  of  a  defensive  character,  for  the 
protection  of  Rome,  besieged  by  the  Saracens.  See  Fleury,  1.  Hi.  $xl. 


COERCION.  349 

lar  fury ;  their  dwellings  were  plundered,  and  often  razed  to  the  ground, 
and  they  themselves  were  stoned,  or  assassinated,  unless  the  nobles  came 
to  their  relief.*  The  third  Council  of  Lateran,  held  in  1179,  under  Alex- 
ander III.,  speaking  of  the  various  sects  of  that  age,  says  :  "  They  prac- 
tise such  violence  against  Christians  as  not  to  spare  churches  or  monas- 
teries, widows  or  orphans,  aged  persons  or  children,  age  or  sex;  but, 
heathen-like,  they  destroy  and  devastate  all  things."f  The  venerable 
Peter,  Abbot  of  Cluni,  assures  us  that  the  followers  of  Peter  de  Bruis 
"  profaned  the  churches,  overturned  the  altars,  burned  the  crosses,  scourged 
the  priests,  imprisoned  the  monks,  and  forced  them  to  marry,  using  threats 
and  torments  for  that  purpose/^  Elsewhere  he  says  :  "  Where  they  can, 
or  dare,  they  plunder,  strike,  whip,  sometimes  even  (nay,  oftentimes)  kill, 
without  discrimination  of  persons,  ranks,  or  dignities."  Hence  he  main- 
tains that  the  swords  of  the  knights  templars  might  be  employed  against 
them  with  equal  justice  as  against  pagan  violence:  "The  Christian  who 
unjustly  suffers  violence  from  a  Christian,  is  no  less  to  be  defended  by 
your  counsels,  and  even  by  your  swords,  than  a  Christian  should  be  who 
suffered  like  violence  from  a  pagan. "§  The  desolation  produced  by  the 
marauding  troops  was  such  that  Stephen,  Abbot  of  St.  Genoveffa,  as  he 
passed  through  Toulouse,  saw  the  ruins  of  churches  which  had  been  torn 
down,  the  ashes  of  other  sacred  edifices  which  the  fire  had  destroyed,  the 
very  foundations  being  dug  up,  and  the  beasts  ranging  freely  where  the 
dwellings  of  men  had  lately  been.||  Of  the  Coterelli,  who  infested  the 
province  of  Berry,  Antonine,  quoted  by  Baronius,  relates,  that  "they  de- 
vastated the  country,  pillaging  it,  and  dragging  the  inhabitants  into  cap- 
tivity, violating  their  wives  in  their  presence,  burning  the  churches,  in- 
sulting and  beating  the  priests  often  unto  death,  trampling  under  foot  the 
Divine  Eucharist,  breaking  the  chalices  in  pieces,  and  applying  the  sacred 
linens  to  profane  uses."^[  The  Count  de  Foix  is  related  by  Peter  of  Vaux- 
Cernay  to  have  attacked  monasteries  and  pillaged  them,  filled  religious 
houses  with  courtesans,  treacherously  assassinated  many  of  the  faithful, 
and  put  to  death  those  who  surrendered  on  a  promise  of  life  being  spared. 
He  treacherously  seized,  and  after  a  mock  trial,  at  which  Raymond,  Count 
of  Toulouse,  presided,  hung  Baldwin,  brother  of  this  count,  who,  with 
savage  cruelty,  gave  countenance  to  this  atrocious  deed.**  Bernard  Cas- 
vacio,  Lord  of  Doma,  and  his  wife,  treated  the  Catholics  with  the  utmost 
cruelty :  one  hundred  and  fifty  persons,  of  both  sexes,  were  found  at  Sar- 
lat,  whose  eyes  had  been  scooped  out  by  the  tyrant :  the  wife  causing  the 
breasts  of  the  women  to  be  amputated,  that  they  might  not  give  suck,  and 
their  thumbs  cut  off,  that  they  might  not  procure  support  by  their  labor. ff 

*  Fleury,  Hist,  1.  Ixix.  $  xxiv.  f  Can.  ult.  J  Bibl.  Clun.,  p.  1122. 

$  Petr.  Clun.,  1.  vi. ep.  xxvii.    ||  Steph.  Tornac.,  ep.  75,  al.  91,  apud  Fleury,!.  Ixxiii.  $xxxvi, 

^[Apud  Baron.,  an.  1183,  p.  769. 

##  Histoire  des  Croisades  centre  les  Albigeois,  par  Barrau,  vol.  ii.  p.  66. 

ft  Raynald.,  an.  1214. 


350  COERCION. 

Lawless  fury  generally  characterized  all  the  sectaries  of  those  ages.  A  sect 
called  Shepherds,  under  the  guidance  of  a  Hungarian  apostate  from  the 
Cistercian  order,  assumed  to  themselves  sacred  functions,  and  declaimed 
against  the  clergy.  Queen  Blanche  suffered  them  to  pass  through  Paris 
without  molestation,  regarding  their  exhibitions  rather  as  evidences  of 
folly  and  delusion,  than  as  crimes  threatening  the  peace  of  society.  Em- 
boldened by  this  toleration,  they  went  to  Orleans,  and,  in  despite  of  the 
bishop,  harangued  the  people,  who  warned  the  clergy,  under  pain  of 
anathema,  not  to  be  present  at  their  meetings.  Among  those  who,  prompted 
by  curiosity,  disregarded  the  prohibition,  was  a  student,  who,  unable  to 
repress  his  indignation,  contradicted  the  preacher,  charging  him  with  de- 
ceiving the  simple-minded  people.  The  words  had  scarcely  escaped  his 
lips,  when  his  head  was  cleft  in  two  with  a  hatchet  in  the  hands  of  one  of 
the  Shepherds.  A  general  attack  was  then  made  on  the  clergy :  their 
dwellings  were  broken  into  and  plundered  :  their  books  committed  to  the 
flames :  themselves  wounded  :  several  of  them  killed,  or  thrown  into  the 
Loire  ;  so  that  twenty-five  perished  on  this  occasion.  Above  one  hundred 
thousand  of  these  Shepherds  traversed  France,  spreading  disorder  and 
desolation  in  their  course.  Their  arrival  at  Bourges  was  signalized  by 
murder,  arson,  and  pillage :  which  provoked  the  people  to  rise  against 
them,  and  engage  in  a  bloody  contest,  in  which  the  banditti  were  dispersed. 
In  order  to  understand  why  crusades  were  proclaimed  in  those  ages 
against  sects  committing  acts  of  violence,  we  must  remember  that  there 
was  as  yet  no  standing  army  in  the  various  nations  of  Europe,  and  that 
there  was  scarcely  any  code  of  laws,  or  tribunal  of  justice.  The  vassals 
of  each  baron  followed  their  lord  to  the  field :  but  in  case  of  lawless  vio- 
lence, such  as  that  of  the  sects,  which  did  not  directly  interest  a  poten- 
tate, there  was  no  means  of  repressing  it,  save  the  summoning  of  volun- 
teers :  there  was  no  rallying  power  so  great  as  the  standard  of  the  cross, 
and  no  allurement  so  attractive  as  the  indulgences  of  the  Church.  In  a 
Council  held  at  Poictiers,  in  the  year  1004,  it  was  decreed,  that  in  case 
of  outrages  being  committed  against  the  Church,  regular  process  should  be 
formed  before  the  prince,  or  the  local  judge;  but  if  the  aggressors  should 
resist  the  execution  of  the  sentence,  the  bishops  and  nobles  were  to  be 
summoned  to  compel  submission  by  laying  waste  the  lands.  This  was 
somewhat  in  the  nature  of  &  posse  comitatus,  called  forth  to  aid  the  public 
officers  in  an  emergency  for  which  ordinary  force  was  insufficient.  Hence  • 
the  third  Council  of  Lateran,  premising  the  words  of  Leo  the  Great,  in 
which  he  declares  that  the  Church,  content  with  the  priestly  judgment, 
shuns  sanguinary  vengeance,  did  not  hesitate  to  exhort  the  faithful  to  rally 
to  the  defence  of  the  sacred  virgins,  and  holy  places,  when  violently 
assailed.  "We  enjoin,"  the  fathers  say,  "on  all  the  faithful,  for  the  re- 
mission of  their  sins,  to  oppose  manfully  such  havoc,  and  to  defend  with 
arms  the  Christian  people."* 

*•  $  xxvii.  col.  1683. 


COERCION.  351 

The  immediate  occasion  of  the  great  crusade  against  the  Albigensians 
was  the  assassination  of  the  Pope's  legate,  which,  however,  was  preceded 
by  many  other  atrocities.  During  the  contest,  awful  scenes  occurred  on 
both  sides,  which  stamp  a  character  of  cruelty  on  the  age.  Among  other 
instances,  fifteen  cities,  infested  by  Albigensians,  rose  suddenly  on  the 
Catholic  garrisons,  and  on  the  Catholics  dwelling  among  them,  and  made 
a  general  massacre,  by  way  of  retaliation  for  the  sack  of  the  city  of  Tou- 
louse.* Of  the  spirit,  however,  which  animated  the  Popes,  I  find  an  evi- 
dence in  the  instructions  of  Gregory  IX.  to  the  commander  of  his  forces, 
in  a  crusade  for  the  defence  of  his  own  territory.  "  The  mighty  Lord," 
he  says,  "  wishes  the  liberty  of  His  Church  to  be  maintained  in  such  a 
manner,  that  neither  humility  prevent  necessary  defence,  nor  the  defence 
go  beyond  the  bounds  of  humility.  Whence  it  follows,  that  although  the 
defender  of  ecclesiastical  liberty  sometimes,  but  rarely  and  unwillingly, 
uses  the  material  sword  against  tyrants  and  persecutors  of  the  Church, 
without  forgetting  the  ordinary  humility,  he  does  not,  however,  use  it  in 
such  a  way  as  to  thirst  for  blood,  or  desire  to  be  enriched  to  the  detriment 
of  others ;  but  he  rather  seeks  to  recall  those  that  are  in  error  to  the  path 
of  truth,  and,  in  all  meekness,  to  preserve  them  in  their  liberty  when  re- 
called.  Who  can  bear  with  patience  that  a  man  whose  life  could  be  pre- 
served, should  be  slain  or  mutilated  by  the  army  of  Jesus  Christ,f  and 
that  the  image  of  the  Creator  Himself  should  be  thus  disfigured,  as,  we 
have  been  informed,  has  taken  place  in  these  days,  which  has  grieved  us 
to  the  heart  ?  Brother,  it  is  not  expedient  for  us  who  invite  the  faithful, 
and  even  the  erring  children  to  the  breast  of  our  Mother  the  Church,  to 
provoke  them  by  outrages,  and  exult  in  the  effusion  of  blood !  God  forbid 
that  the  Roman  Church,  which  is  wont  to  rescue  from  the  sword  of  justice 
criminals  worthy  of  death,  should  slay  or  mutilate  her  children,  whom  she 
is  bound  to  gather  under  her  wings. "  J  Gregory  ordered  that  the  live*  of1 
the  prisoners  taken  in  war  should  be  spared  :  "  We  have  thought  it  neces- 
sary to  entreat  and  exhort  you,  and  by  our  apostolic  writings  strictly  to 
enjoin  on  you,  to  cause  such  as  the  right  hand  of  Him  who  exalts  us  may 
have  delivered  into  the  hands  of  the  army  of  Jesus  Christ,  to  be  carefully 
guarded,  without  any  slaying,  maiming,  or  mutilation  of  limbs,  which  we 
utterly  abhor;  that  so,  in  captivity,  they  may  enjoy  more  liberty  than 
when,  under  Egyptian  bondage,  in  •  the  name  of  liberty,  they  obeyed 
Pharaoh  and  his  ministers,  the  officers  of  his  army."§ 

Of  the  humanity  of  the  Popes  we  have  some  consoling  instances,  which 
relieve  the  mind  afflicted  at  the  horrors  of  these  wars.  Voltaire  admits 
that  there  were  instances  of  Papal  interposition  that  reflect  the  highest 
honor  on  the  court  of  Rome,  of  which  he  gives  one  example.  Peter  I. 
of  Aragon  fell  fighting  on  the  side  of  the  Count  of  Toulouse,  against  the 

*  Histoire  des  Croisades,  par  Barrau,  vol.  ii.  p.  274.     f  The  Crusaders  were  thus  styled. 
J  Apud  Fleury,  L  cxxix.  gliv.  §  Raynald.,  an.  1229. 


852  COERCION. 

crusaders,  who  took  his  son  prisoner.  "  His  widow,  Mary  of  Montpelier, 
who  had  retired  to  Rome,  pleaded  for  her  son  with  Innocent  III.,  im- 
ploring him  to  employ  his  authority  for  his  liberation.  There  were 
moments  highly  honorable  for  the  court  of  Rome.  The  Pope  ordered 
Simon  de  Montfort  to  restore  the  youth  to  the  people  of  Aragon,  and 
Montfort  obeyed.  Had  the  Popes  always  used  their  authority  after  this 
manner,  they  would  have  been  the  legislators  of  Europe."*  Such  they 
were  in  reality;  which  affords  no  slight  grounds  for  believing  that  the 
general  exercise  of  their  authority  was  paternal  and  just. 

The  wars  carried  on  against  the  sectaries  of  the  thirteenth  century  were 
professedly  directed  to  their  extermination,  not  by  their  indiscriminate 
slaughter,  but  by  compelling  them  to  disband,  or  flee  from  the  provinces 
which  they  infested.  Not  only  the  integrity  of  religious  faith,  and  the 
purity  of  public  morals,  but  order  and  civilization  were  at  stake.  The 
sects  were  in  revolt  against  the  general  Christian  confederacy,  which  was 
bound  together  by  one  faith  and  one  law,  of  which  the  Pope  was  the 
recognised  teacher  and  interpreter.  While  the  organization  of  society  'was 
advancing  on  this  basis,  the  sectaries  threatened  its  dissolution,  and  in- 
volved the  Christian  commonwealth  in  a  struggle  for  its  own  existence. 
What  Chief  Justice  Clayton  has  said  of  our  English  ancestors,  and  their 
common  law  and  judicial  tribunals,  may  be  said  of  the  Christian  nations 
generally  which  opposed  Manicheism  :  "  He  who  reviled,  subverted,  or 
ridiculed  Christianity,  did  an  act  which  struck  at  the  foundation  of  civil 
society,  and  tended,  by  its  necessary  consequences,  as  they  believed,  to 
disturb  that  common  peace  of  the  land  of  which  (as  Lord  Coke  had  re- 
ported) the  common  law  was  the  preserver."t 

#  Essai  sur  1'Histoire  Generale,  t.  ii.  ch.  Ix. 
f  The  State  vs.  Chandler,  2  Harrington,  p.  557. 


CHAPTER  IX. 


§  1.—  ANCIENT  TRIBUNAL. 

IT  was  with  a  view  to  put  an  end  to  the  horrors  of  the  wars  provoked 
by  the  sectaries,  that  a  permanent  tribunal  for  their  trial  and  punishment 
was  established,  by  the  concurrent  action  of  the  ecclesiastical  and  civil 
powers.  In  a  Council  held  at  Verona,  in  the  year  1184,  at  which  the 
Emperor  Frederick  I.  was  present,  Pope  Lucius,  by  the  advice  of  the 
bishops,  condemned  with  anathema  all  heresies,  especially  the  various 
forms  of  Manicheism.  The  canon  proceeds  to  observe  that  "  inasmuch  as 
the  severity  of  ecclesiastical  discipline  is  sometimes  disregarded  by  such  as 
know  not  its  power,"  clergymen  convicted  of  heresy  should  be  deposed 
and  degraded,  arid  "  delivered  over  to  the  secular  power,  to  undergo  the 
punishment  which  they  deserve,  unless  the  culprit,  when  detected,  abjure 
his  heresy  before  the  bishop  of  the  place.  Let  the  same  be  observed  if 
the  culprit  be  a  layman,  and  let  him  be  punished  by  the  secular  judge, 
unless  he  abjure;  and  let  such  as  relapse  after  abjuration  be  left  to  the 
secular  tribunal,  and  let  them  not  be  further  heard."*  This  is  certainly 
a  formal  recognition  of  the  imperial  laws  against  heresy,  and  an  implicit 
approbation  of  them.  If  the  character  of  the  sectaries  be  borne  in  mind, 
it  will  not  be  difficult  to  account  for  this  sanction. 

The  quaesitores  fidei,  or  Inquisitors,  were  first  appointed  by  Innocent 
III.  At  the  commencement  of  the  thirteenth  century,  this  strenuous 
Pontiff  despatched  two  Cistercian  monks,  Guy  and  Ranier,  to  the  south 
of  France,  to  oppose  the  Manicheans,  and  charged  them  to  use  all  diligence 
for  their  discovery  and  conversion,  authorizing  them  to  absolve  them, 
when  penitent,  from  all  ecclesiastical  censures.  These  commissaries  had 
no  civil  attributions  ;  but  they  were  directed  to  urge  the  employment  of 
coercive  measures  by  the  civil  authorities,  when  persuasion  and  exhortation 
had  proved  fruitless.  The  means  employed  by  them  and  their  associates, 
were  preaching,  exercises  of  piety,  and  other  ordinary  appliances  of  Chris- 
tian zeal.  They  were  men  of  holy  life,  burning  with  divine  love,  and 
thirsting  for  the  salvation  of  souls.  St.  Dominick,  who  was  of  their 
number,  succeeded  in  reclaiming  thousands  to  the  faith,  by  examples  of 

*  Cone.,  t.  x.  p.  1737. 

23  353 


354  THE   INQUISITION. 

apostolic  poverty  and  charity.  Another,  St.  Peter  de  Castelnau,  a  monk 
of  Citeaux,  who  was,  besides,  invested  with  the  authority  of  Papal  legate, 
desired  most  ardently  to  shed  his  blood  for  the  deluded  sectaries }  and,  as 
if  by  prophetic  instinct,  said  to  his  companions :  "  We  shall  accomplish 
nothing  for  the  cause  of  Jesus  Christ,  in  this  country,  unless  one  of  us 
suffer  for  the  faith :  God  grant  that  I  may  be  the  first  to  fall  beneath  the 
sword  of  the  persecutor !"  His  prayer  was  soon  fulfilled.  An  assassin, 
hired  by  the  faithless  Count  of  Toulouse,  plunged  a  dagger  into  his  side, 
and  the  martyr,  as  he  fell,  meekly  said  :  "  God  forgive  you,  my  friend,  as 
I  forgive  you." 

The  imperial  laws,  published  in  the  year  1220,  subjected  the  Maniche- 
ans,  under  their  various  denominations,  to  the  penalty  of  death  j  and  an 
edict  published  in  1224  gave  civil  force  to  the  sentence  of  the  inquisitors, 
inasmuch  as  the  judges  and  officers  were  commanded  to  take  into  custody 
convicts  by  them  declared  guilty  of  heresy.  This  may  be  considered  the 
origin  of  the  tribunal  of  the  inquisition,  which,  however,  had  not  for  a 
considerable  time  a  stationary  character  or  fixed  form.  The  first  General 
Inquisitor  is  believed  to  be  John  Cayetan,  appointed  in  the  year  1277. 
The  inquisitors  preached  to  the  people,  inviting  them  to  come  forward, 
avow  and  abandon  their  errors.  They  searched  out  those  who  neglected 
to  avail  themselves  of  this  indulgence,  and  on  conviction  of  obstinacy  and 
contumacy,  handed  them  over  to  the  civil  power.  This  was  enjoined  on 
those  of  Italy  in  1238,  by  Gregory  IX.  The  turbulence  of  the  sectaries, 
which  is  fully  attested  by  the  records  of  the  times,  is  the  only  justification 
which  I  shall  offer  for  these  coercive  measures.  Many  of  the  early  in- 
quisitors were  assassinated.  One  of  them,  St.  Peter  of  Verona,  is  honored 
as  a  martyr. 

The  ecclesiastical  character  of  the  tribunal  is  evident  from  its  judges, 
who  were  clergymen,  from  the  chief  matter  of  cognizance,  which  was 
heresy,  and  from  its  original  organization,  which  was  planned  and  directed 
by  the  Pontiff.  It  assumed  a  secular  character  by  the  action  of  the  em- 
peror, and  of  other  potentates,  who  attached  civil  effects,  especially  capital 
punishment,  to  its  sentence.  For  this  reason,  it  could  nowhere  exist  with- 
out the  concurrence  of  both  authorities.  Raymond  VII.,  Count  of  Tou- 
louse, introduced  it  into  his  dominions  in  1229,  in  order  to  prevent  a  re- 
newal of  the  civil  war  which  had  raged  there  during  twenty  years,  in  the 
lifetime  of  his  father,  the  protector  of  the  Albigensians.  James,  King 
of  Aragon,  by  the  advice  of  St.  Raymond  of  Pennafort,  established  it  in 
his  kingdom  in  1232.  St.  Louis  obtained  of  Alexander  IV.  its  extension 
to  all  France  in  1255.  Premislaus,  King  of  Bohemia,  procured  it  for  his 
kingdom  in  1257.  From  the  sanction  which  it  received  from  the  meek 
Louis,  as  well  as  from  other  holy  men,  we  may  reasonably  infer  that  it  was 
not  designed  to  be  a  sanguinary  tribunal ;  it  was  intended  as  a  measure  of 
police,  which  would  intimidate  those  who,  in  the  name  of  religion,  spread 
disorder  and  perpetrated  outrage. 


THE   INQUISITION.  355 

The  mode  of  proceeding  prescribed  in  the  Council  of  Beziers,  in  1246, 
by  order  of  Innocent  IV.,  was  calculated  to  prevent  the  necessity  of  re- 
course to  coercion.  On  the  arrival  of  the  inquisitor  in  any  city  or  town, 
the  clergy  and  people  were  assembled,  and  addressed  by  him ;  all  who  were 
conscious  of  the  guilt  of  heresy  being  exhorted  to  come  forward  within  a 
specified  time,  which  was  called  the  time  of  grace,  and  abjure  their  errors. 
Such  as  avowed  them,  with  marks  of  repentance,  were  exempt  from  capital 
punishment,  perpetual  imprisonment,  banishment,  and  confiscation  of  pro- 
perty. Those  who  were  denounced  by  others,  and  who  did  not  spontane- 
ously appear  within  the  time,  were  to  be  specially  summoned,  informed  of 
the  charges  advanced  against  them,  and  heard  in  reply.  If  their  defence 
was  not  satisfactory,  they  were  liable  to  be  condemned,  according  to  the 
nature  of  the  evidence.  Those  who  avowed  heretical  sentiments  were  to 
be  privately  admonished  in  the  presence  of  a  select  number  of  prudent 
Catholics,  that  they  might  be  induced  to  abjure  their  errors.  Such  as 
were  obstinate  were  required  to  acknowledge  their  sentiments  publicly,  that 
sentence  might  be  pronounced  on  them  in  the  presence  of  the  civil  magis- 
trate, to  whom  they  were  handed  over.  Relapsed  heretics,  fugitives  from 
justice,  and  those  who  suppressed  the  truth,  were  liable  to  perpetual  im- 
prisonment. This  punishment,  however,  could,  after  some  time,  be 
remitted  with  the  advice  of  the  bishop,  on  security  being  given  for  the 
performance  of  suitable  penance.  Such  as  were  not  imprisoned  were  to 
enlist  for  a  time  in  the  crusades,  and  to  present  themselves  on  Sundays  and 
festivals  in  the  church,  in  a  penitential  habit.  Those  who  were  condemned 
to  death  forfeited  their  property  to  the  public  treasury.  By  subsequent 
enactments,  the  tribunal  obtained  the  benefit  of  these  forfeitures  :  yet  its 
funds  were  often  so  low  that  it  could  not  pay  the  very  moderate  salaries 
of  its  officers. 

From  all  the  means  employed  to  induce  the  sectaries  to  retract  their  er- 
rors, it  may  fairly  be  inferred  that  comparatively  few  experienced  the 
extreme  rigor  of  the  law.  Llorente*  makes  a  most  extravagant  estimate 
of  the  sufferers  under  the  operation  of  the  ancient  system,  although  he 
himself  acknowledges  that  its  activity  was  chiefly  confined  to  the  thirteenth 
century,  that  it  had  considerably  abated  in  the  fourteenth,  and  still  more 
so  in  the  fifteenth,  when  it  did  not  punish  with  confiscation  of  property, 

*  This  writer  was,  in  1789,  and  the  two  following  years,  secretary  of  the  Spanish  In- 
quisition ;  but  he  was  subsequently  deprived  of  his  office,  and  sent  to  do  penance  in  a  con- 
vent, for  a  breach  of  confidence ;  it  being  discovered  that  he  had  communicated  to  some 
philosophers  the  secrets  which  he  was  sworn  to  keep.  On  the  invasion  of  the  French,  he 
attached  himself  to  the  interests  of  Joseph  Bonaparte,  who  placed  at  his  service  the  ar- 
chives of  the  inquisition,  many  of  which  he  burned — a  fact  which  betrays  an  apprehen- 
sion that  their  examination  would  expose  his  misstatements.  His  history  of  the  tribunal, 
although  professedly  composed  from  authentic  documents,  is  a  most  malignant  misrepre- 
sentation of  its  spirit  and  proceedings.  It  betrays  a  deadly  hatred  against  the  Catholic 
Church,  the  Pope,  the  religious  orders,  and  the  clergy  generally,  and  a  deep  sympathy 
with  the  deistical  clubs. 


356  THE   INQUISITION. 

much  less  with  death.  Puigblanch  says  that  "  in  Italy,  and  in  Rome  it- 
self,  the  inquisition  soon  declined."*  Voltaire  states  that  "it  languished 
in  Aragon,  as  well  as  France,  without  functions,  without  order,  and  almost 
forgotten. "•)•  We  may,  then,  regard  it  as  a  tribunal  erected  in  a  dis- 
organized state  of  society,  to  repress  sectaries  of  a  turbulent  character, 
which,  after  having  for  a  time  manifested  an  awful  energy,  soon  lost  its  ter- 
rific attributions.  It  gives  us  an  idea  of  the  fierce  character  of  the  age, 
which  could  have  required  or  admitted  so  violent  a  remedy  for  the  disorders 
committed  against  religion. 

§2.— SPANISH  INQUISITION. 

The  modern  tribunal  of  the  inquisition  may  be  denominated  Spanish, 
because  it  has  displayed  its  fearful  power  chiefly  in  the  dominions  of  the 
King  of  Spain.  At  the  solicitation  of  Ferdinand,  Sixtus  IV.,  in  the  year 
1478,  authorized  the  erection  of  a  tribunal  of  inquisition,  throughout  the 
Spanish  dominions.  The  object  which  the  monarch  had  in  view  was, 
doubtless,  the  security  of  his  throne,  which  was  endangered  by  the  number 
of  false  Christians,  professed  converts  from  Judaism,  or  Mohammedanism, 
who  secretly  practised  their  former  superstitions,  and  kept  up  treasonable 
correspondence  with  the  Moors  of  Barbary.  Puigblanch  says :  "  It  is, 
indeed,  true,  that  the  Moors  of  Granada  had  in  agitation,  several  years  be- 
fore, to  deliver  up  the  kingdom  to  the  Barbary  powers,  or  to  the  Grand 
Turk."J  Guizot  is  right  in  the  opinion  that  Ferdinand  was  guided  by 
motives  of  policy,  and  that  he  sought  to  maintain  order  by  means  of  this 
vigilant  and  strict  police. §  Prescott  partially  admits  it,  although  he  main- 
tains that  religious  zeal  was  the  inspiring  motive  of  Isabella,  who  desired 
to  provide  for  the  integrity  of  Catholic  faith.  It  is  probable  that  both 
considerations  influenced  the  royal  counsels  ;  and  certainly,  regarded  in  a 
human  point  of  view,  it  was  a  master-stroke  of  policy,  well  calculated  to 
defeat  the  machinations  of  the  secret  enemies  of  the  crown. 

The  Spanish  inquisition  may  be  styled  a  royal  tribunal,  since  the  king 
appointed  the  supreme  inquisitor  from  among  the  bishops,  with  the  assent 
of  the  Pope,  and  otherwise  exercised  an  influence  equivalent,  in  many  in- 
stances, to  control.  Voltaire, ||  De  Maistre,^f  and  Ranke,**  agree  in  recog- 
nising its  royal  character.  Cardinal  Balufli  observes :  "  It  is  notorious 
that  the  tribunals  of  Spain  and  Portugal  were  royal,  and  acted  indepen- 
dently of  Rome,  and  often  in  opposition  to  her  wishes. "ff  For  this  rea- 

*  Inquisition  Unmasked,  p.  13.  f  Essai  sur  1'Histoire,  t.  iv.  ch.  cxxxvi. 

J  Inquisition  Unmasked. 

§  "Elle  fut  d'abord  plus  politique  quo  roligieuse,  et  destin6e  a  maintenir  1'ordre  plut&t 
qu'  a  defendre  la  foi."     Cours  d'Histoire  Moderne,  t.  v.  lee.  ii. 
||  Essai  sur  1'Histoire  Generale,  t.  iv.  ch.  xxxvi. 
*[f  Lettres  sur  1'Inquisition  Espagnole,  let.  i.  p.  12. 
**  Turkish  and  Spanish  Empires.     Spanish  Empire,  ch.  ii. 
ff  L'America  una  volta  Spagnuola,  vol.  i.  pref.,  vol.  ii.  p.  139. 


THE   INQUISITION.  357 

son  Paul  III.  encouraged  the  Neapolitans  in  opposing  its  introduction 
among  them  by  Charles  V. ;  and  Pius  IV.  countenanced  and  sanctioned 
the  resistance  of  the  people  of  Milan,  when  Philip  II.  attempted  to  im- 
pose this  yoke  on  them.  The  Popes  oftentimes  and  loudly  complained  of 
the  excessive  rigor  of  the  Spanish  tribunal,  and  in  many  instances  inter- 
posed, by  authorizing  the  secret  absolution  of  numbers  of  persons,  and  by 
absolving  those  who  fled  to  their  clemency  from  the  national  judges.  They 
even  removed  several  of  the  inquisitors  for  cruelty.  Llorente  is  an  unwill- 
ing witness  to  the  humanity  of  the  Pontiffs,  which  he  unjustly  ascribes  to 
interested  motives.  "  The  result,"  he  says,  "  of  the  policy  was  favorable 
to  humanity,  since  it  preserved  for  those  who  implored  the  clemency  of 
the  Holy  See,  their  honor  and  fortune,  and  those  of  their  children."* 

An  auto-da-fe,  or  act  of  faith,f  was  celebrated  at  Rome,  before  St.  Peter's 
Church,  under  Alexander  VI.,  in  a  manner  not  unworthy  the  earthly 
representative  of  Him  who  came  to  call  sinners  to  repentance.  Two  hun- 
dred and  fifty  Spaniards,  who  fled  from  the  terrors  of  the  national  Inquisi- 
tion to  the  clemency  of  the  Pontiff,  had  avowed  themselves  guilty  of  re- 
lapsing into  Jewish  superstitions.  Dressed  in  the  penitential  habit  called 
san  benito,  on  bended  knees  they  supplicated  to  be  reconciled  with  the 
Church.  By  the  authority  of  the  Pope,  who  from  an  elevated  situation 
looked  down  benignly  on  his  repentant  countrymen,  they  were  absolved 
from  ecclesiastical  censures.  Two  by  two  they  then  entered  the  great 
basilic  of  the  prince  of  the  apostles,  and  thence  proceeded  in  the  same 
manner  to  the  church  of  St.  Mary  supra  Minervam,  where  the  officers  of 
the  Inquisition  resided.  Having  given  thanks  to  God  for  His  boundless 
mercy,  they  laid  aside  the  garments  of  humiliation,  and  exulted  in  their 
restoration  to  Christian  privileges.  J  This  surely  was  a  scene  at  which  the 
angels  of  heaven  might  rejoice.  Such  scenes  occurred  also  in  Spain.  On 
12th  February,  1486,  750  culprits  underwent  public  penance  in  an  auto- 
da-fe  at  Madrid,  900  on  the  2d  April  of  same  year  at  Toledo,  750  on  1st 
May,  and  950  on  1st  December  of  same  year.  Of  all  these  not  one  was 
executed. §  What  can  be  more  glorious  for  the  Popes  than  the  confidence 
with  which  their  authority  was  appealed  to,  which  enabled  Sixtus  IV.  to 
style  the  Holy  See:  "oppressorum  ubique  tutissimum  refugium,"||  the 
certain  refuge  of  the  oppressed  of  every  clime  ?  This  Pontiff  did  not 
hesitate  to  plead  with  the  king  for  those  who  might  shrink  from  public 
exposure,  but  who  would  eagerly  seek  pardon,  if  their  private  humiliation 

*  Histoire  Critique  de  1'Inquisition  d'Espagne,  par  D.  Jean  Antoine  Llorente,  traduite 
par  Alexis  Pellier,  vol.  i.  ch.  vii.  art.  iii.  $  viii. 

f  It  was  so  called  because  the  penitents  made  a  public  profession  of  the  faith.  Tho 
punishment  of  the  impenitent  took  place  after  the  inquisitors  had  withdrawn ;  generally 
on  the  day  following, 

J  Llorente,  vol.  i.  $  xxxvi. 

g  See  Llorente,  quoted  by  Hefele  in  his  late  work,  "  Der  Cardinal  Ximenes,"  Ac. 
Tubingen,  1844. 

||  Breve,  29  January,  1481. 


358  THE   INQUISITION. 

were  accepted.  "  Since,"  he  says,  "  shame  of  public  correction  sometimes 
drives  those  that  are  in  error  to  wretched  despair,  so  that  they  prefer  to 
die  in  sin  than  live  dishonored,  we  have  judged  it  necessary  to  come  to 
their  relief,  and  conformably  to  the  Gospel-teaching,  by  the  clemency  of 
the  Apostolic  See,  to  bring  back  the  sheep  that  had  strayed,  to  the  flock 
of  the  true  Shepherd,  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ."*  He  added,  that  "  cle- 
mency alone  makes  us  equal  to  God,  as  far  as  human  nature  is  capable/' 
and  he  besought  the  king  and  queen,  by  the  tender  mercies  of  our  Lord 
Jesus  Christ,  and  exhorted  them,  in  imitation  of  Him  whose  property  it 
is  to  show  mercy  and  to  spare,  to  pardon  the  penitent,  and  give  them  full 
security  in  the  enjoyment  of  their  property.  These  are  consoling  evi- 
dences of  the  disposition  of  the  Popes  to  procure  the  exercise  of  the  royal 
clemency,  in  an  institution  that  wears  a  terrific  aspect  for  those  who  are 
obstinate  in  error. 

£  3.— MODE   OP   PROCEEDING. 

A  veil  of  impenetrable  secresy  formerly  shrouded  the  proceedings  of 
the  Inquisition,  which  gave  occasion  to  surmises  and  imputations  of  the 
most  odious  kind ;  but  nothing  can  now  be  considered  secret,  since  the 
most  confidential  instructions  by  which  her  officers  were  guided,  have  been 
made  public,  by  the  treachery  of  some  of  them,  and  all  her  archives  have 
been  explored  by  her  enemies.  Secresy  was  enjoined  especially  with  a 
view  to  protect  accusers  or  witnesses  from  the  vengeance  of  the  culprit,  or 
his  friends,  and  to  preserve  the  character  of  those  whose  faith  was  called 
in  question,  until  their  heterodoxy  should  have  been  fully  ascertained,  as 
also  to  keep  revolting  crimes  from  public  view.  Concealment  was  not 
designed  with  a  view  to  injustice,  for  in  no  tribunal  were  greater  precau- 
tions taken  to  arrive  at  a  knowledge  of  the  facts,  which  were  recorded  in 
the  greatest  detail.  Many  persons  were  employed  in  the  examination  and 
other  proceedings,  and  powerful  safeguards  were  placed  in  the  dependence 
of  local  tribunals  on  the  supreme  Council.  Before  an  arrest  could  take 
place,  if  the  local  officers  were  not  unanimous  as  to  the  sufficiency  of  the 
grounds  for  it,  the  Council  of  the  Supreme,  as  it  was  styled,  was  consulted. 
All  the  officers  were  sworn  to  do  justice,  and  to  be  strictly  impartial,  under 
penalty  of  ecclesiastical  censure,  in  case  they  indulged  malice.  They 
were  required,  like  jurors,  to  keep  their  minds  unbiassed,  and  attend 
strictly  to  the  evidence.  Although  the  witnesses  were  not,  at  least  in  the 
early  stages  of  the  proceedings,  confronted  with  the  accused,  or  their 
names  communicated  to  him,  yet  he  was  made  acquainted  with  the  nature 
of  the  charges  and  evidence,  in  a  manner  calculated  to  enable  him  to 
justify  himself,  if  innocent.  No  aid  was  afforded  him  to  conceal  guilt,  or 
defeat  the  searching  power  of  the  tribunal,  but  every  thing  was  directed 
to  elicit  the  truth.  He  was  allowed  the  aid  of  counsel,  with  whom,  how- 

*  Brere,  2  Aug.,  1483. 


THE   INQUISITION.  359 

ever,  he  conferred  in  the  presence  of  an  inquisitor,  because  professional 
aid  was  given  to  direct  him  in  a  just  defence,  but  not  to  enable  him  to 
evade  the  law  by  subterfuges,  or  artifices.  He  was  interrogated  on  oath, 
as  was  formerly  usual  in  all  criminal  tribunals,  and  thus  put  under  the 
necessity  of  criminating  himself;  but  he  had  an  advantage  allowed  in  no 
other  tribunal,  that  his  avowal  of  guilt,  when  accompanied  by  signs  of 
repentance,  exempted  him  from  punishment,  or  secured  a  great  mitigation 
of  its  rigor.  Twice  he  could  be  absolved  and  set  free,  on  satisfying  his 
judges  of  his  conversion  to  the  truth,  on  which  account  mercy  as  well  as 
justice  was  incribed  on  the  banner  of  the  Inquisition ;  but  after  reiterated 
relapses  they  could  no  longer  screen  him  from  the  penalties  of  the  law. 

