Skip to main content

Full text of "The Puritan in Holland, England, and America [microform] : an introduction to American history"

See other formats


.-^.■■--■"'^■.■^■"^-■'^■.•:.^^--:^-. ■^'' ■■■■■■" 

■•■■■*■ ^ - ., '' ■ ■ 




mmu Of m xwokujl mtnmmi. AHOcunoi 

• ; 




raw YORK 



' ■^»f»:-;.: 




Oopjright, Un, b^ Doooui Ounau. 

■ ■ l''> 








ficaaoBi for wriiing uother book aboat th« ParUaot. . ., iiiii 

InrettigBtioni among early New York records xxxt 

New England inatitationi fbund in New York whmi a 

Dntoh colony t..., \]af 

Holland muit hare been a common soorce, aa they did 

not oome from England iit 

Search for othen. — Pnritaoiam aa a political force began 

in Holland ..> xxri 

. The war with Spain a Puritan war. — Great Bomber of 

Englitbmen in the Netherlanda ixviii 

Inflaenee on England OTerlooked by English hiAoriana. . 'xiii 
Inflnenee on America more roamed, bnt equally over- ^ 

. looked XKt 

Ineompleteness of American biatoiy, and ita eaosea 

Written only from English standpoint — English aelf- 

appreciation xui 

Another cause. — Scientific historical iuTsstigatian of T^ry 

modern growth xxkiii 

All histories being rewritten xxxIt 

Onagers of early writers in Bnrop* ..>.... xur 

Until a rseent date, gorenment aMhivea eloaed to the 

pvUie tnA 

DiiB«iilli«« ia the way of their a xsmin a t ion in KngUnd. xxxtU 



littk atlMtio* paid to foreign Uitety vbrn AiMrieaa 

history fint written mis 

B«mlta of modem inraitigttion si 

ttAy ABsrieaa liiatoi7 jrhete Buerofl left it fifty jrean 

■go.. .". , jB 

BiMory of SogUtii Poritaninn nnintelUgibI* m naoally 

writt«D,aDd why sli 

Neglect of the inflnanee of the NetherUnd Repnblio. . . . \iiii 
When America aettled, Holland, in gcnaml eifilintioD, . 

led the world by abont two centariea i4r 

New England Paritans misrepraaented in hiatoty xiri 

Modea of meeting chargea against them tivii 

Kngiish/and not Pnrttan, defeeta of cbaiaetar exhibited 

in America %..m dix 

"Hm whole truth regarding EngKah oivilixation the Tiodi> 

cation of the New England Puritana........ I 

Beopebf thia work ..........>. . H 


THB rsopui AHD imrmTTiona op thb urii'EU wtatwm 
Aammption of moat writon that the people of the United 

States are an English race with Engliah inatitntiona. ... 1 

Bfleeta on American history t 

How.thisidaa haa bean dereloped.......' • 

Ignorance of Bngliahmen regarding America... ,.,... ,,.^ S 

For Americana no anch excnae .,..........! . C 

American people alwaya cosmopolitan. — Soma of Uieb 

leading men in colonial days 7 

Middle colonies at time of Rerolntion. — Half of popoUtion 

not English 9 

Laading inatatationa of United Statea not of Engliah origin. 1 1 

laftHaee of inatitntiona opon national character 11 

No State Chnreh aa in England.— Ita importance there. . . It 

Itaaboiitioa in the United Statea IS 

MdStiple of civil equality underlying American system.— Ita 

'. U. 

Tk* written ConatitatioB of the United Stataa and TSag- 

Und's anwritten Constitution , IV 

The Preiident, Senate, Uonte of KtfimmMhm, ud 8d> : 

pieme Court. — Not Bagliab .•>.,..»<•.....<.. It 

Bow legwded by Englieh ftataaaen M 

The itate contUtutions more important a* lowing the 

growth of American inatitutiona . .. . ...^ SS 

.Their derelopment and proviaiona. it 

Diatribution of land in England, and ite efleeta. — Prino- 

genitore y tS 

Obatadea to ite alienation. — No recording ayatom. w.-^u . . 16 

Eneloaaro of Engliah common lands ^ . . IT 

England entering on an era of change ^\,. n 

Diatribation of land in the United States.— Ite importawpa. S9 

Popular education in America. — Ite early date ^ . W '' 

Popnhr edacation in England. — Ite recent date. ...... .V M 

Oppoaition of the goreming classes i^ ..... i. 19 

Pnblic libraries in England and America. . .| M 

Tt^ high schools and collcgea ' M 

Defecte tb Engliah unirersity edneation,— Why Aroerieai^ 

studenta go to the Continent 18 

Bapid progreaa of American college* \ 41 

liooal aelf-goTemmant— The Engliah system iaoomprshen- 

aible •m"j ** 

The Aniieriean m^em, township, county, and atate 44 

Impottence of ty townships. — ^The system not English. , . 4S 
Beligious liberty in En^bmd and America. — Date of ite 

introduction; '. 4T 

needom of the preaa.— Date of ite introduction.... .',..,» 49 

The written ballot — ^Date of ite introduction. . . .- 41 

Engliah and American charitable inatitutiona contrasted. . . ' 44 

Prison reforms. — Debt of BngUnd^to America 4S 

America's reformatory institutions copied in Europe 47 

America's legal system and ite cirigin 48 

Opposition of the coloniste to Englisli inrispradenoe 41 

liodam jnrispmdenee derived from the Soman law 41 

.. » fi0g 

Hm chMBcter of thia law 64 

Inflnence«of ancient Rome on modern society M 

Rome when the civil law took its present form 08 

Amerieaa lesal reforms copied by Kngland 70 

America's debt to England — langi age, literatore, cbaraeter, 

Yankeeisms, etc ,..\ -. 7S 

The theory ^t ^e institotiona of America were ioTentadi 

by the early settlers {....... "7* 

America the old world , 76 

The institotiona of America rery old'; partly Roman, partly 

Germanic 77 

The NetherUnda preserved Roman institutions and Oer- 

manip ideas of frsedora , 78 

The home of the English race and the inatrnctors of England 79 

Cansaa and eSeeta of Engtend'a prejodice against the Dutch 7S 

Americana should not share it 89 

Importance of Netherhmd hiatory to tl)e modem atodent. . 88 
The Netherland Republic as contrasted with mdnarohical and 

( aristocratic England in leamiag, art,apd pnblic morale. . 84 
The English hare never nnderatood republicans in Holland 

or America ' 87 

Puritanism and American inatitutioaa.'.i...^.... >,...,. 88 


ram cammn am its rmoriM, tatacwnma, UAMuwjkmvtMt, oaM> 
ianKn,axD am 

The Puritan of Holhnid ,....».... 90 

The country of the Netheriandera a conqneat of man 93 

The geographical factor in hiatory. — England an illustration 98 

Ita importance in the NetherUnda ,. 96 

Influence on the national character 98 

The importance >of the human factor 100 

The earty inhabitanta of the Netherlaada , . 101 

Oemaas in the North, Celta in the South, the foremost of 

IkateiMsa , 101 

ooirnBin tU 

Their duuraetcrirtiet !.>.>.. 101 

The Hollanders prewnred their Germanic spirit 104 

Connection with Rome and Italy. — Ita influepce itfS' 

Contrast between Enghmd and the Continent. . . . . r 104 

Italy oerer beeiune barbarian.^The cmsades and their 

remits. .• 108 

Italians in the Xetherlanda: 110 

Development of agricultare. — ^Hw Netherlands become the 

instructors of Earope Ill 

England's backwardness HS 

Derelopaient of maonfactares and commerce. — ^They be- 
come the manufacturing centre of Earope lit 

Originate woollen manofactnrea. i . . . , 114 

Advance in the fourteenth century.— Wealth and luxury 

*' as comptred with France and Engknd 115' 

Outstrip Italy in the commenial race. . . . , 117 

Their architecture, ecclesiastical and secular ; . . . . 118 

Their town-halls the delight of the artist 190 

Private dwellings, their furniture, etc. — Comparison with 

EngUnd .- 180 

Pabting. — Founders of taodtm art — Discover oil-painting 138 

Originate portrait and landscape pdnting. 184 

Character of Xetherhtnd art—" The beautiful the splendor 

of the true" 185 

Foremost in the mechanical arts, jtfwelry, tapestry, ete. . . . 180 

Wood-engraving their discovery ; . .t. . . 187 

Printing fropi blocks. , 188 

Printing from type its natural sequence \t9 

Music — Fnmislied music and mnaieiana to Europe for two 

•CBtuieii, ISO 




CoattMt bettfoea' Puritanism in the Netherianda and in 

Englaad, and cau se s of dUerance Ml 

Condition of tke NetberUndt «t Um nbdieation of CharlM 

v., I486 184 

SeventMn aepantc Rtates, each wHI| ila indiTidoal gorera- 

mcnt— Their popalation. . . > . ,,,',...,,,,',, ISS 

Holland and the Iwiring flaherjr '.........* 180 

Tha towna of tha Matberiaada, a aonrival of Bomaa inatita- 

tiona. — Citadela of freedom 187 

Bmgea and ita origin. — A modem town Ui 

The guilds, partly Roman and partly German 140 

Their organiution and govemmeuL — M|nor repnbliea. . . . 149 

Spirit of equality in guilda .' 144 

Albert Dftrer and the Faintera' Ooild of Antwerp 14S 

The I^therland towna, their charter* and form of goTemmebt 147 

Antwerp a typ«of the huger town*.. 148 

Town goremment in Holland 160 

Tha raral diatricta. — Serfdom abolished. — Condition of tha 

peaaanik 161 

The organiution of the State, and State government — No 

taxation withont consent ; 16S 

First meeting of the SUteg-General, 1477 164 

The Magna Charta of IlolUnd. — Its provisiona 166 

Freedom of trade and commerce 164 

Education. — Organiiation of the "Brrthmn of tha Life in' 

Common," 1400. ,,.. 168 

Their numerous schools, and their influence on edncatioa. 160 
SeboUra in the NetherUnds. — Erasmus, Vesalius, St AU»- 

gonde, etc 100 

Phenomenal education of the m a s ses 101 

The Reformation in the Netherlandfi. — Heresy an old story 108 
^tfly sditiona of the Bible in the' common tongue. — Mors 

geneially read than in any other eoontry 108 

The Reformation begina at tha bottom among tb« conmoB 

people. — Ita eiccptional character 104 

Vietima of the Inqaialtioa greatar in ntunbar than ia aB 

the reat of Europe. Itf 

Protcatant aeeto in tha Neth«riaDda.~Latharaaa, CalvinitH 

aadAaabaptiala.... lOf 


< Hm 

BeligioD and monlity not necMMrily allied in Enrope in 

the flfteeoth, siitcentb, and MTenteenth centoriei 168 

Thia aeTeranee not confined to tb« C«tholic« 100 

Holland a moial connti^, and no the bulwark of Protea- 

tantiam , 170 

Private and pablie ^itcgritjr. 171 

High poaition o^ her women. 179 

"^ CHAPTER in 

Why reTolotioD did not come earlier. — Philip II. contrast- 
ed with hia fatherr Charlea V 178 

Eleven yeara of miarnle and InqniaiUon 174 

Origin orthe''Beggara,"lM6 17* 

The Icono«hrta , 176 

Philip II. and his chie^ adviser, the Dake of Alva ^ 177 

Bright prospects for Spain a oentory before 178 

How her liberty waa destro]«d 179 

Disaatroos effects of discovery of Americi on Spaniah 

character. 180 

Bain of national prosperity. — Military gmatnesa 181 

Alva a typical Spaniah soldier of the time.— His arrival in 

th4; NetherUnds,16a7..^ ; 188 

TheConncil of Blood '. 188 

Exodas of Netherlaliders to England... 184 

William of Orange IBS 

His undisciplined armies defeated by Alva 188 

The " Beggars of the Sea."— Elisabeth's seiiare of Philip's 

money.. 188 

Alva'a financial difllealtiea. — His proposed tax and its effects 1 88 
Soqwnsion of bosineaa, and Alva'a plan for its renewal. . . 193 

Oaptai« of Brill by the " Beggars," IS7S 193 

Gsneral nprisiag in the northern provinces 198 

Beoiganisation of the government by a popular vote 197 

Bright prospects for the fntare, 1578. . . .*. 198 

Fwnee friendly da H w ra nce at hand. ...'».♦ MO 

• ".*> 



: MaMMre of St. Butholomew, iu eaaiet and diiutroni re- , 
salts in tbe Netherlands. — Elisabeth's connection with it 801 

Cots off all hopes of French assistance SOS 

Holland left to li^ht alone 803 

Reliance of William ot Orange on Providence. — Basis of 

Puritanism f! 804 

Position of HolUnd, and character of the war 906 

The siege of Harlem, 1673 806 

Its surrender. — Cold-blooded bntehery of garrison and in- 
habitants. — Great loss of Spaniards. ...,.^. 809 

Spaniiuds repulsed from Alkmaar. — Befnse to assault the 

works. — ^The country flooded SII 

Alva recalled to Spain. — His work a failure. — Succeeded 

* by Requesens. 819 

Siege of Leyden bcgni), 1674. — SuccesMS of the patriots. . 818 
Rejection of proposed amnesty on condition of giring up 

, the religions question. ; SIS 

l«yden saved by catting its dikes. — Heroisn of the in- 

habitants. ; 91« 

University of Leyden founded, 1676. — Marka an epoeb in 

the history of education 917 

Becomes the centre of the learning of Europe 918 

Ita famous scholan. — Honors accorded to them 919 

Contributions of Holland to science 989 

Invents the telescope, microscope, pendulum ck>ck, etc ... . 999 
Tolerance of Leyden. — English Dissenters among its pupib 999 
University of FWeker.— Instruction free as in Leyden. .. 984 
Application of confiscated church property in the Nether- 
lands. — Contrast with EngUnd...'. ,.,...,.,, tW 

Hospitals and soldiers' homes..., tA- ...',....,.. >M 

;■:■;•■•■ cHAPTiB IV ■■■.■■'•■' '^■. .;*■■•.;, . 


nDBmoBRCB umcLuata—utAmakruai or wiixiam or oauaas 
— nauaioca Touounoa nrAausHsit, uu-isn 

Tkt perilons condition of HolUnd '.. 9M 


Death of BeqOMetif, lS7e ...,........'.... 1fi9 

If atiny of^Sptniali toldien.— " Tbe Spanith Fary."— They 

wck Antwerp and other townt 829 

All tbe pronnces nnite to drire out the inraden T. . 380 

Arrival of Don John of Austria 830 

Hi* romantio scheme for tbe conqncat of Enghmd 831 

Aatiatance for the'Netherianden from EngUnd and FVance 831 

Death of Don John .". 838 

AtriTal of the Prince of Parma, 1678, a loldier and a diplo- 

matiat 838 

He win* back the •ontbcm provinces. — Tho North atanda 

Arm 883 

"The Union of Utrecht" the written constitution of the 

Netberland RepnbliCt 1670. 333 

Declaration of Independence, 1681. — Its importance. — Cop- 
ied by England and America, i S84 

The Duke of Anjou, brother of the French king, proclaimed 

sovereign , ni-r 886, 

Wooing of ^tiiabeth by Anjoo.— Ita oomieal and serious 

featorea. 836 

AnjoQ accepts the sovereignty of the NetherfauU*. — Uis 

inglorious career and death, 1584 838 

Attempts of Philip to bribe William of Orange 940 

His assaaaination, 1684. — ^Tbe foremost Puritan of the ige. 840 

Besults of bis work. — Seven provinces redeemed 841 

DiSouHies of his taak. — Comparison with Cromwell 848 

Beligions toleration established. — Its novelty in fiirope. . . 843 

William denonnoed at home, but he carries the day 844 

He protecta the Anabaptists, who first proebum religions 

. liberty and separation of Church from State 845 

Their doctrines and their treatment in other countries. . . . 846 
Origin of religion* liberty in the United Statea. — Ita debt 

to Holland 840 

Virginia's Declaration of Rights, 1 776 860 

New York first eatablithcs religioua liberty by conatitn- 

tional coaotoMnt Ml 


Inflaciioe of UoDaad in religions mattcn on the geneial 

goTenunent of the United States. . . . .t. 2S8 

Results of ttie asBsssination of William of Orange. — The 

people hare no tbonght of surreoder tH ' i^,' 

A rapablio fq^ed upon the NetherUnders ......,'.. 9M i\% 

They offer the sorereigaty to France. — The " Holy League," "-^ 

formed agmnat Henry of Navarre, prerents ita acceptance 8^7 

Spain marching on to nnivcrsal dominion 3fi0 

Protestant England and Ker qne«n DM 

Tbos far Eliiabeth had kept out of the religious war npon 

the Continent — Her methods no longer practicable. , . , S61 

Obstacles to a correct view of the Eliia)>ethan age in Eng- 

Und , 969 

False glamour of the poet and novsliat over an age very 

backward in many directions. 9(9 ,.' 

Poetry not a fruit, but the flower, of i!iviliiation. — llomer' 

and Dante. ., .' •»«« 

Shakespeare and Bacon produced by the same calises,.,. 2M . 
Bacon not a learned roan ; ignorant of science, Latin, etc. . 907 |. 
Little appreciation of Shakespeare in England until a re- ^S«^^ 

cent date .' 888 

The aame true of Bacon as a scientist; .' 9W 

History of England a pocniiar one, marked by waves of ^ 

progress, all due to foreign influences 871 

Iloderw tMlsnoies to eiaggerate the Anglo-Saxon influence S7S 

High oivilisalioB under the Romans -- 975 

Its importaaea to the student of Continental biatory 976 

Entirely obUterated by the AngloSuoas 977 

The country becomes sgain a pagan barbaric Und 978 

The Anglo-Saxon barbarians. — •• Battles of Kites and 

Crows" 976 

The Ang)»8Mona deteriorate, lose their ideas of personal 

fr*adou.—JTb« king, ths serf , slavery ,,. 980 - 

Conrenioii of BagUad. — Ito ehantcter and rMolta W% 

The Dbiim and Kiog Alfred 88S 

Bcanlta of aU MDtoHM of Aaglo-Suoa nie. — Bngliah '' 

viitoea ■....'.... 884 

The Norman eonqneat the great event in EngNah hiatory. . 887 
How the Norrnans obtained their eiviliution. — Connection 

with Rome and the Eaat^. 387 

Conqucnt of England. — Companion of the Normana with 

the Saxona. ^ j|jf. 289 

Thejr introdnce (Ve French language rKngliah diaappean 

for nearly three hundred yean 890 

Boild the cathedraJa, found the uaiTertitiea i . . . . 891 

Study of the Roman civil hw begun 808 

Debt of Eaghind to the Jewat— They introdnce ^a atudy 

of the physical iciencea. — Roger Bacon 893 "■ 

The Normana give England her institutions, good and bad, 

the feudal system, judicisnr, trial by jury, etc 895 

Magna Charta. — Ita origin and character 896 

Organization of the English Parliament 894 

Bxpukion of tha Jewa. — Introduction of the Xetherland 

wearere 89B 

Final abaorption of the Normana by the Angh>'4axona. — 

Return of the English .Ungua|;*^England rapidly goea ■^SfW'' 

down SOO 

Chancer atanda on the border line Ilia aong awakana no 

^ho 300 

The Hundred Yean' War with France. — Diaaatrona reaulta 

toEnglaad Mf^' ' 

Pestilence. — Abandonment of agriculture. — The atnrdy 

beggars.— Restriction of the suffrage SOS 

Decline of learning. — Wyclif and tl^e Lollarda 804 

The Wara of the Rosea still more disastroua in their retnlta 808 • 
Deapotiam of the Tudors. — Civil liberty trodden underfoot 

— Literature and learning almost dead 307 

The printing-preaa in England. — Ita paltry reaolta. . ..... 808 

The Oiford reformen and their amall elaasical aeqnirsmenta 80t 

Adranced lehohn on th« Continent ^0 

The Reformation and its eril eflecU noM Henry yill. . . SIS 

The movement almost entirely a leonlar one S18 

Still worae onder Edward Vk 814 

Propoaition to demoiiah Weatminater Abbey 81S 

Demoraliaation of all claaaea. — t>ublic corruption. — Rand 

in mannfactnrea, 816 

Religious reaction onder Bloody Uary. — ^Tala of the martyra SIT 
When Elisabeth ascended the throne, the atate of aociety 

the worat that had ever been known in the land. S19 

CHAPTER VI. ■-/ ' ■'.■-"-''■ 


Changea in England during the hut three centories SSO -'■^' 

At accession of Elisabeth little commerce, mannfaotnrea, or 

agricnltnre. — Largely a pastoral land 391 

Revoluti^ of indnstries produces great demoralisation of 

society SSI 

Dwellings of the English SSS 

The Shakespeare hqnse at Stratford SSS . 

The first English tbeatrea. SS4 

Manaion-honsea of the gentry SSS 

Chimneya very rare, alao window-glaaa, beda, carpeta, Jid 

chairs SSS 

Great improvementa with increase of wealth under Eliia- 

betb 387 

The castles of the Earl of Northumberland. — Their accom* 

modations. SSS 

London and ita honsca SSO 

Rushes for carpeting. — ^Tha queen'a pahwie SSI 

Forks unknown until ISll. — Table knives introdnead, ISflS SSS 

The Englishman'a food SSS 

Pricea of the time , SSS 

Fondneaa for aweeta SSS 

na dress of the Engliahman.— lu peenliaritita SSS 

. ,. •UMIEim /■' 'W 

FMiiala •Uire.— lalwdietioB from Um NatlMriiMd* of (tareh- 

iii( sad liacn ODdaKloUung S36 

BeftiCDce for the crown. — lu manifaiUtiou SS7 

PopoUr iporta, bear and bull baiting S40 

Kdocation. — Eiaggerated idea* from a few iaolated eaaea. 841 

Biiabeth and ber acqninmenta, 84S 

Bagland far behind the Continent in the elanic8.-^Matbe- 
matica and aeience leprobated.— Experience of Giordano 

Bmno 848 

Beform of the calendar, 1589 84S 

Not adopted* in England till 178S. — Oppoaition of the 

people...^ 846 

Peen of the realm conM not read. ., 348 

Ifaoranca of the middle and lo*er claaaea. — Shak^pcare's 

family ; *. ... 848 

Betrogreaaion aince normaa timaa : 850 

Condition of religion 861 

The clergyman 858 

Thabiab*^ ..- .1 888 

Decline of morality. — Ita caosea. . . , 858 

Foreign opinfoni of Engliilunen ^ .' 854 

Elinbetb'a antrothfulneia, bad faith, djahooeaty, and' pro- 

faaity.— An example for her people. ,\ 888 ' 

Immorality of her conrt — Increaaaa daring her reign.. . . . 867 

Iforala of the people at huge 868 

llay-day and other feativab. — Their exeeawM 850 

Eril inflnencea of Italy and ita literature. , , 880 

Eaneat men in time will work a revolntion., »...,...;.. fUtl 


nauo uni— unmnanuTioa or rvwncm—rmum—jfmumwn at 
lULAMi— raucT ;'5^ \' 

Cbaiaeter of men abont the eoart ,....<...,... Mf 

Corroption in State and Chnreh....,..,. <.....,, ^,,.. 866 
AdminiitratioD of jnitiee. ..,,,,,..,,..,.., ,,,^.1',,.. 866 




Ereiy tight tnunpled underfoot. ...•••••••.•••> MT 

Protest from the jndgee, ISM ......... ^ '8M 

Fudoniog of eriminiUa a ragaUr bniiiieM uDong the eour- 

tien and maids of honor 309 

Prevalence of erime. — I^nds of robben S?0 

Adulteration and frand in manafactorea i^. . . . ttl 

Oambling.'^Ita carious forma , •?• 

Usury. — Lotteries. — ^Drinking SM 

The English in Ireland. — Their objects. . . a. S7t 

Opinion of Lord Burghley as to Irish rebellions. ........ STC 

Attempt of Earl of Sussex to assassinate Shan O'Neil, 1861. S7< 

Second attempt with poison 877 

^ISoheme of English worthies for plundering Ireland, IM9. 879/ 

Massacres by Sir Ilarophrey Gilbert, etc 880 

. Earl of Essex's breach of hospitality and murder of two 

hundred Irish, 1878 880^ 

His maasaere of 'six hundred women and children at Bathlin 881 

Sussex, Gilbert, and Essex in history MS 

English pyacy.— Its importance «■< . . 884 

Cabot's voyage. — No effects vn English commerce, which 

wss almost wholly in the hands of foreigners 881 

Spanish and Portuguese commerce. — Ita expansion 8N 

English shipping. — Its low condition 887 

Lord Buighley's scheme for encouraging marineia. — "Pi- 
racy detestable and cannot last" 8M 

It does Ust, and builds up Bngfauul's Mval grritnsM 8N 

Its origin and character 889 

Attempts of Spain to keep the peace 880 

Englishmen plunder Catholics and Protestants alike. S90 

Piracy leads to the slaTe-trade of England 899 

African alarery in America 898 

Attempts of Spanish government to mitigate its evils 894 

Voyages of John Hawkins. — The queen his partner 898 

Disastrous termination of third voyaga.— Ffaea English 

heart 897 

Elixabeth seises Philip's money.— ItsNlta o( her aetioh. . . 899 


Fnweii Drake leads a piratical expedition 401 

Drake Mill aroand tbe world, 1580 .'.' .... 4M 

Diatrfbation o{ hit plunder. — Knighted for hi* piracy .... 403 
Bargbley, Sniaez, and Walaingham rcfuie to share his 
qwils. — ^Thejr desire open war with Spain, which Eliia- 

• betb opposes 40S 

Drake a national hcra....r. .....,''......,. i. '404 

Growth of the spirit of patriotism.— Ilatred of Spain 408 

English Protestantism.^ — Influences at work 40,7 


«n JHOns A>D THB FOarrAKS, iu»-uat 

Character of English Rofomation 408 

Compromise disliked by tho ednest men of either party. . 400 

Religious torpor in England 400 

Apathy of English Catholics 410."* 

A sudden awakening. .....'.'....... 411 

Catholic reformers on the Continent produced by the Ref- 
ormation. . .r 411 

The Jesuits, their origin and growth. .; ; . . . 41S 

Their miasioBarT work. >....,.. 41S 

Reform the Catholic Church. . . .'. 414 

Establish free schools ; . .,.<tr. *»» 

Become the educators and confessors of Catholic Europe.. 410 
Kot consistent with historic truth to conceal their virtuea, 417 
Check Protestantism. — Become the bulwark of papacy . . . 417 

England s missionary field 418 

Englrtb missionaries educated at I>Quay and Rome. .,.,., 410 

Their success in England .'^y...: .... 4M 

Jesuit mis^n, IfiSO.— Campiaa and Parsons. .......... ^ 490 

ReTiral of Catholicism, and its causes 4S1 

The people open to ooDTictioa. — Proportion of Protestants 

to Catholics 4M 

Crushing out the Catholic revival. — Why it waa possible. . 4S4 
English Paritana,— Their place in history 486 




OpinioM 01 Hamr, Rallain, and MmmIsjt 426 

Novelty of Pqriun principles in EngUnd 491 

Growth of PariUDiam unexplained by hiatoriana. ....... 410 

Aeceaaion of Elixabeth 4S0 

Uncertainty aa to tlie religioua fntore of the nation 431 

Why Eliiabeth proclainibd Protestantiim. -439 

'Action of her flrat I'arliament. — It reconatracts the Eng- 

liahChnrch..; 433 

Vaat power* conferred on the qaeen 434 

Return o1 t^^ggliah Befonnen from the Continent. — 

Their eiperiencea abroad 435 

vbelined to Calviniam, and opposed to forms and cere- 

• monies, and why 493 

Their expectations for the future ..,.,.,, i.,,i,,,,^,i, 437 

. nxmtti BUXABwm ahd thb roMTAas, UW4W 

BUiabeth's jeligious inllinationa. 438 

^ntroTerfy in the Church over (he qnestion of eerefnonials 4SB 

Name of Puritan comes into existence, 1564 440 

Pcrsecdtion of the Puritans begun, 1965 , 441 

John Foxe and his " Book of Martyrs." — Its great influence 4Ja 

Its author a Puritan. — His treatment 444 

Persecution of Miles Corerdsle, the translator of the Bible 

into finglish 445 

Suppression of independent congregations, 1667 446 

English statesmen opposed to persecuting the Puritans. , , 446 

Motires of Elisabeth 447 

Her soheme of reconciliation with Rome. — ^The Puritans 

its greatest obstacle 446 

Her communications to the Spanish ministers 450 

She shields the Catholics 451 

Corruption in the Charch fostered by EUiabetb, and why. 453 

Diahoneaty of her biahop* i .. .^ ......,,.. / 454 

' o<KiT«irw sU 

Oow the biahopi obtained th«ir offices . . . . , .,,..*. 4f A 

Elinbeth tba great plonderer of tba ChareJi 4M 

IgnoniDce o( the cleigy :.': 4S7 

The Poritaoi favor education. — Ptocouraged by Eliiabeth. 4A8 
The Spaniah adviscra of Eliiaboth warn her against the 

ParitaD«.<>, .....' 400 

Thomaa Cartwright advocatea Church reforma on It«ab}'te- 

rian line*, 1870 463 

Denonneea the ayatam of appointing biahop*. — The ayitem 

atill in use , 46S 

Eipelled from Oiford and fliea'to the Notfaerboda 46> 

Contianed persecution of the Puritans .' < . 4M 

Attempt of the biahops to educate the clergy, 1 97 1 467 

Suppressed by Eliubcth \ ., . . . 468 

Anabaptiats burned for her«sy, 1675. 460 

Archbishop Orindal siispeAded for favoring preaching and 

the education of the clergy 470 

Whitgift appointed archbinhop, 1688. — His 'ignonioee and 

narrownnlndedneas , . , . 470 

Elizabeth determinea '* to root ont Puritanism ". 471 

Whitgift introducea a aystem which Burghley says is mod- ;' 

elled after the Inquisition in Spain. 471 

Wholesale expulsion of Pnritana. , 478 

High Commission Court organized. — Its raat powers. .... 474" 

The English Inquiaition and ita results „ . 47e 

Protesta from Privy Council, Gatbolio and Protestant, una- 
vailing .,..'.... 476 

Low ^tate of eleigy.— Morality of no account in compari- 
son with conformity ^ 

The Diabop of London will not remove a conforming cler- . 

gyma|i'"for the mere fact of adultery" 478 

Early Pnritanisiu dying ont nnd^r continued persecution. . 480 

'MM :' ... ■ OOHTtm 

:-i\. . "y ' jr| ■■■■ ■,•.,.;. . -■- :. ■. 

';,■,;.■ OHAPTER Z '•.,;;■'■■'.'■ 


tnunatct fbom ram nctbbblaicm, um-uh 
/ nn 

The ioflneoce of the MarU n c»i le» does not eiplaia the re- 

ligiooa hiitory of Eogbnd 481 

Decline of Paritanigm nmong the upper eiaHea. 4U 

Resalts of Etiubetb'f pcrMcntioo i- 484 

' How Pnritanwm csm^ to dwell among the middle cfause* 

and the poor unexjtbuned by historians. . 489 

Earljr emigration from the Netherlands into EogUnd 487 

The Lollards fonnd where the Nctherlanden had set- 
tled .„ 488 

Under the persecutions of PbiMp II. the stream becomes a 

mighty rirer. , ^. 488 

Number of Netherland refugees in England, and' places 

of^their settiemtnt ^ \ ...... 48» 

Beginning 6f the industrial history of modem England. . . 490 
' The refugees, instruct the English in agricnltnre, manufact- 

nres,and commerce .-. . v • • • ^'1 

Aid in making -Engbind Protestant and free 4B3 

^ Greatest missionary work known To history. — Its peculiar 

adrantages 48is 

The Netherland settlements the strongholds of English 

Puritanism '. 40B' 

Influence in devekping a love of cItU liberty 406 

The places of their settlement the recruiting ground of 
Cromwell's army, and the homes of the settlers of New 

England 407 

Mure immediate influence on England 500 

Contest with Catliolicism as a political power MI 

The war in \he Netherlands an object-lesson to England. . 501 
Fifty thousand Netherbwd families procUiming the atroci- 
ties of Catholic Spain i 808 

Effect »n Englatid SOt 

ImpreMioDstfle natnie of the English people ............ .(KM 

Engliih Toluntecra for the war in the NetberUodi 804 

Exhibition of mceatral coange ftOS ' 

Catholic uprising in Ireland, ISM ,...,...,....,... M7 

Ferocity developed by the Irish van MM 




I RATK attempted ih the following pag«s to trace 
the origin and development of Puritanism, tlie greatcck 
moral and political foroe of modem times, with special 
reference ,to its influence on the people and institutions 
of the United States, my lines of investigation differing 
widely from those which have heretofore be0ta followed 
by historians. How the worlc came to be nndertakeh 
is, of coarse, in itself a matter of no importance. And - 
yet a public, welf-nigh surfeited with hooka aboat the 
Puritans and the early settlers' of America, may ra%>n- 
ably call upon an author to give, at the outset, some 
good reason for asking a further share of its attention 
to an old and apparently threadbare subject. To such 
a very proper question this preface is intended as an 
answer. " 

When a law student, more than twenty-flve years ago, 
I began collecting material for a h'istory of the jarispm- 
dence of Colonial New York. The fleld was compar- 
atively unexplored, for, as 1 discovered, most persons 
supposed that little was left of the Aid records. Much to 
my surprise, I found in various quarters a great wealth 
of matter, and after some years began to arrange the 
results of my investigations. Then, finding how closely 

political and legal questions were intertwined in this 
early history, I concluded to enlarge the scope of my 
woric, so as to show the growth not only Of the legal 
but of the constitutional system of the state. And here 
I met a series of surprises, for I encountered at every 
turn graces of institutions and ideas, generally supposed 
to have been derived from England, or at least to be of 
New England origin, but which clearly, so far as con- 
cerned New York, were derived from a different quar- 
ter. Hera were free schools, the system of redbrding 
deeds and mortgages, lands 'held in common by the 
towns— all under the otd,Dutch rule; here Che doctrine 
was first laid down by a legislative assembly that the 
people are the source of political authority ; here were 
first established permanent religious freedom, the right 
of petition, and the freedom of the press. On the other 
hand, here were no executions of witches or Quakers, 
and no kidnapping and enslavement of the Indians. 

In comparing this record with thafc of New England, 
the points of contrast were no less remarkable than thoee 
of resemblance, while all the deductions from such a 
comparison were opposed to the idea^ inculcated by our 
current histories. From their earilest school-days Amer- 
icans have been told that this nation is a transplanted 
England, and that we must look to the mother-land as 
the home of our institutions. But the men who found- 
ed New Yoric were not Englishmen ; they were Holland- 
ers, Walloons, and Huguenots. The colony was under 
Dutch law for half a century ; its population ;wa8 prob- 
ably not half EngUsh even at the time of the Revdu- 
tion ; and yet here one finds some of the institutions 

which gire America ita distincUre ohantoter, while, what 
is ^ore remarkable, no trace of many of these same 
institutions S&n be ^ond in England. What was their 
origin became to nie an interesting question. New 
York, which was flrst settled, certainly did liot derive 
them from New England, and New England probably 
did not derive them (torn New York. Could there have 
been a common fountain which fed both these streams, 
the debt to which has never been acknowledge<l I Of 
coui^ the Notherland Kepublic m'ust have been this 
fountain, if one existed ; but to prove its ezistcnoci^^and 
the mode in which its influence was exerted on New 
England, required an examination far outside the'rec- 
ords of New York. 

Hence a new set of questions arose before me, relating 
to the character and environment of the men who set- 
tled America, especially the nigrims who lived spmaiiy 
years in Holland, and the Puritans w;ho''fl«c|(ed there in 
thousands during the reigns of Elizabeth and the flrst 
two Stuarts; what civilization they hod as Englishmen, 
what they saw and l^rned among the Dutch, and what 
they carried back to England and across the Atlantic. 
The importance of the latter questions can be seen at 
once. If I was correct in my hypothesis as to the debt 
which America owes to Holland— a debt incurred not 
only through New York, but also through the Pilgrims 
and Puritans of New England, and, as I afterwards dis- 
covered, throngb the Quakers of Pennsylvania— then 
, our American history would occupy a different position 
from that usually accorded to it. Instead of standing 
alone as a phenomenon, to be studied by itself, or as a 

nvi nurAci 

ooDtinution of the record of Englishmen, to be ttodied 
on narrow inniUr lin^ it would flU a moch broader 
field, reaching book to Continental Europe, linking itaelf 
to the old civilization of the Itomans, and'fonning more 
distinctly a part of that nabdem hii^>r7 which haa been 
aaid to begin with the call of Abraham. 

The pressure of professional labors prevented me for 
many years from devoting much time directly to tbii 
branch of study, but it was largely the occupation ol 
my leisure. I was able to make two visits to Uolland, 
and moon while a great mass of literature appeared throw- 
ing new light upon som6 of these questions. Finally, 
about six years ago, a permanent illness gave me an 
enforced rest, aiid I concluded to finish my history of 
Kew York. After reading over my old manuscript, I 
set out to write an extended introduction to the work, 
treating of the various settlors of America before they 
crossed the Atlantic, their civililsation at home, the 
character of the institutions among which they were 
developed, and the connection of those institutions 
with the historic past. That introduction, as I ex- 
tended my investigations, has slowly grown into the- 
present book. Its conclusions may seem novel to 
some readers; but if true, they will stand despite their 
novelty. * 

I have chosen as a title " T^ l*uritan in Holland, 
Engknd, and America," because the Puritan, who has ' 
done so much for the modem world, was not the prod- 
uct of any one race or country. He was bom out of the 
uprising against the abuses of the Church of Rome. He 
came to maturity in upholding liberty against the at- 

nuABM ziril 

HuilU of kingly power. In him wu reprnnnUrt the 
principle of relFgioua and civil freedom.* ' V- ' S 

* I b»* DMd tba woid "Puritan " ia this book, wbcn applitd to 
BngUibiMn (ezcept when olherwjia qualilled), a* it baa Ijcen gtatr- 
ally BJcd in liiator;. It cania into tbo language alioat iM4, ihortly 
alUr Eliiatwth aaoeoded tlio throne. Fallci'a " Cbnreh Hiatoi;,'' 
ix. M. Ita atrict meaning changed flrom time to time, being (ome- 
llmea leligiooa, with Tarring application*, an4 then again political, 
thu* creating a conlbtlon that haa hxl to inanjr hiitorical blunden, 
' but ita popular rignlBcatlon haa always been the lauie. See, Tor ei- 
ample, ita employment by Shakespeare. Among the people ofEng- 
hind at huge the name come be applied taiAll those who 
were religiooa and moral, and who, either by word or life, proleeted 
against the Imligion and immorality of the time. In Baxter's 
" Autobiography " we see illustrated the use of tlie word in the leign 
of Cbaiies L BaxteVs fkmily were called Pnritaan, although they 
were strict Coofurmlsts, or Episcopalian*, because they «cTcr got 
drunk and went to chareli reguUrly. The people Judged them 
rightly, for Baxter Jbeeame a eliaplairf in Cromwell's army. Religion 
an? morality revolted against authority, aa it waa then repreaenltd 
by tba Stoarts. Strictly speaking, u will be shown in it* proper 
place, the name was oonflned to thoMnCalTtaistie memlierB of the 
English Church who sought its reformation ftom within. These 
men formed the laige mi^Jority of the settlers of New England. 
Those who left the chuieh were called Brownlsts, Separatist*, or 
Independents, and fWnn them came the Pilgrim Fathers who settled 
Plymouth. The name Puritan, howerer, was not confined to Eng> 
land, nor IwTe I given it any such narrow limitation. In 1887, Lord 
Bnekhnrsttisited Bollandas the repccaeBUtiTe of Queen Elteabetb. 
He reported of the people of the Prorinces that they consisted " of 
dlTcrs parte and profsasiona, *a, namely, Protestants, Pnritana, Ana- 
bapUata, and Spanlih henrt&" Buckhnrst tS the Queen, May arth, 
1S87; Motley's "United. Netherlands," U. IM. Bee alao MotUy's 
•* Bamereld,t ii. 1 1», 184, 988. 

tiV-- ^ 





The anned contest began in Holland, and lasted then 
for eighty yean before it waa transferred to Enj^nd. 
In ita early days, nearly a hondred tbotuand Netbe^ 
landen, driven fibm their homes by penecntion, found 
an asylum on British soil. Throughout it was a Puri- 
tan warfare. The Earl of Leicester, sent by Elizabeth to 
aid the rebellions NetberUnds, was politically in sym- 
pathy with th0 English Puritans. The grandfathers 
and fathers of the men who fongbt with Cromwell at 
Naaeby and Danbar received their military training 
under William of Orange and his son, F^noe Maurioe. 
Thousands upon thousands of them, during a period of 
■orao seventy years, served in the armies of the Dutch 
Republic. Many others, driven out of England by Elis- 
abeth and her succeHors, settled in Holland, and a still 
larger number went there for business purposes, engag- 
ing in trade and manufactures, while keeping in close 
relationa with their native land. Some of the refugees, 
after a residence of years among the Puritans dt the 
Netherlands, emigrated to America; others returned to 
England, and took up arms under the Long Parliament.* 

* Ftiriiu, Eaez, Monk, Warwick, B«dfunl, Bkippon, and mutj 
oUieis— in fiict, th« men who orgtnlMd Um FsriUmentaiy aimy— re- 
orired^ their miliUiy trsining in the I/ow Coantrie*. "The Fight- 
lag Veies," by Clement* Robert Hark ham, p. 4M. The famoua Iron- 
■idee of Cromwell were tmiiiod by Colonel Dalbier, a Holhuider, and 
the Hune officer did a much more important work by giving Crom- 
well hie fint inatnictlon in the military art, teaching him, m Carlyle 
■aye, "the mechanical part of eoldicring," Carlyle'e "Cromwell," I. 
198 (c<l. Wiley t Pntnam, 184S). The flnt Judge adTooate of the 
PwUameat'a arm; wa* sIm « Hollnndor, Dr. Dorialitaa Idem. |>. sai. 

ruMWAcn ■ ^ , sitai 

Tlie Englisbmen, veiy many thoDsands in nnmber, 
who found a temporary home in Holland were the 
mott active and entorpriaing of their race. They went 
from a monarchy, where the power of the crown over 
many questions of Church and State was unlimited, to a 
repqblic, where the people for centuries had been accut- 
iomed to lelf-cnle. They ^ent from^ land whcre,'from 
natural causes, material and intellectual progress had 
been much retarded to one which, in almost every d«- 
psrtment of human endeavor, was then the instructor 
of the world. That they must have learned much, apart 
from the art of war, and that they must have communi- 
cated much to England, seems apparent at a glance to 
any one ^conversant with the situation. And yet we 
shall search through English histories in vain for any. 
but the slightest allusions to the effects of this foreign 

Important as this subject is to Englishmen who care 
for the truth of history, to Americans it is still more 
important. In England, after the restoration of the 
Stuarts, the influence of the Netherland Bepublio, great 
as it was for a time. Seemed to be almost lost. It was 
not lost, in fact, any more than are those streoms'^hich 
suddenly disappear beneath the surface of the earth, 
only to break out in what appear new fountains farther 
^ on their course. In America, however, there was noth- 
ing to cause even such a temporary disappearance. The 
Pilgrims who settled Plymouth had lived twelve yean 
in Holland. The Puritans who settled Massachusetts 
had all their lives been exposed to a Ketherland inflo- 
enoe, and tome of their leaders had also lived in Hoi- 

xn nuaACM ^ 

land. Thomai looker, coming from HoUaM, gave life 
to Conneoticut, which hu been well called the typical 
American ooramonTrealtb. Roger Williama, who found- 
ed Khodo Island, was so much of a Dutch icbolar that 
he read Dutch books to the poet Hilton. Peon, who 
founded Penniylrania, was half a Dutchman. .New- 
York and New Jersey were settled by the Dutch West 
India Company. Here^ then, we ndght expect to And 
traces of the influence of the great Netberland Repub- 
lic even more marked than in the case of Enghknd. 

And how have the historians of America dealt with 
. this Abject I Here is a country which was s^tled by 
men of diverse nationalities. It Jiaa always been coa- 
mopolitan. Its institutions differ radically from those 
of England. The modes of thought of its people are 
not English. The two countries are, in' some respects, 
drawing together to-day, but this is simply because Engp- 
land is adopting ideas like our own, and coming tow- 
ards onr republican institutions. Despite nil these facts, 
known to every American, we are continually told that 
we are an English people, with English institutions ; arid 
all American history has been written upon that theory. 
Scarcely an attempt is made to trace out the cause of 
the manifest differences between the two countries, by 
looking at the institutions and modes of thought of the 
other nations which influenced our early settlers, and 
contributed so largely to onr population. Our descend- 
ants will probably view the result somewhat as we i»- 
gard most of the classicA histories of a century ago. 

Such is the mode in which American history baa 
been written. Why it has been so written is an inte^ 

nmrtoi ^ uii 

Mtiiig qoflition, the aiuver to -which ii, however, rery 

In tne first place, its nathon have been almoat exda- 
, tively EngliBbmen, or descendants of Englishmen, Hviiig 
- in New EngUnd. Now the En^ish have never been 
wanting in that appreciation of themselves which has' 
oharaoterisod all the master races of- the world.** Thia . 
trait of eharacter has pkyed no small part in the devel- 
opment of their world-wide empire, the education which 
has taught them to believe in their natural superiority . 
over men of other nations having largely aided to fit ■ . 
them for great actions. ^In addition, it has led to their r 
recording every achie^vement o^^an Englishman, and 
' thus to the completeness of their chronicles, ^nd the 
unexampled mass of their lit%ratai$rehiting4o£ngIish« " 
men and English actions. ^ * . 

But with its advantages there are some corresponding 
dis^vantages. One of their briUiapt writers, who has 
lived tar yeara npon the Continent, has well said, " The 
difficulty with whyeh the EngliA can be brought to 
respect the French can bo partly explicable by their 
difficulty in rnpeoting foreigners in gieneral, unless they 

.* The Tenetian tisvdicr wbo wrote the "RehUon of EDgUnd," 
in 1500, nearly four centariet igo,^njt: "The Englidi ere grest 
U»»en of tliemeelTee and of eTerytliihg belonging to Ihem. They 
think that tliere an no other men than thenuelref, and no other 
wortd but England ; and whenever they aee a handaome foreigner 
Ithey wy he loolif like an Englifbman, and it ii a great pity be ihoold 
Mt be an EngUibman ; and vheoeTer they partake of any dellcaoy 
. Witt a foreigner they aak him whether inch a thing ia made io hii 
eoOBtry." Printed by the Camden Sodaty. • . , 

faave.beea dead for a long time, like Homer and Virgil, 
or are inveated with a sacred character, like Moms and 
Isaiah." * No reader needs to be told that this attitude 
ton-aras foreigners is not peculiar to Englishmen, even 
among modem nations, although, as exhibited by them, 
it may seem at times a triflb emphasized. Still, how- 
efVer oondnoiTO to the greatness of a people, and whether 
found in Oreece, Rome, France, England, or America, it 
does not conduce to the writing of full and accurate his- 
tories, which must, of necessity, deal with the affairs of 
other nations-t 

*Pbilip Qilbert Qamerton, "French and EogUih," Atlmtie 
Monthly, July, 1880, p. tSL Lecky apeak* of "tiiat hatred offiw- 
•tgnen lo deeply rooted in the Eaglbh mind, and which ho* played 
• port that can hardly be exaggerated in Engliah hiatory, " England 
in the Eightccnth.Century," Amer. ed., pp. 1-10. See alao opinion of 
the One do Bully, in 1803, Hotley'a " United Netherlands iv. IM. 

t How foreign hiatory i* generally regarded in England, ercn at 
tb« prcaent day, i* well illustrated by the interesting diacuision 
which was carried on there during the winter of 1885 and 1888, 
OTor the qnestion, ■' What books shall we read t" Sir John Lub- 
bock, the eminent natuaUst, opened with a list of one hundred 
Ixwks ; otbeia followed, Mil most of the distinguished acholars of 
the kingdom had been heard from. The Intention was to select one 
hundred works, the knowledge of which would make the best edu- 
cation for an Englishman. The range was wide ; the rarious lists 
eoTared the poetry, science, philosophy, and general literature of alt ' 
nations. rHo ftnit could be found with thom on that scoi-e ; Uht it is 
Tcry curious to see the way in which history was treated. Classical 
liiftoiy— that is, the life and growtti of dead nations— wa* Itally rep- 
reaented. The history of Bnglaid also occnpird a large space. But 
in all tho lists only three allusions were made to the modem history 
of say people except the English. One authority recommended 

Here, then, in the fact that American history hai 
been written mainly by Englishmen, or by men of Eng- " 
lish descent, and entirely from an English standpoint, 
we find one natural explanation of its incompleteness — 
an incompleteness found in the history of every nation, 
when the author is moved more by a patriotic desire to 
cast a halo around his ancestors than to arrive at the 
exact truth.* Bat, apart from all this, there is som»- -. 
thing more important and far-reaching which has affect- '-'■ ' : |;| 
ed all the early writers about America who have shaped 'JtS 

popular opinion. , 

Comparatively few persons, perhaps, appreciate how 
recent a science is that of historical investigation. Less 
than a century and a half ago. Sir Robert Walpole, lying 
-npon his death-bed, and requesting a friend to read to 
him, was asked to select the book. " Anything but his- 
tor}'," he answered : " that must be false." The dying 
statesman, who for more than twenty years, as Prime 
Minister of England, had been making history, knew 

Oarljle'i works, which wonld inclnds hit "Frederick th« Great " 
and "French BcTolution ;" and the,.head maiter at Eton recom- 
mended Thien'i ** Coniulate and Empire." See the Ibis, Wataifo- 
iltr Snttu, Jotr, 1880, p. W, " What and How to Read." 

* EngUth writen are keen enongh in the appreciation of this (ail- 
ing in their American eooiini. Sir Henry Maine, in hia lait woric, 
•peaka of " the naniaoDi grandiloquence of the American panegyr- 
ical hiitorian," "Popular Oorenimcnt," p. 8S3. .Dojle, in comment- 
ing on the writing* of the early New England aettlen, nja: " We 
an reading not a hietory, but a bagiology."— " The Engliah in Amei^ 
"iea. The Puritans," by J. A. Doyle (the Longmans, Green, ft Co., 
1887), i. 4. 


, full well wheraof he spoke. Hii crHiciim waa toine- 
what novel then, bat the period since its utterance hat 

, made the sneer a ntaxim. In his time, to the common 
ifaind all history waa alike: the legends of Livy and the 
personal observations of Tacitus, the gossip of Suetonius 
and Caesar's story of his own campaigns, all were equally 
true and equally sacred. To question them was well-nigh 
heresy. But to-day is the age of the iconoclasts. Under 
their blows oar old idols are crnmbling to powder. They 
dig up the musty records from which history has been 
made; thej search into the lives of the historians to find 
oat what were their sooroes of iaformation, and they sedc 
farther to find out why they wrote. True science is ex- 
act, for it is founded on biws which are immutable ; true 
poetry is immortal, for its breath is inspiration ; but his- 
tory is like the work of the photographer, i# depends for 
its accuracy npon the material, the workman, the focas, 
and the atmosphere. No wonder if the schokr riaea 
from his task to say with Walpole, as to much of it, that 
"it must be false." 

It was Voltaire, as Buckle haa pointed out, who fiM 
brought secular history to the bar of human reason. 
By attacking the <early fables of Qreece and Rome he 
laid open the broad domains of the post to the fenrless 
seekers after truth. What they have done as to the 
olaasics is known to every schoolboy. We hare seen a 
boat of great scholars, led by the aadaoioas Niebohr, 
reconstructing Roman history; we have seen another 
army sifting the grains of troth from the fairy tales of the 
Oreek historians; while, almost, an indefatigable 
explorer exhumes the walls of ancient Troy, and shows 

to the worid thtt Homer was no writer of mere ro- 

But it IS not ancient history abne that our acholam ' 
are rearranging. Everywhere, in almost ererjr land, 
they are delring among the records, getting at the truth 
of modem history. It is not easy to realize how diffi- 
cult this task has been until a recent date. Every one 
has heard of the French chronicler who was charged 
with treason by Richelieu for having in his works told 
some distasteful truths about a king who, for two 
centuries, had slumbered in his grave. That, we say, 
was long ago. So were the actions of Louis %IY., who 
withdrew a pension from one historian for some imper- 
tinent remarks about taxation, kept F6nQlon inv banish- 
ment for a supposed criticism of his reign in the romance 
of " Telemachus," and threw another author into the 
Bastile for innocently revealing a state secret in a pan- 
egyric of himself. This was the custom of the age. 
Histories written under such auspices would hardly be 
entitled to much credit.* 

But when this danger passed away, and in the last 
century historians could, in some lands, venture to tell 
the truth, the question arose, how the truth could be 
obtained. History, says Carlyle, is "ever more or less 
the written epitomised synopsis of rumor." It will, of 

* RilUm Tuy wliely remarka that tha InTontion of printing waa 
•t fltat detrimental to hiatorical accntaey. When men wrote booiu 
ooly for the uae of themielTM, their frienda, or a limited circle of 
fMder«, thej ooold tell what thej onderatood to be the tnitb. When 
booka cam* to be printed for general circulation, they ooald in mo«l 
eontrica tdl onl; wbat was agiMsble to tbs •atlMwittM. 




ooune, ai to many public events, be limply rumor run 
mad, unless corrected by official records, diplomatic 
oorresponaence, and other state papers which, until 
jvery recently, were regarded in all countries aa the 
property of the monarch, and for reasons of state de- 
nied to the historian.* One can imagine the position of 
a writer who sat down to oompoao a work upon his own 
or any other country when such material was erery- 
whefe kept a secret. 

The French Revolution, and the ideas which followed 
in its train, fijst developed the modem theory that offi- 
cial documents are for the public good, and that aa to 
past events the public will be best served by being told 
^e truth. How much has been brought to light since 
the archives of some of the old monarchies have been 
unlocked is a familiar story even to those acquainted 
only with the works of our own Prescott and Motley, 
who led the van in this department of investigation. 
But while France, Spain, Holland, and other countries 
hare been aiding the historian, conservative England 
has been one of the last powers in Enrope to open its 
records to the public, and even now has not done so 
fully. How this has affected American history can be 
readily understood. 

In 1841, John Romeyn Brodhead was •mt to So* 

* Th(* tbwrjr rad pnctioe tUn prsrail iX Room. Tha popa has 
klwsja been the depraiUrr of rilaabia itate Morata. It I* well knowa 
thtt in the archive* of the Vattcan repoae docooMttta which woald 
aotre many biitorioa] problem* of gnat Intereit. If the; an arer 
thrown open to axamiution, Boolcioai potota in tdMory wUl doabt- 
Icaa iMTa to Iw l aviiad. 

rope by the State of New York to procnre oopiea of 
doomnenta relating to its colonial hiatory, from the 
pablio offices of England, Fnnoe, and Holland. He 
wont as an accredited agent from a friendly power, sup- 
ported by all the inflnenco of the general government. 
It was known that the State Paper Office of England 
contained a mass of correspondence of the royal gov- 
ernors, minutes of the Board of Trade, and other doca- ,- 
ments which would throw much light on early Ameri- 
can affairs. In Holland were supposed to be valuable 
papers relating to the Dutch period, and in France 
others connected with Canadian relations. Such proved 
to be the case, and in each of the latter ooantries the 
New York agent was treated with the greatest courtesy. 
He was allowed to examine all the colonial records, was 
aided in every manner, and furnished with copies of 
snoh documents as he selected. \ 

In England he met with a very different reception. 
Lord Palmerston replied to his application to look over 
the colonial records by saying^ that if he would desig- 
nate the particular ^per which he wished to see, it . 
would be officially examined, and then, if there were 
no objection, he could obtain a copy at the customary 
rates. As Mv. Brodhead knew nothing of the doca> , 
ments, and wished to look them over to find out which ' 
were valuable, this proposition of the noble Secretary • 
was a virtual denial of his request. Thos matters stood 
for about a year, when a new Liberal ministry came into 
power. Under its reguUtions he was at length pe^ 
mitted to examine the original records, and was tar- 
niahed with copies of such as he selected, althongfa 

uxtU! ravAci 

unoyed by petty haraasing rartrictiona, and chaiged 
exorbitant fees. There the theory still existed that 
inch papers formed part of the inonaroh'a private li- 
brary, aooeaa to which could be obtained only throogh 
royal favor.* 

Lest tome nncharitable reader might anppose that 
this vaa exceptional treatment, extended to an Ameri- 
can by hia English cousins on account of their near re- 
lationship, let me cite another example. In 1844, C. M. 
Davies, an Englishwoman, published the last volume of 
a valuable history of IlolUnd. In preparing her work 
she desired to consult the correspondence of the Eng- 
lish ambassador at The Hague, from 17S0 to 1780. 
Tbia correspondence waa kept in the aauie office with 
the papera relating to American affaira. The Engliab- 
w'oroan, leas fortunate than the American, was not al- 
lowed to see the papera at all, and was compelled to 
send her book to ptesa without their aid.t 

The miaaion of Mr. Brodhead to Europe aooom- 
pliahed a great reanlt. He brought back with him a 
large collection of documents relating to American hia- 
tory, many of which never before bad aeen the light. 
Thoae is French and Dutch were tranalated, and in 
18S6 the whole were publiahed by the State in ten large 
volumea, entitled " Documents Belating to the Colonial 
Hiatory of New York." So far as public events are 
concerned, these are not nimora, but true material for 

• Bm nport of Mr. Brodhcad, oDocoiMaU Itolatiag to ths. 
Colonial mtmj of New York," voL L '' 

t OoTlti'i " UolbuHl," Hi. a07. 

raoAOB xxxis 

history. Their importance can be appreciated when we 
think of the material used by moet historians before 
they were given to the world. In ISSS.JaanesQrahame, 
a Scotchman, published his "History of the United 
States," a pioneer work in Great Britain, and one which 
has been looked npon with considerable favor in New 
EngUuid. The author tells in the Preface how his vol- 
nmes were compiled. lie evidently never visited Amer- 
ica, and never consulted an original document of any 
kind. He borrowed entirely from other books, mostly 
those published in Now'England ; and even for them he 
had to go to Gottingen, in Germany, on account of the 
deficiencies of the British libraries.* 

When Grahame wrote bis book, very few persons in 
England or America knew or cared anything about 
foreign nations or their history. Daries's volumes on 
Holland hod not appeared, and those of Motley were 
not yet thought of by their author. In France the 
documents were just coming to light which, within the 
past few years, have caused French early history |o be 
rewritten, showing the character of the Huguenots who ' 
formed so large an element of our American popula- 
tion.t It was at this same period that Bancroft wrote 
his first three vcdumes, which deal with our colonial 
history down to 1748.^ Composed under such condi- 

• Bee PretKe, « Gnhame'i Hbtor; of tbe Caited BUtet," vol. i. 

t See Beinl'i " Riie of the Hagaenoto ia rruce," toL i. Int p. S. 

t Onhame'i work wee pablUb«1 in IBM; ButenKt,yol 1 18M; 
vol. ii. ISST ; vol. tii. 1840. Theee eloeed the eeri; period. Dsviee'e 
" BolUnd," Tol. L, eppeared in 1841, tin •• Kew York Colonial I>oc» 

tioaa, and from mioh material, one need not wonder at 
the character of onr early American hittoriet. Written 
only from an English standpoint, that of neglect of 
everything not Anglo-Saxon in its origin, they would 
natarally be incomplete ; bat when we add the farther 
tact that eren the English material was largely ina(s 
oeasible to the liiitorian, nothing in the rmoH will cause 

In the half-oentary which has elapsed since the pub- 
lication of Bancroft's third volume, bringing American 
history dowa to 1748, great advances have been made 
in the science of historical investigation. In addition, 
numberless documents have been discovered, apart from 
those relating to New York, which illuminate the whole 
period of the settlement of America and the making of 
the repablic. Motley, Fronde, Ranke, Uaason, Gardi- 
ner, and a host of others have not only thrown much 
new light on the condition of England in the sixteenth 
and seventeenth centuries, bat they have shown in 
various ways the close relations which existed betweei^ 
the English Puritans and their republican brethren in 
the Netherlands — relations which were little thought 
of fifty years ago. It would seem to be impossible for 
an unprejudiced reader even to glance over this mod- 
em historical literature without at leut surmising that 

mentt" aad Hotler'i "Dutch Repablie" in 1886. Bucroft nwd 
■uiy docnnwali which h« obtsined for hiaiilf in Kanpc, bat it 
Mver n«n«l to lutve oocumd to him that lh« Nctharlaiid K«pab- 
lie migk'. havt eitrdMd wi InSncBc* on th* iiif ««tll«ri of New 
Koglend. '. -r-" 

Americ% which diffen so widely from the mother conn* 

iry, might show ratiomil and historical reasons for being 

different. And yet, with floods of light pouring in from 

every qaarter, and while scholars are rewriting the hi» - 

tory of almost every country on the globe, so powerful ■ -<(^^. 

has been the current of popular opinioii that the story 

of early Colonial America, in this particular, stands to- ' 

day substantially where Bancroft left it fifty years ago. v. 

The attempt is still made by the greet majority of . '.'C 

writers to trace everything American to an English ' ?I 

source; and when that search proves fruitless, resort is ' --'^ 

had to the inventive geniim of the inspired first settlers, ;4 

wd to that alone. . / V^^j 

But, as I have already suggested, it is not American 
history alone which has Buffered from ignoring the ex- 
istence of the Netherland Republic, and its influence >;^ 
npon the modem world. : '/'f 

Carlyle, in his Introduction to the " Letters and Speech- , £i| 

W of Cromwell," says : " One wishes there were a History '^% 

of English Puritanism, the last of all our Heroisms; but % 

•eea small prospect of such a thing at present. Few , :|l' 

nobler Horoitrihs, at bottom perhaps no nobler Heroism 
ever transacted itsdf on this Earth ; and it lies as good . ' 
•a lost to us; overwhelmed ntider such an avalanche of 
Human Stupidities as no Heroism before ever did. In- 
trinsically and extnnsically it may be considered inao- 
oessible to these generations. Intrinsically, the spiritual 
purport of it has become inconceivable, incredible to th« > •-. 
modem mind. Extrinsically, the documents and records 
of it, scattered waste as a shoreless chaoc, are not legi- 
ble. .. . The RushwoHbs, Whitlockes, Nabons, Thu<. . : 

Kmb; enormoiu folioa, then and many othen have been 
printed, and aome of them again printed, bat never yet 
edited — edited as yon edit wagon-loada of broken briokf 
and dry mortar, simply by tumbling np the wagon." 

Many peraona besidea Cariyle have probably wished 
for a history of English Puritanism. But this Iletoisro, 
like that of the making of the United States, will re- 
main unexplained and nnintelirgible just so long as it'ia 
looked upon as a mere chapter of English history, and not 
as an oatoome or continuation of that great Continental 
movement, intellectual and spiritual, which, in the six- 
teenth century, revolutionized the .world. Neither can . 
be understood, unless we recognize the true intellectaal, 
moral, and religious condition of the English people, out 
of which their Puritanism, with all its faults and virtue*, 
waa evolved, and appreciate the influence which moit 
have been exerted upon such a people by the close prox- 
imity of a republic the leader of the worid by at least 
a century in agriculture, commeroe, and manufactures, 
and by more than two centuries in all ideas relating to - 
civil and religious liberty. 

To the American this appreciation shonld not be a 
task of difficulty if he enters upon the subject with a 
mind free of prejudice. He has seen how, in his own 
time, the existence of the American Republic has affect- 
ed the people of Central and South America, and how 
its influence has been exerted even aoross the ocean 
upon the nations of Continental Europe. ITe, therefore, 
of all others, should be capable of undemanding how 
the Dutch Republic must have affectelr those heroio 
men in England and America who^in tbeir newly 

rurAoa xliii 

awakened intelleotaal life, irere trying to break the 
abackles of civil and religions tyranny. 

Writing the history of English l^uritanism withont 
any allusion to this influence is much like writing the 
early history of En^nd without referring to the idea* 
brought in by the Norman conquerors, or a history of 
the Renaissance in Italy without mentioning the influ- 
ence of the classic authors of Greece. But in the case 
of America and its Puritans even these comparisons are 
inadequate. Another illustration will, perhaps, be more 

Let the reader imagine that Japan, instead of send- 
ing a few score of students to the United States, had 
sent over many thousand families, and had kept five 
or six thousand soldiers in our army for some forty 
years; and that during the same period a hundred 
thousand Americans had settled in Japan itself. Im- 
agine, further, that at the end of theiforty years a num- 
ber of the Japanese settlers in America had started out 
to found a colony in some newly discovered land, and 
that there had been added to their ranks a large num- 
ber of Americans and some twenty thousand other 
Japanese, some of whom had lived in America, and 
most of the others going from sections in which Amer- 
icans had been living for many years. These colonists 
found a mighty state, whose people spenk Japanese, but 
have almost no Japanese institutions, having established 
a republic, and copied their institutions mainly from 
the United States. The writer who after two centuries 
■honld sit down to compose a history of this new re- 
paUio, and, omitting all reference to the United Statoii 



credit these mttlen with the invention of their nn< 
Japanese institationa, would be simply following the 
example of the English, and inoat of the American, 
authors who have Mrritten of America and her institu- 

The foregoing suggestions as to the influence of Hol- 
land upon England and America may appear strange to 
persons who have been accustomed to regard the Hol- 
landers as "stapid Dutchmen." Washington Irving 
burlesqued those who settled New Yoric in a book 
which, although written in his boyish days, and in later 
years admitte<l by him to be a "coarse ciiricature," * fit- 
ted in with the English prejudice, and in some quarters 
has almost become accepted history. He depicted them 
as besotted with beer and narcotized by tobacco, ill- 
mannered, clownish, and objects only of ridicule. Many 
persons know nothing of them except from this travesty. 
What a contrast is presented by the facts ! f 

- * ''UronfIrTing,"byb<tNe|>lM«,i.l88. 

t In I8S8, Colonel FnmcU hoytUee wrots fttno Hew Tork, ia • 
prirste letter to King Clurlet II.: "I find (ome of tbcM people 
hiTO the breeding of courta, and I ennnot conceire how nich ia ee- 
qnired." Lnmb'i •' Hittory of the City of New Tork," i. 943. ThU 
letter wu written abnrtly after the proTince had pcawd ftom the 
dominion of the Dnteh Weat India Company, which had been ita 
ownen for half a century. The writer waa an Engliahman, the ofll- 
eisl reprcaentatiTo of the Dnke of Tork, the new proprietor. He bad 
aailad up the Hudaon to Kaopna and Albany, remaining there a 
week ; bad explored Long lahtad ; bad been ftted in the inCant eapl- 
lal; everywhere had aeen the leading bmiliea; and after tbia exami- 
nation wrote bia letter to the king. Ha eridently had met diffennt 
ipaople ftom thoao bred In the fertile imagination of Irving. 

ntTACU ilr 

Hotley, the historian of the Netherianden, hinuelf a 
Nev-Englander, laya that they were "the most ener- 
getic and quiolc-witted people of the world." Ouiooiar- 
dini, an Italian, who lived among them for forty years, 
■aid, in 1563, of their inventive faculty : " They have a 
special and happy talent for the ready invention of all 
sorts of machines, ingenious and suitable for facilitating, 
shortening, and despatching everything they do, even in 
the matter of cooking." Here is the Yanlcoe of Europe. 
Taine, a Frenchman, fully acquainted with English in- 
stitntions, says : " At this moment, ICUO, Holland, on the 
sea and in the world, is what England was in the time 
of Napoleon. * * * Internally their government is as good- 
aa their external position is exalted. For the first time 
in the world, conscience is free and the rights of the 
oitiwns are respected. * * * In culture and instruction, as 
well as in the arts of oi^nization and government, the 
Dutch are two centuries ahead of the rest of Europe."* 
It must now be remembered by the reader that when 
America was settled the Netherland Republic was » 
great power in Europe, with a population about as lai;ge 
as that of England, and one incomparably wealthier. 

When all this was untbonght of, and when original 
documents were inaccessible, historians were hardly 
blameworthy who ignored the influence of Holland 
upon En^nd and America. But now no such excuse 
exists. To history the words ot Joubert are particularly 
applicable : " Ignorance, which in matters of morals ex- 


* xArt la tbt NtttMrUnd*," DuiumI'i tnaiUtioa, pp IM, IM^ 

tenoatea the crime, is itself in matten of literataie a 
crime of the first order." Of this there can be no ques- 
tion when a writer has the material for obtaining a 
knowledge of the truth. Of coone, if he has the 
knowledge and conceals it, he is outside the literary 

So much for the Dutch Puritans, and for the mode in 
which the historians of England and America have deiUt 
with them. But their New England brethren have, in 
some respects, been equally unfortunate ; not that they 
have been overlooked, but by some persons wofully mis- 
understood, if not wilfully migrepreeented. 

A leading literary journal of England, not many yean 
■go, contained the following estimate of their character : 
" The savage brutality of the American Puritans, truth- 
fully told, would afford one of the most significant and 
profitable lessons that history oould teach. Champions 
of liberty, but merciless and unprincipled tyrants ; fugi- 
tives from persecution, but the most semieless and reck- 
less of persecutors; claimants of an enlightenetd religion, 
but the last upholders of the cruel and ignorant creed of 
the witch doctors ; whining over the ferocity of the In- 
dian, yet outdoing that ferocity a hundredfold ; com- 
plaining of his treachery, yet, as their descendants .have 
been to this day, treacherous, with a deliberate indilTer- 
ence to plighted faith such as the Indians have seldom 
shown— the ancestors of the heroes of the Revolutionary 
and of the Civil War might be held up aa examples of 
the power of a Calvinistic religion and a bigoted repub- 
licanism to dem(»«liie fair average specimens of a raoe 
which, under better infloenoea, has sfiown itself the least 

orael, leut tretoheroas, least tyrennioal of the master 
races of the world." • 

This is a strong indictment drawn by oar British 
oonsins, whose opiniofs some of us are accustomed to 
hold in high respect when other people feel' their hish. 
Bat whatever its source, it, without question, only 
dightly exaggerates the estimate of the New Eng^md 
Puritans held by a large number of persons, both in 
Europe and in the United States. Whether this esti- 
mate is correct or not is a qoestion forced on every one 
who cares for the troth of histoiry; and from some 
points of view the qoestion is t»day of practical im- 

One mode of meeting such charges is to deny, con- 
ceal, or gloss over the facts. How this is done can be 
seen by consulting some of the histories of Heyf Eng- 
land, where many of the acts of intolerance and cruelty 
of the «^>ly Puritans are concealed, and others are soft- 
ened dovm to a few trifling peccadillos.t Of course, 
when Uie writer of sach books is confronted with the 
records, he has no refnge except in silence. This will 
not answer. We cannot, by dosing onr eyes, seal the 
records to the world. The story which they tell is very 
dark, especially as to the Qoakers and the Indians. It 
ia almost pitiable to see the attempt at its emasculation 
by writers who, while trying to praise, seem to fed . 

* TlM gatUTdof Sttittt, Jan. SMh, 1881. 

t All the liintode* m no'; bowerer, of thii chuvcter. That at 
Bildreth' it s Doteble e(e(f>tion, but it ia little read. So, tko, is 
"The KmsBcipatioa of lIwHid>aMttt,''lqr Brooks Adam. 


ashamed of their anoeitora. I have sometimef tried to 
imagine to myself the effect prodaced among their de- 
scendants if these same ancestors could for a brief time 
return to earth, and be invested with their old authori- 
ty. -Think of them reading our histories, or at a New 
Eng^nd dinner listening to speeches which ascribe to 
them the virtues which they abhorred, at a sacrifice of 
those which they held in special honor. Kude and un- 
civilized enough they were in many things, but they 
trained up their children to tell the truth and respect 
their parents. 

Such a mode of deaTing with the question is not good 
for the living, nor just to the dead. The truth is al- 
ways best. In this case it will vindicate Puritanism if 
the whole of it is told. 

The essence of the charge made by the Saturday Re- 
vt«to— and this pnbUbation, always unfriendly to every- 
thing American, is quoted simply because it is the rep 
resentative of a large class of critics — ^is that Puritanism 
was responsible for the actions of some of the New £ng^ 
land settlers ; that is to say, they were intolerant and 
sometimes cruel, because they were Calvinists in religion 
and republicans in politics. But investigation will show 
that in this, the vital, the enduring question of the cod- 
troversy, the facts of history do not bear out the cbaige. 
In support of this position, there are two entirely distinct 
lines of ailment, each of itself conclusive. 

The first deals with tbe Pnritans of Holland. They 
were, like their New England brethren, Calvinists and 
republicans. They sealed their devotion to the faith hj 
oanying throogh a wsr unparalleled in the history of 


'Aca ' " ' sttg' 

artoB, and foanding a repnblio irhich endured for over 
two oentariea. No one who knows their history can 
qneation their zeal aa Calvin iata or their love of liberty 
«a men^; but neither at home nor in Ameriqa do we 
find them, with their long training in ■elf-goremnient, 
exhibiting the traits of oharaoter which are chai)^ to 
Puritanism in New England. This alone ought to set- 
tle the question forever. It shows that, whatever else 
may have been the cause, the faults of oar New ling- 
land ancestors are not chargeable to their theological 
tenets or their lovo for republican institutions. 

The second line of argument is broader in its scope. 
Admitting all that can be said in truth about the New 
Enj^nd Puritans, yet it can be shown from the rec- 
ords of England that their actions were simply those 
of the Anglo-Saxon race ; that, on the whole, its Ame^ 
ksan repreaontativee were far in advance of the men 
who remained at home, and much earlier freed them- 
•elvea from superstition an(l intolerance. In other 
words, that it was not the Puritan, but the Englishman, 
who perpetrated the ofTencea against humanity which 
want of knowledge charges to popular government and 
a Cdvinistio faith. 

Panics to the progress made in historical investiga- 
tkHi during the post quarter of a century, the proofs for 
the establishment of this position are overwhelmingly 
abnndant They will not be foand in 'the ordinary 
school histories, nor collected in any English book. Still 
the records are there, and they are supplemented by the 
obaervationa of keen-eyed foreigners from all quait^ 
who^ notea and comments have been brought to li|^t 

■1 PUTMB ■ 

in the laat few yean. In the general rewrHiag of Eu- 
ropean history, now in progress, founded n^ only on 
new material, bnt on new modes of investigation, some 
ohaptan in that of England will have to be revised, at 
laut for the American reader. Enough, however, has 
been already 3one to dispose of the illusion of the 
"good old times" when the Pnritwt came into exist- 
ence. Tke brilliant fictions woven by the poet and the 
novriist about the Elizabethan ago may make the next 
>, period of stem reality, in which the Puritan came into 

f authority, seem harsh and forbidding ; but when the 

light of truth is turned npon those eariy days, and we 
see thein as they appeared to men living at that time, 
. Mre shall begin to understand what the modern worid 

l^c owea to English Puritanism, with all ita excesses and 


It is in this mode of treatment, not by concealing 
their faults, but by telling the whole truth, and compar- 
, ing them with their countrymen at home, who had not 

even the excuse of their intense convictions, that we 
should seek the vindication of the New England Puri- 
tans. Were they alive, they would approve of this 
coune themselves. They asked for no false reputations 
when on earth. They were great enough, and have 
dme enough for humanity, to stand forth and, like 
Cromwell* be painted without the concealment of a de- 
fect or the exaggeration of a virtue. In some direc- 
tions they had not travelled very far. They had but 
faint ideas of civil or religious liberty, as we understand 
them after two centuries and a half of substantial self- 
government, or even as they were understood among 

nvAca :lt 

the repoblicftntof Hdland, who had long beforo started 
on the journey. But we should remember that men 
most first get liberty for themselves beforo they think 
of it for others. The homeless man has little scope for 
hospitality. Broad conceptions of liberty come very 
slowly to maturity. These settlers sprang from a race 
which for generAtions had lived under the despotism oi : 
the Tadois and the Stuarts. Their first idea was to 
bnild a home for their own shelter, and to secure th« ' 
rights whose value they had only begun to realise. 
While this woric was going on there would naturally, 
save in rare and exceptional natures, be but little 
thought of others; but when self -protection was as- 
sured, when his own home was finished, the Puritan 
never sat down to selfish ease, regardless of the hun- : 
gry and the houseless. 

This work I have intended mainly as an introduction 
to American history, although it may also serve in 
some measure as an introduction to modem English 
history, in which Puritanism has played a leading put 
My principal design has been to show the nature of the 
influences which shaped the character of the people of 
Uollandand England when the early settlers of Amer- 
, ica left their homes, to trace the origin of the ideas and 
institutions which these settlers brought with them 
aoRMS the ocean, and to explain the mode in which 
they have worked into our. present constitutional sys- 

In following out this scheme, an introductory chapter 
points out the present differences Itetwcen England and 
the United States— differences of the most mariced cbar> 

m ■ mrAci 

aoter, extending to a wide range of lubjeota of great im- 
portance. Tbe Bnbieqiient chapters relate to the history 
of Holland and England, their comparative civilization 
when Am<irica was settled, the institutions which each 
country had developed, the growth of their Poritanism, 
and the inflaence exerted uiK>n England and America 
by the Dutch Bepublio. In the chapters relating to 
England av attempt is also made, vi^hile tracing the de- 
velopment o( Puritanism in that country, to show the 
origin of its peculiarities which have excited so much ad- 
verse criticism. These peculiarities are shown, in the 
U^t of modem research, to be due simply to the con- 
ditions umler which it was developed among the Eng- 
lish people. In the discussion of this subject, as I can 
foresee, the inherited illusions of some of ny readers 
may be unpleasantly disturbed^ although it is difficult 
for me personally to understand a reluctance to know, 
ing the truth about one's ancestors. This perhaps arises 
from the fact that, while some of mine were among the 
Pilgrim Fathers, others came from a race the recent 
Mvagery of which is admitted with perfect fnuikneas by 
all English writers. But New-Eni^nders, like Scotch- 
men, and like their English brethren, nuy take such 
pride in what their countrymen have accomplished since 
the days of the Stuarts that they can afford to do away 
with fiction. Knowing the truth, one can judge whether 
the world has retr(^;raded or advanced with the develop- 
ment of liberal institutions, and perhaps can disw Kume 
useful lessons for t^ future. 

It does not fall within the scope of the present work 
to follow the settlers of America into their new home, 



except M far u to dcecribe some of their leading insti* 
tationi, and to ihoTr how the maoh-oriticiaed treatment 
of the Baptists, the Quakers, and the witches by the 
Puritans of New England compared with that to which 
the same classes were snbjected in the mother conntry. 
Hereafter, if the patience of the pnblic be not exhausted, 
I may attempt to show what was accomplished directly 
for America by the men from republican Holland who 
settled the colony of New York. 

In now closing this somewhat extended preface, a hit , 
words most be added in acknowledgment of the assist- 
ance which has been rendered me by others. 

In the flrst i4aoe,to my many friends of the Century 
Club of New York, where a considerable part of my 
investigations have been carried on, my thanks are due 
for suggestions, references to books, and information on 
special subjects, which have all been of the greatest 
value. Apart from these general oontribntions, I am in 
this country chiefly indebted to the Rev. Dr. Charles A. 
Briggs,of the Union Theological Seminary, New York; 
Prof. C. C. Langdell, of the Harvard Law School ; Prof. 
A. M. Wheeler, of Yale College; Mr. and Mrs. William 
C. Brownell, of New Y'ork — all of whom have read 
parts of my manuscript — and to the Bev. Henrjr 
IT. Swinnnrton, of Cherry Valley, who has read the 
whole; the latter four making many valuable sugges- 
tions. None of these schc^rs are responsible for the 
defects of my book or for Any of my conclusions ; but 
for their scholarly offices so generously extended I de- 
sire to express my grateful acknowledgments. 

In another quarter my obligations are of a different 



character. Since iUneaa hat interrupted my perwnal 
investigations in Holland, I have been compelled to do 
this work from acrosa an ocean, relying entirety on 
foreign aid. This, however, haa been so lavishly extend- 
ed that probably I should have accomplished nothing 
more, perhaps even lel^ in attempting to oarty on my 
farther reaearekea in jteraon, nnleaa I bad settled down 
in the country for a reaidenoe of yean. For this lAA 
my thanka are in the first place doe to my old daaa- 
mate of thirty-one years ago at Union College, the 
Hon. Samnel B. Thayer, now the United States Minister 
at The Hague. Not only have he and hia efficient private 
secretaries famished me with copies of many valaaMe 
documents from the archives of the Netherlands which 
I felt confident existed there, and which never before 
had been given to the American public, bat he hns en- 
listed in my behalf some of the moat distingnished 
■cholam of the oountiy. '- 

These scholars, who have a mieroacopio acquaintance 
with the history of their own land which every student 
may well envy, have rendered me invaloable aasistonoe 
in the solution of problems connected with their ancient 
republican institutions, aome of which have disappeared 
in modem days. How macb I am indebted to them 
only the historical investigator' con appreciate who 
knows what it is to hunt for daya or weeks through 
musty records or worm-eaten volumes often for a single 
fact. The kindness extended to me has not been ex- 
ceptional, for the soholan of tbe Netherlands ore world- 
famous for the liberality with which they impart their 
knowledge— a liberality of which evoy American who 

mrACB h 

liaa erer apidied to tbem ha* had ample proof. Still, I 
appreciate it none the leas. When I owe a debt to ao 
many, it may perhaps seem invidioas to make any dis- 
tinction ; yet it is bat fair to say that my chief aoknowl- . ,' ';v^ 
edgments are due to the late Dr. M. F. A. G. Campbell, 
librarian of the Iloyal Library at The ilagne; Dr. P. 
t. Blok, Proleaw>r of History at the UniTuaity of>On>n- 
iagen; and Dr. F. O. Slothouwer, Profe«or of History 
at the Latin School of Leeawanlen, in Friealand. 


A new edition of this work having been called for, 
the anthor has made a few small changes in the original 
text, which have been kindly snggested by Mr. Jnstin 
Winsor, Librarian of Harrard University ; Mr.^Andrew 
S. Draper, late Superintendent of Pnblio Instruction 
in New York ; Mr. S. R. Van Campen, an American 
scholar, resident in Loadon, engaged in Dutch researches ; 
and Mr. Burton N. Harrison, of New York. 

CaBBBT.VAixar, M. Y., Atfut, 18M. 



For this edition I hnve made a few slight changes, 
most of which hare been suggested by kindly critics 
in this country and in Europe, to all of whom I desire 
to express ray thanks. The corrections are mainly of 
a slight order, not affecting the general argument of 
the book. 

Cbbibt VAUtT, N. T., X)lw. 7(A, IBM. 







lion AmorioMi Aothon, and «U Engliihmen who hav* ' 
written of America, let oat with the theorv that the- 
people of the Unitad Btatea are an English raoe^ and 
that their institutions, when not original, are derired . '*> 
from England. These assumptions underlie all Ameri- 
oan histories, and they have oome to be so generally 
accepted that to qoe^ion them seems almost to savor 
of temerity. Perhaps, howevei^, the temerity is only 
in the seeming. Hans Christian Andersen, in one of ' 
his charming tales, describes a royal court all of whose ij^ 

members believed that the emperor was arrayed in price- 
kas garments from a magic loom, until he showed him- 
adf unclothed in the public street, and a little urchin 
Uabbed the truth. Then every one perceived that the 
magic garments had no existence except in their imag- 
inatioBs. And so, when men and nations reach t^^ ; : 
stage in their development where they use their own 
eyes instead of echoing the thoughts <^ others, popular 
delusions often vanish before a breath. 

I.— 1- ■ ■'■ ■:■ 


■ TO roBTM n weuum, wmLtMB^ MMO unnu 

In hisUwy thii prooew i* npicUy going on. The dis- 
eofwtj of new facto from ywr to jmt ihatton the idols 
of oentiiriea, rehabilitates injured reputationa, and throws 
light on disputed or obaoure queations; bat, what is of 
greater importance, the people of thia generation are 
getting out of leading-stringa, are seeing with their own 
•yea, and thinking for themsekes. Thus sabjeoting eron 
old facta to an original examination, regardless of prej- 
ndice and untrammelled by convention, the history of all 
countries is assuming a new form. " Brains," says Ma- 
ohiavelli, " are of three generations— those that under- 
stand for themselves, those that understand when another 
■hows them, and thoae that understand neither of them- 
sslTes nor by the showing of another." The last, of 
course, are always hopeless, but the first class is rapidly 
increasing. To its membets the history of America 
looked at only as an offshoot from England must al> 
ways seem incomplete and full of contradictions. To 
noonoile these apparent ooatradiotions, fill oat the reo- 
ord, and show the growth of the republic as a consistent 
whole, two facts should be given their proper place— that 
the population of America has always been hugely ooa- 
mopotitan, and that its institutions have been gathered 
from many quarters of the globe. 

Of ootttse, if these jwopoaitions are correct, we mvtt 
change the point of view to which we have been acow- 
tomed in the study of our early history. If it is true 
that our people and institutbns come largdy from other 
lands than England, it is important to see how these 
foreign noes developed in their homes, and of still greater 
moment to learn the history, diaraoter, and workings ot 
the institutions which are un-English in their origin. 
This is the only philosophic mode of treating ' history, 
aAd it is the only way in which it can be made of value. 


war uauoAn au noAiDiD »§ a» irouh mwa » 

To b«gin with the lettlMnent of Junaitoirii, or the land- 
ing of the Majf/lotoer, i* well enough if America it simply 
England transplanted aorow the sea. But if America is 
mnch more than a transpUnted England, the case is very 
diiferent Then the neglect of the other nations which 
haVe oontribnted to its population and institutions leads 
to a remit like that of writing a biography without 
referring to the subject's ancestors or describing his 
youth and education. 

How the idea that the Americans are purely an Eng- 
lish race has been developed is apparent at a gUnoe, 
Englishmen, when in good humor, or "afraid we may 
do them a mischief," as Lowell says,* call us their kin 
across sea, American ooosins, or children of the mother 
country, although always expressing surprise that the 
offspring bears so little resemblance to its fond parentf 
On the other hand, Americans have done their part. 
Until a recent date, many of our writers seemed to think 
that England held the only stamp for literary as well 
as social reputation ; and perhaps even now society has 
not a monopoly of the class whose members feel flat^ 
tered at being mistaken for second-rate Englishmen. 
The mass of the people, however, have no Ihdi feeling. 
Independence has come, or at least is speedily coming, 
in thought asi well as in political relations. This the 
future historian will notice as one of the most important 
results flowing from the great civil war, which first gave 
Americans assurance of the strength of the republic. 

Looking back, after the Iqise of centuries, we see the 

• " AmoBg Uj Book!,'' p. «W. 

t " Thfl American PhilbtiDe. howarar, U oertainly ta man dlfferast 
ftoB U* Caglteh btotben than I had bafoi* ■appoMd."— XaUhew Ar- 
■a)d,aftarliiilntTWttoAia«iics. IfiimtiM Ontttrg.TOt^tMt. 



Tu rvaajcK tx mauMn, wmuMa, urn aukia 

•ffeota prodnoed upon Greece by the defeat of the Per 
*i$n invadera, npon EngUuid by the uuiil^UtioD of the 
Spaniih Amwda, and upon Holland by the victory over 
Spain. The reanlta in America of a gigantic straggle 
for national existence, carried to a socceasf Ol tenninatioa, 
will be no leaa far-reaching. We see them already in the 
marvellous development of the industrial porsaita of the 
oountry, in literature, science, and art ; and they will be 
■till more marked in time. Not the least important, 
however— for it is connected with all the others— is the 
change of feeling in America regarding our relations to 
other countriea, <nd especially to Great Britain. 

A few years ago, although we professed to oare noth- 
ing for foreign opinion, the author of an American book 
waited ^vith bated breath until he heard what the Eng- 
lish critics had to say about it, and oar grandiloquent 
(»atora and editors never felt happy nnless the traveller 
whom they patronized praised our "glorious institu- 
tions."* But to4imr our American authors, artisU, archi- 
tects, scholars, and men of science 'no longer need to look 
abroad to secure a reputation. As for our institutions, 
they have stood the crucial tent of war. It is to be 
hoped that we shall never undervalue their earnest crit- 
icism from any quarter, but the American has the feel- 
ing that in some respects he understands their nature 
better than a foreigner. Our revolution gave us political 
independence ; periiaps onr civil war was needed to give 

• It wu tbt« CNling which led to the bitter retentmrat of the 
erittciuM poblUbed bjr writcn like Un. Trollopa t»i Charle* Dick- 
CM. Many of oar people folt like IjmcbiDg Hr. Dicken* for hi* 
Mrij mBarke sboot Aiaetka ; but • leceot English tnretler, Sir 
Lep«l Oriflln, hie laid thing! miMh more eevere. Yet of liim b» 
AmeiicMu bare eren beard, and tbaee wbo have nad kis book 
■MNI7 Matt* aad tUnk bim entitbd to his opiaioMk 

"fmuu MiKnuiica or AwaaoA ^ I 

OS intoUeotnal indepeodenoe at well. On« thing k ttry 
dear: The time baa peaaed for conjaring with the wand 
'of nritiah authority. America is no longer on her 
lineei; ahe haa riien, and begins to loolc around her. 
No woilder if she should now call in question aomfl of 
the traditions about her prdigrse. * 

For the avefitge Englishman who thinb x>f the Amer* 
leans as a pure English race there is great excuse. Qf 
their country, until within the past few yeara, he knew 
comparatively nothing, except that the English languaga 
was spoken here, and that at one time some of the statea 
were Britiah coloniea.* Bat with Americana the case ia 

* One notsble excrpthn tlioQld be n»<)e, hoi^rer, in tlii* conqce. 
tinn. In ■ fpcech deliTctcd in I^ndon un April S8th, 1887, Mr. OImW 
•tone mid : " The intUtntioM and pmgraM of the United State* hats 
always been aubjecta nf great inteieat to me, aver ainee, man; yean 
ago, I atudlfd the life of Waahington. I became then aware, flrat,- 
of the magnitude of the deatiny reaerretl for Americana, and, aecond, 
of the tiKt that the period of tlie birth of the American Statea was 
of more Intercat than any other it waa poaalble to atody. Whenerer 
a youth, ^asiroua of atndying political life, conaolt* me rcapecting a 
coarae of atndy in the field of history, t always refer him to the early 
history of America."— ilf. T. 2>t»«»<, April S7lh, 1887. In a apeech 
dellrered at Ch«it<r, Oct Mth, 1880, Mr. Oladslona nrged tb« 
workingmen of England to study the history of thi' American Rero* 
Itttion. The system of goremment in America, be said, comliined 
that lore of freedom, respect (or law, and desire for order which 
formed tlie surest ehnnents of national excellence and greatness. It 
waa no extraragance to say that, kitbough there were only three mill- 
ion people in the thirteen atatea at the time of the Rerolution, the 
group of statesmen that proceeded from them were a match for any 
in the whole history of the world, and were auperior to those of any 
other one epoch. — JV. T. TrMnt, Oct. 37th, 1 881>. Again, Mr. lad- 
atone said, a little later: •• I incline to think that the future of Amer 
ica is of greater importance to Christendom at large than tiut of 
any otbar e<Mntrj,"-JfiHJi Amtrk»» Jbmsis, Dec, las*. 

fl TBI rrarrAN n bollano, BMauMD^ add uomka 

qnito different. Many of them have viiited Upper Can- 
ada and Ifora SooUa, which are lettled by a race almost 
wholly Britiah in ita origin. Ko one can aee thaM) Cana- 
dians withont being struck at once with the contraata 
between them and the men he meets at home.* 8tiUi 
more of our people have within the past few yean 
travelled in England. Certainly no intelligent Ameri- 
can can remain thete long, talk with peaaant, farmer, 
and country squire, listen to the conversation in cart, 
hotels, and shops, experiment with a humorous story on 
a party of Englishmen, go beneath the mere surface of 
drasa and language, and study the people as he doea 
those of the Continent, and then believe that we are of 
the same race, except as members of the same AVyan di- 
vision of the human family, with the same human nature. 
Identity of language is a great bond of union, and so 
is community of Uterature. But these, and especially 
the Utter, may induce very erroneous conclusions when 
we come to deal with historical questions. Accustomed 
to read few modem foreign bo<du except th«}se written 
by English authors, it was very natural for our fathers 
to think only of their English blood. They found in the 
pages of the poet and the novelist of England their own 
natures depicted, and thence, perhaps hastily, concluded 
that they w6re one people with the writers. The fact 
ia that human nature is essentially the same all the 
worid over. We are no^ Hebrews because the Proverbs 
of Solomon are bo applicable to us, nor French nor Ger- 
man, because Montaigne and Ooethe tell us how we feel 
and think. The present generation is reading a host of 
boda written by foreigners, French, Qerman, and Rus- 

* So the people of AutnlU ire purely EoglUh in msnner, modfi 
of (bouglit, etc See Frtmde'i " Oe<tiu." 

MTBMRT or turn » Tin tmrm ntrm *f 

■ian, bnt eTorywhere we im a pictare of the Mune hnmaa 
natora, if the books are true to life. 

Let OB now glance at lume of the facta, remembering 
that there were twelve states in the original Union, ex- 
olosive of MaMaohnaetts, the maker of our histories and 
aohool-books. In 17S9, the Rev. Mr. Bi&naby« an Eng- 
^-^liahihan, visited America. Of the Northern colonies in 
general, he said that they " are ocmiposed of people of 
different rdigions and different langoagea.^* In Penn- 
sylvania he found the most enterprising people of the 
^^ eontin«it. These, he Aotioed, consisted of several na> 
'^ tiona, who spoke several langoagea— " they are aliens in 
some respects to Great Britain." t In New York City 
he found that half of the inhabitants were Dutch ; of 
the population in general he remarked : " Being of dif- 
ferent nations, different languages, and different relig- 
ions, it is impossible to give them any precise or defi. 
nite character." A century before, a traveller reported 
that eighteen languages were spoken on Ifanhattan Isl- 
and. This was probably an exaggeration, bnt it had a 
broad basis of tmth. How great was this original di- 
versity of origin is shown in the fact Rnt pointed out 
by Ooveraor Horatio Seymour: "Nine men prominent 
in the early history of New York and of the Union rep- 
resent the same number of nationalities. Schuyler waa 
of Holland, Herkimer of German, Jay of French, Liv- 
ingston of Sootoh, Clinton of Irish, Morris of Wolqh, 
and Hoffman of Swedish deaoent. Hamilton was bom 
in one of the English West India islands, and Baron 
Steuben, who beoiune a citizen of New York after the 

Revolutionary War, waa % Pmssian." J 

-■ ■■■ 

• " Bunnby'i TraTelt," p. SOI. t Idem, p. 109. 

I " Hiitorr snd Topognphy of New Tork : » Leetqn^" b; Btfatfo 


No one acquainted with the bantt ontlines of Amer- 
ican history needs to be told about these men. Hamil- 
ton organized the goremment of the United States. He 
wv the head of the Federalist party, and many per- 
sons think the greatest statesman that America has 
ever known. His influence on Americain thonght and 
institutions was only equalled by that of Jefferson, 
who was the representative of Democracy almost pare 
and simpK These two men, more than all others, 
shaped the future of the United States; and yet the 
one, although a New-Yorker by adoption, was born 
of a Scotch fotber and a French mother, and the other, 
who was probably of Welsh and Scotch extraction, was 
French in all his feelings, having no English idAs.* 
Jefferson said, "Every man has two countries, his own 
and France;" and it was from the writers of France 
tmtt he drew the principles on which his political the- 
ories were baaed.-|' 
I, , Of the other New-Yoricers un-English in their exti*o- 

"(• " ti(m,Jay was the fint Chief Justice of the United States, 

Clinton was the great Northern founder of the Anti- . 

* Like moat of the ReTolntionu; sUtemen ofTirginU, JeSenon 
came frank wliit Lincoln liu called the " plain people," and little ii 
known with certainty al>oat hia pedigree. There la no proof, how- 
ever, tlii^ lie waa of Engliah deacent, and the IWmily traditiona are 
that hia paternal anceator came fhmi Watea, In man j of hia char- 
acteiiatica be waa certainly more of a Celt than an Anglo-Sazoa. 
Hia mother waa a Randolph, of a funily claiming to be deaeended 
from the Scotch Earia of Unrray. Partoa'a "Lib of JeStraoa;" 
Baadall'a " Life of Jeffereon," i. 6, 7. 

t In Tiew of theae facta, one perhapa can nndentand why it waa 
that, while Kngliahmen knew nothing of i^erks, the flrrt foreigner 
to attempt a ciiticim of ita inatitationa waa tb« rmiebmaa Da 


Fedenlist (now the Demoontic) party ; while the Mor- 
riiee and Livingstons played leading parts in American 
affairs. These were the men who framed the Constitu- 
tion of New Toric, declared by John Adams to be excel- 
lent over all others. It is their state which first intro- 
duced the legal reforms which have revolutionized the 
procedure and methods of jurisprudence of America and 

But it was not New York alone that was affected by this 
intermixture of blood. Pennsylvania, which contributed 
lai^y to American institutions, Delaware, and New 
Jersey were settled by men of diverse nationalities, so 
that at the outbreak of tAe Revolution probably only a 
minority of their inhabitants were of English origin.* 
In addition, all through the other colonies were scat- 
tered lai^ge numbers of Scotch-Irish, French Huguenots, 
. Germans, Irish, Scotch, Welsh, and Swedes, counted as 
English, but essentially modifying the mass of the popu- 
lation and the national type.f 

English travellers constantly express surprise that the 
English race in America, as they are pleased to call ni, 
should be so different from the same race at home. Here 

* " Ufe of OooTeraear Honb," hj Theodore Rooeerelt, p. tl. 

t Only the moct cmrefiil ttod; will enable one to approximate to 
•Dj eoncct flgnict on thii sabjeet In raganl to the Hugnenota, the 
work hai been began in an admirable hlrtorj by Baird of tbe 
"HogncBot Emigration to America," which nnfortonately death hai 
interrupted. The reiultf of limilar ioTeetigations ai to other nation- 
■Utica would probably snrpriie the pnblic. Etpeeialiy ii thii the 
CM* aa to the Seotcb-Iriab, whoae hiitory in America baa ncTer been 
•itampted. In the lait chapter of thii work I shall hare lomething 
to ny about theie men, ihowing what maltitadei of them flocked 
through Pennaylrania and the Southern coloniei before the Revo- 
lution, and what an important influence they exerted upon the fort- 
nnM of their adopted counti}!, 


10 ni PDUTAN iM aoixura^ nouHo, axd mmcA 

in Ameriea the people, looking at politioal and locial 
qaestions, "106 straight and think clear," aocording to^ 
Matthew Arnold, while on the other side of the Atlantic^ 
as he says, they certainly do not. This surprise will i«- 
main just so long as the delusion exists that the Amert' 
leans are of pare English descent, and the influence of 
other nations upon them continues to be overlooked. 
Let any reader apply the test, and inquire among hit 
acquaintances He will probably And very few who, 
being able to trace their ancestry back on ita different 
sides for several generations, are of nnmixed stock. 
English blood most of them will have, and they ought 
to priie it for its pluck and sturdy manliness ; but crosa- 
ing this ^^11 be found, in almost every case, the blood 
of other nations with qualities that the English have 
never hail.* 

* A grot modeni thinker thu* eipicMC* bit opioioa ■* to Iha 
nitinute ctfeet apon Ameriea of tbi* iataTmiagiing of aaUonaHtiM, 
now going on more npidi; than erer: " From biological tratlit it 
may be inferred that the eventnal mif tare of the allied varietiet of 
the Arjan race forming tlie popniatiott will produce a liner type of 
man than hat hitherto exiited, and a type of man morejdaetic, man 
adaptable, more capable of nndergning the modiflcatiji needed lor 
complete aocial life. I think that whateTer difllctiHiea they may 
have to ■ormennt, and whataVer tribnlatioDi they may hare to pa« 
throagh, the Americana may leaMmably look forward to a tiaa 
when they will hare prodooed • dTiUaition grander than any the 
world baa known." — " Herbert Spencer in America," p. It. I tmal 
that I may be pardoned for aaying here, once for all, that my qootn- 
tioaa like thoee <Vom Ht. Gladitoae and Herbert Spencer are ant 
made for the purpoae of exciting the vanity of a nation which in an 
many department* baa at yet little to be prond ot, bat timply to 
ihow that even intelligent Englbk obeerrert notice tba marked dit 
fincnce between the people of Ameriea an^ thoee of the mother 
ooontry. The lober-minded reader will draw hit coa cl ationt ftva 


TnraiDg now from the qoMtion of ntoe to that of 
imtitutions, a sobjeot whioti tome may think much 
mora important, we reach a simpler fidd. Here it no 
room for oonjectaro or mere opinion. We have the in- 
■titations of the two coantries before us ; they can be 
compared by any one acquainted with them both, and the 
ntfAt speaks for itself. Instead of those of the United 
States being derived from England, it is a carious fact 
that, while we have in the main English social customs 
and traits of character, we hare scarcely a legal or politi- 
cal institution of importance which is of English origin, 
and but few which have come to us by the way of 

The influence of institutions upon national character 
.has been, perhaps, exaggerated by some writers; it cer- 
tainly has been underestimated by others. The French 
are inclined to the exaggeration, the Englifh to the under^ 
estimate. Of course institutions should be adapted to a 
people, just as a school should be adapted to a scholar's 
oqiaoity. A tribe of savages would be benefited as little 
by a system of {^Temment bomwed from a civilised 
nation as a little child would b^ benefited by a post- 
graduate course at a college. All this is true enough, 
and in this is summed up much of what is meant when 
institutions are spoken of as a growth. But, on the other 
hand, as a child may develop into a sdiolar in one sdiool 
who would have remained a dunce in another, simjdy on 
account of the difference in his teachers, so a people nuy 
make progress under one set of institutions, while with 
another set they would remain stationary. 

There were no horses upon the American continent 
■ntil they were introdooed by the Europeans. The 
hone, we are UM, is an evdution, and peitaps in time 
might hf ve been evolved in America, but his introdno- 


TBI raoTAM m noLLAHDb wmLun, axv ambuc* 

tkm oertainly hu aided the development of the ooantiy. 
Imtitntions, likewiae, are growths and not creations ; bat 
when grown they bear transphinting, and will thrive if ^ 
the soil is fertile and the climate genial Thus trana- 
planted, they become most important facton in the evD- 
lation of society.* 

, Before considering the subject of American institn- > 
tions, there is one English institntion of the greatest im- 
portance, utterly unknown in the United States, to 
which a few words may be well devoted. This is the 
State Chnnsh. To Americans familiar with the history 
fnd Uteratuv of England, this subject is so well known 

* Matthew Arnold, wu one of the EnglUb tehoian who had be«a 
acenttomed to UDderraliM the influence of intlilatiaM. A viait to 
Amarica in 1884 modified bis cylniooa. Upoa Mtorning hooM h« 
viote ai follows: "I suppose Ilsin not by nalBN disposed to tliink 
10 aneh as nwat people do of institutions. The Americans think 
aad talk rer; much of their ' institutions.' I am b; nature inclined 
to call all this sort of thing machinary, and to regard rather aea > 
and their charaetera. But the mora I saw of America the mora I 
fcond m jaelf led to treat ' jnstitntioBS ' with ioereaaed respect. Va- 
til I went to the United States, I bad aerer seen a people with hi- 
stitntlons which seemed eipressly and thoroughly suited to it. I 
had not properly afpreciated tl4 beneflta proceeding ftnm thto 
eaoae."— "Last Words ab|nt America," JViMfamf* CtafMry, Feb., 
188S. Matthew Arnold, before coming to America, did not appar- 
ently aliare the viewa of his illustrious <atbcr. grTbe latter says: 
"The immense rariety ot history makes it Tery nmsible for diflfc^ 
eat persons to study it with diflhrent objects. But the graat object, 
aa I cannot but think, Is that wh|ch most nearly touches the inner 
lib of ciriliasd man— namely, tba vicissitudes of inntitatlona, aodal, 
political, and religious."—" Lectures on Modem History," Lecture 
m. William C. Brawnall, in his " French Trsita," has an instruo- 
tire chapter on Democraey, in which he shows the importanoe at- 
, laebed by Frenchmen to the subject of instttutioBa. 
tWta," Oharlaa BeribMt's Bmi, IMl 

L.!:' ;>::,. A-.^*. 


that nuny penoiu are inclined to overlook the impor- 
tanoe of aooh an eatablithment in one country and of its 
abaence from the other ; and yet there it no single in- 
■titntion in England which in the last three centuries 
has exerted a greater inflaence in moakliiig the national 
' character and in shaping the national thought than the 
Established Cfanroh, while nothing, periiaps, has been so 
important to the United States aa the absence of this 

In Enj^and tho Church is an adjunct of the State. 
It is supported by a tax, levied on every one, whether 
believing in its doctrines and attending its services or 
not. Its prelates are appointed by the crown, under 
the form of an election, which is, however, nothing but 
a form. Its ministers are not selected by their congre- 
gations, but are appointed by the State, or by private 
individuals who. have inherited or purchased this priv- 
ilege, and who may be atheists or pagans. Tho influ- 
ence of this organisation, as shown in En^ish history, 
is too familiar to need more than a bare suggestion. 
During the reigns of Elisabeth and the Stuarts it was 
little but the handmaid of tyranny. Ever since that 
time it has been the consistent opponent of almost every 
ref<»in. This it natural enough, for in England reforms 
have always been forced on a reluctant State, of whoae 
machinery the Church has formed an important part. 
It has always been the bulwark of the aristocracy ; so 
that if one goes, the other will probably go with it. 
This, too, is natural enough, for its ministers depend for 
their bread upon the upper classes. Its oi^nizatiOB 
extends over every square mile of English soil ; its rev- 
enues are enormous — some of its ministers enjoying 
princely incomes — and yet no Protestant Christian body 
has done to little, in comparison with its wealth and 

U TO nmrAM n aoLUin^ nrouim, and ambuca 

nnmben, for the canae of religion or morality.* In late 
yean it aeema in lome qnarten to have developed a new 
spirit, so that its f utnre is uncertain, bnt nothing can 
change the record of the past. 

This is not the place to discuss the question whether- 
in all these matters the influence of the State Church 
of England has been well or ill directed. It has been 
claimed that it is an evil to educate the common people, 
or give them too much religious instruction. Such waa 

* Writing In 1850, one of tha best informed of EoglMl tibttmn 
nid : " Here, where the uittbcrkcjr i> richer end more powerfti) than 
that of tny other country in tlie world, the poor are more depreaed, 
more pnnperiied, more niimerotn in compnriion to the other cleww, 
more irrellgions, and very much wone educated than the poor of 
any other European nation, lolely excepting Rnaaia, Turkey, Sooth 
Italy, Portugal, and Spain."— " Kay'a Social Condition of the Eng^ 
liih People," Amer. ed. p. 828. If any reader thinka that I hare over- 
eolored any itntement in Ibii chapter or elsewhere, rrganling tha 
condition of the poor in England, I aak him to consult this book. 
Mr. Joaepli Kay waa lent out by the Senate of Cambridge Unirenity 
to examine the eomparatire Mcial condition of the poorer claisea in 
tha different countries of Europe. In ISfiO lie gave to the world tha 
reaalts of his inrestigations, extending orer sererai years, in a work 
entitled "Tlie Social Condition and Education of tlie People of Eng- 
land." The chapters on England, which liare been reprinted sepap 
rately in the UnitctI States, are ma<ie up from personal obserrations 
and offleisi reports, and give eridenca of an enmett desire on tha 
part of the author to'tmpreaa Ida eaantrymen with the gravity of 
their situation. The preflice to tba American edition of !8a> well 
says of theM chapten : " They are a warning to us, and hence nseAil, 
although aliounding in facts that an not agreeable, and of a deacrip- 
tkia tint needs to be read only by men who hare dnlica at the poUa, 
and those few women who take an active part in raising or guard- 
tng our rarions inslitntiona." See also John Foster's essay on 
" Popular IgDonuMW," and Booth's " la Oarkeat Eagland," puUishad 
In 1890. 

nn eancH n amibca It 

the theory of Queen Eliabeth and her MiooeasoTa. It 
may be that the political reforms opposed by the State 
Charoh were mistaken measures and will ultimately 
prove disastrous. It may have been wise to exolnde 
Jews and Catholics from oflBoe, and to prevent any bne 
from obtaining a liberal education at the great universi- 
ties unless he protsssed the faith of the State. It may 
be that a better class of ministers is obtained under the 
English system of appointment, where the office is said 
sometimes to be sold to the highest bidder, than under 
a system which permits the congregations to select their 
own ministers. AU these claims may be well or ill 
founded ; the system may be the best or the worst ever 
devised by man, but it certainly is the most important of 
English institutions, except, perhaps, the aristocracy, to 
which it is allied, and it is unknown in the United States. 
Several of the American colonies, following the ex- 
ample of England, establidied churchea. supported by 
the State. But the Revolution, which severed the re- 
lations between the colonies and the mother country, 
soon put an end to these establishments. Here New 
York took thie lead. In its first Constitution, adopt- 
ed in 1777, a provision was inserted repealing and ab- 
rogating all snoh parts of the oomroon Uw and all 
such statutes as could "be construed to establish or 
maintain any particular denomination of Christians 
or their ministers."* Virginia followed in 1786, and 
at later dates all the other old states in which the 
Churdi had been estaUished did the same, except New 
Hampshire, oon'clnding with Connecticut in 1818 and 
Hassaohusetta in 1833.t The new states whioh have 

• Coaititatkm of ITTT, ne. W. 

t Sthart •• Cbareb mad Btsta is tb* ITnited BtstM," p. 4*. Boas 


M m tvmnAM a ■ou.uio, waQtum, ard AiimoA 

joined the Union linoe the. adoption of the Fedenl Con* 
■titution haTe, without cuioeption, followed the example 
of New Yorlc, and have by constitutional proTition plaoed 
a complete separation between Church and State.* 

Here thep, in the most important domain, that of re- 
ligion, we find the greatest possible difference between the 
two countries, a difference which may. famish much food 
for thought to those who belieTe that America has Eng- 
lish institutions. But when we pass to political matters, 
the differences are no less important and fa^reaching. 

Beginning at the bottom, we find that our whdfe politi- 
cal system is founded on a basis entirely different from 
that of the " mother country." The theory of all our insti- 
tutions is summed up in the words of the Declaration of 
Independence, " All men are created equal." This has 
been called a "glittering generality." So it is, and so 
is the refulgent atmosphere in which we live, and the 
crystal ocean which girds the globe. Yet what ai? and 
water are to man, hunum equality is to the life of the 
republic. We need not the authority of Sir Henry 
Maine t for the statement that this doctrine comes from 
Soman juribprudence, that it is not English, and that it 
is and ever lias been unknown to English Uw, where 
the members of tbd noble order hare always enjoyed 
peculiar privilnges, extending even to the courts of jus- 
tice. No one conkl persuade the Queen of Oreat Brit- 
ain and Empress of India that any of her subjects is by 

of th« colonin had no nUblUhed Church, ud to wcmad to raqnii* 

no eonatitutloBal iiroTidon npoa the Mibjcet. 
• 8m Poora'i " Chuton rad Coaititatioiu of the Vaited Stetok' 
tlUlM'i "Aacient Law," p. »1. "All men are eqiuU," the matt 

dltttnotlTC expreMion of the doetriM of Itoman law. "Th* Early 

HUtory of InitUutioni," Sir Unuj Haiiw (Bwuy QaSI, Maw Toik, 


ymnm o uww T tJ T i oiig o> ambuc* ff 

Inrth her eqnaL Coming down the list to the pettiest 
baronet, the same feeling exists, and it is not confined 
to the cUiM which chiims saperiority. The lower orden, 
M they call them — and this is, perhapa, the most demor- 
alising feature of the system— share the sentiment, and 
look np to an eaii and duke as a good Catholic looks ap 
to a patron saint. So strange does all this casto spirit 
teem to an American that it is almost incomprehensible. 
It is one of the last things which travellers appreciate, 
bat until they do so they will understand little of the 
English people, their institntions, or their history.* 

Ascending now from foundation to superstructure, we 
find as radical a contrast. The Uniteii States and all 
the separate states have written constitutions. The im- 
portance of theae formal written instruments all Amer- 
icans appreciate, and even Englishmen are beginning to 
■ee their, value. By them the powers of government 
are distributed among the executive and legislative de- 
partments, while above all sits the judiciary, not only 
to keep each department to its propel functions, but alao 
to guard the rights of each individual oitisen or stran- 
ger. These oonstitn^ns re]>reaent the will of the peo- 
^e, are superior to all congresses or legislatures, and can 
only be altered by the people, in such modes, as to time 
and majorities, as guarantee deliberation and a wide- 
qiread.aettled feeling of a necessity for ohangcf 

^ n ^^ — . — 

*Bm "Ariitoenej in Englud," by'Adun BuImb, 1886, for • 
ftall itDdj of thii HiliiKt; Tslne'i " NotM on England ;" Emcnon'* 
"KnCiiih Tmita," pp. IM, SOS, cd. 188T. 8«7t MsUIkw Arnold, 
" InaqualU; U oar ban*. * * * AriMoeney now Ml* up in our rounti; 
• fclM ideal, which matsrUliiea oar npper elan, Tolgarim onr mid- 
dla elaw, brataliset oar lower cltm." — IfauUenIk Tmdiry, Fctx, 
ItM, p. US. 

t Ko ebsnge can ba ma& in tUe CoottiUiUao of the United 



Of all this England knows nothing. Its so-called Con- 
•titntion is a thing of tradition, sentiment, theory, ab- 
straction, anything except organic, supreme, settled law. 
What is constitutional to-day, to-morrow may become 
unconstitutional by the mere fiat of the British Parlia- 
ment, which, it has been said, can do anything except 
make a man a woman, or a woman a man. The courts 
construe the Uws, but can neither protect one depart- 
ment of the government against another, nor the indi- 
vidual against the tyranny of the majority.* 

Butn nntll propoted by two tliinlt of both honict of Congress, and 
ratilled by the trgltlntDrei of three fourths of the states. In New 
York a constitutional amendment has to pass through two legisla- 
tures, and then be ratified by a popular rote. 

'/'Parliament is, trom a merely legal point of riew, the aliaoluta 
aoTcreign of the Uritisli Empire."— "The LaWof tlie Conalitution," 
Dicey, p. 8M. " In spite of appearances," said Mr. Frederic Hairi- 
aon, on the 1st of January, I8M, " and conrentional formulas, habits, 
and flctioni to the contrary, the House of Commons represents the 
most absolute autocracy ever set up by a great gOTemment since 
the French RcTolntion. /loreHhi^nt here is now simply a commit- 
tee (tftliat huge dcmoctdtic club, the House of Commons, without 
«ny of the reaerres of power in tlie other parts of the Constitution 
which are fiiund in thi constitutions of France and America." 
Quoteil in " French and English," by Hamerton, Allintk MmlMy, 
Sept., 18M, p. 821. "The Constitution, being unwritten, praride* no 
special safeguard against revolntionary refiirms like those in Amer- 
ica and France."— Idem, p. 834. Says another recent English writer: 
"Our glorious Constitution, rednce<1 to its simplest elements, con- 
sists merely of one unwritten article. If it were written, it would 
. run : ' Tin mi^o^ty of the English electoral body, having proved 
thtoMelvea to be a majority after k Hem electoral fight, in which 
every personal ambition, every selfish 4ntet«st, and every malignant 
passion haa been let looae, nwy do exactly what they like, without 
let or hindrance, with tlie organisation of English society and with tba 
leionrcea of the British Empire.' "—Notimal Bnittt, Sept., 1886, p.W. 

TBB BzccirriTK n biolard um amiuca 19 

Hero is a fqndamental difference at the oatiiet. Now 
let UB look at partioalan. The United States lias a real 
executive, who is comnaander-in-chief of the armies, ap- 
points judges and subordinate executive officers with the 
approval of the Senate, has a substantial veto power, and 
holds olBoe by election for a fixed term. England has 
two executives: one an hereditary flgure-head, who holds 
levees, lays cornerstones, and leads, or is supixised to 
lead, society, being the supreme arbiter in questions of 
oilloial etiquette ; the other is a Committee of the House 
of Commons, called a Cabinet, which exercises all real 
executive power, although unauthorized by statute, with- 
out any check on its authority, but also without any 
settled term of office, being subject to be swept away at 
any moment by a gust of popular passion. 

Each country has two legislative bouses, but the re- 
semblance goes no further. The upper house in Eng- 
land, in which members keep their seats for life, simply 
represents the aristocracy, which means land, and the 
Church, which means religious caste in politics. In the 
United States the Senate represents the separate states, 
each one, large or snutll, having an equal voice, while 
one third of its members changes each two years. In 
England the upper house has no substantive power, ex- 
cept that of obstruction, fitfully and feebly exercised 
under the terror of annihilation. In the United States 
the Senate is a real body with authority, helping to 
make laws and serving as a check on the executive. Its 
confirmation is necessary to the appointment of judges 
and all execntive officer*, except those of the lowest 
chiss, while no treaty is valid without its approbation. 
Again, it must unite with the House of Representatives, 
before the President can make war or peace. None of 
thaw powen belong to the House of Xords, They are 


all exercjied by the Cabinet, a committee which it ra- 
■poDsible only to the poMions and prejudices of the 
- Uoiue of Commons. Xo wonder that Ixird Salisbury 
■aid, in a recent speech : " The Americans, as you know, 
have a Senate. 1 wish we oould institute it in thii 
country. Marvellous in efficiency and strength."* 

Our Hoose of Representatives is composed of members 
elected for two years, all of whom are paid. In Engktnd 
the members of the House of Commons receive no sal- 
aries, so that, unless 8upporte<l, as in the case of some 
Irish members, by voluntary contributions, only the rich 
are really eligible to office; and they may sen'e for a week 
or seven years, as the Cabinet shall determine, since it 
may order a new election at any time. 

Above all, in America, as I have said, above Preai- 
dent. Senate, and Ilouse of Representatives sits the Su- 
preme Court to see that the Constitution, the ultimate 
oilganio will of the people, is preserved intact. Its judges 
are appointed by the President and confirmed by ths 
Senate, but they hold office for life or good behavior.f 


* Of it Matthew Arnold rnnariM: "Tb« United Btsie* aciuta li 
perliap* of «il tlie inttitutloni of that cnuntrjr the moat happily de- 
Tiaed, the moat aDCceaaftil in iti worltinga." Ctoldwin Smith deacribea 
it IS " >nt in arerage intelligence among all the political aaaembliea 
in the world." KituUmlk CeHturj/, Juno, 1888, p. MW. 

t LonI Baliaborr, in a apceeh at EdinbaiKh on Nor. SSd, 188«, 
thua deieribea it : " I eonlbaa I do not often envy the United Statea, 
but then ia one ibature in their inatitntion* which appears to ma 
the iuhjeet of the gieataat enrjr, their miKDillcent inatitution of a 
SnprPDie Court. In the United 9tatea, if Parliament pawea any 
meaaure inconaiitent with the ConMitntion of the conntry, there ex- 
ista a court which will negatire it at once, and that girea a atabiUty 
to the inatitntloBa of tba country which, under the ayatem^ Tagaa 
and myateriona proniiaea here, we look for in rain." Quoted " Cai^ 
a«gl«'i TriomplMBt OtoMcney," p. IW. Lord SiiUbttTj tTidtat^ 

tamuKmpi wnvr AMmcui norrrnmom ai 

Theie featares make op the pecnliaritiea of the Amer- 
ican Federal syitem and differentiate it from other forma 
of goTemment. AU nations have an executive of some 
kind, moat of them have judgw and l^^hitive bodies, 
so that in these general oatlines there is nothing on 
which to base a theory of English origin. The qaestion 
is whether our peculiar institutions, those distinctive of 
America, are derived from the "mother country." Of 
opurse. Englishmen knew nothing about the peculiari- 
ties of our Constitution, until, within the past few yearn, 
when they saw America looming up as an agricultural 
and manufacturing rival. Tlion a few of them began to 
look across the am. Still later, greater attention has 
been given to the subject by Ireland's demand for Home 
Rule, based on something like the relations of our states 
to the general government. 