The  use  of  the  torture  was  common  in  all  tribunals,  at  the  time  when 
the  Inquisition  was  established  :  hence  it  should  not  be  made  a  matter  of 
special  reproach,  particularly  by  the  admirers  of  the  ancient  Romans  and 
Greeks,  from  whom  it  passed  to  the  Christian  courts.  It  was  very  rarely 
resorted  to  in  this  tribunal;  and  only  in  cases  wherein  either  positive 
proof  or  strong  presumptive  evidence  of  guilt  existed.  In  the  edict  of 
2d  September,  1561,  it  was  qualified  as  a  dangerous  means,  to  be  employed 
only  in  extraordinary  cases.  It  could  not  be  used  unless  the  local  inqui- 
sitors were  unanimous  in  decreeing  it.  In  all  cases  of  disagreement,  the 
Council  of  the  Supreme  had  to  be  consulted,  whose  sanction  was  not  given 
unless  after  a  canonical  trial  by  twelve  jurors.*  The  accused  had  the 
right  of  appeal  to  the  Supreme  Council,  in  case  the  local  inquisitors  were 
unanimous,  who,  however,  might  neglect  the  appeal,  if  it  seemed  to  them 
wanton  and  groundless.  Llorente  acknowledges  that  the  decisions  of  the 
Council  were  generally  characterized  by  justice  and  clemency.  He  also 
confesses  that  the  torture  has  long  since  been  entirely  abandoned,  although 
the  prosecuting  attorney  continued  to  demand  its  application,  according  to 
an  ancient  formulary,  and  sometimes  every  preparation  was  made  to  apply 
it,  in  order  to  intimidate  the  culprit  into  an  avowal  of  the  truth.f 

The  treatment  of  the  prisoners  was  humane :  their  cells  were  lightsome 
and  airy,  and  with  ground  attached  to  them  for  exercise ;  not  deep,  damp 
dungeons,  as  novelists  are  wont  to  imagine.  Chains  were  never  used, 
unless  to  restrain  some  one  who  appeared  bent  on  self-destruction.  All 
this  is  testified  by  Llorente,J  notwithstanding  his  desire  to  represent  the 
institution  in  the  worst  possible  light.  Puigblanch  is  also  compelled  to 
acknowledge  the  attention  which  was  paid  to  the  comforts  of  the  prisoners, 
some  of  whom  were  attended  by  their  own  domestics.  § 

Although  the  Inquisition  left  no  means  untried  to  discover  the  guilt  of 
persons  denounced  to  it  as  entertaining  heretical  sentiments,  yet  it  had 
the  strictest  regard  to  truth  and  justice.  It  was  a  formidable  tribunal, 
because  it  thoroughly  sifted  every  charge  and  testimony :  weighed  every 

*  Llorente,  Histoire  Critique,  vol.  ii.  ch.  xiv.  art.  iii.  \  xv. 
f  Ibidem,  vol.  i.  ch.  ix.  art.  vii.  %  Ibidem,  art.  iv. 

g  History  of  the  Inquisition,  1.  ii.,  ch.  xviii. 


360  THE   INQUISITION. 

expression  and  act,  and,  without  deference  to  rank,  wealth,  learning,  or 
other  qualifications,  extended  its  searching  power  to  all  classes,  penetrated 
the  most  secret  recesses,  and  struck  with  its  awful  penalties  all  whom  it  found 
tainted  with  heresy.  The  meek  vestals  were  reponsible  for  the  hasty  ex- 
pressions of  confidential  communication  in  their  deep  solitudes — the  learned 
professors  had  to  answer  at  its  bar  for  the  opinions  delivered  to  their  pupils 
— the  fervid  preachers,  whose  zeal  won  multitudes  to  the  faith,  were  called 
on  to  explain  some  inaccuracy  of  language  in  an  extemporaneous  burst  of 
eloquence  :  and  even  Spain's  own  primate,  Carranza,  was  its  prisoner,  and 
almost  its  victim.  The  holiest  men  could  not  entirely  escape  unscathed. 
St.  Ignatius  of  Loyola,  St.  John  of  God,  St.  Joseph  Calasanctius,  John 
D'Avila,  and  many  others  most  sound  in  faith,  fell  under  suspicion.  Had 
it  only  watched  with  jealousy  over  the  integrity  of  doctrine,  and,  with  the 
rod  of  ecclesiastical  censures,  driven  from  the  temple  the  false  and  faith- 
less, it  would  have  deserved  the  commendation  of  all  the  friends  of  reli- 
gion ;  but  I  cannot  contemplate  without  feelings  of  horror  the  flames 
which  consumed  the  impenitent  sectary.  If  humanity  shudders  at  every 
execution,  however  necessary  for  public  safety,  the  punishment  inflicted 
in  the  name  of  religion  on  the  most  criminal  fanatic  awakes  a  still  deeper 
feeling.  It  is  not  Voltaire  alone  that  states,  that  "after  the  conquest  of 
Granada,  the  Inquisition  throughout  all  Spain  displayed  an  activity  and 

severity  which   never  characterized  the    ordinary  tribunals The 

Popes  had  erected  the  ordinary  tribunals  through  policy,  and  the  Spanish 
inquisitors  stained  them  by  their  barbarity/'*  Cardinal  Baluffi  avows 
that  "  their  proceedings  caused  grief  and  shame  to  the  Koman  Inquisition, 
and  excited  the  horror  of  all  nations."*}" 

The  number  of  sufferers  cannot  be  ascertained,  since  many  of  the  re- 
cords have  been  destroyed  by  Llorente  and  others,  who  prefer  estimates  to 
statistics,  and,  without  any  regard  to  facts,  indulge  the  most  extravagant 
calculations.  If  the  estimate  of  two  thousand  mentioned  by  MarianaJ  be 
correct,  as  the  number  of  those  who  suffered  during  the  administration 
of  Torquemauda,  it  is  indeed  awful :  but  Llorente  deceives  his  readers 
when  he  leads  them  to  suppose  that  these  were  executed  in  the  city  of 
Seville,  in  a  single  year,  and  makes  it  the  basis  of  other  estimates.  Pres- 
cott  discovers  the  trick,  and  yet  exculpates  its  author  from  any  wilful  ex- 
aggeration, remarking,  however,  that  "one  might  reasonably  distrust 
Llorente's  tables,  from  the  facility  with  which  he  receives  the  most  im- 
probable estimates  in  other  matters. "§  The  multitude  of  the  early  suf- 
ferers is  accounted  for  by  the  solicitude  of  the  Spanish  sovereigns  for  main- 
taining the  national  independence,  of  which  the  Judaizing  Christians  were 
the  secret  enemies.  ||  Don  Melchor  de  Macanaz,  a  statesman  high  in  the 

*  Essai  sur  1'Histoire  Generale,  t.  iv.  ch.  cxxxvi. 

t  L'America  una  volta  Spagnuola,  prefaz.  J  Historia  de  Espana,  1.  xxiv. 

$  History  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  vol.  iii.  ch.  xxvi.  part  ii.  n.  155. 

|j  See  Balmes,  Protestantism  and  Catholicity,  eh.  xxxvi. 


THE  INQUISITION.  361 

court  of  Philip  V.,  and  who  himself  had  suffered  from  the  action  of  the 
Inquisition,  subsequently  defended  it,  and  affirmed,  that  "  with  the  ex- 
ception of  very  few  cases  intended  to  stop  the  progress  of  Lutheranism  in 
the  reign  of  Philip  II.,  scarcely  three  persons  had  been  sentenced."* 
Puigblanch,  who  quotes  him,  denies  the  correctness  of  his  assertion,  and 
refers  to  the  auto-da-fe,  under  Charles  II.  The  actual  statistics  given  by 
Llorente  present,  indeed,  sixteen  sufferers  on  one  occasion,  in  many  others 
a  much  smaller  number;  but  even  three,  or  one,  are  too  many  not  to  ex- 
cite our  horror.  Philip  V.  did  himself  honor  by  refusing  to  assist  at  an 
exhibition  of  this  kind,  which,  happily,  was  extremely  rare  under  succeed- 
ing sovereigns.  It  is  proper  to  observe,  that  sodomites  were  sometimes 
the  subjects  of  this  punishment,  as  in  1506,  when  ten  of  them  were 
burned  at  Seville. f  Indeed  many  of  those  executed  were  convicted  of 
crimes  which  by  another  form  of  process  would  have  been  capitally  pu- 
nished in  every  civilized  state,  at  least  according  to  the  legislation  then 
prevailing.  Since  the  year  1781,  or  1783,  no  one  has  suffered  death 
under  the  operation  of  the  Spanish  Inquisition.  "  Most  of  the  sentences 
passed  for  the  last  fifty  years/'  says  Llorente,  writing  in  the  early  part  of  this 
century,  "  were  of  this  character/'  namely,  obliging  the  culprits  to  abjure 
their  errors  in  the  hall  of  the  Inquisition,  "  and  we  must  do  justice  to  the 
inquisitors  of  our  days,  by  stating,  that  with  th'e  exception  of  very  rare 
cases,  they  have  followed  a  system  of  moderation  which  does  them 
honor."J 

The  abolition  of  the  Spanish  Inquisition  was  decreed  by  Napoleon  on 
the  4th  December,  1808,  the  same  day  on  which  Madrid  capitulated. 
Ferdinand  VII.  restored  it  on  21st  July,  1814,  but  it  has  since  entirely 
ceased.  It  is  now  only  a  matter  of  history.  In  justice  to  the  illustrious 
nation  in  which  its  frightful  power  was  displayed,  we  must  take  into  con- 
sideration the  motives  which  impelled  the  inquisitors,  and  reconciled  the 
people  to  the  scenes  which  were  enacted.  Jealousy  of  national  indepen- 
dence in  the  early  stages  of  the  tribunal,  and  at  a  later  period  the  fear 
of  outbreaks  on  the  part  of  the  abettors  of  the  new  doctrines,  prompted 
the  inquisitors  to  take  effectual  measures  for  repressing  innovation,  and 
punishing  apostasy.  The  civil  wars  of  Germany  and  France  convinced 
the  Spanish  sovereigns  that  for  the  safety  of  their  dominions  they  must 
oppose  the  progress  of  the  Reformers,  on  which  account  they  wished  the 
Inquisition  to  exert  all  its  vigilance  to  discover  the  latent  elements,  which 
might  suddenly  explode  and  spread  destruction.  The  number  of  those 
who  suffered  was  doubtless  small,  if  compared  with  the  thousands  upon 
thousands  who  perished  in  bloody  strife  in  the  other  nations,  where  reli- 
gious feuds  armed  the  citizens  against  each  other.  In  the  judgment  of 
Paley,  "  the  slave-trade  destroys  more  in  a  year  than  the  Inquisition  does 

*  Critical  Defence  of  the  Inquisition,  quoted  in  Inquisition  Unmasked,  ch.  v. 
f  Llorente,  Histoire  Critique,  vol.  i.  ch.  x.  art.  iii.  g  i. 
J  Ibidem,  ch.  ix.  art.  xiii.  $  v. 


362  THE   INQUISITION. 

in  a  hundred,  or  perhaps  hath  done  since  its  foundation."*  If  recrimi- 
nation were  argument,  we  could  point  to  the  atrocities  committed  against 
Catholics,  to  force  them  to  abandon  the  faith  of  their  fathers  :  while  the 
power  of  the  Inquisition  was  employed  only  against  those  who  proved 
recreant  to  the  faith  which  they  had  once  professed. 


£  4.— ROMAN  INQUISITION. 

The  progress  of  the  new  opinions  awakened  the  zeal  of  Paul  III.,  whp, 
in  the  year  1543,  organized  a  Council  of  Cardinals,  under  the  title  of  the 
Congregation  of  the  Supreme  Inquisition.  Six  cardinals  originally  com- 
posed it,  to  whom  two  more  were  associated  by  St.  Pius  V.  They  are 
strictly  an  ecclesiastical  tribunal,  charged  with  the  affairs  regarding  the 
integrity  of  faith  throughout  the  world.  Hence  doctrinal  matters  are  re- 
ferred to  them  for  examination,  and  the  orthodoxy  of  clergymen  especially, 
whose  sentiments  may  be  called  in  question,  is  decided  by  their  judgment. 
The  Pope  is  Supreme  Inquisitor,  as  the  highest  guardian  of  faith.  The 
tribunal  has  no  temporal  attributions  out  of  the  Roman  States,  and  its 
action  within  them  is  very  circumscribed,  being  little  more  than  the  in- 
junction of  penitential  observances,  or,  in  some  cases,  imprisonment,  for 
crimes  against  religion,  in  connection  with  the  order  of  society.  The  pro- 
vidence of  God  permitted  its  archives  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  Napoleon, 
who  caused  them  to  be  transported  to  Paris;  but  nothing  has  ever  been 
brought  to  light  to  its  prejudice,  which,  as  Cardinal  Pacca  well  observes, 
shows  that  its  proceedings  were  found  unexceptionable.  Viscount  de 
Tournay,  who  was  prefect  of  Rome  under  Napoleon,  from  1810  to  1815, 
bears  testimony  to  "the  moderation  of  its  decisions,  and  the  gentleness  of 
its  proceedings/'  "  The  size  of  the  prisons/'  he  adds,  "  and  their  healthi- 
ness and  cleanliness,  are  a  proof  of  the  feelings  of  humanity  of  those  who 
preside  over  them."f  "  The  Inquisition/'  says  Count  de  Maistre,  "  is  of 
its  nature  good,  mild,  and  conservative  :  such  is  the  universal  and  indelible 
character  of  every  ecclesiastical  institution  :  you  see  it  at  Rome  :  you  will 
see  it  wherever  the  church  has  influence.  If  the  civil  power,  adopting 
this  institution,  thinks  proper  for  its  own  safety  to  render  it  more  severe, 
the  church  is  not  responsible. "J 

The  praise  of  moderation  is  justly  awarded  to  the  Roman  tribunal,  and 
the  efforts  of  the  Popes  have  been  constantly  directed  to  moderate  the 
action  of  the  Spanish  Inquisition.  Pontiffs,  whose  personal  character  was 
most  humane,  and  whose  piety  was  tender,  such  as  Nicholas  III.  and 
Pius  V.,  before  their  elevation,  exercised  the  office  of  Inquisitor,  and  used 
their  best  efforts  to  check  the  progress  of  heresy,  by  severity,  tempered 

*  Evidences  of  Christianity,  vol.  ii.  p.  2.  ch.  vii. 

f  Etudes  Statistiques,  vol.  ii.  p.  47. 

J  Lettres  sur  1'Inquisition  Espagnole,  let.  i. 


THE   INQUISITION.  353 

with  mercy :  yet,  while  theoretically  intolerant,  they  were  often  found  in 
practice  more  forbearing  and  indulgent  than  the  loud  advocates  of  uni- 
versal toleration.  Balmes  observes:  "The  Popes,  armed  with  a  tri- 
bunal of  intolerance,  have  not  spilled  a  drop  of  blood  :*  Protestants  and  phi- 
losophers have  shed  torrents.  What  advantage  is  it  to  the  victim  to  hear 
his  executioners  proclaim  toleration  ?  It  is  adding  the  bitterness  of  sarcasm 
to  his  punishment.  The  conduct  of  Rome  in  the  use  which  she  made  of 
the  Inquisition  is  the  best  apology  of  Catholicity  against  those  who  attempt 
to  stigmatize  her  as  barbarous  and  sanguinary."f  The  Reformers  most 
inconsistently  advocated  and  practised  intolerance,  while  they  maintained 
as  a  Christian  privilege  the  right  of  private  judgment.  Yet  it  is  undeniable 
that  the  whole  system  is  founded  on  the  principle  that  heresy  is  a  crime 
against  society,  punishable  by  the  civil  power.  This  was  formerly  held  to 
be  an  axiom.  Luther,  as  Limborch  observes, "  was,  indeed,  against  putting 
heretics  to  death,  but  for  almost  all  other  punishments  that  the  civil  ma- 
gistrate could  inflict,  and,  agreeably  to  this  opinion,  he  persuaded  the 
electors  of  Saxony  not  to  tolerate  in  their  dominions  the  followers  of 
Zuinglius,  in  the  opinion  of  the  sacrament,  because  he  esteemed  the  real 
presence  an  essential  or  fundamental  article  of  faith.  John  Calvin  was 
well  known  to  be  in  principle  and  practice  a  persecutor.  So  entirely  was 
he  in  the  persecuting  measures,  that  he  wrote  a  treatise  in  defence  of 
them,  maintaining  the  lawfulness  of  putting  heretics  to  death.  And  that 
by  heretics  he  meant  such  who  differed  from  himself,  is  evident  from  his  treat- 
ment of  Castellio  and  Servetus."J  His  followers,  above  a  century  after- 
wards, embodied  the  principle  in  their  confession  of  faith,  in  which  they 
profess  that  "  the  civil  magistrate  hath  authority,  and  it  is  his  duty,  to 
take  order  that  all  blasphemies  and  heresies  be  suppressed  ;"§  in  proof  of 
which  references  are  given  at  the  bottom  of  the  page  to  texts  of  the  old 
law,  which  prescribe  confiscation  of  goods,  banishment,  imprisonment,  and 
death.  The  National  Covenant  of  the  Kirk  of  Scotland,  republished  in 
Philadelphia  in  the  year  1838,  approves  of  the  sanguinary  laws  against 
Catholics  which  so  long  disgraced  the  English  statute-book,  and  contains 
an  oath  of  the  members  of  the  League,  to  resist  all  errors  and  corruptions 
according  to  their  vocation,  to  the  uttermost  of  that  power  which  God  had 
put  into  their  hands !  The  implied  avowal  of  such  principles  may  well 
occasion  surprise  here,  where  the  General  and  State  Constitutions  extend 
protection  to  all  citizens,  whatever  their  religious  views  may  be,  as  long 
as  they  do  not  violate  the  peace  of  society  or  commit  crimes  against 
public  morals. 

*  Some  few  executions  certainly  took  place,  as  that  of  Aonius  Palearius  in  1566,  and 
Giordano  Bruni  in  1600,  but  other  crimes  generally  concurred  with  heresy  to  provoke  the 
punishment. 

f  Protestantism  and  Catholicity  compared,  ch.  xxxvi. 

%  History  of  the  Inquisition,  Introd.,  p.  62. 

g  Westminister  Confession,  ch.  xxiii. 


364  THE  INQUISITION. 

Happily  for  mankind  and  for  religion,  the  ages  of  coercion  have  passed 
away,  and  men  are  now  left  to  worship  God  according  to  the  dictates  of 
their  own  conscience.  None  rejoice  more  than  Catholics  in  this  liberty, 
and  none  are  less  willing  to  see  it  abridged.  Although  we  hold  it  to  be 
necessary  to  believe  all  that  God  has  revealed,  and  to  obey  all  His  com- 
mandments, we  are  pleased  that  the  divine  truths  should  be  made  known 
only  by  the  preaching  of  the  Gospel,  and  that  obedience  should  be  secured 
by  the  promises  and  threats,  which  are  the  sanctions  of  revelation.  No 
principle  of  the  Catholic  Church  obliges  us  to  approve  of  coercion  in  mat- 
ters of  religion.  The  legislation  of  the  thirteenth  century  may  have  been 
rendered  necessary  by  the  ferocity  of  sectaries ;  but  now  that  civilization 
is  general,  and  order  and  law  prevail,  we  rejoice  that  the  Church  presents 
herself  without  any  adventitious  support,  that  the  homage  given  her  may 
be  not  only  free,  but  unsuspected.  It  seems  reserved  for  our  age  to  be- 
hold new  triumphs  of  religion,  when  men  who  prize  highly  their  civil 
rights,  and  spurn  restraint,  shall  yield  to  the  multiplied  evidences  by 
which  God  has  rendered  His  revelation  worthy  of  belief. 


C|e  Irimatg* 


PART  III. 
LITERARY  AND  MORAL  INFLUENCE. 


CHAPTER  I. 


REVELATION  enlightens  the  mind  by  the  communication  of  supernatural 
knowledge,  without  extinguishing  the  lesser  light  of  reason,  or  preventing 
the  exercise  of  the  natural  faculties.  It  must,  then,  be  useful  to  inquire 
how  far  the  chief  ministers  of  religion  have  contributed  to  the  develop- 
ment of  our  natural  powers  by  the  cultivation  of  letters,  science,  and  art, 
and  what  distinction  they  themselves  have  attained  to,  by  their  genius  and 
research.  The  question  of  the  primacy  is,  of  course,  entirely  independent 
of  these  considerations  ;  but  a  prejudice  is  raised  against  the  conclusion, 
as  if  it  necessarily  blunted  the  faculties  of  the  human  mind,  and  prevented 
their  legitimate  expansion.  Ignorance  and  mental  darkness  are  alleged  to 
be  the  results  of  submission  to  an  authority  which  undertakes  to  direct 
and  control  the  mind,  by  reducing  all  men  to  a  common  standard  of  belief. 
If  it  shall  appear  that  the  Roman  Pontiffs  were  generally  men  of  a  high 
order  of  intellect,  who  by  their  industry  and  talent  acquired  distinction, 
and  who  in  their  elevation  honored  and  patronized  learning,  it  will  effec- 
tually silence  those  who  clamor  against  them  as  enemies  of  mental  pro- 
gress. Nothing,  indeed,  is  clearer  in  history  than  that  they  were  generally 
superior  to  their  contemporaries  in  those  endowments  which  best  became 
their  office,  and  that  they  exerted  all  their  efforts  to  encourage  even  pro- 
fane literature,  but  still  more  sacred  science.  Although  our  Divine  Re- 
deemer chose  fishermen  for  His  apostles,  to  manifest  more  clearly  His  wis- 
dom and  power  by  the  success  of  their  preaching,  yet  He  did  not  exclude 
the  learned  and  wise  from  His  ministry.  Clement  of  Rome,  one  of  the 
earliest  successors  of  St.  Peter,  has  left  us  indubitable  evidence  of  learning 
and  eloquence,  in  his  powerful  epistle  to  the  Corinthians,  which,  seventy 
years  after  it  was  written,  continued  to  be  read  publicly  in  the  assemblies 
of  the  faithful,  with  veneration  almost  approaching  that  given  to  the  in- 
spired writings.  The  letters  of  St.  Cornelius  to  St.  Cyprian  are  composed 
in  a  pure  style,  and  with  the  dignity  which  became  the  chief  Bishop. 
Pope  Julius  wrote  with  force  and  propriety,  in  vindication  of  St.  Athana- 
sius.  Damasus  was  distinguished  for  his  learning  and  genius,  and  obtained 
praise  for  his  poetical  essays.  The  few  relics  that  have  been  preserved  of 
the  writings  of  the  Popes  of  the  first  four  ages,  give  us  a  high  opinion  of 
their  talents  and  acquirements,  and  make  us  regret  the  loss  of  the  other 

367 


368  PERSONAL   ATTAINMENTS. 

many  valuable  letters  which  were  addressed  by  them,  on  various  occasions, 
to  their  colleagues,  and  to  the  faithful  generally. 

It  is  unnecessary  to  state  that  the  pontifical  documents  of  the  fifth  age 
continued  to  be  distinguished  for  perspicuity  and  dignity,  without  any 
affectation  of  meretricious  ornament.  Leo  the  Great,  in  his  sermons,  has 
left  us  proofs  of  superior  eloquence ;  the  language  of  ancient  Rome  falling 
from  his  lips  with  something  of  the  majesty  and  power  with  which  Tully 
thundered  in  the  forum.  The  energy  of  his  diction,  as  well  as  the  sanctity 
of  his  office,  contributed  to  win  to  mercy  the  proud  Attila,  and  had  its 
share  in  the  moral  miracle,  by  which  the  triumphant  barbarian  was  stopped 
suddenly  in  his  march  toward  the  Eternal  city,  which  he  had  threatened  to 
lay  in  ruins.  Whoever  reads  the  work  of  Gregory  the  Great,  "  on  the 
Pastoral  Office,"  must  admire  the  simplicity  and  force  of  his  language,  the 
solidity  of  his  judgment,  and  his  acquaintance  with  the  difficult  science 
of  governing  men.  Although  he  may  not  claim  praise  for  profane  erudi- 
tion, or  elegance  of  style,  he  must  be  allowed  to  have  possessed  the  know- 
ledge which  best  suited  his  station,  and  to  have  expressed  his  sentiments 
impressively.  He  is  often  represented,  on  the  authority  of  a  writer  several 
centuries  posterior,  as  having  banished  mathematicians  from  his  palace,  and 
consigned  the  Palatine  library  to  the  flames.  This  statement,  even  by  the 
avowal  of  Gibbon,*  deserves  no  confidence ;  but,  were  it  certain,  it  would 
not  prove  his  hostility  to  learning,  since  astrologers  formerly  passed  under 
the  name  of  mathematicians ;  and  the  multitude  of  superstitious  works 
which,  doubtless,  filled  the  Palatine  library,  might  be  consumed  without 
much  detriment  to  the  republic  of  letters.  It  is,  however,  beyond  doubt 
that  he  reproved  Dedier,  Bishop  of  Vienne,  for  devoting  himself  to  the 
teaching  of  grammar,  by  which  he  seems  to  mean  the  classics,  and  declared 
that  the  praises  of  Jupiter  should  not  resound  from  a  mouth  consecrated 
to  God  ;f  but  this  can  only  imply  a  disapproval  of  such  studies  when  pur- 
sued to  the  prejudice  of  sacred  learning,  and  of  the  important  duties  of 
the  episcopate.  John  the  Deacon,  his  biographer,  in  language  that  savors 
of  hyperbole,  describes  the  favor  which  he  showed  to  learned  men  :  "  He 
was  surrounded  by  the  most  erudite  clergymen  and  religious  monks.  .  .  . 
Wisdom  seemed  at  that  time  to  have  built  for  herself  a  temple  at  Rome, 
and  to  have  raised  the  Apostolic  See  on  the  arts,  as  on  seven  most  precious 
columns.  None  of  the  attendants  of  the  Pontiff,  even  of  the  humblest 
class,  manifested  any  thing  uncouth  in  his  language  or  deportment ;  but 
the  Latin  language,  with  the  full  Roman  ornaments,  was  dominant  in  the 
palace.  The  various  arts  were  flourishing."^  Making  all  due  allowance 
for  the  bias,  or  contracted  views  of  the  writer,  which  may  have  led  him  to 
overrate  the  state  of  literature  at  the  Roman  court,  we  may  safely  say  that 
Gregory  was  no  enemy  of  polite  literature. § 

*  Decline  and  Fall,  vol.  v.  ch.  xlvi.  f  L.  xi.,  ep.  liv.,  ad  Desider.  ep.  Vien. 

J  Joan.  diae.  vit.,  1.  ii.  n,  xiii.  g  See  Tiraboschi  stor.  let.,  t.  iii.  1.  ii.  o.  ii. 


PERSONAL  ATTAINMENTS.  369 

In  consequence  of  the  inroads  of  the  northern  barbarians,  learning 
rapidly  declined  in  Italy  and  the  south  of  Europe  generally,  in  the  follow- 
ing centuries,  since  letters  could  not  be  easily  cultivated  amid  the  din  of 
arms.  The  Popes,  however,  continued  to  be  respectable  for  their  personal 
attainments,  and  to  show  special  esteem  for  those  who  applied  themselves 
to  literature.  Vitalian,  being  anxious  to  place  a  worthy  prelate  in  the  See 
of  Canterbury,  fixed  his  eyes  on  Adrian,  who  added  to  great  knowledge 
of  the  divine  Scriptures  a  familiar  acquaintance  with  the  Greek  and  Latin 
languages :  but  this  humble  monk  pleaded  bodily  infirmity,  to  escape  the 
burden.  At  his  instance,  Theodore,  of  Tarsus,  was  substituted  in  his 
stead,  who  was  even  still  more  distinguished  than  Adrian  for  sacred  and 
profane  learning. 

Pope  Agatho,  in  the  decline  of  the  seventh  century,  sent  bishops,  priests, 
and  others  of  inferior  rank,  as  legates  to  the  East,  to  assist  at  the  sixth 
Council,  with  letters  to  the  emperor,  in  which  he  said :  "  We  do  not  send 
them  as  if  to  display  their  knowledge;  for  who  can  expect  a  perfect  ac- 
quaintance with  the  Scriptures  in  men  that  live  in  the  midst  of  barbarians, 
and  with  great  distress  of  mind  procure  their  daily  subsistence  by  manual 
labour  ?  In  simplicity  of  heart  and  without  hesitation,  we  hold  the  doc- 
trines which  have  been  defined  by  our  Apostolic  predecessors,  and  by  the 
five  venerable  Councils,  and  the  faith  handed  down  from  our  fathers;  and 
we  ask  of  God,  as  a  special  grace,  that  we  may  keep  the  words  of  their 
definitions  and  their  meaning  unchanged,  without  adding  to  them,  or 
taking  from  them  any  thing.  We  have  furnished  these  legates  with  some 
texts  of  the  fathers,  whom  this  Apostolic  See  venerates,  and  with  their 
books,  which,  if  you  wish,  they  will  show  you,  to  explain,  not  with  the 
ornaments  of  worldly  eloquence,  of  which  they  are  destitute,  but  in  the 
sincerity  of  that  religion  which  we  have  learned  from  our  infancy,  the  faith 
of  this  Apostolic  Church,  your  spiritual  mother."*  This  beautiful  apology 
for  the  simple  faith  of  those  times  should  be  remembered  by  those  who 
ascribe  the  introduction  of  novelties  to  the  ignorance  of  the  Middle  Ages. 
In  the  literary  obscurity  in  which  the  successors  of  Peter  found  them- 
selves, they  held  fast  to  the  tradition  of  their  fathers,  being  careful  to  add 
nothing  to  it,  and  suffering  nothing  to  be  taken  away. 

Notwithstanding  the  decline  of  secular  learning,  the  Popes  continued  to 
be  distinguished  for  the  study  of  the  sacred  Scriptures,  which  is  mentioned 
in  commendation  of  Leo  II.,  Benedict  II.,  John  VI.,  and  John  VII.  The 
superior  attainments  of  Eastern  clergymen,  when  the  West  was  overrun 
by  barbarians,  caused  several  of  them  successively  tf>  be  elevated  to  the 
Apostolic  See ;  it  being  the  fixed  sentiment  of  all,  that  the  ruler  of  the 
Church  should  be  distinguished  by  the  ornaments  of  literature,  as  well  as 
by  his  virtues.  Gregory  III.,  a  Syrian,  and  Zachary,  a  Greek,  both  of 


*  Cone.  Mansi,  torn.  xi.  col.  235.     Act.  iv.,  Cone.  Constant,  iii. 
24 


370  PERSONAL  ATTAINMENTS. 

them  well  acquainted  with  the  Greek  and  Latin  languages,  occupied  the 
chair  of  Peter  toward  the  middle  of  the  eighth  century. 

In  the  decline  of  the  same  century,  Hadrian  I.,  a  Roman,  governed  the 
Church.  His  reply  to  the  Caroline  books  affords  evidence  of  much  erudi- 
tion, and  still  greater  reasoning  powers.  Leo  III.  has  gained  praise  as  a 
patron  of  learning.  The  visit  of  Charlemagne  to  Rome,  during  his  pon- 
tificate, led  the  prince  to  form  a  high  idea  of  the  importance  of  letters. 
"The  ruins  of  Rome,"  as  Voltaire  avows,  "furnished  all  things  to  the 
West,  which  was  still  in  an  embryo  state.  Both  Alcuin  the  Englishman, 
who  at  that  time  enjoyed  celebrity,  and  Peter  of  Pisa,  who  instructed 
Charlemagne  in  the  rudiments  of  grammar,  had  studied  at  Rome."* 

The  genius  and  piety  of  Sergius  II.,  when  a  boy,  attracted  the  notice 
of  Leo,  who  attended  to  his  education,  and  thus  prepared  a  worthy  occu- 
pant for  the  Papal  chair.  St.  Nicholas  I.  possessed  learning  and  eloquence 
far  beyond  his  contemporaries.  Stephen  VI.  left  after  him  a  discourse 
abounding  in  Scriptural  quotations,  which  were  the  food  with  which  his 
soul  was  nourished,  and  which  he  distributed  to  his  spiritual  children. 

After  a  dark  and  dreary  interval,  in  which  ignorance  and  vice  contended 
for  the  sway,  Gerbert,  a  Frenchman,  of  great  mechanical  genius,  and  of 
much  erudition,  occupied  the  Holy  See,  at  the  close  of  the  tenth  century, 
under  the  name  of  Sylvester  II.  Hallam  describes  him  as  a  man  "  who, 
by  an  uncommon  quickness  of  parts,  shone  in  very  different  provinces  of 
learning,  and  was,  beyond  question,  the  most  accomplished  man  of  the 
dark  ages."  He  "  displays,  in  his  epistles,  a  thorough  acquaintance  with 
the  best  Latin  authors,  and  a  taste  for  their  excellencies.  He  writes  with 
the  feelings  of  Petrarch,  but  in  a  more  auspicious  period. "t 

Alexander  II.,  the  pupil  of  the  learned  Lanfranc,  did  honor  to  his  sta- 
tion by  his  learning,  and  showed  his  gratitude  and  esteem  for  his  professor, 
by  rising  to  embrace  him,  when,  as  Metropolitan  of  Canterbury,  he  pre- 
sented himself  to  do  homage.  Lest  the  bystanders  should  be  astonished 
at  this  departure  from  the  ordinary  rules  of  court  etiquette,  the  Pope  ob- 
served that  it  was  a  scholar  who  greeted  his  master. 

The  history  of  Nicholas  Breakspere,  an  English  boy,  is  full  of  interest. 
After  his  father  had  entered  a  monastery,  the  youth  was  wont  to  present 
himself  at  the  convent-gate  asking  for  bread;  which  led  the  father  to 
chide  him  for  neglecting  to  procure  it  by  his  industry.  Stung  by  the 
reproach,  he  crossed  the  seas,  and  tried  his  fortune  at  a  monastery  of 
Regular  Canons,  in  France,  where,  by  the  performance  of  every  humble 
office,  he  earned  his  support,  and  by  his  pleasing  manners  gained  favor. 
Being  received  among  the  inmates,  he  applied  himself  to  sacred  studies 
with  great  success,  and  attained  to  offices  of  much  distinction ;  until,  at 
length,  he  was  raised  to  the  Apostolic  throne,  under  the  title  of  Adrian  IV. 

*  Loix  et  usages  du  temps  de  Charlemagne,  ch.  xv. 
f  Literature  of  Europe,  ch.  i.  n.  78. 


PERSONAL   ATTAINMENTS.  371 

Alexander  III.  was  professor  of  sacred  Scripture  in  the  University  of 
Bologna,  before  his  promotion  to  the  pontifical  chair.  Of  the  learning 
and  vigorous  intellect  of  Innocent  III.,  it  were  superfluous  to  speak,  since 
his  letters  and  other  writings  fully  attest  them.  John  XX.  was  styled 
"  a  general  clerk/'  because  he  was  familiar  with  all  the  branches  of  learn- 
ing which  were  then  taught.  He  attained  to  special  distinction  in  the 
science  of  medicine.  Boniface  VIII.  was  the  most  eminent  jurist  of  his 
age. 

The  early  career  of  Benedict  XI.  was  not  unlike  that  of  Adrian  IV. 
Being  of  humble  parentage,  it  was  not  without  difficulty  that  he  procured 
the  facilities  of  learning ;  of  which  he  soon  availed  himself  to  teach  other 
youths  the  rudiments  of  education,  that  he  might  gain  a  subsistence,  and 
have  means  of  further  advancement.  He  subsequently  entered  into  the 
order  of  St.  Dominic,  and  passed  rapidly  forward,  until,  by  his  perse- 
vering genius,  he  reached  the  goal  of  ecclesiastical  preferment. 

The  surname  of  Fournier,  that  is,  Baker,  was  given  to  a  French  boy, 
whose  father  followed  that  trade.  The  laudable  ambition  of  the  son  led 
him  to  Paris,  where,  at  the  University,  he  bore  away  from  youths  of  nobler 
birth  the  rewards  of  literary  merit.  He  afterward  wore  the  tiara,  under 
the  name  of  Benedict  XII. 

In  the  great  schism  which  convulsed  the  West  at  the  close,  of  the  four- 
teenth and  beginning  of  the  fifteenth  century,  a  man  of  high  reputation 
for  learning  and  sanctity  was  chosen  in  an  assembly  of  cardinals  and  bishops 
at  Pisa,  as  the  fittest  to  heal  the  breach.  He  assumed  the  name  of  Alex- 
ander V.  His  early  history  is  that  of  a  beggar-boy,  in  whose  sparkling 
eye  a  Franciscan  friar  discovered  the  corruscations  of  genius.  He  proved 
worthy  of  his  discerning  patron  by  the  success  with  which  he  cultivated 
sacred  studies. 

Pius  II.  ranks  high  among  his  Italian  countrymen  as  a  scholar  and  his- 
torian. Taste,  discernment,  and  laborious  research,  gained  for  him  this 
distinction.  Sixtus  IV.,  who  is  said  to  have  been  the  son  of  a  fisherman, 
acquired  a  familiarity  with  the  Greek  language,  under  the  instruction  of 
the  celebrated  Bessarion.  He  had  filled  the  chair  of  professor  of  phi- 
losophy in  the  most  famous  universities  of  Italy,  before  he  wore  the  triple 
crown. 

It  is  unnecessary  to  enumerate  the  many  learned  Pontiffs  who,  during 
the  last  three  centuries,  have  adorned  the  Holy  See.  They  form  a  bright 
galaxy,  such  as  illumines  no  other  throne.  The  literary  qualifications  of 
the  whole  series  of  Popes  are  in  a  high  degree  respectable,  especially  when 
they  are  considered  in  reference  to  the  times  in  which  they  lived :  but 
their  services  to  literature  were  not  limited  to  their  personal  efforts.  They 
were  emphatically  its  patrons. 


CHAPTER  II. 

10  fr0m0U 

§  1.— LIBRARIES. 

THE  diligence  with  which  the  Popes  gathered  books  for  the  promotion 
of  sacred  studies,  is  truly  admirable.  From  the  number  of  quotations  in 
the  letter  of  Leo  the  Great  to  Leo  Augustus,  we  perceive  that  there  must 
have  been  a  large  collection  of  the  writings  of  the  fathers  at  his  command. 
St.  Hilary  enriched  the  Lateran  palace  with  two  libraries.  Stephen  V., 
toward  the  close  of  the  ninth  century,  gave  books  to  the  library  of  St. 
Paul's.  From  a  letter  of  Lupus,  Abbot  of  Ferrieres,  to  Benedict  III.,  it 
is  seen  that  Rome  was  considered  a  good  place  to  obtain  rare  and  valuable 
books.  The  abbot  asks  the  Pope  to  send  him  a  portion  of  the  commentary 
of  St.  Jerom  on  the  Prophet  Jeremiah,  which  was  wanting  in  the  libraries 
of  France  ;  as  also  the  books  of  Cicero  de  Oratore,  the  twelve  books  of 
the  institutes  of  Quintilian,  and  the  commentary  of  Donatus  on  the  come- 
dies of  Terentius.  From  this  request,  it  appears  that  the  monks  of  the 
ninth  century  could  relish  the  beauties  of  the  classical  authors,  and  that 
the  Pontiff  was  thought  likely  to  afford  facilities  for  studying  them.  Ger- 
bert,  who  was  afterward  Pope,  at  the  close  of  the  following  age,  in  a  letter 
to  a  friend,  assures  him  that  the  desire  of  books  was  great  in  every  city  of 
Italy,  and  that  a  large  number  of  persons  were  employed  in  transcribing. 
Victor  III.,  when  Abbot  of  Monte  Cassino,  occupied  his  monks  in  this 
useful  labor,  and  sought  after  rare  books,  to  add  them  to  his  collection. 