Assuming that our Federal institutions arc English, 
it is quite remarkable to see li<*\v unfamiliar they ni>|)ear 
to the statesmen and writers of their home, now that at 
length they have attracted notice. How a Tory Prime 
Minister regards the more import&nt ones we have al- 
ready seen. Mr. GladsUme goes even further and says : 
"The American Constitution is, as far as I can see, the 
most wonderful work ever struck off at a given time bjr 
the twain and pniiKMe of man." * 

did not know Imiw eoMtltatioMi qnntioiM an btooght bcfora oar 
Snpicma Court ; bnt h«d lie known, hit adminlion probably would 
Ihits been incieewd. 

* DhMy, s writer on the English Conititntfam, ajn: "Tlie plain 
truth ia, tlwt educated Englithmen are ilowly learning that the Amer- 
ican Republic aflbnis the best eiample of a comerratiTe demncrae; ; 
and, now that England is becoming democratic, respectable English- 
men are lieginning to consider whether the Constitution of the Unit- 
ed States najr sot tSoiA means bj which, under new demooratle 

M Tn rauTM 01 aauMOt, nrauin^ axd ajoduca 

English vrriten who have looked into the inttitatiou 
of America have naturally had their attention drawn to 
the Congtitution of the United States, which deals only 
with national affairs. Seeing this instrument in all it« 
completeness, and knowing little of the prior history of 
the separate states, they seem to conclude, aa Mr. Glad- 
stone did, that it was struck off in 1787 by the brains of 
the few men who fornfed the convention at which it was 
put in shape. TheiMvork was a great one, but the 
America* knows that the United States had been living 
under state constitutions for over ten years prior to the 
Union, and that many of the salient features of the 
Federal Constitution were not noveL For their history 
and origin we must go far back of the immortal conven- 
tion of 1787. ' 

The Constitution of the United States was adopted in 
1787, but eleven yean before that date the Federal Con> 
gress recommended to the thirteen colonies that they 
should proceed to form separate state constitutions. This 
was done by all of the thirteen, except Rhode IsUnd and 
Connecticut, which preferred, for many years, to live 
under the form of government established by their co- 
lonial chadevs. To any one who desires to st,\^y the 
character and the development of American institutions 
these state constitutions, with their subsequent amend- 
ments, are, in some respects, much more ini|)ortant tlian 
the Federal Constitution. All of them have been mate- 

powen, inn; be ptewrrecl the political oonwrratiim dear and habh- 
nal to th« goTcraing claw of Kagland." Thcie are the opinioaa of 
leading Englishmen, and they might be multiplied indellnitcljr. Bee 
Caniegie'e "Triumphant Democrac;," p. SOI, etc. I with here to 
laake a general acknowledgment of the liberal uee made of tha 
Talnable fitcto relatlnf to tUi inl^ieet, and to sdim otbars, eollectod 


rimlly modified linoe their firit adoption; in gome tho 
changes have been revoluitonary, in all the tendency of 
the changes has been towards a common form approach- 
ing a democratic model. 

At the outset, however, the contrast between their 
different provisions was very marked. The original in- 
struments were framed by bodies of men of different 
nationalities, living at great distances apart from each 
other, and with varying views, the results of study, ex- 
perience, or inherited traits of ohanu)ter,as to the form 
of government and as to the institutions which were best 
fitted to their respective wants. Some provided for a , ;. 

State Church as in England, others prohibited its estab- 'I 

liahment; some gave religious liberty to all, others re- 
stricted it to Protestant believers in the Bible ; some pro- 
vided for voting by ballot, others for the English system 1 
of voting vivd voce ; some provided for two legislative 
houses, others- for only one; some gave the govenoTB 
great power, others hampered them with councils; i»me " 
carried provisions for the freedom of the press beyond : 
anything ever known in Enghind, others were satisfied -^ 
with English guarantees ; some abolisherl priraogoniture, 
others retained it undisturbed ; some provided for free 
schools, others left that subject to the Legislatura ; some 
gafe to prisoners accused of crime the privilege of ap- -^V 
pearing by connsM, others remitted them to the tender 
mercies of the common law; some denounced the san- 
guinary criminal code of England, others made no allu- 
sion to the subject. 

These are but specimens of provisions in the original 
state constitutions, whidi show how divergent were the .'.'$, 

views of the men who framed these instruments upon 
many subjects of the first importance. Some of these 
provisions, as we shall see hereafter, were incorporated 


M nu tvmtx a wouamb, MMQhktm, im AMmoA 

into the Federal OoMtitntion, bat othen, haring no n- 
ktion to national aSain, have been left to bear fmit in 
different cirdea. Bat even these conatitntions form bnt 
a amaU part of the eTidenoe to be examined by <»e 
who wishes to diioover the origin of American initita- 
tionl Baol( of them will bo found a body of laws and 
customs, many of them entirely un-English in their char- 
acter, which, for more than a century before the Dec- 
laration of Independence, moulded the character of the 
people who then became a nation. 

If historians had devoted to the investigation of thtae 
subjects one tithe of the labor which has been given to 
tracing the influence of tlw Celts, the liomans, the 
Anglo-ttezons, or the Normans on Great Britain, «•: 
should hear little of the surprise now expressed at the 
fact that America differs so much from the mother 

Returning now to our general subject, and passing 
from those matters of organization 'Vrhidh relate par- 
ticulu-ly to the structure and machinery of the general 
government, let us glance at a broader field and con- 
sider some mon. important institutions, which may be 
likened to the material of which the building is con- 
structed. It will hardly be disputed that the laws and 
customs which, after those establishing .religious and 
political equality, are most distinctive in the American 
system relate to the ownership of land, popular edu- 
cation, and local self-government. The rcUtive impor- 
tance of these three subjects may be questioned by dif. 
ferent thinkers, but probably all will agree as to their 
combined infloence. Taking them up in the order 
named, the question at present to be considered is how 
hx America haa, in tbeae mattera, patterned after Eng^ - 

imruBtiwii or um ix moLAire M 

Fint, then, m to land.* In England about half of thfl 
land it owned by one hundred and fifty persons. In' 
Scotland half is owned by some sevunty-flve persons, 
while thirty-flvo own half of Ireland. Taking all Great 
Britain together, about fonr fifths of the profitable soil 
is owned by seven thousand individuals, and the other 
fifth by about one hundred thoosand.f All the land of 
the United Kingdom amounts to about 77,000,000 acres ; 
of these some 46,000,000 are under cultivation, and the 
remainder is unproductive. Yet Oreat Britain imports 
half of her grain, while about one twentieth of her popu- 
Ution are paupers.:^ Were the great parks which are now 
kept for purposes of luxury or mere ostentation, and the 
vast uncultivated wastes which now only preserve game 
or serve as shce)) pastures, divided up among little pro- 
{Mietors who would make every rood of ground available, 
England would hear much less of her labor question. 
As it is, however, everything for centuries has tended in 
the c^posite direction. 

First stands the law of primogeniture, under which, in 
case of intestacy, all the real estate goes to the oldest 

••"Tba Cwt Viajn • writer in «h« Drituh Quarltrlf Sttitm, 
"tbtt the mods in which propntjr, and npecUlI; land, is dittribnlad 
lua the chief influence in determining tlie politiol eel mcial char 
seter of the people," Again lie remarlit : " Indeed, it luay almoit tie 
laid tliat land and ariatoeracy ate in England conrertible terau." 
BrUiA Qvarttrlf Rnine, April, 1886, p. 279. 

t "riM Land," bj Arthur Arnold (1880), cited Oneiit'i "Hit- 
iatj of the Gngliah Conatitution," tranil. London, 1888, U. 876; 
■lao "Fnnea and Hereditary Mooarahy," by John Bigelow, 18TI, 

{ "Out National Reaourcea, and Row they are Waited," William 
Kijle, pp.40,4t; "Home Politica," Daniel Qrant, p. 8, quoted bj 
Bcriow, pp. Sl^W ; « la Darlnat BDflai.d," by William Booth. 


M mi nmrtAn n 'bovlukb, tantkMO, ahd ahuioj^ 

male heir, thus building ap great families. Next staa^ 
the system relating to the transfer of land among the 
living, which clogs its alienation and renders its parohaae 
by the poor almost impossible. 

Every American knows how simple is our system of 
noording deeds and mortgages. Under it, in ordinary 
oases, any man of average intelligence can search his own 
title and make out his own conveyance, or can have it 
done in the country for about five dolkni ; for, unless a 
dtfed or mortgage is recorded in the proper oSice of the 
county, it is of no avail against the later honorjide in- 
strument of an innocent party duly put on reoord. In 
En^nd, except in some small t^xam of the country 
where this system has been lately introduced, nothing of 
this kind exists. All titl&deeds are kept by the owner; 
and unless a careful examination is made by a lawyer, 
there is uo security for a purchaser whatever. In 'no 
other civilized country of the world do sales and mort^ 
gages of land habitually take so long a time to transact, 
and nowhere else are the charges in the case of small 
properties so great.* 

Time and time again, from the days of Cromwell 
down, the attempt has been made to introduce the 
recording system which prevaih in the United States 
and in most of the countries of the Continent, but al- 
ways without success. Parliamentary committees have 
recommended it, upon the ground that it would give in- 
creased security, and facilitate, by cheapening, the trans- 
fer of land. But there lay potent reasons for its rejec- 
fion. The Urge proprietors, representing the aristocratic 
•lament of society, hare desired that the mode of acqnip- 

* ir«MM<iu(ir JIm<m*, Jaly. 18N, PL Ml TkslMrMMkgUshaifs 
bkboat thirty dollMS. 

■ BHCUMDU or BMUtt OOfltMll LAHM fff 

ing Und >hoald be neither easy nor cheap. Lud ia for 
aristocrata, and not for the common people. The reanlt 
ia that the great class of yeomen, the men who in by- 
gone centuries gave England her greatness, has almost 
entirely disappeared.* In its place has grown up a race 
of peasants, well-nigh the most ignorant and brutalized 
among the so^alled ciTiliud peoples of the globe. 

Not content with refusing to sell hind to the poor, and 
making its transfer diiflcult and expensive, the mling 
classes have gone one step further. Formerly a lai;ge 
part of the soil of England was owned in oonftnon, each 
tillage or community holding its great tract open to all 
the iidiabitanta for purposes of pasturage, lint since 
the beginning of the last century, 9,0(»0,000 acres of 
these common lands, more than one eighth of the whole 
■oil of Oreat Britain, have been taken {lossession of by 
private individuals and enclosed under acts of Parlia- 
nient.t It was in reference to this wholesale robbery 
of the poor that the well-known lines were written : 

" Th« law loekt np the nun or wonun 
Who Meali the gooM fi«m offlht camOKui, 
But let! tin greater Tillain Itxfaa 
Who iteab tba oommon off the gooia.'' 

Ib view of these facts, we can appreciate the words of 
one of Enj^nd's keenest observers in speaking of the 
kaleidoscopic constitutions of France : " It does not re- 
quire any special clearness of vision to perceive that so 
far from having dosed the era of great changes, Qrcat 
Britain and Ireland have only entered on it." ^ 

* ** JPaaperUin, It* Caiiut and Remedlei,'' Prof, faweett, p. MM. 

t Prof. Thorolil Roger*, Timt, Ifarch, 18M. 

t PUUp ailbnt Hamerton, AtUatk MmMg, Sapt, ItM, p. M. 

n Va ruBTAM IN BOUAim, BfOLAini, AMD AMimCA 

On« of tbeie d»ya England uui^ awake to reap the 
whirlwind. She ii now the only Tentonio nation, and 
perfaapa the only oiviliied aooiety in existence, in which 
the balk of the Und under oolti ration is not owned by 
•mall proprietors.* To her lalwring classes she is giv- 
ing not Und, but the spelling-book and the ballot. 
Speaking of the arms of a sUve state, which represented 
a negro asleep upon a cotton bale, Wendell Phillips 
once asked, " Bu' 'vhat will the people do when the negro 
wakes up T' Our cousins across the sea can take a simi- 
lar question to heart. From time to time the English 
' public am aroused to an appreciation of the filth and 
misery which perrsde the dwellings of their poor. Then 
men rush into print with their variioos nostrums, e|ni- 
gration, vast schemes of private benerolenoe, new models 
for cottages, and the like; but it seldom occurs to any of 
them to suggest a change in their land laws by which 
the poor man might own his dwelling. Nothing, how- 
ever, is so conducive to the self-respect, without which 
all sanitary regulations are powerless, as the poss e ssion 
of one's habitation.f 
Turn now from England to America, and what a dif- 


:, 8m alM Oncirt, " Hit. of EnglUh Cuutltntion,'' il. 40*. lUtthew 

Arnold tjt of tin nobility and tlie propertj qncstinn : " Ona wonld 

' wiih, if one wto about wiihing, for the extinction of titlei after 

the death uf tlie holder*, and for the diapenion of property by • 

. ' V striogent law of heqaeet "—XuttUtrnti Ctntttrp, Feb., 1 HSS, p. SH. 

* BrtiM Qvarterl^ Bttirw, April, 18W. 

t "The large domaina are growing Urger; the great eatatea an 

V; absofbing the imall freeholda In 178«, the wU of England waa 

- owned by tSO.OOO corporationa and pmprieton."— Emeraon'i" Kng- 

H*hTraita,''p.lg4. A eentnrj earlier the number of thoaew ho brmed 

their own land waa greater than the number of thoae who fknutd 

UMlandofotbera, Maeanlaj, ToL i. chap. Hk 

BnmBtrnoH or lamb i» aumuoi^ m 

ferant piotim if prMentodl The oenans of 1880 ihowg 
that the famu in the United States number over four 
million!, of which only about twenty-flve thonsand con- 
tain mure than a tlionaand acre*. Of the whole number 
nearly tliree fourthi are worked by the owners, and of 
the remainder, the hu-ger part- are worked on tharei. 
In 1850, before slavery was abolidied, the farms .num- 
bered only about a million and a half, and they averaged 
two hundred and three acres each. In 1880, the average 
had sunk to one hundred and thirty-four acres, so that 
while the amount of cultivated land is largely on the 
inoreaae, the process of subdivision is still more rapid. 
Pnustical experience here, as well aa ebewhbre, shows 
that small tracts of land are worked more economically 
than large onee, and are most productive when cultivated ' 
by the owner. The above figures take no account of 
mere city or village lots for building purposes. The 
number of these is very large, for, as tlie American 
knows, the laborer, except in the large cities, usually 
owns his own dwelling, and thus is a proprietor of the 
■oil. The ownership of hind always makes a man con- 
■ervative. When it is generally divided, as in the Unit- 
ed States, and where, under a liberal Homestead Law, 
any one can obtain a farm by actually putting it under 
onltivation, there will be found little room for theories 
<rf sptdiation.* 

• Tb* cciwui of 1890 show* obI; (bont 78,000 pkupen in the poor- 
boom of the United State*, oat of ■ population of orer 6S,OpO,000, 
■ relative decieaia aince 1880. Almut 8000 of thoae are colored, and 
of the white* three lifthi are foreign-bom or of foreign parentage. 
Of the poor pcnnanenti; lopported in their own home* or in pri- 
vmta bmiliei, only •on«e 94,000 are given, bnt in thii caie tb* return* 
do not pretend to even approximat* oortectnen. Cenni* Balletia 

W na nmiTAM n ikhxaito, iiraLAim amd aiuuoa 

Such ia the differenoo between England and America 
■• to the distribution of land. Speaking of thii wibjeot, 
Daniel Wobeter sonuned np the oaae in hit great ipeeoh 
at Plymoath, when he said of the New England settler* 
that "the character of their political institutions was 
determined by the fundamental laws respecting prop- ' 
erty." These laws, he said, provided for the equal 
division of the estate of an intestate among his children, 
while the establishment of public registration and the 
aim]dicity of our forms of conveyance have facilitated 
the change of real estate among the living. 

Next cornea the subject of popular education. This 
is, perhaps, more important than any question of the dis- 
tribution of property. " Give light, and the darkneH 
will dispel itself." Give education, and everything else 
will right itself in time. Still, some of the nations of 
the Old World may discover to their cost that unless 
other reforms go with the education of the masses, the 
righting process will seem like the first breaking of light 
over chaos. 

The history of popular education in America is a 
familiar story. All the early settlers of New England 
paid great attention to instructing their children ; first 
at home, or in the ministers' houses, and then in public 
iohools. In 1647, the Massachusetts Colony jMssed a 
Uw providing that every township of fifty household- 
ers should appoint a schoolmaster to teach the chil- 
dren to read and write; and that his wages should bo 
paid by the parents, or the public at largo, according 
to the decision of the majority of the inhabitants. By 
1665, every town in Massachusetts had a common school, 
and, if it contained over one hundred inhabitants, a gram- 
mar school. The other New Enghtnd colonies followed 
in the wake of Massachusetts. In Connecticut every 

rorouB isDOATioii m ambuca , m 

(own that did not keep a Mhool for three month* in the 
year was liable to a fine. Ueantime the Datch had ea- 
Ublished free aoboola in New York. This wu the b^ 
ginning of the edaoational syitem of the United Stateal 

When the Puritan spirit began to decline tliere was a 
fidling-off in the schoob and an increase of illiteracy ; but 
the love of learning never died out, and the free schools 
never were abandoned. At the dose of the Revolution 
there was donated to the Union the vast domain north 
of the Ohio and west of the Alleghany Mountains, >'ow 
York leading off in this generous cession.* In 1785, Con- 
gress passed an act reserving fur educational purposes 
the sixteenth section of each township in this public ter- 
ritory. The policy then established has been followed 
in regard to all subsequent acquisitions, and in 1858 an 
additional section was granted by the govemnient.t Up 
to the present time tbwe grants aggregate over seventy- 
eight niiUiun acres, a territory larger than the whole of 
Great Britain and Ireland combined. In 1880, the United 
States spent eighty-two and a half million dollai;s on her 
common public schools, which were estimated to nnmber 
one hundred and seventy-seven thousand, and in 1889 
the expenditure had risen to over a bun<lrml and thirty 
millions, while the schools had increased to two hundred 
and sixteen thousand. The census of 1880 showed that 
in the Northern States only five per cent, of the native 
population were unable to read and write. 

Now, does any one imagine that America is indebted 
to England for its froe-school system or general scheme 

• JTaymiiM ^ Amtrimtt BitUirp, Ibreh, 18S8, p. WMk 
t Kaeh towiwbip contain! thiitj-tix McttniM, ooa mile tqau*. 
The allotiiieiit for eduotinnal pnrpoM* it therefors, since 1858, one 
•ightaanth of tbe nuioul domiin. Censut Bulletin No- SS, ISSl- 

for Um «daaktion of the maaeat Let w lee. While 
Kew York wu lettled by HoUMiden, and New Engbuid, 
■■ we thall see heiWter, largely by Puritani from En^ 
land tinctured with Datch ideaa, Virginia had a differ- 
ent ciaas of colonigta. It is abaurd to apeak of them aa 
of a better blood than the aettlen in the North, for.tba 
latter oame of the boat old Angk>3axoa atook, and they 
were made up of the moat intelligent aa well aa the moat 
atnrdy and virtuous of their race. But Viigioi* ^bs set- 
tled froni a different class of the cmnmonity. Her od- 
onists, when not conTicts or indented servants, were 
mostly average Englishmen of the Established Churoh, 
and, like the average Englishmen, oppoaed to all innora- 
tions in Churoh or State. So it came aboot that, in 1671, 
Sir William Berkeley, the Governor of Viiginia, could 
write to England: "I thank God there are no free 
schoob or printing, and I hope we ahall not have them 
theae hundred years. For learning haa brought hercay, 
and disobedience, and sects into the world, and printing 
has divulged them, and libela against the best govern- 
ment. God keep us from both I" There spoke simply the 
typical English Tory, and the type was to remain un- 
changed in EngUnd for two hundred years to come. 

Now turn to the mother country itself, and look at 
bar record. Daring the reign of Edward VI., aoma 
grammar schools — we should now, perhaps, call them 
Latin or high schools— eighteen for the whole kingdom, 
were established by the reformers of bis government. 
At various times a few more were added by private in- 
dividuals. One of th«M ran aehoola, founded at Strat- 
ford^oD-Avon by a native of that town who had gone 
np to London and become Lord Mayor, bore the name 
of William Shakeapeare on its rolls. But for the good 
fortune of his townsman ba mi^t have diad mot* an) 


iaglorioai. TbaM wera ponly ohariuble iutitntion 
where learning, luoh m it was, wu doled out m an almi. 
The government did nothing farther in the cauM of edo- 
' eation for neariy three centoriee, until the year 18S9, 
when Parliament made fbr thit object the munificent 
appropriation of twenty thouiand pounds. This was the 
first recognition in Enghind of the principle that the 
State owes any duty to ita children. In 188U, the annual 
gimnt waa raised to thirty thoasand, and then was in* 
creaswl from time to time until 1800, when it amounted 
to half a million pounds, about one fifth as much as the 
sum spent annually by the State of New York alone. 
This money was used not to found or support free 
•choola, bat to aid those of a voinutary character. At 
these stat»«ided sohoob aboat one million three hun- 
dred thousand children were instructed, two millions 
more were receiving no education at all, and another 
million were being taught at private adventure achods, 
where the education was of the moat defective character.* 
The English governing claisos seem until a very re- 
oent date to have felt the same rrinotanoe to educating 
the working people that they still feel to giving them 
land. Keep a man Undleas, and you make him depend- 
ent ; keep him in ignorance, and you make him subservi- 
ent. It was urged in En^and, and the atgument has 
been beard in America, that if all olsssss are educated 
the rich cannot seonre good servants, and that hired la- 
borers will be discontented with their lot This is all 
Tery well for tJie masters, but how about the gervanta I 
America does not believe that the English lackey, much 
M he oootribates to one's comfort, it the .type of man- 


• "flftMB Tcsn tt Katia«a Idoostioa is SagUad," Witmiiiit» 


M TM nnuTAii n muahik wMuam, avp unuot. 

hood that dTilixation is int«Dded to develop, and it hu 
found from practical experinnoe tliat a farm -laborer 
work* no woiw beoauae he looks forward to being a 
proprietor himaelf. 

In 1870, England, for the flnt time, entered npon » 
•yitem of national education by eataUiabing ooqimon 
aohoola for the maaaea. Since that time great progreaa 
haa been made, although the education is yet defectire, 
ii of only an elementary character, and not wholly free.' 

In Tiew of the itate of education in Enghtnd at that 
time, we can appreciate the aurpriae felt by Charlea 
IMokens when, in 1843, he viaited the manufacturing 
town of Lowell, in Masiachuaetta. Upon hi« return 

* la IMS, Matthew Arnold m^ a Rfiort lo tht EtlncailoMl 
DepuinwDt of Kogland on the elemeotar; tcbouU of the OoBtioeat, 
which he had eianiaed io ao official capacitj. StianKcly enoggli, 
he dlKOTcred, what erei; foreigarr linew btton, that the Bagliih 
ijitaiii wa* moch behind that of other countriea. He fiwad Ibe 
•ehool-ehtldren of Piance, Oermaaf, and Bwitmrland looking "hu- 
■ao." Thqae who hare aaen the look on the &caa of the Kagliih 
ptaaaotr; will appredata hie aeaniog. Bat what can lie expected 
when we ooaaider how recent haa been the e0brt to raiae them apt 
Matthew Arnold, ITuutMntk Ctntmrt, 0<!t., ISMi Still. hMliwanI as 
it ia, the *r*tera la iptaoded only Cir the rtrj poor and Terjr 7<Ninf ■ 
Ite the middle chuaea no proriiion ia made at all. On thia auhfael 
Mr. Arnold wrote, in 188B: " I liave often aaid that we aeem to ma 
to need at preaent in Kagland titree thinga in capeciai— more eqnal- 
Hj, edoeation for the middle elaiaea, and a thorough mnnicipal aya. 
tem : a ajatem of local aiaerol'liea is Imt the natnral complement ef a 
thoroagh monlcipal ajatem."— iVia«<MnM Cntury, Feb., IgflK. p. ttt. 
In IMI the Engliah bndget ahowcd a anrplna, dtoaed by tbe ia- 
ereaaed eonaamplioo of intoxicating Ikioora in the kingdom. Of 
thia nrplua, fit,000,000 wen, after a long parliaineatar; dcbala, 
deroted to the caoae of elenwatarj edneatioo, in addition to tlia ap- 
pmprialioBi made before. Thia wilt maka edoeation ftir the tm7- 
poor anbataatiaUr flaa. 



muo i.i—«w n BNULun AID 

hooM he wrote, ragwding the operatirM that he mw 
there : " I am now going to state three facta which will 
startle a large claaa of raiMieri on this side of the Atlan- 
tic very much. Firstly, there is a joint^tock piano in 
a great many of the boarding-houses. Secondly, nearly 
all thew yoang ladies subaoribe to oiroolating libraries. 
Thirdly, they hare got up among themselves a period- 
ioal called the Z/neell Oftring, 'a repository of orig* 
inal articles written exclusively by females actively em- 
ployed in the mills,' which is duly printed, published, : 
and sold, and whereof I brought away from Lowell four 
hundred good, solid pages, which I have read from be: 
ginning to end. It will compare advantageously with, 
a great many English annuals."* 

Connected with the subject of popular education an 
some other important and interesting facts. In Sep- 
tember, 1886, the Library Association of the United 
Kingdom met in London. The report then presented 
showed that in all of EngUnd, Scotland, and Ireland 
then were bnt one hundred and fourteen free libraries. 
The liondon Standard, in an article on the subject, held 
up America as an example for England to imitate. 
"Americans," it said, "are our masters in many de- 
partmenta of literary administration," and then referred 
to our town libraries, which in EngUnd are almost nn- 
known.f Well may Englishmen express surprise at the 
public libraries in Uie United States. According to the 
last report upon this subject, made by the Commissioner 
of Education in 1884, those oontaiaing vaatt than ttuM 

• •• Amcrie«a Note*," p. M. 

t New York rrthiM, SqiC aoth, Oct 4th, ISW. ThU •}*(« 
bagM in New Tork in IMS, bat tM itata bat been •inoe br oat- 
■tripped by tflOM of her Mm 

m TU nwntM n aouAiiOh nMLAn^ Am AWonoA 

kondred ToluniM MU)h numbered ovor lire thooMOd, 
with an aggregate of over twenty million volume*, and 
moet ot thorn are free. We have no luch linglo coloMal 
ooUection a« that of the British Muwum, but the books 
there are uaed only by ■cholan aa worka of reference. 
TbflM, too^ which are moch needed, will ooaiie in time." 
The books scattered over Aroerioa are intended for an- 
other purpuae, and are read by the people for whom 
tbejr are supplied. The result is that the Americans, 
whose tastes are thus fostered, are the greatest reading 
people of the world Of all the standard Kpglish books, 
many more copies, in proportion to the popnktion, are 
sold in the United States than in Great Britain. Eren 
the " Enoyclopndia Britannica," supposed to be partic- 
ularly a work for scholars, had fifty thousand American 
■abscribers for its ninth edition, against ten thousand in 
Great Britain, with more than half the population of 
ibe United States. Of Herbert Spencer's works, more 
than one hundred thousand were sold before he visited 
thia country, in 1883. When we come to American 
books, the figures are fabulous. The " American Cyclo- 
pedia" had one hundred and twenty thousand sufascrib- 
ecs, and the " Memoirs of General Grant" orer three 
hnndred thousand. 

Turning now from the common schools and the libra- 
riea for the education of the masses, when we glance at 
institutions for higher education, the contrast between 
America and England is even more marked. The latter 
ooantry affords no free edocatioa to the middle classes. 

* Of oar pnblic librarin, more than three hundred contain ortr 
tea tbooMod Tolnnca, fortj-MTcn over lift j tbouMnd, twelre over a 
kgndrcd tbonwad, and two orer fbnr hundred tholMnd eaeh.— 
pwte|^i*'TiiaiaphaBtDeaMeisc7,''p.WI, . 

ffin moB acBooiji ni AMmoA tl 

tod BO free higher edacation to uy, while in thia field 
Americk reigni rapreme. In tboroagbncM of inatmo* 
tion her average primary KhooU, thoagh snperior to 
thoM of Eng^nd, are perhaps inferior to tho«e of Oer- 
many and even France, with their old civilization and 
denaer popolationa. Bat her ayitem of free pnblio bi^ 
nboola it a growth of democracy, which haa been aa yet 
achieved in none of the older conntriea.* France and 
Oermany have some high achools aaiited by the State, 
bat America ii the only coantry in the world where the 
principle is fully recogniaed that every person is enti- 
tled to receive a thoroogh and complete education at 
the public charge. 

To secnrA this, not only am free gramm^ or high 
achools generally to be found in all the larger towns— 
and those of Western cities like Denver and Omaha 
are not inferior to those in Eastern places of the same 
aisof — but twenty-eight statea have establiahed state 
universities, which in most cases offer a free classical 
and scientific college education. In addition, all the 
states but six have founded free normal schools and. 
training colleges, some one hundred and thirty-four in 
number, for the education of male and female teaohera.^ 
In the United States arp three thousand six hundred 
and fifty schools higher than those for primary instruc- 
tion. Of these, three hundred and eighty -four, exclu- 
kive of those for women alone, are universities or col- 
leges. To be sure, many of these institutions are bo^ 

» WatmiiuUr Bni*w, Jtn., im, p. It. 

t In t888-W th« VnlteA Bute* (X|)eiHled on bar high lohooli kboot 
«M,000,000.— '• Report of Com. of E<lacation." ThU wu In addi- 
lioa to the 9180,000,000 for common Khaoh. 

( B«e *• Beport of Um U. & ConaiMioner of Idoeatioo," lMT-88. 

n Tn raoTAii n bollamo, biouiid^ amb amuioa 

high KhooU uithoriied to confer degraes, but they place 
the key of knowledge 'within the reach of every one 
who cares for a stmlent't life, and increaae. enormonaly 
the chances of bringing to the front any latent genius. 
In England such development is, in the main, only for 
the rich. 

At one time it «m rery natnral for the AmericM 
scholar to look down on our American colleges, and to 
look up with awe to the classic halls of Oxford and 
_ Cambridge as model seats of learning. But the latter 
feeling has practically passed away. The deareighted 
American long since discovered that, to the student, 
Engbind, with her somewhat antiquated system of in- 
struction, has little to offer. The fact is, that the Eng- 
lish are to-day nearly as far behind the world in higher 
as in primary education. During the great intellectui^l 
awakening which followed the Middle Ages, the classics 
were eagerly studied by European scholars because they 
opened up a new worid of thought, and fumisGed mod- 
els of literary excellence elsewhere unknown. In tak- 
ing up these branches, England lagged a century bjhind 
the Continent, and now that other fields are developed 
she is almost as much in the rear as ever. Although 
the world has made great advances since the Revival of 
Learning, it is still very difficult to persuade an English- 
man that the sole aim of a university education is not 
to pass some civil-service examination, or to obtain a 
knowledge of Greek and Latin, the c^ief test of a wehtA- 
ar three centuries ago, to which may now be added a 
knowledge of the mathematics. Everywhere the value 
of these studies is conceded; bat Continental nations rec- 
ognise the fact that others are of equal, if not of para- 
mount, importance. The result is, that the Englishman 
of the premit generation who detures to pursue with 



thorooghneM >ny branch of modern itodj, inolading 
even his own literature, is compelled, in most caMs, to 
seek bis instruction in the Continental universities.* 

If England has anything of which she may be justly 
pixMid, it is her literature, and especially her p»etry. "-1^ 
From Shakespeare to Tennyson she shotrs a roll of " 
authors unsurpassed in modem times. Whatever else 
may pass atvay, however time may work changes in her 
form of government — whether she lose Ireland, India, 
her commercial supremacy, or her wealth— her literature 
at least will be immortal. Yet when we see a Frenchman 
writing the only history of that^ literature worthy of the 
name, and when we are told by her own scholars that 

* or tin Kngliih univenity edooitioa of to-dsj, Prot Hiulej 
mif : " That ■ young EDglUbnitn nuiy li« tomcd out ofoor oniteisl- 
ti« epopt ind perfect, ao far m their lyitein takei him, and yet ig- 
norant of the noble lileratnra which hai ^nmn np in thee* lilandi 
during the Uit tlirae canturiea, no I<m than of the development of 
the phllonphie and political idea* which have moet profoundly inflq- 
esced modern ciTiliiation, it a bet In the hiMory of llib nineteenth ^ ' 
century which the twentieth will And hard to believe; tliougli, per 
hape, it ia not mnrer incredible than oar current lopentition that 
whoeo wiihca to writs and fpeak EngUah well ihould monld bif 
atyle after tiM nradeli furaiahed by claaaical antiquity."-^ r*< Ail 
Mall Budftt, Oct. W, 1886. Cambridge hai never done anything 
worth (peaking of for the itady of Engliib literature, and it wai 
not until 188< that a chair for that rabjeet waa founded at Oxford. 
Prof Vaz Mailer laid at the tioM : " I have had to eonfeaa, pnrtiea- ■ 
larly in convenation with Araericani, who often come to Oxford for 
the aole purpoee of atndying English literature, that our not having 
a profnaor of that aubjcct at Oxford teemed to me a teriout blem- 
iih."— Idea. Prof, Bkeat, of Cambridge, wrote to the new young 
profeitor who had been educated at Berlin and OAttingen: "Too 
know — what few Kngliihmen have any idea of— what training 
in our langoage and literature ia and involvet. For it, Ameiicaa 
ttodentt always go to Oermany. Tliey oaat get it bww."— Idem. 


for ita proper atndy one most go to GermaDy, nothing 
die 08 to English higher education need cause surprise. 

As to every other department of knowledge the story 
is now the same. Take medicine, surgery, chemistry, 
or any other branch of science ; law, philosophy, history, 
or art in any of its forms, and although Englishmen 
have achieved exceptional greatness in almost every 
department, no one ever thinks of going to England, 
- ,,^M in times past, to pursue his studies. Americans go 
there to visit the homes of their ancestors, to look at 
stately castles and superb cathedrals, to travel through 
a land full of historic interest ; hVt when thoy wish to 
study they go to France, Qermany, Italy, or Austria.* 

Sovlong as America simply followed English preca- 

* That the English tbenuelTek ue waking op to an appreciatioo of 
the Cut that loniething ia wrong atwut their collegea appean ftom 
the ptotcat againat their educational aystem, aigncd by aereral ban- 
dred leading Bcbolara, which waa pabliahed in the iViiiM(«ni(A Cnt- 
tuiy for Nor., 1888. See alio article on " Oiford and ita Profeaaora," 
Bdinburfh An>(<w, Oct, 1889. No inatmction in Engliih literature, 
rhetoric, modem European languagca or literature, while the attend- 
aace at lecturea on science, philoaopby, law, etc, is little more than 
nominal. Max MQIIer says: "To enable young men to paaa their 
ezaminatioDS seems now to have become the chief, if not the only,, 
object of the nnivenutiea."— "India, What Can It Teach (Jar Amer. 
ed. p. 10. The examinations are for admission to the civil senrice. 
Erery reader, of coarse, will underatand that my renutrica apply only 
to the general syatem of English education, which is of the last cen- 
tory, and out of touch with modem thought. Indiridual Englishmen 
•re, through home-training, foreign study, the influence of national 
societies, and a general intellectual atmosphere in the unireisitiet 
and elsewhere, among the moat cultured and acholarly of men. This 
baa come about despite the defects in their system. How nueh 
more would be accomplislied under a Icit nanow and insular system 
is a difbrent qosstioa. 


denU, her colleges nrera defeotiTe and ber scientific schools S'# 

hardly worthy of the nanne. Now, under Continental 
influences which every scholar appreciates, that reproach 
is passing away. The American system is in process of 
speedy development. It begins at the bottom with the 
widest base of general education. Deep scholarship, 
high intellectual culture, broad scientific knowledge, 
finished artistic skill, are fruits of slow growth. Why 
this new country has, in the past, been so deficient in . .'" 
these respects needs no explanation. But now, even in 
the upper departments, although she has no cause to be . . > 

boastful, she is making gratifying progress. Already, in ' ■■/ 
wood-engraving for book-illustration, and in artistic sil- 
'verware,>fihe has no superior, and in stained glass she 
has no equal. In astronomy and in some branches of 
mathematics she takes a fair place. In surgery and in ' ^ 
all surgical appliances she probably leads the world. 
Her medical, chemical, and engineering schools are so 
excellent that for mere purposes of instruction one scarce- 
ly needs to go abroad. Her universities are establish* . . -' 

ing post-graduate coBrses, which bid fair in time to . v^; 

supersede the necessity of foreign study, in literature ; ;f. 

and hist<Hical science. Harvard, it must be remembered, 
received and welcomed the new learning from Germany, 
at the hands of Everett, Bancroft, and Tioknor, before 
it was accepted at the English universities P^verett's ,.> 

translation of Buttmann's Qreek Grammar was reprinted . ' ^ 

in England, with the " Massachusetts" omitted after the 
word "Cambridge" at the end of the preface. Mr. Ban- 
croft's translation of Heeren was the first of its kind, . -'('^. 
and the earliest Version from Henry Heine into English 
was made by a graduate of Harvard.* 

* JaoMt RiunU Lowell, " IMth AnniTciMrj of Hsnraid." 

41 TBI rramK n motULMD, MxauMo, un uubwa 

America is Uydmy the rioheet and the fint mannfact- 
nring, as she is the flnt agrioaltnral, oonntiy of the 
world. If, With her wealth, free iDstitntions, and nni- 
venal education, she also in the future becomes the first 
in learning and in act, she will evidently not be follow- 
ing the example of England, where hi^er education is 
restricted to the few. 

The third peculiar institution of America is that of 
local sdf-goTemment. 

The contrast in this particular between America and 
England is as marked as anything that can be well 
imagined ; but it: was little noticed in the latter country 
until the agitation of the question of home rule for 
Ireland brought it to the front Even now, after aU 
that has been written upon the subject, unless one has 
examineil the subject with care, it is difficult for a person 
on this side of the Athintic to appreciate the condition 
of local government in Great Britain. The difflcnlty 
arises from the fact that there is nothing which can be 
called a system, and the consequent helter-skelter con- 
fusion is something the very existence of which seems 
to an American almost incredible. Ask the average 
Englishman to explain how local affairs are managed in 
England, and he will look at you with wonder. lie can 
perhaps tell you something about his own pariah, or 
something very vague about his own county, but beyond 
that he knows nothing. Some matters are regulated 
by the clergyman and his vestry, others by the poor 
wardens ; the sheriffs and county officials are appointed 
by the Crown, which means the Cabinet ; but of local 
self-government by the people themselves almost nothing 
exists except in the cities and laiger towns.* 

•Th« issdnwIwirMM* IB (i«ayth««iMwsclw«rSiglith local 

uwAL uovramuDrr in noujiD M 

Vben tfce Englishmui tnnu to America, he leee » 
qrttem, antl it is one that flUs him with lurprise, at least, 
tf with no other feeling. Qenerally be looks only at its 
inoTe saliont features, the relations between the states 
and the federal government. In England Parliament 
legislates for the whole kingdom. That body takes 
npon itself the management of the domestic, the local, 
the parochial, the manicipal affairs of all the communities 

ioMitiitiom on conwlt " Local OoTcraracBt," b; H. D. Cbshmn, la 
the " English Citiun Berie*," Maemillan A Co., tSM. Thit book 
tollf ■ Ula alroott incndible of conftuion, inrfllcieucjr, and waste. 
" Local goTernmcnt in tbii eountrj," it mji, " may be fltl; ileacribed 
M oonaitting of a chaos of areas, a chaos of anthoritica, and a chaoa 
of rates," p. 17. " Confiiaioa and eitraTaganca are tlie chancier^ 
istic feattires of the whole sjstrm," p. tl. " Local boards are innamei^ 
able, many of tlwm are nselesa, bat ani kept up mereljr to snpply 
places and salaries for the oAeials."— Idem. " The total piupert j ia 
Engknd lial>le to taxation is estimated to produce a gross rental of 
«1S7,000,000. Local expenditHK* for ISW amounted to £SO,000,(Ma^ 
nearly one third of the tenUI," f '>.**, S8. " English local aflaira art 
regulated by some CSOactsofParliament of general application, and 
sercral thousand of a special character for particular towns or dla- 
trkts. The latter accumulate at the rate of about sixty a year. In 
England and Waka are 59 counties, 28t municipnl borongba, 70 
Improvement Act districts, lOOS urban sanitary distticts, 41 port 
sanitary authorities. ST7 rural sanitary districts, 30S1 school - tmard 
districts, 424 highway districts, MS burial-board districts, 940 unions, 
IM lighting and watching districts, 14,B1S poor-law parishes, 80S4 
highway parishi>s, and about 13,000 ecc>esiastlcal parishes. These 
•II OTcrlap and intersect each other, so as to make a perfect tangle 
of jurisdictioDS. One farm of MO acres was, some few years ago, 
ia twelve diSsrent parisliea, and subject to about fifty diflervnt ratea," 
pp. 18, II. Some districts are governed by twelve, fifteen, or twenty 
dUhrent local authorities, selected at diflbrent times, and with dif- 
fH«Bt qualifications for the voters. No wonder that every KagMsb- 
■ma gives tba lotiiact np ia despair, at laeapibk of eoaapnbeariMa 


4t «n matiM m wtujum, mntum, tm jmwkka 

of Engtaad, Inland, SooUand, and '^alea. It arrangM 
for every local gaa bill, water bill, nwarage bill, and 
railway bill for the two islands. In America, the Federal 
Ckmgreas legislates only on matten of national eonoem, 
everything else is left to the separate states. 

Bat the difference between the two countries goes 
macb deeper than this. The American system is a com- 
plete one, reaching down to the fonndations, and the 
fonndations are its most important portions. At the 
bottom lies the township, which divides the whole North 
and West into an inflnityof little republics, each manag- 
ing its own local affairs. In the old states they differ in 
area and in their nuu^nery. In the new states of the 
West they are more regular ii\ size, being generally six 
miles square. But in all the system is sulmtantially 
alike. Each township elects its own local ofHcors and 
manages its own local affairs. Annually, a town meet- 
ing is held of all the voters, and suffrage is limited only 
by citizenship. At these meetings, not only are the 
local ofllcers elected, such as supervisors, town-clerks, 
justices of the peace, road-masters, and the like, but 
money is appropriated for bridges, schools, libraries, and 
other purposes of a local nature. 

Next above the township stands the county, an aggre- 
gate of a dozen or so of towns. Its official, sheriffs, 
judges, clerks, registers, and other officers to manage 
county affairs are chosen at the general Rtato election. 
It also has a local assembly, formed of the town snpe^ 
visors. They audit accounts, supervise the county in- 
•kitntiona, and legialate as t« variooa county mattera. 

Above the counties again stands the state government, 
with its legislature, which passes laws relating to state 
affairs ; and finally the federal government, which deals 
only with national oonoana. The whole forms a oca- 


ISti • 

lAOAL aommanT HI AMDnoA 4i 

ntUnt and humonioas lyitem, whidi nminded 11^. 
tbew Arnold of a well-fitting suit of clothe*, looM when 
it ihould be loose, and tight where tigbtneat ia an ad- 

Am we have already noticed, the feature of it all 
which ttrtkea the Engliahman moat forcibly ii the aepa- 
ration of local from national affairs in the administra- 
tion of the state and the general government. But the 
township system, with its mora direct local self-govern- 
ment, is of greater im]>ortanco. Given that, and the rest 
of the system follows almost as matter of course. Every 
American is a politician, and feels a keen interest in his 
presidential and state elections. But, after all, these are 
generally of much less practical im|M>rtanco to him than 
the, home elections, which determine whether his local 
affairs shall be wisely, economically, and justly admin- 
istered. General taxation is a trifle compared with that 
tar hia schooli, roads, bridges, and other local expenses. 
It is in the town meeting that the incipient statesman is 
formed. It is in managing his local affairs that the 
American acquires the discipline, the self-respect, and 
idf-relianoe which enable him, when occasion calls, to 
oommand a company, a regiment, or an arm^, control a 
railroad or govern a state. When our late war closed, 
the United States had one of the most efficient armies 
that ever stood in line of battle. The secret lay in the 
fact that each man was a drilled and disciplined, but 
at the same time a thinking, machine. The drill and 
discipline came from years of service, but the man 
beneath them came from the sohool-hooae and the town 

Now, does any one imagine that the American intti- 
tntions of local self-goveriwient are of English origin t 
What England ia to-di^ we have faintly outlined. Aa 

41 m tvtaxun a knuaxo, noiAxn, and aioboa 

to the pMt, we out panne the mom line of inquiry M 
WM followed in relation to the origin of the f ree-achocd 
system. It was only where the Pnrittuis settled that the 
township and the town meeting were folly developed. 
Yiiginia attempted to copy directly the parishes and 
Testries, boroughs and gnilds, of Engtond, Jeffenon 
said: "These wards, called townships in New England, 
are the vital principle of their government ; and have 
proved themselves the wisest invention ever devised by 
the wit of man for the perfect exercise of self-govern* 
ment, and for its preservation." De Tocqoeville wro^ 
over fifty years ago : *' The more we descend towards 
the South, the less active does the business of the tow>> 
ship or pariah l)ecome ; the popnlatiun exercises a leas 
immediate influence on afTaira; the power of the elected 
magistrate is augmentetl and that of the elections di- 
minished, while the public spirit of the local communities 
is less awakened and leas inflaential." The syst«an doea 
not appear to be English in its origin. How it came to 
America is an interesting question. 

We have now passed in review some of the most im- 
portant of the institutions which today are found in 
the United 8tates and are not found in England. Even 
if we went no further, he would be a bold man who, 
after stwiying their infloenoe upon the national life and 
character, sliould still continue to claim that America 
was only a transplantetl England. Bat, in addition to 
these peculiar institutions, there are othera, now com- 
mon to both oountriea, which have exerted a powerfal 
influence in the United States for more than a oentniy, 
while they have been only recently introduced into Eng- 
land, and in that country are just beginning to bear 

liitw <4 ibtm •!« of an impoctuiM whiolt no OM 



nuoKMn uanmr m maLuni ako ammhca 4T ' 

will qneition. Thej an freedom (rf religion, freedom 
of the preai, and the secret ballot. The lint proteeta 
the oonadenoe, the aeoond proteota the mind, tlie third 
proteeta the raffrage. Without theae guarantees the 
United States of the nineteenth centary seems imposai- 
bfe, and yet for none of them are we indebted td tha ^ 
legislation or to the example of the mother country. In 
adopting each of them, England has not lieen the leader, 
bat has followed in the footstept of America. 

First, as to the introdnotion of religious liberty into 
the two coontnes, a few dates tell the whole story. Of 
the EstaUiabed Church in England 1 have already 
spoken — the Churob which exacts a tax from every 
one, and which is the chief bulwark of the aristocracy. 
Still, with the exception of this tax, all religious de- 
nominations stand UMlay in England on a basis of 
equality before the htw, save (hat a Catholic cannot " «: 

lit on the throne, nor can be MA the office of Lord 
Chancellor of EngUnd or that of Lord IJeutenant of . 
Ireland. But the cstAblishment of this equality is of ^ '•' 

rery recent date. In 1A80 a partial Act of Toleration 
was enacted, but it waa not extended to Unitarians un- 
til ISIS, to Roman Catholics until ISiW, and to Jews na- * f 
til 1808. Until soch respective datea the memben of 
these proaoribed religious bodies were excluded from 
pablic office, while it was not until 1871 that all relig- , 
ious U*U wore abolished in the universities of Oxford |: 
and Cambridge, so aa to qien those institutions oquallj . 
to students of all nligioaa denominations. 

The removal of this last restriction, as we shall aea 
hereafter, was nearly a hundred yeaia after religiooa 
liberty had been proclaimed in the United States. »' ;, . ''^f 

Next let us oonsitler the question of the freedom of r . 
Of the importanoe of this subject nothing 


48 Tu naiTAii m aoLum nouim urn AMntOA 

need be Mid ; but here agmin attention it for the prcMot 
requested simply to a few facts and dates. About m 
century after the printing-press was introduced into 
Engbuid, and as soon as it came to be reoogniied as a 
power in religious and political discussions, it was placed 
under a rigid censorship. Printing was permitted only 
in certAJn speciHed places, and the approval of certain 
oiBcials was re«|uired before a book could be given to 
the public. This system oontinue<l until 1698, when the 
licensing htw was permitted to expire.* 

But with the aboUtimi of the oenaondiip the English 
judges took the subject up, and the system which was 
developed under their manipulation of the law was 
nearly as oppressive as the one just aboliahed. They 
held that in criminal prosecutions for libel—and such 
prosecutions w»ro the ordinary means of silencing polit- 
ical opponents — the truth could not be given in eviilence, 
and that the jury before whom the offender was tried 
had nothing to do eioept to pass u|Min the fact of puUi- 
cation. " The greater the truth, tlie greater the Uiiel," 
became the maxim of the kw. In other words, if a 
citizen published a statement reganling an oflloial or a 
candidate for ofRce, charging him with corruption or 
with any other offence againstthe state, the publisher 
or author could be arrested for libel, ami would lie tried 
before a judge, who excluded all evidence of the truth 
of the charges, left to the jury only the question of the 
publication or authorship, and then, if tiie prisoner was 
found guilty, sentenced him to fine <v imprisonment, 
and frequently to Imth. 

No one at all aoiiuainted with the political history of 
finghuid needs to be toM bow persiatentljr tUs mmh 

* ■libM'* *OaBMitirtioMl BiMoi;," Ui. IW 

^kSikiStJ-A^i^M^jAX'^. ^.}^\,.^.s^%. i. .&',v.sijtr«dla;^yai«sL^^^i. .i*r ^ 

lUBMM or m ruH B mauro 49 

of the praH WM ntUiied by the government doring the 
laat century. There were, from time to time, juries to be ^i 

foand who, under the spell of consummate orators, were ' A- 

willing to go to priaon for contempt uf court rather than d^ 

to find a verdict againit the tribunes of the ptople. But 
tm saek revolts against the law English liberty would 
have been dead indeed. Yet although under these occa- 
sional breaths of free air the spark was kept alive, the 
flame burned very low.* 

' P . 

• Chief Jnstice Holt it rapranntad la hiitory u one of thefH«id«' 
•ad opholdera of libartj. In 1704, Tnlcbtn, the printer of the (M- 
mnattr, wm tried be<bre him for an article ciittcising Qoeen Anne'* 
Minlatera in language which we ibould now conaider Tery innocent. 
The defendant'! cooniel having attempted to Justify it, Holt obeerrod 
to the Jury :" I am rarpriead to be told that a writing I* not a libel 
irhieb rellecta npoa tlia gOTemment, and endeavors to poewaa tha 
lleople with the nntion that the government it adminittend by eor- 
lapt penont. If writen should not be called to acconnt lur potaexa- 
big tbe people with an III opinion of the government, no government 
oan tnbtist Tou are to contider whether llie wordt which I have 
read to you do not tend to beget an ill opiqioa of the admiuitteation 
of the government. Their pnrport la that thote who are employed 
know nothing of the matter, and thoae who do know are not en- 
ployed ; tliat men are not adapted to oOoea, but office* to men, oat 
of particular regard to their intereat, and not to their fltnett," Tba 
deihadant wat accordingly fouml guilty. Campbell's " Uvea ol 
the Chief Jnitioea"(Bhwchard * Urn, IMt), iilW. Thit was 
the Ihw for many yean, that any reflection upon tb* admlnistratloB 
wat punishable at a criminal libel. See Hallam'a " Cons. Hist," 
UL 1S4-1M. In ITSI, on the trial of Ftanklin, Loid Raymond 
poaltively icAtUd to admit any avidenca to prove the publitbed 
■ntter to ba true. In the Ihmout trial of the Dean of St. Asaph, torn* 
flfty yean later. Lord Mansfield tostalaed this doctrine, and he waa 
alltrwardi sappntad in hit view of the Uw by ail the Juiign In tht 
Hooaa of Loida. CampbtU't "Uvaa at tba Chief Jutticet," tt. 

L-4- -■" -' ^ •■ • 


In 1799, Mr. Fox's Libel bill wu psMed, decUuring that 
on a trial for libel the jury, in giving its veitlict, had a 
right to take into coniideration the character and ten- 
denoy of the paper alleged to be libellooa. Btill, the truth 
of the facts stated in the publication complained of could 
not be inquired into; for half a century longer the maxim 
prevailed, " the greater the truth the greater the libel;" 
and it was only in the year 1845, under Ixird Camp- 
bell's Libel bill, that the truth was finally admitted in 
evidence, and the jury was allowed to decide whether 
the defendant was actuated by malioe or by a desire for 
the good of the community.* 

Such was the law of libel in England until 1845. Now 
let us turn to the United Stotes. The first amcndmenta 
to the Federal Constitution, adopted in ITIU, provided 
that Congress should make no law "abridging the free- 
dom of speech or of the press," and most of the eariy 
constitutions of the states already contained similar or 
more stringent guarantees. But in 1790 a further step 
had been taken by one of the Middle States. In that 
year IVfln^tvaiiia adopted her second Constitution, 
whiol/contained the following provision f " In proseon- 
tionsuor the pablications of papers investigating the 
offlciar<x>ndnct of officers or men in a public capacity, or 
where tlib matter published is proper for public infor- 
mation, the truth thereof may be given in evidence; and 
in all indictments for libels ttie jury shall have a right to 
determine the law and the facta, under the direction of 
the court, as in other cases." This was two years before 
the half-way mtesure of Mr. Fox, and fifty-five years be- 
fore the bill of Lord Campbell. Imitating the example 

• OuBplxU'* « Utm or tha ChM Jnitioes," •' MuiflcM," il 

-. *■■ WKRTKI BAIXor n 

of PennsylTmnia, the other itatet followed with limilar 
proTiiioiia, to that long before the press was free in Eng- 
land, America had adopted the principle that in prowou- 
tiona for libd the truth oould be given in evidence if 
published for proper motives and for justifiable ends, 
and that the jury was to judge of the law as well as of 
the facts.* 

As we search in vain to find in England the origin of 
the religious freedom and the freedom of the press which 
prevail in the United States, so we shall meet with the 
same results in searching for the origin of the system 
under which our elections are carried on by means of a 
written or printed ballot. A secret election is the safe- 
guard of republican institutions. Where votes for pub- 
lic officers are given vied voce, or in any other manner 
which petmita one person to learn how another baa 
voted, there can be no real freedom of elections. This 
principle is now so well undemtood that it seems an 
axiom in politics, and yet it wai not until the year 1879 
tiiat voting by ballot was intiroduoed into the mother 

* New York did not cmbodf thU principle in b«r ConttitaUaHl 
util 1811 ; but tba Lrgitlatara had declaicd bj ■ (Utnte, puwd in 
1808, thtt thii WH tba law of the tiate. In 1TS5, when a coloay, 
her lawyen ineiitad that the Eogliah law of libel waa not applicaU* 
bare, and the coart beld with them lo &r ai to permit the Jor; to 
paia npon the law aa well aa the beta, and the priioner waa acquitted. 
"Zanger'a Trial," printed in New York and London. Tbencefbrth 
the New Torfc preaa waa free ; bat in New England a cenaonbip «x- 
ialad ontil about 17S8. Tjrier'a " Hiat. of American LlUratnre," i. US. 
In ITtt, for example, Berjamin Franklin waa fotccd to leave Boetoo, 
mnch to the advantage of PennajWanla, for baring publiih«l a libel 
oa ita hiefarehy ; hla brother, for the aame ofbnce, waa impriaonetl fur 
s Baathtand forbidden to paUiah bia paper except under oflUal 

n m ntaiTAii m nouAini, nauunN ahd amoioa 

oooDtrjr. Until that time all mnnioipal election*, and all 
eleotions for memben of Parliament, were oondaoted by 
■how of hands or oral declarations, after the primitive 
faahion of rude nations, the feudal chieftain, the land- 
lord, or employer being enabled to see whether hig hench- 
men, tenant, or employe was voting for the candidate *of 
his selection. 

For many years protests had been made against this 
system. O'Connell introdaced a bill on the subject in 
1830, and the original' draft of the reform bill of Lord 
John Russell provided for voting by ballot. But writ- 
ers like Sydney Smith denounced the "Mouse -trap" 
sohemej and the influence of the men who profited by 
intimidation or corruption was powerful enough to pre- 
vent its' adoption until 1879, when Hr. Forster passed 
his famous act, which, deriving its main features from 
Australia, combines the elements of secrecy, simplicity, 
and efficiency.* 

Here again wo see America as an instructor, and not 
as a copyist, of England. When the thirteen colonies 
adopted their first state constitutions, from 177« to 
1790, four of the thirteen — Delaware, Pennsylvania, 
North Carolina, and Georgia— provided that all voting 
at elections should be by ballotf The Constitution of 
New York permitted the LegisUture to try it as an ex- 
periment; this was done in the election of governor and 
lieutenant-governor in 1778, and ten years later the new 
system was fully introduced. Following these exam- 
ples all the states, old and new, huve by their oonstitu- 

■"EncTclopadUBritai) <ca," utiele " Ballot." 
t ConnecticDt and Rhoou bkuid, which continued to lira 
thalr old obaitan for man; ;«sn, alrasdy had tha ijiteiB. 

n* wnrm bauat iir utwnoA n 

tioni provided for the same mode of Toting, Kentocky 
bringing ap the rear in 1801* 

This is not the place for considering the question of 
the origin of religious liberty, the freedom of the press, 
or the secret ballot. Hereafter these subjects will be 
discussed. But one fact in r^;ard to theic ^istenoe in 
America is very apparent. As religious liberty and the 
secret ballot were establighed here nearly a century, and 
the freedom of the press more than half a century, before 
their establishment in England, ^ve need not look for 
their origin to amy English precedent. English writers, 
like Sir Henry Maine, who have looked into the Ftderal- 
tit, express surprise at the sources from which the ex* 
ponnden of the Federal Constitution drew their hiktori- 
oal illustrations. Their writings display, Maine says, an 
entire familiarity with the Republic of the United Neth- 
erianda, and the Romano-Oerman Empire, but " there is 
one fund of political experience upon which the Federal- 
ist seldoin draws, and that is the political experience of 
Great Britain."! But the men who founded the American 

* Krataek;, which wu carTtd oat of Viigiol*, adopted the ballot 
in its flnt Oonitltution, 17M, bat went back to the Engliih tiM-Mw 
■jttem ia 1199, and retained it nntil 1801, except in election* for 
eoagreaeawD, which are regulated b; a itatate of the United Btalea. 
Virginia itielf reti^ned the old sjritera until 1M4. Daring the agi- 
tation for a ballot in England, extending over more than half a cen- 
tui7, the example of the United fltatet wa* conatantl; referred to by 
ite adiDcatet. See OlMiirtk Sni»», 18S8. p. 611; 1881, p. 481. 
For other articles on the subject, see ISIS, p. ISS ; 18W, p. 548 ; 18ST, 

t " Popular QoTemnent," bj Sir Ueary Maine, p. SO*. This same 
writer, in an earlier work, referring to the American Rerolntion, 
makes a significant remark: "The American Uwyers of the time, 
and partienlarlf those of Virginia, appear to hare possiisseil a stock 
•f knowledge which dtfliared cbielljr ftom tbat'of their EngUsb eo». 



nptiblics, iUt« and federal, were not seeking to imitate 
Great Hritain. They let out to eitabliah institationa »uoh 
aa tbey thought England ought to have, and not those 
which they found existing. The difference between these 
two objects, the actual and the ideal English institntions of 
a century ago, although often overlooked, is very nurked* 
Leaving now these great institutions which lie at. the 
base of the republic, let us see how America deals with 
her dependent, abnormal, and criminal population, who 
in England form such a lacge section of the people. In 
1842, Charies Dickens said of Boston : " Above aU, I sin- 
cerely believe that the public institutions and charities 
of this capital of Massachusetts are as nearly perfect as 
the most considerate wisdom, benevolence, and human- 
ity can make them. I never in my life was more af- 
fected by the contemplation of happiness under cironm- 
stances of privatifm and bereavement than in my visit* 
to these establishments." * In commenting on the dif- 
ference betweeh the charities of America and England, 
Dickens laid great and deserved stress upon the fact 
that those of this country were in the main managed by 
the state, while in England they are left to the benevo- 
lence of private individuals. He argued that where the 
unfortunate classes are regarded as wards of the people 
at large, a better feeling must exist towards the govern- 
ment than where they are considered outcasts and mere, 
objects of private charity. This is the key-note of the 
difference between the nations, and we find the same 
contrast here as in the matter of education. 

lemponriM in iBdnding much wbkh Mold on); have bem derivsd 
ftma tb* legs! litantara orooatiaoitsl laropt.''— "AsdMit Uw," 
•"AwerioM Kotos."- ''"■■■..:■ 


- Ill Um United States, the bUnd, deaf and dumb, and 
imbecile are looked apon ai oitinna having a claim upon 
the State, and it it one alwaya oheerfally acknowledged. 
In England they are regarded aa panpen, who must be 
kept from starving by the poor-rate*, bqt beyond that 
having no claim upon the government. In fact, Great 
Britain, t»day, is the only country in the civilized worid 
where the State does not aid in the education of the 
blind, the deaf and dumb, and those without ordinary 
mental powers.* The proportion of the abnormal claaa- 
es in America is much smaller than in Great Britain, so 
that fewer institutions are needed as oompare<l with 
the population. Great Britain and IreUnd, for example, 
have forty-six deaf-and-dumb asylums, all private, while 
the United States has sixty-nine. The latter are most> 
ly public, however, and in them the whole cost of board, 
dothing, and education is in almost every case under- 
takea by the State.t 

When we now turn to prison reforms, we shall aa* 
America again aa an instructor. No one at all acquaint- 
ed with history needs to be told of the criminal code of 
England and of the prison system, which continued there 
until a very recent date. Up to the reign of George I. 
there were sizty-aaven offences that were ponishable by 

* •"The BrttUi iu>|MT«', aloae uboiik all ririliwd Chrhtinii ncg, 
M^oy* immonity firom Uittion for the imtnicUon of thoM whn nn- 
d<r the name of th« ■ tbaormal cluKt,' tbow who without tight 
•ad whtaont ordinw; mmtal power, are the (pecial care of even toeb 
a poor nation aa Norwa;."— Dr. Buxton't " Note* oo Pfogien." . v 

t 7IUiVia<(«n<A Cmdny.Oct, 18M, p.597; RvportofU.B. Coo. 'I 

oridaeation,lS87-88. Beside* theae, the United Stete* hare Ihirtj- I 

two pttbltc ujlnna fat the bUod aad twaatjr-two (or b*l>l«-iBiBd«d 
drildiea. Men. 

death. Between his acoeMion and the termination of the 
reign of Oeoige III.,aboat onehnndred and thirty-eix were 
added to the nnmber. Of the criminal statutes of Great 
Britain, Sir Samnel Romilly said : " I have examined the 
codes of all nations, and oars is the worst, and worthy 
of the anthro|H>pIiagi." As for the prisons, they were 
what Macaaky called them, simply " hells on earth." 

The first reform in the criminal code of English-speak- 
ing peu]>le began in Pennsylvania, having been ordered 
in the State Constitution of 1770, and this was followed 
by a ])enitentiary built at PhiUdolphia in 1780, through 
the influence of the Friends. The method of confine- 
ment in this institution is known as the Pennsylvania 
system. It consists of absolute solitary imprisonment, 
in which the convict is shut off from all human compan- 
ionship. New York followed, in 1707, with a new penal 
code and a new penal system. At first, the solitary 
Pennsylvania plan was tried, but this was found to en- 
tail serious physical and mental evils upon the subjects. 
Finally, at Anbum prison there was introduced, in 183S, 
the system of solitary confinement at night, with congre- 
gated silent work by day. This is known as the Auburn 
system, and has been more generally adopted through- 
oat the civilized world.* 

In Great Britain, despite the labors of the noble How- 
ard, Elisabeth Fry, and others, there was no real prison 
reform until after 1831. In that year a committee of 
the House of Commons was appointed to investigata 
the whole subject, and shortly afterwards it sent a rep- 
resentative, Mr. Crawford, across the Atlantic to exam- 
ine the prisons of America, whteh just at that time had 

~* « A Hdf Cntarjr with JbtmOI* IMiaqaMta," b; a K. PdMS^ 
D.D. (K«« York, ISW), IK *1. 

■Dim w iinnM * *r 

been higUy pniied by diatinguuhed travellen from 

FnuHM.* Upon his ratara, in 1834, Mr. Crawford nuda . C| 

an able and exhauitive report, which attracted wide at- ^'^U 

tention. The result waa the introduction into England 

of the American priion system, upon both the Pennsyl> 

Tania and the New York model. 

But America has done more than to give model peni- ' 
tentiary systems to tiie Old' World. One of the great- 
est evils of the former prisons consisted in the huddling " \ 

together of all ages and classes — the young with the old, ^ 

the child guilty of his first offence with the habitual :l 

criminal, grown gray in crime. In the removal of this '- '.,» 

moral leprosy New York led the way by establishing, | 

in 1824, a House of Refuge for juvenile delinquentaf 4 

By the laws of the state magistrates were, and ever 
since have been, authorized to send to this reformatory 
institution all minors convicted of trivial offences, and 
even those guilty of felony if under sixteen yeaia of 
■g«. There they are taoght trades, are educated to hab> 
its of industry and thrift, learn that they have friends i;"f 

who cara for their welfare, physical and spiritual, and | 

the result has been that a large proportion of the in- j > v: 

mates have been permanently reformed. In 1828, Penn- / - :'K 

■ylvania fdlowed the examine of New York, and in the 

• » Tbtn eu Im liUl* doobt,* Mjrf • wriier in the " EncjclopadU 
Mtaaniea " (trticle " Priion DiKipliM "),•• thtt this committee, Uk« 

eveiy one Ju*t then, wi* greatly ttmelc hy tlie miperiar method of ...-.v; 

priaon cliicipliDe panned in the United State*. The beet Americsn '": 

priion* had recent); been vhiited by two eminent Frenchmen, MM. ■'<';. 

Beaumont and De Toeqaeville, who ipoke of them in term* of iIm X 

highert praia*. It wu with the ol>}ect of appropriating what waa .ri: 
bart in tin American *T*tem that Mr. Crawford waa despatched acroM 

lbs Atlaatio on a (pccial miaaion of iaquiiy." ; .,^; : 

tMM«fy«Jt(*im,1886,p. S««. ' . ''v# 

■ ■ . ' ■ '■■-■■ -'W 

as raa rtlmui a aouuira, bisuhd, amd awuka 

next forty yean over twenty limiUtr inititutiona were 
eatftbliahed in the United States, which, in that time, 
gathered within their walla from forty to fifty thoa- . 
■and criminal or imperilled children. From America 
the ay stem baa spread to Europe, and is now almost 
nniversaL* As the result of this kind of work, the com- 
mitments of female vagrants in the city of Now York 
fell off tram S8S0 in I860 to 9535 in 1886, although in 
that time the population nearly doubled. The commit- 
ments of young girls for petit htroeny were diminished 
from 044 to 243, and those of males from 2030 to 1950. 
Since 1853 one association in New York, the Children's 
Aid Sodety, has found homes in the West for some 80,000 
IMnoDS, most of them ontoaat, neglected, and orphan 
children, of whom over ninety-five per cent, have turned 
out well.f England established her first public institu- 
tion for juvenile offenders under the act of 18544 

We have now reviewed most of the important institu- 
tions which may be oonsklered peculiarly American — 
that is, such as are found in this country, and not in all 
other countries claiming to be civilised. In our freedom 
from a State Church, the principle of equality underly- 
ing onr whole system, in our written constitutions, the 
organization of our Senate, the power of our Supreme 
Court, onr wide-spread local self-government, and oar 
m^hods of transmitting and alienating land, we find, 
even to-day, the moat radical differences between Amer- 
ica and the mother country ; while we also find that we 

•"A Hsir Centary with Jarailla D«Uik|U«bU." Tbe euMO* of 
18W (hows timt then an bow Id the United SUtet aboat lUtjr of 
tlMnJuTcnileicfomiatorlei. Osium BollctiD No. 78. 

t Sec Report of Society for ISM, p. IT. 

(Bm yiiuUtittk CmtMry, Jul, 1887; "Prina OiMipliae,'' bf 
Lnrd Morton. 

ftmoa <» uauoiM urn N 

b«T« been leaden, and not foUowera, in thoae inatita- 
tiona where a resemblance now eziata, auch aa oar »yt-^ 
tern of popular education, freiwlom of religion, freedom 
of the press, the secret ballot, and the vast machinery of 
public cbariuble and reformatory worii. 

There still remaina one subject to be considered in thia 
ooonection, oar American system of law, which is aaa- 
ally regarded aa of English origin. To some persona, 
especially tboae of the legal profeaaion, this topic seems 
of great iiuportanoe ; they call crimea by English namea, 
use English phrases in their legal docnmenta, read Engi 
liab law-books, and are inclined to argue, from the atand- 
point of their studiea, that we must be an English race, 
beeauae we inherit the inestimable legacy of the Com- 
mon Law. 

The question aa to our legal system haa been already 
discuBsed, so far aa relatea to the most important sab-: 
jeota with which goTemments ever attempt to deal; 
that is, feligion through the Church, education throngfa 
the printing-press, means of subsistence through the land, 
and the development of manhood through Kjcal self-gor- 
emment. Compared with the law upon these subjects, 
which Englatad certainly did not transmit to us, the ralea 
by which stat«s or individuals transact their ordinary 
business are bat minor matters. 

Aa for the machinery of justice in America, some feat- 
urea of it are important, for they have served to shape 
the national character ; sueh are trial by jury, the ri^t 
of accused persons to be defended by counsel, and the 
employment by the State of special officers for the pros- 
ecution of criminals. These may bo regarded aa insti- 
totiona ; and, as they are not common to all countries, 
their origin is on that account noteworthy, and will 
newTe oonaideration in another place. Bat Um botlj 


;^ ■'■- 

W Tin miTAii n muur^ hnlmio, ahd ambka 

of mnnicipal lair, trbioh layi doivn hiIm of action for 
the common aflFain of life, standi on a different baaia. 
Among all civilized nations, althuogh different names 
may be employed, the name crimes are punished, and in 
much the same manner; the same principles of law pre- 
vail in business matters, and there is but little rarianoe 
in their modes of application. The question of the ori- 
gin of these rules as they exist to-day in the United 
Htatcs is, however, an interesting one, and, if not of in- 
trinsic importance, its discussion will threw a si^light 
on some other material subjects. 

Apart from the great differences already noticed, and 
some others which will be specifically pointed out here- 
after, the legal systems of England and America are 
much alike. But this alone does not prove that Ameri- 
can law is of English origin, any more than it would 
prove it in regard to the Decalogue, which we alao have 
in common with our kin across the aea. The latter, al- 
though read by most Americans only in King James's 
verrion of the Bible, far antedates the birth of England, 
and so does much of what we somewhat loosely speak 
of as En^isb law. Most of this law is a transplanted 
growth, very little, except the decayed or stunted shoots, 
having tpnmg from British soil. Bone of it has come to 
us by the way of England— that is, through the decisions 
of her judges and the writings of her commentators — 
but even the amount of this is often overestimated. We 
■peak of English law as of English agriculture and Eng- 
Ikh manufactures, little realising at the time how all of 
the three have changed sinoe America was settled. As 
to the law, the change, though gradual, has been almost 
A rwolntioB.* 

* "Aa leeimat of th* giowtb and dnclopoMat of oar Ugml (Tdssi 

m ooLonm onouD to nsun uv tl 

Snoli of the eariy wttlen of America aa came from 
England were so opposed to the whole legal machinery 
which they left behind them, that in lome of the colo- 
niea hwyen were not permitted to ptaotiae their pro- 
feiaion. Any one who reads the State Trials of the 
time of Elizabeth and the Btaarta will nnderstand their 
abhorrence of the English mode of administering crimi- 
nal law. Bj^t, apart from this, they disliked the whole 
civil jarispmdenoe of their native land, regarding it aa 
onmbroos, intricate, unjust, a snare for the unwary and 
a weapon for the knave. Well might they entertain 
luoh opinions, for probably they were founded on their 
own bitter experience. Few things in the history of 
England, during the last half of the sixteenth and the 
first part of the seventeenth century* are more remaric- 
aUe than the prevalence of litigation, the growth and 
wealth of the lawyers, their chicanery, and the abuses 
of the courts.* The system was sbch that justice, even 
when there was honesty among the judges, was almost 
utterly lost sight of in a jungle of technicalities, worthy 
of the eariy schoolmen. The American colonists gener- 
ally supplanted this system with codes, many of the ]»o- 
vWons of which were not borrowed from Enghind, all 
having the merit of simplioity and being based on plain 
prinoi{de8 of ju8tioe.t 

is psfhap* the matt uitgratiy dwiImI oiT-all sddHiOBi to EngUili 
kBowMge." — Sir Hmxy tUinc, "The EmtI; HUtory of IiMtita- 
tlont" (Hcnrj Holt, 1888^^ p. Sti. BccODeMt," IlUtof theKogliih 
CoMtUotloa,'' il. S81,ii to tbs wutof s work on the bUtor; ofKng- 
lUi law in the eighteenth oenMuy.wbea the UMit rapid ehangee took 
plaee in some deputment*. 
• Bee Hell'e " Boeietf in the BIlMlMthu Age." 
t The early codes of Menerhniette and Connecticut sie oo i 
iaipertaBt points nan thsa s eaatoty ia sdTaoee of the law ia 1 


M m rvmAM m ■ouuro, wnLum, and aiobica 

' As the ooloniM grew, their jariiprndenoenataralljde- 
relented with them, and after tUey became independeat 
•tatea this deTelopment waa mnoh mora rapid. Ne«r law 
was reqai/ed to meet new conditions of society. Somis- 
times the want was supplied by enactments of the Lcgis- 
llktare, at others by what Bentham aptly called judge- 
made law, the creation -of the coarts. The result is that 
the legal system of America has changed abaut as much 
in the last two oentories as the face of the ooantry itself. 
In England, too, the same change has been going on, in 
much the same directions, and from the same causes. 

Some of the admirers of the old Common Law, who re- 
gard it as the perfection of human reasoning— perhaps 
upon the tbeoiy that knowing it to be ngly they think 
it must be great — tell iu that all this seeming transforma- 
tion ir unreal, that there has been only a development 
of original principles, and that the seeds of all our mod- 
em system were contained in the earliest jurisprudence 
of the English race. Such a view of the facts ignores 
all the Continentid inflaences which have affected the 
institntionB of England, and to a much greater exteat 
those of the United States. To show how this effect hu 
been produced is the main object of the present work, 
and to its general discnssion the subject of the law mi^^t 
make a fitting prelude. 
' En^iid and America hare, t»day, much the 

Isad. Cromwall, wlui had studMi law, sad tb« otlMr leadlaf awa 
oftb* ComnwDirMUh wera sloKM u maoh oppoaad to the Iaw7«i 
at tha ooloDitt* themMWn. They wished to •ImpUty tba law, bat 
the lawyen, a* a clan, oppoeed thU aail erer; other rrlbna. Thay 
flouriahed on atinwe Cromwell reganled them not aolj aa compt, 
bat as among the wont enemiee of libert j. Ilaamei'a " Sir Reniy 
VaDe," p. its. I shall show hereafter what atttmpts were made 
r tba Oouranwaalth to leCscm tha law. 

■MUM uw n otmoA m 

hgal principle!, bat they are the nuna beoame deriTecl 
in largo meuore from a oommon foreign loaroe, the Ro- 
man Ciril Law. It ia to Rome that we are indebted for 
almoat all of our aystem of equity and admiralty ; oar 
lawa relating to the administration of estates and the 
<iure of minors, the rights of married womeu, bailment!, 
and, to a huge extent, oar whole system of oommeroial 
law. Of the old Common Law of eariy times, the syt- 
tern of a race of barbarians, very little now remaina. 
How this has been brought aboat is a very sim)ile story. 
It must be borne in mind that the men who conquered 
the Britons and founded England were pagan savages, 
the rudest of their race, and least tinctured with the oir- 
ilication of Rome. Cut off from the Continent, when 
much of the old civilization still survived, the descend- 
ants of these men lingered on in barlnrism, long after 
some of their brethren across the Channel. As for the 
law of the conquerors, it was such as might be expected 
from such a souroe. They knew and oared little aboni' 
legal principles. Quite early they established the do&.' 
trine, oommon to all rude nations,* that what some chief 
or judge had decided years before, however monstroot 
or unjust, must be followed by his successors. This 
made memory take the ptaoe of reason, a substitution 
never entirely reversed among their descendants, either 
in legal or political discussions. But if there was Uttle 
reason, there was enough reasoning to take its place. 
This, however, was of the same character as that which 
prevailed in the early universities, where words were 
everything and principles of small account. Under this 
system there grew up a jurisprudence cumbrous, compli- 
cated, and annatural, which in many of its features will 

• Bw lUias'i « AadMit Law." 


M m nmrrAx » mavuKO, amuim, ttm aiouca 

only excite amaxement and deriiicm aniong our dMoand- 
aaU a few generatioiu henoe. 

Still, there waa one link between En^and and tba 
Gontiaent; that waa the Romiah Choroh, which waa ioua , 
re««tabIiaho(l. Thia brought in foreign ecoleaiaatica, and 
fortunately aome of tbem had a knowledge of the law of 
Rome. They not only fostered its study in the ooU^gea, 
bat, obtaining judicial power as chancellors, where it 
was possible, and against the bitter oppoaition of the 
other judges, they adopted its nu>re enlightened prinoi- 
plea in the courta, building up what is known as the sys- 
tem of equity, to correct the cmditiea, injustice, and ab- 
surdities of the Common Law. When EUigland in time 
baoame a commercial and manufacturing country, and 
was brought into contact with her more advanced ndgb- 
bort, the process wait on further. The nations of the 
Continent hod formed their jurisprudence on the Civil 
Law : it was taught in their universities, and became the 
basis of all commercial dealings. Hence it was that with 
the development of her commerce and manufacturea 
England absorbed more and more of the law of aneiettt 

As to the character <^Jf(t» l*^t let us call a few mod- 
em witnesses. Cbonceildi^&ent says of the Pandects of 
Justinian that, with all their errors and imperfections, 
they " are the greatest repository of sound legal prinoi- 
plea applied to the private righta and business of man- 
kind that has ever appeared in any age or nation."* Sir 
George Bowyer says : " The corpus of civil law is a jo- 
ridioal oompiUtion which contains the wh<de science of 
JnTispradence."t Roby adds that the Civil Law of Bona 

, /^: : > •• iDtrodnedOB to tb* Btady of the avfl Uw.* f. Ik 


nmuaicB ov m cira uw m 

is U>4my the prinoipal Moroe of priTate law ia all Um 
eiviUMd oountriM of tbe world.* 

"Samitnr uMqae jot Ronutnum non tmtioM imperii 
Md imperio nitioiiii."t 

It wu upon thia foandation tlut Orotitu, of Holland, 
boUt np the modim ■yft«m of international law. No 
one needs to be told that it wai froiv the law of Rome 
that Lord Mamfleld, in the laat oentnry, borroired the 
prinoiplM which, though they excited the indignation 
oi Junius, have given to his name an imperishable 
mown as the father of Eng^ commercial jurispm- 
Within the present century the assimilation baa 
k going on more rapidly then ever. Much of the re- 
nk, in America, is doe to the elTorta of Judge Story, 
whose text-books are fliled with illustrations and ptin- 
dples borrowed from the Civil Law. But the Work has 
been progressing in all directions. Looking at our legal 
system today, it can be said that most things in it con- 
sistent with natural justice come from Rome, and that 
its inoongroous, absurd, and unjust features are a sur- 
Tival of old English customs and English legislation. 

Such statements as to the influence of tbe Civil Law 
npon the jnrisprudenoe of England and America may 
seem novel to some readers ; but the whole subject of tbii 
inflaenoe of Rome upon modem society is comparatively 
new. From th«r early training, in school and college, 
naay persons are inclined to regard tbe literature and 

• Bob}*! " Introdnetion to Jnttiaiw'a DigMt." 

t Swslw PhilUiBort't " lolrmluctioo to the Btuil; ofRomMi Uw,^ 
•■d "PriTata L*w aniong tha RomMu." Bir Henrjr Shina Myi of. 
it : •• Tha Roosa Uw, which, naxt to tba Clirlititui icIiKion, U tha moat 
piaotlftil aourca of tha nilat govarning tetml eoadiict througboat 
Waatcn Earopa."— "Tlia Earlj Hiatot; of InatituUoiu " (Haaiy 
Holt,lamx^•l il«>lUias't''AaeiaatUw," 

nmtnui ni mouAn, 



tlM hiitorjr of Oreeoe and Rome m lUiMling on the i 
bMb in thflir relktkMit to modern life : Uist <rf .impor- 
tanon to the whobuTiand of inaigniflonnoe to the •o-cnUed 
nun of practical affairs. Thia is a great miatake. ~ We 
■peak of the author* of Oreeoe and Rome as equally the 
olaatica, and are inclined to regard the language, inati- 
tationa, and hiftoiy of each country aa equally dead. 
In fact, they are all living, but in a very different apbera 
of action. It baa been well nid that no Ungnage sbonld 
be oalMd dnul which innbalms liTing tliongtfts. From 
thia point of view the Greek will never die, for it is the 
language of poetry, philosophy, and eloquence. In these 
dapaitments it reigna snprem^, and here the Komaa 
. tongoe can bear no oompariaoa with it. Haaee it was 
that in the revival of leaning the Greek olaiaka pinyed 
so great a part as r»oivilisera of the world. 8ome per- 
sons think tliat their mission is now aocompliahed, and 
that for the future they may be relegated to the special- 
iiti, with the aothon of India or Egypt. Whether this 
iasoornotweneednotherediscasa; I deaire now simply 
to call attention to the fact that the Uteratare and hi*-' 
tory of Rome occupy a very different position. The 
Greeks were poets, artists, philoaophers ; the Romans 
were essentially practical men, men of action, arohiteola 
of empirea, law-given, moulders of institutions. 

From the historic life of Greece the modem worM it 
cat off as by a broad deep sea, although one underiaid 
with electric cables snob aa now bind the continents 
together. From Rome, however, there is no such sever- 
ance. When the bariwrio hordes swept over the Conti- 
nent of Earope, in one sense Rome went down, bat i» 
another she snnrived, for she absorbed the oonqnerors, 
gave them her language and lawa, and hugely shaped 
(htir imtitotiona. " AU roads lead to Rome," says the 

■HOI Am woamm nvnauTioii ir 

old motto, Mid htotoriMW are beginninf to fnlly »ppra- 
data, M Praenuui baa pointad oat, that in modern hiatory 
aO roada alao dtrerge from the Eternal Oity. 

So long as the oentnriM irhich loooeeded the domtfall 
at Rome were regarded oa period* of almoat sbfimal 
dariineaa, aharpij dividing ancient from modem civilixa- 
tioB and thns unworthy of the attention of the acholar, 
thia connection waa of ooarae nnreoogniied. In fact, in 
onr achool lyitenu the study o' Roman history formerly 
MMled with the foundation of the Empire. As for Oib- 
bon, whoae magnificent work, althoagfa incomplete and 
oorreoted in many plaoea by later inveatigations, still 
staada as a Tast monument of erudition, it was the 
fitfhion to regard the anthor as an enemy of religion, 
and hia hiatory as a book to be kept from the hands of 
the immature. The result has been that the past gen- 
eration bad, in general, but vague notions of the Tioman 
Empire, regarding it as the home of tjrranny and universal 
Qormption, and ita barbarian raooeaaon as something 
like a devastating flood which swept away all that the 
world had ever known of law, order, and civilisation. 

One of the chief instruments in removing this erro- 
naons impression has been the study of the Roman htw, 
•■ oarriad oa in the Gontinental universities. For many 
yean it was beUered that the Pandects of Justinian had 
been loat for oenturiea, and were only discovered at 
Amalfl in 1187. This theory has been thoroughly ex- 
pktded, and the fact eatabliahed that they were never 
kMt, bat were always studied and became the chief fac- 
tor in moulding the jariqmtdenoe of the new kingdoms 
of the Continent.* The other theory, that Rome, under 

•«HMai7sr ths BooMuiLaw dariaf the XUdls AfH^" Ifc^i 
•wlgar . . .-;....-■■■•■■.- 


m m nmni» a muum, aNUuin, and jMoaoA 

the Empire, wu the (Mipool of oomiptk» depicted hy 
WNiie of iier historiani and MtiiiiU hu alao been ihown 
to be anfonoded.* 

The Roman Uw took iu form nuUnly in the firat three 
OMitariee of the Empire. A portion of thi* period ia 
deeoribed by Gibbon, in Ungnage of great kignifloance, 
M the worid'a true golden age.f 
~^hoee were what we call heathen timea, bnt it must 
Iw remembered that, before thie kw was codified for 
future generations, Rome hsd aooepted Christianity, and 
under its iniluenoe great and beneiioial changes had 
> been introduced, chief among which were those reUt- 
ing to the rights and position of women and mincws. 
Ia the sixth century, from 5il9 to Mi, Justinian gatb- 
•red up all that was considered Yalnable in the old and 
Mw systems, and gave to the world the compilations 

* "HUorr of Bona and the Ronaa fi'iit,'' Vtetor I>usr,TL 
»W, etc. 

t " If * man were called upon to Ak tbe period in tb* history of 
Iba world dnriag which tlia ooadition of tha human race wai moat 
li^py and proapcroos, be woaUl witboat healtation name that which 
•lapaed ftom the death of Domitlan to tlie aeccaaion of Commodua. 
The Taat eilent of the Roman Empire was goremed bj abaofnta 
power under the gdidance of rirtoe and wiadooi. Tbe anaiai were 
reatiained b; the Arm bat gentle hand of Bra aacceaalre cmpcrora, 
Whoie character and autboritjt commanded inrolanlarj reapeet. 
The forms of the ciril administration were oareftiUy pmerred by 
Kerra, Tnjan, Hadrian, and tbe Antonioes, «bo delighted in 11^ 
image of libertj and were pleased with coasideilng tbeuaelrei aa 
tba accountable minlateia of the lawa."— Gibbon, rol. L chap. ill. 
Baa as to Trajan's time, the Letlen of th4 jonnger Pliny. One of 
theae emperors, Harcua Aurelius Antoninna, has left ibr paatcrity Ilia 
ideas as to lib and Ita conduct. Nowhere ttn a nobler philosophy 
ba found, Inculcating, aa it doea, sslf.ooatral, self-abnegation, beMT- 
olence, charity, and tolcraiioa. 

na oiTiL LAW Am m ooimoii uw M 

whktb, «Ter Mnoeitndied apon the Continent, have been 
the delight and wonder not alone of the jnriit, bat of 
the philoeopher ud moratlit aa welL What oompari- 
■on oonld be expected, when men put aiide their petty ' 
prejodiow, between inch a Byitem and that of the nn- 
oultnred pagan wnigea who laid the foundation of the 
English Common Law I From thetw inggeetiona the 
reader who ia not a lawyer can periiapa nnderatand why 
i| ii that Amerioan ■tndenti who deaire to obtain a pro- 
found knowledge of jarisprudenoe go to Germany to 
■tndy the CivU Law.* 

•Tlia naproAaioiul reader esn Mareely apprceUt* tb« rapid ^ 

changca in our legal qrttem bow in prograa, maintj attribatable 
to the fitct that we hare cat loon ttom Knji^nd, ih>m Englhh mode* -< 

of thobght and eoanea of atndy. At the MOth annivenar; of Har- 
vard College, Judge Ollrer Wendell Iloroea, Jr., of Maaaachuaetti, 
made a notaMe addreaa before the Law School Aaaociation. Speak- 
ing of Judge 8tor]r, win waa a great student of the Ciril I«w, and 
wlio, be laid, haa done more than any other Engliih-qieaking ms^ 
in tbia century to make tlM law Inminooa and easy to nnderttand, 
lie remarked : " But Story'a almple phitoaophising haa eeaaed to lat- 
iafy men'a mlnda. I think it might be mid with aafety that no man 
of bia or of the laecflediDg generation could bare ataled the law in a 
form that deterred to al>ide, becaun neither bia nor the tucceeding 
generation poaaeaaed or could bare poaaeased the historical knowl- 
edge, bad made or could bare made the analyses of principlea, which 
are neceaaary before the ordinal doetrinea of the law can be known 
•nd undentood in tbdr precise contours and in tlieir innermoat 

" Tbia new work i^ mw lieiBg done, Under tlw infloenee of Oer- 
many, science is gradually drawing legal history into its aphete. The 
lacts are being scrutinized liy eyes microscopic in intensity and pan- 
oramic in acope. At the same time,' under the influence of our re- 
rired interest in pbiloaopbical specuUtion, a thousand heads are an- 
alydng and generaliaing the rules of law and the ground on which 
tltay iMad. The taw baa got to be stated orer again, and I Ttataie 

TO TBI rvuriJi ni aoiuinii Mmajma, mb AtamtBA 

Hotr America hao led En^juid in wnne of tb« i 
■alient l^gal reform* c»n be Men from » few eumplea. 
When the Amerioan State* adopted their Bnrt ooMtito- 
tiona, fire of them oonUimd a prorieion that every 
penon aooaied of crime was to be allowed coudmI for 
bit defence. The same right wai, in 1791, granted for 
all America in the lint amendments to the Conrtitution 
of the United States. This woold seem to be an ele- 
montaiy principle of justice, but it was not ad<^>ted in 
England until nearlj half a oentory later, and then only 
after a bitter struggle, to which I shall refer hereafter. 
Somewhat akin to this is the reverse principle prevail- 
ing in the United States that in criminal triab the gov- 
ernment shall in every ooonty be represented by a special 
pnblio prosecutor, generally oalled a district attorney. 
Nothing of this kind is known in England, even at the 
present day, although the introdootion of the system has 
been frequently advocated by the highest authorities. 
The last American reform in criminal law is that of 
aUowing prisonan to testify in their own behalf. Thia 
is also now advocated in England.* 

In civil matters, the greatest reform of modem times 
has been the sim|dification of ]mK3edure in the courts, 
and the virtual amalgamation of law and equity. Ilere 
again America took the lead, through the adoption by 
New Toik, in )M8, of a Code of Practice, which has 
been fdlowed by most of the other states of the Union, 
and in its main features has lately been taken up by Eng^■ 
land. In the same manner havu come about the reforms 
in the laws relating to married women, by which a whole 

to ay tb(t in ttlj jettn «• thill hive it in i fona of which do msn 
eonld hire dreimed Shy ;ein igo." 
* 8m irtiols \tj Joftici J. F. Stephia, Sintltnlk CtMtwf, Oet., 

m uuL nuxoiPAnoii or mnuoi 71 

MX hM bMn emuioipftt«d. According to the old Eng^ 
Uih theory, a womkn wm k chattel, all o( whose property 
bdonged to her husband. He oonld beat her u he might 
a beaat of harden, and, provided that he was not guilty 
of what would be cnudty to animals, the law gave no ;.j ; ;l 
redrsM. In the emancipation of women Mississippi led 
off, in 1889, New York following with its Married Wom- 
en's Act of 1849, which has been since so enlarged and 
extended, and so generally adopted by the other states, 
tbkt, for all porposes of business, ownership of propniy, 
and claim to her individual earnings, a married woman . .-/^ 

is to<)ay, in America, as independent as a man. In some ( i.:\| 

respects we are still behind the Continental nations of -; ..'t; 
Europe, which recognize the oneness of man and wife by ' 

providing that a husband shall not will away his prop- 
erty from the woman who has aided in its acquisition. 
That law, and the further one that a man shall not dis- 
inherit his children without just cause, both derived from 
the jurisprudence of Rome, will come in time ; but for 
no such reforms, either past or preaenit, need we look to 
English precedents. 

With the law we may oloae for the preaent our com- 
parison of English and American institutions. The 
contrast between them is so striking that the deriva- 
tion of one from the other seems almost incredibla 
Nor is this contrast the result of any recent change in 
Mther coantry. . As we have seen, it reaches back to 
the first settlement of New England, and has devek>ped 
■fani^y on its original lines. Here the spirit of the insti- 
tutions has always pointed to equality and the elevation 
of all classes through the nuushinery of the government 
In England, on the other hand, wiUi rare exceptions un- 
til very modem times, the government has been conduct- 
ed in the interest of the so«aUed upper classes—that is, 

•, .■«;;. 



the few penong whose anccston took poaseuion of the 
land, the church, the machinery of the oourta, the legis- 
latnre, a^tid the executive, and thane who, in kter days, 
, have acquired wealth by trade.* The people have never 
been recognized, except for the few yean when the Pn- 
ritang held away. The sinking fact to^ay is, that the 
masse* are rising up, and are bound to make their long^ 
buried grievances acknowledged. The new England to 
be evolved from the comiilg change may not be so p»t- 
nresque; for vast estates and lordly oastles, set off by 
moes-oovered noisome hovels and troops of beggars, do 
certainly form picturesque objects in a landscape ; but 
the general happiness, the object gf modem civiliza- 
tion, may bo the gainer.f 

Much we owe to England, and the debt will never be 
ignored or outlawed. We have her vigorous language, 
are sharers of her noble literature, have many of her 
customs and. modes of thought, and claim to inherit 
some of her indomitable energy, practical sagacity, hab- 
its of organization, and general love of fair play and' 
open speech. In little things, too, often regarddtNu 
peculiar to America, we are only preserving old Eng- 
lish forms and customs. For example, when a i'igi- 
lance committee in the South or West decorate an ob- 
noxious stranger with a coat of tar and feathers, they 

* One of thew ran exceptioni ocetuicd in the reign of Henry Tin., 
irlio, trawerer he may luTe trampled on the rich and powcrfh], en- 
dcaied himtelf to the people at large, to an extent which tlie pres- 
ent generation (Idd it difficult to underttand, hy hit protection of the 
poor. Goeiit'i " Hiit. of the Engliah Constitotion," ii. 187. 

f The coming change in England will prohably be a peaceAil one, 
for the practical Knglishmen, nnlilce lome of their neighbon, haTS 
a happy faculty of tolTing political proMemi when their aolutioo 
becomei imperatiTe, 

ouon or uoduoam uhiiiuh oiw 11 . 

are only exercising a fonn of English hospitality prao- 
tiled in the seventeenth centmy.* When the Yankes 
Mji "I gness," he ii bnt ^ing the English of Chaa- 
oer and Shakeapeare.t So when he speaks of "fall" in- 
stead of autumn, he is following Dryden4 In calling ' ^>'. 
a person "homely" instead of plain, he has the war- :. 
rant of Milton.g 80 " whittle " is found to be old ; I 
" slick "also,1^"frB«het,"»« and many other so^salled 3; 
Americanisms. ■'■'$', 

There is no danger of the reader's nndereatimating tb« 
inflaenoe of England upon America, or the great virtues 
of the English people. Bat these subjects, important as 
they are in themselves, have no bearing upon the quea- 
tion which I have undertaken to discuss — the origin 
of our republican institutions. These institutions have ?§' 

moulded, and will serve hereafter to mould, the na- 
tion's life. The questions how and whence they came 
to America should interest not alone the scholar, but 
every one who cares for the future of his country. The 
past holds for us something beyond the mere pleasure ' 
of a romance. It lays before us as a lesion the experi- ' 

• Int to LoweU'i " Biglow Pkpen," toI. U. 
t "Oftwenty jcnoftge li« wu,IgeHc"— CliMosr. 
" Better fiir, I gnns, 
n«t w« do make o«r entrance aerenil waji," 

" lit Part Henrr VI.," act il. K. 1. 
X •* What orowda of patienU the town doctor kilb; 

Or how la«t fUI he railed the weekly billa." 
I ** It b for homeij featarei to keep home. 

The; had their name hence."— Milton, " Comna." 
I In " Hakewlth on ProTidenor," 16t7, giren by Johneon. 
T Died by CtuqfMuan, IMS, Sir Tbomaa Browne, and Fnller. 
*• "AllflihfWMn leaorihore, 

Fnihet or purling brook."— Hilton. 

74 tmi nnuTAtt ra uauum, mtuum, um ammbka 

enoe of other nations ; of those alone who hare tb« h^ " 
gaoity to profit by that ezperienpe can it be laid that 
" hktoriM make men wise." 

The method in which thia nibject haa been heretofore 
generally treated is familiar to every reader, and it ia a 
method which has at least the merit of simplicity, obri- 
ating the neoeasity of all original investigation. Lodc- 
ing bade at Amerioui literature, we find that, to all qnaa- 
lions regarding the orig:m of oar on-Engliah institatioiia, 
theatock-answer has been returned, that they were in- 
vented by those mysterioos and inspired prophetic aoala 
who founded Msssachnsetta. Of all the fabled heroes 
of antiquity, architecta of empires, or benefactors of the 
human race, none, in popular opinion, hare ever equalled 
ia depth of thought and fecundity of invention the plain 
artisans and farmers who crossed the ocean in the Jioff- 
Jhtetr, or those who followed them in the next few yeara. 
What a marvellous maginian's bath the Atlantic must 
have been two centuries aud a half ago, when even a 
Mil MTOiS ita waters could work such miracles 1 If any 
other nation soooeeds in originating a sin^e great in- 
stitution in an ordinary lifetime, it gaina historic fame. 
In this case, the van voyage from England sufficed, we 
are expected to believe, fgrUMivv«ition<rf at least threa 
ioff the first magnitude. 

At the head of the list stands the fNMdbool tyitem Ol 
the United States. For th is claim we have the authority 
of James Bnisell Lowell, who calls it the invention of our 
Puritan ancestors in Massachusetts.* The second is the 
township system. This also originated in the same qua^ 
tw, aooording to Pklfrey, Uie historian of New £n^ 

• Bnsy oa « New KofUuid Two Boadnd Twis Ago," 

kwd.* The thbd it Um qnteai of raoordiag «leeds mad \ 
mortgagM. Thb alw tt ckhned to twre bean deriaed ^ 

in America, presamably in Massachawttawf Aa the Mtn^ 
tlen of New EngUuid oerUinly did poaaen theae imiMm : 
tMit inatitationa, while the Engliahmen at home u oer> 
tainly did not, the inference that they were inrmtod in 
Anraioa ia a natnral one, if we aet out with the aaaamp- 
tioa that EngUnd ia the onlj other ooantrj in the world. 
HoweTsr, a little light ia thrown npon the aabjeot when 
we learn that free achoola exiated, not only among the 
Bomans, bat among the Moora nine centuries ago; that 
the townihip ayatem prevailed in Central Asia probably 
bdora the diaposioD of the human raoe, aad.nowexiaU 
in upper India; and that deeda were recorded in£g3rpt 
long before the Chriatian era. 

Theae are bat apecimena of American inatitationa, 
and aimple illoatntiona of the ordinary mode of dealing 
with their hiatoiy by modem writera, for we may notice 
that oar anoeatora never made aach daima. Some per- 
aona mig^t think that it waa charactariatic Yankee tall- 
talk, indalged in only among nnedncated people, to credit 
their origin to Maaaaohnaetta and to tranaplanted Eng- 
liahmen; bat thia, aa we have already aeen, ia incor- 
rect Moat Engliah and all American hiatoriea hava 
beea written after the aame modaL^ 

t " New Amerieu Cyclopml^'' uticia ■ Kecording* 
) Anolbcr example will illiHtrate thle eren more fu|lj. In IMS, 
Idwaid ETcrett delinred mi ■ddce« in commemoration of the two 
bandRdth (nnirerMrj of the founding of Harrard College. Refer- 
riag to the eppropriation bj the Oeneral Court of MaHacbuMlta of 
th* mm of four hundred pound* tor the eetablithment of that inatt- 
tatioo, be Mid: " I muat appeal to gentlemen uoand me, wlwtbir 
bdbn tiM j«tf 1«M Um7 know of MMli • tU^ ■■ • gnat of BHatgr 


In all this there ia nothing remarkable ; for to penona 
Mcwtomed from earlj education never to look beyond 
Great Britain lor anything American, our inatitations, 
when not reoogniaed aa Engliah, may well aeem to be 
originaL In addition ia the fact that auch a mode of 
dealing with one'a anoeatora baa, until a recent date, 
aeemed patriotic among all nationa. It ia to be hoped, 
howerer, that to the preaent generation, extending ita 
reaearohea in all directiona, theee inatitutiona will not be 
leaa dear or leaa important because found to hare about 
them aome of the halo of repoUioan antiquity, reaching 
back further than the voyage of the immortal UayfimMr. 

We apeak of thia aa t^ " new woiid," bat geologically 
it ia the old. Modem abientiata, in atodying the reoorda 
faniiahed by the rocka, bare diaoorered that it waa in 
being when Europe waa aabmeiged beneath the wavea. 


bjrtheXaglbliHoanof CommoM to foand oreadow ■ plan of ada- 
cation. I think there is no mcb grtnt before tliet period, nor till 
loBg after; and tbenfore I bclieTc it ie ttrictl; within the boonda of 
troth to aaj that the General Cuurt of Mauachutetta, which met in 
Beptember, IMS, ia the flnt bodj in which the people b; their repre- 
antatiTcaeTergaTe their own mone; tn found a place of edacattoa." 

~ The aame kind of langnage waa nied at the SSOth annlTenar; in IDM. 
Ho auch thing being known in Engtend, therefore it never eiiited. 
We ihall aee hereafter how, half a centni; befuie the tioM of which 
Mr. Ererett apoke, th« people of Holland, through their repraaent- 
■tiTea, bad giren all the boildingi and a magnitcent endowamt 
tat the eatabliahment of two Ave univeraitiea, one of which (that of 
Lejtden) ia among the moet diatinguiabed in the world. Many •< 
the men who aettled in Maaaachoaetta came ftom Lryden, and Har- 
vard College itieir waa eatobliahad on land aeltled b; colooiati led 
by Thomaa Honker, a rafligea Eagiiah preacher who had lirad ia 
Holland for three yeara. Strange enongh aoch language aa that of 

. thaOoreraor of Maanchuietts would han aoanded to t^ MMwka 
■at* Um grant af iiur buadrad pouada. 

Mnqonr or AMBBOAH iMmTunom W ,„ 

So of oar ijBtem of gorerament The political moTtf^ 
menu of the bit oentary hare worked such ohangea - ':^|; 

aeroH the ooetn that to^lay the Conatitation of the 
United States is almost the oldest in existence outside 
of Asia, fiat our leading institutions go back much ,-'1 

farther. When historians come to study them, as they 
have studied dynasties, they will find that here also 
Amerioa is the old and much of Earope the new bar- 
baric worid. In the constraotion of the repoblio, our 
fathers had the same advantages which a man of fortune 
possesses who sets out to build a new house. Although 
not rich in goM, they were the heirs of all the wisdom 
of the ages. They were hampered by no old strocture 
t» be modernised, and by no old materials to be pat to 
use. A continent lay before them on which to build; 
the whole world was their quarry, and all the past their 
architects. They showed marvellous skill, wisdom, and 
foresight in the selection of their plans, in the choice of 
their materials^ and in their methods of constrnotion. 
All this is honor enoo^, without endowing them with 
the lamp of an Aladdin or the wand'<rf a magician. 

Taking tbeword in its broad sense, the institutions of >,;. 

America are laij^ly Puritan, so that we mast look to the 
growth of Puritanism to understand their introduction. v p 

Bat when we seek for their origin, we shoakl send our JQ_ 

tboo^ts far beyond the little island of England or the ' j 

narrow confines of Maasaohnsetts. National institntions ; vi;!^ 

art like grsat trees standing in a field, which, though -^ 

sowing only a trunk and branches above the surface, 
li^e another frame as laige spreading through the soil 
Mow. Those of America slielter to<iay over sixty 
niU'.dn people. Their roots are too large to be contained 
in any one small quarter of the globe. 

Two great elements have oontribated to make AmflV> 

T8 m niRAv nf Mi^uint 


kft what it ii: one, the civilization of ancient Rome^ 
with it* genius for goTernment and ita instinct for 
justice and equal rights; the other, the strong wild 
blood of the Germanic race, with its passion for indi- 
vidual freedom, which has given nerve, energy, and 
strength to modem Earopci The first of these elements 
was utterly extinguished in England by the Anglo43axon 
conquest, while the feudal system afterwards came in 
to rob the Qermanic conquerors of many of their earl j 
ideas regarding civil liberty. 

One country alone in Northern Europe was largely 
free from both this devastation and this blight. There 
the civilization of Home was never extinguished, and 
the feudal system took but feeUe root. The foopla 
were of Germanic blood, and preserved more purely 
than any others their Germanic ideas and ingtitutions; 
but engrafted on them were the arts, the learning, and 
the laws derived from communication with civilized 
uid civilizing Italy. To the patriot, to the lover of civil 
and religious liberty, as well as to the student of art and 
science in any land, the history of this republican country 
must always hare a peculiar charm. But, apart from its 
general features, this history is so interwoven with that 
of England and America that any one concerned with 
the past of either of these countries will find it a sabjwl 
of unfailing interest. 

When modem Englishmen set out to write the history 
of their country, they cross the Channel and describe 
the Angles and the Saxons in their early home upon the 
Continent.* That home was so near to the Netherlands 
that the people of Holland and the conquerors of Britaia 

• aMOiMst '•lUkii««rii«lsad,*' BMM^-OaasUtattswa Bis- 

or mnjun to tmi 

•poke mlwUntiaUy the nine langnsfie, and were dmiMl 
ci one blood. To the Eng^mMi, thinking only ot th* 
grentne* of his own Innd, tbit original relationship nwjr 
■eem luffldent honor for a tiny fragment of the earth's 
tmrface not aa hurge u Switieriand, but it is only the 
fint chapter of Uie itory. For hundreds of years in 
later times, and until long after the settlement of Amef' 
ioa, the Netherlands stood as the guide and inatmotor 
of England in almost ererything which hasjnade her 
materially great. When the Reformation came in which ' 
Northwestern Europe was new-bom, it was the Nether- 
lands wbicb led the van, and for eighty yean waged the 
war which disenthralled the souls of men. f >ut of that 
flonfliot, shared by thousands of heroic Englishmen, but 
in whidh England as a nation hardly had a place, Puri> 
tanism was evolved— the Puritanism which gave ita 
triumph to the Netherland Republic, and has shaped tlw 
character of the English-tpeaking race. 

In time, EngUnd came to hate the benefactor to whom 
■he owed so much, and some of her people have repaid 
their debt in a manner not uncommon in such cases. 
Thus, after the Restoration of the Htoarts, and still 
more after the Tory reaction which followed ths 
Berolution of 1088, the political writera about the ooort 
habitually ridiculed the Dutchmen for virtues which 
they could not understand. The republican HoUantier 
thought it a^disgface to have his wife or daughter de- 
bauched by a king or noble. The courtiers aimnt 
Charles 11. viewed this subject differently, and regarded 
the Dutchman as ill-mannered for his want of taste.* 


* Is Holland, when lis puMml part at hhi dayi of atila, Charlw 
Mid hia coartiara vera conitantly and npaoljr nbukgd Sir tbair Ii4aa> 
llout sad pnltgata liaUta. Thatt ntmkca wata aa Uula nUahaA 

N na matAM m tmuLum, wmttm», tarn Mmmaok 

Add«d to thu were the HoUander't raepect for the pri- 
vate rigfata of all cImwm; hia derotum to ait and learn- 
ing; hit love of fair dealing in penonal and in pnblio 
matten ; hi* indmtrjr, frugality ; and, finally, hi* univer- 
■al toleration. A man vrith theae trait* of character, al- 
though *ympathetic with the Engiiah Puritan <>n many 
point*, wa* hardly oomprehenaible to the ruling chwtea 
in England two centnriea and a half aga No one oould 
deny tJie Dutehmen'a oooragei, for they were among the 
boldeat aoldier* and milon that the world ha* ever aoen ; 
but they were not gentlemen from the ariatocratio point 
of view. 

A* for the Engliahmen of the Beitoration, one littla 
incident will illuatrate what they thought high breed- 
ing. Sir William Temple, aa ia well known, waa one 
at the moat elegant and aooompliabed gentlemen at the 
Court of Charlea II.— a wit among the oourtiera, and a 
courtier among the wita." Being aant a* ambaaaador 
to The Hague, he fortunately jotted down aome of hia 
ezperiencea, and among iHhera the following. Dining 
one day with the Chief Burgomaater of Amaterdam, 
and having a aevera cold, he noticed that every time 
he apit on the Hoor, while at table, a tight, liandaome 
wench, who atood in a corner holding a cloth, got down 
on her kneea and wiped it up. Seeing thia, he turned 
to hia boat and apologised for the trouble which he gan^ 
receiving the jocular reaponae, ** It ia well for you that 

■ad ■• little forgiTm by tin " mcrr; moiMrch " h wu the iten dU- 
dpilM to whicli ha wm •talijeeted in Scotland during lih ett\j llh. 
RafOT't "BInrjr of Holland," p. »7; DbtIm, Ui. tS. No rMdif 
BMda to be raminded how many of tha noble Cimlliea of Bagfawd 
aM deeoendad Amn illegitimata Kioaa of rojtalty, aad bow tha; priai 
tkair aaceatry. 
• lUcaalaj's Baaya, " Sir William Tnaplt.* 

nauM umrATBT to tu dotoi n 

ny wife ii not borne, for the would have turned yoo 
\Mit of the house for toiling her floor, although yoo 
are tlie Engliah amhawador." Thia incident, he laya, 
" illnatratee the anthority of women in Holland." tiaX 
it conveyed no otbw leMon to hia mind give* ua a bet- 
tar idea of the manners of the En^iah upper olaaaea 
two centuries ago than pagea of description.* Ilalbun, 
writing of England in the time of Eliiabeth, lays: 
" Hypocritical adnbktion was so much among the vices 
of that age, that the want of it passed for rudeness." f 
It was this form of mdeness in the HoUander, and not 
what would be called bad manners t<Hlay, that was found 
objectionable by the English. 

When wc now remember that England and Holland 
became commercial rivals, and that England has never '' 
■ompled at anything to crush out a competitor, we need 
not wonder at the national prejudioe towards the Dntch- 
man, whose virtues, developed under a republic, were a 
standing protest against a government for the upper 
olaaaes alone. In 1A78, Chancellor Shafteabury, in an 
addreaa to Pariiament, aummed up the whole caae against 
Holland. It was an enemy of all monarchiea, especially 
the English; their only competitor in oommeroe and 
naval power, and the chief obstacle to the universal do- 
minion which England should aim at : IXrlendu etto Car- 
' tkago. Such a government must be destroyed.^ 

Snob, in brief outline, ia the origin of the Engliahman's 
antipathy to the Duteh ; aa antipathy which in great 

• « Menoira at wImI PMnd is Chriitcndom fttim 1*7* to UT*," 
■r WIIUw Tnaplc'i Work*, iL 4M. Be* ■■«> FMHIuun'* •' Ito- 
solvw;" "ObwrratfaHW on tha Low Contrias" lath wL (Uadoa, 
vnt), p. Wt. 

♦ -Ooait. Hht" I. «7T. ^!? 
t "Psrit. HW." veL It. coL 604, dted by DstIm. 

L-6 '. "-'-^'f 




II tn rnuTAM m bolland, noLAini, axd AwnicA 

meanire had led to a g«nend diipwsgvment of thii peo- 
ple, and thns to obscuring the truth of history ; although 
to such an exhibition of national prejudice there hare 
always been iUuatriout exoeptiona.* 

That the American of English descent should, in for 
mer times, have shown some of this prejudice is in no 
ways remarkable, since he knew little of the fucts. Bat 
his indulgence in the di«iiaragement at the present day, 
when all the records are accessible, is a very different 
matter, for it i* to the ooantry of this republican people, 

* WiMt MUM of tlir«bl« EngUihmen of tlw wTentoenth century 
tboQght of them will be *hown in ■ late chapter. A< to tboee of 
modem timei, the lint wliom we tamj notice ii Samuel Itogen, the 
poet He, in the note* tn hit " Italj," ]»;• a high tribute to the 
Dutch Republic, «• luperior to Venice, Mjing tliat it prraluoed 
" not onl; the grcntctt Mamen, but tlie greateat lawjert, the greatett 
pbjniciana, the mnet accompliahed acholari, the mott •Icilftil paint- 
en, and (rtatcsitien aa wi*e ai tlicj were juil." Uallam, an able and 
ecftainly not a pr^udioed Judg«, aaya that Holland, "at the end of 
tlie lixteenth century and for nuuiy yean afterward*, wa* pre-emi- 
nently the litetaiy country of Europe," and all through the aevea- 
teenth century wat the peculiarly learned country alto. The Dutch 
were "a groat peoph), a people fertile of men of rariout ability and 
erudition, a people of tcholara, of theolngiant and philotopher*, of 
roatheniaticiant,of hiatori*ni,and we may add of poet*."-'Hallam*a 
" Literature of Europe," ill. 178, ir. St. Macaulay, writing of the 
period Jutt belbre the Eoglith ivTolution of ISM, rnyt that the atpeet 
of Holland " produced on Englith trtTellert nf that age an Meet 
timilar to the eflect which the firat tight of England now produce* on 
a Norwegian or a Canadian." ** Hiatory of England," chap. ii. Btill 
Aiiler it the tribute of the latt Englith writer upon Holland, a mem- 
ber of Parliament and a ptofcttnr of political economy at Oxford. 
He elaimi tlwt the revolt of the Nethertandt and the tuccei* of Hot- 
land it the beginning of mmlem clTiliialiun, the Dutch, having 
taught Europe nearly ereiything wliicli it know*. "Tlte Story of 
Bolfauid," by Jame* K. Thorokl Rogen, pp. 10, 11. 



tmremtuKm or mnutuom ntron M 

in many re^wcU w like hif own, bat ao different from ' 

Englaml, that he moat turn if he wonid undentand the 
making of the United State*. 

Nor ii it only to the republioans of America or the ';>- 

■tttdenta of the peat that thia country ia of interett. 
The atory of the rise and deTelopment of the Nether- . ^;; 

landa ahould be known to every one who carea about ' f' 

the poIitioU, aooial, and economic qneationa which now 
agitate the world. Does one wiah to aee what local 
aelt-govemment can do for a people, nowhere can he 
find a bett«r example of its strength than in the citiea 
which made up the great NetherlanU liepublio. Does >' 

he, on the other hand, wish to see the weakness uf a 
federation in which tjie general government does not 
deal directly with the citiien, but only with organic ' ; 

bodies of the State ; nowhere, not even in the confed- 
eration which preceded our American Union, will he 
find a better illustration than that afforded by the 
same republic in its early daya. When we turn to 
other queationa, social and economic, a still broader .;t 

field is opened up. The history of this country, when 
rightly understood, probably diaposos of more popular ' ~ 

deluaiona and throws mora light upon the future of 
demooraoy than that of any other country in the wojrid. 
However, aa it has been the interest of the ao-called . \. '" 

upper olaasea to foster these delosions, perhaps we ahould v^: 

not wonder at the little attention bestowed upon this 
history. . •',^ 

What, for example, becomes of the standing argu- I - 

ments for an aristocracy and for men of leisure when 
we turn on them the light from Hcdland? Engliah 
writen are accuatomed to tell na that art and acienoe .^ 

owe their encouragement to the exiatence of the noble '\^' 

orders, and that but for their example fine mannera and 

H Tu nmtTAM n bollaxr BxaLMA add AvnioA 

lofty thought would vanuh from the euth. Nowhara 
can be found a lietter illiutration of the defective rea- 
■oning which draws generul concluaions from insufficient 
data. In England, this hat appeared to be the fact, 
becauie in that country the aristooraoy have largely 
abaorbed the wealth and education which enable men 
to foater art and acienoe. Yet Epgland, until a wry 
recent day at leaat, has done almoat nothing for art, 
and in science and deep scholarship could never be com- 
pared with Ilolland in her palmy daya But II<dland 
owed her preeminence in these departments, not to an 
aristocracy, nor even to a moneyed chias whose inher- 
ited wealth led them to abstain from business. The men 
who sustained her painters and m^usicians, who fostered 
science and broad learning, were the pkin burghers in 
the cities, merchants, and mannfaoturers, men whom 
Queen Elizabeth called "base mechanicals," who all ^ 
worked themselves, and by example or by precept taught 
that labor alone is honorable. In this connection a sin- 
gle incident will show bow mathematics were cultivated 
in the Xetberianda, 

In 1017, a young fWnch soldier, senring in the Datoti 
army, was passing through the streets of Ureda. A 
crowd was gathered on a comer, and he pusheil forward 
to learn the cause of the excitement. Its members were 
all studying a paper poat«d on a wall, and talking about 
its contents. As he did not understand the language, 
he asked a by-stander to translate it for him into French 
or Latin. Th$) paper contained an abstruse mathemat- 
ical problem, which in this way had been suinnitted to 
the public for solution. The soldier obtained his trans- 
lation, went to his quarters, and a few days afterwards 
sent in the correct answer, signed " Desoartea." This 
was the introdnction to the wmid of the greatest pbiks- 


ofhm and matheniAticUn of the age, whoae tramcen- 
dent ability was at onoe recognized in Holland.* Can 
the reader imagine such an occurrence aa thia in the 
England of the Stoarts t A crowd might have gathered 
there to aee a biiU-baiting or a dog-ilght, but never to 
■tqdy a problem in mathematics. 

As for the nobility of character and loftinem of 
thought iuppcaed to be encouraged by an hereditary 
aristocracy, the contrast is no less striking. When Elis- 
abeth sent a little army to the Netherlands to assist in 
the war with Spain, there was hardly one of her cap- 
tains, no matter how high his rank, who did not swin- 
dle in his puy-rolls, until Prince Maurice detected and 
stopped the fraud.f As for the nobles at homcy under 
Elisabeth and her successor, many of them who bore the 
most illustrious names, and occupied the highest social 
position, were theu, like their descendants for genera- 
tions afterwords, always up for sale. They took bribes 
from every quarter, even from the enemy, and never 
seemed to'suffer in the public estimation when detected.^ 
How, during the war in the Xetherlamia, some of her of- 
ficers sold out the fortresses camroitte<t to their charge, 
and how Elizabeth herself was always attempting to 
betray her Protestant allies, we shall see hereafter. 

Turning now to Holland, republican Holhind, the 
country of the " base mechankals," the opposing record 
is a very brief one. Never in war or peace, though 
Spain was lavish of promises and a master of corrup- 
tion, waa a native Hollander bought with g(dd.g The 

* "John d« Witt," by Jubm Oaddet, p. UL 
t Hotky'i " Vsitad NatliertUH]< HL 98, M. 
t IbM.,iv.4M,«te. 
I VnW* •* HollMid," U. M& 

'UK m woLum, nouxn, amb taamek 

Dutch offloiali were of a obua very diiferent from that 
encountered at the English Court. When, in 1608, the 
Spaniih ambaMadon were on their way to negotiate a 
treaty at The Hague, they law eight or ten penooa Und 
from a little IxNtt, and, sitting down on the graas, make 
a meal u( bread and cheese and beer. " Who are them 
travellers f said the Spaniards to a peasant. " They ara 
the deputies from the States," he answered, " our sor- 
ereign lords and masters." " Then we must make peace," 
they cried ; " these are not men to be conquered !"* 

It was not alone upon the land, nor araung the upper 
classes, that we mark tho contrast between the English 
and Dutch ideas of otttcial honesty. In 1656, two Span- 
ish treasure -ships were captured by Cromwell's nafy. 
They were said to have contained about a million ster- 
ling, but when brought into port two thirds of the booty 
was missing, having been stolen by tho offioem and men. 
One captain, it was reported, secured altout sixty thou- 
sand pounds-t In 10S7, the Dutch navy had abo capt- 
ured a Spanish treasure-fleet, containing silver and gold 
valued at over twelve million florins.^ Bringing his 
price into port and having turned over all the treasure 
to the government, I'eterson Ueyn, the a«lmiral, who 
had begun life as a common sailor, was asked t«> name 
his own reward. He answered thai he wished for no re- 
ward in money, having only done his duty to the State ; 
but that he wouM like permission to rrtire to private 

• VolUira, qnottd ia " NotM to Rogwi'i Italj." 

t Gntoot'i "Croawell," p. am 

t About s Billion tterUnf. 

I DsTin'txHoHud," it. STX Rs was aol ptnaittid la Ntirs, 
bat WM intdc licutnunt •dmiiml, uid two jnn Uter di«| glori- 
•asty ia bstUt. Ha wwbniMI st I>(Ut,MwWIIUunorOnuig«. 


Snob men m thMe,Trho were not exceptional, bat onl^r • 
typei, tbe En^ish ruling claawa underwood m little aa 
aome of tbeir deaoendanti underatood Waahington and i-^ 

Unooln when alive. Admiral De Rayter, one of tbe 
greatest Aaval heroea of ail time, wbo began life aa a 
rope-maker, was found by the French Count de Ouiche, ^ 

on the morning after bia four daya' battle with the 
En^iab fleet, feeding hia chiokena and aweeping out bia 
oftbin. William of Orange, when at the height of his 
authority, mingled with the common people, wearing tlie 
woollen waistcoat of a bargeman, and an old mantle .. ': 

which a student would have pronounced threadbare.* 
Tbe naval oommandeni of England, who, in the main, 
were nothing mora than pirates, looked down on the 
simple-minded Dutchmen, who wanted no reward but 
the consciougnesH of liaving clone their duty. The court- '° -' 

iers around Elizabeth and her successors, who wore their 
fortunes on their backs, and thought any mode of get- 
ting money honorable except to liUior for ^aneered at ;% 
the republicans who hong the walls of tbeir houses with . ; 
tbe choicest paintings, cultivated music, studied science 
and the classics, and were the greatest soldifrs and sail- 
ors of the age, but went about in plain clothing, dis- 
pensed exact juatice to poor and rich alike, cared for vf 
the unfortunate, and frowned on idleness and vice. The 
world, however, baa moved in the but three centuries, jt 
althongh this feeling has, in some quarters, not entirely 

In the preceding pages I have attempted to show how 
radically the leading institutions of America differ from 
(hoae of Engbiad. To trace the origin of tbeae inati- 


* IWas, « Breoki'i Wdaaf," f-UHtf, 

M m rarrui n aouAira^ mnum, tout tumnoA 

tqtiona ia to tell the ttory of Pnrituusm in the Netb- 
eriands, where the Puritan, with hit oenturiet of cirili- 
zation and Mlf-gorernment behiod him, wai of a very 
different type from hit brother acroH the Channel To 
•how how they came to America is to tell the atory of 
the English l^uritan, much of which relating to hia men- 
tis and moral environments, and the influences whidi 
shaped his character, giving it some unlovely featuci^ 
never has been attempted. 

These lines of investigation constantly cross eaioh oih- 
er; for the period of the great struggle for civil and 
religious liberty in the Netherlands, out of which the 
Puritan in Holland was evolved, also gave birth to the 
English Puritan, and to the settlement of what is now 
the United States. It is only by looking at the whole 
stbry together, and keeping in mind the connection of 
its different ports, that we can understand how the 
American Republic, the foundations of which were laid 
by the Klgrim FatI jrs, was influenced by its prototype 
on the other side of the Atlantic! I hope, therefore, 
that the reader will pardon me if in some phices I lead 
him over familiar flolds, although my path, (<8|)ecially 
in England, will present views somewhat different from 
those generally given by historians.* 

* To •noM raadm it majr appasr that in ny cariy ehaptna toe 
moeh ipace bu bna givon to tba aflkin of th« Netherlanda, which 
Motlejr i» tappoaad to ban niade fiuniliar to tba public. Tbit ertli- 
eiia Diigbt liave toon Ibrca if I could aauroa that all m; niatlaia 
would b« ft«ab from tba atody of Hotlej'i worka. Bat etcn nmnig 
biatorical leboiara I an laclinad to think that many hara bad aa 
aipariaaoa Kke mioa. When I rrad "Tba Riaa of tha Dnich Rapob- 
lis," at ita Bnt appaaranee, I thnoght many portiooa of it too highly 
ecdorad. Tba author did not, to my latiafbctton, axpfadn why this 


peopi* thonld eihibit Mieh hcrolo trmiU of ehaneter, »nd dcrclop 
■o blgb • form of dTtlinUon u compuctt with that of their ooa- 
lamporaric* in other landt. Time quettiona, perhapc, Mcmcd at 
Httlfl materiality to the hiatorian who, ftom th« original recorda,wa« 
writing Iho atoiy nf a aingle epoch. For mj parpoaea, hoverer, it 
haa been ntrtaiary to go back of the inception of the atruggle with 
Spain, and to accic oat th« origin and uatnre of tbe national iaatita- 
tlooa and characteriatiea which gne atrength to the insurgeuta, de- 
veloped tbeir ciTilintinn, and led to tlieir influence on England and 
America. In doing thia, I hare beeodli ftillj aatitfled of tlie aob- 
atantial fldelitj of Motlcj'a narntire, while I hare alao liecome con* 
vinced that the comparatirely little ellect produred bj bia worka on 
modem biatoricai tliought, aa ahown in tbe hiatoriea of other conn- 
triea, eapecUlly tboae of England and America, ia largely due to the 
aliaence of what be haa omitted. Some of thrac oiniaaiona I bare 
attempted to eupply, and, to make the reaalt at all intelligible, tha 
rapatitioB of a portion of tbe namtiTe ^ aeemed to me caantial. 



y ■ 




It has been cugtomarj among modem writen, when 
treating of th« Puritans, to confine their use of the name 
to Englishmen or their desoemlanta in America. But th« 
word, when first originated, had no such restricted mean- 
ing. It came into the En^^h language during the early 
days of Elizabeth, and was constantly employed throu^- 
out the reigns of the first two Stuarts. Its meaning in 
the country of its origin was changed from time to time, 
but it was always applied to a type of man which was 
not pepaliar to England.* Hence it was that, while Elii- 
abeth and James I. were on the throne, men in Holland 
were called Puritans, both by Hollanders and English- 
men, equally with men of the same class in England ; 
and in modem timM Motley lias used the name in the 
same m*nner.t Supported by these precedents, I haT« 
in this work given to. the Words Puritan and Puritan- 
ism a broader significance than that usually aooonled to 

*6ee Picfico, p. iz. When I cona to coMlder the doTflopmeat of 
EogtMi PuritnDMin, I •h*ll tliuw bow tb« bum origiutsd, uui what 
■Maingi wen ettaclied to it et Tariou* periode. 

tlIatle]r'i''Vait«d MctberUnd%" U. lU; - lifc of BHMTtld,*' tt, 

vn ravrAM or ■ouum M 

In many of hit cbusoterittioi the Puritan wu m old 
ai history itadf. In almost eveiy clime and age men 
have stood up to advocate reforms, and by their lires to 
protest against the immorality and oorruption of the 
society about them. liut the peculiar characteristic of 
the Puritan, distinguishing him from prior reformem in 
Church or State, was his religious belief, lie was the 
cbiM of the Reformation, and it is therefore to the teach-, 
ings of the Reformation that we must look for his origin. 

But although the Reformation produced the Puritan, 
it wrought no miracle in the nature of the men whom it 
affected. If it found them ignorant and narrow-minded, 
it did not at once make them learned and liberal in their 
ideas. On the contrary, its first effect*, were rather in 
the opposite direction, intensifying some of their natural 
failings. Like all other grt^t spiritual revolutions, it 
took men as it found them, and developed them on theur 
original lines. In the end it broadened their ideas, and, 
by teaching them the equality of man in the eyes of his 
Creator, led up to the lesson of human equality on earth. 
But such lessons bear their fmit very slowly ; and had 
the world waited uatil their development in England, its 
modem harvest might have been long deferred. 

The Puritan of England followed, but after a consid- 
eraUe interval, bis prototype in Holland. He borrowed 
from Holland many of the ideas and institutions which 
be attempted to introduce into England, and with which 
he succeeded in the United States. Although in each 
country he was the product of the Reformation, it was 
the Reformation engrafted on the post. It is therefore 
to their respective pasts that we mast look if we would 
ondentand why the Puritans of Holland differed so 
widely from those of England, and how the one came to 
affect the other. To the American of English descent 

noh an eumination riiould be of peonliar intereat, for 
in tracing the (levelopment of the HoIUnden, he it not 
following the nwords of an alien rtoe. They were of gab- 
■tantially the ume blood aa hi> Engliah anoeaton ; to that, 
in comparing the past of the two, he ia simply aeeing how 
hii own liith and kin developed under the influenra of 
different natural environments and different institutions. 

Banning now with the country of the elder anS 
DMMre niktared oiTiliaUion, let us flnt oonaider the in- 
tlnences which shaped the character of the Puritan of 
the Netherlands. Following this we shall, in these eariy 
chapters, see something of the struggle with Spain, m 
which that character was developed, down to the time 
when the Puritans of England came ander the direct in- 
fluence of their brethren across the CbanneL 

In the middle of the sixteenth oentur}', the Netbef^. 
lands, or Low Countries, aa they were often called, con- 
sisted of seventeen separate provinces, which together 
covered a territory about half the aice of England. Aa 
the result of their great revolt from Spain, this little 
tract of land was divided into two neariy equal portions. 
The ten southern Catholic provincea, now composing 
Belgium, continued under their foreign ruler. The 
northern seven, which were Protestant, by the most re- 
markable war in history— a war waged by sen and land 
tor eighty years-'Were welded into the great Dutch Be- 
paUio, odled the United Netherhtnds, and sometimes 
HolUnd, after the name of the Urgest state of the con- 
federacy. This republic, with its thirteen thousand 
square miles of surface, formed hot a patch upon the 
map of Europe; England alone ia four times as laige. 
Great Britain and Ireland ten times, France nearly 
twenty, Europe three hundred; Switierland is hurger; 
historic Greece was half as large agaia. , 

m uwM'iBT of nn 

Th« improTemenU of modern Kienoe, MpeowUy in the 
machinery of war, together with the general {nogreM 
of aociety, hare a tendency to eqpaliw men, and give 
oonntriet raali according to their size and population.^^^ 
It therefore Mem* strange to us that within three oeK' -^ 
toriea the world should have been led by a people who ' ' 
occupied so roinnte a subdivision of its surface. The I. 
first glance at the character of their coantry would have 
a tendency to add to this surprise/ for, picturing it as it 
appeared in early days, one would ask how man ever re- 
duced it to subjection. Then, however, woultl follow the 
thought that a race which could conquer this cross be- 
tween the earth and the sea might, with one element in 
dther hand, easily control the woiM. 

The Netherlands are hu^ly composed of the allavial 
deposit of the Meuse, the Scheldt, and the Rhine. For 
countless age* these rivers poured into the (ierman 
Ocean the soil of France and Germany, building up the 
mainland, as the Nile haa d<me in the Mediterranean, 
and the Mivissippi in the Oolf of Mexica The sea in 
retom cast up its dunes and sand-hanks. Back of these, 
and behind the hardening slime which the rivers heaped 
np from side to side as they straggled on their course, 
most of the coantry was a broad morass. Here and 
there were islaadi which seemed to float on the surfaotf 
of the ooae, traota of brushwood, foreata <rf pine, oak, 
and alder, while tempestuous lakes filled in the picture. 
Along the coast appeared a succession of deep bays and 
gulfs, through which the Northern Ocean swept in re- 
sistless fury. At length, the wearied riven appear to 
have given np the contest, and lost themselves, wander- 
ing helplessly amid the marshes. Then man took np 
the struggle. Little by Uttle the land was resooed; 
dikes chained the ooeaa and oortwd the riven in thair 

■if- , 


M m pinuTAii » noLuiiD, noum um lame* 

ofauoeU ; Uk« wen emptied, oaoak farrowed, ud eveB 
the aoU itMlf CTMted. 

. In tfaii warfare with the elements, the hrmt of the 
oontett fell on the hoUow-Und, or Holland. It had no 
iron — in fact, no metal of any kind— for tools, and no 
stone for houses or for dikes. Even wood was wanting, 
for the early forests bad been destroyed by tempests. To 
this country natare seemed to have denied nearly all her 
gifts ; so that, almost disinherited at birth, it stands a rast 
monument to the courage, industry, and energy of an 
indomitable people. From end to end it is Unlay a 
frowning fortress, keeping watch and ward ogainst its 
ancient enemy, the sea.* In great part it lies below the 
water level. Eren now inundations ever threaten ruin.^ 
One who has seen the North Sea in a fury can imagine 
what snch perils were in the earlier days when science 
was in its infancj'. Time after time whole districts have 
been submetged, cities nwallowed up — twenty, t^ighty, a 
hundred thousand persons disappearing in a night. So 
marked have been the transformations from this cause 
that a map of UoUand as it existed eight hundred years 
ago would not be recognised to^y.f 

• Tha eamt of Huicm it protected hj a dike of Nonrajr graaits, 
Its mllf* in Imgtli bihI fnrty feet In heiglit, wblch i* buried two 
liundred fret beneath tbe wave*. Ameterdim i« built entirely on 
pllee, ftwioentlj thirtj feet long. Tha fonndationi of erer; town 
and Tilbige in Frieeland are artlAclal conelnictioni. It i* eatiinated 
that aeren and a half billione of fVanca bare been expended on pro- 
t«!tire work between the Bcbeldt and tb« Doilart. Taine't " Art in 
the Netherlanda," p|v S», 40. 

t JSUmtxiy* »em,Oct.,l«47,p.4S«; "Holland and ita Peoph,'* 
Da Amlcii ; Taina'i •• Art in the Netheriandt," Dnrand'a tranal.. p. m, 
and autboritice cited. Tlila change hat been going on in the wlioh 
of tha Netherlandt. For example, Obant waa a mtfan is tha sialk 
•Mtvi;, and Bngat ia the twalMh. 

Tu awMiAmcAi. FACTpB n awran W 

Still, RiAn renuumd th« oonqoeror. On this patch of 
mranfactnnd auth waa rHtliied the bout of ArchiiM* 
daa. The little republic, jiwt come to nutnrity when 
America waa aettled, vanquished and well-nigh de- 
atroyed the mightieat military power of Europe. Short- 
ly afterwarda, it met the combined force* of Charles II. 
and Loaia XIV. of France. As a coloniser it ranka sec- 
ond to Engfaud alone, reaching out to Java, Huniatra, 
Hindoatan, Ceylon, Mew IloUand, Japan, Brazil, Oniana, 
the Cipe of Good Hope, the West Indiea, and New York. 
To-day the waste which the ancients looked on as unin- 
habitable is among the most fertile, the wealthiest, and 
must populous regions of the world ; its people stand the 
foremost in Europe for general intelligence and purity 
ni morala.* 

It ia very evident that theae Netherianders must have 
had a remlwkable history. That history can only bo un- 
derstood by always bearing in mind the natural surround- 
ings and conditiona of existence in this peculiar knd. 
The deatinies of every people are determined, to a great 
extent, by the soil, climate, and geographical configura- 
tion of their country ; but theae influences differ in in- 
tenaity, and hence in the manner and rapidity, with 
which they accomplish great results. Thus it is that the 
qneatioB of geographical situation beoomea of more im- 
portaaoe in the history of some nations than in that of 
others, although thia truth is not always given its due 

For example, the whole story of the Englisli people 
oeatna araiUKl the fact that they have lived in an ialand 

• PropoitioM eamidcred, tkcn ire ft««r pcnoM ia Hollaad 
laat of the alphabet than in Pnuaii. " UoUand and iti 
Ds Amiota, p. UT, AoMT. ad. 


M m nmntM^K wmxaia nmuam, ako uamKA 

fcKtreM, when, tinoe the Nomuui Cooqaast, they bftre 
been aecnre from CantineBtid invaaioo and left to work 
oat their own proUenM subaUntially undieturbed. Snoh 
» poettion of aeparation from the elder nation* of the 
Continent hu had it* marked advantage*, developing 
the love of country and liberty, the Belf-ooiifldenoe, and 
the practical aagaoity for which the Engliahman ha* 
always been diatingnished. To it i* al*o largely doe the 
raat aocomnUted wealth which ha* made thi* little i*land 
the treasury of the world. Bat, on the other hand, the 
very isolation which has bad such beneficent result*, 
with the aecurity from reprisals which has made her 
widespread spoliation* po**ible, lie* at the bottom of 
many of her great defeota. The gigantki moat which 
aeparate* her from the rest of Europe has kept oat much 
of good a* well as of evil influence. Had it been cloaed 
three or four centuries a^ by one of nature's mighty 
convulsions, England would fill a very different pUwt on 
the historic page. 'r^ 

The hktciry of the Ketheriandi famiahe* perfaapterm 
a better illustration of the influence of environment in 
shaping a ]ieople'B life. Certainly the |ioints at which 
their conditions of existence differed from thoee of the 
English, and the effecU produced by these natural dif- 
ferences, form very suggestive sabjecta for a student. 
We have afafcady seen something a* to the character of 
the aoil, and the mode in which it ha* been created and 
preaerved. Now take a map of the country, and w* 
ahall see that on two side* it i* bounded by the Oermaa 
Ocean, and on the other two by France and Germany. 
"Man than thi*, the bttar boandarie* are not made np 
of natural barrien ; they are cimply line* upon the map, 
passing through level district* and intersected by great 
livers. Here, then, we moat paoae for a oioment and 

tm QwoBAHiau roMnoK or tbs XRaBuaH IT 

■M Imir the gBogr»{dii<ml fmdor hm inflaeiMed this 

Although the Maooeat atretched along but two ridei 
of the ooaatrjr, it.wM one perhaps even more f«Tor»Ue 
to primitiTe oomineroe than that of England, for ita 
indentations and the limitlMe extenaiona famUhed by 
its river channela afforded innumemble refuges agaiost 
the piratea, who were in former ages the chief enemiea 
o< tnde. This rektion to the aea made the peofde, 
like the Engliah, from the earliest time a race of aailora. 
Bat the inland oonneotion with the other European 
peoples waa at first even mem) important. Most (rf 
the early oommeroe was carried on by the rivers, and 
by the old Itoman roads which led from Italy. Through 
these arteries flowed the oivilixing streanu^ which, though 
at times qnite faint in their pulsations, never ceased 
tb^r vivifying work. Here was an element almost en> 
tirely wanting in England ; of its importance wo shall 
■ee more hereafter. Suffice it now to say that every, 
where in the oommerce, manufactures, arts, institution^ 
and laws of the Netheriaads, we find (rams of this ooi^ 
neotion with ancient ami modem Italy. 

Still, this situation, with three great rivers flowinf 
thtoogh the country to the ocean, and with roads lead- 
hig 9at in all directions, favorable as it was for trade ia 
(Imea ot peaoe, was one calcnUted to invite attack ia 
times ot war. Having no ocean barriers like those of 
England, no moootain ranges like the Alps or Apea- 
nines, no nx-ky fastnesses like those of Switierland, th« 
Low (Countries have in all ages been subject to the in- 
onnmrns of their lawless neighbors. The " Cockpit of 
EuH^ " is the name given to this region in modem 
days, from the number of battles which have beea 
fkM(||fat upon ita soiL To Um enormous war expenaea 


M fn matta m aoixAifD, noum un amhio* 

tlniMt npon them from their sxpoMd podtioa is UrgAy 
doe the oomparmtive decline of these once all-poirerfiil 
•nd wealthy pruvinoef. 

At flnt gbuioe it Menia itnuigs that nnder nwh oa»> 
ditiona the Netherlanda ever lecnred a foothold among 
the power* of the earth, liut before the invention of 
gunpowder revolutionized the art of war, the lubject of 
national defence waa a quite different one from that pre- 
sented in later days. The feet is, that the ahtenoe of 
nataral barrier* and mountain retreats became one main 
came of the power and (iroaperity of the people of thia 
country during and at the close of the Middle Ages. 
Men for whom nature or fortune has done much, even 
in^the way of protection sgainst their enemies, are too 
often inclined to rely on these adrantages rather than 
CD tbemselres. Here, however, where nature had done 
nothing, the men became self-reliant. They built their 
own fortreasea, covering the land with walled towns 
which developed into great cities, where each man, 
whether an artisan or gentle-bom, waa trained to the 
nae of arms. To the existence of these towns, and to 
the formation of the country, the Netherlands owed 
their peculiar exemption from the blighting influence of 
the feudal Rvntem, which chucked civilization in «o great 
a part of Europe. The cities with their narrow, tortuous 
streets, and a ooontry the soil of which was hugely a 
morass, and all intersected by canah, arms of the sea, 
and rivers, afforded little scope for the movements of 
monated knights and their retainers. 

Still greater haa been the influence of another festw* 
tit their geographical position. Manufactures and com- 
meroe brought wealth, and with it luxury, love of art, 
and learning, bat, cspedally if* HoUaod, little of tbtt 
enervation which osoally follows in their train. In moat 



u w vuw m m cm tn lunoiiAL ouaMm It 

teadt. •ooumnlated wealtii has bred » dWaalinatian to 
kbor, fbaterinf ■ leiavrad olMi,.th« gmt onna of • 
oommnnity. Bat here the time ha* mtct oonw when 
nan oookl tit down and aay tbeir work waa flnnhed, 
and that they would enjoy life in eaae. Before them 
baa ever stood the tea, daily and hourly threatening 
tbeir eziatenoe. Their tatben made the land, but tbey 
have preaerred it only by iBoeawnt labor. A little 
ereTioe in tbeir dikea, annotioed for a few boari, might 
deraatate a distriot. Even with the moHt watchful care, 
no man can go to bed at night aaaured that in the 
morning he will find hi* poasewionii »afe. 

Theae conditions of life in the Nethertands must al- 
ways be remembered if w« would understand their 
history. The constant straggle for existence, as in all 
oaaea when the rewards are great enough to miae men 
aboTe biting, sordid penury, strengthens the whole race, 
mentally, morally, and physically. Again, Ubor here 
has neTW been aelflsh and individual To be effectivw 
it reqnirea organisation and direction. Men learn to 
work in a body and under leaders. A single man labor- 
ing on a dike would accomplish nothing; the whole 
population must turn oat and act together. The habits 
thus engendered extend in all directions. Everything 
k done in corporations. Each trade baa its guild, electa 
ita own oBoen, and manages ita own aflkiii. The peo- 
ple are a vast civic army, subdivided into brigadea, reg- 
imenta, and oompaniea, all accustomed to discipline, 
learning Uw first great lesson of life, obedieooe. 

On the other band, thia daily oonteat with nature, the 
regnUrity oS life thna enformd, and the attention to 
minute details essential to existence, crush oat the ro- 
mantic spirit which makea some nations so picturesque. 
We find among them none of the wild chants of other 

Mt m nm»M n wouua, mmunt, tm uamoA 

NortlMrn people. No poet ungs to tbem of gobUna 
•ad (airy ipritea. Their world i* intisbited by aotiuUi- 
tiea, and not by witches or the spirita of dead heroea. 
Hence they were never highly poetical, aa the Engliih 
were nntil after the time of Shakeapeare, whan they too 
beoame a race of nuuiufaotnrera and merohanta. They 
are not contemplative philoaopheni, like the Oermana; 
they dwell in no abstroctiona and indulge in little aen- 
timent. Life here below haa been their atody : how to 
improve the condition of man on thia i^anet; how to 
Hdce the home attractive by art, mnaio, flowera, and 
Bocial reoreatk»a; how to diapenie joatice to rich and 
poor alike, relieve the unfortunate, and give every one 
an equal chance in life; how to protect the opprwaed 
from other landa, keeping the conscience aa well aa the 
body free ; how to tench the worid that men can be rich 
tritbont inaolenoe, poor without diaoontent, learned with- 
out pride, artiatio without corruption, earnest in relig- 
ion without bigotry. Thia is hmior enough. Had these 
people also produced a Homer, a Dante, or a Shake- 
qieare, they would have been a miracle and not a growth. 
But there ia aomething more than soil, climate, and 
■atnral surroondiiiga which determines a nation'a his- 
tmy. AU men under the same conditions will not reach 
the same result. Great is the influence of environment, 
bat great also is the mysterious inflnenoe of race. Place 
it peo{de of one blood on the American continent, an$l 
they remain wandering tribea of painted hnnten. B»- 
|dace them with men of another breed, and the Lmd ia 
less than three centuries is covered with cities, fretted 
with railroada, and grt«ning under the wealth of agri- 
culture, mannfaotorea, and oommeroe. The natural ocm- 
ditiona are the aame ; it ia <mljr the human factor vrUeli 
has been changed. 

m tuMLt DnuKTAHn or nn imuBUunM loi 

In the lintoi7 of the NetherUndi this haman factor 
forrot an intoresting itndy. It it evident that upon nioh . . r :V: 

a ipil none of the weak and puny noes of the earth -4! 

oonld ever have gained a foothold. Onoe thece, and > . ff) 
wttled in their habitation*, they would be greatly nionkl- * . "^ 

ed by the natural mirroumiing* ; but the ftnt struggle , ' -*<: 

required the foremoet blood which the world haa ever .■ '•■.'•* 
known. Even beyond this, the influence of race is so - ^' 

persistent that we shall find it all throogfa their history, 
shaping the character and institutions of this people ; so 
that when at htst, after fifteen centaries, the seventeen 
provinces, living nnder much the same conditions, are ^ ; ;; 

divided into two equal parts, differing in religion and 
form of government, the line of cleavage follows nearly 
that of the earliest race divisions noticed by the Bomans. 

Who, then, were the people that wrested this land from 
the ocean and gave it fertility and wealth t What am- --"^ ■ 

phibioofl race, half beaver, half man, flnt occupied the 
primeval morasMs which now compose the NetherUnds 
we do not know. Our eariiest account of the country 
is derived from Ocsar, and it is supplemented by that . . ']( 

of Tacitus, who seems to have been particularly interest- ,',^ 

ed in its people. According to tradition, the aborigines '■' ■ 
had been swept away about a century before our era. v ' I5 

However this may be, the historic scene opens with the 
advent of the Rranans, and at that time the face of the ' 

country was almost unchanged by the hand of man. To 
us, therefore, the races which the Romans found in ocoa- ^^ ' 
pation may stand as the first occupants; and when we — - 
oome to see their character, we shall comprehend the :'^ 

second great factor m the history of their descendants. 

When Julius Cosar swept over Western Europe on 
his meteoric career of oonqoest, he found this land oo> 
capied by tribes whose peculiar valor historians and 



.■■■ wi 'i if L^ft^ ■'.-/...."Via > i±--^ 


in ni ptnuTAii w nouMKo, BMOLAim un AimnoA 

poeU bkve made immorUl. The Rhine formed neariy 
the diviMon boundary between thooe of Qallio and thoae 
of Gennanio blood. On ita louthem bank dwelt the 
Belgaa, whom he named the bravest of the Gaala. There 
he " overcame the Nervii," who died, bat woold not sur- 
render. He annihilated them in a battle memorable 
in hig marvellous campaigns— a battle where he himself 
fought like a common soldier in the ranks. 

North of the Rhine, or rather on an island formed by 
two of its branches, be found a tribe of Teutonic origin, 
even more illustrious. These were the BaUviana, whom 
Tacitus called the bravest of the Germans. The other 
barbarians were conquered and paid tribute to Rome ; 
they simply became her allies, the tax-gatherer never 
setting foot upon their island, which now forms the 
heart of HoUand.* As allies they earned an historio 
name. Cieaar cheririied their oavaLry as his favorite 
troops, and with them turned the tide of battle at Phar- 
salia. For over a oeutury after bis murder, the Ratavian 
legion formed the imperial body-guard, making and un- 
making emperras, and the Batavian ishuid the base of 
operations against Britain, Gaul, and Germany .f 

The Gallic and Germanic tribes who occupied re- 
spectively the southern and the northern portions of 
the Ketherbinds, now Belgium and Holland, differed 
widely in their obaraoteristics. The men df either race 
were of gigantic stature, muscular, and inured to war; 
but theft the reaemblanoe largely ceased. The Ganl 
loved ornaments, decked himself in gay oolonh and wore 
his yellow hair floating in the breeze. He liked society, 

^. •Tteitw,<'a«niiaBU,"HM.W. 

f OnttMi'i " Hitt. or tb* Netberiudt," p. 16; Kotle;'! •• Dntoh 


; t ■■■■:■' ■■'.■• ^ .' - ■ :'—' 

ra OAVU ■an ni anaum tM 

and 10 dwelt in towns and viUagM, onltivating tb« loU. 

He WM swift to anger, but easily i^ipeased. Supenti- 

tioas, he was priest-ridden, being governed mainly by tlie 

Druids. Unchaste, to him the marriage state was almost 

unknown. ~ The German, on the other hand, wns very 

simple in his costome. His flery-red hair he bound up 

in a warknot, heightening its color if nature had been 

too chary. Beyond this he wore no ornaments. He 

looked down on agriculture, and thought no pursuit - i 

honorable but that of arms. Leas irascible than the 

Oaul, he held his anger longer and was capable of more 

continued conflict Disliking aooiety, he preferred to 'i'''i^ 

live alone under the broad sky, with one wife who was ,J^- 

his companion in peace and war. No priest controlled V^^ 

his actions, but in the sacred groves he paid a simple 

homage to one almighty, unseen God. 

In thetr civil organization also these races differed 
widely. Among the Gauls were three classes —the 
priests, nobility, and people ; but the people, according 
to Cffisar, were all slaves. Clanship prevailed. The 
chief rulers were elected, but only the nobles partici- 
pated in the choice. Among the Germans there was - 
a simple and almost pure republia Their kings and ' 

chiefs were elected by univernl suffrage. The general V^ 
assembly of the people chose the vilkge magistrates^ « 
and decided all important questions. Minor affairs wera , 
regulated by what Americans would call town meet- 
ing, gatherings of all the men of a community. There 
was no private ownership of land, but annually certain 
farms were allotted by the magistrates for the onltiva- - 
tion of a single crop.* 

• Motle^-t " Datch BepubUo," 1. 4-11. OiMn't " XakiDg of Ea^ 
iaad," chap, iv. 



Thus, in their earliest historic period these two races 
«tand out in marked contrast. Time has softened some 
of their primitive traits, while others have entirely dis- 
appeared; and yet to-day the Irishman, the Scotch 
Highlander, the Belgian, and the Frenchman show their 
Gallic blood, while the Germanic origin of the English- 
man and the Hollander is no less apparent.* 

In the Netherlands there was naturally a considera- 
tde intermingling of race. The Germans made their 
way into the southern provinces, giving to the people 
there something of a tonghness of fibre nnknown among 
the other Celts.t On the other hand, many thousands 
of the Flemings and Walloons, especially during the 
itar with Spain, flocked into Holland, carrying with 
them a skill in the manofacturea and the arts superior 
to that of their northern neighbors. Still, in the main, 
the southern provinces, which at last remained Attached 
to Spain and the papacy, were peopled by Celts, and 
the northern ones which became Protestant and re- 
publican, by men of Germanic origin. 

Of all the nations of Germanic descent, the Holland- 
en preserved most faithfully their ancestral spirit. The 

* The Qanh wefe C^lti of the mom nee u the iDhabiUnte of Ire- 
Und ud Britain. ' In Irelind, the Celtic blood hsa rannined pre- 
dominiint ; lo ifalio hiu in Wale* and in the Uighlnnds of Scotland. 
In England, it gare way largely, tome hittorians claim almoat en- 
tirely, before the AngU-Saxons. It is probable that eren the Celts 
were not the original inhabitants of any of these oonntrict. Tliey 
bad driren out the former occupants, and in tlie time of Cesar were 
in turn being pushed 'on by the Oermsnic tribes wIm> bad naehed 
the Rhine. 

t Thns, for example, Charlemagne planted sereral thousand Saxon 
colonists on the west coast of Flanden. Hntton'a "James and 
PbUip Van Art«T«ld," j^ 1. 


Murly Batavians pass from history, bat tbey melt into 
the Frisians, whose name is synonymous with liberty, 
nearest blood-relations of the Anglo-Saxon race. When 
Charlemagne established his dominion they came into 
the empire and accepted chiefs of his apiwintment, but 
they were still governed according to their own laws. 
The feudal system, which stifled liberty in so many re- 
gions, never was imposed on them. "The Frisians," 
said their statnte-books, "shall be free as long as the 
wind blows out of the clouds, and the world stands."* 
With the political history of the Netherlands down to 
the time of their' jgpreat war with Spain, we .need con- 
cern ourselves but littla It is sufiicient for our purpose 
to briefly trace the general outline, and sketch some of 
the more salient features, the chief interest centring 
about the development of their material prosi)erity and 
the growth of their institutions. But before entering 
upon these subjects, one fact must be noticed which, 
often overlooked or not given its due prominence, fD^ 
nishes the key to much of Continental as well as of 
English history during and just subsequent to the pe- 
riod which we call the Middle Ages. 
" When discussing the subject of the Romaii civil law 
in the Introduction, a brief allusion was made to the 
high civilization attained by the Bomans, and its in- 
fluence on modem Europe. Hereafter, when we come 
to consider the history of England, we shall see how 
mnch of this civilization was introduced into Britain, 
and how it was utterly blotted out by the Anglo-Saxon 
oonqnerors. On the Continent, however, the overthrow 

* Mode;, L n. Th« Awga book, conUining their lUtntet, ii Mill 


of the old gpTernments wu followed by a very different 
oondition of affain. In Britain, the oonqnerors cleared 
r-' the (oil before them, uppluntiDg the former oooapanta, 

and introducing their own langoage. The movement, 
thoDgh slow, taking a century and a half for its com- 
pletion, was that of the avalanche canning destruction 
' in its path. In other parts of Europe, the conquerors 
settled down peaceably among the conquered, to a laign 
extent adopted their life, and finally were themaelvea 
absorbed. Applying the test of speech, we see which 
race became predominant from the simple fact that the 
French, the Spanish, and the Italian tongues are the 
languages, not of the new-comers, the Franks, the Ootha, 
and the Lombards, but of the people whom they fomd 
upon the soil. The effect in these countries was mora 
like that of a river overflowing its banks ; the waste 
msy for a time seem universal, but when the flood sub- 
sides, the face of nature remainssubstantially unchanged. 
It is this fact, the difference between the conquest of 
Britain and that of the Continent, which must be kept 
in view when we think of the Dark Ages which suc- 
ceeded the barbarian irruption. They were very dark 
in England, which then received its modem name, and 
, the gloom lasted there almost undisturbed for many cen- 

turies; but the hue was quite different upon the Conti- 
nent, where the ancient civilixation still survived. Look- 
ing through colored glasses, it is but natural to confuse 
' the siiading of the landscape. Hence the Englishman 
or American, if he would view the Middle Ages on the 
Continent aright, must disabuse his mind of raaaj no- 
tions derived from reading English history alone.* 

• " FWclinwDt and iwper, printing mm) cngnTing, bopfoTMl gtaw 
■nd itwl, gonpowder, clocki, Ukwopci, tli* narincr't oompsa, Um 

<uimH or mrBnuutD cnrouATioK tOT 

Let us noir ae« if we oan aoooant in any mearara for 
the high driliation which nndonbtedlj prevailed in 
the NetheHands at the time of their revolt from S|iain. 
This is a qneation wliicfa has probably excited the in- 
terest of every one who has paid any attention to their 
history, for writers like Davies and Motley have left it 
sabstantially undiscussed, leading some critics to con- 
sider their descriptions overdrawn. 

The first Qermanio and Gallic inhabitants of this 
ooontry must have learned much from Some. As we 
have seen, the liatavian Island was for many years an 
important base of Roman military operations. Many 
of its natives held high poets in the imperial an^, and 
brought home some of the culture of the capital. The 
Menapians, M'ho occupied the prevent provinces of Flan- 
ders and Antwerp, also shared in the benefits of this 
connection. The remains of their ancient towns, dis- - 
covered in places at present covered by the sea, often 
Inring to light traces of Soman oonstraotions and Latin 
inscriptions in honor of the Henapian divinities. Even 
at this period the Netherianders were a maritime people, 
exporting salt to England, and salted meat (which was 
in high repute) to Italy. The men were handsome and 
richly clothed ; and the land was well onltivated, and 
abounding in fruits, milk, and honey.* Later on, when 
the Soman empire went down, they had as near neigh- 
bors on the south the quick-witted Franks, and on tlie 

feforroed calendw, th« liecinul notatioo, slgvins, trigonomctrj, 
ehcmMrj, cimntarpoint— which wu cquiTalmt to • new erMtinn 
of BOile— th«*e an all poucoiont which w« inherit ftom that which 
has hen •» diaparaglnglj tannxl tha ttalionarf period."— Whewell'a 
"History of the InductiTe Hciencea,'' L SSl. None orthem,u ereij 
rtsdar knowi, cams from Bagiaod. * Onttaa, pp. tt-tt. 

tn m fnarjur nr mkum>, imuim tm ittaioA 

«Mt wu Germany, the hcMd of the renewed empire^ 
■till preMrring tome portion of the Mioient oiviliutioo, 
and very toon to gain much mure. There were to grow 
up the cities of the Ilanaeatio League, the pioneeri of 
modem progreM, of which famous confederation, formed 
in the 'hirteenth century, wyeral of the towns of Hol- 
land were among the earliest membera.* 

Bat more important than all were the close relations 
i^hich the Netherlands maintained with Italy. To ap- 
preciate the influence of this connection, it must be re- 
membered that Italy never became barbarian. The 
rao was not Tentoniied ; that is to say, not crushed and 
transformed to anything like the same degree as the 
people of the other European countrias by the inraaiob 
of the northern tribes.! 

In the end, the Italians might hare shared the fate 
of their oontemporaries, and have lost their civilization 
under the bIow, brutalizing influence of the conquerors ; 
but this disaster waa laigdy averted by the resnlta 
which followed in the train of the Crusades. In lOfM, 

* " The Hums Tdwb*," ZiiaiiMni, p. SI4. 

t ■* The barbwlaiw ntabliihwl tltrninlTM oa th* Wil tcmporwUy 
or imperfretlf. The Viiigotlia, tlie Fmnks, the Henili, the Oilio- 
gothi, all abandoned it or were wmhi driren awaj. If tlie Lamiwrda 
ramainetl there, the; rapidljr pmlltetl lij the Latin caltnre. In the 
twelfth oentur; tlw Oennana, im<ler Fretieric BarhaiOMa, expecting 
to And men of their own race, were rarpriied to Hod them to t.atln- 
bed, IwTing diicarded the Herceneta i>f liarbariana and lalirn fVom 
the influencea of the air and aoll •ometliing of Reman flnewe and 
gmtleMaa ; baring preaerved the eiegance of tbe I«ngua({e and the 
nrfawil; of primitive manoen, erea imitating the ikill of tb* aa- 
ctent Romana in the conetitntina of their citlea and in tbe gortn- 
Bent of ttieir pablic aflUra, Latin ia apakca in llaljr np to ths 
tUitaeath tmilai;.''— lUas'a •' Art in Italy," 9.M. 


Peter the Hermit led oat the flnt of the vait horde 
of viaioiuuy enthnsiMta who for oenturiea poured into 
Asia Minor, whitening two continents with their Ixme* 
in the ohivslrio attempt to redeem the holy lepulchre. 
Thete gigimtic expedition* biuaght to the greater put 
of Europe only « fearful Iom of life and property, com- 
penaated fur mainly by the impoverishment of' the no- 
blee, which aided in breaking up the feudal Hvstem. 
Upon Italy, however, the effect was very different. 
There dwelt the head of the Church, who acted as guar- 
dian for all the pilgrims, reguUted their movements, and 
levied a general tax on the faithful laity of Europe to 
sustain the wars Against the intidels. This tax, knofvn 
as Baladin's Tenth, poured an unfailing stream of treas- 
un into liome ; while the people of all Italy were also 
wiqairing wealth by furnishing the crusaders with sup> 
plies and transportatiott to the Holy Land. 

Still more important, however, was the impetus gives 
to obmmeroe by this o|iening-up of the unknown regions 
of the East.* In lUif't, Marco I'glo, with his father and 
ancle, after an absence of nearly a quarter of a century, 
ratomed to Venice, bringing bock their fairy tales of the 
wonders of fiur Cathay, and the whole of the Old Worid 
was spread out before these enteqmsing merchants. It 
was the commerce thus devclu|)«>«l that built u]i the Ital- 
ian republics, and bred the race of merchant princes who 
made the Italy of the Renaissance the mother of lit«r> 
■tare, art, ami science. 

It is probable that the connection between the Netb- 

• Tb* cTOMMkn* ialraducad ailk uil Mgar into lamp*. TWy 
sks iBtrodncxI tb* windmill, which, inTnited Id A»ia Minor sad 
tnaii|iorted to tlie NcUwrlnndt, wm to prore of untold TaiiM in th* 
dnnlopaMat of Hint eoontry. 8m Olbboa, tL IN. 

IM TU nnoTAii n ■oixamd, moLAxn, ahb amhuca 

erianda and Italy waa never broken ; if it waa, the !» 
eatabiighment occurred at a Tory early day. We And 
that the ^ilds to manufacture lalt and for the purpoie 
of bringing under cultivation marahy grounds aacond to 
the Roman epoch.* From the aerenth and ninth oenta- 
riea Bnigea, Antwerp, and Ghent are "porta" or priri- 
leged marketa. They fit oat oruiaera for the whale flab- 
ery ; they aerve aa the entrepAta for the North and the 
Soath.f The firat cruaaile owed ita ancceaa in n great 
degree to the valor and prudence of (}odfrey dc liuuillon, 
a Flemlah knight, who, it ia aaid, tuc^ the field with tea 
thooaand horaemen and eighty thooaand infantry. In 
1273 there were lo many Uenoeae in Flandera that 
Charlea of Anjou aaka to have them banished ; but pub- 
lic opinion ia too atrong, and their expulsion ia found to 
be impracticable. Some twenty yeara later Philip the 
Fair of France compels Guy de Dampierre to restore 
the property which he had taken from the Lombard 
merchants settled in Flanders.^ In the next century 
we And a large number of Italians from Ix>mbnnly liv> 
ing in MitUlelbUVg, where they establish a banking-house, 
■oon adding commerce in gold hnd jewels. Their goods 
Were diaplayed in a special building called the " Honae 
of the liombnrda." Similar houses exiated in other oit> 
iea.§ Indovico Guiociardini, writing in 1663, aaya that 
even in Zeeland, though few ])ersons spoke French or 
Spanish, there were many who spoke Italian.| In Uw 

• Hah*'! ■* Moan «t VngM dct BelgM," qootad by TsiM. 
t TuiM't " Art in tiM N«bCTlMi<K" p. 84. 
I Hottno'i " Vu ArtenM," chap. il. 

I HkTsnl'* " HMrt of Holtoail," ehsp. xUi. Londoa alto kad Ms 
LonbaM Street 
I TU< writw, who la tks hading sathoritj upon tiM oooditioa of 

Difau>niBiiT or MucciTtrki til 

sixteenth century, m the remit of geogmphical explora- 
tion, attention was ciille<l to botany, anil public botan- 
ical gardens were eatablished. Their order is Hignillcant 


■howing the influence of Italy: Piia, 1543; Padua, '$' 

1645 ; Florence, 15,'>6 ; Rome and Bologna, 15(18 ; Ley- >;|; 

den, 1B77 ; LeipMc, 1580; If ontpellier, 1597; Parii, 1696; ^ 
and Oxford, 1680* Thus IlolUnd standi but thirty- . . #. 

four yean behind the first of the Italian cities. ]?a^- 

These illustrations are only suggestive of the relations - ' ;.j| 

between the countries, uf which we shall see much more 'W 

hereafter. To trace the full connection would involve a ;f 

ki^ge chapter of the history of the Middle Ages. I 

Keeping now in mind the character of the country, 'aB 
its early occupants, and their connection with the civil- 
iution of Italy, the course of their devehipmont can be 

readily understood. , 

Be^ginning with the eariieat form of industry, what A 
Vould be the natural feeling of such a race towards the 
■oil, when we remember that it was their own produc- 
tion t One of the comm<mest lessons of experience is 
that men hold in light esteem the gifts of nature which 

come to them without an effort. The mother's favorite '• 

is not the stalwart, healthy child who needs no care, but • <^ 

the weakUng or the cripple. The Germans, and to some .'^ 

extent the Uanls, wandering through their Northern \ 

wilds, where html was to be had by talcing, looked down t 

on agriculture as unworthy of a freeman. The only no- , i 

ble prises of life were those won by skill or courage, /i 

th* MatbcriamU in llie tixlaenth eentnry, wm » Plorenline, k nrph- "' 

•w of thafsBHMU Italian liMorUn. lie lired in llie NFtbcrlanila for 
•boat forty yetn, aa<l in 156S palili«li«l, at Antwerp, an extenaiTa ,'r 

worli dcacripttva of the maanert, ciuloma, iaaiittttloDa, and i 
of tlw coaalrjr. 
• VhswsU'i " HIatorjr of Um btdsctin Scitacaa,*' lii. Wl. 



lU TU ruHTAH m ■OLLura^ naLAini, and amomu 

■uoh ■■ tho tpoila of the ohaae or bkktla But, lettled 
ftmid the everlasting mornwca of the Xetheriamla, where 
life WW a ooniitunt struggle with the elements, these men 
found tho conquests of peace no leu difficult, and there- 
fore no less honorable, than thoae of war. Thui with 
labor ennobled, the natural reault followed. Cnrbiag 
the ocean and overflowing riven with their dikea, they 
came to love the toil, their own creation, and to till it 
with patient, almost tender care. 

Hence, as farmers and gardeners, breeders of fine cat- 
tie and horses, they early took the place which they 
have ever since maintained. Even in the fourteenth 
century wo find agriculture taoght in th^ schools of 
Flanders, spade husbandry greatly affected, and Flem- 
ish gardeners and cultivators in much demand in all 
parts of Europe.* Flax and hemp were grown to a 
lai;ge extent ; hops were cultivated for the brewers ; the 
gardens supplied p«ue, beans, vetches, onions, garlic, and 
orache — a vegetable now superseded by spinach — and 
the orohsnls apples, pears, and cherries in abundance.! 

England, until a c«jmparatively recent time, knew 
nothing of these punuits. When Catherine of Ara- 
gon wished for a salad, she was compelled to send for it 
acroas the Channel by a special messenger.^ Furnish- 
ing the court with salads, the Low Countries, in time, 
gave to the English people ho]M for their beer, oab- 
Ibages, carrots, beets, and other vegetables for their 
table, flower -seeds, for their gardens, lai^ge cattle for 

* RoMmi*! " Vaa Artereid." Maajr FlamMi farDNfi wnit ont to 
EngltDi], to the hIIiitUI pl«iM of Eart Norlblk. A* to tb« execl- 
Icnoc of FIcmUli hutlModrjr tar over «ix oeatoriei, na M'Callaoh'i 
Oeognpbinl Dict(ooar]r, trtieta " Bslgioa." 

tBottott. (HsM. 

* Hame, chip. i»ili., flic* tha data of the intmduction iif Tcge- 
tablM into EnKUnil m daring tb« Utter part of the reign of Ilcnrj 
TnL Etcd then they lude pm gicM *ery tlowljr, bring inml ouinly 
itar OMdieiaal purpoeet. Cnbbaget were flrtt grown in Kngland 
dwlactlie reign of Eltnbeth. Sootherclen Bun, p. SST. Bee lito 
Wade'i " Hiitury of England Chronologically Arruigetl," i. IM. 
Be aiji that aapangoa, eaalillower, attichokea, etc., were iatrodooed 

" Hopa, rrfimaaltoB, bay*, and lieer 
Came into England all in one year." 
—Old Engliih rhyme, quoted Boatbenien Bum, p. M5. See Rngen't 
"Story of Holland " a* to iaitmctian in agricalture. 
. f "IJie Haoaa Towoa," p. IM. 

t Motley, i. ST. Seebohm'a "PretaataatReTolatimi," IT. Thelat- 
Mr work, American edition, containi an interating map, •howing 
bow all the routaa of eommeroa by aea and huid oentrid in the Netb- 



iMTnonmr or oowran Aim lUMinrAonmn ill 

their flelda, great Flemith marM for the oarriage* of th« 
ariatocracy, artificial grawes fur the support of their 
•tock through winter, aptl I088OM in the cultiration of 
their aoil, which quadrupled its product*.* 

Still, though pre-epiif ont in agriculture, thia waa but ; % 

• minor industry among the Nethcrlanders. Fighting ; ^. 

the water for a home, they early learncMl their power, ' ■ "i 

and the humhled ocean became a servant as faithful and '.'/• 

almost as potent as the fabled genius df the lamp. In 
little barks they explored the Northern seas, sailed up 0, 

into the Baltic, crept around the coast of France and ".ii 

Spain into the Mediterranetm, became the best sailors, >■.-■■■ -f; 

bnilt up the largest contraMce, and early took rank at i 

the foremost merchants of the world. In the tenth oen- < t 

■ ■ • ' ■ 'i 

tnry, Bruges is a great oomoiercial centre ;t in the thi^ ' !v 

teenth, it is the first commercial city of Europe.^ ;;|: 

Why their commerce developed so rapidly is obvious .^ f^ 
when we consider the growth of their manufactures. 

Ut TCI rmuTAH m wmxako, itcuuid, amd AMmoA 

Chief among these nuuiufaotarai wu that of wooUen 
cloth, an imtustry ao important to Northern nations 
that its introduction marks an epoch in their history, 
for before this periotl they tuul nothing bat skins as ma- 
terial for warm clothing. This had its dHgin in Flan- 
ders, but at a period so early that historians cannot fix 
the date.* 

With the cloth industry', or following in itf train, ' 
grew up the manufacture of silk, linen, tapestry, and 
lace, which made Flandei's the manufacturing as well as 
the commercial centre of the world. Exporting her 
fabrics in turn increased her commerce, ami there were 
gathered in her busy marts the products of all dimes : 
drugs and spices from the East ; velvets and glass from 
Italy ; wines from France ; furs, metals, an<l wax from 
Russia, Norway, and Sweden. Nor was it only by the 
ocean that this early trade was carried on. Following 
the old Roman roads, the enterprising Netherhinders 

* Hillani, writing of Uw commfre* of Koropa, Mjrt : " Tb* aorth- 
•tn portion wu firit animated Uj llio wnnllen maniifiirtnm of Ftaa- 
den. It in not n»y to dlMorer the ekri; lieginninga nf tliii, or to 
account for iu rapid adrancenwnt. The feitililj of tliat iHtnriae* 
and ita Stcilitiea of internal navigatioa were donbtleaa neoraaaiy 
caoaet; but there muat hare bren aoaw (eni|mrar]r cmiHinigemeat 
fttHn the peiaonal character of ita aorereigns or other accidental dr- 
ramatancce. Bereml teatimoniea to the flouriahing condition of 
FlemUh mannlkctnrea occur la the twelfth ccntnry, and aouio might 
Iw found perhapa earlier. A wriirr of the thirteenth oenturjr aiaerta 
that all the world waa clothed fWira Engliali wool wmught in Flait- 
den. Thia, Indeed, la an eiaggeraled Taunt : bat the Plemiah atoft 
were probably aoM whererer the aea or a narigable rirer penaittMi 
Ibem to be carried."— Ilallam'a " Middle Agea," chap, ix., put I. 
Robertaon aaja that the nuinubcture of wool and flax leenia lo hST* 
been coniklerable in the Netlierlanda in the time of Cliarlemagaa, 
BobMtMa'i "Cbartea Y," (Aswr. ad. ITT9). i. W. 

nn mmutm tit m womnra cmmnr lit 

■umIo ^eir way throogh France, and down into Spain, 
meeting there the highly civilized and cultivated Moon, 
to whom they probably owed many of their improve- 
ments in agriculture and the arts. Sailing up the Rhine, 
they kept up close relations with the (.Normans, who, 
under the influence of Italy, were npidly stepping to 
the front rank among dvilixed peoples. * With Italy 
Haelf, which divided with them the oommeroe of the 
worid, their relations grew more aftd more intimate, for 
they were far enough apart to assist rather than to in* 
jure each otlier's trade, ami hence their rivalry was de- 
prived of bittemeas. 

What a scene as compared with the rest of Northern 
Europe, and especially with England, in which we have 
the greatait interest, must have been presented by the 
Low Countries during the fourteenth centurj' I In 1870, 
there are thirty -two hundred woollen-factories at Malines 
and on' its territory.f One of its merchants carries on 
■a immense trade with Damascus uid Alexandria. An- 
other, of Valenciennes, being at Paris during a fair, buys 
up all the provisions ex))ose(l for sale in onler to display 
his wealth. Ghent, in 1340, contains forty thousand 
weavers. In 1389, it has one hundred and eighty-nine 
thousand men bearing arms ; the drapers alone furnish 
eighteen thoosand in a revolt. In 1380, the goldsmiths 
of Bruges are numerous enough to form in war time an 
entire division of the army.^ At a repast given by one 

• • tm Jsama'i " HMoir of OergMii;," (br aa aeooaat of iti omuii- 
tioa bafon th« Reforrnktion. Alto Lttbka'i " Hiat of Art," Am. ad. 
ii. 1, and Olordano Bruno at to iU condition aboot 19(0, befon ths 
lliirt; Taan' War wnt It back to ■emi-harfaariim. 

t Littla domcatic conecrai nnlika our modam fiMtotiaa 

t TWas's « Art ia tbs NaUiatUada," p. ai 




ii« m mna n imujan.'nmjao, urn 

of the Ckmnte of Flanden to the Flemish ma 
the leata provided for the guetta being unfaniithed with 
cushions, they quietly fcdded np their samptuoua cloalo, 
richly embroidereil and trimmed with fur, and pkoed 
them on the wooden benched When leaving tbo table 
at the conclusion of the feast, a courtier called their at- 
tention to the fact that they were going without their 
cloaks. The burgomaster of Bruges replied: "We 
Flemings are not in the habit of carrying away the 
cushions after dinner." The (]ueen of Philip the Fair, 
of France, on a visit to Bruges, excUimed with astonish- 
roent, not unmixed with envy : " I thought myself the 
only queen here ; bat I see six hundred others, who 
appear more so than I."* CkMnminea, the French 
chronicler, writing in the fifteenth century, says that 
the traveller, leaving France and crossing the frontiers 
of Flanders, compared himself to the Liraelitea when 
they had quitted the desert and entered the borders 
of the Promiaed Land. 

Philip the Oood kept np a court which surpassed 
every other in Europe for luxury and magnificence.f In 
1444, he gave at Lille a grand pageant, the " Feast of 
the Pheasant," such as the modem world had never seen 
before. His son, Charles the Bold, married the sister of 
the King of EngUnd, and gave in her honor a pageant 

* Ontua's X tDtUtrj of tb« Nctberlmd*,'' p. 75, Cuvjr * Vm, 
Phil., IMI. 

r ' I1U library cooiMcd of the nmt manaicrlpu and Iho earilMt 
(pcdwat of printed booki, tplendldlj bound nod illuminated, tb* 
Ducleut of • colleetion which, enricbail liy •ucoeMir* additiou, h 
now om of th« nioat important of the wortd." Hi* collcotioa of 
genu an<1 plate waataid to bathe flncat in •xiaUae*. Kirb'a''Cbailis 
the Bold,"!. 88. * 

* 8m M to tmlU ud pageuU, oo« «itn««e<l bjr Albert DOnr ia 
ISM, deMribwl la TaiiM't " Art ia the NelbcriMMb." 
t Ult, 1M«, aad ItM. 

arumcm or ix m a m ta lit 

extending orer many dayi, even more magnifioent. The 
Engliah TisHon wrote home that it mliied the faiiy 
tale* of King Arthur and bii Round Table.* As Kirk 
well nys, in hia" Life of Charles the Bold," "the luxuries ;% 

of life oome before the oomforts," a truth to be remem- ?,i 

bered when we oome to view the Elizabethan age in '$ 

England. Reading of her two or three thousand gowns, ' i- 

the revels which attended her royal progresses, the costly . -i^l. 

garments of the oourtien, the tapestry, the gold and .^ 

silver plate to be found in some few nuuisiona, we should ' v v' 

make a great mistake if we regarded these exiilbitions '^f 

as proofs of an advanced civilization or of national com- . '^ 

fort In all such matters of luxury and display, Eng- -\| 

land of the sixteenth or seventeenth century had notb< Vt 

ing to compare with the NetherUnda a hundred or 
even two hundred years before. After luxury, come 
comfort, intelligence, morality, and learning, which de- 
velop under very different conditions. 

In the course of time even Italy was outstripped in # 

tiie oommercial t«oe. The conquest of Egypt by the % 

Tnrks,t and the disooveiy of a water passage to the In- v I 

dies, broke up the overland trade with the East, and de- 
stroyed the Italian and German cities which had flour- 
ished on it. Of the profits derived from the substituted 
ocean traffic with the Indies, and the new commerce 
with America— the commerce which helped so largely '^ 

to give Spain her transitory wealth and greatness — the 
Low Countries, acting as distributors, obtained more 
than their full share. Passrog from the dominion of 
the House of Bntgundy to that of the House of Austria, 


tit m mmur n astum^ mnLum, tm AHanoA 

whkh abo numbered Spain among iU yui poHeeeioni, 
prored to thmn in the end an event fraagfat with mo- 
mentona evil. Still for a time, and from a mere mate- 
rial point of view, it waa an evil not nnmixed with good. 
The Netherlander! were better tailors and keener mer- 
chants than the SpaniartU, and, being under the Mine 
rulers, gained subetantial advantages from the close con- 
nection. The new commeroe of Portugal also filled 
their coffers ; so that while Italy and Oenqanjr wera im- 
poverished, they became wealthier and more prosperous 
than ever, having; by the middle of the sixteenth cen- 
tury, absorbed most of the carrying trade of thei world. 

As I have already pointed out, the English, down to 
the time of Elisabeth and until educated by their neigh- 
bors, knew very little evei^ of agriculture except in its 
mdest forms. They were mainly engaged in raising 
sheep, and their wool, with that from Spain and Soot- 
land, went to the great market of the Netherlands.* 
The wool-sack of the Lord Chancelknr of England, says 
a modem writer, symbolises the period in which sheep- 
raising was the only industry of the people. When 
Philip the Qood founded at Bruges his new order of 
chivslry, he chose as an emblem a golden fleece. The 
artisans of the Netherlands had woven the wool into 

With wealth pouring in from all quarters, art natn- 
rally followed in the wake of conimeroe. Architecture 
was first developed, and nowhere was its cultivation 

* Orrta** « Bktonr of the Eaglbh Pwple," toI. i. Itook til. eUp. iv. 

t Coowaj'i " Evijr Flemith ArtitU," p. 57. About tSSO, theEag- 
litli, tangbt bjr NctberUnd nuignuiti, flnt began to ro»ka owna 
woollen clotb. BoutberdeD Born'i "ProlMlMtt RtAigMt In Enf- 


nore general than in the Netherianda. Our knowledgv 
of th« Middle AgM k itill w imperfect that little can 
be laid with certainty about the men who detigned and' 
the workmen who oonitruoted the luporb cathedrali, 
which, scattered over Northwestern Europe, protest 
■gainst our supercilious estimate of modem prograss, 
■taading, like the mins on the Nile, muto but unim- 
peachable wit ne ss e s to a former cirilixation. It is be. 
liemd that these structures owe their origin to a great 
■ecret masonic brotherhood, league, or guild, bound 
probably by religious vows, with hea<lqnarters in France 
•nd Germany, and branches in other parts of Europe. 
To a branch of this league are attributed the splen- 
did and daborately flnishied buildings with which the 
Netherlands were adorned between the twelfth and fif- 
teenth centuries.* Chief among these buildings were 
the cathedrals of FUnders and Brabant, some of which 
•were brilliant maaterpieoes. 

Bat the Church did not here, aa in most other lands, 
absorb all the skill and genius of the buiMers, and in 
this feet we see at once boW this people st^nd apart 
fhnn their contemporaries in Northern Europe. Else- 
where, in the North at least, architectural art was only 
a handmaid of religioa, all decoration, under the guid-. 
■noe of the priesthood, being lavished on ecclesiastical 
strootores, because the Church held almost all the knowl- 
edge and controlled a large share of the wealth. Hwe, 
however, another power was coming to the front. The 
BMndiants and manufacturers were generous enough 

• Motle;'* " Dntch ttopabUe," i. M, Wl ; "Th* Arti la tha Middia 
Agn," La Croix, p. 877, etc. Tlie flnt ■rcbttcctnre ftmn Oerauuiy 
tm pfobaUjr Rmaaati^iM. TIm tnia Ootbic oaa* tnm ili* Nw- 
SMHM in n«MS. 


IM TM rcuTAii » aoLuuim tmauan, urn amcmm 

toward* theOhnroh, but they ioob paiaed beyond the 
■tage where they thought it entitled to all their treas- 
nrea. Uenoe, even in theae early days, aecular areht- 
teotniv, one of the best meaaarea of the wealth and 
refinement of a nation, had attained to great importance, 
corering the land with town -halls and other public 
buildings, which are still the delight and wcMider of the 

England, at an early period, bad her okthednla boUt 
mainly under foreign influences ; but we lortk there in 
vain for any sign of devotion to art in any other public 
structures, until we come to comparatively modem daya. 
When now wo deeoend to the dwellings of the people, 
the contrast is no less mariced. At a time when the pri- 
vate houses in England were of the most primitive char- 
acter, differing, as to the middle classes, but little from 
those described by Tacitus in his "Qermania" fifteen 
centuries before, the cities of the Netherlands were 
studded over with private palaces of marUe.f Even 
in the thirteenth century the principal Flemish towna 
contained Tnrkiah hatha, their streets were paved and 
kept in good oider, while the hooaes of the wealthy 

* " Bargfaer opalcnce uul meigj are gnsdl; mkI Tigonxal; as- 
prmed in the Hcntor building* of Ibcn townt. For cx»iii|il«, mm 
hSTe the ' Hall of the Clothnuken,' pow the Town Hull of Tpica, 
lMft-tS64; Town Hmll tt Bnigee, begun 1M4; Conncil lIouM at 
Brugn, 1S77; CbeDcil Hoan at Brataels, IMl-AS; tlw Mill moi* 
magnillcent Town Hall at Louvain. belonging to the lecond half of 
the fifteenth eentai? ; and that at Oudenanie, Imilt in ISn-M."— 
LttUte'e " Uiitory of Art," ii. t4-IT. 

t In what U known in IliMoty ■■ tlia •• Spaalali Turj," in IST*, Um 
Bpaniardi ilettro;ed in Antwenf alone "at least Are hundred pal> 
aoaa, mottl; of maible and hammered atoiM." — Motlej'a "Ontdl 
Bepublio," ia US. 

Mi^Aimnro m nu ■■nnuAXM itl ■ 

bm^g^n w«re built of ttona and rapplied with ohii» * 

Nor wu the oontnut with the Engliah dwelling! 
oonfliMd to their external appearanon alone. Entering 
thoae of the Ketheriandera, one would have seen them 
flUed with paintings, ta|)08try, linen, bnus, and costly 
furniture, luch aa oould lie found in no other quarter of 
the globe. Albert Diirer visited the country in 1620. 
It saema by hia "Journal" that although he had lived 
in Italy, he was lost in wonder and delight at the mag^ 
nificent buildings, the costly furniture, the artistic orna- 
ments, the rich clothing, and the general dlnplay of 
wealth and splendor wliich he found in the Low (.'oun- 


If arohiteotore was at first the result of a German " 

and then of a Norman or French impulse, its junior, 
painting, was probably due to the influence of Italy, 
although exerted through the medium of the Uermaa 
dtiea CD the Rhine. Here, however, the pupil more thaa .f4 

• HailMi'i « Tut Art«*el(l." 

t The pietnra of John Amolflnl tnd hi* wife, on* of tbc taMam 
ia tha NitioMl Oaller; »t London, pnintad by Jan Vui Ejck, wlio 
was bora about 188Q, ahowi a Flemiah interior whicli ta very •ogg«8> 
tivs. TIm wlijecta are a well-to-do merchant and hia wife slaadinf 
ill their bedroom holding luinda. TIte ftanitnre cnnaiata of a hand- ' 
(OOM bedatead, with an upright carrcd chair by the aide, and • 
carred bench aldag the wall. Right pppoaite the ipectator ia a con- 
vex mirror let in a frame adorned with little medallion paiatinga. 
In the centre of tite (oom hanga a line bronie chandelier, and in- 
yond ia a glazed window with an oraage nn tlie fill. The painting 
b aigned "Jan Van Syck waa hare," and no eeitiilcate could ha 
ationger aa to the veracity at ita dataila. See Conway '• "Early 
Fleroiah Artitta," p. US. In a later chap^r wa ahall ae* how Eng- 
llth houMt were ooaatractad and ftmiabed, aren in tjia daya of 

Itt m mrrjkw m ■ouaiid, noumK aud Aiinioi 

repud the muter. The euiiett dawn of the art in 
modem Europe, aa shown in (reMo and distemper, ia 
foand on the aouthem side of the Alpa; but modem 
painting in oil, th^ art which glowa on the oanTaa of a 
Raphael, a Titian, or a Rembrundt, had it« origin in the 
Netherianda. Most authoritiea, from the days of Vaiari, 
have credited the disoovery of oil-painting to the broth- 
eiB'Van Eyck, who painted at The Hague, Ohent, and 
Bmgea, during the latter part of the fourteenth and the 
early part of the fifteenth century. This, perbapa, ia 
not exactly correct, for oil was imed in this country long 
before their era. Nor were they the first artists of the 
Netherlands in point pf time. For centuries the ohnrohea 
had been filled with paintings which teem to have poa- 
aessed considerable merit.* The moist climate, however, 
has worked destruction to most ot the wall productions, 
on whkh the repntatwn of the early artists was based, 
so that we can jadgs of them onljr bom oontemporane- 
cos reporta.t V 

But there was somathlng bealdea the oUmate. The 
dliarches of Italy, with their wide widls and broad roof 
spaces, afforded scope for fresco decoration which waa 
wanting in the structures of a Gothk) type, with their 
arobes, pillars, and groined roofa Ilenoe the Nether- 
land paintings were of a different class, being smaller 
and mostly executed on wooden panels. The ground- 
work of the panel was prepared with a thin coating of 
fine faster, and upon this coating the colors wers laid, 

* la 1141, ■ fln conniiBcd the prinolpal cburehM in Utraoht sad 
dntfoysd "• number of magaillcaDt psintings." — Ds*im'i "Hol- 

t W* bsT« • ftiw exealtaat Fbmbli will |i«latlsy, sad nna aMri> 
torioiw psaal pietarM oftlit fa aitowth i wt s ij .- Ooaw^, p. IIL 

m <HM ROK M wn im akd nan ««■» itf 

Mug mixad with tin white at ma egg or Um jnioa at 
nnripe figa. Oil wu employed, bat it« um wu attended 
with great ditadTUtagea. It was diScolt to lay the 
eokm flnely with it, and they took a kmg time to dry. 
For this reason it waa never used in the finiabed part of. 
the work, but only for laige mamca of drapery and the 
like. The great objection to thia pr ocea a lay in the tact, 
not then diaoovered to ita full extent, however, that in 
time the wbolo maw flaked off, leaving nothing bat the 
bare surface of the panel. To the Van £yck brother* 
is due the credit of remedying this defect. They mixed 
some sufaatanoe, probably reein, with boiled oil, and 
found that the/ now had a medium which dried with- 
out exposure to the sun, and with which the finest and 
most delicate work could be accomplished. Using this 
substance, the pUster on the panel was interpenetrated 
with the varnish, and the whole wrought fio finely Uv 
gether that at last the surface became like enamd, and 
it k generally next to impossible to detect the traoea of 
the brush.* The discovery of the Van Eyoks not only 
gave paintings a finer character, but made them sub- 
stuitlally indestructible by time. It was carried to Itatf 
by the artists from that country, who in great numben 
were then studying in the Netherlands, and a century 
later was brought to completion in the studios of Veniw 
under the hands of Titian and bis fellows. 

The Van Eyck brothers are, however, entitled to much 
greater honor than that of discovering a nen* ]>rooes8 in 
art. They were the crowning figures in a school which 
had been in existence for two or three centuries at least, 
and they were the greatest painter* of the age.t Together 

t ''TMrMB,''n|iLObka,'*i«io|iofiaM.ionBtr«BiBritod»a4 


m iva mtTAM m maum, MoiAink amb 

tiiej painted the worid-renoimed pkstnre of the " Ado- 
ration of the Lamb," at St Baron's Chnrob, in Ghent. 
The finest, part of this grand work is attributed to the 
elder brother, Hubert, who was bom in 1366 ; but toe 
remainder, oonoeded to the younger, is abo of extraor- 
dinfiry merit Loolcing at this picture, and at the later 
paintings of the younger brother, we feel that we hare 
oome into a new world of art. Here are no longer mere 
personified qnalitiea or abstractions, as among the Ital- 
ians, but real human beings, men painted as they looked 
on earth. Henoe we have in Jan Van Eyck the origi- 
nator of the modem school of portrait-painters, in which 
Flanders and Holland were to lead the world. But there 
is something more aboat these pictures. Viewing the 
paintings which t»«oede this era, we find as a back- 
ground for the figures nothing but a plain surface or a 
mass of gilt. In the " Adoration of the Lamb," we see 
for the first time a fine landscape as a background.* 
This innoration also mariu an epoch. Thenceforth the 
painters of the Low Countries abjured their gilt; the 
background becomes from year to year more important, 
until Joachim Patinier, bom in 1490, makes it the prom- 
inent feature of his pictures, and becomes the founder 
of the modern Xortbem school of landscape painting.f 
Thus we find that painting follows, among this peo- 
ple, the same coarse as its elder sister, architecture. la 
FrsBoe it was said that only what was executed for the 
Chnroh or king was art.$ This was true of most coun- 

M^nUeait, that Uw aorm yu adtag period is Italf acstcely Iwais 
«om|»ri«w with it" — "BWoiT of Art," U. 4SO-4M. Conwsj's 
•• hrty Fteotuh Artitt* ;" BMthkt'i •• Biitiii; of Oil - PKlatiag ;■ 
Tsiatli "Alt la ttw Mctherlaadt," tte,. 

• CMiw«y, p. ST!. t Labk% ii. iM. 

) CMmm'i " Lib oriOeliMl Aagclo," U. H. 

ouakoni or inmauiis Air tm 

tries. It, bowwrar, eeawd to be tnw in th« KetheriaiMU 
at aa «u4y date. We have aeen bow it waa with arobi- 
teotare. Eren in the cborchea, it haa been objected that 
the pare Gothic deaign was aomewhat Mcrifloed to the 
oonrenienoe of the worahippera. Theae people believed 
that cburchea were designed for man, and thoy there- 
fore made them comfortable for the maaaes; they be- 
liered that art was for every -day uae, and so applied it 
to their town>halla and dweUinga, and made it the com- 
panion of the ftreaide. It is this hontelike quality which 
distinguishes the great pictures of the Dutch and Flem- 
ish schools. In other lands the artists revelled in vis- 
ions of imaginary loveliness, choosing as subjects scenes 
in which youth and beauty usually play the leading 
parta. The NetherUnders loved above all things verity, 
and transferred to the canvu what they saw aroond 
them. They valued character and intellect above mere 
beauty of form, and so preferred aa subjects for their 
portraits faces which tell a story. As a rule, these faoea 
are not handsome, but they belong to men who look as 
if they had lived and had acoompUabed something in >/~ 
the world.* 

For a time, after the death of the Van Eycka and 
their immediate snooeasors, Italian art took the lead, 
and unfortunately many of the Netherlaml painters -' 
wasted their Uvea in the vain attempt' to work against 
th«r nature by an imitation of this foreign school. Still, 
there flourished in the Low Countries, during the whole 
of the fifteenth and sixteenth oentnriee, a great number 

• •• PMo WM qsito ri«1it ia miUac tb* BMHrtiiU tk* iplnidar af 
O* True, «ad tbi* would Im bow tha bat defloltioD of FIcmUh lad 
Patch paiDting."— a«iab«tu, in u unpubUihwl letter IVom 


rvBTAV n mauun, 


of aiikfU whoM works wotald Ulu high ruk bat for the 
marrelloiM prodnotiom of luly during the lame period. 
At laat came the mighty itmggle with Hpftin, which gSTe 
independence to the MTen northern proTinoe*. Qient 
u were the pt^tical'and religious oonsequonces of this 
straggle, no less nuurkcd were its resalts on art. The 
peofde learned their strengtht became entirely anlf-reli- 
ant,gBine<l intelleetnal aa well as political independence, 
deretoped, perfected, and enlarged the sohoob founded 
by the Van Eycks two oentaries hefmv, put away for- 
ever saints and Madonnas, and astoanded as they de- 
lighted the world with portraits, landscapes, marine 
views, pictures of flowers, fruit, cattle, sheep, hones, in- 
teriors of all deseriptioBs— In fact, representations of er- 
erytbing in nature or in life that oovtd instruct, elevate, 
arouse, or cheer mankind. Bodi a period of exaltation 
comes but rarely to a nation. It came to Engtend after 
the destruction of the Spanish Armada, and gave to the 
worid the literature which has made the Elixabethaa 
age so famous. There it culminated in po«try, for the 
Englishmen of that day were poetical and imagiiwtive. 
In the Netheriands it culminated in painting, beoaoae 
the people were artistic. 

How the artistic element permeated all classes of so- 
ciety is shown by the beauty of their products in every 
department of the mechanical arts. Uttle has cone 
down to us of the old Finnish jewelry, but it is spokoi 
of as perhaps the finest goldsmith's work of yrhich We 
have a record.* In the manufacture of fine fumitare 
they were unexcelled, and their laces, silks, brooadea, 
oaipeta, and rugs had a world-wide reputation. First 
uaaag all tbaae mannfaototed prodoots stood Uw tafm 

• Coawaj, p. I 

WMMBraaATim un raimira mvnmB uf 

Ufm wonn on the ioonu of Flaiid«n. TbeM haw niBTer 

boon squlled for besnty or for finMhed workouUMhip. 

Namben of them ■till mnrive, mnim with tinu almoat 

H trmk aa when they were woven foar or five ceBtoriet ^i 

ago. Xothing oould bear higher witnew not only to ';? 

the teehnioal perfection, but to the artittio spirit aa well, ' '|: 

which in this oaae ennobled manufactorea.* _^ . 

The atory of the development of art in the Nethei^ 
koda ia an intereating one, aa bearing on the prog^ -^ 

TCM of lociety and the expaiuion of the i<lea that " •!. 

there wai a oommonity outaide the prierthood and a 

nobility. Architectore flnrt boeomes secularized; next 
painting steps down from the cloods and sits by the 
hflwth^ne of the baiter ; then the artist displays his 
skill on the fumitare, the ornaments, and the dreas of 
these merohanta and manahtcturers. Finally comes the 
■tep which leads off into an andisoovered and untried ' i' 

ooean. ■, . s/J^. 

The common people, those who cannot afford to pay 
for oil-paintings, want pictnrea for their hoosea. The 
demand oreatea the aapply. The ingenious Netheriand- 
en discover that from blocks they can reproduce on pa- 
per pictures in black and white, and wood - engraving 
ia inveDted.t From the Low Countries the inventitm 

* Ubke, ii. 451 lUphMl'i eekbntod eutooM for lb* MMIm 
Obapel wen Knt So Am* to lia «0T«a. 

t AoeordiBg to U Croix, •"Tlie Art* in tba llhldl* Ann," p. 4ai^ 
wood-«agn>iDg origiiutted in Holland, daring the latter part of th* 
foartaentli centurj. On« of tho earlint ipccinKn* now extant exiit* 
at BraeaeU. and U daimed to bare been exectited at Maline* in 1411^ 
Booa aotltoritte*, bowcrer, aanrt tbat thi* i* antedated, and tbnl 
an angraTing don* in Boabia la 14tt i« tb* flnl welUutlienticatad 
■paeinen now In exiatenoe. Untoa'a " Haitan of Woocl-Kngnvb 

■^ T/ 



n|>idly tpnadi tbroogh Earope, ineetiBg with tevor «•• 
peoi«Uy in (^muui j, whrne tb« population bad inioiiM 
Motions niMiy of the mom ohumcteristio*.* ^ 

FollowiBg wood-engmring, »d4 m its B*tnnd soppl*- 
ment, came the printing of books from blocks. This 
<mgin*ted from the desire of poiraUrixing knowledge 
as engraving was populariiing art. 8ome of the earijr 
specimens are rude enough, but in others the work ia 
exquisite of finish. The letters were cat on a single 
block of wood, and then this blodc was used to print 
from, in Uie same manner as the stereotyi>e plate of 
modem times. The next step was to substitute mova- 
ble type for the solid piem. of wood, and we have the 
printing-press, which has rerotntioaiaed the world. Oar- 
nwnj, on the present evidence, will never concede the 
honor of this invention to a Hollander, but ita germ lay 
in the block books to which Holland kys unquestioned 
claim. It was, in truth, but following to its legitimate 
ooaolnsions the lessons of the architects «[ ho built the 
exquisite town-hallt, the artists who painted poitraita 
and landscapes, and the engravers who rrproduoed pict- 
ures from their blocks — that beauty and truth are for 
the mosses, and not alone for a chosen few. 

In addition to painting, there was another department 

* How widMpMKl WM tha hrs of art ia tiM RdlMtaaik Is 
ilMWB by tha bet that whaa Albert DQivr Tisiu tha ooaatrj Ib 
tba riiteentb ceotary ba paji bis cipauM ia part b; wHiag bia 
engniTiDgt, tba Maall lUMa baiaf retailed at prtcea which broagbt 
ttMm within the aiaao* of the haatUaet warfcawa. Bee hie "JnurBaL* 
It ia aleo tatoreatlag to notioa, in tbic conaecthm, that while Haoi- 
bnadt at a later day ireeired large prieca fcr bia paiatiaga, be ale* 
Msda SMoay flroai Ua etebioga, wbiob ba eaniad to great p a i fca 


mvmc a Hut nwaamuana Mi 

of art ia which the NeUwrlandan itood ■apreme. At 
■iMieiaii* they, for iiMirly two Imndred yean. )uul no 
rivaL Other people cultivate music ; to them it leeipa 
an inttinct.* Sv\tat is known m the Netherhuul Hohool 
ia divided into foar epoch*. It begin* with WilUam 
Dnfay, of Hainaolt, who wa* a tenor singer in the Sis- 
tine Chapel from 1380 to 1483, and whose masses are 
■till preserved at Rome. The next great master was 
John Okeghem, of East Flanders. He began to be cele- 
brated aboat 1470, and has been called the " patriarch 
of mniio," being the inventor of the canon, and in gen- 
•ml of artificial connterpoint. The school reached its 
•sniUi in the fourth e|)och with Adrian Willaert, who 
was bom at Bruges in 1400 and died in IMi. I>uring 
this period, covering nearly two centuries, the Nether- 
landa famished all the courts of Europe not only with 
■iagers, but with compoaen and performers of instm- 
■MBtal mnsio. They founded in Naples the first musi- 
oal conservatory of the world, and another in Venice at 
about the same time. It waa also to their influence and 
example that the renowned school of Rome owed its ex- 
JMenoe.t WiththeReformatlon,allthisoametoaspeied7 
end. The liigher class of music was, until the days of 
the modem open, reserved almost entirely for religious 
purposes. It was not easy to secularize it, and when, af- 
ter many years, the time came for doing so, the people 
of the Low Countries had lost their fwmer supremacy. 
Still, they have never lost their love for mnsio. T<Miaj, 
tbe great musical endowment of an ability to sing in 
parts is encountered even among the populace : the coal- 

• «M lUss'i " Art ia tin Katlwriaadii'' 

t BItter't " Hhtory of Mule,'' pp. TS, 87, 106; " KM:jclo|wdls 

Britamkis,'' utiela » Marie." 

IN m TVMtttM m mouuMO, mtouMa, utn AmnoA 

minen oiiganixe oboni MoietiM ; Um bboten in Aat- 
w«rp and ^mteli, and the Bhip-calken and laUon at 
Am^rdam, ling in chonui and iti true time while at 
work, and in the ttoeet on returning home at night.* 

Uere we may okiw thia chapter, and with it our gen- 
«nl view ei the material and artiatio aide ctxhe Netbe^ 
land proaperitj and pragreaa. The naolt ia a atriking 
one, in view of the little attention which, until a recent 
date, bos been paid to this people by the historiana of 
other nations. They took no great part in wan ; ainoe 
the diwdution oi the Batavian Legioo they had attOutt 
made nor unmade eroperora ; but before the middle of 
the aixteenth oentnry they had conqnered almost all 
the field* of indnstry and art. When the people of 
England were just beginning their wonderful carenr of 
modem progreas, theae men acroa the Channel stood 
foromoit of the world in agriculture, manufacturea, coon- 
meroe, engraving, and muaio, while they had only parted 
temporarily with the crown of painting, which, adding 
that of learning, they were to resume after UoUaad bad 
won her independence. 

• 1Wat'k<'Ait ia tkt HttiMrlMKli,"p. M. 


TBI NrnmLiNM wtron the wab with spaim 
nn onuN, mm towns, thk iTATa, bodoahov, auioioK, 


III tlw pnoflding chapter I Iwve *tt«niiit«d a brief 
■ketch of the rapid advance made by the Netherlandera 
in the indastrial pureuitR and in the arta, down to the 
middle of the aizteenth century. The important qiiea- 
tkMi now ariaea, What was the effect of this material 
{Mtxperity and deTotion to art on the love of liberty and 
the religioaa apiri^. which we should look for in this peo- 
ple, as an inheritance from their Ci«srmanio anccato^i t 

This qoeation is of interest from many points of view. 
Thoughtful men in all agea have been more or leas !■• 
dined to accept their civilisation nnder proteat. 80 
nnoh is said of ita enervating influence, and such stre ss 
to laid upon the virtues of the early heroea who lodged 
in huts and devoured raw flesh for food, that men have 
■ometimea asked, is it not better that we sboold retnm 
to a state of nature if we wiah to keep bright the flam* 
oi liberty t In ita rriigioiia aspect the sabject u stilt 
more important Many of the English Puritans were at 
intolerant as any of their opponents, looked down oa 
art, suspected, if they did not despise, refinement of 
manners, and seemed bent on weeding joy and beauty 
oat of life, as if their seeds had been implaBted by the 
«d«n«nyof««. The-. »», la ««y rasp**. «»1» 


m m raoTAM m aoujuni^ BratABA Am AiiniaA 

nnwortli/ profaMon of a goipel of lore, are MOMtimw 
held up M ezunplM of e«rne«tne« in religion, the theory 
that they were luperior in thii reapoct to other people 
of their time, and that their descendanta have degener- 
ated from their early virtuos, underlying much of Eng- 
liih and American history aa written in Kroe quarten. 

The effect of this teaching must be pemiciou in its 
tendency, anle« the proper corrective be applied. The 
men and women of the present generation are coming 
to nse the world in which they live, and to enjoy its 
beanty and its gladness. The young, often more ear 
Dcstly thooghtfttl than their elders, accept the pleasures 
of life, bat, with the grim visages of their vaunted an. 
cestors before tbem, are inclined at times to fed that Joy 
is somehow linful, and must bo paid for in the end. 
Looking only at the history of England, seeing the ex' 
cesses against which I>uritanism was there, a protest,../ 
dwelling on the virtues of oar ancestors and not sharply 
enough distinguishing their faults, all this is natural 
enough. It seems, indeed, as if the typical English Puri- 
tan, as described by some writers, with bis long, sad face, 
suspicion of joy and beauty, narrowness of mind, and in- 
toleranoe of the beliefs of others, was the embodiment of 
eameBtoess itself, and that his descendants, so far as they 
differ from biro, are moving down to a lower plane.* A 
broader view of history, however, will dispel this delu- 
sion, and nowhere can a better corrective be found than 
in the story of the Netherlands. 

Here wets a people with Urgely the same Uood aa the 

* 8n C*Aj\t't " Cromwt;!),'' and other writiag* of I he mum •cbool. 
Osrijie, it may be notioeil, liabitully tpeakt of the Hollaaden m 
■* low-minded Dutchmen," hecanie they did not lyapathin with all 
tkl airin of the Koglith Purilsiw, 

nmn Aim taouH pctdtaiiiiii Hi -' 

Englith, u)d wHh th« Mme inherited trtiU of ohuMV 
ter, bat educated under verj different conditions. Wlicn 
now we ooniider their eameetneM for civil and religious 
liberty, the record of the two nations can scarcely Im 
compared. Some of the English Puritans fled across the 
AUantio from a slight religious penecntion, and foandetl 
a New Enghuid. Others remained at home, fought their 
king in a few pitched battles, and established a common' 
Wealth, which in eleven years went to pieces, simply 
because the people were unfitted for self-government. 
The Puritans of Holland battled for their liberties du^ 
ing four fifths of ttoentnry, facing not alone the bravest 
and best-trained soMien of the age> but fUunee, the gib- 
bet, flood, siege, pestilence, and famine. Ever)' atrocity 
that religious fanaticism could invent, every horror that 
ever followed in the train of war, swept over and deso- 
lated their land. To '•peak in the same breath of the . 
hardshipa or sufferings of the English Puritan, as if they % 

served to explain his unlovely traiU of character, seems TJi,;, 

almost puerile. "?^ 

Out from this war of eighty years' duration emerged 
a repnUic, for two centuries the greatest in the worhl— 
a republic which was the instntotor of the worid in art, 
and whose cornerstone was religious toleration for all 
mankimL Ite people had endured everything for civil 
liberty and for the Protestant religion ; but they wore no .: 
long, sad faoee, nor did they, either at home or in Amer- 
ica, put men to death for differing from them in relig* ' 
ion. In view of their story, the pernicious theory that 
earnestnetM in reUgion or devotion to the principles of . 
self-government makes men joyless, haters of art, or pe^ 
secutors of their fellows should be consigned to the 
abysmal daricneas whence it came. Such a doctrine is one :': 
of the most striking illmkntioai of the cant of histoqr. 

114 Tn nmnuf at aoLLAiin, nrauNiK axd AiimoA 

^The English PuritanB, both at home uid in America, 
•xbibited great qnalities, for which they ihould reoeire 

. iJl honor; but they alio exhibited defects, k> ghuing as, 
in the minda of many persona, almost to obscure their 
virtues. The defects, however, as we shall see hereafter, 
sprang from the condition of English society under which 
its Puritanism was developed. To charge them to the 
age, as if all the world were in the same condition, is an 
offence against historic troth ; but that offence is light 
compared with the crime of cbai^ng them to religioB 
or to the love of republican institutions. 

Let us now glance at the form of government estab- 
lished in the Metherlandg prior to the great revolt from 
Spain, then at the condition of the people in reUtion to 
education, religion, and morals. This is necessary to an 
understanding of the nature and results of that wonder- 
ful struggle, and a comprehension of the mode in which 
the Dutch Puritans became the instroctorsof their Eng- 
lish brethren. 

In 1655, the Emperor Charies Y., broken j^y the goat 
and wearied of the cares of state, retired to private life. 
Before entering the monastery in which he was to paaa 
the remainder of his days, be turned over to his son and 
heir almost all the vast ]>o88e8sions which, wielded by 
his sturdy arm and directed by hia genius, had made hint 
the foremost monarch of the age. His successor, Philip 
IL of Spain, became by this cession king of all the Spanish 
kingdoms and of both the Sicilies — " Absolute Domina- 
tor," according to the high-flown language of the day, in 
Asia, Africa, and America — Duke of Milan and of both 
the Burgundies, and hereditary sovereign of the seven- 
teen provinces of the Ketherlanda. The hist was the 
richest and fairest jewel in his crown. Of the five mill- 
ions poured annually into the royal trearaiy, two came 

Tu nTHnuaB raoTiiioii tH 

from then provinoei, while only half a million ouna 
from Spain, and a like ram from Mexico and Pern.* 

The seventeen provinces at this time composing the 
Netherlands were so many separate states. Each bad 
an hereditary ruler, called a duke, marquis, count, or 
baron — titles which centuries before had been held by 
different persons. Now one person held them all, but 
•till each state maintained its individuality and had its 
own government, as the American colonies had theirs 
before the Revolution. As the King of £ngland ap- 
pointed governors for the American colonies, so in the 
Netherlands the superior lord, now Philip of Spain, ap- 
pointed governors, or stadtholders, to represent his sover- 
eignty in the various provinces, and a regent to control 
the whole. Within the provinces, again, wera the cities 
and towns, each of which had its separate charter, some 
of them so liberal as to make them virtual repnblic8.t 
The population of all the provinces was estimated at 
three millions.^ Three millions of people, according to 
Motley, the most industrious, the most prosperous, pe^ 
haps the most intelligent', under the sun. § 

The southern states, which in the end remaiued at> 
tached to Spain, were at this time the more populous 
and wealthy. Those in the north, however, were np- 


t In tha MTenteen province* wen 908 wslM dtiti, ISO chartand 
lowiM, snd taOO Tillige*. Kotlcj.LSt. 

X Abbot one foorth ■■ Urg* u at pretnit All MtimatM of popo- 
Intkn in tlie dap bafore * regalar cenaua wa^Uken are, howerar, 
ngae and onlj approximata. That of England at thia tima ia Bzad 
by Orean at from lira to aiz milliona, whila Macaatay placaa it no 
higher a cantarjr later. Ffof, Tborold Rogera, probabi; tho beat 
aothoiitf, eatimataa tha popoUtion of England In tha laign of EUa- 
abatb tt only two milliona and a halt Timt, Uanh, 18M. 



/idly stepping to the front, and the long war which they 
were about to wi|ge with Spain established their pre- 
eminence in all departments. Ilolland, in particular, 
had founded an industry of surpassing value. In 1414, 
a humble fisherman, Jacob Beukelszoon, of Biervliet, in 
Zeeland, by one of the practical inventions of which hia 
people were to give so many to the world, had opened up 
in the sea a mine of wealth richer than all the mines of 
Mexico or Pern. It was simply a novel and easy method, 
still in use, of drying and packing fish. Two years later 
the first large herring seine was manufactured.* Thence- 
forth the fisheries of Holland, at a time when almost all 
the world abstained from meat in Lent and on ev- 
ery Wednesday and Friday, became of vast importance. 
Not only did they bring into the country an endless 
stream of gold, bnt they nurtured the brave and skilful 
seamen who aided so much in building up the great re- 
public, f Half a century after this invention, Philip of 
Burgundy, writing to the pope, said that "Ilolland and 
Zeeland were inhabited by a brave and warlike people, 
who have never been conquered by their neighbors, and 
who prosecuted their commerce on eveiy sea." X 

•DtiMitt't " HolUad," i. 105. Autborithw iliffer u to thii claim of 
Bankclnoon, there being no proof in the recordi that he wiu the in- 
ventor of the proceei, which, howerer, originated in Bierrliet aboat 
his time.* Rogen't " Story of Holland," p. 27. Of more importance ia 
the itatement that the great impnlse to the fltheriea of Holland was 
due to the fact that about 142S the herring flnt began to spawn in 
the German Ocean. " The Hanaa Towns," by Helen Zimmem, p. 4B. 

t It shonid be mentioned to the honor of Charles V. that, being in 
IBM at Bierrliet, where Beakelaiooa was buried, he Tisite<l the grave 
and ordered a magnificent monument to be erected to the memory 
of the man who had rendered so signal a service to hisoouotr;. Mi- 
iniurgk Rnim, July, 1880, p. 419. 

t " U Riohease da U Holland," i. as. 

' m WALUD Towira m ths miodli aoh m 

Such waB the genend condition of the Netheriandi 
vben by the abdication of Chartes V. they paiBed 
to his sacceasor. Tliat gucoessor never undentood the^ 
peojde committed to his rule, knew nothing of their 
spirit, and could not comprehend why they so insisted 
on their civil and religious rights. Throughout the rest 
of Europe, the feudal tyranny having passed away, the 
monarcbs were absorbing all the power. Such was the 
case in neighboring France, in Spain, where Philip was 
bom and lived, and in Englapd, where he found a wife. 
Why should he not govern these provinces in the same 
manner as the other parts of his dominions ? That he 
oonld not, he discovered before his death. To unde^ 
stand why he conld not, we must look at the institution* 
of the country with some care. 

There was a time in the early history of the Nether- 
lands when liberty was in danger. The ancient Ger- 
manic freedom was protected chiefly by poverty and 
isolation ; but when men began to cultivate the land, 
: trade with one another, and lay up wealth, these warders 
went off guard. Hdd this people then been devoted to 
agriculture alone, the results would probably have been 
as disastrous as in other parts of Europe. But here 
commerce and manufactures came to the rescue, and 
. bnilt up the walled towns which were for ages the cita- 
> dels of freedom. The growth of these towns, and the 
municipal institutions there developed, form the principal 
feature of Netherland history. In most other countries 
the towns were mere aggregations of individuals, with 
privileges, customs, and chartered rights more or less 
defined, but subject to the general government, and 
oomparativelyearlyfallingundernationalcontrol. Here, 
on the other hand, when once established, they grew 
■teadily in power and independence, until in the end they 



IM TBI nmiTAM m boixahd^ naijum tm ajuuoa 

became almoat little rapablica, levying tboir own iasm, 
electing their own magistratea, and making their own 

It is not necessary for- our purpose, nor would it .be 
an easy task, to trace the origin of these towns and show 
the methods of their growth. Within the present cen- 
tury considerable attention haa been paid to these sob- 
jects, but much yet remains to be aooompliahed. All 
that has been discovered, however, tends more and more 
to prove the influence of Rome, in this as in other mat- 
ters, upon the institutions of the Netheriands.* 

The city of Bruges is perhaps typical of the later 
towns of the Netheriands, and its origin suggestive of 

• BaTigajr, in tab '* Hiatory of Roouin Law In the Middle Agci,'* mmI 
RajiKHiard, in bis " Histoire de Droit MuDicip*!," tisra trued the 
eoBtinnuice of manicipal institntiont in wme ten French cities ftom 
the ige of the Roman Empire to the twelfth centuiy, when the for- 
mal charters of cnmmunitiet fint appear. Hallam, tpeaklag of the 
French citiei of the elerenth conturj, aayi : " We unnt here dietinguiali 
the cities of Flanders and Holland, which obtained their independesoa 
mach earlier ; in CM^t, their self-goremment goes back bejond any as- 
signable date. They appear to hare sprung ftvm a distinct aoorce, 
bat still fVom the great leaerroir of Roman inslitutiona. The citiea 
on the Rhine retained more of their ancient organisation than we 
find in Northern France. The Roman language, says Thierry, had 
hen perished, the institutions sonrired. At Cologne we Und, ftom 
age to age, a corporation of oitiaena eiactly resembling the curia, 
and whose members set op here«litary preteasiona to a Roman da- 
aoent; we find there a particular tribunal for the emit hotumrn, a 
part of Roman law unknown to the old Jurisprudence of Oermany, 
as to that of the feudal systtun. In the twelfth century the ftee con- 
stitution of Cologne passed for ancient From Cologne and Trem 
municipal righta spread to the Rhenish cities of leas remote origia, 
and reached the great communities of Flanders and Bnbaat"— Hit- 
Im'a ■• lUadla Ages." vol L eha|i. U. note 18. ad. 1«7& 

Aim m onm~t naoBn towm im 

Um moda in which moh oommnnitiM mroM. ChurlemagM 
pbuited Mvend thouMnd Saxon ooloniBts on the weat 
oout of Fluid«n, purtly to repel the incunions of the ■ 
Northmen, and partly to lerve as hostaget for the orderiy 
oondoct of their kinsmen beyond the eaatem borden of 
hia empire. lie alio appointed m/onitier, whoM doty 
it waa to enfcHPoe obedience to the laws, collect impaat% 
and preaerve the royal forests. This arrangement was 
of brief duration. In the reign of Charles the Bald, 
about 860, a mde Flemish chieftain, Baldwin of the Iron 
Ann, ran away with tha king's dangfater, Judith, but 
after many vicissitudes waa taken into favor. Flanden 
waa erected into a county to be held aa a flef of Franca, 
and conferred on the bold Baldwin, with the title of 
Haricgraf, or Warden of the Marches. lie then built a 
oaatle, commanding a bridge over_^the little river Reye, 
with a ohapel to receive certain relica of St. Donatna, 
aant to him by the Archbishop of Rheims. Outside the 
walls he erected houaea for the reception of merchanta 
and itinerant traders, and laid out a place of meeting for 
freemen. Thna a small town aroae under the castle 
walla, which took the name of Brugge, from the bridgs 
to which it primarily owed ita exiatenoe. Tbia toll-houaa 
on the river, for soch it really was, developed into the 
city of Bruges, which in the tenth century had a huge 
oommeroe, and in the thirteenth waa the oommeroial 
capital of Europe.* 

Bmgca was, however, a modem town. It grew up ob 
a trade already eatablished, for the country had mer- 
chanta, and omnmeroe from which toll oouki be ooi- 
lected. Ita advantages were thoae of situation ; these, 
and not ita antiquity, gave it prominence. Other oitiw 

' fBBMaa't''VMAitmlil,''ik|f.L 


14* TBI rVaiTAII a lOiXAlID; lliaUNDl, AMD AMniCA 

in the interior an older, and it ia through them that 
the ideaa of Rome were handed down, which, mingled 
'with the tradition* of the Oerman race, built up the 
little repablica that studded the whole aarfaoe of th* 

The dittingniahing feature of all theae mnnici|ialitiea, 
that which more than any other gave them strength, 
was the lyitem by which the cititens were divided into 
guild*. The birthplace of thia inatitntion ia diaputed ; 
one party cUiming that it ia of (iermanio origin, the 
other that it waa derived from Rome. Perhapa both are 
right in pMl. The early Uermana were accoatomed to 
form aaaooiationa for mutual protection against acci- 
dents by Are or water and similar misadventures. Theae 
unions were called Minne, or Fricndshi]i*. Hence the 
word Minnesingers of later days. After a time the name 
of Minne paaaed into that of Ohilde, meaning a feast 
at the common expense. Each ghilde waa placed under 
the patronage of some departed hero or demi-god, and 
waa managed by officers elected by the members, social 
equality lying at its foundation.* With the introduc- 
tion of Christianity the demi-god waa replaced by a 
saint, but the deigy frowned on the aaaociations, which 
led to much intemperance. Such was the origin of the 
guilds of the Mitldle Agoa, according to some authori- 
tiea, and for those of a social and charitable nature we 
need look no further. Rut tite guilds which were of 
chief importance, thoae which charaoteriaed, the cities of 
the Netheriands, were aaaociations among member* of 
the same trade for industrial purpoaoa, and theae seem 
rather to have omne from Rome. 

The Romans exercised the right of asaodation from ft 

* BsMMi'* •• Vsa Artavrid," ckq^ L 

^* Tr^u WM much npinwd to tbaro. Bm " Lattn* of tk« ToongMT 
Flhiy," I. M. 

t For • short kceonnt nf th« Romui ipilliU. ••• " KaeydoiMWli* 
MtMalM,** wtiel* "OalM," ud ratlMtitlw eitail. 



im •tnuik-min ouon Ml 

verj aftriy time, and it is aHerted that Nam* enoonrafed 
the fonnation of craft-guilds, of wliicli Plutarcli enumer- 
ates nine. Exercined volunturily under the republic, the 
right became somewhat curtailed under tlie empire, and 
the collegia, as they were called, wore limited by im- 
perial decree.* Tet they became very numerous, not 
only in Rome, bat throoghout the reot of the empire, 
especially in the East, in Italy, and in GaoL Many of 
these associations were organiied for good-fellowship, 
some for religious purposes, others to provide fur burial, 
bat the most important were those formed for trade and ' , j 

inannfactures. Thus we find at Naples in the sixth cen- 
tarjr a soapmakers' gnikl, and in the Netherlands at the 
same period one for making salt. In Rome, the collegia 
were mostly confined to the poorer cbksses, but in tlie 
prorincos they numbered among their members not' 
only wealthy tradesmen, but also nobles. All chose their . , 
own offlcera, made their own Uiws, and paid contiibu- 
tkms to a common fand.f 

The Germanic guilds and the Roman collegia were 
thus much alike ; and in one or the other, or in both com- 
bined, we see the original of many of the instii.utions of 
the Middle Agea and of kter times. Out of the Germanic 
gailda, formed for mataal protection, insurance, and 
social parposea, grew the Anglo-Saxon hundreds, where 
each member was responsible for the actions of sU the 
others. From the same source came tlie social guilds 
whkih before the Reformation were lo namerons in Eng- 
inad, there b^ng over nine bundrsd in the ooanty of 

si^./^':.- . ■...,'.',,. .v.'.>:-ii.,i-^i.i'^',^^' -v-//,..^. ..■Vii^^MitV.isiik'. 

MS TBI nnoTAii n mouLum, tmium, ado amouc* 

Vorfolk alone. In tb« Ketheriands Umm oM G«niuinio 
MMwiatuMu Mem gradoally to have aMumetl the govenh 
ment of the towna. However, when this came aliout, 
they had lott their ancient name, and were no hinger 
ealleil gniida, bat commune*, embracing all who were 
entitled to gather together in the paUio place when 
the town bell rang oat the lummont. Thenceforth, the 
name gaild was limited to the trade or manufacturing 
aaaociationa, which seem to have had more of a Romas 

On being admitted a member of hit eraftf^aild, each 
workman took an oath to uphold divine wonhip, and to 
nerve hi* count loyally and with all his might. For 
miaoonduct he wax liable to punishment, while he was 
entitled to a pension after a certain term of honorable 
serrioe. Within tbegnild, there reigned the most perfeot 
equality, each membwr being part of a machine. Wages 
and prices were regulated by the deacon or head man. 
Hoars of lalmr were precitiely deflne<l, so that no em- 
ployer could Btenl a march on a competitor. Among 
the weavers, all the wool was bought by the guild and 
distributed on terms of strict impartiality. In eadi 
woriabop the nhmber of kianiB was limited, and no em> 
ployer was allowed to lure away the workmen of another. 
A master workman, as a rule, could not employ more than 
three journeymen at a time. A citizen of another town 
had great difficulty in getting into a craft-guild, unless 
if oookt be shown that extra bands were really needed. 
The competition aimed at was that of trade against 
trade, town against town, province against province, the 
Low Countries against the world, and not that of indi- 
vidaal against his fellow. With all these restrictions 
upon liberty of aotioB, the moat extreme care was used 
to aeoare elBoienay among the members of each guild. 

Tni sDiUM, ts»i mnon AMD mnoBiai im 

A long tai BidooDt kpprentioMhip wu required befoie 
ft man oould become a workman. Every miatake was 
poniibed with a fine, and any glaring violation of mo- ' 
nlity or infringement of the law by expolaion from the 

Each of theM tnidea«om)iaaiM had it* own chapd, 'I 

•ad generally ita own hoapital, aa well as its Aerft^iy, or 
houM of call, in which were preeerred ita chartera and 
other public docamenta. The memlmn made thpir own v, 

Internal Uws, and diiouaaed collectively all matter* re- . fi 

lating to their common intereata. Each aMociation was ■ ;| 

presided over by a dea4]on, or ileken, elected by the mem- 
ben, but rarely from among their ranks. Each liad its g* 
own trilHinal, from whose decision tlipre was no appeal. - ,,. 
Thus the guilds forrae<i little republics within the com- ■ v 
mnnes or towns, greatly curtailingJndividual freedom of J^|' 
aotion,batgiTinga8trength of co-operation much needed >! 
in the rttd« age of feudal tyranny. By the fourteenth '--f 
eentury they had become so numerous that we find fifty- 
two at Bruges and flfty-nine at Ohent.* 

In the nineteenth century, with its hurry and bustle, 
the anxiety of every man to make more money than \^^ 

his neighbor, and the blind admiration of aooamuUted 
wealth, the guild system of the fourteenth and fifteenth 
oentoriee seems like a peaceful dream. The com|)etition ' -^ 

of modern times, the outgrowth of the ideas of imlivid- '. | 

nal freedom inherited from our Germanic ancestors, haa, - ^^ 

perhaps, made life easier to live, but has taken awav i f. 

aoch of the charm of living. These craftsmen of t» 
Middle Ages were trained to do good work, for |ove o| 

*HnttnB'i''ymArto*eld,''elHip.T. TiMyoibMdfaialltlwtowBtL 
la IM7 th«« mn erar Ibrty la DordnahL GaddM'i "Jobs Os 



ifek *;,.»'".■ 

IM Tu nmiTAii m mauAMB, mmumo, akd ammuoa 

H, from pride in their bandieraft, and not from a detire 
for great wages that in time would enable them to riie 
in the social scale. It vraa honor enough to be a good 
workman, and that reputation locurecl all tbe comforts of 
existence. The same spirit extended through all classes, 
and has always characteriied the Netherlander*. They 
are shrewd enough at a bargain, are industrious and fru- 
gal, but they have never displayed the feverish anxiety 
to get riches which is the curse of England and America. 
Their merchants and manufacturers have always taken 
time to cultivate literature, science, tbe arts, and, above 
all, the domestic virtues. In the days when the guilds 
were in their glory there was much less distinction be- 
tween the rich and the ]HM>r than exists at present. The 
guild -houses were something like our modem clubs, 
where all the members stand on terms of equality. 
There the younger workmen, accompanied by their 
wivM, met their seniors and employers ; there they en- 
tertained strangers of their own craft, exchangwl ideas, 
and developetl n sentiment of comradeship which, while 
it gave strength to their order, also gave a fueling of 
contentment which is unfortunately rare in modem life.* 
AlbeK Dttrer has left a charming account of the re- 
ceptioo given him in 15S0 by the Painters* (luild at 
Antwerp. " On Sunday," says be, " the painters invited 

* Probabl J no reader ncccU to be ramlnded how Um nHxIem world, 
iMCtisg fttMB the doctrioM of the •' HeDchetter Bchnol," with its 
motto, " The race to the ewift, end the deril take the hiDdmoet," la 
tuming back toward* the ipilld tyitem of the Middh) Agea. Oar 
' traden-uoioM, which, with all their iinperfectloBt, hare b«ea of lata- 
tlmabla value to the working clanea, mark a itrp in Ihia direction. 
la addition ii the modern Irgithitluo la Oermany fbr the peoahmlag 
of old lailbAil workmen, and that propoacd in KagUad far tkair la- 


; PAarmir auiLD o» unwauf IM 

me to their guildJuU with my wife and maid-Mrruit. 
They had a quantity of silver plate, and coetly famitare, 
and most expensive food. All their wires were with 
them, and arl was led in to the table, every one stood 
up in a row on either side, as if th>y bad been bringing 
in some great lord. Among them were men of very 
high standing, all of whom behaved with great respect 
and Jcindness towards me." While at table, the syn- 
dic of the magistrates came in and gave four cans of . 
wine, saying that they sent it to do him honor. Next 
oaroe Master Peter, the town carpenter, with a present 
of two cans of wine. " When we had been making mer 
ry together np to a late hour of the night, they accom- 
panied us home in honor with lanterns, and prayed me 
to rely confidently on their good -will. So I thanked 
them, and lay down to sleep."* 

For the most part each guild inhabited a se|>arate 
quarter of the town, and over every quarter two otHcers 
were appointed by the burgomasters, whose duty it was 
to keep a list of all men in their districts capable of 
bearing arms, to see that their arms were in readiness, 
and to assemble them at the order of the magistrates, or 
upon the ringing of the great town bell. Over all these 
offloen were placed two, three, or four captains of the 
burgher guards. When the town bell rang, every citi- 
sen was bound to obey the summons, at any hour of the 
day or night. When called out to service within the 
walls, the several guilds acted under their own iMnner; 
bat in defence of the state they were accustomed to 
march under the standard of the town, and dressed in 
the city livery. As they were under constant drill, hAl 
their arms always tead]r,and were thoroughly organised, 

* Albot DOm'i " JoansL" 


■ '-T< 

IM tn rtmnAM m wauMn, maun, um trnmuBi 

it wu the woric of an incredibly ihort tpmee of time to 
man the walla and pat a city in a portare of defence.* 

The towns were mirrouDded by walla, rani(iart«, and 
moata, and entered through m«Mive gatca with purtcul- 
lit and drawbri<tge. Within, the itreets were narrow 
and tortuoui, to lessen the advantage of cavalry, archers, 
and orosibow-m«n. Manyof tbebouaesboMtedofacir 
onlar tower, the upper floor of which, reached only by 
a ladder, affonled a temporary retreat to the hoosehold 
when pamuetl by a victorious enemy, foreign or domes- 
ticf Thus protected, and with a population every mem- 
ber of which waa trained to the nse of anna, liberty found 
a refuge daring the oenturiea in which most civil rights 
were elsewhere crushed under the iron heel ot force. 

Without the walls, however, the city militia could, at 
a rtile, make little otand against tlie cavalry and heavy 
men at arms of the feudal barons. Yet, early in the 
fourteenth century, when FUndera was a flef of France, 
the Low Countriea taught the worid a le«on which was 
never entirely forgotten. Philip the Fair, having im- 
prisoned the Count of FUnders, determined to deprive 
the Flemish cities of their chartered rights, and to rule 
there as be ruled at home. The result was an npris- 
ing of the bui^gfaors, who, in ISOi, under the walla of 
Coortrai, met the French army in a pitched battle. On 
the one side were the picked knights, the flower of tbo 
French nobility ; on the other a collection of tnulom and 
artisans, merchants, weave^^ and batchors. Kut in the 
marshy ground about the city the heavy men at arms 
became a mob, and fell like cattle before the long pikes 
of their antagonists. 80 great was the slaughter of belted 

• Daviw't " HalkMri," i. Ml 

t Rsttoa'i •• Vu Aitncid," ekap^ v. 


nn ORAi 



knightt that Flemiih chroniolea call this the " Day of 
th« Golden Spun." ^ For the flnt time the feudal >yt- 
tem had broken down on the field of battle. The gla- 
inou^ was gone. In the manhea of the Netherlands a 
new force had been developed, which, thoogh often tem- 
porarily overpowered, waa to grow in strength until the 
final straggle with the whole might df Spain.* 

Next above the guilds stood the organization which 
they looked up to as the author of their being and the 
protector of their privilege* — the chartered city at town. 
Many of these town* were old, with prewriptive rights 
of long continuance; but it waa not until ihe twelfth 
oentury that they began to receive the written char- 
ter! which formally deflned and guaranteed their lib- 
erties. These charters were granletl by the counts) or 
lords of the various provinces, were sometimes gained 
by force, oftener bought with hard-earned gold, but al- 
ways guarded with the most jealous care. Although 
difTering in details, these instruments were in their main 
features much alike through all the seventeen provinces. 
They conferred the power to moke municipal ordinances 
aad regulations for the conduct of trade, to levy taxes, 
administer justice in all civil cases, and to punish the 
lower grades of crime. Even the right to inflict capi- 
tal puniahmeiit waa given to some of the more favored i 
towns. In few, if any of them, however, was tliere an 
iqipcoaoh to a democracy in later times. That bad 
fumii away with the iwlvance of wealth, (he rich mer- 
diaata and roMrafaoturen who aecared the charters hav- 
ing generally absorbed the power originally lodged in 
the whole body of freemen.f Still, offices were hold for 

• RaMoa'i « Vta Artmld," einp. UL 

t Usff*, bowtrar, •■ IsU u the flft«rath eaatnrf elected iu om^I^ 

lit m mna m ■ouum, tmuxa, um uaaaok. 

•hort terms, ap4 in UolUnd tpeowl regnMionB were in 
force by which no two memben of the gommment coold 
be within a certain degree of conianguinity ; tbos pre- 
venting the whole authority fh>m being lodged in the 
hands of a few families, as liap()ened in the cities of 
Italy, especially those of Genoa and Florence.* 
Antwerp may be taken as a type of the large towns 
, of the lower provinces, and its form of government il- 
lustrates the amount of freedom secured there in the 
middle of the sixteenth century. At that time it had 
outstripiNxl Bruges, and had become the commercial cap- 
ital of the world. Next to Paris it was the krgest city 
in Europe. In its su|terb exchange five thousand mer- 
chants were daily congregated. At its wharves twenty. 
Ave hundred vessels often lay at once, and five hundred 
went and came in a single day. Ouicciardini says tliat 
the city contained ten thousand carts conHtantly em- 
ployed in carrying merchandise to and from the neigh- 
boring country, besides hundreds of wagons for pas- 
sengers, and five hundred coaches used by people of 
distinction.! Among its inhabitants were one hundred 
and twenty-four goldsmiths who acted as bankers.^ 

tratM udimII; bjr nnirerMi niflVaf^r, «ll mile cititeiu tboTe the ngt 
of liiteeii bsTing the right to vote, end being eligible to oAoe. 
Kirk'i''Charlee the Bold," i. S*«. 

* Deriee'e " HolUad," i. 8». 

tlnlSM, sbouttlietiB* of the eppMraiicearOalceiudiiirabook, 
the lint coach wu introduced into England, bring imported from 
Holland for the uae of Queen Eliiabctb. Nathan Drake'* " Shake- 
apeare and hi* Tlmea," p. 419. It canted great aatonithment among 
the Ulandera. 8onie aaid it «a* "a great aea-ahell brought from 
China ;" othcra, " that It waa a temple In which cannibah wurtbipped 
■the deTll." 

} Manjr of the raercbanta were powMnil of eoormooa wealth. Tha 
Fnggen, a OcmaB bmily with headqaaiten at Augaborg, bat with 

Ainwup Am m o cwMuum w IM 

The lOTereign vaa limply " Marqui* of Antwerp," and 
Waa sworn to govern according to the ancient charters 
■nd laws. lie was represented by a stadtholder as an 
•xecntive officer. T|)ore were four bodies or estates of 
the city which managed ita affairs. First, the senate, 
half of whose members were renewed annually, being 
appointed by the stadtholder from a quadruple number 
nominated by the senate itself and by the deacons of the 
guilds ; second, the boartl of ancients or ex-senators ; 
third, twenty -six ward-masters, selected by the senate 
from a trijile number on nomination by the wards; 
fourth, fifty-four deans of the guilds, also selectetl by 


a bnuKh bouse >t Antwerp, fwphh the moit notable exsmpte of tlie 
TStt fortunoi MVumaUlcil on tlie Continent by MaBuftotum uiil 
eommerce during the Middle Age*. Autonjr.oae of the two broth- 
en, Tho died jut before this time, left six million gold crowns, be 
iridee Jewels and other raluable pn>pert.T, and Unded pnasessioas in 
•11 puts of Earope aad in both the Indies. It was of him tlint the 
lapcror Charles V., wbea viewing the mjral treasures at Paris, ci- 
claimed: "There is at Angsborg a lincn-wcaTer who could ps; as 
Bach as this with hts own gold." Of him also the stoi; is told 
that, receiTing on one oocaatoo a TUt ftnra the emperor, he Iwated 
the hall* of his princely dwelling with cinnamon-wood, and kindled 
the fln with bonds fcr aa immense soro, representing money bor- 
rowed turn htm by his myal guest. In wealth the Fnggets were 
the Rothschilds of their tiase, while in political inflaence (bey 6r 
aarpaased this atodem fiunily. Both brothers were ennobled by 
Charies, and in 161 • forty-seren counts and countesses were num- 
bered among their descendants. Later on tome of them became 
princes of the empire, and In the beginning of this century their 
hinded estates covered about Ibnr hundred and forty square miles. 
Uke the other Continental merchants of their time, Antony and his 
htother Raimood were liberal patrons of- literature and the arts. 
Thdr houses were fliled with rare paintings and costly books ; they 
supported artists and musicians, and founded hospitalt, aebaols, aod 
charitable institutions almost without number. 

180 m nnuTAK m voiuint, wmuxb, axd auooa 

the Knate from a triple number of oandid»t« prHwnted 
by their oonititoeiita. Tbeie four branche* divided be- 
tween them moat of the functions of the government. 
The semito sat oa an ap|)ellate coart, and alio ap|>ointed 
two hurgonuMteni, two ])en8ionariea or legal oounaellora, 
and all lesser magistrates and officials of the city. The 
chief duty of the ward-masters was to enroll, muster, and 
train the militia. The deans of the gnilds examined can- 
didates for admission to the guilds, and sMtlod disputes 
among the members. The four bodies, when assembled 
together, constituted the general court, legislature, or 
common council of the city ; but no tax could be imposed 
except with the consent at all four branches, voting sep- 
arately.* As the guilds had long before this time p— cd 
under the control of the wealthy members, and as the 
suffrage was confined to a limited class, the government 
was essentially aristocratic, but it was free from most 
of the evils of an hereditary aristocracy. All the mem- 
bers, except the ex-senators, went back after « short 
term of service to their constituents— like themselves 
engaged in industrial punuits— and thus felt the sense 
"of direct accountability. They would also naturally 
feel unwilling, while in office, to pass htws injurious to 
the common good, of which they were so soon to expe- 
rience the ill effects. 

In Holland, and in the northern provinces generally, 
the form of town government was somewhat simpler. 
The senate was composed of two, three, or four burgo- 
masters, and a certain number of tcAepen*, or sheriffs, 
generally seven. Together these offioen administered 
the affain of the town, but the sohepens sitting al<me 
formed a civil and criminal court. The sovereig:n was 



, V : .-V 

MLumi AXB TMi mut Bvmon tn 

reprawnted by an offlcial called a m^oui, whom he ap- 
pointed, but ■oraetimea from three candidates named by 
the senate. A Oreat Oonncil of the citixens, p o eaewing 
certain property qoalifloations, met annnally, and choae 
eight or nine " Good Men ;" these in tarn elected the bnr- 
gomaaten and the candidates, from trhom the schoat, 
as reprewntatire of his master, selected the sohepens.* 
The manicipa) government and the privileges of the 
towns extended over a certain space outside the walls, 
which was constantly extended by favor or purchase 
from the sovereign. Beyond these limits lay the open 
ooantry with its mral population, forming the domains 
of the nobles and abbeys, and governed by bailiffs, 
whose office was analogons to that of the city scfaont. 
Here, especially in the soathem provinces, there was 
mneh leas liberty than within the towns. And yet serf- 
dom was abolished in Flanders in the thirteenth oen- 
toiy, and the oonditioo of the peasant would, in one r»- 
aptctt at least, compare favorably with that of a penon 
c^ the same class t»day. He was an hereditary tenant, r ^ 

and could not be evicted from his little plot of land, nor 
sabjeoted to an annual or capricious increase of rent; ,, ».r^ 

neither could he be compelled to pay for the results of 
improvements which he had made himself.f Some of 
the Village oommnnitiea obtained charters from their 
lords, bat they had not the strength to oppose force 

with forae when their charters were vicdateH, and they 

^ - -;, 

* Davics, " HollHid." i. M, etc. | 

t HuttM't " Vm AitCTold," cbap. 4 TliU (jtitem, worth; of at- $ 

tMtion ftonpenoHiBlemtcdintfaehittory of IraluidiiUUpnTsib _> \ 

in Onmingeii, and to it the gnat protperitjr of the fumera of thmt -j 

I U RcncralW uttributed. " Holland and iti Penple," De Amicia, X 

p-SM. In England Mtfdom liogerad on until tiM niga of EUiUMth, 
sad, pailiapii, a little latar. Ooeiat, ii. IM. ^ 

; 'isi 


IM nu matui a- mauam. mmuim, aks ambdra 

were ooDtinoally Mibject to the tyranny of their power- 
fnl neighbon in the towns. 

A* the cities grew in wealth, strength, ami impor- 
tance, they acquired rights beyond thuse of mem local 
self-government, for we gee them sending deputies to 
the states or legislatures of the separate provinces ; tbns 
forming with the nobles, and the detgy in some oases, 
the parliamentary power of the nation. When this right 
was first acquired by the municipalities does not seem 
to be established, but we find it fully fettled in Flanders 
as early as 1286.* It probably aro»j from the custom 
of consulting with them upon matters relating to war 
or foreign alliances, questions in which they were par- 
ticularly interested, and as to which their support wookl 
be essential to the sovereign. Thus the treaty which 
the Count of Holland made with Edward I. of Eng- 
land in 1381 was guaranteed by the towns. Shortly 
afterwards, the towns of Holland, laige and small, are 
seen sending their deputies to the assembly of the 
states, to consider questions of taxation ; but by the fif- 
teenth centnry this privilege was substantially, and by 
the next century wholly, confined to the six principal 
cities of Dordrecht, Ilarlom, Delft, Leyden, Amsterdam, 
and Gooda.! 