The  office  of  librarian  of  the  Roman  Church  was,  from  very  ancient 
times,  one  of  great  distinction,  usually  confided  to  a  cardinal.  The  im- 
mense Vatican  library  is  the  result  of  the  successive  efforts  of  the  Popes, 
who  never  abandoned  the  great  work  of  forming  this  literary  treasure. 
Nicholas  V.  so  far  surpassed  all  his  predecessors  in  his  successful  endea- 
vors to  collect  manuscripts,  that  he  is  justly  styled  its  founder.  Sixtus 
IV.  increased  its  treasures,  and  laid  them  open  to  the  public.  "  At  pre- 
sent the  Vatican  library  contains  3686  Greek,  18,108  Latin,  726  Hebrew, 
787  Arabic,  65  Persian,  64  Turkish,  459  Syriac,  71  Ethiopian,  18  Scla- 
vonic, 22  Indian,  10  Chinese,  80  Coptic,  13  Armenian,  and  2  Georgian 
manuscripts;  amounting  in  all  to  24,111,  the  finest  collection  in  the 
world;  which,  with  25,000  duplicates,  and  100,000  printed  volumes, 
make  a  total  of  149,494  volumes."* 

*  Rome,  Ancient  and  Modern,  by  Very  Rev.  Jeremiah  Donavan,  D.D.,  vol.  ii.  p.  491. 
372 


MEASURES   TO   PROMOTE   LEARNING.  373 


2  2.— SCHOOLS. 

The  selection  of  the  learned  Theodore  for  the  archiepiscopal  See  of 
Canterbury,  resulted  in  great  literary  advantages  to  England.  As  an  elo- 
quent writer  observes,  "  the  palace  of  Archbishop  Theodore,  and  the  mo- 
nastery of  Abbot  Adrian  became  normal  schools  for  all  the  kingdoms  of 
the  Heptarchy.  The  fire  of  emulation  which  they  enkindled,  soon  illu- 
minated the  entire  land,  extending  its  humanizing  influence  from  the  clois- 
ters to  the  fortress-castles  of  the  nobility,  and  to  the  courts  of  the  royal 
princes.  Even  the  Anglo-Saxon  ladies  became  inflamed  with  the  general 
enthusiasm  for  letters ;  and  their  accomplishments  and  classic  taste  may 
well  excite  the  surprise,  if  not  the  envy,  of  their  fair  descendants  of  the 
present  age.  l  They  conversed  with  their  absent  friends/  says  Dr.  Lin- 
gard,  '  in  the  language  of  ancient  Rome ;  and  frequently  exchanged  the 
labors  of  the  distaff  and  the  needle  (in  which  they  excelled)  for  the  more 
pleasing  and  more  elegant  beauties  of  the  Latin  poets/  "* 

When,  in  the  middle  of  the  eighth  century,  the  lamp  of  learning  burned 
dimly  in  Italy,  Stephen  III.  was  wont  to  assemble  around  him,  in  the 
Lateran  palace,  the  clergy  of  Rome,  to  hold  conferences  with  them  on  the 
Holy  Scriptures,  which  he  exhorted  them  to  study,  that  they  might  be 
able  to  refute  the  sophisms  of  unbelievers. 

Eugene  II.,  in  a  Roman  Council,  held  in  the  year  826,  enacted  several 
canons,  which  show  his  zeal  to  dissipate  the  ignorance  which  prevailed. 
Bishops  were  ordered  to  suspend  from  sacred  functions,  or,  if  necessary, 
to  depose  priests  ignorant  of  their  duty ;  and  metropolitans  were  required 
to  use  similar  severity  toward  their  suffragans.  Schools  were  to  be  opened 
in  cathedral  and  parish  churches,  and  wheresoever  else  they  might  be 
deemed  necessary.  "  We  have  heard,"  says  the  Pontiff,  "  that  in  some 
places  neither  teachers  are  found,  nor  is  any  regard  had  to  literary  pur- 
suits :  wherefore,  in  all  episcopal  residences,  and  among  the  people  sub- 
ject to  them,  and  in  other  places  in  which  it  may  be  necessary,  let  care 
and  diligence  be  used  by  all  means  to  appoint  teachers  and  instructors  who 
may  assiduously  teach  letters  and  the  liberal  arts,  and  the  holy  doctrines, 
since  the  divine  commandments  are  particularly  manifested  and  declared  in 
these  things."-)-  When  this  enactment  had  been  in  a  great  measure  de- 
feated by  the  general  distaste  for  learning,  Leo  IV.,  in  853,  contented 
himself  with  enjoining  the  study  of  the  Scriptures  and  ecclesiastical 
oifice :  "Although  teachers  of  the  liberal  arts  be  usually  scarce,"  he  ob- 
serves in  a  Roman  Council,  "let  there  be  at  least  a  professor  of  the  divine 

*  "Rome  as  it  was  under  Paganism,  and  as  it  became  under  the  Popes."  Very  Rev. 
Dr.  Miley,  who  is  known  to  be  the  author,  has  since  written  a  History  of  the  States  of 
the  Church,  over  his  proper  signature. 

f  Mansi,  col.  cone.,  t.  xiv.  col.  1008,  can.  xxxir. 


374  MEASURES   TO   PROMOTE   LEARNING. 

Scripture,  and  instructors  in  the  office  of  the  Church."*  There  was  a 
school  of  this  kind  in  the  Lateran  palace,  in  which  many  who  sat  on  St. 
Peter's  chair  received  their  education. 

St.  Gregory  VII.,  in  a  Roman  synod  held  in  1078,  charged  bishops  to 
see  that  schools  be  opened  in  the  churches  subject  to  their  jurisdiction. 
The  third  General  Council  of  Lateran,  under  Alexander  III.,  in  1179, 
insists  on  the  necessity  of  learning  for  bishops  and  priests,  and  orders  the 
poor  to  be  instructed,  for  which  purpose  a  master  must  be  employed  in 
each  cathedral  church,  to  teach  them  gratuitously;  it  desires  the  same  to 
be  done  in  monasteries  and  other  churches.  No  fee  is  to  be  received  for 
license  to  teach,  which  must  be  granted  on  demand  to  every  person  who 
is  duly  qualified.  In  cathedrals,  a  divine  was  to  be  emplo}red  in  instruct- 
ing the  younger  clergy  in  sacred  Scripture.  In  the  fourth  Council  of 
Lateran,  held  in  1215,  by  Innocent  III.,  it  was  decreed  that  each  bishop, 
with  the  concurrence  of  the  chief  clergy,  should  provide  a  Latin  teacher 
for  the  cathedral.  The  same  was  to  be  done  in  all  churches  that  possessed 
sufficient  income  to  support  the  burden.  The  Scriptures  were  to  be 
expounded  to  the  clergy  and  laity  by  a  divine  devoted  to  this  task. 
These  various  measures,  decreed  from  time  to  time,  and  enforced  with 
greater  or  less  success,  are  unequivocal  evidences  of  the  value  which 
the  Popes  always  attached  to  learning,  especially  to  the  study  of  the 
Scriptures. 

In  those  ages,  throughout  all  Christian  nations,  the  Pope  was  considered 
competent  to  bestow  literary  privileges,  since  civil  governments  concerned 
themselves  only  with  matters  regarding  the  public  peace  and  order. 
Hence  all  the  universities  of  Spain  and  France,  as  well  as  Italy,  relied  on 
some  papal  document  for  their  prerogatives.  One  of  the  chief  concessions 
was,  that  a  student  might  enjoy  the  revenues  of  a  Church  benefice, 
without  residing  at  the  place  where  it  was  situated,  when  his  absence  was 
occasioned  by  his  studies  at  a  University.  Another  exempted  students 
from  the  ordinary  tribunals,  and  assigned  special  judges  for  their  trial,  in 
case  they  were  accused  of  misconduct.  Thousands  crowded  the  halls  of 
the  University  of  Paris,  encouraged  by  the  advantages  which  it  offered, 
through  the  favor  of  the  Pontiffs.  The  Universities  of  Tolosa  and  Valentia, 
in  Spain,  proudly  traced  their  privileges  to  the  same  source ;  and  Lisbon 
acknowledged  herself  indebted  for  her  university  to  pontifical  munificence. 
Italy,  at  that  period,  wore  a  literary  crown  studded  with  many  bright 
gems.  The  ancient  schools  of  Pisa,  in  which  theology  and  canon  law 
were  taught  in  903,  rose  to  the  dignity  of  a  university.  Rome,  Milan, 
Pavia,  and  Florence,  each  had  a  similar  institution.  At  Fermo,  a  univer- 
sity was  opened  by  Boniface  VIII. ;  at  Perugia  by  Clement  V. ;  and  at 
Ferrara  by  the  ninth  Boniface.  The  University  of  Naples  had  the  honor 

*  Mansi.  col.  cone.,  t.  xiv.  col.  1014. 


MEASURES   TO   PROMOTE   LEARNING.  375 

of  the  early  training  of  St.  Thomas  Aquinas,  who  completed  his  course 
at  Paris.  Padua  for  a  time  rivalled  Bologna,  which,  with  her  celebrated 
professors,  and  ten  thousand  scholars,  enjoyed,  for  the  most  part,  an  un- 
disputed precedency  in  the  republic  of  letters.  The  multiplication  of 
literary  institutions,  filled  with  crowds  of  eager  students,  is  an  incontro- 
vertible proof  of  a  high  esteem  of  learning,  which  was  plainly  the  result 
of  the  reiterated  efforts  of  successive  Pontiffs.  The  light  which  long 
glimmered,  and  seemed  almost  extinct,  was  kindled  anew  by  their  breath, 
until  it  grew  into  a  flame,  illumining  the  nations  that  long  had  sat  in 
darkness. 


CHAPTER  III. 


To  some  it  has  appeared  that  the  universities  were  ill  calculated  to  pro- 
mote solid  learning,  and  served  only  for  the  vain  subtleties  of  scholastic 
disputation.  The  fact,  however,  is,  that  they  rendered  immense  service 
to  religion,  and  exercised  the  reasoning  faculties  in  such  a  manner  as  to 
prepare  the  human  mind  for  the  deeper  investigations  of  after  times,  when 
the  treasures  of  antiquity  were  laid  open. 

Divinity  was  not  originally  studied  in  most  of  the  universities,  Paris 

for  a  long  time  having  enjoyed  the  special  privilege  of  public  lectures  on 

that  subject.     The  youth  of  Italy  did  not  hesitate  to  cross  the  Alps  to 

hear  the  far-famed  professors  of  that  city  descant  on  the  sentences  of 

Peter  Lombard,  or,  at  a  later  period,  explain  the  summary  of  the  Angelic 

Doctor.      Bologna,  however,  and  other  universities,  were  afterward  al- 

lowed to  teach  the  same  sublime  science,  which  Clement  VI.  aptly  desig- 

nates, studium  sacrse  paginae,  the  study  of  sacred  Scripture.     The  holy 

volume  was  expounded  to  eager  youth  by  men,  who,  although  not  skilled 

in  the  original  languages,  or  familiar  with  classic  lore,  were,  nevertheless, 

competent  to  teach  accurately  the  revealed  doctrines,  and  to  guard  against 

theological  errors.     Whoever  will  take  the  pains  to  peruse  the  works  of 

St.  Thomas  Aquinas,  who  nourished  in  the  middle  of  the  thirteenth  cen- 

tury, will  not  consider  the  scholastic  study  of  divinity  a  mere  exercise  of 

vain  dialectics.     The  whole  counsel  of  God,  as  manifested  and  developed  in 

the  teaching  of  the  Church,  is  there  declared  and  sustained,  chiefly  by 

the  authority  of  sacred    Scripture,   although  occasionally  illustrated  by 

some  testimony  of  ancient  Christian  writers.     Reason   herself  is  intro- 

duced as  the  handmaid  of  revelation.     The  difficulties  which  the  pride  of 

man  presents  to  the  belief  of  divine  truth,  are  dissipated  by  a  powerful 

logic,  grounded  on  divine  authority.     The  searching  mind  of  the  Angelic 

Doctor  ventured  far  beyond  the  positive  doctrine  of  the  Church,  and  in- 

dulged in  probable  conjectures,  which  some  may  brand  as  idle  speculations, 

but  which  certainly  are  not  less  profitable  than  many  of  the  disquisitions 

of  men  of  science  in  later  times.     It  was  his  privilege  to  conceive,  almost 

with  the  clearness  of  intuition,  the  whole  revealed  doctrine,  and  to  com- 

prehend and  combine  the  sacred  oracles,  and  the  teachings  of  the  ancient 

fathers,  but  especially  to  fix  his  gaze  on  the  Divinity  with  a  steadiness 

scarcely  before  granted  to  an  uninspired  mortal.     In  the  language  of  the 

376 


MEDLEVAL    STUDIES.  377 

schools,  he  was  as  an  angel  admitted  to  view  the  glory  of  the  Deity,  and 
appointed  to  unfold  to  men  His  counsels.  Recent  Anglican  writers  have 
termed  him  "  the  great  prophet  of  the  Church/'  since  his  mind  seems  to 
have  grasped  in  its  vision  the  secrets  of  futurity,  namely,  the  objections 
which  sectaries  in  after  ages  would  make  to  the  divine  doctrines.  The 
Popes,  in  commending  his  works,  showed  not  only  their  zeal  for  accurate 
and  precise  views  of  doctrine,  but  their  just  appreciation  of  the  admirable 
method  and  deep  reasoning  of  this  most  eminent  theologian.  "  The 
Summa  Theologiae,"  says  a  writer  in  'the  British  Critic,  "  is  a  mighty  syn- 
thesis, in  which  Catholic  doctrine  is  bound  together  in  one  consistent 
whole/7  "It  was  reserved  for  St.  Thomas  Aquinas  to  survey  at  one 
glance  the  whole  of  Christian  truth  as  it  had  been  developed  in  former 
ages,  and  to  point  out  the  relative  bearings  of  the  mighty  mysteries  to 
each  other."* 

I  cannot  vindicate  with  the  same  confidence  the  homage  rendered  to 
Aristotle  by  the  schools  of  the  Middle  Ages ;  yet,  although  blind  defer- 
ence for  the  dicta  of  the  Stagyrite  may  have  prevented  the  advancement 
of  science,  it  cannot  be  thought  that  the  study  of  his  works,  which  are 
learned  and  profound,  was  in  itself  favorable  to  mental  inertness.  Urban 
IV.  deserved  well  of  mankind  for  laboring  to  revive  philosophy,  which  for 
ages  had  been  neglected.  He  enjoined  on  St.  Thomas  Aquinas  to  write 
commentaries  on  Aristotle,  that  the  student  of  his  works  might  not  imbibe 
any  error  contrary  to  the  doctrine  of  the  sublime  Master  of  Christians. 
The  schools  that  admitted  his  authority,  corrected  his  ethics  by  the  maxims 
of  the  Gospel,  and  failed  not  to  adore  the  Christian  mysteries,  notwith- 
standing the  abstruseness  or  erroneousness  of  his  metaphysical  views.  His 
sway,  however,  was  that  of  an  absolute  monarch,  in  the  realms  of  natural 
science.  He  was  heard  as  an  oracle,  when  he  should  only  have  been  looked 
on  as  a  guide ;  and  the  student,  who  should  have  sought  to  penetrate  further 
into  the  recesses  of  nature,  fancied  he  had  reached  the  goal  when  he  had 
understood  what  Aristotle  had  revealed  of  her  secrets. 

It  might  be  a  matter  of  just  exultation,  that  this  excessive  regard  for 
individual  authority  has  given  place  to  a  spirit  of  inquiry,  which  assumes 
nothing,  and  rests  only  on  demonstration  and  experience,  had  not  skepti- 
cism succeeded  faith;  the  temerity  of  man  extending  the  philosophic 
doubt  to  the  very  axioms  of  natural  right,  and  to  mysteries  divinely  re- 
vealed. A  heathenish  system,  which  abstracts  from  the  fact  that  God  has 
spok'en,  and,  with  the  glimmering  light  of  reason,  scrutinizes  the  depths 
of  His  nature  and  works,  has  taken  the  place  of  the  old  philosophy;  and 
men  fancy  themselves  enlightened  and  intellectual,  in  proportion  as  they 
are  destitute  of  the  certain  conviction  of  revealed  truth.  The  whole 
structure  of  religion  is  placed  by  many  on  the  sandy  foundation  of  natural 
reason,  unassisted  and  unenlightened. 

*  Number  Ixv.,  p.  110,  111. 


378  MEDIEVAL  STUDIES. 

Whatever  may  be  thought  of  the  philosophy  of  the  Middle  Ages,  we 
should  not  forget  that  the  great  science  of  legislation,  both  ecclesiastical 
and  civil,  was  then  effectually  cultivated  and  promoted.  The  Popes,  by 
their  decrees  on  various  cases  submitted  to  their  judgment,  and  the  Coun- 
cils of  Bishops,  combining  their  wisdom  to  remedy  prevailing  disorders 
and  promote  piety,  had  gradually  formed  a  vast  code  of  laws,  of  which 
collections  had  been  made  by  various  persons  in  the  East  and  West ;  but 
it  was  reserved  for  Gratian,  a  Benedictine  monk,  in  the  middle  of  the 
twelfth  century,  to  classify  them,  and  adapt  them  to  the  use  of  students. 
This  decree  of  Gratian,  as  the  collection  of  canons  has  been  rather 
strangely  styled,  was  designed  especially  for  the  University  of  Bologna,  to 
which  the  Popes  likewise  were  thenceforward  accustomed  to  address  the 
subsequent  collections.  Those  only  who  are  unacquainted  with  the  Canon 
Law  can  speak  disparagingly  of  it.  The  Scripture  is  its  foundation ;  the 
fathers  of  the  Church  have  furnished  many  of  its  axioms;  and  its  rules 
are  the  fruits  of  the  experience  of  ages.  It  combines  persuasion  with  au- 
thority, equity  with  law,  and  a  due  regard  for  forms  with  an  inviolable 
respect  for  justice  and  right.  It  throws  its  shield  over  the  humblest  in- 
dividuals, and  bears  aloft  its  mace  to  awe  the  proud.  It  tempers  the 
exercise  of  power  by  the  spirit  of  charity,  sustains  dignity^-without  foster- 
ing pride ;  and,  in  the  great  variety  of  orders  and  offices  throughout  the 
Universal  Church,  presents  a  compact  hierarchy,  bound  together  by  mys- 
terious ties  in  indivisible  unity.  By  encouraging  this  study,  it  is  manifest 
that  the  Popes  proved  themselves  the  friends  of  order  and  justice,  and  took 
from  the  exercise  of  ecclesiastical  authority  all  appearance  of  arbitrary 
power. 

In  order  to  promote  true  liberty,  which  needs  the  salutary  restraint  of 
law,  the  Popes  promoted  the  study  of  civil  jurisprudence.  The  founda- 
tions of  social  order  were  laid  in  various  enactments  directed  to  maintain 
natural  rights,  and  to  restrain  violence,  by  the  censures  of  the  Church  : 
but  it  was  their  earnest  desire  to  see  the  social  fabric  rise  in  just  propor- 
tions, on  the  pillars  of  law;  for  which  end  they  exerted  their  utmost  influ- 
ence to  introduce  everywhere  its  study.  The  civil  law,  as  we  are  wont  to 
designate  the  code  used  in  the  Roman  empire,  had  been  neglected  and 
forgotten  during  the  tumult  and  wars  consequent  on  its  dissolution,  and 
usages  derived  from  barbarian  ancestors  were  the  only  rules  of  conduct 
acknowledged  by  the  races  that  were  spread  over  the  greater  part  of 
southern  Europe.  It  was  revived  in  the  Italian  universities,  especially  in 
Bologna,  where  professors  of  great  celebrity  unravelled  its  intricacies  with 
untiring  ingenuity.  Hallain  observes :  "  The  love  of  equal  liberty  and 
just  laws  in  the  Italian  cities,  rendered  the  profession  of  jurisprudence  ex- 
ceedingly honorable ;  the  doctors  of  Bologna  and  other  universities  were 
frequently  called  to  the  office  of  podesta,  or  criminal  judge,  in  those  small 
republics ;  in  Bologna  itself  they  were  officially  members  of  the  smaller  or 
secret  council ;  and  their  opinions,  which  they  did  not  render  gratuitously, 


MEDLEVAL   STUDIES.  379 

were  sought  with  the  respect  that  had  been  shown  at  Rome  to  their  ancient 
masters  of  the  age  of  Severus."* 

Innocent  IV.,  although  he  discountenanced  the  study  of  the  civil  law 
by  clergymen,  as  likely  to  occasion  the  neglect  of  the  more  necessary 
qualifications  for  the  sacred  ministry,  directed  schools  of  law  to  be  opened 
at  Rome,  and  founded  at  Placentia  a  university,  in  which  it  was  specially 
taught.  Padua  also  was  for  some  time  the  successful  rival  of  Bologna  in 
this  science.  The  Cesarean  code  is  acknowledged  to  contain  the  most  just 
arrangement  of  the  family  and  social  relations ;  and  if  in  any  case  its  pro- 
visions were  found  severe,  the  mild  spirit  of  the  Church  tempered  its  rigor, 
in  the  name  of  equity.  Thus  the  confusion  necessarily  arising  from  the 
undefined  customs  of  nations  emerging  from  barbarism  was  remedied ; 
and,  instead  of  a  variety  of  laws,  usages,  and  tribunals,  which  threatened 
society  with  anarchy,  the  beauty  and  order  of  a  comprehensive  code  were 
exemplified  in  all  the  relations  of  life. 

It  was  the  wish  and  endeavor  of  several  Popes  to  introduce  into  the 
universities  the  study  of  the  Greek  and  Oriental  languages.  Long  before 
the  establishment  of  these  institutions,  they  had  labored  to  promote  the 
study  of  Greek,  in  order  more  effectually  to  knit  together  the  two  great 
portions  of  the  Church.  Paul  I.,  about  the  year  766,  erected  a  monastery 
for  monks  of  the  Greek  rite.  Stephen  IV.,  in  816,  founded  for  them  the 
monastery  of  St.  Praxedes ;  and  Leo  IV.  introduced  them  into  the  monas- 
tery of  St.  Stephen.  Mills  bears  testimony  to  the  efforts  of  Honorius  IV., 
after  the  example  of  his  predecessors,  to  promote  the  study  of  the  Oriental 
tongues  :  "  In  the  year  1285,  Pope  Honorius  IV.,  in  his  design  to  convert 
the  Saracens  to  Christianity,  wished  to  establish  schools  at  Paris,  for  the 
tuition  of  people  in  the  Arabic  and  other  Oriental  languages,  agreeably  to 
the  intentions  of  his  predecessors.  The  Council  of  Vienne,  in  1312, 
recommended  the  conversion  of  the  infidels,  and  the  re-establishment  of 
schools,  as  the  way  to  recover  the  Holy  Land.  It  was  accordingly  ordered 
that  there  should  be  professors  of  the  Hebrew,  Chaldaic,  and  Arabic 
tongues  in  Rome,  Paris,  Oxford,  Bologna,  and  Salamanca;  and  that  the 
learned  should  translate  into  Latin  the  best  Arabic  books."f  Mills,  in- 
deed, states  that  these  measures  were  not  effectually  followed  up ;  but  this 
detracts  nothing  from  the  merit  of  the  Popes  who  devised  them,  and  who, 
but  for  the  difficulties  of  the  times,  would  have  urged  their  execution. 
"  The  Roman  Pontiffs,"  as  Tiraboschi  observes,  "  used  every  possible 
means  to  rescue  men  from  ignorance,  and  probably  would  have  done  much 
more,  had  the  sad  state  of  the  times  allowed  it ;  which  was  the  cause  of 
their  not  deriving  that  abundant  fruit  from  their  efforts  which  in  better 
times  they  might  have  reaped."  J 

*  Hallani,  Literature  of  Europe,  ch.  i.  n.  68. 
f  History  of  the  Crusades,  ch.  xv.  p.  211.     Note. 
Storia  della  Letteratura  Italiana,  t.  iv.  1.  i.  p.  36. 


380  MEDLEVAL   STUDIES. 

The  partial  revival  of  learning,  as  well  as  the  great  advances  toward 
social  order,  in  the  eleventh  and  succeeding  centuries,  may  be  traced  to 
the  efforts  of  the  Popes,  who  sought,  in  every  possible  way,  to  establish 
law  and  order,  and  to  promote  every  study  that  could  improve  the  mind. 
This  is  virtually  admitted  by  Hallam,  who  ascribes  to  Italy  generally  this 
intellectual  and  social  renovation,  which  was  in  reality  the  work  of  the 
Pontiffs.  ll  It  may  be  said  with  some  truth,"  he  remarks,  f(  that  Italy 
supplied  the  fire,  from  which  other  nations  in  this  first,  as  afterward  in  the 
second  era  of  the  revival  of  letters,  lighted  their  own  torches.  Lanfranc, 
Anselra,  Peter  Lombard,  the  founder  of  systematic  theology,  in  the  twelfth 
century ;  Irnerius,  the  restorer  of  jurisprudence ;  Gratian,  the  author  of 
the  first  compilation  of  canon  law ;  the  school  of  Salerno,  that  guided 
medical  art  in  all  countries :  the  first  great  work  that  makes  an  epoch  in 
anatomy, — are  as  truly  and  exclusively  the  boast  of  Italy,  as  the  restora- 
tion of  Greek  literature,  and  of  classical  taste  in  the  fifteenth  century."* 
The  same  writer  justly  denies  that  in  the  thirteenth  century  learning  de- 
clined :  f<  In  a  general  view,"  he  says,  "  the  thirteenth  century  was  an  age 
of  activity  and  ardor,  though  not  in  every  respect  the  best  directed.  The 
fertility  of  the  modern  languages  in  versification ;  the  creation,  we  may 
almost  say,  of  Italian  and  English  in  this  period ;  the  great  concourse  of 
students  to  the  universities  ;  the  acute,  and  sometimes  profound,  reasoning 
of  the  scholastic  philosophy,  which  was  now  in  its  most  palmy  state ;  the 
accumulation  of  knowledge,  whether  derived  from  original  research  or  from 
Arabian  sources  of  information,  which  we  find  in  the  geometers,  the  phy- 
sicians, the  natural  philosophers  of  Europe ;  are  sufficient  to  repel  the 
charge  of  having  fallen  back,  or  even  remained  altogether  stationary,  in 
comparison  with  the  preceding  century."f  Of  the  period  between  1250 
and  1494,  he  says  :  "  It  is  an  age  in  many  respects  highly  brilliant ;  the 
age  of  poetry  and  letters,  of  art,  and  of  continual  improvement. "J 

"  It  is  a  most  childish  fancy,  certainly,"  observes  Dr.  Nevin,  "to  suppose 
that  the  revival  of  learning  began  properly  with  the  sixteenth  century.  It 
dates  at  least  from  the  eleventh  ;  and  there  is  abundance  of  evidence  that 
the  progress  made  between  that  and  the  age  of  the  Reformation  was  quite 
as  real  and  important  as  any  that  has  taken  place  since.  All  sorts  of 
learning  were  in  active  exercise  before  Protestantism  came  in,  to  share 
their  credit  with  the  Roman  Church.  So  in  the  case  of  criticism,  contro- 
versy, and  the  learned  languages,  Latin,  Greek,  and  Hebrew."§ 

*  Literature  of  Europe,  ch.  i.  n.  81,  vol.  i.  f  Literature  of  Europe,  ch.  i.  n.  86. 

J  Middle  Ages,  ch.  iii.  part  ii.  §  "Modern  Civilization."    M.  K,.,  March,  1851. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

f  ftttns. 

"  DANTE  and  Petrarch,"  Hallam  observes,  "  are,  as  it  were,  the  morn- 
ing stars  of  our  modern  literature."  The  taste  of  the  Italians  for  the  su- 
blime inspirations  of  poetry  was  manifested  on  the  appearance  of  the 
Divina  Commedia,  which  was  soon  adopted  as  a  text-book  in  the  Italian 
universities;  men  of  station  and  age,  as  well  as  the  young,  crowding  the 
halls  where  learned  professors  revealed  the  deep  thoughts  of  the  divine 
poet.  The  same  ardor  was  manifested  in  the  following  century.  Four 
hundred  hearers,  most  of  them  of  high  station  and  senatorial  rank,  at- 
tended the  class  of  Francis  Filelfo  at  Florence,  where  he  explained  Dante, 
in  the  time  of  Eugene  IV.,  who  invited  him  to  his  court,  to  reward  his 
learning  and  genius.  The  eagerness  of  the  Pontiff  to  honor  the  professor 
proves  his  liberal  encouragement  of  the  study,  although  Dante  had  treated 
some  of  his  predecessors  with  severity.  Nicholas  V.,  on  hearing  of  the 
arrival  of  Filelfo  at  Home,  on  his  way  to  Naples,  sent  for  him,  and  pressed 
him  to  accept  a  present  of  five  hundred  ducats  for  the  expenses  of  his 
journey.  "  Petrarch,"  says  Hallam,  "formed  a  school  of  poetry,  which, 
though  no  disciple  comparable  to  himself  came  out  of  it,  gave  a  character 
to  the  taste  of  his  country.  He  gave  purity,  elegance,  and  even  stability 
to  the  Italian  language — and  none  have  denied  him  the  honor  of  having 
restored  a  true  feeling  of  classical  antiquity  in  Italy,  and  consequently  in 
Europe."*  ;  Such  was  the  man  on  whom  the  laurel  crown  was  bestowed 
in  the  Roman  capitol  in  the  year  1341.  Clement  VI.  and  Urban  V.  gave 
him  marks  of  their  favour,  and  invited  him  to  Avignon.  Gregory  XI. 
offered  him,  in  his  declining  age,  whatever  could  relieve  or  solace  him. 
This  is  the  more  remarkable,  as  the  poet  was  known  to  have  satirized  the 
papal  court.  It  proves  that  genius  had  charms  for  the  Popes,  which  made 
them  view  its  aberrations  with  indulgence. 

The  favor  shown  to  poets  is  manifest  from  many  facts.  Nicholas  V., 
with  his  own  hands,  placed  the  poet's  crown  on  Benedict  of  Cesena ;  and 
Callistus  III.,  in  a  Brief,  designated  Nicholas  Perotti  "  poet  laureat,"  and 
his  secretary.  The  union  of  the  office  of  papal  secretary  with  the  profes- 
sion of  poet  became  a  matter  so  usual,  that  poetry  seemed  to  be  a  title,  or 
qualification,  for  this  honorable  employment.  Music  gained  the  ear  of  the 

*  Literature  of  Europe,  ch.  i.  n.  46. 

381  , 


382  REVIVAL   OF   LETTERS. 

Popes  even  in  an  unrefined  age ;  since  Guy  of  Arezzo,  in  the  eleventh 
century,  had  scarcely  invented  the  gamut,  when  John  XIX.  insisted  that 
he  should  corne  to  Rome  to  teach  the  clergy.  Among  the  endowments 
of  various  Popes  their  knowledge  of  sacred  music  is  mentioned,  which, 
whatever  may  be  thought  of  its  imperfection,  denotes  the  taste  and  dili- 
gence of  those  who  cultivated  it. 

History  was  always  deemed  an  important  study.  It  exercised  the  dili- 
gence of  ecclesiastics,^ even  when,  from  the  want  of  documents  and  critical 
light,  they  were  unable  to  perform  the  task  with  success.  The  chroniclers 
of  the  Middle  Ages  are  not  without  their  claims  on  our  gratitude,  for  hav- 
ing recorded  the  events  of  their  own  times,  and  preserved  much  of  the 
history  of  the  past,  although  sometimes  disfigured  by  fables.  As  soon  as 
the  light  of  literature  beamed  anew  on  the  world,  the  Popes  drew  around 
them  men  of  deep  research  and  accurate  judgment,  who  labored  to  recover 
the  hidden  treasures  of  past  ages,  and  rescue  them  from  the  superincum- 
bent mass  of  fiction.  The  libraries  were  thrown  open  to  their  researches ; 
coins,  medals,  vases,  inscriptions,  statues,  and  other  monuments  of  anti- 
quity, were  dug  from  the  earth,  or  gathered  from  remote  regions,  at  the 
expense  of  the  Pontiffs,  and  every  encouragement  was  given  to  the  curious 
and  diligent  student,  in  his  efforts  to  retrace  the  progress  of  the  human 
race,  and  to  discover  the  manners  and  customs,  laws  and  polity  of  the  dif- 
ferent nations  of  antiquity.  Eugene  IV.  gave  to  Cyriacus  of  Ancona,  in 
his  researches,  every  facility  which  the  most  unbounded  munificence  could 
afford.  Biondo  Flavio,  the  historian,  was  secretary  of  the  same  Pontiff, 
and  of  three  of  his  successors.  "  His  long  residence  at  Rome  inspired 
him  with  the  desire,  and  gave  him  the  opportunity  of  describing  her  im- 
perial ruins.  In  a  work,  dedicated  to  Eugenius  IV.,  who  died  in  1447, 
but  not  printed  till  1471,  entitled  '  Romse.  Instauratse  libri  tres,'  he  de- 
scribes, examines,  and  explains,  by  the  testimony  of  ancient  authors,  the 
numerous  monuments  of  Rome.  In  another,  l Romse,  TriumpJiantis  libri 
decem,'  printed  about  1472,  he  treats  of  the  government,  laws,  religion, 
ceremonies,  military  discipline,  and  other  antiquities  of  the  republic.7'* 
Annius  of  Viterbo,  who,  although  charged  with  literary  imposture,  must 
be  acknowledged  to  have  shed  much  light  on  the  Egyptian,  Chaldean,  and 
Tuscan  antiquities,  was  made  Master  of  the  sacred  Palace,  by  Alexander 
VI.,  who,  by  this  and  other  acts,  proved  that  he  was  not  incapable  of  ap- 
preciating literary  merit.  Pius  II.  led  the  way  in  the  reform  of  historical 
narrative ;  and  in  the  history  of  his  own  times  gave  proof  of  great  discern- 
ment, deep  reflection,  and  elegant  taste. 

Eloquence  and  Belles  Lettres  were  cultivated  in  the  fifteenth  century, 
under  the  patronage  of  the  Popes,  who  invited  to  their  court  the  most 
eminent  professors.  George  of  Trebizond  was  called  to  Rome  by  Eugene 
IV.;  and  Laurentius  Valla  received  the  like  honorable  invitation  from 


Hallntn,  Literature  of  Europe,  1471-1480,  vol.  i.  ch.  iii.  n.  48. 


REVIVAL   OF   LETTERS.  333 

Nicholas  Y.  Cardinals  and  other  illustrious  strangers  thronged  the  halls 
of  the  University  of  Florence,  to  hear  Charles  Marsuppini  descant  on  the 
art  of  speaking.  Hermolaus  Barbaro,  John  Pico  de  la  Mirandola,  with 
others,  bright  ornaments  of  this  age,  prove  that  the  successful  cultivation 
of  Belles  Lettres  was  not  the  peculiar  privilege  of  the  sixteenth  century. 
"  The  Pope  nominated  Hermolaus  to  the  greatest  post  in  the  Venetian 
Church,  the  patriarchate  of  Aquileja."* 

The  revival  of  letters  was  by  more  than  a  hundred  years  anterior  to  the 
so-called  Reformation,  which  was  highly  injurious  to  literature.  The 
Tuscans,  by  their  innate  genius,  had  succeeded  in  cultivating  learning 
long  before  the  Greeks  sought  refuge  in  Italy.  "  Florence  was  already 
another  Athens,  and  among  the  orators  that  came  on  the  part  of  the  vari- 
ous cities  of  Italy  to  address  Boniface  VIII.,  on  his  elevation,  eighteen 
were  -Florentines.  We  see,  then,  that  the  revival  of  the  arts  is  not  owing 
to  the  refugees  from  Constantinople.  The  Greeks  could  teach  only  Greek 
to  the  Italians."!  "  It  is  probable,"  says  Hallam,  "  that  both  the  princi- 
ples of  this  great  founder  of  the  Reformation,  (Luther,)  and  the  natural 
tendency  of  so  intense  an  application  to  theological  controversy,  checked 
for  a  time  the  progress  of  philological  and  philosophical  literature  on  this 
side  of  the  Alps.";);  "  Erasmus,  after  he  had  become  exasperated  with 
the  Reformers,  repeatedly  charges  them  with  ruining  literature. "§ 

John  Malpaghino,  who,  toward  the  end  of  the  fourteenth  century,  taught 
Latin  at  Padua  and  Florence,  and  Gasparin  of  Barziza,  his  disciple,  gave 
the  example  of  a  pure  and  elegant  style.  "  This/'  says  Hallam,  "  is  the 
proper  era  of  the  revival  of  letters,  and  nearly  coincides  with  the  begin- 
ning of  the  fifteenth  century." ||  "It  was  from  Italy  that  the  light  of 
philological  learning  spread  over  Europe. "^f  Petrarch,  who  had  loved 
Malpaghino  as  a  son,  had  applied  himself  for  a  time  to  Greek,  but  not 
quite  successfully.  Boccaccio  had  succeeded  somewhat  better  in  that  study, 
which  in  the  following  century  became  so  general,  that  scarcely  an  aspirant 
to  the  reputation  of  learning  was  unacquainted  with  this  language.  What- 
ever may  have  been  the  causes  which  concurred  to  produce  the  enthusiasm 
with  which  it  was  pursued,  the  Popes  deserve  praise  for  having  encouraged 
it,  by  the  honors  which  they  bestowed  on  learned  Greeks,  and  on  others 
who  cultivated  the  language  with  success.  Chrysoloras,  after  having  dis- 
charged the  high  office  of  ambassador  from  the  Greek  emperor  to  the 
Western  powers,  yielded  to  the  solicitations  of  many  to  become  professor 
of  Greek  at  Florence,  and  afterward  in  various  other  Italian  universities. 
He  was  chosen  by  John  XXII.  as  his  ambassador  to  the  Council  of  Con- 
stance. The  elevation  of  Bessarion  to  the  purple,  may  be  regarded  as  a 
reward  for  his  zeal  in  accomplishing  the  reunion  of  the  Greeks  with  the 

*  Hallain,  Literature  of  Europe,  1471-1480,  vol.  i.  ch.  iii.  n.  116. 

f  Essai  sur  1'IIistoire  t.  ii.  ch.  Ixxviii. 

i  Hallam,  Literature  of  Europe,  1471-1480,  vol.  i.  ch.  iv.  n.  61.       §  Ibid.  Note. 

||  Ibid.,  vol.  i.  ch.  i.  n.  94.  1[  Ibid.,  n.  24. 