As it would be useless to discuss the organization of 
all the provincial states, we may confine our view to 
that of Holland, which is the most important for our 
purposes. Here the clergy had no repretentation. The 
six towns sent deputies elected by their senates, each 
town, however, whatever its population, having but one 

* UMij, t. ST. KliM ytmn befora » Engliib Parliament, 
t DST let'i " BolUnd," i. 88 ; Hotlay, i. 37. la tb* ■avaBlcntk t 
tary It wt« utaided to tweWe othsr towaa. 

m oamAmM w WATii or mouun M 

vote. The nobles aiao wnt deputies, but they had only 
one Tote conjointly. Thos the towns Btood againat the 
nobles as six to one, forming a great contrast to the 
early English parliaments. No measure could be adopt- 
ed, nor any tax imposed, without the consent of each of 
.the seven bodies represented; and if any new question 
arose as to which they were uninstructed, the deputies . , 
were obliged to postpone decision until after consulta- 
tion with their principals. In times of peace no partio- . . 
nlar evil resulted from this extreme states-rights doc- [-^-f- 

trine, but in times of war it became a fertile source of '. '^ 

weakness, irresolution, and delay. The powers exer- j^ 

oised by the states were of course a shifting quantity, 
expanding under weak rulers, and shrinking under, pow- 
erful and arbitrary ones. The most essential, however, •;,, 
that of levying taxes, no sovereign of Holland ever vent- /f^^ 
ured to dispute before the time of Philip II. of Spain.* ^^ 
It appears to have l^n competent for any town to call 
an assembly, but the more common practice was to peti- 
tion the count or his council to do so, and he usually '>| 
convoked them at The Hague, or at some other place in *'^^ 
which he was residing. 

Although the nobles had but one vote in the assem- 
bly, there was another body in which they had great 
power. This was the council of state, or supreme court, .,' 

formed of the chief members of the nobility, selected by 
the counts. The council of state assisted the count in 
the administration of public affairs, guaranteed all trea- 
Ues with foreign powers, and in its judicial capacity took 
cognizance of capital oSencut, both ^n the towns, unless 
otherwise provided by their charters, and in the open ^^ 

oonntry. To this court, usually presided over by the 

• DsTiw'i •■ Holland," I. 86. 

IM nu rvwrtui a tauAn, tamuMt, urn imauen 

count in peraon, hy an appeal in oiril OHNM ftam 411 
the inferior ooarti of the province.* 

Snob, in outline, wm the general form of government 
in the countthip of Holland, and that of the other utatee 
waa much the aaroe in character, althoagis at I ahall 
ahow in another phu», the ayatem in lome of the ttates 
■till farther north waa much more deniqoratia How 
easentially it differed from that in England, and how it 
affected the coloniata of America, we ahall aee hereafter. 
The aeventeen provinoea were, as already itated, origi- 
nally leparate and distinct nalionalitiea, lordshipa, and 
fiefs ; but in the ooune of time, banning in 1384, by 
marriage, purchase, or conqoeat, all except three gravi- 
tated to the House of Burgundy .f Still, each state al- 
ways retained its separate existence, with ita indiridnal 
rights and privileges, its own assembly and council of 
state, and its own stadtholder, who, appointed by the 
sovereign, acted as bis representative. 

In 1477, Cbarlea the* Bold, whose fiery paaaiona, ohiv- 
alric daring, and wild ambition had for ten years be- 
wildered Europe, fell in battle by an unknown hand, 
leaving but one child, a daughter, Mary, twenty yeara 
of age. Lopis XI. was on the throne of France, and at 
once seized the opportunity to take poaaession of the 
Dnchy of Burgundy, aa a Upsed flef, and to lay claim to 
all the NetherUnds. The Duchess Mary waa at Ohent, 
and, under the advice of her guardians, called a grand 
cong[resa of all the fourteen provinces then belonging to 
the House of Burgundy, to consider waya and meana to 
reaist the French ag g r e ss i ons. This waa an important 
event, for it waa the first meeting of the Statea-Oeneral, 

• Davin's " UolUiia," i. M. 

t Kiik'i « ClMrin tb* Bold,'' L ML 

nu WAiinaimi tan m auanm op bouard iw 
or 0«neml CongraM of the KetherUnds, which pUyed 

•0 gnwt a p**^ >" ^'^ ^^* '"^"^"^''^ ''''^*^ °' ^' ^*^ 

It wu ako important in another aipect Under tb* 
rale of Obariea the Bold, aa well aa under that of hit :>.; 

father, Philip the Good, many inroadi had been mad* : 'f 

on the ancient prewriptiTe rights of the Tarioua atatea. "!|; 

The time had now come to retrieve the post and secure 
the future, and the keen-witted deputies summoned to 

' the gener^ aaMmblj were not slow to improve their - ^: v|< 

opportunity. The States -Oeneral were called together 
to grant subridiea for the war with France. The depo- 
tiea expressed a willingness to render every service in 
their |K)wer, but demanded that their grievances should 
be first redressed. The duchess reluctantly gave way, 
and the result was a formal charter for the separate 
prorinoes, written, sealed, and sanctioned by the oath of ' '>^ 

the sovereign and her guardians.* The charter granted j 

^ to HolUnd, called the "Groot Privilegie," or "Great ,4 

Privilege," is worthy of particular attention. ^ji, 

Its chief provisions were the following : The duobesi ' ,..|' 

should not marry without the consent of the nobles and : %;? 

the states; she should bestow the offices of the country --M'- 

on natives only, no person being allowed to hoM two aft . . - ti 

tjie same time, and none to be let out to farm. The 
Council of Holland was thenceforth to consist of eight 
members besides the stadthoUer— six Hollanders and 
two Zeelanders— and no cause of which the municipat . 
courts bad jurisdiction was to be brought before it ex-* . .'[ 

* Motley, la various place*, ipaakt of tba old eli«rten<l rigliU at 
tb* proviaoe*. A* matter of bet, few, if any of them, bad eharteis 
befora this tisM. TMr ticbu, aalilu tboss oftb* dtks, lesUd ia 



1M nn ranriM m moujam, tamuM», aud AunaaA 

oept by way of appeal. The right </« non evocando, m 
exemption from proMcntion oat of their prorince, wai 
to be preeenred to all the inhabitants inviolate. The 
towns might hold aMerabliee with each other or with 
the itatea, where and aa often aa they judged necciry. 
No new tolls or other burdens should be enforced with- 
oDt the consent of the states, and the freedom of trade 
and commerce should be maintained.* Neither the 
duchess nor her successors should ileolara war, offensive 
or defensive, without the consent of the states; and in 
case they did so, no one should be bound to serve. No 
commands of the soTereign should prevail against the 
privileges of the towns. The Dutch language should be 
used in all i|ecree8 and letters-patent. No coin should 
be struck, nor any alteration made in the standard of 

* Rnw esicfblly and wtteljr lh« NrthcrUixin* mainUtoed the A«t- 
dom of trade can be aaeo ftom an inctdent which aeamed to far back 
at the reign of Edward I. of England. Tliat monarch, In a letttr 
addreaaed to Robert, Earl of FUnden, lUtn that he haa learned of an 
actire interconne carried on between the Scotch and the Plendngi; 
and aa the Scotch had ttlien put with Roliert Brace, who waa in 
reljellion agalnat him and eicommnnicated bj the pope, be begged 
that the earl would pnt a atop to thit intercoane, and eiclude tke 
Scotch trom bis domlniona. The earl'a antwer waa (bll of expr«> 
iioni of reapeet tot the Engliah king, whom be deaired to p len ast 
bnt he aaid frankly, aa to the main qoeation : " We mutt not conoesi 
it from jruor mi^)eaty that oar coantry of Flanden h open to all 
tlw world, whore ererf pcnoa flmla a (hee admiwiun. Nor can w« 
take awajr thlJ privilege from penont concerned in commerce witb- 
ont bringing aiin and tleatmction upon our eonatrr. If the Scotch 
gn to onr ffoa, and our anttjecta go to tbein, it la neither the inten- 
tion of ourMlTea nor our aal>)ect8 to coeoange them in tlwir enor, 
ttot only tiJaary oa onr traiBe, without taking any part with them." 
-KTmar/- rM«%" UL HI, v^M M s »Mft Mmim, Jal^HM^ 


iu HMBiA auMtk or Muuun MB na onoi trnnuo tn 

money, without the approbation of the atatet. The towns 
■hoold not be forced to contribute to any petition for 
money, nnlen thoy bad tint ooniented to it, and the 
petition should bu presented to the itates by the loTer- 
eign in person.* 

This was a pretty broad instrument for the fifteenth 
oentnry, when freedom was bein^ throttled all over the 
rest of Europe. The duchess, to be sure, afterwards de- 
*olared it invalid, as obtained from her when a minoir, 
and her successon repudiated it and disregarded many 
of its obligations, treating it as the kings of England 
had treated Magna Chart*. But to the peofde it stood 
as a memento of the past and a prophecy of the future. 
They claimed that its provisions were not novel, but 
that it only summed up the privileges which they pea- 
sessed before the dukes of Bnignndy attempted to in- 
troduce the despotic system which prevailed in FrBnoe.t 
The Lady Mary marries the son of the EmperOr of 
Germany, and thus the Netherknda paas to the Bouse 
of Austria, and so down to Charles V., who acquires the 
three remaining provinces, including democratic Friea- 
land.t ^^ li^' "^VBO years before the abdication of 
his father, Philip II. visited the ooontry to receive the 
homage of his future snbjeota, and to exchange oaths oi 
mutual fidelity. As he passed from state to state the 
people swore fealty to their coming su\ereig^, and he in 
return swore to respect their \ariou8 rights and pnvi- 
legei. In iloUand hct took an oath " well and tmljr to 


t OrotJtM, " De Antiq Reip. Bst" osp. r. 

I Orsttan. FrniMUt, who wrote about 1 S80, lalil that th« Fnalaoi 
wtM s rtrj naraaiooabls rso* fcr aot r«oogiusi«g th« satlMritjr of 
tlMgrsst lords. 

in TBI rvHTAii n moLUtm, aimujm, um uamoA 

auintAin all the pririlegM and freedom of the noblM^ 
citiee, oomrounitiea, mbjectt — lay and clerical— of the 
provicoe of Holland and Wmt Friealand, to them grant- 
ed by my anoeetori, ooanta and (x>untewe« of Holland ; 
and,moreoTer,tbeir custonw, traditions, iMiigee, and rights 
which they now have and ue." * Uia father and grand- 
father had ■worn to maintain only the limited privi- 
lege* admitted by the luurping Houae of Daignndy, but 
he bound himaelf to maintain all ever granted by any 
of his prodeoewors. They, however, had been rather 
better than their ptomisea— for, in the main, they had 
reapeoted all the priTileige* of the states and eities— bnt 
he proved mooh worse than his. The right of self-tax- 
ation ho, for the first time, attempted to set aside. The 
result was revolution : thr people demanded all their 
privileges, and the Magna Charta of Holland became the 
foandation of the Dutch Repablio. 

Passing now from the question of the civil govern- 
ment, and reserving for another place a discussion of 
some features in the legal system of the country, let us 
next look at the subject of education in the Netherlands. 
Here we shall see why the Reformation made such rapid 
advances among this people ; and when we add a view 
of the state of public and private morals, we shall be 
able to understand the chaneter of the Dutch Puritan, 
and why it was that little Holland became for so many 
yean the bulwark of Protestantism as well as the ref> 
uge of religious and civil liberty in Europe. 

When learning began to revive after the long sleep 
of the Middle Ages, Italy experienced the fint impulse. 
Next came (Germany and the contiguous provinoea of 

the Low Countries. The force of the movement in 


•Motlsy,! 1» 

KMwu III m mnrntAvn IN 

thcM legiont is ihown by an event of grrat import^Mt^ 
not alvayi noticed by hiitorian*. In 140(*, there WM 
Mt*bliahed at Deventer, in the northeastern province of 
the Netherianda, an awociation or brotherhood, naually 
called Brethren of the Life in Common. In their strict 
lives, partial community of goods, industrj' in mannal 
labor, fervent devotion, and tendency to mysticiim, they 
bore some resemblance to the modem Moravians. But 
they were strikingly distinguished from the members of 
this sect by their earnest onltivation of knowledge, which 
was enoooraged among themselves and promoted among 
others by schools, both for primary and advanced edu- 
cation. In 143(> the Brethren had eatablighml fortr-flve 
branches, and by 1460 more than thrice that number. 
They were scattered through different parts of (iermany 
and the Low Ooantries, each with its school subordinate 
to the head college at Deventer* 

It was in these schools, in the miildle of the fifteenth 
oentory, that a few Oermans and NetberUndeni were, 
as Hallam says, roused to acquire that extensive knowl- 
edge of the ancient languages which Italy as yet exclo- 
sivdy possessed. Their names'shoiikl never be omitted 
in any remembrance of the revival of letters ; for great ' 
was their influence upon subsequent times. Chief among 
these men were Wesseis, of Groningen, "one of those 
who contributed most steadily to the puriiication of 

* "Tbdr whooh wefc," wft Bkkhera, " the 6rtt KcasiM uur s w ti s 
of lUantan in Oenaany, w hr M it d«|)eiHl«d on thr knowledge of 
laagmgw; uid in tlwm wu tint taught the Latin, ami, in proccM 
of tisM, tlM Greek ami Eaateni tonguca." Groningen liafi alao • 
lohool (St. Edward'a) of oonaiderable merit, while at Zwoll, not tu 
diatsnt, wa* another, orer which Thomaa i Kenpia ia muiI to har* 
preiided. Hallam'a " Intmdiictian to tlia Litcmtnie of Barape," 1. 8S; 
BaadiT^ » Bsropaso Ubrarjr," Paria, ISM 

Mt m rauTAM n maixum, mmuMo, amd akmuoa 

raligioB;" H^gina, of Dermter, nnder whom Eraimiii 
' obtained hia early edacatiun, and who ptobablj waa the 
flrat man to print (^^roek north of the Alpa ; DringebeiK, 
who founded a good ichool in Alaaoe ; and Longina, who 
preaided over one at llfinater.* ^ 

Thanka to the inHuenoe of theae pioneen ia h»ri i h i g, 
education had inade great progroaa among the Nether- 
Undem by the middle of the »ixt«enth century. They 
could not, to be aure, aa yet rival the aciebce and cnltnra 
of Italy, but even in aome of the upper branches they 
were taking high rank. Already Eraamua, of Itotterdam, 
the greateat aoholar of the age^ had filled all Europe with 
hia fame. Veaaliua, of Bmawla, physician to Charlea V. 
and Phiup II., was diaaecting the human body and pro- 
ducing the first comprehensive and systematic view of 
anatomy .f Sainte Aldegonde waa one of the moat 
aooom|diahed men of the age. II« qioke and wrote 
Latin, Spanish, Italian, French, German, and Flemish. 
He composed poignant Greek epigrams, translated the 
Paalms from Hebrew into Flemish verse for the use of 
the Reformed Church, was a profound lawyer and theo- 
logian, an eloquent orator, a akilful diplomatist, and a 
writer of European celebrity .$ William of Orange him- 
uit was no mean aohoUr. lie also spoke and wrote 
with facility Ijttin, French, German, Flemish, and Rpan- 
iab. Apart from these, there was a host of other men 

t " VmsUm, a nsttre of BnMwIt, ha* btm tatOMd tb* tantOu af 
haaMB aaatomy, ami hb fnat work, ' Da Hniaaoi Corporl* Fabrics,* 
Is S««a ytt a ipleiKtlcl nioanBMat of art aa well aa icieBoe. It ia MUd, 
•hheagii probably iacometly, tbat the tguiw wara dMigaad by 
Titian." — Wbawatra '•Hiat.oT Iba lodacdTa Bdaaeaa," UL IM; 
Hallaa,!. tM. 

t Kotlcjr'i •• Uaitrd Xatharisada," L IM- 


•f varM MworaplkhsMata, buuit of tham of daap ud 
Wtauive leM-aing. 

8tiU, the ooantry wm not, >t thia time, dittiDgawbed 
lor the gra«t lobcdMrtbip which, half a oentviy later, was 
to make the uew lepaUio the home of philoaophy and 
soieBoe, aa well aa of the arta. The foandations of this 
adifloe, however, were already laid in the almoat anire^ 
sal edooation of the people. Abont a oentaiy before 
this period printing from movable type had been inrentr 
•d. That the UoUanden were the inventors may well 
be doabted ; hot, however this may be, no other nation 
ever pat the invention to better nae. They began at the 
bottom, and, placing the spelling-book and reader in the 
hands of every child, at a time when the maas of the Eng- 
lish nation was wholly illiterate,* gave to all c l assei an 
elementary ednoatkm. The extent to which the inhab- 
itants of the cities had profited by these advantages, 
before the outbreak of the war with Spain, may well 
asem phenomenal even at the present day. Motley, 
writing of Antwerp in the middle of the sixteenth oen- 
tmfjr, aajra - it was diflfcmlt to find a chiU of suflMeat ag» 
who coald not write and speak at least two languages." f 
Bat this phenomenal edocation was not confined to tha 
dtiea. Gniooiardinj, in describing the people oi Holland 
at this time, tells as that many of the nobles living a 
retired lifk devoted themselves wholly to literature, and 
•fan the peasants were able to read and write well.^ 

In all the principal cities of the Netherlands w««i to 
ba foond the BCMaUed Guilds of Rhetoric. These were 
aasodations of mechanics and artisans, who amused them- 
nlvea with oonoaita, dnunatic exhibitiona, and the rep- 

« Vttkf DnJM, " Btakwf MIS sad Ms Haws," f. tH, ste. 

t Hotter, i-ti. tI)a*kt'i''BoUsad,"i.48>. 



raMBtatkm of aU«i;oriM, whan aoroe moml trath wm 
Mt forth decked oat in all the splendor of ooetwae Uwt 
ut ooaM deriie umI wealth rapply . Tbeee perfomMMea 
ooiutituted the chief amuiement of the people, and thl|r 
were alwayi more or leM inatmotive. Certikinly their 
ezittenoe throws mooh light apda the gesenl intelU- 

It woold h»v« been itnuiie indeed if, in meh n loU, 
the ReforroatioB had not taken deep ud auij root. In 
fact, hereey wm n very oki itory in the Netherbnda. 
From the mkldle of the twnlfth century all the Met* 
which bad ariaen to combat or correct the aboM* vt 
Bome had flooriahed there. Nowhere waa their per- 
aecution more relentleaa, and nowhere waa it leaa suo- 
cearfnl. With the invention of printing, the old foraaa 
woricing againat the Chnrdi took on a new life. The 
cheapening of books led to the rapid moltipUcation of 
the Scriptures, and, what was of more importance, their 
paUioation in the common tongue. Prior to this time 
the idea bad prevailed that the Bible waa only for the 
learned, and so waa to be kept in a language which none 
others ooald underatand. Throwing it open to the peo- 
ple meant a religioos rerotntion. 

In this, the greatest of all steps leading to the Refor- 
mation, Holland took a leading part by printing at Delft, 
in 1477, a Dutch version translated from the Vulgate. 
Before the appearance of Luther's translation into Ger- 
man, several editions of this work were issued from the 
presse s of Antwerp and Amsterdam. In 1616, Erasmus 
made an original translation of the Kew Testament into 
LaUa, and thus paved the Way for the Beformatkm by 
the novd light which he threw upon the Scriptures. In 
a prafaoe to this great work, Eramus exptessed the hup« 
Ikiirt ths tnmilrtinii w»> flH bit wiiMbw^ Jin nH *^w**g**i 

iBAMunom or m MHji - , - IN 

M that the Oo&ptk and Epittlca might b« rawl in erwj 
hmd and by erery penon. 8iz yeu« after reading thete . 
worda, Latlier gare to the world hia (ihmnaa veraion of ( 

tba New Teatament Well waa it aaid that Enumua -■,* 

laid the egg which Lntber hatched. Again, foor yetn 
latM*, Tyndale, abo incited by the woric of Eraamut, nuide 
Ida tnwiUtion of the New TeaUment into English.* n 

Thia waa pabliahed at Antwerp in 15M. 

la IMS there appeared the flrat complete En^iah Bible 
tepriat. Thia waa the work of MileaCoverdale, who waa \ 

•Mployed to make the tranalation by Jacob ran Ifete* 
van, ci Antwerp, the fkther of Emanuel, tbu historian of - 
tke NethwkuMla. The tnuiaktion, which was fmm the 
" Douche and Latin," wai made, and the printing waa 
dooe, at Antwerp, the aheeta being tent acroaa the Chan- 
Mi by Ifeteren, " for the advaaoemeat of the kingdom ; 
of Chriat in England." t It waa not nntil l.%38 that any 
tranalation of the Bible waa printed in England. I*rior 
to that date mom than fifteen editicMia of the entire woric, 
aad thirty-four editiona of the New Teatament alone, had ' 
baea priated la the Netherianda in Dutch aad Flemyi. 
la no other eoantry were ao many oopiea of the Script- 
area pnbliahed at that eariy day; and not even in Qw- 
■uuiy, the hoflte of the Kef ormatioa, were they lo gen- 
eraUyraad-t ..;,■'■/;:;' 

• BMbobm't "PMMtaat Ilrralmim,^ PP- M-tM 
t Tb« CoTwdalaBibl* WM, nnttl raceatly, niiipaiwii to have beta 
InuiaUtad la Eq[Uiid. Its bittor; (nd the ooniwctioa of lUtcm 
with it m giren in tba "EMjclopiKli* BrltMinica." Wh •d.,arii- 
•(•"bfUih Bible." Tlw •< Doacbc " wu probably OerMa 

) "TImn eta ba no Mirt of cotupariwm bctwera Um naailwri of 
thiM adKtoM, •■<] ooaaqtmitlr tbe eagtnem of tiM peopi* of tb« 
Low Coantita fbr BlbUeal knowMge, and aajthiag that could Iw 
Ibaad in the Prataitaat itatM of Uia ampin."— UaUam'a " Uttnrton 

IM Tu mn»M n mcntAMa, VMLAXiik Am aumo* 

This exoeptiookl diMeminatioB oi Um ScriptniM «(• 
pUiiu the raligioiH history of the XetherUndi. With 
the Bible in a Icnown tongue, and through universal ed- 
ucation the property of the maasea, the Reformation 
here \rtm ineritable. The lame oauaes which brought it 
about alao gave it • peooliar ohataotar— a character com- 
mon to moat morementa among thia people of repoblioa. 
It began at the bottom, and woriied its way vn rery 
■lowly. In ofher oountriee converts to the new belief 
Were made among the royal cksMa. In such caaea, of 
oourte, their subjecta became Protestants, In fact, the 
doctrine was early laid down, and waa finally settled at 
the Diet of Aug^i^, whieh, in 16SA, gave a temporary 
rriigioua peace to Germany, that the people were always 
to follow the faith of their ruler ; in other worda, the 
ininoe waa to choose a religion for hia subjects.* This 
was the theory of the age. " Cu jus regio, ejus religio " 
was the motta The eaforoement of this political doc- 
trine explaina the extirpation of heresy in Italy and 
Spain, and finally in France. Save in one instance, 
F^testantism continued as a power only in the oooo- 
tries where the sovereigns or great noUea bedame its 
early coDTarts. The Netberianda form the one excep- 
tion to the rule, and because they do ao their religioos 
history is of absorbing interest It may almost be said, 
in truth, that in everjt other country of Europe the Bef- 
ormation was a political movement, while here it waa 
a religioaa onaf 

' In 1S17, Lather began hk contest with Home by the 
exhibitioB of his ninety-fire theses against indalgen 

• rblMr, •• OatUon at Hillary," p. 410. 
t It WM BOt aatil 187S, mora thiin flftj jcan ■ftir the opcuiBg tt 
tl» Bsftrwrtiiwi, tut WlUhaa of Owm Iiimsii a ftotwwa. 

Four yean later, Cbarlw Y., claiming the right to regu- 
late the religion of hi* sobjeota in the Netherlanda, iasoed 
an edict trhioh ihowa that heresy was gaining ground. 
" Aa it appears," says he, " that the aforesaid Martin is 
not a man, bat a devil under the form of a man, and 
clothed in the dress of a priest, the better to bring the 
human race to hell and damnation, therefore all hts dis- 
dples and converts are to be punished with death and 
/(urfeiture of all their goods." The next year the pope, 
at the request of the emperor, sent him an inquisitor^ 
general, and the Inquisition was formally established in 
the Netherlands. 

Woric began at once. In 1 628, two monks were burned 
at Brussels for heresy, and it was noticed that the city 
BOW began strenuously to favor Lutheranism.* Later 
OB, another edict forbade all reading of the Scriptures, 
■11 private assemblies for devotion, and all religious dis- 
oassions under penalty of death. The flames and the 
■oailold were called on to enforce these edicts, and yet, 
■trangely enough as it then appeared, the schism spread. 
In 1588, Mary, the regent, wrote to her brother that " in 
her o{nnion all heretics, whether repentant or not, should 
be prosecuted with such severity as that error might be 
at once extinguished, care being only taken that the 
provinces wore not entirely depopulated." In 1535, an 
imperial edict issued at Bnusels condemned all heretics 
to death; repentant males to be executed with the 
sword, repentant females to be buried alive ; the obsti> 
nate of both sexes to be burned. Finally, in 1650, a 
new edict r^enacted all former provisions, and, adding 
novel offences, made even the entertaining of heretical 
opinions or the concealment of heretics poaishable with 


IN TU rohiTAH w ■oUAin, BMOUink. un uauoi. 

death, while directing all jadicial offloen to render a» 
sistanoe to tiie Inqaintion, any privileges or cbarten to 
the contrary notwithstanding * 

How rigoroualy these laws were enforced is shown by 
the appalling records of the exooutioners. History calls 
Mary of England " Bloody Mary," because in her reign 
two hundred and seventy-seven persons suffered death for 
their religion.f These, with a few victims pot to death 
by her father, and some isolated oases in preceding 
reigns, nuike up the sura of all the religious martyrs of 
England until Elizabeth ascended the throne in 1SS8. 
Now let us look across the Channel. Grotius, who was 
well informed upon such subjects, says that a hundred 
thonsand heretics were put to d^ath in the Netherlands 
under the edicts of Charles V4 According to Motley, 
the number has never been placed at a lower martt than 
fifty thousand.^ If even this latter computation is cor- 
rect, the victims of the Inquisition in the NetherUnda, 
before the days of Philip II., probably exceeded in num- 
ber all those who have suffered death under its judg- 
ments in all the other countries of Europe combined, 
from the days of the Reformation until the present 
time.| ^ 


t Nori'i " Hittor; of the Puritam," J. «4. 

} " Anul*," lib. L 17 (Anuterdsm, 1658). 

{ Uottey, i. 114 ; Dmrie*'* " Hollud," L 4«e. PreMOtt, homrer, 
qaatioM then flgorei, "Philip IL" i. 880. It hm; b< notad that 
other inodeni writers agree with PrcscotL 

I Prior to the ■ppoiotoient of Tarquenwdii, in 148S, u loqnUtor. 
general of Spain, the Tictima tbero bad been very few. From 148S 
to 1808, the whole number who luflered death in Spain ia placed at 
aboat 3t,000 b; Lloiente, who waa Seoretuy of the Madrid Inqai- 
dtioD from 178S to 1791, Mid claimed to hare aeceas to the rcoonla. 
Bee bla" Critical Hiatory of the BpanUhlniaiaitioB.'* Catholic «ri«. 

TBI urrBnAH% taa oAi-Tim(n> axd thb MABAman in 

Boch WBM the religions reoonl of thii people when, in 
15&9, the dominion over the aerenteen provinoea p«Hed 
to Philip IL of Spain. Already some fifty thouttod 
men and women had laid down their Uvea for the doo> 
trines of the Reformation, and yet converta were on the 
'inoreaae. In the early days, under the influence of 
Germany, the tbeologioal system of Luther was in the 
asoendant; bat later on the Huguenots from France 
brought in the dootrinea of Calvin, who went to Genera 
in 1636, and Calrinism became the faith of the major- 
ity of the reformera. This it was that bound them iO 
closely to the Puritans of England, who all accepted 
substantially the same system of Calviniatio theology. 
Still, the Lutherans were not insignificant in numben, 
and, being found moetly among the upper classes, their 
influence w&a considerable. A third aeot, laiger than 
the Lttthening, bat without political or social influence, 
was the Anabaptists, or Mennonites, who were found 
mainly an^ong Uie poor of Holland.* These people, of 
whom we shall see much more hereafter, were in some 
respeota the inost interesting and picturesque of all, ex- 
erting the greatest influence on the independent sects of 
England and America. 

Before closing this chapter, and with it our general 
view of the progress and condition of the NetberJanda 

m saeit tbit he bu plaood tha flgnret too high. TboM who w<n 
pot to death in other ooantries outiide of Bpsis wen too fikw to 
mn the eggregate np to SO.OOO. It omj not be withoot inteieet to 
notice here thit the total nomber of the Tictiiu of the 6t Berthol- 
omew Haamcre in Frmnoe, thoee in Pari* and elaewlieie, it eatimated 
atfh>niSO,OOOtoao,000. Baird<i'<Bi*eartbeHiifpieDotsianaiio«k" 

iisaa. • • 

* PrcMwtt'i "Philip n.," iL M. 

i.i.^i^' V 


at the time of the outbreak with Spain, we may well 
glance at the state of their private and public mbraU. 
We bare seen the intellectual advance, the general edu- 
cation, and the wide dis^raination of the Bible, which 
prepared this people to receive religious teacliinga. All 
this, however, would have beeii of little avail as a prep- 
aration for the permanent reception of the doctrines of 
the Reformation, had there not been something beyond 
a mere intellectual cultivation, or even a religious fervor. 
We must remember— and no one can understand the 
hiat<H7 of Europe in the fifteenth, sixteenth, or even the 
seventeenth century who loses sight of the fact— that in 
many countries, and with many persons, there was little 
connection between morality and religion, and still less 
between either of these subjects and theological dogmas. 
To a large class religion was a mere affair of the mind, a 
question of intellectual belief, having no beneficial influ- 
ence upon the outer life. Men like Benvennto Cellini lie, 
steal, and murder, but are devout Catholics ; not hyp- . 
ocritical, but honestly believing that they are watched 
over by the angelic hosts and visited by spirits from 
heaven.* Philip II. commits almost every form of sin, 
Tudatea every rule of morals, and yet dies in the odor of 
sanctity, suffering the most ezorooiating agonies with all 
the fortitude of the eariy martyrs. He seems never to 
have doubted the fact of his direct translation to the 
abodes of bliss, since they were reserved for those who 
trusted in Mother Church. Peihaps the md&t remarka- 
ble illustration of all is found in the life and writings of 


* See hii Antobiography, irhicb is h fiuciDaUog x «nj ronunce 
ud ■• inttructiTe aa iin; ticatiie on pKjcbolog;. It girts the por- 
tnit of s ml nuui, u Italian of th« early part of the sixteenth cen- 
toiT. ' 


Uugaret of Angool^me, tister of Fmnois I., and Qneca 
of Navarre. Here was a woman of a deeply religioos 
natnre, mystioal — even inclined, it was thooght, to Pro(> 
estantism — herself of a pure life, who writes a series of 
stories, not only g^rossly impure, but showing an entire ' . 
absence of the moral sense. Honor, chivalry, and relig- 
ion all bloom in the " Heptameron," bot morality of 
any kind has no place.* ' ' 

Nor was this severance of morality from religion con> 
fined to those who belonged to the Church of Rome. ' 
Among many of the Protestant sects there was to be ' 
found wild religions enthusiasm mingled with a disr»- . 
gard of all the obIi<mtion8 of a moral code. Cromwell^ 
when in power, leads an unchaste life, keeps his mis- 
tresses, and is said to have had several illegitimate chil- 
dren ; but he is always devont, and dies in the faith, as- 
sured of his salvation ; not because he repents, but from 
an intelleotnal belief that, having once been one of the 
elebt, he must be saved.f The men who built up the 
English Church, and those who afterwards founded the 
Commonwealth, were earnest in their theological oonvio- .- -i^'^'S 

. tions, and it shows little knowedge of human nature to v . ' ';' 
think of them as hypocrites. Muiy of them were au- 
Mere of life and pnre of morals, but many others, becanae 
they bdieved in certain thedogical dogmas, thought ':'■ '^^ 
themselves absolved from ordinary moral obligations. 
In all this they were but exhibiting a phase of hunuut ' 
nature common to all men «t a peculiar stage of their 

* See "Ibrgartt of AD«p>ul(me, Queen ofNaraire," b; RuhinioB, 
"runom Women Serin;" kiM> Bsbd's "Bin of tbf Uuguenoti,"»,ete. 

t Oainfi "likcf CrpmwsU." 




When now we tarn UK the Proteetaat states of the 
,'^ Netherlands, we And mach less of tbia aeparation. There 

monditj and religion commonly went hand in band. It 
was because the people were intelligent and moral, be- 
fore they felt the influenoe of the roligious revival, that 
the Reformatioii made snoh permanent progress in their 
midst. Proteatantism is not the religion for a nation of 
free lirers. Individuals may be affected, whole oommn- 
'ii . nities may be swept over with a wave of etithosiasm, 

bat a people cannot permanently stand face to face with 
their Creator— and that was the idea of the Reformation 
until theology devised its iron bands to crainp the soak 
of men— unless beneath a religious zeal there is a foun- 
dation of sound public and private morals. This was 
shown in the experience of the Netherlands. At the 
outset the southern provinoea, more vivacious and with 
more active intellects, famished the most sealous con- 
verts to the doctrines of the Reformation, but they 
never formed a majority of the (wpulation, and much 
of the early fervor was soon exhausted. The northern 
provinces stood faithful to the end, making up in con- 
stancy what they seemed to lack in fire. It has been 
already stated that the ultimate line of cleavage toi- 
. , lowed that of race ; it is an interesting fact that it abo 

' i^j, fdlowed that of morals. 

.,V; ; '• In the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries the lower 
■tatet of the Netherlands were rather distinguished fw 
high drinking, fast living, and general immorality. By 
the middle of the sixteenth century this reputation was 
much modified, Italy and France having thrown all oth- 
er seats of vice into the shade. Still, there was then, as 
there always had been, a great contrast in matters of 
monlity between the soathera and the northern prov- 
inoea. Both, it may be obwrved, had the German vioa 


■nuun n aouurD m 

of drankenneM Urg«Iy developed. There wm MNBe- 

thing in the blood, and more in the climate, which predi»- 

poeed th«w people to an indulgence which the Latin races 

looked down on with diignat and horror. Yet, as the 

■ame writen who mention the drunkennen also inform ;.| 

lu that there were no beggan and no wortbleM poor in 

Holland, we mnat either believe that exoeasive drinking 

WM not followed by its legitimate reralta, or that the 

drankenneM waa largely oooflned to the upper riaf i. 

The latter ia the more reasonable explanation, for no ! *, 

nation of lots-coald have done the woric which these 

men accomplished.* 'C, 

With the exoeptioB of this one vice, the people of 
Holland were distingnished above all the nations of Eu- 
rope for indostry, integrity, and general purity of mor- ' <{ 
als, and these traits of character they never lost. For- 
eigners sometimes charged them with too great desire 
for gain, despite their devotion to science and the arts, 
but no one ever questioned their integrity. Public hon- .:f 

cMy is of later growth than that of individuals, men in 
a body often performing acts which singly they would 
condemn ; but even here Holhind has no superior in his- 
tory. Throu|^iout her long war with Spain the national 
credit stood unimpaired. The towns, when besieged, is- 
sued bonds whidi often were sold at a lai^ discount ; 
and men were foond who, as in later times among our- 
selves, mgad that the purchasers should only receive the 
money they, had paid. No such counsels, however, pre- 
vailed in a single instance. The debts of the towns, like 
those ci the state, were invariably paid in fuILf 

* Camden lajt that the BngUah Mqnired tMr taito fcr 
driak in the Netberhad wan. " Hirtoty of Ilhshath." 

in Tu nnoTAii or moujmk MHOium, and AMntcA 

Terliftpi Um mott oonclaure proof, not only of the 
high lUte of mormlity, hat alio of th« general adranoe- . 
ment of the people, is foand in the poaition of their 
women. Sayi Oniooiardini : "They hold adultery in 
horror. Their women are extremely circnmnpect, and 
are conaequently allowed mach freedom. They go oat 
alone to make visiu, and even joumeya, withoat evil re- 
port ; they are able to take care of tbemeelvea. More- 
oTer, they are hoaatkeepen, and lore their hooaehokia.** 
Nor was that all ; the women were educated, and, M 
among lome Continental nations of modem times, mis- 
gled in all the business of life, baying and selling, and in 
many csjes taking entire charge of the family property. 
The virtue of such wivea was not that of the harem, 
whether guarded by eunuchs or duennas ; it was the fruit 
of a high oiriliation developed on the moral as well as 
the intellectual side. What part these women took in 
the gra«t struggle for liberty is a familiar story. 



At the first gUnce it nwy wem Btmnge that moh a 
people M the Netherianden mibmitted to to maoh relig- 
ioiu peneontion befwe riaing in rebellion againat their 
iovereign. A little reflection, however, aaggeula the 
anawer. In the flnt place, they were preeminently a 
peaoefnl race, engaged in commerce and mannfactnres, 
and for many yaars nniiaed to war; while their ruler 
commanded the largest and best-diMi{dined armiea of 
the world. Next, those who suifered from the loqaisi- 
tion under Charles V. were all from the poorer daises, 
and the death of a few tbouaand scattered peasants or 
artisans made bat little impression on any oommanity 
three oentariea ago. There was no oonoert of actioa 
MBoog tha Tiotims or their friends, and they were in a 
small and weak minority. In addition, the exoeaaes of 
some of the c*riy reformers excited the fears of the timid, 
and in the religioos excitement of the times many of the 
supporters of the established church became as xealoas 
is its nfomation and defence as wa« the Protestant* 
ik their opposition to it. 

Among the people at large, Chariea was a great fever- 
ite. He waa bom in the Netherianda, lived much in his 
aative land, spoke the langnsge, was free and jovial in 
his manners, was a htumm s(Mier, and his countrymen 
fhU proud of him and bia aoUevsnanta. lie probab^ 

174 nu nnutAX m boixaiid, noLAiin, «mo uumka 

" had detigiu npnii their Ubartiaa, mmI porpoted, wh«i he 
had the opportunity, to make them into one nation. Bat 
the time never came ; ami ao, in the main, he reapected 
their ancient rightii, even to the point of keeping tiw 
Inquisition out of aome of the proyinoea which refuaed 
it entraaoe. 

With hia aon and niooeaaor all thia waa cba^iged. 
Philip waa a atranger, bom in Spain. lie ipoke no ian- 
gnage except Spunish ; he had no frienda except Span- 
iards ; he cared for no country except the one of hia 
nativity. Itegardleaa of their rigfata, he forced the In- 
quiaitioo on all the provinoea ; in violation of hia oath, ha 
filled the offlcea with foreignera ; and, unlike hia father, 
he trampled on rich and poor alike. Tharlea had not 
ruled in the intereat of any jMrticular section of his vaat 
dominionB. He had established no capital, but moved 
about with his court from place to phuse. The new 
monarch settled in Madrid. He porpoaed to build up a 
gigantic Spanish monarchy, of which hia other poaaea- 
aions were to be mere provinces. When these designs 
finally became apparent, all cisstes in the Netherlaoda 
were arouaed, and rebellion waa inevitable. 

Eleven years elapsed after the abdication of Charka 
before there was any cmnbined reaiatanoe among the 
, people. They were years at misrule, violation of cha^ 
tered righta, and extenaion of the Imiuiaition. At first, 
Philip had attempted to quarter Spanish tnwpa upon the 
couotry, bat the abandonment of thia acherae had been 
forced upon him by the indignant protests of the whole 
community. He himself waa in Spain, but he waa rep- 
resented in the Netherlands by Margaret of Pamia — a 
natural daughter of his father — and a council mostly 
oompoaed of Spaniarda. At length, a large number 
of the wealthy merohaata and the leaser noUea wan 


•rooaad to demaad a oeiMtion of the oraeltiM pnotked 
upon their poorer brethren. They ligned a bond of 
aUiance, by which they engage«l themaelvea under oath 
to milt to the ntmoat of their power the continauce <rf 
the Inqoiaition, aa contrary to aU htwa hmnaii and divine, 
Mid to devote their lives and fortnnea to the protection 
of each other. In April, 1666, leTeral hundred of the 
confe<lerates, pUinly clad, appeared before the regent 
and preaented a petition, setting forth that the Inqoiai- 
tion was likely to breed rebellion, and asking her to 
nspend its operations, llaigaiet was much distnrhed, 
but made no answer. Seeing her agitation, one of the 
council cried out : " What, madam t is it possible your 
highness can fear these beggars!" The words spread 
like wildfire. The ^nembers of the alliance adopted the 
name horled at them as a tannt, dressed themselves and 
their families in plain gray clothes, fastened in their 
flaps a little wooden porringer, aqd hung about their 
necks a medal on which a wallet was engraved. Many 
pf them were subsequently to prove recreant to th« 
eaoM; bat the name survived, and the "Beggan" at 
the sea and land have become historic. 

Th$„aetion of the nobles at once emboldened the com- 
mon people. Among them, despite the torture and tha 
flames, the Reformation had taken a gigantic stride. 
At first, they had stndied the BiUe and heU their 
meetings in pivate ; now, they came out into the jdains 
'and public fields around the cities, gathering by thou- 
sands, " to show," they said, " how many the Inqnisi- 
tion would have to bom, slay, and banish." Attempts 
were made by the anthorities to disperse these aa- 
semblies; and then the reformen went out aa if to battle, 
stationed guards about their encampments, with gnn, 
pike, and swofd in hand listened to the fervent elo- 

vn mi nmiTAii ui uoujjm, nauuia^ ahd uuuoa 

quenoe of their impMtioned prMohan, nng on« of the 
old int tongi of EteTid, and ratnniad home in militaiy 

Under looh a ■timnlos soon came the inevitable oat- 
break. In Angnat, 1664, four moatha after the " Beg- 
gan" had presented their petition to the regent, the 
caatomary prpceiion of a miraonloos image of the Virgin, 
pawed throogfa the atreeta of Antwerp. A* the prieata 
awept along they were greeted by th« jeen of the pop- 
nlaoe: "llaykenl Haykent" (little Mary) "yoar boar 
ia oome." A riot enaued, the crowd hurried to the 
oathedral, began to tear down the images, overthrow 
the altara, cut out the pictures, bum the maaa-booka, 
and ahatter the gorgeous painted windows. For two 
daya this work of konoolaam went on; then it passed 
to the other ohnrohea, and thenoe to the neighboring 
towna and provincea, antil, within a fortnight, five or six 
hundred sacred edifloes had been deapoiled of their i^ 
valuable art tr e as ur es. Strangely enough, all this waa 
the work of but a few peraons from the lower olasass, 
who cominitted no violenoe to man or woman, and kept 
BMie of the plunder for themselvea.* 

The immediate result of this outbreak waa tavoraUa 
to the reformers. Margaret, in terror, first thought of 
flight, and then published an " Aooord " which abolished 
the Inquisition and permitted the preaching of the new 
doctrine. With joy the people began to assemble un- 
armed, and even to orect buildinga for their meetings 
The reaction, however, was very apeedy. The upper 
olaaaaa in the Netherlands were artistic in all their 
tastes. Their lesthetio as well aa their religioua feelinga 
were shocked at the deatruction of the tntMtam, whioh 

> MoUqrV "DoUih BqMbUe," L 5M, (Ml 

nnup AMD TU Dcu or alta 


oentcriM of devotion had heaped np in their aplendid 
ohurchca. Beaidea thia, all the moderate men feared the 
effeota on buaineaa of these |K>)>ular tumulta which would 
draw down the wrath of Philip. The regent aoon dia- 
ooTercd the drift of pablic lentiment and straightway 
changed her policy. Calling in rach troops as she could 
command, and with the aid of the Catholic nobles, she 
began a system of repression much more stringent than 
any ever known before. Uprisings followed in various 
quarters. A few skirmishes ensued in which the insur- 
gents wore easily routed ; hundreds were put to death, 
and some sections almost de|x)pulated by the exile of 
thoae who left their homes rather than abandon their 

Meanwhile, all eyea wore turned to Spain watching 
for the effect prodooed on Philip by this hut develop- 
ment of Xetherland fanatioil'm. For a time he con- 
cealed his purposes, promising to viait the provincea 
himself, and writing fair words to some of the leading 
oitiaens. This waa but the lull before the hurricane. 
Among the chief adviaeta of the king waa a soldier, the 
Duke of Alva, alwaya prompting him to meaaurea of 
severity. Some of hia other adviaars, bemg civilians, 
now counselled moderation and concession ; Alva ui^ged 
that these *' men of butter" could be ruled only by force. 
Supply him with troopa, he said, and the war should 
pay for itself, while in addition he would pour a stream 
of treasure a yard deep into the coffera of the king. Un- 
fortunately for Sps^, Philip listened to this advice, and 
committed to thir'adviser the command of the expedi- 
tion which was to cruah out civil and religioua liberty 
in the provinces of the Netherlands. 

Alva waa a typical Spaniard of the day. He waa 
the greateat captain of a state which wu now the lead- 
I. 13 





ing military potrer of Europe. To understand him and 
bis measures, we must glance at the history of Spain for 
the preceding century. Kuch a gkinco will show how 
much evil may be wrought, even in a few short yean, 
by the abuse of untrammelled power. 

In 1400, just about one hundred years before, Fer- 
dinand of Aragon was married to l8al)ella of Castile. 
At that time Spain gave almost the fairest promise for 
' the future of any country in the world. In the south 
lay Granada, inhabited by the Moors, who had reached 
a degree of excellence in agriculture and in several of 
the mechanical arttf unequalle<l in any other |mrt of 
Europe. Proximity to them had educateil the Spaniards 
of Castile, whose cities were unsurpassed by any, except 
by those of Italy and the NetherUnds. All through 
the provinces were scattered the Jew^. who had emnbited 
the Arabs in keeping alive the flame of learning dur- 
ing the Middle Ages. In agriculture, manafactures, and 
commerce, the three great sources of national wealth, 
the people were making rapid progress.] In popukr 
education they for some time led all tlysir contempo- 
raries.* Their libraries were nnrivalled/and their uni- 
▼ersitios and academics had for oeniuries attracted 
scholars from all the Euro|)ean states/ Spain ])osge8sed 
also a fair measura of liberty. Thtfgovernuiont of Cas- 
tile was as free aa that of Englajra, and that of Aragon 
beyond all qoeition far more i 

* Tb'e Haon M«m to have been tbe flnt in mntlero UmM to es- 
tabtiih ft«e ichool*, of «hkh there were eight; in ConloTS sIoim. 
Pretcott'e " Ferdinand and Iwbella," i. 185. 

I Macauhy'a "Emty on Ilallam't ConMitnlional nittorr." SonM 
«f their Important inetitntlon*, a* I •hall ihow hereafter, havr been 
copied bjr other nations, and aa tiaual witbont acknowledgment. 



* Fiihcr'i "Outlinct nf Unirenat HUtory," p. 370. 





TIm free institutions o( Spain, like those which crop 
oat in the history of England before the (lays of the 
Todors, arose from the power of the nobles and the ^!)|, 

weakness of the central government. The country was :M 

.dirided into separate provinces. The old Gothic love \i^ 

of liberty still survived among the nobles ; it made them ;:>i 

chivalrio, but turbulent and unruly. Ferdinand and Isa- fl 

bellA,by oohsnmmate address and masterly statesman- ' , 

shipi, bnilt up a powerful consolidated monarchy, as the 
Tudors did in England, and as Louis XI. did in France, 
but they crushed out the spirit of freedom. The pe- 
culiar condition of the country, and the greut religious 
awakening for which that age is distinguished, made '' 
this a oomparatiMy easy task. 

First, a fanatical zeal was arouse<l against the Jews, ,' 

and for their extirpation extraordinary powers wore '' 

confided to the sovertigns, which, once acquired, were ' 

used against all clnsiw. Then, a crusade was organized 'i 

to expel the Moors. The ten years' hdy war which < 'I 

followed completed the royal work. The monarcbs 
wrested from the Cortes all their judicial functions, and 
conferred them on tribunals of their own creation. They ,^ 

obtained from the pope the privilege of flUing the bish- '^ 

oprics and grand-masterships of the militot^' orders. ' ■ <^ 

They reorganized the militia of the cities, and created % 

a standing army to overawe and subdue the nobles. ^ 

Finally, they established the Inquisition, ostenslltly for 
use against the Jews and Moora, but in its development 
it became a terror to all Spain. The sovereigns had the 
power to name the Grand Inquisitor and all the judges, 
and thus secured an engine of political tyranny une- 
qualled in the world.* " i . 


160 TB* Pt'BlTAII III HOLLAin^ MHOUam, AlRt 

Meantime, the people were intoxicated with military 
ambition and the triumphs of religioun fanaticism. In 
1403, the history of Spain was marked by three eyents 
which form the turning-point in her career. They were 
the expulsion of the Jews, the capture of Granada, fol- 
lowed by the exiralsion of the larger iwrt of the Moors, 
and the discovery of America. The disastrous effect of 
the flrst two acts has been noticed by many writers. 
The Jews and the Moon were the moat enlightened, the 
most industrious, the most progressive |ieople of the 
whole peninsula. Driving out one hundred and sixty 
thousand of one race and a million of the other dealt 
a severe blow to the national prosperity. Still, it is 
questionable whether the country suffered as mnch in 
the end from this cause as from the voyage of the im- 
mortal Columbus. 

The opening-up of the New World has been called the 
greatest event in history. So perhaps it was, but to 
Spain it was the greatest curse. Before 'that time her 
people were tilling the soil, building up manufacture*, 
and spreading their commerce, laying the foundations 
of a substantial and enduring pro8i)erity. The wealth 
of Mexico and Peru changed them into A race of advent- 
urers and robbers. Who would cultivate the land, or 
toil at the loom or by the furnace, when bold men across 
the seas were winning with the sword treasures of gok), 
silver, and precious stones, which they ooold not count, 
but measured by the yard!* In 1518, Qonsalvo, the 
Great Captain, had raised an army fvr service in Italy. 
Before marching, an order came for its disbandment. 
At the time a squadron, bound for the New World, was 
lying in the Guadalquivir. Its complement was fixed 

* PrMOOit's " Conquctt of Fwv." 



at twelve bandred men, but at once tbree tbousand 
of the recent volunteers, many of them representing 
noble familiea, clad in iplendid arraor on which their 
■11 had been expended, hastened to Seville and pressed 
to be admitted into the Indian armada. Seville itself 
was said, about this period, to have been almoHt de- 
populated by the general fever of adventure, so that 
it seemed to bo tenanted only by females.* 

The demoralization extended to all chtsses of the com- 
munity. Honest kbor came to be despised in the race 
-for ill-gotten wealth, (told and silver poured in, fort- 
unes were amassed ; but the prosperity was all illusive, 
for, with agriculture and manufactures neglected, the 
land was impoverished and the sun of Spain was going 
down. It set, however, in a blaze of military glory. 
The men trained in the wars of Ferdinand and Isa- 
bella became under Charles V. the bravest, bestKlisci- 
-plined, and most skilful soldiers since the days of the 
Boman legions. Among no race has ever been shown 
greater constancy in hardships, or greater prowess in 
the field. In the Old World, as in the New. they fought 
not alone for glory, but for the spoils of victory. When 
eaptured cities were given up to plunder, private prop- 
erty distributed among the conquerors, and prisoners 
were for heavy sums ransomed from their captors, bold 
and adventurous spirits looked to no other means than 
war for making or adding to their fortanea.t 

• Pmcott'i " FcnIioMd Md tebclU,*' lit. STO, 4TI. 

t The pnJDdice igdnM honnt Ubor which hkd grown ap In Sptin 
mart be kept In mind, ir wo would undentand the conduct of tlie 
SpnnUrdi In the Netheriiivli, Not only were the inmirgent* rebel* 
and hcretiet, but, lielng engaged iu induitricl puiiuitt, the; wer« 
^aoktd down upon ii men entitled to none of the righti sccorded 



A ccntqry of inch training had bred the man who now 
turned hii hungry eyes upon the rich and fertile Netb- 
eriands. The Duke of Alva had been a loldier tinoe 
his boyhood, having fought in Italy, in Oermany, and 
against the Turks, winning his way to the highest hon- 
ors. AVhilo he was an infant his father was killed in 
an engagement with the Moors ; the son grew up sworn 
to wreak vengeance on all unbeliievers. In his youth 
he was the favorite cavalier of romance and song. Mar- 
ried at twenty-two, he had in seventeen days ridden 
from Hungary to Spain and back, in order to see his 
bride for a few hours. All this, however, had long since 
passed away. Under forty, years of Spanish warfare 
his youthful chivalry hud ripened into fanaticism, cruel- 
ty, and avarice. At sixty years of age, tall, thin, erect, 
with a long face and yellow cheeks, piercing black eyes, 
and a sable silvoreil beard, he looked the iro|)urtarbablo 
man of fate. The army now intrusted to his command 
numbered only ten thousand men. The force seenU 
■mall for the subjugation of even seventeen little prov- 
inces, but it was made up of the picked Veterans of Eu- 
rope. With a thousand less efficient troo|«, Cortez had 
taken Mexico, and with a hundre<l and eighty Pizarro 
bad reduced Peru. Besides this, behind the commander 
stood the wealth of Spain, and the ability to hire all 
the mercenaries of the world. 

In August, 1567, Alva and his army reached the 
Ketherhinds. There they found an outward calm. The 
public preaching of the reformers had been su]>pressed, 
and most of the nobles showed contrition for their pre- 
Tious disloyalty. The regent was satisfied that all dio- 

to memben of the nobis or mtlh 117 ordan. Tbb CMliiif, M w* ibaU 
•M hereafter, wu not confloed to the Spuisrdft, 



tarbanoea were at an end, and implored ber brother and 
bia repreaentative to pardon the paat and pame a foi-' 
icy of peace. Of tbia the Spaniard* )iad no idea. What 1 
pardon men wboae bodiea they purpo^ to bam, and 
their estates to confiacate I What would become of the 
gold-tnino which they bad inarched ao far to open ! 

Alva began big work with celerity and decision. The 
month after his arrival be or^ganized, without aemblanoe 
ot law, the tribunal for the punishment of those engaged 
in the late disordera, which has made his name so in- 
&moas. lie called it the Conncil of Troubles, but it 
soon ac({uire<l the title of the Council of Blood. It waa 
com|K)eed of twelve members, but only two of the num- 
ber (both Spaniards) bad a vote. Even these two could 
only recommend, the final decision resting with Alva, 
who soon became governor-general, as the regent threw 
up ber office in despair. 

In this council, Alva worked seven hours a day. Be- 
fore three months had passed, eighteen hundred persona 
had suffered death by its summary proceedings, some of 
them the higfaest in the land.* It had no rules and no 
reguhir system of practice; an accusation was roudei 
depositions were obtained in secret and submitted to 
the board, and then the sentence of death almost imme- 
diately followed. The one great crime seemed to be 
that of having wealth. Men guilty of this offence had 
little assurance of safety except in flight. 

The effect of tbeae proceedings upon the peaceful 
Netherianders may be imagined, it certainly cannot be 
described. A terror seized u|)un them, such as is felt by 
the peasants living on Vesuvius when the crater begina' 
to bekh forth liquid flame. Still, the latter can flee 


• Motkgr, U. U6. 

■' VS 

184 TUB nmiTAM m bolumd, BiaLAiiOh aro AMmoA 

before their enemy ; but very loon no such refuge was 
left to the miserable men who withered before this fiery 
bUwt. They were leaving the country in such nuniben 
that Alva placed a substantial eml«igo on all Teiwl% 
and established a system for the examination of trav- 
ellers by land, which mwle escape almost impossible. 
However, the exodus to England had already taken 
place, which, as we shall see hereafter, was largely to 
affect her future. 

From the character of his reception in the Nether^ 
lands, Alva may have considered the subjugation of the 
country an easy task. If so, he was s])eedily undeceived. 
To be sure, the common people seemetl cowed by terror, 
and most of the nobles and the wealthy citizens at- 
tempted to make their peace. Still, there remained two 
enemies unsubdued, and while they were free the strug- , 
^e was not ended. The one v^oa a man, William, Prince 
of Orange ; the other was the sea, the friend of liberty, 
the vassal of the Netherlands. 

The man did not at that time appear to Alva a formi- 
dable adversary. For us he stands out on the page of 
history as one of its most heroic characters. Unlike our 
Washington, whom in many traits of character be much 
resembled, he was lx>m to high rank, wealth, and Inx- 
nry. From his earliest youth he had been the associate 
of emperon and kings. A soldier, an orator, a diplo- 
matist, he loved society and pleasure. All these acces- 
sories of life he cheerfully abandoned. For his country 
he sacrificed his private fortune, sought exile, poverty, 
almost disgrace. He live«l to see his well-loved Holland 
substantially redeemed, and died the " Father William" 
of his people.* 

* Ba was tbo sutbor of tba mjlag, Impntcd to «d ombj oilwn^ 

wnxuM or obaikui 


Born in 1588, at fifteen he became the page and favor- 
ite of Charles V., at eighteen one of hia trusted counsel- 
lors, at twenty-one commander of an army. When the 
emperor went through the mi^ificent ceremony of his 
abilication, it was upon the arm of William of Orange that 
ho leaned. Under Philip he was sent as a hostagie to 
' the Court of Franco. While there the incident occurred 
from which he has been called the " Silent." The French 
monarch supposed that hia princely guest was fully in 
the confidence of the King of Spain. Hence, one day 
while hunting, he unfolded to him all the details of a 
scheme by which the two monarclu, reconciled with 
each other, were to crush out heresy in their resjiective 
Idngdoms. The prince listened in silence to the fateful 
secret, neither then nor thereafter, by word or action, 
betraying his feelings at the revelation. Forewarned, 
however, he devoted his life to counteract the plot, and 
to rid his country of the hated S|)aniards. He was a 
Catholic, but he believed in religious toleration ; he was 
» Netheriander, and therefore believed in civil liberty. 

When Philip returned to Spain he appointed William 
of Orange stadtholderof Holland, Zeeland, and Utrecht. 
He was also made a member of the grand council of 
Margaret, the regent. Knowing the gravity of the situ- 
ation, he went cautiously about his life-task. He took 
little part in demonstrations, but set out to fortify him- 
, idf impi'egnably in the hearts of the people. Always 
oounaelling moderation, he softened the rigors of the 
government, while so acting as to force its hand. He 
aided in putting down the iconoclastic riots, but then 

"A Mend b cheaply bought bjr t bow." It wu hit amwrr whtn 
raproKbe<) with too much condMcentioa to tha poor. Da M>uri«i; 
p,m. DsTict't'<Bollaod,"(t.l4». 


Ml m rvtaTM ta bouuid, nouin^ axo ambuca 

iaterpoMd <Ai the ikle of mercy. No other nuin in the 
country Memed w fully to reaUze what Philip intended 
by Mnding Alva with an army to the Netherlanda. 
When'their coming wai definitely aettled, William re- 
' solved on flight. 

The exile, ai Prince of Orange, had eatatee in Oer 
noany, and thither he retired. Ue had strong friends 
among the Protestants of the empire, and with them, 
with the Huguenots of France, and the Puritans of Eng- 
land, began to build up a party against Spain. Amunn; 
his firmest allies were his own four brothers, who through 
gooti and evil report clung to his fortunes, three of them 
hiying down their lives in the contest for liberty. With 
their aid, by subscriptions from the Netberland cities 
and from the refugees in England, through the sale of 
his own jeweh^ {date, and tapestry, and, when theae 
were gone, by loans on his individual credit, several ar- 
mies were raised with which* in the summer and fall 
of 1668 he levied war on Alva. His commissions ran 
in the name of Philip, just as those of the Long Pa^ 
liament of England subsequently ran in the name of 
Charles I. 

Events proved that raw levies could not make stand 
against the disciplined troops of Spain, and that the 
mass of the people were not yet ripe for revolution. 
In an early engagenwat, to be sure, the insurgents 
achieved a success by entrapping the enemy into a mo- 
rass, as their ancestors had done at the battle of Coor- 
trai ; but they u^ere ultimately routed in the o])en coun- 
try, with a loss of seven thousand against a Spanish lo« 
of seven. Upon this venture the Prince of Orange had 
risked his aSL Now, broken in fortune, with his Xeth- 
eriand estates under confiscation, harassed by crediton, 
and with military prestige gone, he joined the Hugos- 


Atv* oomuiioBAni hb nnmra wr 

noti io France, to flgfatvtlMro the oonfliot which at home 
■eemed temporarily bopelew.* 

One enemy appeared to be subdoed. In the aatnma 
of 1568 Alva erected a monameqt at Antnrer|> to com- 
memorate his triumph. It oonsiated of a coloswl itatoe 
of himaolf, with a man having two heads lying at hia 
feet. What he intended the proatnUe figure to repre- 
lent was explained to no one. Some thought that it 
rapreaented the Prinoe of Orange and his brother Louis ; 
some, Egmont and Horn, who had recently been exe- 
cuted ; others, the nobles and commons of the Nether- 
lands. As the duke was one day busied in its oon- 
tem|ihition, a companion, accustomed to take liberties, 
remarked " that the beads grinned so horribly, it was to 
be feared they would wreak a signal vengeance if ever 
they should rise again." f The people tivaanred up the 
prophecy. To Alva it must havejieemod absurd. Conr 
strue the riddle as one might, at least he bad the two 
heads under foot. But he left out of calculation hia 
other enemy, the sea. 

While in France, the Prinoe of Onmge was advised 
bj Coligny to abandon for the present all thought of 
operations by land, which were expensive and therefore 
now impracticable, hnd to confine his warfare to the 
ooeon. The wise suggestion was speedily adopted. 
There was no money for the equipment of a navy, bat 
there were scores o^ brave and hardy sailors, owning 

* Borne idea of Ilia itato in which b« had formerly lived eu be 
getbered ftom the fact that on one oocuion, deeirini; to rednoe hie 
etteblitbroent, lie diaraiieed twenty - eight heed cooka. To bare 
■erred In hia bouaebold waa a anfflcient ncommendalioii far a aer- 
vut to any prince in Germany. Preacott'a " Philip U.," L 487. 

t DsTiet'e « Hollwd," L OU. 


\m Ttoi twtuK ta MiXAxn ■mLAMD^ Am AiinuoA 

their own veMola, who were only too happy to carry 
on a private war. With coromiwions to cmiie againat 
the Duke of Alva and his adhereeta, theae " Beggan 
of the Sea," aa they called themaelvea, soon made their 
power felt. ' 

From the ocean was atmck the fint blow which 
strengthened the handa of the Prince of Orange. Ita 
effects were not then appreciated ; in fact, it leemed like, 
a misfortune; but it contributed Homewhat to force 
EngUnd into the controversy, and also to bring about 
the consolidation of the Catholics and Protestants at 
home which was essential to a sucoessfal revolution. 
Early in 1560, some privateers, holding commissions 
from the Prince of Cond£, chased into the ports of Eng- 
land several merchantmen belonging to Spain, with 
eight hundred thousand dollars in specie, borrowed from 
Italian bankers for the payment of Alva's troops. Ra- 
maining outside, they blockaded the harbor so that the 
trading shiiw did not dare to )Mit to sea. The Spanish 
ambassador complained to Queen Elizabeth, who prom- 
iaed speedy redress. She granted it by seizing on the 
money and appropriating it to herself as a loan from ita 
Italian owners. This hi|^-handed act, committed while 
the two nations were at peace, infuriated Alva. He is- 
soed a proclamation commanding the arrest of every 
Englishman in the Netherlands, and the seizure of all 
English property. Elizabeth retaliated by measures of 
the same character, to which Alva replied by forbidding 
all intercourse with England. Appeals were made to 
Philip in Spain, but it was four yean before the con- 
troversy was finally arranged.* 

Heaotime, the Flemish manufacturers and ir?*ohants, 

• nwids, ia.>n. 


Mtm w T imiM m wou AOAnvr amain IM 

deprired of English irool and excluded from an English 
market, Buffered grcatlj. Ilottilitiea were now brought 
to their very doon. It waa no longer a question of 
mnrdering a few thousand heretics, but one which af- 
fected directly their national prosperity. r|X)n Eng- 
land the effect was more marked, not only upon trade, 
but in other qoarten. Elisabeth had no sympathy with 
the insurgents in the Netheriands, and had committed 
this act of spoliation simply in the spirit of a corsair 
queen, assuming that Spain was too much alieorbetl to 
make reprisals. She waa right in thinking that Philip 
did not wish to add another enemy to his list, but nei- 
ther ho nor Alva ever quite forgave the outrage. With 
this event begin the plots for her dethronement and the 
substitution of her cousin, Mary Stuart. Shortly thei»- 
after occurred the Catholic uprising in tine northern 
counties, and the pope's bull of excommunication against 

While these results were working out across the 
Channel, Alra was not idle, lie went on with his 
woric as if possessed by the evil genius of Spain. Al- 
thoagh the country was now at peace, no halt was called 
in the process of exterminating heresy. For some 
nKmthSjto be sure, a general pardon was promised; bnt 
when promulgated with a great parade, in the summer 
of 1670, the exceptions were found to be so numerous 
as to work its virtual cancellation. The fires still biased 
around the stake, the sosJfolds ran with blood, ami the 
pits in wbi«^ the victims were buried while alive mul- 
tiplied on every side. And yet the rich mines to be 
opened by the Spaniards did not yield the |Ht>miaed 
treasure. Alva had been obliged hiirgely to increase his 
army, which now numbered over sixty thousand ; hu had 
manned all the old fortr e ss e s and built new citadek^ 

im ita mna t» ■otum^ nouA no uokkk 

■ntil the coantry looked like s camp of Spain. All thia 
waa necwMry to keep tlie iDaai|[ent ehunenta under 
foot, bat it took large ranu of money, and, altboogfa the 
confiecationa were numcroai enongb, the ezpenaea left 
no |>rotit8. The |>n)miieil stn«m of gold flowed in the 
wrong direction for the royal coffers, and the duke had 
enemiea at court whoee tongue* were never idle. < 

Of Alva's military ability there can be no queatioa; 
he waa now to abow himaelf the moat incapable of utatea- 
men and flnancien. In Spain, and in hii own dukedom, 
there existed a very simple method of taxation. All 
the land paid one per cent, annually on its value, and 
when sold it paid Ave per cent. This hitter tax was 
heavy, but that on the sales of personal property waa 
twice as large, being ^one tenth of the selling price. 
Among an agricultural people, where land waa rarely 
sold, and where the only sales of personal property were 
those of the produce of the soil, this system had worked 
without resistanoei The brilliant idea now occurred to 
the Spaniah general that, applied to the Netherlands, it 
would solve his financial problem and enable him to 
realise his promise<l stream of gold. 

When this proposition was submitted to the assem- 
bliea of the states, in V!M, it was greeted with an in- 
dignant protest. Such a tax waa not only violative of 
all tbe ancient charteia, bat it woald be niinoaa to 
trade. Among a manufacturing community an article 
is sold many times before it reaches the band of the con- 
nmer A tax of ten per cent, on every sale wouM 
amount to a substantial confiscation. These and kin- 
dred argnm«Bta were niged upon tbe dnke, bat he re- 
mained inflexible. His only answer was that it worked 
well among his people. At length all the representa- 
Uvea gave way except those from Utrecht. That prov- 


tXtA't TAX A«D in irrMH ttl 

iaoe WM adjadfed to have forfeited all ita priTitagw 
and waa rabjected to an enomioua fine. The peq>K 
however, were so arouiod, and so great a prvMuro waa 
brought t4^> bear upon the governor, tliat in considemtioa 
of a krge aum of ready money he consented, for two 
yeara, from 1570, to niapend the operation of the Uw. 
The two ye«ra rolled aroand, long enough for the peN 
ncDtedf Proteatants, bnt far top ahort for the men of 
baaineas, who foreaaw impending ruin. When the time 
WBR up, Alva announced that there ahoold be no more 

Here, at last, the crisis of the straggle had arrived. 
Religious peneoation most of necessity affect cmapar- 
atively few, nnjost taxation touches every member of 
society. Men may differ about articles of faith and 
theorioa of government, but all alike feel tlie burden 
when the tax-gatherer appears. Hence, sagacious 8tates> 
men glove the hand which fills the pubUo purse. Of 
this wise policy, Alva, whose hands were cased in mail, 
knew nothing. The great difficulty in bringing about 
an uprising in the Netherlandg hod arisen from the 
fact that the Frotefitants for a long time were in m B^> 
nority, and were mostly made up of the poorer claMSS, 
It was an ag«, too, when military discipline was all-im- 
portant for conflicts in the field. The fortresses and 
walled towns with which the land was studded worn 
mostly garrisoned by S|ianish troops, and could be taken 
only by a general concert of action among the citiiena. 
This concert of action, which had hitherto been impo»' 
sible, the last acft of Alva wm now to bring about. 

In 1S70, the Huguenot war in France had come to an 
end by the ill-fated peace which led to the Massacre of 
St. Bartholomew. William of Otpnge had again retired 
to Germany. Ever watchful and untiring, he kept up a 

IM m rtnuTAii n aoutn^ mtmjun, amd AxmooA 

ooniUnt oommnnicotion with the Nethoiftiidt. There 
the work wu going bnveljr on. The sir wm fnll of 
the electricity which precedes a etorni. The diaoontent 
WM univennl, for the people foresaw the total destruc- 
,,tion of their civil •■ well aM their religioiu liberty. 
When the moment for action came, it developed a poll 
ej which America, two oentnriee later, followed in it* 
reaiatance to the Stamp act Rather than pay the tax 
of Alva, the people, by unanimout oonient, Mupended 
IxuineM. Every form of indiutry came to a ludden 
stand. Even the brewers refused to sell their beer, the 
bakers to make bread, or the hotel-keepers to famish ac- 
commodatkms for their gnesta. lilttltitades of workmen 
oat of empk>yment filled the streetf ; the Spanish soldiers 
went hungry because they could no longer purchase pro- 
visions. Alva, of course, w»« in a fur^'. Armed resist- 
tance he could meet, but bow make sn entire people re- 
name their occupations t At length he hit upon a pUn 
in oonsonanoe with his whole course of conduct. Of 
yielding he had no thought, but he would make a terri- 
ble example of some of these rofntctory sliopkeepers. 

Early in April. 1573, he sent one night for the (niblio 
executioner. To him he gave an order to arrest at once 
ei^teen of the leading tradesmen of Bmnnls, and early 
in the morning hang them each in his own doorway. 
The ropes and extempore scaffolds were prepared, but 
liefore the morning dawned Alva was a\vakcne<i to hear 
of something more important than the sale of bread aiul 
meat. It was the outbreak on the ae*«oast which laid 
the foundations of the Di^toh Repnblio. 

In the Utter days of Maioh, a fleet ot twenty-four 
vessels, belonging to the Beiggars of the Sea, was lying 
olS the southern coast of England. It was commanded 
1^ Admiral William d« la Mald^ a desoendant of the 

otmmB or bmu IM 

Wild Boar of Ardennes, whom Soott hu immorUliied 
Ib one of hia great novels. He wu related by bluod to 
Bgmont, and, according to the old Batavian costotu, bad 
■worn to let his hair and board grow until his country 
was free or his kinsman's death liad been avenfifcd. A 
Mvage, lawless, and licentious ruiflan, he bad inflicted 
great damage on the oommeroe of Spain, and in his 
warfare had not always spared the property of neutrals. 
At this time the omitroTerBy between Elizabeth tod 
Philip, arising out of the seizure of the Italian money, 
was hastening to an amicable adjustment. Alva eom- 
l^ned bitterly of the countenance given by the people 
of England to the Netherhmd cruisers, who matle that 
country a base of operations. The queen r;aa willing 
to avoid a cause of offence which brought no benefit to 
iier. She therefore issued a |)eremptory order, forbid- 
ding any of her subjects longer to supply them with 
piDvisions. Thus, driven out of their hut port of refuge. 
Da lalfardi and hia companions took to sea and surted 
for the coast of Holland. Entering the Heuae, they sud- 
denly appeared before the town of Drill. 

Brill, though well walled and fortified, chanced at that 
moment to be without a 8|i«nish garrison, its troops 
haviBg been joat before transferred to Utreoht. The 
Beggars, learning this fact, boldly demanded the sur- 
render of the town. They numbered only throe or foar 
hondred, at the moat, but the fame of their exploits and 
the feiir of the inhabitants magnified them into as many 
tbonsands. Assured of protection for private property, 
the magistrates sarrendere«i without resistance, but, 
having no confidence in the promisee of the corsairs, at 
<aoe fled the |>hu;e, with all tho leading citizens. Had 
Da la Karok been alone, the outcome would have justi- 
led their apprehensions. He had determined to plunder 


IM m MnvrAx m mollamo, mtaumo, aku ammmt* 

the town and then oontign it to th* taxom. Forta- 
mitcly wiser oouiueb prevailed. One of tbe iihi|s waa 
commanded by William de Blok, Seigneur of Trailuiig, 
wMoee father had onoe been gomnor ot Bnll. Hiii 
brother had been executed by AWa, and he himaelf al- 
most out to piece* in the diaastrou caniinign of 15fl8. 
He had iiince taken to the aea and become one of the 
moat distinguii^hod of the Ileggara. Hon far-«ghted 
than the admiral, be insisted that tbe town should fa* 
held for tbe Prince of Orange, llie ferocious De la 
Marck finally oonsenteil, but paid off part of his debt to 
the Council of lUuod by sucking tiie churches and hang- 
ing thirteen monks and priests.* 

The news of this exploit reached Alra just as he was 
preparing* to try his scheme for opening tbe shops of 
Bmnebk The joy shown on every face revealed tbe 
gravity of the ftituation. Tbe executions could wait, but 
here wa* soinething tliat re(|uired immediate action. Ten 
companies of veterans were at onoe sent from I'traoht 
to retake the town. They arrived before its walls, bat 
the quwk-witted defenders out tbe dikes and, rawing 
through tbe water, set Are to some of tbe tninii|iort-shipi. 
Hemmed in between the flood and flame, the S|ianiank 
retired and Brill was free. Its inhabitants returned to 
their homes and took an oath of allc^ancc to William, 
Prince of Orange, as atadthoMer for bis majesty. Not 
yet had the people any idea of renouncing tlieir aU«gt- 
anoe ; but^ although tliey knew it not, tbe comerstope ot 
the republic was laid, and they had discov(>red the i 
ot warfare which waa to make their liberties sspore. 

H. tM-aW. Shortly sftcr tbb avcnt lb« Mnmly sad 
(atfsetabic Da Is Mstek wm rcmoTad fra« oKiai, lirprivMi of his 
■ion, sod fonwd to Imt* ths eoastrjr. Motlcjr, U. 4M, 4T>. 

nn MM* ni urouiTiM IN 

WUIkm of Onnge wu »t flnt diaoonoerted when h» 
hmid of the bokl enterpriw of De I» lluck and Tn*- 
king. He wm preparing agwh to invade the ^'etilc^ 
Unda, bnt his airmngemenU were incomplete, and he did , 
not believe that the ))eo|)le were ready for a ffeneral 
apriaing. Vwktr tacb circnmatancea, a piratical foray 
<M a peaoafal town might well work niaobief. The 
prodenoe of Trealong prevented the danger in the latter 
direction, while the inarch of events was tu show how 
easily the wiaest man may be mistaken as to puldks 

For about foor years William bad been absent from 
the Netherlands. Although in con«tant correspondence 
with his friends at borne, he could not realise the rhannces 
which bad been worked since his lost unfortunate cHm- 
paign. lint the men who, since the tirst arrival of the 
Spaniards, had been hoping against hope, finally bad 
learned that Alva was not acting on his own respon- 
Ability. Aa for the Spanish commander himself, be 
never understood the people over whom be tyraimixed. 
In the southern provinces, where his residence waa - 
fixed, he waa surrounded by a mercurial race of Ciallio 
descent, turbulent, ^ediUoos, loud of speech, and quick 
to anger. These men be oonaUered daagerona, and to 
hold them in subjection he had built vast fortmaea and 
filled them with liia veterana. In the north, the people 
of Germanic IiUxkI were of a very different type. They 
were more quiet of speech and leaa demonstrativf , actora 
rather than talkera; men who, undfer a calm demeanor, 
oonoealed a devotion to principle, a dogged determina- 
tk>n, and an heroic courage which have never been 
sorpaased. They were to prove themselras the Puriuna 
of the Netheriands, and they deceived the Spanisli soldier 
Jwt aa their kinsmen in England and America witlTcor- 

IN m rouTAii n mofLumit, nauim aho uamnA^ 

ratponding qaalitiw h»Te deoeiv«d fooluh men of tiie 
world from tb»t d*y to thia. Like »U who have over met 
the Puritan* in battle, he changed hit mind about their 
character. lie began by calling them " men of butter," 
but foond that they were men of iron. Before leaT- 
ing the ooantry he admitted their unexampled bravery, 
and declared that they were the lame men whoee por- 
traits Cicsar and Tacitua had drawn. Well be might, 
for Spain waa to ditcover to her sorrow that, like their 
Batavian anoeatora, when other nationa went to battle, 
they went to war.* 

It waa fortunate for the canae of the patriota that in 
the eariy daya of the contest Alva had not understood 
these men. Regarding tbcm as peaceful and ]4t)egmatic, 
easily governed and not likely to be dangerous, be had 
placed few troops among them, and had left their for- 
tresses with nther insaiSoient goartfa. He wa^ finally 
to be* nndeoeived. The capture of Brill was bat the 
spark applied to a train of gunpowder. The important 
city of Flushing was the first to rise and overpower its 
•mall Spanish garrison. Soon following in its footsteps 
came nearly all the important citiea of Holland, ZeeUnd, 
and the northern provinces. Naturally, Uiere were 
bkxtdsbed and disorder, acts of wild vengeance on the 
part of men with human passions who had suffered so 
terribly for many years ; but in the main the revolution 
was a peaceful one.f 

Unlike the outbreak of the ioonoohMta, six yefen be- 
fore, the uprising now was general, and it was marked 
by a feature of piMsnliar interest. Before this time, as 
we have seen in the last chapter, the suffrage had in 

• Twitof, " OcnMBk." M M. ••• 

t Bm Froodt, I. Ma, etc., fiw MtM of Ms duk ftstans. 

mtwt parU of the ooantry been taken from the people 
at huige, and lodged in the hand* of * few penons, 
mainly among the wealthy claatee. Now, in all the 
redeemed cities, new boarda of magistrates were eaJEitlv 
lished, and they were elected by a popular tote. The 
repoblio wai thus founded on the will of the people, 
although in time the old system was re-established. 
What kind of a people they were who founded the re-, 
public is shown by the oaths which they exacted from 
the magistrates. The new officials swore fidelity to the 
King of Spain, and to the Prince of Orange as his stadt- 
hokier ; resistance to Alva, his tenth-paying tax, and the 
Inquisition ; and " to sunport every man's freedom and 
the welfare of the country, to protect widows, orphans, 
and miserable persons, and to maintain justice and 
truth."* Thus the fiction of an allegiance to Philip was 
still maintained, but the Prince of Orange was every- 
where regarded as the actual ruler of the country. From 
his military post in Germany he directed all movement* 
with the seal of a patriot and the skill of a statesman. 
One measure he always insisted on, and it forms the 
key-note of all his policy. Although the feeling against 
the Catholics was bitter, and it had been intensified by 
a partisan strugglo in which the reformers had now be- 
come the Tictors, he proclaimed and enforced fuU re- 
ligious toleration, requiring an oath from all officers and 
magistrates that they would " offer no let or hindrance 
to the Roman chorohes." 

The year 1578 gave great promise for the cause of 
liberty. The lai;ger part of the northern provinces had 
been freed from the yoke of Spain ; recruits poured in 
for the army, and even volunteers be^ui to come from 

• Mstkj, U. NT. '.-,■' 



England.* From the South, too, came joyful tidings. 
Looii of Na«an, a younger brother of William of Or- 
ange, was, next to Coligny, the idol of the French Hn- 
guenota. Among them he numbered his friend* by 
thouMnda. An earnest Christian i.nd a Protestant, he 
was also a gallant, dashing soldier, of charming man- 
ners and address, beaming with aunahine, the mirror of 
knightly courtesy. Well was he called the Bayard of 
the Netherlands. He bad also influence at court France 
and Spain were ancient enemies. Henry II., who thir- 
teen years before was plotting with Philip to crush out 
heresy in their respective kingdoms, had shortly there- 
after met a sudden death. Ilia son, Charles IX., was 
now upon the throne. He was a young man, just come 
of age, and was moved to lend secret aid to the insure 
gents. In May, liouis of Nassau, with a small force of 
Huguenots, captured, by a brilliant feat of arms, the 
city of Mons. Mons waa the capital and pnnci|)al town 
of Hainault, the southern province of the Netherlands. 
It waa surrounded by lofty walls, contained a citadel 
of atrength, and, lying near the frontier, could with 
French aid be made of great importance to the patriota. 
Swiftly following this success came the news that a 
Spanish fle«t bad been taken as it attempted to tail by 

A soldier laii bnte and less experieneed tlm Alva 
might well have been crushed under the storm which 
thus pelted him from every quarter. For a time even 
he knew not where to turn, but the news from Mons 

* Two hmidRd EBgliih rnliinlFen went to Ptnthing nndcr ttr 
Bnmphrey Gilbert tnd Sir Tlionuu TtoTgut. Metcren, book It.; 
DstIm'i <• Hollud," I. S84. Froada uyi Htc bondrtd nt Ont, sad 
nora ia • «*coad dftacbaMBt. Fioode, s. ITS. 


BnoHT rmotncn foa tub nrtvn-imf . IN 

decided {>■■ ooane of aetion. That city muat be retaken, 
and for the parpoae he despatched his Bon, Don Freder- 
ick, with a force of veterans. Meantime, the fact that 
he had made a mistake in his flnancial policy was forced 
upon him. Reluctantly moved to the admission, on the 
S4th of June he rammoned the Estates of Holland to 
meet at The Hague on the 15th of the ensuing month, 
promising tiien to abolish the obnoxious tax. 

The concession came too late. The contest had now S 

changed its character. The assembly met, not at The ':'' 

Hague and not on hia call, but at Dort and on the ctkU 
of the Prince of Orange, who was still in Germany en- 
gaged in raising an army. He needed trained aoldien 
to meet the veterans of Spain, and such soldiers could 
be hired in plenty, but they demanded a guarantee of 
pay. This the assembled congress of HoUund agreed to 
furnish, giving the obligations of some of the cities to 
pay the army for three fnonths. The arrangement was 
satisfactory, and on the S7th of August William of Or 
ange b^n his march at the head of twenty-four thou- 
sand men. He directed his course towards Mons for 
the relief of his otother Louis. That adventurous sol- ^ 
dier waa now in dire peril The little force with which 
he had surprised the city waa inadequate to hold it 
against Don Frederick and his besieging army. Some 
Huguenot troops, who had been sent to his relief, were 
foolishly entrapped and utterly destroyed. Still, the 
approaching army gave promise of speedy succor. 

As the Prince of Orange marched along, city aftffr 
L'ty of the South opened its gatea and luuled him as • 
sadrr. Some refused admission, but on the whole the 
patriotic feeling appeared almost as widespread as in 
the northern provinces. The dawn of liberty seemed 
breaking into a nocvday hiaie. Nothing exoqjtt » «»• 

i k^.'ii'^'^'^-. -■ 

tM TBa poBiTAM a aoixAHD, wsaum, amd amibica 

Tnision of natore oonld now long postpone the hoar of 
'- deliveranoe from the tyranny of Spain. Suddenly, as 
if from a cloadless sky, came the bolt which wag to 
shatter all these hopes. Through the terror-stricken 
atr llew the tidings that the Huguenots had been mas- 
sacred in France. To appreciate what this meant to 
the patriots of the Netherlands, we must recall their sit- 

They were fighting the mistress of a third of the 
known globe. They themselves were almost unused to 
arms. Germany had at one time seemed friendly, but 
its emperor was now allied by marriage to Philip, and 
denounced the revolution. Elizabeth of England had 
made her peace with Spnin, cared nothing for the cause, 
and, as we shall soon see, could not be counted on for 
aid. To ''France alone the reformeis looked for assist- 
ance. There they could count as friends a large body 
of influential Protectants, headed by Coligny, himself a 
tower of strength. He had acquired a great influence 
over the feeble-minded youthful Charles, who was at 
length persuaded that it was to his interest to curb the 
growing power of Spain. The religious war which had 
been waged for years was at an end. A marriage had 
ik'.. . been arranged between Henry of Navarre and the sis- 
# ter of the king. Most of the leading Huguenots assem- 

y;,'. bled at Paris to witness the ceremony which was to 

||;' consolidate a lasting peace between the factions, and 

give France her true position as the arbiter of Europe. 
Her open support, it was well known, would then be 
given to the rebellious Netherlanders. Well might they 
feel assurance of success. . 

The Massacre of St. Barthotomew, which wrought de- 
struction to their hopes, was not a premeditated crime. 
It was the result of a sudden impulse on the part of 




Catherine de' Medici, the mother of the king. She was 
Jealong of the ucendenoy-inrhioh Colignj hod acquired 
over the mind of her ion, and plotted bis deatruction. 
But hor jealousy had a basis mnch deeper, and one much ' 
more creditable to her character than any feeling of 
mere personal pique. 

With all her moral defects, Catherine wai a woman 
of ability. She cared nothing for religious questions, 
but did care for what she regarded as the interest of 
France. To her the extreme Catholics and the extreme 
Protestants were equally objectionable, for each threat- 
ened the peace and greatnesH of the kingdom. The 
time had now come, however, when she thought it wis» 
to side with the latter against Philip and the papacy. 
But such action was impracticable without the aid of 
some foreign power. She hod therefore prDpo8c<l that ' 
Enghind should joib the Huguenots of France, and sus- 
tain the struggling Protestants of the NetherUnds. To 
this coalition Elizabeth was urged by her minist^ and ' 
Catherine was led to believe that the scheme would be 
carried oat. It was in this belief that, setting the pope ' 
at defiance, she had consented to the marriage of her 
daughter to a Protestant, and to the raising of the armji;, 
which was to march under Coligny to the assistance of 
the Prince of Orange. 

At the last moment came the intelligence that hot 
only was Elizabeth playing with the question of n French . 
alliance, but that she was secretly plotting with Philip 
and Alva to gain for herself some personal advantage 
from the situation. Thus bereft of her only Protestant 
ally, Catherine naturally sided with the stronger party. 
The Huguenots still denuinded the war with Spain and 
the papacy ; but such a war, in a country where the 
OatboUos fomied the lugt majority of the population,^ 

M TBI PinuTAH » aouMm, noLAHn, akd AmuoA 

could' bring only rain to France. Under these cironm- 
stances, the oondact of CatheiHne, although worthy of 
all the oxccration which it has received, is not one of 
the mysteries of history. Coligny guided the coansela 
of the king, and was urging him on a course which she 
thought disastrous to the nation. lie therefore must be 

First, an assassin shot at the aged admiral, but only 
inflicted a severe wound. At once, his outraged friends 
demanded the detection and punishment of those who 
stood behind the would-be murderer. Catherine and 
her adherents were alarmed at the cry for vengeance, 
and instantly resolved to secure their safety by exter- 
minating the whole brood of heretics. The scheme was 
after a brief delay put in execution, the delay being 
caused by the reluctance of the king to Idll his old 
friend, and the best man among his subjects. Uis moth- 
er, however, a.-\swered such soraplee by portraying the 
danger to herseif . the peril tb the throne from a general 
uprising of the Huguenots, r.nJ Zi dUy by taunting him 
with want of courage. When committed to the plot, 
Charles hurried on with feverish haste. As ferocioua 
as he was imbecile and cowardly, he demanded that the 
deed should be done at once, and that none of the pro- 
scribed religion should be left in France to reproach him 
for the crime. How rapidly and how thoroughly the 
work was done, the world knows by heart. 

The Catholic powers of Europe hailed the news with 
joy. The pope ordered a Te Deum to be sung in 
honor of the victory over the enemies of Rome. In 
Spain, the saturnine Philip laughed as he had never 
langhetl before. England, on the other hand, felt a 

•Frpad«.i.WMM. . 

puAmom vMKim m tu mRHnuiiiM aw 

thrill ot horror. The queen, bat for whoae dnplioity 
there would prob*bly have been no maaaacre, went into 
mooming with her whole conrt, refiued for a time to 
tee the envoy of France, and, when an audience waa^ 
granted, listened to his explanationi in total silenco. 
Still, 9ach expreisions of cheap sympathy were followed - f 

by no action. The Netherlanders now stood without 
a friend. This stupendous, insensate crime had driven 
their only aUy into the arms of 8|)ain. Indeed, it seemed 
that the French ambassador, when congratulating Philip, ' 
had told the trath in saying that to his royal master's 
woric on St. Bartholomew's Day he owed the preserva- 
tion of the Netherlands. 

The Prince of Orange was met by the overwhelming 
tidings while on his march to Mons. lie knew at onc« 
that all was over in the South. The Dnke of Alra had 
joinedDonFrederickwith the flower of hia army. They i ' 

were strongly intrenched about the beleaguered city, 
holding a position which could not be taken by assault. 
All attempts to draw them into an engagement were 
unsuccessful, for Alva was too prudent a general to risk ^i 

a victory which a little time would give him without « y'^ 

battia The delay was brief, for the hired meroenariea, . '■■ % 

knowing that Frsinoe would send no further reinforoa- i y ;) 

raents, and doubtful of their future pay, refused to -'ii!. 

inarch. Sadly enough the few remaining patriots ra- j^' 

traced their steps across the Rhine. The army was dia- | 

banded; Mons surrendered; the Belgio cities returned ,:-:/$ 

to their allegiance, MechUn being sacked with indesorib- - V i|' 
able atrocity as an example to future rebels ; and all save % 

hope seemed lost. 

The miracle had been wrought which alone appeared, 
capable of defeating the cause of the ref<»merB. When 
William of Orange was on his qiaich with an army laig* 


tM TM rxmitAM a wouMiit, ■noLAsn ahd amukia 

and well equipped, with Fntaoe and England aa proqwo- 
tire allies, with cities opening their gates, apd the people 
about him tumultuous with joy, it looked as if the last 
chapter in the history of the contest luul been opened, 
and that we might prepare to close the liook. In bet, 
the stmggle had just begun which was to last for near- 
ly eighty years, to be illuminated with deeds of valor 
such as hare never been surpassed, making up a tale of 
Puritan constancy and virtue which will forever serve 
as a beacon light to the oppressed of every age and 

Upon the disbandmeat of hb army the Prinoe o(f 
Orange betook his way, almost alone, to HolUnd. It 
was about the only remaining faithful province, and was 
to prove more faithful than even he had dreamed of. 
Man, he thought, had deserted him; but while in exile he 
had learned to place his trust in another Pow«r whose 
steadfastness he never snbseqaently doubted. Writing 
four years before, in a private letter to his wife, he said : 
"I hare resolved to place myself in the hands of the 
Almighty, that he may guide mo whither it is lli^good 

Sleasura tliat I should go. I see well enough that I am 
estined to pass this life in misery and labor, with which 
I am well content sinc« it thus pleases the Omnipotent, 
for I know that I have merited still greater chastisement. 
I only implore him graciously to send me strength to 
endure with patience." * This was the key-note of the 
Puritanism which was to rejuvenate the world. It waa 
the confidence in aa all-wiae overruling Providence that 
led to the triumph of tba batch Republic, nerved the 
arms of the Ironsides who fought with Cromwell, kept 
op the hopes of Washington, and inspired the heart of a 

:'■■ ■■; ■■-■■' •IMIty.U.tM. . 


fm fOtltKIK 9 ■OtUUlD MS 

linooln »nd » Grmnt. To him who don not appreoute 
thia element histoiy » of little Talne. 

It ia not my intention to deioribe with mnj detail the 
lung ensuing war with Spain, in which Holland wa« to 
take the leading part. The important subjects for the 
parposM of this work relate to the institutions of the 
people, their progress in civilization, the national charac- 
ter developetl by the struggle, and the mode in which 
their Puritanism came to affect their neighbors acroM 
the Channel, and, later on, the settlors in America. The 
comprehension of these questions required something of 
an extended review of the canses of the conflict, and this 
nnat now be supplemented by at least a sketch of ita 
nbaequent progress, showing how it devel<^>ed into a 
religious struggle, and then into a war for independence. 
In tl>i8 skctcli the reader will find, as he has found in the 
preceding pages, a re-stutenient of some incidents which 
other writers hare made familiar. But however familiar 
Bocfa incident! may be, they take on an interest entirely 
new when we come to realise that here was the influence 
which shaped the character of the English Puritans ; this 
oonflKt serving for them as a perpetual object-lesson, 
showing what they might expect from the aawrtion of 
absolute power in the State and the re-establishment of 
the Romish Church. Certain it is that unless one keeps 
this story in mind the snbaeqnent history of Enghuod 
and America is inexplicable. 

After the surrender of Mons, Holbnd was almost de- 
serted by her associate provinces. But although stand- 
ing substantially alone, her people were firmly resolved 
that the Inquisition and the ilk^l taxatkm with which 
they had at length done away sliould never be reinstated. 
Fortunately, her geographical situation gave her some 
important advantages in the coming oonteat. Within 


M6 rai tvwttf m BoiXMni, nauiti^ Alio ambuca 

her borden were nnmeroos walled towna, each a minim- 
tore repablio, with ita civic gnard and train-banda, which 
Americang woold call militia. Moat of these towns were 
located on aome arm of the aea or navigable river, no that 
their cummerce could with difficulty be impelled. Hyre 
the people lived, carrj'ing on their ordinary vocations as 
fishermen, manufacturers, and merchants ; such places as 
were not captured growing rapidly in wealth and popu- 
lation. As a rule, they were below the level of the water 
and protected from its ravages by eJttensive dikes, be- 
hind which spread cultivateil fields and fertile {tastures. 
It was evident that in the open country tlie insurgents 
could malce no stand against the disciplineti troops of 
Spain. Even that triumph, however, was to come at a 
later day when thoy met and defeated them, man to 
man. Now, in the early stages of the contest, the sole 
object of either party was to gain poss es sion pf the 
walled towns which the other held. 

To illustrate the character of this warfare, and the 
heroism displayed by the patriots, a few incidents, show- 
ing some of ita different phases, will serve a better pur- 
pose than pages of description. 

In Holland, at the close of 1673, Amsterdam was the 
only city held by Alva. From this point as a base, he 
set out to conquer the remainder of the province. The 
Prince of Orange was in the southern portion, and bis 
lieutenant in the northern district. Between them on a 
narrow strip of land, Irat five miles wide, lay the city of 
Harlem, large and beautiful, but with a small garrison 
and works of little strength. It was only ten miles from 
Amsterdam, and Alva regarded it as the key to the situ- 
ation. Its capture, he thought, would be an easy matter. 
About its walls Don Frederick encamped, in December, 
with an army of thirty thousand veterans. Preceding 


■m or lABUM Mt , 

the siege ooourred one of the eventi which Mid a tooob 
of piotaresqueneM to this extraordinary war. 

The weather being oold, a few armed Tewels belonging ^ 
to HoUand became fnnen in the ioe. Don Frederick, tak- 
ing advantage of this accident, despatched a sniall picked 
force to ca{>ture them. Suddenly, m the i^imniunU went 
•iipping-and gliding on their way, there appeared before ■■>; 

them a slcating-party fully armed. A lively skirmish ~? >: 

ensued, in wliioh the men from the South were as help- ;' -^i 

k« as were the clumsy galleons of the Invincible Armada ' ;|f-: 

' before the nimble privateers of .Drake and Frobisher. . ^| 

At its conclusion the Ilollanders/skated off, leaving sev- i|; 

eral hundred of the enemy dead u|)on tlie ice. t^uch a ''- j 

form of warfare was novel t<yAlva, but he was not to ::'f 

be outdone. At once he ordered seven thousand pain ;¥ 

of skatea, and his ioldiers soon became pruticient in their 

This little incident gave a gleam of encouragement to 
the burghers of Ilariem, but their situation was hopeless 
from the first Without, was an army of thirty thou- .1^ 

■ud men, and within, a garriaon of only four thousand. . ■.§: 

But although Alva ei^pected to take the place in a week, 
its siege lasted for seven long months. On lioth sides 

^ pnxligiea of valor were performed. Three hundre<l wom- 
en, led by a widow of a distinguished family, organized 
a oorpa of Amaiona, and fought like trained soldiers in , 
the ranks. When assaults were attempted, the besieged ;« 

poured boiling oil and blazing pitch on the heads of the 
assaiUnts. Men, women, and children worked to repair 
the breaches in the wall. In one attack upon the city 
three or four hundred Spaniards were slain, and otdy 
three or four of the defenders. Finding that assaults . 
were useless, the enemy began to mine the walls, and 
were met by countermines. In the darkness, under the 




earUi, fierce and bloody conflictB ensued. " These oiti- 
lens," wrote Don Frederick, " do u much u the bravest 
soldiers in the world could do." At one time he de- 
' spaired of taking the place, and sent a messenger to his 
father, asking permission to \rithdr)>'.\-. " Toil Don Fred- 
erick," said Alva, " that if be be «iot decided to continue 
the siege till the town be takon, I shall no longer con- 
sider him my son, whatever my opinion may formerly 
have been. Should he fall in the siege, I will myself 
take the field to maintain it ; and when we have both 
perished, the ducliess, ray wife, shall come from Spain 
to do the same." 

Meantime the Prince of Orange was using every effort 
to relieve the city, but all was useless against the number 
and discipline of the I)e8ieger8. In one of these attempts, 
a single llolliimler, John Ilaring, of Horn, pUnted on a 
narrow dike, with sword and shield kept a thousand 
Spaniards at bay until his comrades had effected a re- 
treat. Then, like Horatius of old, he plunged into the 
water and made his own escape. 

Thus the winter and spring rolled on. In March, a 
thousand of the garrison made a sally from the walls,' 
and, with a loss of but four of their party, killed eight 
hundred of the enemy, burned three hundred tents, and 
captured seven cannons, nine standards, and many wagon- 
loads of provisions. Such feats as this led Alva to 
write to Philip that " it was a war such as never before 
was seen or beard of in any land on earth," and that 
" never was a pUoe defended with such skill and bravery 
as Harlem, either by rebels or by men fighting for their 
lawful prince."* Still there was one enemy against 
whom skill and bravery are poweriess. By June, gaunt 





famine appeaml within the gates. Even he was baffletl 
long. When the onlinary f<xKl had been consumed, the 
people lived on linseed and ra|)eseed from which they had 
been making oil ; then on dugs, cats, rats, and mice ; next 
they boiled the hides of oxen and horses, then devoured 
their boots and shoes, and finally tore up the nettles from 
the graveyards and the grass from between the stones. 
By the middle of July famine had conquered. Every 
vestige of food was gone, and the heroic defenders of 
the doomed city resolved to die together. Forming all 
the women, children, sick, and aged, into a square, dnd 
Jl^ftttsg theni With the able bodied men, they were 
^flDfipMRU to fight their way out, and dearly sell their 
PV^^^ Learning of^,this resolve, and knowing that- it 
woal|^ be {Nit in execution, Don Frederick offered hand- 
some terms for an immediate surrender. A letter was 
sent^'by his order, promising ample forgiveness to the 
town, and that no one should bo punished except such 
as the citizens themselves thought worthy of it. Ko in- 
tention existed of obMr^■ing th<«e conditions, but the 
people, for the last time, put their trust in Spanish hon- 
or. They were to learn that it was a cardinal principle 
of Philip and hiii adherents to keep no faith with here- 
tics. The garrison hadJieen reduced during the siege 
to eighteen hundred men, of whom six hundred were 
Germans. These were spared, and sent home on pa- 
role. The rest, some of whom were English volunteers, 
with eleven hundred of the citizens, were butchered in 
cold blood on the day after the surrender. Five execu- 
tioners were detailed for the' bloody work ; when they 
gave out, the victims were bound back to hock and hurled 
into the lake.* Thia leatricted aUoghter was regarded 


•r > 




110 ^'rkSvmtTA!! IX HOLu:n^ naLAMO, akd ambmca 

by Alva as proving the natural humanity of hiit gentle 
diapoBition. It was, in fact, mildness itself lu coui|iare<i 
with, the fell work wrought by his commands in other 
places. When Zutphon was taken by assault and Noar- 
. den. by capitulation, every woman was violated, and then 
almost every human being' murdered, the towns being 
left a waste. 

8ach was the nature of the life-and-dcath struggle 
upon which the Hollanders had entered. With the sur- 
render of Harlem, their fortunes seemed to have reached 
a very low ebb, but they never for an instant thought 
of wavering. Alva long before had offered to abandon 
his odious tax. He now proclaimed a general pardon 
for the past if the insurgents would return to their alle> 
giance. All his overtures were met with silence. In fact, 
the outlook, if dark for Holland, was not promising for 
Spain. Twelve thousand of her bravest soldiers lay buried 
before the walls of Harlem. Seven months had been con- 
sumed in taking a single city, and that one of the weak- 
est in the province. Such a people could not be con- 
quered, and to exterminate them at this rate would mako 
Spain a desolation. The only question was whether, in 
such a mode of warfare, the besieged or the besiegers 
would first lose heart. This was speedily determined. 

In August, 1573, Don Frederick, with sixteen thousand 
men, set out to take the town of Alkmaar, in the north 
of Holland. The place was a small one, containing only 
eight hundred soldiers and thirteen hundred able-bodied 
burghers. This, again, was to be an easy capture, and 
Alva proclaimed that as clemency in the case of Har- 
lem had proved a failure, he now would not leave a hu- 
man being alive. An investment was begun, so perfect 
that it was declared not even a sparrow could enter or 
lwT« the city. In tjeptmnber, all preparations being 

\' ■ > 

/ . 

It. 4 

' J*",* 


m tPMUKM HitPCuiB mm auouau 


completed and the worki having been rafficiently bom- 
biwded, a general aMault was ordered. Certainly these 
■izteen thousand trained veteran* coald overwhelm this 
puny garrison. Again, as in Ilarlctn, the men, women, 
and children fought with stones, boiling oil, bumipg 
pitch, and raolten lead. Hoops dipped in tar and set 
on fire were thrown around the necks of the assaihints, 
while those who mounted the breaches were met with 
•word and dagger. A Spanish officer, who was hnrled 
from tlie battlements, reported that' he had seen " nei- 
ther helmet nor cairass" as he looked down into the city, 
"only some plain-looking people, generally dressed like 
fishermen." Whoi the recall was sounded, a thousand 
veterans Uy dead in the trenches, while the " fishermen " 
had loet but thirty-seven.* 

The next day Don Frederick ordered the assault to be 
renewed, but the end had come. His invincible legions 
refused to move; men they would, fight, but not these 
devils. Entreaties were tried, and several of the sol- 
diera were run through the bodies by their officers; but 
all in vain. They would not brave again the old Ikta- 
vian spirit before which Rome itself had quailed. The 
siege dragged on for another month, during vrj^cli time 
the 'peq>le of the surrounding country had resolved to 
out the dikes and overflow the district The sacrifice 
was enormous, for it involved the destrootion of a vast 
amount of property; but the point had been reached 
where a drowned land was regutled as a lesser evil than 
the Spanish mle. The work was accordingly begun, 
bnt aa the water rose Don Frederick, too, abandoned 
heart and hastily retreated. Alkmaar, like Brill, had 
been saved by fire and flood. 

* Xoiltjr, a MS. 



Alva had now been six years in the country paraaing 
his policy of repression, lie had boasted that ho would 
crush out heresy and rel)ellion, and make the war pay 
its own exiiensea with a handsome profit. At the close 
of the six years the Prince of Orange had bi-come a Cal- 
rinist, and almost all the iieoplp of Holland and Zoeland 
professing Protestants ; the rebellion had grown into a 
war, and Alva's treasury was bankrupt. For months 
the baf&ed and disappointed governor-general had peti- 
tione<l for his recall. Even he could not stand the uni- 
versal execrations of a nation. Finally, in December, 
1073, bis prayer was granted and he left for home, 
boasting, as it was said, that, exclusive of those who fell 
in battle, siege, and massacre, he bad executed eighteen % 
thousand six hundred heretics and traitors. Ilis part- 
ing advice to Philip was, that every city in the Nether 
lands should bo bume<l to the ground, except a few which 
could be occupied permanently by the royal troops.* . 

Alva was succeeded by Don Louis de Requesens, Grand 
Commander of Castile, and late Oovembr of Mikn. As 
he had a reputation for sagacity and moderation, his ad- . 
vent was looked upon as an omen of bettor things. All 
parties wished for peace, {larticularly the inhabitants of 
the Catholic subject provinces, who saw their prosperity 
rapidly passing away. Requesens professed a desire for 
a pacific policy, but he was only a puppet in the hands 
of his royal master, who demande<l absolute subjection 
to the Church of Rome. As this was now the only ]x>int 
in controversy, all ovMtures wore useless. Fortunately 

* That AIts had not Int hi* martial ■kill wti thown' mtcb jmii 
after hii retnm to Spain. He then commanded an nmijr which con- 
qnereU the whole of Portugal in Sftjr-four dajt, Imi than oae tbiid 
of the time coMonMd in taking Harlem. 

•noB or unrmr Bit 

for the potrioUi'the finances of the Spaniards were in a 
bad condition. Taxation was at an end, fqr even the 
states not in insurrection made but small contributions 
to the cx))cn8e8 of the war. The army oonsisteii of over 
sixty thousand men, all to be supported from Bpoin, and 
Fhilip lutd large enterprises in other quarters which al- 
wsjrs kept him poor. With a bankmpt treasury, and 
his soldiers in fretjuent mutiny for their \yay, now three 
years overdue, Kequesens found his position a bed of 

Still the war continued. On the sea the patriots were 
almost uniformly victorious. There they we^re at home, 
tn February, 157i(, they showed that they had turned 
the tables <m land, by taking Middelburg after a brill- 
iant siege. This gave them the key to the commerce 
of the Scheldt and the command of Zeeland. In the 
summer of the same year occurred one of the most im- 
portant events of the war. It was only the attempt to 
take a city, but that attempt led to the foundation of 
the famous University of I^yden, which was tn serve 
so largely during the next few years in roaking.IIolland 
the learned oonntry of the world. 

The city of Leyden was situated in Middle Holland, 
a short distance south of Harlem. It was fifteen miles 
firom the river Heuse, on a broad and beautiful plain 
which was interMoted by a number of the branches 
into which the Rhino was divided, us in its weakness it 
crawled towards the sea. Within the town were broad 
streets, spacious squares, imposing churches and public 
edifices, with some one hundre<l and forty-five bridges, 
mostly of hammered stone, spanning the canals which 
intorlace<l the city. In the centre, on an artificial emi- 
nence, rose an antique tower, probably of Roman origin, 
bat popularly ascribed to the Anglo-Saxon Uengist, 

•• • •■ 
au tn nivTAii m muum, wntum, akd AamcA 

who was lakl to hare built it to oommemonte his oon- 
qoott of Britain. 

When, in October, 1573, tbo Spanish force* retired 
from Alkmaar, they sat down before I^eyden and began 
it« siege. In March, they were called away to reaiat 
Louis of Nassau, who had finally raised another army, 
and again invaded the Netherlands from the East. An 
engagement ensued in April, which was followed by the 
usual result; the patriots being utterly cut to pieces. 
Among the dead were Louis and his younger brother. 
William of Orange had now lost three of his four 
brothers, and though John remained, a galhint, faithful 
soldier and a sealons Calvinist, no one could take the 
pbce in diplomacy and war of the Bayard of the Neth- 
erlands. William stood thenceforth almost alone among 
the noblles. 

In May, 1574, the Spaniards returned to Leyden, and 
opened the siege anew. They numbered some eight 
thousand at first, and received daily reinforcements. 
Within the city were no soldiers at all, except a small 
corps of freebooters and five coro))anioB of the bui^her 
guard. Yet the besiegers made no attem]>t to curry 
the place by storm. Allcmaur had taught them a les- 
son which they did not soon foi^t. They now relied 
solely on famine, which had gained them Harlem, and 
here the chances seemed greatly in their favor. The 
town was known to be insufficiently provisioned, while 
the besieging force was so great that there was no 
chance of relieving it from without by any ordinary 
moans. As for flooding the country, though it was all 
below the water-level, that seemed impossible. The 
main dikes were fifteen miles away, and between them 
and the city were a number of subordinate ones, each 
sufBcient to keep out the watery foe. The latter were 

■ cnrmo THE Dicn ■♦Hf '' 

guarded from attack by no less than sixty-two forts and 
redoubt* which, held by the Spaniards, seemed to make 
them safe. Despite all this, the Prinoe of Orangie sent 
word to the inttabitants that if they would bold out for 
three months he would find means for their delireranoe, 
and they believe<l him. 

In June^ Itequesens, by order of the king, issued a 
prockmation of general amnesty, over which he had 
been pondering long. It promised full forgiveness for 
the past to ^ery one, except a few individuals specified 
by name, on the sole condition that they would return 
to the bosom of Mother Church. But two fiersuns in 
the whole country took advantage of this act of grace 
— one a brewer in Utrecht, the oiher a son of a ref- 
ugee peddler from Leyden. This should answer the 
question as to the character of the war. The taxation 
(^ Alva was but the spark by which the flame was kin- 
dled. It was devotion to religious liberty that supplied 
the fuel. 

In July, the Prinoe of Orange began to out the outer I 
dikes, believing that the flood of water then admitted 
would prove sufficient to drive out the Spaniards. Here, 
however, his calculations were at fault. The water en- 
tered, but the inner barriers stood firm. Then he organ- 
iaod a flotilla, which, manned bv the wild Deggars of 
the Sea, followed the advancing waVes and attacked 
the remaining dikes one by one. This was a work of 
time ond difficulty, for f he Spaniards were in overwhelm- 
ing numbers and made a stout resistance. Still, little ^ 
by little an advance was made.* 

* It b • enriooi (bet that in thU flntilh there was ■ Teoel d*. 
signed bj the invenlWe Ilolluden which wu the foreninner of onr 
aoden imn-dsdi. It wee a Hunting itructure of grent iiae, osUecl 

tl« va tvmui m aotLunt, BNuurn, ard ambhoa 

Meantime, m the slowr work went nn, the unhappy 
inhabitant* of the city wvro reduced to dreadful straita. 
The three months which were to bring relief had 
■tretched to four. For tnro, they said, they had lived 
on foo«l, but during the other two without it. Every 
green thing within the walU waa contumod ; infanta 
starved to death on the iKMonu of their famialied moth- 
en ; the watchmen, as they went about the ttreeta, found 
many a houBo untenante<l, except by withered coqwes. 

Finally came the pUgue to add ita horrors to star- 
vation, and six or eight thousand victims fell before ita 
breath. Day by day the heroic survivors clambered up 
the Tower of Ileng^st to watch and pray. For weeks 
the wind had b^n blowing from the onst, and unless 
it changed relief was hopeless. Nothing but a strong 
gale from the ocean, even after all the dikes were cut, 
would heap up the waters so as to flood the country. 
StiU, although a full panlon was freely offered them, 
there was little thought of surrender. To the taunts o( 
the foe without, this response was nuide : " Ye call us 
rat-eaters and dog-eaters, and it is true. 80 long, then 
as ye hear dog bark or cat mew within the walls, ye 
may know that the city holds out. And when all has 
perished but ounet^ea, be sure that we will devour our 
left arms, retaining our right to defend our women, our 
liberty, and our religion, against the foreign tyrant. 
Should God in his wrath doom us to <lestruction, and 
deny us all relief, even then will we maintain ourselves 
forever against your entrance. When the kst hour has 
come, with our own luinds we will set fire to the city, 
and perish, men, women, and children, together in the 

tha ■* Arte at Delft," eorerxl with ibot-pfaof bslwark*, sod pi» 
psllsd b; paddla-whesU mored bjr ■ oraak. Mothj, U. tv. 


fn uiii Muim tiT 

flnnet n^her than Baffer our homes to be pollated and 
our liberties to be crushed."* What could Spain du 
against such n people i '' . 

At length ('<>liveranoe cama On the Ut of October 

: the wind shifted to the west ; on the Sd, the Bpanianls 
had fled before the flood, the fleet was at the walls, and '-'!' - ' 
Leyden was relieved. - 

The first act of this half-starved people t4>lls much of 
the Btorjr of their lives. Forming at once in solemn '^ 

procession, they marched to the ohnrch, and on l>ende<l 
knee gave thanks to the Almighty God, whose wisdom 
they had never doubted. When, however, they at* ' ^< 

. tempted to close the serrioe with a hymn, the strain 
upon them was too great ; as the grand chorus swelled, 
the multitude wept like children. These were the men j^ 

who, thirty five years later, gave a home to the Pilgrim /j^ 

Fathers. What lessons of fortitude and devotion the «/- 

Engliiih exiles must have learned as they walked about .f 

a city sacred to the cause of religion, liberty, and learn- , tk- 

ing! ' ' ^^ 

The next act of this Qod-fearing community tells the '"^ 

^p0t of their story. To commemorate the siege, and as ' >f 

^a reward for the heroism of the oitiiens, the Prince of 
Orange, with the consent of the Estates of the province, 
founded the University of Leyden. Still, the figment 
of allegiance remained; the people were only fighting 
for their constitational rights, and so were doing their i 

duty to the sovereign. Hence the charter of the nni> 
vertity ran in the name of Philip, who was oralited 
with its foundation, as a rewanl to his subjects for their 
rebellion against his evil counsellors and servants, "es- 
pecially in consideration of the differences in religion. 


*18 TM rmoTAii m aoujuii^ wMLun, Am ambuca 

and the grntt bardeiM and liardahipa borne by the oiti- 
xens of our city of Leyden during the war with lach 
faithfulness." Motley calls this " itnnderous irony," but 
the Hollanders were able lawyers and intended to build 
on a legal basis. 

This event marks an epoch in the inteUeotoal history 
of IlolUnd and of the world. We have already seen 
something of hor chtssioal schools, which contributed so 
much to the growth of the Keformation, and of the 
general education which reached down even to the peas- 
antry. 8tilJ, she had no prominent institutioas for a 
higher culture. Before itbe war they were not neoea- 
aary, for the University of Lonvain, in Brabant, was 
very near, while the sons of the wealthy who desired 
better advantagt-s could find them in Paris or Italy. 
Now all that was changed. When Alva arrived in the 
Netherlands, tho oldest son of the Prince of Orange 
was a student at liouvain. No one thought that the 
Spaniards would make war upon children, any more 
than upon women, but this was a mistake. The boy 
was carried to S|)ain and kept a prisoner for twenty 
years. The Hollanders now reaolved that such a mia- 
fortuno should not occur again, but that their yonng 
men should have the opportunity for the highest edu- 
cation within the guarded preoinota of their own walled 

The new university was opened in 1575, and from the 
outset took the highest rank. Speaking, a few yearn ago, 
of its famous senate chamber, Niebuhr called it "the 
most memorable room of Europe in the history of learn- 
ing." The first curator was John Van -der Does, who 
bad been military commandant of the city during the 
siege. Ue was of a distinguished family, but was still 
more distinguished for his learning, his poetical genius, 

umoi xnanaarr kchdid til 

and hit valor.* Endowed with ample funds, the nni- 
veraity largely owed it« marked preeminence to the in- 
telligent foresight and wiae munificence of its cnratora.- 
They sought out and obtained the most distinguished 
■ohiAars of all nations, and to this end spared neither 
pains nor expense. Diplomat!., negotiation and even 
princely mediation were often called in for the acquisi- 
tion of a professor. Ilenco it was said that it surpassed 
ail the universities of Europe in the number of its schol- 
ars of renown. 

These scholars were treated with princely honor*. 
When Scaliger came from France, in 15V.% he was con- 
veyed in a ship-of-war sent for the B))ecial purjMise. Ilis 
successor, Salmasius, also a Frenchman, upon visiting hia 
native land, went in a frigate, escorted by the whole 
Dutch fleet to Dieppe. When lie visited Sweden and 
Denmark, royal escorts accompanied him from the bor- 
ders of one country to another.f The " mechanicals" of 

* DsTict'a '■ HolUuid," iL 1ft ; Motley, It. 55S. 

t Sn iirtlcl* on " Leiden VnWenitjr," bjr Prof. W. T. Hewett, of 
Cornell UifWenit;. in Bnrftr't Jtagaiitu for Ihrcb, 1881, to wkich I 
am much Indebted. Prof. Hewett, blmtelf « etudent at tbtt timoae 
nnlTenit;, In common with every intelligent obeetrer wbo hu lired 
In Holland, waa much struck with the •Imllarlty between the Dutch 
and tlw American modea &f thought He lay • : " The Datch mind 
ia more like the American In it* method of thought than la that of 
any other nation of the Continent. There U the aauia intensity of 
feeling on all religious qnettions, the same keen, practical geuiuik 
An inrisiliie line scparalcs Holland tnm Ocrmany. The puipoee of 
I the Hollander hi direct. The Holbuider understands America and 
republican institutions, and their tme foundationa in the inlclligenee 
and self-control of the people. I always felt sure of being undeiw 
stood when speaking with an educated IlolUnder, whether discuss- 
ing Church and State or our current political questions. He could 
rightly estimate the real and unreal dangers which attend demo- 

%il.-:J: . 

*M m rcnTAX m hollakd. nauim, uat Amn* 

Holbuul, M Elizabeth callml them, may not have paid the 
accustomed wonbip to ranic, but to genius and learning 
they were always willing to do homage. 

Space would fail for even a brief account of the great 
men, foreign and natire, who illuminated Leyden with 
their presence. I have spoken of the younger 8caliger, 
the profefoor of bdles-lettres, whom Uallam call* " the 
most extraordinary master of general erudition that ever 
lived," and of whom Niebuhr says: " Scaliger stood on 
the topmost point of linguistic learning, and so high in 
science of all kinds that he was able of himself to ac- 
quire, use, and judge all therein." Of his successor Sal- 
masins it was said "that what he did not {know was 
beyond the bounds of human knowledge."* ' Hugo 
- Orotius, when a boy of eleven, came to study at Leyden. 
At seventeen, Henry IV. of France presented him to his 
sister at Versailles, with the words, " BeboM the miracle 
of Ilolhind." Later on, Grotins became famous as a 
jurist, diplomatist, theologian, philologist, and historian, 
while in international law he stands not only as the 
founder, but as still the acknowledged head.f 

In a shaded retreat near the city, later on, dwelt Dee- 

cnlio goTenmeot*, ■• oor Engibb coiuiru us not olwiijrs ia the 
haWt of doing." 

* ThcM exprearioDt Mcm cxtrsT^gant, bat the acquidtioni oi tha 
leholtn uf that t*a; wen m phenomeosi m th^ iclilevemenu of men 
like Michael Angalo. Leonardo da VIncI, and othcn, who wrra aeolp- 
ton, painter*, architect!, engineeta, pocta, and mudciana, all at the 
aiinie time, and |ne-eraineat in each department. The range of 
knowledge waa, of roune, maeb narrower than at picaant, and fn^ 
hapa bodlea and hnina were more roiiott 

t " It it acknowledged bj every one that tha publication of this 
traatlie on the Law of War and Peace— made an epoch in the phil- 
oaofihical, and nlmoet we might aar in th«i political, ibtatj «f Sv- 
rape."— Hallam'a " Llteratnra of Eorope," lii MS. 

fc I 

wtMom wcmoujtt 09 untmm Ml 

eutM, tlie ** founder of the modern mechanical pliikMO- 
phy," who woa difoovered by the Ilollandcra ;* and hd1>- 
■equently Spinou, a Jew of Anuterdam, the muct per- 
fect character and the greatest philoaopher, aa many 
think, of modem time*. The famoot Jintnt Lipaiua fllled 
the chair of history in the nnivenity. John prusiut, for 
whom Oxford and Cambridge contended aa nn Oriental- 
ist, was for years in its faculty ; Uomar and Arminius, 
names fdmiliar to every theologian, taught theology ; 
the celebrated geographer Cluverius, who spoke ten lan- 
guages, and whoite geography went through twenty-aix 
editions, was one of the professors ; among others was 
Peter Paaw, who founde<l the botanical garden of I^y- 
den, and wlujse treatises on physics, anatomy, and liotany 
■till maintain their place in the best librarios.t When it 
was finally determined that France was to become Cath- 
qtk), the seat of learning waa tnuufemd from Puis to 
Leyden. Then began the first scientific study uf Greek, 
under Ilemsterhuys. Under Boerhaave, Albinus, and 
Sjivios, its medical school became the most famous in 

Time were among the men whose influenoS made Uol- 
land through the seventeenth century the peculiarly 
learned, u it was pre-eminently the literary, country of 

*WImw<)I. DMcartn wm bIm "the gtaaln* anthor of tira la*- .-:'A 

ehaakal theory of tbe ninbow."— Idem. - .' 

t "Three CenturietnfCoiigragmtioiuiliMn,'' Dntar, p. SM. . C 

X BoerliaaT* wa* periup* the raoet ce)ebnite<t physician that erer 'W' 

Ihred, if we esoept Hlppocnitee. Thfluipeoo'e " Ilietory of Cbemie- - 4«:'|' 

ttT,''i.aiW. HewaegreatiuabotaBiitaodehemiitaawellaaBphyil- ^ ' .1|< 
eiao. Tbe Cwu Peter once waited two boari for an IntArriew with 
btak A CbineM mandarin addreaMd a latter "To the llliutTioua 
BoarhasTe, pb^pkiaa io Xuropa," whkli doly reached lie dcatiaa- 


«• nn rvftTAn a noixAiro, mtAiiiK akd Aimia* 

Enrope at the beginning of the century and for many 
years afterwanls.* In 1586, a century before the ap- 
pearance of Newton** " Principia," Stevinu«, engineer to 
Prince Maurice, and inapector of the dikes of Holland, 
publiabed hia " Principles of Equilibriam," which foandad 
the science of statics, f He also introtluccd the use of 
decimal fractions, and predicted the adoption of a deci- 
mal coiiuge, weights, and measures. X In 1«K)9, Holhuid 
gave to the world the telescope, which made a new 
science of astronomy .| 

By th^nvention.of the microicope, which was also 
made in Holland prior to IHSO, | the science of the infi- 
nitely large was supplemented by tb|g| of the inflnitely 
smaU. In 1630, Cornelius Drebbel, a Hollander, who 
exhibited the flmt microscope in England, invented. the 
thermometer, by which for the first time Tariations of 
temperature were accurately measured. Leeuwenhoeck, 
to whom modem authorities give the honor of inventing 

* 8m Hallam'i " Utcntora of Earopc," Ui. tTt; It. St. 

t " Tbs fonmUioa of |h« wicnca of itaUc* wa* flnlthed ; lh« aurth- 
ematiosl d«T«lop«Mat sod expodtioo of It were •lout open to extca- 
(lon mhI cbugr." " By tli« diwoTeria of Bteriniu ill probknm of 
equiUbfiam wen ralNUotlallr nlTed."— Whcwcll, " HhtoiT of tlw 
ladoctire Science^" i. 851 ; ii. IS, IS, 40, ««. 

t " EncyclopiBdU Britanntca," srtiele " BtaWnm." 

I " TlM real inrentor of tbe teleeoope It nut oeHiialy kaown. 
licliat of Alknur long eqjoyed tbe booor, Iwt the beet claim etcme 
to Im that of Zaehtry Jen* or Janeent, a dealer in ipectaclee at Mkl- 
delbarg. The date of tbe inveatioa, or at leaat of itt publicity, It 
referred beyond diepate to IWW, Tbe newi qiretd rapidly tbrongh 
Europe, reaching (lalileo, who, in tbe lame year, ooaitracted by his 
own iagaelly the Inetrumaat which be exbibitad at V'ealee."— Hal- 
laa. It. VT. Motley layi that Janeene inrented both the t«l«aeo|w 
rinltW. •*l]i«itsdNetberlaiid«,"J>.tni 

•ctBHTinc rocoTniM amd txrniTion *w 

the microscope, which Drebbel exhibited,* was the first 
of biologiate to diwover the capillary cironlation of the 
blood. SneUiua, raathematioat profenwr at Leyden, in- 
trodaced the true method of measuring the degree* of 
latitude and longitude.f In 1A&<;, C'liristian Iluygfaena, 
abo of Holland, invented the pondnlum clock. " Thia," 
■ays Whewell, " was the beginning of anything which 
we can odl aoouraoy in time." He also first af^lied the 
miorometer to the telescope, and was the author of the 
undulatory theory of light, which Newton opposed.^ 
With these instruments, invented by the Hollanders, 
almost the whole field of science was opened up to the 

Bat it was not alone in scholarship and in scientiflo 
research that the University of Leyden gave an impetus 
to modem thought. Theological disputes were devel- 
oped there at times, little tempests which threatened 
destruction to the institution, but they were of short 

• 8m " EiicTcloiNtdls Briuaaiia," wticla " XicnMops." 

t Motiej<« " United Nctberlaads," iv. (Tt 

( Whewell, ii. MT, *W, N8. 

t In lUO, Varraiu, * phjriieUiii (^AuMterdam, wbo had itadM 
•I ljejd»n, gare to Iba Worid hU great work on ph jtlcal geography. 
Sir Itaae Newton ixed it at a teit-bodi, eauaed it to lie traailatsd 
into Eogliib, and it retained its place aa the leading aathoritj for a 
oeatnr; and a half. It i» ioterceting to notice that Vareniut advo- 
cated the eoDitmction of a canal acroaa the iMbmua of Suez, hold- 
ing, two cenlurie* before De Leaaepa, that there was no inequality of 
lerel between the Mediterranean and the IndUn Ocean which would 
render it impracticable. See " Annoal Addreaa before the Ameticaa 
Oeographical Society," by Chariea P. Daly, Jm 14th, 1890, pp. U-t*. 
Layden waa almoat the only place upon the Continent where New- 
ton'a great diacorery waa accepted and taught, until it was popafau^ 
i»d by Voltalra la ITW- Ucky't •* England In the Ufhlccoth Cta- 
taiy," i. W. 


■■*'.' !fe 
' 'V "'■■■"*'« 

•U Tu nwTA« IM aoUAiiA hhilaiid, akd amouoa 

dnntion. The right of oonacienoe waa always reapected, 
and in the nuin the right of full and public diaoiuaion. 
Aooording to Hallam,* it vaa from Leydea, perfaapa a 
little from Racow, that the " immortal ChiUingworth " 
and the "ever -memorable John llalea" borrowed "a 
tone of thinking ujMin tome diwtrinal pointa aa yet 
nearly unknown,an(l therefore highly obnoxious in Eng- 
land." The tolerance of Leyden, however, like ita learn- 
ing and icienoe, took root in England very slowly, for 
these two remarkable lights of the Chnroh, " who dwelt 
apart like stars," did not appear upon the horizon until 
the reign of Charlea I. ; Uit the liberality and tolerance 
which they proclaimed have in the end borne abundant 
fmit-t When it waa settled that disienters coold not 
be ednoatad in the English nnivenitiea, they flocked to 
Leyden in great numbers, making tliat city, next to 
Edinburgh, their chief resort4 

Eleven years after the opening of the University of 
Leyden, the Estates of democratic Friesland, amid the 
din of war, founded the University of Frandcar, an in- 
stitution which was to become famous as the home of 
Anuinius, whose theological teachings exercised so great 

«" Const. Htat,"U.Tt. 

f ChUIingwnnh tdrooawt '* th« iiHlepeodciKjr of prlral* opialo*.'' 
" Tlili emJravnr to m)li(ptt« tin draul of funning niitlakeo Judg- 
mnili in reliKhm run* tlirougit Uie whole work of ChiUingworth, 
Mil nMiiii hia m the founder, in thii coantrjr, of what Imu bctn 
callnl th« lalitndinarian tchool nf theology."— Hnllun, ii. T». iUtu 
was "even more hsrdj tlisn his fHend," p. Tt. 

} In the eighteentli orator; nearly two tboowml British stodeMi 
were educated at Leydra. Steven, " Iliat. of the Beoltish Church at 
Rottenhun." p. SM. Amoox these students wss the fsmout Joha 
Wilkes, who, with all bis exrcases, contributed so mnch to tlw onuaa 
oflngUsbmMrty. Uoky^ "Kt^tend in the Kgbtsenth Caataiy," 

mwuM ri w i or omvacATn cararn nwmrr 

«B influence on his oont«mporMi«a «nil on poaterity. 
As at Lejden, the instruction wu rabstantisily frae, for 
tiM profesMin were paitl hamtsnnie salaries from an en- 
dowment l>y the 8tat«. In addition, )>roviMon was made 
for boartling the {loorer Hcholam, so tiiat tliey cuul<i ob- 
tain a full coUeginte education at an annual ex|ionse of 
from fifteen to twenty-flre doHara. The pupils wore 
instracUxl in theology, jurisprudence, medicine, philoao- 
pby, rfaetorio, Hebrew, (ireek, and Latin.* 

Both of these nniversitiea wore ]ierpetually endowed 
with the |>rooeeds of the ecclesiastical projierty which 
had been a)ntiscated during the progress of the war. 
In the Netherlands, as in other jwrts of Europe, the 
Church fd Rome hekl vast estate*, amounting, aa it has 
been estimated, to one fifth of the entire propeKy of 
the country. What was done with this property in 
England is known to ewrr reader. When Ilenr)' VIII. 
carried out his reformation, the monasteries and con- 
vents beijig suppr e ssed, their oonflaoated estates became 
part of the royal demesnes, or were handed <iver to 
greedy courtiers. The Hollanders believed in no such 
system of R|)oli«tion as this. M'hen they established 
their reformation, they, too, stripped the Church of its 
BUfierabundant and ill-used wealth. Itut the eoclesias- 
tkal property went neither into private coffers nor even 
into the general treasury for secular purposes. How. 
ever misappropriated by Itome, it had been originally 
intended for pious uses, and to such it was returned. A 
portion was set aside for puqinses of education ; the rest 
went t0 th« sui^rt of the clergy, and to endow the 
oharitaMe institutions for which Holland always had 
been, and waa to become still mora, fanKMN, 

I.— IB 

Mntlejr'i " trailed MellisrlwKii,'' il. 8, H ^« 

•M TU nruTMi m muu^m, kmumd, and Avnw* 

Oniooiardini, writing in the mitlillo of the lixteenth 
oentnry, tella bow, even at that time, thoae penple led 
the worid in (mring for the decrepit and nnfortnnate. 
Hoapitalt pruvided with everj^ oonTenienoe were alwaya 
open to the uok and »geA. Deaidca thnie were eital>- 
liihmonts, like our modem retroata, in whioh dd per- 
aona, by the payment of a certain aum, aocumd homei 
for tbemaelrea daring the remainder of their livea. In 
each town peraona of wealth and raapectabilitjr were bi- 
ennially appointed to receive alma in the charchea and 
princi|ial plaooa of rdaort, and to ailmini*t«r such funda 
in their dnoretion, to which were ail(tt><I the proceed* of 
a amall tax and the bequeats of the charitable. I'nder 
their direction the poor were ao w'dl oareil for that they 
were under no neoe«ity to beg. which, in fact, they wen 
not allowed to do except during stated boun on tainta' 
dayi or holidaya. The children of such aa were unable 
to tupiiort them were brought up until a certain age at 
the expenae of the State, and then bouml out aa appren- 
ticea to lome trade or mannfactore. In timea of acaroity, 
the authoritica of the town di8tribut«vl food among the 
neeily, whether natire or foreign bom. The |)coplo were 
BO honest, induct riooB, and frugal that, except on auch 
oocaaiona, there were few requiring aJnw aave Ute tick, 
maimed, and aged.* - 

Aa the long and bloody war with 8pain went on, it 
left behind it a vast number of widowa and orfJiana, 
beaidea the diaabled aoklien and lailora, who form the 
laddeat mementoa of anch a struggle. Theae the re- 
publk] never forgot or neglectc«l. With the pruoeeda 
of the oonflaoated property of the Chnnih, that Chaich 

•Oaiceitrdiai, "Brif. Dm.," i. ITt; Davtas** *• BoUaad," L Mil 
Sir Wlllkm Tempit, t. ltl-t«0, Ul. 


which had now b«c»me the public enemy, were foanded, 
fai vnry town, aaylnms and hoapitsla which oared for 
■ooh nnfortnnatM. In thoM inntitntions, admirably or> 
gnniied, equipped with every comfort, and adminiatered 
with wiwloni and economy, the orphana were educatc<l,. 
and the widowi and l«ttered veteran* of the war >pent 
thair declining yean in eaae.* When Loais XIV. and 
Chariaa II. formed their unholy league for the conqueat 
oi the Dnteh Republic, one monarch writea to the other, 
" Have no fear for Anuterdam ; I have the Arm hope 
that Providence will nve her, if it were only in coniid- 
eration of her charity towanlii the poor." Wo now can 
nnderatand what the people of the citiea which revolted 
from Bpain had in view when they took an oath from 
their new magiatratet "to protect widowa, orphana, and 
miaerable penona." f 

When we conaidcr that at thia time England waa over- 
run with hordea of aturdy beggara, and that her aoldieri 
aad mUon ware allowed to die neglected in the atreet^ 
ana need hardly aak from which country America and 
the worid at largo have derived their ideaa upon theae 
nbfeeta. We view with juHt i>ri<]fl our aoldiera' homea, 
our orphan aayluma, and hoapitaia for tlie aicli and 
wounded, but ahonld not forget that in all this nobia 
woric repubUoaa Holland aet ua an example three oentu- 

• >•• tka npocti of Ui« IMiwu, Coauiiai tad Doaato, cited ia 
MoUqrl " Vaitod HaUMriaada," Iv. IM. 


. ".. ~V fr'H^: 



atroLunoif uc the KcrHnuNM 
nrpcncsDUCR paui^Bicn — amaminatiom or wiluam o» 


Fos KMii^ two jrean after the amucceMful wege of 
Leyden, bat little of importance occurred in the field, 
where the war waa dragging its alow length along. 
Nogotiationg wore constantly going on for peace; but ai 
one party demanded full religious liberty, and the other 
the abaolnte domination of the Church of Rome, no 
basis of agreement oould be touched. 

Still, though the insurgent ftrovincea would not yield, 
their poaition waa very perilous. Holknd was cut in 
two by the capture of Harlem, and Amsterdam atill 
held oat for Spain. Franoe, tiermany, and England re- 
fMed all aid, and the patriots saw nothing before them 
bat the prospect of alow extermination. If need be, 
they said, they could "die in the last ditch;" but no 
men long for such a hAe. At length, the I'rince of 
Orange, aeeing no other reoonroe, and being threatened 
with war by Eliabeth and Protestant EngUnd, had 
made np his mind to an heroic step for the salration of 
his people, altliough it involved the loss uf their native 
land. The country, which their fathers had rescued 
from tiie wavea, was to be given up; the aocumuhtted 
waaUhqf owtariMabwidoMdi imd the nation, with ita 

TU "irAjnM nmr," ard m nmwn m 

rriigioii and iU liberty, was to teek a new home beyond 
the sea. 

At this jnnctnre Re(]ueten* met with a soddsn death, 
leaving the army without a leader and the government 
without a head. 

The death of Requeeen* was followed by results which 
changed the fate of Holland. For years the Spanish 
troops had been unpaid. They now roee in mutiny and 
wreaked their kmg-pent fury upon the peaceful cities of 
the lower Netherlands. In November, 1576, Antwerp, 
the commercial capital of the world, was sacked, as if it 
had been taken liy nssnult. Eight thousand of its inhab- 
itants were murdered, five hundred pahtoes were left in 
mint, and twdve millions of property destroyed or car- 
ried off. In this massacre — called the " Spanish Fury " 
— no distinction was made on the score of religion; 
Catholic and Protestant, layman and prelate, being alike 
murdered aqd plundered by the Spanish soldiery who 
had oome into the land to put down heresy. The de- 
stmotion of Antwerp, and the sLwghter of tome twelve 
thousand peaceful citizens in other towns, brought about 
what was called the Pacification of Ohent, a consolida- 
tion of all the provinces to effect the expulsion of the 
foreign troops, and the r .voratton of the ancient privi- 
leges of the people. The onion was only tompomry, for 
the inhabitants of the southern states, most of whom 
were Catholics, soon returned to their old allegiance; 
bot the interval gave the patriots of the North a much- 
needed breathing-spell. How they improved it we shall 
shortly see. 

Lato in 1576, Don John of Austria, half-brother of 
the King of Spain, the hero of Lepanto, a man whose 
life had been one romance, and who now at the age of 
thirty-one was aocoanted the foremost soldier of the 



MO TM rxmttkn m bolukd, nouiiOb axo ^mnrifi* 

world, oame to the XetberUnda aa tuooeMor to Raqoe- 
■en*. He found a people inflexibly bent on the ramorml 
of the Spaniih troopt. lieforo this denuuid he »t ^ft 
relnotanlly gun yny, and to the number of ten th«^ 
•and they took up their inarch for Italy. The joy expe- 
rienced by the people at thia triumph was, however, 
destined to a short life. It soon became apparent that 
the ideas of the new governor-general were no more lib- 
eral than were thooe of his hated predecessors. At the 
end of the flrst year of his rule the whole country again 
rose in revolt, the Estates-General decUred Don John 
a public enemy, and a new act of union was signed 
between the provinces, by which, providing for the 
common defence, they also guaranteed mutual religious 
toleration. This was the last attempt to bind all the 
states together. It failed in the end, largely through 
the jealousy of the Cutholio nobles, who disliked and 
feared " Father William," the idol of the people. An 
army of some twenty thousand men, among whom wera 
thirteen companies of Scotch and English volunteers, 
met in the field an equal force tinder Don John, and 
was almost utterly annihilated, as usual, with a Spanish 
loss of only ten or eleven. 

Meeting such a crushing defeat at the outset, the 
future would have looked very dark for the new Con- 
federacy but that soine other events gave nigat of ptom- 
ise. In the first place, the Prince of Orange had taken 
advantage of the confusion which followed the death of 
Reqnesens to gain the cities in Zeeland which had stood 
out for Spain. Then Harlem and Amsterdam were re- 
covered by an uprising of the people, so that two state* 
were entirely fi^ from the foreign yoke. With these 
successes the other northern provinces fell into line^ 
never thereafter to be separated. 

DON JOBH OF AnfTiOA-ais DMiam OH nauom ni 

Nor waa thii all. The hero of Leiianto had come to 
the Netheriunds with a Bcbemo which waa to be the 
crowning achievement of his rumantio life, lie expect- 
ed by making generous conooasions to secure ft speedy 
peace, and then to cross over to England with his army 
of veterans, plac& himself at the head of the Catholics, 
release and marry Mary of Scotland— now nine years a. 
prisoner — drive out Elizabeth, and take possession of 
the English throne. The project had the approval of 
the pope, and might have been successfully carried out 
bat for the action of the Netherlanders whk)h forced 
the immediate dismissal of the Spanish troops.* Still, 
its effect waa not lost upon Elizabeth. Slowly she was 
reaching the conviction that for her own security she 
must aid the rebels across the Channel. Her counsel- 
Ion, one and all, were of opinion that she should gener- 
ously espouse their cause ; but this was impossible for 
a woman of her nature. Finally, however, in 1S78, 
she loaned them, on good security, a hundred thousand 
pounds, and furnished them witii tire thousand soldiers, 
to be supported at their cost. With this they bad to be 
content.f • 

In France the outlook was much brighter. Aa 1000 
as the court recovered from its first excitement, the 
Massacre of St. Bartholomew v.-as seen to have been a 
blunder. Spain wag the leading Catholic power of Eu- 
rope, and OS her ally France would havd' to take a sulv 
ordinate position, while as a neutral or a secret enemy 
she could be first in influence. This consideration had 
led to a religious peace, in 1573, by which the Ilugue- 

* Treighton'i X Age of EHnlwtN," p. in. 
t Kotle;-* "Dutch Republic," iii. 800, S88, 848. Bee as to iMT 
tottDOUi mdhodi, Fmude, x). ti7, etc. 

'$f:- :: 

r V. 


note were given pooaossion of Ia Rochello and three 
other important towns. In 1574, Charles IX., haunted 
ever by the spectre of his moidered subjects, and with 
their shrieks and groans ringing in his ears, sank into 
the ^vo and waft succeeded by bis Jtrother. The new 
monarch, Henry III., was a believer in the policy of 
oppoeition to the growing power of Spain. Alter long 
negotiations, his -younger brother, the Duke of Anjou, 
offered the states his services, with those of ten thou- 
sand troops. In Angost, 1578, they were accepted, and 
he was declared " Defender of the liberty of the Neth- 
erlands against the tyranny of the Spaniards and their 

The French troops were valuable allies, and if the 
patriote had not been impoverished something might 
have been done against Don John. That unfortunate 
commander was, however, almost as badly off as they. 
Philip had at first supplied him with mone}', but for 
months past hod exhibited his usual parsimony and pro- 
crastination. In fact, the king seemeil jealous of his 
soldier brother, and was desirous not only that he should 
not succeed in any of his ambitious plans, but that he 
should not live to vex him with his martial glor}'. He 
had both his wishes. The invasion of England became 
impossible through the rmistanoe of the Netherlattd- 
ers; without money for his troops, all other operations 
wore suspended, and in October, 1678, death (which 
was, as usual, attributed to poison) closed the career 
of the warrior whose sun had risen in snch a blozo of 

The air of the Netherlands had proved unwholesome 
to the last two governors. They were now to be rao- 
oeeded by a man whose rule was longer, and whose 
influence was to be more powerful for evil. Alexander 

w mi ' iTM ooRn-iTCTioH or tm rbpvbuc em 

of Parma was an Ttalian, a son of the trusted lieutenant 
of Charles V. by Margaret, his natural daughter. Philip'g 
tirat regent of the Netherlands. He was a soldier only 
s«x>nd in reputation to Don JOtnVT'and was to make 
for himself a reputation even more brilliant. In ad- 
dition, he had qualities possessed by none of his pretl- 
eoesiors, for he had all of the Itaban's subtlety, skill 
in intrigue, and diplomatic cunning, with an absolutely 
nnaelfish devotion to his master. In the flcid he never 
lost his head ; in negotiations he never lost his patience. 
He pushed the war with vigor, but brlieved that it was 
cheaper to buy men than to conquer them with forcer 
Unfortunately for the patriots, he had to deal in the 
southern provinces with a class of nobles who had no 
religious convictions and were eaten up with jealousy of 
the man whose lofty patriotism they could never com- . 
prehend. Working upon these feelings and by the lav- 
ish nse of money, Panna, befoi^p he hod been six months 
in the country, won back the Ave lower Walloon states 
and attached them again to Spain. 

At about the same time, in 1679, the Prince of Orange 
^ected u formal union of the seven northern Protestant 
provinces, binding them together by what is known as 
the Treaty, or Union, of Utrecht. This famous docu- 
ment, although at first not so intended, was the written 
Constitution of the Nethorhind Bepublic. 

By its provisions the contracting parties agreed to 
remain forever united as if they were one province. 
Each state was, however, to manage its own internal 
affairs, and prcKwrve all its ancient liberties. Questions 
of waf and peace, and those rebting to the imposition 
of duties, were to be decided by a unanimous vote of all 
the states ; in other matters the majority were to decide. 
A common currency was to be established. And, finally, 


no city or province wu to interfere with another in the 
matter of religion.* 

Up to this time the fiction had been retained that the 
rebellious provinoos were subject to Philip, and were . 
carrying on a war against him strictly within the lines 
of tfaoir respective charters or constitutions. But, in 
1581, two yean after the Union of Utrecht, all this came 
to an end. Of the seventeen provinces five had returned 
to their allegiance. The other twelve, seven of which 
bad united together to act As one, were still in open 
arms. For years they had tried by negotiations to se- 
cure the ancient rights which Philip had sworn to main- 
tain when be assumed the throna At last, even the 
most hopeful had come to the conclusion that all efforts 
for peace were useless, and that but one resource re- 
mained — to throw off the yoke of their Spanish ruler 
by declaring their independence, aiid, if need be, seek- 
ing a new sovereign in other quarters. To accomplish 
the first of these objects, representatives from all the 
twelve states met at The Ilagne, and, on the 26th of 
July, 1581, Solemnly declared their independence of 
Philip, and renounced their allegiance forever. 

The Declaration of Independence then put forth is 
one of the most important documents in history. A 
translation of it was found among the papers of Lord 
Somers and is published in his "Tracts." That great 
statesman used it as a model for the famous DecUration 
of Rights by which England, a century later, proclaimed 
the abdication of James II., ami the selection of the 
Prince and Princess of Orange to fill the vacant throne. 
Again, after another century, it furnished the model for 
the still more, celebrated Declaration by which the thir- 


WKUUUXtaK or mtmrEHmaou IN 

tMo American odoniet announced their independence 
of Oreat Britain. 

It began, " All mankind know that a prince ia ap- 
pointed by God to cherish his rabjectSt'eTen as a shep- 
herd to guard bis sheep. When, therefore, tho prince 
does not fulfil his duty as protector; when he op- 
presses his subjects, destroys their ancient liberties, and 
treats them us slaves, he is to be considered not a ]>nnce, 
but a tyrant. As such, the estates of the land may law- 
fully and reasonably depose him, and elect another in 
bis room." Then fcjlowed a long recital of the grievous 
wrongs which the people of the Netherlands had suffered 
at tho hands of Philip ; the establishment of the Inqui- 
sition, the trampling on their guuranteod rights and privi- 
leges, the murders and massacres of the lust ({uurter of 
a century, which they said justified them in forsaking 
a sovereign who had forsaken them. Obeying the kw 
of nature, desirous of maintaining the rights, charters, 
and liberties of their fatherland, determined to escape 
from slavery to the Spaniards, and making known 
their decision to the world, they declared the King of 
Spain deposed from bis sovereignty, and proclaimed that 
they should reoogniie thenceforth neither hi* title nor 

Thus' the dominion of Philip was abjured, but this did 
not mean the establishment of a republic. Such a scheme 
was not considered practicable, for the provinces thought 
themselves too weikk to cope single-handed with the 
pow^r of Spain. The renunciation of their allegiance 
was but the preliminary step to a new connection on 
which groat hopes wore founded. The Duke of Anjoo 

* Lord 8ora«n'i " Tncti." 8m u to ilia nuTclty ■nd great Im- 
poitaiica of tbia Dcelantioii, Rogan^ " Btoi; of Holland," p. W. 




i^ii^f : '. 


wu »t tliiii time engagwl in the last Mene of hii ineni- 
orable courtship of Quoen Elizabeth. She had promiaed 
to marry hiro, and as her conaort he could bring to the 
aid of the imitti]gentf all tlie reaoarcea of Proteatant 
Enf^and, while be would alao have the moral support of 
Franoe. With aocb proapecta before him, altlioogh he 
bad accomplished little aa defender of their libertiea, 
ten of the rebellious provinces now chose him us their 
sovereign. The other two, however, Ilolhind and Zee- 
land, refusetl to unite in this action. They insisted 
that no one should rule over them except their beloved 
Prince of Orange. Being without personal ambition in 
the matter, and believing that under the circumstancea 
the election of Anjou would be advantageous to the 
country, the Prince of Orange tried to reject the prof- 
fered honor, but his people would take no refusal, and 
he finally gave way. 

The wooing of Elizabeth by Anjou forms, in some of 
its features, one of the most comical incidents in English 
history. The " Virgin Queen," as she loved to be called, 
was now in her forty-ninth year, and far from a {laragon 
of beauty. Her face was long, and ornamented with a 
high hooked nose, little, dark, beady, short-aighted eyes, 
thin lips, and a set of black ttoth.* She beat herinaidf 
of honor, boxed the ears of her courtiers, and swore like 
a flsh-woman.f The Duke of Anjou was twenty years 
her junior, but apart from his youth had no advantage 
in penonal appearance. He was below the middle height, 
puny, and ill-shaped. His face was scarred br the small- 
pox, covered with red blotches, and his nose ao swollen 

* MoUej-t " VnHtA Nrthprlmxla," I. SIS, HL 171, SB* ; "Tiw Pari- 
tMu (Dd QuMD Klinbctb," Buaoel Hnpkiiw, i. Itt. 
t Harringloa, " Kuga Astisiw," i. SM ; Drskr, p. 41& 



and diatortod that it looked u if doable ; a proper feat- 
ure, his enemieg said, for a man who had two faces.* 
Added to these uttroctions was a voice which led Eliza- 
beth to call him her little " Frog." Still, he was the heir 
to the throne of France, and at this juncture an alliance 
with that power may have seemed to Elitabeth essential 
to her security. " 

In the latter part of 1681, Anjou went to Enj^land for 
the third time to put an end to his lung courtship. The 
arrangements for the marriage had l>ecn all curapleted, 
but perhaps a long look at such a lover was too much 
for a woman who even at sixty believed herself a Venns. 
For three months he dangled about the court, while she 
pUye<l the coy maiden in her teens. The English people 
were alarmed at the prospect of another papistical mar- 
riage, the marriage denounced by Stubbs three yean 
before in the famous pamphlet wliich cost him his right 
band. Outwardly the queen seemed determined to ad- 
here to the engagement, but one pretext after another 
afforded excumss for delay. Possibly she may have felt 
doubtful of the promised aid from France in defending 
her kingdom against its enemies, or she may have wished 
to see bow her future husband would conduct himself aa 
' aovereign of the Netherlands. But, whatever may have 
been her motives, the ceremony was postponed ; and in 
February, 1689, her noUe, or ignoble, suitor, leaving his 

* The following epigram wu ciiculstcil In England apon Ai^ou'a 
departure for the Netherlaod* : 

"Oood people of Flanden, praj dn not tuppoae 
That 'l\» monatroui tliU Frenchman ihonld double biinsit; 
Dame Nature her fliTon lint rarely mitplacea, 
She haa giran two noica to matob hia two faoea." 
— Taylor'a "Roanntie Biography of lh« Age of UlMbatb," L M. 



miatreM bathed in tean, recrosted the Cluuinel, aooom- 
panied by a splendid retinue of English nobles, to aaanme 
the duties of bis new position.* 

When Anjou arrived in the Netherlands, he assumed 
in the ten provinces, where he had been elected sover- 
eign, the (Nisition of a constitutional monarch, with 
' such powers only as the people claimed hod rightfully 
belonged to Philip. lie was installed as duke, count, or 
marquis of the various states, and took a solemn oath to 
preserve inviolate the ancient liberties and to maintain 
the right of conscience. lie was also to prooura the 
assistance of his brother, the King of France, and main- 
tain a perpetual league, offensive and defensive, between 
tluit kingdom and the provinces. As for Holland and 
Zeeland, they were to remain as they were, subject to 
the Prince of Orange. 

But the new ruler, who had no more idea of oonttito- 
tional Uberty than Philip himself, and who had come 
into the country from the lowest motives of personal 
ambition, soon began to chafe under the restraints im- 
posed upon him by the ancient charters. He complained 
that he was a monarch only in foim, the real power 
being held by the States-General A brilliant victory 
in the field might have done something for him, by 
winning him the hand of Elizabeth or by procuring sub 
stantial assistance f roQi his brother; but he was no match 
for Panna, and could see nothing before him but a long 
contest, from which be would gain little. In this position, 
and incited by his French coansellon, who taunted him 

* Dnpil* liU pri'ion*! appearance, Aqjoa miut hare had mnm 
attnothm*. llallam agrcea with Mngard in thiaUag that Klisabetb 
bad a raai paaaion for him. '•Coiut.IIUt.,''i.M(. The Bwrriafa, b« 
' M|t, was elasri; npagaaat to good policy. 

AMon ATmim to MnvBar tbb oovomum M» 

with hia insigniflc«tioe, he attempted a movement which ; 
showed how little he andontood his Rubjects. The plan 
waa, with the aid of his own troops, to take puMession 
of the mcMt important cities and make himself supromo 
by force. The lint attack was made on Antweqi, in 
June, 1588, bat the burghers rose in force, drove out the 
French with great slaughter, and Anjou, who was wait- 
ing without the walls, retired in deep disgust. Such an 
act of treachery naturally gave rise to intense indigna- 
tion, and the Estates wished to confer the sqvurcignty 
on the Prince of Orange. lie peremptorily refused, do- .% 

claring that under no circumstances would he place it in '^^sl^. 

the power of Philip to say that he had been actuated by ' fH . 

selfish motives. Finally, ho Buccecde<l in persuading the ;'<| 

Estates to overlot^ the past upon the ground that it '"' ''> 

would be dangerous to bK»ik with France. The year 
was si>ent in negotiations looking to a renewal of the 
old relations. They proved fruitless, however, and were ''I 

finally terminated by the death of Anjou, whoso worth- 
less career canio to an cod in the summer of l.'>$4. , 

Brief and inglqrious as was the rale of Anjou, and /^^| 

despicable as waa his character, their connection with '' 

him was not without advantage to the Ketherianden. 
In qich a contest every year, or even every month, is 
a dieoided gain. The northern provinces were daily 
growing- in strength and in the feeling of self-confi- 
dence. The war was ^transferred lai^y to the iSontb, 
and even the limited moral support of Franco and Eng- 
land had been of inestimable benefit. 

During the whole movement the Prince of Orange ' 

had shown incomparable sagacity as a statesman, and 
Philip regarded him as almost his only enemy. Remove 
this enemy, he thought, and all disaffection would soon 
The first attempt was made by bribery. When 




Parma aaiumed the government he foand many of the 
Ketberland noble* in the lower provinoeB parchawble aa 
cattle itt a fair. rerha|i« ho thought thut all men had 
their price; ho certainly had no conception of the char^ 
acter of this roan, or of his Proteatant aaaociatca in Hol- 
land, no one of whom waa ever bought with gokl.* The 
Prince of Orange was offered any terms that he might 
name — the rcleiue of his son, the restoration of his confis- 
cated property, the )mymcnt of his <lpbts, and a million 
in addition. All such offers he met with silent contempt. 
Hi* debts incurred during the progress of the war were 
enormous, almost sufficient to sweep away his vast es- 
tates; he loved his stm, and no man had been fonder 
of luxury and alt that wealth can buy. Those things 
Philip and Parma knew, but they did not know the man. 
Bribery proving of no avail, Philip now tamed to 
murder. In June, 1580, he issued a procUmation, de- 
cktring the prinoe an outhiw, and offering a reward of 
twenty-five thousand crowns to any |)erson who would 
rid him of " the pest." In ad<lition, the assassin was to 
be forgiven any past crimes, however heinous, and, if 
not noble already, was to be ennobled " for bis valor." f 
Following this ban, Ave successive attempts were made 
upon the greot patriot's life. One, in 1582, proved nearly 
fatal, a bullet entering his neck and {ioBsing through the 
jaw. Ho thought hinisi'lf mortally wounded, but, even 
in what seemed his last agony, did not forget the exam-, 
pie of his divine Master. " Do not kill him. I forgive 
him my death," he said to the bystandera who msbed 
upon the would-be murderer. Then two mora years 
rolled around and the bullet of the usssssin proved ef- 
fectual. On Julv 10th. 15H4, Baltltaxar (ieraid tired the 

• UsTics, it. Wt. 

t Motby, ilL i or wbiuk er <numi in 

■hot which broagfat inch joy to Philip aa he had not felt 
iinoe the day of 8t Bartholomew, bnt which wrapped a 
land in moarning. The pope, the Jeauita who aided in 
the plot, the aaiaaain hiinielf, and the monarch who en- 
nobled and enriched his heini, all declared that the mu^ 
derer had done God's work. The victim died breath- 
ing the prayer, " Ood have mercy on my poor people P 
Three centuriea have judged lietween them. 

Thua fell the foremost Puritan of the age, perfaapa of 
all the ages. For sixteen yearn he hail beaded the con- 
test against the power of Simin. In that time, although 
much remained to be done, a mighty work had been 
accompliahed. At the outset there had been seventeen 
separate provinoaa— full of vitality and love of liberty, to 
be sure, but disorganized, undisciplined, unconscious of 
their power. Through them swarmed a host of Prot- 
estants, ready enough to die for their religion, but not 
knowing how otherwise to muke their lives useful to the tfi 
oause. Untrained to warfare, they fell in the fleld be- 
tore Alva aa before a cyclone. This, aa we hare seen, was 
not from lack of oonrage. Like the Spanish moun- 
taineers, two centuries later, if their armies fouglit like 
roubii, their mobs fought like armies. '\i^hat they did 
with discipline will appear hereafter, but at the open- 
ing of the struggle their future seemed indeed a hope- 
less one. To this people William of Orange came aa - 
a savior. Ilis triumphs were not like those of Crom- 
well, for the latter's adversaries knew little more of prac- 
tical warfare than his soldiers or himself. Desidea this, 
Cromwell vat a leader among a martial nation.* All 

* A nccnt writer liu well nld tbit when an EiiRlUliman i« in 
waat of aiaiMement Im goet oat tnd kill* toaMthing. Froads's 
" O c MSi." Thia ImtliMt bu alwajri ehuacterlMd the rso*. 





mnuan. amu AimioA ' 

. their j |> |i^(|i tu fei; ahif |>onpits made them at the time of 
Um ^jj^MU, rebeiliodl^the hSit material out of which to 
formed Irnffi fiie Parliamentary recruits had the 
Mun^i^^oppcvtuiilty U> acquire discipline, as their op|x>- 
< nenta^ tlLiid^h«!pciAi Avith more inteni^ty of purpoae, be- 
came burinoibie iii the field. 
With the NetheHandcrs it was Tery different. For 
. oentnries they had Iteen pursuing the arts of |ieiioe, while 
^'' their adversaries bad been cultivating war. Their supe- 
'''\ i^icivilization lit the beginning of the struggle worked 
f '^' attinst them, buk in the end, engrafted as it was on a 
< ' ^«t'°4^^" '^ sturdy nature, this high civilization told. That 
'' ' ;'> it did BO, and that not in its despite, but by reason of 
^ /^' it, they finally achieved and maintained their indepen- 
f- \ denoe, while just the reverse occurred in EngLind, ia one 
;-v A, of the most im|)ortant lessons taught by history. 
> "^^ -'"i It was, therefore, in the beginning of the contest that 
V ?M?i' tiie meet difficult work had to be accomplished ; and when 
^'•^ • the hour struck, William of Ormnge appeared. His task 
"i&t' was to encourage the peo)>lo, keep up their hopes, teach 
. ■■ them their strength, heal their dissensions, reconcile their 
'' ' differences, and mould them together as one nation. At 
; his death seven of the provinces had entiriy thrown off 
. the foreign yoke, and were bound together in-* perma- 
\ Dent union. Five more were in open revolt, although 
attached to the others by a lighter chain. Had he lived 
a few years longer, the republic might have embraced 
them all ; but such speculations, of course, are i<lle. He 
: had laid a great foundation, and with that history must 
bo content. 

In one quarter, however, his work was subatantially 
finished, and if he had done nothing else, this alone would 
entitle him to imperishable honor. As the founder of 
religious toleration, which, hu^ly through the infinenoe 


wiLUAM or ouiia* and Kiucaors tououtio!) tu 

of Holland, hai developed into religious liberty, the pe- '- "M, 

ouliar glory of the United States, every American at 
least should revere his memory. 

It was an age when religious toleration, except as a ^ 
political necessity, was a thing unknown. Sir ^omas 
More, in England, had playfully speculated upon the 
subject, but when placed in power had developed into a 
bitter persecutor.* William of Orange not only advo- 
cated, but practised, principles of full religious tolera- 
tion. Nor were bis theories, as is the case with many ' 
men, the result of indifferences or coldness of belief. lie 
had been bom a Catholic, and in youth was not free 
frofn the looseness of morals which the age pennitted 
and excuaed-t But when in voluntary exile he turned . f., 

his thoughts to religion and became a devout Obristian. - 
In October, 1573, he joined the Calvinists, and thereaf- ' # 

ter, in life and thought, was one of the straitest of tlie ,'^; 

sect. Such converts usually swell the host of the intol- . ''^' 

erant. It was not so with him. He could bear with the ^i. I|^ 

errors of others, because he believed in the goodness of 
the Almighty, and felt himself unworthy of foigiveness. 
Daring his rule in Holland and Zeeland, where for years , 
he was almost a military dictator, these principles were 
put to the severest test. Fortunately for the world, they . 
were strong enough to stand the strain. 

1'ho people about him had been the viotinu of a pe^ 
aecution which had furrowed the soil with graves and 
filled the land with widows and orphans. When they 
came into power, by driving oat the Spaniards, it was ' ° 


• See Hkllam'i " Liteiatan of Korope " for a Jndkloos eritidim 
of the fatiKMM " Utopia ;" alio Foie'i "Book of Mutyn" for sa so- 
ooant of Mora in pmctice. 

t Hi* utaral WD afterwirdi became Admhml of HoHsod. 


; : ;.'li''%tv;*KiiW>S' fc.'^ . . :.'^M: 

U4 TRB FtmrrAM in bolumd, maLAXA aitd amihoa 

bat baman to think of retaliation. More than this, they 
had every other motive that ever bred intolerance in 
other lands, and all intensified in degree. The Catholics 
among them not only professed a creed which they be- 
lieved bom of hell, but, in addition, were largely public 
enemies or lukewarm friends. They were men whom 
they had fought in street broils, who had advised the 
surrender of their towns, and whom they suspected -of 
plotting against their liberties. Under snch conditions, 
loud were the cries for the extirpation or banishment of 
the hated papists ; still louder were those for the sup- 
pression of their form of worship. Against all this Will- 
iam of Orange stood like a wall of adamant. Open or 
known civil enemies oould be banished or suppressed, he 
said, but no man must b^ molested on account of bis re- 
ligious faith. Of course he was denounced. Ministers 
from the pulpit declared that he cared nothing either for 
God or for refigion- Even his brother, John of Naaaau, 
protested against toleration of the Catholics. But he 
carried the day ; and when the union was formed be- 

' tween Holhtnd and Zeeland, it was provided that no 
inquisition should be made into any man's belief or 
conscience, nor should any man by cause thereof suf- 

^fer injury or hindrance.* The Reformed Evangelical 
Church was established for the state, but no other form 
of religion was to be suppressed unless contrary to the 
Gospel. Toleration thus became the corner-stone of 
the republic, and under this lilieral doctrine all sects 
throve and were protected, even the Jews, who denied 
the Gospel, never being disturbed on that aoooantt 

. • KotlTT, iU. s». 

f In 1586, Catholic* held olBoe ud taught icbool la th* dty at 
Ujdta. Uottoy't "United M«tbwUadt,"ii. sat 




Ai lome of the rebellious province! contained a major 
ity of Catholics, a system of toleration towards them 
would be dictated by wise poliey. If, therefore, they ' 
alone had been protected, histoiy mig^t be content with 
giving William of Orange credit for statesmansliip only, • 
although that kind of statesmanship vras then almost as 
rare as toleration from principle. lint his conduct tow- 
ards other religious boilies disposes of the theory that 
he stood on any except the highest plane of thought 
and action. In proof of this, we may look at the ex- 
perience of one of these bodies, the most interesting of 
them all, especially to Americans, as the reader will 
aee when we come to trace the growth of dissent in "'> V}|: 
England. ji^rf 

Among the many sects brought forth in the eariy . 
ferment of the Refonnation, the Anabaptists have per^ 
haps loft the most unsavory reputation. First appear- 
ing about 1522, some o! them had, twelve years later, , 
been guilty in Holland of gross and immoral extrava- , 
gances, whibh historians havo fully pictured, and the re- 
membrance of which has always dung around their • -l 
name.* Such events it is characteristic of human nature 
to dwell upon, but corrcs|)onding stress has not always 
been laid on the subsequent history of this interrating 
people. In fact, their excesses were the work of bnt a 
mJnorityofthesect, and were also of very brief duration. -^ , :'; 
After a rule of a few months, their prophets were i>ut 
to de&th, leaving behind them a numerous Ixxly of ear- 
nest disciples who had acquiesced in polygamous prao- 
tioea only from a conviction that they were divinely or- 
•dained. With their leaden gone, the offensive doctrines 
of the old dispensation were univemlly abandoned. 




Most of the sect changed their name to Mennonitat,* 
and tbejr all confined tbemaelTes to tenets derived from 
the New Testament, \rhich made them the most peace- 
ful and inoffensive Christians of the world. 

Their most striliing article of faith, the one which 
gave thorn a name, was that baptism should be confined 
to adults, including those who bad been baptised in in- 
fancy by other denominations. But this, if the must 
striking, was not the most important of their doctrines. 
In early daj-s they were comixised almost entirely of 
the unlearned, who could understand the simple teach- 
ings of the Founder of Christianity more easily than 
those of his philosophic successors. Hence it was, per- 
haps, that, antedating the English Quakers by more than 
a century, they took the words of the Great Master seri- 
ously ,t and believed it wrong to resist evil, go to law, 
bear arms, take onths, or assume any office of magis- 
tracy which miglit cause them to judge others. These 
tenets, of course, included the broad doctrine of entire 
separation of Church and State, and perfect liberty of 
conscience.^ Private ownership of property they at 
first altio abandoned as unchristian, holding that all 
things shoukl be in oommon.§ 

* Tiwy ealM themMlrn MrnnooilM, after Mcnno Simoiw, of W as 
Und, * now Icuier, but by others were •till called Anabaptiitt. 

t A pbrua oicd by W. D. IIowclU when rtTiewing *- My Relif- 
Urn," by Coast Leo TolatoT, in ttTpm-'t Magatimt for 18M. 

t ■'The AnabaptiaU In Bwitisriaad," by Dr. Pliilip ■eball, Ai/(M 
QuarUrlf Hnute, July, 1889. 

I Dariea's " Hollanil," i. SBS. The RuMlan antbor, Count Toistol, 
in " My Religion," without alluding to the AnalmptiaU or Qaaken, 
adrocatc* tbcte doctrine* with great ability, aa enibo<1ying the priD- 
ciple* ofChriitianity beiota tba admixtHre of Qraak philosophy or 
Ronun psganiim. .; . ,.,, 


wnxua n uT Mu n m Axuurrtm 

WhiU they profened they prkctised. An incident 
which oocarred in 1909, daring the rule of Alra, ilia*- 
trate« their ideu of returning good for evil. A poor 
Anabaptist was pursued by an officer of justice, who, 
under the order of the Inquisition, wialied to bring him 
to the stake. The fugitive iNissed over a frozen Uko, ths 
brittle ioe of which otacked beneath his feet The offi- 
cer, following hard after, was less fortunate. He sank 
into the deep water, uttering cries for help. No one else 
was near to save him, and so the hunted fugitive, at the 
peril of his own life, recrossed the treacherous ioe and 
rescued his enemy from certain death. Then, giving 
life for life, he went back and met a martyr's doom.* 

Such a people hod no political influence, and some of 
the Calvinists of the time thought their heresies worthy 
of the severest punishment. Zwingli, in Switzerland, 
had denounced their doctrine of adult baptism as deserv- 
ing of death, and under his influence a number were 
executed there, while in Germany they suffered by the 
thousand.f In Holland an attempt was made simply 
to exclude them from citizenship, and even Sointe Aide- 
gonde, the accomplished scholar and friend of the Prince 
of Orange, was in favor of the project. How bo was 
met is told in one of his own letters. " The affair of 
the Anabaptists has been renewed. The prince objects 
to exclu4,e them from citizenship. Ho answered me 
sharply that their yea was equal to eur oath, and that 
we should not press this matter unless we were wiUing 
to confess that it was just for tho papists to compel us to 
a divine service which was against our conscience. In 

* Motler'a" Duteh RepgbUc" ii. tSO.oiliBg Bnuidt't " UUtor; of 
the Refurmatioo," we. 1, b. x. p. 800. 
t "Th« AnsUpUtti in SwitierUod." 



t48 Tiu rvmin a aotXAnoh noLAiiD^ ako AiinioA 

■hort, I don't lee hoir we can aooompliih onr tvith in 
thii matter. The ^noe has uttered reproaches to me 
that our clei^gy are strimig to obtain a mastery over 
oonaoienoe." * 

This was in 1S77. In the next year the aathoritim of 
Itiddelburg, in Zeeland, attompteii a persecution of the 
Anabaptists in their midst. This the prince at once 
arrested. He wrote to the magistrates reminding them 
that these peaoefol burghers were always perfectly will- 
ing to bear their share of the common burdens, that 
their word was as good as an oath, and that as to the 
matter of military service, although their principles for- 
bade them to bokT arms, they had ever been ready to 
provide and pay for substitutea. " We declare to yon, 
therefore," said be, " that yon have no right to trouble 
yoomlves with any man's conscience so long as nothing 
is done to cailsc private barm or public scandal. We 
therefore expressly ordain that you desist from molest- 
ing these Baptists, from offering hindrance to their 
handicraft and daily trade by which they can earn bread 
for their wives and children, and that yon permit them 
henceforth to open their shops and to do their work ac- 
cording to the custom of former days. Beware, there- 
fore, of disobedience and of resistance to the ordinance 
which we now establi8h."t 

Thus did William of Orange protect even ,the mem- 
bers of this poor and despised sect His mfluence was 
effectual, for we hear little more of any attempts at 
their persecution in the Dutch Kepublic.^ 

* Hotlej, Hi. soft, Bfwidt'* ** HMorjt of the Rcformalion," ko. 1, 
b. xL pp. 888, S8». t Motlejr, ii(. S34. BnnUt, i. 800, RIO. 

I In HolUnil, the MtODOoltct, or AnsbaptWi, ware exempted ftom 
adUtary Mfrice in 1678, from taklog aa osth to 1888, ud ftxNa le- 



Some eigfaty-flTO yean after this lut event, a govern- 
or of the colony which the Dutch West India Company 
had planted on the Hudson River, in America, began on. 
his own account a persecution of some harmless Quakers 
who had been driven from Massachusetts. An appeal 
was made to the home authorities at Amsterdam, who 
extinguished it at once by a letter containing these 
memorable words : " At least the consciences of men 
ought to remain free. Let every one remain free aa 
long as he is modest, moderate, his political conduct irro- 
proacfaable, and as long as ho does not offend others or 
oppose the government. This maxim of moderation has 
always been the guide of our magistrates in this city ; 
■fid the consequence has been that people have flocked 
fh>m every land to this asylum. Tread thus in their 
steps, and we doubt not you will be blessed."* In this 
manner did the principles of toleration established by 
William in Holland bear their fruits in America, twenty 
'^years before the great Englis'i Quaker carried them to 

ocpting sn; poblle office in MIT. In Znbmd, ftcedom ftom mllltei; 
lerrice and oatlia wu granted tliem In 1977, bat there, at a later 
day, and alao in Friaia, tliey paid a heavy poll-tax for the military 
exemption. Barclay') " Inner Life of the Roligioui Hocictiea of the 
Commonwealth," p. (08. How they were Iniraed at the itake in 
Protmtant England we ahall are in duo time. 

• BnKlhe«l'a " Hiatory of New Tork," i. 707. 

t Penn himaelf fully appreciated the Rllgiooa liberty which ex- 
iated in the Dutch Republic. In IMS, a century after the death of 
William of Orange, he pnbliahed a treatite entitled " A Pemiaiive 
to Mmleratioo," an argnment for liberty of conacience to all church 
diiientera. In tliia work he givee an illuatratlon of what real liber- 
ty ean sccomptiab. " Holhuid, that bog of the world, neither aea nor 
dry land, now the rival of the talletit monarcba, not by conqneata, 
DMltiage, or aeeeMion of .royal blood, the naoal way to empire, but 

tM Tai rcnrur a BoiXAim, 


LASm, ANO AionuoA 

Puung over itill another century, we come to the 
time when, having thrown off the authority of Ureat 
Britain, the thirteen American colonies adopted itate 
oonatitutions. Of all the thirteen, two, and two only — 
Virginia and New York — embiHlied in their great cliar. 
ters of freedom guarantee! for religioug liberty. 

But even the action of Virginia, much aa it is deterr- 
ing of praiie, falls somewhat behind the action of New 
York. The other states retained religious tests for their 
officials, or in some form made religious discrimina- 
tions. Virginia, in 1776, isauod a Declaration of Rights, 
which, it is claimed, formed part of her Constitution, 
laying down the principle, " That religion, or the duty 
which we owe to our Creator, and the-manner of dis- 
charging it, can be directed only by reason and convic- 
tion, not by force or violence ; and, therefore, all men 
are equally entitle<l to the free exercise of religion ao- 
oording to the dictates of conscience ; and that it is the 
mutual duty- of all to practise Christian forbearance, 
love, and charity towards each other." These' were 
novel sentiments in that region, and bore fruit in time ; 
still, the state retained its established church until 1786, 
and in various other ways fell short of practising full 
religious liberty.* ~ 

hj ber own superUtiTa cIcmeBcy sad induMrj, for th« one WM Ibe 
oftct nf tlie utiier. She cheri«bc<l lier people, wbaUoorer wers tbdr 
npinloat, u the rCMoiuble ttook of the country, the hrsdi uiil 
liMda of her tmte nnd wealth ; ind nuking them eae; on the mnla 
point, their coiuciencc, the bectnie grent by them. Tliii mode her 
All np with people, nnd tlicjr tiled ber with ricbe* ind ttrength." 

* See » Proceedlngi of American Hietorical Society," iil Na 1, 
p. tOS. Even in Rhode UUnd, founded by Roger WillitinK, Rdmwi 
Cntholici were dep^Ted of the lofflvg*, nnder ■ Matuta which wn 
yaMwl in 1T1», and not repwUwl noUl ITM. Bm BcptaUsg set. 

mw ymat «in taumom uaaarr Ml 

New York, hoveT«r, in its flnt Constitation, adopted 
in 1777, proceeded at the oataet to do away with the ;;i 

MtaUiahed church, repealing all mch parta of the com- :f |. 

roon law and all moh statutes of the province " as ma/ ' - iS - 

be construed to establish or maintain any particular d»- \,; v 

nomination of Christians or their nunisters."* Then toj 

followed a section much broader and more explicit than 
that in the Virginia Declaration of Rights — a section 
which, it is believed, entitles New York to the honor i ^ 

of being the first organized government of tlie world ^..> 

to assert by constitutional provision the principle of 
perfect religious freedom. It reads as follows: "And ':;' 

whereas, we are required by the benevolent principles 
of rational liberty, not only to expel civil tyranny, but ." '■. 

also to guard against that spiritual oppression and in- - j| 

tolerance wherewith the bigotry and* ambition of weak - . .><:■; 
and wicked priests and princes have scourged mankind, '',^> 

this convention doth further, in the name and by tlie ; 
authority of the good people of this state, ordain, de- 
termine, and declare that the free exercise and enjoy- 
ment of religious profession and worship, without dis- 
crimination or pseference, shall forever hereafter be al- 
lowed within this state to all mankind." f 

Thomas Jefferson, to whom Virginia is chiefly in- 
debted for her religious liberty, derived his religious a* .",.■,. 
well as ^is political ideas from the philosophers of « r 
Fmnoe. But the men who fnuned this constitutional 

* Haw. Ilbt. Coll.," M mHm, t. MS. IIoweTar, m there were M 
Catholic* in Rliode I«Und, thii law tlM not interfere with the pnc- 
tical religious liberty that alwaja cxiated in that calony. U the 
state had adopted a Coiutitution when the otiien did, it doobtlew 
wooid hare been aa liberal aa wa* that of New York. 
•■•ctloaM. taectlonaa 



m TBI nmrAM » bolland, WKiucm, axd AmnucA 

proTision for Netr York, which hu since spread orer 
moat of the United States, and lies at the base of Amer- 
ican religious liberty, were not freethinfcers,'altbough 
they believed in freedom of thought. Their Dutch an- 
cestors had practised religious toleration, they eximnded 
toleration into lilierty, and in this form transmitted to 
posterity the heritage which Ilolbind had sent acroM 
the sea a century and n half before.* 

Uow far the example of IloUaml influenced the statea- 
men who, at a kter date, placed in the Federal ('onsti- 
tution its guarantees of religious liberty can be shown 
by very high authority. This instrument, as originally 
adopted in 1787, contains % provision f that " no relig- 
ions test shall ever be requ|a?ed as a qualification to any 
office or public trust under the United States." By an 
amendment, added in nfl^l, Congress is prohibited from 
making any law " respecting an establishment of relig- 
ion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof.'' 

James Madison, of Vii^nia, was the chief advocate 
of this amendment in Congress. Writing about it, some 

• Tb« flnt CoDitiiutiim of liu7laiid, 1774, prorided for * belief 
is the Chrhtian religion m • qaaUfleaUoD for offire. In 1M8 tliit 
WM clwpged to » " belief in the ciUtence of God.'' Tlie tnX Coa- 
■tltution of IfumcbMetU, ITM, ^^a^scd the Hme prorUion ■■ 
tb«t of Harjbnd. It ^tm ftmok.^Jhy «n ainchdnwnt In 18M, 
but the state church wai relainodaiftil 1H83. Tlic flrat conMitu- 
tioaa of New Jemy aad North CaraHna-mtricted office-bohling to 
Prateetaat lielirven in the Bible. Thit wa* modlfleil In Mc» J•^ 
ler in ^844, and la. Notth Carolina in 18M, to aa to limit the tesi 
to a belief in Ood. The onlj religioui dienbilitiea now exiiting in 
anj of the United Slatea are the excluiion of atbchiti (W>m office in 
New JcrM7, Maryland, Pennijlraola, North Carolina, South Caro- 
lina, and Tenneeeee, and the axcloaloa of clergymen in Dclawart, 
MarjiUnd, and TenncMt*. t Article tL 

TM nona or ■otuim An> buuiooi rotjauim'^tu 

^ I. • . 

thirtjr yean later, he uid: •■ It wu the beliet ^ all 

Mota at one time that the eatablishment of reiitf^Ml by 

law waa right and neoeaaary; that thev-ttve ' re||[ion 

ought to be establiihed in exclusion of every^ other ; . 

and that the only question to be decided waaj)«rl^ 

waa the true religion. The example of IIollandlMred 

that a toleration of teota diiaenting from the eetaHt«n^ 

aeot waa lafe and even naeful. The e^ a.iiple of tlie- 

culonioa, now states, which rejected re'igious eSM^^^i- 

menta altogether, proved that all sects might b^ikit 

and advantageously put on a footing of equal i 

tire freedom. It is impossible to deny that in ^»^ 

religion prevails with more zeal and a more exem]|) 

prieatbood than it ever did when established i^M 

ronized by public authority. We are teaphing the., — .., 

the great truth that governments do better wAliiftot- ■>' '''' . , 

kings and nobles than with them. The merit wilt nr^^i: ' j 

doQibled by the other lesson, that religion flourisJnN In ' 

greater parity without than with the aid of j^y^i^^'^K^' , f 

Ve hare thoa tntt^ some few of the rw>lt« .lAAi^^S -' ^ /* 
followed in the train of the religious toleiWtion ^^f^^^^-'ilS^j^Ui^i^^- 
lished in HoUand before the death of the Prft|l?e^ ':%»'? 
Orange, a subject which will be more fully discusa(|d; in;^ ^ ^r •■■\\ "TiJlJ 
some later chapters when considering the indepiM»de0^S^I^^\;i: ^ '■ 
sects which grew up in England. Tluit ho was the ' ^i 
leader in settling this great principle admits of no quea- : < -^' 

tion, but still he siiould not have all the honor. It is ' ' ''' 

onjnst, as many writers have done, to charge the Puri- .,^' 

tans of England or New EngUnd with the intolerance \ 

of a portion of their number, and it is equally unjust to 


* Mitdina to Kdwurd Urlngrton, Jul; lOtb, im, '• Lttttis sad 
otbw Writlngt of JauM* MulUon," iU. ITS, !?•. 


Ml Ml mmai xa nauunt, Mnaum, amb utnact. 

take from the people of noIUnd their meed of praiw. 
Mooh u they loT»d their ohown mier, he conld have 
uooraplished little had they not stood behind him and 
given liim support. As we have seen, narrow- minded 
fanatics, there as elsewhere, pronounced toleration a 
covenant with hell, but they must have been in a de- 
cided minority. Certainly they bad no power, after 
the death of the Prince of Orange, to overthrow his 
work. This fact tells its own story. IloUand never 
knew any persecution for religious difTerences, except 
for a few years in the next century, after the fiimous 
Synod of DoK,a subject which will bo considered when 
we reach that period. 

Nothing so well illostrates the difference between 
Engknd and the Netherlands, during the «ixtei>nth and 
seventeenth oenturica, as the contrusUxl effects produced 
by the death of Cromwell and by that of William the 
Silent. Cromwdl was the military and civil leader of 
the Eni^isfa Commonwealth. The revdution which 
raised him to power was not a sadden outburst of pop- 
ular excitement. Had it been of that character, one 
might have looke<l for its speeily termination, for such 
violent ebullitions are U8\ially short-lived. This oat- 
break, on the contrary, bad been gathering force for 
many yean, an^ then was very slow in taking form; 
but it was baaed on the assertion of rights which, if they 
ever existed, had rested in comparative desuotuile for 
many generations. It was this fact which caujctl the 
weakness of the Commonwealth, for men will always 
bear an old burden with greater patience than a now 
one, even although the latter may be lighter. Its 
rapid downfall waa due to the further fact that the 
movement went too far. The soldiers who conquered 
the royalists and decapitated their king thought that 

rm wmnmuc Arm wiuuwa aimmmatioii tH 

thejr oouM MUUiih a repablio rach u they saw ax- 

iitjng in the United Netherlitnda. Unfortunately, the 

people behind them, even thone who pr<eforre<l liberty 

to fwrvitude, knew little of lelf-government. It was, - 

in troth, patting new wine into old bottles. Cromwell <. 

died, and the Commonwealth died with him. '$ 

Such a remit aa thig waa anticipated bj' Philip, whea >:' 

he offered a reward for the remoral of liii iliustrioui _.}i^ 

arch-enemy. Hearing that he had «ucoec<i<!d, bii exul- - '' f 

tation was natural enough. But he little coroprobended 
the people, of whom his victiin was only a represcnta- . 
tive. He had no conception of what their cnnturiea of , ^ 

ciTilization and practice in self-government had acoom- 
pliahed for them, and never imagined how independent 
thoy were of any leaden. He was soon, however, to be 
fully undeceived. 

When the news of the asMMsination of William the 
Silent spread through the Netherlands like the shock of 
•n earthquake, all was naturally in oonfusion. He had 
been indee<l the father of his country, and the people ' 4-- 

felt that they were ori^ians. In his own family there ' '~f| 

was no one then qnaliiied to take his place, although he - ff 

left eleven children and a widow, the daughter of the ; 

great Ctdigny. The eldeat son was still in Spain, where, 
■adly enough, he had been made a SpanianI in every- ' 
thing except reverence for his father's memory. The 
next son, I'rince Maurice of Nassau, was u bravo but ^ 
quiet, self-contained lad of eighteen, giving as yet little 
promise of being the foremost general of his age. He, 
however, was shortly thereafter chosen stadtholdor of - 
Ht^land and ZeeUnd, in recognition of his father's sei^ 
Tioes. The salart' now attached to the oflioe, with an . 
additional provision for the widow, came in time of r 
need for the unhappy family. The prince had died so ' 

■ '■''-•. 


IM nu PDurAii Of mauum, bmlawa awb uukka. 

deeply in debt that even hit farniture, silver, and ward- 
robe had tr> be lold to Mtiafjr his ctediton. 

Still, although without a head, the people had no 
thought of making peace with Hpain. On the very day 
of the assassination, the Estates of HolUnd passed a rea- 
olntion "to inaintain% the good cause, with Qod's help, 
to the uttermost, without sparing guM or blood." In a 
few days the States^eneral met. Their flrst work vru 
to appoint an executive council of eighteen, selected 
from the different provinces, with Prince Maurice at its 
head, to conduct militaiy opnations. Then the ques- 
tion arose as to permanent arrangements for the future. 
As we shall see hereafter, the republic had already 
come, but its presence was unrecognized. No idea 
prevailed as yet in the mind of any one that the con; 
test could be carried on alone. During the lifetime of 
William ten of the states had experimented with. the 
worthless Anjou as a sovereign, because be was the 
brother of a king, and affianced to a queen. They all 
' now concluded that they must place theraselrre directly 
under some foreign power, who would help tliem ngiiinst 
Spain, preserving their ancient liberties, but otherwise 
taking tlie place which ha^ been forfeited by Philip. 
Among the European state% but two were so situated 
as to be available. These were England and France. 
England was nominally Protestant, but was governed 
by a queen who baled and persecuted the Calvinista 
more bitterly than she did the papists. It was not to 
be expected that she would have much friendship for 
the strict Calvinists of the Netherlands. On the other 
hand, France was nominally Catholic, but religious tol- 
eration had been practised there for years. The moa- 
aroh was childless, and it was known that he could have 
no ohildran. The next heir to the tbrone, Anjon being 


■■ootunom wrra nuxcB-Tn mat tiAoca 


dHuI, WM the chivalrous Henry of Navarre, tho leader 
of the Huguenuta. Under such ciroumatances, the proa- 
peota in Franco seemed to bo inuro favorable. 

With tlie French king, therefore, negotiationa wera 
opened directly after the death of tho Prinee of Orange. 
We need not go into tho details ; suffice it to say that 
they extended over oifht precious months, and were 
then terminated l>y tho final declination of the pntifered 
■overeignty. The people of the NetherUnds did nut at 
flnt know, what brought abovt thia auddcn decision. 
From the earnest aasuinna* of the Huguenots and tho 
ambaasador of the king himself, they bad been led to 
expect a difTerent result. The course of events told tho 
story. The Catholics <>f Europe wore unwilling that 
Henry of Navarre shookl accede to the throne, and were 
pkitting for his exclusion. The pope, who was working 
for the interest of the Church, and Philip of Spain, who 
saw that civil war in France would cut off all hope of 
aid to the Netherlands from that quarter, fmmd tools 
to do their work. Tbey were the same instruments wha 
thirteen yean before, had carried out the Massacre of 
6t Bartholomew — tlie king's mother, Catherine de' 
Medici, and the Duke of Quiae.* 

To execute their plans, all the Ouiae family, supported 
bgr the prominent Catholic nobles of the kingilom, en- 

: * la JiMtice to th« ncoionr of CstberiM ■■ • woman of sbiUtT, 
I wyt T W bad at heart, it abooli] b« uM that aha comeDlcd to tin 
Laagoa with gnat rcloatance, and onl; aa a hut mort. BIm wa* 
now, a* aha had been thirteen Jteara earlier, very dcairout of an alli- 
saee between England and Praaoa to aid tho PiDlaManta in the 
KetherliHida. Kow again KUtabeth refnied agch an tlllanoe, and 
•xhibited the Mun« chicaner; aa before. Thia conduct again drorc 
Oatberina into the arau of tba altra-Cathotica, and the Iting, having 
ao oilier eoone open, went with hit mother. Prmule, ill. 68, etc. 


tared with Philip into the memorable " Leaguo.'' Philip 
waa to nipply money from Spain, and the other partiea 
wore to extirpate bcrety in France and in the Netlier- 
land*. Henry of Navarre woa to bo declared incapable 
of lucceeding to the throne, and his place waa to be taken 
by his father's younger brother, wholii, however, the 
Dake of Ouiae had aecretly decided to luppiaot, while 
Philip ai'Mcretly had decided that his own daughter 
waa to take the place. Tbua civil war waa again to 
raise its head in the land, for the miserable monarch, 
a* wmk and helpless as his brother Charles, waa forced 
to ally himself, at least openly, with th^ enemiea of 

All these arrangements were completed, bat kept 
concealed, when, in March, 154A, the deputies from the 
States-Oenoral received tlieir final answer. Within two 
weeks the Duke of Ouise unfurled the banners of the 
Holy League. Four months later the French king, at its 
dictation, issued the edict which was to drencli France 
with blooil. By its provisions, all former edicts guaran- 
teeing religious toleration were revoked. Death and 
conflscatbn of projierty were now ]>rochiimed as the 
penalty of heresy. Six months were allowed to the non- 
conformists to make their peace with Mother Church ; 
after that period they were to leave the country, or ex- 
piate their crimes upon the gallows. The towns held 
by the Ilnguenots were to be given up, while the (iuise 
party was tS receive certain cities as security that the 
bloody edict should be carried oat. The next month 
the pope thundered his decree from the Vatican, ex- 
communicating Henry of Navarre, stripping him of all 
dignities, titles, and property, and declaring him incapa- 
ble of ever ascending the throne of France. 

Surely Philip of Spain had here done a satisfactory 

piflM of work in hiii cam|iaigii aKHiniit the Neth«rUiuli. 
II« bad lighted a flame whicli for many a long day would 
dMtroy all hope of aitVfrom Franco. The white-plumed 
knight waa not the man tamely to lurrendor hia inherit- 
MMe, nor did hia fdlowera pnrpoae either to go into exile 
or quietly to aaoend the acaffold. They flew at once to 
arnu, fought heroically, and ultimately Mved tbemselrea 
by the reconciliation of their leader with the Church of 
Rome; but needing aid themselves, oonkl render little 
to their oo-religioniata in Holland. 

Meantime the Prince of Parma waa making md havoo 
in the lower Catholic portion of the United Prorincea. 
There it waa that the death of the founder of the repalh 
lio waa moot lerioualy felt. He had held the general 
union together lololy by his matchless skill in diplomacy. 
Now that he waa gone, it seemed in danger of utter niin. 
City after city waa captured or made peace with Spain. 
Bmgea, Ghent, BruHela, and Mechlin, all fell in turn, 
and finally, in August, 1585, Antwerp was taken, after 
• siege of seven months, one of the most memorable in 
the history of war. 

With the fall of Antwerp the praapeota for religious 
or civil liberty in Europe seemed very dark. In Germany, 
the emperor waa the nephew and brotherin-law of Philip, 
and also a strict Catholic. The Protestant princes were 
apathetic, and, being Lutherans, to them the ('alvinista 
were almoat aa obnoxious as the papists. On the south- 
eaat lay the Ottoman empire, where the Turk, still for^ 
miilable, made the nation tremble at each breath. Ko 
aasistanoe could be looked for from that quarter. Ho«f 
little could be expected from the Protestants of France 
has been already shown. Spain seemed marching on to 
universal dominion. In 1580, she had conquered Portu- 
gal, in a campaign which Alva closed in l«|i than two 


•I ■. v.. 

MO Tu nnoTMi n moujom, imaum, and aouoa 

montba. Tbif oonqaert nearly doubled her power. While 
■he had been winning poaaeMioDf in the New World, her 
neighbor had been ac<|uiring eren more valnable ones in 
Africa, Imlia, and the iolunds of tho I'aciHf. Though lets 
in extent, the Portugueae aettlementa brought in more 
wealth than the colonies of 8|Min. All theeo posaeoaiona 
Alra'a aword had traaaferred to Philip, and with them 
the only navy that aa yet rindled bia own. lie now 
claimed the nuutery of the Paoifio aa well aa that of the 
Atlantic and tho Mediterranean. 

And where waa England, Proteatant EngUnd, all thia 
timet Where waa the great queen who ahoukl hare 
been,aa ahe baa been atyled, the defender of Proteatant- 
iam in Eoroipe t The queation aa to the poaition of Eng- 
land will be diicuMed in aome subaequent chapters. That 
relating to Elizabeth can be briefly answered. Through- 
oat the whole struggle ahe had been trying simply to 
lave herself. Hen have often died ttsf a cauae ; she waa 
willing that any caoae abould die for her. At the dark- 
est hour of the contest, when Alva had aubdued all the 
NetherUnd provinces, exc«|it part of Ilollaml and Zee- 
land, and William of Orange was almost in desimir, ahe 
bad bent all her enei^ea to prevent him from obtaining 
aid from France, lest that power ahonld gain too great 
strength. Again, vhen Refiueaena came on the scene 
with his policy of reconciliation, baaed on a restoration 
of civil liberty provi<]ed the rebels would give np the 
religious queation, she had used all her influence to have 
hia terms accepted. Such a peace would have benefited 
her commerce, and she could not understand why theae 
obstinate Dntchmen should stand out for what aeemed 
to her the merest trifle, aimply the right to worship Ood 
aa they saw fit. She had no sympathy and no patience 
with such aantiments. To her the condoot of William 

nnunmi una rtmmtun bhilaro Ml 

of Onnge and his compatriota was as inoomprehenuble 
aa the bigotry of Philip. 

.< For twenty-Mven years Elizabeth had now iccpt the 
throne. Enemies surrounded her on «Tery side, but she 
had secured peace for the kingdom and safety for her- 
self. * No war, no war," she cried to her ministers, and 
generally evaded it through the comjdications between 
France and Spain by some piece of feminine duplicity. 
The religious question gave her the most trouble. Here 
her motto was, " No zeal." On the one side stooti the 
great majority of her subjects, not sentimentally zealoua 
to be mre, bat still imbaed with Catholic traditions. On 
the other side was arrayed a rapidly growing class of 
Beformers, believing in the doctrines of Calvin, and re- 
garding the practices of the Romish Church as no better 
than idolatry. Her sympathies were with the former, 
bot her main object had been to keep control of the situ- 
ation and prevent the committal of England to either ' 
aide. Thus far she had succeeded in maintaining a pol- 
icy of indifference ; but in spite of all her efforts, and 
notwithstanding her own want of religions convictions, 
events were marching on which compelled a more de- . 
cided stand. As these events were to force England into 
the contest with Spain, and to bring about the relations 
with the Netherlands which were to prove so potent in 
their influence both upon England and America, we may 
wdl pause here to consider with some care what kind of 
a land EngUnd was, and by what kind of a people it 
was inhabited, three centuries ago. Thos only shall wo 
comprehend the history and the character of the Eng- 
lish and Amwican Puritans to whom this period gave 
birth. ;,,.'.,,^,. 

I- {■ '/•.. .-sfi..i;-;i:;&i.v,. .. ..■ i ^-A'^'i^i 

CHAPTER V .:„'"■ 


The preooding pages have been devoted nutinly to the 
affairs of the Netherkindera. I have attempted to sketch 
the progress of their civilization, and to show the nature 
of the confliot which they were waging against the 
mightiest power on the globe. It is now time to direct 
oar eyes across the Cbanne], and to inquire into the oop- 
dition of England and her people when these Puritans 
of Holland, %htiDg for civil and religious liberty, were 
to broaden the field of conflict by taking in their neigh- 
bors. To this subject, therefore, the attention of the 
reader is invited. Following the method adopted with 
relation to the Netherlands, I shall first discuss the in- 
fluences which made the England of this age, and shall 
then, in subsequent chapters, tre^t somewhat in detail of 
domestic life and manners, industrial pursuits, private 
and public morals, education, religion, the organization 
of society, the administration of justice, and such other 
matters as historians, until recently, have usually ignored. 
VTars and political intrigues, although important in their 
way, will here find no more space than is necessary to 
elucidate their effects on the civilization of the people. 

The materials for this description are ample enough, 
and yet every writer who attenipts to tell the tmth 
about the Elizabethan age must approach the subject 
with some dilBdenoe. In the first place, it is no easy 
task to reprodnoe, althiwgh imperfectly, the features of 

i)imcm.Tin m rocnuTnio uuABcraAii iiiauuH^ an 

a country or of a people as they appeared three cento- 
riea ago, and this difficulty is very much increased when 
thff country is one whose modern aspect is so familiar to 
the reader. It is somewhat like describing the youthful 
beauty of an old, wrinkled grandmother. Persons who 
have never seen her may imagine how she looked when 
in her teens, but you cannot persuade her little grand- 
children that she ever danced, romped, or went around 
without glasses and false hair. 

In the case of England there is a further difficulty. 
Scarcely any old country of modern times has been al- 
tered so much in its outward appearance in the last 
three centuries, and probably no people of any ago have 
changed so greatly, in some respects, as the English have 
done in the same space of time. The change has been 
brought about by the influences of commerce, mannfact- 
ures, and scientific agricniture, all three of which pur- 
suits were almost unknown to the subjects of Elizabeth. 
The modern Englishman is familiar to us, and, because 
we know him so well, we find it almost impossible to 
picture his ancestors befort their devotion to roodmi 

The final and main difficulty, in the present cose, lies 
in the false glamour thrown around this particular age 
by the poet, novelist, and Bo«alled historian (made up of . 
the other two in varying proportions), allof whom are 
carried away by a very natural enthusiasm over th« 
many-sided disfday of energy and the marvellous power 
of assimilation which characterized this period. These 
writers, to describe the magniflcence of Elizabeth's court, 
tell of her three thousand gowns and numberless jewels ; 
they say little of her council chamber, with its carpet of 
bay or rushes, of her eating with her fingers, and of the 
practices by whieh her jewels were obtained. They tell 


how, on one occasion, she made an addreaa in Greek, bot 
refer lightly toi the fact that among her nobles were men 
who could not read a line of English. They never tire 
of describing the virtnes of Sir Philip Sidney, but do not 
always note the depth of the gulf which divided him 
from most of the other men about the court. They 
glory in the piracy of Drake, Hawkins, Frobisher, and 
their associates — piracy which all the rest of the world 
then denounced, and which, if repeated now, England 
would be the first to extirpate. They cite the names of 
a few scholars to show how learning flourished in this 
age, forgetful of the multitude of scholars much more 
advanced upon the Continent ; and then point to Spenser, 
Shakespeare, Ben Jonson, and a host of others, and ask 
what more could be desired of an age which produced 
such poets. 

In answer to all this, the historian can only give the 
facts; but they are gathered from /many quarters, all 
confirming each other, and established by unquestion- 
able witnesses. These facts show that, in the age of 
Elizabeth, England, as to most features of general civili- 
zation, bore about the same relation to the Netherlands 
that Kussia bears t»day to Western Europe, or that the 
states of Central America bear to Massachusetts. This 
is a great pivotal truth in American and English history, 
although one Vrhkh is often overlookied. Keeping it in 
mind, it is an easy matter to understand how the Eng- 
lish Puritans who subsequently emigrated to America 
developed when brought into contact with the Holland- 
ers, while we can also see why their progrcHS waa so 
much arrested. As for those who remained at home, the 
question will perhaps appear of no less importance when 
we come to see how they were affected by Uieir neigh- 
bors across the Channel 



The chief obstacle to viewing the Elixabethan age in 
its true light unquestionably eonsigts of its literature, 
the most brilliant of modem times. It isvery difflcnlt 
for one to realize, at first, that an age could be in many 
rsBpects but semi-civilized which prodikied such poets • 
as Shakespeare, Spenser, and Ben Jonson, and such a ' 
thinker as Francis Baoon. Still, this difficulty arises 
■imply from overlooking the character of the contribu- 
tions which these men of genius furnished to the treas- 
ures of the world. A little reflection will serve to clear 
the vision. 

' Civilization is a fruit of very slow growth. Poetry 
does not make it, nor are great poets even a sign of its 
existence. Looking at the two masterpieces of the world 
which preceded the works of Shakespeare, we find one 
produced in Greece, in an age so early, and among a 
people so rude, that the very personality of Homer has 
been seriously questioned; while the other was pro- 
duced in Italy long before the revival of learning.* In 
foot, the disseminatipn of knowledge, the settled condi- 
tion of society, the respect for the rights of others, and 
the general unpicturesqueness, which distinguish a oiv- 
ilized from a barbaric age, are not favorable to the pro- 
duction of great poets. 

The true poet is a seer ; one who sees, and not one 
who reasons. Untrammelled by theory, unembarrassed 
by the thoughts of otliers, he notes down what be ob- 
serves in nature, in his fellows, in himself. The period 
which produces such men in numbers is not a long one 
among nations making progress. Knowledge checks the 

* Dsnto «u born IMS ; tbc optora of CnnstantiDOpIs bj tha 
TatkM, which gmre tha gnst impetot to tlio atudy of Greek Uttn- 
tme, tnd it-dviliied tb« world, occamd In t4M. 

•M TBB rraiTAii ni koixaiii^ mauinK ahd AiuncA 

poetic faculty, by developing other faculties mora prac- 
tical in their character. Ifen begin to atudy what they 
see, coni|>are facta, test their observationa by those of 
their fellows, and poetry passes into science. Rude na- 
tions always speak in figures. The North American In- 
dian describes an aged man os "an old tree dead at the 
top." Ilia trMty with the whiten is, he says, "a cove- 
nant chain, first of wampuiii, then of hemp, and Anally 
of silver, thrown around a great rock.'" Ijttle children 
prattle in the same fashion; the shadows play with them ; 
for them the stars bloom oat at night ; and many a fond 
parent can trace the loas of a poet or a painter to. the 
time when the spelling-book and arithmetic began to do 
their work.* The |>oetry of the Elizabethan age gre«v 
out of the fact ^^"^^ i' people who had slumbered for 
ages were awakening into intellectual life. 

The same causes which produced a Shakespeare alio 
produced a Bacon. Each was « seer ; the one looked at 
men and nature with the eye of a poet, the other with 
the eye of a philosopher; the one law the passions, pa- 
thos, sentiment, and humor of life, the other its practi- 
cal, unromantio features. Men in Enghtnd, before their 
time, saw but little ; these great seers used their eyes 
and set down what they saw. Bacon's whole philoso- 
phy turns on the principle, that people shall see for 

* MaeauItT, in hit naaj on Miltnn, nj» : " Poetry produce* an 
illation on the eye of the mind, ■• • magic luntcm produce* tn illu- 
•lon on the eye of the botty ; ud, *i n magic lantern act* beat in a 
darit room, poetry effaeta lla purpoae moat completely in a dark age. 
. . . We think that aa ciTiliiation advance*, poetry almoat neocawrily 
dcclinea." Ha thenrfbre concludea that Milton wa* greater at a 
poet, riot beeana* of hia learning, but in tieapile of it For a Mlw 
and much abler di*oa**ion of tire aal^ect, at* TklM'a " Kagtiab Ut- 
emtnra," ■* Bhskeiptare." 


theniMlTM, and reason from what they lee and not from 
\That they imagine or have been told by others. He p.: 

marks an epoch in English thought, if England can be , '|^, 

laid to have had any thought before his time, but he /^ 

simply told his countrymen to do what scientific men . - . ■'$ 

upon the Continent had done for generations. Still, . v! 

irith his transcendent genius he did this better than any 
one before his time, and hence his worfd-wide fame.* . ' ;v 

Bacon was not a learned man, knowing nothing of the - .' , V 

discoveries of Kepler, Galileo, Ilan-ey, or Gilbert. He had 
•xroely any knowledge of geometry ; in fact, was igno- ' . ,j; 
Rtnt of, and looked down on, all mathematicB.t Harvey 
siiid of him that he wrote about science like a lord chan- ;i^' . 

odlor. In credulity he resembled his predecessor, Roger 
Eaoon.^ He even rejected the theory of Co|)emicus, 
a!id died believing that the sun revolves arpund the X ^ 

Mffth.g As Hallam has pointed out, he was more emi- • ^ *;>- 

nintly the philosopher of human than of general nat- ''^ 

B)<e.| This is the province of the poet and the seer. 

* Btcwut'i "Life of Rakl," tec. 1; tUllam'i " Litmtura of £■• 
rain,'' Hi. 18*. 

t Hallam, IB. ItT-in. "In nutbcawtlcal, astronomical, mil pbjr*- I' 

kill knowledge b<wa«&r behind lilicoatemporarin."—IIumboldl'« .;'ti 

"roMDoD," ill. IM (Loodon. 1881). > >t 

X Hallam, i. St. " HU natural biitor; i» Aill of chimerical expbi- . ¥ 

Bitiona. Like tlie poet, he peoples natare with inetincta and de- ' ;?c 

iiiti; attribotea to bodies an actual roracitjr; to the atrooapbere a .>.i 

thint fnr the ligiit, sounds, o<iors, Tspois, which it drinks in ; to met- ''*,j: 

sIh, a sort of baile to be incorporated with acida"— Taine. - ' Jj:- 

I For an account of Bacon's ignorance of science, see also " Prsn- ■'*% 

eb. Bacon," by Edwin A. Abbott (London, 1885), pp. SS8, 4M ; Oar- ^> v.- 

diiMi's « Hiator; of England," iiL SM. As to his Latin, Abbott, p. 

I Halbm, tii. m. Hb"l8nj*,''tlMnfoi«,gBT(himbiagi«st«sl 
IHstsrjr fiMoe in England. * 


Tet as a nun of icienoe he wm far ahead of hia time in 
EngUnd.* He tranilated the works on which he thou^t 
his fame waa to rest into Tjitin, which he called the uni- 
veraal langaage, although he knew it but imperfectly, 
affirniiDg titat" English would bankrapt all our book*." 
" lie had sown the great seed in a sluggish soil and an 
angenial season. He had not expected an early cropi, 
and in his last testament had solemnly bequeathed his 
fame to the next age."t 

As to the mode in i^hich Shakespeare, as an author, 
was appreciated by his contemporaries in England, the 
following facts should be borne in mind. In 1683, Ilem- 
minge and Condell published the first complete collection 
of his plays, only thirteen or fourteen of which had been 
printed in his lifetime. But for their efforts it is more 
than likely that his unpublished dramas, mime seventeen 
in number— among which were "Julius CaMar,""Tlie 
Tempest," and " Jlacbeth "—would hare been lost to the 
world.^ Only one other edition appeared prior to 1064, 
so that in forty-eight j'oars after his death but two edi- 
tions of bis works, probably not making together a thou- 
sand copies, were given to a public which absorbed sev- 
enteea editions of Sidney's dreary " Arcadia." § There 
is no evidence that he was known to Raleigh, Sidney, 
Spenser, Bacon, Cecil, Walsingham, Coke, Hooker, Cam- 
den, Ilobbes, Donne, Cotton, or any others, except a few 

~* We iboaia except OHImH, IIsriott,-«iid thmj, with Niptcr is 
ScotUnd, til of whom, howerer, bmd prowe a ted their (tudic* abroad. 
Abbott, p. 3<8. 

t Maeauliir't " Ilittor; of Englud," i. 377. 

I Shkketpnre doe* not mentiaa hi* manuacript* in hla will, and 
atemt to hare cared nothing for literary raputatioo. Hi* aole amU- 
tioa wa* to take rank aa a oountrjr gentleman. 

I Johnion'a » Life of Milton ;" Srmond*'* " aHaej," p^ 74. 

• K O/White't " Shakeupcuv," p. t». 

t Sir Willbia DaTcnaot, poet-bnmte to Chtriet II., rrpmdncetl 
tome of Slmknpcora'i pUjt, but onl; sfter a rewriting wliicli worked 
• tnntfoimation. " Macbetli," for cxunple, wu put on tli« Mage, 
" with alteralioDii, adtlitiont, amendmenta, new aonga, macliinei; Ibr 
tlie witcliea, with dancing and tinging." Ai rewritten, it waa pab- 
Ikhcd in 1S73. "Tbe Interregnum," bjr F. A. Inderwick, |k MS. 

tO>>i«>t'*"8>>akeq>eare," In IIm " VicarorWakeaeld,"Clold- 
mtUh ahowa how little he thought of the Shakespearian revirat. 



of hk fellow.crafUmen.* With the decay of English 
energy, after the restoration of the Stuarts, he was al- 
most entirely for^tten.f In 1707, a poet nanie<i Tate ^^ 
produced a work called ** King Lear," the subject of 
which, he said, he had borrowed from an obscure piece '^' 
of the same name, recommended to his notice by a friend. 4 
This "obaonre piece" was Sbakespeard's " King Lear." ^ 
At the beginning of the eighteenth century I»rd Shaftes- ^ 
bury conipiaineil of his " natural rudeness, his unpolished 
style, and his anti(|uute(l phrase and wit." In conse- 
quence, he was excluded from several collections of the 
modem poets. In 1765, Johnson gave him some praise, i 
and finally Garrtck, the grandson of a Huguenot rofu- % 
gee, restored him to the stage and to the patriotic admi- 
ration of tbe English people.^ Since that time (terman i' 
criticism has done much to give him his present high ' < 
position. " 

Bacon, as a scientist, did not fare mnch better in Eng- 
land than did Shakespeare as a poet. Upon the Conti- 
nent, where there were men of learning, his works met ^< 
with a cordial reception. The I.«tin treatise " Do Aug- 
mentis " waa republished in Franco in 1034, the year <, 
after its appearance in England, and was transUted into , ^ 
French aa early as 1A33. Editions came out in Holland V 
iK 1646, 16S9, and 1663, and one in Strasburg even ear- 

„ »; 



lier, in 1635. In England, only one edition in Latin ap- 
peared after the first — namely, in 1089 — followed by an 
indifferent translation in 1640. The "Novum Orga- 
nam" was thrice printed in Holland, in 1645, 1650, and 
1660. In England it never came separately from the 
press. King James said of it, "that it was like the 
peace of God, which passeth all understanding." No edi- 
tion of hit works as a whole was published in Enghtnd 
before 1780, but one appeared at Frankfort in 1666.* 

In studying the great lit(>rary lights of the Elizabethan 
age, one may recall his experience in witnessing n sun- 
rise in the Alps. He rises hastily, throws on his clothes, 
and takes his stand. Looking far away, the clouds and 
distant peaks are first tinged with pink, then bathed in 
glory. Down creeps the golden flame, the lofty trees 
are all on fire, and oven the shrubs are priceless coraL 
So the transformation scene goes on, until the lowest 
valleys arc resurrected from their darkness. I{a|>t in the 
contemphition of a miracle, one forgets how early is the 
morning. But when the day has fairly broken, when 
the pink and gold have disappeared, and all the land- 
scape lies in common sunlight, the traveller feels the 
chill, and, retiring to his blankets, waits for warmth and 
comfort nntil the sun has travelled farther on its coane. 
What the sunrise is to noon, what the first crop upon 
the prairie is to the fruit of scientific agriculture, that it 
poetry to civilization.f 

• Hsilun'i " Utcmtura of Europe," iU. 181, in. 

t Perliipi no one hM diaciuMd tbti Hiblcrt mors Mj ud Ind- 
•ireljr tiuin Matthew Arnold. " Oeniiu U mainly an aSair of cnetu," * 
he np, " and poetry ii mainly an affair of geniua ; therefore, a nation 
whow apirit ia characteriied by energy may well be eminent la 
poetry, . . . anil we bare Shakeapesrs." Again : " We hare cfl»- 


raocuAm nurmt or BMauaa nmroBT tl\ 

To underatand th« English people of the time of Eliz- 
abeth, we mult know something of their antecedents: 

for, like all other nations, they were an evolution from ' '^j^, 

the ]Mut, shaped by race Hnd natural environment. Hera, ji''; 
therefore, I shall ask the reader's patience while I call 
attention to some facts in their prior history which seem 
(o me to bear a construction rather different from that 

nsually placed upon them. This history has very pecul- 'it 
iar features, in the disregard of which wo can And the '. '''W. 

explanation of many popular misconceptions as to the -^-^ 

Eli/jilic'tlian age, and as to the origin and character of ' 'f 

the new life which that age developed. ;| 

Taking any point in oiviliiation, one is B|)t to think of tf 

, the approach to it as if it were a gradual ancent. This ,.'e 

has Iwcn the case in the history of the Netbcrlunds, in /:'| 

the brief story of America— with but a slight exception , J 

in New Englaml after the death of the Hrst Puritan 'f; 

settlers— and it was true of chtssio Greece an<l Rome, >$ 

until the period of their decline. Our school histories of ;-' 

England sometimes leave the impression that such was :.§ 

the course of progress there; certain im|)ortant events 41 

and certain leading characten stand out up«>n the record, . 'M 

^— -■- ■ — • ' ■:% 

fMMdl; a Tcrjr great lilrrntnra. It 11111 remtiiu to Iw uked : " < Wk«t "^ 

■ort of % gmt literatnra I A litentura great in tlia apdcUl qnal- '. ^: 

Hia* of gmiiu, or grrat in the apecial ijnaliUta of intelligence )'" , ;5f 

Ha anewcre the question bjr •hoaring tliat tlw literalunt of geniua, ^''l' 

I itretclilng fV«m Harlow to Milton," led up to " our proTincial anil -y 

aaennd-hanil iiteratura of tlie eighteentb oenturf ." The energy lia<l -,'tl-. 
diad out When it appeared again in the days of the Napoleonir >' f* 

mia, tlia literature of genius also reappeared. On the otlicr hand. ' ~ 
Pmnoe had a literalure of intelllgenoa dereioped in proae, which led 
up to "the French litemture of the eighteenth century— one of tin 
moat iMWcrftil and prmiasire intellectual agencies that hate everex- 
latad, tlw greatest Eump^n force of the eighteenth century."— "The 
Litnwy Influence of Acadamiea," " BsHya In Critidso," pp. 47-SO. 

•n TM nnTAN ur Houjun^ naLAim and AMmc* 

and ire are left to think of thei;;! aa landmarks on a 
highway, instead of mere beacon lights flashing from 
isolated inountain-|>eaks. For example, we have glow- 
ing descriptions of civilization in Britain under the Ro- 
man rule. As to Anglo-Saxon times, we are told of the 
" VeneraUe Bede," and his famous school at Jarrow ; 
of Alcuin, John Scotus, the learned King Alfred, and his 
establishment of Oxfonl University— the last, however, 
a myth. Under the Normi"\B, wo hear of the superb 
cathedrals, Oxford with its thirty thousand students-^ 
another myth; Magna Charta, and the learning of 
Roger Bacon. Still later on, we read of the poetry of 
Chaucer, hear of Wydif and his Bible, Sir Thomas More 
and the Oxfonl Reformers, and finally of the glorious 
age of Elizabeth, with its world^renowned poets, states, 
men, and men of action. 

Glancing simply from one of these events or individ- 
uals to another, or even following the panegyrists of 
the English Constitution, one might imagine a people 
steadily rising in civilization until they had reached their 
present stage of development. But in this re8|)ect the 
experience of England is almost unique in the history of 
nations. To follow her career is not to ascend the side 
of a single mountain, but to cryis a series of mountain 
chains sojttaratod by valleys nearly as .deep and dark as 
that from which one makes the first ascent. Comparing 
it to a stream, it resembles a river flowing tlirougfa a 
prairie country, which twists and curves, returning on 
its track, so tliat after following it for scores of miks 
the traveller flnds himself no nearer to the sea. 

The truth of this statement will lie seen by any one 
who runs over the course of Englisli history prior to the 
Reformation. Why it should be so is the important 
question. Why should a people, living on an island by y 


naouK BitroiiAin ahd nu Aiicu>«AXoin 


thenuelves, be Rubject to great tidal waves of progren i 
And why did the receding wave bring tbem back iknd 
leave them stranded on the shore I 

Thqre is a tendency among gome English historians 
to iieprcsent the Englishman as of almost pure Anglo- 
Saxon blood, and to trace his progress to an Anglo- 
Saxon influence.* If this were so, we might expect 
that steady and gradual advance in civilization the ab- 
sence of which is so marked a feature of English history. 
Just the reverse appears to be the truth, and hero is the 
key to many perplexing problems. 

The people, to be sure, are mostly of Anglo-Saxon 
origin, and this has given them their sturdy 'character; 
but they have received foreign accessions from time to 

* Tbe gimt impctui in this direction hu been given by OemiRn 
wtiton, who hare deTotcd more attcnlinn to the ttudy of earl j Eng- 
lish history than the English thcmselTes. Bee Qneist's " Hist, of the 
English Constitution," pauim, for an account of Oennan boolis ou 
English Institutions. These writers, in addition to the fact that 
they sometimet use the raicroecope too much, are nalurelly incllDe<l 
to magnify the Oennaaic influence, and have perhaps unduly sfl^ted 
their English disciples. In regard to Qneist's history, In particular, 
to which I shall refer IVequently hereafter, another fact must lie liept 
in mind. As he states In his preCtce, lie is deeply interested in po- 
litical matters, and for years has lieen writing history for political 
parposes. Opposed to republics, lie sees his ideal of a state In the 
former strong monarchy of England, holding it up to his country- 
men as a mMlel of a goTemment developed on Oenusnic lines. 
With such objects in view, the conclusions of a writer msy well be 
qootioned, however valuable his fyet*. Binee these partes were 
written, an able Frenchman bns published a little Ixmk on the 
" Englisli Constitution," the preface to which contains some very Ju- 
dicious remarks on the modem tendency to exaggerate the Anglo- 
Bazon element in the development of English Institutions. " TIra 
English Constitution," by Smile Bontmy (translation, Macmilbo 
A Co., 18*1). 

I.— 18 V 



time, and to these acoeuionB we can trace their wavM 
of progress. Following back the institutions which are 
England's boast, such as her parliament, trial by jury, 
and her judicial system, we find them derived, not from 
the Anglo-Saxons, but from the Normans, who were 
' French by domicile, and cosmopolitan by education. 
Looking carefully at the lives of the great men who 
stand out like beacon lights on her early historic page, 
wo And them to luive been moulded by a foreign in- 
fluence and taught by foreign masters. Tlie most brill- 
iant epoch in her early history, that which witnessed 
the erection of her oathe<lrals and the founding of her 
universities, was the one in which she was under a for- 
eign domination. When, finally, the Normans had been 
absorbed And the intimate connection with the Continent 
broken off, the foreign influence died out. Then, as 
the old rude Anglo-Saxon element regaine<l the mastery 
the people very rapidly went down. About the time 
of Elizabeth they had reached their lowest depth, from 
which they emerged only when brought again into touch 
with the elder civilization of the Continent, e8)iecially 
that devolo])ed in the Netherland Republic. I^et us now 
for our proof take a hasty review of this earl}- history — 
a review which will perhaps prepare the way for a clearer 
appreciation of the mode in which these foreign influ- 
ences were exerted at a later day.* 

When we first hear of Rritain, it was occupied by a 
people who had probably crossed the Channel from Gaul. 
They belonged t^ the great Celtic race, which, pouring 
out from Scytbia in Asia, had swept over the whole of 

* la the following laminnr; I thall refer nuilnl/ to modeni lCiig> 
lUh or Oerman writera, who will btnllj be iiupectcd of wut of pat- 
ttality for their incotoni or OemMoic kindrad. 

* " The Pcdigne of the EoglUh People," Thonui Nicholu (i^ 
oad edition, 1M8), p. 4%. 

t "The Komtn dviliutioD had been completely introducml, mil- 
itary rmdi had been con*tnicte(1 from one end of the counlr; to the 
other, and Taat worin of public utilitj and ornament hail bven com- 
pleted. The bridget, gardena, hatha, ami villaa of Rome hml been 
raprodnced in Britain, and all the pomp and Uunr; of the imperial 
court made familiar to our forefiithen."— Micholaa, " Pedigree of the 
Engliali People," p. 104. Saja Palgrave : "The country waa replete 
with the rooDumenta of Roman magniflceoce ; Halmeabury appeali 
tp thoae Btateljr mina which itill remained in hia time, the twelfth 
centnrj, aa taatimoniea of the faror which Britain had enjoyed ; the 
towni, the templet, tlie theatrea, and the hatha , . , excited tlie won- 
der uid the admiration of the chronicler and Um tiaraller."— Pal- 

■muN omutAiMm m BnTAm tra > 

Korthern and VMtem Europe. Thoae who croMed to 
Britain were cloaely connected with the Belgte, whom 
Cnsar found in the lower Netherlands. The enrly set- 
tlen were probably presaed north by new-comers, and no ' ^ 
paaaed into Wales and Scotland, and thence across the 
Barrow sea to Irehind.* 

First attacked by CsBsar and his legions, the Britons -.;^-4 

were a century later conquere<l by the liomans, and the ,'§ 

whole lower portion of the island was held by the bon- < >''' 

querors for about three centnries and a half. Macaulay, 
in his history, states that Britain " received only u faint 
tincture of Roman arts and letters," but the results of ^ 

inyestigations carried on since his time tell a very dif- ,., f^, 

fcrent story.t The island was studded with peopled " /| 

cities, and the open country dotted over with the luxu- ;i 

nous mansions of the great landKiwnecs, bailt of stone, ^' 

and heated with furnaces. The ruins of some of these . '> 

mansions have been discovered, which show what prog- 
ress had been made in art " Every colonnade and pa»- 
nge had its tessellated pavement ; marUestatues stood 


tre raa rmutMK a aouum. ■nolaxik um AwnnoA 

out from their gayly iwinted walls; while picturet of 
Orpheus and Pan gleamed from amid the fanciful scroll- 
work and fretwork of its mosaic floors." * Commerce, , 
too, had arisen. The harvests became lo abundant that 
Britain at times supplied the necessities of Uaul. Pot- 
teries were established, which turned out work of great 
artistic beauty .f Tin-mines were worked in Cornwall, 
lead-mines in Somerset and Northumberland, and iron- 
mines in the Forest of Dean.^ In addition to all this, 
Rome became Christianized, and conferred upon Britain 
her religion, as well as her arts, her military system, and 
her laws. British churches arose over all the hind to 
take the place of the pagan temples ; or, as in other 
parts of Europe, the buildings erected to the divinities 
of ancient Rome were dedicated to the rites of the new 
national religion. 

Such, in faint outline, was the condition of Britain 
before the irruption of the barbarians whom we call 
Anglo-Saxons, and who transformed it into England. 
To the uttiquarian, it must bo a fascinating work to 
explore the old ruins, and unearth the unquestionable 
evidence of this former glory. But to the historian of 
England who seeks to trace the progress of her people, 
the growth of her institutions, and the development of 
the national character, all this story is unimportant; for 
every vestige of the former civilization was wiped out 
by the pagan conquerors. To the student of Continental 

• Graea's » Making of England," chap. Ul. rte. 

f The Homkn potter; rnund in the New FomI, when Iti ! 
ficture was eiteneivel; carried on, lurpan e e, artiatlcaliy, anjlhiag 
aince produced in EngUwd. "The Hew Foreat," p. MS (LoodoD, 
1880, John ItWiae). 

I Oteen, Introduction and chap. r. 


■MAR cmutATioH stmamniiD >t tbi AmuMAsmn tn 

- history, Mid for onr parposes, however, it is of great im> 
portanoe. Britain was a very distant province. There 
waa nothing in ita situation, resources, or inhabitants 
which would entitle it to the special favor of Kome. If, 
therefore, it profited for a time so laigely from the "Ro- 
man domination, one can conceive what must have lieen 
the effect of tliis same influence upon the provinces near- 
er home, where, as we have seen in a former chapter, 
the Roman civilixation was not extinguished.* 

Having climbed a mountain-top, we are now to de- 
Mend into a valley as deep and dark as can be well im- 
agined. In 411 the Roman legions are recalled from 
firitain, in consequence of the irruption of the Outlis un- 
der Alaric. Returning temporarily, they finally almn- 
don the country in 497, and the people are left to fight 
alone against their own enemies^ the Picts and Scots. 
Powerless against tnch foes, they call to their aid the 
corsairs who hatl threatened their coast for generatbns. 
Hengist and Ilorsa, with their allies— Saxons, Angles, 
Jutes, and Frisians, all I»w-Datch tribes — repel the en- 
emy from the North, but conquer the island for them- 

' lelves, and give it the modem name of England. The 
procesrof conquest was a slow ofie, and this explains its 
character, for the Britons made a stout resistance, re- 
treating only step by step. Thus, a century and a half 
were needed for the work, but it waa dona with Anglo- 

* 8|mkiDg of Italy, Freemiin njri : "No Tiilgu error ii more ut- 
' tori; groundlm than that which lookf on the Oothiaiul other Teuton- 
le Mtllen M wilflil deatroyen of Roman buihlingi or orothrrworki 
•f Roman ikill. Far flt>m to doing, tbey admired, they praiemd, 
Wd, ao flv aa the decaying art nf tlie time allowed, tbey imitated 
them."— "Origin of the Engllih Nation," lecture of Jan. Sth, 18T0, 
■t Kingrton-on-Hnll, publlahed la Mtumiltan'i Mufatint. 



Saxon thorougfaneu. In the end, every vettige of tiM 
ancient civilization was extinguished; the towns were 
depopulated and Uid waste ; the mines w:ere closed for 
ages; the villas re<laoed to ruins; Christianity was blot- 
ted out, and the whole country made a desolation. Th^"' 
island was again a barlNiric pagan land.* 

English historians naturally dwell on the bright aspect 
of this conquest—the introduction of liberal institutions, 
the free barbaric blood, and the general love of freedom 
which animated the new-comers. Bat we roust remem- 
ber that, in the growth of nations, we find at the bottom, 
as at the to{), the idea of personal independence. When 
we compare the history of this people with that of the 
KetherUindens, who, although of the same blood, assimi- 
lated the civilisation of ancient Rome, we can judge how 
much institationa can accomplish for society while it is 
passing through the intermediate stages. 

What manner of people these new^jomers were can bfi 
gathered from various sources. To the Komans, all the 
men who conquered Britain and founded England were 
known under the common name of Saxons, and the Ro- 
man provincials distinguished them from the other tribes 
who were attacking the empire by their thirst for blood 
and disregard for human suffering. While men noted 
in the Frank his want of faith, in the Alan his greed, in 
the Hun his ahamelessneas, what they noted in the Saxon 
was his savage cruelty. Dwelling upon the Continent, 
the main aim olf their pirate raids was man-hunting, and 
it had with them a feature of peculiar horror. Before 
setting sail from the hostile country which they had at- 
tacked, their custom was to devote one man out of eaeh 

* Bw » Ltetons of FreMiuui," eitsd sbota, ud Orten'* " Making 
of England." 


ten of tbeir captives to a death by slow and painful 
torture.* " Foes are they," sang a Roman poet of the 
time, " fierce beyond otber foes, and cunning as they 
■re fierce; the sea is their tohool of war, and the storm 
their friend ; they are sea-woWes that live on the pillage 
of the world." t A century after their landing in Eng- 
land, the Britons knew them only as ".barbarians," 
** wolved," "dogs," " whelpa from the kennels of harba- 
Iten," <* hateful to Ood and man." t 

Transplanted into England, they did not change their 
nature. Having passed over the land like a tempest of 
fire, burned the churches, murdered the priests at the 
altar, and blotted out all civilization, they settled down 
to enjoyment. Divided into a large number of petty 
tribal kingdoms, domestic wars became innumerable.^ 
For very many years their history is, as described by 
Milton, little more than the battle* of kites and crows.! 
In time there come intervals of peace. The smaller 
tribek are swallowed by the larger ; little kingdoms ap- 
pear; a rude form of law and order is established ; and, 
finally, early in the ninth century, Aegberht, who had 
been brought up at the court of Charlemagne, subdues 
the whole island south of the Ilumber, and the king- 
dom of the Anglo-Saxons first takes its place among the 
states of Europe.^ 

Meanwhile great social changes have affected the in- 

• Orecn'f " Hiator; of th* Englith Pmple," vol L 

t Men. X Idem, p. 48: 

I Ooetit, •■ Hietory of the Englith Conititatkm " (tno*. London, 

IMM), i. 40. 

I The aim of life, wji Ttine, " wu not to be ilaln, nnionied, mu- 
. tUntad, pillaged, hang, and, of coone, if it were s woman, riolatad." 

— >• BoglUh Litoraton." 



teo Tin pimiTAii ni 110U.411B; Baouunn am> ambmu 

heritecl freedom of the people. When the barbarians 
landed in Britain they were lubstantially free, for their 
rulers were elected by all the freemen. War and a set- 
tled residence beget the king.* By the time of Alfred, 
he had become the " Lord's Anointed," invested with a 
mystoriooi dignity .f Treason against him was pnnidied. 
with death, and he was the fountain of honor. The 
king, from among his oommdes, created a new onler of 
nobility, whose members gradually supplanted the okl 
chiefs. Much of the land was in early ihtys held in 
common; it was now carved out into estates for the 
king's dependants. Thus the freedom of the peasant 
passed away. Ilis freehold was surrendered to be re- 
ceived back as a fief, hidon with services to its lord, for 

: in Alfi^'s day it was assumed that no man could ekist 
without a lord. 

> Oradually, as the kingdoms increased in size, the sharo 
of the freemen in all public affairs was greatly dimin- 
ished. There was no election of delegates to national 
or local asaemblies, as in later times ; each man had to 
appear and vote in person. Theoretically, there was a 
great assembly of the peopte, in which resided all ulti- 
mate authority— the higher justice, imposition of taxes, 
framing of laws, the conclusion of treaties, the division 
of the public lands, and the appointment of the chief of> 
flees of state. " Practically, the national council shrank 
into a gathering of the great officers of Church and State 
with tl)e royal the^s, and the old English democracy 

* Kingthip tppnn Mnong the EnglUh at a tim* t hea it wa« im- 
kqown among tb« ContiiMiitai racM^to whoa th«j w«ra moat cloadjr 
niatod. OncUt, 1 14. 

t Alftctl, when a boy, went to Rome, ami wa« anototed by the 
pope. IUnke'a"Hbtor]rorEngbuid,''LW. Other kingi bad b««a 
aaoUted, bowerer, befon bii tine. 

jtATBnr-M ww TiMiow or ikolaiid Mi 

pMMd into an oligarchy of the closeit kind."* These 
people are simplj' entering upon the flnt stage of civili- 

The wara and a settled recidence also gave a great im- 
petus to slavery. No rank saved the prisoner taken in 
battle from this doom ; and the markets of the world, as 
far as Rome, were filled with slaves from England. Debt 
and crime also swelled the ranks of the nnfree. Fathers 
•old their children, husbands their wives. The master 
oofald sUy his chattel ; it was only the loss of a thing. 
Fleeing from bondage, he might be chased as a strayed 
beast, and flogged to death if a man, or burned if a wom- 
an.! The progress of Christianity produced a little ame- 
lioration of his state. One bishop denie<l Christian bur- 
ial to kidnappers, and prohibited the sole of children by 
their parents after the age of seven. Another punished 
with exoomronnication the sale of child or kinsfolk. 
Many owners manumitted their sUves, and the slave- 
trade from English ports was finally, in the tenth centu- 
ry, prohibited by law. This prohibition, however, for a 
long time remained ineffective. Until the Oinqnest the 
wealth of English nobles was said sometimes to spring 
from breeding slaves for market. It was not until the 
reign of the flnt Norman king that the traffic was finally 

Across this dark and dreary waste wo can here and 
there catch f^mpses of sunshine, although fitful and 
evanescent. A young deacon named Gregory seea in 
Rome some English slaves exposed for sale. He be- 
oomea interested in the fardistant island, whose people 

* GrMD'i " Short Hbtonr," pp. 8», 90, 91. OneUt, i. lOl-tOSl 

t Oreen, p. SO. 

t Idem, p. 89. " Ufe of Bishop WoliUii,'' dtsd by TsIb*. 


an tarn pdutam ra holuho, BMauuiOk and akbuca 

oqoe were lenranta of the Church, and when elected 
pope aendi Augustine with forty oomnulea to effect ita 
reoon?erBion. One of the petty kinga baa married » 
Christian from France, and this helps on the worit. 
Augustine arrives in 697, but in the end actually aO' 
oomplished little. The real conversion of England came 
from Ireland, where Christiaoity liad not been blotted 
out by the Saxons, and where piety and learning had 
fixed their home." Naturally the conversion of the 
mwsseii did not at first go very deep. They became 
Christians after the type of Cloris across the Channel, 
who, having witnessed the Passion Play, cries out, 
"Why wag I not there^with my Franks f" As we see 
through all their literature, the gospel of love, the teach- 
ings of the New Testament, made no more impression 
on their minds than on those of their descendants of the 
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, to whom the Bible 
came again as a revelation. They were all equally at- 
tracted more by the Old Testament, with ita wars, mair 
sacres, and tales of blood and vengeance. 

Still, the very fact of belonging to the Ctmroh of the 
world had its effect ; it brought the ishind into contact 
with the old civilization of the Continent, and the con- 
nection bore some fruit.f In 668, a Ureek mon^;, Theo- 
dore of Tarsus, arrives from Rome, is made Archbishop 
of Canterbury, and the English Church of t»day, so far 

* araen'i "Short HUtory," p. 8S. In th« tlnxt of Tkclto* the ports 
and biurbon of Intaod were bettor known to the Romiini th*D thoee 
of Britain, fh>ni the ooncoone of merohnnte then for porpaen of 
trade. " Life of Agrlcola," mc. 14. 

t Oneist paji a high tribute to the Anglo-Saxon Church for iti early 
work, while thowing buw, in later dayi, it fell into nidenea and een- 
nality, i. 85-87, note. Before the Norman Conqneit it liad acquired 
about on* third of tlie property of the kingdom, p. 119. 


H iU onter form is concerned, beoomet the work of hia 
huidi.* A (obool is esUblished, which the VenenUe 
Bede attends, where he learns Greeic, for the first time 
taogbt in England, and with it imbibes a taste for sci- 
«noe and letters. Bede passes his life at the monasteiy 
of Jarrow, gathers six handred pupils aboat hiin, be- 
comes, as fiurke calls him, " the father of English liter- 
atnre," and dies in 755, translating the Gospel of St. 
John into the vemacuUr. Bnt apon his death the king- 
dom of Northumbria, in which he lived, is desolated by 
incessant wars, the land is laid waste, his scholara are 
dispersed, and nothing is left of his work but the forty- 
live volumes which attest his industry, and a name which 
glorifles his age.f 

Later on, in 800, just as the English are becoming one 
nation4 the Danes come in, as utterly heathen and as 
savage and ferocious as the followers of Ilengist and 
Horsa. They at once wipe out almost all of civilization 
above the Thames.^ In about seventy years they be- 
come masters of the land.| Then King Alfred appears 
on the scene, a man who, seen through the dim mist of 
tradition, is one of the world's hftroes. He roused the 
people against the Danes, founded a kingdom in the 
lower part of the island, established peace in his realm, 
reduced the laws to system, and became the teacher of 
his people.^ Alfred did all that he could to correct and 

•Oreea'c'ShortHUtor;,'' p.«S. t Idem, p. 74. 

I OaeiH, i. 41. 

I lUnke, i. IT ; Graen't " Sboit HUtory," pp. 78, 19, 8*. 

I QBcUt, i. 108. 

1 Rsuke, the great Oanmii hUtoriu, psji thb tiibate to Beds 
tnd Alftn). "Tlie lint (Jennan who mads the nniranal learning 
daiiTtd from aotiqaitf bi< own wai an Aoglo-Bazon, tba Vananbl* 

•M nu nwTAM ui noixMD. nausm, um amiuca 

inform the ignonnoe of hii coantrymen, to which thej 
had been redaoed by the I>aniih conquest When be 
began to reign, be could find icahiely a prieit in the 
kingdom able to render the Latin service into Engliah. 
For the benefit of the common people he translated sev- 
eral Latin works, with annotations which sound of the 
primer. lie established schools at court, whcro the sons 
of the nobility were instructed in the mdiments of learn- 
ing ; and, taking an idea from Roman jurisprudence, he 
oodilled the laws, prefacing them, after the ruritan fash- 
ion, with the Ten Commandments and a portion of the 
Uw of Moees. 

Alfred dies, and under one of his successors the 
Danish portions of the country are brought into com- 
plete subjection.* Then follow a few years of peace 
and national pnwperity. But again civil war breaks 
out, and the heathen Danes reappear in now and greater 
hordes. They march through the land amid the light 
of blazing towns and homesteads, and in the end put 
their own ruler on the throne.f Cnnt proves a wise 
and beneficent monarch, and for twenty yean gives the 
oonntry peace. But he dies in 1035, and under his ty- 
rannical and incapable successors there ensues a reign 
of blood, which prepares the way for the coming of a 
greater conqueror than the Dane. 

And now what was the condition of the An^o^axons 
after a residence of six centuries in England f 

In some imiwrtant particulars, as we have seen, they 
certainly had retrograded. The old idea of personal 
freedom had largely disappeared. The land now, in- 

B«de ; tba lint Qtrmm dtelrct In which nwn wrote hUtoc7 ud dnw 
ap laws wu likewUe the ADglo-8*zoa."— Rsake, i. It. 
• AatheUtm, »a4-Ml. t Orata, ^ tl. 

f^ >- 

nm AmuMuxom a* Mwt— mw-w 

JtMd of being the donuin of freemen, had become the 
boma of nobles and their retainers, beneath whom was 
s raoa of serfs.* Still, many of the early ideas pre- 
vailfld among the body of the people, to come to ma- 
turity at a later day. Aside from their passion for wa^ 
fan, and their drunkenness— to which Utter vice they, 
like the Netherlanders, have always been addicted— the 
English were a moral race. If they had no rP8|)oct for 
beauty, they loved truth. This, with courage an<l fidel- 
ity, they held in supreme honor. Dwelling apart, not 
■ansnous, inclined to melancholy, taking his pleasure 
wdly, as Froissart afterwards said of him, the English- 
tttan built up the modem idea of home and family, in 
which the wife is the presiding deity.f In the early days 
upon the Continent, she was her husband's companion 
in his wanderings; now that he had settled <lown to 
onltivate the soil, and had embraced Christianiij-, she 
became the manager of his household. The wife lived 
for her husband and children — a narrow, confined exist- 
ence perhaps, but one which will breed heroes.^ 

* "The itrength of the freedom of the common people, tb« iclf- 
mpect, mul the mwtial excelleBce of the Aogle-Setoa eeorl ditnin- 
UwdfhHncenturjrtocentDrj.inspileof the gnardian power which ' \ 

t)ia king wielded."— Ooeiit, i. 108. As tbii writer bu pointed oat, 
Um chief outward rarrirtl of the put wu the preeenration of the 7^ 

old Oemuinic judicial tjitem which atill rarrounded perMnial free- ) ' 

dom with protecting burien (p. IIS). At Uw ww then adminia- / 

tared tfaia wai not mocb, but it waa aomething. J^' 

t Oneiat, p. 114. 'i 

) Alfted thua deacribea her ftn hia eountrfmen : "The wife now 
Urea for thee— for thee alone. She haa enough of all kind of wealth . 
Ibr the preacnt life, bat ahe icoma them all for thy take alone. Bhe 
haa foraaken them all, becauae ahe haa not thee with them. Tbjr al>- » 
■•kM her think that all ahe poaseaaea ia naoght. TbaB,lbr 

Mi ma nmn»M a nouAm, kmlamd; anp AUtnoA 

Coange, fidelity, roipect for truth, arid Iwe of home 
an great virto^ and in time will make the Engliah the 
ii)aater race of the world; but they are virtues, after all, 
which are found among barbaric tribea. We can traoa 
their originals in the picture which Tacitua drawa of the 
ancient Oermans in tlieir native wilds. Of civilixation 
the people bad but a tinge, and that was derived from 
Rome and Roman Christianity. For the six centuries 
after the Iftnding of Ilengiat and Ilorsa on the Hhores of 
Britain the hiitory of England ia almoat a dead level, 
broken here and there by little hillocks, which seem to 
promise progress.* The progresa, however, did not fol- 
low, for in the middle of the eleventh century only 
about a third of the soil is under cultivation, and that of 
the rudest kind ; the old Roman iiifluence in gone for- 
ever ; the new Romish churches and abbeys have been 
largely demolished ; the great scholars are de«d, the 
schools dispersed, and learning well-nigh extinguished. 
The one great result which has been aocomplighed for 
the future in all these years, apart from the introduc- 
tion of a rude form of Christianity, is the substantial 
consolidation into one people of the heterogeneous i 
of the early conquerorat 

loTt of thee ilie U wuKd swsjr, and live* nnr dcstta from tern sad 
grief."— Quoted by Taine. " EnfflMi Literature." 