384  REVIVAL  OF  LETTERS. 

Latins  at  Florence ;  but  his  solid  and  elegant  learning  greatly  strength- 
ened his  claims  to  this  honorable  distinction.  His  presence  at  Rome, 
where,  in  1470,  he  published  a  work  in  defence  of  the  Platonic  philosophy, 
became  an  incentive  to  Greek  studies.  Aurispa,  a  Sicilian,  who  was  emi- 
nent in  Greek  literature,  was  made  secretary  of  Eugenius  IV. ;  and  Ma- 
netti,  a  Florentine,  who  spoke  Greek  and  Hebrew  with  almost  the  same 
facility  as  his  vernacular  tongue,  was  welcomed  to  Rome,  raised  to  high 
honors,  and  provided  with  a  pension  of  five  hundred  golden  crowns. 
Angelo  Puliziano,  the  successful  imitator  of  the  Greek  and  Latin  classics, 
was  honored  by  Innocent  VIII.  with  a  letter  full  of  esteem  and  affection, 
and  rewarded  with  a  gift  of  two  hundred  crowns  for  his  translation  of 
Herodian.  Domizio  Calderino,  when  only  twenty-four  years  of  age,  was 
invited  by  Paul  II.  to  Rome  to  profess  Greek,  in  which  he  had  already 
attained  eminence  j  and  was  subsequently  promoted  to  the  office  of  secre- 
tary by  Sixtus  IV.  It  were  endless  to  enumerate  instances  of  papal  pa- 
tronage, by  which  this  study  was  effectually  fostered ;  but  I  shall  note  a 
fact  which  shows  at  once  the  favor  of  the  Popes,  and  the  success  with 
which  the  study  was  pursued.  Ippolita  Sforza,  daughter  of  the  Duke  of 
Milan,  and  afterward  wife  of  the  King  of  Naples,  delivered,  in  1456,  a  Greek 
oration  at  Mantua,  in  the  presence  of  Pius  II.  This  accomplished  lady 
was  the  representative  of  a  considerable  class,  who  united  with  the  usual 
graces  of  the  sex  a  thirst  for  classic  literature,  and  acquired  an  astonish- 
ing familiarity  with  the  works  of  the  Greek  authors.  The  Pontiff  was 
fully  capable  of  appreciating  such  literary  excellence. 

Hallam,  after  having  traced  in  outline  the  form  of  European  literature, 
as  it  existed  in  the  Middle  Ages,  and  in  the  first  forty  years  of  the  fifteenth 
century,  observes  :  "  The  result  must  be  to  convince  us  of  our  great  obli- 
gations to  Italy  for  her  renewal  of  classical  learning.  What  might  have 
been  the  intellectual  progress  of  Europe  if  she  never  had  gone  back  to  the 
fountains  of  Greek  and  Roman  genius,  it  is  impossible  to  determine ;  cer- 
tainly nothing  in  the  fourteenth  and  fifteenth  centuries  gave  prospect  of  a 
very  abundant  harvest.  It  would  be  difficult  to  find  any  man  of  high  re- 
putation in  modern  times,  who  has  not  reaped  benefit,  directly  or  through 
others,  from  the  revival  of  ancient  learning.  We  have  the  greatest  reason 
to  doubt  whether,  without  the  Italians  of  these  ages,  it  would  ever  have 
occurred."* 

It  cannot  be  doubted  that  the  Popes  eminently  deserve  this  praise. 
Hallam  himself  testifies  that  Eugenius  IV.  patronized  learning ;  and  he 
does  ample  justice  to  the  claims  of  Nicholas  V.  on  the  gratitude  of  the 
literary  world.  "  Letters,"  he  says,  "  had  no  patron  so  important  as 
Nicholas  V.,  (Thomas  of  Sarzana,)  who  became  Pope  in  1447  ;  nor  has 
any  later  occupant  of  that  chair,  without  excepting  Leo  X.,  deserved  equal 
praise  as  an  encourager  of  learning.  Nicholas  founded  the  Vatican  library, 

*  Literature  of  Europe,  ch.  ii.  n.  49. 


REVIVAL  OF    LETTERS.  385 

and  left  it,  at  his  death,  in  1455,  enriched  with  five  thousand  volumes ;  a 
treasure  far  exceeding  that  of  any  other  collection  in  Europe.  Every 
scholar  who  needed  maintenance,  which  was  of  course  the  common  case, 
found  it  at  the  court  of  Rome."*  The  munificence  of  the  Pontiff  amply 
rewarded  the  literary  labors  of  the  many  whom  he  drew  around  him.  Five 
hundred  golden  crowns  were  bestowed  by  him  on  Valla  for  his  translation 
of  Thucydides ;  fifteen  hundred  crowns  were  the  recompense  of  Guarino 
for  his  version  of  the  first  ten  books  of  the  geography  of  Strabo.  Manu- 
scripts were  purchased  at  high  prices  ;  and  honor  and  wealth  were  held 
forth  to  all  who  chose  to  enrich  the  republic  of  letters,  by  the  contribution 
of  rare  books,  or  successful  imitations  of  the  ancients. 

Alexander  VI.  deserved  well  of  literature,  for  establishing,  on  a  large 
scale,  the  Roman  gymnasium,  which  Eugene  IV.  had  commenced,  and 
promoting  and  honoring  learned  men.  Julius  II.  was  an  active  patron  of 
painting  and  the  fine  arts :  but  the  boundless  munificence  of  Leo  X.  to 
the  lovers  of  the  arts,  votaries  of  the  Muses,  and  cultivators  of  polite 
literature,  eclipsed  all  that  his  predecessors  had  done,  and  won  for  him  the 
admiration  of  succeeding  ages.  I  leave  to  others  to  describe  the  reunion 
of  men  of  genius  at  the  celebrated  Papal  suppers,  where  the  feast  of  in- 
tellect far  surpassed  the  richness  of  the  banquet,  and  fancy  soared  aloft  to 
delight  the  guests  by  her  sublime  inspirations.  The  academies  of  literary 
men,  so  frequent  in  "Leo's  golden  reign,"  on  the  banks  of  the  Tiber,  in 
the  circus  maximus,  or  in  some  of  the  magnificent  villas  which  adorn  the 
eternal  city,  brought  to  mind  the  groves  of  the  Grecian  Academus,  where 
Plato  descanted  on  divine  and  human  things,  and  the  Lyceum,  where 
Aristotle  perambulated,  while  delivering  his  sublime  lessons.  The  illu- 
minated halls,  in  which  the  gravest  prelates  were  seen  amid  the  fascinated 
crowds,  listening  to  the  poet  of  Arezzo,  showed  the  keen  sensibility  of  the 
Italian  mind  to  the  beauties  of  imagination.  Vida,  who  sang  in  strains 
not  unlike  those  of  Virgil,  and  Ariosto,  the  prince  of  romantic  poets, 
charmed  Leo  and  the  age  by  the  sublime  and  varied  conceptions  of  their 
minds.  Bembo  and  Sadolet,  his  secretaries,  in  the  Papal  documents  re- 
vived the  chaste  elegance  of  the  Augustan  age.  The  artist  who  dug  from 
the  earth  some  statue,  the  work  of  an  ancient  master, — the  humanist  who 
recovered  a  manuscript  of  a  classic  author, — all  the  literati  and  virtuosi 
of  every  class  received  from  the  Pontiff  rewards  proportioned  to  their 
merit  and  worthy  of  his  munificence.  But  it  were  wrong  to  suppose  that 
the  patronage  of  elegant  literature  was  peculiar  to  Leo,  since  the  praise 
must  be  shared  with  his  predecessors,  and  with  those  who  succeeded  him. 
"Italy,"  says  Hallam,  "the  genial  soil  where  the  literature  of  antiquity 
had  been  first  cultivated,  still  retained  her  superiority  in  the  fine  percep- 
tion of  its  beauties,  and  in  the  power  of  retracing  them  by  spirked  imita- 
tion. It  was  the  land  of  taste  and  sensibility;  never,  surely,  more  so 

#  Literature  of  Europe,  vol.  i.  ch.  iii.  n.  2. 
25 


386  REVIVAL   OF   LETTERS. 

than  in  the  age  of  Raffaelle  as  well  as  Ariosto.  If  the  successors  of  Leo 
X.  did  not  attain  so  splendid  a  name,  they  were,  perhaps,  after  the  short 
reign  of  Adrian  VI. — which,  if  we  may  believe  the  Italian  writers,  seemed 
to  threaten  an  absolute  return  of  barbarism — not  less  munificent  or  sedu- 
lous in  encouraging  polite  and  useful  letters."* 

Throughout  the  sixteenth  century,  Oriental  scholars  of  considerable 
reputation  were  found  among  the  Italian  clergy.  Even  high  dignitaries 
assiduously  applied  to  the  study  of  Hebrew,  Arabic,  and  Chaldaic,  among 
whom  I  may  mention  Frederick  Borromeo,  who  was  raised  to  the  dignity 
of  cardinal  by  Sixtus  V.  Gavanti,  the  famous  rubricist,  was  familiar  with 
Hebrew,  in  which  language  he  addressed  this  cardinal,  on  occasion  of  his 
taking  possession  of  his  diocese.  Paul  V.,  in  1610,  issued  a  decree  re- 
quiring the  religious  orders  to  have  a  professor  of  Greek  and  Hebrew  in 
all  their  institutions,  and  a  professor  of  Arabic  in  the  chief  schools. 
Urban  VIII.,  who  himself  was  familiar  with  Greek  and  Hebrew,  invited 
several  learned  Oriental  scholars,  among  whom  was  Abraham  Ecchellensis, 
to  settle  at  Rome. 

History  continued  to  receive  liberal  encouragement  from  the  Popes. 
Charles  Sigonio,  the  great  historian  of  the  Western  empire,  was  highly 
honored  by  Pius  V.  Onuphrius  Panvinio,  an  Augustinian  friar,  published 
at  Rome  valuable  works,  in  which  he  re-examined  the  consulares  fasti, 
already  arranged  by  Sigonio,  and  otherwise  illustrated  chronology,  as  con- 
nected with  history.  Possevino,  a  Jesuit,  who  added  much  to  the  stores 
of  historic  knowledge,  was  made  Papal  nuncio,  by  Gregory  XIII.,  to  the 
court  of  Sweden,  and  afterward  to  Russia.  Cardinal  Bentivoglio,  the  his- 
torian of  the  civil  wars  of  Flanders,  in  the  judgment  of  Hallain,  ranks  as 
a  writer  among  the  very  first  of  his  age.  Antiquaries  received  like  pa- 
tronage. Angeloni,  who  collected  and  illustrated  ancient  medals  with 
great  industry,  was  declared  Antiquary  of  Rome  by  Clement  X.  Falco- 
nieri,  who  wrote  on  the  antiquities  of  Anzio,  was  raised  to  the  episcopacy 
by  Clement  XI.  Fabretti,  the  most  celebrated  of  this  honorable  class, 
whose  constant  researches  among  caverns  and  ancient  monuments  are  said 
to  haVe  made  his  horse  instinctively  stop  at  the  approach  to  some  ruin  or 
cave,  was  raised  to  office  by  Alexander  VIII.  and  Innocent  XII.  This 
province,  according  to  the  remark  of  Hallain,  is  justly  claimed  by  Italy  as 
her  own.f 

Genius  instinctively  sought  Rome,  which  inspired  the  poet  with  his 
loftiest  strains,  and  was  to  him  a  haven,  in  which  he  might  rest  securely 
from  the  storms  of  life.  To  it  Torquatus  Tasso,  whose  muse  rivals  that 
of  Homer,  twice  repaired,  and  there  closed  his  career,  leaving  the  world 
astounded  at  the  sublimity  of  his  flights,  and  the  illusions  of  his  disordered 
imagination.  Urban  VIII.  and  Alexander  VII.  were  themselves  votaries 
of  the  muses. 

*  Literature  of  Europe,  vol.  i.  ch.  v.  i. 

f  Literature  of  Europe,  vol.  iv.,  from  1650  tb  1670,  ch.  i.  n.  21. 


REVIVAL   OF  LETTERS.  387 

We  need  not  furnish  more  recent  instances  of  the  claims  of  the  Popes 
to  the  gratitude  of  the  learned  world  for  their  effectual  patronage  of  belles 
lettres,  and  of  all  those  studies  which  contribute  to  refinement  and  intel- 
lectual enjoyment.  It  is  a  mistake  to  suppose  that  Italy  is  not  still  the 
land  of  genius  and  of  learning.  Whatever  she  possesses,  she  owes  to  the 
benign  influence  of  the  Pontiffs.  Their  smiles  have  cheered  the  adventu- 
rous youth  in  his  struggle  to  mount  the  rugged  hill  of  science,  their  purse 
has  supplied  his  wants,  and  they  have  been  ever  ready  to  bestow  the  most 
distinguished  honors  on  the  successful  aspirant.  Hallam  truly  observes, 
that  genius  and  erudition  have  always  been  honored  in  Italy ;  and  pays  a 
tribute  of  praise  to  the  spirit  breathed  in  the  works  of  Italians  during  the 
last  fifty  years,  which  shows  that  they  are  not  unworthy  of  their  sires. 
Byron,  in  many  places,  has  rendered  homage  to  the  ancient  glory  of 
Rome,  and  sometimes  avowed  her  actual  literary  pre-eminence,  notwith- 
standing the  decay  of  her  earthly  splendor. 

« Italia  !  too,  Italia !  looking  on  thee, 
Full  flashes  on  the  soul  the  light  of  ages ; 

still 

The  fount  at  which  the  panting  mind  assuages 

Her  thirst  of  knowledge,  quaffing  there  her  fill, 

Flows  from  the-  eternal  source  of  Rome's  imperial  hill."* 

*  Childe  Harold  canto  iii.  ex. 


CHAPTER  V. 


§  1.—  MEDICINE. 

THE  patronage  of  the  Popes  was  not  confined  to  the  study  of  lan- 
guages or  of  antiquity  ;  it  embraced  the  useful  sciences.  Even  in  the 
Middle  Ages  these  were  not  wholly  neglected  in  the  universities,  which 
must  necessarily  share  with  their  patrons  the  praise  of  whatever  was 
taught  within  their  walls.  Medicine,  long  before  it  received  the  necessary 
attention  in  most  countries,  was  a  favorite  study  at  Salerno,  and  was  sub- 
sequently cultivated  in  the  universities  generally,  among  which  Montpelier 
acquired  high  celebrity.  The  clergy  and  monks  were  among  its  most  dili- 
gent students,  until  it  became  necessary  to  confine  them  to  the  duties  more 
strictly  belonging  to  their  state  of  life.  Hallam  bears  honorable  testimony 
to  the  successful  cultivation  of  medical  science  in  the  Italian  universities. 
"  Nicholas  Leonicenus,  who  became  professor  at  Ferrara,  before  1470,  was 
the  first  restorer  of  the  Hippocratic  method  of  practice.  He  lived  to  a 
very  advanced  age,  and  was  the  first  translator  of  Galen  from  the  Greek."* 
"  In  the  science  of  anatomy,  an  epoch  was  made  by  the  treatise  of  Mun- 
dinus,  a  professor  of  Bologna,  who  died  in  1326.  It  is  entitled,  'Anatome 
Omnium  Corporis  Interiorum  Membrorum/  This  book  had  one  great 
advantage  over  those  of  Galen,  that  it  was  founded  on  the  actual  anatomy 
of  the  human  body."  —  "  His  treatise  was  long  the  text-book  of  the  Italian 
universities.  "•)"  "  The  first  book  upon  anatomy,  since  that  of  Mundinus, 
was  by  Zerbi  of  Yerona,  who  taught  in  the  University  of  Padua  in  1495. 
The  germ  of  discoveries  that  have  crowned  later  anatomists  with  glory,  is 
sometimes  perceptible  in  Zerbi;  among  others,  that  of  the  Fallopian 
tubes."! 

In  the  sixteenth  century,  medical  science  received  still  higher  encou- 
ragement. Leo  X.  rewarded  with  his  usual  munificence  the  translation 
of  the  medical  works  of  Hippocrates,  by  Mark  Fabius  Calvi,  of  Ravenna; 
and  in  noticing  the  embassy  sent  to  him  by  the  citizens  of  Padua,  he  desig- 
nated with  special  honor  Jerom  Accorambuoni,  as  "  an  excellent  physician." 
The  honor  of  Roman  citizenship  was  bestowed,  in  1563,  on  Mercuriale,  a 
native  of  Padua,  to  reward  his  eminence  in  the  medical  science.  Beren- 

*  Hallam,  Literature  of  Europe,  ch.  ix.  n.  9.  f  Ibidem,  ch.  ii.  n.  37. 

J  Ibidem,  ch.  iii.  n.  17. 

388 


SCIENCE.  389 

gario  de  Carpi,  the  great  anatomist,  was  urged  by  Clement  VII.  to  fix  his 
residence  at  Rome.  Eustachius  was  professor  in  the  Sapienza,  which 
Alexander  VII.  furnished  with  an  anatomical  theatre.  Many  most  distin- 
guished physicians  and  anatomists  filled  the  chair  of  that  university,  while 
others  were  employed  in  the  immediate  service  of  the  Popes.  Vesalius, 
a  Belgian,  who  was  professor  at  Padua,  bore  away  the  palm  in  anatomical 
science,  in  the  sixteenth  century ;  but  Italy,  which  was  the  chief  theatre 
of  his  scientific  displays,  came  well  nigh  conferring  it  on  her  ow.n  sons. 
"  Few  sciences,"  says  Hallam  "  were  so  successfully  pursued  in  this  period 
as  that  of  anatomy.  If  it  was  impossible  to  snatch  from  Vesalius  the 
pre-eminent  glory  that  belongs  to  him  as  almost  its  creator,  it  might  still 
be  said,  that  two  men  now  appeared  who,  had  they  lived  earlier,  would 
probably  have  gone  as  far,  and  who,  by  coming  later,  were  enabled  to  go 
beyond  him.  These  were  Fallopius  and  Eustachius."* — "The  best  phy- 
sicians of  the  century  were  either  Italian  or  French. "f 

The  seventeenth  century  presents  many  instances  of  the  encouragement 
given  by  the  Popes  to  these  studies.  Malpighi  was  invited  to  Rome  by 
Innocent  XII.  to  be  Papal  physician.  The  services  rendered  by  him  to 
science  may  best  be  told  in  the  words  of  Hallam  :  "  Malpighi  was  the 
first  who  employed  good  microscopes  in  anatomy,  and  thus  revealed  the 
secrets,  we  may  say,  of  an  invisible  world,  which  Leuwenhoek  afterward, 
probably  using  still  better  instruments,  explored  with  surprising  success. 
To  Malpighi  anatomists  owe  their  knowledge  of  the  structure  of  the 
lungs.";); 

The  Medical  legal  questions,  published  by  Paul  Zacchia,  physician  of 
Innocent  X.,  is  still  highly  esteemed  for  the  exact  specifications  in 
anatomy  which  it  contains.  Many  other  medical  works  were  published 
under  the  special  patronage  of  the  Popes.  Lancisi,  a  Roman  physician, 
gave  his  splendid  medical  library  to  the  hospital  of  Santo  Spirito,  on  con- 
dition that  it  should  be  for  the  general  use  of  the  profession.  Italy 
retained  her  pre-eminence.  "  The'  Italians,"  says  Hallam,  "were  still 
renowned  in  medicine. "§ 

In  connection  with  this  science,  we  may  be  allowed  to  mention  the 
encouragement  given  to  natural  history  and  botany.  The  former  was 
cultivated,  under  Leo  X.  and  Adrian  VI.,  by  Mattioli,  who  published  a 
work  of  great  celebrity  on  herbs,  plants,  flowers,  and  animals.  Aldo- 
vrandi,  professor  at  Bologna,  in  a  work  published  in  1574,  which  has  re- 
ceived praise,  although  qualified,  from  Buffon,  an  excellent  judge,  treated 
at  large  of  birds,  insects,  fishes,  quadrupeds,  and  all  kinds  of  animals,  as  also 
of  metals  and  of  trees.  The  Vatican  Museum,  in  the  time  of  St.  Pius  V., 
contained  a  vast  collection  of  minerals,  and  of  natural  curiosities,  which  were 
described  by  Mercati,  the  guardian  of  it,  in  a  work  styled  "  Metallotheca," 

*  Literature  of  Europe,  vol.  ii.  ch.  viii.  n.  39.  t  Ibidem,  n.  42. 

J  Ibidem,  vol.  iv.  ch.  viii.  n.  37.  I  Ibidem,  n.  22. 


390  SCIENCE. 

which  was  published  long  afterward,  with  splendid  engravings,  at  the 
expense  of  Clement  XI.  Botany,  especially  in  its  connection  with  medi- 
cine, was  a  favorite  study  in  Italy.  Medical  botany  was  taught  in  the 
Roman  University  under  Pius  V.,  and  the  Sapienza  was  furnished  with  a 
botanic  garden  by  Alexander  VII. 


1 2.— ASTRONOMY. 

It  is  important  that  the  reader  should  be  made  sensible  how  much  the 
science  of  astronomy  owes  to  the  fostering  patronage  of  the  Pontiffs,  espe- 
cially as  in  some  instances  they  may,  at  first  sight,  appear  to  have  opposed 
its  progress.  I  shall  at  once  offer  an  explanation  of  the  first  fact  that 
gives  a  coloring  to  this  charge.  It  occurred  before  the  middle  of  the 
eighth  century. 

St.  Gregory  II.,  on  being  informed  that  the  priest  Virgil,  an  Irishman, 
taught  the  existence  of  another  world,  and  other  men  under  the  earth, 
another  sun,  and  moon,  directed  Boniface  to  ascertain  the  fact,  and,  if 
true,  to  depose  him  from  the  priesthood.  It  is  not  clear  that  the  opinion 
of  Virgil  was  the  same  as  that  which  has  since  been  found  to  be  correct, 
namely,  that  antipodes  exist.  The  Pope  seems  to  have  understood  him  as 
asserting  the  existence  of  a  race  of  men  in  another  world,  altogether  dis- 
tinct from  this,  not  derived  from  Adam,  of  whom  God  made  all  mankind, 
and  not  redeemed  by  Christ,  who  is  the  Saviour  of  all  men.  Of  the 
measures  actually  adopted  by  Boniface  we  are  not  informed,  but  it  is  plain 
that  no  doctrinal  decree  was  issued  on  the  occasion.  If  Virgil  be  the 
same  individual  who  was  afterward  created  Bishop  of  Saltzburg,  as  is 
more  generally  believed,  he  must  have  satisfied  the  archbishop  and  the 
Pontiff  that  his  sentiment  was  innoxious.  Granting,  what  is  by  no  means 
proved,  that  Gregory  wished  deposition  to  take  place  for  the  holding  of 
the  opinion  concerning  the  existence  of  antipodes,  it  does  not  show  any 
hostility  to  science,  but  a  jealous  care,  lest  scientific  speculations,  not  yet 
confirmed  by  satisfactory  proofs,  should  weaken  the  belief  in  the  revealed 
doctrines.  This  solicitude  may,  in  some  instances,  be  excessive,  without 
implying  any  disposition  to  oppose  the  progress  of  science,  within  its  le- 
gitimate sphere.  The  Church  is  not  authorized  to  pronounce  on  subjects 
of  this  nature,  unless  as  far  as  they  manifestly  clash  with  revelation ;  but 
she  may  adopt  precautions,  lest  natural  science  be  abused  to  cast  discredit 
on  revealed  truth. 

Nicholas  V.,  in  1448,  in  raising  to  the  dignity  of  cardinal  Nicholas 
Cusanus,  a  German,  authpr  of  a  work  on  statics  and  a  defender  of  the 
earth's  motion  around  the  sun,  gave  an  unequivocal  mark  of  his  regard 
for  science.  In  Bologna,  where  astronomy  was  cultivated  with  success, 
this  system  was  probably  maintained  by  Dominic  Maria  Novara,  under 
whom  Copernicus,  a  native  of  Thorn  on  the  Vistula,  studied  at  the  close 


SCIENCE.  39! 

of  this  century.  Laonardo  da  Vinci,  a  most  illustrious  astronomer,  mathe- 
matician, and  mechanician,  as  well  as  painter,  "in  a  treatise  written  about 
the  year  1510,  speaks  of  the  earth's  annual  motion  as  the  opinion  of 
many  philosophers  of  his  age."*  Celio  Calcagnini,  professor  in  the  Uni- 
versity of  Ferrara,.  early  in  the  sixteenth  century  published  a  work  in 
support  of  it ;  but  Copernicus,  who,  at  the  commencement  of  the  century, 
was  professor  of  astronomy  at  Rome,  gave  it  celebrity,  when,  after  the 
reflections  and  observations  of  thirty-six  years,  he  published  his  work, 
under  the  auspices  of  Paul  III.,  in  1543.  The  difficulties  in  which  Galileo 
was  involved  in  1616  and  1633,  show  that  his  manner  of  maintaining  it, 
rather  than  the  theory  itself,  must  have  provoked  the  displeasure  of  the 
ecclesiastical  tribunal,  since  the  system  had  been  advanced  without  cen- 
sure, nearly  two  hundred  years  before,  by  a  high  dignitary  of  the  Church, 
and  had  been  expressly  maintained,  with  the  implied  approbation  of  a 
most  enlightened  Pontiff,  full  ninety  years  before  the  sentence  pronounced 
against  the  Florentine  astronomer.  Had  he  confined  himself,  as  he  was 
repeatedly  warned,  to  scientific  demonstrations,  without  meddling  with 
Scripture,  and  proposed  his  system  as  probable,  rather  than  as  indubitable, 
he  would  have  excited  no  opposition.  To  urge  it  absolutely,  at  a  time  when 
it  was  not  supported  by  observations  and  calculations,  was  scarcely  recon- 
cilable with  the  respect  due  to  the  sacred  text,  whose  literal  meaning 
should  not  be  easily  abandoned.  "Mankind,"  says  Hallam,  "can  in 
general  take  these  theories  of  the  celestial  movements  only  upon  trust 
from  philosophers ;  and  in  this  instance  it  required  a  very  general  concur- 
rence of  competent  judges  to  overcome  the  repugnance  of  what  called 
itself  common  sense,  and  was  in  fact  a  prejudice  as  natural,  as  universal, 
and  as  irresistible  as  could  influence  human  belief.  With  this  was  united 
another,  derived  from  the  language  of  Scripture;  and  though  it  might 
have  been  sufficient  to  answer,  that  phrases  implying  the  rest  of  the  earth 
and  motion  of  the  sun  are  merely  popular,  and  such  as  those  who  are  best 
convinced  of  the  opposite  doctrine  must  employ  in  ordinary  language,  this 
was  neither  satisfactory  to  the  vulgar  nor  recognised  by  the  Church. "f — 
"  It  must  be  confessed  that  the  strongest  presumptions  in  favor  of  the 
system  of  Copernicus  were  not  discovered  by  himself."!  It  may  be  added, 
that  even  Galileo  did  not  furnish  the  most  convincing  proofs  of  the 
system,  and  that  his  chief  reliance  was  on  the  flux  and  reflux  of  the 
tides,  which  no  one  at  this  day  holds  to  be  a  satisfactory  demonstration  of 
the  motion  of  the  earth.  Even  long  after  his  time  eminent  astronomers 
rejected  his  system.  "  In  the  middle  of  the  seventeenth  century,  and  long 
afterward,"  says  Hallam,  "  there  were  mathematicians  of  no  small  reputa- 
tion, who  struggled  staunchly  for  the  immobility  of  the  earth."  In  such 
circumstances  it  is  not  to  be  wondered  that  an  ecclesiastical  tribunal,  fear- 


*  History  of  Literature,  vol.  i.  ch.  iii.  n.  115. 

f  Literature  of  Europe,  vol.  ii.  ch.  viii.  n.  10.  J  Ibidem,  vol.  ir.  ch.  viii.  n.  32. 


392  SCIENCE. 

ful  lest  the  authority  of  the  sacred  Scriptures  should  suffer  in  the  minds 
of  the  multitude,  by  the  bold  and  unqualified  maintenance  of  a  system  in 
apparent  opposition  to  them,  enjoined  on  Galileo,  in  the  year  1616,  to 
observe  silence,  and  when  he  had  violated  this  order,  required  him,  in 
1633,  to  abjure  the  theory.  It  is  certain  that  Urban  VIII.  did  not  con- 
sider the  act  of  the  Inquisition  as  a  definitive  decree  ;  and  that  the  theory 
was  publicly  taught  at  the  time  by  two  Jesuits  in  the  Roman  college. 
All  that  has  been  said  concerning  the  persecution  of  the  astronomer  is  a 
tale  of  fancy.  His  discoveries  gained  for  him  the  highest  honors  from  all 
classes,  from  the  Pontiff  to  the  humblest  citizen,  in  1615,  when  he  first 
visited  the  Eternal  city.  In  1624  he  was  again  received  graciously  by  the 
Pope  and  cardinals ;  and  in  1633,  when  his  contemptuous  violation  of 
the  injunction  provoked  their  displeasure,  his  confinement  was  but  nomi- 
nal, in  the  apartments  of  the  Fiscal,  that  is,  prosecuting  attorney,  of  the 
tribunal.  No  corporal  punishment  was  inflicted — no  dungeon  was 
opened  to  receive  him  ;  but,  in  consideration  of  his  scientific  merits, 
his  pride  and  contempt  were  visited  with  the  slightest  expression  of 
displeasure."*  t 

The  study  of  astronomy  was  always  encouraged  by  the  Popes,  while  its 
abuse,  by  the  superstitions  of  astrology,  was  severely  prohibited.  A 
splendid  evidence  of  the  successful  cultivation  of  astronomical  science, 
under  pontifical  patronage,  was  afforded  by  the  correction  of  the  Calendar, 
by  the  authority  of  Gregory  XIII.  The  ancient  Calendar,  in  use  since 
the  time  of  Julius  Cesar,  and  adopted  by  the  Council  of  Nice,  was  formed 
on  the  supposition  that  the  annual  course  of  the  sun  is  completed  in  365 
days  and  6  hours,  which  in  reality  takes  place  in  365  days,  5  hours,  48 
minutes,  and  25  seconds :  whence,  in  the  lapse  of  so  many  ages,  a  differ- 
ence of  ten  days  existed  in  the  designation  of  the  vernal  equinox ;  the 
astronomical  being  prior  to  the  civil  calculation.  Even  in  the  eighth  cen- 
tury, in  the  comparatively  low  condition  of  the  sciences,  the  error  had 
been  pointed  out  by  Venerable  Bede,  and  subsequently  by  others.  In 
the  decline  of  the  fifteenth  century  it  again  awakened  attention.  Sixtus 
IV.  called  to  Rome  Muller,  the  greatest  mathematician  of  his  age,  to  de- 
vise a  remedy ;  but  the  glory  of  the  sublime  task  of  reconciling  the  calcu- 
lations of  time  with  the  precise  motion  of  the  heavenly  bodies,  was  reserved 
to  Gregory  XIII.  Luigi  Lilio,  a  man  of  obscure  origin  in  Calabria,  pro- 
posed the  subtraction  of  ten  days  from  the  month  of  October,  1582,  and 
to  prevent  a  recurrence  of  the  error,  the  omission  of  the  leap-year  at  the 
close  of  each  century,  with  the  exception  of  the  four  hundreth  year,  which 
should  be  bissextile  or  leap-year.  His  suggestions,  communicated  after 
his  death  by  his  brother,  were  graciously  received  by  the  Pontiff,  and 

*  The  letter  of  Galileo,  published  by  Tiraboschi,  shows  that  he  was  treated  with  extra- 
ordinary kindness,  the  Pope  having  changed  the  sentence  of  imprisonment  into  an  order 
to  remain,  for  a  time,  with  the  Archbishop  of  Sienna,  his  personal  friend. 


SCIENCE.  393 

submitted  to  the  examination  of  a  body  of  learned  astronomers,  among 
whom  was  the  Jesuit  Clavius.  Being  found  just,  they  were  recommended 
to  the  whole  civilized  world  by  Gregory,  who,  while  acknowledging  their 
source,  lost  nothing  of  the  glory  which  the  correction  imparted.  Although 
the  dominion  of  science  belongs  not  to  the  Vicar  of  Christ,  it  was  a  sublime 
spectacle  to  see  him  regulating  by  its  aid  the  calculations  of  time,  and  the 
great  festivals  of  the  Church ;  and  when  his  authority  in  the  things  of  sal- 
vation was  proudly  rejected  by  many,  fixing  a  standard  to  which  all  nations 
would,  sooner  or  later,  conform.  "The  new  calendar,"  says  Hallam, 
"  was  immediately  received  in  all  countries  acknowledging  the  Pope's  su- 
premacy ;  not  so  much  on  that  account,  though  a  discrepancy  in  the  ec- 
clesiastical reckoning  would  have  been  very  inconvenient,  as  of  its  real 
superiority  over  the  Julian.  The  Protestant  countries  came  much  more 
slowly  into  the  alteration,  truth  being  no  longer  truth,  when  promulgated 
by  the  Pope.  It  is  now  admitted  that  the  Gregorian  Calendar  is  very 
nearly  perfect,  at  least  as  to  the  computation  of  the  solar  year."* 

To  the  learned  institutions  of  Italy  this  and  many  other  fruits  of  scien- 
tific observation  may  be  fairly  referred.  I  have  not  space  to  dwell  on  the 
many  inventions  and  discoveries  which  were  made  by  the  professors  of  the 
various  universities,  or  by  those  who  had  been  introduced  by  them  into 
the  halls  of  science.  Ignatius  Danti,  a  Dominican,  professor  of  mathema- 
tics in  Bologna,  left,  as  Tiraboschi  remarks,  an  imperishable  memorial  of 
his  astronomical  knowledge,  in  the  great  meridian  drawn  by  him  in  the 
temple  of  St.  Petronius  in  that  city,  in  the  year  1576 :  which,  however, 
was  not  as  great,  or  as  accurate,  as  that  which  the  immortal  Cassini  drew 
in  the  following  age. 

The  Pontiffs  in  the  seventeenth  century  were  true  to  their  character  as 
patrons  of  science.  During  the  reign  of  Paul  V.,  "a  Jesuit,  Grassi,  in  a 
treatise  (de  Trilus  Cometis,}  Rome,  1618,  had  the  honor  of  explaining 
what  had  baffled  Galileo,  and  first  held  them  to  be  planets  moving  in  vast 
ellipses  round  the  sun."  The  astronomer  Cassini,  in  1657,  was  called  to 
Rome  by  Alexander  VII. ;  and  while  there  gained  new  fame  by  his 
observations  on  the  two  comets,  which  appeared  in  1664  and  1665.  His 
calculations,  confirmed  by  the  event,  appeared  like  the  predictions  of  an 
inspired  man.  They  were  followed  by  other  discoveries,  which  seemed  to 
mark  him  as  one  to  whom  the  secrets  of  the  skies  were  laid  open.  It  was 
a  glorious  homage  to  science  when  the  monarch  of  a  great  kingdom  sought 
from  Clement  IX.,  as  a  special  favor,  that  France  should  be  permitted  to 
profit  by  the  extraordinary  science  of  this  illustrious  astronomer,  and  the 
reluctant  Pontiff  consented  to  lend  him  for  a  time.  After  a  few  years,  he 
pressingly  called  for  his  return,  but  Louis  XIV.  declined  parting  with  a 

*  Hist,  of  Lit.  vol.  ii.  ch.  viii.  p.  15.  The  Gregorian  Calendar  was  finally  adopted  in 
Germany  in  1777.  England  introduced  the  new  style  in  1752,  and  Sweden  in  17 •>.".. 
Russia  only  retains  the  old  style,  which  now  differs  12  days  from  the  new.— Encyrlo. 
paclia  Americana,  art.  Calendar. 


394  SCIENCE. 

treasure  of  so  much  value ;  and  to  bind  him  to  the  soil,  and  identify  all 
his  attachments  and  interests  with  France,  granted  him  the  rights  of  citi- 
zenship. In  this,  and  in  many  other  instances,  Italy  had  the  glory  of 
giving  to  other  nations  the  luminaries  of  science. 

Castelli,  a  Benedictine  monk,  disciple  and  defender  of  Galileo,  was  called 
by  Urban  to  Rome  in  1625,  to  occupy  the  post  of  professor  of  mathematics 
in  the  Sapienza,  when  in  1628  he  published  his  celebrated  works  on  the 
measure  of  running  waters,  and  its  geometrical  demonstrations,  whereby 
he  has  acquired  the  title  of  creator  of  this  part  of  hydraulics.  Another 
disciple  of  Galileo,  Cavalieri,  of  the  order  of  Jeromites,  who  is  generally 
reputed  the  father  of  the  new  geometry,  was  professor  of  Mathematics, 
about  the  same  time,  in  Bologna,  where  he  published  in  1632  his  treatise 
on  continuous  indivisibles. 

Benedict  XIY.  in  the  last  century,  followed  in  the  footsteps  of  his  illus- 
trious predecessors,  and  distinguished  himself  as  the  patron  of  astronomical 
science.  By  his  orders  the  obelisk,  sixty-seven  feet  high,  mentioned  by 
Pliny,*  on  which  was  a  dial  to  mark  the  sun's  shadow,  and  ascertain  the 
length  of  the  day  at  various  seasons,  was  dug  up  from  the  earth  in  1748, 
and  its  precious  fragments  rendered  accessible  to  the  learned.  Even  to 
this  day  the  Jesuit  professors  of  the  Roman  College,  under  the  fostering 
patronage  of  the  Pope,  continue  to  enrich  astronomical  science  by  their 
observations  and  discoveries.  To  the  lamented  De  Vico  and  his  illustrious 
assistant  Sestini,  who  is  now  in  our  midst,  we  are  indebted  for  the  dis- 
covery of  the  satellites  of  Venus,  and  of  the  rotatory  motion  of  this  planet 
on  her  axis ;  while  we  owe  to  Secchi  the  very  recent  discovery  of  a  new 
comet. 

*  Hist.  Nat.  ch.  ix.'  x.  xi. 


CHAPTER  VI. 


THE  Popes  have,  at  all  times,  well  understood  that  art  may  be  fostered 
without  detriment  to  religion  :  nay,  their  enlightened  zeal  found  means  to 
make  the  arts  tributary.  "If  there  be  a  Church/'  says  Saint  Priest, 
"  predestined  to  a  social  mission,  which,  far  from  throwing  obstacles  in 
the  way  of  civilization,  has  developed  and  fostered  its  germs  in  the  focus 
of  ardent  faith,  the  Roman  Church  must  be  recognized  by  these  features. 
We  shall  see  her  during  the  first  period  of  her  existence,  causing  the  edu- 
cation of  the  soul  and  of  the  mind  to  advance  with  equal  pace  ;  cursing 
in  the  name  of  faith  the  gods  of  paganism,  and  protecting  their  images  in 
the  name  of  art  :  afterwards,  for  the  interest  of  both,  which  she  always 
happily  combined,  opposing  the  force  of  her  word  to  the  blind  fury  of  the 
Iconoclasts  .....  Her  true  character  was  always  to  unite  the  mainte- 
nance of  faith  with  the  exercise  of  all  the  human  faculties,  to  regulate 
them  all  without  proscribing  any  of  them,  thus  to  devote  them,  in  a  puri- 
fied state,  to  the  service  of  God.  Rome  attached  to  the  altars  of  Christ 
the  imagination  itself,  the  rebellious  slave  of  reason."* 

The  proofs  of  these  enlarged  views  are  found  in  the  acts  of  the  ancient 
Popes,  who,  as  soon  as  the  danger  of  idolatry  had  ceased,  availed  them- 
selves of  the  labors  of  the  artist  for  the  decoration  of  the  churches.  Paint- 
ings, mosaics,  and  inlaid  work  of  various  kinds,  were  among  their  ordinary 
gifts.  Paul  I.  built  an  oratory  of  the  Blessed  Virgin  within  the  precincts 
of  St.  Peter's,  having  a  silver  statue  of  a  hundred  pounds'  weight,  richly 
gilded.  Leo  III.  introduced  the  use  of  stained  glass.  Sergius  II.  raised 
a  vestibule  before  St.  John  of  Lateran,  supported  by  columns  and  arches. 
Silver  canopies  for  the  altar,  which  were  then  called  ciboria,  were  given 
by  various  Popes.  These  are  a  few  instances  of  their  zeal  to  adorn  the 
house  of  Glod,  that  the  facts  of  sacred  history  might  be  read  on  its  walls, 
and  the  mysteries  of  faith  constantly  kept  in  view.  The  elegance  of  the 
execution  varied  according  to  the  general  condition  of  the  times  ;  but  at 
all  times  art  presented  her  best  offerings  on  the  altars  of  religion. 

Blind  zeal  against  paganism  would  have  destroyed  the  temples  and 
statues  of  the  gods,  as  so  many  monuments  of  idolatry  :  the  Popes  pre- 
served them  with  care,  wisely  judging  that  the  temples  might  be  trans- 

*  Historia  de  la  Royaute,  vol.  ii.  1.  v.  p.  7. 

395 


396  THE   ARTS. 

ferred  to  the  worship  of  the  true  God.*  No  glory  could  redound  to  the 
Deity  from  the  destruction  of  the  statues,  wherein  the  skill  of  man  ap- 
pears, fashioning  the  lifeless  stone  to  the  imitation  of  the  divine  work. 
Paul  II.  gathered  ancient  statues  from  all  parts  of  the  city  into  his  own 
palace,  and  rewarded  with  munificence  all  who  brought  them  from  Greece, 
Asia,  or  other  countries.  What  Leo  X.  did  for  the  recovery  of  the  works 
of  art  cannot  be  told.  The  monuments  rescued  by  the  care  of  the  Popes 
from  the  destroying  arm  of  the  barbarian,  or  the  fragments  gathered  up 
by  them  from  the  ruins  of  the  desolate  city,  came  down  through  ages  of 
tumult  as  models  of  perfection,  which,  in  a  happier  age,  were  to  be  rival- 
led, if  not  excelled.  The  Pantheon,  the  glory  of  Roman  architecture,  was 
to  be  placed  in  the  clouds  by  the  sublime  genius  of  Michael  Angelo;  the 
wondrous  dome  crowning  a  temple  which  far  surpasses,  in  its  vast  and  just 
dimensions,  all  the  ancient  fanes  of  false  deities,  and  even  the  august  man- 
sion which  God  Himself  chose  among  His  favored  people.  If  the  Middle 
Ages  produced  nothing  worthy  of  the  ancient  masters,  it  was  a  matter  of 
just  glory  for  the  age  of  Julius  and  of  Leo,  that  genius  revisited  the 
earth,  and  exhibited  on  the  canvas  such  animated  representations  as  filled 
the  eye  with  wonder,  and  stirred  the  deep  fountains  of  the  heart.  The 
Transfiguration  and  the  General  Judgment  are  miracles  of  genius,  which 
the  world  might  have  never  seen  but  for  the  munificence  and  refined  taste 
of  the  calumniated  Pontiffs.  "  Home,"  says  Tiraboschi,  "was  the  first 
theatre  in  which  were  collected  the  most  perfect  productions  of  nature  and 
art.  Julius  II.,  Leo  X.,  Clement  VII.,  and  Paul  III.,  are  names  of  im- 
mortal renown  in  the  annals  of  the  fine  arts,  for  the  munificence  with 
which  they  promoted  and  cherished  them  during  their  pontificates.  There 
were  seen  re-united,  almost  all  at  one  time,  Raphael  of  Urbino,  Julius  of 
Rome,  John  of  Udine,  Perino  del  Vago,  Polidore  of  Caravaggio,  Francis 
Mazzuoli,  Baldassar  Peruzzi,  Anthony  of  S.  Gallo,  and  James  Sansovino, 
Alphonsus  Lombardi,  and  Baccio  Bandinelli, — names  so  illustrious  in 
painting,  architecture,  and  sculpture ;  and  there,  finally,  was  Michelangelo 
Buonarotti,  painter,  sculptor,  and  architect,  uniting  in  himself  all  the  splen- 
did endowments  which  were  divided  among  the  others.  The  Vatican 
basilic  would  alone  be  sufficient  to  render  immortal  the  names  of  the  four 
Popes  above  mentioned,  to  whom  its  commencement  and  termination  are 
principally  due.  In  it  all  the  arts  seem  to  vie  with  one  another,  which 
should  present  the  most  splendid  proofs  of  the  excellence  of  its  pro- 
fessors.'^ "  Sculpture,"  says  Voltaire,  "was  the  art  in  which  the  Greeks 
excelled ;  and  the  glory  of  the  Italians  is,  to  have  approached  the  perfec- 

*  St.  Gregory  wrote  to  St.  Augustin  to  this  effect :  "  Si  fana  eadein  bene  constructa 
sunt,  necesse  est,  ut  a  cultu  daemonum  ad  obsequium  veri  Dei  debeant  commodari;  ut 
dum  gens  ipsa  eadem  fana  sua  non  videt  destrui,  de  corde  errorem  deponat,  et  Deum 
verum  cognoscens  ac  adorans,  ad  loca  quas  consuevit  familiarius  concurrat."  Greg.,  ep. 
ix.  71. 

f  Storia  della  Letteratura  Italiana,  v.  vii.  p.  iii.  1.  iii.  c.  vii. 


THE  ARTS.  397 

tion  of  their  models.  In  architecture  they  far  surpassed  them ;  and  all 
nations  acknowledge  that  nothing  was  ever  comparable  to  the  chief  temple 
of  modern  Rome,  the  most  beautiful,  vast,  and  bold  that  ever  existed  in 
the  universe."* 

Byron  has  justly  said : — 

«  Majesty, 

Power,  Glory,  Strength,  and  Beauty,  all  are  aisled 
In  this  eternal  ark  of  worship  undefiled." 

The  animated  portraits  of  Titian,  and  his  living  landscapes,  which  invite 
the  beholder  to  walk  amid  the  delightful  scenery,  found  admirers  in  Leo 
X.  and  Paul  III. ;  and  the  miniatures  of  Julius  Clovio  were  rewarded  by 
the  munificence  of  Farnese.  Sofonisba  Anguisciola,  of  Cremona,  employed 
her  pencil  with  such  success  in  the  portrait  of  the  Queen  of  Spain,  that 
Pius  IV.,  to  whom  it  was  forwarded,  honored  her  with  a  complimentary 
letter  on  the  excellence  of  the  painting.  Thus  did  the  Popes  prove  them- 
selves patrons  of  the  fine  arts,  lavishing  honors  and  wealth  on  those  who 
attained  to  eminence  in  their  cultivation.  They  made  Rome,  as  Voltaire 
acknowledges,  the  most  beautiful  city  in  the  world.f 

It  would  be  tedious,  although  not  uninteresting,  to  enumerate  instances 
of  encouragement  given  to  all  the  arts.  Engravers,  lapidaries,  as  well  as 
painters  and  sculptors,  are  indebted  to  pontifical  munificence  for  the  pro- 
gress and  success  of  their  labors.  Martin  V.  and  Paul  II.  were  their 

O 

special  patrons.  Clement  Birago,  a  youth  of  Milan,  at  the  court  of  Cle- 
ment VII.  first  practised  the  art  of  engraving  on  diamonds.  "The  fine 
arts  continued  to  flourish  in  Italy  because  the  contagion  of  controversy 
scarcely  reached  that  country;  and  while  blood  flowed  in  Germany, 
France,  and  England,  for  matters  that  were  not  understood,  (it  is  Voltaire 
that  speaks,)  Italy,  at  peace  since  the  astonishing  sacking  of  Rome  by  the 
army  of  Charles  V.,  cultivated  the  arts  with  increased  ardor.  The  wars 
of  religion  spread  ruin  elsewhere ;  but  at  Rome,  and  in  several  other 
Italian  cities,  prodigies  of  architecture  were  witnessed.  Ten  Popes  suc- 
cessively contributed,  almost  without  any  interruption,  to  the  completion 
of  the  basilic  of  St.  Peter,  and  encouraged  the  arts  generally.  Nothing 
of  the  kind  was  seen  throughout  the  rest  of  Europe  at  that  period.  The 
glory  of  genius  then  belonged  to  Italy  alone,  as  it  had  been  formerly 
peculiar  to  Greece."! 

We  cannot  easily  estimate  the  improvements  in  church  building  and 
decoration  which  took  place  in  various  countries,  under  the  guidance  of 
Christian  missionaries,  and  the  influence  of  Roman  models.  To  be  just, 
we  should  estimate  these  things  according  to  the  previous  state  of  the  re- 
spective countries.  Of  England,  Dr.  Miley  observes :  «  St.  Wilfrid  and 
St.  Bennet  Biscop,  the  great  improvers  of  Saxon  architecture,  made 
several  pilgrimages  to  Rome,  (the  former  three  or  four,  the  latter  no  less 

*  Essai  sur  1'Histoire,  t.  iii.  oh.  cxvii.      f  Essai  sur  1'Histoire  G^nerale,  t  ii.  ch.  xlix. 
J  Ibid.,  t.  iii.  ch.  cxvii. 


398  THE   ARTS. 

than  five ;)  and  never  did  they  return  without  a  rich  importation  of  manu- 
scripts, chalices,  various  utensils,  vestments,  and  ornaments  for  the  altar ; 
besides  statues  and  pictures  to  adorn  the  temples,  which  their  observation 
of  the  Roman  and  continental  structures  had  enabled  them  to  erect.  In 
these  new  structures,  they  exhibited  to  their  admiring  countrymen  all  the 
wonders  of  cut-stone  walls  and  towers,  lead  roofs  and  glass  windows,  with 
sundry  other  astonishing  improvements,  'juxta  Romanorum  morem/  And 
it  may  be  well  imagined,  Itiat  not  the  least  attractive  of  these  novelties 
were  the  creations  of  the  Italian  or  Grecian  pencil."* 

The  glory  of  Rome,  as  the  seat  of  the  arts,  remains  undiminished. 
"When,  in  the  conclave  of  1829,  Chateaubriand,  the  French  ambassador, 
had  expressed  the  necessity  of  choosing  for  Pontiff  a  man  of  enlightened 
views,  corresponding  with  the  progress  of  the  age,  and  Cutzow,  the  Aus- 
trian ambassador,  had  harped  on  the  same  subject,  Cardinal  Castiglioni,  in 
reply,  modestly  pointed  to  the  Vatican,  as  an  unquestionable  evidence  of 
the  patronage  which  the  Holy  See  continues  to  extend  to  art  and  science, 
and  the  care  with  which  she  fosters  mental  development.  His  election  to 
fill  the  vacant  chair  was  an  act  of  homage  to  the  arts.  Byron  acknow- 
ledged that  Italy  had  still  illustrious  men  in  every  department :  "  Italy 
has  great  names  still — Canova,  Monti,  Ugo  Foscolo,  Pindemonte,  Visconti, 
Morelli,  Cicognara,  Albrizzi,  Mezzofanti,  Mai,  Mustoxidi,  Aglietti,  and 
Vacca,  will  secure  to  the  present  generation  an  honorable  place  in  most 
of  the  departments  of  art,  science,  and  belles  lettres;  and  in  some  the 
very  highest.  Europe — the  world — has  but  one  Canova."f  We  may 
still  address  the  mother  and  mistress  of  churches  in  the  language  of  this 
child  of  genius  : — 

"  Mother  of  arts,  as  once  of  arms, 
Thy  hand  was  then  our  guardian,  and  is  still  our  guide." 

*  Rome  under  Paganism,  &c.,  vol.  ii.  p.  243. 
f  Introd.  to  canto  iv.,  Childe  Harold. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

JUt  0f  f  tinting, 

§1.— ENCOURAGEMENT    OF    PRINTERS. 

THE  zeal  of  the  Popes  for  the  promotion  of  elegant  literature  and  use- 
ful knowledge  was  displayed,  in  the  most  unequivocal  manner,  on  the 
discovery  of,  what  Berthold,  Archbishop  of  Mentz,  did  not  hesitate  to 
style  the  divine  art  of  printing.  To  Germany  belongs  the  glory  of  this 
invention  ;  but  only  a  few  years  had  elapsed  when  Italy  rivalled  and  sur- 
passed her.  "  The  whole  number  of  books,"  as  Hallam  testifies,  "  printed 
with  dates  of  time  and  place,  in  the  German  Empire,  from  1461  to  1470, 
according  to  Panzer,  was  only  twenty-four;  of  which  five  were  Latin, 
and  two  German  Bibles." — "A  more  splendid  scene  was  revealed  in 
Italy."  Sweynheim  and  Pennartz,  two  workmen  of  Fust,  set  up  a  press, 
doubtless  with  encouragement  and  patronage,  at  the  monastery  of  Subiaco, 
in  the  Apennines. — In  1467,  after  printing  Augustin  De  Civitate  Dei, 
and  Cicero  de  Oratore,  the  two  Germans  left  Subiaco  for  Rome,  where 
they  sent  forth  not  less  than  twenty-three  editions  of  ancient  Latin  au- 
thors before  the  close  of  1470. — The  whole  number  of  books  that  had 
issued  from  the  press  in  Italy  at  the  close  of  that  year,  amounts,  according 
to  Panzer,  to  eighty-two,  exclusive  of  those  which  have  no  date,  some  of 
which  may  be  referrible  to  this  period."*  Another  German  printer, 
Udalric  Hahn,  was  patronized  at  Rome  at  the  same  time,  and  gave  to  the 
public  the  meditations  of  Cardinal  Turrecremata,  illustrated  with  wood- 
cuts. The  bishop  John  Andrew  de  Bussi,  librarian  of  the  Vatican,  aided 
the  printers  in  their  literary  labors.  The  example  of  Rome  was  eagerly 
imitated  by  no  less  than  fifty  cities  of  Italy.  Venice  soon  surpassed  her 
in  the  number  of  works  issuing  from  the  press ;  while  Milan  strove  to 
excel  in  the  magnificence  of  the  execution.  All  the  works  of  Cicero 
were  printed  in  splendid  style  at  Milan,  in  1498  and  1499 ;  and  "  an  edi- 
tion of  Cicero's  epistles  appeared  also  in  the  town  of  Fuligno."f  "  The 
books  printed  in  Italy  during  these  ten  years  (from  1470  to  1480)  amount, 
according  to  Panzer,  to  1297 ;  of  which  234  are  editions  of  ancient  classical 
authors.  Books  without  date  are,  of  course,  not  included ;  and  the  list 

*  Literature  of  Europe,  vol.  i.  ch.  iii.  n.  33.  t  Ibidem. 

tM 


400  ART   OF   PRINTING. 

must  not  be  reckoned  complete  as  to  others."*  "A  translation  of  the 
Bible  by  Malerbi,  a  Venetian,  was  published  in  1471,  and  two  other  edi- 
tions of  that,  or  a  different  version,  the  same  year.  Eleven  editions  are 
enumerated  by  Panzer  in  the  fifteenth  century."f  The  books  printed  at 
Rome  down  to  150.0  are  935,  a  far  greater  number  than  were  issued  from 
any  other  city  but  Venice,  which  counted  2835.  "  Much  more  than  ten 
thousand  editions  of  books  or  pamphlets  (a  late  writer  says  fifteen  thou- 
sand) were  printed  from  1470  to  1500.  More  than  half  the  number 
appeared  in  Italy. "J  "  The  editions  of  the  Vulgate  registered  in  Panzer 
are  ninety-one. "§  An  edition  of  the  Vulgate,  corrected  on  the  Hebrew 
and  Greek  texts,  was  published  at  Venice  in  1484,  a  copy  of  which  is  still 
preserved  in  the  library  of  the  Baltimore  cathedral. j| 

The  activity  of  the  Roman  press  was  considerably  lessened  by  the  wars, 
of  which  Italy  was  the  theatre  in  the  early  part  of  the  sixteenth  century ; 
but  was  soon  restored.  "An  .ZEthiopic,  that  is,  Abyssinian  grammar, 
with  the  Psalms  in  the  same  language,  was  published  at  Rome  by  Potken, 
in  1513. "If  "The  ^Ethiopic  version  of  the  New  Testament  was  printed 
at  Rome  in  1548."**  A  splendid  edition  of  the  works  of  Homer  issued 
from  the  Roman  press  in  1549,  under  the  superintendence  of  Anthony 
Bladus.  Paul  Manutius,  the  learned  Venetian,  on  the  invitation  of  Pius 
IV.,  established  a  printing  office  at  Rome  in  1561,  and  gave  to  the  public 
many  works,  the  expenses  of  which  were  defrayed  by  his  munificence. 
Pius  appointed  two  correctors  of  the  press  for  the  Greek  language,  and 
ordered  diligent  search  to  be  made  for  manuscripts  in  the  Oriental  tongues. 
When,  after  an  absence  for  some  time,  Paul  returned  to  Rome,  in  the 
pontificate  of  Gregory  XIII.,  this  enlightened  Pope  insisted  on  retaining 
him  there,  in  his  old  age,  and  assigned  him  a  pension,  leaving  him  at  liberty 
to  pursue  his  literary  labors  as  might  suit  his  convenience.  "  The  in- 
creasing zeal  of  Rome,"  Hallam  remarks,  "for  the  propagation  of  its  faith, 
both  among  infidels  and  schismatics,  gave  a  larger  sweep  to  the  cultivation 
of  Oriental  languages."  Sixtus  V.,  in  order  to  place  the  Apostolic  print- 
ing office  on  a  permanent  basis,  spent  40,000  crowns  to  provide  it  with 
Greek,  Latin,  Hebrew,  Arabic  and  Servian  types,  and  with  excellent 
paper,  and  all  other  requisites  for  elegant  execution  j  and  assigned  pensions 
to  learned  men  charged  with  the  supervision  of  the  press.  During  his 
pontificate,  an  elegant  edition  of  the  Septuagint  was  issued  from  it,  which  is 
acknowledged  to  be  the  best  heretofore  anywhere  published. ff  Thence,  also, 
came  forth  an  edition  of  the  Vulgate  corrected  chiefly  by  the  collation  of 
manuscripts,  and  published  with  his  solemn  sanction,  in  which,  neverthe- 

*  Literature  of  Europe,  vol.  i.  ch.  Hi.  n.  44.  f  Ibidem,  n.  53. 

J  Ibidem,  n.  143.  ^  Ibidem,  n.  141. 

||  Fontibus  ex  Graecis,  Hebrseorum  quoque  libris 

Emendata  satis  et  decorata  simul 

§  Literature  of  Europe,  vol.  i.  ch.  v.  n.  77.  **  Ibidem,  ch.  ix.  n.  25. 

ff  See  Cyclopaedia  of  Bib.  Lit.,  edited  by  John  Kitto,  D.D.,  F.S.A.,  v.  Septuayint. 


ART   OF   PRINTING.  401 

less,  about  forty  typographical  errors  were  soon  discovered,  which  deter- 
mined him  to  issue  a  corrected  edition.  His  death  having  prevented  the 
execution  of  his  design,  it  was  delayed  until  the  pontificate  of  Clement 
VIII. ,  who  allowed  the  revisors  of  it  to  modify  and  correct  many  other 
readings,  by  reference  to  the  original  texts.  The  discrepancies  thus 
arising  between  the  two  editions  being  very  numerous,  although  for  the 
most  part  of  little  moment,  the  adversaries  of  the  Holy  See  have  taken 
thence  occasion  to  ring  the  changes  on  Papal  infallibility,  as  if  this  re- 
garded the  greater  or  less  accuracy  of  an  edition  of  the  Scriptures.  The 
sanction  given  by  Sixtus  was  directed  to  assure  the  faithful  that  the  edi- 
tion was  substantially  correct,  and  to  prevent  any  changes  being  made  in 
the  readings  by  private  authority.  Clement,  in  publishing  the  corrected 
edition,  renewed  the  same  sanction  with  the  same  views,  and  gave  it  as 
the  Sixtine  edition  revised.  This  explanation  seemed  called  for  by  the 
occasion  presented  to  me  of  mentioning  these  editions  of  the  Vulgate, 
both  of  which  attest  the  zeal  of  the  Popes  for  the  integrity  of  the 
Scriptures. 

The  munificence  of  the  Popes  was  employed  in  encouraging  the  printing 
of  books  to  be  circulated  in  the  Eastern  nations.  The  first  printing  office 
in  Europe  for  the  Arabic  tongue  was  established  at  Fario,  by  Gregory 
Giorgio  of  Venice,  at  the  expense  of  Julius  II.,  in  which  language  a 
book  issued  from  it  in  1514.  Gregory  XIII.  declared  Cardinal  Ferdi- 
nand de'  Medici  protector  of  Ethiopia,  and  of  the  patriarchates  of  Alex- 
andria and  Antioch,  in  order  to  stimulate  his  zeal  for  the  conversion  of 
the  inhabitants  of  those  countries :  in  consequence  of  which  the  Cardinal 
gathered  manuscripts  from  all  parts;  and  at  an  immense  expense,  cast 
Hebrew,  Syriac,  Arabic,  Ethiopic,  and  Armenian  types,  and  employed 
learned  men,  especially  John  Baptist  Raimondi,  to  superintend  the  press. 
An  Arabic  and  a  Chaldaic  grammar  issued  from  it :  some  works  of  Avi- 
cenna  and  Euclid  were  published  in  Arabic,  with  three  thousand  copies 
of  the  four  Gospels  in  the  same  language,  for  distribution  in  the  East. 
Raimondi  also  undertook  to  publish  the  whole  Bible  in  ten  different 
tongues.  Thus,  in  the  sixteenth  century,  both  before  and  after  the  so- 
called  Reformation,  the  Popes  and  the  cardinals  were  active  patrons  of 
the  press,  and  Bible-distributors  !  "  The  Persic  grammar  was  given  at 
Rome  by  Raimondi  in  1614."  "  We  find  Ferrari,  author  of  a  Syriac  lexi- 
con, published  at  Rome  in  1622."  In  1627  there  were  types  of  fifteen 
different  languages,  and,  at  a  later  period,  of  twenty-three,  in  the  printing 
establishment  of  Propaganda.  There  issued  from  it,  in  the  decline  of 
that  age,  a  work  styled  "  Bibliotheca  magna  RabUnica,"  composed  by 
Father  Bartolocci,  a  Cistercian  monk,  who  for  thirty-six  years  had  been 
professor  of  Hebrew.  An  Arabic  grammar,  a  Syro- Arabic  Latin  thesau- 
rus, a  Syriac  dictionary,  a  Hebrew  dictionary,  and  other  works  of  a  like 
character,  were  published  there  at  various  times.  Three  Maronites, 
namely,  Victor  Scialac,  Abraham  Eocbellensis,  and  Faustus  Nairo,  were 

26 


402  ART   OF   PRINTING. 

maintained  at  the  expense  of  the  Pope,  for  the  purpose  of  publishing 
works  in  Arabic.  In  1621,  a  great  work  called  " Hebrew  Concordances" 
came  from  that  press,  and  was  so  highly  esteemed  as  to  be  reprinted  in 
London.  An  Arabic  Bible,  which  was  in  preparation  during  forty-sis 
years,  was^  published  at  Rome  in  1671,  in  three  folio  volumes.  A  printing 
office,  furnished  with  Oriental  types,  was  established  in  Milan  by  Cardinal 
Frederic  Borromeo,  from  which  an  Arabic  dictionary  in  four  volumes 
issued  in  1632.  Cardinal  Barbarigo  established  an  Oriental  printing 
office  at  Padua.  "  A  fine  edition  of  the  Koran,  and  still  esteemed  the 
best,"  as  Hallam  observes,  "  was  due  to  Marracci,  professor  of  Arabic  in 
the  Sapienza,  or  University  of  Rome,  and  published  at  the  expense  of 
Cardinal  Barbarigo  in  1698."*  The  munificence  of  Clement  XI.,  enabled 
Joseph  Simon  Assemani,  a  Maronite  of  Syria,  to  publish  at  Rome,  in 
1719,  his  learned  work  on  the  Vatican  manuscripts  in  the  Oriental  lan- 
guages. The  publication  of  the  works  of  St.  Ephrem  was  also  begun  by 
him,  and  continued  by  his  nephew  Stephen  Evodius.  The  Acts  of  the 
martyrs  of  the  East  and  of  the  West  were  published  in  Chaldaic,  and 
translated  by  the  latter ;  and  several  other  works,  composed  by  others  of 
that  family,  came  from  the  same  press.  It  is  not  easy  to  enumerate  all 
that  Rome  has  done,  and  is  still  engaged  in  doing,  to  promote  Oriental 
literature.  "  Who,"  cries  Ranke,  "  does  not  know  what  the  Propaganda 
has  done  for  philological  learning  ?"f 


§  2.  RESTRICTIONS  ON  THE  PRESS. 

The  services  of  the  Popes  to  letters  are  forgotten,  whilst  the  restrictions 
imposed  by  them  on  the  press  are  made  a  matter  of  reproach.  Berthold, 
Archbishop  of  Mentz,  who  esteemed  so  highly  the  art  of  printing,  deemed 
it  proper  to  guard  against  its  abuse,  by  requiring  the  examination  of  books 
by  clergymen  appointed  for  the  purpose,  previous  to  their  publication. 
Alexander  VI.  published  a  similar  decree  with  special  reference  to  Ger- 
many, and  Leo  X.  renewed  and  confirmed  it  as  a  general  law.  Yet  as 
bad  books  were  multiplied,  Paul  IV.,  in  1539,  published  a  list  of  prohibited 
books.  A  committee  of  divines  was  appointed  by  the  Council  of  Trent 
to  form  a  list  of  bad  or  dangerous  books ;  who,  having  failed  to  complete  the 
task  assigned  them  before  the  close  of  the  Council,  were  allowed  to  con- 
tinue their  labors,  and  ordered  to  submit  them  to  the  Pope  for  approval. 
The  list  is  daily  increasing  of  books,  the  reading  or  retention  of  which  is 
prohibited  under  ecclesiastical  censures :  and  although  this  discipline  is 
overruled  by  contrary  usage  in  most  countries,  it  serves  to  give  coloring 
to  the  charge,  that  the  Popes  are  hostile  to  the  liberty  of  the  press.  In 
justice  to  them  I  must  observe,  that  their  sole  object  has  been  to  re- 

*  Literature  of  Europe,  vol.  iv.  ch.  viii.  n.  41.         * 
f  Ranke,  Hist.  Popes,  vol.  ii.  1.  vii.  p.  59. 


THE   ART   OF   PRINTING.  493 

strain  the  press  within  the  limits  of  the  divine  law,  and  that  the  Keen- 
tiousness  which  sends  forth  impious  and  corrupt  books,  to  poison  the  minds 
of  youth,  is  that  which  our  late  venerable  Pontiff  visited  with  unmitigated 
censure.  Liberty  of  the  press,  considered  as  a  civil  right,  does  not  sup- 
pose freedom  from  moral  restraint,  or  impunity  from  civil  penalties  for  its 
abuse.  Its  chief  value,  in  a  civil  point  of  view,  is  to  give  free  expression 
to  public  sentiment  in  regard  to  the  management  of  public  affairs  by  rulers, 
and  other  officers,  and  thus  to  prevent  oppression,  or  procure  its  remedy, 
by  exposing  it  to  general  censure.  The  exercise  of  such  liberty,  for  the 
true  interests  of  the  country,  is  nowise  opposed  to  the  spirit  or  discipline 
of  the  Church.  It  is  well  known  that  the  Popes  have  permitted  the  pub- 
lication at  Rome  of  works  on  civil  polity,  which,  on  account  of  their  liberal 
and  popular  principles,  were  proscribed  in  several  European  States  ;*  and 
that,  at  all  times,  they  have  shown  themselves  disposed  to  favor  the  op- 
pressed, rather  than  stifle  their  complaints.  Incendiary  and  seditious 
works  could  not,  of  course,  be  sanctioned  by  the  rulers  of  the  Church, 
who  are  bound  to  sustain  established  order,  and  promote  peace ;  but  these 
are  not  included  in  the  true  notion  of  liberty  of  the  press ;  since  in  France, 
where  this  is  a  constitutional  right,  they  are  liable  to  seizure  when  dis- 
covered ;  and  in  this  country  they  expose  the  authors  and  publishers  to 
the  severity  of  the  law.  In  all  that  regards  science,  literature,  and  the 
arts,  the  utmost  freedom  of  the  press  may  be  enjoyed,  with  no  limit  but 
the  caution  of  not  advancing  on  holy  ground.  The  golden  age  of  Spanish 
literature  was  precisely  that  in  which  the  laws  of  the  Index,  the  tribunal 
which  forms  the  list  of  prohibited  books,  were  strictly  enforced.  How  can 
it  be  pretended  that  science  is  impeded  in  her  legitimate  progress,  because 
she  is  warned  not  to  displace  the  landmarks  of  religion  ?  A  vast  space 
lies  open  to  research  and  improvements,  without  encroaching  on  the  realms 
of  faith.  If  Locke's  Essay  on  the  Human  Understanding,  and  Milton's 
Paradise  Lost,  are  found  on  the  list  of  prohibited  books,  it  is  because  the 
philosopher  artfully  undermined  the  doctrine  of  the  spiritual  nature  of  the 
soul,  and  the  poet  exhibited  Christ  according  to  the  fancy  of  the  Arians 
and  made  of  Lucifer  a  hero.  Lest  an  incautious  reader,  misled  by  a  great 
name,  should  imbibe  fatal  error,  the  books  were  proscribed ;  but  even  in 
countries  where  the  discipline  prevails,  leave  to  read  them  is  easily  obtained. 
The  Popes  have  at  all  times  respected  the  meditations  of  true  philosophy, 
and  honored  the  inspirations  of  the  Muses,  always  saving  the  truth  of  what 
God  has  revealed. 

Freedom  of  the  press,  as  a  civil  right,  in  this  country,  extends  to  the 


*  The  work  of  Spedalieri,  entitled,  "  I  diritti  dell'  uomo,"  in  which  the  right  of  a  nation 
to  depose  a  despot,  is  supported  by  the  authority  of  St.  Thomas  of  Aquin,  in  his  letter  to 
the  Bishop  of  Rome,  was  published  at  Rome  in  1791,  dedicated  to  Cardinal  Ruffo, 
Apostolic  Treasurer.  Pius  VI.  who  encouraged  its  publication,  rewarded  the  author  by 
appointing  him  one  of  the  Canons  of  the  Basilic  of  St.  Peter. 


404  THE   ART   OF   PRINTING. 

publication  of  works  on  doctrinal  subjects,  without  regard  to  the  faith  of 
the  Church  :  so  that  all  the  doctrines  which  we  hold  to  be  divine,  may  be 
assailed  without  incurring  any  civil  penalty,  which,  however,  may  be  in- 
flicted, even  here,  on  an  open  blasphemer  of  Christ.  To  the  full  enjoy- 
ment of  this  civil  right  by  our  fellow-citizens,  we  make  no  objection  what- 
ever. The  Constitutions  of  the  various  States,  and  the  principles  of  the 
country  and  age,  give  it,  leaving  to  each  one  the  responsibility  of  its  en- 
joyment. For  ourselves,  believing  firmly  that  God  has  made  a  revelation, 
of  which  the  Church  is  the  guardian,  we  cannot  conscientiously  approve 
of  any  thing  written  or  spoken  in  opposition  to  her  teaching.  The  decrees 
of  the  Pope  proscribing  certain  books  as  containing  false  doctrines,  are  for 
us  the  warnings  of  a  father  against  what  might  pervert  the  understanding, 
and  corrupt  the  hearts  of  his  children.  Independently  of  them,  we  are 
naturally  bound  to  shun  whatever  is  dangerous  to  our  faith  and  morals. 
The  youth  who,  uninstructed  in  the  great  evidences  of  revelation,  fami- 
liarizes himself  with  Paine's  Age  of  Reason,  exposes  himself  to  the  mani- 
fest danger  of  infidelity.  The  female  who,  with  morbid  curiosity,  peruses 
an  obscene  tale,  is  liable  to  lose  that  purity  of  heart  which  is  her  greatest 
treasure.  In  proportion  to  our  information  and  moral  habits,  the  dangers 
may  be  diminished ;  but  it  is  beyond  a  doubt,  that  to  the  reading  of  bad 
books  may  be  traced  the  infidelity  and  corruption  of  innumerable  indi- 
viduals. The  restrictions  which  the  Popes  imposed  would  be  unjust,  if 
arbitrary;  and  unreasonable,  if  those  for  whom  they  were  intended  did  not 
already  recognise  their  pastoral  authority :  but  this  being  recognised,  no- 
thing is  more  reasonable  and  just  than  to  turn  away  the  sheep  from  noxious 
pastures,  by  proscribing  whatever  is  contrary  to  sound  doctrine.  At  all 
events,  the  precedent  of  the  proscription  of  bad  books  was  given  by  the 
Apostles,  when  the  vast  collection  of  works  of  magic  belonging  to  converts 
from  that  superstition,  were  consigned  to  the  flames.*  Will  the  readers 
of  Scripture  charge  the  Apostles  with  hostility  to  knowledge  ?  The  moral 
restraints  resulting  from  our  discipline  serve  to  avert  many  of  the  evils 
with  which  the  licentiousness  of  the  press  deluges  the  world.  The  pangs 
of  the  broken  heart  when  its  shame  has  been  revealed — the  desolation  of 
families,  whose  sorrows  have  rung  on  the  public  ear — the  torture  of  high- 
minded  patriots,  writhing  under  the  calumnies  of  reckless  rivals — the  fury 
of  a  populace  maddened  to  arson  and  bloodshed  by  incendiary  publications, 
and  the  struggles  and  convulsions  of  parties,  which  almost  threaten  the 
dissolution  of  society,  are  no  imaginary  evils.  Voltaire  did  not  hesitate 
to  declare  that  the  press  had  become  one  of  the  scourges  of  society. f 
Even  here,  abolition  publications  are  regarded  with  horror,  as  tending  to 
encourage  sedition  and  endangering  the  lives  of  the  citizens. 

*  Acts  xix.  19. 

•f  "  La   presse,  il  le   faut   avouer,  est  devenue  un  des  fleaux  de  la  societe",  et  un  bri- 
gandage intolerable."     Voltaire,  fragment  d'une  lettre  a  un  Acade'micien  de  Berlin,  t.  v. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 


§  1.  CIVILIZATION. 

WHAT  we  have  elsewhere  said  of  the  authority  exercised  over  princes 
for  the  correction  of  their  morals,  must  give  a  high  idea  of  the  general  in- 
fluence which  the  Popes  had  on  morality  and  order.  When  the  people 
saw  their  leaders  stricken  with  the  rod  of  ecclesiastical  authority,  they 
were  made  deeply  sensible  of  the  turpitude  of  crime,  which  could  not 
escape  censure  even  in  the  great  and  powerful.  The  struggle  of  the  Pon- 
tiffs with  the  fierce  passions  of  the  feudal  nobility,  is  graphically  described 
by  a  writer  in  the  British  Critic,  who  thus  represents  the  position  of  the 
Church  in  the  Middle  Ages  :  "  Just  as  she  had  subdued  the  intelligence 
and  refinement  of  the  old  Roman  Empire,  it  was  swept  away,  and  she  was 
left  alone  with  its  wild  destroyers.  Her  commission  was  changed  :  she 
had  now  to  tame  and  rule  the  barbarians.  But  upon  them  the  voice 
which  had  rebuked  the  heretic,  fell  powerless.  While  they  pressed  into 
her  fold,  they  overwhelmed  all  her  efforts  to  reclaim  them,  and  filled  her, 
from  east  to  west,  with  violence  and  stunning  disorder.  When,  therefore, 
she  again  roused  herself  to  confront  the  world,  her  position  and  difficulties 
were  shifted.  Her  enemy  was  no  longer  heresy,  but  vice  —  wickedness 
which  wrought  with  a  high  hand,  foul  and  rampant,  like  that  of  Sodom, 
or  the  men  before  the  flood.  It  was  not  the  faith,  but  the  first  principles 
of  duty  —  justice,  mercy,  and  truth,  which  were  directly  endangered  by 
the  unbridled  ambition  and  licentiousness  of  the  feudal  aristocracy,  who 
were  then  masters  of  Europe.  With  this  fierce  nobility,  she  had  to  fight 
the  battle  of  the  poor  and  weak  —  to  settle  the  question  whether  the 
Christian  religion  and  the  offices  of  the  Church  were  to  be  any  thing  more 
than  names,  and  honors,  and  endowments,  trappings  of  chivalry  and 
gentle  blood  ;  whether  there  were  yet  strength  left  upon  earth  to  maintain 
and  avenge  the  laws  of  God,  whoever  might  break  them.  She  had  to 
stand  between  the  oppressor  and  his  prey  —  to  compel  respect  for  what  is 
pure  and  sacred  from  the  lawless  and  powerful."*  It  is  impossible  not 
to  admire  the  unflinching  resolution  with  which  the  Pontiffs  contended 
for  moral  principle  against  these  potentates.  The  disorders  of  those  ages 

*  British  Critic,  vol.  33,  p.  7. 

405 


406  MORAL   INFLUENCE. 

shock  us  by  their  enormity  and  frequency :  but  they  would  have  been  un- 
mitigated and  unrelieved  by  any  exhibition  of  Christian  virtues,  had  not 
the  Popes  fulminated  censure  against  the  prevaricators,  and  proclaimed  to 
the  world  maxims  of  purity  and  holiness.  "  These  ages  of  darkness,  as 
they  are  called,"  says  Dr.  Nevin,  "  were  still,  to  an  extent  now  hard  to 
understand,  ages  also  of  faith.  The  church  still  had,  as  in  earlier  days, 
her  miracles,  her  martyrdoms,  her  missionary  zeal,  her  holy  bishops  and 
saints,  her  works  of  charity  and  love,  her  care  for  sound  doctrine,  her 
sense  of  a  heavenly  commission,  and  her  more  than  human  power  to  con- 
vert and-  subdue  nations.  True,  the  world  was  dark,  very  dark  and  very 
wild;  and  its  corruptions  were  powerfully  felt  at  times  in  her  own  bosom; 
but  no  one  but  a  simpleton  or  a  knave  will  pretend  to  make  this  barbarism 
her  work,  or  to  lay  it  as  a  crime  to  her  charge.  She  was  the  rock  that 
beat  back  its  proud  waves.  She  was  the  power  of  order  and  law,  the 
fountain  of  a  new  civilization,  in  the  midst  of  its  tumultuating  chaos."')' 