* The chief eminence apiteue in the eighth cenluiy, wlien tha 
kingdom of Nortbnnit>ri» had iU fwnoai wboob at Tork and Jar- 
row, and was tlie intellectual centre of Wcatem Cbrittian Eaiop«L 
Qreen, p. 7t. But thit period waa brief 

1 The English lyatem waa atrong in the cobeaion of ita lower or> 
ganiam — the aaiociation of individuals in tlie township, in tlie hun- 
dred, and in tlie ahire. On this lietter-consolidsted sulMtracture 
waa auperimpoaad the battarcooaoUdated Norman aupantrootan. 
atabba, i. «78. * 


TU Monuin Ain> Tun cmuuTKm MV 

We are atill in a very dark valley, bnt before n* at 
length riaea a lofty, brilliant mountain ; it is the Norman 
Conqoeat, which, bringing with it for a time the civ- 
iliiation of the Continent, beoomea the moat important 
nent in EngUah hiatory.* 

The Normana proper were descended from the North- 
men, or Scandinavians, who founded the kingdoroa of 
Norway, S we<len, and Denmark. They have been called 
{riratea, and auch they were ; but they were of a very ' 
different type from the ewly Saxona or the vulgar pi- 
ntfls of a bkter day. Their coraain were, in fact, the 
nerchanta of the North, combining, according to the 
custom of the times, commeroo with piracy. That they 
(Aoold have made such rapid development after they 
settled in France, formerly seemed something like a 
miracle, but the mimculons element is rapidly |taasing 
oat of history. In this caae, recent investigations show 
that long before the Normans left their Northern home 
they, too, bad been brought into contact with the great 
reservoin of civilization to which modern Europe owes 
■o much. Sailing up the Dwina and the Oder, and then 
down the Volga and the Dnieper, they had for ages 
been in communication with Constantinople and the re- 
gions about the Black Sea 'and the Caspian. Thence 
they had brought back spiceo, pearls, silks, and linen 
garments. All this may seem strange enough to those 
<lrho have been accustomed to regard the country about 
the Baltk) aii an unexplored Avildemess of barbarism 
until a recent date. But it must be remembered that 
.nntil about the tenth century the only communication 

*"TIm will of dcftiaj cannot be Rilanid. Juit m OcrmMi*, with- 
out its coDDTCtioo with Iliiljr, to EogluH], without it* conixctioa 
■'■• whh TnuMO, would nenr hsre been what it k"— Rank*, i. 88. 

MS m nmiTAii n woumio, mm.txa, »mb aiibiku 

between the Uediterranean and Northern Enrope wm 
by inland routes. It is po««ble that even the frozen 
North beneflted more from this communioation than 
England under ita Anglo-Saxon rulera.* 

Learing their Northern bbmea, thete merchant conaira 
had ravaged the ooaat of Enrope dk far aa Spain, had 
plundered many cities, including Paris, and had made 
their name terrible even in Italy itself. In 911, Charies 
the Simple of France locates a band of them on French 
soil, in a district afterwards known as Normandy, think- 
ing thereby to purchase their allegiance. The scheme 
proved a marked snpoess. Rolf, or Rollo, the pirate 
chief, receives baptism, takes the title of duke, and be- 
comes a loyal servant of his king. It was by Norman 

* Upon tfae bland of Oothlaad, In tha Baltic, have beca foond 
great nambera of Roman and Bjiantine coin*, sod it* surface ia 
dotted OTcr with the rains of ancient buildings, nuuij of tbem.of 
gnat sise and architectural beauty. Canon Adam, of Bremen, a 
chronicler of Iho elercntli century, tells of a trailing oitjr at tba 
mouth of the Oder, " a town rich in the ware* of all Eastern people, 
and which contains mnch that is charming and precious." — " The 
Hanaa Towns," by Zimmern, p. 38. Tlie towns of the Ilanaeslio 
League derired their wealth ftom trade with the Baltic It is a cu- 
rious fact that so early aa tha tenth century Oerman traders deal- 
ing with England paid part of their tribute in pepper, a product 
pecnIUr to^he East Idem, p. 18. Some writers have tiaeed a oon- 
necttoB between the Venetiana of the Adriatic and the Veada or 
Tenedes of the Baltic. Idem, p. M. See also, as to till* whola 
anl^eet, "The Viking Age," by Paul Dn Chailln, cqiecially vol i. 
chap. XT. pp. M* and ITS; alao vol. ii. p. 118. When the Eng- 
lish opened a traite with Raasia, in the daya of Blinbetb, they at- 
tempted one trip to Persia by the old routs of the Northmen, up the 
Dwtna, down the Volga, and acroas the Caspian Bea. Camden, p. 
, 418. This voyage, which, I bcltsre, has never been noticed by later 
hiatorUaa, shows that the rant* waa known area 8v« haadiad yaait 
after the Norman Cooqucat 


help, later on, that France waa nuaed to the nnk of an 
independent kingdom ; and Hugh Capet, instead of being 
.a raiial of kings of German lineage, became the father 
of French sovereigns.* 

For over a century and a half theae Northmen had 
been settled on the aoil of Franco, intermarrying with 
the natives, imbibing the ancient civilisation, and, nrith ■ '^ 

the aptness for culture which marks a mixed race, mak- 
ing even more rapid prugress than ttie French them- ' , ' ' 
selves. Aa a Teutonic people, they tvere perhaps re- 
motely related to the Anglo-Saxons, bat they bore little 
reaemblanoe to their diatant kinsmen whom they found ' ' 

in England. William of XCalmesbnry, the old chroni- 
cler, aayar"The Saxona vied with each other in their . J> 
drinking feasts, and wasted their goods by day and night 
in feasting, while they lived in wretched looVels; the 
French and Normans, on the other hand, lived inex- ' . 
pensively in their fine large houses, were besides studi- 
ously refined in their food, and careful in their habita" 

These, then, are the men who, in 10A6, to the number 
oi sixty thouaand, about one third Normana and the rest 
made up of other nationalities, land at Hastings, conquer ..., ;v 

England with its two millions of inhabitants, and make 
it for oentories a French country. The conquest was an 
tuy one. The Frenchmen, for so we may call them all, ' j\ 

were traine«l warriors, fighting on horseback, with long 
ateel- pointed laneea, and clad in oomidete armor. The 
English fought on foot ; some in armor wielded heavy 
battlaaxea, but the mass of the army waa composed of 
rode peasants carrying scythes, dubs, and sharpened 
poles. The heavy but swift-moving cavalry gave the 
Tietoty to the foreigners. 


* FMiw's " OtttUaM of UbImimI HI*to>7," p M*- 
I.— W 

MO mw nmniM ai noLUXft bMuba m akuma 

It took bat a few yean under the rule of the oon- 
qoerora to change the face of England. The land vru 
registered in Domesday - book, and, to a Urge extent, 
parcelled out among the retainers of the Norman king. 
Each ne«r proprietor set out at once to buikl a cattle 
for his own protection, and to overawe his neighbor*. 
Even the stone of «f hk)b these castles were constmoted 
was bronght from Caen, in France.* At the death of 
King Stephen, a century later, eleven hundred and fif- 
teen of thew fortresses dot the surface of the island. 
Within the castle, at court, in the halls of justice, and 
even in the church, the inmates are foreigners and the 
speech is French.! In the schools, pupils were in time 
forbidden to speak English. Later on, in the universi- 
ties, the students were nxjuired by statute to converM 
in Latin or French.^ In the thirteenth century htws 
are written and judicial proceedings are all carried on 
in French. For nearly three hundred years the English 
language almost disappears among the n|>per classes, 
and, looking only at the surface, it seems forgotten. It 
continued mainly, if not solely, among the small proprie- 
tors, the tradesmen of the towns, the peasants, and the 

Bnt the Normans did much more than to build castlea 
and introduce a foreign speech and literature. The con- 
quest was made in one of the great ages of history— an 
age which was not to bo paralleled until the days of the 
Benaisssnoe. It had been predicted, for so the clei^ read 

• Ruke, i. 8S. 
' t William th« Coaqaeror, it li Mid, stiMaptcd to Isam XogUali, 
but gSTC op th« talk in dnpair. 

t Ragnlatioo of Oriel College, 1*M. 
V I BsUaa; OrNo; Fiiianu la Tht CUntonfam, Xareh, IMl. 


th« Book of Revelation, that the year 1000 waa to witneM 
the (ieetroction of all thing* terreatiial, and during the 
preceding century the \rorid came to a standstill, await- 
ing the tiread event. Within three years after the cloae 
of the oentary, when it was discovered that the predic- 
tion was nnfounded, men awoke to a new Ufa Archi- 
tecture felt the flrst impulse, and churches were renewed 
in every part of Europe, osiiecially in Italy and France. 
Then were formed the flrst associations of builders, ea- 
■mtially composed of men bound by a religious yovr, who 
cultivated the art in convents and monasteries.* The 
Frenchmen loved art. Already in the seventh century 
they had sent to England some of their "masters in 
■tone."t Now, under the Xormans and their succeatiors, 
they prooeieded to cover the island with superb cathe- 
dnJs, which, inferior only to those in France itself, bear 
witneM, not alone to the architectaral skill, bat to the 
qiirit of devotion which animated the builders. Later 
on came the Crusadea, in which the N'ormans played so 
great a part, and which brought Europe into contact 
with the civilization of the Saracens and Jews, develop- 
ing a love of learning little known before in Weatem 

From the time of the subversion of the Roman Empire 
by the barbarians, the cultivation of letters had lieen car- 
ried on exclusively in the monasteries, and in the chapels 
of cathedral churches. Now a new spirit woa abroad. 
The oommunes achieved their independence in France ' 
and Italy ; and, at the same time, the new life given to 
iho stody of Roman lavr, and the development of scho- 

• •"The Art* la tba MUldls Ago," bj PmiI Uetolx (tnuuUud, 
Loadoa, 18T0), pp. (77, tTIt 

tN TIB TtmtkK n MUUm Bnum ARD AMniOA 

laaticitm in th« North of Prance, onited at Bologu and 
Paiia a nomerou bodjr of teachen and ioholan, who 
were oi^ganixed in the tfr^lfth century into the corpora- 
tiona known as anirenitiea,upon the model of thoie long 
before ostablislied by the Moon in Hpoin.* Kint in 
Northern Europe arose the University of Parii, which 
grew ont of the teaching* of Abelard from 1103 to aboat 
1 136.t Here, as elaewhore, the ll^orinaoa were apt pupils. 
Between the Conquest and the deain of King John, they 
established Ave hundred and fifty-seven schools in Eng- 
land.l Among those institutions were the two renowned 
nniversities which have contributed so much to the glory 
of English learning. 

The early historians of England carried back the foun- 
dation of Oxford to the days of King Alfred, but that 
myth is now abandoned. It appears from the records 
that nothing is known of any school or 8»called uni- 
versity at Oxford until the year 1133, when a teacher 
from Paris, Robert Ihillus, began to lecture there on the 
Bible. lie taught for five years, and then went to Rome. 
A few years after his departure, Vacarius, an Italian, ap- 
peared in England and began a series of lectures at Ox- 
ford on the Civil Iaw, which he had studied at Ikdogna. 
In 1149, he made a careful abstract for English students 

• Abelard, it it claimed, «ai educated at tiie Hooriah ooiTcnity 
in CordoTa. 

t Bee for an inleretting biatot; ofthia unirenity and ilt iaflataee 
on Franoei'De I'Organintion de I'Enaeigneawnt dana rUniTcnitf 
de Paria," par Ckarlea Thurot, Paris. 

; Taioe'a " Engli'h Literature," p. <1 . Befure tbe Conqaeat, tbejr 
had foanded at Bee, In Normandy, " the mott fameot kIiooI ot 
Chtiatendam."— Qrten. From thla aohool came the fliat two Nor- 
man Arehbiahopa of Canterbury, tb« (raat tclMiisn lAnftano aa^ 
Anaalm; both,bow«Tcr, Italiana. <• < 

DOT or naukHD to nn jmw» IM ' 

of the Code and Digeit of Justinian. King Stephen, be- 
coming alarmed at the threatened innovation, ordered 
the lectures to be diioontinue<i, and forbade Englishmen 
to own any treatise on foreign law. But all repressive 
nieuares proved ineffective. Vacarias remained in Eng- 
knd, and before long the Civil Law became one of the 
recognized studies at the nntversity.* Here, then, we see 
another link binding England to the civilization of the 

In the history of learning in England, much as it 
owed to Kome, we should not forget its d^bt to the 
Jews, the men who, with the Saracens, did so much in 
carrying the torch of science and letters thn>ugh the 
darkness of the Middle Ages.^ Here again the Nw- 

• L7to'«'*Ri(tflr7ortti«Uair«iityorOxrnid," t8M,|>. 11. 

t Oeneral ttatementt kavo •omctimM bc«D inada in relation to the 
(Isto oradncation in England daring t||p tioM oftba Nonnana.wbicli 
tha Modern reader ia aceuttomed to recsira with a smile nf incretliH 
Itty. But as the aoliject ia inreatigated the imila will pmbal>1j die 
away, and the inrestigitior will liegin to realite bow rapidly England 
went down after the diaappearance of tlie men who boilt her catbe- 
drala and founded her oniTcrtitka and selumli. See " Village Ufa 
Bix Centnriea Ago," In "The Coming of the Friata and oilier Hia- 
tnridil Eaaaya," by tba Rer. Angaatna Jewopp (O. P. Pntnam'a 
Bona, 188B). A Aillcr reference will be made lo thia naay in the 
aext chapter, when I deaeribe tlie state of education under Elii». 
bath. It ia intereaUng, in thia connection, to compare the English 
descriptions of Ricliard I. with those given of him by modem French 
inTcatigatnn. The picture of the " Uon-lieai1e<l " king drawn by 
moat English writers learea the impreesinn of a coaiae, ignorant sol- 
dier, wiiose distinguishing tnits were physical strength and brute 
eoorage. Viollet-Leduc, in his " Dictionnsire Raisonnt de I'Archi- 
tactnre Franfaiae du XI' an XVI' Bikcle " (Paris, 18M), dcacribea him 
■a a man of genius and " an engineer ftill of reaources, experienced, 
•acaeeijig, capable of leading bis age " (iii. St). 

t Be* Draper's " loteliactual DeTelopment of Kuropc" 

IM TBI nmrrAR m loluiio, ixouxa ahd avouoa 

nutni, in their protection of this people, are entitled to 
great honor for their worldly wiMJom, if for nothing 
more. When William the Conqueror eatabliahed biro- 
■elf in EngUnd, a nnmbor of wealthy Jews followed 
him from Normandy. He settled them in the principal 
towns, giving them a section, called the "Jewry," to 
themaelves ; and althoagfa they could not own land, and 
were in the eyea of the law bat chattels of the king, yet 
tliey Were allowed to biiild synagogues, and their pe^ 
sons and property were fairly well protected for nea^y 
two centuries — the centuries of England's greatness. It 
was with the money borrowed from them that the caa- 
ties and cathedrals were constructed', which sprang up 
over the island as if by magic* 

Connected as they were with the Jewish scbools in 
Spain and the East, they opened up the way to the 
study of the physical sciences in EngUnd. They ap- 
pear to have founded a medical school at Oxford ; and 
it should never be foi^tten that Roger Bacon, the first 
man of science that England ever produced, although 
he studied at Fariu, was also a pupil of the Jewisli rab- 

* How far th%y wen raperior to the |M!ople nniong whom thqr 
cune to dwell it ihown in the ohanu^r of their ilomettlc architects 
ore. "The buildiogi at LincolD and 8t. EdmundtlHir; which itill 
ntain their title of 'Jewt' Iloiuet' were almoat the lint bouae* of 
atone which anpencdeil the mere boreli of the Eogliah burghera." 
— Oraen, "Short Iliatorr," p. US. At Oifonl their atohe ttnictares 
were ao nameroua and tubatantial, and their adrauoe in tclentiflc 
knowledge ao marked, that it !a probably to their preaenca, in anma 
meaiure, that the onirernjjr owed ita exiitence. Each of the later 
town-Jialla of the borough of Oxford had been houaee of Jewi be- 
fore tneir expulaion b; Edward I. *' Nearly all the large dwelling- 
hooaea, in fact, which were aubaequentljr ronrerted into academie 
balla, Iwra traeea of the aamo origin in namea, each aa Moytejr'a Hall, 
Lombard'a Hall, or JaooVa Hall."— Oran. 


nw NoniAxi ARD KiouiiB iiMTrrcnora m 

bis. This scholar, who died in 1309, was unfortanatelj 
born too late. Had be lived earlier, he would have been 
appreciated by the keen-witted, knowled^loving Xor- 

s mans. Now their influenoe was on the wane, and after 
forty years of incessant stady he could say, like his great 
namesake, who came too early, that he found himself 
"unheard, forgotten, baried." Ruined and baffled in 
his hopes, he became a mendicant friar, and i» said 
to have been, imprisoned by his fraternity for writing 
his soientiHc works. On the other hand, Itobert of Lor- 
raine, two centuries before, was made Bishop of Here- 
ford by William the Conqueror in consranence of bis 
astronomical knowledge.* 

Itotuming now to the Normans, we find that Eng- 
land's permanent debt to these foreigner is not con- 
fined to the building of cathedrals and the estaljlishment 
of schools and nniveraities. The cathedrals and univer- 
sities still stand as their monuments, but others remain 
not less striking. Ranke has well said that "nowhere 
have more of the institntions of the Middle Ages been 
retained than in England.**! This is due to the firm 
imprint which the conquerors made upon the country. 
They brought in, or at least firmly established, the feu- 
dal system, which took such deep root that its princi- 
ples have never been eradicated from English law. 

, Thence is derived the doctrine of primogeniture, by 
some regarded as a blessing, by others as the blight 
of modem EngUnd. It was also under their rule 
that Ireland was first conquered, and as an English prov- 
ince became the pingue spot of future generations. 
These are questionable legacies, but, on the otiier hand, 

« WlMwell'i "Hi(V>r; of the lodnctiTe Sctenceh" 
' t » Hiitoijr ofBagiand." Pre&ccL p. vL^ 


Henry II., the oonqaeror of Ireland, e8tabli«hed the jndi- 
cial lyatem of England, much as it exigtii to-day.* The 
same roign witnessed the reg:ular establishment of the 
system of " recognition by sworn inqaest," from which 
institation, probaUy a Nomun importation, our mud- 
em trial by jury is lineally desoended.f It was also 
under the foreign kings that the towns received their 
charters, which, borrowed from the Continent, gave 
them, in theory, almost an independent existence.^ 
Finally came Magna Charta, wrung from tlie last of 
the foreign kings by the united efforts of the English 
and the Normans, which, however, did little more than 
to embody in written form an enumeration of rights 
and privileges claimed by Nonnan retainers under Nor- 
man dukes. 

Taking it all together, this fomu a very brilliant 
chapter in the annals of the world ; but it is not strictly 
English history — c^^inly the Anglo-Saxons have but 
a slight connection with it, except in helping to wrest 
Magna Charta from a king whose successors regularly 
vidated its provisions. § As Macaulay has well pointed 
out, I the Normans who accomplished such wonderful 
results were Frenchmen transplanted into England, and 
Englishmen have little lot or share in the glory of their 
achievements. For four generations their kings were 

*Itenk«,i. 88. 

t Tutwell-LAngmcad'i "Enf(l. Cnnat. HUt," pp. 160, 101. 

I The town* like London, Norwich, etc., were tWeH with French 
and Flemiih tnden who followed in the wike of the Conqueror. 

{ Before the eloee of the Middle Ages the conflrmttlon of Magna 
Chut* WH denundad end conceded no lev than thirt j-eight timet. 
Oneiit,i. Sll. 

i " Ilitt of England," i. IS, 14, 15. 


BunrH or tus khquu rAHUAiuatr MT 

mostly bom in France, and passed the larger portion of 
their time npon the Continent. It was only when King 
John was driven out of Normandy that English history 
can be said to begin again. 

Still, it should be borne in mind that even in this 
latter period the Norman influence continued long after 
the death- of John and the separation of England from 
the Continent. John died in 1216, but it was not until 
a century and a half later that the French language 
gave way to the returning English, showing that the 
Normans had been substantially absorbed. About 1350, 
boys at school began to translate Latin into English. 
In 1350, the earliest English book of mark was written, 
the Travels of Sir John Mandeville. In 1302, the 
statute was passed which required law proceeilings to 
be conducted in English instead of French ; and about 
1383, Wyclif made his translation of the Bible.* Dur- 
ing the continuance of the Norman or Continental in- 
fluence, after the separation from France, we are trav- 
ersing a lofty table- land stretching out beyond the 
mountain-top which we ascended under Norman rule. 
One or two landmarks on this table-land are ck^serving 
of attention before we descend into the valley of real 
English history, when the races had become amalga- 

The thirteenth century saw the first oiganization of 
the English Parliament. There had been previously 

* Hnllmn, " Litentora of Europe," I. S7. Morley calU MnndcTille 
"our lint proM writer in fomu-il Engliah."—" English Writen from 
the ConijUMt to Chaucer," by Henry Morley, i. 7M. The Psrii*. 
Blent <if 13AS opened nith « speech in English, and was probably 
•lao dismiased by Edward III. in EnglUb. Stubba, 111.478; Oneiat, 


MS Till rCBITAN I!) nOLLAHO, KlaLAinik AMB AimiCA 

a Great Council, composed of the leading nobles and 
ecclesiastics, but nothing was known of any assemblage 
of representatives from the commons until 1265.* In 
that vear. Earl Simon Je Montfort, a Freochman, sum- 
moned two citizens from every borough to attend the 
Parliament which he called while tighting Ilenr/ Ill.f 
This assembly amounted to nothing except as a sugges- 
tion for the future. But Edward I. called a Parliament 
in 1205, where, for the first time in English history, 
burgesses from every city, borough, and leading town 
within the kingdom came to sit with the bishops, knights, 
nobles, and buons of the Great C!onnciL ^ < 

* About lt<4 we learn of the first aaeinbhige of tlie important 
Uolile* and prelate* to condclcr public queationa, but tbeae Were of 
an eeclcaiattical nature. Oneiit, i. 287. They met, boweTer, only to 
adrlia tlie sOTereign, anil not aa a Icgialatire body. Idem, p. IM. 
"In aearcely any otber European country did the parliamentary 
eonatitution hare iuch a slow and difficult birth as in England," 
p. 813. 8co a* to the ancient and now exploded fletiuns alxiut the 
Bason WItenagemAte aa the parent of the English Parliament, p. tOt. 
' t Qneist, i. 8S0. . Quiziit calls him " the founder of reprcaenUtive 
gnremment in England." 

} The aystem of borough representation was no inrention of the 
English. E<l»ard had rcry intimate relations with the Netherlanda 
In 1281, as I hare shown in"* former chapter, p. 152, he made a treaty 
of peace with the Count of Holland, which was guaranteed by the 
towua. Daviea'a "Holland," i. 88; Motley'a "Dutch Republic," I. 
87. In Holland, deputies ttom the towna met with the nobica and 
clergy tn vote aupplies. This waa all that Edward desired from his 
Parliament, and for a long time the representatives from the Eng- 
lish boroughs came very reluctantly when summoned. Green's 
" Short History,"'|>. IM. The date of the division of Parliament into 
two hooac* is unoertain ; it took place some time liefore the middia 
(if tlie fourtcentli century. Taawell-Langmoad'a "Const. Hist, of 
England," p. 288; Onoiat, il. 27. The syatem of borough represen- 
tatton dhl not originate, however, in the Nellierlands. We find it 



AkuTAt or nanni fnurUn Ml 

In 1283, Ed ward I. conquera Walm, and makes it a . 
pei-manent part of the British Empire. In 1296, fa« ' 
thought that he had done the same with Scotland, but 
there England met a different foe. The battle of Ban- 
naikbum, twenty yeara later, gare Scotland her inde- 
pendence forever. The same reign witnessed the death 
ol Roger Bacon (who passed away forgotten and un- 
known), the culmination of Christian architeetare,* and 
thii expulsion of the Jews from England, f ' ^ 

It England suffered from the expulsion of her Jews, '^' 

thoir place was, in part at least, taken by another race, ^"^ 

who had also been encouraged by the Norman rulers. y.^ 

William the Conqueror brought over a number of weav- 
•m from Fhraders, who founded the prosperity of Nor-, 
wich. Nearly three hundre<l years later EdwanI lit , 

enibraoed the scheme of colonization with greater vigor, ' < 

and invited over a number of skilled Flemish artisans, . '4 

who settled principally in Norfolk, Suffolk, and Essex ' r 

ooantiea. Theur direct influence was not great, for Eng- .^0 

- — — ' ■ » 

hi Bp*in, when ftom the ciriitft dsj tha town* of Angon and Cm- '^ 

tU« Hnt deputin to tha tortc*. Robertion'i "Charic* V." (Am. . 
•d. 1770X i. 1W-12S. This vriu nt » data- long beTon tb« Knr- 
m.10 ConqneiL The nrj name " l>arUamenlQin *" had bwn uaed in 
Fiance Ibr over a century iKfore ilailppeanuic* in England. Onelat, 

• Green's " Short Histonr," p. m. 

t The Norman kings bad earnestly and ancce«nillf jIMected the 
Jiiws; but by the time of Edward, tlie hatred of tlioni by tiie people 
hid gained the upper-hand. Tear after year their priTileges as )iu- 
Burn beings had been curtailed, till, nothing remaining but life, at 
length, in 1190, the whole race was banislied from the kingdom, 
and no member of it iwrmitted to ivlum until the time of Crom- 
well. Sixteen thousand, despoiled of their property; left England; 
Imt only a fen reached the shores of France, almost all of the refo- 
||Ma being wrecked or murdered by tlir English sailors. Oreen. 


too TBS PcmrrAK m bolumd, iiiauinik txa UOKoa 

land waa to do little at manufacturing for many a long 
year; but when we come to trace the rise of Poritaniam, 
we 8^11 find that wherever the Flemish or Dutch arti- 
sans had settled there waa a stronghold of the Refor- 

It took about three centuries, if we can judge from 
the test of language, for the absorption of the keen- 
witted Normans, with their love of art, devotion to 
l^l^ing, and talent for founding institutions, into the 
body of the Ang^o-Saxons, who were in the proportion 
of about forty to one.* The result was the English- 
men, whose history carries us down into a dark and 
dreary valley, which stretches out with little change 
nntil we reach the middle of the Elizabethan age.- 

On the dividing lino between the England of the Nor- 
mans and the England of the English stands Chaucer, 
almost the lost beacon light of foreign influence, and the 
first poet of English speech. Bom somewhere about 
1335, the son of a vintner, we find him from an early 
day in close relations with the court. Marrying one of 
the maids of honor, he becomes brotheMn-law to John 

' * " Early in tb* fonrteenth century the amslgunation of the two 
ncM WH ill but complete." — Mucnuliiy, " Ilitt. nf England," L W. 
Oerman hittoriana, with a very natural inclination to magnify the 
Saxon iDllacnce, awign an earlier dale. See Oneiat, i. 387; butw* 
alio il. SO, rvgarciing the growing oae of the EngUah language aa 
proof of the growing influence of the Commona. Tliia does not ap- 
pear until about three centuriea after the Conquett. In tliii con- 
nection, it may be noticed that Englith writen, in order to them bow 
tliornughly tbe Celta of Britain had been exterminated or driren 
out by the Anglo-Saxona, inrariably point to the intrmluction of the 
language of the conquerora aa »no of their atrongeat argumentii 
The argument ia a good one, and it applie* with equal force to the 
abaorption of tba Nomuuia, altowiag when tba prooeaa waa oca- 
plated. ;,,^ ■* V ,;\,: ■.•'-•,:\.^,;',,. 



of Gaunt, the fomous Duke of Lancaster. Exception- 
aUj familiar with Italian and French, he goes on goT- 
emment misBions to Florence, Grenoa, Milan, Flanden, 
and France. <In Italy he learns to revere the memory 
of Dante, {XMsibly mr^ts Petrarch and Boccaccio, and 
ikbsorbe the whole spirit of Italian life. Returning to 
England, in hia latter days he writes poems, founded 
on the plan of his Italian masters, some copied almost 
directly from their works, but all instinct with English 
thought and feeling. His was the first outburst of the 
English poetic spirit incited by the singers of tho Conti- 
nent. But his song made no impression on his times : 
he lived in the debatable age, and was followed by no 
■uooessor for near^ two centuries. 

To the historian of England the century which fol- 
lowed the absorption of the Normans may be of interest, 
but for our purpose its story can bo summed up in a few 
words : and, to do no injustice to the record, I quote from 
one of the latest and ablest of "Snglish popular writer* : 
" The hundred years which follow the brief sunshine of 
Greasy and the ' Canterbury Tales ' are years of the deep- 
est gloom ; no age of our history is so sad and sombre as 
the age which we traverse from the third E<iward to Joan 
of Arc. The throb of hope and glory which pulsed at its 
outset through every class of English society died into in- 
action or despair. Material life lingered on indeed, oom- 
meroe still widened, but its progress waLdissociated from 
all the nobler elements of national wearing. Tho towns 
sank again into close oligarchies ; the bondmen, strug- 
gling forward to freedom, fell back into a serfagtfvhich 
still leaves its trace on the soil Literature reached its 
lowest ebb. The religious revival of the Lollards was 
trodden out in blood, while the Church shrivelled into 
a self-seeking secular priesthood. In the dash of civil 

80) TBI pcaiTAii n roluhd, kiouiid, amd Anuoi 

strife political froedom was all but extingnished, and 
the age which began with the Qood Parliament ended 
with the despotism of the Tudors." * 

This is the {leriod which covers the long war with 
France. To those who look merely at the surface of 
events, it may seem strange to speak thus of an epoch 
of English history which witnessed the glorious victo- 
ries of Poitiers and Agincoort— an epoch in which France 
was time and again ovcmin by English soldiers; in which 
a French king was led captive to London, and an Eng- 
lish king was recognized at Paris as successor to the 
throne of France. But these were merely triumphs of 
English energy, courage, and generalship in the field; 
at last French sagacity prevailed, and the English were 
driven bock to their island retreat. Meantime the effect 
of these victories upon the conquerors wds much like 
that produced on the Spaniards, at a later day, by their 
conquests in the New World. No longer restrained by 
the firm hands of such kings as they bad known under 
Norman rule, the English soldiers on French soil turned 
into mere bands of marauders. Men fought for the pil- 
lage of houses, the sack of cities, the ransom of captives. 
Collecting their booty, they would refuse to fight again 
until it was safely stored. France was desolated, but 
the moral injury to the English was greater than the 
material one to the French, for nothing is so rapidly 
repaired as the ravages of war. The nobles came home 
glutted with spoils, but unfitted for the arts of peace. 
In England they proved themselves as lawless and dis- 
solute as they had been greedy and omel alnvad.t 
Trampling upon the rights of the common people, re- 
bellion broke ont, and the intervab between the cam- 


* Qnm't •• Short Hlitorj," p. »40. 

t Idwii, p. M7. 

■■•:-> ■ 



jrni SVffBAOl URBIontD— DtCun OP UUUIRO 108 

. paigns agoinit France were intenpened with domestic 

Pestilence came also to add its horron. ' In i:U8 the 
Black Death first appeared in England. During its rav- 
ages in tlie next few y^ars it is claimed that more than i 
one half of the population was carried off.* As a result, 
labor became so scarce and wages so high that tillage 
of the soil was almost abandoned. The great land-own- 
ers gave up agriculture, evicted their small tenants, 1- ,i 
and turned their fields into sheep pastures, raising wool :V|i 
which they sent to Flanders to be manufactured. Turned . ':S 
adrift, moneyless and without employment, the agricult- "^.<. 
oral laborer developed into the "sturdy beggar," who .'I 
for two centuries was to prove the pest of England. : f| 
The last step was to take away the right of suffrage ' ^i 

. from the poorer classes. Until 1430, the knights of the .'if 

shire — that is, the county members of Parliament — had ■■''•k 

been elected by all the freeholders, leaseholders, and '1 

copyholders of the county, who appeared on the day 
of election at the sheriff's court. Now a statute wb|^ ; 

passed providing that no one should be allowed to vote - -,,---^ 

unices he was the owner of land worth forty shillings . 
a year— a sum equal to at least twenty pounds to^lay 
~«nd representing % far higher proportional income at 
the present timet Thus it was that early under English 

' rule the government became, as it has since continued, 
one by the rich, and for the rich alone. ' 

We need hardly ask bow learning fared in such an 
age. In the last century of Norman influence, Oxford . ■ 
had numbered her students by thousands.^ Now all 

* Pcrbii|M one third. Prof. Tliorold Rogen^ Timi, Much, 18W>. 

t Green's "Short Hhtorr," p. IM. 

X The ttstement of old writen that in the fourteenth century Ox- 


this was cbfnged. According to Wood, where before 
there wereUl|ouMndi there was now not one. Tbia ia 
of conrao afMxaggcration, bat the decline in nambera 
waa very gr^l, probably amounting to four flftha.* Aa 
' a result, learning came to an almost stagnant condition. 
In 1443, there was not a single dtwtor of civil law resi- 
dent at Oxford, and the degrees of the university were 
sold for money.t Latin was then the language of the 
learned, but that spoken and written in England waa 
simply a barbarous jargon, its mastcra being ignorant of 
even the ordinary rules of grammar. As for the col- 
leges, " Oxford Latin " became a by-word among schol- 

One gleam of light shines athwart the darkneaa of 
this period, but it serves only to make the darkness more 
intense. About 1361, Wyclif appears u|K>n the scene : 
for twenty years he struggles for religious freedom ; be 
translates the Bible into English, builds up the sect of 
the Lollards (mainly among the Flemish weavera of 
Norfolk), and dies in 1384, just in time to escape martyr- 
dom. English writers Uy much stress upon his teach- 
ings, and point to him with pardonable pride as one of 
the early religious reformers; so he was, but he was 
only a beacon light, like Bode, Roger Bacon, and Chau- 
oer, individual examples o^omething great in the na- 
tional character which time was to develop. The people 


ford had thirty thouund atadcnts it now believed bj no one. L;te, 
in hii recent work on that UBirenity, aajt that there wci« neret 
more than ibur thouiand, and Brodericic puta the number at ftom 
two to three thouaand. Ljte, p. M; Broderick, p. 14. | 

* HalhuD'a " Literature of Europe," L 147; Orcao. 

t Ljte, pp. 814, Si5. 

I Halbm'a " Literature of Europe," L 84. 


were not prepared for his coming, u were the Germans 
and Netherlandera for the advent of Lather, a centaiy 
and a half later. lie died, and his sect substantially died 
with him, for they were soon cnuhed oat by the per- 
secutors of the Bishops' Court. At the conclasion of 
the war with France, almost every vestige of his influ- 
ence hod disappeared. Religious enthosiasm was dead. 
The one belief of the time was in sorcery and magic* 
We ore now descei>dtng into a deep valley Avith great 

In 1415, the English won their famous victory at Agin- 
oourt. In 1431, they burned Joan of Arc at the stake 
for sorcery, in turning the tide of conquest which had 
been so long setting against the French. In 1451, the 
long war came to an end : the En^ish were driven from 
the Continent, holding nothing but tho city of Calais as 
a memento of their trium])hs.t France became a might- 
ier power than ever before, and the English nobles were 
left to fight among themselves. 

The story of the last hundred years had been daric 
enough for English civilization, but that which is to fol- 
low is darker stilL No (tage in history is more dreary 
than that which chronicles the Wars of the Roses, ex- 
tending from 1450 to 148.5. The contest was not one of 
principle, nothing being involved but the supremacy of 
faction ; and it was characterized simply by treachery, 
selfishness, and ruthless cruelty. The old, untamed, 
Anglo-Saxon nature seemed to be let loose, and we have 
again the battles of the kites and crows. In the period 
which extends from the accession of Henry VI. to that 
of Henry VII., thirteen pitched battles were fought be- 
tween Englishmen and on English soil ; the crown was 

* Ortcn, p. M8. t Thit wu lo«t In the nlgn of Kvy. 



twioe won antf twice lost by each of the contending 
houses; three out of four kings died by violence; eighty 
persons connected with the blood royal were reckoned 
as having perished on the field or scaffolii or by the 
hand of the assassin ; and the great majority of the noble 
families became extinguished, or sank into oljscnrity.** 
The wholesale confiscations which followed the final 
establishment of the Tudors transferretl, it is said, near- 
ly one fifth of the land of the kingdom into the hands 
of the suodessful reigning house. As the ultimate issue 
of the contact, the progress of English freedom was ar- 
rested for over a hundred years.t Up to this time, even 
during the long war with France, although civilization 
was falling so rapidly behind, the forms of liberty had 
been preserved, and the security of the^ citizens so well 
guarded as to excite the admiration of observers like 
Commines, who pronounced England the best-governed 
country in the world4 

But all this was ]Nkssing away. Liberty in England, 
like that in Spain, hod rested on the strength of the* 
great barons, who, as a condition of securing their own 
rights, had been compelled to protect those of their 
humbler allies and retainers. The Wars of the Rosea, 
in which gun|x)wder was first used on British soil, dealt 
the death-blow to everything which was beneficial in 
the feudal system, leaving only its withered branchea 
still to cumber the earth. With this power gone, the 
greater nobles being removed by death and the lesser 
ones cowed and scattered ; with a middle class just bom, 
ftnd the people at yet undreamq^^of ; with a Church, 

• Kirk'i "Oharle* tha Bold," U. *9. 
t Oiwn'i " Short ItMoir," p. Wt. 
X Comminet wrot* kbout UTS. 


* 8m Qi^m Ibr an adninble wcoont of tbcM feotoiM of tka 
.ptriod from tk« Wtn of tb* Romi to tli« uoMiion of EIIibImUi. 



which through the- Middle Ages had been the friend of 
freedom, now sank into debauchery or falling into pitia- 
ble decrepitude; with manufactures almost unknown, 
and commerce in its infanc}^ nothing could be expected 
but the absolutism of the crown, and this camo to stay, 
until hacked down by the rude blows of the Puritans in 
the days of Charles I. 

It was at this time that torture was introduced as 
part of the regular machinery of state, not to bo finally 
put away until after the Revolution of lfl88. The prir- >S^: 
ilege of self -taxation now became a delusion; for the 
Tudor kings, when in want of money, did not lay a 
formal tax, to be sure, but by forceii loons simply helped 
themselves from the coffers of their wealthy subjects. 
Jury trials were turned into a farce, when the juries 
were always packed, and, in addition, punished if they 
gave a verdict against the crown. As for Parliament, it 
was rarely summuned, and then met only to record the 
decrees which riveted the fetters of tyranny.* 

If liberty seemed dead under the Tudor kings, litera- 
ture and learning were hardly less lifeless. This was not 
the fault of the age, for in the fifteenth century, and 
especially towards its close, the whole of the Continent 
of Europe was in an intellectual ferment. England alone, 
peaotful England, cut off from the older civilization by 
the Channel, scarcely felt the movement, and was not to 
feel it for nearly a hundred years to come. In this con- 
nection, however, two events shoukl lie notioed, not from 
the importance of their immediate results, but because 
they form little landmarks in English history, and give 
promise of something better in the fatare. *i 





MM nil rcBiTAN iw noiXAXO, ■nouxo, amd ammiioa 

The first is the introductinn of printing into England. 
In 1476, William Cazton, after an absence of thirty-five 
years, returned home with a priceless treasure: a ]irint- 
ing-press, which he had learned to use while living in the 
Ketlierlunds. This brought England again into some 
reUtions with the Continent, but u single fact will show 
how slight was its effect upon the general public. In the 
thirty years which succeeded the setting-up of Caxton's 
press at VTestminstor, from ten to fifteen thousand edi- 
tions of books and pamphlets were printed in Europe ; 
but of all this number only one humlred and forty-one 
a]>peared in England.* The quality, too, was o# a par 
with the quantity. The first book which issuetl from 
the German press was the Bible. Carton's fl.rst produc- 
tion was a little work on the (lame of Chess, or perhaps 
one on the Siege of Troy. Weil may llallam say, re- 
viewing them all, that his publicatitms " indicate, on the 
whole, Imt a low state of knowliHlgv in Englttnd."t These 
simple facta should be borne in mind when we road the 
glowing sentences in which historians have descrilied the 
revival of learning. There was a glorious revival about 
this time, but until the latter days of Elizabeth Enghuid 

* Hallun'i <' LiUimttm of Europe," i. I M. 

t IlslUm, i. lU. Btijpa, in hit " Gcclniaitiral Hemoriib," la 
girlng tlic important crmtt of llio jrenr lUl, thnm* rooddcnMs 
)ight on the Mnall mItmicv mads b; English |irinten cren at that 
liue. Ha My* : " Let me add liara , now we are upon the meatioo 
of Iwoka printed, tliat in April till* jnr, two foreign printers— the 
one an Itatian, the other a Dutchman— lia>l privileges granted them 
to print certain hooka, which it Mema our English prinlcra had not 
ikill or learning enough to do." The Italian printed the Digeata 
sad Pandects of the Roman Ciril Law ; the Dutchman printed a 
Herbal oompiled bj WiUiam Toraar, Doctor to Pbjsic Strjrpa, U. 
IIT. ' 

mi oxmo lunrDRMiM aho nnaa won W* 

had very little iharo in it ; tho mnH of her people could 
not rend, and henoe had no need of booki. What the 
apper ciaaaes read, I shall d(!flcribe hereafter. > 

The second event was tho gathering at Oxford, in the 
latter part uf the fifteenth and tlie early pert of the six- 
tieenth oentar}*, of a little band of ■cholars, called tho 
Oxford Reformers. The band was made np of Grocyn, 
Linacre, and Colet — all of whom had been students in 
Italy — with Thomas More and a few others, who, in- 
cited by the scholars of the Continent, began the study 
of cUssical literature. To them came Erasmus for the 
■tody of Oreek under Orocyn, being too poor to go to 
Italy. A mere boy, full of enthusiasm and ignorant of 
Italian culture, the new-comer, shortly after his arrival, 
wrote a letter praising in high terms the learning which 
he found ai Oxford. This letter has been the delight of 
■Imoat every English author who has written of this 
period;* but Hallam, the cold, sober -minde<l historian, 
prieks the bubble. He points out that Erasmus was 
writing to an English friend, tliat ho was always given 
to flattery, and concludes that the English cannot in 
conscience take his praises to themselves.! 

, * See eitracU In aiecn'i " Bhort IHttorj," p, 817. 

' t " The achoUn were fuw, aud iint mnro thnn tlirac or four couM 
be found, or at leut now mentioDwl, who had an; tincture of Omk 
— Orocjn, Linacrr. William Latimer, who, though an etcelleat ichol- 
ar, never publlabcd anything, and More, who had leame<l at Oiford 
under Orocyn."— Hallaa»'a " Literature of Euro|ie," i. 180. Grocjn, 
after returning from Italy, communicated hii aci|Hi>itiont " chiefly to 
deaf eara." Idem, p. IM; ice alto p. SIS ai to the "panegyrical 
humar" of Eraamua. In 1510, Uore anocceded in again bringing 
Kraamua orer to England to teach Oraek at Cambridge. "Tho 
•tadenla," aaya Hallam, " were too poor to pay him anything, and hia 
inatractloB waa conflued to the grammar. In the aame year Cokt, 



The fact i> that the group of English scliolara was vtry 
small, and the a«|uirementB of its members were reiy 
limited. Green claims More alone ns entitled to rank 
among the great classical scholars of the age, and oven 
of him Uallam remarks that he had a very ingenious 
but not a profound mind.* 

It must be remembered that at this time the universi- 
ties on the Continent contained a large number of men 
learned not only in Greek, but in Hebrew, Chaldeo, and 
Arabic as welL Peter Albinns, historiographer of Sax- 
ony, who died in 1508, wrote a pamphlet on " Foreign 
Languages and Unknown Ishinds," in which he enumer 
Btes the names and acquisitions of a number of these 
early schokrs, some of whom were skilled in fifteen lan- 
guages, a knowledge of six or seven being quite common. 
He says that, although our ancestors were satisfied with 
the Latin, a man is not now regarded, even by the vul- 
gar, as plausibly learned who is not master of Greek or 
Hebrew at least, in addition, of course, to Latin,' the uni- 
versal language. Never at any period since the Christian 
era had there been so many in Europe skilled in Hebrew, 
Chaldce, and Greek literature as there were in that day 
within the universities of Germany, France, Italy, and 

Dnn of Bt. Ptnl'*, founded tberp n whoni, and publlthed a Latin 
gnminar. Fire or six little worlct of tliis kind had alreadj ap- 
peared in England. Time trifling tlilngi are nentioned to let the 
reader take notice that tliera it nothing more worthy to be natned. 
. , . The diflerenre in point of learning between Italy and England 
wna at least that of a centory; that it, the former waa moreadranosd 
in knowledge of ancient literature in 1400 than tlie latter waa in 
tSOO."— Hallam, i. SOS. Very mildly he conclude*: "In the apirit 
of truth, we cannot quite take to ounalret the oompUiaent of En» 
mu*."— Idem, p. lit. 
• Hallam, 1. Ml. 

voMiaN sonoLABS-Tna aMuusH BnroniiATioM 8tl 

Spain.* In 1517, Cardinal Ximenes published in Spain 
his famous polyglot Bible, in Hebrew, Oreck, Cbaldee, 
and Latin. In 1616, Justinian, Bishop of Nebbio, in 
Corsica, published a psalter in Hebrew, Greek, Arabic, 
Chaldee, and Latin, f These illustrations only suggest 
the work going on in the foreign universities when the 
English were beginning to study the Greek grammar 
and publish little elementary books on Latin. 

Such as they were, \iowever, these disciples of the 
New Learning form almost the lost beacon lights in 
English literary history, until we come to Spenser, 
S,hakespeare, Hooker, and Bacon. They brought cks- 
ucal literature to the universities, and it lived there 
for a time a sickly life; but the soil was unfruitful, 
the climate ungenial, and in a few years it withered away 
and died. Their religious teachings were equally un- 
JBtted for the age and country. Luther came preach- 
ing to men and not to scholars, thundering against the 
abuses of the Church ; but he awakened no echo among 
these students.^ They founded a grammar school or 
two, and probably exerted some influence on the middle 
stratum of society, but on the surface they hardly 
lused a ripple. § 

Upon England the Reformation, for many yean, pro- 

* Sue tramUUon of tliU rare pamphlet by Edmund Ooldunid, Ed- 
inburgh, IBM. Priralaly printed. 

t Idem. I Oreen, p. SI. 

f In thli eonnectioo wo may alio profitably notice a little Pmtea- 
tant moremcnt at Oxford which occurred in 1527. It waa led by 
Thomaa Oarret, a follow of Magdalen College. Tlie itudenta alTect- 
td by it read the New Testament, Luther't tract*, and like heretical 
Irork*. Finally they were detected, placed in confinement, ami all 
■icept one, who died in priaon, retracted. Oiford waa purged of 
kantf. . Froudo, it M^ TS. 


daced bat a faint imprewioiL Tbe people, to be sure, 
bad tbeir religion changed for them,ir9ni time to time, 
but •uch tnuuformations signified riothidg. The tint 
one wag imposed by Uonty VIII. in 1031. Finding 
that be ooold obtain his divoroe in no other way, he 
deposed the pope from the headship of the English 
Church and assamed the place himself. The common 
people acquiesced, for they knew and cared little about 
such questions, except in their political bearings. The 
nobles were won over by an arrangement which made 
the restoration of the old relations with Rome almost 
impossible. The monastic orders in England, as u|>on 
the Continent, had absorbed a large portion of the 
land.* Henry abolished the monasteries, confiscated^ 
their property, and divided it largely among his cour- 
tiers. The men thus enriched had no love for Prot- 
estantism, but never would accede to any legislation 
which looked towards a surrender of their plunder. 

In the end, the separation, from Itome was to provo 
a great blessing; but at the outset only evil results 
seemed to follow. The ecclesiastics, with all their 
faults, had been at least liberal and indulgent landlords. 
It haq been estimated that they demanded from their 
tenants not mora than a tenth of the rental value of 
their lands. Under such a system the farmer was al- 
most a freeholder. The suppression of the monasteries 
brought this to an end. Their estates passed into the 
hands of men who exacted the last penny of rent. It 
was as yet more profitable to raise wool than grain, and 
so farms were now given up in greater numbers, the 
buildings were torn down, and the tenants turned adrift 
to prey upon the public. We can trace the effects of 

•KMimstsdstoMflAli. OMi*t,U.lSI. 

■V^-x^ ...... ' ' '^ 

■HL BncLn or buobmatiom cxokb hkirt rm tia 

this change in auccessive acts of Parliament paned for 
the repression of pauperism, under which the beggar 
for the first offence was to be whipped, for the second 
to hare his ears slit or bored with a red-hot iron, and 
for the third to be put to death as a felon. A later act 
providml tbi^ ail vigrants should be apprphended and 
treated us slaves. Formed into bands, the " sturdy beg- 
gars" roamed over the country, always ready for a 
civil commotion, of which they incited sevend, and 
everywhere making life and property insecure.* 
. But this was not the wont immediate result of the 
•qxiration from Rome. The movement, it must be 
borne in mind, was not a religious nor a theological, 
but almost entirely a secular one. Daring the reign of 
Henry the Reformer the same hnrdle bore to the stake 
three men who denied the king's spiritual supremacy— 
the new English doctrine — and three others who ques- 
tioned the doctrine of transubatantiatiun, the leading 
tenet of the Chnrch of Rome.f No change of belief 
WM propoaed, only a olmnge of pope. However, the 
mo^ in which this chaitge was accomplished, and the 
object for which it was brought about, were disastrous 

* Htniioa Mji that dnriog IM rcigo ofRcarj VIII. Mfintj-two 
tbounnil pcnon* wen exccatcdUo Englkod for crinws ■galmt tba 
penon null propert;. During about tlie hum period, icconling to 
tlia eatinmte of WillUm of Orange, orur 6ttj thouuod were execut- 
ed in the NelbcrlantU for licrcaj. Both eitimates, bowerer, may be 

t Ilallam'i " Conat Hiat," I. SO. H«e Ooeitt, ii. 157, for an acooant 
of tbe diSereoce between tba Refonnation U|xm tba Cootinsnt and 
tbat In England. Upon tbe Continent it waa tbe rcault of an In- 
tellectual belief in the em>ra of the Romiih Cbnrch. In Engbind, 
it gained itt '^wer among tbe maaaea from a |Militical draira for 
national independence, bf Ibrowtng off the yoke of a foreign eocla- 
riaatical ruler. Tlie intellectual and raligioua movement waa ds- 
layad in England fur many yeara. 



enough to the cause of religion. In the suppression of 
the monaatories every indignity was offered to objects 
which tho ])eople looked up to with reverent awa The 
Bible was translated into the vulgar tongnc), but only, 
to use the words of Henry himself, to be "disputed, 
rhymed, sung, and jangled in every tavern ami ale- 
house" in the land, so that be soon suppressed its gen- 
eral reading. The priests, tertorized by the crown, lost 
all independence, and thought only of saving their liv- 
ings by the most abject servility. 

The effect of this religious upheaval on the public at 
hirge was bad enough during the reign of Henry ; still, he 
tried to check the excesses of the fanatics, and preserved 
some respect for outward religious forms. Upon his 
deatli, however, the revolution went still further. The 
nnde of the young king, who assamed the office of 
Protector, had little religion, but thought it to his ad- 
vantage to ally himself with the more violent of the 
Beforraers. The precocious Edward was doubtless sin- 
cere in his Protestantism, and his sincerity aided the 
work of the Protector. The mass was abolished, the 
altars were torn down, all pictures and images removed 
from the churches; the doctrine of transubstantiation 
was repudiated, the confessional abolished, and priesU 
were permitted to nuu-ry. With these violent changes, 
the old religion was gone, but unfortunately nothing 
was substituted in its place. We have seen that in the 
Netherlands the new religion naturally replaced the 
old, th« process being a slow and silent one, brought 
about by placing the Bible in the hands of a people all 
of whom could read. Tho mass of the English jxipula- 
tion were too ignorant to dispense at once with the 
sensuous element in their Religion, and utterly onfltted 
to accept the doctrines of the Reformation, even had 

wouusiD smoEALMATion uiron iowabd ti >U . > 

these (loctrineB been brought to their attention.* De- 
prived of the old system, which at least inculcated some 
morality, and incapable of comprehending the new 
teaohings, which made faith of paramount importance, 
the result followed which may be looked for whenever 
all religious restrainta are thrown aside. 

The English peo[de were low enough before, bat now - ' . ' 
a sudden lurch seemed to plunge them into still lower 
depthk With every barrier oroken down, the nation 
entered on a carnival of irreligion and immorality. The 
patron of a bcneHce no longer made a distinction be- 
tween a clergyman and a layman. He appointed as . 'Sm" 
rector of a parish, himself, his steward, his huntsman, .:^ 
or his gamekeeper, and then pocketed the stipend.t 
Learning, too, naturally declined, the attendance at the 
nnivcrsities falling off to almost nothing, the librariet 
being destroyed or scattered, and costly hooka bnmed 
or chopped up with axes.:^ One transaction shows bet- .; ^ 
ter, perhaps, than anything else the iconoclastic cbarao- 
ter of the age. The Duke of Somerset, the Protector, 
having palled down some churches in order io erect 
Somerset House with the materials, next projected tba 
demolition of Westminster Abbey for the same purpoM. 

*I hars thowo ia • pnTioui chapter that it wai nqt notll ISM 
that any tnimUlion of the Bible was printed in Englith. 

t "The cathnlnU* and cbiirche* of London became the chotea 
■oanee of riot and profanation. St. Paul'* wai the itocli-eichanga 
of tlie day, where the merebanU of the city met for liualneaa, and 
the Innnge wliera the young gallants gambled, fought, and liilled 
each other. They rode their hnrM* thrungh the alilc* and itabled' 
them among the monuments."— Fronde, t. 8S6. 

} Hallam's " Uterature of EnrApe," ii. »S. " The airlnity tohooli 
were planted with cabbages, and the Ozfonl laundrettes dried clothes 
is the schools of arts." — Froude. 



From this act of vandalism he was turned aside only by 
a grant from the chapter of some of its estates.* 

The public service also felt the evil influence. Cor- 
ruption everywhere prevailed. Every official, from the 
highest to the lowest, plundered the treasury. In seven- 
teen years the expenses of government increased mora 
than fourfold, and, ignorant of the first principles of po- 
litical economy, the crown attempted to make money 
by delmslng the curroncy.t Private business and moral- 
ity likewise naturally suffered. The English had man- 
ufactured some coarse troollen doth which had acquired 
a good reputation on the Continent. Now came news 
that huge bales of it wero lying on the wharu-s at 
Antwerp without a purchaser " through the naughtiness 
of the making," and, " yet more shameful, that woollens, 
fraudulent in mak^, weight, and size, were exposed in 
the.plaoe of St. Mark with the brand of the Senate npon 
them, as evidence of the decay of English honesty with 
the decay of English faith."^ 

One creditable thing was accomplished by the Re- 
formers of the time of Edward, They foundetl eighteen 
grammar schods and some hospitals, appropriating for 
the endowment of them all land worth twelve hundred 
pounds a year, equal perhaps to as many thousand 
pounds to-day.g As these same men grante<l to them- 
selves crown hinds to the value of a million and a half, 
equal to fifteen or twenty million pounds in modem 

• BaiUm's " Ooiwt. Hbt,"!. 103. ThcM mm, it nuat be rcmein- 
btmi, wen not Puriuni, iHit tbo fuundnt oftlie Clinicb of Eaglond. 

t Froude, v. IM, M«, etc 

t Idem, T. M0. For • fiill account of the comption and dtnior- 
•lisatioo ofthii time, tee Stnrpe't " Ilcdeaiaitlcal Memorial*," vol. \k 
ehapa. xxiit-iilr. | Idem. T, 411. 

qumt MAST AMD TM cxtweua UAcnoM tlT 

money,* and u they and their ]w«deoeHora bad largely 
abaorbed the property of the monasteriea and other 
clerical institations, tliii contribution to the caoae of 
hnmanity and learning waa hardly lavish enough to 
warrant the praise of historians, who call it a "noble 
measure," throwing a lustre over the name of Edward.f 
But let us be thankful for even the eighteen grammar 
schools, and their sixty or seventy pounds a year. Thoir 
foundation was unique. The government did nothing 
more of the kind for three centuries ; and even these few 
schools bore fruit in time. 

With the accession of Queen Mary, in 1S53, there 
came a short afid terrible reaction, showing how little 
the people at large cared about religions matters. The 
changes during the reign of Edward had been mode by 
an almost unanimous Parliament, now the House of 
Ix>rds, without a disseotient Toice, and the House of 
Commons, by a rote of three hundred and fifty-eight, 
to two, decided to return to the Romish faith.^ The 
mass was restored, the new prayer-book set aside, the 

•froade; Onra; Onciit, ii. 161 t Oracn. 

t Fronde, tI. S68. Bpc*kinf( of then bewildering tnintfonnalinn 
MeBM, unknown, in other landi, the Vrndiiin ninlNkHador midcnt 
St London reported to his g:oTcmuient in 1587 : "Tlie exitniple and 
sathoritjr of the KTereign are ererything with the people of (hie 
country in matten of faith. At lie belierea, thejr belieTe. Joda- 
i*m or Mabottetaniam — it is all one to them. They cooform them- 
aelvea eaaily to hit will, at least to br at the ootward ahow la con- 
cerned; and moat eatily of all where it concnrt with their own 
pleasure and proflt." Of the Englitb Parliament he adda: "They 
are rarely tammoned except to tar^the king trouble, or to aflbnl n 
cIo*k to hit deiignt. Mo one Tentnret to retitt the regal will, ter- 
Wie the member! conie tlieie and Mrrlle tlwjreaain."— Pntcott's 


■18 ml nrtfTAi n boujuiik liiouiio, add ajuuoa 

uuuried prietU were driven from their livings, •nd the oM, 
•yitem was r»«sUblished, with one notable exception : 
Parliament would not consent to giving up n single acre 
of the church property which its own members hacl ac- 
quired. For forms of religion they cared nothing, and 
so were ready enough to humor their monarch ; but thb 
was a practical question in which there was no room for 

In 1954, Mary marries Philip of 8p*in. 8omo of her 
nobles at first objected to the match, bat their consent 
was obtained through bribes furnished by Philip's fa- 
ther.* The future King of Sp^n was anxious to ob- 
tain the allUnoe of England, with her two or three mill- 
ion inhabitants, all of whose able-bodied men were sol- 
diers by birthright ; but he went to England for his 
bride with little apparent pleasure. The 8)Ninigh min- 
ister advised him to wear a shirt of mail under his 
doublet, and to bring his own cook, for fear of being 
poisoned.t Arriving in the onnntry, his luggage was 
plundered, and the property stolen could not be re- 
covered, nor the thieves detocteiI.| 

He remained in England just long enough to discover 
that his marriage was a barren one. His wife tried to 
cheer him by burning some heretics, against which act 
his father's minister protested, but only on the ground 
of policy .§ But even this could not detain him. It is 
charitable to believe that his departure drove Mary into 


* Fmojle, T<. isa t Idem, vi. Ml } Idcm^Ti.^2. 

{ Idem, Ti. Sll, <1*. Thii aiiiw bitbftil mintoter pointed oat to 
Philip, who wished to leare EngUnd after aix weeks, thit however 
mach his wife might be deflcient ia " raflttement," she wts iBflnitel; 
Tirtiious, which she eertsiolj was. Fraade, ri. Sit. " Politease" to 
the French word used by the minister, the mcsBlog of which the 
Kogilsh bistotiaa baidl; gives bj tisoslsting it " agreesbiUty ." 


nudiMM. In the three years thereafter she earned tha 
title of the " liUxxly " queen by the atrocities which she 
oomraitted in the name of the Catholic religion. Arch- 
bishop and bishop, priest and layman, women, children, - 
and babes just bom, all perished in the flames; and y^ 
the people made no sign. The tale of the Martyrs is m 
fit close to the roll of horror which begins with the Wan 
of the Roses. Truly the valley into which we have de- 
scended is very deep and dark. , 

" Never," says Green, " bad the fortunes of England - /.4' 

rank to a lower ebb than at the moment when Elizabeth . ;,]' 

mAinted the throne." But it was not alone the fortunes ' -.'-I 

of the Slate which had gone down. Society was demor- "^; 

alized, and remained m during her entire reign, in some re- . . f « 

•peott becoming worse instead of better. Still, it is hard- ,wj 

ly fair to charge these results, as some would do, to the li^ 

religious teachings of the lieformers. We see in modem |' 

times that some savage nations shrivel up morally before i yi^' 

ou' civilization, but do not attribute this calamity to the . . ' -'f^ 
teachings of Christianity. A rade people will generally . ':^- 

copy the vices of their saperiors in education long before - '■S- 

they imitate the virtnea. This was the case with the X|^ 

English when hrst brought into contact with the intel- 
lectual movement upon the Continent, of which the 
Reformation was only the religpous feature, and among . 
tbem, too, the Reforraatipn in time did good work. 

But, however all this may be, and whatever the causes 
which brought about its moral and social condition, we 
have ample material for a study in its every aspect of ■ 
the England of Elizabeth, whidi gave birth to English - . 

and AmenoM Porifauusm. 



nsTATi un, rocoATioN, bbuoiok, ahd mobau 

Ip » person ocqaainted with the appearance of the 
ooontry to-day could be carried back to the England of 
ihree ccnturie* ago, he would And himself well-nigh a 
stranger in a strange land. Almost nothing before him 
would appear familiar. We see now highly cultivated 
fields, trim hedges, fat cattle, smooth hard reads, neat 
cottages, and lordly mansions ; not to mention the vast 
mannfaotories which have revolutionized the North. 
When Elizabeth ascended the throne, only about one 
fourth of the arable land was under cultivation, and 
that of the rudest character; the remainder was still 
covered with fen and forest, or was devoted to the past- 
uring of sheep. Through the forest the red deer wan- 
dered in thousands, while the wolf, the wild cat, the wild 
bull, and the "wild boar were not uncommon.* None of 
the hedges which now form so charming a feature of 
the landscape then lined the roads. The cattle in the 
fields and the horses on the highway were small and of 
little value. 

* The Ocnnan trtTcllcr nentner, who Tititcd Eogtanl in ISM, 
«w a wild wolf which had been captnred there. Macaulay aajs 
that the lait one on the iaiand wiu alaia in the reign of Charlea IL 
Be alao tolla ua that the wild bull and the wild oat wen Amid ia Uw 
fiiNitialtW. "Hiatoi7orS*gUad,'*olia|i.lU. 

V'W jli.'" W.«s.£y Htjt 

■MOLAMD LAaonr a rxnoukL land^ 


V ' In fact, EngUnd, which U now an agrtcultural, oom- 
meroial, and manafacturing, waa then largely a paatorai 
land. Almost the lole industry of the |>coplo in the 
ranil diatricta waa the raiaing of aheep and cattle. Time 
and again Parliament had paaaed Uwa to check the de- 
votion to thia one poraoit, which waa coniidered injuri- 
ooa to the general welfare ; but all in vain. The advanQc 
of the world in wealth created more and more of a de- 
mand for woven fabrica. Tlfe Engliah wool waa of ii 
superior quality, and for mainy yeara had commanded 
hjgh prices in the Netherlanda. Under snch oonditiona 
legislation could do nothing, v Individual flacks bad 
numbered as higli as twenty thousand sheep; a law 
passed in the reign of Henry VIII. limited them to two 
thousand, bat this meant only a aubdiviaion and ficti- 
tious transfera/ So long oa it was profitable wool-rais- 
ing was continued. 

During the reign of Elisabeth them wag a vast in- 
crease in the^mmeroe and nianufacturea of the Nether 
lands. This raised still further the price of English wool, 
pouring a constant stream of wealth into the country. 
In addition, the Engliah increased their own manufact- 
nras of coarse woollen cloth, and this added to the gener- 
al disturbance of industrial conditions which had begun 
many yeara before. More land waa turned into paatur- 
age, more small farms were given up; men with newly- 
acquired wealth developed a mania for acquiring land 
and becoming country gentlemen; rents were raised 
enormoualy ; the dispossessed tenants and unemployed 
farm laborers flocked into the towns ; while the new 
landlords cultivate<l grain only for their own consump- 
tion, selling their wool to the manufacturers, and export- 
ing wool and cheese to the Continent 
la time, under a Netberiaad influence which will b^ 
L— 91 

:. ft 


dMoribed b«rMfter, all kinds of nunofactnrM were in- 
trodnocd, EngUnd's oommerDe wm developed, and, with 
markeU at homo and abrdttd for the general prodnoe of 
the farm, acientitic agriculture finally came in, and the 
laborer again found ompluyment on the land, liut theae 
reanlta came about long after Elizabeth had paawd away. 
Her reign waa a period of social disturbance, caused 
lai^ly by industrial transition, in which the rich be- 
came richer and the poor poorer. This is one of the 
central facts, unnoticed by many writers, which should 
always be kept in mind by any one who would under 
stand the history of this bn.* 

The first thing which struck the Spaniards who ac- 
companied Philip II. on his nuptial tour, in 1554, was 
the appearance of the English dwellings. These, they 
said, were built of " sticks and dirt." This description 
might seem inspired by ill-humor, or one might think 
it applicable only to the hovels of the very poor, bat 
for the survival of some of the residences of the time. 
They are constructed of a timber frame filled in with a 

Hi i 

• Bee Proade, pamim, ind more psfticnlarly " Hocirlr in the Elis- 
itbetbin Age," b; Hubert Hall, of f I. M. Public ReconI Office (Lonilon, 
l886),twork tlie materUl furwhicli «h gathered from official docu- 
umenta, man; of which are printed in the appendix, rapplcinrnling 
thoae given I7 Froude and ^Irrpe, I ahall refer to it ftvt|Deatl]r 
hereafter, and take this opportunity to make my acknowlcdgmenla 
to the author for hi* Talunble cootribation to the •orial hialory of 
thit period. Ptof. Thorold Rogers expreaaet the opinion that the 
condition of the Engliih working claate* waa more niiaerablo during 
the larger part of the Mrenteenth centnry than at any other period 
In their liiatory, except that of the Na|>oleonlc ware. See Tim*, 
March, 18M. Thia la probably tme of the agricultuml laborer, whoae 
condition ha<1 been getting wono and worae from the begioniog of 
the dxttenth oaotofy. 


noun vwuuMB-in ■unmtn aoon 

* *• Eogltnd WiUMHit ud Witliin," Richard Grant White, |i. 5Ml 
Tb« home of Anna Htlluway la liltcwiae standing. Her family was 
(uperior locially to that of her hoaband'a. Tliia dwelling our an- 
thor also viailad, and of it nmarfcs : •■ Thar* is littla to b* said aboal 


oowM mortar which loolu like mud. Aa prolikUy only 
the best ones have omne down to na, oommoa day may 
have been uied in the majority. One of tlieae hodltoa, 
now (tanding in Stratford, ihowa that such •tructuroi 
were not the residences of the poor alone. It was ooco- 
pied by John Hhakespeare when he was wealthy and Ail- 
ing the highest municipal offloe in his town. In 187<H 
an American scholar, an enthosiastio student of Shake- 
speare, and one of the prominent editors of his works, 
went to EngUod for the Arst time. Stratford was of 
ooarse his Mecca. The house in which the \met was 
probably bom, and in which he certainly passed his boy- 
hood, he found had been externally rejuvenated and its • ' ..> 
identity destroyed. Within, however, it remained an- 
oh&nged. Let me quote the words which summed up' ;./>' 

his impressions of the mansion which housed the High- -:^ 

bailiff, or Mayor, of Stratford : ' . 

" My heart sank within me ns I looked around upon - ;'? 

the rude, mean dwelling-plaoe of him who had filled the ' ^ 

world with the splendor of his imaginings. It is called a 
house,' and any bnilding intended for a dwelling-place is . ''I 

a house; but the interior of this one is hardly that of a . a!i 

mstio cottage: it is almost that of a hovel— poverty- ( , ' ;'« 

stricken, squalid, kennel-like — a house so cheerless and 
comfortless I had not seen in mral England. The poor- / 
est, meanest farm-honse that I had ever entered in New 
England or on Ix>ng Island was a more cheerful habi- 
tation. And amid those sordid surroumlings AVilliam ' 
Shakespeare grew to early manhood." * With illnsion 

•M ni rnnuM la moLUMa, taauso, amd ahbuca 

diapelled, tbia pilgrim regretted tluit be had gone to 

But why •houkl the itudent feel lucb regret M tbist , 
Ceit«nly the worlu of tlie world's dnuufttuit can only 
be appreciated when wo understand the character of hi* 
•urroundings. Heeing the age in which he liv^l in it* 
true light, bis dramas put on a now significance, holding, 
in very truth, " the mirror up to naturo." It was a rude 
world which be depicted, full of passionate hot blood, 
boiling over in all forms of violence, but lighted up with 
the glory which comas but once, when a great people are 
awakening into life. It is absurd to think of the author 
of thrao plays as a rude, unlettered peasant boy going 
up to Ixmdon to seek his fortune. His father, although 
he lived in what seems to some visitors a hovel-like 
stmctnre, because so devoid of applianoea for comfort, 
occupied this house wbiin chief magistrate of the town 
^ of Stratford.* His residence seems very mean When 
compared with the stone dwellingx of the same date in 
the cities of the Netlierlands, and'to modem eyes may 
appear a poverty-stricken habitation ; bat compan it 
with the theatre in which the plays of his son were 
given to the world, and we find the two in keeping. 

In 157)1, the first theatre was ojwned in London. It 
was situated in Blackfriars, and was erected bv the aer- 

thU houK, which b mere); a thatched cnttag* of the Mac gnda m 
the houM in Benlejr Street; in it* origio*! comiitioa a pictumqnc 
pl>|<«t ill the laodacape, but the lowliest tort orhainan liabilatlon." 
— UleiD, p. SM. Bee White's ■' Bhakeapeare " fiir hii prtconceifeii idea 
of tlie poet's home obtained (h>m booica alone. 

* The house in Heolc; Stieet iaat present aixty->T« feet long and 
twenty-one feet deep, with an exteoaiiMll^or addition on the icar, 
■liont twenty feet aqosie. (Mcmoramlum of surrey kindly sent me 
hf tiM canuar> 


ruiU of the Earl of Leicett«r. In IBM, the company at 
this play houae, in which William Shakespeare was a part- 
ner as well as an actor, built their new theatre, the fa- 
moos Globe. Constructed of wood, hexagonal in shape, 
it was surrounded by a muddy ditoh, and surmounCed 
by a re<l flag, which was elovate<l into place at three 
o'clock in the afternoon, when the performance began. 
Within, the whole space was open to the elements, ex- 
cept that the stage was covered with a thatched roof. 
Here the gallants sat on stools among the actors, or lay 
on the rnsh-strewn floor, eatirg, drinking, pUying cards, 
and smoking the tobacco which Raleigh had just ma«lo 
fashionable. Below, in the pit — and the woni meant 
something then — were gathered the common people, 
standing up, taking the rain when it fell, drinking beer, 
and, as it operated, using a great upturned barrel Which 
was set in the ground to receive their contributions. 
When the smell became too strong, a cry arose, " Dam 
the juniper," and the air was filled with its heavy smoke. 
On the atage, "a huge scroll attached to a post told in 
huge letters the location of the scene ; a bunch of flowers 
indicated a garden ; three or four supernumeraries with 
swords and bucklers represented an army, and the roll- 
ing of a drum a pitched battle.* 

Certainly there is as great a contrast between such a 
theatre as this and the modem palace of the drama as 
appears between the house of Shakeqieare's father in 

* Sir Pbilip moefi " Deilnra of Pony ;" Tkine's " Engliili Ut> 
erature;" Qroen; Drake's "Shakopesre;" Cbamben'i " C]rclo|M»> 
dif of EnglUli Utentiire," etc. Morable Kenerjr wm flnt inlro- 
dnecd after tbe RcitnratioD, and at the nnie time women began tn 
take the Temalo part*, which before that d»t« bad been repreaented 
b| boja. V , 


Stntford and the retidenoe of the poet-Uareate of Eng- 
land, or that of a French dramatist like Hugo, Dumoa, 
or Sardou. The aadienoe at the Qlobe had the im- 
aginations of children, who from a few chain will oon- 
struct you a steamship or a railroad train, and transport 
you in a moment to any quarter of the universe. The 
poorer the children, the more they will delight in the so- 
ciety of imaginary princes, and revel in scenes of ficti- 
tious splendor. The poet who ministered to this audi- 
ence was himaelf ^' the very age and body of the time." 

But we have much more than the house in Stratford 
to reveal the characters of the dwellings of tliis period. 
Harrison, writing in 1&80, tells os that in the early days 
of Elizabeth the mansion-houses of the country gentle- 
men were little better than cottages, except in size, be- 
ing thatched buildings, covered on the outside with the 
coarsest clay, and lighted only by hitticea. Outside of 
London, chimneys were very rare ; the smoke of the 
open fire being allowed to escape as it might, either 
through the nnglazed windows or by an aperture in the 

The interior of these dwellings was equally unpreten- 

* Hirriian'i leeount of England, prellied to Holinthfd'i 
"Chroniclet." Cliimncjrt were not uaed in the fnnn-houm of 
Cbnbira nntil alwot 1816. Wliitakcr'i "CnTen," qooted by Hal- 
Um, "Middle Age*," chip. \x. |mrt ii. "It is u error," nji Hal- 
lam, " to rappoee that the Engliali genti; were lodged in itatcly or 
oTen well-aized homes. Oenerall; sitenking, their dwellings were 
^almost a* inferior to those of their descendants in capacity aa thcf 
were in conrenience. The osual arrangement con*iste<l of ui en- 
trance passage nuining throngh tlie house, with a hall on one side, 
a parlor beyond, and one or two chambers above, and on the oppo- 
site side a kitchen, pantrjr, and tthet office*. Bneh was the onti- 
narjr manor-hoose of the flfkoenth and sixteenth centuries."— Idem- 

• n»IUm't"MidilleAgw."; ; ; > • , 

f T«citiu deacrilxa the Otmiaiu m IMug in hoatta comt^bcted 
of rmigh timlwr, Ailed io witb •bining claj, '' Oenuiuii«r { !<• 
I H«rriioD. , 

: ;i^" 

lUMnoN-Boutts or thi omnnr Mr 

tioua. A gentleman'g hooso containing three or four 
beda waa extraordinarily well provided ; few probably 
had more ttei two. The walls wero^ bare, not oven 
being plastflid. Qlaaa wiodows, when they ezistMl, 
were looked open as movable furniture. Carpets were ^ ^i. 

almost unknown, and chairs seem to have been a rarity. c;* 

An inventory of the fnniiture in Skipton Castle, which 
belonged to the Earl of ComberUnd and was one of the 
moat splendid mansions of the North, was made, in 1578. 
It shows that there were not more than aeven or eig^ht 
bods in the castle, and that none of the chambers had 
chairs, window glass, or carpets.* Among the better 
class of farmers, tlie men slept on straw, with a good j/; 

round log for a bolster, pillows being thought meet 5 

only for women in childbirth. The pUttera from which . - tr 
they ato were ^made of wood, and their spoons of the ' y^K 

same material. '.?': 

As wealth increased, during the reign of Elizabeth, v / 

many improvements became apparent. The ancient 'A- 

timber mansions of the gentry were now covered with i*' 

plaster, "which," says Harrison, "beside the delectable . ~ ^ f 

whitencsse of the stuffe itselfe, is laied on so even and 
smoothlie, as nothfng in my judgment can bo done with 
more e'xaotnesse." t The new mansions were commonly 
of brick or stone, larger and more convenient. The walls 
were hung with tapestry or sealed with oak, and here 
and there stoves were introduced. The more general, 
use of glass for windows came also to give a comfort 
before unknown.^ The farmers, too, in tb« regions near 




the capital, felt the improvement. Their wooden dighea 
were replaced with pewter, added to which wa« an occ«- 
f/ ' gional piece of silrer ; feather beds became common, and 

the multitude of chimneys newly erected excited the ad- 
miratioHvOf the old inhabitants. 

' Above the mansions of the gentry stood the castles of 
the great nobles, which, though few in number, were in 
some cases of imposing dimensions. It is fmm the ro- 
. mantle description of some of these exceptional struct- 
ures that many (Mirsons have formed their impressions 
of the general magnificence of the age. Fortunately we 
have some unquestionable evidence relating to the fumi- 
' tare, conveniences, and modes of life in several of these 
dwellings of the great, which- may serve to modify such 
impressions. . Henry Percy, fifth Earl of Xortbumber- 
land, who died in 1527, was one of England's most mag- 
nificent noblee. When the I'rincess Margaret, in 1503, 
married James IV. of Scotland, he was commissioned to 
. escort the bride to the border, and did so with a train 
which, according to the chroniclers of the time, was royal 
in its splendor. lie had two lordly castles in Yorkshire, 
where he entertained on an average fifty-seven guests a 
day. His regular household numbered one hundred and 
fifty -six, which included eleven priests, heade<l by a 
candn. For the regulation of this enormous establish- 
ment a most elaborate system was adopted and embod- 
ied in a " Household Itook," which provided in advance 
for every detail of the daily life, the duties of each sen- 
vant, the supplies for each department, and even the bill 
of fare for the whole year. '* 

This book, ns kept for 1512, is still in existence, and 
throws a world of light on the condition of the highest 
classes in England, in at least the first quarter of the 
sixteenth century, and in the rural districts it did not 


change much for very many yean. In the first place, 
when the family moved from one castle to another they 
took all their furniture with them — a matter, however, of 
no great difflculty, for it was not bulky. There seem to 
have been no glass windows in either castle. The dishes 
in common use were made of wood, but for extraordi- 
nary occasions pewter ones were hired. The household's 
supply of linen consisted of nine table-cloths, " eight for 
my lord's table, and one for that of the knights." The 
whole allowance for the year's washing amounted to 
forty shillings, and* that was mainly expendinl on the 
linen in the chapel. This was not extravagant, but Was 
large enough, in view of the fact that no sheets or pillow- 
cases were Qsed, and probably none of the family wore 
underclothes, at least not any that ever went to the laun- 
dry.* This, to be sure, was in 1612; but I have already 
shown what Skipton Castle, the superb seat of the Earl 
of Cumberland, was in 1573. Viewing the accommo- 
dations in such mansions as these, iEneas Sylvius, the 
Italian traveller, remarked long before that the kings 
of Scotland would rejoice to be as well lodged as the 
second class of citizens at Nuremberg.t 

Snoh, in the main, when Elizabeth ascended the throne, 
were the dwellings and their accommodations in the ru- 
ral part of England, which then contained a much larger 

* "The NortliumberUnd IIouaehoM Book," Prcnicc.clc. 

t The Dew caitlei and InronUI bslls, which were ervclcil in con- 
liderable numbers during the reign of Eliubeth, were of a difftrent 
choiacter fVom their predccenore, beliig much more fitted for com- 
fort. The improTcroent here, hnwerer, u in erer; other direction, 
vu due to a foreign influence, whicli in tbi* can came largely from 
Italy, although, ai I ahall thow liereafter, much wai owing to the 
Netlierlandi. Aa to the Italian influence, aee "Architecture of the 
I in En^ud," by J. AUivd Ootcli, 188t 

fei;y!' feu J 0k.\i^3Sfil^ 


proportion of the inhabitants than at present. The whole 
population of the country probably nunibcre<i less than 
three millions, of whom, ]M!rhape, a hundred thousand 
lived in London, and there was no other town of any 
great size.** London itself, about the middle of the reign 
of Elizabeth, consist^ of a ooil of narrow, tortuous, un- 
seemly streets, each with a bUck, noisome rivulet run- 
'ning through its centre, and with rows of three-storied, 
leaden-roof6d houses, built of timber-work, f!lle<I in with 
lime, with many gables, and with the upper stories over- 
hanging and darkening the basements.f These houses 
were stately, compared with those in the country, but 
they were not roagniiicent. 

But outside the city proper, especially along the single 
street which led by the river's strand to Westminster, 
were some newer mansions of a different character. 
These belongied to the nobles, who, greatly to the 8o^ 
row of their staid and conservative brethren, now flocked 
to court to enjoy the pleasures of the town,' and pick 
up some of the fat contracts and lucrative monopolies 
which were showered on the royal favorites. Some few 
of these men lived in great splendor ; they had costly 
plate, superb tapestries, and magnificent pieces of furni- 
ture, gathered from every quarter of the globe, largely 
by the pirates with whom they were often associated in 
partnership. But this was, in the main, a barbitric splen- 

* Id 1031, in llie reign of Cliariea I., Lonilnn had by nclnal count a 
little over 180,000 inhabitant!. 8e« article by Prnf. Tliorold Roger* 
in Time for Maroh, 1840. 

t Motley'a " United Netherlandi," i. 811. lo the reign of Jamet I. 
l>rick flnt came into general aae. IIuDie,A|>pendli,"JanieaI." The 
paTing of London began onder Henry VIII. At the coronation of 
Eltiabcth, the atrceta through which aho pHacd were newly atnwn 
wttb grSTai. Stiypa'a " AnaBlt." 

simnB FOH cARnrnra ijpt' 

dor, giving little evidence of civilization. Entering thew 
mansions, one would appreciate the truth of Kirk's re- 
maric, that " the luxuries of life come before the com- 
forts." * For an illustration, let us look at the residence of 
the queen herself, which was the most magnificent of all. 
From the fourteenth century carpets had been in com- 
mon use among the upper chisses, both in France and in 
the Netherlands, being laid on floors of enamclletl tiles 
or thick squares of polished oak.f In 1598, Hentzner, 
the German traveller, went with the nobleman whom 
he accompanied as tutor to see Queen Elizabeth in her 
palace at Oreenwioh. This, the place of her birth, was 
her favorite residence, especiallj in summer. The queen 
appeared richly attired and iMtded down with jewels, 
but the floors of the palace were covered with what he 
calls bay, being probably rushes. A century before, 
Erasmus, writing of the habits of the people, to which 
he ascribed the frequency of the plague in England, 
•aid -of the houses: "The floors are commonly of clay, 
■trewed with rushes, under which lie unmolested an an- 
cient <x>llection of beer, grease, fragments, bones, spittle, 
and everything that is nasty." A hundred years, it 
aeems, had made little change either in ihe covering of 
the floors or in its effects upon the public health, if we 
may judge from the oontinuano6 of the plague. Carpet- 
ing was used at this time in Engbind, but was spread ob 
the tables and not often on the floors. In the latter daw 
of Elizabeth, according to Drake, linen was introduced to 
take its place.^ This, however, is evidently a mistake, un- 
less reference is made to a general introduction, for *' The 

* See p. 117. 

t La Croix, >■ The ArU in llie Middle Aget," p. «7. 
t NstbMi Onke, " Slukeapewe Md hi* Tinei," p. 407. 



Northumberland Household Book" shows that a. few 
table-cloths were used early in the century.* 

If table linen was usctt among the wealthy classes bfr'' 
fore the end of the century, there was one piece of table 
furniture unknown till the reign of James I., and that 
was the fork. In France it had been known sinoo 1379 ;t 
it was in common use among the Italians,^ and presnm- 
ably among the other Continental nations. In 1611, 
Thomas Coryat first introduced it into England, where 
even table-knives had not been in general use until 1563.§ 
Chaucer draws a very pretty picture of the Prioress at 

"At mete wu abe wel jrtkoglite withille; 
Blic Ictle DO inoncl from hire lippct fille, 
Ne vetto liire fingres in hire sauco de|)«. 
Wei coude she cane a raond, and wcl kepe 
Tliutte no dropo no fdl upon hire brctt." 

This is all very charming in a poem of the fourteenth 
century ; but probably we should change some of our 
ideas regarding the England of the sixteenth if we could 
look in upon the people, even of the upper classes, and 
see them dining perhajM off silver, but eating with their 
fingers and throwing the bones among the rushes on the 
floor. I 

Much has beqn said by imaginative writers about the 
great variety and abundance of food under which the 

* Wild Will Darrell'i waaliing bill in London, tot tbree montim in 
ISW, ha* an item of one table-cloth and fourteen napkini ; but ho 
wore a clean thirt every day, although no undcrolothea appear. 
Hall'a ••Eliabetban Society," p. SOS. 

t U Croix, " The Art! in the Middle Agaa." 

I Nathan Drake, p. 407. 

{ Ibid. 
.^^fla* Itnka aato the dinlng-rooma of the coantiy gentlemeo. 


tablei of the English people groaned in the Elizabethan 
age. And hero again, as in the case of the dwellings, 
the rare exceptions have been taken for the rule. Some 
iev of the nobles, according to Harrison— and the nobles 
themselves were few in namber* — had French cooks, 
and they were supplied with a variety of fresh meats, a 
succession of game, fish, and fruits, with sweets of all 
descriptions. Among the wealthy merchants of the city, 
and especially in the days when piracy as a business 
was at its height, there was also, doubtless, a variety of 
food. But it would be a great mistake to suppose that 
any considerable body of the people indulged in any- 
thing but the plainest and most primitive of fare, al- 
though this in most cases was found in great abun- 
dance.t . 

* There wen only flfly-wren pecn when Elizabeth came to the 
throne, and tixtf-iix >t the time of her death. 

t " Tillage wai changed for pasture-grazing, Orain wu denr and 
coane meat was cheap. Bacon and <Uh went out of uac. Oatne 
and poultry became luxuriea, and Tegetablee were practically on- 
koown. The people fed on aalt beef, or roast and inferior mutton, 
with bad meal ; and this monotonoui cheer they waalicd down with 
potent liquor."— Hall'a "Elizabethan Society," p. 78. V^tablea 
were not introduced ftt>m the Netlicrland* until the next century. 
Borne of the prices of the time, as found in the household accounta, 
for 1580, of Will Danell, a wealthy commoner, may interest tlie 
leadei'. It should be remembered that the purchasing value of 
mmij was very much greater than at present. 

. ' -■ w nm coDwniT, LirTUBOOTS. 

I. a. 

Sells wheat, per bushel f • - 

- bariey, » " 1 H 

Bays beef, per lb. „ _ - 1) 

•* t bushels of pe«ieM.„.„.,,,,.,.„,„ .„..,.,....„ 4 ft 

" 1 lb. of sugar. 1 6 

- (lbs. of hops.. ., 3 - 

i* v^vo- '•■''': ■■■' 


Even among the middle classes and the gentry the 
cheer was very different from that generally pictured 
in the popular imagination. With them salt fish, salt 


* 4 

' Bu;a i lb. of tobtcco 1)0 - 

" 2 nz, of date*. - S 

" quiro of pspvr , - 4 

" obook - • 

" a pound of candlet. ...._ - 4 

" It Icinoii - I 

" ornngCB -. -. 9 

" • quart of cUret - • 

" * pound of butter. - 4 

" (Inwberrie*, 8 pf nte«, May 28 -IS 

" " 1 quart, June 1 1 - • 

" poundoftugar -17 

" a liarrel nf beer ,..; ., 4 - 

" a quart of cream • < 

" "apcco of beef -14 

" "aloyneof veale" -IS 

" " a Icgg of mutton ". -16 

Wubing-bill, 3 months, lelf anil aenranta, aliirta, collam, bandkei^ 
chiefa, niglitkerchiefa, aocka, 1 waittcoat, S iheeta, 1 t«ble.cloth, 14 
napkins, 11: M. Hall. Turning thesg prioet into our American 
currency at eren four for one, and they would be almut as fgllows i 
Wlieat, per bushel, $2.00; beef, per pound, 12 cents; hop*, 48 cents ^ , 
sugar, $1.00; tobacco, |S0; date*, (1.72; candle*, 82 cents; butter. 
82 cents; a quire nf |)aper, 82 cents; a lemon, 8 cents; quart of 
clarot, 48 "bents; stmwberries in Hay, per quart, 04 cents; in June, 
48 certs; a barrel of beer, 94.00 ; washing, 8 months, 918.71 It ia 
very difflcnit to determine the relatire purchasing value of money 
at dUforent periods, hot four to on* i* very low for this time. Tlie 
best authorities give four to one for th* daya of the Commanwcallh. 
"The Interregnum," by F. A. laderwick, p. 24S. In Kliaabeth'a 
reign the dllTerencc was probably much greater. For later prices, 
coupar* Hume, " Hist, of EngUnd," Appendix to ebapttn on James L 

lORDMISg FOR swim 0* 

meat,breac1,andale made up,gubHtantially,the bill of faro 
for at least nine months in the year. " The Northum- 
berland Household Book," for example, shotvs that in 
the family of that great earl they had fresh meat for 
only about three months— from midsumraor to Michael- 
mas, the 20th of September. To enable them to swal- 
low the salt meat, on which they lived for the remainder 
of the year, one hundred and sixty gallons of mustard 
vere provided.* 

-One thing in regani to the tastca of the time is very 
suggestive, and that 13 the fondness for Bisects, which 
was common to all classes. Sugar was a novelty to 
these islanders, and, having money for its purchase, they 
ran to the extravagance of children. The teeth of the 
women, including the queen, were black from over- 
indulgence in this luxury.t The men began to import 
sweet and other wines from Spain and Portugal, and, to 
the amazement of foreigners, they always mixed them 
with sugar.^ 

As we study this people from various quarters, and 
apply to them every kind of test, we shall see how con- 
sistent is the picture in all its details : the picture of a 
people with great energy and poetic instincts, brought 
into contact with an elder civiliiation, and awakening 

* "The NorthiiinberUnd IIouKhold Book " ((ives tlii' liill «f f«rc for 
cTor; mcmlKr of tlio family, ami aome of iti detaila are very oarioua. 
My lord and lady haT« for breakfast on faat-daya a quart of liecr, aa 
much nine, a loaf of bread, two pieces of salt flsh, six ml herrings, 
four white ones, or a dish of sprats. On flesh days, half n chine of 
mutton, or a chine of Iwef boiled. The young lord has half a loaf ^ 
of bread, A quart of beer, and two mutton bones. Will Darrell, 
"While in' London, in 1580, fured nions sumptuously, but lircd almost 
entirely on meats. Seo his daily bill of fare in Uall, p. 31*i, etc. 

it llcatxoer's " TraTcls." ) Drake, p. Vn. 


to a now life. Look at the appearance of a gallant about 
the court. His beard will be cut lo as to rcwniible a 
fan, a spade, or the letter T. lie hag great gold rings 
in his ears, get perha|)8 with pearls or diamondg. About 
his neck will possibly be a ribbon, on which he will 
siring his other jewels for exhibition.* His dress ex- 
cites astonishment everywhere. He has no costume of 
his own, and so borrows from all his neighbors. Portia 
describes him, in speaking of Faulconbridgc, the young 
baron of England : " How oddly ho is suited ! I think 
he bought his doublet in Italy, bis round hose in France, 
his bonnet in Germany, and his behavior everywhere." t 
Nor was the female attire'- any less remarkable. Its 
fashions," too, were borrowed from every quarter, and 
changetl every year ; while the unmarried wopien, copy- 
ing the example of the queen, who took great pride in 
her fine figure, decked themselves out in gowns with 
waists which, from their scantiness, would put to the 
blush the most hardened attendant of a modern court 

* Uarriion'a " Dcicriptioii «r England C Dnkc, pp. StW^DT. 

t " Merchant of Vi-nlpi'," net i. sc. 2. Saya a w ritiT of ilio time : '• I 
read *>( a painter tlint would paint every coiinlryuuui in bia ar- 
cu8toui«d apiuircl— tliv Dntcli, lliv Spaniard, tlie Italian, the Freocli- 
nmn ; l>ut when he came to the Engllahnian, he painted him nuked, 
and gave him cloth and bade him make it himaelf, for ha changetl 
' U'v failiion ao often that he knew not how to nitike it"— Beeon'a 
" Jewell of Joye." See alio Froude, tr. 131. Ilarriaon, in deacrib- 
ing the fanlaaiic attiro of tbo day, aaya "that except it were a do^ 
in a doublet, you ahnll not eeo any one to <liii{(aiae<t aa ate ray 
countrymen in England. I hnre met witli aome of ihcae tnillea 
in Loolnn, ao dinguiaed that It hiith |>aiacd my akill to diacorcr 
wliether they were men or women.' 

I Goadby'a " Englnnil of Shakeapeare," p. AH. 8ee alto Henti- 
ner'a deactiptlon of lira drew of Queen Klitabclb. 


Bat although foreign influences led at this time to 
much that was fantastic in feminine ap])arel,* they 
served one useful purpose, since they introduced the 
general wearing of linen fabrics to suppUnt the old un- 
dei>g;arment8 made of wool. This came about through 
the teachings of the Netherland refugees, who were dis- 
tinguished, among other things, for their personal neat- 
ness, and who first tauglit the Englishwomen how to 
■tarch their clothes.t 

If foreigners were aatonisheil nt the garb of the Eng- 
lishman, his fondness for sweets, and the appearance of 
bis dwellings, they were no less affected by his rever- 
ence for the crown. So abject was Parliament in the 
time of Henry VIII. that when the king's name was 
mentioned the whole house stood up and bowed to the 
vacant throne. X But oven this exhibition was suqiossed 



* Hetercn, qiioled by Motley, " United Netherhnda," i. 809. 

t " It waa in the jttt IBM that Mra. Dinghcn Tan den Plaaac, who 
■mu born at Teenen, in Fbindera, and wa* the daughter of a knight 
of that prorince, came to London with her liutband for wfiitit aho 
waa the flnt who taught ttarekiiig in tlioae da;t of Impuriwp Our 
hiatoriana go (brtlier, and condticcnd to inform ua that bar price 
vaa almut irv ponnda to tcacli how to atarch, and twenty poonda 
how to aecthe atarch ; and that in a iiltle time aho got on eatate, 
being greatly encouraged by gentlemen and btdiet." Dum'a " For- 
eign Proteatant Refugeea," p. 189, quoting "an old writer." 

Stow, in hta " Annala," odda : " Sotne very few of the beat and moot 
curloua wirea of tliat time, oboerving tlio ncatnea and delicacy of 
the Dutch for whiteneaa and fine wearing of linen, made tliem cam- 
bric ntb and acnt them to Mra. Dinghcn to atatcb, and after a while 
they made them nifb of lawn, which waa at that time a itulT moat 
■tionge and n onderftil, and tliereupon roae a general acoff or by- 
«oid tbat.aliortly they would make mflii of a apider'a web, and tbea 
Ibey began to aend their danghten and neateit kinawomeo to Ma 
DInghen to learn how to atarch." 

t Oreen'a " Short Hiatory," p. 3S5. 




during the reign of Elizabeth. When Ilentzner ."is at 
Greenwich Pahtce, be noticed that whoever spoke to 
the queen fell upon his^jf ees, and that when she walked 
through the presence clramber, all the lonis and ladies, 
as she looked in their direction, did the same. This was 
surprising enough, but inuch more was to come after- 
wards. He witnessed the setting of her dinner-table, 
and there saw this sight: "A gentleman entered the 
room bearing a rod, and along with him another who 
had a tablecloth, which, after they had both kneeled 
three times with the utmost veneration, he spread upon 
the table, and after kneeling again they both retired. 
Then came two others, one with the rod again, the other 
with a solt-ccUar, a plate, and bread; when they had 
kneeled aa the others had done, and pkoed what was 
brought uiton the table, they too retired with the same 
ceremonies performed by the first. At last came an 
^unmarried lady — we were told she was a countess— and 
along with her a married one, bearing a tasting-knife ;- 
the former was dresMxl in white silk, who, when she 
hod prostrated herself three times in the most graoefal 
manner, approached the table and rubbed the platee 
with brcatl and salt, with as much awe as if the queen 
had been present." After this ceremony the dishes 
were brought in, tasted, and then carried to the private 
dining-room of her majesty.* 

Sach genuflections before a tablecloth and salt-cellar 
betoken a remark.ible condition of society. If these 
acts of reverence, wiiich men usually reserve for their 
Creator, were thus performed before a scrap of linen 
and a piece of silver, because the queen was about to 

* HfnUBM*! "Tmvtla." Ttis iMting wm to dttsct poiioii, ud 
wu sot uncomiBOB io other countrici. 

■-iiA^iite'' ■ 


Qie them, what must have been the awe with which 
the people looketl upon the (|ueen herself! Giordano 
Bruno, the famoiu Italian phtio8ophcr, throws some 
light upon this question. lie visited England in 1583, 
and remained two years. Subsequently, returning to 
Rome, he was accused of heresy and burned at the 
stake. One of the charges brouf^bt against him by the 
Inquisition was that he had described the heretical 
Elizabeth as a goddess. In reply, ho said that in his 
book he praised the Queen of England, ualling her a 
goddess, not in religion, but as an epithet given by the 
ancients to princes; and in England, where ho wrote 
the book, it is their habit to give the title of goddess 
to the queen.* This goddess, as she ap|)ears to us in 
history, seems a strange divinit}- to worship; but, after 
all, she was only a typo of her people, and in her we 
can read their character.f ^ 

The servility which characterized the time ot Eliza- 
beth was not confined to the royul court. Erasmus, 
when in England, wrote to a friend saying that he would 

* " Lite of Bnino," l>y Frith, p. 1 10. Tlio eourticn uroimil EliiB- 
beth liid not itudied the cUnic* for nothing. When aho b lixtj, 
Raleigh thai *peak> of her in • letter intended for her pcniul : " I, 
that wai wont to leo her riding tike Alexander, hunting liico Oiaun, 
walking like Venua, the gentle wind blowing her fair hair about Iiit 
pure cheeks like s nymph, aometinies aitting in the ahado like a 
goddeas, lometimea ainging like an angel, aometimca playing like 
Orplieua; behold the aorrow of thla world: once amiai hath be- 
reaved me of all." 

t Jamea L diaponaed with the genuflcctioni of hia courtien ; but, 
(till, he compared htmiclf with the Sariour. " Chriit had his John, 
Snd I baie my Oeorge," referring to Buckingham. AblMt'a " Bacon," 
p. 280. In a public pixiclamatiun iaaued in 1610, he speaka of kings 
and princes ss "gods on earth." Taawell - Langmcad's "Const. 
Hilt of England," p. SOa. 



tind the great people most agreeable and graciouA, 'but 
naming him not to presume upon their intimacy, since 
they regarded themselves as gods.* A century later, 
the noble lord who serves his queen kneeling demands 
the same condescension from his inferiors when they 
wait on him. It is only when we appreciate the depth 
of this feeling that we can comprehend the force of the- 
recoil in the next century, which, for a time, levelled all 
distinctions of rank and sent a monarch to the scaffold. 
With the Restoration the servility returns. Charles II., 
while at his meals, ostentatiously called Orammont's 
attention to the fact that his oiUoers served him on 
their kneos. Grammont, as unaccustomed to English 
cooking as to English manners, replie<l : " I thank your 
majesty for the explanation ; I thought they were beg- 
ging pardon for giving you so bad a dinner."t 

Ilentzner, while in London, had an opportunity also 
of seeing some of the amusements of the city people. 
The favorite sports" were bull-baiting, bear-baiting, and 
bear-whipping, for which a theatre was especially pro- 
vided. For baiting, the bull or bear was securely chained, 
and then set upon by dogs, who worried hira to death. 
To witness this was a charming recreation, but it was 
thrown into the shade by the bejirbeating, in which the 
unhappy, brute, being chained to a post and blindfolded, 
was flogged to death with whips.:]: In this diversion 
there was little of the excitement which attends a bull- 
fight,' where skill and nerve are required by the suooeHh 

* " The noble lordt ire god* in tbdr own ejrea."— "Timef Of Eru- 
mut and Luttaer;" Froude's " Short Studie*," p. 90. 

t " Onmmoat'* lIenloi^^" Bolin'* ed. p. M. TfaU custom wm 
not flnillf giTcn up nntil tlio reign of Qcorge I. Lecky'e " EngUnd 
In the Eighteenth Centarj," i. aw.' 

}HenUner'i"TnTeli.'' ^ 



ful matadore ; but if the bear made noi«e enough and was 
laag enough in dying, the amusement must have been in- 
tense; Hot was it the masses alone that enjoyed these 
sports ; they were the particular delight of the nobles 
and of Queen Elizabeth herself. In fact, the Privy 
Council, in 1501, issued an onler that no plays should bo 
exhibited on Thursday, because on that day bear-biiiting 
and such like pastime had been usually practised, " which 
are maintained for her majesty's pleasure." With them 
she entertained foreign ambassadors, and when she made 
her famous visit to Kenilworth, thirteen bears were pro- 
vided for her diversion, being baite<l with a large 8|>eoios 
of ban-dog.* It may be that the Puritan, when he abol- 
ished these exhibitions, cared nothitjg for the bear ; he 
certainly conferred a service on humanity by doing away 
with such brutalizing sights-f 

Having seen something of the Englishman's dwelling, 
his food, costume, manners, and sports, let us now con- 
sider his education, religion, and morals. 

And first we must notice that in regard to the learn- 
ing of this time a most exaggerated notion prevails in 
some quarters, the result of judging of a whole people 
from a few isolatcfl individuals. Elizabeth had been 
brought up in comparative seclusion until she ascended 
the throne, at the age of twenty-flve. Her father, despite 
his faults, was a friend of letters, and gave his daughters, 
who were in the line of succession to the throne, such an 
feduoation as was fitted for an English monarch of the 

• Dnk«, p. 480. 

t In 1608, Junet I. by • proclaiiiMlon prohibilml betr-baiUng nA 

bull-lMitiDg on th* Siibbnlli. 8trype'« " Annuls," It. 879. Tho bull- , 

baiting wu re-eiUblUlied after tho Rntomtion, ami continaed in b« 

• farorite amuiement all through the eightMnth ceDturj. I.ecky, ;-^. 

U98. " 


, >*■; 

. vj^^-4''^'''-?'^^-'^'^' ■ 4K^'*S''-^^-^^^^^^^^ 


day. That Elizabeth ihould have upoken four or Ave 
languages is of itmlf little proof of intellectual cultiva- 
tion. All the better class of Russians do the same to- 
day, while couriers and boys brought up in such polyglot 
centres as Constantinople often speak ten or twelve. 

But, apart from this, the queen carried to the throne a 
love of the classics, which she retained all- through her 
life. She read and translated the Latin authors, and, 
what was more rare in England, she also read Greek. 
In addition, she made these studies fashionable at court, 
so that several other ladies pursued them with success. 
Judging in a loose, general way from these well-known 
facts, many persons reason that if the women of that 
day had such accomplishments, the acquisitions of the 
meif must have been phenomenal. But here is the mis- 
take. -Elizabeth, In her education, as in many of her 
traits of character, was more of a man than a woman.* 
Roger Asoham, her Greek teacher, said, though perhaps 
panegyrically, that she devote<l more time to reading 
and study than any six gentlemen of her court, and that 
she read more (irook with him at Av indsor Castle every 
day thaa some prebendaries of the Church read Latin in 
a week.t : 

* Sir Robert Cecil uid of her that ihe " wm more than ■ man, and 
(in trolb) lointjmc lea than a nronian." — IlarriDgton's " Nngs An- 
tique," i. S45, Lettcti of 1603. 

t Roger Ascliam'a " Bdiolemaiter," p. SS, Majror'a ed., IMS. A 
■pecimcn of the Engliih written by Eliiahelb ii given in the follow- 
ing prayer, which ahe compnaod in 1S07 : 

" Oh Ood, Almaker, keeper, and guider, inarement of thy rare 
teen, unuied, and aecl'd heard of goo<lncai poured In ao plenllAil a 
aott upon ua full oft, bnicda now thia boldncaa to crave with bowed 
kneea and licnrta of humility thy large baud of helping power, tu 
aaaitt with wonder our Juat cauae, not founded on pride'a motion, or 
begun on malice atock, but, aa thou beat knoweat, to whom nought 

KTMWntTlD Konoica or emgluh tcHOLABsaiP 84S 

It is from her reputation for learning, with that ci a 
few ladies of her court, and acme of the men distin- 
guiahed in civil life, anch aa Smith, Sadler, and Baleigh, 
that, as the iconochiatio Halhim saya, " the general char- 
acter of her reign haa been, in thia point of view, con- 
siderably overrated."* Buck learning aa existed in the 
island was confined almofit excluaively to the daasics, 
which Uio people of the Continent, and especially the 
Italians^ had been cultivating for two centuries.f Of 

U bkl, groundeit on just defence fVom wrongs, Imte, and bloody de- 
sire of conquest, for since means tlioa liast imparted to save tbat 
tliou has giren by enjoying such ■ prapit as scorns Uicir bloodshed, 
where surety our* Is one. Fortify, dcar'Ood, such hearts in such sort 
as thoir best p»rt may be worst, that to the truest port meant worse, 
with least loss to such a nation as depise their lives for tbvir country's 
good ; that all foreign lands may laud and admire the ooinipotency 
of thy, works, a fact alone for thM only to (lerform. So shsll thy 
name be spread for wonders wrought, nnd the faithful encouraged to 
repose in thy unfetlowcd grace ; nnd we tlint minded nought but 
right, enchained in thy bonds for perpetual •larcry,and live and die 
tlie sacriSsers of our souls for such obtained farors. Warrant, dear 
Lord, all this with thy command."— Strype, " AnnaK" ir. 440. 

Those pennns who, from the flatterers of Eliiabeth, hare formeil a 
high opinion of her literary attainments, may, with considersblo 
pruAt, study this production, which is given just as she wrote it for 
public use lu the churches, freeiWim the emendations of mndcm e<li^ 
tors. If she wrote and spoke other languages in the same manner, 
■he might, without great cfTort, hare mastered a liirgc number. 

* Hallam's " Literature of Europe," ii. 80. ^gain, speaking of the 
Archbishop of Canterbury, the Primate of the English CImrch, the 
same author remarks : " Whitgift was not of much learning, if it be 
true that, as the editors of the ' niographia Dritannica ' intimate, he 
bad no acqualntanco with the Greek language. This must seem 
strange to those who have an exaggerated notion of the scholarship 
of that age."— Hallam's " Const. Hist," i. 202, note. 

t The Continental scholars at this time, in addition to Oreck and 
Latin, were cultiraling Hebrew, Chalde<v{rabic,etc. See last ctaaptar. 


SM nu roBiTAH n moluiia wmuam, tm twaacA 

■oienoe the English knew almost nothing, and even the 
study of the simpler branches of mathematics was repro- 
bated by men like Ascham.* 

Drano, when ho visited Enghindiin 1588, met most of 
the men who were accounted scholars. He expounded 
to them the theory that the earth revolves around the 
sun, but he made few co'nverts. Going to Oxford, he 
describes the Dona, who Avere couH nominees, as " men 
arrayed in long robes of velvet, with hands most precious 
for the multitude of precious stones on their fingers, 
golden chains about their necks, and with manners as 
void of courtesy as cowherds." The students were igno- 
rant, boorish, and indevout, occupied in horse-play, drink- 
ing, and duelling, toasting in ale-houses, and graduating 
in the noble science of self-defence.t The learned Italian 
lectured at the university on the immortality of the soul 
and other kindred subjefts, and was near coming to, 
blows with the pedagogues, who were slenderly endowed 
with alignments. He found them armed, not with pru- 
dence and power, but with "hearts that died of cold, and 
learning that died of hunger." Returning to London, he 
met a little circle of congenial spirits, and formed with 
them a society, in imitation of the Italian academies, 
which numbered among its members Sidney, Greville, 
Dyer, and Temple.^ 

. • " The ScholewMter," pp. U, atO. ' 

t The eiamlnation fur n i)e)pt>e woi merely nominal. A m«n 

roiglit graduate from ■ uniTcrtiiy, anil yet be almoat illiterate. Hal- 

lam'i " Uleialure in Europe," ii. 808. 
t Fritli's "Lift of Bmno," pp. ISl, taS, 13& Blill, after Bruno'* 

Tint, England produced three KientlAc men, of whom any country 

might be proud— Hanroy, Gilbert, and Ilariott. All, bowerer, had 

pumied their,itadlei on the Continent. 

xaroBM OF Tax calbuui 

After loaving England, Brnno went to Oermany, when 
he resMed for several years. For the learning which he 
found there, the readiness to entertain new ideas, the de- 
votion to art; and the general kindliness of the people, be 
was filled with unbounded admiration. Kiwaking of the 
■even branches of university education, be called them 
the seven pillars of wisdom. On these pillars, he said, 
wisdom built her home, first in Egypt, then in Persia 
under Zoroaster, next in India, then in Thi^aoe, Greece, 
and Italy, and finally in Germany.* 1 

Before leaving the subject of scientific eliucation in 
England, we may well pause for a moment to consider 
an event which occurred in the year preceding Kruno's 
arrival— an event which forms a landmark in history, 
and t^e reception of which among the. English is of 
great significance. 

When Julius Caesar made his famous reform of the 
calendar, the acientifie men of Rome calculatea that tlvs 
year consisted of three hundred and sixty-five <lays ami 
a quarter, and they therefore provided for the addition 
of a day in every fourth year. After some sixteen cen- 
turies this cklculation was found to be slightly erroneous, 
and for some time the scholars of Italy had been woric- 

*" Binco th« <mpira hu Imicd in this fain(),''h« wyi, " mora grain 
and ut ii to be met with tlMD unong otlwr natiqnt.'' Again, be re- ' '• ' 

aiuhi tlikt there ie something "tniiy clirlne in the tpirit of that > 

aation." These and other remarks of a lilic character in Bruno's 
writings, allowing the contrast between England and German; ia '< 

the simeenth eentUTj, before tlie deraatalion of the Thirty Team' —- — — 

War wipol nut Oerman ciTilliation, sesra to have eaeapctl the notiM 

of tlie Englitli biographer of the great ItalUn. Some of tliem will .. ^^' 

bo found ({uoted in an article on Bmno, by Karl Blind, in the XIm- ' 

$entk Ceaturg fpr July, 1888. Bee also as to England, Whewell's 

•• HittQiy oMIif ladnctiT* SdsDsss," article " Brano." 


SM rn rmma a noutsm, wnitant, tam AUMuoA 

iag over the problem of iU correction. Finally, in 1581, 
they wired the problem, arrived at the. exact length 
of the lolar year — within some thirty leoonds— and 
dJMovered that the world was ten days behind this 
true time. Accordingly, Pope Gregory XIII. issued 
a proclamation, which provided for dropping these ten 
days in October, 1583, and also pointed out to future 
generations that by the omission of three days in each 
fonr hundred years thereafter all substantial errors would 
be obviated. In the Netherlands, full as they were of 
scholars, this reform was at once adopted. Already 
they had changed the day for beginning the new year 
from the 25th of March to the Ist of January.* And 
now, however they might differ from Italy in questions 
of religion, they purposed to keep touch in mere soien* 
tide matters. 

The English, however, who knew and cared nothing 
about astronomy, saw no necessity for an alteration of 
the calendar. For nearly two centuries thereafter their 
country occupied towards the greater part of Europe 
the position in this matter which semi-barbarous Russia 
holils to day. It was not until 1752 that, by an act of 
Parliament, her calendar was corrected by the omission 
of the 8U|)erfluon8 days, and that the beginning of the 
legal year was ftxed at the 1st of January instead of at 
the 25th of March. Hence, during this whole period we 
have tOfCalculate the dates in English, as coni[>arcd with 
those in Continental history, by changing thum from 
Old to New Style. The preamble to the aet of Por- 
tent by„which the change was finally brought about 
# in England reads as if a great discovery had just been 

• DavlM'i " Hollud," ii. 80; BrodhMd's " Birt. of Naw Tock," 

OBAKOI or TB* CAUDflMUl m raouRD Ul 

made. It begina : " Whereaa, the Julian calendar hath 
been discovered to be erroneoug, by means whereof the 
ipring equinox, which at the Council of Nice, a. d. 325, '■ 
happenetl on the 91st of March, now happens on the 
tenth day of the same month ; and the snid error is still - 
increasing.'' Then follows the enactment providing for 
dropping eleven days in September and for beginping 
the next legal year with the 1st of January. It took 
nearly two centuries for the Parliament of Ensland to 
discover that the Julian calendar was erroneous, but 
even then it displayed great courage in correcting the 
mistake. The people could not understand the matter, 
and complained bitterly that their rulers were robbing 
them of a portion of their lives. In fact, as is shown 
by Hogarth's picture of the "Election Entertainment" 
— engraved in 1765 — "Give us our eleven days," b©-^ 
came a regular party cry of the opposition.* 

Such was the condition of learning at the English 
universities, and among the highest classes at the court 
while Elizabeth was on the throne. A few scholars, very 
few in number, studied Latin and Qreek imperfectly and 

* It b IdUmtiDg to notice the mtj \a which tiM HMtlc^ ofrtfohn- 
ing the calendar in Gnglsnd 1« tre«t«l by modern Englith writera, 
who, in thit at in moat other maltcn, overioolc the comparaliTo 
backwatdncM of their ibrefiuhen, and lo, by intinnation if not 
directly, attribute the dcUy to the intenae Proteatantiam of tlw 
country which objected to a nraaaore originating wftli the pope. But 
8«otlaml, much more intenaely Proteatant, which waa- under the in- 
floence of Continedtal icholara, n>fomie<l her calendar in 1800, and 
Denmark and Sweden, the laat of the I>ra(eatant atatoa ip 1700, more 
than half a century Wfore England took her action. It ia greatly 
to the credit of Lord Bnrghley that lie urged the adoption of the 
change in England when it waa flrat introduced upon the Continent 
aiiype*a''Annali,"il. 8U. ^ 

&jinSv-* >i j1 is^v;';^ '^ij-j^v ■ivti.i t^iictesiyfefir-fc 


little else. Of the poets I ghall speak hereafter, when 
I ooroe to discosa the ontborst of national eDerg)^ which 
followed the destruction of the Spanish Armada; bat it 
may be noticed here that in prose literature nothing of 
any importance appeared until the publication, in 1504, 
of the first four lxx>k8 of Hooker's " Ecclesiastical Pol- 
ity." Up to that date England was about as barren of 
prose authors as of scholars.* 

Taking it alt in all, this is not a lofty nor an extensive 
elevation, but it springs from a valley very dark and 
deep. Looking at the intellectual condition of the people 
at large, we shall find that it corresponds with every- . 
thing else which we have noticSed in their life. In 1547, 
only eleven years before Elizabeth ascended the throne, 
Parliament.paased a law, giving the benefit of clergy to 
* peers of the realm who should be convicted of certain 

, crimes, even though they could not reati.t If some of 
the peers of the realm, only about sixty in number, did 
not know their letters, what should we expect of the 
men next below themf The fact i8, that in the rural 
districts to read and write were esteemed rare acoom- 

* . plishments all through the reign of Elizabeth, and, even 
among the gentry below the first degree, there was 
little difference in literary accomplishments between the 
master and his boorish attendants.^ 

• BslUm'a "Conit HkL," i. Si7. "It mutt be owned b> erei? 
' one, A'ot ab«olatjel; Uiuded by ■ Ian of icarce bonki, ttut the pron ' 
lltcmtura of the queen'* reign, taken genenlly, it but very mean."— 
Htllun't "Literatnra of Europe," ii. SSS. 

1 1 Edward YI., cap. 18. 

) Drake, p. 810. In the time of Jamef L, at Burton telb na, 
though there wai a tprinkling of the gentiy, here and tliere one, ex- 
oeDantl; well learned, yet the nu^or part were bent wholly on bawkt 


When now we descend one step lower, wo roach a 
olaM almost wholly illiterate. Skakespeare'B father be- 
longed to this order. He was High-bailiff of Btratfrnd, 
but ooald not even write his name ; neither could the 
poet's daughter Judith, nor even the eldest daughter of 
the immortal Milton.* Out of nineteen aldermen in 
Stratford, when Shakespeare was bom, 1504, only six 
could write their names.t Nor was this ignorance con- 
fined to the laymen. In 1678, according to Neal, out of 
one hundred and forty clergymen in Cornwall belong- 
ing to the Established Clmrch, not one was capable of 
preaching, and throughout the kingdom those who 
could preach were in the proportion of about one to 
toar4 ^ : _ 

and bound*, " and carried awajr man; time* with intempents liut^ 
gaming, and drinking." If they read a book at an; time, " 'ti« on 
Englith Chronicle, Sir Huon of Bnrdeaax, Amadia de Qaole, etc., a 
play book, or eome pamphlet of nnwa^and that at KaMns onljr when 
the; cannot itir abroad." — Barton'i "Aootom; of Melaocbol;,'' 
M. «d; p. 84. Eren in the reign of James II., the arenge eonn- 
tr; iqnire had not made much improTement. " Mao; lordi of 
manors," eayi Hscaala;, " hod receired an cdocotion differing liltia 
ftovi that of their menial ierrants. The heir of an eotate often 
poaoed his boyhood and yonth at the oeat of his famil;, with no 
better tufors than grooms and gamekeepers, and tcarco attalued 
learning enough to sign bis name to a mittimns."— Hacaulay's 
"Hift. of Englsnd," chap. iii. Thoio were the men who, elected 
to Pariiament, formed the House of Commons. But if the; knew 
little of books, the; bad some fixed ideas regarding eiril ftwdom. 

* Drake, p. 8M. Maison's » Milton," tI. 447. Miitoo's ;oanger 
daughters, after his blindneis, read to him books In rarioos foreign 
languages, but tlie; did not understand a iSord of what the; md. 
« Memoir of Milton," b; his nephew, Edward Pliilllps, 1M4. 

t Knight. 

{ Neai's " Histoi; of the Puritans." Oaliam says that " this ma; 
be dcsmsd b; some on inotiutce of Meal's pr^udios. Bat that hi» 


It is very interesting, while on the subject of edaoa- 
tion,to compare the Eaglish people in the time of Elim- 
beth with their ancestors three hundred years earlier, be- 
fore the Norman influence had di8ap|>earod. The Rer. 
Dr. Jessopp, an eminent English antiquarian, has re- 
cently discovered a great mass of documents relating 
to Itougham, a small parish in Norfolk, from which its 
continuous histor}' can be traced for the past six oen- 
tnriea. In an essay entitled " Village Life Six Hundred 
Years Ago," to which brief allusion has been made in 
the last chapter, he gives an account of this parish in 
the days of Edward I. 80 far as the general- mode of 
life, the dwellings of the people, their occupations, and 
their morality are concerned, this account might be 
taken for a description of a rural pariah in the time of 
Elizabeth, as portrayed by the writers of the latter pe- 
riod. In scarcely one ])articular is an improvement visi- 
ble, w.hile in some direction^ there was a great deteriorar 
tion. Six hundred yean ago the ^farms were all very 
small, in^this parish never exceeding two hundred acres, 
and were cultivated by a class of yeomen who, although 
nominally tenants, as every one was under the fewhil 
system, were in fact the substantial owners of the smil. 

But the most remarkable falling-off was in the matter 
of education, and the results of the researches of the an- 
tiquarian in relation to this subject may astonish those 
persons who have been accustomed to regard the prog- 
ress of the English people as continuous. The parish 
which Ur. Jessopp investigated contained less than 
three thousand acres, and was purely agriculturaL It 

terian it not m lll-informiMl u tb«j rappow; and the fiict it highlj 
probable." "Tbe mi^rit; of the clergy were nearlj iUltertte." — 
•'Ooait.HUt..''l. MS. 


> :i - -^^ .•■: OOHDITHM or KIUOIOS , IW . 

had a village charoh, bat no monastery, abbey, or other 
religious house to attract ecclesiastics. And yet be 
found, by the records, that during the reign of Edward I. 
there were at the same time eight, aAd probably ten or 
twelre, persons in this little parish who knew how to 
write well. lie ventures the opinion, from his investi- 
gations in various quarters, that, in proportion to the 
inhabitants, the number of persons who could write had 
pot increased in England during the last six centuries, 
until about forty years ago.* 

8uch being the state of education among the subjects 
of " Good Queen Bess," what shall we say of religion 
and morality ? If there is no more connection between 
moral and intellectual development than some persons 
imagine, we might expect this people to be at least de- 
vout and moraL Let us -ee what were the facts. In 
the first place, as to religion, looking only at the sui>- •■ 
face, it seemed to many persons as if there were none in 
the land. The revival of learning at court was, as Taine 

• "The Coming of the Prian, iind other Historical Ewtyt," by 
the Rer. Auguttna Jeaaopp, D.D. ( 0. P. Putnaia'a Bona, 188S ). 
Prof. TboTold Rogera atatca that there waa no improTtiment in , 
Bngliah agrienlture ftom the reign of Edward I. to that of Elis-/^'^' 
•beth, and that probably leaa land waa under caltiTation at the 
latter date. Tiwu, March, IMO. John Foater, in hia woric on 
" Popular Ignorance," makea aoma very Jnat remarka on the deg- 
radation and illiteracy of the Kngltah people at laige, among ^ 
whom flonriahed thi intellectual chle& who hare gireu a ioeti- 
tiooa character to tlie Eliaabethan age. Be alao uaea rery tieneh- 
•ot language in relatiou to the gOTeming claaaea of that oonntiy, 
who, uatil a rery recent date, allowed " an incalculable and erer- 
inereasing tribe of human creatnrea to grow up in a condition to 
abow what a wrgtebett and oHvudre thing ia human natura l«ft to 
itaclf." Sea Bohn'a ed., 18M, Prcikce, and p. tS, etc. 

an Tiu PDBiTAM m novutm, mahum, and AMmo* 

haa well saifl, a pure Pagan Renaissance. The anthon 
read were the Ureek and Latin classics, or the poets and 
story-tellers of Italy, trho in the main were as irrelig- 
ious as {hey were immoral. Here and there might be 
found a noble who had some notions of religion, bat, al- 
though from the queen down they all talked about it, 
the earnest believers were rarely foiind in the upper 
circles. One of them was the Earl of Essex, whose 
widow married Leicester, tie died, in 1570, like s 
patriot and a Christian, his last thoughts Iwing turned 
towards his country and liis God. " lie prayed much 
for the noble realm of England," said a bystander, t' for 
which he feared many calamities." Of his countrymen 
he said: "The Gospel had been preached to them, but 
they were neither Papists nor Protestants ; of no religion, 
/but full of pride and iniquity. There was nothing but 
'iofldelity, infidelity, infidelity; atheism, atheism; no 
religion, no religion." * 

Well might the dying earl take a gloomy view of the 
religious situation. In many of the dioceses at least a 
third of the parishes had no clergymen at all.f AVhere 
the livings were filled, the incumbents, in a majority of 
oases, were nearly illiterate, and often addicted to drunk- 
enness and other low vioes.^ As the {Nttrons, under the 
remarkable system which still prevails in England, se- 
lected the clergymen, and often chose their bakers, 
butlers, cooks, or stablemen to fill the sacred office, 

• rroad«, »i. 820. t Id«m, »H. 477. 