The  Popes  did  not,  however,  confine  their  efforts  to  those  who,  by  the 
action  of  Providence,  seemed  brought  within  their  reach.  With  unceasing 
solicitude  they  applied  themselves  to  the  diffusion  of  the  Gospel,  by  de- 
spatching apostolic  men,  from  time  to  time,  to  barbarous  and  savage  na- 
tions, to  impart  to  them  the  knowledge  of  salvation.  In  order  to  estimate 
their  services,  it  would  be  necessary  to  go  over  the  records  of  missions  in 
various  ages,  and  to  consider  the  condition  of  the  aborigines,  or  early 
settlers  of  each  country.  Children  of  nature,  with  no  rule  but  impulse, 
and  no  restraint  but  the  fear  of  vengeance — with  no  affection  but  for  ob- 
jects of  momentary  gratification,  and  no  ambition  but  to  slay  an  enemy — 
sunk  in  sensuality,  without  even  the  restraint  of  shame,  they  scarcely  pre- 
sented any  thing  to  distinguish  them  from  the  brute  beast.  For  the  salva- 
tion of  such  degraded  beings,  the  Popes  uniformly  sighed,  and  when  oc- 
casion offered  itself,  sent  forth  the  heralds  of  the  Gospel  to  enlighten,  hu- 
manize, and  save  them.  The  naked  savage  and  the  painted  barbarian 
stood  aghast — the  huntsman  and  the  warrior  tribe  were  arrested  in  their 
course,  at  the  sight  of  the  missionaries  of  the  cross :  the  tones  of  sacred 
music  fell  on  their  delighted  ears,  and  they  listened  to  the  tale  of  wonder 
which  the  strangers  recounted  :  finally,  they  clung  to  them  as  fathers,  and 
learned  from  them  to  control  their  unruly  passions,  and  worship  the 
Great  Spirit.  The  condescension  of  the  Popes  in  yielding  to  these  re- 
claimed children  of  the  forest  whatever  the  divine  law  did  not  forbid,  and 
leading  them  gradually  to  the  perfection  of  Christian  discipline,  shows  ex- 
traordinary wisdom  and  true  philanthropy.f  With  zeal  tempered  by 
wisdom,  they  labored  incessantly  to  form  them  to  arts  of  peace  and  in- 
dustry. "  The  Gregorian  school/'  says  Count  St.  Priest,  speaking  of  St. 

*  "Early  Christianity,"  M.  R.  Nov.  1851.' 

f  St.  Greogory  writing  to  Augustin  observes:  "Nam  duris  mentibus  simul  omnia 
abscindere  impossibile  esse  non  dubium  est,  quia  is,  qui  loeurn  sumiuum  ascendere  nitltur, 
gradibus  vel  passibus,  non  autera  saltibus,  elevatur."  Greg.  ep.  ix  71. 


MORAL   INFLUENCE.  407 

Boniface,  the  apostle  of  Germany,  sent  by  Gregory  II.,  "although  ani- 
mated chiefly  by  the  sincerest  religious  zeal,  did  not  limit  their  views  to 
the  salvation  of  souls.  To  clear  the  land,  to  change  a  dry  soil  and  thick 
forests  into  fertile  plains,  to  build  dwellings  which  might  serve  as  the  com- 
mencement of  cities,  to  accustom  men  to  social  life,  to  bind  strongly  the 
family  tie,  and  to  form  bonds  of  association,  and  of  mutual  wants  and  suc- 
cors, to  unite,  to  colonize,  such  were  the  plans  that  Winfred  revolved  in 
his  mind."*  What  Boniface  accomplished  in  Germany,  the  apostles 
of  other  countries  effected  in  their  respective  missions.  The  encourage- 
ment given  to  monastic  institutions  had  this  tendency  and  effect.  The 
tranquility  of  the  cloister  had  its  charms  for  the  warrior,  who  oftentimes 
laid  aside  his  armor,  to  sit  at  the  feet  of  a  holy  monk,  and  learn  the 
science  of  salvation.  The  wandering  tribes  were  astonished  at  the  sight 
of  a  vast  monastery  with  its  gardens  and  well-cultivated  fields,  and  they 
learned  to  imitate  the  industry  which  afforded  plenty  and  contentment. 
Hostile  bands  trod  with  reverence  on  the  soil  which  was  sacred  to  religion 
and  virtue.  It  is  impossible  to  estimate  the  effects  of  these  institutions 
on  civilization.  Marshes  drained,  immense  wastes  reclaimed  and  fertilized, 
valleys  beautified  with  varied  cultivation,  hills  crowned  with  olives,  and 
plains  overspread  with  wheat,  are  only  the  immediate  fruits  of  their  labors.f 
The  influence  of  the  example  of  the  monks  in  recommending  industry  and 
peace  must  have  been  immense. 

The  conversion  and  civilization  of  so  many  barbarous  nations  are  among 
the  most  splendid  triumphs  and  evidences  of  Christianity,  no  wise  inferior 
to  those  which  marked  the  first  preaching  of  the  gospel.  Hence  Dr. 
Nevin  points  to  them  as  proofs  of  its  enduring  power  :  "  Take  the  conver- 
sion of  Saxon  England  in  the  time  of  Gregory  the  Great,  and  the  long 
work  of  moral  organization  with  which  it  was  followed  in  succeeding  cen- 
turies. Look  at  the  missionaries  that  proceeded  from  this  island,  apos- 
tolical bishops  and  holy  monks,  in  the  seventh  and  eight  centuries,  plant- 
ing churches  successfully  in  the  countries  of  the  Rhine.  Consider  the  en- 
tire evangelization  of  the  new  barbarous  Europe.  Is  it  not  a  work  fairly 
parallel,  to  say  the  least,  with  the  conquest  of  the  old  Boman  Empire  in 
the  first  ages?  Is  not  the  argument  of i  miraculous  success/  quite  as 
strong  here  as  there  ?"J 

The  veneration  of  the  Blessed  Virgin,  which  the  Popes  always  cherished, 
was  amongst  the  most  powerful  means  of  civilization.  Woman  was 
raised  from  her  degradation,  and  no  longer  regarded  as  the  slave  of 
a  haughty  master.  She  was  respected  because  of  HER  who  was  blessed 
among  women.  The  mild  virtues  of  the  Virgin  caught  the  admira- 
tion of  the  fierce  sons  of  Mars,  who  felt  honored  in  imitating  her  gentle- 

*  liistoire  de  la  Koyaute*  par  Saint  Priest,  vol.  ii.  1.  viii.  p.  223. 

f  See  Tableau  des  Institutions  et  des  Moeurs  de  1'Eglise  au  Moyen  Ago  par  Frederic 
Hurter  vol.  ii.  ch.  vii.  p.  152.  traduit  de  1'Allemand. 
J  "  Early  Christianity,"  M.  R.  Nov.  1851. 


408  MORAL  INFLUENCE. 

ness  and  sweetness.  Holy  purity  was  loved,  because  it  had  been  honored 
in  her  person.  Not  only  vast  numbers  of  her  own  sex  cherished  it  with 
jealous  care,  but  thousands  of  men  vowed  to  preserve  it,  and  sought  the 
aid  of  her  prayers  for  that  purpose.  It  is  manifest  that  the  devotion  to 
her  was  developed  and  exercised  in  those  ages  in  a  remarkable  degree ; 
to  which  we  may  fairly  ascribe  all  that  was  bland  and  meek  in  manners, 
all  that  was  pure  in  morals,  all  that  was  tender  and  affecting  in  piety. 
Augustus  William  Schlegel,  although  a  Protestant,  has  beautifully  ob- 
served :  "  With  the  virtues  of  chivalry  was  associated  a  new  and  purer 
spirit  of  love,  an  inspired  homage  for  genuine  female  worth,  which  was 
now  revered  as  the  pinnacle  of  humanity,  and  enjoined  by  religion  itself 
under  the  image  of  a  Virgin  mother,  infused  into  all  hearts  a  sentiment 
of  unalloyed  goodness."* 

Without  entering  into  further  details  we  may  confidently  say,  that  to 
the  Popes,  as  rulers  of  the  Church,  we  owe  the  great  principles  of  order 
and  law  on  which  civilization  depends.  An  anonymous  writer  in  the 
Mercersburg  Review  avows  that  to  the  Church  li  we  are  indebted  for  our 
modern  civilization  ;  for  whatever  influence  besides  may  have  contributed 
to  this  end,  all  must  have  ever  remained  impotent,  without  their  main- 
spring, Christianity.  This  found  its  exclusive  abode  in  the  body  of  this 

church/'t 

§  2.  PERSONAL  VIRTUES. 

The  personal  virtues  which  distinguished  the  Popes,  necessarily  had  a 
most  happy  influence  on  the  whole  Christian  world.  Placed  on  the  highest 
eminence,  they  shone,  for  the  most  part,  with  bright  effulgence,  and  gave 
occasion  to  all  to  glorify  God  for  the  good  works  which  they  performed. 
Their  charity,  which  embraced  all  mankind,  was  experienced  far  beyond 
the  limits  which  their  means  might  have  marked  for  its  exercise.  In  the 
decline  of  the  second  century,  Dionysius,  Bishop  of  Corinth,  addressed  a 
letter  of  thanks  to  the  Roman  Church,  for  the  relief  which  Pope  Soter 
had  sent  to  the  distressed  faithful  of  the  East,  conformably  to  the  custom 
of  his  predecessors:  "From  the  beginning,"  he  writes,  "you  were  wont 
to  bestow  favours  on  the  brethren,  and  to  send  means  of  subsistence  to  the 
poor  of  other  churches :  here  you  come  to  the  relief  of  the  indigent  faith- 
ful, especially  of  those  who  are  at  work  in  the  mines ;  and  as  becomes 
genuine  Romans,  you  maintain  the  ancient  usage  of  your  ancestors.  The 
blessed  Bishop  Soter  was  not  content  with  walking  in  the  footsteps  of  the 
fathers ;  besides  taking  on  himself  the  charge  of  sending  your  generous 
offerings  to  the  faithful,  he  comforted  the  brethren  who  went  to  him  with 
pious  words,  uttered  with  the  tenderest  affection  of  a  fond  father  towards 

*  Lectures  on  Dramatic  Literature,  translated  by  John  Black,  p.  8,  American  edition, 
f  Protestantism  and  Romanism.     M.  R.  March,  1852,  S.  N.  C.  Jefferson,  Md. 


MORAL  INFLUENCE.  409 

his  children."*  A  century  afterwards,  St.  Dionysius,  Bishop  of  Rome, 
sent  alms  to  Cesarea  in  Cappadocia,  for  the  ransom  of  slaves,  with  letters 
of  condolence  to  the  afflicted  Church.f  The  treasures  of  the  Roman 
Church  were  regarded  as  the  common  fund  of  the  poor,  so  that  when  the 
deacon  Lawrence  was  called  on  by  the  pagan  persecutor  to  deliver  them 
up,  he  did  not  hesitate  to  distribute  them  among  the  poor,  whom  he  pre- 
sented at  the  appointed  time,  saying :  "  These  are  the  treasures  of  the 
Church  !" 

Charity  continued  to  be  the  distinguishing  characteristic  of  the  Pontiffs. 
With  scarcely  an  exception,,  they  are  all  described  as  fathers  of  the  poor, 
some  of  them  receiving  greater  praise  for  more  unbounded  munificence. 
Gelasius,  who  lived  at  the  close  of  the  fifth  century,  is  said  to  have  been 
the  servant  of  all  men,  but  especially  of  the  poor  of  Christ.  In  the  seventh 
century,  John  IV.  sent  a  large  sum  of  money  to  Istria,  to  be  employed  in 
the  ransom  of  prisoners ;  and  John  VI.  imitated  his  example,  when  Gi- 
sulph,  the  Lombard  duke  of  Benevento,  had  led  away  many  captives  from 
Campania.  Paul  I.,  in  the  following  century,  paid  the  debts  of  prisoners 
out  of  his  own  purse.  St.  Paschal  I.  built,  at  his  own  expense,  a  house 
for  the  reception  and  entertainment  of  English  pilgrims,  in  place  of  another 
which  had  been  destroyed  by  fire.  Even  in  the  tenth  century  this  attri- 
bute of  the  pontifical  office  did  not  fail.  Among  the  praises  of  Marinus 
II.,  is  recorded  his  generosity  to  the  poor.  Benedict  VII.  is  described 
as  a  lover  of  the  poor.  In  the  fifteenth  century  (not  to  weary  the  reader 
with  specifications  in  each  age),  Eugenius  IV.,  Nicholas  V.,  Callistus  III., 
are  all  commended  for  liberality  towards  the  poor  of  Christ.  Clement 
VIII.,  a  Pontiff  of  the  sixteenth  century,  always  entertained  twelve  poor 
men  at  his  table.  Innocent  X.,  in  the  following  age,  exercised  extraordi- 
nary generosity  to  the  poor,  not  confining  his  alms  to  the  large  sum  of 
100,000  crowns,  which  his  predecessors  had  been  wont  to  distribute  every 
year,  but  adding  many  large  donations,  especially  to  families  burdened 
with  children.  The  Romans  asked  leave  of  Alexander  VII.  to  erect  a 
statue,  in  order  to  perpetuate  the  memory  of  his  charity,  which  was  mani- 
fested in  an  extraordinary  degree  when  famine  and  pestilence  prevailed. 
The  Pontiff  humbly  declined  the  proffered  honor,  telling  them  with  his  usual 
grace  and  dignity,  that  he  desired  no  monument  but  the  kind  remembrance 
which  they  cherished  in  their  hearts.  Innocent  XII.  called  the  poor  his 
nephews,  and  bequeathed  to  them  whatever  might  result  from  the  sale  of 
the  furniture  of  his  palace  after  his  death.  On  his  return  from  Civita- 
vecchia, he  was  met  by  an  immense  multitude,  who  insisted  on  bearing  on 
their  shoulders  the  chair  in  which  he  rode.  As  this  triumphal  procession 
advanced  to  the  gates  of  the  eternal  city,  acclamations  rent  the  air  :  "  Be- 
hold !  our  father  comes— the  father  of  the  poor  !"  Clement  XII.  relieved 
the  distress  of  four  thousand  Romans,  who  by  a  public  conflagration, 

»  Apub  Euseb.  1.  iv.  hist.  eccl.  c.  xxiii.        f  S.  Basil,  ep.  Ixx.  alias,  ccxx. 


410  MORAL   INFUENCE. 

were  thrown  houseless  on  the  world.  Benedict  XIV.  made  a  visit  to  the 
sick  at  Civitavecchia,  waited  on  them,  and  gave  each  of  them  a  small 
present.  The  same  was  done  by  his  successor,  Clement  XIII.,  who  also 
left  proofs  of  his  munificence  with  the  prisoners  whom  he  visited  at  Cor- 
neto,  and  devoted  ten  thousand  crowns  to  the  erection  of  a  hospital  for 
women,  and  a  house  of  education  for  girls.  Clement  XIV.  called  the 
poor  of  Christ  his  family.  The  charity  of  Pius  VI.  was  displayed  in  many 
instances,  especially  on  occasion  of  public  calamities,  as  when  Bologna  and 
other  cities  were  visited  by  an  earthquake,  and  the  fortress  of  Civitavecchia 
was  blown  up  by  the  accidental  explosion  of  a  gunpowder  magazine.' 

Leo  XII.,  in  our  own  age,  has  merited  special  praises  for  his  solicitude 
for  the  poor;  but,  in  truth,  it  is  the  general  characteristic  of  all  the  Pon- 
tiffs, who,  in  this  respect,  most  certainly  have  proved  themselves  worthy 
representatives  of  Him  who  became  poor  for  our  sake. 

The  fortitude  with  which  the  Popes  have  struggled  for  truth  and  justice, 
cannot  be  considered  a  mere  accidental  virtue :  it  was,  no  doubt,  a  divine 
gift,  bestowed  on  them  in  the  person  of  Him  who,  from  being  a  shaking 
reed,  was  made  a  rock  of  strength.  The  first  three  centuries  saw  a  suc- 
cession of  martys  fill  the  papal  chair :  "  During  the  persecutions,"  says 
Ranke,  "  the  Bishops  of  Rome  had  exhibited  extraordinary  firmness  and 
courage  :  their  succession  had  often  been  rather  to  martyrdom  and  death 
than  to  office."*  The  Donatists  endeavored  to  tarnish  the  lustre  of  the 
Holy  See,  by  a  groundless  report  that  Marcellinus,  whose  pontificate  closed 
the  third  century,  had  yielded  to  the  persecutors,  and  offered  incense  to 
idols.  The  slander  was  indignantly  rejected  by  St.  Augustin,  who  saw  no 
need  of  refuting  what  was  supported  by  no  proof.  t(  What  need  have  we," 
he  cried,  "  to  answer  the  charges  brought  by  Petilian  against  the  bishops 
of  the  Roman  Church,  whom  he  has  attacked  with  incredible  calumnies  ? 
Marcellinus  and  his  priests  are  accused  by  him  of  having  delivered  up  the 
divine  books  into  the  hands  of  the  pagans,  and  offered  incense  to  the  idols : 
but  does  this  prove  them  to  be  guilty  ?  is  any  authentic  document  pro- 
duced to  show  that  they  were  convicted  of  the  crime  ?  He  declares  them 
wicked  and  sacrilegious :  I  pronounce  them  innocent. "•)• 

It  must  appear  strange  that  this  calumny,  embodied  by  some  unknown 
writer  in  the  forged  acts  of  a  Council  supposed  to  have  been  held  at  Si- 
nuessa,J  has  crept  into  the  Roman  Breviary ;  but  this  is  accounted  for  by 
the  want  of  critical  acumen  at  the  time  when  some  of  the  legends  were  in- 
serted. It  matters  not  whether  the  forger  of  the  acts  designed  evil  or 
good  by  his  clumsy  contrivance.  The  compilers  of  the  Breviary  regarding 
them  as  genuine,  and  knowing  that  the  personal  prevarication  of  the  Pon- 
tiff was  possible,  recorded  it  together  with  his  penance  and  humiliation. 
The  caution  which  is  justly  observed  by  the  rulers  of  the  Church,  in  ad- 

*  History  of  the  Popes,  1.  i.  ch.  i.  p.  29,  American  edition. 

f  L.  de  unico  bapt.  contra  Petil. 

j  Rocca  di  Mondragone,  a  fortress  in  the  kingdom  of  Naples,  and  built  on  its  site. 


MORAL  INFLUENCE.  411 

mitting  any  change  in  the  liturgy  and  office,  has  prevented  the  correction 
of  this  and  some  few  other  errors,  which,  although  blemishes,  detract  but 
little  from  the  general  excellence  of  this  beautiful  compilation. 

Even  under  Christian  emperors,  the  Popes  continued  to  suffer  from 
time  to  time  for  the  integrity  of  faith,  which  they  intrepidly  maintained. 
The  fortitude  of  Liberius,  in  the  imperial  audience  at  Milan,  has  been 
already  described,  and  his  constancy,  whilst  an  exile  and  a  prisoner,  vindi- 
cated. Silverius,  in  the  sixth  century,  finding  himself  the  object  of 
calumny  and  violence,  on  account  of  his  known  orthodoxy,  after  prayer  to 
God,  put  himself  in  the  hands  of  the  general  Belisarius,  who,  in  compliance 
with  the  wishes  of  the  heretical  empress,  led  him  into  exile,  where  he  died 
of  famine.  In  the  following  century,  Martin  I.  gained  the  martyr's  crown 
by  a  similar  career  of  suffering. 

To  corne  to  recent  times,  the  fortitude  of  Pius  VI.  in  the  maintenance 
of  the  cause  of  religion,  which  was  assailed  by  the  infidel  government  of  the 
French  Revolution,  is  worthy  of  all  admiration.  When  Napoleon,  in  the 
name  of  the  French  Republic,  hovered  over  the  Ecclesiastical  States  like  a 
bird  of  prey,  seeking  to  glut  himself  with  human  victims,  the  paternal 
heart  of  the  Pontiff  led  him  to  make  every  concession.  "  Hadx  we  at- 
tempted any  defence,"  he  observed,  "  torrents  of  blood  would  have  flowed 
to  no  purpose."  The  plate  of  his  palace,  with  all  that  could  be  gathered 
from  others,  was  sacrificed  to  pay  the  immense  sum  which  the  general, 
elate  with  his  many  victories,  demanded  j  and  every  humiliating  condition 
was  accepted  :  but  when  the  infidel  Directory  insisted  on  his  retracting 
the  condemnation  of  the  civil  constitution  of  the  clergy,  the  heroic  Pius 
was  inflexible  :  "The  crown  of  martyrdom,"  he  observed,  "is  more  bril- 
liant than  the  tiara."  After  immense  sacrifices  on  his  part  the  French, 
in  violation  of  the  treaty  of  Tolentino,  took  possession  of  his  capital,  and 
Cervoni,  in  mockery,  presented  him  with  the  French  cockade,  promising 
him  a  pension,  but  he  answered  with  dignity  :  "  I  care  for  no  ornaments 
but  those  with  which  the  Church  has  decorated  me.  You  have  full  power 
over  my  body,  but  not  over  my  soul,  which  defies  your  utmost  efforts.  I 
want  no  pension.  A  staff  and  the  coarsest  garment  are  enough  for  me, 
who,  for  the  maintenance  of  the  faith,  am  soon  to  expire  on  ashes."  Cer- 
voni  persisting  in  urging  him  to  resign  his  temporal  principality,  and  ac- 
cept a  pension,  the  aged  Pontiff  replied :  "  My  power  comes  by  free  elec- 
tion from  God  alone,  and  not  from  men,  and  I  cannot  and  ought  not  to 
resign  it.  I  am  now  near  the  eightieth  year  of  my  life,  and  have  nothing 
to  fear.  Whatever  violence  and  indignities  may  be  committed  against  me 
by  those  in  whose  power  I  am,  my  soul  is  still  free,  and  so  resolute  and 
courageous,  that  I  am  ready  to  meet  death,  rather  than  dishonor  myself, 
or  offend  God."  After  separating  the  Pontiff  from  all  his  couusellors  and 
friends,  and  pillaging  his  palace,  Haller,  a  Swiss  Calvinist,  in  the  n:ni:o 
of  the  French,  intimated  to  him  that  he  must  quit  Rome.  Pius  pleaded 
in  vain  the  weight  of  his  years,  his  infirmities,  which  at  any  moment 


412  MORAL  INFLUENCE. 

might  terminate  in  death,  and  his  duty,  which  required  him  to  remain. 
The  brutal  messenger  told  him  he  should  be  forced  away,  unless  he  con- 
sented. The  afflicted  Pontiff,  after  pouring  out  his  complaints  at  the  foot 
of  the  crucifix,  bowed  in  homage  to  the  divine  will,  and  as  he  rose  from 
prayer,  exclaimed  :  "  It  is  the  will  of  God  :  His  holy  will  be  done  :  let  us 
bow  to  His  just  decrees."  As  he  descended  the  staircase,  he  was  met  by 
a  criminal  whom  he  had  pardoned,  but  who,  like  Semei,  exulting  in  the 
misfortunes  of  his  sovereign,  taunted  him  :  "  See,  tyrant,  your  reign  is  at 
an  end."  Pius  replied  :  "  "Were  I  a  tyrant,  you  would  not  be  alive." 
Thus  he  was  hurried  away  from  his  capital.  On  his  journey,  he  received 
a  message  of  condolence  from  Ferdinand  III.,  Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany,  on 
which  occasion  he  observed :  "  My  afflictions  encourage  me  to  hope  that  I 
am  not  altogether  unworthy  of  being  vicar  of  Jesus  Christ,  and  successor 
of  St.  Peter.  The  situation  in  which  you  behold  me,  recalls  to  our  minds 
the  early  ages  of  the  Church,  which  were  the  days  of  her  triumphs."  When 
Charles  Emmanuel  IV.,  the  exiled  King  of  Turin,  with  his  wife,  visited 
him  in  his  retreat  at  the  Cistercian  monastery  near  Florence,  Pius  ex- 
claimed :  "  All  in  this  world  is  vanity.  No  one  can  say  it  more  truly 
than  we  can.  Yes :  all  is  vanity,  but  to  love  and  serve  the  Giver  of  every 
blessing.  Let  us  raise  our  eyes  to  heaven,  where  thrones  are  prepared  for 
us,  of  which  men  cannot  deprive  us."  After  a  month,  Pius  was  forced 
from  this  peaceful  asylum,  and,  notwithstanding  the  testimony  of  medical 
men,  given  on  oath,  that  travelling  would  expose  his  life  to  imminent 
danger,  he  was  inhumanly  dragged  from  place  to  place,  without  losing  his 
patience,  or  sweetness  of  disposition.  When  he  had  reached  Turin,  and 
found  himself  obliged  to  travel  still  farther,  he  exclaimed  :  "  The  will  of 
God  be  done.  Let  us  go  cheerfully  whithersoever  they  please."  As  he 
was  carried  up  the  rugged  heights  of  Mount  Cenis,  he  appeared  more 
happy  than  when  borne  on  a  chair  of  state  in  the  solemn  functions  of  the 
Vatican.  The  calm  resignation  and  noble  demeanor  of  the  august  prisoner 
struck  with  admiration  a  French  Calvinist,  who  witnessed  the  eagerness 
with  which  the  Catholics  rushed  to  venerate  him,  as  he  was  hurried  on 
through  France.  A  few  days  before  his  death  at  Valence,  being  pre- 
sented on  the  balcony  of  his  residence  to  gratify  the  devotion  of  the  faith- 
ful, he  recalled  to  their  minds  the  resemblance  which  he  bore  to  his  in- 
sulted and  suffering  Master,  and  then,  for  the  last  time,  gave  them  his 
blessing.  When  about  to  receive  the  holy  Eucharist,  as  a  Viaticum,  the 
officiating  prelate  having  asked  him  whether  he  forgave  his  enemies,  the 
holy  Pontiff,  raising  his  eyes  to  heaven,  and  then  fixing  them  on  a  crucifix 
which  he  held  in  his  hands,  answered :  "  With  all  my  heart."  This  was 
surely  a  glorious  exhibition  of  fortitude,  resignation,  and  triumphant 
charity. 

Pius  VII.,  although  he  displayed  a  tenderness  towards  Napoleon  border- 
ing on  indulgence,  was,  nevertheless,  inflexible  when  faith  or  principle  was 
in  question.  No  effort  could  induce  him  to  receive  into  favour  the  con- 


MORAL   INFLUENCE.  413 

stitutional  bishops,  intruded  into  the  episcopal  Sees,  until,  by  the  retrac- 
tion of  their  errors,  they  had  disposed  themselves  for  pardon.  No  impor- 
tunities could  avail  to  make  him  annul  the  marriage  of  Jerom,  brother  of 
the  emperor,  with  a  Protestant  lady  of  Baltimore. 

The  splendor  of  the  tiara  did  not  dazzle  him.  He  professed  himself 
ready  to  retire  to  a  convent,  or  to  seek  a  hiding-place  in  the  catacombs,  if 
the  sacrifice  of  his  personal  rights  could  appease  his  persecutor.  The  offer 
of  pensions  and  honors  had  no  influence  on  his  conduct :  "  We  want,"  he 
said,  "no  pension — no  honors.  The  alms  of  the  faithful  will  suffice  for 
our  necessities.  Other  Popes  have  been  as  poor  as  we  are." 

In  maintaining  the  rights  of  his  See,  he  was  influenced  by  a  sacred 
sense  of  duty.  When  the  ministers  of  the  emperor  addressed  him  in  his 
own  palace,  with  threats  of  vengeance  on  their  lips,  should  he  resist  the 
imperial  will,  he  replied :  "  We  have  done  every  thing  in  our  power,  and 
we  are  still  ready  to  do  all  things  for  harmony  and  peace,  provided  prin- 
ciple be  safe.  Our  conscience  is  at  stake,  and  we  cannot  sacrifice  it,  even 
were  we  to  be  flayed  alive.  Such  is  our  natural  disposition,  that  we 
become  more  inflexible  when  threats  are  addressed  to  us.  We  fear  no- 
thing :  we  are  ready  for  whatever  may  befall  us." 

These  heroic  sentiments  lose  something  of  their  grandeur,  by  the 
momentary  weakness  into  which  Pius,  when  a  prisoner  at  Pontainebleau, 
was  betrayed  by  the  importunities  of  his  advisers,  who  urged  and  almost 
forced  him  to  subscribe  the  preliminaries  of  a  treaty  with  Napoleon,  which 
seriously  compromised  the  rights  of  his  office ;  but  his  speedy  retraction, 
and  his  voluntary  humiliation  before  the  cardinals,  changed  the  fault  itself 
into  an  occasion  of  new  merit.  From  that  time  he  refused  to  enter  into  any 
terms,  until  he  should  be  restored  to  liberty  and  to  his  capital.  "  It  may 
be,"  he  said,  "  that  our  sins  render  us  unworthy  to  see  Rome  again,  but 
our  successors  will  recover  the  States  which  belong  to  our  See.  As  to  the 
rest,  the  emperor  may  be  assured  that  we  are  not  his  enemy.  Religion 
forbids  it." 

God  soon  cast  the  mighty  emperor  from  his  throne,  and  raised  up  the 
humble  Pontiff  once  more  to  the  pinnacle  of  power.  Napoleon,  by  a  sin- 
gular disposition  of  Providence,  was  compelled  to  sign  his  abdication  in 
the  very  room  in  which  he  had  treated  the  venerable  prisoner  with  irreve- 
rence. Pius  entered  Rome  in  triumph,  amidst  the  enthusiastic  acclama- 
tions of  his  devoted  people.  The  brilliant  illumination  of  the  eternal  city 
on  the  night  of  his  return,  rivalling  the  meridian  blaze.  In  this  miracu- 
lous change  the  devout  Pontiff  saw  no  occasion  for  self-complacency,  and 
indulged  no  exultation  over  his  fallen  oppressor :  on  the  contrary,  he 
interceded  with  the  British  government  in  his  behalf,  to  obtain  the  miti- 
gation of  the  rigors  of  his  captivity,  and  sent  a  pious  priest  to  console  and 
sustain  him  by  the  succors  of  religion.  The  eagle  which  rose  with  so 
much  pride  and  daring  at  Austerlitz,  perished  on  the  rock  of  St.  Helena. 
Pius,  notwithstanding  his  great  age  and  sufferings,  outlived  Napoleon,  and 


414  MORAL    INFLUENCE. 

received  the  intelligence  of  his  death  with  the  feelings  which  became  the 
fond  father  of  a  wayward  child. 

Humility,  likewise,  was  a  favorite  virtue  of  the  Popes.  This  was  specially 
manifested  in  the  reluctance  of  many  of  them  to  accept  the  office.  Eeo 
IV.  and  Benedict  III.  were  raised  to  it  entirely  against  their  will.  Mar- 
tin IV.,  with  all  his  might,  resisted  the  cardinals,  who  wished  to  enthrone 
him,  so  that  his  mantle  was  torn  in  the  struggle.  Emilio  Altieri,  at  the 
age  of  eighty,  was  declared  cardinal  by  Clement  IX.  as  he  lay  on  his 
dying  couch,  who  foretold  his  elevation  to  the  Popedom  in  the  approach- 
ing conclave.  When  elected,  he  pleaded,  with  tears,  his  advanced  age, 
and  reluctantly  yielded  to  the  wishes  of  the  sacred  college.  The  eleventh 
Clement,  during  three  days,  refused  to  accept  the  proffered  dignity,  and 
actually  fell  sick  in  consequence  of  the  excited  state  of  his  feelings.  The 
positive  declaration  of  four  eminent  divines,  that  he  would  sin  grievously 
by  continuing  to  resist  the  manifest  will  of  God,  at  length  determined  his 
acceptance.  Benedict  XIII.,  who  had  thrice  declined  the  purple,  which 
he  finally  accepted  in  obedience  to  his  religious  superior,  acted  under  the 
same  orders  in  yielding  to  the  unanimous  vote  of  the  sacred  college. 
Clement  XIII.  burst  into  tears  when  the  result  of  the  election  was  com- 
municated to  him.  All  of  these  humble  Pontiffs  seem  left  in  the  distance 
by  the  hermit  Peter  of  Moroni,  who  reigned  as  Celestine  V.,  but  finding 
himself  unequal  to  the  government  of  the  Church,  descended  from  the 
throne,  and  sought  again  his  loved  retreat.  Dante,  in  three  words,  has 
immortalized  "this  great  abdication  :" 

FECE   IL   GRAN  RIFIUTO. 

The  humility  of  manner  of  Innocent  XI.  was  such,  that  when  he  called 
for  any  of  his  servants,  it  was  with  the  reservation,  "  if  it  was  .convenient 
to  them  ;"*  and  Clement  IX.  would  have  no  inscription  on  his  tomb  but 
the  acknowledgment  that  he  was  dust:  CLEMENTIS  IX.  CINERES. 

Purity  of  life,  which  is  a  necessary  ornament  of  the  priesthood,  and 
which  should  be  above  all  suspicion,  especially  in  the  representative  of  the 
Great  High  Priest,  has  ordinarily  been  the  characteristic  of  the  occupant 
of  St.  Peter's  chair.  To  speak  only  at  present  of  the  last  three  centuries, 
Paul  IV.  and  Pius  V.,  his  successor,  were  distinguished  for  the  most 
unblemished  virtue.  Gregory  XIV.,  according  to  the  testimony  of  Ranke, 
was  "a  soul  of  virgin  innocence. ""j"  Paul  V.  died  with  the  reputation  of 
having  preserved  his  virginal  integrity,  saying  as  he  breathed  his  soul  into 
the  hands  of  his  Creator  :  "  I  desire  to  be  dissolved  and  to  be  with  Christ." 
A  year  after  his  death,  on  the  opening  of  his  tomb,  his  body  was  found 
entire.  Of  Clement  IX.,  Eanke  says:  "all  those  virtues  which  consist  in 
an  absence  of  vices,  such  as  purity  of  manners,  modesty,  temperance,  he 

*  Ranke,  History  of  the  Popes,  1.  viii.  $  xvi.  p.  218. 
f  Ibidem,  1.  vi.  §  iv.  p.  429. 


MORAL   INFLUENCE.  415 

possessed  in  an  eminent  degree/'*  The  same  unsuspicious  witness  testifies 
of  Innocent  XL,  that  he  was  "of  such  purity  of  heart  and  life,  that  his 
confessor  declared  that  he  had  never  discovered  in  him  any  thing  which 
could  sever  the  soul  from  God."f  Benedict  XIII.,  heir  of  the  dukedom 
of  Gravina,  through  love  of  holy  purity,  had  consecrated  himself  to  God 
in  the  order  of  St.  Dominic  at  the  early  age  of  eighteen.  "  Clement 
(XIII.)  was  a  man  of  pure  soul  and  pure  intentions :  he  prayed  much  and 
fervently.";);  These  are  specimens  of  the  general  character  of  the  Popes. 
The  good  odor  of  Jesus  Christ  was  spread  abroad  by  most  of  those  who 
occupied  the  papal  chair. 

§  3.  KECOGNISED  SANCTITY. 

Eminent  holiness  distinguished  most  of  the  incumbents  of  the  Apostolic 
See,  which,  on  this  account,  as  well  as  for  the  purity  of  its  doctrine,  may  be 
justly  styled  Iwly.  Besides  the  martyrs  of  the  first  three  ages,  and  some  of 
later  times,  many  others  are  enrolled  in  the  catalogue  of  saints.  The  sanctity 
of  seventy-nine  Pontiffs  is  recognised  by  the  Church,  being  almost  a  third  of 
the  entire  series.  They  are  not  confined  to  the  first  six  ages,  although  Gib- 
bon has  strangely  asserted  of  the  apostle  of  England,  that  "  Gregory  is  the 
last  of  their  own  order  whom  they  have  presumed  to  inscribe  in  the  calen- 
dar of  saints. "§  The  two  Gregories,  who  adorned  the  eighth  century, 
receive  the  same  honor.  The  sanctity  of  the  former  so  impressed  Luit- 
prand,  the  Lombard  king,  as  he  stood  in  a  menacing  attitude  at  the  gate 
of  Home,  that  he  abandoned  the  siege,  and  entered  to  worship  at  the  tomb 
of  St.  Peter,  as  the  infidel  historian  himself  testifies :  "  In  arms,  at  the 
gate  of  the  Vatican,  the  conqueror  listened  to  the  voice  of  Gregory  the 
Second,  withdrew  his  troops,  resigned  his  conquests,  respectfully  visited 
the  Church  of  St.  Peter,  and,  after  performing  his  devotions,  offered  his 
sword  and  dagger,  his  cuirass  and  mantle,  his  silver  cross  and  his  crown 
of  gold,  on  the  tomb  of  the  apostle."||  St.  Zachary,  the1  successor  of  the 
third  Gregory,  persuaded  B-achis,  who  occupied  the  throne  of  Luitprand, 
to  exchange  the  battle-field  and  palace  for  the  cloister.  Paschal  I.  is 
recognised  as  a  saint.  Benedict  V.,  who  sat  as  Pontiff  in  the  decline  of 
the  tenth  century,  and  had  the  gift  of  prophecy,  is  mentioned  in  several 
martyrologies. 

In  the  eleventh  century,  St.  Leo  IX.  brought  to  the  papal  throne  great 
purity  of  life,  with  apostolic  zeal.  Stephen  X.,  Victor  III.,  and  Urban 
II. ,  are  named  among  the  blessed  in  several  martyrologies.  St.  Alexan- 
der II.  labored  to  raise  the  clergy  to  that  holiness  of  life,  of  which  he  gave 
the  example;  but  above  all  the  Pontiffs  of  that  age,  St.  Gregory  VII. 
shines  with  bright  lustre,  for  the  intrepidity  and  perseverance  with  which 

*  History  of  the  Popes,  vol.  ii.  p.  158.  f  Ibidem,  1.  viif.  g  xvii.  p.  225. 

%  Ibidem,  §  xviii.  p.  236.         g  History  of  the  Decline  and  Fall,  <tc.,  ch.  xlv.  A.  D.  590. 
U  Ibidem,  ch.  xlix.,  A.  D.  730-752. 


416  MORAL    INFLUENCE. 

he  strove  to  purify  the  sanctuary,  and  revive  the  apostolic  spirit  in  its 
ministers.  St.  Celestiue  V.  adorned  the  thirteenth  century.  Benedict 
XL,  who  reigned  in  the  early  part  of  the  following  age,  is  styled  Blessed 
in  the  Roman  martyrology. 

The  sixteenth  century  was  edified  by  the  austere  virtues  of  St.  Pius  Y. 
From  earliest  youth  he  was  devoted  to  the  service  of  God,  and  in  the 
highest  station  he  "  preserved  all  his  austerity,  poverty,  and  humility."5* 
He  is  the  last  of  the  Popes  whose  names  have  been  enrolled  among  the 
Saints,  although  since  his  time,  as  well  as  before,  many  not  canonized 
have  been  eminent  for  holiness  of  life. 

*  Kanke,  History  of  the  Popes,  1.  iii.  §  viii.  p.  217. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

against  %  $05*5. 

THE  charges  brought  against  the  Popes  are,  in  many  instances,  totally 
destitute  of  foundation.  In  the  fifth  century,  a  schismatical  rival  accused 
Symmachus  of  many  crimes  :  of  which,  however,  he  was  declared  innocent 
by  a  council,  to  which  he  voluntarily  submitted  the  cause  for  examination. 

The  first  serious  scandal  that  occurs  in  the  papal  history,  took  place  at 
the  close  of  the  ninth  century,  when   Stephen,  who  had  forcibly  taken 
possession  of  the  See,  offered  indignities  to  the  corpse  of  Formosus,  the 
deceased  Pontiff,  by  cutting  off  the  fingers  with  which  he  was  wont  to 
bless  the  Roman  people.     The  barbarity  of  this  act,  which  reflects  dis- 
grace on  the  age  in  which  it  was  perpetrated,  cannot  be  extenuated  by  the 
plea  then  put  forward  to  justify  it,  namely,  that  Formosus  had  violated 
the  canons,  through  immoderate  ambition,  by  passing  from  the  See  of 
Porto  to  that  of  Rome.     His  promotion  appears  to  have  been  the  just 
reward  of  a  long  life  of  virginal  purity  and  Apostolic  zeal.     The  outrage 
offered  to  his  memory  was  atoned  for  by  the  solemn  act  of  a  Roman  Council 
under  John  IX.     It  may  relieve  our  feelings  somewhat  from  the  horror 
of  this  outrage,  to  know  that  it  was  committed  by  an  intruder  into  the 
See,  not  by  one  who  entered  by  canonical  election ;  and  though  his  name 
still  appears  on  the  list  of  Popes,  Graveson,  a  judicious  historian,  disputes 
the  propriety  of  its  insertion.     In  the  scarcity  of  documents  of  that  period, 
and  in  the  confusion  which  was  caused  by  the  violent  struggles  of  secular 
nobles  for  the  mastery  of  the  Church,  it  is  in  some  cases  difficult  to  dis- 
tinguish with  certainty,  whether  the  intrusion  was  remedied  by  the  sub- 
sequent acquiescence  of  the  canonical  electors.     These  may  have  yielded 
to  the  dire  necessity  of  the  times,  and  borne  the  shame  of  tolerating  an  un- 
worthy incumbent  in  the  apostolic  chair,  rather  than  endanger  the  unity 
of  the  Church,  by  an  effort  to  expel  him  from  a  place  which  he  had  no  right 
to  occupy.     We  must,  in  such  circumstances,  remember,  with  St.  Leo, 
that  the  merit  of  Peter  does  not  totally  fail  in  the  unworthy  heir  of  his 
authority;*  and  with  St.  Augustine,  that  occasion  of  schism  must  not  be 
taken  from  the  bad  examples  of  those  who   are  in  high  station:    "of 
which/'  he  says,  "our  Heavenly  Master  so  carefully  forewarned  us,  as  to 
give  the  people  an  assurance  in  regard  to  bad  prelates,  lest  on  their  account 
the  chair  of  saving  doctrine  should  be  abandoned,  in  which  even  bad  men 

*  Serm.  II.  de  assumpt.  sua  ad  pontif. 

27  417 


418  CHARGES  AGAINST  THE  POPES. 

are  forced  to  utter  what  is  good  :  for  what  they  say  is  not  their  own  :  it  is 
of  God,  who  has  placed  the  doctrine  of  truth  in  the  chair  of  unity. "* 

The  moral  character  of  Sergius  III.  is  grievously  assailed  by  Luitprand, 
a  contemporary  author,  whose  testimony,  however,  is  weakened  by  his 
known  adherence  to  a  schismatical  rival  of  John  XII.,  and  his  devotedness 
to  the  imperial  interests.  Flodoard,  another  contemporary  writer,  repre- 
sents Sergius  as  a  favorite  with  the  Roman  people,  and  a  kind  pastor  of 
the  flock.  It  is  doubtful  whether  Lando,  whose  character  is  also  traduced, 
should  be  ranked  among  the  Popes.  John  X.  is  charged  with  licentious- 
ness, and  with  having  been  accessary  to  the  death  of  Benedict  VII. :  but 
Baronius,  who  believed  the  charges,  admits  that  his  administration  was 
better  than  the  means  used  for  his  promotion  would  have  led  us  to  expect. 
Muratori,  who  with  great  independence  of  mind,  canvassed  facts  of  his- 
tory, praises  him  as  a  worthy  Pontiff,  f  He  also  proves J  that  John  XI. 
was  son  of  Albericus,  Roman  consul,  and  marquis  of  Tuscany,  although 
Luitprand  brands  him  as  a  bastard-son  of  Sergius.  Ratherius  of  Verona 
bears  testimony  to  the  noble  and  excellent  disposition  of  John,  whom  he 
styles,  "gloriosae  indolis."  John  XII.,  of  the  same  family,  at  the  age  of- 
sixteen  or  eighteen  years,  seized  on  the  papal  crown,  and  wore  it  without 
shame  during  seven  years,  in  which  he  is  said  to  have  indulged  the  worst 
excesses.  The  account  of  his  death  is  marked  with  the  character  of  fable. 
The  following  century  witnessed  similar  scandals  in  Theophylact,  son  of 
Alberic,  count  of  Tusculum,  who,  whilst  yet  a  youth,  was  intruded  into 
the  chair  of  St.  Peter  by  bribery  and  family  influence,  and  thence  ejected 
several  times  by  the  Romans,  weary  of  his  disorders,  till  at  length  he 
resigned  all  pretensions  to  the  See,  and  passed  to  the  monastery  of  Grotta 
Ferrata,  to  expiate  his  sins  by  penance.  Benedict  IX.  is  his  name  among 
the  pontiffs. 

The  struggles  for  the  Papacy  in  those  evil  times,  were  sometimes  fierce 
and  sanguinary,  the  power  of  the  petty  potentate,  who  ruled  at  Rome  as 
patrician,  being  often  employed  in  behalf  of  some  member  of  his  family, 
or  some  corrupt  favorite.  The  occupant  of  the  chair  held  it  by  a  very 
uncertain  tenure,  and  was  not  unfrequently  cast  into  a  dungeon  to  make 
room  for  a  successful  rival.  If  such  horrors  affright  us,  we  should  reflect 
on  the  general  state  of  Italy  at  that  period,  when  Saracens  and  other  bar- 
barians spread  desolation  around,  imparting  to  the  oppressed  Italians  some- 
thing of  their  own  savage  character.  The  rival  princes  when  unrestrained 
by  the  imperial  power,  which  during  forty  years  had  been  suspended,  knew 
no  limits  to  their  ambition,  and  rushed  wildly  into  excesses  which  make 
us  shudder.  "We  need  not  be  surprised,  that  daring  and  licentious  men 
under  such  circumstances  were  sometimes  seen  to  occupy  the  highest 


*  Ep.  cv.,  alias  clxvii.,  c.  v.  n.  16.  f  Annali  d'ltalia,  an.  928. 

J  He  quotes  :  Anonymus  Salernitanus,  in  chron.  c.  cxliii.,  et  Ostiensis,  in  chr.  casin., 
1.  i.  c.  Ixi. 


CHARGES  AGAINST  THE  POPES.  419 

places  in  the  church :  but  we  must  admire  the  overruling  providence  of 
God,  which  preserved  the  succession  of  chief  pastors,  and  gave  from  time 
to  time  bright  examples  of  Christian  virtue.  The  tenth  century  numbers 
Theodore,  Benedict  IV.,  Anastasius  III.,  and  Marin  II.,  among  the  occu- 
pants of  St.  Peter's  See,  men  worthy  of  their  Apostolical  calling;  and  the 
eleventh  justly  boasts  of  a  brighter  line  of  holy  pontiffs.  The  scandals  of 
those  ages  menaced  indeed  with  destruction  the  church,  which  drifted  like 
a  shattered  vessel,  whose  pilot  had  no  power  or  care  to  direct  her  course, 
whilst  wave  on  wave  dashed  over  her,  and  no  light  beamed  on  her  but  the 
lightning  flash,  as  bolt  after  bolt  struck  her  masts :  but  He  who  controls 
the  tempest  slept  within  her,  and  in  His  own  good  time,  He  bade  the 
storm  be  still,  and  all  was  calm  and  sunshine. 

To  the  causes  which  produced  conflict  and  disorder  we  must  add  national 
jealousy  and  love  of  independence.  "The  Germans/'  says  Voltaire, 
"  held  the  Romans  in  subjection,  and  the  Romans  sought  every  oppor- 
tunity to  break  their  chains.  A  Pope  chosen  by  the  order  of  the  emperor, 
or  named  by  him,  was  an  object  of  execration  to  the  Romans.  The  idea 
of  restoring  the  republic  was  cherished  by  them  :  but  this  noble  ambition 
produced  only  humiliating  and  frightful  results.* 

The  charges  of  ambition,  arrogance,  and  impetuosity,  which  have  been 
made  against  Boniface  VIII.,  do  not  appear  to  be  well  founded.  If  he 
advised  the  holy  Pontiff  Celestine  to  abdicate  an  office  to  whose  duties  he 
was  inadequate,  it  need  not  be  ascribed  to  secret  aspirations  after  the  tiara, 
for  which,  however,  his  eminent  knowledge  and  .determination  of  character 
qualified  him.  The  imprisonment  of  the  unambitious  hermit,  which  has 
brought  censure  on  Boniface,  may  have  been  necessary  to  guard  against 
the  wiles  of  bad  men,  who  might  abuse  his  simplicity  to  cause  a  schism, 
by  persuading  him  that  he  could  not  lawfully  part  with  the  power  which 
God  had  committed  to  him.  In  the  proceedings  against  Philip  the  Fair, 
Boniface  contended  for  justice  and  the  immunities  of  the  Church,  advancing 
no  claim  which  his  predecessors  had  not  put  forward,  and  proceeding  with 
the  deliberation  and  maturity  which  always  distinguish  the  Holy  See. 
When  the  emissaries  of  the  monarch  prepared  to  seize  on  his  person,  he 
acted  with  composure  and  dignity,  declaring,  that  like  his  Divine  Master, 
he  was  betrayed,  but  that  he  would  die  as  a  Pope;  with  which  view  he 
robed  himself  in  the  ornaments  of  his  ministry,  and,  wrapped  in  his  pon- 
tifical mantle,  with  the  tiara  on  his  head,  the  keys  in  one  hand  and  the 
cross  in  the  other,  he  awaited,  with  majestic  air,  the  approach  of  the  rebel 
Colonna,  and  the  daring  Nogaret.  It  is  not  surprising  that  the  indignities 
offered  to  his  sacred  person  should  have  resulted  in  his  death ;  but  the  dis- 

*  It  must  be  acknowledged,  that  the  worst  scandals  of  those  times  were  given  by 
Romans,  or  other  Italians,  raised  to  that  high  eminence  by  the  prejudices  and  partiality 
of  their  countrymen,  or  still  more  by  the  swords  of  their  kinsfolk  :  and  that  the  splemloi 
and  glory  of  the  pontificate  were  restored  by  Popes  of  German  origin,  or  who  rose  to  office 
under  imperial  favor  and  protection. 


420  CHARGES  AGAINST  THE  POPES. 

covery  of  his  body  entire  three  centuries  afterwards,  was  a  splendid  refu- 
tation of  the  fable  that  he  had  died  in  the  writhings  of  despair.  In  the 
person  of  this  magnanimous  Pontiff,  God  gave  us  the  example  of  noble 
demeanor  under  wrongs,  that  resemble  the  insults  of  the  pretorian  hall, 

To  hide  with  direr  guilt 
Past  ills  and  future,  lo!  the  flower-de-luce 
Enters  Alagna,  in  His  vicar,  Christ 
Himself  a  captive,  and  His  mockery 
Acted  again.     Lo  !  to  His  holy  lip 
The  vinegar  and  gall  once  more  applied; 
And  He  twixt  living  robbers  doomed  to  bleed. — Gary's  Translation.* 

The  memory  of  Clement  V.  comes  down  to  us  charged  with  having 
ambitiously  intrigued  for  the  tiara,  by  promising  to  Philip  the  Fair  to  re- 
scind the  acts  of  Boniface,  and  to  condescend  to  his  will  on  some  important 
point,  not  then  disclosed.  This  compact  originally  rests  on  the  au- 
thority of  Villani,  a  partisan  of  the  schismatical  Louis  of  Bavaria.  On 
the  same  suspicious  testimony,  his  supposed  amours  with  the  countess  of 
Perigord  have  been  too  lightly  credited,  notwithstanding  the  silence  of  his 
early  biographers,  six  in  number.  But  the  suppression  of  the  Knights 
Templars,  which  resulted  in  the  capital  punishment  of  a  large  number  of 
them,  by  the  authority  of  Philip,  was  a  measure  of  fearful  responsibility, 
the  justice  of  which  is  an  historical  problem,  perhaps  never  to  be  solved. 
His  permission  for  the  opening  of  the  process  against  the  memory  of  Boni- 
face, which  is  objected  to  him  as  an  act  of  criminal  condescension,  was 
probably  given  in  the  confidence  that  it  would  result,  as  in  fact  it  did,  in 
his  entire  acquittal.  "  All  this  grand  display  of  Philip  the  Fair,"  it  is 
Voltaire  who  speaks,  "  resulted  in  his  shame.  On  the  great  theatre  of  the 
world,  you  will  never  see  a  king  of  France  prevail,  in  the  end,  over  a 
Pope/'*  Villani  has  attacked  the  moral  character  of  Clement  VI.,  but  I 
feel  dispensed  from  vindicating  it,  whilst  it  is  assailed  only  by  the  pro- 
fessed enemy  of  the  lawful  Pontiffs. 

The  sudden  death  of  Paul  II.,  who  was  found  dead  in  his  bed,  arose 
from  an  unwholesome  supper  on  melons  ;  and  was  not  attended  with  any 
disgraceful  circumstances.  Although  his  life  was  not  austere,  there  is 
not  any  ground  for  censuring  his  conduct,  unless,  perhaps,  his  failure  to 
observe  the  conditions  to  which,  in  common  with  the  other  cardinals  in 
conclave,  he  had  bound  himself.  This,  however,  may  be  accounted  for  by 
the  necessity  of  his  situation,  in  which  he  deemed  it  injurious  to  observe 

*  Perche  men  paja  il  mal  futuro  e'l  fatto, 
Vegg'to  in  Alagna  entrdr  lo  fiordaliso, 
E  nel  vicario  suo  Cristo  esser  catto. 

Veggiolo  un  altra  volta  esser  deriso  j 
Veggio  rinnovelar  1'aceto  e'l  fele, 
E  tra  vivi  ladroni  essere  anciso. 

Dante,  Purgatorio,  c.  XX.  85. 

*  Essai  sur  1'Histoire  Generate,  t.  ii.  ch.  Ixi. 


CHARGES  AGAINST  THE  POPES.  421 

restrictions  unwisely  imposed  on  an  authority  which  Christ  willed  to  be 
free.  Above  a  century  before,  Innocent  VI.  had  declared  such  engage- 
ments to  be  radically  null. 

Of  two  Popes,  it  is  certain  that  previously  to  their  entrance  into  orders, 
they  had  become  fathers,  either  by  secret  marriages,  as  some  contend,  or 
out  of  wedlock.  John  Baptist  Cibo,  son  of  a  Roman  senator,  who  was 
made  Viceroy  of  Naples,  had  two  children  by  a  Neapolitan  lady,  whilst 
living  in  his  father's  court.  Ciaconi  affirms  that  she  was  his  lawful  wife. 
He  afterwards  entered  the  ecclesiastical  career,  in  which  his  conduct  won 
general  esteem,  and  secured  his  promotion  to  the  episcopacy,  and,  finally, 
to  the  government  of  the  Universal  Church.  Innocent  VIII.,  as  he  was 
thenceforward  called,  during  the  first  five  years  of  his  pontificate,  mani- 
fested no  peculiar  tenderness  to  his  children,  Franceschetto  Cibo  and 
Theodorina :  which  provoked  the  remonstrances  of  Lorenzo  de  Medicis, 
then  esteemed  the  wisest  man  in  Italy,  but  whose  judgment  may  have 
been  warped  in  this  instance  by  the  marriage  of  his  son  with  Theodorina. 
The  Pontiff  proved  himself  thenceforward  an  indulgent  parent,  and  freely 
bestowed  on  his  offspring  the  riches  of  the  Church,  for  which  he  has  de- 
served censure. 

Paul  III.  owned  as  his  son  Pier  Luigi  Farnese,  who  was  alleged  to  be 
the  fruit  of  a  secret  marriage,  before  his  father  entered  into  orders.  His 
grandson  Alexander  was  promoted  to  the  purple,  which  he  adorned  by 
his  virtues.  Paul  was  truly  a  great  Pontiff,  whose  administration  was 
most  advantageous  to  the  Church  :  but  the  lustre  of  his  reign  was  tarnished 
by  family  attachments. 

Two  others  are  admitted  to  have  fallen  into  temptation  before  entering 
the  ecclesiastical  state.  The  ardor  of  the  martial  Julius  II.  betrayed  him 
in  youth  into  excess,  of  which  a  daughter  was  the  acknowledged  fruit. 
Her  children  were  promoted  to  the  purple.  Since  St.  Francis  de  Paula 
is  known  to  have  foretold  to  him  his  elevation  to  the  papal  throne,  we 
have  reason  to  believe,  that  after  his  entrance  into  orders,  his  morals  were 
blameless.  Ugo  Buoncompagno,  a  jurist  of  Bologna,  who  rose  into  life  in 
the  civil  service,  had  a  son  born  out  of  wedlock.  He  afterwards  entered 
the  sanctuary,  in  which  he  acquired  esteem  for  integrity  and  talent,  and, 
at  the  age  of  seventy,  he  was  chosen  to  fill  St.  Peter's  chair,  under  the 
name  of  Gregory  XIII.  Ranke  acknowledges  that  "  his  life  and  conver- 
sation were  not  only  blameless,  but  edifying."*  This  being  the  case,  it  is 
extreme  rigour  to  make  the  frailty  of  his  early  life  a  subject  of  reproach 
to  him  as  Pontiff,  whilst  his  subsequent  course  was  so  exemplary.  No 
one  thinks  of  disparaging  the  high  character  of  St.  Augustin  on  account 
of  the  disorders  of  his  youth.  In  estimating  the  moral  influence  of  the 
Popes,  we  should  consider  especially  their  public  administration,  and  their 

*  History  of  the  Popes,  1.  iv.  §  iii.  p.  255. 


422  CHARGES   AGAINST  THE   POPES. 

personal  conduct  whilst  in  office,  in  connection  with  their  whole  ecclesias- 
tical career. 

The  censures  which  have  been  passed  on  Leo  X.,  have  no  other  founda- 
tion than  the  amenity  of  his  manners,  his  partiality  for  poets,  whose  com- 
positions were  not  always  strictly  governed  by  rules  of  propriety,  his  fond- 
ness for  musical  entertainments,  and  other  peculiarities,  some  of  which 
were  scarcely  consistent  with  the  gravity  of  a  bishop  burdened  with  the 
solicitude  of  all  the  churches.  "Leo's  gay  and  graceful  court,"  says 
Ranke,  "  was  not  in  itself  deserving  of  censure :  yet  it  were  impossible  to 
deny  that  it  was  little  answerable  to  the  character  and  position  of  head  of 
the  Church."*  Luther  and  Erasmus  both  bore  testimony  to  the  integrity 
of  his  morals.  He  had  his  practices  of  mortification  and  self-denial,  espe- 
cially the  weekly  fast  of  Saturday,  and  he  performed  the  sacred  functions, 
as  Roscoe  testifies,  with  dignity  and  decorum. 

John  Baptist  Pamfili,  at  the  age  of  seventy -two,  was  elevated  to  the 
popedom  under  the  title  of  Innocent  X.,  an  honor  which  St.  Felix  of 
Cantalicio  had  predicted.  There  is  no  foundation  whatever  for  any  charge 
against  his  morals,  although  he  entrusted  the  management  of  his  palace  to 
his  aged  sister-in-law,  and  deferred  too  much  to  her  caprice.  "  In  his 
earlier  career  in  the  Rota,  as  nuncio,  and  as  cardinal,  he  had  shown  him- 
self industrious,  blameless,  and  upright,  and  this  reputation  he  still  pre- 
served."f  Such  is  the  impartial  testimony  of  Ranke,  who  explains  the 
motives  which  influenced  his  conduct  in  regard  to  Donna  Olimpia.  "  Pope 
Innocent  was  under  obligations  to  his  sister-in-law,  Donna  Olimpia  Malda- 
chini,  of  Viterbo,  especially  in  consequence  of  the  large  fortune  she  had 
brought  into  the  house  of  Pamfili.  He  also  regarded  it  as  a  high  merit  on 
her  part,  .that  after  the  death  of  his  brother,  she  had  never  chosen  to 
marry  again.  This  had  been  productive  of  advantage  to  himself,  since  he 
had  constantly  left  the  economical  affairs  of  the  family  to  her  guidance ; 
it  was,  therefore,  no  wonder  if  she  now  acquired  great  influence  in  the 
administration  of  the  papacy. "f 

There  is  one  Pope,  however,  who  seems  to  have  no  advocate  to  attempt 
his  justification,!  and  but  few  to  offer  any  thing  in  mitigation  of  sentence. 

*  History  of  the  Popes,  1.  i.  ch.  ii.  p.  61.  f  Ibidem,  vol.  ii.  1.  viii.  §  v.  p.  150. 

J  Audin,  in  his  Life  of  Leo  X.,  has  almost  ventured.  In  the  lives  of  the  Popes  by  Pla- 
tina,  a  highly  favorable  account  is  given  of  Alexander  VI.  and  his  administration.  As 
the  historian  died  in  1481,  this  sketch,  and  the  preceding,  as  also  that  of  Pius  III.,  must 
have  been  added  to  his  work,  in  order  to  continue  it  down  to  the  reigning  Pontiff.  The 
edition  before  me  is  of  Lyons,  1512.  The  writer  charges  Alexander  with  having  changed 
policy  in  regard  to  Charles  VIIL,  and  mentions  Cesar  (under  the  title  of  Valentinus)  as 
his  son :  but  praises  him  for  industry,  ability,  and  zeal,  as  also  for  his  patronage  of  learned 
men,  and  aversion  to  flatterers.  "  Felix  igitur  tanto  pontifice  Roma  .  .  .  quern  oscitan- 
tem  raro  comperit  quisque,  quin  aut  libris  legendis,  aut  divino  cultui,  aut  rei  Christianae 
semper  attentus  esset:  temporis  jactura  nihil  perniciosius  sestimans."  This  character  is 
given  of  him  at  a  time  when  the  memory  of  his  reign  was  fresh  and  vivid.  He  died  in 
1503.  Roscoe  says  much  in  extenuation  of  his  vices.  (Life  of  Leo,  vol.  i.  ch.  vi.)  Guic- 
ciardini  and  Paolo  Giovio,  almost  contemporary  writers,  but  both  of  them  exceptionable, 


CHARGES  AGAINST  THE  POPES.  403 

Roderico  Lenzuoli,  nephew  by  his  mother  to  Callistus  III.,  was  allowed 
by  his  too-indulgent  uncle  to  assume  the  family  name  of  Borgia,  only  to 
attach  to  it  indelible  disgrace.  The  levity  of  his  conduct  had  provoked 
reproof  from  Pius  II.,  but  his  splendid  talents  and  fascinating  manners 
served  to  conceal,  or  partially  to  redeem  his  vices.  While  cardinal,  occu- 
pying offices  of  the  highest  confidence,  he  became  the  father  of  four  chil- 
dren, by  a  Roman  lady  of  noble  family;  notwithstanding  which  enormous 
scandal,  he  was  chosen,  at  the  age  of  sixty-one,  to  occupy  the  Papal  chair. 
His  election  is  alleged  to  have  been  accomplished  by  bribery.  Cesar,  his 
favorite  son,  was  promoted  to  the  office  of  cardinal  deacon,  but  soon  re- 
leased from  his  obligations,  that  he  might  pursue,  unrestrained  by  con- 
siderations of  decorum,  a  career  better  suited  to  his  passions  and  ambition. 
His  brother,  Peter  Louis,  was  assassinated,  not  without  suspicion  of  the 
murder  being  cast  on  Cesar,  although  most  probably  without  foundation. 
The  accomplished  Lucretia  sat  for  a  time  in  her  father's  palace,  and  in- 
curred the  foulest  censure,  as  if  living  in  the  habitual  indulgence  of  the 
most  unnatural  incest :  a  stain  which  Roscoe  has  generously  removed.* 
As  Duchess  of  Ferrara  she  was  esteemed  not  only  for  her  pure  and  refined 
manners,  but  her  literary  taste,  which  was  manifested  in  her  patronage  of 
learning,  and  obtained  for  her  a  distinguished  place  among  those  who  con- 
tributed to  the  revival  of  letters. f  The  death  of  Sizim,  brother  of  Baja- 
zet,  the  sultan,  which  occurred  shortly  after  he  had  been  delivered  up  by 
Alexander  to  Charles  VIII.,  was  ascribed  to  slow  poison,  administered  to 
him  by  order  of  the  Pontiff:  but  this  most  improbable  surmise  deserves 
no  attention.  "  Prince  Cantemir  says  that  his  barber  cut  his  throat. 
Prince  Cantemir  and  the  accusers  of  Alexander  VI.  may  be  mistaken. 
The  hatred  entertained  for  this  Pontiff  led  men  to  charge  him  with 
every  crime  which  he  could  commit."!  His  apologist  is  Voltaire, 
who  indignantly  rejects  the  tale  of  his  having  drunk  by  mistake 
poison  prepared  by  his  orders  for  a  cardinal,  whose  wealth  he  coveted. 
The  journal  of  the  attending  physician  certifies  that  he  died  of  fever,  after 
having  received  the  last  sacraments. §  A  Spanish  critic  observes,  that  the 
popular  hatred  no  doubt  gave  rise  to  most  exaggerated  reports  ;||  which 
Mariana,  the  great  historian,  also  remarks,  hinting,  however,  that  some 
things  were  true,  while  others  were  calumnies.^  We  must,  however,  ac- 
knowledge that  his  elevation  was  disgraceful,  and  his  government  calami- 
tous. In  several  instances  he  indeed  made  wise  decrees,  and  patronized 

load  him  with  obloquy.  Chacon,  who  wrote  in  the  decline  of  the  sixteenth  century,  thinks 
the  charges  doubtful :  "  lapsus  fortasse  non  veros." 

*  Life  and  Pontificate  of  Leo  the  Tenth,  vol.  ii.  Dissertation  on  Lucretia  Borgia.  See 
also  Life  of  Leo  the  Tenth,  vol.  i.  ch.  vi. 

f  See  Francesco  Patrizi,  Ded  dellamil.  rorn.     Also  Roscoe,  Diss. 

J  Essai  sur  1'Histoire  Generate,  t.  iii.  ch.  ciii. 

I  Dissert,  sur  la  inort  d'Henri  IV.,  also  Essai  sur  1'Hist,  ch.  cvii. 

j|  Teatro  Critico  por  D.  Fr.  B.  G.  Feijoo,  t.  iv.,  disc.  viii.  p.  212. 

5[  Historia  de  Espana,  1.  xxvi.  c.  i. 


424  CHARGES   AGAINST   THE   POPES. 

learning ;  and  the  military  genius  of  Cesar  contributed  to  the  strength  of 
his  civil  sovereignty :  yet  it  was  an  enormous  scandal  to  the  Christian 
world  that  an  immoral  man  should  occupy  the  Holy  See,  and  cherish,  with 
the  blindness  of  parental  love,  a  licentious  and  daring  soldier.*  In  such 
circumstances,  the  faithful  understood  the  force  of  the  warning  of  Christ, 
that  we  should  do  what  we  are  taught  by  those  who  fill  the  chair  of  au- 
thority, but  should  not  imitate  their  perverse  actions. 

As  temporal  sovereigns  of  the  Roman  States,  the  Popes  have  incurred 
much  censure,  although  they  have  been  truly  the  fathers  of  their  people. 
Several  of  them  deserve  the  praise  of  great  as  well  as  good  princes.  The 
clemency  of  Paul  I.  toward  criminals  is  marked  on  the  page  of  history ; 
and  his  successor,  Hadrian,  receives  commendation  for  the  exercise  of  the 
same  most  comely  attribute  of  sovereignty. 

"  No  ceremony  that  to  great  ones  'longs, 
Not  the  king's  crown,  nor  the  deputed  sword, 
The  marshal's  truncheon,  nor  the  judge's  robe, 
Become  them  with  one-half  so  good  a  grace 
As  mercy  does."f 

Of  Hadrian,  Gibbon  writes :  "He  secretly  edified  the  throne  of  his 
successors,  and  displayed  in  a  narrow  space  the  virtues  of  a  great  prince. "  J 
Of  those  who  seized  the  pontificate  in  the  tenth  century,  Voltaire  remarks : 
"  Those  Popes  whom  posterity  has  branded  as  immoral, -were  far  from  being 
incapable  princes.  John  X.  was  a  man  of  genius  and  courage,  and  accom- 
plished what  his  predecessors  had  never  been  able  to  effect,  having  driven 
the  Saracens  from  that  part  of  Italy  called  Garillan."§  With  better 
reason  he  praises  Martin  V.,  who  combined  the  high  qualities  of  a  prince 
with  the  virtues  of  a  bishop. ||  Paul  II.  united  justice  with  clemency,  not 
suffering  crime  to  go  unpunished,  and  yet  condemning  no  one  to  death. 
Clement  VII.  was  a  sovereign  worthy  of  his  name. 

Some  Popes  are  accused  of  extreme  severity  in  the  punishment  of 
crime.  The  mode  of  the  death  of  some  cardinals  convicted  of  conspiracy 
against  Urban  VI.,  is  revolting  to  our  sense  of  humanity;  yet  Leo  X.,  a 
Pontiff  of  acknowledged  humanity,  condemned  to  death  some  others  on  a 

*  Roscoe  says  of  Cesar  Borgia :  "  Courageous,  munificent,  eloquent,  and  accomplished 
in  all  the  exercises  of  arts  and  arms,  he  raised  an  admiration  of  his  endowments,  which 
kept  pace  with  and  counterbalanced  the  abhorrence  excited  by  his  crimes.  That  even 
these  crimes  have  been  exaggerated  is  highly  probable.  His  enemies  were  numerous,  and 
the  certainty  of  his  guilt  in  some  instances  gave  credibility  to  every  imputation  that  could 
be  devised  to  throw  his  character  into  deeper  shade.  That  he  retained,  even  after  he  sur- 
vived his  prosperity,  no  inconsiderable  share  of  public  estimation,  is  evident  from  the 
fidelity  and  attachment  shown  him  on  many  occasions." — Life  of  Leo  X.,  vol.  ii.  ch.  vi. 
The  historian  had  already  stated  the  attachment  of  the  cities  of  Rornagna  to  Cesar,  whose 
rule  they  preferred  to  that  of  their  former  princes,  on  account  of  his  strict  administration 
of  justice,  and  the  repression  of  banditti. 

f  Measure  for  Measure.  J  Decline  and  Fall,  &c.,  ch.  xlix.,  A.  D.  800. 

a  Essai  sur  1'Histoire  Generale,  ch.  xxxi.  ||  Ibid.,  ch.  Ixviii. 


CHARGES   AGAINST   THE   POPES.  405 

similar  charge.  Treason  against  the  sovereign  is  everywhere  the  highest 
crime  against  society,  and  is  punished  in  a  manner  to  strike  all  with  horror. 
The  natural  character  of  Sixtus  V.  seems  to  have  been  humane,  since 
"  when  his  nephew,  the  husband  of  Vittoria  Accorambuoni,  was  murdered, 
he  was  the  first  to  entreat  the  Pope  to  let  the  investigation  drop."*  As 
sovereign  of  the  Roman  States,  he  appeared  invested  with  terrific  attri- 
butes, because  the  ravages  of  the  banditti  that  overspread  the  country 
required  an  extraordinary  exercise  of  justice,  and  the  encroachments  of 
the  nobles  provoked  measures  of  repression.  "  After  chastising  the 
offending  feudatories,  he  sought  rather  to  conciliate  and  attach  the  other 
barons,  "f 

Sixtus  IV.  has  been  charged  with  participating  in  the  diabolical  con- 
spiracy of  the  Pazzi,  a  noble  family  of  Florence,  which  resulted  in  the 
assassination  of  Julian  de  Medicis,  at  solemn  mass  in  the  Dome  of 
Florence.  The  presence  of  the  nephew  of  the  Pope,  Cardinal  Raffaello 
Riario,  on  the  occasion,  and  his  known  partiality  for  the  Pazzi,  are  the 
only  grounds  for  suspecting  his  concurrence  to  the  nefarious  plot;  which 
his  general  character,  as  well  as  the  sanctity  of  his  station,  forbid  us  to 
suppose.  Blame  is  ascribed  to  him  for  his  solicitude  to  maintain  the  tem- 
poral interests  of  his  See,  which,  however,  as  a  sovereign,  he  was  bound 
to  guard.  In  reference  to  the  disputed  territory  of  Rovigno,  in  Romagna, 
Ranke  observes  :  "  The  other  powers  of  Italy  were  already  contending  for 
possession,  or  for,  ascendency,  in  these  territories;  and,  if  there  were  any 
question  of  right,  the  Pope  had  manifestly  a  better  right  than  any  other/'J; 
The  imputation  of  bad  faith  toward  his  allies  seems  unfounded.  He  had 
solicited  the  aid  of  the  Venetians  to  repel  the  attack  of  the  King  of 
Naples,  who  afterward,  by  his  unconditional  submission,  took  away  all 
legitimate  pretext  for  continuing  hostilities.  Sixtus  then  besought  the 
Venetians  to  desist  from  the  siege  of  Ferrara,  the  duke  of  that  place  being 
son-in-law  of  the  king.  When  his  entreaties  proved  unavailing,  he  found 
himself  under  the  necessity  of  joining  the  other  Italian  princes  in  a  league 
against  his  former  allies ;  and,  by  the  advice  of  a  Council  held  at  Cremona, 
he  excommunicated  the  Venetians  for  opposing  the  peace  of  Italy,  which 
was  always  dear  to  his  heart. 

Julius  II.  incurred  censure  for  similar  causes.  In  maintaining  his  tem- 
poral rights,  he  displayed  great  determination  of  character,  and  military 
courage,  not  easily  reconcilable  with  his  office  as  representative  of  the 
Prince  of  Peace.  Justice,  however,  was  on  his  side ;  and  his  patriotism, 
which  never  suffered  him  to  falter  in  his  resolution  to  drive  the  barbarians 
beyond  the  Alps,  has  gained  the  admiration  of  Voltaire  himself.§  His 
change  of  policy  does  not  imply  a  breach  of  faith.  When  his  French 
allies  seemed  disposed  to  remain  as  conquerors,  where  they  had  appeared 

*  Ranke,  History  of  the  Popes,  1.  iv.  $  iv.  p.  267.        t  Ibidem,  g  vi.  p.  271. 

t  Ibidem,  1.  i.  ch.  ii.  p.  47,  vol.  i.  g  Lettre  a  Mr.  Norberg,  t.  viii. 


426  CHARGES  AGAINST  THE  POPES. 

only  to  aid  him  in  the  recovery  of  his  dominions,  it  was  not  inconsistent 
with  his  engagements,  to  join  the  Venetians,  after  their  submission,  in 
order  to  force  back  the  French  to  their  own  territories,  since  he  never 
meant  to  sacrifice  the  independence  of  Italy.  His  princely  qualities  are 
witnessed  by  Ranke :  "  He  endeavored  everywhere  to  appear  as  a  libera- 
tor: he  treated  his  new  subjects  wisely  and  well,  and  secured  their  attach- 
ment and  fidelity."* 

It  may  be  difficult  to  satisfy  all  readers  of  the  justice  of  the  measures 
which  the  Pontiffs,  in  their  capacity  of  sovereigns,  have  from  time  to  time 
adopted;  nor  is  it  necessary  that  they  should  meet  our  approval.  "We 
must  distinguish,"  as  Voltaire  well  observes,  "the  Pontiff  from  the 
sovereign."f  As  Catholics,  we  are  not  concerned  with  the  temporal  ad- 
ministration of  the  Roman  States,  and  need  not  inquire  whether  it  has 
been  just  and  paternal,  or  whether  the  sovereign  has  maintained  the  proper 
relations  to  foreign  powers.  Even  the  personal  character  of  the  Popes  no 
further  interests  us  than  as  we  should  naturally  desire  that  the  Chief 
Bishop  of  the  Church  should  sustain  the  purity  of  the  Christian  law  by 
the  influence  of  his  example.  Thanks  be  to  Heaven,  the  general  conduct 
of  the  successors  of  Peter  has  been  worthy  of  their  station,  and  may  well 
be  referred  to  as  serving  to  recommend  that  authority,  which  they  have 
exercised  for  the  interests  of  truth  and  piety. 

Partiality  for  their  relatives,  whom  they  employed  in  offices  of  high  im- 
portance with  great  revenues,  has  brought  censure  on  several  of  the  Popes, 
whose  personal  conduct  was  blameless.  Nepotism,  as  this  vice  is  tech- 
nically styled,  has  caused,  no  doubt,  great  evils  to  the  Church ;  but  it  is  so 
natural  to  favor  our  own  kindred,  that  it  should  not  be  condemned  too 
severely,  unless  the  individuals  be  unworthy.  In  fact,  we  owe  to  the  fond 
affection  of  Pius  IV.  for  his  nephew,  Charles  Borromeo,  the  immense  ad- 
vantages which  the  Church  at  large  derived  from  his  labors  and  examples, 
in  the  high  offices  which  his  uncle  lavished  on  him  when  but  scarcely 
arrived  at  manhood.  Had  the  holy  Pontiff,  Benedict  XIII.,  called  to  his 
Council  his  relatives,  who  were  persons  of  high  probity  and  exemplary 
piety,  the  abuse  which  an  upstart  favorite  made  of  his  confidence,  would 
have  been  avoided.  Nevertheless,  it  is  but  rarely  that  relatives  do  not 
avail  themselves  of  their  position  for  self-aggrandizement;  and  several 
Pontiffs  might  say,  at  the  close  of  a  career  otherwise  illustrious,  with  Paul 
III. :  "  Had  not  my  relatives  ruled,  I  should  have  been  without  stain." 
The  austere  virtue  of  Paul  IV.  was  not  proof  against  the  blinding  influ- 
ence of  kindred  ties;  and  too  late  he  discovered  the  iniquities  and  op- 
pression practised  in  his  name  by  the  Caraffas,  whom  he  at  once  banished 
from  his  court,  leaving  to  his  successor,  Pius  IV.,  the  sad  office  of  con- 
demning one  of  them  to  an  ignominious  death. 