. * Htllut'i " Conit Hiit,,* L SOS ; Ball, p. 105. Aa I ahalt aliow In 
• nbtequent chapter, thia condition of tb« Church waa largely the 
naalt of excluding ftom the pulpita the nHMt ieamed'and diligent 
of the diergy becaoM of tbdr Fnritsato. Tbcjr ware doing work 
In other qaaitcfS. 

ruTAn Mouu tss 

while they took the income, we need not wonder at 
anything which is related of them.* 

Above the clergymen stood the bishop*, and many of 
them were mere time-Herving politicians, anxious only to 
lay up a fortune for themselves und their families. This 
is not remarkable in view of their relations to the new 
eatablishment. When Aylmer, for example, preached 
before Elizabeth and dared to llenonnce the extrava- 
gance of the court in the matter of apparel, his mistress 
threateneil, if he repeated the offence, to send hjm at 
once to heaven, but without his liead.t After such a 
lesson it is not probable that many persons were offend- 
ed by hearing criticism of their vices from priest or 
bishop. Of course all of the Established clergy were 
not corrupt or sensual. There were always among them 
men distinguished for their piety and virtue. liut these, 
like the 'scholars, were so few in number as hardly to 
produce an impression on the mass of the community, 
without the aid of some outside influence such as that 
which J^ad developed England in the past. 

Considoring now the question of morality, we find 
the picture neurly, if not quite, as dark — becoming darker, 
too, in some of its features, as time went on— and for the 
■causes we have not far to seek. The spoils of the mon- 
asteries amounted, perhaiw, to one fifth of the kingdom's 
wealth. All this colossal plunder had been suddenly 
thrown over to a horde of courtiers, unrestrained by any 

* Drake ipf »kt of the talcs of tlivir gnma ileUanclicrjr, to lay notli- 
iog of tlio clinrgct brought agiUntt thcin of perjury Mid man- 
•laughtcr. " Shakespeare and his Times," p. 44, citing Uairiaon and 
the TallxA Papers. 

t See OS to the liishops, Ilallam's "Const. Mist.," L S20; Hall, p. 
lOS ; Froude, xiL 21. Dee also Chapter UL fut a fuller diKUMioo of 
this subject 




religiooa princifrie. The demoralization aoon worked 
down to the maaMe, all fonna of indiiatry being diaorgan- 
ixed, and society being disturbed to its very foundations. 
At the same time, the commerce of the world hud made 
great strides, so that the ocean carried on its boaoin 
incalculable treasures. Like their 8axon and Danish 
ancestors, the English, in the main, despised the men 
whose labors created this new wealth, but they took 
their share of it by becoming, what those ancestors had 
been, a race of corsairs. 8eonre in their rock-lmund 
island fortreM,and protected by the wars which engrossed 
the whole attention of their neighbors, they plundered 
friend and foe alike, and heaped up cargoes of costly 
fabrics, gold, «lver, and precious stones, as in a pirates' 
oave.* Rioting in such plunder by land and sea, we 
need not marvel at the modes in which they displayed 
their gains, nor at the immorality which seemed for a 
time to taint almost every chus in the community. 

Before looking at the evidence of this immorality, let 
us see what intelligent foreign observers of three centu- 
ries ago thought about this and other kiwlred subject*. ^ 
Says Ilentzner, writing in 1508 : " The English arc serif 
ous, like the Germans, lovers of show, liking to be foi- 
loweil wherever they go by troopa of servants, who wea^ 
their master's arms in silver, fastened to their left sleeves, 
and are justly ridiculed for wearing tails hanging down 
their back. They are good sailors, and better pirates, 
conning, treacherous, thievish." f 

Ueteren, the learned Antwerp historian, who lived 
many years in London, thus describes some of their traits 
at about the same period ; " As a people, they are stont- 

' * In til* Mx( oh^ptsr I thsU Imt« Bneh more to wj about tbcw 
eonsiis. t HtntsMi'i "lysTcli. " 


tisutunn nr ■Lnunmi tn 

hearted, Tehement, eager;' cruel in war, zealous in attack, 
little fearing death; not revengeful, bat fickle; preiamp- 
tuous, nub, boastful, deceitful ; very suspicions, especially 
of strangers, wliom they despise. They are full of court- 
eons and hypocritical gestures and words, which they 
ooniider to imply good manners, civility, and wisdom. 
The people are not so laborious as the French and Hol- 
landers, preferring to live an indolent life, like the Span- 
iards. The most difficult and ingenious of the handicrafts 
are in the hands of foreigners, as is the case with the 
lazy inhabitants of Spain. They feed many sheep, with 
fine wool, from which, two hundred years ago, they 
learned to make cloth. They keep many idle servants, 
and many wild animals for their pleasure, insteail of cul- 
tivating the soil. They have many ships but do not 
even catch fish enough for their own consumption,' but 
purchase of their neighbors. When they go away from 
home, riding or travelling, they always wear their best 
clothea, contrary to the habit of other nations."* <^ 

In these accounts we see the descendants of Benve- 
nuto Cellini's " English savages" of the century before, 
picturesque, full of interest, but as yet little touched by 

Judging JFrora what they saw in London and about 
the court, the foreigners were right who thought the 
English very deficient ini moral sense. . Consider, first, 
the character of the woman on the throne. She could 
not tell the truth ; in fact, her lies were so transparent 
that, although sometimes piirplexing, they deceived no 
onp.t Of good faith she had no conception, for sh^ be- 

* Emunel Vu Meteicn, " Illttory of tba NethtrUmdi," qnotsd 
by Motlej, "United XetherUndi," L SOT, etc 
f Fronde, OrecD, CnightoD, etc 


tnyed, or attempted to betny, every one that trotted 
her. If her people were diehoneet, they but followed 
her example. She was a partner of the pirates who, 
■ailing from the porta of England, infested every wa; 
and even bor partners she defrauded when it came 
to a division of the plander.* Wo are told that profan- 
ity was then so common among the masses of England 
jthat if they spoke but three or four words, yet an oath 
or two would be mingled with them.t In this, too, the 
monarch, and that monarch a woman, set them the ex- 
ample. Nor were her expletives ^cre fanciful and pict- 
uresque ornaments of speech. 8he used good moutb- 
flUing oaths, such as she had learned from her father, 
Bluff King HaL$ She put them into her letters, too, 
even when addressioj a high dignit^uy of the Church. 
To Cox she wrote: "Proud preUtet you know what 
you were before I made you what you are ; if you do 
not immediately comply with my request, by Qod I will 
unfrock you I Elizabeth." § 

The question of the queen's rektions with her lovers 
is a controverted dne, into which we need not enter.| 
But there is no room for doubt as to the character of 
, (he men and women by whom she was surrounded. 

*IVoade,x).4l6. t Drake, p. 4m! 

— t Bm &Torite oath wai, " Bjr God'* Son," whioli she und M "ilr*' - 
qnently u a flah-wonun."— " Nug» Antiqiui," i. 8M. 

I HsIlMB'a "CoMt HUt.," i. 226. 

I " It U true tbst lome, not pnjudiccd igaiut Elizabeth, have 
doobted whether *Cii(>id,'t ttrj dart' wa* a* effectually 'quenched 
in the chaste beami of the watery moon ' a< her poet intimatea. Tliis 
I matt leare to the reader^ Judgment She certainly went ttrange 
lengths of indelicacy."— Hallam's " Const. Hist.," 1. 1S9. Frauds, who 
has made a most careful examination of the subject, aibqoila her, how- 
aver, of what the world calls dithooor. Fronde, xii. St). 


Fannt, aeoreUry of 8ir Francii Walainghsm, in ajetter 
dated August 1st, 1688, lays of Elizabeth's court: "The 
only discontent I have is to lire where there is so little 
godliness and exercise of religion, so dissolute manners 
and corrupt conversation generally, which I find to be 
worse than when I knew the place tint." The next 
year he writes that it is a place where all enormities are 
practised, where sin reigns in the highest degree.* Sir 
John Harrington, in his private diary for 1604, describes 
it as the abode not of love, but of " the lustiegod of gal- 
lantry, A8modeus."t The remarks of Faunt have some- 
times been attributed to his extreme Puritanism ; but 
Harrington, a courtier and Elizabeth's godson, was no 
Puritan, and all the authorities agree as to the decline 
of private morals during the reign of the " Virgin Queen." 

Maryi sumamed the Bloody, with all her religious in- 
tolerance, was austere in her morals, and her court was, 
in that respect, a model for the world.^ Elizabeth, for 
a few years, followed her example, the early Reformers 
by whom she was surrounded being, for the most part, 
men of exemplary private lives. But, as time went on, 
'a marked change for the worse came over the morals of 
the (jourt and nation. It is not neocssarjc to agree with 
Hallam in attributing this moral decadence to Puritan- 
ism, since this seems to have been an effect, and not a 
cause, «f the change ; but in regard to the fact of the de- 
cadence ending in the grossest immorality, which in the 
next reign surpassed anything ever before known in 
English history, there can be no question.g 

* Bireli, " Memoin of Iha Rdgn of Klissbetli," i. 9S, 9». 
t " NugB Antique," i. IM. i Linginl, tI. IW. 

{ " We iD«; «uilj p«rcciTe, itt tiM litentare of tbe Uter period of 
the queen, what our blognpbical knowledge oonllmu, that much of 


IM nia FvaiTAii n Holland, naLAiro^ and ambmoa 

Soch WM the state of morals among the courtiers 
around the queen. Possibly the reader looks for some- 
thing better among the gentry and the common people. 
. But here the story is little different. Every one knows 
the tale of Wild Will Darrell — porlmps a|X)cryphal, how- 
ever—how he murdered his nfew-bom babe by holding it 
on the burning coals until it was reduced to ashes, and 
then bought immunity from punishment by an enor- 
mous bribe. Speaking of him, Hall says: "It was, in- 
deed, as common for men of his.class to debauch their 
neighbors' wives as for two yeo^ien to draw on each 
other at a country fair, or for a craftsman to be butch- 
ered by his fellow at Smithfield. The atonement for 
blood or dishonor ddne was trivial if it were not ex- 
acted on the spot. The .offender could be reached 
best through his putse; ho bribed the law and es- 
caped, or, at the worst, he was disfranchised for a year 
or two."* . ' 


the aiuterity cbamcteriatlo of her earlier jreart had Tanitbed i^y. 
The courte of lime, the profnvn of vanity, the prvTalent dlAke, 
almve all, of the Puritana, avowed cneiuien of gayety, concurred to 
tliia change. . . . The moat diftiuguiihed court!cr^ Raleigh, Esaex, 
Blount, and we moat add Sidney, were men of brilliant virtues, but 
not without licenao of morals: while many of the wit* and poets, 
suci'. as Nash, Greene, Peele, Marlowe, were no*orinnsly of very dia- 
aolute Uvea." Hallam'a "Literature of Europe," ii. 193. See as to 
Leicester's matrimonial experiences " Bingrapliia Britannica," artkle 
" Robert Dudley;" " Diet of National Biography," article " Christo- 
pher Blount ;" " The PuriUns and Quedn Elizabeth," by Samuel 
Hopkins, i. 378, ill. 324. As to his step-daughter, Sir Philip Sidney's 
" SI ella," and her irelationa with Sidney and her later lover, " Diet, of 
National Biography," article "Charles Blount," and Hall's " Society 
in the Eliiabethan Age," p. 03. As to Raleigh, Aiken's "Court of 
Queen Elixabeth;" Btrype's "Annals," iv. 139. For a summary of 
the general condition of morals, see Hall, p. KM, etc ^ 

* " Society in the Elizabethan Age," p. 11, 


It has been the fashion among people who dislike the 
Puritans to make light of tbp excesses of this age, and 
to revile the men who did away with the lively sports 
of Merry England. One of these was the May Festival, 
which seems so charming in the mellowed distance 
The night before the 1st of May, the whole rural popu- 
lation went into the woods together, men, women, and 
children, old and young, and passed the time in games 
and sport. On the morrow they returned with the May* 
pole,bome by oxen ornamented with ribbons and flowers, 
and on the ground strewn with green boughs they feast- 
ed and danced till evening. But, beauhful as is this pict- 
ure when elaborated by the poets, the Puritans made no 
more of a mistake about l^ay-day than about the bear 
baiting, which they also abolished. This and other festi- 
vals were, in fat-t, like the Saturnalia of pagan Rome, 
sanctioning by custom the practice of the grossest de- 
bauchery.* Ilentzner, the sober German,iooked on all 
of them with amazement. " On Shrove Tuesday," said 
he, " at the sound of a bell the folk become insane, thou- 
sands at a time, 'and forget all decency and common 
sense. It is to Satan and the devil that they yiai^ 
homage, and do sacrifloe in these abominable pleas- 
ures." Does one wonder that earnest men, when they 
began to look at life seriously, put down such abomi;: 
nations! ■ • 

It is possible that the people of the rural distrfota 
were not more dissolute than their fathers and grandfa- 
thers had been. Still, the breaking-down of all religious 
restraints, including the confessional, must have weak- 
ened the average morality. But in the cities and among 

* See u to tbdr immonlltf, Stubbe'* "AMtomia of Abiuei" 
' (1888), p. 1«8, etc., qaoted in Taine's " EAglUh Litenture." 


thQ wealthy olaaaes, evon outside the court, "fbo change - 
for the worse was very nwriced. Aacbam attributed it 
Ultgely to the influence of Italy, and he was doubtless 
correct to soma extent. The English youth w^nt there 
now, not, as the scholars in the century- before hid gone, 
to study Qrcek, but to graduate in the vices which &n ad- 
vancing civilization was carrying to perfection. Around 
them were works of art such as the world had not seen 
since the days of Phidias, but for art they cared as little 
. as for learning. Their natures could, with a few illus- 
trious exceptions, like Sidney and Milton at u much later 
da}', take in only the grossest forms of sensual enjoy- . 
ment ; and for these, with their newly acquired wealth, 
they manifested the keenest avidity. The Italian prov-> 
erb pithily sunimed up the situation, '* Aii Italianated 
Englishman is an incarfiate devil." * '^ 

But the men who went to Italy were few in numbers, 
and their influence was limited. A greater corrupter 
was the Italian books, now for the first tinte translated 
into English and sold in every London shop. These, we 
must remember, were not of the class represented by the 
"Divine Comedy" of Dante, but were tales of which 
those in tho^" Decameron " were ]>erhaps the least ob- 
jectionable. ' Poor Ascham, in writing of this literature, 
seems almost to lose heart. In our forefathers' time, he 
says, few books were^ read in English but certain works 
of chivalry, in which the chief pleasure lay in man- 

• " The Bcholemuter," p. 78. Lord Bnighlry, in it letter to hh 
■on, nUI : " And luffcr not thy ions to pan the Alps ; for they shall 
kmni nothing there but pride, blisphcmy, tn<{ stlieism. And if bj 
IniTcl they get A. few broken luguiges, they will profit tlwin not 
more thso to bare meat serrcd in dirers dishea."ir-Btryp«'s ** A» 
nals," ir. Ml. 

f ,-v 


Blangfater and the violation of the seventh command- 
ment. They were bad enough, and yet ten sucli works - 
did not one tenth of Uie mischief wrought hy one of 
these poems or tales made in Italy and translated in <,- 

England. Neither the lay nor the clerical authorities ^ '- :! 

wonld do anything to arrest this corse, but ho, the 
simple schoolmaster, could not sit still and hold his - ,'1' 

peace.* '%' 

Fortunately, there were some earnest men in Englnml • • 

viMf sympathized with Ascham. They were as yet few 
in number, and never mode up anything like a majority 
of the population ; but in the next centur\', through dis- < 

cipline and courage, they will capture th^govcrnmcnt, 
and for a time corrupting sports and books will go. 
Then will come the Uestoration and (lie consequent re- 
action; the English upper classes- will be brought into 
contact with the Frenicii, and will aloorb from them, a8 | 
from the Italians a centDiy before,'little but their vices. • 
These vices, engrafted on uncultivated natures, will nutke 
the court of Charles II. such a' scene of open immoral- 
ity as the modem world has rarely known. Then, slow- • ,. 
ly, the see<l8 sown by the Puritans will begin to bear 
fruit, until we have the England of the nineteenth cen- 
tury, with all its- virtues, real and imputed. . ' , ^ 

Fortunately for America, republican Ilolhind was a :, r;, 

country of good morals, where, according to Guicciar- 
dini, thAjnarriage vow was held in honor. Her people 
gave a'^Ka to the middle colonies of America. The '<!$i; 

others w^ settled by Englishmen from tift middle • - %| 

classes, who left their homes when Puritanism was in \i^ 

the ascendant, and happily they brought with them 
it{riot notions alxtut the relation of the sexes. Some of 

* " The Bcliolemuter," pp. 70, 80, etc 




thew men have been ridiculed for their austerity, but 
they and their brothers whom they left behind them 
cannot be understood unless we realize the condition of 
scwiety against which they protested, not only by their 
words but by their lives. r^ 


^ ,■» . 

^acf "S 

,fT»l", X< 1 




The last chapter dealt with Elizabethan England 
mainly from its domestio and social side. Let us noW' 
see honr the men of this time look from another point 
of view. And first nre will consider those in public life. 

A few figures stand out in the Elizabethan era which 
would do honor to any age; chief among these are 
Burghley and Walsingham. It is fortunate for Eng- 
land and for the world that these men lived ; it is 
largely to them that Epgland owes her greatness. They 
were patriot^, pure of life, incorruptible, working for 
their country, and not for self. Burghley was wealthy, 
bat in his own ri^t ; from the queen ho did not receive 
enough, he said, to cover his expenses.* Walsingham 
qwnt his fortune in the pnbiio service and died, in pov- 
erty, These are the men wlio, with a very few others^, 
such as Sir Francis Knollys, $ir Nicholas Bacon, and Sir 
Philip Sidney, are often heldj up to illustrate the public 
morality of the age; butthe^ neither represent the ofll- 
cials nor the courtiers. Moaji of the men about them 
were mere parasites fattening! on the nation — gamblers, 
spendthrifts, pardon-brokei-s, monopolists, and pirates. 

• Btiypa'i » AnakU," Hi. f ppendtx, p. 188. 

'■ v'lfrityriN.v 


For public servicea, however splendid or long oontin- 
oed, Elizabeth had scarcely a word of thanks. It mast 
' have been that, believing herself more than mortal, there 
was no room in he^ composition for such an earthly trait 
ns gratitude. She allowed her ministers to gtt mthout 
rowanl, and her soldiers in the field to starve for wai^ 
of food, apparently becanse she thought it their duty 
not only to serve her with their lives, but at their own 
expense. It speaks well for human nature and for the 
English character that siie 'found so many Willing to 
serve her, as the representative of their oountiiy, on these 
terms. Such men, however, were in a small minority, 
and with a few notable exceptions were not found about 
the court. vThose who daily saw the queen discovered 
two mjiiiles of gaining the rewards denied to ^patriotic 
servitor devotion to her interests. One was to satisfy 
horlgreed by presents of g6ld or jewels, no matter how 
acqiured; the other was to feed her hunger for adula- 
tion,Vhich was insatiable as the grave. > 

Ilislprians, to excuse her conduct towards her minis- 
ters, amdiers, and all the true friends w ith wjiom she had 
financial dealings, say that her avarice amounted to a 
mcmomania. But her life was not controlled by avarice. 
Tub miser who heaps up treasures from mere love of 
acquisition denies himself as well as others ; the selfish' 
Spendthrift it is who defrauds his creditors and robs his 
friends in oMet* to have means for self-indulgence or 
display. To the parasites about her court, Elizabeth 
could be lavishness its!^ Leicester, who began life 
with nothing, became the wealthiest nobleman in Eng- 
land. Burghley estimated that Elizabeth gave Essex, her 
hut favorite, three hundred thousand -pounds,* Md tbi* 

* Hniiw,itl.t5& 

' -V 




was at a time when the country jras at war with Spain, 
and the drains upon the public purse the most screre. 
Hatton, her "sheep," who danced himself into favor, 
was rewarded with broad acres of land and prottta- 
ble sinecures, and waA finally made Lord Chancellor. 
Others received grants of monopolies, which extendecl 
to so many articles and forms of industry as to be- 
come a grievous burden to the State, without benefit to 
the royal treasury.* 

' But the monopolies were not the worst of the abuses 
caused by the conduct of the queen. Men who coukl not 
get pay for honest service took pensions from France 
and Spain, both natural enemies of England. Oflicials, 
when out of the queen's sight, robbed the government, 
08 they alwaj-s will where the government shows no 
honesty in its own dealings.t Even the Church be- 
came infected. Many of the bishops plundered their 
dioceses, sold the lead and brick from the buildings, 
cut down the timber, and made grants of church prop- 
erty to the crown, either for a bribe in money or for a 
portion of the spoils. In addition, they almost openly 
■old the livings in their gift, the Bishop of Lichfield 
making seventy "lewd and unlearned ministers for 
money " in one day.^ 

• HilUm'i "Coiiit. Hirt." i. MO. 

t Bee Ihll, p. 68, etc., for ■■■ account of tlio mode io which Sir 
Tlromu Ofctliam, the queeu'a flnanciiil agent, until recent time* re- , 
gardeil, M ■ model of offlcial integrity, acquired hit large fortune ; 
and p. US, etc., for the exploita of Sir Oeoige Carey, tlio Trcaaurar 
at War in Ireland. Thcao inen were tliimng light) in tlieir age, fltr 
mnored fVom the horde of petty plund^n. 

I Froudc, ill. 82; xi. tl ; rii. 476. further authoritiei for tbet* 
atalementa regarding the conditioa of (be Church will Iw given ia 
Chapter IX. 





The law courts were little better. In 1593, Elizabeth 
Bppoint»(] to the office of Chief Jontioe of England a 
lawyer, John I'opham, who is said to have occasionally 
been a highwayman until the ago of thirty.* At first 
blush this seems incredible, but only because such false 
notions generally prevail regartling the character of the 
time. The fact is that neither ]>irHcy nor robbery was 
considered particularly discreditable at the court of Eliz- 
abeth. The queen kniglite<l Francis Drake for his ex- 
ploits as a pirate, and a law on the statute-liooks, passed 
' in the middle of the century, gave the.lienefit of clei^gy 
to yieen of the realm when convicted of highway rob- 
bery. Hen may doubt, if they choose, the stories about 
Popham,bnt the testimony of this statute cannot be dis- 

The elevation of a reputed highwayman to preside 
over the highest criminal court in the kingdom did not, 
however, mean that the laws were not to be enforced 
with rigor. In fact, Popham received the name of the 
"hanging judge," and well deserved the title. All the 

* See " Life of Poithnm," Cimpbell'i " Lircii of tlie Chief Jw- 
ticM." lUII, it (liouli) be mid, diicrrdilt this ilaiy «• romwitie 
gouip, p. MS, 

t 1 E(I. VI. cap. IS, MC. 14 (1547)..« Bbtkctpcare'i contempora- 
. rlM mw nqthing nsmsrlMltno In the fact that Sir John Fabttff, • 
Itnight, wu rcprcaented u • bighwa; rolilier, aad that a prince waa 
Ilia RMociate. Popham ia Miij to bave left the largest fortune erer 
itccuniulate<l by a lawyer. Among bia otlier poMnslons waa Littl«-S 
cote IIouM, nliich ho acquired In aanie atrange way from Wild Will 
DarrclL Vpon bia death, he waa auccecded by a aon who kept one 
of the grandcat ettablishnienia ia England. When at home hia houN 
was Alii of guests, and when abroad, hia wife gathered ia the women 
of tiie surrounding country, and thuy all got drunk together. Camp- 
beira "Mlb of Popham." Both died Awn the efleota of tlieir d«-. 
bauchery, after ii|oand«ring the illgottcB wealth of the Chief JaathM. 

-.'\' vtViSltiV 

''ii^mfSKM^Vi^^yyi-^'^'"'''-: ' ■ -'.^;'' ' - :''t ■■.,?■:,- ■ '' ^'fi-Vv^-^ ■ 


judicial proceedings of the time are marked by the raixt- '',;x 

ure of ferocity and corruption which clianicterizcs a >,;'r! 

8omi-barbarou8 condition of society. In prosecutions by vl 

the State, every barrier which the law has erer attempt- ,€ 

ed to erect for the protection of innocence was ruthless- ' V 

ly cast down. Uen were arrested without the order of v 

a magistrate, on the mere warrant of a secretary of state 
or privy councillor, and thrown into prison during the 
pleasure of the minister. In confinement they were sub- 
jected to torture, for the rack rarely stood idle while 
EliWbeth was on the throne. If brought to trial, they 

f were deflied the aid of counsel and the evidence of wit- 
nesses in their behalf. Nor were they confronted with 
the witnesses against them, but written depositions, taken 
out of court and in the absence of the prisoner, were read 
to the jury, or rather such portions of them as the prose- 
cution considered advantageous to its side. On the bench 

' ' iat a judge holding office at the pleasure of the crown, -. 
and in the jury-box twelve men, picked out by the sher- 
iff, who themselves were punished if they gave a venlict 
of acquittal.* 

Well does Ilallam compaira the English ooiirts of jus- 
tice, in oases of treason, to the " caverns of murderers." 
.Hentzner counted on London Bridge the heads of over 
thirty persons who had been executed for high treason, '] ' 

- • and be was tliere in a very quiet time. Concerning the f...;.„^, 

Tower he has this significant remark: "N.U. It is to >, "" 

be noted that when any of the nobility are sent hither ' ^^ 

on the chai^ of high crihiee punishable with death, such .">■ 

as treason, etc., they seldom or never recover their lib- , ' '<' 

* '^The Trhl of th« Evl of Boawnet," by Amo*; Jardimfi 
"Ufa of Coka;" Hilbm'i "00011. Hid.,'' 1. MS, U4, etc.; Wsd«, 
L 141. 


NiiMk'. ' 7 


erty." * It was like the cave of the lion in the fable : 
all the footsteps pointe<l in one direction. 

But it was not alone in prosecutions, by the State thai 
liberty was trampled under foot. Private individuals, 
for suing a wealthy nobleman or court favorite, were 
arre8te<l by a secret warrant and cast into some un- 
known dungeon beyond the reach of legal process. 
Even lawyers and officers of the courts were thus im- 
prisoned for the simple discharge of their duty to the 
public. These outrages, ecjualling an3'thing iwpularly 
supiMised to have been perpetrated in France during the 
worst days of the liastilo, finally aroused even the men 
upon the bench to an exhibition of some spirit. In 
1502, eleven of the highest judges unit^ in a petition 
to Ix>rd Burgbley and the chancellor, setting forth 
these facts, and asking thai this particular grievance 
might be rc<lressed, although they admitted ■ that the 
queen or privy council might imprison any one at 
pleasure, and that the courts could not interfere. Ac- 
cording to IIallam,t it tieems probable that this |)etition 
was presented twice, first in 1301 and again in 150Si. 
It is certainly one of the most suggestive documents of 
the time, being the certificate of all the judges of the 
higher courts to the mode in which personal liberty 
was utterly crushed out by the powerful and corrupt 
men about the throne, more than thirty years after the 
accession of Elisabeth. Had some foreigner made the 
statements contained in this paper, their truth might 
well be questioned ; but, like the act of Parliament re- 
lating to the peers of the realm to which I have just al- 
luded, its authority is too high to be called in question.^ 

• IlenttDcr'ii " Tr-treli," ISDS. t "Const UUt.," I. SM. - 

t 8ee tliU petition u it appean iuAndcnon't "Report!," LMt, 

"■.:/.'■'■;■,.;•>;•,>,■ 'U 


Somewhat akin to the impriaonment of men withoat <? 

a cause was the pardoning of criminals, which grew 
into a regular buBinetn around the court. Will Darrell, 
when in jail for murder, obtained his release by n bribe :^ 

of a sum e(}ual to at least three thousand {xtUnds of * v^ 

moderh money, paid to Pembroke, the immortal Sid- 
ney's brother-in-law.* An address to the queen upon 
the dangers of th« country, presented by the council in 
1579, refers to this practice in language which is deeply ' }'ji> 

significant, as showing that the evils complained of did ' . %^- 

not lie at their doors. " Further, the loose, disordered ■'^; 

administration retjuired to be amended, and godly and 
learned men appointed as magistrates to do justice 
without partiality. The present practice of pardoning > 

notable crimes, of pardoning piracy especially, ought to , 

cease, and (lenal lav^s not to be dispensed with for pri- ' 4 

vate men's profit, a matter greatly misllked of good , !;, 

people." t The pardon-brokers and the men who np- "fe, 

pointed corrupt judges were evidently outside the I 

council and directly around the queen, ^n 1585, the I 

irder of London wrote to Burghley : "*' My Lord, '\ 

s^is a saying, when the court is fortl^est from Lon- 
don, then there is the best justice done in England. I once 
beard a gVeat personage in office, yet living, say the 
same words. It is grown for a trade now in the court 
to make means for reprieves. Twenty pounds for a * 
reprieve is nothing, though it be but for ten days."^ 
A single illustration will show how this business waa . . 

■od •lao in toother fonn in Hallun, i. SSS. Andenoa ttein tbat 
•fter ita preientation tliera wu ■ m*rke<l improTcment. 

* H»ll, p. IS. t Froade, xi. 177. 

} Froude, zii, SO. Se« »Uo Abbott'i "Baoon," p. 4, for an aecouBt 
of bow tiM ladica about tha conit dealt in paidont, malciDg of It • 


m Tm RndTAir ni rolukd, nouan, and awcbioa 

oondnoted, and who were the parties that benefited by 
it In 1595, a certain Robert Boothe, having been sen> 
tenoed by the Court of Chancery for Rome criminal prao- 
tioe, his friend Anthony Bacon, brother of Sir Francis, 
employed Sir Anthony Stahden to negotiate his release. 
Standen applied to Lady Edmundes, one of the queen's 
attendants, the Lord. Keeper Puckering having expressed 
a desire that the matter should be brought " to her mill," 
and having said to her, " Do your endeavor and yon 
shall find me ready." In writing to Bacon concerning 
his negotiations, Standen reported that he had^offered 
the noble dame a hundred pounds for her interest with 
the queen, which she treated as too small a sum. He 
adds, "This rufllanry of causes I am daily more and 
more acquainted with, and see the manner of dealing ; 
which groweth by the queen's straitncss to give theM 
women, whereby they presume thus to grange and buck 
causes." • 

The men who dealt in pardons and reprieverhad a 
broad field of operations. The widespread domohilixa- 
tion of society is shown, if further proof were needed, 
by the prevalence of the crimes against person and 
property, which every government must punish if it 
would Uve at all. In London, highwaymen plied their 
vocation in open streets by dayligbt.f In the country 
were regular bands of robbers, who either settled down 
in some locality, whence they carried on their raids, or 
wandered about fi^m place to place, levying oontriba- 

ngolar botineM, ud thoi obtainiDg the iacomt which the qoMO 

* Birch, "Hemoln of the Reign of Qumd EliMbetb," i. 894, dt- 
ing origiiul letter in LMBbetb libntj, 

t Froude, va «!. . . • 

PBiTALBNoi or cBnu tri' 

tiona on the farmers.* In SomerseUhire alono, forty 
pHsonen were executed in one j'ear (15Ufl) for robbery 
and other feloniefi, and this record was not the highest. 
It was estimated that in' every county of the kingdom 
there were at least three or four hundred vagabonds 
who lived by theft a^d'rapine. They often intimidated 
the magistrates, and substantially ruled in some seo- 
tion8.t - 

A commission issued by Elizabeth in 1696 is sugges- 
tive of the dimensions of this evil in London, while it 
illustrates th^ utter disregard of personal liberty shown 
by her government shortly before the end of tne cen- 
tury. Under this commission, 8ir Thomas Wilford was 
directed, on notice by the magistrates, to arrest "such 
notable rebellious and incorrigible offenders" as he 
should find in the streets of London or in' the suburbs, 
and forthwith execute them openly on the gallows.:^ 
No trial, no examination, simply a short rope and a 
shorter shrift. It may be a^ded that this despotic 
measure, under which Ave men were hanged, had no po- 
litical tumults for an excuse, but was provoked merely 
by a few disoiders committed by some riotous appren- 
tices and vagrants. | 

^ * BUckmore, in lib exquUtte historical roinancc, " Lorna Doone," 
'''%iTei u adminble dtacription ot one of thew robber retrmti of tlia 
next oentnry. Hacaula; deacribea th« high poaitiun held by high- 
- «aymen in England aa late aa the cloae of the aefenteentli century. 
" Ilistory of England," vol. i. chap. iii. 
t Btrype's " AnnaU," It. 390. { Hallam'a " Coiut Tliit," i. 343. 
I In 1507, • Bumber of peaaanta ini Oxfo^tlshiit) aaaembled to 
break down recent enckxures and rettore the land to its former 
tillage. As this action opposed the cxecntion of the laws, it waa 
pmnouBood high treason by the coart, and the rioters salfcred tin 
bartMnxn death of traitors. Howell's "State Trials," tUl; Un- 




There is nothing strange about the prevalence of 
orimes against property on land, when we consider the 
extent to which piracy existed upon the ocean, and the 
mode in which it was fostered and encouraged by the 
queen. But before discussing this; extensive subject, 
let us finish with the landsmen by showing how the 
general demoralization of society - affected some por- 
tions of the manufacturing and trading dosses, and ' 
how the Englishmen' of that day dealt with their Irish 
neighbors. _ >• ■? 

For many years a" coarse kind of woollen goods had 
been made in England, which found^a wide market on 
the Continent. Her people could not yet dye their 
clotliB, nor finish the finer varieties. These pursuits , 
they began to follow only in tKe next centuVy, when 
taught by the Netherland refugees.* For the rude un- 
dressed fabric, however, they had a good reputation un- 
til the time of the Reformation. Then, as the business 
increaseti, adulteration and fraud apiwarod to run rani- 
pant, culminating in the y^rs just prece«ling the S{ian- 
ish Armada, when " more false cloth and woollen was 
made in England than in all Europe besides." t< It was 
a time when all classes, infected bj^rfhe ejcample of the 
men about the court, who openly paraded thei* ill- 
gotten gains, were crazed with the desire for speedy 

With adulterations in their manufactured prodocti 

4nd frauds in their commercial dealings, there was also 

devdoped a mania for gambling, such as usually accom- 

^ panies a feverish condition of society. Both sexes gam- 

• Hotlcy't " United Matlicrlkadi," ir. 48«. 
tProttda, T. 25»; MBS. DomMtic, Dtc, 158B, cited rrodh, 
sU. 516. 1 


bled, and they did it in curiuus ways which show the 
wide dissemination of the practice, ^hus, in the accounts 

■ of sboy-keepers of the time, we find frequent records 
of anicles sold to be ])aid for at an enormous advance, 
when the purchaser returned from a distant voyage, was 
married, had a child, or the like.* This, of course, was 
only a cover for a bet. With other tradesmen toe trans- 
actions ivere more open, the customer paying down di- 
rectly a sum of money, which ho was to receive back 
several-fold on the happening of some contingency.! 
This was but one form of a vice which became almost 

• universal. As in the present day, dice and cants were 
the instruments most commonly used by the habitual 
gamesters, and there were in London more gambling 
houses " to honor the devil than churches to serve the 

The most extensive form of gambling waa that car- 
ried on in connection with the operations of the pirates 
and privateers. The ships of these' worthies were usual- 
ly fitted out by gentlemen "adventurers," as they were 
called, who sometimes lost their all, but at Oliver times 

* Ball'* ** Society in thitbliabetliin Ag«," p. M, etc. 

t Ben Jonaon, in "Every Man out of lii» Hnniour," rrfcn to Ihii 
mode of speculation, wliicli originated amnnK the nobility, but aoon 
eitended to the lower ranlia. Bays Puntarvoln, " I do intend this 
year of jnbilee coming on to travel; and bccmiae I will tiot alto- 
gether go upon eipense, I am detemiine<l to pot forth aonie firo 
thousand pounds, to lie paid me five for one upon the return of my- 
self, my wife, and my dog flrom the Turk's court in Constantinople. 
If all.or either of us miscarry in the Journey, 'tis gone ; if we be sue- 
oessAil, why, there will lie five and twenty thousand pounds to enter- 
Uin time withnl."— Act il. sc. 8. 

} George Whetstone, 1588, quoted in Xatban Drake's "Shake- 
•peani and bis Times,'^ p. 421. 



received enormous returUB on their investmentq.* Men 
for these pur^.-'^ses borrowed money, and a class of usu- 
rers sprang up, who formed one of the great curses of the 
age. Taking interest beyond ten per cent, was forbid- 
den by statute, but means were found to evade the law. 
Twenty-five per cent, was a common rate,t and frequent- 
ly even this was much exceeded. The Dean of York, one 
of the high dignitaries of the. Church, was a noted usu- 
rer. We find him and his associates, in 1585, takingfifty, 
QZty, and sometimes a hundred per cent, interest on 
loans.^ In connection with the subject of gambling and 
usury, and as a further symptom of the state of society 
in its changing conditions, it may bo added that, in 15U9, 
lotteries, long known upon thelJontinent, were first in- 
troduced into England, the drawings taking place at the 
west door of St. Paul's. 

When now we add to this picture the love of Strong 
drink, in which no one, except ]ierhap8 the Netherlanders, 
oonld rival the Ehglisbnian,^ we can form a pretty cor- 
rect idea of the dark side of society'in England during 
the Elizabethan age. Of its brighter ^ide we shall see 
something when in subsequent chapters we come to con- 

* In one (xpeditioD, planned by- Raleigh, in 1591, the adventutan 
received ten for one, a thouiaod per cent. Strype'a " Annab," Ir. 
ISO. t Hall, pp. 47, M. 

t 8ti7pa, ill. 8tB. Until 1871, all intareat was forbidden both b; 
Chorcb and Bute; then Sliiabeth, throagh Parliamert, fixed the 
legal rate at ten per cent. She alio introduced Judicioiu regolationt 
concerning veiglita and meanirea, and gave the eour.trj an lioni-tt 
metallic currenoj,' which had been unknown under her prcdeoea- 
■ori, who debated it by mixing other met«b with the gold and 

I Drake, p. 406. See abo Ball, p. 7S, etc., as to thu change ftwi 
the light drlnki of earlier time* to loaded wine and hiS'lv xle. 


THx mausa is ibk.a>)d STS 

aicler the marTellAus literature of this period, its energy 
displayed in every quarter, and the reforms, civil and re- 
ligious, advocated by the Puritans. 

Let us now, after looking at the Englishman at home, 
see something of his character as it was Exhibited in Ire- 
land three centuries ago; and here, for our pnqwse, 
the recital of a few historical incidents will be sufficient 
They will supplement what we have already seen of his 
moral condition, and throw some light on the opinion 
formed of him by foreigners. 

English historians throw up their bands in natural 
horror at the atrocious plots of the fanatical Catholics 
for the assassination of Queen Elizabeth. Crimes of vio- 
lence, they sa}', are opmmon enough among our people ; 
but for secret murder, especially by poison, our nation 
has always Jiad a peculiar detestation. All this is true 
enough in general, but, in the light of some notable 
events in IreUnd, tb say nothing of what went on in 
England itself, onfi may well ask whether such state- 
ments are not a little overdrawn when applied to Vao 
Elixabethan age. As for the comparison between the 
Catholics in England and the Protestant English in 
Ireland, we must remember that the former had a re- 
ligions motive. When, in 1584, the attempts were be- 
gun against the queen, she bad beell excommunicated 
by the pope, she had already put a number of Catho- 
lics to death, and the men who plotted her destruc- 
tion believed that they were doing the work of Ood 
in removing a wicked woman, who was an oatli^w per- 
secuting the saints and aiding the spread of poni- 
cious doctrines. In Ireland ware a people^ fighting for 
^ their homes against a foreign invader. No question of 
religion was involved, in the early (lays of which I am 
about to speak ; but the English were simply striving to 





, - . ■ ... .: .„,• : r 

/ ,' •♦*!"■■,' '■"■'•;'"■ .:' .\ ■.."■■> '^ ■■■; ,■'■•1^ 


hold by tbb strong arm what they, had won by force. 
Upon this point Lord Burghley, the queen's chief minifi- 
ter, said, in 1582, "tliat the people of tlie Netheriunds 
had not subh cause to rebel against the oppression of 
the Spaniards as the Irish against the tyranny of Eng- ' 

Under these conditions, in 1561, nineteen yeara before 
the Jesuits began even their religious teachings in Eng- 
land, and nine years before the excommunication of 
Elizabeth, Shan O'Neil led one of' the periodical rebel- 
lions go common in the Emerald Isle. He was a brave 
soldier and a skilful general. In a foir fight he defeat- v :' 
ed an army led by the Earl of Sussex} the flower of Eng- - 
lish chivalry, one of Elizabeth's trusted councillors, and 
her deputy in Ireland. Shortly thereafter, Shan sent 
two of his followers to Sussex with a message concern- - 
ing some military details. What followed is best told 
in the words of the noble English lord >vho ^s nv 
ported to his queen : ]» 

H "^ii|^iu(34tli,lMl. 
"Iby itpleue yoDr Highnm: 

" After conference had willi Shan O'Netl'i leneachal, I entered talk 
with Neil Ofay; and perceiving by liini that he had little hope of 
Blian'a confunnity in anything, and that he therefore desired that he 
might be received to serve your Ilighness, ibr that he would no 
longer abide with him, and thiit if I would pnimiso to receive liim 
to your service he would du anything that I would command liim, I 
swore him upon the Bible to keep secret that I should sny ui^lo him, 
and aasuted him if it were ever known during the time I ha<1 the 
government there that, besides the breach of his oath, it should coat ' 

him liis life, I used long circumstance in persuading hinvlo serra 
you, to benefit his country, and to procure assistance of |ivjng*to him 
andhisforeverbydoingof tliatwhicbhemighteasilyflo. Jle prom- - 
iaod to do what I woold. In line, I brake with bim tftJiiU Shan, and 

V : ' •Fronde, il.»7«,-'^5Vc|-;^'^"7'' ' .•■■"■''■ 

•■■.■.'■ ■4(;-i;{S'..V'Vt' 




ATtaMm or snacx to mdbsib iuam orsnt S77 

boand mjself by mjr oath to we him hare • linndred mnrk* of land 
b; tb« year to him ami tx) liis belts for liii tewan], * * * 0<id wod 
jour UiglincM a good end.' 

** Your Higbnen'a moat humble aod faitbftal acrTant, 

" T. ScfMU." 

Froude, who flrst gave this letter to the public, mild- 
ly remarks that " English honor, like English coin, lost 
something of its purity in the sister island."* liut this 
is not a transaction to be lightly dismissed, lien; is the 
representative of the queen, himself one of the brightest 
ornaments of the English ])eerage, laboring with a trust- 
ed servant, and finally hiring him U> assassinate his mas- 
ter, because that master is too string an en^ii^' in the 
open field, And then reiiorting the bargain to his royal 
mistress, like any other piece of business. The letter 
needs no comment, but deserves consideration. 

Mo record remains, or at least has yet been found, of 
the answer maile by Elizabeth to the reprt of her nob}e 
deputy. Bat Sussex retained his oomnuutd, and, as was 
shown by subeequent events, conld not have been dis- 

^oouraged by any communication received from home. 
Gray, either from fear or from some other reason, failed 
to murder his chief, who at length became so powerful 
that Elizabeth consented to make terms with him and 
to recognize his authority asi virtual sovereign of Ulster. 
As' a first evidence of cordiality, a present of a cask ol 

' wine was sent to Shan from Dublin — where Sussex heid 
his headquarters — which, consumed at table, brought 
the Irish leader and half his household to the point of 
death. To such a mode of conducting a friendly ipttr- 
coarse Shan naturally^objeoted. He made a great cit- ,C^ 

ory, *wfaich probably would have been loader had oe 

^ * Fronde, riil {«. 





known of the previous dealings with Gray, and demand- 
ed ail investigation. This was begun, the wine was 
traced back to an English resident in Dublin, by the 
namb of Smith, who admitted that he had poisoned it. 
Sussex denied all coiAplicity in the attempted crime, the 
guilt of which Smith took upon himself; but the subor- 
dinate was never punished, and Shan as a reward for 
dropping the inquiry received renewed concessions.* 
Even with all the mystery surrounding this afl'air, the 
denial of Sussex might be of value but for his letter to 
Elizabeth setting forth the details of his former plot. 
The man who could incite a servant to assassinate his 
master ^ou|<I hardly shrink from the use of poison to 
accomplish tl«D same purpose. Evidently both Elizabeth 
and her deputy were borne down by the consciousness 
of guilt.f 

When a certain class of modem Englishmen feci too 
Inuch oppressed with that sense of an inherited superi- 
ority which ascribes to some moral defect in the Latin 

• Froadc, Vtil. SO. 

t Bee abo u to EngUibmeo't fkiniltirity with the nn of poiaoo, 
' the negotUtioDi between Lord Burgliley iDil Woodthawe, an Eng- 
lUh gentleman hononbljr connected, who hail been engaged in • 
borglarj, and offined to nuke bU peace b; poUoniog any one in the 
- Nctlicriandi whom the queen wi«hed out of the way. Buighley, aa 
might be expected, declined hia atkn. Fronde, xi. 45. Some ftir- 
tbet illuatrationt of the mode In which Elizabeth and eren Charlea 
n. played with aaaauinHtion will be gtren hereafter when we come 
to (!an«id«| the allegetl plota of the Jeenita for the aiairinatlon of 

/Elinbetlvncnelf. In connection with the general anb}ect of poUon- 
{ng,it ia perfikp* hardly neceaaary fnr me to refer to the atoriea toM 
about lieiceater and the profeaalonal poiann'er in hia aerriM (aea 
"The Pnritana and Queen Kliznbeth," by Ilopkina), and to the as- 
ploita of the CountcH of Sonuad^in (he next reiga. 


' It" 

now the assassinationa connived at, if not incited by, 

the Jesuits, tlie poisonings at the Italian court, and the 
other crimes of a like character familiar to portions of 
the Ck>ntinont in former ages, they may with much 
profit turn to the story of Shan O'Neil and the Earl of 
Sussex. When,,on the other hand, they feel inclined to 
ascribe to the malign effects of Puritanism the actions 
o^X''^">well in Ireland, and those of the Puritans in 
Menr England, the studyxtf such incidents as the fol- 
lowing may also serve a useful purpose. 

In 1669, Shan O'Keil having died, and Ireland being , 
«gain unsettled, it occurred to some of the adventurous 
spirits of England that the sister island afforded a fine 
field for a speculation. They therefore, to the number 
of twenty-seven, mostly freebooters from Devonshire 
and Somersetshire, proposed to the government that the 
whole province of Munster should be granted to them, 
and that they in turn would make it peaceful by, if 
need be, the utter extermination of the natives. This 
proposal excited some discussion, but only as to de- . 
tails, and, action on it being delayed, a new scheme waa 
taken up. ^ 

In the previous century the Irish had driven cot 
some of the old Norman robber families and repoa- t 
sessed themselves of their ancestral lands. The great- 
grandchildren of these ejected landlords still kept the ' 
ancient titlfrdeeds, which were considered valuable sim- 
ply as historical curiosities. Several of the original 
speculators— among whom were Sir Philip Carew, Sir 
Warh'aiii St Leger, Sir Richard Orenville, and Ilumphrey 
Gilbert, all well-known English worthies, and prominent 
among the men who made the ago of Elizabeth illustrious -^ 

— having acquired some of these claims, set out, with a . 
laige body of retainers, to look after their properties, 


,' ■'l'^ 




880 Tm nmiTAN m' noLUitn, KcaLAito^AiiD amebica 

without -waiting for the action of the government. Ar- 
riving in Ireland, they heg&n to take possession of their 
< estates, and naturally enough the occupants objected. 
In Jul)', Sir Philip Catcw attacked . the house of Sir 
Edward Butler, and massacred every man, woman, and 
child within the walls, not sparing even a little boy three 
years of age.* ' * 

, The news of the intended extermination of the Irish 
having spread througli the country, causeil what history 
calls a rebellion, and Humphrey Gilbert, the American 
explorer, half-brother of Sir Walter Raleigh, helped to 
put it down. In reporting officially to his superior ofli- 
cer as to his " manner of dealing" with the " rebels," he 
says : " After my first summoning of any castle or fort, 
if they would not presently yield it, I would not after- 
wards take it of their gift, but won it perforce, <t}iow 
many lives soever it cost, putting man, woman, and child 
of them to the swonl."t For these exploits. Sir Henry 
Sidney, tlfe representative of the queen, and himself 
ranked as one of the worthies of the age, only inferior 
to his illustrious son, l^ir Philip, conferi^ the honor of 
knighthood upon Gilbert, and reported to Cecil, " For 
the colonel, I cannot say enough," X 

In 1573, the Earl of Essex wont to the North of Ire- 
land on a mission of private plunder. The next year he 
accepted the hospitality of one of the O'Neils, Sir Brian 
MacPhelim, and made him a friendly visit at Belfast. 

• Froude, x. 608. 
^ t Huropfate; Qiltiert to Sir H. Sidaey, Dec., ISW, H8& Ireluid, 

I Froude, X. 510. 

r {In 1373, Sir numplin; Gilbert lenred u * volunteer in tba 
NetherUndi, ud, much to the diecmm of the patriota' eaute, exhib- 
ited tbere the ume ferocity which be had ihown in Ireland. Froadi, 
X. 8»8. 

^^^,.^. — ^.,-, 


4lfter a banquet given in honor of his guest, Sir Brian 
retired to a house outside the fortress walls. As soon 
OS ^6 was asleep, Essex set upon him with a comjiany of 
soldiers, and murdered two hundred of his attendants, 
male and female, the chief, his wife, ai))) brother being 
taken alive and reserved for execution.* Hearing of 
this transaction, the queen wrote to the «arl that " he 
was a great ornament of her nebtifly." f 

Incited by her praises, he now did an act which stands 
out almost unique in history. 

On the coast of Antrim, not far from the Giant's 
Causeway, is the romantic island of Rathlin, famous as 
the abode of Saint Columba, and aS containing the castle 
in which Kobert Bmce watched the persevering spider. 
With steep, precipitous sides, broken only at a single 
point, filled with caves and protected by the sea, it was 
always a camp'of refuge, being invested with some- 
thing of a sacred character. In 1575, Essex invaded 
Antrim to put down a petty insurrection. Upon his 
■approach the insurgents sent their wives and children, 
sick and aged, to this island retreat. The active hostili- 
ties amounted to little ; peace was soon restored, and 
the English commander began his mtyvh back to Dublin. 
On the way he was informed of the precious colony 
whidi was oocuping Rathlin. He forthwith halted, and 
sent a company of soldiers, led by John Norris, second 
son of Lord Norris — Francis Drake being one of his 
officers^— to take paesessbu of the island, with" direc- 
tions to kill whatever they should find. 

They found a few able-bodied men in Brace's castle, 
who had been sent with the women as a guard. This 

* Froude, xi. SOO. t Idem, xi. !03. 

t Sm " Dictioiuu; of Kttiookl Biognpbf ," Mticlt " Devcraux." ' 



little babd ooald make no defence against the cannon' 
which NorriB had brought with him. The phice waa 
soon taken by assault, and every liuman being within 
the walls slaughtered, except the chief and hia family, 
who were probably reserved for ransom. The victims 
here liumbered two hundred, all non^ombatants, save 
the score or so of the garrison. It was then discovered 
that the caves along the shore contained several hundred 
others, mostly women and little children. These cow- 
ering and helpless objects of pity the English warriora 

~ proceeded to ferret oat, putting them every one io death. 
When the work was finished, not a woman or babe was 
left alive. Essex reported to the queenTthat the rebel 
chiefs had sent their women and children to the island, 
" which he had taken, and executed to the number of six 
hundred." The leading rebel, "yellow-haired Charley 
Macconnell," he said, "stood upon the mainland and 
saw the taking of the island, and was likely to have ran 
mad for sorrow, tearing and tormenting himself, and 
saying that he there lost all that ever he had." For 
this act, Essex took great credit to himself, and Elizabeth 
directed him to say to Norris, "the executioner of his 
well-designed enterprise, that she would not be unmind- 
ful of his services." * 

These are but illustrations of what the English did ia 
Ireland long before there was any pretext of a religions 
ynr or Spanish intrigues, and when they were bent 
■imply on plandering the natives, as Cortex had done in 
Mexico and Pizarro in Pern half a century before. Well 
may Lecky say that the Englishmen in Ireland surpassed 
the ferocity of Alva in tlw Netherlands.f 

' . Lodge says that Sussex, who plotted the aanssinatkni 

•rraad^sLMM. t"Xiigkwdiath«JDgfaiMBtbO«atW7,"iL10ti 


of O'Neil, was as " brave bb lUleigh, with the piety of a 
primitive Christian."* A modem New England writer 
calls him "one of the children of God."t Sir Humphrey 
Gilbertj who was lost in the Atlantic on his retnm from 
America in 1683, left to the world the memorable say- 
ing, " Wo are as near to heaven by sea as by Jand." 
Froude says of Essex, who died shortly after his exploit 
at Bathlin, and \^hose widow married Leicester, that he 
" was one of the noblest of living Englisl^ipen." ^ So he 
doubtless was ^ he was also a religious man, and, as we 
have seen, was deeply grieved over the universal wick- 
edness in England. liut these being the best, what 
diall we thinlb of their countrymen at hii^ge } It is the 
very goodness of these men, and their manifest uncon- 
sciousness that th6y have done anything inconsistent 
with their character as Christians or soldien, that throw 
the molt light on their condition, g 

But Ireland furnished only limited opportunities for 
tJie exhibition of the character of Englishmen when 
brought into contact with men of other nationalities. To 
complete the fall outline of the picture, we must now 
turn to a broader field. ^ 

In the preceding pages, frequent mention has been 

• " nioitntloiu of Britlih HIMofr " (London, 1701), i. 387. 

t "The PoriUnt snd Queen EUabetb,'' Hoiridni, 1878, ii. >M. 

} Fioade, xi. lie. 

I In wlecting the material for thii and the preceding chapter, I 
bare gone, not to the writings of the Puritans or sstirists, but to 
official docnments and the worlts of standard English scholars. For 
m; illustrations I hare chosen incidents, not in the lives of disrepo- 
t^le characters, snch as can lie found in all ages of the worid, bat, 
with few ezeeptions, in those of men who come down to us as repre- 
senting among their contemporaries the Terjr flower of Knglish Chris- 
Unit^f sad ciTiUutMn. 



made of the pirates who form bo important an element 
of society in the Elizabethan age; but the subject is^ne 
which deserves mucli more than a ]ia88ing notice. In 
fact, no sketch of the period would be complete which 
omitted an account of the growth of the industry which 
these herpes developed, for they were the men who laid 
the foundation of England'ij naval greatness. In addi- 
tion, their spoliations upon the sea had as marked an in- 
fluence upon the mannera and morals of the time as the 
plundering of the monfliBteries on the land, and it waa 
largely through connivance at their practices that Eliza- 
beth was Hqptlly forced, against her will, into the contest 
between the Netherlands and Spain. 

The close of the fifteenth and the opening of thd 
sixteenth century witnessed upon the Continent' of 
Europe an outburst of commercial activity as remark- 
able as the revival of art and letters which has made 
that age so famous. England, however, took as little 
part in the one as in the other. Her commerce was 
almost wholly in the hands of French, Italian, Ger- 
man, and Netherland merchants, while her people upon 
the land devoted themselves mainly to raising wool, 
and those upon -the sea to catching fish. About her 
only contribution to the early explorations, which the 
mariner's compass now rendered possible, were the dis- 
coveries of John and Sebastian Cabot, who sailed under 
English colors. 

John Cabot was a Venetian merchant, doing busineat 
at Bristol. In 1497, with five vessels fitted out at hit 
own expense, he set sail across the Athintio, under a paU 
ent from Henry VII., to search for countries " which 
were before that time unknown to all Christian people," 
the exclusive privilege of trading with such countries 
being reserved nnoonditionally, »nd without limit of 

.j.-f'-;V ^ ^ 


time, to his. family and their aaaigML* On this first voy- 
age the mainktnd in the vicinity of T^brador was sight- 
ed, and'in the next year Sebastian, the son, coasted along 
the American continent to about the southern boundary 
of Maryland, or perhaps a little farther to the south. 
Nothing, however, came from either of these voyages. . 
England at that time was in communion with the > 
Church of ttome, ahd, in 1403, Pope Alexander VI. had 
issued a bull which, as then construed, granted the whole 
American continent to Spain and PortugoL Upon the 
return of the Cabots, it was evident that their alleged 
discoveries lay witjiin the boundaries of the papal grant, 
and the EOglish monarch appears from that time to have 
abandoned afl thougl^t of oicquiring the sovereignty of 
nnknown countric8.t , 

♦ Hizvd'i " Hlrt. Coll.," pp. l-». . ^ 

t The theory of an BnglUh title to America, by virtue of Cabot'i 
cliacoTeriet, wai first adraoced about 1580 by Dr. Dee, who wai fnl- 
lowed by Haklnyt; but it waa never ncu'pted by the goTcrnmcnt. ' 
Befor* the Reformation, EnglaadneTcr queationcd the excluairc rights 
ofSpain; Imtvibcn the authority of the impewaaictaiidoihebegaa 
to picic flawt In the papal grant Still, the Met waa admitte<I that Spain 
had diMorered America aereial years before the voyage uf Cabot 
Little, therefore, was inid about hia voyage, but Englnnd advanced the 
doctrine that actual occupation must follow discovery, or no title 
could lM,acquire«l. Tliis was Elitalietirs maxim in 1S80, when »ptnk- 
ing to the Spanish ambassador. *' Prcacriplio sine poaaessiono baud 
valeat" (Camden). The letters-patent under which Sir Humphrey 
Oilben sailed and took possession of Newfoundland, in 1388, went 
based upon this legal rrinciple. They Inade no refercqce to Cabot„ 
bat BUtliorixed Gilbert to discover, occupy, and possess "such remote/ 
beatlien lands, not actually possessed of nny Christian prince or peo- 
ple, aa should seem good to hl\n." The |>atont to Sir Wnltrr Ra> 
leigh. in 1584-89; was of the same character, ilasard, i. 84-88. Tlw 
Vi^nia Charter of 1000 rcstiicted coluoiaatioa to laads " which MS 

aM Tin roBtAM a dollmd, initaLAMn, aro AiinuoA 

Tho diacorerim of the Venetian Cabots are of intereat 
to the historians of earij American explorations; bat 
they awakened little cnthuaiaim in England, and pro- 
daced no effect apon her conimeroe. That went on •• 
before, being inoitly in the hands of foreigners, and lim- 
ited to a very narrow field, which no one thought of 

Very different were the results which followed the 
explorations undertaken by the sailors of Portugal and 
Spain. In 1495, Vasco da Gama rounded tho CH|>e of 
- Gbaod Hope, and about the same time another Portuguese 
discovered a way to India by the Isthmus of Suez. Short- 
ly afterwards, their countrymen established at Goa the 
first European factory in India, and began a commerce 
which soon grew to large proportions.f Spain in the 
same way improved her discoveries in the New World. 
She worked the gold and silver mines of Mexico and 
Peru, tho pearl fisheries of the coast, and the sugar plan^ 
tations on the islands in the tropics. The colonists 
shipped to the mother country, which monopolized the 
whole carrying trade, their surplus products of the fields 

not BOW actnalljr poamwd by any Chri*tUn prince or people," iM 
the Plymouth petent of 1830 contained the nme retlriction. In 
1881, the Hook of Commoni declareil the principle thnt '.' necapancy 
coofcn a good title by the law of nationa apd nature." Cbalmert'* 
" Political Annifls," i. 10. Thia waa alwnya the doctrine of Jamca I. 
Gurdiner'a "History of Kngland," iii,.40. 

* Fronde, viii. 485. Bereral patenti wrre inned to Engliah expIo^ 
era after tfie return of the Cabota, but they came to nothing. '■ Bng- 
llah Coloniea in America " (Virginia, Haryknd, etc.), by J. A. Doyle, 
p. 96, etc. 

t It wu in 1800. more than a century later, that the Engliah Eaat 
India Company waa organiied, on a very amall aeale ; and then no 
ftetofjr wsf eatabllahed for ten or eleran jeait. 

trumm and nauaa aupraia Ml 

and woodt, and in return took the manafactured prod- 
not! of the European looms and workabopa. So rap- 
klljr did the ooinmeroe of Npain develop that at the 
time of her greatest prosperity she had a thousand mer- 
chantmen upon the ocean.* 

In one direction Enghuid felt the effects of the new 
markets opened up in America and the East Indies. 
They increased the demand for her wool and cheap 
wooJlen goods, and so raised their prices.. In return, she 
impbrted so much from the Continent, especially in the ■ 
way of luxuries— the consumption of wine, for example, 
having incivased fourfold in a few years— that old and 
conservative statesmen became alarmed. Still, this new 
trade was mostly (tarried on by foreigners, and little 
benefited English shipping. When Ilonry VIII. broke 
with the pope, be concluded to strengthen himself upon 
the ocean, and made some attempts to establish a navy. 
How little was accomplished is shown by the fact that, 
upon the accession of Elizabeth, the whole naval force 
in commission amounted to seven coast-guard vessels, 
the largest of which was only one hundred and twenty 
tons, with eight small merchant brigs and schooners al- 
tered for fighting. Of ships in harbor fit ha service 
there were twenty-one.f 

* In lUi, Zngbnd bad no more than two hnndrcS and Krenteen 
vewelf aboTS eight; ions buideD. Wade, i. 14^ The Bpaniardi 
studied nartgation a* a acicnee. The " Contractiou House" at Se- 
ville was Tlrtually i%cnllege of Darlgation, glvliig iostrdction and 
conferring degrees. Henry VHI. attempted something of the kind 
In England, but the results were paltry. Doyle, p. 88. In the latter 
days of Blinbcth, Englishmen needed no colleges of aavigallon ; 
their school was the ocean. 



Upon the fishing industry of England tlie Reforma- 
tion prodnoed the most disastrous effects. Under the old 
religion, no meat was allowed to any one on faat^lays, 
and these made np nearly a tbini of the year. Now the . 
eating of fish was looke<l on with some suspicion as a 
token of papistical inclinations, and meat was ostenta- 
tiously displavMl, even on Fridays and in l^ent. Thus it 
came about that, while Franco sent annually fire hun- 
dred vessels to the Newfoundland fishing-banks, even . 
the home fisheries around the English coast fell into the 
hands of foreigners.* Hence with an increasing trade 
and growing wealth, the |)ort tdwns were strangely 
enough faUing into deoay.f , 

Taking all the facts of the situation into account, the 
outlook for Englisli shipping did pot seem very brill- 
iant. In fact, it was so gloomy that the wise and far- 
sighted Cecil thought of it with serious apprehensftn. 
Something must l)o done, he^d, to 'build np u fleet 

* When Sir Humphrey Oilliert vent to Newfnqn()l*n<] in 158S, and 
took poaMmloft of tha country in tlie nsmo of Kliinlietli, nt an nnr 
known land, be found there thirty-aix veaiela »f otiicr natioui en- 
gaged in catching fiali. Doyle, p. SO. 

^Jivtrj interesting accnuut of the condition of Engllah commerea 
in 1552 ia given in a letter addrewed to Cecil liy Tliomaa Bomaby, a 
merchant, and one of the foreign agents of EdwanI VI. It is among 
the Cecil mannicripts; » copy will be found in the appendix to 
Sirype's "Ecclesiastical Mcnrorials," ii. 151. He aUtea tliat tba 
French had more sailors in a single tonn than the English bad in 
all tbeir southern sea-porta ; that even English coal was exported 
wholly in French vessels ; and that all the maritime towns of Eng- 
land ware going to decay. He stated tliat if the coaUndo could be 
restricted to English shipa, employment would lie fotmd for six or. 
scTcn thousand sailors. Cecil, whei) he became minister under EUoi- 
beth, triad in vain to cany out some of Bamsby't auggtttioDa. 


■" . ■ ^ 

»nd to (Mliicabe a race of snilora. After his ciidtbm lie 
set tlown in writing his views npon this subject, lind the 
paper, prejNired in the first years of Elizabeth's reign, ; 
still exists. Three means occiirrMl to him for the en- 
couragement of mariners: first, " merchandisi' ;'* sec- 
ond, "fishing;" thirti, "the exorcise of piracy, which 
was detestable and could not last." • To oirry out ills 
ideas, Im pro|K)sc<l a " Navigation act " placing'foreign 
ships under dlsainlities; but this was not t(> tioinc for 
nearly a contur\s when it proved a grt'at success. Then 
he tried to nia](e the |)eople cat fish by means of an act 
of Pi^rliament ; but ffiis scheme was uniiopuiar. and it 
bad to be abandoned. Nothing now was left but the 
piracy, so detestable to the statesman, but so? congenial 
to the Englishmen at large. Dcspite.Cecil's propliN^y it 
did la8t,and on it was bui^t up liritain's naval givatnuss. 
,The ])ractice begun at the time of the lAfariun jierse- 
cutions, when n number of men 'from the best families 
took to the sea'as roving chiefs. ll])cn the accession of 
Elizabeth, most of the leaders returned home and ob- 
tained places under government. Hut their crews re- 
mainetl behind, an<l to them were adde<l the largo num- 
ber of fishermen thrown out of em]>loymcnt by the ruin 
of their business. The incrfaso of trade made piracy 
profitable, and it gnulually attracted to itself most of 
the wild and adventurous spirits of the country. The 
result was that within a few years England occupied 
towanls the North of Europe mud) the same position 
that Algiers occupied towards the South, her people 
levying contributions on all the world.t 

* Trade notei. Domestic HS8. Eliz. toI. zli. Rollt IIouk, cited b; 
Fronde, viii, 445. 
t " A> the modern gentlemsn keeps bis yaclit, so ElizabctbVloyal 

^::■-^■ - ■ ■. ■■■ ''■ ::■■■■ •'^ 

800 rnk Pi-BITAN IN noLUND, Knaixim, and amirica 

' It boH been much tho fiisliion to sponk of the oor- 
sairH who giivo England her supFcniacy upon the sea as 
. if tlioy were men infiameii by a zeal fqr I'rotefituntigin, 
who, to revenge tlio atrocities of the Inciuisition, levied 
private war on Spain, liut such a view of tho facts has 
only d tinge of truth, for it reverses the onler of events. 
The Englisli piracies came first then followc<l the retri- 
butions of Spain, and lastly the fiery inillgnntion of the 
Englislinian which had such a niarke<l effect on Euro- 
pean history. 

Long and eanilstly did Spain, whose king wus fricitd- 
ly to England, lalwr to kei'p the iHMce. The English 
minister at ]^Iadcid cx|io6tulat^ with his government, 
describcil the outrages committc<l on Spanish commeVce, 
nnd foretold the certiiinj^' of retaliation; but it was all 
in vain. Tho old wild blood was up, the blocxl which 
coursed through the veins of Saxon, Dane, and Norse- 
man. After tho lapse of centuries, ^le Englishman had 
again found his natural clement jvaA calling. Friend 
and foe, Protestant and Uomunist, Dutchman, French- 
man, Portuguese, and Spaniard, all were ])lundcred 
alike. ., It was not war, but simple pillage and murder. 
In 1503, long liefoi-e hostilities with Spain were thought 
6f, a S{)anish vessel saile<l from Flanders with a pargo' 
valued at eighty thousand ducats. Thomas Cobham, son 
of Lord Cobhara of Cowling Castle, chanced to Ix) cl'uising 
in the Channel. Catching sight of the vessel, he chased 
her down into tho Bay of Biscay, fired into her, killetl a 
number of the crow, and boarding, after all resistance 
bad ceased, sewed up tho survivors in their own sails 

burghen, squires, or knights, wlioao inclinktion led that viij,^ept 
their ambiguous cruisers, and levied war on their own account wbm 
tbe goTemmcnt lagged behind its dutj;"— Froude, tUI. MA. 


and throw them ovcrljonnl. Then, scuttling the ship, 
he^mode oK with tlio lx)<>ty to liis pirate den in the 
South of Ireland.* Even the inoffensive Dutch flsher- 
men, aUhough Protestants, did not e8c»|>o, and |)erhui>s 
they, were the worst sutTerers of all. The English con- ' 
stantly boarded their fiHliing smacks, took out every- 
thing, tlown even to the clothing of the men, and left 
them naked to drift at the ntercy of the waves. 

Of course, the ^^vernment hod, nt times, to make a 
pretonce of prosecuting the offenders; Jiut, rcmcmlwring 
the way in which justice was then administennl, the fur- 
cical results CMi be readily imaginc<l. Col>hum,,the 
year after the exploit above narratctl' was tried for 
pii-acy in London, at, the urgent demand of the t^jiunish 
minister. The evidence against him was complete, but 
ha cscape<l conviction in the usual manner, aiid was. 
soon back at his old occupation. In 1.50C. the English 
authorities, while trying to excuse their conduct tow- • 
arris Spain, were forced to admit tliat they hud never 
executed u single pirate.f * 

Thus the industry grew and flourished. The English, 
allowed other people to catch their fish ; they helpeil 
themselves after the Tiauls were mad^. -. They porniittc<l 
the Nethcrlanders to maiAifocture all the finer pro<lucts 
of the loom, content to toko their share, in the good 
old way, ajfter the work was done. Nearly every gen- 
tleman along the western coast, niiether Protestant or 
Catholic, was engaged in the business. Their numor . 
bouses were filled with the spoihi of their cruisers, and 
the sur{>lus went to London, where the pirat^ sunned - 
themselves in the rays of royal favor. Tbe^oocupation 

* Fronde, viii. 460. t Idem, riii. 478. 


had come to stay. The men who Ixsat off Ijie Spanish' 
Antiada did a noblo work for Enghind and the world, 
but th\v were 1)irat<>B none 'the less. Throughout the 

■ entire reign of EUzabeth they were preying on the com- 
merce of their Dutch aUies; nndllenry IV. of France, . 
in 1003, declined an invitation to'viiiit England, from 
fear that they would capture him while cn>ssing tli^ 

If noxy it seems strange that the Continental powers 

' permitted this piracy to flourish so long in England, 
we must remember that it continuetl in Algiers, her 
rival in the business, «lotvn to the year 1830, despfto the 
combineil efforts of all Christendoni. The one was pro- 
tected by the Me<literranean and the sands of Africo, 
the other by the broad " deep ditch " which diviilwl her 
from the Continent. 

Out of her pinicies in the Channel and along the 
coast grew up England's slave-trade^ and this led to 
|)iratical exiwditions'on the wider scale, to bo followed 
by results of great mon^ent. From quite an early day 
the Portuguese explorers of Africa had Harriett on a 
Blavcftradc with the natives. Jt Itegan alx>ut 144*2, 
when ten black men, who had beoa exchanged for some 
Moorish captives, were brought M Portugal and aston- 
ished the Europeans by their ^olor. Tlicnceforward 
negroes, both Iwnd and fn'e. were <|uite common in the 
cities of the Peninsula, although the traffic in human 
flesh was not extensive, since, at the close of the cen- 
tury, the number of blacks exported from Africa did 
not exceed a few hundnxl annually .f They were most- 
ly used as house-servants, nothing ifiHhe soil or cliniato. 

■ » 
♦ Motley'i " United NethtriMdi," It. 148-151. 
t Hcl|M'a " Spnnisli CodiimwIi in America," i. 48-80, Har|)cr'« nL 


tempting the ogriculturifit tu employ tlicm on' the land. 
Unfortunately, the (liscovvry of the Now Worhl o|)cne(l 
up a field of a diifercnt clmracter, one in which slave 
bbor was very profittiblo, while even misguided philan- 
thropy lent its aid to aggravate the evil.' . 

It is an error, long ago cxpl(Mle<l, to siipimse ti*nt ne- 
gro slavery was firat intro(luce<l into Amerii-a through 
the efforU of I^as Casas. It existctl then; U^fore his 
time, but he, unhappily, gave to its gwnvth a grfiit and 
sudden im])ctU8. Deeply impressed with the sufferings 
of the Indians, who, r^luccd to Hubstantial slavory by 
the SpanianU, were forcc<l to a labor in the mine and 
field to which they were unaccustomed, the large-iieart- 
od but too enthusiastic churchman thought that he sitw 
a solution of the diflloulty. liring in tlii> negro, and the 
probleln would bq solved. He was dcx'ile, accustometl 
to lal)or, ignorant, brutal, and in every resjiect of a very 
different character from the gentle, half-civilized inhab- 
itants of Mexico or Peru, llo was also a lieuthen, and 
his resideniib among Christians would lie of advantage 
to his soul. It was largely u|Hm this recommendation, 
made in 1517, that the trade was expanded, and that 
negro slaves were s<?nt into^ie colonies by tllousiyids.* 

Las Cqsos lived long enbugh to rejx^nt of the advice 
which he' had given, and it is greatly to the cwnlit of the 
government of S|)ain that heroHicials U8e<l every effort to 
repair the wrong which had been innocently done. Even 
from the'outset the S]Nini8h law had. tlin>wn around the 
negro safeguards unknown among other nations. The 
slave had secured to him a {Nirt of every week, when hie 
time was his own. He could insist u|)on his freedom 
when able to purbhase it ; he could own property in his 

^ ' * Hoipc, ti. SI, «9. ■> • .: ; 


onrn' right ; and the rooonls of the Spanish oolonieH of 
the sixteentii century prove that many a negro, who 
went there aa a slave, rose to'the position of a free and 
successful planter* Still, the law was iHoffectuol to pro- 
tect the negro, however stringent were its regtilations 
fSf his welfare. The slaves were abundant and cheap, 
and their l^vca of little value to an owner working an 
unhealthy mine or plantation where the'profits of labor 

' were enormous. 

In this condition of affairs, the home government 

"adopted a {xilicy apparently well calculated to check 
the growing evil. It determined to enhance ,tho value 
of the slaves and thus- make it to the interest of the 
master to preserve their health. Hence the governors 
of the colonies were instructed to prevent the ini|)orta- 
tion of ^negroes, unless under a license from S|)ain, which 
•was expen^ve and -charily given, while a diity of thirty 
ducats on each .slave still further incroasod his price.f 

; _ 

* Helps, A very erroneous impression wcnis to prevail in rrj^rd 
to the co:kJiict of tlie Spanish gurvmment, not on); townnls tlio ne- 
gro, but townrdx the native population in Ampricn. In relation to 
the Utter it has heen justly remarkc<l that '■ none of the Euro|>esn 
powers manifested so sincciv n purpose to promote the welfare of a 
conquereii ]>eoplc. The rulers of Spain wrre continually cnncting 
laws, which AnnX only in being more just nnil wise than the country 
iu its (lisorilciT>(l condition was able to receive. Tti<?y continually 
sought to protect the Indians by regulations extending to the mi- 
nutest detail, and Vcmceived in a spirit of thoughtful and even tender 
kindness."— Mackenzie's " America," title '■ South America," chap, 
iii. In alt tWs work the Church of Rome did noblo service. The 
difficulty was that the colonists, wild, reckless, and roaming over a 
boundless continent in search of gold, could not be restrained. It 
is to the individuals, and not to the government, that we should im- 
pute the crimes which disgrace our banuui Datura. . 

t Froude, viii. p. 483. 


Aboat tho same time the (.'burch of {iomo, awakonc«l to 
the horrurg of tho traflic, tliundereJ its imprecutiong on 
the K)iro|)Rans who should vnskve their follow - man, 
whetlicr African or Indian^} It even l)ccanie usual for 
a Simnish vessel sailing on a voyage of discovery to 
carry, a priest, in order to prevent tiie kidnapping of the 

It WHS at this juncture that England, with her long 
practice iij piracy, ntepped in to take up the trade which 
tho ]Nipttl Vorld to loathe. Her mariners and 
statesmen made no pretence of doing missionary work ; 
they ])rofessetl no motives of philanthropy. To bo sure 
they besought the aid of Heaven; but it was for them- 
selves, and not for their victims. They had but one ob- 
ject : to exchange human flesh for gold. They made 
England tho great slave-trader of tho world, forcing the 
curse u|K>n her American colonies, despite their contiU' 
ued protests and entreaties, down to tho very year that 
gave to tharUnited States a separate e^gstence.i- 

The first English sbive expedition of importance was 
undertaken by John Hawkins in 1502. lie sailed for 
the coast of Africa with throe vessels and a hundred 
.nen, collected three hundred negroes, "juirtly by the 
sword and jwrtly by other means," and then crossed the 
Atlantic to St. Domingo. There, through false repre- 
sentations to the governor, he sold two. thirds of l^is 

• Bancroft, i. ,173. 

t It is c«tiinatc<t that in the ainf^lc century bcfiire the Dcclamlinn 
of In(Ic|ien(lence, England l(i(lnnp))eil tmm Africa over tlirce million 
human beinga, of wliom mora than a (|unrtcr of a million were thrown 
iatn the Atlantic. Bancroft, iii. 411. See thia author as to the nu- ' 
mcrous laws paaaed in the American coloniea against the ftirthcr in- 
troduction of negro slaves, all of which wore vetoed in England as 
detrimental to English prosperity- 


cargo at a large profit, and invested the pmcotMlfi in 
hides, half of which ho ship|)ed to Spain, returning with 
the other half to England.* The Simniah inonarcli was ' 
greatly incensed when he heard of these tninsactipns. 
Not only did they viuluto the law common to all coun- 
.tries, and always particularly insisted on by England, 
under which trade with the colonies was reservwl t.> the 
mother country, but they threatened a serious interfer- 
ence with his scheme for ameliorating the condition of 
the negro. The r'esse\ which Hawkins sent to Spain was 
seized, its cargt> confiscate*!— the captain Iwrely < scajv 
ing the Inquisition— and an onler was despatche<l to the 
AVcst Indies that no English v(>ssel should Ite allowinl to 
trade there, under any pretence whatsoever. 80 earnest 
was the government, and no (k'ci<led the expressions of 
the king, that the English anilxissudor wrote to Eliza- 
beth urging her most strongly to prevent tl<p recurrence 
of such violations of law. 

The answer was a seconti ex|)edition, in which Lord 
Pembreko and other mcniliers of the council were share- 
holders, white the queen supplied a ship, tiie ./einii of 
Ltihteh. This time. Hawkins kidnappc<l four humlred 
Africans. It was a dangerous business, Inr the ignorant 
. negroes did not appreciate the l)enetits which these ( 'hris- 
tians intendeil for them, and at times maiie a stout resist- 
ance. However, Oo<l, tlie Englishmen said, was on their 
8ide,t and the voyage prove«l a great success. Tl.o S|Min- 
ish governors objected to the landing of any blacks in 
' their colonies, but English cannon overcame such scru- 
' pies ; the cArgo was dispo8e<l of, and Hawkins returned 

• Hakluj't'n " Voy«ge»," vnl. iii. 

t See the report of tlie vojufft; in lUklnyt, where tfvidmce i« given 
uftbe (irotecting csra of the Alinightjr, " who norer luffcr* hU elect 
to periali." 



home, to divide sixty per cent, profits among his ghare- 
holdcrs, with a handsome allownnoe to the (|Ueon.* 

The thinl of Hawkins's voynges had a very different 
ending— one tlmt f "wl the Engiiitii heart. Tlie King of 
SjMin. nftor the second ex|KN]ition, liad raised such an 
outcry tliut Elizaheth was obliged to promise that noth- 
ing of the kind should occur again. Acconling to her. 
mode, of keeping such engagements, she, in ir><l7, again 
placed tlio Jegm at the disposal of Hawkins, wlio sailed 
for A-frica with four more ships, all powerfully armc<l, 
taking with him a young kinsman, Francis Dnike. Kun- 
ning down as far as Sierra I.*one, the vessels wore spce<l- 
ily loiuled with all the negroes they woul(l,hold. In car- 
rying out this laudable enterprise, Hawkins, according to 
his own statement, set fire to a city, the huts of which 
were covere<l with <lry jwlm. leaves, and out of eight' 
thousand inhabitants succeeded in Seizing two hundred 

Crossing the Athtntic, he now added the oecu|>ation 
of a pirate to that of a slave-merchantt The result won, 
that from the sale of his cargoes, and the plunder of such 
unarme<l vessels as he met along the coast, ho accumu' ' 
lnte<l nn enormous treasure.^ As his vessels needed re- 
pairs, and he had still four hundred negroes undisposed 
of, he put into the harlior of St. Jean do Lhj'- Unfort- 
unately, the Sjianish atliniral, who for some time ha(( 
been on the lookout for those pirates, entered the har- 
bor with a fleet of nineteen vessels, opened lire ujKin 
them, and compelled Hawkins and his sailors to abun- 

• Fniuilo, Tiii. 401. t IlaklOyt, ill. 619, ei». 

{ 11" mimalcU it nt nuirljr two million )ioiin<)ii, niiHitly in Kolil, 
■ilTcr, nni.l precioiu ■tonca ; pKobably » great cxaggi'ration. Uak- 
liiyt, iii 620. 


don their plunder md take to sea in tTra sronll tcnden. 
The next day, a liundred of the crew left tlieir comrades, 
who were sliort of water and provisions, and,.l>einj|; put 
on shore, were captured by the tSpaniards and carried to 
Mexico. The nimainder; witli Ilawkintf and Drake, took 
their sad way across the Atlantic, bearing with them 
their tale of woo. »nd ihe incflhceablo remembrance of i 
their bitter wrongs. 

They roachc«l homo just in the nick of time. Some 
French privateers, as wo have seen in a fomicr clmptefi ■ 
had driven into the English harbors a number of vessok 
carrying money borrowc<l by Philip from Italian bank- 
ers, for tKe payment of the Kpanish'troops in the Xeth- 
erlands. Elizabeth had been a little undecide<l as to her 
duty towards a friendly power whose property* was thus 
providentially placed within her reach. On hearing, 
'however, of the enormous loss* which she had sustained 
at thi) hands of the 8pania^ls across the ocean, all her 
hesitation vanished. !::;he helped hcrs^^lf to the S|)ani8h 
silver, with a consciousness of well-doing that would 
"have reflocte<l honor on any of the pirates of her realm.* ' 

How this high-handc<l act of robbery afTeote<l the 
Netherlands we' have already seen. It led to Alva's 
proclamation of non-intercourse with England, which for- 
a time consolidated the manufacturing and commercial 
classes of the country in their opposition to Spain. lint 
' '^ts efifects upon England wci-o no less marked. Non- 
jntercourse with the Netherhinds threw all business into 
confusion, ahd at first seemed to threaten wide-spread 
and permanent disaster. In the end. however, it. was 
productive of great good. The English maritime and 
trading spirit was aronsed, never to sleep again. Sbnt 

♦ Froude, Jx. 371. 

ona WAB wrni ip*» iuhs mnTjkDUi am 

ont temporarily from the markets of tlio Ncthcrlundg, 
the Englialyproducera began to Heck markets for them- 
selves, and they found that there wns a proHt in legiti- 
mate commerce, as well as in preying on their ncighlxirs. 
From tljis time forwartl they sought to coin|N'te with 
8{tain and the Netherhinds for the carrying trade of the 

In the first excitement attending these wholesale acts 
of reprisal, an open war appeare<l inevitable. Ilurghlcy, 
Elizabeth's prime minister, was in favor of it, believing 
that the time had come for a IVotestant coalition against 
Spain. But Elizabeth, with her habitual dislike of ex- 
treme meusares, and having her own schoino of self- 
preservation, held back, and began to a|X)l()gize for her 
recent conduct. On the other hand, I'hilip, as 8(K>n as 
his first irritation had subsided, also felt pacilic. Alniut 
the lust advice which he had reccivc<l from his astute 
father was to keep on friendly terms with England. 
With France he was in a chronic state of war, and the 
revolt in the Netherlands was daily bccbining more 

• The Rnynl Exchange in LnniloH was opened to the pulilic in 
1568, but it was Home year* iKforc it waa inucli useil. It wni fimnd- 
ed b; 8ir Thonins Greabani, wlio'was for a loog ixriml the financial 
agent of Blizabcth in tlie Netherlands. Deriving tlio idea of n mer- 
chants' exchange from that country, lie cVtiied to a liirge extent tha 
exchange at Antwerp in his building, and imported an architect, 
carpenters, and most of his material from Flandei^ Wo And from 
Oresliam'a correspondence that ho also importeil fur I^rd Burgliley, 
who was then Imilding a new country-house, pavingstouca, wain- 
acot-galleries, chairs, and wagons. Commenting on these facts, his 
biographer somewhat naTvely says : " It is quite surprising to per- 
ceive to what an extent, at this |ieriod, an English c<liflco was in- 
(Jebte<l to Continental artificers, not merely for its decorations, liut 
for its moat material feature*."— Burgon'a" Life of Oresjiam," 11. 119, 
116, 178. Bucb writers fail to recognize tli« condition of England. 

.*' / 




thrtotcning. He tbereforo smothered liis anger, and 
nuido a prutonce of liclioving the excusoa of Elizabeth, 
which never deceive*! any one, except |h.tIiu|)8 herself. 

Although KliailMitli, when uoflfroritutl with the |)eril 
of an (i|M'n wur, was ready enough to niitke excuses and 
promises to I'hilip, she could never bring herself, even 
if she had tiic |x>wer, to suppress the privut>> wur which 
her subjects were carr^-ing on by scu. It is a great mis- 
take, however, oa I have already suggested, to Uiok upon 
this contcHt, at least in its early stages, as oHrrotestant 
warfare. Elizabeth herself fully symiKitbizcd with Alva, 
and rejoice<l over his succc8.se8 in the Netherlands.*. 
Ilcr 8ubj(H;ts, too^ hhd at first as little religious feeling - 
as she luul herself. Tlie Catholics wefe in a majority 
on the western coast <if England, where the pirates had 
their headquarters. In 15^19 they sent thirty thousand 
pounds to Coligny to support tiio Huguenot cause in 
France, because their privatei'rs were sailinir under bis 
colors, and preying on the commerce of their fellow- 
Catliolics of France and S|>ain. Still, the Protestant 
leaven was at work, and the worhl was to advance even 
through English greed. 

Wo have seen how Hawkins, in his last unfortunate 
exiKHlition, left behind him in Mexico about a hundred. 
of his crew who fell into the hands of the Spaniards. 
Most of them were sent to Spain, arid there torned over 
to the Inquisition, gentle means having failed to sup- 
press their practices. Subjected to the rack, their nom- 
inal Protestantism gave way, and almost all of them 
recante<l. Still, recantation did not save them from pun- 
ishment for fkiracy, and the story was brouglit to Eng- 
land of the cruelties to which they were subjecteti. It 

. . • Fmudc, ix. 8jH. "• , ■ > 

Z' nuNcn oBiKi Atro bm ixploits 401 

ia greaily to tho crwiit of llnwkins ami the othei^lewL 
ing corsairs of th<< tiiijo that they ncv'cr.(lf!H'rte<l their 
comnulus when in troiibli-. Tlieir wild hfe, a'nd wihi 
enough it was, never ilullwl iho iloep affection for men 
of their own blooil wlueh has always charactcrize<l the 
Anglo-Saxon race. In the fro*n s«>«8 of tho North, in 
the jungles, of India, or in tho tleserts of Africa, the 
Englishnian has always face<l <leatb with unflinching 
bouragt) when tho rescue of a countryman has Ix-i-n in- 
volveil. Hawkins, to release his coninuies, vcntunHlinto 
the very jaws of the Inquisition. Pretending to Iw a 
traitor to Elizabeth, and armed with a letter from Mary 
of Scotland, who was then a prisoner of her myal cous- 
in, ho went to Spain, deceived Philip himself, and ro- 
turned with such of his crew' as were still alive. Tho 
King of Spain ex|)ccted them to l>e his allies, but they: 
were soon at sea again under the old Hug, each one with- 
his talo of S|)ani8h cruelty to lire the hearts of his 
comrades, and to nervo himself to new schcnies of ven- 

''For about three yoaiji after tho affair of the Italian 
money, Elizabeth seemtnl to feci some alarni for fear 
that she had gone too far; but in 1573 she took ]>ait in 
an expedition which sailed under the command of a he o 
who was destined to a fame much wider than that of the 
great Hawkins himself. 

Francis Drake had acconipanie<I ITawkihs on his lost 
ill-starred yoyoge, and could never forget tho sufferings 
of his companions who had been taken by the ^|)an- .. 
iards, nor cease to dream of tho treasures which had once 
l>een within his grasp. Sailing from Plymouth, with 
the queen as one of his partners, ho spent the summer 
in the West Indies, murdering Spanianis and plundering 
their houses. Then crossing to the mainland, he inter- 
I.— 2« 


ceptml the trcnsiirc-tmin on the Igthtnus of I'anamn, und 
after securing nn enormous amount of gokl ami Hilvi-r set 
sail for England, which ho -rcochcd in wifet}', capturing ' 
anotlicr gnhl-ship on tlio return voyage.* 

Thi8 exiKHlition prove<I hdw vulnerable was S|)ain in 
her tninMttlantic imsseiisions. The lleltl of oiierntions 
for t)ie uilvetiturerH of Kngland wu8 expanding. Drake 
was soon to open to tlicm all the oceans of the world. 
In 1577, he set out from Plymouth for a voyage to the 
Pacific, whose waters hchad looked uixin when he vis- 
ited the Isthmus of Panama. He now sailed with a fleet 
of Ave snuiU vessels, the queen being again his partner, 
and the Earl of Lcicpster one of his largo stockholders. 
His commission was e<]uivocal ; Elizabeth, as usual, in- 
tending to repudiate him if it seeme«l to her advantage. 
On his part, however, there was no uncertainty of pur- 
pose. * 

This famous voyage jastecl for three years, und its 
story reads like a romance. Creeping ilown tho coast 
of South America, Drake passed through the Strait of 
Magellan. Theft; the last of his com|)anions dcsertoil 
him, (ind ho found himself on the waters of the bnmd 
Pacific with only eighty men and a single little vessel 
of one hundred and twenty tons' burden, about half the 
size ofone of our .fishing schponcre which sail to New- 
foundland .from tho„por(s of Maine. Making his way 
north\fanl, he plundered tho Spanish villages on the 
coast; seized great heaps of silveb which had l)ccn 
brought down from the mines of Peru; capturwl a treas- 
ure-ship with its cargo of gold, silver, jiearlH, emeralds, 
and diamonds ; and, almost without firing a shot or strik- 
ing a blow, loaded down his vessel with u cargo such as 

* Ftoude, zi. 31. 



the world had never lecn Ixifore, and never Iihb tuton. 
since his day. Then, turning westward, he continued liiM 
, furrow around the globe, cromod the I'ocitlc, rounded 
the Cape of Good IIo|)o, nnd, in V>H(\ dro|>pp«l anchor 
in Plymouth with his precious freight.* 

What WHS its value no one ever know. The S|innish 
ambassador thrcutone<l immediate war unlesit it was 
returned, and Kli/jiboth made a show of having it in- 
ventoried and safely guanknl. Ihit the officers who 
took the inventory were «lirccte<| not to bo too partic- 
ular, and not to interfere with Drake if he wished to 
tako any (lortion for himself. In tlio queen's council, 
opinion was divided as to the disposition of the plunder. 
Home were in favor of giving it up to Sjwinx others Ihv 
lieved in sending it to the I'rinco of Orange or to the 
Hugul^nsts in France. Klizalieth settled the controversy 
by making a liberal allowance to Drake, giving the 
shareholders who fitted out the c.xpetlition 6ne hundred 
])er cent, on their investment, and keeping the romaindor 
for horself.t 

The vessel which had sailed around the world was 
taken to London and placed on exhibition.^ In its 
cabin, Elizabeth, dine<l with Drake, and took the occa- 
sion to knight him for his exploit;;. lie, in return, gavO 
her a diamond cross, and a crown set with enormous 
emeralds. Most of her courtiers also became the recip- 
ients of his bounty. Three, however— Sussq^c, Wulsing- 
ham, and Burghley— who believed in war and not in 

* Htgellsn'a vc«ael, vitb fiftecD of its crew, bad made the umc trip 
h«If • century before. , ■' 

t Fronde, xi. 428. 

t Ilcntzner miw it there in ISW. Oe ipealci of it M tlie ship of 
"Out noble pirate, Francia Dnke." 


private pilliiji^, doclintHl hii) giftR, tho latt<>r myin^'lhat 
lie did not wh< how in conscionco lie could ivciiivo pres- 
ents from a man who had notliing kiit what he'hiul 
made by piracy.* 

Hut the conncientiouii scrnplos of Uurghloy were not 
Rhnnnl BV tho |x>oplo at largo. To them Drake was a 
hero, and woll might they lulniire his character. He was 
far fn)m l)cing a vulgar pimto, Ike some of hiit prcde- 
ces-sotg, cruising merely for plunWer, and robbing friend 
nnd foe alike. lie was a cru8)uler of tho modem ty|)C, 
I'Awsessing tho qualities which have always excited the 
just admiration of his countrymen- Ho ba*l a love of 
adventure, was of unflinching courage, had unbounded 
confldcnce in himself, and an unalterable U^liuf that no 
ono in the world was a match for an Englishman, lie 
was also a reli^ioua man, as religion then went^among 
the majority of men in Kurojic. On his famous voyage 
aroiftid tho world, ho took a chaplain with him, as the 
SiHtnianIs tuo^ a priest, who regularly adminiHtcrc<| tho 
communion to tho crew. IIo was an earnest Protestant, 
ut least from a civil standpoint, and probably thought 
that by plundering the piipi^s he was doing good ser- 
' vice, not only to tho State but to tho Lord. 

The voyages of Drtiko gave a great impetus to Eng- 
lish Protestantism. More than ever before, tho ocean.- 
swarmed with tho corsairs, who were willing to face even 
tho Inquisition in their search for Catholic gold. But it . 
was not merely a mercenary spirit which in the end ani- 
mated these rovers of the sea. It is, of course, absurd to 
invest them with a religious character, but it would be 

• Fraude, xl. 420. Jt must be rcmoinbcnxl by tlio reader tbat til 
through tliii period England was at pence witb Spain, and Elizabeth 
wai rewlutpl; oppoted to o|)en nar, 

OIMWTH or Till HPIRIT OF PATiuamM 408 

equally absunl to ignoro tlio spirit of patriotigm whi^ib 
was growing more intcnHC among tbom with every ]ta«H- 
ing year. 

Spain, to be gur<*, was nt |)(>aro witb England, hut sbn 
waa gnulually coming to 1k» recugiiizc<l as tbo great fo»> 
of human liberty. On the otlt6r hand, although Eliza- >^'< 
bcth cnretl nothing for principles and was anxious only 
to save hemclf, the people nt large knew little, of the 
racilhitions, the inclinations to tiiu |mpacy, the br<>arhe8 
of faith, and treoohory to her friends which the state- - 
pn])er8 now reveal, and which were the chief causes of 
her periT.'Slie imposc<l few taxes, she was |K)pul«r in 
her manners, and she gave her (Country |)euce. To hoj' 

[->,.« peo|.'lu, wlioumlernoath the surfsce had noble character- 

^jf ■ istjoH, she represente<l a, principle, that of nntionulity; 

^'l "* and, us tt l^rotestant sovereign, an iilea— tliat of hatred of 

the jMipists, and of Spain, their leading champion. Ky- 

.^^ ery corsair who set out in search of Spanish plunder 

^H^^tumed more of an Englislnnan than ever; his island 
T home wos dearer to him, for it protected him iToni all 
,his enemies; hjs Kovcrcign ho wor8hip{ic<l, for she was 
the-good genius of his fortunes; Each one, also, l>n)ught 
back his tale of the crjnies against humanity per|N)trated 
by the Inquisition. These actions, so far as English- 
men were concerned, might be justified legally as fair 
reprisals, but such a consideration would have no effect 
upon this people. Their rulers might stretch Jesuits 
;]pon the rack, or consign heretic Dutchmen to the 
flames, but it tVas an inexpiable offence for a foreign 
power thus to treat an Englishman.* 

* A nnUlilp, but by no meant an exceptional, illnitration orthii 
national trait i* found in StrTpv'a "Annnia of tlio Kcformation," 
Tbla induatrioui writer, who nxde Ida eompilstiona Id the esriy part 


Step by itcp thn irrepremible conflict ia' coming on. 
Little by little England in foclinf^ lier Htrcngth, and pit>- 
parinj^ for tiio gninil imthurMt of national energy which 
fullowuil the annihiUtipn uf the Kpuniah Armuda and 

oniieciKlitrriitlirfiitiirr.wiu ■ IliKli-rhurclinian, ami kn iinwarrring 
adinirrr of EliMU'lli iinil her ecrlfiiiutical iMiliry. He tlncriliM, witli 
apparrnt tuitiaruclion, tlio burning at the ttake, in 1.573, nf two Ana- 
liaplUU fnini llnllaiiil ; men nrlin inaile no iliaturrwnrr. Iiut, incrting 
<|uiell; forpriratc woniliip, wcro arreitnl, anil, on l><;in)( (piotiooi'tl, 
arnwpil oplniotii which llic Church called hen'lical. Ho ulwi trila 
wlUi approval of the execution, in LtM) ami ISHI, nfn nunilMT of 
Jetuit prlealu, «;hn, lieforu trini, were •ul>ject«<l to torture, tjicir 
naiU lorn mil, nuil their arnnn rackeil irA» lielpleMncu, nil for preiicli- 
in)! in aecret the iloctrinca of Iheir failh. Neither these trtn«ac- 
tiona, nor the aulMeiinent execulionn of acores of other Cnthnlica ami 
BeparatUlu, elicit fn>m our Teiicrahlo author one woni of human 
pity ; .lint in ISHl an Knf;M>h I'rolcntnnt wan liumeil at the ntako in 
lioini-, nnil concerning liia fate we flmi the followirtft lanj;un)(e: 

" Hut there lin|ipcneil tliia year an einnipin of |Hipal |)cr«eciilion. In 
Koine, upon an Kiif{liiihmnD, which excccileil inucJi any penecntinn 
complainetl of in Knglanil." The viciiin of thin |X'rwcution \vii« one 
Dicliaril Alkiim, of wIiom! iIoIiirh 8ir,\pc hiiHHelf |{ive<i thin account. 
Burning with nliKiou* <cul,.he left hin own country, anil went In 
Rome, to e»|iow< llie wickeilnew of the |>np<> ami the lilolulry of the 
|icopte. In carrying out hia cnlerprite, lie flr>t viaitril the Enfilinh 
College lli'ere, rchukeil the attiilrnta for the great minorileni of their 
liTct, called the nmu n " Allliy Micramcnt," and denounced the pope 
as llio Antichriit who wa> " poJMining the whole worhl with hit 
abominable lilaapheiuics." For tlieiHi K|ieechi'« he wai nrrvslinl, but 
aAer a &» diiya' cnnflncmeitt waa aet at liUrty. Next, he allocked a 
prieat who was carrying the Iloat through the street*, and attemptnl 
to take away the ancreil emblem. This offence, loo, was overlooked. 
At Inst, he went tn St. Peter's during maaa, piislieil his way to the ' 
altar, seized the chalice, throwing the wine upon the ground, and 
struggled with the priest to take away the consecrated wafer. Thia 
last exploit led to his mnrtyrdom, and In Sirypc's denunciation of ' 
" papal persecution." Strype's " Annals," iii. iMt 


gave the counlrv » now life. Tim oxcluHJon^of tlwir 
wool ami olutli fmiii tliu inhrkutH of tlio Notlit'rlands 
aeein^l U> her mvrcliAntg at tlrat u dreadful ciilamity. 
It loci, howovcp, as wo liavu soon, to their wMiking new 
markets for theniselvps, iind thuii, with un ex|NkTiding 
commerce, they learm'Hl tlio lesaun /if ovlf-coiitidence, 
the chief re<|uigitc of success in any railing. Acc<)ni|ia- 
nying thin feeling was the Intcnso national anil I'mtes* 
tunt spirit whicii was every day becoming more arouse«l 
under the running private war with K|Niin. Ii^ the fact 
that these hiomentous changes were brought almut 
largely through the o|K'rations of the conutirg, who reji- 
resented one marked phase of the new national energy, 
may lie found my excuse for giving so nuu'li »|>iic'e to»i 
an account of these national heroes. 

Still, the I'ljitcstantism which the nati<m was ucijuir- 
ing in this .nfunnor liad little of a religious character. 
It did well enough" for Klizalicth ; it wouhl have suited 
all her requirements t|jat a subject sliouhl love her, huto 
the l>o|>e, and plunder the S{>anianlg. Ilut them was 
another Hpirit abroad in the land~a spirit which tvos to 
make E!l)glan(l, for a tim9,a I'uritan country ; a country 
of correct morals, and imbued ^^^ith a love of justice and 
oc)ual rights before the law. To lie sure, this condition 
was not to amtinuo long, but, considering what we have A 
seen in the preceding pages, the wonder is that it evcr^ 
came about at all. It is evident that the influence whicli 
conld work such i^ revolution must have been a very 
{Mtent one. In fact, it was comi>lex in its nature, but, 
like the influences which priKlucwl the former waves of 
progress, mainly tnu^ablo to a foriMgn origin. < )f its 
nature and tjie methwis of its o|>eratiun we shall see 
■umething in the next chapters. 


TinC jmt'lTH ANI> THK ■•rUITANft— lASR-ISM , 

^; - Wk Imvo seen in the prcce<lin^ IWRtii Roinrtlitn); of 

j» the rpHKinuH con<lition nf Kngliinil thirin^ tliu iirst ]Hirt 

of the Klixulmthun age. Thero in nothing; 8ur|iri8iiif; in 

the pirturc, when wo Ix'ar in mini) tho )>rior liistorv of 

.' tho country, nnd tho'form which tho Keformation took 

on among its people. L'|)on the Continent tlu) Kufor- 

1 - niation wiw n rc-ligioas niovcrnent ;, here it wm largol.v 

secular and iN)liticnl. TIiq result, at first, was a great 

' breaking-down nf religion and monility. while tho con' 

>. eentratton in one hand of the civil and religioUH ]i<)\rur 

- built up a tyranny which, in 8f)me of its featun.'s, scoina 

at tho present day well-nigh Asiatic in its «]>>iregar<i of 

human rights.* lleforo the century closed, however, 

tho country saw a change, which was to IxM-onie oven 

more marke<l after Rlizal>cth had imsgcd away. . This, 

change consisted in the elevation of tho tone of nionilii' 

among certain classes, and the appearance in the samo 

' ' quarter of a deep religious' feeling, accom^mnivd by a 

wide-spread demand for somo meanurorof civil liberty. 

' Such A rovohition wos caused little by anything within 

the nation, much less by anything within the EslalilirfP^ 

; Church. _^ _ . *^-j 

* Hume liknnt it to the gnfernmentii of Rauis and Turkey in liii 
time, tntl lie wu not M pnjudiced 0* uitn; pcnpni think. 


Tho reli^iuuii «ystom' which tho Knghsh IWormcrH 

coMtnicUHt on tho rtiinn of tlio imimcy wiis a foinpro- 

mise, and, likb all coinproiniscg, wn« iliKUktMl hy the 

eaiTiost mun of either |Nirty. It retaint^l ii ritual, with 

moRt of tho pmycni and niuny of tho forinx and r<>nv 

monieii of tho old rfligion, whilo \t» d<Krtrin<>:* wi>r<t takon* 

larp»ly from tho tlnx»lo>fy of Calvin. Huch an oittaliliHh- 

mcnt, pre<iidc<l over l»y n t<*rn|H)nil nionai-cli who jis- 

8umo<l almoiit the authority of a |Mi|Nt, would havo been 

impoMiblo ainon^ a pcopRi who had much diH*|> rclij;- 

iouii feelinf^. lint tho Knfrli^h, in the main, had none: 

and hence this iiyhrid, inixtngruouH HyNtoui might have 

. worketl well enough hud tho ^nation Invu left to itaelf, 

undisturbed by any foreign intliienc«<. ^ucii an iitolation- 

was, however, now im|H>g8ible. Upon the Continent the 

old and tho new Ryxtem of i)elief wen> fighting out a 

lifc-and.<ieath struggle. Klizul)etli tried to k(H>p it from 

Ijer d(K)r8; but every day an ex|)nnding conunerce nnr- . 

rowed the channel which 8e|)anite<l Kngli^nd from tho 

field of conflict, and thicker and faiitor fe^l. the siKirkn 

from the flapies lighted. by the warring factions. That 

gome of them shouhl take eiToct on ilritish soil was, in 

tho natuco of things, inevitable. ^ . 

The change which came alM)ut in Knghind, lifting it 
to a higher plane, was due mainly to-the conflict lie- 
tween two forces in the nation : one, a newly uwukoiied 
Catholicism, the other the new-bom I'uritjinism. Nei- 
ther was native to the soil ; each derived its power from 
a Continental influence. 

IIow true this was as to the Catholics can l)0 sei-n 
from a gknee at their history during the first years of 
the reign of Elizabeth. As socm as she was fairly seatcil 
on the throne, she re<iuired all the priests and dignita- 
ries of the old CbuKh to conform to tho Protestant 


Tormularios, niul a vory ginnll numhei' cif them rofniioil 
oomplianco.' Tlii» outwuni c-unformity, however, wua 
not HulHciont. Ah tiiiio wont on, more uml nuiro 8trin- 
gent liiwa wcro iiiuwMi iigiiin»t uvea the privato practico 
of the ancient rit«8. Tlw Ib)nianit|tii wcm found mostly 
in the rural districts of the North and Went, the k'list 
advanced wx-tions of the kingtlom, 'and then; the oht 
pri<>8tH, disguiMtiil sometiines so as to rcsemhie I'nitestant 
preachers, Hitto<l about front houi|) to house, or fnund 
concealment in the mansions of the woiilthy S4|uirp«< and 
nobles. Perse'iutioFi, of Course, only incroase<l the fer- 
vor of those who entertained sincero conViutions, but 
theso were few in number. Homo tmssetl over to the 
Continent and took up anus iii France or Hpnin. Among 
those who ri'inained at home, religious feeling seemed 
almost dying out. 

In 1508, Mary Stuart fled to England, seeking a refuge 
from hcl' insurgent subjects. She found a prison-house, 
in whitli li^r restless spirit was to chafe for nincte<>n 
yean, until relcasfxl by the headsman's axe. As a Cath- 
olic and the next heir to the throne, she became the 
centre, consciously or unconsciously, of endless .plots . 
against the government. The year after her iirrivul, 
some of the great (,'atholic earls of tlie North ixmt In 
open rebellion ; but the ]>eople, on whoso support they 
counted, refuxo<l atwistanoe, and the leaden; took the 
well-worn ]iath to the Tower, and thence ta the place 
of execution. The next year, the po|ie issued his bull 
of excommunication against Elizabeth, but even this fell 
harmless. In Scotland a religious War was waging; in 
Italy, Kpain, Franco, and the Netlierlan<ls, the Catholics 
were all aflame with religious zeal,1>ut in £)nglaud tliey 

r * HnlUm't "Conit ilUt," 1. I20i 

•■"'1 . 


■eemed Kunk in a liRtlcHH tor|M>r. At liutt, however, tt 
change came over them ; the tuqior waa ibakon ufT, a 
•piritui^ fervor t<i(>k itM place, ^ nil th)! h»tlcf«i, inofTnniivo 
papistB MH'incil uInjuI to lN>r<iii)e ii jxiwer in tlic iuntl. 
To umtentund the influences which brought alxiut this 
trannformation, wo must leave England and cast our 
, byeit BcruRH the Channel. r 

In the Protestant view of ilie {icriod covere«l hy the 
Reformation, \«e are sometimes disiMxteil, wliilo copsid- 
ering the great intellectual awakening which brought 
the Protestants into Iteing, to overlook its efTe<'tH,u|Nm 
those who remainetl true to Mother Chnn-li. It should 
bo rcmemlMred, however, that the teachings of Luther 
and Calvin would have pro4luce<l slight rvsnlts kit for 
the general sprcati ttf knowl(><lgo hy which they were 
preceded, an<l that the same cause efTi'cted a revival of 
spiritual zeal among the Itomunists. The world was 
shaking off the intellectual sleep Jf ages. As men awoke, 
many of them turned to religion, wid such men, through 
the influence of nature or environment, were divided 
into Protestants and Catholics. It would be a great 
mistake to suppose tliat all tlie reformers wea' on one' 
aide, or that honesty of puqioso was conilnc<l to one re- 
ligious ]>arty. All over Euni|)e were scattered earnest 
Catholics, burning with enthusiasm and devoted to their 
Church, but fully conscious of the corruptions which 
were eating out its heart. 

Shortly after Luther o|iencd his crusade against the 
papacy, a society avbs forme«l which gave to these spir- 
its a rallying-point within their Church, and an organ- 
ization through which to work. It was the Order of the 
Jesuits ; its founder was Ignatius Ix>yola. lioVola was 
a Spanish knight, brought up at the court of Fenlinand, 
•ml distinguished for his galkiitry among a race of sol- 


tlteni. In 15UI, when thirty jmra of nf^% h«< «rii« 
veri'ly woumhtl at tbo xifgu i>f riiinpcluna. A long 
neu foUo\re(l,Vhic-h loft hifit IniiUMi for lif<>. hiiriii);^ 
hii toUioiM cfinllneiiient hu t(M>k' up, to whiln away tUo 
time, a lifo of thn Saviour, and ii vulumo rontaining thi' 
lives of the utintM. The hiltor inflnnuMi nn imlent imag- 
ination, JtMl Uiforu on talcit of chivulry alone. What 
others had done, as wan there recunlol, ho thought (bat 
lya couUl do hinwelf, and wi dotennincd to liye ,a life of 
alMtinenee, penitence, and holinettii. In a visi<m the Vir- 
gin ap|K>aretl lM>foro him, with the holy infant in he^ 
anuK, ami blegwHl his renolutitm. (']M>n emerging from 
the ltfck-r>>6m, be Mold bin littlo pro|M>rty, gave the pro- 
ceotlH to the Church, and set out on a pilgrimage to Jeru- 
salem, licturnihg in safely, having U'gged his way and 
8u(Tere<l nntoUl bur«l8hi|)s, bo centered u^Min a course uf 
study. Pnmtising tbo moHt rigpnius austerities, and vis- 
ited in drenni!! at times by angels and then by demons, 
he ihissmI several years, in various 'tmivcrsitics, finally 
drifting to I'aris. Tliero bo found two men <>f great ii>- 
tolluctual ))owor.who shared his mystic l)elief and Ix}- 
came bis lifo associates — Peter Fabcr, a Savoyanl. and a 
Spaniard, Francisco Xavier. They formed a little lihnd, 
sworn to i:ba8tity and jMverty, and dovnte<l to the con- 
version of sinners At home and the heathen abroad. ,Toin- 
ing other comjianions with them, in i.'i.^T they went to 
Itome, cidling themselves the Company of Jesus. In 
1540, they wore formolly organized, adding to their |)reT 
vious vows one of unquestioning obc<licnce to their gen- 
eral, whom they electc<l for life. 

Thus cstablishcti, upon principles which attrocte<l the 
fervent rf)'mpathy of a newly awakened Catholic worli), 
this order placed itst^lf at the absolute disposal of the 
pope. In the contest with the reformers outside the 

;'"'.. lllinoMA«T WORK «r TUI JHCITI '411 

Church, it became tho chief Hupport of tlio |m|mr,v, ami 
to itM I'fTorta, nioro than to any otiior vuUMt, wim <Iiio tho 
oh^k which wua pkcttl u|)un tlio' |)rogruiM uf tlio Itef- 
omiulion. liuw well tho J(!SMit«, m they went wxin 
called liy otlien, met tho wnntit uml tho Hpirit of the nife 
in Cntholio countrioR i» shown liy tho nipiilily with 
which they iiprcad through Kur<)|N>, and thu viut [M>wer 
which they g^n ac<|uirod. Whut carnmt soul, lM-li(!tlng 
in the doctripti of ("utholieiHni, eouhl full to he moved 
by thu.Helf-abnegation and tlio he roism which tlicMt men 
di8])luye«U At tho oiitHel they ap])oaled simply to thu 
principle of duty, tho grt>ut word of |)ower in every lan- 
guagv. Lpyolu, tho flrst gunend of tho order, jierf )nnod 
the most menial iH'rvices in his church at lionie, taught 
classes of little children, and collectcxl alms for the Juwh 
and for abun<lonod women, in tho work of whoso refor 
mation bo laboriMl with unflagging zeal uptil his death 
from pure exhaustion. 

Their nriMionarios sought oat the heathen in every 
land.- The history of the world shows nothing compa- 
rablo with their hemic lalmrs in this direction. At tho 
first organization of tho society tho work began. In 
1541, Xavier went to tho Portuguem East Indies. At 
the time of his <leath, ten years luier, ho and his ns-soci- 
atea could number the converts to their faith by tho tens 
of thousands. They carried the crucifix through India, 
China, the isles of tho Pacific, and even Africa, two 
centuries beforo tho Protestants iiegun their work, ex- 
cept by sending out a straggling preacher hero and 
there. In the Now Worhl, their efforts were e«]iially 
extensive. Everywhere they followed in tho wako of 
the ferocious Spaniards,' largely mitigating the horrors 
of their conquests. In Paraguay, they established al- 
most a paradise on earth. Even among the savage 


414 TUi rcmTAM m Holland, ■noumd, and ahuica 

tribe* of l'anu<U thoir work of civiliattinn wm not un- , 

V'ory iliffercnt fnrni the lifo of many u incxJiTn roii- 
■i6nary wun that of theito piunfcrs in tliu hcathim Hi>ld. 
Nothing linco the curly ilnyi of ('hriatianity ec|uiiU the 
hanlahi|w which thoy tufferiHl, thu |)crilii which thoy 
fucctl. Men of high hirth unci ilolicatu nurturo plunKnl 
into tho wililemcM, and |wimoiI yuuni without <<ven the- 
sight of any friendly fuccit, except tlioite of the duiky 
niVBge8_ul>out them, and with no future exct>|it the cer- 
tainty of iiuirtynloni. Tho |<ogtg of greatest danger, 
whoni they could have a choice, wero thu ones to which 
they floc)ce<l. Thus, when thu news reache<l Kunt])e 
that A memlicr Of their order had, in Japan, denied the 
faith — and this was almost tho only instance in their 
history — volunteers sprang up from every quarter pray- 
ing for iicrmission to go there and vindicate tim trutli. 
Tho pniyers of many wero grantee), and all of these 
Volunteers lai<l down their lives amid horrihle tortures; 
with them tho recusant himself, who, n>|>enting of his 
weakness, went,lieforo tj><> ningistrates and acknowl- 
edged tlmt he also was a Christiun.f 

In Europe tho .Tesuits did a work much greater than 
that accomplished in foreign lands. To their efforts 
wos largely duo tho purilicution of the Uomish (.'liurch 
from tho gross abuses which had arousud tho indigna- 

• See Park inan'( " Jrniiiti in North Americo." 

t Bjr vny nf rontrut, it may lipro be noted that two hundrk] 
' yean after the foiindation of the Jesuit miadiuDt in Aaia, tho Engllah 
Eaat India Company refuted, " for weiglity and itilMtantial reaaona," 
to iwrmtt the Oixpel to be preached in its proTincoa, eren by Prot- 
eatant miaaionariea. Haekenzle'a " Kincteenth Century," book ii. 
chap ii 


tion of mankind. Thoy took ao money for u mMw; 
limy rcifuMHl to confeiw a woman unloM in tlio )>n>tM>ne» 
o( » brotliur iiriest ; tlicy proctiwMl and enfomtl ii|ion 
th<*ir |)u|iiU itrict chastity of lifo; and tlicy m>vi>r nucri- 
flcptl tlu) intcrcat* of tlioir onlor to iiny omsidorution of 
•cHIhIi ciwo. I'niiko tli(< memlNMit of tlio old inomuitic 
orgnnl7jttionii, the}' wuru no |H>culiur tfarU, Itut dn'Mitud 
liko tho ordinary clergy, -or, when deemed adviMil>l», 
even a<k>ptcd the c«)«tumo of tlio coimtry in which tiliey 
lived. .No time was Hjivnt hy them in itllo ren^monica, 
but thoy dovotoil ihoiiiselvcft to uh active lifij us |m-ach- 
ors, teai'lieru, and confessorH. Recognizing tho »|>irit of- 
the ngo, inHtoad of dig[wmging science they took u lead- . 
iAg part in its development. They cultivate<l lileniturt*. 
and won high renown as scholars— oratory, and UH-'amc 
tho first pn'achers in tho Church. 

Hut tlieir greatest pro-cmirionce was attainc<l in the 
{trovinco of oducntion. Knowing that us tho twig is 
bent tho tre« will 1)C inclined, they devote*! their chief 
' energies to tho training of the young. J\\\ over Catho- 
lic Europe thoy ostablishetl schools, in which tho instruc:- 
tion was entirely free. Iteversing tho ol(^,traditions un- 
der which teoohers ond scholars wore natural enemies, 
they Won the love and confidence of their pupils, bind- 
ing :^hem by chains of affection which no time could 
weaken. Prcimratory k-hools tcmk up children in their 
infancy, ond thence they wf re transferred to colleges 
which turned them out as finished scholars^in everything 
except tho i>owcr of thinking for themselvj's in matters 
of religion. The system which they established was a 
vast machine for onrolliiig and disciplining an army of 
civilians, sworn to otey the orders of their lender, and 
that leader they looked up to as Qod'a representative 
on earth. 

'■■.■■.''.■- .*''■■■_#■■■' ■''•■,■ :''^'*' ■ 
411 Till rviirr*!! m uoixamo^ kiulamd, ako AVimcA 

Whilo thui training tim riling f^^ni>ration, thoy did 
not, liowori'r, m>Kl<'ct tlmiMt who liud alri'iul^' ffMicliitl ma- 
turity, llvro tlii'ir i-lilrf inHucnnt wiiit <>:.ort<Hl tl>n)U((h 
the CMnfvMionai. Uigid in their owii liri<ii, they ftuinvd 
■the n>«|iec-t nnd conlhUmco of tlin lincwro. Theau formed 
their curly fnllotvem. Dut im timo rolled on, ufter tho 
(tenth of lioyola, it wait rliiir^Nl, and ]M.>rliu|M not iin- 
juiitly, that for others they made religion coinfortahle. 
> III II 8cniio very ditTeront from that intende<i hy the great 
a|)oiitle, they iNi-ume all thingn to iril men; nut to wvo 
. the iiieh, hut to huihl u|i the |iower of their'order. To 
their own memlM-rii, however, no relaxation of diiici|)linQ 
wiiH shown, and mt, Ixxly of soldient, working together 
ur as single scouts, ever showed inoro Clearly what dis- 
cipline nnd intensity of {luqwsu can accoin|ilish. When 
they wcro first organiuKl Luyolu had nine coni|iuniunk; 
ill sixteen yetkrs the nine bad grown to u thousand ; by 
the end of the century they nuiiilN-red over ten timiViu 
many. Tliey then had obtained the chief direction of 
the education of youth in every ("atholio country of Eu- 
ruiie. They ha<l lN>com« the confessors of almost all its 
nionarcbs, and of nlii.ost every (icrson eminent for i^nk 
or |>ower, thus IxiKling in their keeping tho secrets of 
governments and of individuals without numl>er.* 

Such was the Hll]K)werful organization which sprang 
up to fight tho Imttlcs of Catholicism iigainst the liefor- 
niation. In after-vears it became one of the curses of 

. • Ilolietmin'i ** C'liaric* V." Ilacon, who knew of whnt he (poke, 
|)ii}9 Ihu JnuiU tho high tribute uf linviiiK " rnterprisod to rvfonn 
llicdiKipliDC itnd mannrra of tlie Obtirch of Koinr," and, with Luther 
iiiid tlie dirinct of the ProteMsnt Church, " awaked to tlirir Rreat 
honor and auccour all human Icamioj;."— Oacon'i " Filuro Labj- 

1 im tmem trarAiN tat pafal AOTBoahrr • 4n 

the world, ami among PnitesUnts the imino Jesuit is 
oft«Q ■ynonymouH with the tttrocioiis doctrine that the 
end juRtiilw the moanii. XJiere ia no danger that the 
crimcM or the pernicious influence exertml by some of 
the MicinlK'ni of this onler will ever be ovcrlookinl. 
Htill, it is not consistent with historic truth, while imint- 
ing their ilark sidfc to conceal tlieir virtues, or to ileny 
the great services which they have renderp<l t() human- 
ity. Too inujjh of this hiis \>qen done in the heat of 
controversy, while the opiHwite rule lius lN>en applied 
to the I'rotestant reformers; uml es|iecially to our own 
anoi^tors, Knglisk and American. This niodo of <leal- 
ing with the charactoni of the dead is sometimes, a|v 
parently, considered to be in the interest of patriotism or 
religion. It is very ditlicult, however, to n>concdo it with 
morality, exct'pt by ado|(ting the principle imputetl to 

«the Jimuits, which mankind .unite in holding up to ex- 
ecration. 4)1)0 thing Is very certain, no imo can under- 
stand the religious history of the sixteenth century, in 
which the Company of Jesus came into existence, who 

' fails to recognize the honesty and devotion to principle 
which actuateil the great majority of its members. 

When the order arose, the l>a|)acy was confronted by 
enemies from within as well aa- from without. Protes- 
tantism wiw sweeping overEtirope and corrying every- 
thing liefore it. The Jesuits, "by proclaiming the prin- 
ciple of reform within tlm Church, stayed its title and 
contlned it withih its present narrow limits. liut they 
did much more than this for the pope himself. Many 
of the Catholic rulers and a mimber of the bishops wore 
disposetl to dispute the authority of the head of the 
Church. Every one knows how readily the people of 
England iiccepted their king in place of the pope of 
Rome, and the feeling which led to this action was n6t 

;;\> ■ -4 .- 

4IS Tlia rt'RITAN m BUI.I.AND, BmiUMO, and AMIIIIfA 

unknown in other lamU. A numlxtr tif the Frenoli Hod 
H|iuniiih |>r(*hitoii iMM<rt(tl that un cirunumiciil council 
couhl cuiy.riil the holy ii>e, ami clniiniNl that thpy hold 
a coniinliwiun fn>m iioaven, in(le|Hmilent of tho pop«>. 
At tho ('ouncil irf Trent, which MttliMl wmu* of thtte 
i|UMtiona, thcrrcpnxicntntivi' of tlw J<>iiuitii, HiM^akin^ in 
the nauio of th« wholu fraternity, proclaimed that the 
((ovomnient of thu faithful bad 'been cnuimiitul by 
Cliriat to the pope alone; that in him all aaoerriotal au- 
* tliority was concentratetl ; and that >lirouKh him only 
-prioats ami bighoiM derjveil their divine autliority.* It 
was lari^ly owin^ (o^he ctforta of the Jesuit* that a 
formal decree of this famoua (.'ouncil establishMl the 
juriwiiotion of the pojN) as an artiol* of ^tholic faith, 
Jeavinf; the queatitm of his infallibility in matters of 
doctriho to be ipttUnl by future generatictna. ^ 

Thug the Catholic (.'liurch stootl fully cominitted to 
the theory of tho impal jurisdiction, an<l, i|l>nndoning 
t4io defensire, entcretl u|Hm an aggressive {lolicy. IIow 
it cnulic<l out heresy in Italy and Spurn, how it curbed 
the liefornuttion in (jermany,and thr6ttlc<l it in France, 
are familiar stories. IIow the Jesilils carriinl their mis- 
sionary work to Asia, Africa, .and tlie New WorUr, we 
have already noticed. We have also seen something -of 
the death-struggle going on in the Netherbinds. - In the 
crusade which tho Church was 9^rrying on', to win bock 
the recusants and to gain iiew converts. England oame 
last. It hod been purely l^atholic until the days of 
Henry the Reformer; it had been again nominally Cath- 
olic for a brief |)eriod under Queen Mory; it was now 
nominally Protestant under Queen Elizabeth ; in fact, 
it was in some respects almost a pure missionary field. 

. * UsctuU}'t "Englud," ii. M, tod lutboritin cltoi 


This thS papol anthorition recognizcnl after a few yours' 
ex|i»rience, an<l they Mt about its cultivatiun with sys- 
tem and deliberation. 

The great obstacle in England to a religions u waken- 
ing of any kind luy in tho gencnd ignorance of the 
pe<iplo, including the clergy. Tho priests of tho old 
Church who roniaine^l at home had little u<lucation, and 
those of the new establishment were'mo«>ly in tho same 
condition. The first thing, therefore, to be done by the 
Catholics, if they wished to gain tho advantage of their 
adversaries, was to educate prtoichers who would ox- ' 
pound anew to these islanders the doctrines which their 
fathers had accepted without question. This work was 
begun in 1508 by the establishment at t)ouay, in what , 
is now liolgiuni, of a college for the e«Iucation of Eng- 
lish Catholics. It was founde<l und<f^ tho auspices of 
Philip II., and was conducte<l by a number of profess- 
ors from Oxford, who had taught in that university 
during the reign of Mary, but who had fle<l to tho Con- 
tinent to avoid tho persecution of Elizabeth. Daring 
the rnle of Requesens in the I»w Countries it wn.s- re- 
moved tfl Rheims, and in 1570 it was supplemented . 
by another college, founded at Romd by Pope Greg- , 
cry XIII. The pupils instructed at these institutionsjn 
which were wholly free lioth as to boanl and e<luca- 
tion, stood pledged to return to England and preach 
tho doctrines of the old religion. 

The enterprise flourished from tho outset. Three 
years after its o|iening, the college at I)ouay contained 
one hundi?ed and fifty pupils. Three years later, in 
1674, these missionaries began crossing the Channel to 
revive the drooping faith of their cunijnitriots. In four ' "' 
years more, the Spanish minister at Ix>ndon was able 
to write to Philip that there were a hundred of these 


young priests disguised an laymen, 'duing missionary 
work in England. Tlieir success was marked and ini- 
meiliato. The Catholic gvntry, inspiml by tlieir fer- 
vor, Iwgan to pluck up courugu ; they refused to attend* 
the Anglican service, as re<|uire<l by law, anil some o|)en- 
1}' avowed their iincient faith. Tlie g«)vornment soon 
l)ocame alamiu<l. In 1,'iTS Parliament was conveneil, 
and iKtKseil a law making the landing of these semi- 
nary priests, or the hurlioring o(^tlH-m, treason, and in 
November of the same year one of their numbtT, Cutli- 
bert Mayne, was trie<l and executed. 

Still, thosQ young, men, although full of zeal and burn- 
ing with enthusiasm, formed but a skirmish line; lie- 
hind them stood a Unly of,traibed warriors, anxious to 
battle, and, if need lie, <lie,-for their religion. The lat- 
ter belongiHl to the (.'om|)any of J<»ius, which had taken' 
into its ranks the ablest and most pmmising of the Eng- 
lish refugees. Chief among them were Eilmund (.'am- 
pian anti Ilolwrt Pursonx, both of whom had been fel- 
lows of Oxford', Campian, who was born in ITAV, was 
the more brilliant of the two. At the age of twenty 
he had delivered an oration at Amy liobsart's funeral, 
at twenty-six he had gaine<l great favor in the eyes of 
Elizalieth by the skin with which ho had ilisputed be- 
fore her when she visited the university. Theliext year, 
although a Catholic at heart, he was onlainetl a «leacon 
in the English Church, but this step was followed by deep 
spiritual anguish. lie left Oxford, lived for a time in 
Ireland, writing an interesting sketch of the conilition of 
that country, and Anally passed over to theContinent and 
settled in the university at Rheiins. There ho was rec- 
ognized as an eloquent preacher and learned theologian. 
Parsons, somelivo years younger, was K>8s of a preacher, 
but cool, doar-headed, and sagacious as a leader. 



When, in 1580, the pope decided to Rond a band of 
Jesuits to England to complbto the work of rc-establinh- 
ing tlie Komish ('[lurcli, Puntons and (.'anipian were se- 
lected to head the mimioii. * I'n)ceoding to R(>mc, they 
receive<l the {mpa} blessing, and thence set out with 
seven coni|>anions, Oxford graduates and Jesuits like 
themselves, to encounter their ex|iected ninrtyrdora. 
Singly and in disguise they crossed the Channel, meet- 
ing with a welcome which must have raised their wild- 
est hopes. Campian had been instructed to abstain en- 
tirely from politics, iind devote himself solely to the 
work of conversion. lie went at once to London, thcn^ 
the very stronghohl of English I'nttestantism, and di- 
rectly after his arrival preacho<l to a vast audience in a 
hall hired for him in the middle of the city. Warned 
of his intended arrest, ho then fleil into the country, 
and his com]Hinions disi)cr8(>d to ctirry their teachings 
into every county of the kingdom. To them the Held 
seemed white for the harvest. Young men flocked to 
them with all the fervor of youth, the old came for- 
ward offering to lay down the remnant of their lives 
for the holy cause. The ignorance and looseness of 
living among the ministers of the Establisl>e<r Church 
excited their just indignation, while they were cheered 
and encouraged by hearing that thip honesty of a Catho- 
lic had passe*! into a proverb.* Within a few months 

^ * Ciunpian's letter to the general of the Jcoiiits. Froude, xi. 346. 
The Cliurch of Rome, tliankv to the elforta of the Jcauils, had at thia 
time been largely purged of the tcandala which had brought about 
the Reformation. The tablea were now turned, in England at Icaat, 
and the Catholics could retort on the Proteatania much of what had 
been denounced in them half a century liefure. Ilallam, writing of 
thia perioil, saya : " After the Council of Trent Imd effected auch 
ooDaiderable reforms in the Catholic discipline, it aeemed a aort of 


after their arrivnl, F'&lher AU«a, thn lieiul of the oolloge 
at KhoiniB, triumphuntly announccHl tlint there were 
twenty thouwintl mare CathoUca in Kngland than a 
year l)efore. - 

This exultation was, however, of ghort life. The 
Jesuits landetl on the English shores in June, 1580. 
Hy December, WalsinghHinv Elizabeth's great secretary, 
whoso spies were everywhere, had most of the original 
party under lock and key. Then followed the rack and 
the hoadsinan's axe. Parsons escape*! to the Continent, 
and Cainpian eluded arrest for six months more ; but he, 
too, was taken the next July, and, in Deceinlier, after 
(waring the extremity of torture, met the death of a 
martyr with the copstancy which became a member of 

Hut this did not end the movement. The pope had 
shown sagacity in ending to Kngland iw missionaries 
only native-born Englishmen, aiid those mostly in the 
flush of manhood. Their fervor was infwtious, for ho, 
one could doubt the sincerity of convictions which they 
were at all times ready to seal with their blood, and 
here, as elsewhere, extreme persecution only bnnl new. 
converts. After the death of Campian, Jesuits and 
seminary priests flocked in b}' tens and twenties, so 
that in three yearn, as it was n>|K)rtcd, there were five 
hun<lre<l in the kingdom.* Unquestionably a consider- 
able number of the ])eople love<l the old Church, with 
its gorgeous ceremonial ap]iealing <lirectly to thejscnses, 
and its articles of faith hallowed by the traditions of 

tepnmcli to tlio Pmtcttant Cliurcli nf En){Unil that the retained (II 
the dispenMtioni, the 'exemptioni, the pluralitie*, which had been 
deemed tlie peculinr comiptioni o( the wurst timea of popcrj." 
— "Con«t.Hi»t.,"i. tm. • Fioude, xi. 648. 

,_jx,3.^-w ■;','■■-' -'•,*/*«■:.*■ 'i 


centurioti; while the great majority were imlifforent,- 
and 8o o|K>n to conviction.* Men in dwelling u|)on the 
past art) inclined to retain only their pleasurable recol- 
lections. When these young priests, themselves pure 
of life and devotetl wholly to (lie Church, o|)ene<l their 
crusade, the alnixcs of the former system were largely 
forgotten, while its beauties and benefactions were well 

Taking all the conditions together, there is noth- 
ing strange al)out the early successes of the Jesuits in 
their effort to bring England Uick to the ancient faith, 
or in the fact that .they fully l)elicved in the.ullimate 

<'Tlic Ifantinn of the proportion nfCntholict to Pmtnitantt In 
Engliinil during the rc-ign uf Eliziilx-th U one n» to whii^h author- 
i(iu clifTrr wiiU'ly, and which, fnini ila nature, nvvtT rnn Iw ilo- 
temiinrd. Fruiiile Ihlnka that the Cnthnlicii were in n irrr large 
ninjorit;; on the otiicr band, Ilallani mlimatci llio Pnitciilania to 
have made up tno tliinia of the nation, wliile Lingnrd i» of opinion 
that in the middle of the reign tlie two partica were alMiiit ciiuolly 
divided. Sucli catimatca, founded ntcrrly on tlie opinion* of mod- 
em vritcrs aa to tlie general pn.'dis|KMiiioiu of the iieoplr, are of 
Ter; little aigniflcance. Aa Macaul.iy has well aaid, the ini|><ir1ant 
queation la, how many of the nation had made up thqir uiinda on 
either aide and were willing to run any risks for their opinions I The 
hiatory of the tinica ahowa conclusively that thcae were very few. 
Cartlinal Dentivoglio, who waa pa|>nl nuncio at nruiaels from IS07 
to tOlO, eatiniatvd the number of earnest C'atliolics in Kngland 
during that period at about one thirtieth of the nation. The people 
who would without acruple Income ^itliolic if tlie Catholic religion 
were eatabliahol, ho estimated at four Sniis of the nation. With 
this estimate Macaulay concura. and he 'exprcsara the opinion that 
at the accession of Elizabeth not one-twentieth of the |ieflple bad 
any earnest convictions in either tlirvction. Essay on Nares's " Me- 
moira of nurlcigh." The great problem of the lime, therefore, waa th< 
determination of the queation whieli |mrty should develop and ill- 
crease so oi to control the State. 

■ ". •_ ■ \ \ \ 



triumph of their cause. Rut there wore obstacles in 
their path wh|ch proved insnperahlo. 

In tiM first place, tlio religious question , could not be 
eeiNinited fmin tliQ {mlitic-nl one. Cnmpian and his as- 
sociates might ])reacli only tlio <loctrine8 of a (''liurch, 
which, freed from its abuses, ap|iea]ed to some of the 
noblest elements in human nature. ISut Itack of them 
stood u power to which they had sworn- unquestioning 
obedience— a power that claimed the right of do|H>sing 
monnrchs, and was now coming to bo recognized as 
the foe of the national existenbc. )Iost of her troubles 
Elizalieth had brought u|ion herself, but thry were no 
less real on that accounti Already she bad been exoom-, 
mnnicateil by tiie )x>|i«. Across the Channel, the Guises 
were plotting for the release of Mary 8tuart, and Philip 
of )S|)ain was Ixiing goaile<l into action by the aggres- 
sions of the llritish pirates. What was going on in Ire- 
land and Scotland, where the ]x>))0 was also at work, 
will 1)0 shown in ii later chapter. When the peaceful 
missionaries ha<l prciwred the wa}', vt foreign invasion 
would make short work of English nationality. 

All this is a])|>arent enough to the mixlem historian, 
as it was to the English statesmen of the time, who set 
out with ruthless ferocity to crush the Catholic revival, 
liut the love of nationality, on which they relied, would 
have availe<l little against religious zeal had there not 
been another party in the State, made up of men as car- 
nest, as devoted, and as zealous as the Catholics them- 
selves. These were the Puritans. To Elizabeth they were 
much more obnoxious than the papists ever were, and yet 
but for them she never would have died peacefully upon 
the throne. It was largely through their lalwrs that her 
ministers were enabled to stay the tide of the returning 
Catholicism which threatened to ingulf the htnd. It was 


witli their devclopmont that England was ngain brought 
into close rclntiona with the civilization of the Old World, 
imbibing new ideas of civil liberty, and receiving jin im- 
pulw which has carried her to the forefront among na- 
tions. "Ijiter oil, they founded New England, giving an 
impress to the chamctrr of uiitold millions across the 
ocean. Thus affecting two continents, the Puritans of 
England have playe<l a {wrt in the world's history which 
makes the subject of their origin and growth one of un- 
failing interest. 

From the ilcatli of (^romwell until within a compara- 
tively recent time, it was the fashion among Hritish 
writers to ridicule the English Puritans, just as it bos 
been the fashion to ridicule the Hollanders. The Cuya-., 
liers, who went down before them in. battle, and who 
saw the Commonwealth raise England to a leading place 
in European politics, hated, but hud an intense resjwct 
for, Cromwell and his Ironsides. It was not until after 
the Ilestoration, when the Stuarts had liemired the fame 
and honor of England, that the great virtues of the Puri- 
tans seemed to be forgotten, and men tliought only of 
their faults and of those external peculiarities which are 
so easily caricatured and satirizeil.* The prejudice 
against them after the Restoration was not universal, 
however, for, as in the case of the Hollanders, men were 
always fouivl to do them honor. Notable among these 

* TlicEnfcliHh Pprilana andHlatetl Shakcopcarp, imd tliirinK )■■« Hfa 
pUjed an importiint part in fwlitica; yet Hie grvat ilniinnliBt, unlike 
■ome of liin pt'lly followere; never reganled tliem as olijcclB of riili- 
ciile. We fini] in his (uigcs almost every type of knave and liuifoon, 
but no aniveliing, canting, Purilanical hypocrite or rngiip, sucli oa 
more modem writers have depicted. In fact, although in cnniinon 
ose, the word Puritan occurs but a very few times in Bliakespears'i 
plays, and then scarcely in on offensive sense. (, 

ff'tii^:^^:' [: '•:';"''w.'i^-'MJ.>!%^('?s'- ■'■';:''^vt 


men was Ilumo, tlio npologist of tlio Stuarts and the 
champion of t hi- Tory p«rty. 

S|iuaking of tlio iirbitrary nnturo of Elizabeth's govern- 
ment, and of the fact that her ino8t violniit aswtults on 
the freiHtuni of the ])coplo nttraeteil nol the least atten- 
tion from contcn)|)oroneous writcn, Ilunie remarks: "80 
absolute, in(l(H?<l, n-as the authority of the crown that 
the precious R|iark of libAty had bcvn kindUnl und was 
presrrveil by the Puritans alone ; and it was tu this sect, 
whotie principles ap|)car so frivolous and hiibits so ridic- 
ulous, that the English owe tiio whole freedom of their 
Constitution.'' * Again, discussing the same (juestion 
in another place, he says: "It was only during tho 
next generation that the noble principles of liliorty took 
root, and, spreading themselves under the shelter of Pu- 
ritanical absurdities, became fashionable among the jieo- 

Such itleas were not fashionable in England when 
Hume's history was written. As he relates in his uuto- 
biography, ho " was assaileil by one cry of reprtiach, dis- 
approlmtion, and even detestation," from every side and 
from every porty. The Tories were indignant that any 
credit should be given to the Puritans, and tho AVliigs 
were no less indignant at the suggestion that English 
liberty began with tho growth of Puritanism; for they 
had always claimed that the Stuarts hud attem)ited 
to deprive the ))eoplo of long- settled, well-established 

Ilallam, in his "Constitutional History," questions 

* "Iliatnry of Englniiil," chnp. x\. ) Iilfin, Appendix, vnl. iii. 
t.Ilow the Iligli-cliiirchnicn lintcil the Puritnns !• Bhonn in si- 
moat ever; piigu of Slr}'|ie'a "AuuaU," written in the eurly part of 
' the eighteenth century. 


aome of the conclusiong of Iluino, and taktw thnt author 
■everely to task for comparing tlio Kovcrnoiont of Eng- 
land during tho reign of Klizalieth with the govcrnmoittg 
of Rni«ia and Turkey, liut llanuin liiinself \» ono of 
tho \ieit witnessoB to th« nlniost <k>a]i|otic cliuractvr of 
£liailM>th'ti rule. Even inoro fully than Ilumu liiniself, 
he 8how8 how the liiwa were constantly set aside by 
royal proclamations ; how- the courts of justice were iner6 
instniments of tyranny; how trade was shackled by 
monopolies in every quorter ; how iin])orts and exjiorts 
were taxwl by tho crown alone; hoxv Parliament was 
prcventc<l from discussing rjucstions of Church or State, 
and how its members who attempted to raise furbidden 
questions were silenced by imprisonment. Hut,, ho sayi, 
liberty was not dead, In-causo the I louse of Commons ex- 
ercised some rights: it insisted on being tho judge of the 
election of its own nieml)ers; its members were exempt 
from arrest on civil process ; and it claimeil tho right of 
punishment for cimtenipt. Thegi* privileges, all novel, 
were to become im]x>rtunt in the future, but they were 
of little vafue at tho time. Eli7Al)ctli packed the House 
by the cre(ttion of sixty-two new iKirouglis, and was will- 
ing to let its members |ilay at Parliameiit, so long as 
they dill nothing to interfere with her prerogative. Hut 
Uailam says further that Parliament was not wholly sub- 
servient, for, from time to time, voices were raised there 
against the tyranny of tho crown, and that these voices 
became more numerous as the yeara rolletl on. This is 
true. They were the voices of the men wlu», according 
to Hume, kindled, the precious s|)ark of liberty in des- 
potic times. 

After all, so far os relates to the influence of the Puri- 
tans, these authors differ but slightly. Hume says that 
they kindleti and preserved the siiark ; Hallam says that 


ill ' 


^Ty"""' "^v;^:' 


they hecarao "tlio (IppositarioH. of the 8aciv<l lire" and 
" rcvivwl the smuuldorinf^ embers."* 

Hut whatever may have been tlie rektion of the Puri- 
tans to the sacred lire of lilierty, certain it is that, with- 
in the |)prio<l of u few years^ they worke«l a revolution 
in English thought and action which is one of the re- 
markable phenomena of modern times, and, standing by 
itself, incaputile of comproiiension.f .' New ideas were in- 

♦ -iConit. llUt.," i. 881. 

t Mocaullt):, the champion nf tho Whig*, writing nrarly ii century 
,fifter lluuic, U]is, in rfffiiril tu tlic arbitrary nilu of EliialK'lli: ''It 
boa often been allegeil, ua nn ixcuw fur liio iningovrrnniciit of her 
aucces«>r», tliat tliey only followed her cxaniplc ; tliut prrceilenta 
■night be founil in tho tninsacliona nf her reign fur |>erKcuting th« 
Puritan*, for levying money witliout tho aanrlion of the llunir of 
Commono, for confining men without bringing tlieni to trial, for in- 
terfering with tlic lilierty of pnrliunientary debate. All thia may lie 
true. Ilut it ia no gcwil plen tor her a'ucceaaora, and for thia plain 
icaaon, that they neru her tucceawira. She governed one generation, 
they governed nnotiier; and between tho two gcnentinna there waa 
almost na little in romnion aa betnren tlio people of two different 
coiiiitriea." Upon tlic Cnuaea of thia tranafnrmation, however, Mo- 
rnnlay, like other Engliali wriler«,'thmwa but little liglit. Eaaay 
nn Nares'a " Memoira of Burleigh." In thia easiny, Mncnuiay alao calla 
in queilion Btmip nf tlic concluaiona of Hume regarding tiin dnpotic 
character nf Eiiialietli'a government. IIo doea nnt-diapute the facta, 
but argues that li'er rule cnuld not have been despotic, for liad it been 
ao t|er subjccta would havo risen againat her in succcwfiil revolution. 
This argument, however, proves too much ; for, tried by sucli a test, 
nn roonnreli cniiM Iw called a dea|>nt, except nnc who bad been de- 
pnacil l>y his subjects. A» for the affection entertainecl for Elizalieth 
by tlie English, it is sufficient to remark that nn inonarc,|i, in lifo and 
after deatli, was ever more loved by his people llinn was Philip II. 
by tlfo Ppniriards. This docs not prove that Philip respected any 
principles of constitutional lilierty, liut that hia Spanish subjects 
caicd nothing for such principles. Ho waa lovwl by liis people be- ' 
cause ho upheld the papacy, and tried to extend the power of 

, . ' MOVRLTT or rCBITAN rlllllLIPUB 4M 

troduccMl, an<l now prinei'plos wpro developed l>y them, 
which for u time (.-ontrolleir the nution nnd left their im- 
print on the national character, although at ho time 
were they accepted by the l)ody of the jieople. It was 
the very novelty of their principles that made the J'wi- 
tans, when they came into ])ower, so obnoxious to the 
majority of Knglislunen, and that for many after-geneni- 
tions made their name a by-woni and ivproach. At the 
restoration of the Stuarts, England scemcil to have done 
with them forever. liut, although the prejudice; against 
the name continued, many of their reforms survived, 
and n few years of the old tyranny were suHlciont to 
breed a new revolution and effect the reinstatement of 
still more of the Puritan jirinciples in civil matters. 
These principles have never iieen adopted in England as 
fully 08 in the I'niteil States, where they underlie all the 
institutions; but as the English form of government has 
become more democratic, the tide has turned, and to-day 
the name of Puritan is a title of honor. 

Yet, with this change of sentiment, there has l)cen little 
change in the mode of writing English history in one im- 
jmrtant point. Whether the Puritan is looked u|M>n as 
kindling the flame, or as reviving the smouldering em- 
bers of lilMsrty, England is still represented ns the fountain 
from which have poured forth all the fertilizing streams 
which have enriched the m(Hlcm world. One class of 
writers gives tlio Puritan the credit of originality^ the 
other endows him with a knowledge of early English in- 

Bpkin; in the aamo way, Elinbetli wa> loTed bj licr people IwrsUHt 
•lienu licliet'c<l tn nppone the papacy, anc) illil extend tli" power of 
Kngland. In ttiiii connection it may be noticed tbat Rood Qiiecn 
Beta was no more tlio idol of lier people than waa her father. Bluff 
^Klog Hal, under whom, cerUunly, ilicte waa little liberty. 

:■'.' •■■.■i-^,.V.',M.; 


Rtitutiong, only unfolded to us by the patient research of 
modern inventigaton. Each ignore* till the foreign in- 
fluences which at this crucial |ipriod shaped the future 
of the English people. liut, in fact, the ii.ieas and prin- 
ciples of the Puritans in civil as well as religious mat- 
ters were not indigenous to English soil. They were in 

■ ■ the main not only novel in England, hut also of loreign 
' growth, and, being transplanUnl, they t(x>k root but slow- 
ly, and nft«r a brief ellloresconco liveil, for a .time, but a 
sickly life. Where they came from and how they were 
brought to England are interesting questions, involving 
an examination of the development of English Puritan- 
ism on lines quite different from those usually followed. 
The accession of Elizabeth to the throne of England, on 

' November 17th, l.'i.'iS, was hailed with joy by all classes 
in the nation, except the few fanatical bigots who hiul 
8ympathizc<l with the bloody ])cr8Ccutions of licr ni^ter 
• Mary. The Protestants saw in the young queen a daugh- 
ter of the marriage which had brought about a sc]iara- 
tion from the Church of Home, and upon that fact, am) 
u]x>n her Protestant education, based their hopes of the 
future. The Catholics knew that she ha<l professtN] their 

' ' creed during the reign just ended, and felt as8ure<l that 
she had none of the bigotry which would endanger their 
personal safety, even if she Went back to her earlier 

" faith. All had heard of her as a young princess of 
studious habits, who had borne imprisonment with ex- 
emplary |>atience, looking every inch a queen, and yet 

( with manners modest and affable.* 

* Signor Bonnin, the Vi'nctiHn ambasutlor, writing home in 1.U4. 
four ycnn oarlinr, wlicn Ellzabctli wan Iwcnty-onr, uty»: " 8ncb an air 
of (ligniHrd ninjcaty pervades all her aetiona that no one can fail to 
Judge her a quceo. She ia a good Greek and Latin acbolar, aad, . 

■uzABiTii's AocnaioR^TBB uuoiocii nrnjm 411 

The flrst act of the queen was the Rclection of Sir 
William Cecil, the famous I»rd Uurj^hley, as her chief 
■ecretiiry ami conlidential adviser. Cecil had lieon thO 
secretary of her brother E<lwanl, but after his death 
had conf(>rme<i to the ('atholic religion, aH Ktizabcth had 
done; althouf^h Mary had looked upon hiH conversion 
with distruHt, and refused to give him any public otUoo. 
He had always l)cen friendly to ElizalN;th,and she never 
ihoweil greater wisdom than in chooxing him for her 
leatling councillor. What was to be the religion of the 
State no one knew at fiffii, and the conduct of tho(|ueen 
left the question doubtful. She attendoti masa, she bur- 
ied her sister with all the solemnities of the Catholic 
ritual, and ordered prayers to bn said for the soul of 
Charles v., who had just died. On the other bund, she 
released all the ])risonera confined for their religion by 
her sister, allowed the Protestant exilej to return from 
the Continent, and when the Bishop of Carlisle \\a» about 
to say mass in the royal chapel, she gave orders that the 
Host should not lie elevated in her presence.* At about 
the same time a proclamation was isfiue<l forbid<ling all 
preaching in the kingdom. Evidently some intellig(>nce 
was awaited before a final decision couUl be reached. It 
came, and it determined the religious history of England. 

Immediately upon the death of Mary, messengers had 
been despatched to the different courts of Euro|>e t(» an- 

betide* her natite tongue, nhe tpeaki IjiJlri, Prencli, Spnnlah, i>ntl 
Italian heniuimo; anil her manners arc very modest and atruble." 
Rawdnn lirown's " Calendar State Paiwrs," 15M. from "Venetian 
ATcbives;" qaoted in a charming little hook.-Gniiliih iMmU, U't- 
tera, and Kings, from Celt to Tudor," by Donald O. Milchcll (Near 
York), p. 209. Scores of witnesses testify as to what her manners 
b^mo when she had been a few yean upon the throne. 
• Lingard's"HistoryofEngland''(PhlladcIpliia,1887i,vii.«OS. 


nounce the succcMion of ElizalM-th. It was known that 
the French king wouhl not recognizo her title, for the 
Dauphin hiul niiirriotl Mury 8tuart, who eluimiHl the Kng- 
liHh vroWn. ]lut I'hilip of S|mia Wiw the nnturul <>m>iny 
of Fninct' ; ho liiul iihvays profoiwod a fricnil8liip for his 
■i8t<■^in-law, and now that ho wom a witlowor ho otT«r(>*l 
her hiii hanil. Such a marriagv, however, re<|uiretl a «liii- 
ponMition from the |>op«. Unfortunately for tho Cathoiio 
cauM', tho |ta|ml tlirano was occupimi by a ]iontilT (I'aul 
IV.), who was over eighty years ohi, narrow-niiniliHl, and 
under tho influence of France. When, therefore, tiie Kng- 
lish ambassador announcetl the accession of Kliuil)efh,. 
the |)o|ie replied that ho was unable to conipn>liend tho 
hereditary right of one who was n4>t Ixirn in luwrul wetl- 
louk ; that the Qut!en of Scots claime<l tho crown as tho 
nearest legitimate dcisccndant of Henry ¥11. ; but that if 
Elizalioth was willing'to submit tho controversy to his. 
arbitration, slj^ shonid receive from him every indulgence 
which justice could allow.* 

Witli such a n-buff from Home, which cut off nil hopes 
of a S|)unisli marriage, and with an adverse claimant to 
tho crown, who whs a (Catholic anti supjiorttHl by the 
power of France, nothing remained to Elizabeth, what- 
ever her inclinations, except to Announce herself as a 
Prot<'8tant ((ueen. Still, secrecy *us maintaine<l until 
arrangements could bo completed for assembling a new . 
Parliament. A commission wi^ privately set at woric 

* tiagtrd, tU. 204; Creigiit<>n'i''ABe of Eliislwtli " (New York, 
1889). p. 46. Paul dinl in the auccecilinR Aiiguil, 15A9. Iliri auo 
crmor, Piua IV., was a man nf very diffprcnt iiJcat. lie aent n nuncio 
to Englanil, nflering, it in aaiil, to approve of the Book of Common 
Prayer, provided only that tlie Englitli Church would aukmit to the 
papal aupremacy. Hut the olfcr came too late. The nuncio wu sot 
•Tea allowed to enter Kngland. Creigliton, p. 50. 


to revise tlio Praycr-l)ook of K<l\vnnl VI. Some of the 
old bishopg worv im|>ri«onc<l,nn(l four or flvu new I'rot- 
Mtunt pe«T8 creutwl no hh to control the u\>\xiT House. 
.Tlio lower House wiw lilitNl in tiiu usuitl manner. During 
the reign of Mary, the sherifTg hnd been instructed to 
seo timt only good Catholics wer« rctume<l as memliera. 
Now they were instructoil to have a choice made from a 
list of candidates furnished by the courf.* On January 
15th, 15?>Q, Klizalioth -was formally crowne<l, one of the 
old bisho|Hi consenting to officiate, using the rites of 
the Catholic Church. On January 2')th the new Par- 
liament began its session. Of the biNliops, only ten were 
in attendjinco and voting; Of the sixty -one neers, thirty 
were conspicuous by thcii* absenoe.f The lower House 
was made up of court nominees, distinguished for their 
ieni in the cause of Protestantism. ■ 

The Parliament, thus constituted, in a session of three 
months, rt-constructed the English Church, which, with 
little change, has c6ntlnue<l on the basis then establishetl 
until the present day. The packe<l members of tlte lower 
House knew nothing of the vacillation of thp <|Uecn. They 
were decidetl in their opposition to the Church of Rome, 
ahd luid no question of her entire 8ym|)athy, As English- 
men, they luul the tnulitional reverence for the crown 
which would htu\ tiiem to ptus almost any measure which 
came to them with the royal recommendation. I'rococd- 
■ ing ill a few days to give to the crown the flr8t-fniits(that 
is, the first year's income of nil cimrch livings) and tenths 
(that is, one tenth of all incomes thereafter), they In-gnn 
by enacting two statutes, which are of great imi>ortunce 
u affecting all the 8ubse(|ueiit history of the Puritans. . 

• Btijpe'i "AnnaU,'' i. 8S; Lingnnl, vii. 306, citing '■ Clurrmlou 
Funen." ; ." * Froudc, vli.4l. 



■f "the tint of tlieie Rtntutos is commonly caUc«l "The 
Act of Supremacy." Hy its proviHions tlio sovereign WM 
cleelarotl to l» tlio siipn'ino p)vi>mor of tlio ChQrcb. 
She wus uuthorizoil to nominHto all l>iHho|M, to control 
the ecch>8iBstical state and persons by jariiliciil visitation, 
to correct all manner of hcRiiicx, schirfiiiH, olTencPit, con- 

■^ tempts, ami enormities in the Church ; anil these |io\rcni 
of visitation and correction she was authorize*! to (lele- 
gato to ccmimiHsionerx of her (Mvn H«>liiction. All per- 
sons in the State holding lienelices c^r (>Hic«>8 were re- 
quiral to take the oath of supremacy, avowing " the 
queen to Iw the only supreme governor within the 
realm, as well in all spiritual or ecclesiastical causes and 
things OS temporal." Any one affirming the authority, 
within the realm, of any foreign |)ower, spiritual or ec- 
clesiastical, was, for the first offence, to forfeit all his 
goods; for the second, to incurthu penalties of a ]>ra>m- 
unire; and for the thini, to bo punishcil as a traitor.* 

The secoml act revived the llook of Common Prayer 
of the time of Edwanl VI., with some alterations and 
atlditions. It provided that any minist<-r who should 
refuse to use it, who should use any other rites and 
forms than those therein set down, or who shoultl speak 
in its derogation, should, for the first offence, forfeit the 
profits of his benefice for u year, and Ik) imprisoned for 
six months without bail ; for the second, lose his bene- 
fice and lie imprisoned for a year; and for the third, be 
imprisoned for life. Any jwrsons not in order who 
should thus offend, or use public prayers in any other 
than the prescribed form, were for the first and second 
offence to be severely fined, and for the third to forfeit 
all their property and suffer imprisonment for life. Per 

• 1 Ells. cap. 1. 

''!.?*s*'Vf/';i W' ■ ,"■■'/.,;* \, • . '.;',^?^-,;"J;>j!s.;." «^'^; ' ' yry.'^JTi 

Moi'liTANT Kzan vttDJitii Qirtim iiAnr 4U 

loni abwntinii^ thoimtelvM fnmi church on Sandays or 
holyday<*< without excuse, were to forfeit twelvti |ienco 
for (wch offence. The ccremitnicH of the Church and the 
drraa of the clergy were to be ai in tlie time of Edward ; 
but the <|noi!n, with tlio advice of her coinmigsionerH or 
of the archbighop, and without the concurrence of Par- 
liament or even the body of the clergy, Ara* authorized 
to ordain further ritcti and c«rcnionie8 without limit.* 

Such wore the fumouH ecclesiastical acta by which, ■ 
in the tiret year of Eliuibeth's reign, the EstaltliHhcd 
Church was reor|ipinizc>«l. They were ainic<i nt the 
(7atholic8, and passed the up|icr House only by small 
majorities nnd after bitter opposition. Under their 
I>rovi8ionR, all the bisbo|>8 except one lost their ])laces ; 
but of the clergy at large, numlwring scrend thou- 
sands, loss than two hundred refused to take the oath, 
and forfeited their livings.f Of the Puritans, whose 
name had not yet come into existence, little thought 
was taken. No one dreamed nf what a sconrgo Parlia- 
ment was placing in the hands of a queen who seeme<i 
so modest nnd affable in her demeanor. IIow she used 
it against those who were, at flrst, most exultant, we 
shall shortly see. 

Daring the persecutions under Qiieen Mary, the meet 
eminent of the Protestants, lay and clerical, had taken 
refuge in various cities of (lerraany and 8\vitzerknd.| 
In each counti'y they found Protestantism in the ascend- 
ant, but under very different forms. The Lutherans 
of Germany hul abjure<l the pope, but had practically 

* 1 Ellx. cap. 2. 

t Hallaoi, Fmudc, Camden, etc. Linganl iaji tint tlio Catbolic 
writera mako tho number much greater, but ho <loe« not gtre an; 

{ According to Neal, the; were aliout eight hundred in number. 

r ' 

•'■Vt';--S',-ai^^-,,»-'_ .: ■ .;. y--'._) . /, V 

4M TtiM rvunui in uoixahd,' BtuUHO, kW amhuva 

tranafeiTMl his Hutliqrity to the toiii|H)ral princcfi. The 
■ecular ruloni ^initl l>y the chunji^ei for their lubjects 
no longer nvMi^nizetl n'divitlcd alicgianco. Thu tcin- 
porol and Rpiritual {wwur of thp |>o|iu woa gone, but it 
triw 8uceco(l*Ml by the divine right of kingH.* Calvin- 
ism, on tliO otiior hand, wua re|>ublicun in its character. 
The Hiinistor selected by the |M>o|>le was alwvu king or 
noble. Ho might bo a do8|H>t hiinseir, but ho had been 
chosen by the Congregation, and acknowledge*! no luixv 
rior except the King of Kings. The hereditary inon- 
arclit of the woHd wero not mistaken in regattling tho 
('alvinists as their natural foes. 

In their forms of worship tho difTerence between these 
two great sects was equally marked. Luther had re- 
tained much of thu ceremonial of tho liomish Church. 
CrucilUes and images, ta|)0Ki and priestly vestments, 
oven for a time the elevation of tho Host ami the Ijitin 
mass-book, continued in tho Lutheran churchcs.'f' On 
the other liand, tho followers of ('itlvin had adoptiwt the 
simplest form of worship. They attomptcd to put away 
everything which, in their eyes, 8eeme<l to stand between 
man and his Creator. Their ministers appealc<l not to tho 
senses, but to the reason, and hence tho sermon, formed 
the chief feature of thoir service. Tho morq liberal 
among them regar<lo<l tho question of 8tatc<l forms of 
prayers, and |)<<culiar vestments for the clergy, as mat- 
ters of indifference; but, in the main, they were by a 
natural reaction opposed to e^-crything wliich savored 
of the papacy. In England, during the reign of £d- 

* The Lotbcrsn cbaichc* were go.vernetl b; roniistoric* appnint- 
eU by the princet or other ciTil power*. " Amcrion PretbyUrUo- 
iim," Briggt, p. S. 

t HsIUm't "Const Hbt.," i. I7«. 

^■^;/. .^;>;y%.:q:^>;.-v .^.^; .^i.l..',\r ■^. .-^T^: 


wwpd VI., thfl tcmlcncy tif the iCpfonnntJnn, under un 
inlltienoe from (ionovii, had be«n to«vanl8 Calviniiini^ 
The prpuchcri who ttal to Iho ('ontincnt, un(h>r hin huc- 
oesHur, hiul, ther(>forn, n |ir(MhMp(i«itiim in thut diat-tion. 
The rpception aoeordctl them in their variouH iiHyhinifi 
made it mora deci(U>d. In (temiany. iimong the^l.utlier- 
ani, tboy wera nr((li>cteil and fn«i(uently insulted, while 
by the CalvinigUi of Switzerland they worn received witli 
open arms.* 

rp<m the acoomion of Kli7Jibeth the exiles returne*! 
to England with high ho|M-H for the future. They tv\>- 
resented the learning and the ehN|uence of the (.'liurch. 
They bod sulTere<l ftir their religion, and naturally ex- 
pected recognition ; hut, what was of higher moment, 
they looked to see the Itcftinnation take grivit stridt>8 
under the young queen, who had always l)oen regiirded 
as H Protestant at heart. The permmal recognition came 
at onco to many of them, for, though the exiles were 
Calvinists almost to a man, they generally Teceive<l pre- 
ferment, since there were at the time no others to fill 
the higher places in the Church. The jx«tjj)le, too, so 
far as they care«l alniut such questions, seemed to bo in 
acconl with their opinions. So intense an untngtmism 
had been aroused by the (lorBecutions carried on in the 
reign of Mary that most of the earnest men of the king, 
dom inclined strongly in the op|M)8ite direction. In 
truth, but for one olMtocle it is prolmble that the Refor- 
mation in England would have assumed a form that 
might have postponed for many years the ap])earanoe 
of the Puritans as a distinct {mrty in the Church of 
State. That obstacle was the queen herself. 

* Hallsro, 1. 17«. 



TuKKK uro fow liixtoricul iiemonogcii who Iihvo rp<;eivo(l 
M) iiiucli uttnntion fnmi writcra, friendly uml unfriemlly, 
as (jnvcn KlizulN-tli, umi ftnvcr Mill wIkmh) iu;ti<>nH uml 

' chamctur, until a recent day, havu lutm mt little under- 
■tood. About this there in nothing rcniarkultio, in view 

^T<>f her iMwitionaii un unnmrried queen, her |>luce in the 
royal sueceMion, the inaocuwihility oPniafly document* 
relating to the tmniuirtionH of her reign, and the ronmn- 
tio conceptionH gimerally prevailing oh to the wndition . 
of EngliNli MH-icty whcnkHho n'u« on the throne. These 
'cauM>fi have led to numerous f let ions ^garding her i-on> 
duet in civil mattoni, hut such Actions can hanlly Im} 
com|)ared with tlioHo which have l)een woven al>out her 
conduct in religious mutters. Some writers have gone 
■o fur as to style her " The J[)efender of £uro|)ean I'nit- 
estaniism.*' Whether' she desorvoB this or any otn- 
cr title of honor connected with the Ilcformaii<m will 
appear from 'her actions towunis her own Church, and 
that of the struggling Protestants uimn the Continent. 

Klizubeth was what muy lie calletl a |K>litical l*rDt4>s- 
tant, of the type common among the Lutheran princes 
of Germany. She was resolute not to admit the papl 
supremacy— so long, at least, as it meant peril to heiP ,' 

. throne— but not so averse to the doctrinea abjured by 

■Buoioi't iNruMATioiit or rlisaMtu 4M 

the I'rDUwtantH. For pxainple, *lm boliorptl in traniub- 
■tantiaCion, ropntving a divine who |>rpacht<d a^iniit the 
real |in*M!ni'is iiifd.ii said to haru n-iid pniyfrs to the 
Vii^gin.* She wiihed to retain iiiiu^^iii and erucillxtt in 
the ciiun-h<Mi, and, nIthoUKh tliiii |K>int wum ubiindoncd, 
■lie rclitintMl tliu cruriHx ami |if(htud ta|M<r8 in hcf own 
i-ha|i(>l. The nmrriai^ of tlie ehrny Hho uhruvH ii]i]Kim><l. 
It won forliithU-ii by a law unacted in the previoim reig^n, 
to the n>|H-al of whi^h her fonnent couUI never lie ob- 
tained. |lfnc<>, until afU>r her death, nothing hut ah 
. illicit connection existed, in the eye* of the law, be- 
tween the niinlBtvni of the KHtabliRJiMl Churdi iind their 
8o-cullotl \vive)i.t As to the ceremonial of the Church, 
nhe \\t\» inflexibly o[i|KMe<l to the Kimplicity udvtK-ated 
by a majority of the eurncRt niforniers. In her own 
chajiel, anil in gome of the cathiNlrulii, the Hervice was - 
•o Rplenilid that foniignnra could only diitin^'uiHh it 
from that of the Church of {{onie by the uiut of the 
English language; instead of Ijitin.^ 

It was u]*<>n the |N>int of ceremonials that the first 
controversy arose within the Church. The queen in- 
siste<l that all the clergy shouhl retain the. vestments 
worn by the former priests. They i*ero also to use the 
sign of the cross in l>u))tisiii, the ring^^ii^Wrriage, and 
to administer the communion to^^ai^ngtvgution when 
kneeling.jS A large l)o<ly of the liow clergy ubjecte<l to 
these fonns, as relics of su|)crstitiun, external symbols 
which tended to keep alive recollections of the old fuitli, 
preparing the way for its future restoration/ To theso 

• Rtrype'i " AnnsU," ed. 1834. 1, a. 

t HulUm, I. 178 • Nesl. 

I The iiM of llio ring in msningv woi * pure pngsn rite borrowed 
(hMU ancient Rome. ' . 



440 Till ruMTAN IN notxAitn, iMaLAiin, and Aiinic* " 

mpn tIM (lumtion Mwit)«<| i>n<< of viul iiii|M)rtnn<'<>. They 
found nothing in the HcripturvH to wamint tho enforce- 
incnt of thtwi conMiionin, iihil (lm>ni(<<l their ini|MMiitl<m 
by thn civil |M>\vur A viohilion of the right of coniw-ience. 
Many othvnt rcgnnlod Ihi'iii uh muttcni of in<iitrt>rrnci>, 
ami, in onler to havt* harmony within the ( 'hurch, wuuhi 
hiive ('onHi>nte<l to give then) up. Moat of the lewling 
(iivincH t<H)k thin view of tlio quMtion, and, despite all 
tho inlhience of tho rntwn, u reodutiou favoring the 
ultolition of tho objertiouul>ie uwigi*ii wiih hwt in the con- 
vocation of the clergy, in I.Mta, liy only u Hinglu vote." ' 

Hut although the ipitHMi insistetl on llie old cen'moni- 
al, many of tho EHtubliHhcd clergy rFfuM><l cumpliunee. 
8on)e wore the habitii,,othori laid them aside; some wore 
a. square cap, somo a r«>un<l cap, Home u hut ; some used 
the sign of the cnisM in Uiptism, othera did not; while 
communicants received tlte Hiicrnmont kneeling, sitting, 
or s'tanding, as tho minister saw (It. This went on for 
several years while tho nation was settling down into 
.its now conditions. 

During this period the word Puritan was coined.f 
It was not at first a tenn of reproach, an it came to bo 
in later years, but wns a|i])lied to men high in station 
who sought tho puretit form of worship, what they 
themselves calletl tho " religio purissima." X They still 
remainc4l within tho Church ; they sought no separation. 
They only asked that in matters whicii their op|)oncnU 

• lUIUni, i. 1»0. Hlryp<-'i " Animlt," i. SO.I. Jmel, one u( i\tt 
ixvM piuincnt uftlic binliopa HI tliU lime (11(12), in bi> prirate com. 
•pondcncr, ipraki of tlie Church ceremnniet u " nccnic tp|unilu»," 
"foolerict," untl "relictof tho Amorito." Worki, yiii. 132, IM. 

t About 1904. Fullcf'a "€hureh Hiatory," ii. 08. 

{ Sea letter from De Silra, the Spsnitb ambanailiir, to Philip, 
Jul; a, ISOH, quoted Froudc, U. 330. 


raganlnl as non-<MM>ntinl tli«iroonicienci'M.iiii){ht ri'miiin 
free. Nothing l>ut iM'tacrutiim, laixi-k inMtigiittMi liy 
a 8|ianMh influonoo, ulicnutiHl them fnmi the Church, 
drove inme ibUt ■i<'p«mt» tiitablwhinontH, hikI (Inally 
made them ii |Mi)iti(-al {tarty in the Ntute. Well hwl 
it l)eon for if thews oxtroniili4>« liiul Ut-n > 

The |H-niecution waa hegun by I'arlier, the Art-h- 
biabop of Canterbury. I'arlcor himiielf bail liet-n a 
Puritan for two ypam after Kli»tliotli iiwi-nthMl the 
throne.f but lie now ]in>f)>me<l new opinioiiN, nnd ex- 
hibited that bitterncM agniniit \\\* old aNfUHMatra which 
■o often iiocom|>anieH a change of |>itrtif«. In l.'inr>, he 
lumnioned before tlie KoclcHiiuitical Coniniissihn -a 
court e«tubliahe<l by the i|iicen under tlie Act of Su|irem- 
ncy (A lfl5!>, and over wliich ho pre«ide«l — two of the 
eminent Bcholara of tlie time. The'tinit, Saniaon, a 
Marian exile, who had refuHetl a bishopric lit<cauiH! of llic 
obnoxiouH ceromoniaU, was dean of Clitist (^hurtrh; the 
other, Humphrey, was president of Magdalen Colli>gi>, 
Oxford. X *I(r>th were prunounc(><l non-ronfonuiitts, but 
one example was d*Mtme<t sufficient. Samson, still ri'fus- 
ing to wear the oniaincd vestments, was s<'nt to prison 
for a time and deprived of his deanery.;! This exam- 
ple, however, produce<l no offet-t, and Parker decided 
on a broader measure. All the clergymen of I^mdoii 
were summoned before him and called u|>on for a prom- 
ise to comply with the legal ceremonial. Thirty-seven 
out of ninety -eight refused to give the proiniao,and were 

•lUIUni. t II«IUin, t. 177. 

t In 1SS8, Oxford contained only lliree ProtctUnt prtschera, Mil 
llicy were nil PuriUm. Ncnl. 
} llumiihra; Mibwc|Uciitlf oi>nronind. Btrjpo'i " Anoklt," U. 451. 


in ouniei|u«nuu lUiiNindMi frrxn tho miniiitry uml <!•■ 
prived of tbeir livingi. Thi>s(<, dnfurtunutoly, uucurtliflg 
to llulluin, u wai tbo eiue in all (hia reign, were the 
nuMt cnntjiicuoua t>utli for tht-ir general character and 
their t4ilent in prooching.* 

Among the ch>rgymen wlu) aliuut thin timt^ wem cited * 
befure I'arker via* a nmn that dtiiervet more than • 
pawing notice, fur ho pnibably did more for the cauM of 
I'rotiittantism in England than any other tingle |ionun. 
TbiM Wiw John Vote, tho martyruhigist. 

A grave, loarnetl, and IftburiouK divine, he ha4l ^on* 
into cxiln during the Marian |K'rm)cution, and hiid |Hiiued' ■ 
hi« time abroad in writing a bixtory of the martyrs of . 
tho Church, eapocially thorn who hati (uffered for religion 
during the n>igni of llonry VIII. and hia daughter 
Mary. Ilia work wag first publiabed ubroad in Ijttin, 
in the year ir>r>li, for the benefit of foreigncm. In ir>U3, 
he published a : English translation with a dedication to 
Qaeen Klizalictb. Its value was at onco apprecinte<l, and '. 
an on|or woa isMucd directing copitts of the lMN>k to be - 
plocetl in tlie cburctioR for public pc>rugal. in the same ^ 
way that the Englinh Hible bud biwn placed there in the 
early <lay.s of the Itofomiation. When we recollect that ■ 
until the up|N!uruncc of the " Pilgrim's Progress," in the 
next' century, the common jicople hud alnuwt no reading 
matter except tho Bible and Foxo's " liook of Martyrs," 
wo can understand the deep impression that this liook 
produced, and how much it served to mould the national 
Character. Those who could read found there full detail* 
of «ll tho atr(X!ities oommittc<l on the Protestant Ito- 
fonnen : the illiterate could see the rude illustrations of 
the various instruments of torture, the rack, the gridiron, 

• Uallsm, 1. 185. - - 

■. ■■:■ ^..:.;- • ■ -^ ■ ' . ■ - • ■.«-.' 



the boiling oil. anil tlinn tlio holy inartynt broathing oat 
their loula amid tho llam<>a.* 

Takn nuvr a |nm)|iI« ju»t iiwukening to a new intellect- 
nal and religious lifu ; let ativcnil gvnentiionit of tliem, 
from chikllitMMl to old ngi>, |>om ovur iiu'li a Ixxtk ua 
tbit, and it* »Umv» b(>como trailition*, um indcliltln.und 
almoft aa |M)tvnt as lumga und custunm on u nation's 
life. AH tho flendish acta thorD numitod worn tbu 
work of the Ohurob of Itoino, for no bint wos given of 
any other side of tho story. No wonder timt among the 
maaai-M, osidu from any religious sentiment or convic- 
tion, there grew up a horror und detestation of the |M>|ie 
and the Itomish Church which have not entirely loat 
their force even after throe centuries of I'rotestant dom- 
ination. The influence of this fM'ling on the Knglisli 
people can hardly bo exaggorutcd. TI>o country ai|uircs 
who citmo to the imrliuments of Eli/.ulN>th, as a rule, 
probulily caic<l little for religion ; but they were unitwl 
in their hatred of the papal |N>wor, and this hatn><l, al- 
ways coupled with a dread, became more intense as time 
wont on. After the disperaiim of the Spanish Armada, 
much of the fear of a direct attack fMiii abroad |iusaed 
away, und there arose that exultant spirit of national in- 
dependence which Hhak«ie|iearo puts into the words of 
an English king: 

" Thou caul not, csnliiul, <)ct1mi • naiiM 
Hu (light, unwortlij, anil ridiculnui. 
To charge me to an annwer, aa the po|>e. 
Tell him tbii talc, SfliI from the nuHith of England 
Add thui much more : that no lullan print 
Hhall tithe or toll in our doniiniuni." 

King Mn,»cil\ 

* In 1S89, an enlarged edition appeared. In 1910, it wai illiA. 
trstcd with copper cuts. Blrjriie'a " AnnaU," iii. 501. 


444 TBI rmiTAir m iioLLAiiOk nouMn. aiA amiuca 

Ye^ tlifl hatriHl ami thu unilorlying drMul of tho Cath- 
olic! •till n>mainMl. ' TtmiiiKliout tli« next century th« 
EnKliHh Miuirn nuKlit Itnow nothing of |M>litif« or tliool- 
ngy; l>ut, wlictrwr ho liiliHl with or iigaiimt the king, it 
WHM n jiurt of hilt crtn'ti to hatn tlut |iofW, un<l nothing 
but thia nntiigoniim ImI to the uUiiiute downfall of the 
Stuarts. Other cauie* combined to |injduce thin raiult, 
but certainly not the leait im|)urtnnt waa Foxo'n ■■ Itook 
of Murtyn*," which could Iw found in every i'rolestant 
man«ion-liouae, occupying, next tu the Bible, the place 

' of honor. 

Such wax the Uiok, but it« author woi a Puritan. 
ElizaU'th pnifeaaed iin esteem for him, but did hm little 
id his U-lmlf oit she did for Asclmm, hvr Puritan tutor, 
\i) whom hoc reputation for learning owes so much.* 

' Having conscientious scruples uUmt wearing the vest- 
ments prcscribod by law, Foxe vainly sought a poHition ' 
in the Church, until ut length, mluced tp wry gnHtt 
poverty, lie obtained u ]ictty place in the Kalisbury Ca- 
thedral. Citol before the Kcclesioatical CoinmisNioK in 
ISOn, and asked Ui sul>scril>e to the Praycr-lKM)k, he took 
a Oreek Tratament from his |Mx-ket and suid ho would 
■ulMicrilie to that. When they offered him the c-unons 
he rpfuied, saying, " I have nothing in the Church but • 
prebend, and much go<Ml it may <lo you if you tuke it 
from me." It was not thought safe to dual harshly with 
a man to whom the whole Ph)testant world lcM>ked up, 
and he wiis jtermitted to go in, peace, hokling on to his 
little offloo until his d<»tli.t 

* AKlmm lived on s hikII iwntinn gr»ntv(l b; [Icnrjr VIII. Aiid 

rroewed I17 Msrj, Md ■ Irue ot » Airm gniil«l by the latter. 

Elinbeth K"Te blm nothing, ■ni), but tni thit Int, bit wife ind 

. childrrn woiiVil hiiTe l>een left beggar* at hia death. Aarbam's 

"aebolemaateCMajroraed, 1868. pp. 203,Wa. tNcnl. 

Wiim ooviui*La~r(aMK:tiTioM ■iPANORn 44A 

Another of tite light* uf the ItoformKlion farmi nutrv 
hanhly. This woa Milci Covenhilu, trhiwo ituniilatiun 
i>f the liiblo into English, printoti ut Antwerp in I5:(.1, 
waitho flmtthat wiw publiiheil in the English Innguagc. 
Ho vroa u luurmHl inun, u gnulunttt of <!iniil)ri(|gi>, and 
M celubratcti prraulicr. During the n'ign of h^lwaril 
he wttM inotlu Itiahop uf Exott-r. l'|N)n llio acceiaion 
of Mary, hu waa inipriaoneil, and narrow ly <Mca|NHl thu 
flame*, being lavetl only by the interceaaiun of the King 
of Denmark, in whuwi country ho t(N>k n>fugi>. Itctum- 
ing to England, hu umNImI at the vonworatitm of Elixa- 
lieth'a Unit Archbishop of Canterbury, but, (icing a Puri- 
tan and Hcnipling at the voHtniunta, could for xomo time 
obtain no preferment. At la»t, in 15UU, Iwing now old 
Hind |K>or, the Ilithop of Lunilon, who hiuiM-lf inclined 
towani* i'urituniini, took uomiiaMion on him and gave > 
him a amall church near Ix)ntlon liridge. Here ho 
preached quietly for two year*, but, not coming up to 
the rec|uir«d conformity, was obliged to relin(|uish hi* 
pariah in the eighty-flrst year of hit ago. Thu*, as Neal 
■ays, hi* gray bain were brought down with sorrow to 
the grave.* 

The perMwution of the Puritans up to this |ioint, tA- 
though op|xwed to the principles of a wise and lilx-ral- 
minded policy, might bo extenuated u|Min the legal 
ground that minister* within an establiihed church 
should conform to it* requirements. The next meas- 
ure*, however, were of a different chiiraoter, and for 
. them there is no such ]>alliati<m. 

When the Puritan clergymen of I.<ondon were driven 
from their charcbea, in 1505, many of their follower* 
went with them and establiahed *eparate a**ociations. 

•Nnil.l.t08. ' 



They createil no tliaonlor, hut <|uiotly caiiio together in 
private liuuwi or publio Imllii, ung thoir liyiunii, nmi 
liitenctl to the liiliUt un<l th« ■(•rniunn of tli<>ir miniiitcni. 
Cortiiinly here wan no Kr»vi< olTunco OKninil tho law In 
• l'nit(>i(tant community. It wouUI iM>«>m, mi Ityj^ na 
thcae Kotli^'rin);* \v«>rn unlcrly, ami notliing win Mii<l or 
intenildi ngninit tho f^vomment, llmt w(>li-m<>aninf(, 
conwinntioui citizun* might claim a Mniplti toloration 
of their particular form of wonhip. Not wt tlioiight the 
queen or her arehhinhop. In 15(17, n congregation thui 
wonhipping in a liontlon hull was amwti-tl \>y tho itlier- 
iff, an<l it! meniliem, to the numlx^ o' alKiut ono hun- 
dred, hauled up lieforo tho bivhop. The only diargo 
againit theui wai that of wonliipping (lod under form* 
not preMcrihtNl hy law ; of thia they weru founil guilty, 
and twenty-four men and wvcn women were iient to 
Bridewell for a year.* 

It ia nn interesting fact, and it illuitratea what Ilume 
laya, in contrniit with iiomo modem writont, aa tu the al- 
moat absolute |mwer of tho crown, that in thoxe early 
coorciro proc«>edinga the <|uecn and her archbiiihop hod ' 
nimoat no Nympatliizen among tho men pnimincnt in 
(Church and State. Tho I<j«Iio|ni of Norwich and liar- 
ham wore openly on tho aide of the I'uritana; the Diahop 
of liondon and tho Archbiahop of York inclined towania 
them ; while in the council the Earia uf I^iceator, liod- 
ford, Huntingdon, and Norwich (tho chief Protestant 
noble*), Itaoon, tho I»rd Keeper, WaUingham, Sadlur, 
and Knollya, were either their frienda or thought that 
leverity waa lieing preaaed too far.f Tniublo evidently 
waa brewing for England aa Well aa for the cauiu of the 

* M<*1. Uailaa Mfs tiwt oolj fbartMa or UUm mm moI Io 
t B*llam'i " Cout. Hitt.," i. IM. 


' o rrowTio!! or tiib coCMcit^iuxtMCTiri rotiTHHi 44Y 

Reformation at Inrge. About thii tin*, u We hare al 
raady wen, Alva began bit butcher}- in (h« Methcrlandt ; 
Mary of BcotUnd bct^nie a pritoimr, and th* focua of 
oonapiracy ; Klitabotb waa excoinmunicattd by the pope; 
the Catliolio collrge wai fouD(le<l nt I>Quny; and the 
Northern earla ruao in rebellion. The togiicious countir 
lora of the queen thought thia an ill-ckaaan criiii for 
driving to extremitiea the moat faithful and dtvotcd of 
her aubjecti. They urged that her tnie policy \tj in 
on open, active aup|)ort of the atrupgling I'rntcttant* 
abroad, and In a reformation of th« Chiiix-li nt heme, ao 
tt to make it a real and not a flclitioua Protoatant ctf- 

The fact that Elixabeth never would accept Uteir ad- 
vice, even after Cecil joined them ; that iilic carried 
out a vacilUting foreign |>olicy, while at Nome aha op- 
posed all innovations, trying to ko«|) tho Cliun-ti aa 
near as possible to the old model, tha [«>opia ignorant, 
and the clergy aubaervient, forms an hiit«riral problem 
which has excited much discussion. Tka inbject is an 
important one, for much that was nnkvvly in tho later 
Puritanism of England was duo simply to tho actions of 
the queen. Uany writers, looking only at the final ro- 
sult, give her credit for a sagacity far (urptwing that of 
all the able statesmen by whom aha was surrounded. 
They argue that hod ahe gonf) too fast or too far, she 
would have alienated the groat mata of her Catholic 
subjects and brought peril to her throne ; that slu> kept 
her Anger on the nation's pulse, and understood its beat- 
ings better than such men ns Walsiagliam or Cecil ; that 
what the country heeded waa peace; that har policy ae- 
cured it, and that this provea her wiidoro.** But this ia 

* or thii tcbool, Oreen U * promtnaot 

■■■ n 

■^^ ■•'- ■■ 

U$ yita n»rnn w aouAXOk nouiiD^ ahd «iniucA 

arguing after tliO errnt. Such reiuoning ignom (te 
tncta that tiina nnd agnin the wna mvmI from ruin in 
Iter own dcipile; tlint notliiag but a tuccewion of wliat 
•nnia of her oilvifen calle<l luimclet, unil other* calle«l 
happy acci(ti'i)t«, Icept hor on tho throne ; and that all her 
din^n canio ftomaho men whom ihe favored, while her 
taffty lay in thoao whom iba penecuted and diiooai«> 
ag«l. The problem of determining what motive* actu- 
ttt«4 her conduct iccma capable of a limpler aolutioa 
IliM that of endowing her with tuperhuman prescience. 

KGoabcth, oi is well known, wat without any religioui 
coDvittions; but such lentiment or underlying supentU 
tiout jnstineU as slio had inclined her to the Church of 
Rome. Her lofo of ita gorgeout ceremonial thowi the 
senlimcBt ; %i-t belii f in the real presence, her adoration 
of the cTucini,and prayera to the Virgin when in peril 
•how tjie innate superstition. These facta alone would 
Dot bo sufllcicnt to explain her iiolicy, but they throw 
some light upon it. Add now another factor, and th« 
qiestiun htcomea much clearer. 

Tlirouglwut the curl^ years of her reign, the IIugu«' 
nots in Fmnce and the Reformer* in the Netherlands 
were struggling for their existence. They alone, the 
Protcttnntt of Garmany beipg liitleio, itood as a bul< 
wtrk ag»iMt the rituming ware of Continental Cathol- 
icikiii. (ncoiviblo herself of comprehending their high 
religipus inotitct, disliking them n» rebels, and having 
no'sympnihy with their belief, Elizabeth always under- 
rtateal their power and looked forward to their ultimate 
defect Entertaining this conviction, herself inclined to 
C&tholici)iin,nioat of her pcnonal favorites being adher- 
ents of the «)ld fakb,* and the greet majority of the na- 

• Pmu<le, zi. i& 

'■^i ^: 

-' ■LUAtltN'a KiUMH rOR ■KOttciUATIOH WITn MOU 441 

tion iMvin^ no onnvictiomi, whut ivould be inuro natural 
than that ihn tliuuUI glway* i>Ave IimI in view h«r own 
future rtfonciluition witli tli« Cliuruh of ItoiiuW The 
final ci)llu|i«e of the H|ittniiih uttnnipta on Kn)(b»n4i in 
ISKM, fullotrotl liy an exultant outliunt of national teel 
ing which ihowed the woakniiw of (.'atholicisro, together 
with the alnuMt lynchronuus iuc«eM of the I'roteatanti 
in llotUml and of Henry of Navnrm in Franco, phanginl 
the current of Kuro|iean history ; hut if we mvk for the 
motivea which, in the main, i'<>ntrolle«l Klizalicth untfl 
that time, looking for an explanation of her fort>i)(n )ioli- 
oy, and hor treatment of the ('atholira and Puritans at 
. home, wo have here what soetns a very simple clue. 
Upon many ■ubjocts she showed more than a feminine 
vacillation, nn<l lior attachment to devioua course* was 
■omething phenomenal ; but to one object she was con- 
itant : nothing should lie done, while slic could prevent 
it, to place England beyond the {Mile, ao that if it wore 
to her iwrsonol wivantage the restoration of the old re- 
ligion would be im|)oasibk>. 

Thia thoory of Eliziilieth's i«ligious policy haa much 
direct evidenc^p in its support, a|tart from that of her 
public actions wh[ch it alone explains. The Utter, of 
oouno, were matters of common knowledge ; but many 
facts relating to hor private opinions and negotiations 
were unknown even to her council, ami of many others 
the writers of her time wcro ignorant. Hence tliey, and 
the historians who liave followed in their track, often 
thought her vacillatiiig when she was really constant 
to one purpose. Proude first spread before the public 
many of the letters written by the Sitanish ambHSsadors 
at Lomlon to Philip of Spain, which give to his history of 
this peri<Ml so great a value. Those SpaniarflH were, at 
times, her confidants, and their aooounta of her private 
I.-89 - 


decUntioiM thoir I he general roiuistenry of linr con- 
duct. I'liiiij) hiinielf, with all his iiionna of infonna> 
tion, alwayi Itelievitl that ithe wouhi Imi n-conciltxl with 
Ii<ime. Even after tho |io|ie'i boll, ho refuiud to recog- 
nixo her exoomniunii-atiim.* 

The Unit Parliament which mot after her ncceiaion 
enacted lawa very hiwtile to the ('atholica ; but *ho wai 
then in a |ivculiar |i<iaition, the p(i|ie having refused to 

' recognize hvr title to tliu throne. The next year iihe told 
the H|ianiib nnilNUuuulor that ihn was a* g<x><l a ( 'atholio 
a« h« wan, and that she ha«i lieen cum|)clluil to wt ua the 
had done.f Froude, on tlie authority of ('Foil and Kil- 
ligrow, think* that iihe waa then wavering.t In iMi, 
when iho woa deairous of marrying Dudley, matlo Earl 
of l^ioeater in 1504, the 8|)nnish amlwaaador was in- 
formed by 8ir Henry Sidney that if tho marriage could 
be brought about through tho influence of I'hilip, the 
Catholic religion should be restored. Undoubtedly, 8id- 

. ney spoke with tho authority of the ijucen. Tho scheme 
fell through l)ocuu8o tho ('atholic nobles would not con- 
sent to a marriage with a ^uin whom they regarded as 
an upstart.j In 1504, Elizabeth repeated to the Spanish 
ambassador, De Hilva^ what she had said about religion 
to his predecessor^ In 1506, the pope offered to raoo^ 
nize tho legitimacy of Elizabeth, b/reversing the former 
decree reUting to the <livorce of her father, if she would 
re-establish the Ibimish ('hurch. Thus one great obat»- 
cle would have been removed. At this timo Parliament 

• rnrade, vii. 13, il. M. t Idem, Tli. ISl. ( Idem, p. KQ. 

f Froude, tII. 816. It %u the continuml oppoeition of the Ctlholle 
noblee to hit union ifith the queen that ultinMtclj led Dudley to fa*^ 
cone k prominent friend of the Poritsai. Fmads, Is. 191. 

|Idein,TUL108. ., .; ■ 

^' - ■ . a ■ . . : 

V , ■ . '. . ., ,\' 

-..■•■■ • ■ ,. ' ■. ■- r 

■uiABrni BiiiCLM Till cATnuLios, pntsBcurn nil pcritan* 4S1 

Tfes aniious to make farther reforms in the (^hurcli. 
Under the atlvioe ^ De Silva, Elizabeth interfcreti, anj| 
all action was prevented.* In 1573, and again in 1578, 
she told the Spanish ambassador that she held the C'ath- 
olio creed herself, and that her differences with her Cath- 
olic subjects were merely political.f In 1.170, she threat- 
ene<l to make war on the Prince of Urange, and this 
meant ultimate reconciliation with ltome4 These il- 
lustrations might be largely multiplied. It may be said 
that they are only evidence of licr duplicity j^ "but tliey 
show what she had in mind, and illuminate her public 
acts, which, read in their light, niake all hor religious 
policy c6nsistent. 

Although during the early years of Elizabeth's reign, 
before the appearance of the Jesuits, a persecution of 
the Catholics was carried on, this persecution, it must 
be remembered, was mild in its character, and due to 
peculiar circumstances. The Parliaments were largely 
Puritan in inclination, and passed laws to which, at first, 
perhaps she did not venture to refuse assent— and possi- 
bly they were her own saggestions— as, the pope having 
denied her title to the crown, she would have been left 
without any party in the State unless she had allied her- 
self with the Reformers. ■ Later on, when morie Hrraly 
seated on the,throne, she forbade Parliament to interfere 
In matters of religion, and barred ita interference by fre- 
quent dissolutions. It must also be remembered that all 
the opprobrium of enforcing metksures of severity against 
the CathoUcs she put upon the members of her council, 
who believed that the Protestantism of the kingdom 
should be more pronounced. These men accepted the 
responsibility, for, bad the old religion been re-estab- 

• Ftoude, TiU. 88». t Uem, xi. 24, 137. ; Idem, xi. «>. 


lisliml, thoy, as well-known Protestants, would h*vo been 
the tint victims of the reaction. They were thus consult- 

9 ing their own safety as wdl as what they consitlereil the 
public welfare,* 

Hut Elizabeth could always say with plausibility that 
she had Ixton foi'ced to piny the rtMo of a peraccutoriand 
.that her heart wos never in the work. Whenever it was 
consistent with her own safety, she showed indulgence to 
the Catholics. Thousands of the old priests were allowed 
to remain in their livings by un outward conformity to 
the ritual of the Establishoil Church. It was only the" 
practice of their own form of worship which was pun- 
ishable by law, and she saw to it that the l%ws were, as , 

■ to them, nev«r pressed beyond the letter.t But with the' 
Puritans it was very different. They claimetl, and with 
apparent justice, that the Liws were dlways strained for 
their oppression, not by the civil ]>ower8, but by the 
queen and her Ecclesiastical Commission. As head of the 
Church, Elizabeth had authority to change the ccremo- 
iiiaj[, within certain limits ; but sh(? never used her power 
to relieve their tender consciences, nor would she con- 
sent that they should have relief from Parliament. 

Nor wa^ this all. The sagacious statesmen who sur- 
rounded Elizabeth believed that the Heformation in 
England should l)0 pressed to its legitimate conclusion. 

. Merely abjuring the supi^mocy of the po])e, and chang- 
ing the form of religion by statutory enactment, were, 

-■ to their minds, insufficient. The old abuses of the Church 

* When Philip organized the Armada, ho made out a liat of the 
English Btatcsmcn to be hanged after the victory. Fronde, lii. H((. 

t Although the aajing of mau in private honws va« forbidden 
by Jaw, it was winked at for twenty yean after Ettzabeth'a acceuion. 
Froudc, xi. 800. 

' „' :coRRcmoN IN THK cncRcn 4M ' 

■honld be don6 awny with, the all-prevailing oorruptinn 
should be rooted (lut, and, to accompligh thc8o vnilg, men 
of high character and of unblemished life should In> so-e- 
lected to control the new establishment. No such coun- 
sels met the approval of the queen. She wished subsen'i- 
ent tools ; and it her bishops were men whoso private 
or oflicitti conduct could not l)ear examination, they 
would bo the more readily controlled, and the.moro easily 
tunled over to Home. A few illustrations will show 
tbeir character. 

Parker, her favorite Archbishop of Canterbury, left 
an enormous fortune, which he had accumnlnted during 
eighteen years of office by the most wholesale corrup- 
tion. Among other things, ho established a tixed tariff 
for the sale of benotlces in his gift, regidat^l according 
to their value and the age of the applicant. The sales 
were not confined to adults, for even boys under four- 
teen were allowed to become purchasers, proyide<t they 
would pay an increased price.* At about the time of 
Parker's death, in 1576, Ilatton, the new favorite of the . 
qneen, cast longing ej'es upon some property belonging to 
the Bishop of Ely. That prelate refused to give it up, 
even after receiving the famous letter in which Eliza- 
beth, with an oath, threatened to unfrock him. lie was 
brought to terms, however, by a summons before the 
Privy Council, and a notification from Ix)rd North of 
what would be proved against him. Ho was to be 
charged, so the queen directed, with the grossest mal- . 
versation in office, plundering the Church lands, selling > 
the lead and brick from its houses, dealing dishonestly 
in leases, and exacting illegal charges from the minister! 
in his diocese. This threat was sufficient ; the bishop suo- 

* Froude, xi. lOO. 


oumbed, and we hear no more of his progecntion or rs- 

' moval.* 

Nor were theae cases at all exceptional. A8 wo study 
the records of the time, one of their- most striking feat- 
ures is the wide'spnmd corruption among the bishops, 
of the Established (.'hurch. Liable to removal or sus- 

. pension at the pleasure of the crown, the)' took ca'^ to 

, provide for themselves and their families by selling the 
church timber, making long leases of the ecclesiastical 

' lands, and in every possible manner despoiling their 
sees of the little property left to them by the early Ke- 

* Frondt, xi. 23. 

tThe following are > few illiutratiou taken from Strjpe'i "An- 
nala," the writings of a Iligli-cliurcliiuan, which bear out the gen- 
eral statement* of Hallam, Froiule, and others, to mime of which I 
bare referral in a former chapter. - In IS83, Biahop Scambler was 
transferred from Peterlmrough to Norwich, lie founil that his pre- 
decessor had not only disposed of the judicial offlccs ^fthe see liy a 
patent, but had Just before his departure made many unprecedented 
leases of the episcopal property. But Bcamblcr's successor in Peter- 
borough found that the saaie thing bad been done m that diocese, 
tbe sec baring been imporcriahed by spoliations. The same year wit- 
nessed the death of the Bishop of Chichester. lie died a bankrupt, 
having sold off the church timber until there was hardly sufficient 
left for firewood. These ease* occurred in one year, and are men- 
tioned in one page of Strype's "Annals," ill. 881. See also p. 407 for 
an account of the mode in which the Welsh bishoprics were " fleeced 
by the respective bishop* ,■■' also p. 483, as to the see of Durham. 
Tlie bishop of the latter diocese not only despoiled tlw church 
property, but was controlled by a brother, his chancellor, " a bad 
man addicted to coretousness and uncleanncss. He was to be brilicd 
by money to pas* orer crime* presented and complained of." Ayl- . 
mer. Bishop of London, cut down and sold his timber until pre- 
vented by an {inunction. " When he grew old, and reflected that 
a Uige Mim of money would be due from hi* Ismily for dilapida- 

;;■>;,-. ■ ■ ■ ■ ■ v- • » ■ . . , , -. • ■. , 

.now Tui BMUora obtaUibd tubik orncn an 

In 1585, when six biihoprics were vacant, a corre- 
■pondenco paaiKxl between Luni Iturgbley and AVhitgift, 
Archbighop of Canterbury, wbicli show's the ^neral 
character of tlie men whom Elizabeth spluctcd for 
ecclesiastical preferment. Says tbo Lord Treasurer: 
" There ore to be new bisho]ia placed in tlie six vacant 
chairs. I wish— but I cannot ho|N) it — that the ('burch 
may take that good thereby that it hath neo<l of. Vonr 
Grace most iwrdon mc v for Ik see such worldlincHs in 
many that were othe^jwise affected before they came 
to cathedral churches, that I fear the places alter the 
men." To which Whitgift repliwl: " It is not the chair 
that maketh the alteration, if an}- there be, but the un- 
lawful means of coming by it I doubt not but as gyod 

men, even at this day, possess some of these chairs as 
ever did in any age : although I will not justify all, nor 
yet many of them."* BishoiM who had bought their 
■eats, as is here plainly intiihiiteil, could hajtlly Iw ex- 
pected to>refrain from repaying themselves by plundei''. 
ing their sees. Had Elizabeth liccn actuated by a do- 
sire to bring the Establisheil Church into oontem)>t, so- 
that its downfall would be mourned by no one, sbb 
certainly could 'hare chosen no l)ettor mode of accom- 
plishing her purpose than that of selecting, such n^n to 
represent its principles.t > 

tions of the palace at Fulham, etc., he actually propoMt) to aell his 
Uabopric (o Bancroft (gtrype'i ' Aylmcr,' p. 100). The latter, how- 
erer, waited for lila death, and had over £4000 awarded to biiu ; but 
the crafty old man haring laid out his money in land, this sum was 
never paid."— Ilallam, i. 300. At this tini« huid in. England could 
not lie taken for debt. 

» 8trjpe'a"Whitglft," pp.l7t,173. No one who knowa anything of 
Whitgift'a chancier would ever suspect him of libelling the Church. 

t During the aeasion of Parliamentr^n 1381, when the nation wai 


But, after all, tlio bislioiw wcro limply fullowing the 
lessons taught thorn by tli<> i|UL><>n. Sho wiw the great 
(leipniler of the Church. All tlirough Iht reign, w« 
find her not only demantling from the biHliofis the sur- 
render of portions of the property of their sees for the 
benefit of some neetly favorite— and she thus robtHxl 
even the universitibH themselves* — but sho isswd nu- 
merous commissions, under which keen hivI unscrupu- 
lous adventurers sought out flaws in cecloHiusticnl titles, ' 
recovering the pro|)erty for the crown and receiving as 
their eoni|)en8ation a portion of tim siM>ils.t liesidcs 
this, although the regular revenues of the sees were very 
small, averaging only about a' thousand pounds |M>r. an- 
num, they were so diminished Ity the exactions of the 
queen and bet courtiers, that in many cases the incum- 
' bents, without dislionesty, wouhl havo found it impos- 
sible to live. One illustration of the extent of these 
exiictions will sufHco to show their character. In \M3, 
the Bishop of Winchester, who hehl one of the richest 
sees in the kingdom, was coniplaine<l of for spending 
so little money as to bring his offico into disrepute. In 
answer to tbo charge be sent Jx>rd Burghley a state- 
ment showing his income and expenditures. His net 
income wan about jCSStM). (H this ho paid to the (|ueen, 
in flrst-fruits, tenths, sulmiilies, and benevolences, about 
£190<); to Ixicestcr, £WK in annuities grantod by his 
pre<lecc88ors, " wherein Sir Francis Walsinffham's fee 
is contained," £318 ; leaving for himself, after paying 

alanoed b; the Cttliolic icTirnl which tbo Jetuita had itwakciMd, 
one member g%i9 voice to tlie public opinion in ujliig : " Were 
there uny honeetj in Hiew pninle*, in whom lioneity •liotild nioet be 
found, we ihculd not be in our present trouble." — Fronde, xi. MO. 
* Strype, iii. M. t Idem, ixmim. 

. * ILUntRACT or Till CLtROT 497' 

ialaries and alms to the poor, jagt ono seventh of the 
net income.* This system was almost as ]>n>tltable to 
the queen as the ono umlor which she kept n diocese 
vacant fur years, receiving all the incorae.f 

But there was sometbing more than comiptitm in 
the Church. The mass of the clei^y were so illiterate 
that, even had they been pure of life, they could have 
done little to elevate the ])eople or win resiicct fur the 
now establishment. This evil, too, wns felt in its full 
force by the statesmen who tried in vain to influence 
the queen. They realized the fact that Protestantism 

* Strype, iiL Ap|ii'n<lix, p. 88. 

t 8I10 tliiM kept the diocese n( Elj Ttotnt for eighteen jnn after 
the death of Cok. Halt, p. 1 17. Strjpe, in this ronnectlon, gives a 
cnrioua letter written ti> the ()ueen b; 9ir John Puckering, the I,nnl 
Keeper— that it, the acting Chancellor— which sliona how biahoprica 
and their propertj were dlipoaed oC Sir John desired a lease uf 
some land belonging to tho vacant bisluipric of Ely, and propnaetl, 
about 1S06, that the offlce should be fliletl in order to carry out his 
wishes. The lease, lie said, would benefit him, without eipense In 
her majesty, since the pni|wrty did not belong to the crown. A* 
to Ailing the see, although she would thereby lose the income, this 
would be made np from first-fruits, tenths, and suMdics; which, 
if an old man were selected fur the place, would soon Iw payable 
again. In addition, by changing around some of (bo olJier old 
bishop*, she could make a profit of several thousand iiounds. 
Strypp, iv. S47. Under a statute passed in tho flnt year of her 
reign, to wliich reference has been made lirforc (we p. 433), every 
bishop and every clergyman paid the queen at once, or in two 
or three annual payments, a sum equal to a yenr'H income on 
his first appointment to a charge. These payments, called first- 
fruits, became due again on every change of diocese or parish, and 
to them was added a tenth of the annual income thereafter. ,Tbe 
system bad, therefore, a money value to tho crown, wliich was per- 
hapa no small recommenilation in the eyes of a frugal monarch Ilk* 


must ultimately rest on general intelligence, und that 
tbo Bacalled reformation of the (/liurch would prove an 
illuaive mare, unlets the peoplo were tauglit to under- 
stand its meaning. But to do this teachen were needed 
very different from those who occupied the English pul- 
pits. It was this conviction that led men like Kurghley 
and Itucon, iwrhaps having little religion themselves, to 
advocate the cauae of the Puritans. 

The English Puritans, like their brethren in Holland 
and Scotland, Iwlievod in education, and it is their crown- 
ing glory. They might iw narrow-mindeil and intoler- 
ant ; had they been otherwise, t hey would have been fahw 
to their age and race, liut wherever we find them, either 
in England or America, we find in their (lossession the 
school-book and the Bible. They«inrished, and they final- 
ly insiste<l, that others should believe as they did, forihey 
could not conceive that any other belief was itossible. 
They did not, however, desire a blind acceptance; they 
demanded a conscientious conviction of the truth, found- 
ed on a knowledge of their doctrines. Education, there- 
fore, WiM their watchwont. If you would get rid of 
the tares and have a crop, you must plough up the 
ground nnd sow your seed. The religious crop which 
the present generation is reaping would surprise these 
men of three centuries ago ; but even the most radical 
thinker of t(Mluy must give them credit for insisting on 
the cultivation of the soil. 

But it was not the Puritans alone who, in the time 
of Elizabeth, desired religious instruction for the people. 
All the churchmen who were earnest in their Iielief 
felt the -same desire. They argued that the true mode 
of extirpating popery, then the vital question for the 
nation, was by showing up its errors. They thoi^fore 
advocated the general preaching and discussion of the 

' ILBABVni OrKMM RKUOIOl-8 iManccTioii 4M ' 

doctrines of tbo llofunnntion.* The que«n, however, 
would have no such preaching or (lisciugion. If we can 
judge from her actions, she wished for no new crop, but 
desired that the old tares shouhl go to seed. She en- 
couraged the study of the classics, she gave some little 
countenance to po<$try; but of the education of the 
masses, or of the discussion of religious (|uestion8, slie 
entirely disapproved. 

Was this sagacity. on her part, such as some historians 
have attributed to her, suqiassing that of the ablest : 
statesmen and most earnest churchmen of lior tiroes t 
Was it from any love of the Iteformation that she de- 
sired to keep the people ignorant of religious truths I It 
has U'en said that she did not wish to stir up a religious 
turmoil, that she feared its effects u|)on her Catholic 
subjects, and that she desired to give the people time to 
foi^t the old faith and accustom themselves to tlie new 
belief. Does this explain her conduct i There might 
be something in such a theory had she filled the minis- 
try with men of even ret)utable lives. liut nothing is 
left of it wheit, we reciiU the character ot the clergy 
daring the first half of her reign. Bakers, butchers, 
cooks, and stablemen, wholly illiterate, drunken and 
lk!entioa8,t seem hardly fitting instruments for advanc- 
ing such a broad-minded religious policy. In fjiet, they 
alienated the few earnest old ('atholics, instead of rec- 
onciling them to the new establishment. 

One thing is very clear. Elizabeth understood full 
well the effects of educating a people in-the doctrines of 
the Information. In 1578, Philip of i^\mn offered to 
his rebellious subjects in the Netherlands the full resto- 
ration of their civil rights provided they would return to 

* lUIUm, L 900. t Mem, i 208. Nttbu Drake, p. 44. 

460 rni pdritan ix Holland, ■nolamd, and AMBiurA 

tho Church of Itome. Tho English (|Ucon useil all her 
inflimnco to havo them nvortureii accepttnl. Site prom- 
180(1, cajoled, and threatened, but all in vain. ' The relig- 
ious qneation, which the pronounced of no itnportance, - 
proved an insuperable olwtacle. Walsinghani, one of 
Iter wisest advisers, writing at this time to Hurghloy, said 
in regard to the PmtesUints of the Low ('ountries: "That 
which-her majesty seems moat to niisliko of, which is 
tho ]>rogre88 of religion being well considereil, is the 
thing which shall breed their greatest strength." * But 
for their intense Protestantism, it would havo l)c«<n ouiiy 
enough to turn the Hollanders back to peace and Moth- 
er Church. The queen disliked it, for the vri-y reason 
which recommended it to AValsingham, that it stooti in 
the way of reconciliation with the pope. When, in op- 
position to tho oouns(!ls of all the men about her, whose 
patriotism and wisdom are undisputed, she persistent- 
ly sought to suppress the growth of a corre8|ionding 
spirit in England, is it not reasonable to supiioso that 
we have hdre the leading motive which controlled her 
policy) ' ,, 

Although ElizAbeth found little aympfttby from her 
council in the persecutions which she and her archbishop 
were carr}-ing on against the Puritans, she had always 
one person to spur her on. This was the Spanish am- 
bassaaor, with whom h«^ relations for moay years were 
pf the moat intimate duiracter. He had no fear of the 
emasculatfMl Protestantism which he saw repre^nted in 
the Established Church ; what he dreotfed, for the^nse 
of Rome and Spain, was the aggressive spirit of the 

Writing to Philip in 1608, he said : " Those who call 



themaelvea of the rrilgio jturitninta go on incrcwing. 
They are the same as CalvinisU, and tliey an> 8tyle<l 
Puritans U-causc tlicy allow no cerpmohie* nor any 
forms save those which are authorized by tho.baro letter 
of the (tospol. They will not come to the churches 
which are used by the rest, nor will they allow their 
minister to wear any marked or st^parate dress. Some 
of them have l>ccn taken up, but they have no feAr of 
prison, and offer themselves to arrest of their own ac- 
eord." The Protestants of England, ho went on to say, 
Were of many opinions, being unable to agree on any 
point. There was their folly, if they only saw it. He 
BUB|)ected that a party in the council would like to bring 
the queen, over to their mind, so that all the Protestants 
in the kingtlom might bo united. If agreed, it would 
give them strength both at home and abroad. This ho 
regarde<l as " a serious misfortune," and he therefore had 
warned the queen against these "fibertines," pointing 
oat the danger from them to herself and princes gener- 
ally. " Liltertines I called them, for revolt against au- 
thority in all forms is their true "principle." She hud 
been advised, he said, to give up the Confession of Augs- 
barg^Lutheranism — and take to this o^ier form, but he 
mged her not to bo misled.* ' 

This advice was vccy sound ffbm a Spanish stand- " 
point ; but, although the ()ueen accepted and acted on it, 
one may well doubt wbetiicr the national enemy was 
the wisest counsellor for England. 

Fortunate it was for Elizabeth that these " libertines," 
H the S|)aniard called them, were cast in an heroic mould. 
They might be harried from their homes and roduocd to 
poverty ; they might bo consigned to prison, to the nu^, 

• OtBilTS to Philip, JalySd, 1868, Fn>udc,U.M7. , 


or to the gallows ; but, whatever their individual wrongii, 
nothing could ever impel tliein to give aid to their coun- 
try's foo, nor, while the Refoi'incd religion was in danger, 
drive thorn into rebellion against the Protestant monarch 
of a I*rote8tant Btate. 

The year 1570 marks the close of the first distinct pe- 
riod in the history of Englisli Puritanism. Elizabeth 
had now been eleven years u]K)n the throne. During 
all that time tho earnest men who desireil a simpler form 
of worship hod sought it within the Establishetl Church. 
They had not questioned the supremacy of the (picen, 
nor the authority of tho bishops in religions matters ; all - 
that they asked for was liberty, in their parishes, to dis- 
pense with the wearing of vestments and the practice 
of ceremonies which they considered sinful. This had 
been denied them. They next sought to worship in a 
mode whifih they considered Scriptural, peaceably in sep- 
arate cbi^Tegations, and these hod been broken up by 
force, the worshippers being visited by the punishment 
reserved for felons. It would have been strange, indee<l, 
if at length some bold minds had not begun to question 
the system which, calling itself Protestant, bore such 
fruits. ^ . 

Others there probably were before his time, but the 
man whose figure stands out most boldly on the historio 
page, as marking this new departure, was Thomas ( 'art- 
wright, Margaret Professor of Divinity at Cambridge. 
He had entered that university in 1560 ; during the 
Marian persecution he left it to study law in I^ndon, 
and returning on the accession of Elizabeth, had been 
made a fellow. Sickened for a time with English the- 
olo^, he went over to Geneva in 1504, and drank in the 
air of pure Calvinism. Returning to Cambridge, which 
inclined to Puritanism, he hod been made professor of 

OAJrrwBioirr and un profosio RcroMMS ' MS 

divinity. IIu was now, although bnt thirty-firo yean 
of ago, a profound scholar, and, what was mom, a man 
of genius; narrow-minded in some directions, but with 
the ability , within his limitations, to see st raight and think 
clear, and with the courage to express his convictions. 

1*0 his mind, the time had come to throw off shams, 
and denounce the intrinsic falsity as well as the inci- 
dental corruption of the ^^ligious machinery which he 
saw around him. The farce shoiild be done away with 
of selecting bishops through the inspiration of the Holy 
Spirit, but always at the dictation of the cjuceir.* The 
title bishop might be retained, Cartwright thought, 
bat he should be reduced to his apostolic function of 
preaching the Goe])e], while the deacon took care of , 
the poor ; both, however, to be selected by the Church, 
and not by the civil authorities. Ministers or bishops 

* The tyitem wbich Cartwright di-nooDCett and ridiculed three' 
centorin ago itill prerHils in England. When a bltliop it to be 
choacn, the dcani and prebend* of the cathedral meet to i^l the 
raouicjr, under an authorization front the^ queen, which, liiwcTer, 
nameatlie pcnon to be Miectcd. They enter upon their work^ith 
glare religiout ceremoniea, lolemnlx lieacechiog the IIoI.t Ghoet to 
•Id them in their choice. Prajen being concluded, it i> inrariablj 
found that under a ipiritiut) guidance they bare aclected the penon 
Bame<1 in their eonffi HUre. Emenon'a "English Tmila," chap. 
"ReligionJ' One can understand, the theory of tl|o papacy, where 
tbe.pope, a* successor of (it. Peter, claims a dirine antliority to name 
bishops ; but tlia practice ofthe English Church would be ludicrous 
but for its element of blasphemy. Under the papal system the Al- 
mighty is supposed to make selections through his represt^tatira 
the pope ; under the English system, the queen makes tlie selection 
through the Almighty, who is, in theory, her .agent and subortUnate. 
Among a people (lossetstng strong religions conrictinns, or erun en- , 
dowed with a keen senseof humor, tuch a mummery would be im- 
poiilble. Sm alio rroude, xil. S78. 


■hould not Ih! Uoeiuod to preach anywhere, but each 
ahoiilil liave i'liarf|;o of a (larticular oonf^regation. Fi- 
nally, every church should lie govemeil hy ita own min- 
ister and |)rc8l)ytor8, but subject to the opinions of the 
other churches with which it communicated.* 

Ilvro were some of the doctrines of the Presbytoriaa 
(/hurch, an orgunizatiim much at variance with tlto Eng- 
lish establishment. Ktill, Oartwright at first taught them 
with caution and moderation, lecturing only to his class- 
es in divinity, and counselling no o|>on schism. Whca 
compliiimHl of to the court, Cecil wrote Itack that ho 
saw notiiing improper in bis conduct, the professor 
appearing simply to have been gMpg to his pupils the 
results of his own studies of the '^w Tcstament.t 

liut ( 'artwright's offence went far beyond an attack 
upon the theoretical organization of the Church, lie 
openly nsaailc<l its glaring abuses, and that was unpar- 
donable. Pluralities and non-residences he denounced 
as im)iious, and the Spiritual Courts " as damnable, dev- 
ilish, nnd dutestablo." ." Poor men," he said, " did toil 
and travel, and princes and doctors licked up all." , He 
'maintained that " those who held oiHces should do the 
duties of those offlces; that high plac& in the common- 
wealth belonged to merjt, and that those who without 
.merit were introduced into- authority were thieves and 
robbers." The heads of the Houses at Cambridge oonld 
not stand his lectures, and he was suspended from his 
professorship. Still, the pulpit was open to him, and 
there his inttuence became greater than before. The 
students flocked to hear his sermons, and wore carried 
away by bis eloquence. One day he preached against 

* Brigg«'s " Ainericsn Pnri>7t<rUniiiii," p. 41, Snd Appendix, p. 1. 
t FroiKle, I. IW. .,. 


tbo v^tments, the nest day all but throo of tlio Trinity 
itudentH u[>|)oure<i without the gurplicc. TImb wus too 
much. Ho wiui now, l)cing depriveil of his felliiwsliip, 
ibxpellod from the univentity, and in 1574 flcul to the 

.• Continent, to rscapb imprisonniunt, remaining there 
until l.'.s:>. 
In later years, when mellowed by time ami affectwl 

'by a long residence in the Ncthvriamls, C^artwright put 
off much of his early acerbity of gjinecli. Hut it is prob- 

'. kbly true tliat nt this period ho <lovelo|Nxl an iDt^>lerance 
equal to that which he encountered. lie resented what 
ho thought was pcrgecntion, and waged with his \wr-- 
socutors a 'ivar of pamphlets, in which the language, 
according to the custom of the time, was far from a|K>8- 
tolio. Heresy ho would have punishetl with death, for 
the Kiblo, as he read it, so commnnde<l. Had his sys- 

' tein been carried out to its logical conclusions, the cpun- - 
try would have groanc<l under an ecclesiastical instead 
of a civil tyranny, for ho claimetl that the Church slxmhl 

' rule the State. But his defects were those of his ago 

and race; his earnestness, his purity of life, hatred of 

wrong-doing, contempt of wealth, and counige of con- 

Tiction were all his own, and those of the stern men of 

' thought and action who were in time to giro a new life 

^to England. 

The teachings of the eloquent Cambridge professor 
mark an e|Mch in the history of English Puritanism ; but 
they were not generally accepted, and, in fact, bore fruit 
quite slowly.* The Refonners still clung to thq, Estab- 
liihed Church, and trie<l to <Io their work under its shad- 
owi-t Exi^Ued from their livings for nonconformity, 

* Ontn laji too much itreH upon tlivm in exctuing tlio iicta of 
t Cirtwriglit liiuuelf wu alwa^i oppoied to aof uparation rrom 
" Ii— 80 


4hey obtainiHl oinplnyincnt an prouchi-ra from, tlio reg- 
ular inciimbentH, tu<> lazy or Un) JKnorunt to |in>iich 
tlioinsvlve*, or tlioy tiM>k refug«i in tlix finiiiliux of tlie 
country fM|Uirc8, where, us tetu^hers, they oxerciwHl n ]n>v!- 
erful and lasting influence. The u|)|N;r L-IiiKseN nniong 
the hiity who caretl anything aliout ivhgion were, in 
the main. ilividtHl hutwcvn the ailherenlH of the oM faith 
itnil tiiose who, sitting With (lie Puritans, winhetl the 
Reformation to bo carried further.* Catholicx being 
forbitlden by hiw to Hit in the House of Coinmons, the 
Puritans hud a majority in tliat ImmIv during the whole 
reign of Eli/Jtlwth, an<l but for the overwhelming influ- 
ence of the crown would have intrutlucixl great reforms 
, in the Established Church. 

In 1571, they pn-spntwl an address to the queen, |M>int- 
ing out some of the glaring abuses which ought to Iw 
corrected. They said: "(Jroat numlwni are admitted 
ministers that are infamous in their lives, and among 
those tiiat are of ability their gifU in many places am 
useless by reoidtn of plundities and non-n>Hidcncy, where- 
by infinite numbers of your majesty's Hubj(>ct8 are like 
to |M>rish for lack of knowledge. Ky means of this, t<> 
gether with the common bhisphcmy of the lord's name, 
the most wickc<l licentiousness of life, the abuse of ex- 
communication, the commutation of |>enance, the great 
numlR>r of atheists, schismatics daily springing up, and 
the increase of |>apists, the Pn>tcslant h'ligion is in im- 
minent ]ioril." t Hut Eli/jilieth was unmoved. Hhe did 
not lielieve in free<lom of speech n\n>n any subject. She 
lectured her Parliaments for discussing n^ligious i|ues- 

llio eitablithiucnt. lie liclieTcil In controlling, and not leaving it 
M tlie Brnwnittii tlid. Briggt, p. 48. 
*U*lli>in. i. 103. ^RmI. 


rUTiLa ATTHirrs to iDucATa tub clirot 447 

tions, which she, os hond of the ('hurch, iihonhl nlono 
decide, and u«uAlly manual to gtiflu debute in thn l»trer 
Iloiue, by iinpriiioning the rttculcitrant incinbt-ni, or Ui 
(hruttlo legislation thn>ii)i(h tho U>n\» ami biihojM. 

We have Main in tho pn^cndinK pageii Hoinnlhing of 
the ignorance which provailcMl among tlio rogulnr clergy. 
It is cre<litablo to oevernl of tho bishofw of tho Chiirrh 
that, aUm't 1571, u moveniont watt started to correct 
this evil. This was a religions exercise calloti " propli- 
"••ying." The clergy of a diocteao were divided into 
classes or atisociations, under a moderator apiniintol by 
the bishop, and met once a fortnight to diNciiiu |>nrficu- 
Ur tt'kts of Scripture. A sermon was lirst proachwl, to 
which tho public were mlinitted, und after their dis|le^ 
sion the ineinbors of the association «Iebated the subject, 
the mcNlecator finally summing up their arguments and 
pronouncing his dotennination. Such an exercise, at a 
time when b(M>ks were few iind costlv and learning was 
at a very low ebb, might have lieim pn>ductivo of jnueh 
good. It began in Norwich, next to Ixmdon the fore- 
mMt stronghold of I'uritanism, and rapidly extcndoil 
through the kingdoui. Itut Parker, tho archbishop, told 
the queen that these associations, where the chief to|v 
ics discussed were the errors of |>a|)acy and the doc- 
trines of the Ilefonniition, were no better than semina- 
riea of Puritanism. He argued that the more opposcti 
the people were to the pajmcy the more they would 
incline to the' non-conformists, and that these exercises 
tended to make them so in(|uiHitlve that they would not 
submit to the orders of their superiors as they should.* 
These arguments met the cordial approval of tho ijui'en. 
who gave stringent orders that tho prophesying sliouhl 

■•Wetl; lUllnni, 1. «00. 


be lappreaaml. It Uxik wveral voara to put it ilown 
cuinpli'tvly, for w>mo of tiui bistiopa imulu a Rtout resi«t- 
once ; but the quwm triuropheil in the end, her clergy 
being left as ignorant oa she coulii well (teHiro.* 

Meantime, the work of weeiling out the I'uritans went 
on more vigorously than ever. Their books were sup- 
pn>iHe<l, their prcnehera silenced, their private meetings 
broken up, and even plain eitizens for listening to their 
s(!rmons were dragged before the High Commission upon 
any refusal to confocQi.t These werq the severities prao- 
tisetl u]N>n those who, agreeing with theC%irch authori- 
ties in matters of dtwtrine, differed from them only upon 
questions of form. For out-and-out heretics, those who 
denied the doctrines of the Church, a different fate was 

Wo have seen how William of Orango protected the 
AnalMjttists of Holland when some of tlio men about 
him would have refused them civil rights. About 1575, 
twenty-seven of this sect, refugees from the l.'ontinent, 

', * IlnlUm, i. SOI, SOS; Nral. Evrn fUrjrpr, whnmtvmptt to Jut- 
lif; rvcrjihiug <l(>na lijr Kliznlwlli, ailniila the licnt'tlta ticrived from 
pm|ibc«;in);. Ho uyt: "Tliia WM |>ncli«-(l,'lii tlie gmt benclU 
■ml ini|irovement of the cler;;;, man; of nliom in thiwo timci Den 
ignorant, iMith in Bcriptura anil flivinit/."— 8ti7|>c'ii " Annalt of the 
Rrfiinnalioq," il. 318. Tlie onlj rxcuw siiich the ijurrn aOrml for 
iu|i|>nn>iu){ titii «luc«tional nyateiu was tliat it kail liceti abuwil in 
Ihe ilioceae of Norwich, liy tliu diacuMion of ceremonial queationa. 
But tiie Rialiop of Norwich allowed that tliia charge waa unrounde<l. 

. Idem. It i» a fiict not witliont intereat that Cornwall, tlio count; in 
wliirli, accordinir to Neal, not a ininUtcr could preach a lennon, 
Aimiilird to Parliament the two brothera Paul and Peter Wvnt- 
worth, who throughuiit the reign of Elitabetli itood n|«, alnioat alune, 
for frreilom of >)ieecli in religioua luattera. The; appreciated fully 
the reaulta of the rojral policy, 
t llaltam, i. 1»7. 

MAumsn Bi-iiNin at tiii wtAMu-mt 4(t 

I apprchen<le<l in a |>nvato huuxo in l^ondon, whore 
tliey hull aH8cml>lc<l for worship. Triml bcfurt> tho Kiiih- 
-op«' Court forherpxy, in holding bhiiphomoua opinions »• 
to tho niUuro of ChriHt's iHNly— U'liuving that he hmiight 
it with him from hi-aven— four recanted, but olovi-n of» 
tho number were convictwl and ichtcnced t<i Ik- biinipd. 
One of tlioae, a woman, gavo way ami was imnloniHl, 
and ninp of the otiiuni hwl thi>ir wnlcncca commutiid to 
perpetual Iwniifhniont. The elovonth, with ono of the 
tir«t foul- who had rcln|wc«l, wuh rexorvcHl for tho itake. 
({reat efforts wcn» nuido to huvo their jivca, cviTy one 
admitting their inoffcn«ivcn(>tui. TI>o Dutch congrega- 
tion interceded for them, ami Foxe, tlie martyrojogigt, 
potitiomnl tlie queen in their lielinlf. Kut Elizalx-th had 
for tho time nindx frientla witl> Sjmin, and was lN>nt on 
showing that she had no symjinthy with heresy. An ex- 
ample was neodMl to gho\v her sincerity, and she proved 
inexorable. On tho 2'2d of July, l&TS, the two unhappy 
foreigners, .who had sought England as un asylum from 
]x>r8ecution, and whoso only impute«l crime was an error 
of theological belief, were publicly burned alive, min- 
gling their ashes with those of tho many other- martyri 
who have made the soil of Smithtield sacred ground.* 

In the year which witnessed this trage<ly, Park^ip, the 
persocuting Archbishop of Canterbury, diet], and was 
succecdc<l by (Srindal, i^ man of a very different ty|)e. 
He was not unfriendly to the Puritans, and was an ear- 
nest believer in the mlucation of the clergy, and in sup- 
plying tho pulpits with men capable of preaching. Rut ° 
his actual rule was very brief. The qucch strenuously 
objected to his encoU'rogoment of prophesying, as well aa 
to the number of preaching ministers whom he licensed, 

. . • N«»l, p. IM ; Fronde, il. 4S. 

-I-'. '■'■:■ : , • ■ ■ 


4T0 Till pi'RiTAii iH nouAHD, mnUim, AXii AMiiurA 

and, u|N)n liis rrfuiing to givo way, NuipendHl him frum 
office, tlu! lUiiwMion iMlin^ until ghortly twfom fiii 
(li-iitli, in IMH* Owin^ |i»rtly to liia influence. |)nrtly 
to the fuct that moat of tlu* ohl non-conforming clergy 
hnti l)cen lilencoti, and |M>rluit>iiitill uiorx to'feiira incite*! 
I>y the •IcsuitH, who HlM>ut tliia tinu; U'gan their active 
ciini|Hiigii in KngUnd, tlio I'uritunH seem to have l>een 
Imt littl«;'diaturlicd for acvcnil ycani, although, in \M\, 
aonie itcta were |ium<<<I by i'urliuinent which, ainicd pri- 
marily ut the (^atliolica, lH>re heavily upon the non-eon- 
fonniata iii later daya-f 

Hut u|K>n the death of (irintlal a prelate took hia place 
who waa well <|ualitiod to carry unt all the wialics of the 
ijueen. Thia waa John Whitgift, a inan who did more 
to develop theaggrexaive I'uritaniani of later yearn, with 
'ita outgrowth of indc|)endent w-cta, than any other per- 
Mon except Elizalietli heraelf. Whitgift had l)ecn Maater 
of Trinity College when C'artwright waa ita I'mfcaaor of 
Divinity. lie waa ignorant, probably not even know- 
ing Greek 4 ^vaa oa nnrrow-minded aa ho waa ignorant, 
but full of zoal for the eatabliahmont. lie had been 
chiefly instrumental in driving C'artwright from Cam- 
bridge, and hiul l)een Huliae<|ucntly diatinguiahcil for 
aome violent {Mmphleta againat the Puritana. At a re- 
.ward for thcae aervicea ho waa made Biaho)) of AVoroea- 
ter. Now, Elizabeth had dctormine<t that, while "ahe 
woujd anpprcaa the jiapiatical religion ao that it ahould 

• HalUm'i " Conit. IlUt," i. Ml. In the npinuin of Elitalictli, two 
or three preachcra in a count; were enough. 

t On; of these act* impatcU a line of twenty poundii per month fur 
not attendinit the Katablithed Church. Another made it felon}, 
puniihable with death, to lilwl the queen. 

: Ualtem'i "CoDiL UUt," I. 803. 

■' :^'iS y^'^-^^'^^iS'v^'? ' 

AMrnBtsnop wiiiruirr m hoot ovt prmTAiiiiiM 471 

not i^row, ihi> noiilil itiot out I'uritunimn nn<l tliu favor- 
en thereof."* For the latter pur)x>*in nho'coiilil liave 
choHon no l)Ptt4-r iniitnimcnt thun her '■|itth> hhick par- 
■on," iw Hhe uneil to cull hinLf Ah for the ('iitholic*, 
they were «o plenNetl with hia work thiit Throf^iiiorton. 
who wan exwuted for coniipirHcy in the followinf; yenr, 
c»Ue«l him " the meetcst hixliop in the retiltii ;" nnil. 
•bout the name time, Mary Htuart exiiltinKly exclitinie^l : 
"Nothing it Inrkinj^, hut, only the netting up of the 
man Again." t 

Whitgift began hia offl* '^\ duties with great vigor. He 
waa appoiote<l archbighop in September, l5H:t; in Octo- 
ber ho ig!iuc4l onlers for tlio enforcement of rcligioug dis- 
cipline throughout the realm. Otie of .these orders ]iro- 
hibite<l all preaching, rending, or catiH'hising in private 
houses, whcnito any not of the same family hIiuII n^trt, 
"seeing the same was never |iermitte(l as lawful under 
any Christian magistrate." As all public gatherings had 
been aupprosaetl before, it was now intende<l to prevent 
the assembling of neighliqrs to read the Bible or for any 
religious services. This order, however, was aimcti only 
at private individuals; the others which accompanieil it 
were directed at the clergy. They were all to sulNtf-ril)e 
■ declaration, in writing, tlin' the liook of (\mimon 

* Strrpe't "Wliitgift, Annsli," ir. tii. We uliill ice in latrr 
cliA|iteri ■omrtliin)! n( tliv <lnn(;rra whicli at this l^rticnlar tiin« 
tlln>«tei)C(l EnKloixl front abroud. Tlic; •cnrpi) to an»iic the cour- 
ngo of the natinti nt \n'gv, hut ■ceiii lo have liimcil thu Ihoiighta of 
Ehutbeth mnro than ever to the idea (if recuiicilittioii with Ronic. 
Ttie auppreuion of the Puritana w'M a nviewUTj step iq tliia direr- 

t Fronde, X. 110. 117; Ilallam, i. aoa. 

{ Roliert Beat, Clerk of tlie Council, to Whitgift, Uny 7th, 1S84; 
Sirjpe'a " Whltgil^," App. book ill. No. 6. 

in tna f<bidt«M in uotUNn, niKiUNA amd AMmioA 

Prayer oontninetl notliinf; contrary to tho Wi*nl of Odd, 
iknd a proiniie that tlioy would uio Um Fonu of I'rayer 
and no other; alio an approval of tho Thirty-ninu Arti- 
cles, net out by the (|u<^-n'ii authority in lfi«l2, and a 
dcclanttiou that all suvli articles were Rf^rceublu to the 
Word of (iod. In addition, it was providnl that no one 
ihoald exorcise ocrlesiastical functions unless lie had. 
Iieen admittc<l to holy orders according to the manner 
of the ("hurch of England.* 

It would have l)o«n difllctdt even for Whitgift, in his 
ignorance of law, to have framed a document mon< full 
of illegal exactions than was this. The statutcM of the 
«ealm re(|uired the use of the llook of Common Prayer, 
hut did not require any such declaration i>r promiiie os it 
demando«l. Neither did they rcc|uire such an aorejitance 
of the Thirty-nine Articles. When a hill for the latter 
pur]M)ao was brought into Parliament, it wuk nnien(lo«l so 
as to pi^vidd simply for a subscription to "all the Ar 
tides of Iteligion which only concern the confession of 
the tme Christian faith and the <loctrine of the Sacra- 
ments." t As for ordination according to the "manner 
of the Church of England," the verj' statute which re- 
(juired A qualifled subscription tg the Articles admittct}, 
by implication, the validity of other onlination. Ilan- 
dreds of okl priests were still in their livings who had 
never been roonlnine<l, and many Protestants were 
preaching who had been ordained only in Scotland or 
upon the Continent4 

• Strype'i " Wlillgift," pp. 114, 117. 

tlSEIii. cip. lii. KC. 1. 

t Tho wonli of th« atittoto are: "Tliat ererf pennn, undrr Ibe de- 
gree of biihop, who (loth or nhsll pretend to be » print or ininiiter 
of Ood'i bol; Word and Sacmnenli, by reaaoq of any other funn of 

HAMTino ma pvmTAm 4Tt 

The primatn did not inti'iid by thmo onleT* t" tronble 
tlio <;nt hill ion: tlioy could Iw roucliMl wlion necJ'winry by 
special ntulule*. Ho waH lirnt on rcMitin^ out tli« l'uri> 
tanii, i>ii|)cciHlly tluMO who hml Ixvn onliiimil ahrood. 
Ifinistcni lUNiiected of non-conforiAiiif; tvndcncicii werp 
bmuffht U'foiv liiin and the other hiHliopti by the iic)>n>. 
They qfTeriHl to suliMcritie tr> the Articlitt and to the 
I*rnyer - Iwok, lu far an thu law m|uin-<l Hulji>cn|iliun. 
They iIiowimI that the I'rayerbook then in uho coiitrinoti 
additions not ratifled by Parliament ; that its novel Htate- 
ment that "children lieing Iwptizod have all tliinKS nee. 
ewary to their salvation, ami U* undoubtoilly savrd," wan, 
in their opinion, contrary to the >^onl of (i(Nl, and them, 
fore they refuse«l to suy the contrary. Itut Whitgift 
cared as little for the law as his royal iniNtr*>itM. In most 
cases ho wouhl take nothing but an unconditional suit, 
mission. This was refused by many, and hundreds of 
parishes wens left without a preacher.* 

But oven this was not suHtcient for the queen and 
her archbishop. The Act of Hupremacy, |iaHe<l in 1550, 

initilation, ronirerallon, or nnlrring than t)ic form »rl rnrth li; 
Purllkmcnl," rtc, "•hall . . . rabKribe to all the Artlclraor KeliKioa 
which only cnncrm th« true Cbriilian faith anil llir iliictriiir of the 
Bacranient*, . . . upon pain of being ifm/atio depriv nl, anil hit mle- 
aiaatical pmmotiona Tuid an if he were natumlly <leail." — IS Elii. 
cap. lii. ICC. 1. Hee the whole uibjrct uf.the illegality of these o^ 
tier* ably (]i>ruMi'<l in "The Puritani and Qiie<'n Eliiaticth,'' by Ham- 
ad IIopliinii,orMaiiaachoielli,Tol. ii. chapa.xiii. and xir. The form 
of Ihia Imok liiu, |icrhapa, oliacnred ita real value aa the work of ■ 
painatakinK, contcientiqua icbolar. 

• Acconliog to Neal, rliap. tII., in aix eountira alone -Norfolk, 
Baffolk, Suiaex, G«ex, Kent, and Lincolnahite— two hiindml and 
thirty-three minltten were tua|>endrd, ofwhoih ttmn mm allowed 
time for racooMeiatioii, but fiirty-Dlus wen absolutely deprifed at 

.... ' '. * " * '' ■ • ■ 


which vmUmI all cccloaiiutieal Juriwilclion in thn crown, 
,ein|M>w(!nMl tho quceii to cxtx-uU' it \>y coniiiiiaitioni'ni, 
in Huoh inunncr und for ituoh tiimi iih hHu ihoiild diivct. 
t'ntier thin lu't MU'oral comniiiHiionii hud Ikhjii i^reattnl, 
iiittinK for hniit4Mi iMiriuihi, but with conKUintly iiU)(- 
muntixl niithority. Now, howuvor, at the itU);K*'ition 
of Whilgifl, a iwmwnent cummiiwion waa intuliliahiHl 
which^ndur tho naine of the' High Coinmiwioii Court, 
(■ontiinPl it* obnoxiouH jifn until liacked down by tho 
b>ng I'arhHnit'nt. Thia court waM cn-tit<>d on tho IKh 
uf DoccHibcr, 1581). It consisted of forty-four i-oniniiit- 
Hionenii twelve of whom were bialio|M, fume privy-«ouh> 
ciHorB, and the rmt iwrtly clorf^ynivn and |)artly civil- 
ian*. To any three, one Iteing ii biahop, power was 
tfiwn to puniah all persona ultai-ntin^ thfinarlvea from 
chun^li in violation of tho alututea; to visit and rttfonn 
heroaios and achianu according to latv ; to iloprive all 
l)on(<Hce<l |n-niona holding any doctrines contrary to the 
Thirty-nine Article)* ; to puniah irtceat, adulterioa, and 
all olTeneea of tho kind ; fo examine all au8|KH'te<l |M>r- 
auna on their oaths; and to puniah all who should re- 
^ fuse to ap|N-ar linforo them, or to obey thnr onlent, by 
apiritual censure, or by diacrotionary fine or imprison- 
ment. • ' 

In nothing did this Commission fall iH'hind Alva's 
famous Council of Klood, created fifteen years lieforc, 
e.<cept in the |Hiwer of punishing by death ; and in the 
condition of the English prisons of that day even this 
jHiwor was indirectly granted, for the jail-fever was as 
fatal as the axe of the executioner.' (If its origin, the 
unimposaioned Uallam says, "the primary model ww 
the Inquisition itself." t 

• HalUm, I. *04. 

TBI BMOLNiR ingtrmmoN *hd rr« nmuvn ^ 4TV 

Furnbhcil with lucli nn cnKino, Whitgift WM not 
■low in putting it t<i um>. In vii'w of tlm pntvinion 
which allowed tho uxamintttion of Huii|MK-to«l |)orwin« 
under their own oatha, he j>riMHH<(li><l to frame » act of 
twenty-four interronpttorira, to Im miininisterotl to all 
pergoni Ruppoaod tu lie inclinml to non-cunfonnity. In 
May, lfts4,ttll wa* ready, ami the trilnmal befjan iti Kit- 
lioni. Tlie RUHpected clerffym<'n, iiioatly younfi; men, ua 
Whitgift Mii<l, were auinnioned before the court. They 
trere not aiiown the int<>rrogatoriea, nor adviaeil uf wluit 
charge waa made againat them. Firat, they were »worn 
to tell the truth; then the queationing b^n, the at- 
tempt being made to diacover whether they ha<l over 
omitted tho ring in marriage, tho croaa in Iwptiam, tho 
wearing of tho auqilice, or any of the prayeni of the 
Church; whether they doubted any of ita artirhf ; ami, 
ttnally, the victim waa interrogatetl aa to hia future 

Reporta of what waa going on came to the ear* of 
lionl Hurghley in July. lie then aent for the inter- 
rogatoriea, and read them for tho firat lime. IIo waa 
far from Iwing a Puritan himaelf-^in fact, he had liecn 
very friendly to tho archbiahop— but now ho could not 
reatrain hia indignation. Throwing aside hia cuato- 
mary diplomatic caution^ ho aat down niid in nn