Many  of  the  Popes  evinced  heroic  detachment  from  flesh  and  blood,  not 

*  History  of  the  Popes,  1.  ii.  ch.  ii.  p.  52.  f  Ubi  supra. 


CHARGES  AGAINST  THE  POPES.  427 

being  willing  that  the  natural  ties  should  contract  their  hearts,  which  were 
made  to  embrace  the  entire  world.  Clement  IV.  and  Martin  IV.  were 
distinguished  for  this  virtue.  When  the  brother  of  Martin  repaired  to 
court,  the  Pope  dismissed  him,  with  a  small  gift  to  meet  the  expenses  of 
his  journey,  observing  that  he  could  not  employ  the  riches  of  the  Church 
as  if  they  were  his  paternal  estate.  Leo  XL,  during  a  short  pontificate 
of  seventeen  days,  gave  evidence  of  an  inflexible  determination  to  indulge 
no  human  affection  with  danger  to  the  interests  of  religion,  since  he 
resisted  the  pressing  solicitations  of  the  cardinals  to  raise  his  nephew  to 
their  rank.  The  eleventh  Innocent,  during  thirteen  years  of  pontifical 
administration,  kept  himself  free  from  all  imputation  of  inordinate  attach- 
ment to  his  relatives.  Innocent  XII.,  who  called  the  poor  his  nephews, 
made  stringent  decrees  against  nepotism.  Clement  XL,  his  successor, 
who  during  eleven  years  deferred  the  promotion  of  his  relatives,  although 
they  were  men  of  distinguished  merit,  on  his  deathbed  could  say  with 
truth,  that  conscience  alone  had  regulated  his  course  in  their  regard. 
When  the  learned  and  facetious  Lambertini  was  raised  to  the  pontifical 
throne,  under  the  name  of  Benedict  XIV.,  he  ordered  his  nephew,  who 
was  a  senator  of  Bologna,  not  to  come  to  Rome  until  invited,  and  he  took 
care  never  to  give  the  invitation.  Clement  XIV.  could  not  be  prevailed 
on  to  send  special  messengers  to  apprise  his  three  sisters  of  his  elevation, 
observing  that  they  were  not  wont  to  receive  ambassadors,  and  that  the 
poor  of  Christ  were  his  family.  No  one  could  prevail  on  him  to  admit 
any  of  his  relatives  to  his  presence,  or  to  send  them  any  gift.  Pius  VII. 
and  Leo  XII.,  among  the  Pontiffs  of  our  own  age,  have  merited  the  praise 
of  similar  detachment.  When  Pius  VIII.  was  chosen  to  fill  St.  Peter's 
chair,  he  wrote  affectionate  letters  to  his  nephews,  warning  them,  however, 
not  to  indulge  in  any  pomp  or  pride,  but  to  pray  to  God  in  his  behalf. 
"  Let  none  of  you,"  said  he,  "  leave  his  dwelling  or  post.  We  love  you 
in  God." 

I  shall  now  relieve  the  reader  from  this  prolonged  investigation,  with  an 
appeal  to  his  conscience,  whether  there  ever  has  existed  any  series  of 
rulers  in  the  Church  or  in  the  State,  so  illustrious  as  the  succession  of 
Roman  Bishops.  They  have  been  the  defenders  of  the  faith,  the  fathers 
of  the  poor,  the  friends  of  order  and  virtue,  and  the  benefactors  of  society. 
While  intent  on  executing  the  divine  commission  to  teach  all  nations,  they 
have  not  considered  it  inconsistent  with  their  sublime  office  to  cherish 
genius  and  reward  industry,  fostering  art,  literature,  and  science,  with  a 
partiality  that  might  appear  extreme.  If  a  cloud  has  sometimes  passed 
over  that  See,  which  shines  in  the  Church  like  the  sun  in  the  firmament, 
it  soon  passed  away,  and  left  the  world  in  admiration  of  its  undiniinished 
splendor.  Sooner  shall  the  orb  of  day  be  extinguished,  than  the  prayer 
of  Christ  for  Peter  fail. 


CATALOGUE  OF  THE  POPES. 


FIRST   CENTURY. 

1.  ST.  PETER  from  the  East,  where  he  founded  the  See  of  Antioch, 

passed  to  Rome ;  returned  to  the  East  when  the  Jews  were  expelled 
by  Claudius;  returned  to  Rome/and  died  a  martyr  with  St.  Paul, 
on  29th  June,  66.* 

2.  St.  LINUS  M.f    He  died  a  martyr  in  67.     Berti  says  in  76.— Eccl. 

Hist.  Brev. 

3.  ST.  ANACLETUS  M.J 

4.  ST.  CLEMENT  M.§ 

SECOND  CENTURY. 

5.  ST.  EVARISTUS  M.  sat  to  108. 

6.  ST.  ALEXANDER  M.  sat  from  2  March,  108,  to  3  May,  116. 

7.  ST.  SIXTUS  I.  M.  sat  from  116  to  3  July,  126. 

8.  ST.  TELESPHORUS  M.  died  in  137. 

9.  ST.  HYGINUS  M.  died  10  January,  141. 

10.  ST.  Pius  I.  sat  ten  years,  four  months,  and  three  days. 

11.  ST.  ANICETUS  M.     During  his  pontificate  Polycarp  came  to  Rome,  in 

158.     AmVetus  died  in  161. 

*  According  to  Foggini  and  Tillemont.  Pagi  says,  65.  The  testimony  of  the  ancient 
writers  is  unanimous  as  to  the  establishment  of  the  Church  of  Rome  by  Peter  and  Paul, 
and  as  to  their  martyrdom  at  Rome.  It  is  not  easy,  however,  to  determine  the  precise 
year  of  the  first  visit  of  Peter  to  Rome,  or  of  the.  martyrdom  of  both  apostles. 

f  Tertullian  (1.  de  prescript.)  says  that  the  Roman  Church  proves  the  succession  of  her 
bishops  by  pointing  to  Clement,  ordained  by  Peter;  but  this  does  hot  necessarily  imply 
that  he  was  the  immediate  successor  of  the  apostle.  Irenaeus,  who  was  prior  to  Tertul- 
lian, states  distinctly  that  Linus  received  from  Peter  the  administration  of  the  Church^ 
and  immediately  succeeded  him. 

J  Cletus  and  Anacletus  are  found  in  ancient  catalogues,  and  the  learned  are  not  agreed 
as  to  their  identity.  St.  Irenaeus  makes  no  mention  of  Cletus,  and  styles  Sixtus  the  sixth 
from  the  apostles,  which  excludes  Cletus.  Berti  says  that  Cletus  succeeded  Linus,  and 
died  in  89. 

$  Clement  is  put  before  Anacletus  in  the  list  of  St.  Augustin  (Ep.  1.  iii.  alias  civ.,)  and 
in  the  chronicle  of  Damasus.  Berti  says  that  Anacletus  sat  during  the  two  years  of  the 
exile  of  Clement.  I  have  followed  Irenaeus.  Pagi  says  that  Clement  governed  from  67 
to  77,  and  then  abdicated.  Berti  says  that  he  sat  from  89  to  98,  and  after  two  years  spent 
in  banishment  underwent  martyrdom  by  drowning.  His  martyrdom  is  assigned  to  23 
November,  10 


430  CATALOGUE   OF   THE    POPES. 

12.  ST.  SOTEE  M.  sat  until  170. 

13.  ST.  ELEUTHERIUS  M.  sat  from  170  until  185.* 

14.  ST.  VICTOR  I.  M.  sat  from  12th  June,  185,  until  28th  July,  197. 

15.  ST.  ZEPHYRINUS  M.  sat  from  7th  August,  197,  until  12th  July,  217. 


THIRD   CENTURY. 

16.  ST.  CALLISTUS  I.  M.  sat  from  217  until  28th  September,  222. 

17.  ST.  URBAN  I.  M.  sat  from  222  until  24th  May,  230. 

18.  ST.  PONTIAN  M.  sat  from  230  until  14th  March,  235. 

19.  ST.  ANTEROS  M.  sat  from  21st  November,  235,  until  3d  January, 

236. 

20.  ST.  FABIAN  M.  elected  llth  January,  236,  sat  until  20th  January, 

250. 

21.  ST.  CORNELIUS  M.  died  in  banishment  on  14th  September,  252.    St. 

Cyprian  styles  him  martyr,  he  having  been  banished  for  the  faith, 
although  his  death  was  not  violent. 

22.  ST.  Lucius  M.  died  on  4th  March,  253. 

23.  ST.  STEPHEN  M.  elected  on  13th  May,  253,  sat  until  2d  August, 

257. 

24.  ST.  XYSTUS  II.  M.  died  on  6th  August,  258. 

25.  ST.  DIONYSIUS  sat  from  22d  July,  259,  until  26th  December,  269. 

26.  ST.  FELIX  I.  elected  on  28th  December,  269,  died  on  22d  December, 

274. 

27.  ST.  EUTYCHIAN  elected  on  5th  January,  275,  died  on  7th  December, 

283. 

28.  ST.  CAJUS  elected  on  15th  December,  283,  died  on  21st  April,  296. 

29.  ST.  MARCELLINUS  elected  on  30th  June,  296,  died  on  24th  October, 

304. 


FOURTH  CENTURY. 

30.  ST.  MARCELLUS  I.,  after  an  interregnum,  sat  one  year  and  six  months, 

and  died  16th  January,  310. 

31.  ST.  EUSEBIUS  elected  5th  February,  sat  until  21st  June. 

32.  ST.  MILTIADES  elected  on  2d  July,  310,  died  on  10th  January,  314. 

33.  ST.  SYLVESTER  I.  elected  on  30th  January,  314,  died  on  31st  Decem- 

ber, 335. 

34.  ST.  MARK  created  Pope  18th  January,  336,  died  7th  October,  336. 

35.  ST.  JULIUS  I.  elected  on  26th  October,  336,  (6th  February,  337, 

according  to  Pagi,)  sat  until  12th  April,  352. 

*  The  list  of  St.  Irenaeus  closes  with  Eleutherius.     Hegcsippus,  a  convert  from  Judaism, 
composed  a  list  at  the  same  time. 


CATALOGUE  OF  THE  POPES.  431 

36.  ST.  LIBERIUS  was  elected  on  8th  May,  352.     Felix  II.  was  intruded 

in  355.*     Liberius  was  restored  in  359  :  he  died  on  23d  September, 
366. 

37.  ST.  DAMASUS  I.  sat  from  1st  October,  366,  until  10th  December, 

384. 

38.  ST.  SIRICIUS  sat  from  22d  December,  384,  until  26th  November, 

398. 

39.  ST.  ANASTASIUS  I.f  sat  from  5th  December,  398,  until  14th  Decem- 
,         ber,  401. 

FIFTH   CENTURY. 

40.  ST.  INNOCENT  I.  sat  from  21st  December,  401,  until  12th  March, 

417. 

41.  ST.  ZOSIMUS  sat  from  18th  March,  417,  until  26th  December,  418. 

42.  ST.  BONIFACE  I.  sat  from  29th  December,  418,  until  4th  September 

422. 

43.  ST.  CELESTINE  I.  sat  from  10th  September,  422,  until  18th  July, 

432. 

44.  ST.  SIXTHS  III.  sat  from  24th  July,  432,  until  llth  August,  440. 
45.J  ST.  LEO  THE  GREAT  sat  from  22d  September,  440,  until  4th  Novem- 
ber, 461. 

46.  ST.  HILARY  sat  from  12th  November,  461,  until  21st  February,  468. 

47.  ST.  SIMPLICIUS  sat  from  25th  Februrary,  468,  until  2d  March,  483. 

48.  ST.  FELIX  III.  sat  from  6th  March,  483,  until  24th  February,  492. 

49.  ST.  GELASIUS  I.  sat  from  1st  March,  492,  until  19th  November,  496. 

50.  ST.  ANASTASIUS  II.  sat  from  24th  November,  496,  until  17th  No- 

vember, 498. 

51.  ST.  SYMMACHUS  sat  from  22d  November,  498,  until  19th  July,  514. 


SIXTH   CENTURY. 

52.  ST.  HORMISDAS  sat  from  27th  July,  514,  until  6th  August,  523. 

53.  ST.  JOHN  I.  sat  from  13th  August,  523,  until  18th  May,  526. 

54.  ST.  FELIX  IV.  sat  from  12th  July,  526,  until  18th  September,  529. 

55.  BONIFACE  II.  sat  from  21st  September,  529,  until  16th  October,  532. 

56.  JOHN  II.  sat  from  31st  December,  532,  until  26th  May,  535. 

57.  ST.  AGAPETUS  I.  sat  from  3d  June,  535,  until  22d  April,  536. 

58.  ST.  SYLVERIUS  M.  created  8th  June,  536,  removed  18th  November, 

537,  died  on  20th  June,  540. 

59.  VIGILIUS  intruded,  afterward  legitimate,  sat  until  January,  555. 

*  Felix  is  put  in  the  list  of  Popes  by  many :  St.  Augustin  omits  him. 
•j-  The  list  of  St.  Augustin  ends  with  Anastasius. 

J  Prosper,  a  contemporary  author,  numbers  him  47th,  as  he  should  be  numbered  if  Ana- 
cletus  and  Felix  be  counted. 


432  CATALOGUE  OF  THE  POPES. 

60.  PELAGIUS  I.  sat  from  llth  April,  555,  until  1st  March,  560. 
61..  JOHN  III.  sat  from  18th  July,  560,  until  13th  July,  573. 

62.  ST.  BENEDICT  I.  sat  from  3d  June,  574,  until  30th  July,  578. 

63.  PELAGIUS  II.  sat  from  30th  November,  578,  until  8th  February, 

590. 

64.  ST.  GREGORY  THE  GREAT  sat  from  3d  September,  590,  until  12th 

March,  604. 

SEVENTH   CENTURY. 

65.  SABINIAN  sat  from  13th  September,  604,  to  22d  February,  606. 

66.  BONIFACE  III.  sat  from  19th  February,  607,  to  10th  November,  607. 

67.  ST.  BONIFACE  IV.  sat  from  25th  August,  608,  until  7th  May,  615. 

68.  ST.  DEUSDEDIT   sat  from  19th  October,  615,  until  8th  November, 

618. 

69.  BONIFACE  V.  sat  from  23d  December,  619,  until  22d  October,  625. 

70.  HONORIUS  I.  sat  from  27th  October,  625,  until  12th  October,  638. 

71.  SEVERINUS  sat  from  28th  May,  640,  until  1st  August,  640. 

72.  JOHN  IV.  sat  from  24th  December,  640,  until  llth  October,  642. 

73.  THEODORE  sat  from  24th  November,  642,  until  13th  May,  649. 

74.  ST.  MARTIN  I.  M.  sat  from  5th  July,  649,  until  19th  June,  653, 

when  he  was  carried  into  banishment.  He  died  on  16th  September, 
655. 

75.  ST.  EUGENIUS  I.  was  chosen  on  8th  September,  654,  by  the  clergy, 

who  feared  that  the  emperor  would  force  a  heretic  into  the  chair, 
if  they  awaited  the  actual  occurrence  of  a  vacancy.  The  election 
was  approved  of  by  Martin.  Eugenius  died  on  1st  June,  657. 

76.  ST.  VITALIAN  sat  from  30th  July,  657,  until  27th  Jartuary,  672. 

77.  ADEODATUS  II.  sat  from  22d  April,  672,  until  26th  June,  676. 

78.  DONUS  I.  sat  from  1st  November,  676,  until  llth  April,  678. 

79.  ST.  AGATHO  sat  from  27th  June,  678,  until  10th  January,  682. 

80.  ST.  LEO  II.  sat  from  17th  August,  682,  until  3d  July,  683. 

81.  ST.  BENEDICT  II.  sat  from  26th  June,  684,  until  7th  May,  685. 

82.  JOHN  V.  sat  from  23d  July,  685,  until  1st  August,  686. 

83.  CONON  sat  from  21st  October,  686,  until  21st  September,  687. 

84.  ST.  SERGIUS  I.  sat  from  15th  December,  687,  until  7th  September, 

701. 

EIGHTH  CENTURY. 

85.  JOHN  VI.  sat  from  28th  October,  701,  to  9th  January,  705. 

86.  JOHN  VII.  sat  from  1st  March,  705,  until  17th  October,  707. 

87.  SISINNIUS  sat  from  18th  January,  708,  until  6th  February,  708. 

88.  CONSTANTINE  sat  from  25th  March,  708,  until  8th  April,  715. 

89.  ST.  GREGORY  II.  sat  from  19th  May,  715,  until  10th  February,  731. 


CATALOGUE   OF  THE   POPES.  433 

90.  ST.  GREGORY  III.  sat  from  18th  March,  731,  until  27th  November, 

741. 

91.  ST.  ZACHARIAS  sat  from  30th  November,  741,  until  14th  March, 

752. 

92.  STEPHEN  L*  elected  immediately,  died  in  three  days. 

93.  STEPHEN  II.  sat  from  26th  March,  752,  until  24th  April,  757. 

94.  ST.  PAUL  I.  sat  from  29th  May,  757,  until  28th  June,  767. 

95.  STEPHEN  III.  sat  from  7th  August,  768,  until  2d  February,  772. 

96.  HADRIAN  I.  sat  from  9th  February,  772,  until  25th  December,  795. 

97.  ST.  LEO  III.  sat  from  25th  December,  795,  until  llth  June,  816. 


NINTH   CENTURY. 

98.  STEPHEN  IV.  sat  from  22d  June,  816,  until  24th  January,  817. 

99.  ST.  PASCHAL  I.  sat  from  25th  January,  817,  until  10th  February, 

824. 

100.  EUGENE  II.  sat  from  14th  February,  824,  until  August,  827. 

101.  VALENTINE  sat  forty  days. 

102.  GREGORY  IV.  sat  over  sixteen  years,  until  25th  January,  844. 

103.  SERGIUS  II.  sat  from  10th  February,  844,  until  27th  January,  847. 

104.  ST.  LEO  IV.  sat  from  llth  April,  847,  until  17th  July,  855. 

105.  BENEDICT  III.  elected  immediately,  consecrated  on  29th  September, 

855,  sat  until  8th  April,  858. 

106.  ST.  NICHOLAS  I.  sat  from  24th  April,  858,  until  13th  November, 

867. 

107.  HADRIAN  II.  sat  from  14th  December,  867,  until  26th  November, 

872. 

108.  JOHN  VIII.  sat  from  14th  December,  872,  until  15th  December, 

882 

109.  MARINUS  sat  from  the  end  of  December,  882,  until  May,  884. 

110.  HADRIAN  III.  sat  from  June,  884,  until  September,  885. 

111.  STEPHEN  V.  elected  about  the  end  of  September,  885,  died  in  Sep- 

tember, 891. 

112.  FORMOSUS  sat  from  October,  891,  until  4th  April,  896.     Boniface 

VI.  sat  only  sixteen  days.  He  is  not  acknowledged  by  Baronius ; 
but  many  number  him  among  the  lawful  Popes.  Stephen  VI.  in- 
truded before  20th  August,  896,  was  strangled  in  prison  in  897.| 

113.  ROMANUS  sat  from  September,  897,  until  February,  898. 

114.  THEODORE  II.  lived  only  twenty  days  after  his  election. 

115.  JOHN  IX.  elected  in  July,  898,  sat  until  August,  900. 

*  As  he  was  not  consecrated,  he  is  passed  over  in  most  of  the  lists,  from  which  circum- 
stance a  difference  arises  in  numbering  the  Popes  of  that  name. 

f  Stephen  is  commonly  put  in  the  list  of  Popes,  although  Graveson  holds  him  to  be  an 
intruder. 


434  CATALOGUE  OF  THE  POPES. 

TENTH  CENTURY. 

116.  BENEDICT  IV.  elected  in  August,  900,  sat  until  October,  903. 

117.  LEO  V.  elected  in  October,  903,  sat  less  than  two  months.     Christo- 

pher, an  intruder,  occupied  the  See  during  six  months. 

118.  SERGIUS  III.  was  consecrated  in  June,  804,  and  sat  until  August, 

911. 

119.  ANASTASIUS  III.  sat  from  the  end  of  August,  911,  until  October, 

913. 

120.  LANDO  sat  from  October,  913,  until  26th  April,  914. 

121.  JOHN  X.  sat  from  30th  April,  914,  was  suffocated  in  prison  on  2d 

July,  928. 

122.  LEO  VI.  sat  from  July,  928,  until  February,  929. 

123.  STEPHEN  VII.  sat  from  3d  February,  929,  until  15th  March,  931. 

124.  JOHN  XI.  sat  from  March,  931,  until  January,  936. 

125.  LEO  VII.  sat  from  9th  January,  936,  until  18th  July,  939. 

126.  STEPHEN  VIII.  sat  from  July,  939,  until  December,  942. 

127.  MARINUS  II.  sat  from  December,  942,  until  June,  946. 

128.  AGAPETUS  II.  sat  from  June,  946,  until  August,  956. 

129.  JOHN  XII.     Octavian,  the  first  who  changed  his  name,  held  the 

pontificate  from  20th  August,  956,  until  14th  May,  964.  An  anti- 
pope  named  Leo  VIII.  was  set  up  by  the  Emperor  Otto,  on  6th 
December,  963.  He  died  in  March,  965. 

130.  BENEDICT  V.  elected  on  19th  May,  964,  sat  until  4th  July,  965. 

131.  JOHN  XIII.  sat  from  1st  October,  965,  until  6th  September,  972. 

132.  BENEDICT  VI.  sat  from  December,  972,  until  974.    He  was  strangled, 

and  Boniface  VII.  was  intruded,  who,  after  a  month,  was  expelled, 
but  again  occupied  the  See  during  some  months,  after  the  death  of 
John  XIV. 

133.  DONUS  II.  sat  until  975. 

134.  BENEDICT  VII.  sat  from  March,  975,  until  10th  July,  984. 

135.  JOHN  XIV.  died  in  985,  after  governing  during  eight  months. 

136.  JOHN  XV.*  sat  from  December,  985,  until  April,  996. 

137.  GREGORY  V.  sat  from  May,  996,  until  18th  February,  999.     An 

antipope  named  John  XVI.  was  set  up  in  May,  997,  by  Crescentius 
of  Nomentum,  who  exercised  tyrannical  sway  at  Rome. 

138.  SYLVESTER  II.  elected  on  28th  February,  consecrated  on  2d  April, 

999,  sat  until  llth  May,  1003. 

*  Another  John,  son  of  Robert,  died  without  being  consecrated,  or  was  not  true  Pope, 
wherefore  he  is  not  counted. 


CATALOGUE   OF   THE   POPES.  435 


ELEVENTH  CENTURY. 

139.  JOHN  XVII.,*  whose  family  name  was  Sicco,  sat  from  13th  June, 

1003,  until  7th  December. 

140.  JOHN  XVIII.,  named  Fasanus,  consecrated   on   26th   December, 

1003,  died  in  May,  1009. 

141.  SERGIUS  IV.  sat  until  18th  August,  1012. 

142.  BENEDICT  VIII.  succeeded  before  23d  November,  but  was  expelled 

by  the  antipope  Gregory,  and  restored  by  St.  Henry,  King  of 
Germany.  He  died  before  October,  1024. 

143.  JOHN  XIX.  sat  nine  years  and  nine  da}rs. 

144.  BENEDICT  IX.  was  elected  toward  the  end  of  1033.    He  was  deposed 

by  the  Romans  in  a  revolt  on  29th  June,  1037.  In  May,  1044,  he 
was  driven  away  a  second  time,  when  an  antipope,  styled  Sylvester 
III.,  was  intruded  during  three  months.  Benedict  abdicated  in 
favor  of  Gregory  VI.,  but  on  the  death  of  Clement  II.  he  re- 
turned, and  occupied  the  See  during  eight  months,  until  17th 
July,  1048.  He  is  said  to  have  died  penitent  at  Grotta  Ferrata. 

145.  GREGORY  VI.  obtained  from  Benedict  the  renunciation  of  his  claims 

in  1044,  and  sat  two  years  and  eight  months,  but  resigned  in  the 
Council  of  Sutri. 

146.  CLEMENT  II.  sat  from  25th  December,  1046,  until  9th  October, 

1047. 

147.  DAMASUS  II.  created  on  17th  July,  1048,  sat  twenty-three  days. 

148.  ST.  LEO  IX.|  elected  on  2d  February,  1049,  enthroned  on  12th,  sat 

until  19th  April,  1054. 

149.  VICTOR  II.  elected  on  13th  April,  1055,  enthroned  on  16th,  sat 

until  28th  July,  1057. 

150.  STEPHEN  IX.  sat  from  2d  August,  1057,  until  29th  March,  1058. 

On  the  death  of  Stephen,  an  autipope  styled  Benedict  X.  was  set 
up  by  the  Romans.  He  sat  nine  months  and  twenty  days,  and 
afterward  submitted  to  the  lawful  Pontiff. 

151.  NICHOLAS  II.  sat  from  28th  December,  1058,  until  22d  July,  1061. 

152.  ALEXANDER  II.  sat  from  1st  October,  1061,  until  21st  April,  1073. 

153.  ST.  GREGORY  VII.  sat  from  22d  April,  1073,  until   25th   May, 

1085. 

154.  VICTOR  III.  elected,  after  refusing  during  a  year,  on  24th  May, 

1086,  fled  after  four  days,  was  consecrated  21st  March,  1087,  and 
died  on  16th  September,  1087. 

155.  URBAN  II.  sat  from  12th  March,  1088,  until  29th  July,  1099. 

*  As  many  documents  bore  the  name  of  the  antipope,  John  XVI.,  this  Pontiff  took  the 
name  of  John  XVII.,  to  prevent  his  acts  being  confounded  with  those  of  the  antipope. 
f  Leo  VIII.  was  an  antipope  whom  Otho  intruded  in  place  of  John  XII. 


436  CATALOGUE   OF   THE   POPES. 


TWELFTH   CENTURY. 

156.  PASCAL  II.  sat  from  13th  August,  1099,  until  21st  January,  1118. 

157.  G-ELASIUS  II.  elected  27th  January,  1118,  consecrated   on   10th 

March,  sat  until  29th  January,  1119. 

158.  CALLISTUS  II.  sat  from  1st  February,  1119,  until  13th  December, 

1124. 

159.  HONORIUS  II.  sat  from  21st  December,  1124,  until  14th  February, 

1130. 

160.  INNOCENT  II.  sat  from  15th  February,  1130,  until  24th  September, 

1143. 

161.  CELESTINE  II.  sat  from   26th  September,  1143,  to  9th   March, 

1144. 

162.  Lucius  II.  sat  from  12th  March,  1144,  until  25th  February,  1145, 

when  he  was  killed  in  a  sedition  by  the  throw  of  a  stone. 

163.  EUGENE  III.  sat  from  27th  February,  1145,  until  7th  July,  1153. 

The  Arnaldists  forced  him  to  flee  from  the  city  in  1146,  but  he  re- 
entered  in  1149. 

164.  ANASTASIUS  IV.  elected  on  9th  July,  1153,  sat  until  2d  December, 

1154. 

165.  HADRIAN  IV.  elected  on  3d,  and   consecrated  on  5th  December, 

1154,  died  on  1st  September,  1159. 

166.  ALEXANDER  III.  elected  on  7th,  and  consecrated  on  20th  Septem- 

ber, 1159,  sat  until  30th  August,  1181. 

167.  Lucius  III.  sat  from  1st  September,  1181,  until  24th  November, 

1185. 

168.  URBAN   III.  elected   25th  November,  consecrated   1st  December, 

1185,  sat  until  19th  October,  1187. 

169.  GREGORY  VIII.  elected  20th,  consecrated  on  25th  October,  1187, 

sat  until  17th  December,  1187. 

170.  CLEMENT  III.   elected  on  19th  December,  1187,  sat  until  27th 

March,  1191. 

171.  CELESTINE  III.  elected  on  30th  March,  ordained  priest  on  13th 

April,  1191,  consecrated  bishop  on  14th,  sat  until  8th  January, 
1198. 

THIRTEENTH    CENTURY. 

172.  INNOCENT  III.  sat  from  8th  January,  1198,  until  16th  July,  1216. 

173.  HONORIUS  III.  sat  from  18th  July,  1216,  until  18th  March,  1227. 

174.  GREGORY  IX.  sat  from  19th  March,  1227,  until  21st  August,  1241. 

175.  CELESTINE  IV.  elected  in  October,  1241,  sat  only  seventeen  days. 

176.  INNOCENT  IV.  elected  on  25th  May,  and  consecrated  on  28th  June, 

1243,  sat  until  7th  December,  1254. 


CATALOGUE  OF   THE   POPES.  437 

177.  ALEXANDER  IV.  elected  on  12th,  crowned  on  20th  December,  1254, 

died  on  25th  May,  1261. 

178.  URBAN  IV.  elected  29th  August,  consecrated  on  4th  September, 

1261,  sat  until  2d  October,  1264. 

179.  CLEMENT  IV.  sat  from  22d  February,  1265,  until  29th  November, 

1268. 

180.  GREGORY  X.  elected  on   1st  September,  1271,  crowned  on  27th 

March,  1272,  died  on  10th  January,  1276. 

181.  INNOCENT  V.  elected  on  21st  January,  crowned  on  22d  February, 

1276,  died  on  22d  June,  1276. 

182.  HADRIAN  V.  sat  from  10th  July,  1276,  only  during  thirty-nine  days. 

183.  JOHN  XXI.*  elected   on  15th,  and  crowned   on  20th  September, 

1276,  died  on  16th  May,  1277. 

184.  NICHOLAS  III.  elected  on  25th  November,  ordained  priest  on  18th 

December,  consecrated  on  the  19th,  and  crowned  on  26th  Decem- 
ber, 1277,  died  on  22d  August,  1280. 

185.  MARTIN  IV.  f  elected  22d  February,  crowned  on  23d  March,  1281, 

sat  until  29th  March,  1285. 

186.  HONORIUS  IV.  sat  from  2d  April,  1285,  until  3d  April,  1287. 

187.  NICHOLAS  IV.  sat  from  22d  February,  1288,  until  4th  April,  1292. 

188.  ST.  CELESTINE  V.  elected  on  5th  July,  1294,  crowned  on  29th  Au- 

gust, voluntarily  abdicated  on  13th  December,  1294,  died  on  19th 
May,  1296. 

189.  BONIFACE  VIII.  J  sat  from  24th  December,  1294,  until  llth  Octo- 

ber, 1303. 

FOURTEENTH    CENTURY. 

190.  B.  BENEDICT  XI.§  sat  from  22d  October,  1303,  until  6th  July,  1304. 

191.  CLEMENT  V.  sat  from  5th  June,  1305,  until  20th  April,  1314.    He 

was  the  first  Pope  who  resided  at  Avignon. 

192.  JOHN  XXII.  sat  from  7th  August,  1316,  until  4th  December,  1334. 

193.  B.  BENEDICT  XII.  sat  from  20th  December,  1334,  until  25th  April, 

1342. 

194.  CLEMENT  VI.  sat  from  7th  May,  1342,  until  4th  December,  1352. 

195.  INNOCENT  VI.  sat  from  18th  December,  1352,  until  12th  Septem- 

ber, 1362. 

196.  URBAN  V.  sat  from   23d  September,  1362,  until  9th  December, 

1370.    He  established  his  residence  at  Rome  in  1367,  but  returned 
to  Avignon,  and  died  there. 

*  He  was  styled  XXL,  probably  because  an  antipope  in  the  time  of  Gregory  V.  had 
been  called  John  XX. 

f  The  Marini  have  been  popularly  confounded  with  those  named  Martin,  and  counted 
with  them.  He  was  the  second  of  the  name  of  Martin. 

J  Boniface  VII.  was  an  antipope.  g  An  antipope  had  been  called  Benedict  X. 


438  CATALOGUE   OF   THE   POPES. 

197.  GREGORY  XI.  sat  from  5th  January,  1371,  until  17th  March,  1378. 

He  re-established  the  Papal  residence  at  Rome. 

198.  URBAN  VI.  sat  from  8th  April,  1378,  until  15th  October,  1389. 

Several  cardinals  created  an  antipope,  Clement  VII.,  who  resided 
at  Avignon,  and  was  succeeded  by  Benedict  XII.  or  XIII. 

199.  BONIFACE  IX.*  sat  from  2d  November,  1389,  until  1st  October, 

1404. 


FIFTEENTH   CENTUKY. 

200.  INNOCENT  VII.  sat  from  17th  October,  1404,  until  6th  November, 

1406. 

201.  GREGORY  XII.  was  chosen  on  30th  November,  1406.     He  abdicated 

on  the  14th  July,  1415,  in  the  Council  of  Constance.  Alexander 
V.  was  chosen  in  the  Council  of  Pisa,  on  26th  June,  1409,  who 
dying  on  4th  May,  1410,  was  succeeded  by  John  XXIII.f 

202.  MARTIN  V.  sat  from  llth  November,  1417,  until  20th  February, 

1431. 

203.  EUGENE  IV.  sat  from  3d  March,  1431,  until  23d  February,  1447. 

204.  NICHOLAS  V.  sat  from  5th  March,  1447,  until  24th  March,  1455. 

205.  CALLISTUS  HI.  sat  from  8th  April,  1455,  until  6th  August,  1458. 

206.  Pius  II.  sat  from  19th  August,  1458,  until  14th  August,  1464. 

207.  PAUL  II.  sat  from  30th  August,  1464,  until  16th  July,  1471. 

208.  SIXTUS  IV.  sat  from  9th  August,  1471,  until  13th  August,  1484. 

209.  INNOCENT  VIH.  sat  from  29th  August,  1484,  until  25th  July, 

1492. 

210.  ALEXANDER  VI.  sat  from  llth  August,  1492,  until  18th  August, 

1503. 

SIXTEENTH   CENTURY. 

211.  Pius  III.  elected  on  22d  September,  1503,  lived  only  twenty-six 

days. 

212.  JULIUS  II.  elected  on  All-hallow-eve,  and  consecrated  on  26th  No- 

vember, 1503,  sat  until  21st  February,  1513. 

213.  LEO  X.  elected  on  15th  March,  1513,  died  on  1st  December,  1521. 

214.  ADRIAN  VI.  elected  on  9th  January,  1522,  sat  until  14th  September, 

1523. 

215.  CLEMENT  VII.  sat  from  19th  November,  1523,  until  26th  Septem- 

ber, 1534. 

216.  PAUL  III.   sat  from  13th  October,  1534,  until   10th  November, 

1549. 

*  Two  antipopes  had  borne  this  name. 

f  Alexander  V.  and  John  XXIII.  are  found  in  most  of  the  lists,  even  in  those  published 
at  Home. 


CATALOGUE   OF   THE  POPES.  439 

217.  JULIUS  HI.  sat  from  8th  February,  1550,  until  23d  March,  1555. 

218.  MARCELLUS  II.  sat  from  9th  April,  1555,  only  twenty-two  days. 

219.  PAUL  IV.  sat  from  23d  May,  1555,  until  17th  August,  1559. 

220.  Pius  IV.  sat  from  26th  December,  1559,  until  10th  December, 

1565. 

221.  ST.  Pius  V.  sat  from  7th  January,  1566,  until  1st  May,  1572. 

222.  GREGORY  XIII.  sat  from  13th  May,  1572,  until  10th  April,  1588. 

223.  SIXTUS  V.  sat  from  24th  April,  1588,  until  27th  August,  1590. 

224.  URBAN  VII.  elected  on  15th  September,  1590,  died  on  27th  of 

the  same  month. 

225.  GREGORY  XIV.  sat  from  5th  December,  1590,  until  15th  October, 

1591. 

226.  INNOCENT  IX.  sat  from  29th  October,  1591,  to  30th  December. 

227.  CLEMENT  VIII.  sat  from  30th  January,  1592,  until  3d  March, 

1603. 


SEVENTEENTH  CENTURY. 

228.  LEO  XI.  elected  on  2d  April,  1605,  and  crowned  on  the  10th,  died 

on  the  27th  of  same  month. 

229.  PAUL  V.  sat  from  16th  May,  1605,  until  28th  January,  1621. 

230.  GREGORY  XV.  sat  from  9th  February,  1621,  until  8th  July,  1623. 

231.  URBAN  VIII.  sat  from  6th  August,  1623,  until  29th  July,  1644. 

232.  INNOCENT  X.  sat  from  15th  September,  1644,  until  7th  January, 

1655. 

233.  ALEXANDER  VII.  sat  from  6th  April,  1655,  until  22d  May,  1667. 

234.  CLEMENT  IX.  sat  from  20th  June,  1667,  until  9th  December,  1669. 

235.  CLEMENT  X.  sat  from  29th  April,  1670,  until  22d  July,  1676. 

236.  INNOCENT  XI.  sat  from  21st  September,  1676,  until  31st  July, 

1689. 

237.  ALEXANDER  VIII.  sat  from  6th  October,  1689,  until  1st  February, 

1691. 

238.  INNOCENT  XII.  sat  from  13th  July,  1691,  until  26th  September, 

1700. 


EIGHTEENTH  CENTURY. 

239.  CLEMENT  XI.  sat  from  23d  November,  1700,  until  19th  March, 

1721. 

240.  INNOCENT  XIII.  sat  from  8th  May,  1721,  until  7th  March,  1724. 

241.  BENEDICT  XIII.  sat  from  29th  May,  1724,  until  21st  February, 

1730. 

242.  CLEMENT  XII.  sat  from  12th  July,  1730,  until   6th   February, 

1740. 


440  CATALOGUE   OF   THE   POPES. 

243.  BENEDICT  XIV.  sat  from  17th  August,  1740,  until  3d  May,  1758. 

244.  CLEMENT  XIII.  sat  from  6th  July,  1758,  until  2d  February,  1769. 

245.  CLEMENT  XIV.  sat  from  19th  May,  1769,  until  22d  September, 

1774. 

246.  Pius  VI.  sat  from  15th  February,  1775,  until  29th  August,  1799. 

NINETEENTH  CENTURY. 

247.  Pius  VII.  sat  from  14th  March,  1800,  until  23d  August,  1823. 

248.  LEO  XII.  sat  from  28th  September,  1823,  until  10th  February, 

1829. 

249.  Pius  VIII.  sat  from  31st  March,  1829,  until  30th  November,  1830. 

250.  GREGORY  XVI.  sat  from  2d  February,  1831,  until  1st  June,  1846. 
251.*  Pius  IX.  elected  17th  June,  1846. 

*  The  number  varies,  according  as  certain  individuals  are  considered  intruders,  or  law- 
ful Popes.    This  is  a  matter  for  critical  inquiry,  and  does  not  affect  the  succession. 


THE  END.